Dana Island: The Greatest Shipyard of the Ancient Mediterranean 1789699517, 9781789699517, 9781789699524

Citation preview

Dana Island The Greatest Shipyard of the Ancient Mediterranean

edited by

Hakan Öniz

Dana Island The Greatest Shipyard of the Ancient Mediterranean edited by

Hakan Öniz English editor

T. Mikail P. Duggan

Archaeopress Archaeology

Archaeopress Publishing Ltd Summertown Pavilion 18-24 Middle Way Summertown Oxford OX2 7LG www.archaeopress.com ISBN 978-1-78969-951-7 ISBN 978-1-78969-952-4 (e-Pdf) © The individual authors and Archaeopress 2021

All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced, or transmitted, in any form or by any means, electronic, mechanical, photocopying or otherwise, without the prior written permission of the copyright owners. This book is available direct from Archaeopress or from our website www.archaeopress.com

Contents List of Figures��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� iv Acknowledgements����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� xii Foreword��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� xiv Chapter 1

The Prehistoric Strategic Location of Dana Island�������������������������������������������� 1

Chapter 2

The Importance of the Southern Mediterranean Coast: Dana Island and its Surroundings within the Historical Process�����������������������������������������������������12

Şengül G. Aydingün

Ahmet Ünal

Chapter 3

Hittites and Seafaring����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������26

Chapter 4

Ancient Shipsheds on Dana Island: Some Preliminary Observations��������������36

Chapter 5

An Ancient Naval Yard on the Southern Coast Of Anatolia������������������������������50

Chapter 6

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations��56

Chapter 7

Coastal Aeolianite as the Geological Heritage of Dana Island: Preliminary Results���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������116

Özlem Sir Gavaz

Olaf Höckmann and Hakan Öniz Mustafa H. Sayar Hakan Öniz

Ahmet Evren Erginal, Oya Erenoğlu, Hakan Öniz and Savaş Sarialtun

Chapter 8

Geoarchaeological Investigation of Architectural Structures on Dana Island������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 126 Savaş Sarialtun, Hakan Öniz and Günay Dönmez

Chapter 9

The Ancient Naval Base/Shipyard on Dana Island������������������������������������������136 Ahmet Denker and Hakan Öniz

Chapter 10 Usage Forms of Plant Species on Dana Island and its Surroundings from Past to Present����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������148 Zerrin Koşdemir

Chapter 11 The Tomb Types on Dana Island (Ancient Pityoussa)�������������������������������������164 Günay Dönmez and Ercan Soydan

Chapter 12 Water Cisterns on Dana Island�������������������������������������������������������������������������174 Dilber Bala and Hakan Öniz

Chapter 13 The Possible Role of Dana Island in the Events Of 1200 BC�����������������������������186 Haldun Aydingün

Chapter 14 Mavikent Harbour: the Mainland Connection Point of the Dana Island Shipyard?����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������194 Mert Uğur Kara

i

Chapter 15 Early Maritime Activities in the Eastern Mediterranean and Dana Island������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 204 Koray Alper

Authors/Dana Island Scientific Committee Members���������������������������������������������������� 209

ii

List of Figures Figure 1.1 Figure 1.2 Figure 1.3 Figure 1.4 Figure 1.5 Figure 1.6 Figure 1.7 Figure 1.8 Figure 1.9 Figure 3.1 Figure 3.2 Figure 4.1 Figure 4.2 Figure 4.3 Figure 4.4 Figure 4.5 Figure 4.6 Figure 4.7 Figure 4.8 Figure 4.9 Figure 4.10 Figure 4.11 Figure 6.1 Figure 6.2 Figure 6.3 Figure 6.4 Figure 6.5 Figure 6.6 Figure 6.7 Figure 6.8 Figure 6.9 Figure 6.10 Figure 6.11 Figure 6.12 Figure 6.13 Figure 6.14 Figure 6.15 Figure 6.16 Figure 6.17 Figure 6.18 Figure 6.19 Figure 6.20

Middle Palaeolithic edge scraper�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 2 Neolithic polished hand axes�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 2 Greenish obsidian pieces���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 2 Blackish obsidian pieces����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3 Terracotta knot-shaped handle���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 3 Possible route for obsidian transport via Syria�������������������������������������������������������� 4 Possible route for obsidian transport via Dana Island�������������������������������������������� 4 Possible submerged prehistoric Anatolian coast����������������������������������������������������� 5 The ‘Fertile Crescent’���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 6 KBo 10.12: A part of the treaty signed between the Hittite King Suppiluliuma I and the Amurru King Aziru������������������������������������������������������������ 27 KBo 12.38, a tablet that deals with the war between Suppluliuma II and Alasiya��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 31 Dana Island shipyard area������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 37 Widths of the Dana Island shipsheds����������������������������������������������������������������������� 38 Section 6/1������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 40 Section 6/2������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 40 Section 6/3������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 40 Section 6/4������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 41 Section 6/5������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 41 Section 6/6������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 41 Shipshed no. 38c���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 42 Shipshed no. 220���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 42 Slipways no. 228, 229, 230������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 43 Dana Island in its Mediterranean setting���������������������������������������������������������������� 57 Dana Island and selected archaeological sites in the Rough Cilicia Region������� 57 Three holed stone anchor������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 57 Stone stock of a wooden anchor (3th-6th Century BC)����������������������������������������� 57 Roman/Byzantine anchor������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 58 AE 5-6 amphora, 5-6th Century AD�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58 Sinop amphora, 9-13th Century AD������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58 Cypriot basket-handle amphora (7th-5th Century BC)����������������������������������������� 58 Possible Structural remains at the entrance of a Slipway������������������������������������ 58 Column Drum��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 58 Mosaic fragment���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 59 Ballast stones of a Shipwreck������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 59 Dana Island topographic map����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 59 Karatepe relief depicting a warship (Öniz and Beşaltı, 2016: 81, Figure 2a)������ 61 Location of Dana Island shipyard in relation to the mainland���������������������������� 65 View of Dana Island from the possible ancient harbor area on the mainland�� 66 View of the northwest of the island from the northeast�������������������������������������� 66 View of the northeast of the island from the northwest�������������������������������������� 66 The cistern behind one of the slipways at the coastline�������������������������������������� 67 Entrance sections in contact with the sea�������������������������������������������������������������� 67 iii

Figure 6.21 Figure 6.22 Figure 6.23 Figure 6.24 Figure 6.25 Figure 6.26 Figure 6.27 Figure 6.28 Figure 6.29 Figure 6.30 Figure 6.31 Figure 6.32 Figure 6.33 Figure 6.34 Figure 6.35 Figure 6.36 Figure 6.37 Figure 6.38 Figure 6.39 Figure 6.40 Figure 6.41 Figure 6.42 Figure 6.43 Figure 6.44 Figure 6.45 Figure 6.46 Figure 6.47 Figure 6.48 Figure 6.49 Figure 6.50 Figure 6.51 Figure 6.52 Figure 6.53 Figure 6.54 Figure 6.55 Figure 6.56 Figure 6.57 Figure 6.58 Figure 6.59 Figure 6.60 Figure 6.61 Figure 6.62 Figure 6.63 Figure 6.64 Figure 6.65

The vessel Arkeo approaches the shore unobstructed, draft is 150cm�������������� 67 Location of sections���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 69 Section 6/1������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 69 Section 6/2������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 70 Section 6/3������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 70 Section 6/4������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 70 Section 6/5������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 71 Section 6/6������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 71 Eulimna slipways (Blackman and Simossi, 1999: 145, Fig.1)��������������������������������� 72 Detail of Eulimna slipways (Blackman and Simossi, 1999: 145, Fig.1)����������������� 73 Tell Dor slipways (Raban, 1995: 308, Fig. 9.10)�������������������������������������������������������� 73 Military shipyard capacities in the ancient Mediterranean (Baika 2013e: 235)74 Pireaus Harbor������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 74 Distribution of slipway sizes�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 75 Boat slipway section��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 75 Boat slipway (141b)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 75 Small slipway section������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 76 Small slipway (61)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 76 Medium slipway section��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 76 Medium slipway (49b)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 76 Large slipway section (174)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 78 Large slipway section������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 78 Possible ram maintance unit of warship����������������������������������������������������������������� 78 Possible ram maintance unit in slipway������������������������������������������������������������������ 78 Possible iron ram from the West of Dana Island���������������������������������������������������� 78 Section for fitting spurs��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 78 Examples of side by side slipways���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 79 Examples of side by side slipways���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 79 Side by side slipways and a workshop��������������������������������������������������������������������� 79 Aerial view of the slipways side by side������������������������������������������������������������������ 79 Side by side slipways with possible second slipways behind������������������������������� 79 Side by side slipways; entry zones destroyed by coastal erosion, demonstrating the differences in water level�������������������������������������������������������� 79 Side by side slipways. There could be more slipways on eroded entrance sides.������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 80 Slipways with eroded entrance zones���������������������������������������������������������������������� 80 Slipways with eroded entrance zones���������������������������������������������������������������������� 80 Hole for post to carry roof����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 80 Hole for post to carry roof����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 80 Slots for stanchions to hold ships����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 80 A special unit to hold the bow of the ship and slots for stanchions������������������� 81 Groove to allow cradle to be slid into slipway�������������������������������������������������������� 81 Groove to allow cradle to be slid into slipway�������������������������������������������������������� 81 Slot to hold the front part of a cradle���������������������������������������������������������������������� 81 Slipways with grooves������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 81 Slipway with groove���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 81 Place where the cradle and the fore of the ship are seated��������������������������������� 82 iv

Figure 6.66 Figure 6.67 Figure 6.68 Figure 6.69 Figure 6.70 Figure 6.71 Figure 6.72 Figure 6.73 Figure 6.74 Figure 6.75 Figure 6.76 Figure 6.77 Figure 6.78

A cradle from Sinop Harbor��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 82 A cradle from Mugla-Kıyıkışlacık����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 82 A rock-cut bollard������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 82 A rock-cut mooring fastening hole�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 82 A rock-cut mooring fastening hole�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 82 A rock-cut mooring fastening hole�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 83 First possible use of rock-cut bollard and fastening hole������������������������������������� 83 Second Possible use of rock-cut bollard and fastening hole�������������������������������� 83 Rock-cut bollard to keep ropes taut during beaching������������������������������������������� 83 Rock-cut bollard to keep ropes taut during beaching������������������������������������������� 83 Rock-cut bollard to keep ropes taut during beaching������������������������������������������� 83 A partially eroded bollard������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 84 A rock cut fastening hole on the slipway to use for the safety of the ship when it was on the ramp�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 84 Figure 6.79 Pathway between two slipways�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 84 Figure 6.80 Eroded slipways – only the rear parts are visible�������������������������������������������������� 84 Figure 6.81 Eroded coastline, mooring stone is visible�������������������������������������������������������������� 85 Figure 6.82 Later wall built inside a slipway�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 85 Figure 6.83 A different row of walls probably built later on the same structure������������������ 85 Figure 6.84 Walls with later rebuilding���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 85 Figure 6.85 Some walls of the church are constructed on earlier slipways��������������������������� 85 Figure 6.86 Stone cutting area S6�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 85 Figure 6.87 An area used as a slipway and then as a stone cutting area (S4, seen from the sea)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 87 Figure 6.88 Stone cutting area������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 87 Figure 6.89 Stone cutting area S6�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 87 Figure 6.90 Stone cutting area������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 87 Figure 6.91 Stone cutting area S4 - stone cutting areas are clearly separated from the slipways������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 87 Figure 6.92 Stone quarry���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 87 Figure 6.93 A quarry in the hills of the island, near the western necropolis������������������������� 88 Figure 6.94 Quarry reused as a wall after operations ceased���������������������������������������������������� 88 Figure 6.95 Structure carved directly into quarry wall������������������������������������������������������������� 88 Figure 6.96 Shipwreck with quarried block of stone������������������������������������������������������������������ 88 Figure 6.97 Coastal aeolianite of Dana Island������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 88 Figure 6.98 Evidence of earthquake activity������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 88 Figure 6.99 Setting the ship in a cradle inside the sea and sliding on a wooden construction����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 89 Figure 6.100 Hauling the ship and its cradle on the oiled channels of the slipway���������������� 89 Figure 6.101 Hauling the ship and its cradle on the oiled channels of the slipway (side view)�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 89 Figure 6.102 Hauling the ship on its own keel over a fixed oiled wooden construction�������� 90 Figure 6.103 Hauling the ship onto the slipway with its keel in the oiled channel���������������� 90 Figure 6.104 Hauling the ship over round logs����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 90 Figure 6.105 Pulling the ship over round logs (side view)���������������������������������������������������������� 90 Figure 6.106 Fastening a ship to the ground for protection against storms���������������������������� 91 Figure 6.107 Amasra Harbor showing modern cradles (Photograph: Dilay Küçük)���������������� 91 v

Figure 6.108 Slipways and the structures behind them�������������������������������������������������������������� 91 Figure 6.109 A slipway and the ruins behind it����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 92 Figure 6.110 Slipways with structures to their rear��������������������������������������������������������������������� 92 Figure 6.111 The large church on the shore and surrounding ruins����������������������������������������� 92 Figure 6.112 Remains of a Late Roman bath���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 92 Figure 6.113 Church structure, possibly on the site of an earlier temple��������������������������������� 92 Figure 6.114 Chapel on the shore���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 92 Figure 6.115 Mosaic flooring������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 93 Figure 6.116 Marble remains������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 93 Figure 6.117 Architectural decoration�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 93 Figure 6.118 Remains of a column��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 93 Figure 6.119 Buildings behind slipways 126-134��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 94 Figure 6.120 Section of the building remains�������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 94 Figure 6.121 A building at the west of the island after the vegetation clearing process in 2017�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 95 Figure 6.122 Plan of the building depicted in Figure 6.121��������������������������������������������������������� 95 Figure 6.123 Interior of the building in Figure 6.121������������������������������������������������������������������� 96 Figure 6.124 Interior of the building in Figure 6.121������������������������������������������������������������������� 96 Figure 6.125 Uneven walls without mortar on a rock-cut wall�������������������������������������������������� 96 Figure 6.126 Possible Hellenistic wall remains����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 96 Figure 6.127 Unmortared building wall����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 96 Figure 6.128 Unmortared building wall����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 96 Figure 6.129 Mortarless building walls������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97 Figure 6.130 Mortarless building wall�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97 Figure 6.131 A sample of mortarless wall forms��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97 Figure 6.132 A sample of mortarless wall forms��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97 Figure 6.133 A sample of mortarless wall forms��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97 Figure 6.134 A sample of mortarless wall forms��������������������������������������������������������������������������� 97 Figure 6.135 lintel from possible administrative building���������������������������������������������������������� 98 Figure 6.136 A columned structure - probably an administrative building or a ruler’s house����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 98 Figure 6.137 A column from the structure������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 98 Figure 6.138 Column remains from a building������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 98 Figure 6.139 Single hole stone anchor form in the wall remains����������������������������������������������� 98 Figure 6.140 Iron scoriae collected from one of the five possible iron workshop areas�������� 98 Figure 6.141 Some stone remains which are not naturally occurring on the island�������������� 99 Figure 6.142 Iron and other residues���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 99 Figure 6.143 Some of these structures were used as workshops������������������������������������������������ 99 Figure 6.144 Location of workshops and slipways������������������������������������������������������������������������ 99 Figure 6.145 Stone sarcophagus from the necropolis���������������������������������������������������������������� 100 Figure 6.146 A sarcophagus carved into the bedrock���������������������������������������������������������������� 100 Figure 6.147 A sarcophagus from the western necropolis�������������������������������������������������������� 101 Figure 6.148 Child’s sarcophagus in the western necropolis���������������������������������������������������� 101 Figure 6.149 A vaulted tomb from the western necropolis������������������������������������������������������� 101 Figure 6.150 Tomb with vault and steps��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 101 Figure 6.151 Remains of the watch tower at the western end of the slipways���������������������� 101 Figure 6.152 The castle structure from the west of the island������������������������������������������������� 101 vi

Figure 6.153 Shipyard area and mainland from castle structure��������������������������������������������� 102 Figure 6.154 Early fortifications of the castle structure������������������������������������������������������������ 102 Figure 6.155 An entrance to the early fortification wall����������������������������������������������������������� 102 Figure 6.156 Early fortification walls of the castle structure���������������������������������������������������� 102 Figure 6.157 Late period wall and gateway of the castle structure����������������������������������������� 102 Figure 6.158 Late fortification wall built on earlier fortifications������������������������������������������� 102 Figure 6.159 Apse of the church inside the castle structure����������������������������������������������������� 103 Figure 6.160 The apse wall from the church inside the castle�������������������������������������������������� 103 Figure 6.161 One of the pillars in the church area���������������������������������������������������������������������� 103 Figure 6.162 Wall from one of the cisterns in the castle structure������������������������������������������ 103 Figure 6.163 Steps on the road leading from the western necroplis to the castle���������������� 103 Figure 6.164 Vaulted Cistern���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 103 Figure 6.165 Cisterns between slipways��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 104 Figure 6.166 Lead remains�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 104 Figure 6.167 Iron carpentry tools, bronze nails and ship fittings�������������������������������������������� 104 Figure 6.168 Nails and other metalwork finds���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 105 Figure 6.169 Metalwork finds��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 105 Figure 6.170 Hooks and other metalwork finds�������������������������������������������������������������������������� 105 Figure 6.171 A bronze artifact that has not yet been identified, possibly a charm��������������� 106 Figure 6.172 Bronze coins mainly dating to between the 2nd and 6th centuries AD����������� 106 Figure 6.173 Bronze coin dating to 5-6th century AD���������������������������������������������������������������� 106 Figure 6.174 Lead arrowhead��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 106 Figure 6.175 Obsidian tools������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 106 Figure 6.176 Stone tools������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 107 Figure 6.177 Cilician Type 6c and 6b amphora fragments�������������������������������������������������������� 107 Figure 6.178 Glass finds������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 107 Figure 6.179 Iron Age pottery sherd��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 107 Figure 6.180 Archaic ceramic remains������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 109 Figure 6.181 Luxury amphora sherd��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 109 Figure 6.182 Hellenistic ceramics�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 109 Figure 6.183 Amphora sherds 2nd - 1st Century BC������������������������������������������������������������������� 109 Figure 6.184 African red slip ware������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 110 Figure 6.185 Cypriot red slip ware������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 110 Figure 7.1 Views of Jurassic dolomitic limestones on Dana Island (a, b) and thin section image (Cal: Calcite, Do: Dolomite) (c)������������������������������������������������������� 117 Figure 7.2 Images from Dana Island. Fault scarps and Jurassic limestone-aeolianite contact (a,b); cross-bedded aeolianite beds at an altitude of 85 m asl (c); a typical section where aeolianite and colluvium alternate (d,e); formation of palaeosol in aeolianite (f); rhizolith (g-i); and angular, poorly sorted, tightly cemented colluvial sediments (j,k) (e: aeolianite; c: colluvial; p: palaeosol)��� 118 Figure 7.3 Thin section images taken from aeolianites, showing coral fossils, algae, ooid and intraclastic grains and various fossils (Cross-polarized, O: Ooid, Cor: Fossil of coral, IC: Intraclast, Alg: Algae)������������������������������������������������������� 119 Figure 7.4 Thin section images of rhizolith sample. (a) Inner part of plant root filled with micritic calcite, (b) quartz grains and micritic calcite in middle part, and (c) outer part consisting of micritic calcite and coarse calcite minerals (Cross-polarized, Q: Quartz, Cal: Calcite, Mc: Micrite)����������������������������������������� 120 vii

Figure 8.1 Figure 8.2 Figure 8.3 Figure 8.4 Figure 8.5

The Digital Elevation Model (DEM) image of the study area������������������������������ 127 Classified slope map of the study area������������������������������������������������������������������� 128 Distribution area of aeolianite rocks on Dana Island������������������������������������������ 129 Aeolianite blocks used in architectural construction����������������������������������������� 129 Location of architectural structures and the two quarries (1), aeolianite stone-cutting steps (2a), aeolianite block (2b) and transects opened between the aeolianite blocks (2c)������������������������������������������������������������������������� 130 Figure 8.6 The natural appearance of Dana Island aeolianite (a), selected stone used in the construction of arches (b), stone, unselected or the result of conscious choice, used in the doors (c)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 131 Figure 8.7 Perspective drawing of a room from the complex structure and its cross-section�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 132 Figure 9.1 Geographical location of Dana Island�������������������������������������������������������������������� 137 Figure 9.2 Aerial view of the slipways side by side���������������������������������������������������������������� 137 Figure 9.3 Post holes suggesting that some of the slipways had roofs������������������������������� 138 Figure 9.4 Various building remains were found behind the slipways������������������������������� 138 Figure 9.5 Remains of a Greco-Roman Temple����������������������������������������������������������������������� 138 Figure 9.6 Aerial view of the castle on the tallest hill of the island������������������������������������ 138 Figure 9.7 Photographing the island from different angles������������������������������������������������� 140 Figure 9.8 Photogrammetric modelling workflow diagram������������������������������������������������� 140 Figure 9.9 3D modelling of Dana Island using photogrammetry����������������������������������������� 141 Figure 9.10 The steps taken from photogrammetric model to 3D visualization����������������� 142 Figure 9.11 a) 2D drawing showing a section from the top of a group of slipways on the coastal side b) a side sectional view of the positional relationship between the slipways and the workshop/atelier structures c) 3D visualization������������ 142 Figure 9.12 Shipsheds/slipways and workshops/ateliers������������������������������������������������������� 143 Figure 9.13 Persian warship reconstruction������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 144 Figure 9.14 Persian warships������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 144 Figure 10.1 Stand map of Dana Island���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 149 Figure 10.2 A view from Dana Island������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 149 Table 10.1 Dana Island stand types according to the division plan of the Yeşilovacık Forest Management�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 150 Table 10.2 Soil analysis���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 151 Figure 10.3 Sets������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 151 Figure 10.4 Sets������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 151 Figure 10.5 Cedar forests, Taurus Mountains���������������������������������������������������������������������������� 152 Figure 10.6 The current distribution area of the cedar in the Taurus region (http://traglor.cu.edu.tr/common/object_metadata.aspx?id=887)����������������� 154 Figure 10.7 Elevation map of Silifke and its surroundings (M. Sarıbaş, 2009, Figure 21)��� 154 Figure 10.8 Kermes Oak from Dana Island (Quercus coccifera L.)��������������������������������������������� 155 Figure 10.9 Kermes oak from Dana Island (Quercus coccifera L.)���������������������������������������������� 155 Figure 10.10 Calabrian Pine (Pinus brutia Ten.) from Dana Island�������������������������������������������� 156 Figure 10.11 Calabrian pine (Pinus brutia Ten.) from Dana Island��������������������������������������������� 156 Figure 10.12 Calabrian pine (Pinus brutia Ten.) distribution in Turkey (TUBİVES, 2018)������ 156 Figure 10.13 Greek strawberry tree from Dana Island (Arbutus andrachne L.)������������������������ 157 Figure 10.14 Olives (Olea europaea L.)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 158

viii

Figure 10.15 Distribution area of olive trees in Turkey (http://www.olioofficina.net/ knowledge/economy/the-turkish-olive-oil-sector.htm)����������������������������������� 158 Figure 10.16 Turpentine tree (Pistacia terebinthus L.) from Dana Island���������������������������������� 158 Figure 10.17 Capers from Dana Island (Capparis spinosa L.)������������������������������������������������������� 159 Figure 11.1 Location of the necropolis areas on Dana Island������������������������������������������������� 164 Figure 11.2 Tombs from a section of the central necropolis of Dana Island (Drawing: Sena Hazal Yazıcı)����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 165 Figure 11.3 Aerial photo of the Western Necropolis���������������������������������������������������������������� 165 Figure 11.4 A group of two chamosorium tombs���������������������������������������������������������������������� 166 Figure 11.5 Simple engraved chamosorium tombs lined up side by side����������������������������� 166 Figure 11.6 Chamosorium tomb�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 166 Figure 11.7 Chamosorium tomb with a slightly raised edge for fitting the lid�������������������� 167 Figure 11.8 Rock-cut tomb made of bedrock����������������������������������������������������������������������������� 167 Figure 11.9 Terracing and levelling with chamosorium tomb and earthwork structure on the island��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 167 Figure 11.10 Terraces and levelling of graves due to the island’s terrain������������������������������� 167 Figure 11.11 The tombs were covered with stone blocks���������������������������������������������������������� 167 Figure 11.12 Terraces and levelling of graves due to the island’s terrain������������������������������� 167 Figure 11.13 Stone lid of chamosorium tomb with pediments������������������������������������������������ 168 Figure 11.14 Arcosolium grave carved in rectangular form����������������������������������������������������� 168 Figure 11.15 Arcosolium tomb������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 168 Figure 11.16 Arcosolium tomb with steps on the outer wall���������������������������������������������������� 169 Figure 11.17 Niche on the inner walls of an Arcosolium tomb, thought to have been for offerings to the dead or an oil lamp����������������������������������������������������������������������� 169 Figure 11.18 Stairs cut into the side wall of the grave��������������������������������������������������������������� 169 Figure 11.19 Stairs cut into the side wall of the grave��������������������������������������������������������������� 170 Figure 11.20 Rock carved chamber tomb������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 170 Figure 11.21 Rock carved chamber tomb with arched entrance���������������������������������������������� 170 Figure 11.22 Chamber tomb with rectangular entrance����������������������������������������������������������� 171 Figure 11.23 Side-by-side chambers with rectangular entrance door������������������������������������ 171 Figure 11.24 Inside the chamber tombs, klines were built on the side and back walls�������� 171 Figure 11.25 Chamber tomb with rectangular entrance����������������������������������������������������������� 171 Figure 11.26 Christian sarcophagus���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 171 Figure 11.27 The cover of the sarcophagus is made in the form of a saddle with acroteria171 Figure 12.1 Location of cisterns��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 175 Figure 12.2 Murals in one of the cisterns����������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 176 Figure 12.3 Murals in the same cistern�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 176 Figure 12.4 Murals in the same cistern�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 176 Figure 12.5 Cistern with murals�������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 176 Figure 12.6 A cistern closed with large stones by local goat herds��������������������������������������� 176 Figure 12.7 Cistern no. 71: one of many cisterns filled with stones�������������������������������������� 176 Figure 12.8 Cistern mouth section – two-part quoin��������������������������������������������������������������� 178 Figure 12.9 Cistern mouth section – two-part quoin��������������������������������������������������������������� 178 Figure 12.10 Band formed unit on the mouth of the cistern���������������������������������������������������� 178 Figure 12.11 Cistern no. 202: the seating of the cover can be clearly seen����������������������������� 178 Figure 12.12 An example of arched rectangular cisterns. This cistern is accessed by a staircase from the temple/church������������������������������������������������������������������������� 178 ix

Figure 12.13 One of the cisterns in the castle on the western ridges of the island��������������� 178 Figure 12.14 One of the cisterns in the castle on the western ridges of the island��������������� 179 Figure 12.15 Probably wooden roofed or open cistern�������������������������������������������������������������� 179 Figure 12.16 The cistern inside of slipway no. 129��������������������������������������������������������������������� 179 Figure 12.17 Cistern no. 1 (D.Bala)������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 180 Figure 12.18 Cistern no. 58 (D.Bala)���������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 180 Figure 12.19 Cistern no. 79 (D. Bala)��������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 181 Figure 12.20 Channels associated with cisterns������������������������������������������������������������������������� 181 Figure 12.21 Average monthly rainfall in the Silifke region����������������������������������������������������� 182 Figure 14.1 Location of the Mavikent site���������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 195 Figure 14.2 Mavikent and some of the visible structural remains����������������������������������������� 195 Figure 14.3 Harbour area of Mavikent, drone photo���������������������������������������������������������������� 196 Figure 14.4 The western mole������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������ 196 Figure 14.5 Modern/artificial mound����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 197 Figure 14.6 2004 Google Earth footage taken before the artificial mole was made������������ 197 Figure 14.7 The stream bed and the area of alluvial deposition�������������������������������������������� 198 Figure 14.8 Eastern harbor mole������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 198 Figure 14.9 Quay construction����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 199 Figure 14.10 The ancient harbor and a possible late harbor or anchorage���������������������������� 199 Figure 14.11 Remains of the rounded structure������������������������������������������������������������������������� 200 Figure 14.12 Natural promontory, eastern edge of the possible late harbor/anchorage����� 200 Figure 14.13 Shipwreck remains found in the area of the ancient harbor����������������������������� 201 Figure 14.14 Pottery finds from Dana Island (top) and Mavikent (below) showing similar features����������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������������� 201

x

Acknowledgements Studies on Dana Island, which has more in-situ slipways than any other ancient shipyard in the Mediterranean hitherto documented and published, began in 2015. Approximately 300 slipways carved out of the rocks and the facilities behind them must have played a role in many marine battles in the Mediterranean. This book, titled Dana Island: the Greatest Shipyard of the Ancient Mediterranean, which has been completed by 18 distinguished scientists, has emerged as the result of four years of documentation efforts on the island and underwater. It is beyond doubt that more information and documentation will be forthcoming with the start of excavation work. The most important support during the documentation phase of the study was given by the Turkish Ministry of Culture and Tourism, the General Directorate for Cultural Heritage and Museums. We would like to express our sincere gratitude to former and current general directors Mr. Yalçın Kurt and Mr. Murat Gürül in particular; deputy general manager Mr. Ali Rıza Altunel; heads of departments Mr. Melik Ayaz and Mr. Mustafa Yaşar Güneş; branch chiefs Mr. Umut Görgülü, Mr. Köksal Özköklü and Mrs. İlknur Subaşı, Mersin Provincial Directorate of Culture, and Silifke Museum Directorate for their valuable contributions. Without these contributions, we would not be able to present this valuable piece of cultural heritage -Dana Island Shipyard- to the world of science. The interest of Mersin Governorship and Silifke District Governorship in these studies is both encouraging and promising for the future in bringing Dana Island to the country’s tourism. The Rectorates of Selçuk University and Akdeniz University contributed to the allocation of the Selçuk1/Arkeo Scientific Research Ship and other equipment used in the realization of the studies. The Mersin Chamber of Shipping has provided continuous support for the maintenance and renewal of ships and other marine equipment since the planning stage of the studies. The Turkish Underwater Archaeology Foundation has supported us at every stage, especially with underwater research equipment and all infrastructure. The Mersin Tourism Infrastructure Development Association and the Mersin Municipality have lent considerable support to the works carried out both on the island and underwater. Silifke Municipality, Mersin Chamber of Commerce & Industry, SETUR Marinas, Mersin Marina and Yesilovacik Fishing Port are among valued institutions that have supported our studies. Eren Holding / Medçem Port has made significant contributions by constantly providing food and logistical support to the team. Içel Art Club has also made significant contributions in promoting our activities to the people of Mersin. We would also like to thank Mr. Oğuz Aydemir and Mr. Korer Özbenli in particular, and Mr. Hasan Gökbel, Mr. Kadir Dölek, Mr. Seçkin Karaca, Mr. Hakkı Delibaş, Mr. Ali Yavuz, Mr. Emre Doruk, Mr. Cem Bücüge, Mr. Sedat Aydöner for their positive approach and support in the implementation of all aspects of the work. We are also thankful to the scientific team members who carried out studies on the island; to the experts from Silifke and Tarsus Museums as well as all the students working in the team, to especially Mrs. Ceyda Öztosun and Mr. Metehan Samet Gül, Mr. Günay Dönmez for their contributions in the preparation of the book. Editor: Assoc. Prof. Dr Hakan Öniz xi

Bronze Age single-hole stone anchor, Dana Island East Bay

Foreword The recent archeological discoveries made on Dana Island are of great importance for Rough Cilicia, the relationship the ancient local community had with the sea, their seamanship and trading and the political history of the region. These discoveries are sure to be built on in future and revolutionize maritime archaeology research. Dr Hakan Öniz and his team, who made these recent discoveries, were able to find what so many travelers who visited the island before them could not. For example, Francis Beaufort, who came to the island in the early 19th century, saw nothing more than a few chameleons, seals and a species of duck, which was of extraordinary height and beauty (and which is declining in number and even on the verge of becoming extinct today) among the remains he called the ‘old walls’. The short note of this brilliant traveller is as follows: ‘The old walls on the Provencal Island merge with various types of lizards, among which a few chameleons can be seen. The rocks are swarming with seals, and the cliffs are swarming with ducks. The feathers of these ducks are white and their males are extremely eye-catching.’ All unwritten archaeological monuments have a common defect: providing no explicit information regarding date, function and many other topics. The newly discovered shipyard remains found on Dana Island unfortunately bear the same defect and for now they lack the criteria that would reveal to us who they were made by and when. Within the scope of my contribution to this book, I mainly searched for pinpoint records concerning the island itself by scanning historical records. However, I must say in advance that this may not produce certain results or success, because 90% of the sources are based around the kings that ruled in the surrounding regions, the actions of these kings, or events that happened in the major centers of civilization. This meant that expecting documentary records to shed light on this tiny island was futile. Therefore, it was necessary to examine the macro-history of the area that the island is located in and its wider surroundings, which corresponds to the region known as Kizzuwatna, Hilakku, Rough Cilicia (Cilicia Trachaia) or later Isauria and Karamania in the ancient sources. To increase the variety of sources and widen the scope of the research, the histories of Plain Cilicia, Pamphilia, Lycia, Central Anatolia, Levant, Egypt and Cyprus were also investigated. In any case, it would be seen that this very small region was never able to expand its influence, and that it stayed on the periphery of large centres of civilization. I tried to capture the events that led to the creation of the slipways, hoping to explain the location of Dana Island and the dates and functions of the shipyards by looking at the naval history of pre-classical peoples, notably the Hittites. This was a task that resembled that of a detective, in other words like looking for a needle in a haystack. I tried to find out what events, military actions, wars or possible trading activities occurred after economic developments that could have caused this much shipbuilding on this tiny island and made estimations accordingly. While this was being carried out, the relationships of the powerful political institutions with the sea in the region formed a further line of enquiry. Undoubtedly, when it comes to shipbuilding, firstly fleets and warships come to mind and the possibility that trade armadas or even boats themselves could be used as transportation vessels is easy to ignore. In this respect, when trying to determine the dates that the slipways were built, not only wars but also economic developments, new natural resources, agriculture, forestry and xiii

animal products and sudden booms in trade should not be overlooked. Another point that should not be ignored is whether all of the shipyards were used at full capacity concurrently, and if so for how long, or whether the number of the shipyards was the final capacity reached. Ship and boat building can be spread over a very long period of time and, in accordance with requirements and demands, all production on the island may have been carried out at the same time, or piecemeal. If production did indeed occur simultaneously, this must have happened as a result of the economic, commercial or military dynamics that governed the history of the region. There is no doubt that this left deep marks on the history of the island and its surroundings and the people that lived there. The issue, however, is whether these developments were recorded directly or indirectly and whether we can pick up on the relevant clues if they were indeed recorded. First, I would like to say a couple of words regarding the name of the island, which is unusual and is as puzzling to us as the history of the island. While such unlikely names as Donkey Island, Rabbit Island, Chicken Island, Dog Island, Goat Island, Mice Island, and Sheep Island might be seen as the result of a lack of familiarity with the sea, seamanship or island culture among the Turks, nevertheless the name ‘Dana’ draws attention. I am not in a position to explain why and how this name was given to the island, which was formerly known as Manavat and Kargıncık. There is a suspicion that this name derives from a foreign language from a period before the Turks, which in time changed as a result of folk etymology. I think emphasis should be placed on the similarity this name has with various present in the same region such as Danuna, Denyen, Adaniya, DNN and Danu, which are all well-known from Homeric and Egyptian sources and still live in the name of modern Adana, a city in Turkey. In the light of relevant documents, it seems to me that a tribe that was good at seamanship, related to the Hyksos and the Hurrians, and sharing the name Danuna or a similar name with the Hyksos, migrated north to Çukurova and from there spread to the Eastern Mediterranean and Aegean Region and up to the Troad. The fact that this name is so widespread in this vast geography, notably in Çukurova, can only be explained in this way. According to the myth that dates back to Homer, the reason why we unexpectedly encounter the Danunans in the Trojan wars lies here. Contrary to other claims it seems implausible that migration occurred in the opposite direction, ie from Troy, because migration on this scale did not occur even in the Greek Colonization period that followed those Trojan wars.The name of the island is of neither Semitic nor Indo-European descent contrary to what one might expect. I clearly proved, based on an accurate etymology, that the name is of Hurrian descent – on page 67 of my book Cilicia-Cukurova: the Early Ages until the Ottoman Period in Cilicia Historical Geography, History and Archaeology (Homer Publishing, İIstanbul 2007). The name shows a great phonetic resemblance to a sacred cult item called adan, atani/adani or adania mentioned in Hurrian texts, and those who named the island should be seen as identical with the Hurrians who lived on the island for the majority of this period. The Hurrians were a dynamic people that spread in waves across all of the Near East through Caucasia, Eastern Anatolia, the Iranian High Plateau and the Zagros Mountains from the last quarter of the 3rd millennium BC Another very important supporting detail is that Cilicia, which was mentioned in later Hittite texts as Kizzuwatna, was completely under the influence of the Hurrian culture. The Danunans were long established and extremely widespread in the region, and although they appeared to be among the sea peoples, there is no doubt that they arrived to the region at a much earlier period. The fact that even Cyprus was called the Island of the Danunans shows that the Danunans migrated there along with the Cilicians and Egyptians. According to a general xiv

opinion, the name of Cyprus, which was known as Alašya in the Bronze Age and Yadnuna in the Iron Age, is again related to the Danunans. In various researches that pushed the limits of probability, it was proposed that Aššuwa was written as A-64-ja in Miken Linear B writing. However, I think that the real explanation was made by a rational researcher who stated that Asiy(a) was actually (Al)asia, the abbreviated form of Cyprus. The Egyptian clerk Accadian misunderstood al(u) ‘city’ and confused it with mat al(u) ‘city of the country’. It is unknown whether all these names refer to the whole island or parts of it. I have previously explained the elision of the letter A while creating the name Dana from Adana or Yadnuna through the phonetic principle known as aphaeresis in linguistics and supported with many other examples. As a philologist, I can never accredit made-up etymologies that do not conform with linguistic rules. However, when I offered Hakan Öniz this possibility regarding the origin of the name Dana Island last summer, I was not serious at all. Now I think it is necessary to lay emphasis on this as a hypothesis. It is a well-known fact that the ancient name of the island was Pityussa. The island, which was called Pitussa during the Neo-Babylonian Age, continued its existence as Pityusa, as it appears in the 3rd century AD Roman guidebook on Mediterranean ports titled ‘Stadiasmos Maris Magni as well as the Acta S. Barnabae. However, no information was recorded about the island having a large port or especially a large number of shipyards. The name Pityussa is very popular and quite common in the Mediterranean region, for example Lampsakos (Lâpseki) was formerly called Pityussa and Miletos was once called Pitousa. The islands Chios and Salamis were also given the name Pityussa at one point in history and the islands of Ibiza and Formentare in the eastern coasts of Spain were also formerly called Pityussai. Phoenician merchants were responsible for the spread this name to such a wide geography. During the Middle Ages, the island began to be called Provençal. Regardless of the name’s origin, the researches to be conducted by considering the relationship of Dana Island with its surroundings such as Kelenderis, Aphrodisias, Seleukeia, Güvercin Island, Tokmar Castle, Palaeia, Holmi and Mylai/Manastır are sure to bring new discoveries. I wish Hakan Öniz and his team success. Prof. Dr Ahmet Ünal

xv

Slipway numbers 54, 55, 56, 57 and 58 and the structures behind them

Chapter 1

The Prehistoric Strategic Location of Dana Island Şengül G. Aydingün Dana Island, which is located today within the borders of Silifke district, is one of the few islands in the Mediterranean which form part of modern Turkey, together with Boğsak Island. In the works carried out by Dr Hakan Öniz and his underwater team in 2015 as part of an effort by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism for the revision of the sites where diving is prohibited, an ancient shipyard and slipways were discovered on the northern coast of the island. Due to the importance of these findings, a new study was begun from 2016 with the permission of the General Directorate of Cultural Heritage and Museums under the title ‘Dana Island Studies’, with scientific consultancy by Dr Hakan Öniz, head of the Department of Underwater Archaeology and the Underwater Research Application and Research Center at Selçuk University. Thus, Dana Island was brought under detailed investigation through both underwater and land surveys. Anchors, shipwrecks, and the remains of land-related structures that can be dated from the Bronze Age to the Byzantine period were found around the island. Since 2017, the prehistoric finds from Dana Island have been under evaluation. Dana Island surprised the world of science with the results it produced in terms of nautical archaeology and technology in the shipyard that was found during archaeological surface explorations of the island, where approximately 276 (as of 2017) slipways are located. The slipways, at frequent intervals along the northern shore of the island, vary in size and were prepared by cutting into the bedrock, thereby enabling the production of boats (Öniz, 2016). The material remains of culture, small finds and written documents are needed in order to determine the identity of those who created these remarkable rock-carved traces and in what period or periods. The large number of places determined to be slipways on the island results in many questions and hypotheses. One of the first hypotheses is whether or not Dana Island could have been the centre of the marine force mentioned in the Hittite sources towards the end of 2000 BC due to its geographical location. Another is the similarity between the name of Dana Island and ‘Danuna-Adaniya’, which was mentioned during the migration of the Sea Peoples. A third question is the possibility that the Assyrians and later the Neo-Babylonians used this island during their presence at Cilicia around 1000 BC It seems plausible that the Persians, Greeks, Cilician pirates and the powerful navies of the Roman Period also used Dana Island in later periods. As can be seen, the possibilities increase continuously with the chronological advance of the historical process and the nature of the answers we are able to give changes with the increasing written sources available. Among the many architectural remains on the island, those which remain standing date from the Byzantine period. With archaeological data provided from research on the island, many problems and questions that are today unanswered, both historically and archaeologically can be solved, verifying the suggested hypotheses, while also taking the geostrategic structure into consideration. This situation necessitates long-term archaeological research and excavations on Dana Island.

Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 1–11

Dana Island

Figure 1.1 Middle Palaeolithic edge scraper

For this reason, scientists such as prehistorians, protohistorians, Hittitologists, epigraphers, classical archaeologists, engineers and architects were included in the research team in addition to the underwater researchers. Finding archaeological evidence of the relationships between Dana Island and the geographies of Anatolia, Cyprus, the Eastern Mediterranean and the Near East dating from prehistory and from the protohistoric ages, which seems plausible due to the strategic location of the island, forms the principal goal of the project, which aims to build with reliable data the context of the finds within their respective temporal, spatial and cultural frameworks. Because of the emphasis given mainly to the slipways themselves, on land and underwater, during the first two years of the research conducted on the island, the prehistoric material that has been obtained is limited. An edge scraper that can be dated to the Middle Paleolithic Period (Figure 1.1), a few polished hand axes that can be dated to the Neolithic Period (Figure 1.2), a few pieces of greenish (Figure 1.3) and blackish obsidian (Figure 1.4), and a terracotta

Figure 1.2 Neolithic polished hand axes

Figure 1.3 Greenish obsidian pieces

2

The Prehistoric Strategic Location of Dana Island

Figure 1.5 Terracotta knot-shaped handle

Figure 1.4 Blackish obsidian pieces

piece of a knot-shaped handle that we can date to the Early Bronze Age III (Figure 1.5) have importance as the first prehistoric traces on the island. The pieces of greenish and blackish obsidian, although analyses of their source have not been made, indicate that Dana Island, along with Anatolia, could have had trading relationships with both Melos in the Aegean region to the west, and the island of Cyprus to the south. It is possible that the greenish piece of obsidian originated from Melos. The blackish obsidian pieces are similar to examples that are sourced from Niğde-Göllüdağ and Kaletepe/Kömürcü in Central Anatolia. This raises the possibility that Dana Island may have been employed in the transportation of the obsidian of Central Anatolian origin recorded in AkanthouArkosyko/Tatlısu Çiftlik-düzü in the north of Cyprus and from Pareklishia-Shillourokambos in South Cyprus. In both settlements on Cyprus, cattle bones representing the early phase of the Aceramic Neolithic period, engraving-patterned coins made from picrolite and, most importantly, obsidian finds of Central Anatolian origin were recorded. The fact that Akanthou / Tatlısu is located on the northern coastline of Cyprus and possesses the most obsidian finds amongst habitations of the same period in Cyprus unmistakably shows the relationship between Cyprus and Anatolia (Şevketoğlu, 2006). It has been suggested that the obsidian that was sourced from Göllüdağ Kaletepe-Kömürcü in Central Anatolia was transported south over the Amik Valley to the shores of Syria, Jordan and Israel (Figure 1.6), and then reached Southern Cyprus by water (Balkan-Atlı and Binder, 1999; Binder, 2002; Brios-Gratuze-Guilane, 1997). The presence of the pieces of obsidian in Dana Island has led us to posit the existence of a shorter route to reach Cyprus. The fact that the road that goes from Central Anatolia to Silifke by following the Göksu Valley later reaches Boğsak and Dana Island suggests that there could be a second route employed to reach Cyprus depending on suitable wind and weather conditions (Figure 1.7). Cyprus is easily visible from the hill that reaches 193 meters above sea level on Dana Island, which has a steep, rocky limestone structure. The distance between the two islands is 85 km. Dana Island is located precisely north of Akanthou-Arkosyko / Tatlisu Çiftlikdüzü in Cyprus where other artefacts and ruins of Anatolian origin were found alongside the obsidian pieces that originated from Göllüdağ in Central Anatolia. The distance between the two is one that can be reached in less than a day even on primitive sea vessels.

3

Dana Island

Figure 1.6 Possible route for obsidian transport via Syria

Figure 1.7 Possible route for obsidian transport via Dana Island

4

The Prehistoric Strategic Location of Dana Island

Figure 1.8 Possible submerged prehistoric Anatolian coast

The surface studies being carrying out on the island are still in their initial phase. The limited prehistoric and protohistoric material raises the question of what prehistoric material has remained underwater, with sea levels having increased globally with the advent of the Holocene Period after the ice age ended 10-12 thousand years ago. It is known that the sea level went down as low as -120 meters before the Holocene (Lambeck et al., 2002; Peltier, 2002; Pirazzoli et al., 1991). When this situation is considered, it should be understood that Dana Island was a peninsula that was attached to the mainland in the not so distant past. It is thought that prehistoric remains from the island may have remained underwater on the now submerged land link with Anatolia (Figure 1.8). The prehistoric history of the island will be illuminated more clearly through underwater excavations. In conclusion it appears that the archaeological work carried out on Dana Island will provide a new dimension to the prehistoric research that has been carried sporadically out since the beginning of the twentieth century, a new starting point. As is known, Mersin and its surroundings where Dana Island is located were in close relationships with the Near East and Eastern Mediterranean thousands of years ago, just as today. However, this situation was not understood until the 1930s. This is not only true for the Mersin Region, as no prehistoric settlement was known in Anatolia until this time. The fact that there were not enough Turkish trained prehistorians was an important factor, while it was the Near East that attracted the attention of international studies. Certain handmade ceramics and hewn flintstones went unnoticed by the world of science until the middle of the twentieth century. The prehistoric studies carried out by the University of Chicago after the 1930s in order to determine the westward movement of the first agricultural societies began with the excavations and researches carried out in the south of Anatolia, by the Syrian border, first in Hatay-Çatalhöyük by C. Prost, then in the Amik Valley by J. H. Breasted and Braidwood (Braidwood, 1937).

5

Dana Island Excavations that began in 1935 under the direction of Hetty Goldman on behalf of the American Bryn Mawr College in Gözlükule, Tarsus shed light on the chronological problems regarding the prehistoric history of Anatolia, and the prehistoric chronology of Anatolia was arranged through forming parallels with the Mesopotamian chronology of the Early Bronze Age (Goldmann, 1935, 1936, 1937, 1938, 1956). The excavation of Yumuktepe, Mersin (Garstang, 1953) undertaken by John Garstang from 1936 proved the existence of Neolithic settlements in Anatolia for the first time, as well as in the Near East. Prehistoric archaeologists became seriously interested in Anatolia for the first time in the late 1950s. Until the 1950s, the notion was common that the Taurus Mountains formed a barrier in mobility to Upper Mesopotamia and that Anatolia was empty for this reason during the Neolithic, when agriculture began, and that there was no human migration to the area from the Near East. Furthermore, the view was dominant that the core region of the Neolithic Period was limited to the Near East alone due to the harsh weather that prevailed north of the Euphrates River in central and eastern Anatolia at the beginning of the Holocene Period. Famous theoreticians such as Gordon Childe put forward the thesis, ‘There are no Neolithic Period settlements in Anatolia, in the north of the Taurus mountains’ in this context (Childe, 1952). James Mellaart, who proved the existence of splendid Neolithic settlements in the excavations carried out at Hacılar (Mellaart, 1958, 1959, 1960, 1961, 1970) in the Lakes Region in the north of the Taurus Mountains, and afterwards at Çatalhöyük in the Konya plains, refuted these theses (Mellaart, 1962, 1963, 1964, 1965, 1966, 1967). Another Englishman, David French, began excavations in Can Hasan, Karaman, which is located at the northern start point of the Göksu River, which crosses the Taurus Mountains and joins the Mediterranean at Silifke. These excavations (French, 1962, 1963, 1964, 1965, 1966, 1967, 1968, 1998, 2005, 2010) proved that the communities of the Near East crossed the Taurus Mountains through the Göksu Valley to reach the Anatolian Plateau over thousands of years from 5500 BC and supported Mellaart’s findings. Apart from the Göksu River valley, the Çukurova / Plain Cilicia region, formed by rivers such as Seyhan and Ceyhan, which pour into the Mediterranean Sea further to the east, was considered by Turan Efe to be the starting Figure 1.9 The ‘Fertile Crescent’ point of the ‘Great Caravan Route’, 6

The Prehistoric Strategic Location of Dana Island a long-range trade route which is known to have been established in around 3000 BC between Anatolia and the Near East (Efe, 2007). Vasıf Şahoğlu defined the caravan trade in 3000 BC as the ‘Anatolian Trade Network’ – routes that developed towards the west and the north like a web after reaching the Anatolian Plateau through Plain Cilicia from the Near East instead of by a single route (Şahoğlu, 2005). A terracotta fragment from a fired handle of Western Anatolia origin that can be dated to the Early Bronze Age is reminiscent of the traces of this trade. After the Göksu River, which forms a second delta in the west of Plain Cilicia, the Mediterranean coast becomes very rugged as the rocky and rough areas increase. After this point, it is more appropriate to use the sea route westward instead of the land due to the difficulties that occur in transportation through the region defined as Rough Cilicia. After Silifke, the presence first of the island of Boğsak and then of Dana Island, and the proximity of these two islands to the shores provided a safe route for early sea travel in prehistoric times. The progress of the excavations in Syria in the 1960s made the location of the first settled communities clearer and also expanded the borders of the ‘Fertile Crescent’ that is suitable for agriculture and for settled life up to the Eastern Taurus mountains, with dam projects on the Euphrates and Tigris in Eastern Anatolia. The ‘Fertile Crescent’, which covers the expansion line of the first agricultural communities, encompasses a wider arc according to current archaeological data (Figure 1.9). Within these borders, Mersin, Silifke, Dana Island and Cyprus are also located. As we have explained above, Dana Island appears to be the closest and most suitable point for commercial and cultural transfer to Cyprus via Anatolia. More recent excavations on Cyprus, like those carried out in Central Anatolia, have refuted the thoughts and theories of the 1930s in particular. The years when the existence of relationships between Cyprus and Anatolia were seen as a ‘very weak possibility’ are behind us. The two settlements that have played an important role in this change are PareklishiaShillourokambos in Southern Cyprus and Akanthou-Arkosyko/ Tatlısu Çiftlikdüzü in Northern Cyprus (Şevketoğlu, 2006). Dana Island is located 85 kilometers from Akanthou-Arkosyko/ Tatlısu Çiftlikdüzü in Cyprus and in the same direction from the Anatolian mainland. For this reason, it appears inescapable that relationships between Cyprus and Anatolia in the prehistoric and protohistoric periods were conducted via Dana Island, which was positioned in the most suitable location during the prehistoric ages. Our aim in future studies will be to obtain evidence that can more clearly show this relationship. Bibliography BALKAN-ATLI N., Binder D. and Cauvin, M. C., (1999), Obsidian Sources, Workshops and Trade in Central Anatolia, in M.Özdoğan ve N. Başgelen (eds.), Neolithic in Turkey, Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları, İstanbul, 133-145; lev. 104-115. BINDER, D., (2002), Stones making sense: what obsidian could tell about the origins of the Central Anatolian Neolithic, in F. Gerard-L. Thissen (eds) The Neolithic of Central Anatolia, Internal Developments and External Relations During the 9th-6th millenia cal. BC., İstanbul, Ege Yayınları, 279-285. BRAIDWOOD, R. J., (1937), Mounds in the Plain of Antioch: An Archeological Survey, Oriental Institute Publication, Chicago. 7

Dana Island BRAIDWOOD, R. J. and BraIdwood, L. S., (1960), Excavations in the Plain of Antioch I: The Earlier Assemblages Phases A–J, Oriental Institute Publications, Chicago. BRIOS F., Gratuze, D., GuIlane, J., (1997), Obsidiennes du site néolithique précéramique de Shillourokambos (Chypre), Paléorient 23/1: 95-112. CHILDE V. G. (1952), New Light on the Most Ancient East, New York: Praeger. EFE, T., (2007), The Theories of the ‘Great Caravan Route’ between Cilicia and Troy: The Early Bronze Age III Period in Inland Western Anatolia Turan Efe Anatolian Studies Transanatolia: Bridging the Gap between East and West in the Archaeology of Ancient Anatolia, 57: 47-64. FRENCH, D. H., (1962), Excavations at Can Hasan; First Preliminary Report, 1961, Anatolian Studies, 12: 27-40. FRENCH, D. H., (1963), Can Hasan, Anatolian Studies, 13: 29-42. FRENCH, D. H., (1964), Excavations at Can Hasan; Third Preliminary Report, 1963, Anatolian Studies, 14: 125-134. FRENCH, D. H., (1965), Excavations at Can Hasan; Fourth Preliminary Report, 1964, Anatolian Studies, 15: 87-94. FRENCH, D. H., (1966), Excavations at Can Hasan, 1965; Fifth Preliminary Report, Anatolian Studies 16: 113-123. FRENCH, D. H., (1967), Excavations at Can Hasan, 1966; Sixth Preliminary Report, Anatolian Studies 17: 165-178. FRENCH, D. H., (1968), Excavations at Can Hasan, 1967; Seventh Preliminary Report, Anatolian Studies, 18: 45-53. FRENCH, D., (1998), Canhasan Sites 1: Canhasan 1: Stratigraphy and Structures. London. FRENCH, D., (2005), Canhasan Sites 2: Canhasan 1: The Pottery. London. FRENCH, D., (2010), Canhasan Sites 3: Canhasan 1: The Small Finds. London. GARSTANG, J., (1953), Prehistoric Mersin. Yümüktepe in South Turkey. The Neilson Expedition in Cilicia. Oxford: Clarendon Press. GOLDMAN, H., (1935), Preliminary Expedition to Cilicia, 1934, and Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus, American Journal of Archaeology, 39: 526-549. GOLDMAN, H., (1936), Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus, American Journal of Archaeology, 41: 262-286.  GOLDMAN, H., (1938), Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus, 1937, American Journal of Archaeology, 42: 30-54. GOLDMAN, H., (1940), Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus, 1938, American Journal of Archaeology, 44: 60-86. GOLDMAN, H., (1956), Excavations at Gözlü Kule, Tarsus. Vol. II:  From the Neolithic through the Bronze Age. Princeton University Press. KÖKTEN, İ. K., (1952), Anadolu’da Prehistorik Yerleşme Yerlerinin Dağılışı Üzerine Bir Araştırma, Doçentlik Tezi, Ankara Üniversitesi, Dil ve Tarih Coğrafya Fakültesi. LAMBECK, K., Esat, T. M., Potter, E. K., (2002), Links between climate and sea levels for the past three million years. Nature, 419: 199-206. MELLAART, J., (1958), Excavations at Hacilar; First Preliminary Report, Anatolian Studies, 8: 127156. MELLAART, J., (1959), Excavations at Hacilar; Second Preliminary Report, 1958, Anatolian Studies, 9: 51-65. MELLAART, J., (1960), Excavations at Hacilar; Third Preliminary Report, 1959, Anatolian Studies, 10: 83-104.

8

The Prehistoric Strategic Location of Dana Island MELLAART, J., (1961), Excavations at Hacilar; Fourth Preliminary Report, 1960,  Anatolian Studies, 11: 39-75. MELLAART, J., (1962), Excavations at Çatal Hüyük; First Preliminary Report, 1961,  Anatolian Studies, 12: 41-65. MELLAART, J., (1963), Excavations at Çatal Hüyük, 1962; Second Preliminary Report, Anatolian Studies, 13: 43-103. MELLAART, J., (1964), Excavations at Çatal Hüyük; Third Preliminary Report, 1963, Anatolian Studies, 14: 39-119. MELLAART, J., (1965), Çatal Hüyük West Anatolian Studies, 15: 135-156. MELLAART, J., (1966), Excavations at Çatal Hüyük; Fourth Preliminary Report, 1965 Anatolian Studies 16: 165-191. MELLAART, J., (1967), Çatal Hüyük A Neolithic Town in Anatolia, Thames and Hudson, London. MELLAART, J., (1970), Excavations at Hacılar, Published for British Institute of Archaeology at Ankara. Edinburgh University Press. ÖNIZ, H., (2016), Akdeniz Kıyıları Arkeolojik Sualtı Araştırmaları, ANMED, 14: 155-161. ÖZDOĞAN, M. and Başgelen, N. (eds.), (1999), Neolithic in Turkey. The Cradle of Civilization. New discoveries. Istanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları. ÖZDOĞAN, M. and Başgelen, N. (eds.), (2007), Türkiye’de Neolitik Dönem. Yeni Kazılar, Yeni Bulgular. Istanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları. PELTIER, W. R., (2002), On eustatic sea level history: Last Glacial Maximum to Holocene. Quaternary Science Reviews, 21, 377-396. PIRAZZOLI, P. A., Laborel, J. SalIege, J.F., Erol, O., Kayan, I., Person, A., (1991), Holocene raised shorelines on the Hatay coasts (Turkmey): Pelaeoecologicaland tectonic implications. Marine Geology. 96: 295-311. Elsevier. (Çeviri: İ. Kayan, 1993, Hatay’da yükselmiş Holosen kıyı çizgileri, Paleoekolojik ve tektonik değerlendirmeler. Ege Coğrafya Dergisi 7: 43-76). ŞAHOĞLU, V., (2005), The Anatolian Trade Network And The Izmir Region During The Early Bronze Age, Oxford Journal of Archaeology, 24/4:339-361. ŞEVKETOĞLU, M., (2006), MÖ 8. Binde Anadolu ve Kıbrıs İlişkileri: Akanthou*/Tatlısu Kurtarma Kazısı, Anadolu/Anatolia, 30: 111-118.

9

Sunrise over Dana Island

Chapter 2

The Importance of the Southern Mediterranean Coast: Dana Island and its Surroundings within the Historical Process Ahmet Ünal As someone who first wrote about Dana Island while the remains of the shipyards established on the karstic shores of the northern coasts of this tiny island and other finds were not yet known, I will attempt in the following study to narrate the historical development of Turkey’s only island in the Mediterranean Sea except for a few rock masses – whose mysterious history revived with Hakan Öniz’s discovery of the large number of 294 slipways – with an emphasis on the maritime viewpoint. While the southern Anatolian coast attracted settlers with its mild climate, sea access, and the abundance of all kinds of natural resources on one hand, it also repelled any invasion due to the harsh structure of the Taurus Mountains, the steepness of the shores, the lack of short-distance targets and islands, and the remoteness of overseas target harbors on the other hand. Indeed, all shores other than the Eastern Mediterranean (Levant) and the river deltas are very steep, although not as much so as in the Black Sea region. The reasons why the shores of Cilicia, Paphlagonia, Isauria, Lycia and Caria, which are much more inaccessible, did not develop as fully as the Levant before the first millennium BC and why they did not host socially complex cultures are clear. While it was never possible to establish a unitary state that encompassed the whole region in this environment, which is devoid of large areas of alluvial soil, except for the Cilician Plain and partially the Antalya Plain, the establishment of hegemony by neighboring lands such as Central Anatolia, Syria, the Levant, Egypt, Greece and Rome in these areas were by nature extremely limited. Since the period of the hunters and gatherers of the Palaeolithic, the people who found effective shelter in the caves near the slopes of these beautiful shores facing south, therefore to the sea, have maintained their lives without difficulty. The fact that the land is karstic made the region rich in caves. The relationship of the people that lived in the region in this period and the following Neolithic, Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Ages with the sea is obscure. Shipwrecks discovered in the west of the Mediterranean are currently missing from this area. We will have to wait for the conclusive dating of finds such as anchors, ceramics etc. obtained by Hakan Öniz and his team. As the bone fishing rods obtained in Yümüktepe, Mersin and other finds show, the people did not neglect fishing, but this was very limited. This was a conservative community which was completely closed to external relations. The function of Lake Rhagusa in this period, which would later become the harbor for Tarsus, is unknown. With start of the trading activities of Assyrian merchants in Anatolia between 1900-1800 BC, Anatolia met with written sources for the first time and entered the historical era. However, Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 12–25

The Importance of the Southern Mediterranean Coast these cuneiform documents did not arrive at the Mediterranean coast as the merchants from Assyria did not stop by the Mediterranean region and did not engage in sea transportation. We only have an epic text on the merchants as I will mention below, that attests a lively trade, abundance and fertility and it appears as if it speaks of a golden age. The Hittites and the Mediterranean Just like later land-based peoples, such as the Persians and the Ottomans, the Hittites almost never engaged with the sea and maritime affairs. Sea trade, sea transportation and a navy, which should be present at least in limited amounts due to their vital importance, were controlled by other tribes who lived near the sea and who possessed knowledge of maritime affairs. The Central Anatolian regions, which constituted the core of the Hittite military and political power, were situated far from the seas geographically and also physically separated from them by mountain ranges. Furthermore, the Hittites were not natural sea-farers and did not have the ambition to rule the sea from the land. This is somewhat similar to the Seljuks in Anatolia, and to the Ottomans, who did not touch the coasts in the northern part of the Adriatic Sea. However, when disasters such as hunger and famine arose, the opportunities and benefits of sea transportation, which was controlled by others, were turned to. It should be emphasized that Central Anatolia provided almost all the living conditions necessary for a martial, rough and plundering community who did not attach any strategic and mercantile importance to the seas. For the Hittites, central Anatolia, which constituted the core of their empire, was their principal point of concern in strategic terms, with economic and cultural elements of secondary importance. The economic resources of the empire were concentrated in regions that excluded the coastal areas. Therefore, the geographic axis that the Hittites were interested in throughout their history extended from Hattusa to the southeast, in other words, to Northern Syria. Indeed, while only the roads that lead to the east and southeast did not reach the sea in the Anatolian region, journeys in all other directions will always eventually lead one to the coast. Therefore, it is necessary to ponder the fact that the Hittites initially chose this route for expansion. For the Hittites, the point of attraction lay in Northern Syria and Mesopotamia, which played the role of ‘Europe’ during those times, because of the civilization and economic resources which were located there (Ünal 1999: 97ff; Ünal 2000: 85ff; Ünal 2018: 365ff). Just as in the Egyptian language, the word ‘island’ is not present in Hittite. The semantic of guršawar is controversial. The people living in the Levant and Kizzuwatna, whom the Hittites annexed, were natives anyway. There was nothing that tied them to the Hittites except for the fact that they were Hittite subjects, that they benefited from their protective powers or that they were harmed by military and economic pressure, taxes and extortion. Although the Hittites began to sail the seas, to develop an interest in them and to comprehend their strategic importance on the eve of the collapse of the empire and in the face of the potential threats from the sea, that is the Sea Peoples according to the general view, they were too late. Šuppiluliuma II, the last Hittite king, was the first and only Hittite king who had a naval fleet, who participated in a naval battle, and who managed to occupy some bases in Cyprus; after him, the kingdom would collapse as a result in part of these threats from the seas. In the edict of the former Hittite King Telipinu, who was known for his reforms, there is the laconic record that three Hittite kings before him used the sea as a border, but this news is too clichéd and 13

Dana Island besides, it is unknown what sea was intended by this remark. However, it is possible that it was the Mediterranean, which the ancient Near Eastern peoples including the Hittites called ‘the Great Sea’ (Karasu 1998: 357-363)(A.AB.BA GAL! like the Latin mare magnum, and later mare nostrum). We should not forget that in the Hittite language, aruna also has a meaning referring to any kind of puddle such as ‘lake’ etc. and that Anatolia was incredibly abundant in lakes and swamps until 50-100 years ago, before an obsessive and cruel run of desiccation and deliberate drainage began. How they reached the sea is another mystery looming over the legends. In the time of Hattušili I, the Hittites, who were led by the bull, their sacred guiding animal, managed to reach the Mediterranean. The strong bull, the personification of the storm god, went ahead of the Hittite soldiers, flattened the Taurus Mountains like a fierce and giant bulldozer and made way for the soldiers. Indeed the horns of the bull became so blunted as a result that it astonished those who saw him and there were even those who mocked him. The Arzawa campaigns of the same king did not lead him to the Aegean coasts, and he could perhaps only watch the sea from far away, either from Mount Yamanlar, from near Belkahve, or from near Mount Samsun, like his later successor Muršili II. The mysterious and daring Lycian campaign of the Ugaritic people on the eve of the Sea People There is a letter written by Urhitešub, a high-ranking officer of the king of Carchemish, addressed to the elders of Ugarit, Urtenu, Addudini and Dananu regarding the time when Ugarit was captured by the Sea Peoples. It is understood that these arbiters of Ugarit had asked for help from the king of Carchemish against a major threat. The situation was serious, because Ugarit was besieged by an enemy. The officer wrote in response that the king of Carchemish could not come to bring aid in person as he had left the region but that his soldiers would soon come to help instead, and he tells them to keep resisting and defending the city until that time of relief (RS 14.2; Strobel 2008: 639ff). In a previous letter, the king of Carchemish reported that enemy ships had appeared at sea (Naugayrol et al. 1968: 23) and apparently this was the reason he fled, or he went on a campaign without a navy. Were the enemy ships mentioned here the precursors of the Sea Peoples? As (unjustified) speculation stretches further to include the ancient Greeks things become entangled. As two parallel Ugaritic letters clearly show, the arrival of the people called the Hiyawans in Lukka (Lycia) can never be related to the Achaean migrations because the Hiyawans cannot equal the Ahhiyawans and therefore the Achaeans! (Ünal 2014: 469-500) In this context, the letter written by Hammurabi, one of the last Ugaritic kings, to the king of Alašiya has a very critical place and importance. The letter says that the enemy ships came as near as the coasts of Ugarit and set the cities on fire and complains that the troops were unable to intervene as they were in the Hittite Country and Lukka. He asks him to report immediately as soon as he sees an enemy ship approaching off the coasts of Cyprus. While this can be expected under normal circumstances, the problems caused by the letter in such a critical time period are hydra-headed and very open to speculation. What were the ships of the King of Ugarit doing in the Hittite country and Lukka? Were they Hittite allies and there to fight against threats from the sea, or were they there to transport cedar timber and other materials? In that case though, that region might be considered a bit remote considering 14

The Importance of the Southern Mediterranean Coast there were places such as cedar-rich Lebanon and the Amanos Mountains. Why didn’t the ships of the Sea Peoples, who were sailing around the same coasts, attack this navy and hinder them? Was it because they remained well hidden in sheltered harbors while the Sea Peoples were sailing the open seas? If the Sea Peoples were coming from the west, why didn’t they plunder and burn the cities of Alašya first? The situation is blurred still further by the information that Šuppiluliuma II burned the enemy ships in the middle of the sea as part of his Cyprus campaign (KBo 12.38; Sandars 1985: 143). In short, it is difficult to understand how these individual ships were related to the Sea Peoples. There were always pirates in the Mediterranean Sea. But in the end, what is done is done, whoever destroyed or succeeded, new additions were made to the cemeteries of empires and the region was lost in darkness for a long time (Sommer 2015). The situation in the Iron Age There is no important evidence concerning the region in the age of the Neo-Assyrians and the Late Hittites. The Assyrians, who reached the Mediterranean by crossing the Amanus Mountains, and who washed the blood from their swords with the waters of this sea, were not interested in the sea and the lands beyond Tabal in Central Anatolia, the Eastern Mediterranean and Cilicia. Cilicia/Çukurova and Dana Island in the Neo-Babylonian age: the kingdoms of Hume and Pirindu Known in Neo-Babylonian as Hume (Que) and Pirindu,1 Cilicia (Zadok 1985: 166) was probably subjected to Babylonian attacks during the age of Nebuhadnezzar II (approximately 592 BC), but it could not be completely conquered (Arnaud 2004). The fact that Babylonian sources mention ‘the iron of Hume Country’ (AN.BAR ŠA Hume) and grain seeds (ŠE.NUMUN) reflects the economic situation of Cilicia in this period. The Babylonians frequently imported iron from Western Anatolia, that is Ionia, but besides that, Cilicia also conformed to older traditions derived from the Hittite Age and began to export to Babylonia as a result of the revival of the iron industry and technology (Joannès 1991: 263ff). In one text, a total of 900 kilograms of iron is mentioned (Brinkman 1984: 676-747, fns. 36, 180-3; Brinkman 1991: 21, 62; ten Cate 1965: 27-28; Wiseman 1991: 274). The Philistines, who had recently arrived from the west, also had control of this miraculous metal, which gave the age its name and revolutionized the technology of warfare. The texts belonging to this period also mention the prisoners of war brought from Hume and Pirindu, which is located in Rough Cilicia. Apparently, in this period, the Cilicians and the Lydians aimed to prevent Babylonian expansion throughout the inner region of Anatolia and the aim of the Babylonian attacks and invasions was to nullify this threat. However, this invasion was not limited solely to Plain Cilicia, as was the case for the Assyrians, and it expanded further west to the inner parts of Rough Cilicia, reaching as far as Kirsu Pirindu is the name of a country located in Kirsu and it roughly corresponds to Rough Cilicia which the Assyrians called Hilakku. The name of this place cannot be related to Pirinç Su (Pirinj) near Dalisandus in the north of MutClaudiopolis, (ten Cate 1965: 18 and fn. 4). 1 

15

Dana Island (modern Meydancıkkale) to the west of the Göksu River (Beal 1992: 65f; Casabonne 1996a: 111; Glassner 1993; Grayson 1975: 259ff, 265; MacKay 1990: 2086; Rollinger 2003: 295vd; Wiseman 1956: 74vd). The Neriglissar Chronicle, which is the most important and almost the only source we have regarding this period, records that he embarked on this campaign against Appuasu2, the king of Pirindu. While he was unable to defeat Appuasu in this campaign, he invaded and plundered Ura, the ancient coastal and harbor town of Cilicia, which I suggest should be located at Yümüktepe, above Mersin; he passed a steep valley, which should be identified with the canyons located in the Göksu Valley, and marched as far as Kirsi (Meydancıkkale), which is estimated to be located near Gülnar (previously known as Ain Bazaar or Anaypazarı) today. The Neo-Babylonian cuneiform texts found in Tarsus (Goetze 1939) and, most importantly the historical text of King Neriglissar’s military campaigns are, although not precisely dated, the clearest pieces of evidence for the Neo-Babylonian presence in Kizzuwatna. The Neriglissar Chronicle, which sheds light on the history of Dana Island, is of course very important but unfortunately it is full of problems. It will help to first provide a translation in order to better perceive the content, commentary, and the issues it raises: ‘Appuašu, the king of Pirindu, mustered a large army and set out to plunder and sack Syria. Neriglissar (also) mustered his army and marched to Hume to oppose him. Before his (Neriglissar’s) arrival Appuašu placed the army and cavalry which he had organized in a mountain valley ambush. (However,) when Neriglissar reached them he inflicted a defeat upon them (in battle) and conquered (his) large army. The army and numerous horses he captured. He pursued Appuašu for a distance of fifteen doublehours (bēru) and marched through difficult mountains, where men must walk in single file (with difficulty), as far as Ura, the royal city. He captured him, seized Ura, and sacked it. When he had marched for a distance of six double hours (bēru) through rough mountains and difficult passes, from Ura to Kirši - his (Appuasu’s) forefather’s royal city - he captured Kirši, the mighty city, his royal metropolis. He burnt its wall, its palace, and its people. Pitusu, a land in the midst of the sea, and six thousand combat troops who were stationed (here) in it he captured by means of boats. He destroyed their city and captured their people. In that same year from the pass of Sallune to the border of Lydia he started fires (everywhere)’ (Wiseman 1956). It can be seen that after Ura Neriglissar attacked another Cilician town, Kirsi. After long discussion, it has been established that Kirsi should be identified with Meydancıkkale, which is located within the high mountains 10 km. from Gülnar and can be accessed through either Aydıncık (Kelenderis, Gilindere) or through the coastal region3 (Davesne, Lemaire and Lozachmeur 1987: 359ff). Meydancıkkale, which is 700 meters above sea level, lies on a long and thin limestone ledge, and was able to control certain unimportant mountain and plateau roads that started in Aydıncık and which connected the coastal region with Central Anatolia (Yiğitbaşıoğlu 1991: 235). What Neriglissar did after this is both very important and somewhat surprising from a topographical point of view, because there are certain contradictions that do not comply For the analysis of this king’s name and the possibility of it being of Lycian origin, see Goetze (1939: 54, note 9-10) It is possible to get to Meydancıkkale by car from the stabilized road in this downstream; it is also possible to reach Meydancıkkale using the road that extends via the Çağlayık rivulet, the distance is approximately 25 km. 2  3

16

The Importance of the Southern Mediterranean Coast with general strategic rules. After Kirsi, he went down to the lower regions by following the mountain slopes and the deep valley through which a small stream flowed, probably reached the coast and, if the identification is correct, marched to Selune/Gazipaşa (Selinus) and even as far as the borders of Lydia in the direction of Alanya. He could have delegated this long and meandering journey to one of his soldiers. He directly went down to Bozyazı, continued to the east and attacked Dana Island (Pitusu) located between the Aphrodisias peninsula (Tisan) and Boğsak through Yeşilovacık and Işıklı (Tozkovan) villages. The reasons that led him to march on the island are not known. The enemy unit of 6000 troops reported as being based there is not a very convincing number. He himself could have escaped from Appuasu’s soldiers who suddenly marched towards him by land and took refuge there for a while. Several factors allow the identification of Neriglissar’s Pitusu with Dana Island. We saw that the classical name of Dana Island was Pityussa, and the island is depicted in the text with a little exaggeration as a mountain rising in the middle of the sea. Dana Island is clearly visible from the Göksu Delta and Taşucu, and resembles a mountain when viewed from the coast near the Mavikent site. It also possesses a surface area that could well host 6000 warriors for a while with its 1.5 x 3 km dimensions and 275m height (ten Cate 1965: 24, fn. 4; Desideri and Jasink 1990: 171; Wiseman 1991: 274). Although it only recently began to be researched (Hellenkemper and Hild 1986: 32), no trace has yet been found of the town Neriglissar mentions on Dana Island. However, this should not necessarily be seen as a stumbling block, because it was only used as a military shelter and camp for a limited period of time. However, recently, Hakan Öniz has stated that they found objects dating from the Paleolithic Period and architectural traces from the Iron Age. Formerly, the earliest known remains in the area were dated to the Late Roman and Early Byzantine Periods (Hellenkemper and Hild 1986). It is possible that Neriglissar’s navy was standing by at sea, or following him from off the coast while he was on land. King Nabonidus felt the need to organize a campaign to Hume in 555 BC, as it appears that Neriglissar could not put Cilicia under complete Babylonian control after this long and toilsome campaign (Smith 1924: 111ff, 119). Babylonian rule in Cilicia also came to an end either just before or just after this date. The Persians and the age of Greek colonization: the indigenous Cilician kingdom in the Cilician Plain, the Syennesis dynasty and the Persian (Achaemenid) invasion After the invasion of Anatolia and Cilicia by the Persian king Cyrus (542 BC) (Casabonne 1996b: 121ff; Casabonne 1999: 57; Lemaire and Lozachmeur 1990: 143f), the Persians ruled Cilicia until the year 401 BC through proxy kings and kingdoms where a native dynasty reigned and settled for placing a cavalry unit in the country. Thus, as in other regions of Anatolia, the land was not under direct Persian rule (cf Hornblower 1994: 209ff), and the regional kings who bore the title of Syennesis were the main rulers. No significant change occurred in the ethnic structure of the region, and it is very difficult to maintain that there was an intense Greek presence in the region from the numismatic evidence (ie from the coins obtained from Nagidos, Kelenderis, Holmoi, Issos, Mallus, Soloi and Tarsus) and the polis foundation myths in the Greek tradition. Coins should be seen as an instrument employed in overseas mercantile and economic relations formed between the Greek world and Cilicia rather than an indication that the population was of Greek ethnic origin (Salmeri 2003: 275).

17

Dana Island The limited sovereignty of Cilicia came to an end when the Persians exiled the last Syennesis and tied Cilicia directly to the center by turning it into a satrapy in 401 B.C (Erzen 1940: 97ff, 120ff; Jones 1971: 196). In reality, the ensuing Persian rule could never be that allencompassing, and, as elsewhere in Anatolia, there was no Persian population in Cilicia, but rather only a Persian administrative system. The autonomy of the cities can be clearly observed from the fact that they issued independent coins. The Persians never were fond of Cilicia, and they preferred to settle in Central Anatolia, which resembles Iran in terms of climate and landscape. There are indications showing that the Aramaean tribes maintained their existence here during Persian rule. More importantly, as Xenophon states (Cyr. VII.4.6), Cilicia and Cyprus had a special status during the Persian period. Indeed, the Persians did not appoint satraps there and recognized the local chiefs as kings as they voluntarily participated in Cyrus’s military campaign. (Jacobs 1999: 41ff; Casabonne 1999). On the other hand, the Aramaean presence in Cilicia was quite important under Persian rule as their language was used officially, or rather was the administrative and commercial language in the west of the Persian State including Anatolia (Briant 2002; but see also Casabonne 2004a: 20, note 4). Aramaic appears widely on the coins issued in Tarsus and in the east of Cilicia (Tekin 1992: 113ff), and the name of the city was written as TRZ (Tarze) in Aramaic along with the ancient Greek Terze (Arslan 2001: 84ff). The proof that Aramaic was the official language of the Persians can be clearly seen (Briant 2002: 722, 735), even in the trilingual inscription from Xanthos, written in Lycian, Greek and Aramaic, which were the most common languages of that age. Again, the name of the country of Cilicia was written in Aramaic as KLK or HLK (HLK) on the coins issued in Tarsus or Nagidos (Jean 2001: 6). Another example of Aramaic can be obtained from the commemorative inscription (sgraffito) of a hunter of Aramaean origin written in Çomayaka near Sarıaydın4 in the valley of the upper Lamas/River Limonlu that can be dated to the Persian period (Casabonne 1996a: 112, fn. 12; Casabonne 2000: 93ff; Donner and Röllig 1964: no. 261; Gibson 1975: no. 35; Herberdey and Wilhelm 1896: 92-93; Keil and Wilhelm 1931). Wašunaš, the writer of the inscription states: ‘I am Wašunaš, the son of Apuasi and the grandson of Wašunaš, my mother is Ašulkartiya. Here is where I hunted and right here is where I ate my food’. We have already encountered a person named Appuasu in the Neo-Babylonian Age as the king of Pirindu. Now, it is thought that Wašunaš and his father Appuasu were the descendants of the local chiefs who ruled in the Lamas and Göksu Valley. It is possible that both of these people named Appuasu, or Epyaxa in Greek, were close relatives or father and son in accordance with the tradition of carrying the names of fathers. Tarsus continued to function as the cultural and administrative center of the region in this period, and was the center of the native Syennesis dynasty, who ruled Cilicia until the Persian Mazaios arrived in the region in around 360-350 BC It is possible to follow the importance and development of the city through the coins it issued. In this period, Cilicia became the gathering and meeting point of the Persian armies and allied troops during the campaigns organized by the Persians to Greece. This is important in terms of our topic. Syennesis, the son of Oremedon, gave his naval unit of 100 ships to the command 4

Foreigners sometimes accidentally call it Saraydın.

18

The Importance of the Southern Mediterranean Coast of Xerxes due to the campaign of 480 BC It is understood that the Persians lacked a fleet here as in other areas and that they had to use outside forces in maritime affairs. It seems that much like the later Arabs, the Persians had a naval base in the southern part of Plain Cilicia (Wallinga 1991: 275ff), named Aleion Pedion by the Greeks. Somewhere around the south and southeast of Tarsus, has been proposed; however, the written reports of the ancient writers concerning such a base are inadequate, and archaeological evidence is very weak. According to what Diodoros wrote, the Persians came to Cilicia in order to suppress a rebellion in Egypt in 461/460 BC and supplied their fleets there with Cilician, Cypriot and Phoenician sailors. It has also been suggested that similar moves were made in 399 BC and 386 BC (Wallinga 1991). After the death of Syennesis, the Persian king made a change in the Cilician dynasty and appointed Xenagoras in his place. Later, the government was somehow taken over again by the Syennesis. On the eve of the arrival of Alexander the Great, Cilicia was undergoing a stagnant, uncertain and turbulent period under Persian rule. Tiribazos, the satrap of Lydia, used the coasts of Cilicia as military bases during a campaign organized by King Artaxerxes II against Cyprus. In around 379 BC, Pharnabazus was the satrap of Cilicia and was planning to organize a large-scale military campaign against Egypt by sea or land through Palestine. With this intention, he gathered his mercenaries in the town of Acco; and in the year 375 BC, he assembled a total of 300 warships, 12,000 mercenaries of Greek origin and in addition his own troops consisting of a large number of natives. However, he suffered a heavy defeat at the hands of the Egyptians due to difficulties in logistics and epidemics that arose before even engaging in the campaign (Stern 2001: 358ff). Datames (378-372 BC) followed Pharnabazus as the satrap (Hornblower 1994: 21). However, it has been claimed that Datames, although mentioned in sources as the satrap of Cilicia, was in fact satrap of Cappadocia, that he lived in Mazaka (Kayseri), also designated ‘Cilicia’ in ancient sources although a completely different place from Cilicia proper (Casabonne 2004b: 243ff, esp. 256ff) . However, it is possible that these views of classical writers, primarily Cornelius Nepos and Diodorus, could have resulted from a lack of geographical knowledge. The rebellion embarked upon by the satraps of Cilicia and Cappadocia against the Great King in 362 BC failed. Mazaios (361-333 BC) became satrap after the suppression of the rebellion. The border between Syria and Cilicia must have passed through Ras el-Basit in the middle of the 4th century BC During the same time period, Cilicia formed a satrapy with Abar Nahara in Palestine and the satrap was a Persian named Mazaios. The Cilician coasts were also within the lands of this satrapy (Stern 2001). This satrapy issued its own coins which were used all over Cilicia (Stern 2001). The Roman period It is unnecessary to recount the invasion of the region by the Romans and the governorship of Cilicia by the famous rhetorician, politician and philosopher Cicero in detail. I will only focus on the activities of Pompeius Magnus to rid the Mediterranean of troublemaking pirates, because the shipyards in Dana Island might possibly be associated with this. The pirates in the steep coasts of Cilicia and Lycia increased their rapacity and began to threaten the Italian Peninsula, they even plundered Ostia at one point, the harbor city of Rome. The Roman Senate, who did not want to wait any longer to respond to this, assigned Pompeius 19

Dana Island to save the Mediterranean from the threat of the pirates by giving him the extraordinary authority of imperium proconsulare maius, based on the lex Gabinia. As Pompeius was married to the daughter of Claudius Pulcher, he was therefore the brother-in-law of Lucullus, whom we know from his Anatolian voyages in pursuit of delicious meals rather than military activities. Over 250 ships were given to his command, and this number was later increased to 500. He also had the unrestricted authority to gather 120,000 soldiers and 500 cavalrymen. He was able to choose the 15 legates that would work as subordinates to himself. His authority extended 50 miles inland from the coast to allow pursuit of the pirates. Pompeius divided his fleet consisting of Romans and allies into 13 units and distributed them all over the Mediterranean. He gave the command of the Roman navy to his brother-in-law, Claudius Pulcher. The units would fight in a coordinated manner and cut off the connections and supply lines of the enemy. The commander of the naval unit that was operating around the shores of Cilicia and Lycia was Quintus Caecilius Metellus Nepos. Pompeius, on the other hand, was acting, roaming and managing the entire operation autonomously with an armada of 60 ships in his command (Magie 1950: 299). Pompeius, who was equipped with such power and authority, claims that he cleansed the coasts of Cilicia from pirates with legendary speed in only 70 days. The Cilician cities resorted to extraordinary remedies to protect themselves against pirates. For example, the people of Aigaea (Aegaea) probably thought that they could protect themselves from pirate attacks by indicating on coins that their city was ‘sacred and autonomous’ after the death of Seleukos VI (95 BC), forgetting that Rome did not have any sense of respect towards such sham sanctities. Pompeius dealt the fatal blow to the pirates in a naval battle off the shores of Coracaesium (Alanya). He settled the pirates he took as prisoners in cities whose populations had been evacuated, such as Adana, Mallos, Epiphaneia and in particular Soloi (Viranşehir) (Appian, Mithridatic Wars 96; Dreizehnter 1975: 239; Grünewald 1999: 113). The population of Soloi had previously been much depleted due to the Armenian king Tigranes exiling their people to Tigranocerta. These were people that were good at agriculture; they would later celebrate the ‘Holy Ecumenical Cult of Dionysius’ in Adana during the Roman Imperial Period. Pompeius later settled his discharged veterans at Soloi, giving the city the status of freedom (civitas libera) and, from then on, Soloi was called Pompeiopolis in honour of his name. As he did throughout the Near East which was now under his command, Pompeius engaged in a wide-ranging reorganization in Cilicia and took Cilician cities under direct Roman protection. He gave Mopsuestia the status of a liberated city (civitas libera) (Sayar 1999: 204, note 68). Furthermore, the shadow cast by his association with Lucullus enabled the deposition of Antiochos XIII, the Seleucid king , thus establishing a legal pretext for Roman rule in Cilicia aided by the lex Pompeia issued by Pompeius himself. Pompeius added Cilicia Pedias (Plain Cilicia), nominally under the rule of the Seleucids, to the lands of the province of Cilicia in 6463 BC (Breglia 1972: 327ff; Ziegler 1993: 203ff). However, to what extent the inner, and especially the northern parts of Plain Cilicia that stretched over to the Taurus Mountains, were controlled by the Romans or the native Tarcondimotus Dynasty is controversial. Only three cities were established to the north of

20

The Importance of the Southern Mediterranean Coast Castabala-Hieropolis and Anazarbos in this period: Augusta, Flaviopolis and Eirenopolis; the territorium of the region was divided between these three cities. When we look further north, that is to Feke, Saimbeyli and Tufanbeyli, located to the north of the Kozan-Kadirli line, it appears that the region was devoid of cities except for Şar-Comana and a few other centers. The cities, in particular Comana, were ruled by priests based upon a system that went back to old Kizzuwatnaean traditions. Neither Roman nor Tarcondimotan rule could be established over these places. Instead, the region was ruled by various clans and tribes, as in the northern part of Rough Cilicia and the Ketis in Isauria (Jones 1971: 205-206). Other than Cilicia, Pamphilia, Lycia and Pisidia were included within the province of Cilicia formed by Pompeius Magnus in 64 BC and the center of the province was Tarsus, which meant that the borders of the province stretched from the Chelidonia Mountains to the Bay of Iskenderun. Cyprus was added to these wide lands in 58 BC while Laodiceia/Cibyra, Apameia and Synnada in the Phrygian Region were added in 56 BC The native population, who were weary of the troubles of piracy and the internal strife of the Seleucids, were naturally grateful for these reforms and the administrative organization implemented by Pompeius. Also, the strategic importance of Cilicia to Rome increased as it became a location that encompassed a route originating from Ephesus, going down to Tarsus through Konya and the Gülek Bay and controlling the routes that led from there to Syria. Conclusion How much unrecorded history the events large and small summarized above omit and to what extent they are true is hard to know for certain. The invasion of Cyprus by the Hittites; the Cyprus and Egypt campaigns which the Persian satraps conducted from the Southern Anatolian coasts; the possibility that timber-poor Egypt, who ruled over the region during the Ptolemaic era, could have built boats en masse in the region; lumber transportation; Neriglissar’s invasions and Pompeius’s pirate wars appear the leading events. There is another point that needs to be taken into consideration. In the Early Byzantine period (5th-6th centuries AD), that is to say, on the eve of the destructive Sassanian and Muslim Arab attacks that ravaged and exhausted the whole of Anatolia, the region experienced a great boom in terms of trade, economy and religion, and the exemption of priests and churches from taxation accelerated the construction of churches in the region, which was already proceeding in great numbers. Much as in Cappadocia, it seemed as if everyone became a priest and churches were built at every step. Concrete examples of this social boom can be explicitly observed in the many newer cities established in the region. Mylai-Manastır located just west of Taşucu is the best example of this. The establishment of temporary settlements may have been the result of either the discovery of a very important mine and its processing and export, the lumber trade, or the increase in stockbreeding, if not in agriculture. The products were naturally exported to Cyprus, the Near East and Egypt alongside Central Anatolia. The unceasing medieval Muslim campaigns, in particular against Constantinople and Byzantium are also factors that should be considered when dating the shipyards. Similar events continued later. As a matter of principle, it is necessary to ask how and where the stone extracted from nearby Kösrelik Island was transported. As a more contemporary example of a sudden economic boom, it can be noted that the region, which had been stagnant economically, was filled with cement factories in recent years, with the roads full of cement trucks. The final link in the chain will happen after the Akyar nuclear plant is opened. Finally, we should ask why the shipyards were

21

Dana Island built on the island instead of on the mainland. Was the island better protected against the attacks of the forces that dominated the seas from land? Bibliography ARNAUD, D. (2004) Nabuchodnosor II Roi de Babylone (Paris 2004) ARSLAN, M. (2001) Tarsus City Coins in the Roman Period. Anatolian Civilizations Museum Yearbook of 2000 (Ankara 2001) AYDINGÜN, H. (2014) Uygar Dünyanın İlk Yıkılışı M. Ö. 1200 (Istanbul 2014) BEAL, R.H. (1992) The Location of Cilician Ura. Anatolian Studies XLII (1992) BREGLIA, L.P.D. (1972) La provincia di Cilicia e gli ordinamenti di Pompeo. Rendiconti dell’Accademia di Archeologia, Lettere e Belle Arti di Napoli 47 (1972) BRIANT, P. (2002) From Cyrus to Alexander: A History of the Persian Empire (Indiana 2002) BRINKMAN, J.A. (1984) Prelude to empire : Babylonian society and politics, 747-626 BC (Philadelphia 1984) BRINKMAN, J.A. (1992) Babylonia in the shadow of Assyria (747–626 BC) in CAH III/2 (Cambridge 1992) CASABONNE, O. (1996a) Notes Ciciliciennes I-II. Anatolia Antiqua IV (Paris 1996) CASABONNE, O. (1996b) Présence et influence Perses en Cilicie à l’époque achéménide : iconographie et représentations. Anatolia Antiqua IV (Paris 1996) CASABONNE, O. (1999) Local Powers and Persian Model in Achamenid Cilicia: A Reassessment. Olba II (1999) CASABONNE, O. (2000) Notes Ciliciennes. Anatolia Antiqua VIII (Paris 2000) CASABONNE, O. (2004a) A Political and Cultural Portrait of Cilicia From the End of the Bronze Age to the Macedonian Conquest (XIIth-IVth Cent BC) in European Union Mosaic Programme. Mersin Region Steeped in Ancient History and Culture (Mersin 2004) CASABONNE, O. (2004b) La Cilicie à l’époque achéménide. Persika 3 (Paris 2004) TEN CATE, Ph.H.J.H. (1965) The Luwian Population Groups of Lycia and Cilicia Aspera During the Hellenistic Period (Leiden 1965) DAVESNE, A., A. LEMAIRE and H. LOZACHMEUR (1987) Le site archéologique de Meydancikkale (Turquie) ; du rovaume de Pirindu à la garnison ptolémaïque. Comptes rendus des séances de l’Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres Année 1987 DESIDERI, P. and A.M. JASINK (1990) Dall’ età di Kizzuwatna alla conquista macedone (Torino 1990) DONNER, H. and W. RÖLLIG (1962) Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften, vol. 1: Texte (Wiesbaden 1962) DREIZEHNTER, A. (1975) Pompeius als Städtegründer. Chiron 5 (Munich 1975) ERZEN, A. (1940) Kilikien bis zum Ende der Perserherrschaft (Leipzig 1940) GIBSON, J.C.L. (1975) Textbook of Syrian Semitic Inscriptions Vol. 2, Aramaic inscriptions. including inscriptions in the dialect of Zenjirli (Oxford 1975) GLASSNER, J.-J. (1993) Chroniques Mésopotamiennes (Paris 1993) GOETZE, A. (1939) Cuneiform Inscriptions from Tarsus. Journal of the American Oriental Society 59 (1) GRAYSON, K. (1975) Assyrian and Babylonian Chronicles, Texts from Cuneiform Sources 5 (New York 1975) GRÜNEWALD, T. (1999) Räuber, Rebellen, Rivalen, Rächer (Stuttgart 1999)

22

The Importance of the Southern Mediterranean Coast HEBERDEY, R. and A. WILHELM (1896) Reisen in Kilikien, ausgeführt 1891 und 1892 im auftrage der Kaiserlichen akademie der wissenschaften. Denkschriften der Kaiserlichen Akademie der Wissenschaften. Philosophisch-Historische Classe, 44 (Vienna 1896) HELLENKEMPER, H. and F. HILD (1986) Neue Forschungen in Kilikien (Vienna 1986) HORNBLOWER, S. (1994) Asia Minor in CAH VI (Cambridge 1994) JOANNÈS, F. (1991) L’Asie Mineure méridionale d’après la documentation cunéform d’époque néo-Babylonienne. Anatolia Antiqua, Tome I (Paris 1991) JACOBS, B. (1999) Freie Völker im Achämenidenreich- zu einem Topos in der antiken Überlieferung zur persichen Reichsverwaltung. Olba II (1999) JEAN, E. (2001) La Cilicie: Pluralité et unité in E. JEAN, A.M. DINÇOL and S. DURUGÖNÜL (eds.) La Cilicie : espaces et pouvoirs locaux (IIe millénaire av. J.-C. – IVe siècle ap. J.-C.) (Paris 2001) JONES, A.H.M. (1971) The Cities of the Eastern Roman Provinces (Oxford, 2nd ed. 1971) KARASU, C. (1998) The Great Sea according to the Hittite Texts, in A. SEDAT and S. AYGÜL (eds.) Acts of the IIIrd International Congress of Hittitology (Ankara 1998) KEIL, J. and A. WILHELM (1931) Denkmäler aus dem Rauhen Kilikien (Manchester 1931) LEMAIRE, A. and H. LOZACHMEUR (1990) La Cilicie à l’époque Perse. Recherches sur lespouvoirs locaux et l’organisation du territoire. Transeuphratène 3 MACKAY, T.S. (1990) The Major Sanctuaries of Pamphylia and Cilicia in H. TEMPORINI and W. HAASE (eds.) Aufstieg und Niedergang der römischen Welt (ANRW) II (Berlin 1990) MAGIE, D. (1950) Roman Rule in Asia Minor to the End of the Third Century (Princeton 1950) NAUGAYROL, J., E. LAROCHE, C. VIROLLEAUD, and C.F.A. SCHAEFFER (1968) Ugaritica V (Paris 1968) OREN, E.D. (ed.) (2000) The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment (Philadelphia 2000) ROLLIGER, R. (2003) The Western Expansion of the Median ‘Empire’: A Re-examination in G. LANFRANCHI, M. ROAF and R. ROLLIGER (eds.) Continuity of empire : Assyria, Media, Persia (Padova 2003) SALMERI, G. (2003) Processes of Hellenization in Cilicia. Olba VIII (2003) SANDARS, N.K. (1985) The Sea Peoples: Warriors of the Eastern Mediterranean 1250–1150 BC (London, 1978, 2nd edn 1985) SAYAR, M.H. (1999) Antik Kilikya’da fiehirleflme, T.T. Kong., XII/1 (Ankara 1999) SINGER, I. (2000) New Evidence on the End of the Hittite Empire in E.D. OREN (ed.) The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment (Philadelphia 2000) SMITH, S. (1926) Babylonian Historical Texts, Relating to the Capture and Downfall of Babylon (London 1926) SOMMER, K.G. (2015) Der 21. Januar 1192 v. Chr.: Der Untergang Ugarits? (Munich 2015) STERN, E. (2001) Archaeology of the Land of the Bible Vol. II: The Assyrians, Babylonians, and Persians (732-322 B.C E.) (New Haven 2001) STROBEL, K. (2008) Die kulturelle und religiöse Entwicklung Altphrygiens II: Von Hattusa nach Gordion. Mit einem Anhang zum Kizil Dag, in E. WINTER (ed.) Vom Euphrat bis zum Bosporus. Kleinasien in der Antike, Asia Minor Studien 65/2 (Bonn 2008) TEKIN, O. (1992) Antik Nümismatik ve Anadolu (Istanbul 1992) ÜNAL, A. (1999) The Hittites and Anatolian Civilizations (İstanbul 1999) ÜNAL, A. (2000) Kizzuwatna Kingdom in Adana. History of Adana and Cukurova from the Stone Age to the fall of the Hittite Kingdom in E. ARTUN and M.S. KOZ (eds.) Efsaneden Tarihe, Tarihten Bugüne Adana Köprü Başı (Istanbul 2000)

23

Dana Island ÜNAL, A. (2014) Fraudulent Premises of Anatolian Historiography and Early Hittite Involvement in and Direct Control of Cilicia Kizzuwatna in N. CINARDALI-KARAASLAN et al. (eds.) Some Observations on Anatolian Cultures Compiled in Honor of Armağan Erkanal (Ankara 2014) ÜNAL, A. (2018) Old Anatolian Political History. Book 1: From the Old Stone Age to the Fall of the Hittite State (60.000-1180 BC) (Ankara 2018) WALLINGA, H.T. (1991) Naval Installations in Cilicia Pedias: The Defence of the parathalassia in Achamenid Times and After. Anatolia Antiqua I (Paris 1991) WISEMAN, D.J. (1956) Chronicles of Chaldean kings, (626-556 BC) in the British Museum (London 1956) WISEMAN, D.J. (1992) Babylonia (605–539 BC) in CAH III/2 (Cambridge 1992) YIĞITBAŞIOĞLU (1991) Geomorphological Observations in Meydancıkkale and its Surroundings in Anatolia Antiqua I (Paris 1991) ZADOK, R. (1985) Repertoire geographique des textes cuneiformes. Vol. 8, Geographical names according to new- and late-Babylonian texts (Wiesbaden 1985) ZIEGLER, R. (1993) Ären kilikischer Städte und Politik des Pompeius in Südostkleinasien’, Tyche 8 (1993)

24

Slipway numbers 139, 140, 141 and the structures behind them.

Chapter 3

Hittites and Seafaring Özlem Sir Gavaz At the beginning of the second millennium BC, the Hittite state, which was founded in Hattusacenter area (Bogazkale) in the Kızılırmak (Marasantiya) arc, consolidated its central authority in Anatolia from the rule of its first king Hattusuli and set its eyes on the rich port cities of Upper Mesopotamia and North Syria. The Hittites developed various strategies in order to establish dominance in this region and they reached a position that competed with their contemporaries in Egypt, Babylon, and then Assyria with these effective foreign policy lunges. The most important evidence of trade, which the Hittites targeted from their foundation, extending from the Eastern Mediterranean region to the interior of Central Europe, are the shipwrecks dating to the Late Bronze Age. The Gelidonya (Taşlıkburnu) shipwreck, the Uluburun shipwreck near Kaş, the Cape Ira shipwreck on the northern coast of the Gulf of Argos in Greece and the Hishulei Carmel, Kibbuz Hahotrim, and Beit Yannai shipwrecks on the shores of the Israel show the international dimension of maritime trade in the Eastern Mediterranean Region in the Late Bronze Age (Bass, 2006: 305, 309-310). In particular the Uluburun shipwreck reveals how the raw material needs of the Eastern Mediterranean Region were met by copper and tin transport along the east-west route in the Late Bronze Age (Pulak, 2006: 58; Matthäus, 2006: 341 et al.). Trade routes from central and southern Asia to the Zagros Mountains through today’s Afghanistan and Tajikistan reached the rich port cities in northern Syria by crossing the Tigris and Euphrates rivers. A trade route which included Egypt, Anatolia, Cyprus and the Aegean Islands, reached Central Europe and the shipment of the high-quality goods of the East was successfully carried out (Sir Gavaz, 2012b: 2819). On the other hand, the commercial route included the rich port cities of the northern Syria region, which started from the Egyptian border. Goods loaded from the ports of Tell el-Ajjul, Askalon, Akko, Tyros, Sidon, Byblos (Gubla) and Ugarit (Matthäus, 2006: 353.; Klengel, 2006: 369 et al.), including Alasiya (Cyprus) were probably being transported to Rhodes, Knossos, Mycenae and further to the western lands (Genz, 2006: 379; Matthäus, 2006: 356 et al.). To be able to rule over this trade route was the greatest dream and ideal of all the powerful states of the period. The Hittites occasionally performed military activities during the time of the Old and Middle Kingdoms in Northern Syria and the Upper Mesopotamia region, which controlled Eastern Mediterranean trade, but failed to gain long-term dominance over the region. In the 14th century, the Eastern Mediterranean region, with its rational foreign policy and successful military tactics against the local kingdoms of the region, came under the rule of the Hittite administration for nearly two hundred years. With alliances signed with rich port cities such as Amurru and Ugarit in northern Syria, the Hittites gained great power both on land and at sea, and received much of their share of the profits from the international trade of the period. Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 26–35

Hittites and Seafaring The conflicts between local kingdoms in the northern Syria region allowed the Hittite state to have a more comfortable sway over the region and to hold on to it. The Amarna tablet records how the Amurru king Azizu, probably after being the Hittites’ vassal, had disrupted the relationship between the local kingdoms in the region and Egypt. This was expressed by the king of Gubla (Byblos), Rib-Addi, to the Pharaoh of Egypt: ‘Respectable king, my lord, I would like to let you know that Aziru became hostile towards me, that he held twelve of my people for ransom, and that he valued 50 shekels of silver ransom (for them). In addition, he captured the people, I sent to Sumura in that Wahliya. All the ships belonging to the people of Tyre, Beruta, and Sidon are in the hands of Amurru’. (EA 114, 6-14; Moran, 1987: 196 et al.). As can be understood from this letter, Tyre, Beruta, and Sidon, important port cities driving Eastern Mediterranean trade, had been seized by the Hittite State and all the ships belonging to these cities had been confiscated. Later in the letter EA 114, it was recorded that Rib Addi sent his envoy Amanmasa to Egypt via Alasiya (Cyprus) along a different sea route: ‘Under these circumstances, conditions are getting worse. Here, Amanmasa, ask him if I send him to you by Alasiya’ (EA 114, 49-53; Moran, 1987: 196 et al.). The Amurru State had a special position, located within the sphere of influence of Egypt and bordering the local kingdoms of Hittite vassals in Syria (Klengel, 1992: 113.; Sir Gavaz, 2010: 32.). Therefore, the control of the land and sea routes leading to Egypt was under the control of the Hittites due to the subjugation of Amurru by the Hittites.

Figure 3.1 KBo 10.12: A part of the treaty signed between the Hittite King Suppiluliuma I and the Amurru King Aziru

27

From the texts we can deduce that the Hittite State may have benefited from the land and sea power of Amurru from the period of Suppiluliuma I to Suppiluliuma II, the last king of the empire. Yet, the vassal treaty (Figure 3.1) between Suppiluliuma I and the Amurru king Aziru was revised and renewed. Although Amurru sometimes exhibited proEgyptian attitudes, they had to follow a loyal stance to the Hittite state until the end of the Empire. In the treaty between Tuthaliya IV and the king of

Dana Island Amurru, Sausgamuwa, the Hittite king ordered the Amurru State to implement a commercial boycott against Assyria and Ahiyawa. In the treaty’s text, Assyrian merchants were not allowed to pass to Amurru nor Amurru merchants to Assyria. It also emphasized that it did not allow trade between Assyria and the Ahiyawa country. ‘Let no ship of the land of Ahiyawa go to him (the king of Assyria)!’ (KUB 23.1 ay.4 14-23; Taş, 2008: 263; Alparslan, 2006: 383. Beckman-Bryce-Cline, 2011: 63). These trade embargo provisions show the dominance of the Hittite State in the region and the loyalty of Amurru to the Hittite State. We should especially emphasize that the land and naval power of the Amurru State, located at a strategic point in interstate trade, represented the power of the Hittite State in the region. The archives of Ugarit (Ras-şamra), one of the most important and rich port cities in northern Syria, provide us with detailed information about the dominance of the Hittites over the land and sea trade routes in the region and allow us to make some inferences about Hittite maritime interests. Ugarit’s fleet of high-quality ships had an important role in ensuring food supply through shipping, both for military purposes and in times of famine. (Beckman, 1992: 44). The fact that Ugarit was a Hittite vassal undoubtedly strengthened the power of the Hittite state in the region and strengthened its hand. Indeed, the Hittites who obtained such an important opportunity must have taken as much advantage as possible of Ugarit’s experience in shipping. In the letter of Amarna EA 126, the king of Gubla (Byblos) Rib-Addi complained that Ugarit no longer sent ships to Amenophis IV (Moran, 1987: 339 et al.). This means that when Ugarit became a Hittite vassal, the Hittites also exercised power over the Ugaritic fleet and commercial and military relations ceased between the local kingdoms, which had been in close relations with Egypt. In the following lines of the letter, it states that the Hittites captured the whole country and headed to Byblos (Sir Gavaz, 2012a: 30). This clearly demonstrates that Ugarit and the Hittites were acting together according to the treaty between Suppiluliuma I and the king of Ugarit, Niqmadu II (RS 17.340; Nougayrol, 1956, 48-52.). The list of places given to Ugarit was reaffirmed by Mursili II in a renewed treaty with Niqmepa, king of Ugarit (RS 17.237; Nougayrol, 1956, 53-63). In the treaty text, 42 places were named as being given to Ugarit. These settlements spread from the Asi River to the Mediterranean (Singer, 1999: 635). Some of these places are said to have reached to the east of the Asi River and even to the southern region of Aleppo (Astour, 1969: 404). These lands include the area between Jebel al-Aqra (Sapa / Mt. Casius) in the north, the Alawite chain of mountains to the east (Jebel Ansariyah or Mt Bargylus), and the Nahr es-Sinn in the south, which retains the name of the old Siyannu kingdom. This place is largely located at the modern city of Latakia (Singer, 1999: 635). Undoubtedly, the reason for such vast lands being left to the administration of Ugarit, and the true cause of this privilege, was the contribution made by Ugarit to the Hittite State on both land and sea. The Hittite State not only shared the commercial earnings of Ugarit but also benefited from its intermediary position as a mediator in the trade between Anatolia and Syria. Written texts show that trade between Ugarit and Anatolia was governed by the merchants of Ura. Commercial goods from Egypt, the Palestinian shores and from Alasiya to Ugarit were shipped via the port city of Ura in the south. From there, they were transported to Hattusa by land by the merchants of Ura called the ‘merchants of the Majesty/King’ or ‘King’s communes’ (Unal, 2014: 404). In letter numbered 17.130, the king of Ugarit, Niqmepa III, complained to Hattusili that the merchants of Ura had settled in Ugarit and reside in Ugarit all year round (Nougayrol, 1956: 102 et al.; Ünal 2014: 405.). It seems that Ugarit’s native people were not very happy with the merchants. It is clear that the merchants of Ura, who were obliged to bring grain to the Hittite state, especially to Hattuša, and who received their orders 28

Hittites and Seafaring directly from the Hittite king and high-ranking officers, unsettled Ugarit, the most important vassal and ally of the Hittites in the region, and violated the rules. Thereupon, Hattusili III reviewed and renewed the conditions of trade in Ugarit for the merchants of Ura, as well as making other decisions in favor of Ugarit (Kuhrt, 2009: 406). In parallel with the expansion of the territory under its control, immediately after entering Hittite vassalage, Ugarit also underwent a commercial and economic, as well as a political rise. Seals, an important symbol of political power, are mostly in found Ugarit, except for the capital Hattusa, and bear witness to the strong and strategic role of Ugarit within the region. Of course, this also demonstrates the intimate commitment of Ugarit to the Hittite state. The seal impressions belonging to the famous Hittite Queen Puduhepa are particularly attractive. The wife of Hattusili III and the stepmother of Tuthaliya IV, the Hurrian Queen Puduhepa is known from documents to have owned a ship at the port of Ugarit. In the document numbered RS 17.133; Queen Puduhepa’s seal is found under the decision of a court sent to Ammistamru, king of Ugarit on a ship that was sinking off Ugarit and was owned by Puduhepa (Singer, 1999: 661; Ünal, 2014: 408). The fact that Queen Puduhepa had a ship here provides further evidence that the Port of Ugarit was under the control of the Hittite state. On the other hand, document RS 34.147 contains a list of ships belonging to the king of Carchemish at the Port of Ugarit and information on the ships’ personnel is shared (Singer, 2000: 22). 14 ships were listed with their captains or their owners. It is noteworthy that a man from Sidon and Akko was recorded in this list. According to Singer, the presence of a fleet for the transport of grain in Ugarit was already known, but it is very important that a fleet of ships belonging to the king of Carchemish was kept in Ugarit. In addition, in RS 34.138, the king of Carchemish emphasized that some of the ships belonging to him in the port of Ugarit could be sent to Sidon and Byblos, but he did not allow them to go to further regions (Singer, 2000: 22.; Emanuel, 2017: 140.). Since the time of Suppiluliuma I, the kings of Carchemish (Hawkins, 1976-80: 429) had controlled the Hittite kingdom in northern Syria and upper Mesopotamia and were responsible for protecting Hittite interests in the region at first hand. The kings were observed to take the necessary measures not only on land but also at sea. Drought and famine in the country, starting from the reign of king Tuthaliya IV of the Hittite Imperial Period until the period of last king Suppiluliuma II, were recorded in many documents (Dinçol, 1982: 51; Van den Hout, 2013: 43). The letter sent to the king of Ugarit by the king of Carchemish is important. In the letter numbered RS 20.212, it can be seen that the merchants of Ura demanded grain from Carchemish, then the king of Carchemish supplied two thousand measures of barley from Mukis and ordered Ugarit to prepare a large vessel to carry this cargo to Hatti (Hoftijzer-Soldt, 2009: 341). In the text RS 18.148, which dates to the end of the kingdom of Ugarit, very important information is given but which is not fully understood. In a letter to the king of Ugarit, a man named Yadinu, who described himself as the servant of the king of Ugarit, asked him to protect his country against an external threat. In addition, he expresses a request to the king to supply 150 ships and 400 HAPIRU men (Unal, 2016: 157) or shipyard workers (Emanuel, 2017: 138). Of course, the main concern here is whether there are 150 ships in the Ugaritic fleet. Is this number exaggerated? Does Ugarit have a fleet of 150 ships? Or by using the word ‘supply’ here, is the implication that Ugarit will seek the assistance of ships and crew from neighboring and friendly kingdoms? Furthermore, did the Ugaritic Kingdom have the ability to assemble 150 ships under its command? (Emanuel 2017: 140). Unfortunately, we cannot answer these 29

Dana Island questions clearly from this document. But even so, all the documents we have submitted so far show how effective Ugarit was in maritime affairs, and that there were ships and even a fleet of ships belonging to Ugarit and the Hittite State in its port. On the other hand, towards the end of the Hittite Empire, the correspondence between Ugarit and Alasiya about the Sea Peoples is remarkable. Some measures against the enemy coming from the sea have been tried and co-operated on. The fact that the king of Ugarit called the king of Alasiya ‘Father’ (RS 20.168; Linder, 1981: 38) shows that Ugarit was still a Hittite vassal. This means that Alasiya is superior to Ugarit as an independent kingdom or in status during this period. In another letter, Alasiya’s vizier, Esuwara, writes to the king of Ugarit: ‘about the issue with the enemy: these issues were made by the people of your country and your ships. Moreover, they were made by the people of your country. However, you did not catch them for me. Now, 20 ships of the enemy left in the mountainous area are not there. They acted hastily. We don’t know where they left off. Get to know about this.’ (RS 20.18, 7-25; Nau- gayrol-Laroche-VirolleaudSchaeffer, 1968: 83-85; Klengel, 1999: 307; Hofti- jzer-Soldt, 2009: 343). As seen here, the vizier of Alasiya states that despite the hostile attitude of the ships belonging to Ugarit and the people of Ugarit to Alasiya, Ugarit did not intervene. In addition, we see that the fate of these 20 enemy ships found in the mountainous region, but overlooked, is unknown and that he has informed Ugarit of this situation. We might speculate as to where this mountainous area might be? What did Vizier Esuwara mean when he said, ‘your ships and people were doing these things?’ In that case, do these 20 ships belong to Ugarit and therefore to the Hittite fleet? In another document found in the Ugarit archives (RS 20.238) on the other hand, it is recorded that the ships of Ugarit were waiting in Lukka, perhaps hiding there, and that seven enemy ships reaching the port of Ugarit set fire to and destroyed the city of Ugarit. The letter must have been written by the king of Ugarit to inform the king of Alasiya, or to ask for help: ‘and all my ships are waiting in the land of Lukka. So far, they have not arrived, and this is how the country remained. My father, you should know about this country. Seven ships that have arrived here now belong to the enemy. And they destroyed the country’ (Klengel, 1999: 308.; Wachsmann, 2000: 104). This letter shows that all of the ships of the Hittites vassal, Ugarit, had taken shelter in Lukka. This must mean that Lukka was an ally of the Hittites during this period and protected the Ugarit-Hittite ships during the invasions of the Sea Peoples. Actually, Van den Hout suggests that Suppiluliuma II wanted the Hittite fleet to be sent to Lukka, and that this was understood from the correspondence with Ugarit (Van den Hout, 2103: 41; see also Dinçol, 1982: 52). The Lukka, located in a region extending from the south end of Pamphilia to the west along Lycia, and known as a vassal from the time the Hittite Empire began to spread towards Arzawa, were known as a people of sailors. They were even known for their piracy activities in the Eastern Mediterranean and surrounding coastal cities (Melchert, 2010: 52vd). At this point, we must mention Madduwata’s raids on Alasiya with the help of his fleet of ships, which were of Lukkan origin. It is known that Madduwata, expelled from his country by Attarsiya from Ahhiyawa, was protected by the Hittite king, but acted duplicitously against the Hittite State. Madduwata initially acted as a servant of the Hittites, and later began to conceal his activities from the Hittite State and act on his own. What is important here is that Maduwata had prepared a fleet of Lukka ships (Beckman-Bryce, Cline, 2011: 98 et al.). The Hittite state probably had the opportunity to take advantage of Lukka’s naval power and ships when the Lukka state came under the command of the Hittites. A tablet from the reign of Suppiluliuma II, the last king of the Hittite Empire states: ‘I acted. I, the Great king Suppluliuma, quickly crossed the sea and the ships of the Alasiya attacked 30

Hittites and Seafaring me three times in the sea. And I destroyed them. And I got the ships. And I set them on fire in the sea. But when I arrived in the dry land, the enemies of Alasiya came to me in a crowd.’ (KBo 12.38 ay. III 2-13; Klengel, 1999: 302 et al.) (Figure 3.2). It is plausible to say that the maritime knowledge of the Hittites was well-developed and that they could have had a good fleet considering the maritime wars mentioned in this text. Another point to emphasize here is that the enemy ships mentioned above and by the vizier Esuwa of Alasiya in the Ugarit archive in the letter RS 20.18 may have been owned by Hittites? Perhaps Ugarit was trying to maintain its good relations with Alasiya through diplomatic means due to its trading relations, and the Hittites were trying to take over the island by taking advantage of this peaceful environment. In fact, when Vizier Eswara said to the King of Ugarit, ‘your ships and people who were hostile’, perhaps that was what he meant. According to Gurney, the Hittites did not have a navy. It is also unknown what kind of vessels they used to maintain their relations with Alasiya (Cyprus), which was under their control (Gurney, 2001: 94). The question of how they established their dominance over Alasiya remains unanswered. In our opinion, through the control of northern Syria and its port cities, the Hittites not only had a say in trade by land and sea but also had access to a good navy. Of course, the Lukka lands and their fleet of ships should not be forgotten. As the Lukka region fell under the hegemony of the Hittite state, the maritime activities of the Hittites in the Mediterranean gained momentum.

Figure 3.2 KBo 12.38, a tablet that deals with the war between Suppluliuma II and Alasiya

31

During the reign of Amara in the 14th century BC, the king of Cyprus addressed him as ‘my brother’ in his correspondence with Egypt’s Pharaoh. The commercial successes of Cyprus, which appears in a friendly and equal position with the Egyptian pharaoh, resulted in its attractive position to the powerful states of the period. (EA 33; EA 35; Erzen, 1976: 102). The letter EA 40 states that ships and traders belonging to Alasiya were seized. One of the rulers of Alasiya wrote to the Egyptian ruler that the ships belonged to the Alasiyan King and that they should be sent immediately: ‘also, my brother, these people and this ship belong to the king. Sir, send the king’s ship (back) immediately!’ (EA 40, 16-20; Moran, 1987: 209). With its

Dana Island strategic position on trade routes and wealth in some commercial goods, especially copper, Alasiya was a country which the powerful states of the period wanted to dominate. Although the island has occasionally been considered as a Hittite vassal, it did not fall completely under the Hittite hegemony, unlike Ugarit nor the other local kingdoms of northern Syria. The most important reason for this was because it had a privileged position in shipping and maritime trade and probably had not cut off its ties with Egypt. According to Van den Hout, the island was under Hittite domination from Arnuwanda I until Muwatalli II, or even later, until Tuthaliya IV (Van den Hout, 2013: 39). To conclude, based on the philological and archaeological data we have provided so far, we can say that although the Hittites were not a seafaring people, they were intensively engaged in maritime activities. Especially after the capture of the northern Syrian port cities, it is understood that the Hittites carried out advanced commercial activities in the Eastern Mediterranean via these ports and that they had developed a fleet. Alasiya fell under the hegemony of the Hittites from time to time as well as the Lukkas, who carried out maritime activities on the southwest coast, actions that strengthened the superiority of the Hittites on the seas. Bibliography ALPARSLAN, M. (2006), Der Handel im Hethiterreich: Ein Interpretationsversuch nach den hethitischen Quellen in Ünsal Yalçın, Cemal Pulak, Rainer Slotta (eds.) Das Schiff von Uluburun: Welthandelvor 3000 Jahren Bochum: 383-385. ASTOUR, M. C. (1969), The Position of the Confederacy of Mukiš-Nuhašše-Nii by Šuppiluliuma. A study in Political Geography of the Amarna Age, Or38: 381-414. BASS, G. F. (2006), Die Schiffswracks der Bronzezeit im östlichen Mittelmeer, in Ünsal Yalçın, Cemal Pulak, Rainer Slotta (eds.) Das Schiff von Uluburun: Welthandelvor 3000 Jahren, Bochum: 305-310. BECKMAN, G. M. (1992), Hittite Administration in Syria in the Light of the Texts from Hattuša, Ugarit and Emar, in M.W. Chavalos and J.C.V. Hayes (eds.) New Horizons in the Study of Ancient Syria, Bibliotheca Mesopotamica 25, Malibu: 41-49. BECKMAN, G., BRYCE, T. and CLINE, E. (2011), The Ahhiyawa Texts, Atlanta. DINÇOL, A. M. (1982), Hititler, Anadolu Uygarlıkları Ansiklopedisi 1, İstanbul: 17-120. EMANUEL, J. P. (2017), Black Ships and Sea Raiders: The Late Bronze– Early Iron Age Context of Odysseus’ Second Cretan Lie. Lanham: Rowman & Littlefield. ERZEN, A. (1976), İlkçağ Tarihinde Kıbrıs, Belleten, Cilt: XL, Sayı: 157: 93-105. FREYDANK, H. (1960), Eine hethitische Fassung des Yertrages zwischen dem Hethiterkönig Suppiluliuma und Aziru van Amurru, MIO 7: 356-381. GANZ, H. (2006), Handwerk und Handel .in der Levante während der Spätbronzezeit, in Ünsal Yalçın, Cemal Pulak, Rainer Slotta (eds.) Das Schiff von Uluburun: Welthandelvor 3000 Jahren, Bochum: 375-382. GURNEY, O. R. (1952), The Hittites. Harmondsworth: Penguin HAWKINS, J.D. (1980), Karkamıs, RLA 5: 426-446. HOFTIJZER, J. and VAN SOLDT, W. H. (2009), Texts From Ugarit Pertaining to Seafaring in S. Wachsmann (ed.) Seagoing Ships and Seamanship in the Bronze Age Levant, Texas: 333-344. KLENGEL, H. (1992), Syria 3000 to 300 BC, A Handbook of Political History, Berlin. KLENGEL, H. (1999), Geschichte des Hethitischen Reiches, Leiden. 32

Hittites and Seafaring KLENGEL, H. (2006), Vom Persischen Golf zum Mittelmeer: Handel im Alten Orient, in Ünsal Yalçın, Cemal Pulak, Rainer Slotta (eds.) Das Schiff von Uluburun: Welthandelvor 3000 Jahren, Bochum: 369-374. KUHRT, A. (1995), The Ancient Near East, c.3000–330 BC, London: Routledge LINDER, E. (1981), Ugarit: Canaanite Thalassocracy, Ugarit in Retrospect: Fifty Years of Ugarit and Ugaritic, G. D. Young (ed.), Eisenbrauns: 31-42. MATTHÄUS, H. (2006), Kulturaustausch, Handel und Seefahrt im Mittelmeerraum während der Späten Bronzezeit, in Ünsal Yalçın, Cemal Pulak, Rainer Slotta (eds.) Das Schiff von Uluburun: Welthandelvor 3000 Jahren Bochum: 335-368. MELCHERT, H. C. (2003), The Luwians, Leiden: Brill. MORAN, W. L. (1987), Les Letters D’el-Amarna, Paris. PULAK, C. (2006), Das Schiffswrack von Uluburun, in Ünsal Yalçın, Cemal Pulak, Rainer Slotta (eds.) Das Schiff von Uluburun: Welthandelvor 3000 Jahren, Bochum: 57-104. NAUGAYROL, J. (1956), Le palais royal d’Ugarit 4. Textes accadiens des archives sud (Archives internationales), Paris. NAUGAYROL, J., LAROCHE, E., VIROLLEAUD, C. and SCHAEFFER, C. F. A. (1968), UGARITICA V, Paris. SAVAS, Ö. S. (2006), Çivi Yazılı Belgeler Işığında Anadolu’da (İ.Ö. 2. Bin Yılında) Madencilik ve Maden Kullanımı, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara. SINGER, I. (1999), A Political History of Ugarit, in W.G.E. Watson and N. Wyatt (eds.) Handbook of Ugarit Studies, Leiden: Brill. SINGER, I. (2000), New Evidence on the End of the Hittite Empire, in E. D. Oren (ed.) The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment, Philadephia: 21-34. SIR GAVAZ, Ö. (2010), M.Ö. 14. yy. Amurru Hitit İlişkileri, KUBABA 15: 31-41. SIR GAVAZ, Ö. (2012a), M.Ö. 14 Yüzyılda Hitit Vassali Ugarit, Mısır ve Doğu Akdeniz, Arkeoloji ve Sanat 140: 25-34. SIR GAVAZ, Ö. (2012b), Hitit İmparatorluğu’nun Suriye ve Yukarı Mezopotamya Ticaret Yolları Üzerindeki Hâkimiyet Politikası, ICANAS 38 (10-15 Eylül 2007), 2819-2835. TAŞ, İ. (2008), Hitit Kralı IV Tuthaliya. Asur Devleti’ne ve Suriye’deki Vassal Krallıklara Yönelik Politikası, İstanbul. ÜNAL, A. (2016), Hititçe-Türkçe, Türkçe –Hititçe Büyük Sözlük. Hattice, hu- rice, Hiyeroglif Luwicesi, Çivi Yazılı Luwicesi ve Palaca Sözlük Listeleriyle Birlikte, Ankara. VAN DEN HOUT, T. P. J. (2013), Hitit Krallığı ve İmparatorluğu’nun Kısa Tari- hi, in M. DoğanAlparslan, M. Alparslan (eds.) Hititler. Bir Anadolu İmparatorluğu, İstanbul: 22-44. WACHSMANN, S. (2000), To the Sea of the Philistines, in E. D. Oren (ed.) The Sea Peoples and Their World: A Reassessment, Philadelphia: 103-144.

33

West side of Dana Island

Chapter 4

Ancient Shipsheds on Dana Island: Some Preliminary Observations Olaf Höckmann and Hakan Öniz Underwater research was carried out in 2015 on the coast of Silifke district of Mersin in the east of the Rough Cilicia region on the Mediterranean coast of Turkey. This research project was carried out by one of the authors of this article (H. Öniz) under the supervision of the Silifke Museum Directorate with permission of the General Directorate of Cultural Heritage and Museums.1 During the underwater research, some rock-cut structural remains were detected in the north of Dana Island. Because of the structures’ connections with the land, the works continued onto the island itself, and the in-situ presence of about 274 slipways from different periods were seen, together with many other constructions such as fortification walls, watch towers, workshops and different types and sizes of house. The location of the island is at the centre of the coast of Rough Cilicia. This region has been subject to regional and international politics and trade since the Bronze Age because of both the cedar trees in the Taurus mountains and iron ore deposits in the Gazipaşa and Anamur regions. Cilicia was also famous because of piracy during the Roman Period. After these important discoveries related to seamanship in this key region, the team continued work. Surface survey, plant clearing and the drawing of site plans were carried out on the island in 2016, 2017 and 2018. After all of these studies the total number of rock-cut constructions has increased from about 274 to 294. This number may also change after the excavations on the island because there are still further traces of similar rock-cut constructions. The finds on Dana Island invite some preliminary considerations as to the character of about 294 (total of accurate and probable numbers) rock cuttings found. In what follows they are termed slipways and shipsheds since hundreds of similar rock cuttings all over the Mediterranean formed the floors of such ‘hangars’ for keeping ancient warships dry when not in action (Blackman et al. 2013). Their number on Dana surpasses the famous naval installations of Athens or Carthage. The Dana installations differ from them in comprising shipsheds of different sizes whereas the Greek and Punic ones were built for one type of big warship each, namely the treires at Athens and later at Carthage the larger penteres. Is there a system in the arrangement of the Dana sheds?

A Scientific Research and Investigation Ship was used for the accommodation and transportation of the team. The Mersin Chamber of Shipping, Mersin Chamber of Commerce and Industry, Mersin Tourism Development and Infrastructure Union gave support with regard to engaging and outfitting the ship and the technical equipment. Silifke Municipality and Yesilovacık Medcem Port contributed to the team’s food and beverage needs. 1 

Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 36–49

Ancient Shipsheds on Dana Island: Some Preliminary Observations

Figure 4.1 Dana Island shipyard area

Many of them are separated by strips of bedrock, the frequency being highest in section 6/1 and 6/6. Others may have been separated by lines of columns or timber posts carrying roofs that gave the ships protection from blazing sunshine in summer and rain in winter. Since no tiles are found among many of the finds at Dana the roofs seem to have consisted of perishable material. Roof tiles were seen mainly around of the other buildings, possible workshops. If it turns out that the Dana ‘hangars’ do not all form shipsheds but berths for ship construction they would be singular. No ancient shipyard of comparable size is known. One group at Dana (nos. 212-226 in section 6/5), however, differs from the bulk. According to the limited accessibility of some of them from the sea and other special features it can tentatively be separated from the other rock cuttings as forming a shipyard (see below) while the other ones served as shipsheds. Everything is to be seen under the proviso that the investigation of the shipsheds and the adjacent buildings is in an initial stage and that the sheds cannot be dated as yet. The slender proportions of most sheds or berths make it certain that they were meant for warships. There were no sheds for the beamy merchantmen of antiquity. The inhabitable space on the tiny mountainous islet of Dana is limited, excluding the possibility that a city state (polis) populous and wealthy enough to have built, manned and maintained a polis navy of 294 vessels could have existed there. Moreover, the supply of fresh water being confined to cisterns on the seaward side of the island is a crucial problem. It was insufficient for meeting the demand of a city populace plus thousands of rowers and marines manning the 294 vessels, or eventually the personnel of extensive shipyards. Even if the island was wooded in antiquity and had more cisterns/wells it seems doubtful that there was enough fresh water for thousands of people. Many cisterns identified in the inhabited area next to the shipsheds testify to the fact that well water was rare. It cannot as yet be estimated if they could supply a civilian population and a military garrison of thousands of sailors, rowers and 37

Dana Island

Figure 4.2 Widths of the Dana Island shipsheds

marines with fresh water. Was some water eventually ‘imported’ from the mainland by ship? For a parallel, the Phoenician city of Tyre, originally on a tiny island off the Lebanese coast may be considered to have lived on fresh water brought from the mainland by boat.2 If so, a watering station for Dana on the Cilician coast could be postulated. On the other hand studies on the island in 2018 demonstrated the capacity of the cisterns and that they were probably sufficient for about 6000 people. Research in 2018 also indicated a rich water source on the mainland, just 2.5 kms to the harbour from Dana Island. Another problem exists as to how these hosts were provided with grain and firewood that the tiny island could not produce. The grain for daily bread had to be imported by merchantmen. No quays or jetties for merchantmen or ‘water tankers’ to unload their cargo are as yet known. On the other hand, behind the slipways/shipsheds, there are at least a few buildings with a depot-granary character. The number and size of these buildings can be determined following excavations. Our interest focusses on about 294 shipsheds on the islet’s mainland side. In their layout a first glance shows that some groups of adjacent ones are by a straight run of their landward (back) ends united into blocks that were originally rectangular, as at Athens or Carthage (Figure 4.1), although the arrangement of the individual shipsheds is different. According to their preserved lengths they fall into four groups (H.Ö.): Large/21-34 m= 47(Accurate) + 1(Probable) = 48 Medium/14-20 m= 56(Accurate) + 30(Probable) = 86 Small/8-13 m= 93(Accurate) + 40(Probable) = 133 Forbes cites an undersea bronze pipeline for fresh water, built c. 700 BC (Forbes 1964: 149.179) but that was beyond the potentials of ancient technology. Transport by ship is easier to imagine (NP 12/1, 951 s.v. Tyrus), and an Assyrian report on Assarhaddon’s siege of Tyre actually states that the king ‘withheld’ the water for Tyre (Pritchard 1955: 293; Ji- dejian 1960: 48). 2 

38

Ancient Shipsheds on Dana Island: Some Preliminary Observations Boat/ 4-8 m= 26(Accurate) + 1(Probable) = 27 The existence of four groups of lengths among which the small group dominates, differs from the situation at Athens or Carthage where all shipsheds housed one type of large vessels, namely triereis and tetrereis at Athens and pentereis at Carthage. The actual shape of the blocks at Dana is, however, far from rectangular since the run of the shore is irregular due to sea erosion of the coastline. The jet current in the narrow channel between the mainland and Dana is aggressive, and since antiquity has thoroughly changed the coastline. For this reason it seems reasonable to start grouping the sheds by their widths that have not been affected by erosion. The preserved lengths will later come into their own again for interpreting groups of shipsheds defined by their width. If large shipsheds at Dana had been in use at the same time as small ones the ships could have formed one mixed division of the fleet of a major sea power, other divisions of which were stationed somewhere else. The condition would be met by the following navies: Persians in Xerxes‘ campaign against Greece (480 BC)3 Antigonos Monophthalmos (382-301 BC) The early Ptolemies (c. 320-220 BC) Seleukos IV Philopator (after 220-175 BC) The ‘Cilician pirates’ of the earlier 1st c. BC The Romans The Byzantines The Arabs Only for Xerxes‘ campaign against Greece in 480 BC is it known that 3000 smaller pentekontereis (warships with 50 rowers) accompanied the battle fleet of 1200 triereis. Herodotus (7, 97) does not mention their measurements but an archaeological source at Samos suggests a length of c. 30 m and a beam of c. 6.5 m for two-banked pentekontereis (Höckmann 1995: 218, fig 202; Höckmann 2013: 355 fig. 24.4a, 361). Single-banked ones would have been somewhat longer and sleeker. Smaller craft in battle fleets are not mentioned in the ancient sources. Scanning the Dana shipsheds by their widths (Figure 4.2) indicates a peak of frequency at widths of 4-4.9 m (accurate + probable = 50 sheds) and 7-7.9 (accurate + probable = 49 sheds). Minor peaks exist at 11-11.9 (accurate+probable 9 sheds). The differences in width and frequency of individual widths differ from the situation e.g. at Athens or Carthage, making it doubtful that all 294 shipsheds evaluated in Figure 4.2 are contemporary. Two groups united by conspicuous features beyond their widths can eventually be assigned to individual time horizons. The first is formed by the probable shipsheds nos 154-165 in section 6/4 that have an almost common straight back line and are strictly parallel abutting each other, implying that they were erected together forming a rectangular block. Their widths extend from 4.5-7.5 m with Morrison/Williams, 1968: 130 and Wallinga, 1993: 123 n. 47, 131 put forward the theory that the Persian navy had its central base somewhere in Cilicia (Höckmann, 2013: 356). 3 

39

Dana Island

Figure 4.3 Section 6/1

Figure 4.4 Section 6/2

Figure 4.5 Section 6/3

40

Ancient Shipsheds on Dana Island: Some Preliminary Observations

Figure 4.6 Section 6/4

Figure 4.7 Section 6/5

Figure 4.8 Section 6/6

41

Dana Island

Figure 4.9 Shipshed no. 38c

Figure 4.10 Shipshed no. 220

a compact core at 5.5-6.5 m. Even the span of 4 m in the main group suggests that these shipsheds housed more than one type of warship. The peaks at 6 m and 6.5 m would fit triereis while their preserved lengths of less than 15 m do not allow such attributions. Some meters of length have been lost to shore erosion but the six shipsheds less than 6 m wide cannot have housed triereis but a smaller type of vessel. The survey has shown that within blocks of adjacent shipsheds widths may vary by several meters, as differs from such Greek or Punic installations as were investigated at Athens or Carthage. The long shipsheds are mainly concentrated in sections 6/5 and 6/6 (Figures 4.7 and 4.8). In the general plan, they catch the eye by generally being separated from their neighbours by more or less narrow fields of pristine rock, as is common in these sections. For example No. 230 a.b (Figure 4.11) presents a lengthwise separation mainly seen in section 6/6 that tantalisingly might be understood as a chronological marker for dating section 6/6 (with part of section 6/5) to a period distinct from the bulk of the shipsheds and possibly later. 42

Ancient Shipsheds on Dana Island: Some Preliminary Observations The dimensions of these shipsheds would fit triereis or somewhat bigger units but for nos 232, 244 and 252, which are too narrow for triereis, overly wide for vessels of the 4 m group, but too narrow for two of the 3 m group side by side. Two small vessels could have been kept there one behind the other, as some triereis were housed at Athens in the 4th century BC The same seems feasible for the wide sheds nos 229a and 230a with keel-slots that are off centre, too close to one side for storing a trieres. No. 209-210 has two keel-slots side by side in which no two vessels of any type could have been stored at the same time. Is there some relation to both abutting neighbours nos 207-208 being meant for two small vessels one behind the other (above)? As opposed to these cases, the central keel slots indicate that the wide shipsheds no. 38c (Figure 4.9) and 220 (Figure 4.10) were meant for housing single big vessels; the long and wide sheds seem to have served more than one purpose.

Figure 4.11 Slipways no. 228, 229, 230

The other group of extra-wide shipsheds was formed by rock cuttings over 7 m wide, but less than c. 20 m long (6/6). They differ from the other group by being included in blocks of standard-width sheds, implying that they are too short for housing triereis. Similar wide and short shipsheds on the islet of Eulimnia near Rhodes gave rise to discussion as to whether they had housed two small vessels side by side (Blackman 1999; Blackman and Simosi 2002). Most of the short and wide sheds on Dana could have stored two small units of the 3 m-beam class while their neighbours were meant for single vessels of the 4.0/4.5 m-beam or for a larger class. The prevalence of the 7.0-8.9 m beam class is impressive (accurate + probable = 74) but there are two small groups of 10.0-10.9 m (total 15) and 11.0-11.9 m (total 9), as seems to parallel the evidence with long and wide shipsheds (6/5). Excessive widths do not always go back to extralarge ships being stored in such shipsheds but alternatively to small vessels being housed there side by side and eventually one behind the other. The frequency of this type of shipshed is low in sections 6/1 and 6/2 (2 sheds), medium in section 6/4 (5) and high in section 6/5 (13-14), making one think that building activities proceeded from east to west. The finding cannot be substantiated by overcuttings of shipsheds that would establish a stratigraphy since they are too few in number and provide less than conclusive evidence. In section 6/2 the wide and short shed no. 71 overlaps with nos 70 and 43

Dana Island 72 of medium standard type, and the short rectangular cutting 60b obliterates part of the big shipshed no. 60a. In section 6/4 the shipsheds nos 171 and 172 overlap each other but it is not clear which one is later. 171 also could be have been built for the service boat of 172 and thus concurrently with it. Moreover, some sheds cut off others from the sea that had earlier been functional (no. 3/no. 4 [sect. 6/1], the irregular short and wide no. 139, and no. 249/251/252 in sect. 6/6). The last case is special insofar as the orientations of both sheds diverge considerably. The vast majority of all shipsheds are oriented towards directions in the neighbourhood of northwest but one group in section 6/5 (no. 196-210) points more to the west, as do nos 247-248 in section 6/6. The western neighbours of the ‘westerly’ group are a complex of rock cuttings so irregular as to make one ask if they were shipsheds or served some other purpose e.g. as shipyards. Their orientations point further north than the standard direction. If orientations are meaningful as they seem to be, the sequence of construction in section 6/5-6/6 was full of change. The clearest finding is that long and wide shipsheds fit for storing triereis or larger units in sections 6/5-6/6 are set off from the bulk of shorter ones inviting their dating to a distinct period, as seems to be substantiated by their different orientations. If so, construction of shipsheds on the long stretch of coast would have proceeded gradually, eventually starting from the blocks of sheds for ships with a beam of c. 4 m, in sect. 6/3 and 6/4, ending with the long and wide group. One group of rock cuttings in section 6/5 differs from the majority in their individual arrangement so much as to suggest a purpose of their own (a shipyard?). Most slipways/shipsheds are too short for triereis, the battleships of the Classical period (5th4th centuries BC), or for larger units. Some may have served smaller fighting vessels but many could not house anything bigger than tiny skiffs which are not known to have served in ancient navies – perhaps boats of the Cilician pirates? Shipsheds so different in size, status, and eventually in date being assembled side by side in one harbour of exceptional size are a phenomenon for which no parallel is currently known. Bibliography BLACKMAN, D. J. (1999). Double shipsheds? in H. Tzalas (ed.), Tropis V (Proceedings, Lamia 1993) (Athens 1999), 65. BLACKMAN, D. J. and Simosi, A. (2002). Researches on the island of Alimnia near Rhodes. In: H. Tzalas (ed.), Tropis VII.1 (Proceedings Pylos 1999), 139-149 (Athens 2002). BLACKMAN, D. J., Rankov, B. (2013). Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean (Cambridge 2013). FORBES, R. J. (1964). Studies in Ancient Technology, Vol. 9, E.J. Brill Publishing (Leiden, 1964) GABRIELSEN, V. (2000). Piraeus and the Athenian Navy: Recent Archaeological and Historical Advances, PoDIA Vol. III (Athens, 2000) GERDING, H., (2013). Carthage, in D J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean, Cambridge, 307-318 HÖCKMANN, O. (1995). Some thoughts on the Greek pentekonter. In: H. Tzalas (ed.), Tropis III (Proceedings Athens 1988), 207-220 (Athens 1995). HÖCKMANN, O. (2008/9). Griechischer Seeverkehr mit dem archaischen Naukratis in Ägypten. Talanta XL-XLI, 2008-2009, 73-135. 44

Ancient Shipsheds on Dana Island: Some Preliminary Observations HÖCKMANN, O. (2013). Ships in Pre-Classical Asia Minor. In: R. Koehl (ed.), Amilla. The Quest for Excellence. Studies Presented to Guenter Kopcke in Celebration of His 75th Birthday, 353-366 (INSTAP, Philadelphia 2013). JIDEJIAN, N. (1960). Tyre Through the Ages (Beirut 1960). LOVÉN, B. and SAPOUNTZIS, I. (2019). The Ancient Harbours of the Piraeus Volume II. Zea Harbour: the Group 1 and 2 Shipsheds and Slipways – Architecture, Topography and Finds, Monographs of the Danish Institute at Athens , Volume 15 ,3 (Athens, 2019) MORRISON, J. and WILLIAMS, R. T. (1968). Greek Oared Ships, 900-322 BC (London). NP: Der Neue Pauli (Stuttgart and Weimar 1996 ff.). PRITCHARD, J. B. (1955). Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (2nd ed., Princeton 1955). ÖNIZ, H. (2017). A Shipyard on Dana Island, Cilicia. Twohundred and seventy-four slipways recently discovered. Skyllis 17/1, 2017, 4-16. WALLINGA, H. T. (1993). Ships and Sea-Power before the Great Persian War: The Ancestry of the Ancient Trireme. Mnemosyne Suppl. 121 (Leiden).

45

Olive trees of Dana Island, the ship (Arkeo) and the mainland

Slipway numbers 140, 141 and chapel

Chapter 5

An Ancient Naval Yard on the Southern Coast of Anatolia Mustafa H. Sayar The southern coast of Anatolia, at the intersection of Anatolia and Mesopotamia, was a strategically important coastline that the superregional powers of antiquity fought over to control the regions of Eastern Mediterranean that Egypt, Cyprus and the Levant wished to hold. Rough Cilicia, one of the regions which played an important role in the transportation of people and goods in antiquity, harboured the starting and ending points for transportation to the inner regions of Anatolia. The coastal land of Rough Cilicia and the islands close to its shores were likely used by naval forces who wished to dominate the sea trade. There is no concrete data on the intensity of use of these shores by the Sea Peoples in the 12th and 11th centuries BC (Lehmann 2017: 231-255). The Cilician coasts were under the control of Assyria from 713 to 663 BC (Erzen 1940: 63) and the Rough Cilicia region is named Hillaku in the Assyrian sources. Cilicia became autonomous with the collapse of Assyria in 612 BC In this period, the coast of Rough Cilicia was colonised by Aegean city states, in common with other places on the coast of the Mediterranean (Keen and Fischer-Hansen, 2004: 1211-1212). With the Taurus Mountains being full of cedar wood forests, and cedar wood being crucial to shipbuilding during Antiquity, the control of the area became key for the production of ships. Colonists from Samos established cities such as Kelenderis (Gilindere / Aydıncık) and Nagidos (Bozyazı) in the area (Keen and Fischer-Hansen, 2004: 1217-1220). In the east of the same region, to the south of the Ovacık peninsula known as Zephyrion and to the east of Aphrodisias,1 known as Portus Cavalerius in the Middle Ages, in today’s Taşucu region, the Holmoi settlement was located. Further east, was the city of Soloi, founded by colonists from the island of Rhodes, in the Mezitli region of Mersin. In 547 BC, after the battle of Halys (Kızılırmak), where the Great King of Persia, Cyrus, defeated the Lydian king, Croesus, Cilicia maintained its autonomous structure, but also gave military assistance, recognizing the sovereignty of the Great King of Persia. For instance, it is known that one of the Cilician kings named Syennesis lost his life during Battle of Salamis in 480 BC fighting as the commander of the Cilician fleet. After the Kunaxa war in 401 BC, the autonomous status of the region was revoked by the Great King Artaxerxes and it was organized as a Persian satrapy (Erzen 1940: 85-131; Jacobs 1994: 63). When Alexander died in Babylon in 323 BC, Cilicia was under the control of general Craterus. In 310 BC, the Ptolemies led a naval expedition to protect the city states on the southern shores of Anatolia and to prevent their domination by another of Alexander’s generals, Antigonus. They were, however, stopped by Antigonus’ son Demetrius (Diodorus XX. 19, 2-5). Most of the island of Cyprus was 1

For the location of Aphrodisias see Stadiasmos 185.

Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 50–55

An Ancient Naval Yard on the Southern Coast of Anatolia under Ptolemaic rule in this period, despite their unsuccessful expedition. The eastern part of the coast of Cilicia was under the control of Pleistarchus for a short period of time after the Ipsus war in 301 BC, when Antigonos was killed. In 294 BC, when Demetrius, son of Antigonus, proclaimed himself king in Macedonia, other generals began invading his territories in the Anatolian peninsula. During this period, the Rough Cilician coast that had been held by Demetrios fell into the hands of the Seleucid kingdom and the island of Cyprus now fell completely under the sovereignty of the Ptolemaic kingdom. Rough Cilicia too was under the sovereignty of the Ptolemaic dynasty by 270 BC (Theocritus, Idyll XVII, 86-90). Towards the middle of 3rd century BC, the Seleucid king Antiochus II regained control over the coastline of Rough Cilicia. During the third Syrian war lasting from 246 untill 241 BC the queen Berenike’s Ptolemaic navy with the help of the city of Soloi ended the sovereignty of Seleucus over Rough Cilicia and Ptolemy III was able to reach the coast of Seleuceia (Silifke) without any obstacle. On the coast of Rough Cilicia, between Taşucu and Ovacık, were settlements founded by Ptolemy Philadelphos, named Pisurgia, Berenike and Arsinoe. Perhaps the harbour found on the northern shore of Dana Island, was part of a naval base serving the Ptolemy fleet. In 197 BC, the Seleucid king Antiochus III retook the coast of Cilicia from the Ptolemies but lost it again when he was defeated by the Romans in Western Anatolia. A year after the treaty of Apameia in 188 BC, Rome left all its territories in Anatolia to the kingdoms of Rhodes and Pergamum. The Seleucid navy could not pass to the west of Taşucu, while Ptolemaic dynastic feuds and internal revolts restricted their sovereignty over the Eastern Mediterranean so that combined with the inefficiency of Pergamum and Rhodes, there was a great power vacuum in the Eastern Mediterranean. This uncertainty caused economic and social collapse and piracy sprung up around the region. The geographical structure of the mountainous Cilician coasts made them eminently suitable for small ships and sudden raiding, and attempts by the Roman state to put an end to the problem failed until 67 BC, when they sent Pompey to the region with the power of extraordinary command. Pompey destroyed the pirates off Korakesion (Alanya) in 67 BC and settled some of the survivors in the cities of Rough Cilicia. The region was organized as a Roman province in 63 BC and Tarsus became its capital; an alternative date of 81 BC has also been proposed (Kreiler 2007: 117-124). In the second half of the first century BC, the coasts of Rough Cilicia were partly under the domination of local Anatolian kings, who were Roman allies. In AD 72, when the emperor Vespasian rebuilt the province, he very likely established naval bases in Rough Cilicia (Mitford 1980: 1230-1261; Vitale 2012: 291306). However, ancient sources mention the cities of the region only when Roman emperors preferred the sea route during their transportation to the Parthian front. Roman control over the region was weakened in AD 260, when the Sassanid king Shapur attacked the region between Edessa (Şanlıurfa) and Selinus (Gazipaşa), and the Isaurians, who lived due north of Rough Cilicia, tried to take the ports of the region under their control. It is understood that the legionary units sent to Isauria were supplied from the port of Palaiai which is known today as Tahta Port (Hellenkemper 1986: 625-634). During the time of the Isaurian Roman Emperor Zeno (AD 474/475 and 476-491) the importance of the region increased (Barth 1894; Brooks 1893: 209-238; Burgess 1992: 874-880; Elton 2000: 393-407; Elton 2002: 153-157; Feld 2005: 244276; Pottier 2005: 443-474; Puech 2007: 379-396). During the Roman imperial period, Aigeai (Yumurtalık), Elaioussa (Ayaş) and Korykos (Kız Kalesi) on the Cilician coast all served as naval bases. Commercial sea voyages were carried out between Cyprus and Egypt as well as between coastal settlements to meet local needs. However, in the 7th and 8th centuries AD, as a result 51

Dana Island of the Muslim Arab navy reaching the coasts of Cilicia from Syria and Egypt, it is understood that commercial traffic in the region ended (Lilie 1976: 64vd). Against Arab domination over the sea, the Eastern Roman Empire established naval bases at Antiocheia ad Cragum (Gazipaşa/ Güney village), Anamurion (Anamur), Palaiai (Siriukeia), Seleukeia Elaioussa and Korykos. However, most of the Rough Cilicia coastline was under the control of the Arab Emir, who had settled in Tarsus. In 1100, the Roman Emperor Alexios Komnenos rebuilt Korkykos as a naval base. Towards the end of 13th century, sea traffic in the region increased again due to pilgrims and crusaders en route to the Holy Land. The coastal settlements used the rocks, islets and islands one or more miles offshore as natural harbours and shelters to hide the ships from enemies or to protect them from waves and wind. One such island is Dana Island, called Pituoussa in antiquity. The island has also been known as Manavat or Kargıncık in certain periods. In the Late Antique itinerary Stadiasmus maris magni (Müller 2010: 483) the island was also named Pituoussa. However, towards the end of the Middle Ages in lists of southern Anatolian ports it is called Provensale or Portus Prodensalium. It is not known why this name was given to the island. It may be from a group of Provençal merchants who were trading between Konya and Cyprus (Flemming 1964: 63 A.8; Heyd 1885: 303, 547; Schaube 1906: 217 f., 222). The Austrian historians J. Keil and R. Heberdey visited the island in 1891 and recorded tombs and sarcophagi dating to the Roman period as well as early church ruins. However, they did not find any inscriptions (Herberdey and Wilhelm 1896: 98). After Heberdey and Wilhelm, the Austrian historian F. Hild and German geographer H. Hellenkemper who visited the island in 1985, mentioned ruins of 4-5 m long walls with ashlar stones, internal partitions and door sills on the northern slope, and on the peak of the island a church and several sarcophagi (Hild and Hellenkemper 1990: 380). The remains on Dana Island suggest that the island was used for different purposes at different periods. It is not possible to determine with certainty in which periods the northern shore of the island was used as a harbour. In the 1st millennium BC, Dana Island was most likely used as a naval base and a shipbuilding and repair site, especially while under Persian domination in the 6th century BC until the 4th century BC and from that period until the first quarter of the 2nd century BC, during the wars between the Seleucid and Ptolemaic kingdoms. In the period between the first quarter of the 2nd century BC and the second quarter of the 1st century BC, it is likely that pre-existing facilities on the island were used by pirates. Moreover, there is no doubt that Dana Island was used in the process of securing the sea route during the Roman domination of the region starting from the second quarter of second century BC The Isauria region and Dana Island must have played an important role under the Eastern Roman Empire in the 4th century AD, as well as during later Muslim Arab domination. Many of the walls and other finds on the surface of Dana Island today must be the remains of a monastery, olive oil ateliers and baths which were built to meet the needs of the monastery and of visitors who happen to travel via the island. In the Middle Ages, Dana Island, which was likely to be an important station for pilgrimage by sea, was contended for by various warring parties due to its geostrategic importance during the Crusades.

52

An Ancient Naval Yard on the Southern Coast of Anatolia Bibliography BARTH, W. (1984). Kaiser Zeno. Basel 1894 BROOKS, W. (1893). The Emperor Zenon and the Isaurians. EHR 30, 1893, 209-238 BURGESS, W. D. (1992). Isaurian Factions in the Reign of Zeno the Isaurian. Latomus 51. 4, 1992, 874-880. ELTON, H. (2000). Illus and the Imperial Aristocracy under Zeno. Byzantion 70, 2000, 393-407. ELTON, H. (2002). Alahan and Zeno. Anatolian Studies 52, 2002, 153-157. ERZEN, A. (1940). Kilikien bis zum Untergang der persischen Herrschaft. Leipzig 1940, 85-131. FELD, K. (2005). Barbarische Bürger. Die Isaurier und das römische Reich. Berlin-New York 2005. FLEMMING, B. (1964). Landschaftsgeschichte von Pamphylien, Pisidien und Lykien im Spätmittelalter. Wiesbaden 1964. HANSEN, M. H. – Nielsen, T. H. (2004). An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis. Oxford 2004. HEBERDEY, R. – Wilhelm, A. (1896). Reisen in Kilikien. Vienna1896. HEYD, W. (1885). Histoire du Commerce du Levant au Moyen Age. Leipzig I 1885. HELLENKEMPER, H. (1986). Legionen im Bandenkrieg. Isaurien im 4. Jahrhundert in C. Unz (ed.) Studien zu den Militargrenzen Roms III. Stuttgart 1986, 625-634. HILD, F. - Hellenkemper, H. (1990). Kilikien und Isaurien. Tabula Imperii Byzantini V. Vienna 1990. JACOBS, B. (1994). Die Satrapienverwaltung im Perserreich zur Zeit Darius’ III. Wiesbaden 1994. KEEN, A. G. and FISCHER-HANSEN, T. (2004). The South Coast of Asia Minor (Pamphylia, Kilikia) in M.H Hansen and T.H. Nielsen (eds.) An Inventory of Archaic and Classical Poleis. Oxford 2004, 1211-1212. KREILER, B. (2007). Zur Verwaltung Kilikiens von 102 bis 78 v. Chr., Gephyra 4, 2007, 117-124. LEHMANN, G. (2017). The Late Bronze – Iron Age Transition and the Problem of the Sea Peoples Phenomenon in Cilicia, in P. M. Fischer – T. Bürger (eds.), ‘Sea Peoples Up-to-Date’. New Research on Transformations in the Eastern Mediterranean in the 13th – 11th centuries BCE. Proceedings of the ESF-Workshop held at the Austrian Academy of Sciences, Vienna 3 - 4 November 2014. Vienna 2017, 231-255 LILIE, R. J. (1976). Die byzantinische Reaktion auf die Ausbreitung der Araber. Münich 1976. MITFORD, T. B. (1980). Roman Rough Cilicia; in H. Temporini (ed.) Aufstieg und Niedergang der Römischen Welt II 7.2. Berlin – New York 1980, 1230-1261. MÜLLER, K. (ed.) (2010) Stadiasmos maris magni. Geographi Graeci Minores. Cambridge 2010, 427-514. POTTIER, B. (2005). Banditisme et revolte en Isaurie au IVe et Ve siecles vus par les Isauriens eux mémes. Med. Ant. VIII, 2, 2005, 443-474. PUECH, V. (2007). Elites urbaineset elites imperiales sous Zenon (474-491) et Anastase (474518). Topoi 15/1 (2007) 379-396. SCHAUBE, A. (1906). Handelsgeschichte der romanischen Völker des Mittelmeergebietes bis zum Ende der Kreuzzüge. Munich and Berlin 1906. VITALE, M. (2012). Eparchie und Koinon in Kleinasien von der ausgehenden Republik bis ins 3. Jh. n. Chr. Bonn 2012, 291- 306.

53

Dana Island and the Mavikent Coast

Chapter 6

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations Hakan Öniz Introduction Underwater research was carried out in 2015 on the coast of Silifke under the supervision of the Silifke Museum Directorate with the permission of the General Directorate of Cultural Heritage and Museums of Turkey. Within the scope of these studies, examinations were made of the coasts of Dana Island (Figures 6.1 and 6.2), which is located between Taşucu headland and Tisan-Aphrodisias headland on the borders of Silifke. During these studies, four shipwrecks were found around the island between the depths of 6-43 meters (Figure 6.3). Among the remains found were stone anchors, anchor stocks (Figure 6.4) belonging to Iron Age wooden anchors and anchors dated to the Roman and Byzantine periods (Figure 6.5) as well as many other remains (Figures 6.6 and 6.7) from different periods. While stone anchors found around the island are usually dated to Bronze Age (Oniz, 2014: 18; Oniz, 2012; Pulak, 2006: 93; Green, 1971: 170, 171; Frost, 1989: 173), they have not been found in a context, and therefore, specific dating to the Bronze Age is not exact. The wrecks here are the Cypriot basket-handle amphora (Figure 6.8) shipwreck dated to the 7th-6th centuries BC, Greco/Italic amphora shipwreck dated to the 6th century BC, Cilicia Type 6 (LR1b) amphora shipwreck dated to the 5th-6th centuries AD and the Ganos/Günsenin amphora shipwreck dated to the 11th-13th centuries (Oniz, 2016: 43). During the underwater studies in the northern part of the island, some structural remains (Figure 6.9), some other remains (Figures 6.10 and 6.11) that were associated with the Island and a ballast type filling (Figure 6.12) were discovered. Because of the structures’ connections with the land, the works continued onto the island itself, and the presence of a great number of slipways was registered. In 2016, 2017 and 2018, with the permission of the same General Directorate, and under the supervision of the Silifke Museum, the team from Akdeniz and Selcuk Universities Underwater Research Center carried out a surface survey, plant cleaning and drawing studies without excavation on the island. By the end of 2017, 274 slipways had been discovered. During the planning work in 2018, this number reached 294, with the addition of newly-discovered boat slipways. The location and name of Dana Island Dana Island is located in the east of the archaeological zone called Rough Cilicia on the borders of the Silifke district of Mersin province. Cilicia is divided into two distinct geographical areas. Rough Cilicia forms the area from Alanya in the west to Mersin Viranşehir (Soloi-Pompeipolis) in the east, while the Cilician Plain extends from Viranşehir in the west to Iskenderun in the east. As can be understood from its name, Rough Cilicia contains the steep topography of the Taurus Mountains and overland transportation is difficult, while the Cilician Plain contains Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 56–115

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.1 Dana Island in its Mediterranean setting

Figure 6.2 Dana Island and selected archaeological sites in the Rough Cilicia Region

Figure 6.3 Three holed stone anchor

Figure 6.4 Stone stock of a wooden anchor (3th-6th Century BC)

57

Dana Island

Figure 6.5 Roman/Byzantine anchor

Figure 6.6 AE 5-6 amphora, 5-6th Century AD

Figure 6.8 Cypriot basket-handle amphora (7th5th Century BC)

Figure 6.7 Sinop amphora, 9-13th Century AD

Figure 6.10 Column Drum

Figure 6.9 Possible Structural remains at the entrance of a Slipway

58

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.11 Mosaic fragment

Figure 6.12 Ballast stones of a Shipwreck

Figure 6.13 Dana Island topographic map

a flat and fertile geography which includes the Cukurova and its surroundings. Rough Cilicia has been subject to regional and international politics and trade since ancient times due to both the cedar trees in the Taurus mountains and the iron ore deposits in the Gazipaşa and Anamur regions. Dana Island is a small island 2,700 meters in length, 900 meters in width and 202 meters in height, located about 2.5 km from the coast (Figure 6.13). It seems that there have been no new structures built on the island for about 1400 years. The island is protected by the laws of the 59

Dana Island Republic of Turkey and is a designated archaeological site. For this reason, there is no damage caused by human activity to the structures on the island. The British Admiral Francis Beaufort examined the area around the island in 1811-1812. Beaufort stated that he saw no one living on the island, that he saw a large number of building remains, churches, columns, cisterns, sarcophagi and a fortified wall on the hill, as well as the presence of extraordinarily beautiful white ducks and numerous seals. The structures in question have most likely remained intact. Even if there are fewer numbers around the island, the presence of the seals continues. Beaufort also wrote that this area may have been used as a major military station for some time, this due to the natural and man-made defensive facilities on the island (Beaufort, 1817: 206-208). The area, damaged only by natural elements, is thus among the very rare shipyards throughout the world that maintain their in-situ characteristics. The island was known as Pitusu in the Iron Age (Ünal and Girginer, 2007: 106; Stillwell et al, 1976), Pityoussa and/or Pityusse in the Roman Period, then Petrossa and later on Provensal, Manavat and Kargıncık (Ünal and Girginer, 2007: 206). Admiral Beaufort, in his survey of the region in 1811-1812, stated that the people called the island Manavat Island, but the Turkish and Greek sailors named it Provençal Island. It is known that during the settlement of Rhodes at the start of the 14th century, the Knights of St. John, who had been expelled from Jerusalem, held some of the castles and the islands on the Anatolian coasts for some time. The Knights of the Langue de Provence, who gave the name to the island for a while, held the first place among the eight administrative divisions of the Hospitaller order (Beaufort, 1817: 206-208). Also found during underwater investigations was a piece of tile which has a Crusader emblem, indicating that the Crusaders took shelter on the island for a while. The use of Dana Island during the Crusades is associated with its strategic position in the Eastern Mediterranean and Cilicia. This position was also used in the First World War. It is known that the French-British intelligence agencies that acted jointly in the Eastern Mediterranean in 1914-1918 stationed two spies on the island in order to observe the submarine activities connected with Mersin and Iskenderun Gulf and to investigate the coastal security systems (Sheffy, 1998: 157). A short history of the island and region Part of the Cilicia region was known as Danuna/Adaniya in Hittite texts during the Late Bronze Age (Alp, 2000: 5; Işık, 2008: 572; Ünal and Girginer, 2007: 69; Alp, 2000: 51). The name ‘Danuna-Danya-Denyen’ was first mentioned with the form of ‘Adaniya’ in the 16th century BC in the edict of Telepinu (Sevinc, 2008: 12; Ünal, 2003: 7). Danuna-Adaniya1 is located in the region where the modern city of the name ‘Danuna’ was first encountered in an Amarna Letter dated to the 1380s BC2, and this name was also included in the letter which Ramses II (1303-1213 BC) wrote to Hattusili III (Ünal and Girginer, 2007: 70, 71). Denyen (Danuna) was also included in the Harris Papyrus of Ramses III (1218-1155 BC) as well as in the ‘Onomasticon of Amenope’ (approximately dated to 1129-1077 BC),3 where the Sea People and Libyans are listed (Killebrew and Lehmann, 2013).4 The name Danuna also continued to exist in the same region in the 8th century BC (Çambel, 1949: 23; Akurgal, 1993: 148). The available evidence Danuna is also called Adanawa (Yağcı, 2008: 234, 235, 236). In the letter numbered 151, thought to have been between Pharaoh Amenhotep and his vassal, the King of Tyre, AbiMilu, mention is made of the death of the King of Danuna (D’Amato and Salimbeti, 2015: 20). 3  for the dating of the Onomasticon of Amenope see Liszka, 2010: 315. 4  In this papyrus it was read as ‘Dene’ and was probably confused with Danaoi, who was thought to have lived in Argos in Greece (D’Amato and Salimbeti, 2015: 20). Danuna-Danaoi is among the controversial issues of archaeology. 1  2 

60

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations points to a continuity in the use of the name Danuna in the Cilicia regions from the 16th century BC until the 8th century BC The resemblance between ‘Dana’, which is used as the name of the island today, and ‘Danuna’, the little-known sea tribe of the Late Bronze Age, is interesting and worthy of emphasis.5 It is not known when and why this name was given to this island located in the Cilicia region. As mentioned above, Danuna is among the ‘Sea Peoples’ associated with the end of the Late Bronze Age in the form of Denyan (Drews, 1993: 23). The texts of the temple of Ramses III at Medinat Habu also mentioned ‘their island’ and ‘Denye(n)’ (Drews, 1993: 54). The Harris Papyrus contains reference to ‘the Denyen on their islands’ (Ormerod, 1997: 85). Both texts show that Denyens may have had an island in the north. Some scholars believe that these islands and headlands were on the Cilician coast (D’Amato and Salimbeti, 2015: 20). Morever some scholars, taking the relationship between the Sea People and Figure 6.14 Karatepe relief depicting a warship Anatolia (Ormerod, 1997: 85, 86; Drews, 1993: (Öniz and Beşaltı, 2016: 81, Figure 2a) 100; Macqueen, 2015: 55), believe that Danuna/ Denyens were local Cilicians (Gür, 2012: 274). Therefore relations between Dana Island and Danuna/Denyen ships would of itself not be surprising. The earliest evidence for maritime activity on the Cilician coast begins with 4,000 pieces of obsidian of Nevsehir (Central Anatolian) origin, found in the excavations of Tatlısu Çiftlikdüzü (Akanthou) on Cyprus, dating back to the 9000s BC (Şevketoğlu, 2006: 125). This same region, the Eastern Mediterranean is also known for the first sea trading activities in the Bronze Age (Hirschfield, 2006: 105; Pulak, 2006: 57; Muller-Karpe, 2006: 173, Tsirkin, 2001: 271). Not only commercial activities, but also sea battles were seen in the same region. It is known from a Hittite tablet that the Hittite King, Suppiluliuma II,6 won a naval battle in the waters off Alasia (Cyprus) (Macqueen, 2015: 55; Drews, 1993: 88) and based on this, the existence of Hittite naval forces can be deduced (Aydıngün, 2014: 169). There are various texts indicating that many of the territories on the Rough Cilicia coast were in the possession of the Hittites. (Ünal, 2002:134; Melchert, 2007: 506). It is known that the Hittites had a port named Ura, and that merchants from Ura resided in the port of Ugarit which was under the control of the Hittites (Beal, 1992: 71; Gordon, 1958: 28; Sasson, 1966: 132). The site of the port of Ura has not yet been located. When the Hittite Empire fell in the 12th century BC (Ünal, 2006: 68), some Hittite princes withdrew to the southern regions and continued Hittite culture in the form of ‘Late Hittite Principalities’ (Sevin, 2002: 196). In 854, 842 and 840 BC, the King of Assyria, Undoubtedly, in this article, there was no attempt to make a date fit with a simple name resemblance, but an answer was sought by also considering this name resemblance in the question of why there were 276 slipways on the island. 6  The last king of the Hittites (1207-1178 BC), the son of Tuthaliya IV. 5 

61

Dana Island Salmanassar III organized campaigns in this area and the definition of ‘Hatti country people’ is used for the Late Hittite Principalities located here (Ünal, 2006: 70). The Karatepe Late Hittite reliefs clearly indicate the presence of both fishing and military naval power (Figure 6.14) in the Cilicia region in the 8th century BC During the 6th Century BC, the Neo-Babylonian King, Neriglissar, attacked Dana Island described as ‘a mountain in the middle of the sea’, and also as ‘Pitusu’. His army in 557-556 BC (Stillwell et al., 1976) captured 6,000 soldiers on the island (Kurt, 2015: 309; Ünal and Girginer, 2007: 206; Beal, 1992: 65; Wiseman, 1956: 40). The presence of 6,000 people in the island must have been linked to shipbuilding activities. The Persian emperor Xerxes invaded Greece in 480-479 BC (Starr, 2000: 23) and Cilician ships were part of the Persian Navy (Günaltay, 1951: 33). Phoenicians also supported the Persian navy in building new ships (Günaltay, 1951: 13, 38). The naval battle at Lade is one example of both Cilican and Phoenician support to the Persians. (Roaf, 1996: 212; Herodotus VI.6). It is known that in 499 BC, ships from Cilicia were used to defeat the Cypriots during the Ionian revolt (Kurt, 2015: 312). It is thought that the King of Cilicia, Syennesis, participated in the second operation of the Persian Navy under the command of Xerxes in 480 BC, with a fleet of 100 ships (Ünal, 2006: 80; Tarakçı, web: 6). In this operation, the Persian Navy used Silifke and Tarsus as bases in Cilicia, and the Cilicians worked both as shipbuilders and crew in the Persian navy (Kurt, 2015: 312). After the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC, Antigonos Monopthalamos added to the shipyards in Tripoli, Byblos and Sidon, building a fourth shipyard in Cilicia (Starr, 2000: 47; Pulak, 2001: 27; Bilir, 2015: 15). These shipyards were built for the construction of the Triremes needed in the war against the Macedonian Cassander, the Thracian Lysimachus and Ptolemy I. Antigonos also received the help of the Phoenician Kings, who supplied the necessary timber7 (Rich, 2013: 40). Up to the present time, no shipyards have been found in Tripoli, Byblos or Sidon. In Rough Cilicia, the presence of the Seleucids is known after 295 BC Seleukeia ad Kalykadnum (Silifke), 23 km northeast of Dana Island, was founded by Seleucus I Nicator (Kristensen, 2016: 245). Piracy in Cilicia was probably under control during the Seleucid period. With the Peace of Apameia, the Seleucids ceded the region to Rome and withdrew to the Cilician Plain (Demircioğlu, 2015: 343). This absence of authority led to the increase in piracy in and around Rough Cilicia, and even to the Cilician people prefering piracy over agriculture or trade (Bilir, 2015: 16, Policante, 2012: 36). The rugged nature of the Cilicia coast provided a natural environment for pirates to settle and hide ships when necessary. Cilician pirates posed a real threat to the naval forces of Rome over several centuries. The historian Lucius Annaeus Florus (c. AD 70-130) described the situation thus: ‘Cilician pirates have made the sea uninhabitable, stopped trading, broken the agreements that would bring people together’ (Policante, 2012: 40). Plutarch wrote that the pirates of Cilicia pillaged 400 settlements and several temples in Greece with 1,000 ships (Plutarch, Pompey 24-25.1). The only way to reach that number of ships is to have the necessary timber for the shipbuilding and the shipyards for these ships to be used. With both its cedar and pine forests, the Taurus Mountains have a perfect geography

The assistance of the Phoenician Kings must be for the shipyards in the Phoenician cities. But Dana Island is about 120 miles from the Phoenician coast. This is a distance that can be travelled in two days by a sailing ship under normal weather conditions. Therefore it should be considered that the Phoenicians could also place orders with the shipyards of Dana Island depending on commercial agreements. Moreover, both Phoenicia and Cilicia were subject to the Great King in these matters. 7 

62

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations and facilitate logs being easily transported to the sea or a river by being rolled and floated to the coast. Thus, timber logged in the Taurus Mountains is thought to have been transported via river to the ‘secret shipyards’ belonging to the pirates (Rich, 2013: 52). Strabo wrote that: ‘since the region was naturally well adapted to the business of piracy both by land and by sea — by land, because of the height of the mountains and the large tribes that live beyond them, tribes which have plains and farm-lands that are large and very easily overrun, and by sea, because of the good supply, not only of shipbuilding timber, but also of harbours and fortresses and secret recesses’ (Strabo, XIV.5). Piracy in Cilicia was curtailed by a Roman naval force under the command of the Roman Consul Pompey in 67 BC (de Souza, 1999: 14). It is also known from Strabo that some sites in Cilicia were given to Cleopatra by Mark Antony to build ships for use against Octavian’s navy during the second half of first century BC He wrote that: ‘to Hamaxia, a settlement on a hill, with a harbour, where ship-building timber is brought down. Most of this timber is cedar; and it appears that this region beyond others abounds in cedar-wood for ships; and it was on this account that Antony assigned this region to Cleopatra, since it was suited to the building of her fleets’ (Strabo, XIV.5). The 1st century BC saw an economic boom both in agriculture in the fertile land and commerce (Ferrazoli, 2010: 39). The wine and olive oil of the region became important factors in international trade. This in turn saw that local amphora forms were produced in the region. Especially during the Roman Empire (1st century BC - 4th century AD) the wine exports of the region reached high quantities and the region’s amphorae were exported by sea to many areas in the Mediterranean and as far as India and British Isles (Şenol, 2008: 110; Reynolds, 2003; 125, 126; Kelly, 2010: 55). Cilicia8 which passed from the Roman Empire to the Byzantine administration, witnessed the hegemony of the Arabs after 635, Byzantine control again in 965, then experienced Armenian, Seljuk, Crusader, Mongol and Mamluke rule into the 14th century (Gökhan, 2012: 73-103). The Ottoman Empire annexed the Cilicia region in the time of Sultan Selim I (1517) (Ünal and Girginer, 2007: 304). Structures on the island A total of 294 (combining accurate and probable numbers) slipways (or possibly ship-sheds), which were understood to be used at different times, were found within a shipyard area on Dana Island and drawings were made of these. Behind the slipways, there are workshops where the necessary equipment for ships was built, accommodation areas, military and religious buildings, managerial facilities, barn areas for animals, baths and dock areas, shops, villas, colonnaded areas, watchtowers, and many other buildings whose functions cannot yet be understood. The vast majority are mortarless stone structures, and some of the architectural forms show resemblances to Iron Age masonry. Some structures, including five churches and a bath, were dated to the Byzantine period. The approximately 294 slipways/shipsheds found consist of ramps and associated structures which are visible on the island. In all likelihood, there were other slipways that have been lost due to erosion of the shoreline or which have remained under the ground because no 8 

The Early Byzantine period in Cilicia dates from 476 to 650 (Ünal, Girginer, 2007: 270)

63

Dana Island excavation has been undertaken. There are empty spaces that are eroded between slipway rows whose drawings have been completed. These spaces are also likely to be comprehensively eroded slipways. Observations made on the slipways show that most of the rock-cut slipways that are believed to have been made for smaller ships suffered from natural erosion. In other words, less erosion was observed in the majority of the larger slipways than in the smaller slipways. Why was Dana Island chosen as a shipyard? Shipyards are necessary for the construction of ships to serve in the military or commercial fleet of a region. They are used not only for new shipbuilding, but also for the maintenance of existing ships, which may need to be refitted annually or biennially. The Mediterranean type of woodworm, Teredo navalis, gets into the timbers of a ship and, without timely intervention, will lead to its sinking. To prevent this nowadays, an antifouling paint is used on the parts of a ship that come into contact with water. In the past, shipwrights tried to protect these sections by completely coating them with lead or bitumen. (tar/bitumen/asphalt is a kind of insulation material formed by the distillation of crude oil. It is known to have been used for waterproofing on ships and structures since early times). For these requirements, a significant part of the shipping operations in the Cilicia region must have been done on Dana Island. Four small shipyards used in different periods were found along approximately 500 km of the coastline of Cilicia. The easternmost of these is the Alanya Seljuk period shipyard. This shipyard, which could take five ships at the same time, was probably built on or near a shipyard used from the Hellenistic period. The second shipyard remains are located at the port of the ancient city of Syedra, near the village of Seki in Alanya. It was not possible to determine how many slipways there were, but it has an area suitable for six or seven ships. The third shipyard is the single ship slipway with a chest type structure, located in the Aydıncık Kelenderis ancient harbor. These three shipyard were investigated by the same team of Dana Island Archeological Works between 2006-2015. The fourth shipyard consists of five rock-cut slipways and is located in Silifke, at Boğsak Bay (Varinlioğlu, 2015: 155-156). Therefore, the sum of the slipways on the whole Cilician coast doesn’t exceed 20. Dana Island is the largest archaeologically-proven shipyard within the entire Levant area. There is more than one decisive reason for choosing this place as a shipyard. 1.

The necessary timber resources for shipbuilding are very close to the island. Rough Cilicia is rich in timber, which is important for shipbuilding (Durukan, 2005: 7; Kurt, 2015: 305). The cedar, which has been known for its importance since the Gilgamesh Epic, attributed to the King of Uruk, Gilgamesh (2500s BC) (Rich, 2013: 42), was preferred for shipbuilding along with its use in many other fields. It is known that in the 1st century BC Mark Antony gave Cleopatra a gift of the western Rough Cilicia region due to the presence of cedar forests (Bean, 1999: 85). Cedar trees, known as Lebanese Cedar or Mediterranean Cedar, grow in the northeast Mediterranean, starting from the western Taurus Mountains and extending through the HatayAmanos Mountains to Lebanon. 2,800 meters to the northwest of Dana Island, located in the same geography, there are widespread cedar forests in the Taurus Mountains. Cedar trees, reaching an average height of 24 meters, with known examples of up to 36 meters, and reaching a diameter of 1.5-2.4 meters are the ideal size for shipbuilding (Pulak, 2001: 27). There are plenty of pine species such as black pine, 64

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.15 Location of Dana Island shipyard in relation to the mainland

calabrian pine, and white pine in the Silifke Taurus Mountains. In ancient times, it is known that cedar was exported from Cilicia to many places, particularly to Egypt. Its value in shipbuilding gave Cilician timber strategic importance. The local king of Cilicia, who could act independently of the Persians in internal affairs in the 5th century BC, must have acted under the control of the king of Persia (Kurt, 2015: 312). It is known that timber exports to Egypt, which started in the 1st century BC during the Cleopatra period, also occurred during the time of the Seljuk Sultan Alā ad-Dīn Kayqubād (Bean, 1999: 86). Alā ad-Dīn Kayqubād built a shipyard in the years 12281229 in front of Alanya Castle, where five ships can be manufactured at the same time. In the Taurus Mountains, located opposite the island, there is to this day an abundance of the aforementined tree species. This stretch of approximately 25 kms of hillsides that drop down to the sea is suitable for rolling logs into the sea without any need for a river. Logs rolled into the sea can be easily transported to the shore of the island by boat, floating on the water. Thus, there wouldn’t have been any need for the logs to be loaded on to ships or dragged by land vehicles. Almost all of the slipways on the island would be able to take the logs from the sea easily ashore. A small harbour (Figure 6.15) 2,550 meters away, with the remains of walls and a quay, must have been used as the closest connection, as well as being reached easily from the ports of Holmi or Aphrodisias. 2.

Being an island was important for the security of military shipyards. For harbouring triremes, which have a high cost of construction and maintenance, shipyards required a specialized headquarters infrastructure and fortifications (Baika, 2013a: 210). The harbour of Tunisia-Carthage (The city walls of Carthage, founded by the Phoenicians, 65

Dana Island

Figure 6.16 View of Dana Island from the possible ancient harbor area on the mainland

Figure 6.17 View of the northwest of the island from the northeast

Figure 6.18 View of the northeast of the island from the northwest

66

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.19 The cistern behind one of the slipways at the coastline

Figure 6.20 Entrance sections in contact with the sea

were built in the 5th century BC) were divided into military and commercial sections which were surrounded by walls against the dangers coming from land and sea in the 2nd century BC (Gerding, 2013a: 309). The historian Appian wrote that the ship shelters here were protected by a double wall. All this information shows that security was an important issue, especially in military shipyards. A large part of the shipyards, of which the majority consisted Figure 6.21 The vessel Arkeo approaches the shore of slipways carved into the rocks, comprised unobstructed, draft is 150cm wooden shelters and piers. Wooden ships must be protected from sunlight and rain during the time they are on land. The wood, which gets swollen and expands when it gets wet and contracts when it dries out, will cause the nails to stretch and the caulking between planks to loosen. In fact, even if ship shelters were built with stone walls instead of wood, they were protected from rain and sun by the roof system, for which wood was mostly used. For example, some of the slipways in the Phase 3 section of Zea Harbour (Pasha Harbour) in Piraeus have a common roof (Pakkanen, 2013: 59) Regardless of the general construction materials, it can be considered that the side-byside slipways have a common roof system, usually made of timber. Infiltrators could easily set fire to all the shipyards, shelters and ships in a military harbour by igniting them from a single place. For this reason, security has a high importance, especially in military shipyards. Shipyards built on an island would have been more secure than those set up on the mainland against raids that might come from the land. In addition, islands that have no connection with civilian settlements would also reduce the risk of civilian sabotage to a minimum. Through watchtowers, both transits from the coast and approaches from the sea could be controlled. Communications might be maintained by signalling from Mavikent harbour on the mainland to the island and vice-versa; the

67

Dana Island island’s fortifications thus offered the possibly of not only maintaining a lookout, but of signalling by means of smoke, fire arrows, mirror reflected light etc.9

9 

3.

The northwest of the island has a feature which can be considered as a safe harbour. Shipyards are expected to provide appropriate harbour conditions for ships waiting to be beached or launched in all seasons. Many shipyards such as Carthage (Gerding, 2013a: 308) and Rhodes-Eulimna (Baika, 2013c: 340) were built inside a natural bay. The northwest of Dana Island (Figure 6.16) is protected from winds coming from the west by the Tisan Aphrodisias headland and from the eastern winds by the Taşucu headland. The southern winds are blocked by the part of the island overlooking the shore. Therefore, unless there is a violent storm, the ships moored in the sea can be regarded as being in a safe natural harbour. With these features, the Dana Island shipyard could take ships from the sea for maintenance or launch them in both summer and winter.

4.

The northwest of the island has a slope suitable for a ramp from the sea to the land. All slipways and ship shelters were built on slopes. During beaching, this incline would have ensured that long warships in particular would have been hauled in such a balanced way that their own weight would not have damaged them (Rankov, 2013a: 119). Contrary to the 3% incline seen in Marseille-Villeneuve-Bargemon – there is no published evidence of the ramps in Marseilles; the incline of 3% represents the area where the logs for hauling are located – the incline in the ramps in Piraeus’s Munychia Harbour (Tourkolimano) varies between 9.5 % and 14% (Blackman, 2013: 125). Inclines according to the lengths of slipways are 3-4% in Apollonia (modern Marsa Susa in Cyrenaica, Libya, founded in the 7th century BC) and about 2% to 11% in the RhodesEulimna rock-cut slipways (Baika, 2013b: 299; Baika, 2013c: 342-345). In the 1,500-meter section located in the northwest of Dana Island, the incline varies between 3% and 15% depending on the length of the slipways (Figures 6.17 and 6.18). Therefore, the entire coastal area overlooking the mainland, except for the northeastern and southwestern coasts where the slope exceeds 50%, was used as shipyard. It is difficult for ships to be hauled on slopes with a steep incline.

5.

The rock formations are suitable for cutting. Due to the easily cuttable nature of the aeolianite rocky shores, the slope required for easy hauling of the ships could be provided and the side walls and possible timber transport paths made by cutting the rock. Some structures and the cisterns (Figure 6.19) behind the slipways were also shaped through being cut. However, easily-shaped limestone is also prone to natural erosion by salty water and wind (Figure 6.20). For this reason, some of the rock-cut slipways that we estimated to be from the early period are in a partially or completely destroyed condition. Further details may seen in Chapter 7.

6.

In the northwest of the island, ships can approach the shore from the open sea without any obstacles. Any obstacle encountered by the ship while approaching the slipway is risky. Sand bars and elevated areas which ships can hit on the approach are not suitable for hauling ships. In almost the whole of the 1,500-meter area where the slipways are located, ships can approach the ramps directly (Figure 6.21). For most ramps the slope

Thanks to T. M. P. Duggan for reminding us of this possibility.

68

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.22 Location of sections

Figure 6.23 Section 6/1

starts from inside the water. During the investigations, rock cut marks were visible at the submerged entrance areas of some slipways. These marks are there for two possible reasons. Firstly there may have been a rise in sea levels of about 30 cm between the years when the ramps were used and today. Secondly they may provide evidence of a collapse due to earthquake. As a matter of fact, seismic traces were determined on some structures on the coast The presence of various earthquakes near the region is known. These are: 1450-1350 BC Southeast Anatolia, Syria, Palestine; 480 BC CyprusSalamis; 148 BC Antioch (Antakya); AD 37-47 Antioch (Antakya); AD 358-366 all cities of the Eastern Mediterranean basin (in the last quarter of the 4th century AD there was an earthquake in Cilicia in which Korykos (Kızkalesi) and Soli Pompeipolis were affected); AD 524-528 Antioch (Antakya); AD 550 Hatay, Seleucia Pieria (Karagöz, 2003: 75).

69

Dana Island

Figure 6.24 Section 6/2

Figure 6.25 Section 6/3

Figure 6.26 Section 6/4

70

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.27 Section 6/5

Figure 6.28 Section 6/6

Classification of the slipways The drawings made of about 294 slipways (Figures 6.22, 6.23, 6.24, 6.25, 6.26, 6.27, 6.28) are partly in different groups and exhibit different characteristics from each other. Similar examples are known in various places in the Mediterranean Sea. Alimnia (Eulimna) has a similar slipway complex which is located in two bays on the same peninsula in Rhodes: Emporeio Bay has 11 rock-cut slipways and Agios Georgios Bay has 10 (Figures 6.29, 6.30) (Baika, 2013c: 340-348). Another example of four rock-cut slipway is in Tell Dor, 13 km north of the Caseraea Maritima harbor (Figure 6.31). Dor (Doros, Dora), located in this region where maritime activities are known from the Middle Bronze Age to the Byzantine period is defined as a city ruled by Sidon by Scylax and it is thought to have been inhabited since 6th century BC (Baika, 2013d: 335).

71

Dana Island

Figure 6.29 Eulimna slipways (Blackman and Simossi, 1999: 145, Fig.1)

In an article written by Kaliopi Baika in the valuable book edited by David Blackman and Boris Rankov in 2013, the ancient shipyard structures were examined in detail (Baika, 2013e: 231253). The structures covered in this article are handled according to their functions (main shipyards, military stations and strategic outposts), according to their size (large, medium and small bases), architectural features (wood, masonry, stone cutting or combinations thereof) and geographical distribution. The military shipyards reported or uncovered based on information obtained from written sources and archaeological evidence are presented in a comprehensive table (Figure 6.32) (Baika, 2013e: 235 - Table 12.2). According to this table, there are five shipyards/complexes in the ancient Mediterranean world with a capacity of more than 100 shipshed/slipways: Corcyra (Corfu) 120; Piraeus (Athens) about 400; Syracuse (Sicily) more than 310; Carthage (Tunisia) 220; and Cyzicus (Bandirma) more than 200. However, it is clear that the number of shipsheds/slipways indicated in the table are taken from historical sources, and material evidence for them does not necessarily exist. This is stated by the author at the top of the table. The ports of the ancient city of Corcyra on Corfu are partially or completely under natural filling and modern structures (Finkler et al., 2017). Only a very small number of traces are visible (Finkler et al., 2018: Fig.2b). A similar position can be seen also in Piraeus, the port of Athens (Figure 6.33). All the ports of Piraeus are now partially or completely under modern harbour structures. In fact many of them had already been destroyed by aerial bombardment during the Second World War. The Piraeus shipyards were built at three harbours (Zea (Pasha Limani), Kantharos and Munychia) during the 5th Century BC and according to written sources, their total capacity was 400 ships. According to Boris Rankov, Ludwig Ross, who worked in the region in the 1830s, stated that there were a total of 372 shipsheds, including 196 in Zea, 82 in Munychia and 94 in Kantharos (Rankov, 2013b: 437). However, the number of places in Piraeus which have been able to preserve their in situ positions seems to be less than ten percent. Some of them are under the water of the harbour and excavations on them have been carried out since 2002 by a team under the direction of Bjorn Loven (Papadopoulou, 2014: 50). 72

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.30 Detail of Eulimna slipways (Blackman and Simossi, 1999: 145, Fig.1)

Figure 6.31 Tell Dor slipways (Raban, 1995: 308, Fig. 9.10)

73

Dana Island

Figure 6.32 Military shipyard capacities in the ancient Mediterranean (Baika 2013e: 235)

Another large shipyard, Syracuse, claims the presence of more than 310 shipsheds. Syracuse was established as a Corinthian colony in 733 BC and according to historical sources had a naval power that could fight with Athens in the late 5th century BC (Gerding, 2013b: 535). The earliest settlement of Syracuse is located on the island of Ortygia, which lies alongside it Figure 6.33 Pireaus Harbor and is now connected by a bridge. One of the harbours is located on this island and the other is located on the mainland. However, now Syracuse is Sicily’s most popular tourist city and the main part of the shipyard area is under modern structures. The total number of visible shipsheds is 32. 25 of them are located in the Via Vittoria Veneto area and seven are located in the Via Diaz area (Gerding, 2013b: 536, 537). Carthage’s ancient shipyard in Tunisia, which had a capacity of 220 ships, lies under modern buildings and natural filling like the others above. According to the assumed topographical plan in the 3rd century BC, the known shipsheds of Carthage, which had two rectangular harbours and one circular one, were built in the second half of the 2nd century BC (Gerding, 2013a: 307). Traces of up to 30 shipsheds in the middle and 6 in the outer part are partially left from this possible shipyard (Gerding, 2013a: 310 - Fig. B5.2a, 312- Fig. B5.2c, 314). - Fig. B5.3). Cyzicus in Bandirma (Turkey), which is the last example given of a large shipyard, is estimated to have more than 200 slipways/ shipsheds. However, any traces of this complex cannot be found in studies of the region for now (Koçhan & Meral, 2015: 66). From this perspective, it is understood that the shipyard area on Dana Island is important not only for Turkey but also for the archaeology of the world. The early use of associated structures that have not been seen in any other shipyards, which can be proven in combination with the preserved slipways, make a difference that must be maintained and studied. 74

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.34 Distribution of slipway sizes

Figure 6.35 Boat slipway section

Figure 6.36 Boat slipway (141b)

Some of the places recorded on Dana Island have been preserved in all their details and give a clear form. However, some of them have lost their general forms as mentioned above. It is thought that these may be slipways because of some small traces and remains of their holistic structures. This type of slipway is indicated in the drawings in green as ‘probable slipways’. Although it is not possible to date each of these exactly, their proximity to the shore and the natural damage that they were exposed to can give an idea of which slipways were built at an earlier date. The slipways are classified according to their visible physical characteristics as follows (Figure 6.34). 1.

Boat slipways (Figures 6.35, 6.36): There are 27 slipways (26 accurate, 1 probable) carved on the seaside with an average width of 2.5 meters, the length ranging from 5 meters to 10 meters. Ramps with this width have been seen in Kos (2.90 - 3 meters in width) and Naxos (width narrowing from 3.5 meters to 2.5 meters) (Blackman, 2013: 125). At least three small slipways were carved into the sea side of large slipways. Such 75

Dana Island

Figure 6.37 Small slipway section

Figure 6.38 Small slipway (61)

Figure 6.39 Medium slipway section

Figure 6.40 Medium slipway (49b)

small areas would probably have been built for lifeboats belonging to the big ships. These three small slipways have been excluded from the total number of slipways. 2.

Small size slipways (Figures 6.37, 6.38): These slipways were made for small ships by being carved into the shoreline. 133 of these slipways were determined (93 accurate, 41 probable), with a width of 4-5 meters and a length of 8-13 meters. A significant part of them have been damaged by the sea.

3.

Medium size slipways (Figures 6.39, 6.40): The slipways in this classification have a width of 5 to 7 meters and a length of 14 to 20 meters. A total of 86 slipways (56 accurate, 30 probable) are included within this classification, many of which are located on the shore. A small number of medium size slipways were seen in the second or third place in the large slipways. In some of these slipways, there are cradle grooves that show that the ship was taken in the sea to the cradle and was beached along with the cradle. 76

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations 4. Large slipways (Figures 6.41, 6.42): There are a total of 48 (47 accurate, 1 probable) large slipways, with the widths ranging from 7 to 13 meters, the lengths between 21 and 34 meters. In most of this size of slipway, there are slip grooves and, at the end of the slipway, rock-cut slots where the slip structure was placed. In one of them, there is a special section, probably used for warships (Figures 6.43, 6.44). In other slipways, there are also rock-cut sections made for fitting spurs (Figures 6.45, 6.46). The likes of these slipways are seen at the 12 rock-cut slipways in Rhodes-Eulimna. The average width of these slipways is 8-10 meters and the length is 17-21 meters (Baika, 2013c: 343). The aspect ratio of these slipways in the bay of Eulimna Emporeio differ slightly from the aspect ratio of the large slipways on Dana Island. In Apollonia, the dimensions seen in the rock-cut slipways are 5.5-6 meters in width and 28-31 meters in length (Baika, 2013b: 299). It would have been possible to build two ships next to each other in the slipways, in those which have a greater width than typical. General features of the slipways The profile of the slipways on the island is entirely related to the suitability of the land structure. The places where the slope was not suitable were trimmed by cutting the rocks, and a piece of ground, where the ship would be propped upright to be worked on comfortably, was prepared through the same method. Wherever the land structure permitted, slipways were constructed, mostly side by side. (Figures 6.47, 6.48, 6.49, 6.50). The entrances of the slipways were probably 28-30 cm lower (Figures 6.51, 6.52, 6.53, 6.54, 6.55) than at the present day due to rising sea levels. Some of the slipways were probably enclosed by combined roof systems. Around these slipways and at some of their mid-points, there are slots carved into the rocks where wooden posts were laid to carry a wooden roof (Figures 6.56, 6.57). In some slipways, there are slots in which stanchions, used for fitting and balancing the beached ship, were fixed (Figure 6.58). Similar slots may also be found in the sections carved into the rocks, probably for the bows of small vessels (Figure 6.59). In some slipways, there are grooves that allow the ship or the cradle to slide and then to be fixed in place (Figures 6.60, 6.61, 6.62, 6.63, 6.64, 6.65). Modern examples of cradles may be seen in Figures 6.66 and 6.67. In some of the slipways, there are steps carved into the rocks which would have facilitated access for the workers. Also, in some slipways there are bollards and tying stones that would allow the ship to stand tied to the land or stand firm when beaching (Figures 6.68, 6.69, 6.70, 6.71, 6.72, 6.73). In addition, on the sides of some slipways, there are special bollards that stop the ship from sliding backwards, keeping the rope taut while the ships were hauled with the help of animals (Figures 6.74, 6.75, 6.76. 6.77). In some slipways, there are also some moorings and slots where wooden posts were fitted to prevent ships from capsizing in the wind after beaching (Figures 6.78). Between some of the slipways paths were built to transport timber and goods from the shore to the interior of the island, where the workshops are located (Figure 6.79). A part of the slipways on the shore were destroyed by nature, so these areas remained empty in the recording of the 1,500 meter area, but it seems most probable that slipways were also present in these parts. The front parts of some slipways have been lost through erosion, with the rear parts towards the mainland remaining intact (Figures 6.80, 6.81). Due to the erosion from natural causes or according to changing needs, necessary modifications (Figures 6.82, 6.83, 6.84, 6.85) were undertaken inside some old slipways at a later time. In a small number of these the rock-cutting methods and masonry techniques can be seen.

77

Dana Island

Figure 6.41 Large slipway section

Figure 6.42 Large slipway section (174)

Figure 6.43 Possible ram maintance unit of warship

Figure 6.44 Possible ram maintance unit in slipway

Figure 6.45 Possible iron ram from the west of Dana Island

Figure 6.46 Section for fitting spurs

78

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.47 Examples of side by side slipways

Figure 6.48 Examples of side by side slipways

Figure 6.49 Side by side slipways and a workshop

Figure 6.50 Aerial view of the slipways side by side

Figure 6.51 Side by side slipways with possible second slipways behind

Figure 6.52 Side by side slipways; entry zones destroyed by coastal erosion, demonstrating the differences in water level

79

Dana Island

Figure 6.53 Side by side slipways. There could be more slipways on eroded entrance sides.

Figure 6.54 Slipways with eroded entrance zones

Figure 6.55 Slipways with eroded entrance zones

Figure 6.56 Hole for post to carry roof

Figure 6.57 Hole for post to carry roof

Figure 6.58 Slots for stanchions to hold ships

80

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.59 A special unit to hold the bow of the ship and slots for stanchions

Figure 6.60 Groove to allow cradle to be slid into slipway

Figure 6.61 Groove to allow cradle to be slid into slipway

Figure 6.62 Slot to hold the front part of a cradle

Figure 6.63 Slipways with grooves

Figure 6.64 Slipway with groove

81

Dana Island

Figure 6.66 A cradle from Sinop Harbor

Figure 6.65 Place where the cradle and the fore of the ship are seated

Figure 6.68 A rock-cut bollard

Figure 6.67 A cradle from Mugla-Kıyıkışlacık

Figure 6.70 A rock-cut mooring fastening hole Figure 6.69 A rock-cut mooring fastening hole

82

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.71 A rock-cut mooring fastening hole

Figure 6.72 First possible use of rock-cut bollard and fastening hole

Figure 6.73 Second Possible use of rock-cut bollard and fastening hole

Figure 6.74 Rock-cut bollard to keep ropes taut during beaching

Figure 6.75 Rock-cut bollard to keep ropes taut during beaching

Figure 6.76 Rock-cut bollard to keep ropes taut during beaching

83

Dana Island

Figure 6.77 A partially eroded bollard

Figure 6.78 A rock cut fastening hole on the slipway to use for the safety of the ship when it was on the ramp

Figure 6.79 Pathway between two slipways

Figure 6.80 Eroded slipways – only the rear parts are visible

84

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.82 Later wall built inside a slipway

Figure 6.81 Eroded coastline, mooring stone is visible

Figure 6.84 Walls with later rebuilding

Figure 6.83 A different row of walls probably built later on the same structure

Figure 6.85 Some walls of the church are constructed on earlier slipways

Figure 6.86 Stone cutting area S6

85

Dana Island Stone ‘quarries’ on the coastline There are a total of seven places (Figures 6.86, 6,87) used as small quarries for stone cutting in the 1500 meter shipyard area of Dana Island. However, these forms (S1-S7 in the plan) constitute a very small area of the total coastline. Some stone blocks taken from these places were probably used on a group of buildings which can be dated to the 5th-6th centuries AD, after the proposed date of the slipways. These ‘quarries’ can be easily distinguished by the traces of removal of the stone blocks (Figs 6.88, 6.89, 6.90, 6.91). Large quarries were also found in the inner parts of the island in 2016 and 2017 (Figures 6.92, 6.93). Some of these areas are intertwined with the necropoleis behind the settlement area, and some were converted to form walls as part of buildings after the stones had been removed (Figure 6.94). In addition, there are various structures carved directly into the stones in the main quarrying areas (Figure 6.95). In the studies carried out in 2018, a shipwreck with a block of stone was found at a depth of 5-6 meters, 30 meters away from the slipways (Figure 6.96). Using the Cilician Type 6 amphorae found in this shipwreck, it may be dated to the 4th-6th centuries AD This may also be used to indicate the possible dating of the coastal ‘quarries’. The areas where the cut-out places and stone cuts are made are generally a type of sandstone called aeolianite (Erginal and Öztürk, 2009: 51). Especially due to the effects of the crystallized salt, the aeolianite structure on the coast of Dana Island is thought to be less robust than the bedrock inland (Figure 6.97). Accordingly, while solid stone blocks can be easily taken from the inner parts of Dana Island, it is not common practice to take perishable stones from the shore. As a matter of fact, block stone cutting from the shore has been limited. The above-mentioned effects are the main factors in the erosion of the slipways. Another factor is earthquakes (Figure 6.98). Beaching the ships A number of methods are known to have been used for beaching ships. These are a) setting the ship in a cradle inside the sea and sliding it on a wooden construction, oiled cradle up the slipway (Figure 6.99). The cradle was termed vazo or vazia in some regions of the Aegean (Rankov, 2013a: 114); b) setting the ship on a cradle inside the sea and sliding it on the oiled floor of the slipway (Figures 6.100, 6.101); c) sliding the ship on its own keel using an oiled wooden structure fixed to the slipway (Figure 6.102); d) sliding the ship on its own keel on oiled floor of the slipway itself with a groove for the keel (Figure 6.103) (Rankov, 2013a: 113); e) sliding the ship on its own keel over round logs (Fig. 6.104, 6.105). Once hauled up onto the slipway the ship would be fastened to the ground for protection against storms (Figure 6.106). These methods are still currently applied exactly like this in the traditional slipways of the Mediterranean and the Black Sea (Figure 6.107). In some slipways of Dana Island, there are traces showing that the ships were beached using cradles. In some of the rock-cut slipways, there are slip and keel grooves that allow the cradle or the ship to move right and left and slide easily. This type of cradle or keel groove is seen in many slipways. For example, this type of groove is seen in one of the four rock-cut slipways in Rhithymnia, Crete (Baika, 2013d: 501) and seven of the ten rock-cut slipways in Apollonia (Baika, 2013b: 299). In other words, the information available shows that all these methods have been used at different times on Dana Island. Probably, the hauling was done using a large number of animals. In the interior of the island there are large courtyards made with poor workmanship using dry masonry, which are thought to have been used as animal shelters.

86

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.87 An area used as a slipway and then as a stone cutting area (S4, seen from the sea)

Figure 6.88 Temporary stone quarry

Figure 6.89 Temporary stone quarry S6

Figure 6.90 Temporary stone quarry

Figure 6.91 Temporary stone quarry S4 - stone cutting areas are clearly separated from the slipways

Figure 6.92 Stone quarry

87

Dana Island

Figure 6.93 A quarry in the hills of the island, near the western necropolis

Figure 6.95 Structure carved directly into quarry wall

Figure 6.94 Quarry reused as a wall after operations ceased

Figure 6.96 Shipwreck with quarried block of stone

Figure 6.97 Coastal aeolianite of Dana Island

Figure 6.98 Evidence of earthquake activity

88

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.99 Setting the ship in a cradle inside the sea and sliding on a wooden construction

Figure 6.100 Hauling the ship and its cradle on the oiled channels of the slipway

Figure 6.101 Hauling the ship and its cradle on the oiled channels of the slipway (side view)

Other structures on the island There are large quantities of structural remains to the rear of almost all of the slipways (Figures 6.108, 6.109, 6.110). Among these constructions, those which first drew our attention are the Byzantine period church buildings and baths which are located on the shore (Figures 6.111. 6.112, 6.113, 6.114, 6.115, 6.116, 6.117, 6.118). Many structures, most of which have been destroyed, are likely to have provided accommodation for ships’ masters and security personnel, management areas, workshops, shops, and houses. (Figures 6.119, 6.120, 6.121, 6.122, 6.123, 6.124). Masonry techniques on almost on all the buildings of the Island bear similarities with those of the Iron Age, Hellenistic and Late Antique-Byzantine periods (Figures 6.125, 6.126, 89

Dana Island

Figure 6.102 Hauling the ship on its own keel over a fixed oiled wooden construction

Figure 6.103 Hauling the ship onto the slipway with its keel in the oiled channel

Figure 6.104 Hauling the ship over round logs

Figure 6.105 Pulling the ship over round logs (side view)

6.127, 6.128, 6.129, 6.130, 6.131, 6.132, 6.133, 6.134). More accurate dating will become possible after excavation. Some structures, in which different types of columns and bases were used, indicate the presence of administrative buildings or rulers’ houses (Figures 6,135, 6.136, 6.137, 6.138). There are many traces showing that some of the structures were re-used by being built over. A single-hole stone anchor of a type used since the Bronze Age was found inside the ruins of a church wall (Figure 6.139). There are at least five iron workshops have been found with 100 kg of iron scoriae (Figure 6.140) and stone and metal remains which do not occur naturally on the Island (Figures 6.141, 6.142). Portable stone crucibles and crucibles carved 90

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.106 Fastening a ship to the ground for protection against storms

Figure 6.108 Slipways and the structures behind them

Figure 6.107 Amasra Harbor showing modern cradles (Photograph: Dilay Küçük)

into the bedrock have been also seen around the shipyard area. Some of the nail fragments found among the iron remains suggest that the remaining iron fragments from these vessels were melted in these workshops for reuse. The presence of workshops in the shipyards where metalwork took place is expected. Many ancient shipyards in the Mediterranean have lost their in-situ positions due to construction related to tourism and similar reasons. For this reason, the presence of metal workshops in known shipyards has rarely been detected. One is to be found in the Lacyoon Harbor in the ancient city of Massalia in Marseille. The city was founded in 600 BC by colonists from Focai (İzmir), and its fleet won numerous victories at sea against Carthage in the 6th and 5th centuries BC. According to Strabo, this city had shipsheds and facilities for ships during the Second Century BC (McKenzie, 2013: 379 Fig. B12. 3). Five shipsheds have been excavated and a group of metal workshops were found right 91

Dana Island

Figure 6.109 A slipway and the ruins behind it

Figure 6.110 Slipways with structures to their rear

Figure 6.111: The large church on the shore and surrounding ruins

Figure 6.112 Remains of a Late Roman bath

Figure 6.113 Church structure, possibly on the site of an earlier temple

Figure 6.114 Chapel on the shore

92

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.116 Marble remains

Figure 6.115 Mosaic flooring

Figure 6.117 Architectural decoration

Figure 6.118 Remains of a column

93

Dana Island

Figure 6.119 Buildings behind slipways 126-134

Figure 6.120 Section of the building remains

94

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.121 A building at the west of the island after the vegetation clearing process in 2017

Figure 6.122 Plan of the building depicted in Figure 6.121

95

Dana Island

Figure 6.123 Interior of the building in Figure 6.121

Figure 6.124 Interior of the building in Figure 6.121

Figure 6.125 Uneven walls without mortar on a rock-cut wall

Figure 6.126 Possible Hellenistic wall remains

Figure 6.127 Unmortared building wall

Figure 6.128 Unmortared building wall

96

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.129 Mortarless building walls

Figure 6.130 Mortarless building wall

Figure 6.131 A sample of mortarless wall forms

Figure 6.132 A sample of mortarless wall forms

Figure 6.133 A sample of mortarless wall forms

Figure 6.134 A sample of mortarless wall forms

97

Dana Island

Figure 6.135 lintel from possible administrative building

Figure 6.136 A columned structure - probably an administrative building or a ruler’s house

Figure 6.137 A column from the structure

Figure 6.138 Column remains from a building

Figure 6.139 Single hole stone anchor form in the wall remains

Figure 6.140 Iron scoriae collected from one of the five possible iron workshop areas

98

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.141 Some stone remains which are not naturally occurring on the island

Figure 6.142 Iron and other residues

Figure 6.143 Some of these structures were used as workshops

Figure 6.144 Location of workshops and slipways

99

Dana Island

Figure 6.145 Stone sarcophagus from the necropolis

Figure 6.146 A sarcophagus carved into the bedrock

behind them. Three of the metal workshops found on Dana Island are also located just behind or around the slipways (Fig. 6.143, 6.144). It is likely that excavations will yield more and different workshops. On the hillsides behind the structures, there are three necropolis areas (Figures 6.145, 6.146, 6.147). However, between these three areas, there are also some tombs cut into the available aeolianite rock forms. Some tombs are in the form of a sarcophagus made of stone, and the others are carved directly into the aeolianite rock forms of the hill. Some of these are tombs of children (Figure 6.148) or differently designed tombs such as with steps or vaults (Figures 6.149, 6.150). Further details on the necropolis areas can be seen in Chapter 11. Fortifications There are at least two sets of structural remains seen at the west of the island. One is a watchtower set behind the western end of the slipways (Figure 6.151). Another is a fortification complex on the west hill of the island (Figure 6.152, 6.153). Construction style and wall techniques show at least three probable construction periods, i.e. Iron Age, Hellenistic, and Byzantine (Figures 6.154, 6.155, 6.156, 6.157, 6.158). Inside the fortification can be found a church (Figures 6.159. 6.160, 6.161) and three large cisterns (Figure 6.162). The church was probably also used as a watchtower, because visibility from east to west and from north to south is excellent. There is also a small stone road made by rock-cut elements (Figure 6.163) from the western necropolis to the main gate of the fortification wall (Figure 6.154) in a style characteristic of the Hellenistic Period. Water supply During his visit in 1811-1812, Admiral Beaufort wrote that he could not see any water source, and stated that there were many cisterns (Beaufort, 1817: 206-207). In the southern part of 100

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.147 A sarcophagus from the western necropolis

Figure 6.148 Child’s sarcophagus in the western necropolis

Figure 6.149 A vaulted tomb from the western necropolis

Figure 6.150 Tomb with vault and steps

Figure 6.151 Remains of the watch tower at the western end of the slipways

Figure 6.152 The castle structure from the west of the island

101

Dana Island

Figure 6.153 Shipyard area and mainland from castle structure

Figure 6.154 Early fortifications of the castle structure

Figure 6.155 An entrance to the early fortification wall

Figure 6.156 Early fortification walls of the castle structure

Figure 6.157 Late period wall and gateway of the castle structure

Figure 6.158 Late fortification wall built on earlier fortifications

102

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.159 Apse of the church inside the castle structure

Figure 6.160 The apse wall from the church inside the castle

Figure 6.161 One of the pillars in the church area

Figure 6.162 Wall from one of the cisterns in the castle structure

Figure 6.163 Steps on the road leading from the western necroplis to the castle

Figure 6.164 Vaulted Cistern

103

Dana Island

Figure 6.165 Cisterns between slipways

Figure 6.166 Lead remains

Figure 6.167 Iron carpentry tools, bronze nails and ship fittings

104

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.168 Nails and other metalwork finds

Figure 6.169 Metalwork finds

the island there is a small water source that is hardly noticeable and probably dries up in summer. This resource is both inadequate and difficult to use due to the 270 meter hill in the middle of the island. For this reason cisterns in which rainwater was stored were used. Differences in the construction of these cisterns may indicate differences in the periods they were in use. 221 visible cisterns were documented in 2017 and 2018. These cisterns are located among the buildings or either inside or Figure 6.170 Hooks and other metalwork finds near to groups of slipways (Figure 6.164). In front of some cisterns there are stonecarved water vessels. Some cisterns are located inside or nearby the workshops where water would have been required for industrial use (Figure 6.165). The capacity of the cisterns and further details concerning them can be found in Chapter 12. Finds Among the finds made during the survey were lead, most of which belonged to the ships (Figure 6.166), copper and bronze pieces, and numerous iron and bronze ship nails (Figures 6.167, 6.168, 6.169, 6.170, 6.171). In addition, iron carpentry tools that may have been used in shipbuilding, and coins, most of which belonged to between the 2nd and 6th centuries AD, 105

Dana Island

Figure 6.171 A bronze artifact that has not yet been identified, possibly a charm

Figure 6.174 Lead arrowhead

Figure 6.172 Bronze coins mainly dating to between the 2nd and 6th centuries AD

Figure 6.173 Bronze coin dating to 5-6th century AD

Figure 6.175 Obsidian tools

106

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.176 Stone tools

Figure 6.179 Iron Age pottery sherd

Figure 6.177 Cilician Type 6c and 6b amphora fragments

Figure 6.178 Glass finds

107

Dana Island were identified (Figures 6.172, 6.173), as well as a lead arrowhead (Figure 6.174). Apart from these, an obsidian and flint blades, a ceramic oil-lamp and various pieces of glassware were identified in 2016. Eight obsidian (Figure 6.175) and five stone tools (Figure 6.176) dating from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age were also found around the slipways. Glass materials date from first century BC to the fifth century AD Among the surface finds were Cilician Type 6 (LR1b) amphorae (Figure 6.177), most of which were dated to the 4th-6th centuries AD and numerous ceramic remains (Figure 6.178), such as Late Iron Age examples (Figure 6.179), Archaic examples dated to the 8th-5th centuries BC (Figure 6.180), some luxury amphora sherds dated to the 6th-3rd centuries BC (Figure 6.181), Hellenistic examples dated to the 3rd-1st centuries BC (Figure 6.182, 6.183), African Red Slip Ware dated to the 1st-7th centuries AD (Figure 6.184), Cypriot Red Slip Ware examples dated to the 3rd-6th centuries AD (Figure 6.185). These remains are just a selection of the documented archaeological objects from the survey work. Together they indicate an almost uninterrupted sequence extending from the Bronze Age to the 7th century AD on the island. Conclusion The present results, before the excavation of the building remains, suggest life on the island was continuous from the Iron Age into the Byzantine period. The finds also indicate the possibility of Paleolithic, Neolithic and Bronze Age human presence on the island. The earliest evidence showing the presence of maritime activity on the Cilician coast begins with 4,000 pieces of obsidian of Central Anatolian origin found in excavations at the Cypriot site, Tatlısu Çiftlikdüzü (Akanthou), dating back to the 9000s BC (Şevketoğlu, 2006: 125). There is no doubt that these obsidian materials and the people who used them came via the sea. It is, therefore possible, based on the archaeological evidence, to trace the probable beginnings of maritime activity on the Cilician coast back to an earlier time, around 11,000 years ago. It is known that the maritime activity that started in these millennia increased, especially from the 2000s BC, with the development of political, commercial, and cultural relations in the Mediterranean. Surface finds from the island also show an approximate parallel. Questions concerning the Bronze Age on the island, such as the connection of Dana Island and the Danuna, sea peoples followed by Ramesses III to their island in the north, as well as Hittite maritime activities such as Shuppilulima II’s victory in the open sea off Alasia await the results of excavations on Dana Island. Archaeological material from the Iron Age is today more visible on the island. Historical records also have the potential to support these remains. In 8th century BC, the name Danuna appears as a Late Hittite kingdom at Karatepe in the battleship relief. The presence of a naval force of the Cilician Danuna shows the possibility of warship construction in Cilicia. In the Assyrian texts dated to the same century ‘the Hatti presence in the middle of the sea’ is an important point to note in researching Dana Island’s history. In the 6th century BC, the presence of 6,000 people, who resisted when the Neo-Babylonian king, Neriglissar, attacked Dana Island (Pitusu), presents the strong possibility of associating this with the shipyard on the island. It is very well known that Cilicia gave 100 ships to the Persian fleet and also worked as shipbuilders for the same fleet in the 5th century BC Antigonos Monopthalamos built a shipyard in Cilicia alongside other shipyards in Tripoli, Byblos and Sidon after the death of Alexander the Great in 323 BC There is considerable evidence concerning this period on the island and there is a high probability that the Cilician Shipyard is to be identified with Dana Island. The large slipways are fit for triremes. The Cilician pirate fleets, which instilled fear in the whole of the Mediterranean during the 3rd-1st centuries BC – and became strong enough 108

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations

Figure 6.180 Archaic ceramic remains

Figure 6.181 Luxury amphora sherd

Figure 6.182 Hellenistic ceramics

Figure 6.183 Amphora sherds 2nd 1st Century BC

109

Dana Island to defy the Roman Empire and attack Greece with 1,000 ships, according to the historian Plutarch – should also be linked to Dana Island. Many remains were dated to the 2nd-6th centuries AD, the period that Cilicia had its agriculture-based economic boom. The available evidence clearly shows that, in this period, a large number of ships in the Cilician trade fleet were built in Cilicia, in ‘Neorion’, or Dana (Pityoussa) Island, and refitted there. It is clear that, from the second millennium BC to the Byzantine Period, many important events that happened on the coasts of the Eastern Mediterranean may be linked with Dana Island. The shipyard with about 294 slipways and a great many related structures is now the largest shipyard that has been preserved with its insitu characteristics , surviving to the present from antiquity. Answers to many questions will emerge through the excavations to be carried out on the island. With such an archaeological potential, Dana Island is an important constituent part of world cultural heritage.

Figure 6.184 African red slip ware

Figure 6.185 Cypriot red slip ware

Bibliography AKURGAL, E. (1993), Anadolu Uygarlıkları, Net Yayınları, Istanbul. ALP, S. (2000), Hitit Çağında Anadolu, Tübitak Yayınları, Ankara. AYDINGÜN, H. (2014), Uygar Dünyanın İlk Yıkışı MÖ 1200, Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları, Istanbul. BAIKA, K., (2013a), The Fortification of Shipshed and Naval Arsenals, in D. J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean Cambridge University Press, 210-230. BAIKA, K., (2013b), Apollonia in Cyrenaica (Sozousa), in D. J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean Cambridge University Press, 294-306. BAIKA, K., (2013c), Eulimna (Alimnia), in D. J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean Cambridge University Press, 340-348. BAIKA, K., (2013d), Rhthymnia/Arsinoe (Rethymnon), in D. J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean Cambridge University Press, 501-508. BAIKA, K., (2013e), Small-Scale and Rock-Cut Naval Bases, in D. J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean Cambridge University Press, 231-253. BEAL, R.H. (1992), The Location of Cilician Ura, Anatolian Studies, Vol. 42, 65-73. 110

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations BEAN, G., (1999), Eski Çağda Güney Kıyılar, Arion Yayınevi, Istanbul. BEAUFORT, F., (1817), Karamania or A Brief Description of the South Coast of Asia Minor and of the Remains of Antiquity, R.Hunter, London. BILIR, A. (2015), Antik Çağ’da Korsanlığın Kilikya Ekonomisine Etkisi, in Proceedings of 2nd International Symposium of Turgut Reis And Turkish Maritime History (1-4 November 2013) (Editors: Cihan Yemişçi, Tarık Eray Çakır, Mustafa Gürbüz Beydiz, Cezmi Çoban ), Bodrum Belediyesi Yayınları, 12-23. BLACKMAN, D. J., (2013), Ramps and substructures in D. J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean, Cambridge University Press, 124-140. ÇAMBEL, H. (1949), Karatepe Heykeltraşlık Eserleri Hakkında Bazı Mülahazalar, Belleten, XIII, Issue 49, 21-44. D’AMATO, R. and SALIMBETI, A. (2015), Sea Peoples of the Bronze Age Mediterranean c.1400 BC-1000 BC Bloomsbury Publishing, London. DE SOUZA, P. (1999), Piracy in the Graeco-Roman World, Cambridge University Press DEMIRCIOĞLU, H. (2015), Roma Tarihi Cilt 1 Cumhuriyet, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, Istanbul. DREWS, R. (1993), The End of the Bronze Age: Changes in Warfare and the Catastrophe ca. 1200 BC, Princeton University Press, 3rd ed. 1993 DURUKAN, M., (2005), Antik Dönemde Mersin Coğrafyasının Jeostratejik ve Politik Önemi, Tarih İçinde Mersin Kolokyum II, Mersin 2005, Mersin Üniversitesi Yayınları ERGINAL, A. E., ÖZTÜRK, B., (2009), Kuvaterner Eolinit (Bozcaada) Ve Eosen Kumtaşı (Gelibolu Yarimadasi) Üzerinde Deniz Tuzu Ayrıştırması Mikroanalitik Verilerin Katkısı, MTA Dergisi 139, 51-59. FERREZOLI, A.F., (2010), ‘Economy of Roman Eastern Rough Cilicia: Some Archaeological Indicators’, ROMA 2008 – International Congress of Classical Archaeology Meetings Between Cultures in the Ancient Mediterranean, Volume Speciale G / G10 / 5, 39-50. FINKLER, C., BAIKA, K., RIGAKOU, D., METALLINOU, G., FISHER, P., HADLER, H., EMDE, K., VÖTT, A., (2018), Geoarchaeological investigations of a prominent quay wall in ancient Corcyra – Implications for harbour development, palaeoenvironmental changes and tectonic geomorphology of Corfu Island (Ionian Islands, Greece), Quaternary International 473.A. FROST, H., (1989), Pyramidal Stone Anchors; An Inquiry, Proceedings of 1st International Symposium On Ship Construction In Antiquity Piraeus, (30 August - 1 September 1985) (Editor: Harry E. Tzalas) Hellenic Institute For The Preservation Of Nautical Tradition, Athens, 97114. GERDING, H., (2013a), Carthage, in D. J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean Cambridge University Press, 307-318. GERDING, H., (2013b), Syracuse, in D. J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean Cambridge University Press, 535-541. GORDON, C.H. (1958), Abraham and the Merchants of Ura, Journal of Near Eastern Studies, Vol. 17, No. 1, 28-31. GÖKHAN, I. (2012), Türkiye Selçuklulari ile Kilikya Ermenileri Arasindaki Siyasi Ilişkiler, Nevsehir University Journal of Social Sciences 1, 70-108. GREEN, J. N., (1971) An Underwater Srchaeological survey of Cape Andreas (Cyprus), 1969-70: A Preliminary Report, Proceedings of 23th Symposium of Colston Research Society (4-8 April 1971), Butterworths Scientific Publications, London, 141-179. GÜNALTAY, Ş. (1951), Yakın Şark IV, Perslerden Romalılara Kadar, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara.

111

Dana Island GÜR, B. (2012), Tunç Çağını Sona Erdiren Halklar Deniz Kavimleri, Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları, Istanbul. HIRSCHFIELD, N. (2006), Die Zyprische Keramik aus dem Schiffswrack von Ulttburan, in Ünsal Yalçın, Cemal Pulak, Rainer Slotta (eds.) Das Schiff von Uluburun: Welthandelvor 3000 Jahren, Deutsches Bergbau-Museum, Bochum, 105-110. IŞIK, F. (2008), Mopsos Mitosu ve Bilimsel Gerçekler Perge ve Karatepe’nin Kuruluşu üzerine, in İ. Delemen S. Çokay-Kepçe A. Özdizbay and Ö. Turak (eds.) Prof. Dr. Haluk Abbasoğlu’na 65. Yaş Armağanı EUERGETES Festschrift für Prof. Dr. Haluk Abbasoğlu zum 65. Geburtstag I. Cilt, Suna - İnan Kıraç Akdeniz Medeniyetleri Araştırma Enstitüsü, Antalya, 571-586. KARAGÖZ, Ş., (2003) Eski Çağ’da Depremler, Türk Eskiçağ Bilimleri Enstitüsü Yayınları, Istanbul. KELLY, A. (2010) The Discovery of Phocaean Red Slip Ware (PRSW) Form 3 and Bii ware (LR1 amphorae) at Collierstown in County Meath - an analysis within a broader framework, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy Section C, Dublin, 35-88. KILLEBREW, A. E. AND LEHMANN, G. (2013), The World of the Philistines and Other ‘Sea Peoples’ , in A. E. Killebrew and G. Lehmann (eds.) The Philistines and Other ‘Sea Peoples’ in Text and Archaeology, Society of Biblical Literature, Atlanta, Georgia KOÇHAN, N., and MERAL, K., (2015), Kyzikos’ta Yapılan Kazı Ve Sondajlarla İlgili Bir Değerlendirme, Atatürk Üniversitesi Güzel Sanatlar Enstitüsü Dergisi Journal of the Fine Arts Institute (GSED) 35, 60-77. KRISTENSEN, T.M. (2016), Landscape, Space, and Presence in the Cult of Thekla at Meriamlik, Journal of Early Christian Studies 24:2, 229–263. KURT, M., (2015), M.Ö. VI-V. Yüzyıllarda Kilikya Bölgesi: Küresel Güçler ve Syennesis Krallığı, Uluslararası Tarih Ve Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi - Tarihin Peşinde, Sayı 13, 303-326. LISZKA, K. (2010), Medjay’ (no. 188) in the Onomasticon of Amenemope, in Z. Hawass and J. Houser Wegner (eds.) Millions of Jubilees: Sudies in Honor of David P. Silverman, Publications Du Conseil Suprême Des Antiquités De L’égyptie: Cairo, 315-331. MACQUEEN, J.G. (1986), The Hittites and Their Contemporaries in Asia Minor, Thames and Hudson, London (2nd ed. 1986) MCKENZIE, J., (2013), Massalia (Marseilles), in D. J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean Cambridge University Press, 376-391. MELCHERT, H.C. (2007), The Borders of Tarhuntassa Revisited, in M. Alparslan, M. DoğanAlparslan and H. Peker Belkıs Dinçol ve Ali Dinçol’a Armağan - VITA Festschrift in Honor of Belkıs Dinçol and Ali Dinçol, Ege Yayınları, Istanbul, 507-514. MULLER-KARPE, V. (2006), Bier und Bierproduktion in Anatolien zur Bronzezeit, in Ünsal Yalçın, Cemal Pulak, Rainer Slotta (eds.) Das Schiff von Uluburun: Welthandelvor 3000 Jahren, Deutsches Bergbau-Museum, Bochum, 173-186. ORMEROD, H. A. (1997), Piracy in the Ancient World, An Essay in Mediterranean History John Hopkins University Press, Maryland. ÖNIZ, H., (2012), One Holed Stone Anchors from the coast of Antalya / Turkey – 2011, Archaeologia Maritima Mediterranea (An International Journal on Underwater Archaeology)- 9, 2012, Pisa-Roma, 111-124. ÖNIZ, H., (2014), Multi-Holed Stone Anchors Antalya / Turkey – 2011, Archaeologia Maritima Mediterranea (An International Journal on Underwater Archaeology) - 11, 2014, Pisa-Roma, 13-24. ÖNIZ, H., (2016), Doğu Akdeniz’de Amphoralar, Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları, Istanbul. ÖNIZ, H., BEŞALTI, K. (2016), ‘Geç Hitit Denizciliği İçin Muhtemel Bir Örnek: Karatepe / Possible Example To Hittite Seamanship: Karatepe KUBABA - Arkeoloji - Sanat Tarihi - Tarih Dergisi 25, 73-81. 112

Dana Island Ancient Shipyard, Rough Cilicia: Archaeological Observations PAKKANEN, J., (2013), The Economics of Shipshed Complexes, Zea, A Case Study, in D. J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean Cambridge University Press, 55-75. PAPADOPOULOU, C., (2014), The Classical naval installations in the Piraeus, Archaeological Reports, Volume 60, 50-54. POLICANTE, A. (2012), Hostis Humani Generis - Pirates and Empires from Antiquity until Today, Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Goldsmiths College, London PULAK, C., (2001), Cedar For Ships, Archaeology & History in Lebanon, Issue 14, 24-36. PULAK, C., (2006), Das Schiffswrack von Uluburun, in Ünsal Yalçın, Cemal Pulak, Rainer Slotta (eds.) Das Schiff von Uluburun: Welthandelvor 3000 Jahren, Deutsches Bergbau-Museum, Bochum, 57-104. RADNER, K. (web) The many kingdoms of Cyprus http://www.ucl.ac.uk/sargon/essentials/ countries/cyprus/(viewed 15-12-20) RANKOV, B. (2013a), Slipping and Launching, in D. J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean Cambridge University Press, 102-123. RANKOV, B., (2013b), Pireaus, in D. J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean Cambridge University Press, 420-488. REYNOLDS, P. (2003), Amphorae in Roman Lebanon, 50BC to AD250 Archaeology & History in Lebanon Issue 17, 120-130. RICH, S.A., (2013), Ship Timber as Symbol? Dendro-provenancing & Contextualizing Ancient Cedar Ship Remains from the Eastern Mediterranean / Near East, Unpublished PhD Dissertation, KU Leuven ROAF, M. (1990), Cultural atlas of Mesopotamia and the ancient Near East, Andromeda: Oxford SASSON, J.M. (1966), Canaanite Maritime Involvement in the Second Millennium B. C., Journal of the American Oriental Society, Vol. 86, No. 2, 126-138. SEVIN, V. (2002), Anadolu Arkeolojisi, Der Yayınları, İstanbul. SEVINÇ, F. (2008), Hititlerin Anadolu’da Kurdukları Ekonomik ve Sosyal Sistem, SDÜ Fen Edebiyat Fakültesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, Sayı:17, 11-32. SHEFFY, Y., (1998), British Military Intelligence in the Palestine Campaign, 1914-1918, F. Cass: London. STARR, C.G. (1989), The Influence of Sea Power on Ancient History, Oxford University Press STILLWELL, R., MACDONALD, W.L., MCALLISTER, M.H., (1976), Pityoussa in The Princeton Encyclopedia of Classical Sites, Princeton University Press ŞENOL, A.K., (2008),Cilician Commercial Relations with Egypt due to theNew Evidence of Amphora Finds OLBA XVI, 109-131. ŞEVKETOGLU, M., (2006), Cypro-Anatolian Relations in the 9th Millenium BC: Akanthou/ Tatlısu Rescue Excavation, Anatolia-30, 119-136. TARAKÇI, N. (web), Yunanlılar Nasıl Denizci Oldu, http://www.tasam.org/Files/Icerik/File/ YUNANLILAR_NASIL_DEN%C4%B0ZC%C4%B0_OLDU_pdf_358c5b5a-db39-4e88-96e7ad8ebd54724e.pdf (viewed 15-12-20) TSIRKIN, J. B. (2001), Canaan. Phoenica.Sidon, Aula Orientalis 19, 271–279. ÜNAL, A. (2002), Hitit Devrinde Anadolu I, Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları, Istanbul. ÜNAL, A. (2003), Hitit Devrinde Anadolu II, Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları, Istanbul. ÜNAL, A. (2006), Hitit İmparatorluğunun Yıkılışından Bizans Döneminin Sonuna Kadar Adana ve Çukurova Tarihi, ÇÜ Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, Cilt 15, Sayı 3, 67 - 102. ÜNAL, A., and GIRGINER, K.S., (2007), Kilikya-Çukurova, İlk Çağlardan Osmanlılar Dönemine Kadar Kilikya’da Tarihi Coğrafya, Tarih ve Arkeoloji, Homer Kitabevi, Istanbul.

113

Dana Island VARINLIOĞLU, G.,(2015), Boğsak Arkeolojik Yüzey Araştırması 2014, in K. Dörtlük, T. Kahya, R. Boyraz and T. Ertekin (eds.) ANMED, Antalya, 151-157. WISEMAN, D. J. (1956), Chronicles Of Chaldaean Kings (626-556 BC) in The British Museum, The Trustees of The British Museum, London. YAĞCI, R., (2008), The Invisible Presence of the Sea Peoples in Cilicia, in A. Erkanal-Oktü, S. Günel, and U. Deniz (eds.) Batı Anadolu ve Doğu Akdeniz Geç Tunç Çağı Kültürleri Üzerine Yeni Araştırmalar, Hacettepe Universitesi Yayınları, Ankara. http://www.ancientportsantiques.com/the-catalogue/turkey/ (viewed 15-12-20)

114

Slipway numbers 9, 10, 11, 12

Chapter 7

Coastal Aeolianite as the Geological Heritage of Dana Island: Preliminary Results Ahmet Evren Erginal, Oya Erenoğlu, Hakan Öniz and Savaş Sarialtun Introduction Fossil dunes formed through the amalgamation of coastal dunes with calcium carbonate are called aeolianite. These lithified sand dunes, which are observed on the coast of many middlelatitude continents and islands throughout the world, are described as carbonaceous sand carried by the wind (Frébourg et al., 2008) or carbonate-cemented coastal limestone (Brooke, 2001). Defined as eolianite in America, miliolite in India and the Middle East, kurkar in Israel, dunerock in South Africa and gres dunaire in the Mediterranean, this rock type has a broad distribution in both hemispheres, particularly between latitudes 20° and 40°. These petrified dune beds with a thickness ranging between 50 cm to 150 metres are generally Quaternary (Pleistocene) in age (Brooke, 2001). Even though the aeolianites constitute rocky shores at present, they give information about the distribution, size and direction of coastal dunes in the geological past, and record especially the direction of the prevailing palaeowinds, based upon the strike and dip of the cemented beds. Recorded first by Charles Darwin in 1836 on the coast of the island of St. Helena (Darwin, 1851), followed by the records of Daly (1927) and Sayles (1931), the aeolianite bears traces of coastal dunes based on sand content and bed characteristics, as well as dense binding carbonates that retain evidence of carbonate precipitation on shelf plains during the warm interglacials. The formation of aeolianite is associated with many climatic parameters such as carbonate production on continental shelf plains, Quaternary sea level changes, coastal tectonics, the effect of waves, temperature, humidity and wind regime. Especially in arid climates, vegetation and meteoric cementing is weak, and the deep-seated groundwater table promotes wind efficiency, so that coastal dunes can advance up to 85 km inside the land (Abegg et al., 2001; Lancaster, 2005). Along the Mediterranean coast, especially in Israel (Frechen et al., 2001; Sivan et al., 1999; Yallon 1967; Engelmann et al., 2001; Porat et al., 1995), aeolianite has been determined on various coasts such as in Egypt (El-Asmar, 1994; El-Asmar and Wood, 2000) Crete (Caron et al., 1998), and North Cyprus (Erginal et al., 2012). Research on aeolianite has been carried out on the Turkish coastline within the last 10 years. Cape Zunguma aeolianite on the southern coast of Bozcaada island (Erginal, 2008; Kiyak and Erginal, 2010; Erginal et al., 2013b) and aeolianite Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 116–125

Coastal Aeolianite as the Geological Heritage of Dana Island: Preliminary Results

Figure 7.1 Views of Jurassic dolomitic limestones on Dana Island (a, b) and thin section image (Cal: Calcite, Do: Dolomite) (c)

cropping out along the coastal zone of Doğancılı-Sahilköy to the west of Şile (Erginal et al., 2013a; Erginal et al., 2017) form the first records regarding the presence of aeolianite on Turkey’s coasts. The Dana Island aeolianite presented in this study is the first find from the Mediterranean coast of Turkey. Dana Island became a focus of interest following the discovery of coastal and underwater archaeological remains there by Hakan Oniz and his research team after 2015 (Denker and Öniz, 2018; Öniz, 2017, 2018). The northern coast of the island, where traces of rock cuts, carvings and an ancient shipyard-harbour dated to 3000 years BP have been found, no doubt constitutes an important cultural heritage site for coastal and underwater archaeology. However, aeolianites, the geological features in which these ancient structures have been preserved until today, also possess important geological heritage value for the island. In this chapter, the environmental records of the Dana Island aeolianites in terms of sea level changes during glacial and interglacial periods and climatic fluctuations are evaluated based upon the environment where they were deposited and their geomorphological and petrographical properties. This article was prepared to evaluate the geological tourism potential of Dana Island if opened to cultural tourism in the future. Physical geography Located in the Silifke district of Mersin province, Dana Island is located 2.3 km offshore from the present coastline. With a total area of 2,716 km2 and 8 km-long coastline, the island has a long axis of 2.87 km running north- east-southwest and a short axis of 1.3 km in a northwestsoutheast direction. The highest point (255 m) is in the south-western part of the island. The northwest slopes facing the Anatolian coast are steeper than the south-eastern part of Dana Island. The highest level at between 200 and 255 m covers 5% of the island, while the rest of the island consists of quite steep slopes. Although the geology of the island consists solely of Jurassic dolomitic limestone (Figure 7.1), the slope angles tend to change in various parts of it. Areas with a slope of less than 10° form the peaks and the coastal stretch once used as a shipyard. These gently sloping areas constitute 17% of the island. Slopes of more than 45° are due to fault scarps and steeply-dipping limestone beds, comprising 7% of the island. The slope values in the remaining (76%) area vary between 10°-45°. According to 60 years of data from the Silifke Meteorology Station, situated 25 km from the island, the average annual temperature and total precipitation are 19.2°C and 571 mm, 117

Dana Island

Figure 7.2 Images from Dana Island. Fault scarps and Jurassic limestone-aeolianite contact (a,b); crossbedded aeolianite beds at an altitude of 85 m asl (c); a typical section where aeolianite and colluvium alternate (d,e); formation of palaeosol in aeolianite (f); rhizolith (g-i); and angular, poorly sorted, tightly cemented colluvial sediments (j,k) (e: aeolianite; c: colluvial; p: palaeosol)

respectively. Average temperatures are above zero all year round. In January, the coldest month, the average temperatures fall to 10°C, while in the hottest months (July-August) the average temperature increases to 28°C. Maximum temperatures can reach 42°C. In summer (June-August) the area receives precipitation of only 10 mm. Especially in October, the amount of rainfall increases, and rises to more than 130 mm in December. In January and February the amount of precipitation decreases gradually, and by August the island is completely dry. Temperature and rainfall values during the year follow the characteristics of the climatic regime; in other words, hot and dry summers reflect the mild-to-moderate latitude climate type (Öztürk et al., 2017). Although the average humidity in the field is 60%, humidity values increase in hot periods due to increasing evaporation from the sea due to higher temperatures. Snowfall, fog and rime events do not occur in the area. However, thunderstorms frequently occur and there is a total of 36 days of rainfall. The geological heritage of Dana Island: aeolianite On the shoreline of Dana Island that faces Anatolia, the aeolianites are distributed along the coast for approximately 1.5 km. About 250 m from the shore, aeolianite beds overlying the Jurassic limestone constitute a cross-bedded climbing dune structure (Figure 7.2a,b), preserved at an altitude of 85 m above the present sea level (Figure 7.2c). 118

Coastal Aeolianite as the Geological Heritage of Dana Island: Preliminary Results The aeolianite beds are intercalated with colluvial sediments or slope breccia, which are the products of strong physical degradation on steep slopes and contain almost half a metresized angular blocks, derived from dolomitic limestones. Although the total visible thickness of both units is close to 3 metres, the thickness of the layer is very variable (Figure 7.2d,e). The aeolianite with a rough surface due to dissolution pits is generally inclined between 5° and 20° in a northwest or northeast direction. A well preserved reddish-coloured palaeosol was also determined between the aeolianite beds (Figure 7.2f ). This fossil soil reveals periods that were relatively more humid and rainy compared to the dry phases when the aeolianite sands were deposited.

Figure 7.3 Thin section images taken from aeolianites, showing coral fossils, algae, ooid and intraclastic grains and various fossils (Cross-polarized, O: Ooid, Cor: Fossil of coral, IC: Intraclast, Alg: Algae)

119

Dana Island The SW-NE-trending aeolianite beds, oriented parallel to the coastline, contain quite abundant fossil plant root moulds (rhizolith) (Figure 7.2g-i). The rhizoliths, which are specific organosedimentary structures of aeolianites or carbonate cementitious sandstones (Klappa, 1980), are fossil plant root moulds that can be found in horizontal or vertical form within layers of aeolianite, often fragmented and in the form of root casts or empty tubes. The rhizoliths observed in some places on Dana Island are suggestive of the deposition of shelf carbonates that have filled the spaces left after the decay of sand dune plants growing in the aeolian sands. Thin section analyses of samples taken from the aeolianites showed that these rocks were composed of fossiliferous oolithic calcarenite (Figure 7.3). In addition, rhizoliths in the aeolianites were also investigated in detail in thin sections (Figure 7.4). Thin section images displayed the presence of abundant quartz, coral and algae fragments, ooids, pellets and intraclasts as allochem components. The void ratio is very high in the samples. Quartz is mostly microcrystalline and rarely found. Ooids occur as single or complex in terms of the

Figure 7.4 Thin section images of rhizolith sample. (a) Inner part of plant root filled with micritic calcite, (b) quartz grains and micritic calcite in middle part, and (c) outer part consisting of micritic calcite and coarse calcite minerals (Cross-polarized, Q: Quartz, Cal: Calcite, Mc: Micrite)

120

Coastal Aeolianite as the Geological Heritage of Dana Island: Preliminary Results number of nuclei. The cores are formed mostly of micritic calcites. Pellets consist of elliptical or spherical carbonate pellets with a grain size of 0.1 to 0.5 mm and are micritic. Coral fossils and algae are very common. The identified species characterize deposition in a shallow water environment. All the components in the aeolianite are connected with spar calcite cement (Figure 7.3). Thin sections of the rhizolith samples showed the presence of three layers, i.e. inner, middle and outer rings. The inner part consists of micritic calcite, which filled the space left by decaying plant roots. Micritic calcites as well as quartz micro crystals exist together in the middle part. The outer ring is formed by coarse calcite minerals and quartz (Figure 7.4). This rhizolith structure is similar to the inner structure of rhizoliths found on Bozcaada (Kıyak and Erginal, 2010) and Şile aeolianites (Erginal et al., 2013a). To sum up, the aeolianites interbedded with slope debris along the north-west coast of Dana Island facing Anatolia must have been formed by cementation of Late Pleistocene coastal dunes on the coast despite the current lack of absolute age data. Before cementing, the beach sand was carried onto the steep slopes of the dolomitic limestones by onshore palaeowinds, and thus formed climbing dunes. The high amount of calcium carbonate acting as the cement binding the aeolianite, a typical feature of Mediterranean aeolianites, was deposited on the shelf plain during the warm interglacials, due to the increased evaporation of sea water. These carbonates along with coral and algae fragments and ooids drifted from the emerging shelf plain onto the coastal sand dunes during the transition to the ensuing glacial period. The carbonates formed plant root patterns called rhizolith by filling the gaps left by sand plants in the dunes after they had died. Since research on the age, sub-surface geometry and submarine geomorphology of aeolianites on Dana Island (such as former shoreline traces and submerged tidal notches) is not yet complete, these issues will be discussed in another study. In particular, the level of the cisterns observed along the coast is at, or equal to the current tidal notches, so the sea level must have been at least 1.5 or 1 metre lower when the shipyard was in operation. Bibliography ABEGG, F. E., HARRIS, P.M., LOOPE, D. B. Ž. (eds). (2001). Modern and Ancient Carbonate eolianites. Sedimentology, Sequence Stratigraphy, and Diagenesis. SEPM Special Publication. BROOKE, B., (2001). The distribution of carbonate eolianite. EarthScience Reviews, 55, 135–164. CARON, V., BERNIERS, P., KERAUDREN, B., DALONGEVILLE, R., (1998). Diagenetic sequences in the Late Pleistocene coastal calcarenites of northern Crete: a helpful tool to solve correlation problems. Bulletin de la Société Géologique de France, 3, 415- 424. DALY, R. A., (1927). The geology of Saint Helena Island. Proceedings of the American Academy of Arts and Sciences 62 (2), 31–98. DARWIN, C. R., (1851). Geological observations on Coral Reefs, Volcanic Islands and on South America, being the Geology of the Voyage of the Beagle, under the Command of Captain Fitzroy during the years 1832 to 1836. Smith, Elder and Company, London. DENKER, A., ÖNIZ, H., (2018). Ancient shipyard on Turkey’s Dana Island: Its 3D modelling with photogrammetry and computer graphics. The International Archives of the Photogrammetry,

121

Dana Island Remote Sensing and Spatial Information Sciences, Volume XLII-2, 2018 ISPRS TC II Mid-term Symposium ‘Towards Photogrammetry 2020’, 4–7 June 2018, Riva del Garda, Italy, 289-296. EL-ASMAR, H.M., (1994). Aeolianite sedimentation along the Northwestern coast of Egypt: evidence for Middle to Late Quaternary aridity. Quaternary Science Reviews 13, 699–708. EL-ASMAR, H.M., Wood, P., (2000). Quaternary shoreline development: the northwestern coast of Egypt. Quaternary Science Reviews 19, 1137– 1149. ENGELMANN, A., NEBER, A., FRECHEN, M., BOENIGK, W., RONEN, A., (2001). Luminescence chronology of upper pleistocene and holocene aeolianites from Netaya South—Sharon Coastal Plain, Israel. Quaternary Science Review (Quaternary Geochronology), 20, 799–804. ERGINAL, A.E., (2008). Coğrafya ve Jeoloji Laboratuarı Bozcaada: Keşfedilmemiş Yerbilimsel Değerler. Bozcaada Değerleri Sempozyumu, 25-26 Ağustos 2008, Bozcaada: 173-181 ERGINAL, A.E., KIYAK, N.G., ERTEK, A., (2012). A New Late Holocene Eolianite Record from Altinkum Beach, North Cyprus. Turkish Journal of Earth Sciences, 21(3): 407-414. ERGINAL, A.E., KIYAK, N.G., EKINCI, Y.L., DEMIRCI, A., ERTEK, A., CANEL, T., (2013a). Age, composition and paleoenvironmental significance of a late Pleistocene eolianite from the western Black Sea coast of Turkey. Quaternary International. 296: 168-175. ERGINAL, A. E., EKINCI, Y.L., DEMIRCI, A., AVCIOGLU, M., OZTURK, M.Z., TURKES, M., YIGITBAS, E., (2013b). Depositional Characteristics of Carbonate-Cemented Fossil Eolian Sand Dunes, Bozcaada Island, Turkey. Journal of Coastal Research. 29(1): 78-85. ERGINAL, A. E., KIYAK, N. G., ÖZTÜRK, M. Z., SELIM, H. H., EKINCI, Y. L., DEMIRCI, A., KIRCI ELMAS, E., ÖZTÜRK, T., ÇAKIR, Ç., KARABIYIKOĞLU, M., (2017). Eolianite and coquinite as evidence of MIS 6 and 5, NW Black Sea coast, Turkey. Aeolian Research, 25: 1-9. FRÉBOURG, G., HASLER, C.-A., GUERN, P.L., DAVAUD, E., (2008). Facies characteristics and diversity in carbonate eolianites. Facies 54 (2), 175-191. FRECHEN, M., DERMANN, B., BOENIGK, W., RONEN, A., (2001). Luminescence chronology of aeolianites from the section at Givat Olga—Coastal Plain of Israel. Quaternary Science Reviews (Quaternary Geochronology), 20, 805–809. KIYAK, N. G., ERGINAL, A.E., (2010). Optical Stimulated Luminescence Dating Study of eolianite on the Island of Bozcaada, Turkey: Preliminary Results. Journal of Coastal Research, 26(4): 673-680. KLAPPA, C. F., (1980). Rhizoliths in terrestrial carbonates: classification, recognition, genesis, and significance. Sedimentology 26, 613-629. LANCASTER, N., (2005), Aeolian erosion, transport and deposition, in Selley, R.C., Robin, L., Cocks, M., and Plimer, I.R. (eds), Encyclopedia of Geology: Oxford, Elsevier, p. 612–627. Sayles, R.W., 1931. Bermuda during the ice age. Proceeding of the America Academy of Arts and Science 66, 381–467. ÖNIZ, H., (2017). A Shipyard on Dana Island, Cilicia: Two hundred and seventy- four slipways recently discovered’, Sykllis, Zeitschrift für maritime and limnische Archaologie und Kulturgeschichte 17(1). ÖNIZ, H., (2018). ‘Mersin Kıyıları Sualtı Araştırmaları ve Dana Adası Tersanesi Çalışmaları,’ Dana Adası Kollokyumu, 18 Ocak, Mersin ÖZTÜRK, M. Z., ÇETINKAYA, G., AYDIN, S., (2017). Köppen-Geiger iklim sınıflandırmasına göre Türkiye’nin iklim tipleri. İstanbul Üniversitesi Coğrafya Dergisi, 35, 17-27 PORAT, N., WINTLE, A. G., (1995). IRSL dating of aeolianites from the Late Pleistocene coastal kurkar ridge, Israel. INQUA 14th International Conference. Alfred Wegner Stiftung, Berlin. SAYLES, R. W., (1931). Bermuda during the ice age. Proceeding of the America Academy of Arts and Science, 66, 381–467. 122

Coastal Aeolianite as the Geological Heritage of Dana Island: Preliminary Results SIVAN, D., GVIRTZMAN, G., SASS, E., (1999). Quaternary Stratigraphy and Paleogeography of the Galilee Coastal Plain, Israel. Quaternary Research 51, 280–294. YALLON, D. H., (1967). Factors affecting the lithification of eolianite and interpretation of its environmental significance in the coastal plain of Israel. Journal of Sedimentary Petrology 37, 1189–1199.

123

Slipway numbers 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 13

Chapter 8

Geoarchaeological Investigation of Architectural Structures on Dana Island: Preliminary Findings Savaş Sarialtun, Hakan Öniz and Günay Dönmez This geoarchaeological study evaluated the geological features and raw material usage in the northern part of Dana Island, which contains ancient elevated steps and structures spread over a 1450 m2 area. Located in a bay southwest of Silifke in Mersin-Turkey, Dana Island is 2.3 km from the coast and occupies a total area of 2716 km2. Aeolianites were identified on the northern coast of the island overlooking the Anatolian coastline. The importance of this geological unit from an archeological viewpoint is the bedded structure and processable rock. Aeolianite was clearly chosen for architectural construction on Dana Island as the most appropriate and easily processed structural material. Blocks from two quarries located immediately east of a building complex were removed from the bedrock in layers or steps. Investigation of the quarries generally observed that standard dimensions were used. During processing in the quarries, aeolianite blocks of 48-52 cm height and nearly 50-60 cm thickness were quarried. The blocks removed from quarries in the geological area where the aeolianites were deposited were then used for the construction of the walls, doorways and arches in this building complex. Introduction Where and how stone is obtained and worked for use in architectural structural elements is important both to learn the meaning attached to a space and its function and to understand the technological infrastructure of that society. Stone production and processing operations are labour-intensive and time-consuming processes even when advanced machines and tools are used, as today. Considering the manpower and effort required in antiquity, it is clear that this process was more difficult. Necessity is the basis of production strategies and products would be obtained to respond to needs in the shortest, easiest manner. In the context of production location, when the potential of an area is discovered and it becomes operative, the characteristics of being a potential resource area die away, and it passes into the production phase; thereby being transformed into a raw material area. In the historical process, as production relationships are not independent of location and the quality of raw material in this location, it is not surprising that this relationship affects the potential quality of the location. As a result, in organizing spaces, determinants include what raw material will be produced and in what amounts, the distance to the area where the demand will be met, and the expertise involved in this production. In this context, there is no possibility of determining a consistent production strategy that is independent of the quality and amount of product demanded from a quarry during the production process.

Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 126–135

Geoarchaeological Investigation Of Architectural Structures On Dana Island

Figure 8.1 The Digital Elevation Model (DEM) image of the study area

There are various aspects that need to be mentioned when investigating the selection of an extraction area in terms of its technical aspects. Among geoarchaeological methods, geomorphological and geological factors are noteworthy and provide useful data to illuminate the technical aspects of construction processes. The first stage of stone production is to find stone with the appropriate qualities for the required task. Although Dana Island limestone is generally very hard and resistant, due to the difficulties in processing and transporting that rock, a looser and lighter material, namely aeolianite, was used. Due to the bedded structure of this rock, the factors triggering its use could be summarised as being ease of processing and ease of use. Location and general features of Dana Island Dana Island is located 2.3 km from the coast in Taşucu Bay to the south-west of Silifke county in Mersin province, Turkey. The island has a total area of 2716 km2. With an 8 km-long coastline, the island has a long axis of 2.87 km running in a northeast-southwest orientation and a short northwest-south-east axis of 1.3 km. The highest point on Dana Island is a 255 metre hill in the southwest of the island. (Figure 8.1) The northern slopes of this hill display clear fault planes. The northwest slopes overlooking the Anatolian coastline are more vertical when compared to the southeast sections. Nearly all of Dana Island comprises Jurassic-aged dolomitic limestone, with layered aeolianites distributed on the northern coast. Dana Island 127

Dana Island was called Pityusa or Pityoussa in antiquity. In Greek, ‘pitys’ derives from the word for ‘pine’ and the word Pityussa means ‘abundant pines’ (Bilir, 2014: 223). Aeolianites of Dana Island The lithified sand dunes observed in layers of varying thickness from 50-150 m along coasts around the world generally date to the Pleistocene period. (Brooke, 2001) Aeolianites have been determined along coasts in the Mediterranean basin from Israel to Egypt, Crete and the Turkish Republic of Northern Cyprus. (Erginal et al., 2018) As a result of research over the last ten years, aeolianites have been identified on Turkish coasts including at Zunguma Head on the south coast of Bozcaada, (Erginal, 2008; Kiyak & Erginal, 2010; Erginal et al., 2013b) on the Doğancılı-Sahilköy coast west of Şile, (Erginal et al., 2013a; Erginal et al., 2017) and on the northern coast of Dana Island. (Erginal et al., 2018) This study discusses the form and causality of the use of aeolianite units in architecture on Dana Island. Based on the first determination of aeolianites observed on the coast of Dana Island that faces Anatolia, they are distributed along nearly 1.5 km of the coastline. Extending nearly 250 m inland from the shoreline, the aeolianite sequence overlies the Jurassic limestone with a climbing dune appearance and a preserved cross-bedded structure up to a height of 85 meters. There is a clear correlation between the distribution of the aeolianites and the gradient of the coastline, particularly in the northern part of the island. (Figure 8.2, 8.3) The slopes of the

Figure 8.2 Classified slope map of the study area

128

Geoarchaeological Investigation Of Architectural Structures On Dana Island

Figure 8.3 Distribution area of aeolianite rocks on Dana Island

Figure 8.4 Aeolianite blocks used in architectural construction

129

Dana Island aeolianite beds on the island have graded deposits of sloping colluvial sediments, containing blocks close to half a meter in size, which are of poorly-sorted and angular derived dolomitic limestone and the products of powerful physical fragmentation. The total visible thickness of both sequences reaches 3 metres, with variable bed thicknesses. The rough aeolianites, due to weathering pits on the surface, generally dip 5-20° to the northwest and northeast. Wellpreserved reddish- colour palaeosol has been determined between the beds. Compared with the arid stages millions of years ago when the aeolianite sands were deposited, these fossil soils were formed in relatively more humid and rainy periods. With a SW-NE strike of the beds parallel to the coastline, these aeolianite beds contain very abundant fossil plant root molds (rhyzolites). Observed very densely in some sections of the Dana Island aeolianites, these rhyzolites formed when the cavities left from rotting plants on the aeolianite sands were filled with shelf carbonates; they were then lithified and have thereby been preserved to the present day. (Erginal et al., 2018). Aeolianites have only been identified on the north coast of this large island, which overlooks the Anatolian coastline, with a strategic location between Aphrodisias immediately northwest of Dana Island and Holmoi (Taşucu) pier to the northeast, offering possibilities for the housing and repair of boats and ships. The Aeolianites and the berth locations on the coast display the same distribution. The importance of this geological structure in terms of archaeology is due to its bedded structure, and as a source for the supply of processable rock. The bedding planes of the aeolianites sloping toward the sea were used as berth ramps for ships. Architectural structure material and its quarries In this study, the geomorphologic features of the area where a very large building complex was found covering nearly 1450 m2 on the north slope of Dana Island (Figure 8.5-1) were investigated and assessed in the geoarchaeological context of architectural elements. The architectural features and area of use of the building in an archaeological context were excluded from the scope of this study. Rather than review architectural elements; here we assess the technical aspects of the aeolianites from a geoarchaeological perspective. The aeolianites are found abundantly in the area and in its vicinity where buildings once stood on the island. The plentiful fossilized rock easily fulfilled the needs of builders and so

Figure 8.5 Location of architectural structures and the two quarries (1), aeolianite stone-cutting steps (2a), aeolianite block (2b) and transects opened between the aeolianite blocks (2c)

130

Geoarchaeological Investigation Of Architectural Structures On Dana Island

Figure 8.6 The natural appearance of Dana Island aeolianite (a), selected stone used in the construction of arches (b), stone, unselected or the result of conscious choice, used in the doors (c)

was commonly used in architecture. Although detailed research is yet required to interpret the aeolianite block production process, an outline can be given in this preliminary analysis. The building complex investigated contained blocks taken from two quarries, one 5 metres to the east and another 13 metres to the east, which were then used in the construction of walls, doorways and arches. (Figure 8.4). Blocks quarried from aeolianite material were generally removed from the bedrock in beds or steps. (Figure 8.5-2a,b) At this stage in our research, two types of removal process may be considered. The first method is by lighting a fire in the cavities between the blocks to heat the rock then pouring on water to remove the block by the stress-expansion method. The second practical method would be to wedge a tool (e.g. of hard limestone or wood) into the cavities between the blocks and remove them by pressure and leverage. However, it will be necessary to test these methods experimentally. Although we have considerable information about the processing of raw marble, our archaeological data about the use of aeolianite rock in architecture is insufficient in terms of the type of rock and its response to stress. Transects opened between the blocks are generally 8-14 cm, which supports this scenario. (Figure 8.52c) However, detailed research and the lack of tools found in situ are important reasons to present this as only a hypothesis at this stage. In the investigation of the two quarries, certain standards appear to have been followed. During operations at the quarries, aeolianite blocks generally 48- 52 cm high and nearly 100 cm wide were extracted. However, attention was not paid to the sedimentological sequence of the rock during this quarrying process. Some blocks have a dense aeolianite formation, while

131

Dana Island others are looser. Additionally, blocks were removed without concern for the colluvium levels forming intermediate fill beds. From the geomorphological aspect, the hardness of the colluvium layers is close to the hardness of the aeolianite layers. However, those who made the building complex carefully selected the stone used in the construction of arches, (Figure 8.6b) especially in very large buildings. Aeolianite blocks employed for arches are harder and possess a denser texture compared to those blocks employed for both external and internal walls (Figure 8.6c). Care was taken not to use stone blocks containing colluvium layers during arch construction. None of the stones utilised for the only arch that remains standing were identified as aeolianite blocks with colluvium layers. All this indicates that a certain expertise was at work in the building construction process and that the builders knew their raw material well. When creating the walls of the structure with stone blocks, the aeolianite fills exhibit very similar characteristics (Figure 8.7). Additionally, due to the similarity of colour, texture and block size, it could be argued that the quarry in this area was possibly used before construction. Blocks quarried in this area are similar to those used in the missing parts of the building, especially the upper rows of the walls, with the building constructed in a natural shallow depression formed in the same area. Additionally, in situations where these blocks were insufficient for use as building elements, aeolianite blocks from the closest area were used for building the walls. However, there is no evidence that can prove the presence of an old quarry in the rooms or the external wall surfaces of this building.

Figure 8.7 Perspective drawing of a room from the complex structure and its crosssection

132

Geoarchaeological Investigation Of Architectural Structures On Dana Island Conclusion In conclusion, for architectural construction on Dana Island, aeolianite was clearly chosen as the most appropriate and easily processed construction material in the area. A similar situation existed for the berth areas. Within the architectural context, it appears that marble, easily obtained from outside the island, was not chosen as a construction material. It was not difficult to transport such construction material to the island, which was used for the construction or repair of ships. However, this choice was not made, and the local rock (aeolianite), an uninspiring raw material, was used to fulfill the need for construction material. In this context, it can be stated that the buildings constructed on Dana Island prioritised function over aesthetic values. Bibliography BILIR, A., (2014) Roma Dönemi Doğu Akdeniz Deniz Ticaretinde Kıyı Kilikya Bölgesi’nin Yeri ve Önemi, Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Selçuk Univesity BROOKE, B., (2001). The distribution of carbonate eolianite. Earth Science Reviews 55: 135-164. ERGINAL, A.E., (2008). Coğrafya ve Jeoloji Laboratuarı Bozcaada: Keşfedilmemiş Yerbilimsel Değerler, in A. Akdemir, O. Demircan, S. Yılmaz, T. Takaoğlu & A.E. Erginal (eds.) Bozcaada Değerleri Sempozyumu Bildiri Kitabı: 173-181. ERGINAL, A.E., KIYAK, N.G., ERTEK, A., (2012). A New Late Holocene Eolianite Record from Altinkum Beach, North Cyprus, Turkish Journal of Earth Sciences 21(3): 407-414. ERGINAL, A.E., KIYAK, N.G., EKINCI, Y.L., DEMIRCI, A., ERTEK, A., CANEL, T., (2013a). Age composition and paleoenvironmental significance of a late Pleistocene eolianite from the western Black Sea coast of Turkey, Quaternary International 296: 168-175. ERGINAL, A.E., EKINCI, Y.L., DEMIRCI, A., AVCIOGLU, M., OZTURK, M.Z., TURKES, M., YIGITBAS, E., (2013b). Deposition al Characteristics of Carbonate- Cemented Fossil Eolian Sand Dunes, Bozcaada Island, Turkey, Journal of Coastal Research 29(1): 78-85. ERGINAL, A.E., KIYAK, N.G., ÖZTÜRK, M.Z., SELIM, H.H., EKINCI, Y.L., DEMIRCI, A., KIRCI ELMAS, E., ÖZTÜRK, T., ÇAKIR, Ç., KARABIYIKOĞLU, M., (2017). Eolianite and coquinite as evidence of MIS 6 and 5, NW Black Sea coast, Turkey, Aeolian Research 25: 1-9. ERGINAL, A.E., ERENOĞLU, O., ÖNIZ, H., SARIALTUN, S. (2018). Dana Adasının Jeolojik Mirası Kıyı Eoliniti: İlk Bulgular, in H. Öniz (ed.) Akdeniz’in En büyük Antik Tersanesi Dana Adası, Arkeoloji ve Sanat yayınları s.: 168-179

133

Slipway numbers 203a, 203b, 204, 205, 206, 207, 208, 209, 210

Chapter 9

The Ancient Naval Base/Shipyard on Dana Island: 3D Modelling with Photogrammetry and Computer Graphics1 Ahmet Denker and Hakan Öniz Introduction Since the Dark Ages, warships have formed the backbone of military strength in the Mediterranean. In those days, sea power was even more important than it is today; it was the method of exercising military, political, and economic influence. Being strong required having warships. Their construction, storage, repair and maintenance meant a great financial commitment and a tremendous economic investment at that time. It was very important that the warships were kept safe and seaworthy when not in use, and that this power was always ready for use without delay. At short notice these vessels must have been available for rapid launching from their shelters and be ready to sail as soon as they were in the water. The Shipsheds and slipways played a vital role in keeping precious vessels safe and close to the sea. These basic maritime structures also played a role providing shelter as well as facilitating their hauling from and launching into the water. They further allowed warships to be exhibited as a deterrent force; they were built to impress. It is striking that despite their importance, very few sites have entered the literature as shipsheds or slipways. Ancient shipsheds and slipways were discovered by our excavation team in Dana Island of Rough Cilicia. The purpose of this chapter is to set them in their historical context, starting from the archaeological finds, and other material evidence. How these complexes were used in housing the fragile wooden vessels, and how functional they were in quickly launching them in rapidly developing situations are some of the topics upon which we have tried to cast some light. In order to illuminate the role these structures played as shipsheds and slipways, we modelled the island and its structures by using photogrammetry and 3D computer graphics. Simulations have been carried out to verify the hypothesis of the use of this site as a naval base and shipyard from the Neolithic period onwards. Dana Island Dana Island is a small island in the east of the Rough Cilicia region on the Mediterranean coast of the Anatolian Peninsula, facing the Silifke district of Mersin. It is located 2300 m from the coast, and the island has a length of 2700 m, a width of 900 m and a height of 202 m (Figure We acknowledge with thanks the assistance of our students Günay Dönmez and Dilan Ulusoy from Selcuk University Archaeology Department, who contributed to the 2D drawings and the photographs included in this study, as well as the students of Istanbul Bilgi University Faculty of Engineering and Natural Sciences, Bedrican Orduluoglu, Samet Topçuğlu, M. Soner Yıldırım and Gökhan N. Aydogan for their contributions in the 3D modelling 1

Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 136–147

The Ancient Naval Base/Shipyard on Dana Island

Figure 9.1 Geographical location of Dana Island

9.1). The island is situated between two archaeologically important areas. The first of these is the Tasucu headland which lies between the ancient cities of Holmia and Seleukeia (Silifke); the other is the Tisan-Aphrodisias headland at the border of Silifke. Rough Cilicia was also the scene of regional and interregional political developments as well as intense commercial activities due to its strategically important cedar forests for shipbuilding in the Taurus Mountains and for its iron ore deposits in the Gazipasha and Anamur regions. Since 2015, 294 slipways have been identified in situ, in underwater surveys conducted on the shores of Silifke Dana Island by our excavation team (Oniz, 2017). During the years 2016 and 2017, the findings of underwater and surface surveys provided further evidence that these sites were used as shipsheds and docking facilities at different times, beginning in the Bronze Age. The width of the slipways varies between 5 and 7 m, and their lengths from 14 to 20m. There were multiple reasons for choosing this island as a naval base/shipyard. Rough Cilicia was rich in terms of its timber resources important for shipbuilding. Since the Bronze Age, there has been a wealth of tree species such as black pine, red pine, white pine and oak in the region, as well as rich the cedar wood resources of the Taurus Mountains. The second reason for it being chosen as a naval base / shipyard is because it is an island. It provided a secure, sheltered, safe harbour for war vessels that was also easy to protect.

Figure 9.2 Aerial view of the slipways side by side

137

Dana Island

Figure 9.3 Post holes suggesting that some of the slipways had roofs

Figure 9.4 Various building remains were found behind the slipways

Figure 9.5 Remains of a Greco-Roman Temple

Figure 9.6 Aerial view of the castle on the tallest hill of the island

This hypothesis was reinforced by the presence of the remains of a castle indicating that precautions needed to ensure the safety of warships were taken through a specialized headquarters infrastructure and a security wall. Another reason for choosing Dana Island as a naval base / shipyard is that it has a favourable natural topography for hauling and launching boats along its north-west coastline. As a matter of fact, all the remains of slipways on the island are located on the north-west shore where there is a suitable incline to build a ramp from the sea. This incline, which continued uninterrupted along the beach, would have allowed the ships to be pulled in a balanced manner so that their own weight would not harm them. Dana Island’s slipways are in a rock-cut style, some are surrounded by stone walls. The post holes (Figure 9.3) in some of the surrounds suggest that they were used as ship shelters and had roofs. Behind the slipways, various building remains were found covered by vegetation. They are likely to belong to various workshops/ateliers related to the shipyard. Among the evidence 138

The Ancient Naval Base/Shipyard on Dana Island that reinforce this assumption is the presence of numerous smelted iron remains in this area. The presence of 294 shipsheds/slipways and the associated workshops/ateliers gives the impression that there was a large naval base and shipyard on the island. It is understood that on Dana Island, despite the fact that there is no arable land or water resources, and despite the fact that the steep slopes of the island are unsuitable for livestock, there was a significant population. This can be deduced from the remnants of villa residences on the island (Figure 9.4). as well as Roman baths and a Greco-Roman architectural temple (Figure 9.5). Over 90 cisterns were identified indicating how water requirements were met. Perhaps most striking is the relatively good condition of the building remains and surrounding walls constructed in the most commanding location which unquestionably indicates the presence of a fortified castle built on the highest point of the island (Figure 9.6). The remains on this small island support the view that there was a naval base / shipyard from ancient times. The British Royal Navy Captain and hydrographer Francis Beaufort (Beaufort, 1817: 206-208), who visited the region between 1811 and 1812, first introduced the idea that Dana Island was a possible maritime base. In his book Karamania: A Brief Description of the South Coast of Asia Minor, published in 1817, he had reserved a special place for this uninhabited island and had said that there might be an ancient sea base here, based upon the fortified wall seen on the hill as well as numerous building remains. A clue to the possible origin of the name of Dana Island is found in the Assyrian sources. In an Assyrian tablet of the 8th century BC, there exists a mention of an Island in the vicinity of Cyprus which is referred to as Yadnana, Yadana or Adana. (Ünal and Girginer, 2007). At that time, presence of Assyrian assets in the Cilicia region and the existence of a kingdom named Danana are known. It can be considered that Yadana was the name of Dana Island. However, there is also a need for a more in-depth study of the Assyrian sources in order to say something definite. Photogrammetric modelling Photogrammetry is a century-old method based on mathematics and imaging technology. Over the past century, dramatic progress has been made in methods of obtaining information from photographs about objects. Initially, processes that used to be completely dependent on opto-mechanical devices are increasingly turning into entirely digital workflows. The mathematical and technical principles remained the same, but digitization has facilitated the widespread use of photogrammetry. For the photogrammetric modelling of Dana Island, a large number of photographs of the island had to be brought together and the shape, location and colour information obtained from them had to be combined. Figure 9.7 shows four photographs of the island taken from different angles. In these 2-dimensional photographs, obviously the information about those parts belonging to the 3-dimensional island but not covered in the photos are completely missing. There is no possibility of recovering the missing information about the uncovered parts from the existing pictures without additional computation. However, by taking stereoscopic photographs of the island from slightly different positions consecutively, the missing 3D information can be filled in with the help of measurements and calculations. Photographs of a common area are captured 139

Dana Island

Figure 9.7 Photographing the island from different angles

from two different vantage points. Effects which reflect the 3rd dimension are obtained by processing overlapping images (stereopairs). Information such as rock and surface texture, vegetation and trees in the invisible parts of the island could not be obtained with a handheld camera at a significant distance (2000 m). Perspective differences stemming from the shape of the island, the position of the camera, the distance, and the objective angle of the camera should also be taken into account. Finally, changes in light conditions affect factors such as brightness and colour distribution. In this case, the photogrammetric modelling method requires measurements to be made besides the acquired images as shown in Figure 9.8 and the values of light intensity, colour value, exposure angle etc. must be measured and recorded for each image frame. 3D modelling of the island was possible after these measurements and mathematical transformations between the image and the object had been made. To model the island in a photogrammetric way in 3D, a series of stereoscopic pictures were taken from the deck of a boat encircling the island within a 2000 metre (radius), a 35-150 mm lens was used, frames were captured with uniform exposure and the focal length was adjusted

Figure 9.8 Photogrammetric modelling workflow diagram

140

The Ancient Naval Base/Shipyard on Dana Island

Figure 9.9 3D modelling of Dana Island using photogrammetry

continuously to ensure that the viewfinder fills the frame. The images were processed to remove disruptive effects such as the reflection of sunlight from the water surface. The processed images were combined after the coordinate values were set and the merged image was converted to a 3D image using a special purpose software (Figure 9.9). For Dana Island photogrammetric modelling has proved to be the ideal data acquisition method for capturing the geometry. With sufficient working time a large number of frames were captured, and they provided ample date for 3D reconstruction of the island’s geometry. Thus, the first phase was completed in the 3D modelling of Dana Island. However, for the virtual reconstruction of the island the photogrammetric model was not sufficient on its own. In addition, a literature survey, historical and archaeological analysis were required to form a framework for the visualization of the island. Combining the photogrammetric model with the computer graphics model outlined in the next section will deliver three types of models: digital terrain and surface models of the island, a 3D geometric model and a cultural heritage model. The ultimate aim is to obtain models that will deliver a realistic perspective walk-through, or fly-above, the island. Completion of the model using computer graphics From the aspect of computer graphics, the photogrammetric model is simply a geometric model without thematic information. The methodology adopted here is based on integrating the photogrammetric workflow and the methods of computer graphics. The thematic information was added to the 3D geometric model of the island obtained by photogrammetric methods by using computer graphic methods such as foliage, rock and surface texture assignment, placement of trees on the island, and incorporating the slipways and other places on the island. The steps that are followed using these methods from the geometric object of the island to the realistic appearance are summarized in Figure 9.10. 141

Dana Island

Figure 9.10 The steps taken from photogrammetric model to 3D visualization

Figure 9.11 a) 2D drawing showing a section from the top of a group of slipways on the coastal side b) a side sectional view of the positional relationship between the slipways and the workshop/atelier structures c) 3D visualization

142

In the modelling of the slipways, firstly 2D drawings were used. These drawings were constructed using the observations made and measurements taken on the island itself, and the different sections of the slipways were reflected. Figure 9.11a presents a 2D drawing showing a section from the top of a group of slipways on the coastal side of the island, facing Mersin Silifke. In Figure 9.11b, a side sectional view is presented showing the positional relationship between the slipways and the workshop/atelier structures above them as well as the typical slope of this section of the island. Using this information, the visualization in Figure 9.11c is obtained. A special purpose 3D software was used in the transition to 3D. In Figure 9.12, the slipway/ shipshed areas are visualized. They were obtained by cutting into the bedrock instead of digging the soil as a result of the geological substratum on the shore-line facing the northwest. The completed model leads to a 3D visualization which consists of models and maps of the historical island and its shipyard covering a large temporal

The Ancient Naval Base/Shipyard on Dana Island

Figure 9.12 Shipsheds/slipways and workshops/ateliers

frame of hundreds of years. It also allows a complex characterization of the ancient site as a result of the interrelationships between historical heritage and the topographic context. In Figure 9.11 the slipways were made through cutting into the rock. The natural slope of Dana Island simplified the task. During surface survey, tools suitable for this type of task were unearthed. Apollonius of Rhodes depicted such landing sites in the Argonautica, describing how the mythological Argo was launched and how it was hauled from the water (Argonautica, I. 371-377). Homer also described (Iliad 2. 53) how the Achaeans dug slipways on the shores of Troy to haul up their warships. Simulations and results With the advent of simulation, it is possible to try many hypotheses and to examine their correctness. A further useful aspect of these models is that they allow us to learn more about the ancient warships. Since the war vessels were made of wood, their remains have not survived. The models we created above led us to test whether Dana Island was indeed used as a naval base and test our knowledge of ship architecture of that period. The models presented in Figures 9.12, 9.13 and 9.14 have been used to simulate the historical context and have been used visually to understand how Dana Island, located at the geographical centre of many maritime events, might have played a role. Starting from the middle of the 6th century BC, the Persians under the rule of Emperor Cyrus II began to make their power felt in the Eastern Mediterranean. The sea-power of the Persians had been constantly increasing from the beginning of the 5th century, but, after the defeat of the Xerxes in 480 BC by the Greeks at the naval battle of Salamis, their period of dominance dimmed (Günaltay, 1951: 13). It is known that Cilician warships constituted part of the Persian Navy and Phoenicians also participated in the sea wars against the Greeks (Günaltay, 1951: 38). In 494 BC, under the rule of Emperor Darius, the Persians defeated the Ionians in the sea battle of Lade. Half of the Persian navy was comprised of ships from Phoenicia, Cilicia and Cyprus. Due to the proximity of Dana Island to these countries, we might conjecture that the shipyard / ship base complex found here was used during that naval encounter, suggesting 143

Dana Island that this may have been its heyday. The reconstructions in Figures 9.13 and 9.14 are presented to recreate the appearance of Dana Island as it was during the Lade Island naval campaigns. With the remains of more than 270 slipways/shipsheds, Dana Island offers a unique picture of the historical richness of antiquity. These animated scenarios that have emerged from hypotheses today will be refined and reinforced with findings that will be revealed through underwater and surface surveys to be carried out in the coming years. It will be possible to verify the validity of the hypotheses put forth here and to shine a light on the maritime history of the region.

Figure 9.13 Persian warship reconstruction

Figure 9.14 Persian warships

144

The Ancient Naval Base/Shipyard on Dana Island Bibliography BEAUFORT, F., (1817). Karamania or A Brief Description of the South Coast of Asia Minor and of the Remains of Antiquity, R. Hunter, London BLACKMAN, D. J. and B. RANKOV (2013). Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean, Cambridge University Press, New York. BLACKMAN, D. J., (2013a). Classical and Hellenistic Sheds, in D. J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean Cambridge University Press, 16-29. BLACKMAN, D. J., (2013b). Ramps and Substructures, in D. J. Blackman and B. Rankov (eds.) Shipsheds of the Ancient Mediterranean Cambridge University Press, 124-140. DENKER, A., (2018). ‘Dana Adası ve Deniz Üssü/Tersanesi: 3B Rekonstruksiyonu,’ Dana Adası Kollokyumu, 18 Ocak, Mersin. GÜNALTAY, Ş., (1951). Yakın Şark IV, Perslerden Romalılara Kadar, Türk Tarih Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara. LIDER, W., (2016). Digital Photogrammetry: A Practical Course, Springer 4th Ed. ÖNIZ, H., (2017). ‘A Shipyard on Dana Island, Cilicia: Two hundred and seventy-four slipways recently discovered’ Sykllis, Zeitschrift für maritime and limnische Archaologie und Kulturgeschichte 17(1). ÖNIZ, H., (2018). ‘Mersin Kıyıları Sualtı Araştırmaları ve Dana Adası Tersanesi Çalışmaları,’ Dana Adası Kollokyumu, 18 Ocak, Mersin. ÜNAL, A., GIRGINER. K. S., (2007), Kilikya-Çukurova, İlk Çağlardan Osmanlılar Dönemine Kadar Kilikya’da Tarihi Coğrafya, Tarih ve Arkeoloji, Homer Kitabevi, Istanbul.

145

Slipway numbers 174, 175, 176 and the structures behind them

Chapter 10

Usage Forms of Plant Species on Dana Island and its Surroundings from Past to Present Zerrin Koşdemir As a result of the research conducted in Dana Island between 2015 and 2018, it was determined that possibly the biggest shipyard in the Mediterranean was located on this island. It was decided to examine the relationship between the existence of such a shipyard and the plant species on the island, and certain plant species considered important were evaluated during the survey works conducted between 2015 and 2018. Plant species such as cedar, which is estimated to have been imported to Dana Island, and the kermes oak, Calabrian pine, Greek strawberry tree, olive, turpentine and caper, which are located on Dana Island, were evaluated, considering their current use along with their functions in ancient times. Dana Island is important in terms of its history, although not well known. The island, which was given great importance by maritime peoples from antiquity, has been the intersection point in both commercial and military campaigns from the Phoenicians to the Romans and from the Muslim Arabs to the Genoese due to its geographical location. Dana Island, which is the study area, is located within the political borders of the Silifke district of the Mersin province in the Mediterranean Region. The island is located between the 36° 11’ 20’ northern and 33° 46’ 24’ eastern longitudes. Dana Island is 104 kilometers away from the province of Mersin, of which it is a part. Dana Island is within the Mediterranean plant geography region. The vegetation types dominant on the island are forests, scrubs, coastaldunes, reefs, steppes and hydrophytic vegetation are the result of an arid climate. It has a rich plant diversity provided by both its geographical location and the climatic conditions. Many plant species that spread across the Mediterranean region of Turkey are located on Dana Island. In this study, herbaceous plants were not evaluated, and plants such as the Calabrian Pine, cedar, kermes oak, Greek strawberry tree, olive, caper and turpentine, which are spread across the island and considered to be more important, were included instead. The purposes for which these plants could have been used in antiquity is evaluated based on their current usage. Material The study materials comprise the flora found on Dana Island, which is located within the administrative borders of Mersin Regional Directorate of Forestry, Silifke Forestry Operation Directorate and Yeşilovacık Forest Sub-District Directorate.

Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 148–163

Usage Forms of Plant Species on Dana Island and its Surroundings from Past to Present

Figure 10.1 Stand map of Dana Island

Figure 10.2 A view from Dana Island

Introduction to the study area Planning works were first begun for the region of the Mersin Regional Directorate of Forestry, Silifke Forestry Operation Directorate and Yeşilovacık Forest Sub-District Directorate planning unit, of which Dana Island is also a part, in the year 1971; later arrangements were made in 1981 and renewals were made in 1991 and 2002. Most recently, the management plan for the region for the years 2015-2035 has been completed. Dana Island has been the subject of planning within the open ecological region forests group due to its location and topographical structure. Ecological forests are regions with ecological principal functions and general conservation functions – regions that are not suitable for commercial production due to their habitat conditions and seed stands. As can be understood from the definition, Dana Island was reserved for conservation and seen as a region that is not suitable for commercial production. Forest regions whose structures were deformed due to the negativities in their habitats and forest regions that are valuable due to their natural, scientific, aesthetic, biological, ecological, geological, historical, cultural and rare features are taken under protection. In the planning conducted in Dana Island with the functional planning approach, almost all of the region (Sections 351, 352, 353, 354, 355) (Figure 10.1) was reserved for the conservation function, and the Lemur Area in Section 254 with a size of 9.3 ha. was reserved as the Operation Class F- Areas (Lemur) with very unfavourable habitats (Table 10.1). In other words, Dana Island is not used for timber production (Figure 10.2). The main tree species of the Yeşilovacık Forest Sub-District Directorate are the Calabrian Pine, juniper, stone pine, oak, eucalyptus and lemur and these species form pure or mixed stands. Differences in local habitats and changes in vegetation characters occur depending on changes in exposure and altitude. The differences in the climatic characteristics of the region resulted in the formation of a wide range of plant diversity.

149

Dana Island

Non-Forest Areas

FOREST AREAS Woodlands

Compartment Number

Treeless Forest Areas

Stand Real Land Forest Management Age Site Forest Management Area type Area use function type Class Class function type (Ha) symbol (Ha) Symbol

351

Çzbc1

Dk

D

IV

III

4.5 OT-T

Çzcd1

Dk

D

VI

III

6.6

Çzcd2

Dk

D

VI

III

3.6

III

3.0

Çzd2

Dk

D

VII

Maka

Dk

F

I

Bçz-T-1

Dk

D

5.0

Bçz-T-2

Dk

D

8.8

Bçz-T-3

Dk

D

8.4 54.0

62.6

62.6

36.3 52.5

52.5

Dk

D

VI

III

4.0 OT-T-1

Dk

D

31.2

Dk

D

VII

III

7.3 OT-T-2

Dk

D

5.1

Bçz-T

Dk

D

4.9 16.2

Çzbc1

Dk

D

IV

III

Çzc1

Dk

D

V

III

Bçz-T

Dk

D

3.7 OT-T

20.4

Çzc2

Dk

D

V

III

2.9

Dk

D

VI

III

7.0

Bçz-T

Dk

D

29.5

BMak

Dk

F

9.3

Çzc1

Dk

D

Dk

D

Compartment Total

D

44.9

4.8

Çzcd2

Bçz-T

Dk

11.9

Compartment Total 355

8.6

Çzd2

Compartment Total

354

8.6

Çzcd1

Compartment Total 353

D

III 14.1

Compartment Total 352

Dk

General Total Total Land Forest Area (Ha) use Area (Ha) Symbol (Ha)

44.9 65.3

65.3

13.6 48.7

48.7

13.6 37.7

37.7

48.7 V

III

5.8 OT-T

Dk

D

18.3 24.1

Table 10.1 Dana Island stand types according to the division plan of the Yeşilovacık Forest Management

150

Usage Forms of Plant Species on Dana Island and its Surroundings from Past to Present

Figure 10.3 Sets

Figure 10.4 Sets

Sample No

Physical Analysis Sand %

Dust %

Clay %

Chemical Analysis Terra Type

pH 1/2.5

Lime Total %

1 2

11,05 10,88

22,97 23,01

65,99 66,11

Clay Clay

7,56 7,35

Active %

2,58 3,22

Table 10.2 Soil analysis

151

Organic Matter

Total Nitrogen

%

%N

2,72 2,59

0,14 0,13

Salinity EC10 25 C mS/cm 0,203 0,226

Dana Island The plant species that can be observed in the forests of the region are: Calabrian pine (Pinus brutia), Jerusalem thorn (Paliurus spina-christi), juniper (Juniperus spp.), butcher’s broom (Ruscus aculeatus), stone pine (Pinus pinea), dog rose (Rosa canina), eucalyptus (Eucalyptus globulus), Cornelian cherry (Cornus mas), Turkey oak (Quercus cerris), heather (Erica spp.), kermes oak (Quercus coccifera), myrtle (Myrtus communis), evergreen oak (Quercus ilex), Sicilian sumac (Rhus coriaria), elm (Ulmus spp.), barberry (Berberis vulgaris), Oriental plane (Platanus orientalis), oleander (Nerium oleander), black locust (Robinia pseudoacacia), blackberry (Rubus glandulosus), European olive (Olea europaea), European ivy (Hedera helix), laurel (Laurus nobilis), mistletoe (Viscum album), evergreen shrub (Phillyrea), rock rose (Cistus spp.), carob (Ceratonia siliqua), thyme (Thymus spp.), turpentine tree (Pistacia terebinthus), meadow sage (Salvia pratensis), Greek strawberry tree (Arbutus andrachne), common polypody (Polypodium vulgare), hawthorn (Crataegus spp.), wild strawberry (Fragaria vesca), European bladdernut (Staphyllea pinnata) and meadow grasses (Graminea). Method The vegetation information used in the study were obtained during the land works conducted between the years 2015 and 2018. The plants dominant in the island were photographed and identified. Their usage fields from past to present were evaluated using the relevant journals. Findings The studies carried out in the study area and the shipyards whose remains were found show that Dana Island was among the important centres of the period in terms of maritime use. It is thought that settlements on the island were limited due to its natural borders. One of the most important reasons for this is that there are no water resources on the island, that water could not be used in the cultivation of food for this reason, and that product diversity is limited. Hence, many cisterns found on the island show that there was also a water problem in

Figure 10.5 Cedar forests, Taurus Mountains

152

Usage Forms of Plant Species on Dana Island and its Surroundings from Past to Present antiquity and that water needs were met by collecting rainwater. It is estimated that naturally, the products cultivated were fruits such as grapes and olives that are drought resistant. During the land works, the terraces in the south-eastern part of the island which are thought to have been constructed in antiquity attracted attention (Figure 10.3). Although they were mostly damaged and disrupted, it is very clear from aerial photographs that these structures were terraces (Figure 10.4). When the soil samples taken from the terraces were examined, it was observed that the texture of the soil was of clay class (Table 10.2). The soils, which we can classify as infrahaline soils that are slightly alkaline, a little calcareous, and moderate in terms of organic materials, are areas that are suitable for the establishment of vineyards. In parallel with the precipitation rate of the region, it is highly likely that some types of grape were cultivated in this soil without irrigation. This finding indicates the soil is very suitable for viticulture. The works carried out on the land and the new management plan enables us to obtain detailed information on the current forest condition of the island. Cedar which is known to have been invaluable in maritime construction on Dana Island and is thought to have been brought from outside; kermes oak, Calabrian pine, Greek strawberry tree, olive, turpentine tree and caper which are present in Dana Island are discussed below with their current usage as well as their usage in antiquity. Cedar (Cedrus libani A. Rich.) Cedar (Figure 10.5), is in the Spermatophyta (flowering or blooming plants) division which comprises the largest group of plants, Gymnospermae subdivision, Coniferae class, Pinoideae group and Pinaceae family (Kayacık, 1980: 388). The cedar tree has four species: in northern Africa (Cedrus atlantica Manetti), southern Anatolia and Lebanon (Cedrus libani A. Rich.), Cyprus (Cedrus brevifolia Hen.) and in the Himalayas and Nepal (Cedrus deodora G. Don) and comprises many natural and cultivated forms and varieties (Yaltırık, 1993: 320; Yaltırık and Efe, 1994; Yılmaz and Gürses, 1997: 3). The widest geographical span of the cedar tree in the world is located in Turkey (Figure 10.6). The cedar species, which is also known as ‘tar’ in Turkey, has many cultural forms. In ancient societies, the obligatory dependence on nature to survive is a widely accepted fact (Akrep 2013: 21). When the records of city- states in Northern Syria and Mesopotamia and cuneiform scripts of the Hittites in 2nd millennium BC are examined, the value of cedar trees in the Mediterranean shores clearly stands out. We can observe that possession of these trees, which were used both in domestic life and in building construction, was a source of pride for the kings and cedar trees were among the gifts that states presented to their gods in order to please them. Many states attempted to capture cedar forests in ancient times since the wood is pleasant in terms of smell and colour and does not rot; they were frequent targets of vandalism (Kayacık, 1980: 388; Mayer and Sevim 1959: 112-113). The first written information about this tree is seen in Egyptian sources (Collelo 1987: 5). It is termed GIŠERİN (Ertem 1964: 130) in the cuneiform scripts of Hittite (Akrep, 2013: 21). Taurus cedar wood has an extensive usage area since it has both a narrow annual ring shape and has durable wood. It is used as telegraph poles, fence posts, mine props, and in bridge 153

Dana Island

Figure 10.6 The current distribution area of the cedar in the Taurus region (http://traglor.cu.edu.tr/common/object_metadata.aspx?id=887)

Figure 10.7 Elevation map of Silifke and its surroundings (M. Sarıbaş, 2009, Figure 21)

154

construction. In addition to these they are also used for frames in greenhouses, in the production of parquet, garden furniture, stairs, balconies, lead pencils, beehives and wrapping paper (Öktem and Sözen, 1992: 296-297). It is known that the cedar tree was frequently used for architectural elements by the Phoenicians in antiquity and it was sold to Egypt in exchange for valuable goods such as gold, silver and papyrus (Chaney and Basbous, 1978: 3). Ancient Egyptians used cedar in shipbuilding. The Palermo Stone Inscription gives information about the usage of the cedar tree in ancient Egypt. In this inscription which dates from the 2600s BC, 40 ships are mentioned that were loaded with cedar logs and transferred from Byblos, the Phoenician harbour, to Egypt by sea. There are statements such as: ‘We brought 40 ships that were loaded with cedar logs. We built ships that are 45 m each. We made the doors of pharaoh’s palace with cedar’ (Mayer and Sevim, 1959: 113; Kuniholm and Griggs, 1990: 1).

Usage Forms of Plant Species on Dana Island and its Surroundings from Past to Present Accordingly, it should be considered that cedar trees were used for shipbuilding in the shipyards of Dana Island. It is presumed that cedar tree, which does not grow on Dana Island, was sourced from Seleucia and its environs, which is near to the island. Cedar grows in Seleucia and around at altitudes from 900 to 2000 meters. Those areas can be seen in Figure 10.7. It is considered that cedar logs from this region were transported to Dana Island by sea in order to process and to use the timber in vessel construction. Kermes oak (Quercus coccifera l.) In the Medieval period, female cochineal insects (Kermes ilicis) which fed on the sap of kermes oak (Figure 10.8) were collected and a kind of dye-colourant obtained from them. It is believed that the origin of the name of kermes comes from this insect (Kasaplıgil, 1981: 95146; Menitsky, 2005: 549). Kermes oak is seen along the valleys of the Mediterranean Region in wide alleys both horizontally and vertically (Figure 10.9). Within Turkey the geographical span of the kermes oak shows great similarity with the span of the Calabrian pine. However, it also grows in further regions outside of the span of the Calabrian pine (Kaya and Aladağ, 2009: 67-80). According to this data, it can be stated that the adaptation ability of the Kermes oak is more developed than the Calabrian pine. The wood that is obtained from the kermes oak has been used to supply basic needs since the beginning of humanity. With developments in technology, the usage areas of these resources expanded and they were used for more functional purposes. Today, it is believed that they are used in approximately 10,000 different fields with various purposes (Bozkurt and Ergin, 1997; Odabaşı et al., 2004: 372). With the increase in the use of renewable sources, the wood is not only used in the production of furniture, lumber and paper but also finds uses in different fields such as pharmacy, cosmetics and food, due to chemical materials that the wood contains (Dönmez, 2010Ç 1-150).

Figure 10.8 Kermes Oak from Dana Island (Quercus coccifera L.)

Figure 10.9 Kermes oak from Dana Island (Quercus coccifera L.)

155

Dana Island

Figure 10.10 Calabrian Pine (Pinus brutia Ten.) from Dana Island

Figure 10.11 Calabrian pine (Pinus brutia Ten.) from Dana Island

Calabrian Pine (Pinus brutia Ten.) The Latin name that defines Calabrian pine (Figures 10.10 and 10.11) is Pinus brutia; this name comes from the Roman city of Brutium which is located in the south of Italy (Farjon, 2010). Today, its common names are ‘Turkish pine’ or ‘Calabrian pine’.

Figure 10.12 Calabrian pine (Pinus brutia Ten.) distribution in Turkey (TUBİVES, 2018)

Its general geographical span is the Eastern Mediterranean. It starts from the east of Greece and spans Crete, Cyprus, Turkey, Syria, Iraq, Lebanese and Jordan. Its largest area is observed in Turkey. It spans wide areas of the Marmara, Aegean and Mediterranean Regions and seen in small islands along the beaches of The Black Sea such as the Sinop Çamgölü region (Figure 10.12). In Turkey it is found in Akdeniz (0-1500 m), Marmara (0-900 m) and the Black Sea Regions where Mediterranean climate is dominant (Yaltırık and Boydak, 2000: 173-180). The wood of the Calabrian pine is used in the production of construction material, packing cases, agricultural instruments, wooden poles, mine props, fence posts and for vessels (Bozkurt, 1971). The mastic which is obtained from Calabrian pine is used as food and medical purposes by distilling through melting by boiling. Mastic is used to prevent bad breath, clean teeth, is used in the treatment of diabetic patients and is good for stomach-ache and for the treatment of ulcers (Satil et al., 2011: 1059- 1063). Since Calabrian pine wood is used in the production of ships, it can be assumed that it was also used in the production of vessels on Dana Island where several shipyards and slipways are present.

156

Usage Forms of Plant Species on Dana Island and its Surroundings from Past to Present Greek strawberry tree (Arbutus andrachne L.) The Greek strawberry tree (Figure 10.13) can grow at heights of up to 800 m and is found from the Eastern Mediterranean to Southern Albania, Greece and Turkey, from The Black Sea to Crimea, to Lebanon in the south and to Northern Iraq in the east. The areas where the Greek strawberry tree is seen in Turkey are: Çanakkale-Soğanlı, Bursa-Gemlik (150m), Zonguldak-Devrek (200m), SinopFigure 10.13 Greek strawberry tree from Dana Deniz Kaya (150m), between Amasya-Erbaa Island (Arbutus andrachne L.) Çatalan (450m), Trabzon, Çoruh (500m), between İzmir-Barbaros Mordoğan, Muğla (300-350m), Antalya-Termessos (700m) and İçel, Adana, Osmaniye and Nurdağ (350-850m) (Davis, 1978: 100- 101). The tree is called ‘hartlap’ around Antalya and as ‘kızılbacak’ in the Kadirli district of Adana (Kayacık, 1982). The Greek strawberry tree is an arbuscule or tall shrub. It grows up to 5-6 m tall, is an evergreen and has thick branches. The bark of old trunks is shed as sheets. Its leaves are broad, oval and flat-sided. The length of leaves vary from 5 to 10 cm. Only the leaves of young Greek strawberry trees are dentate leaves and these dentates disappear in time. The underside of the leaves is bright green and hairless. Its flowers are a bunchy and greenish cream colour. It blossoms in the months of March-April. The diameter of fruits that ripens in autumn is 1-1.5 cm and with the colour of orange-ish yellow (Kayacık, 1982). Since the Greek strawberry tree does not produce soot when it is burned, it is used as firewood in stoves and fireplaces. Due to the stiffness of the wood’s texture, it is also used in handicrafts. Its fruit is grainy and has a sour taste. Arbutine matter in its leaves is a key ingredient in the treatment of skim blemishes. Furthermore, arbutine is used in the disinfection of urinary tracts, in the acceleration of the functioning of the stomach and intestine, in the treatment of high blood pressure and as an antifebrile (Dingil, 1990). Olive (Olea europaea L.) The name origin of olive comes from olea in Latin and elaia in Greek. Archaeological data indicates that the olive was first grown in the Levant in the Early Bronze Age; in Anatolia, Crete and Cyprus in the Middle and Late Bronze Age when its production was popularized (Pamir, 2008: 77). The Olive tree (Figure 10.14) was valuable in ancient times and it is valuable today. From the archaeological data, it is known that production and trade of olive and olive oil was undertaken almost everywhere in the Mediterranean region. From archaeological research, important findings have been obtained for the usage areas of olive. Olives and olive oil were used for medical and cosmetic purposes and for illumination as well as using the fruit as a nutrient. Regarding the cosmetic usage of olive oil, Pliny the Elder mentions two acceptable liquids for the human body: wine for internal use and olive oil for external. In antiquity, olive oil 157

Dana Island

Figure 10.14 Olives (Olea europaea L.)

Figure 10.15 Distribution area of olive trees in Turkey (http://www.olioofficina.net/knowledge/economy/ the-turkish-olive-oil-sector.htm)

was used to clean dirt from the body. After rubbing the body with olive oil, it was scraped off with a tool called a strigil (Kaplan and Arıhan, 2012: 8-9; Eskiyörük, 2016: 228-243).The wide and intense range of usage of olives and olive oil from ancient times to today has caused the olive tree to be a widely-produced agricultural product. Today, olive trees are grown in the Mediterranean, Aegean and Marmara Regions (Figure 10.15). Apart from these usage areas, the olive was turned into a long-lasting nutrient by storing it. The olive, which has a long lifetime, satisfied the food need of sailors when they became distanced from the land for a long time. The olive was an extremely important nutrient for people who were living on Dana Island which was undoubtedly a sailor society. The level of importance of the olive on Dana Island can thus be demonstrated. Turpentine tree (Pistacia Terebinthus L.) The turpentine tree (Figure 10.16) is a plant species from the Engler taxon, Pistacia species and Anacardicaceae family (Davis, 1967: 546). It is seen in the southern regions of Turkey, in the Taurus mountains in particular, and grows up to 1600 m above the sea level.

Figure 10.16 Turpentine tree (Pistacia terebinthus L.) from Dana Island

158

Parts of the turpentine tree such as its leaves and fruits are used for various purposes such as food and medicine. Its leaves are consumed through boiling them. It is used in the treatment of stomach ache, asthma, rheumatism, coughs and as an antifebrile (Baytop, 1984; 520).Its fruits are consumed as snacks by roasting them, used in the baking of bread in some regions, used in the production of soap, are one of the ingredients in the spice mix za’atar, and are used in the production of coffee (Baytop, 1984; 520; Willheim, 1981; 166).

Usage Forms of Plant Species on Dana Island and its Surroundings from Past to Present The evidence from archaeological studies that were conducted in Turkey indicated that the fruit has been used as a nutrient since the 7000s BC (Dalgıç et al. 2011; 27). It is estimated that turpentine was used for various purposes in ancient times, as today, when it can still be found on Dana Island. Caper plant (Capparis spinosa L.) The words of Evliya Çelebi: ‘The people of Osmancık (Çorum) make a vinegar pickle of a berry called caper which grows in the sandy soil and climate conditions of the region. This nutritious pickle which cures diseases, gives vitality, health and strength is famous with its delicious taste and nutrition.’ indicate that he tasted the caper approximately 400 years ago and included in his famous work The Travelogue – Seyhatname (Bilgin, 2004: 23). Figure 10.17 Capers from Dana Island (Capparis spinosa L.)

The caper (Figure 10.17), which takes its name from Ancient Greek, is a bush-type plant. It grows mainly in Mediterranean countries. In Turkey, it grows in regions where the humidity rate is low, uplands and eastern side of Anatolia in particular. It is used as a diuretic, a blood pressure regulator and as roborant in terms of medicine. It is also known as ‘kapara, devedikeni, gebre, gebere, geber otu, gevil, bubu, kebere, yumuk, kemeri, menginik, keper, kepere, kedi tırnağı, şeballah’ around the world (Bilgin, 2004: 23; Baytop, 1995: 578). The caper was used for medical and cosmetic purposes in ancient times. It is known that it was used in Egypt, Italy, Spain and notably in Ancient Greece (Akgül, 1996). According to Aristotle and Hippocrates (384-322 BC, 400 BC), the caper plant and its buds have many secrets. The uses of caper were mentioned in a pharaoh’s tomb in Ancient Egypt and in the Renaissance period in Italy. It was also used in the production of medicine for body care and haemorrhoids in Spain (Kara, 2012: 2). Conclusion In this study, the current forest condition of Dana Island, the geographical spread, general characteristics and usage areas of cedar, kermes oak, Calabrian pine, Greek strawberry tree, olive, turpentine tree and caper plants were explained. Furthermore, soil samples that were taken from terraces were examined in order to form a general opinion of the soil. It was concluded that on the south-eastern terraces of the island, viticulture was undertaken. Soil samples which would be collected systematically would be beneficial in terms of obtaining more detailed information and presenting ideas about past usages. Based upon the current usage areas of cedar, kermes oak, Calabrian pine, Greek strawberry tree, olive, turpentine and caper plants explained in the study, their usage areas in ancient times were discussed. Questions such as where these plants are located in Dana Island and for what purposes they were used were emphasized. Based upon the roles of these plants in antiquity, their usage by the people of Dana Island was discussed. Cedar, Calabrian pine and olive are undoubtedly the most important of the trees used on Dana Island. Cedar, which does not grow on Dana 159

Dana Island Island but is found in the Taurus mountains directly across from it and the Calabrian pine which grows on the island carry great importance for the production of the vessels that were manufactured in Dana Island, while the olive would be important for satisfying the food needs of the sailors. For this reason, the presence of cedar, Calabrian pine and olive trees among the other plants examined were important for the shipyard on Dana Island. Bibliography AKGÜL, A., (1996), Yeniden Keşfedilen Lezzet: Kapari (Capparisspp.), Gıda 21 (2), 119-120. AKMAN, Y., (2009), Türkiye Orman Vejetasyonu, Ankara Üniversitesi, Fen Fakültesi, Ankara. AKREP, M. Y., (2013), Eskiçağ Anadolu’sunda Sedir Ağacının Önemi, Mavi Atlas GSÜ Edebiyat Fakültesi Dergisi, 1-21. BAYTOP, T., (1995), Türkçe Bitki Adları Sözlüğü, Türk Dil Kurumu Yayınları, Ankara, 578. BAYTOP, T., (1984), Türkiye’de Bitkilerle Tedavi (Geçmişte ve Bugün), İ. Ü. Eczacılık Fakültesi Yayınları, No: 3255/40, İstanbul, 520. BILGIN, M., (2004), Kapari Yurt İçi Piyasa ve Ürün Araştırması, İstanbul Dış Ticaret Odası Dış Ticaret Şubesi Araştırma Servisi, 23. BOZKURT, Y., and Ergin N., (1997), Ağaç Teknolojisi Ders Kitabı, İ.Ü. Genel Yayın, No: 3998, Orman Fakültesi Yayın No: 445, İstanbul, 372. BOZKURT, Y., (1971), Önemli Bazı Ağaç Türleri Odunlarının Tanımı Teknolojik özellikleri ve Kullanış Yerleri, İ. Ü. Orm. Fak. Yay. No: 177. BOZKURT, Y., (1982), Ağaç Teknolojisi, İ.Ü. Orm. Fak. Yayın, No: 296. CHANEY, W. R., and Basbous, M., (1978), The Cedars of Lebanon Witnesses of History, Econ. Bot. 32 (2), 118-123. COLLELO, T., (1987), Syria A Country Study, New York: Federal Research Division Library of Congress. DALGIÇ, L., SERMET, O. S., ÖZKAN, G., (2011), Farklı Kavurma Sıcaklıklarının Menengiç Yağ Kalite Parametreleri Üzerine Etkisi, Akademik Gıda Dergisi, No: 9(3), 26-36. DAVIS, P. H., (1967), Flora of Turkey and the East Aegean Islands, Volume 2, Edinburgh University Press DAVIS, P. H., (1978), Flora of Turkey and the East Aegean Islands, Volume 6, Edinburgh University Press DINGIL, S., (1990), Bitkilerle Anadolu: Güney, Orta ve Batı Anadolu’da Tarihi Turistik Yörelerde Rastlanan Bir Kısım Bitkiler ve Çiçekler, Antalya. DÖNMEZ, İ. E., (2010), Yükselti Farkına göre Sarıçamın (PinussylvestrisL.) Anatomik ve Kimyasal Bileşiminde Meydana Gelen Değişimler, Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Bartın University ERTEM, H., (1964), GIŠERİN Sedir Ağacı ve İdyogramın Hurrice Okunuşu Hakkında, Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih-Coğrafya Fakültesi Dergisi, C. XXII, S. 3–4, Ankara, 129-134. ESKIYÖRÜK, D., (2016), Antik Çağda Zeytin ve Zeytinyağı: Kilikya Bölgesi Örneği (Oliveand Olive Oil in the Ancient Age: Cilicia Region Example), Journal of Tourism and Gastronomy Studies, 4 / Special issue, 228-243. FARJON, A., (2010), A Handbook of the World’s Conifers, V. 1 - 2. Brill Academic Publishers, Leiden. KAPLAN, M. and ARIHAN, S.K., (2012), Antik Çağdan Günümüze Bir Şifa Kaynağı: Zeytin ve Zeytinyağının Halk Tıbbında Kullanımı, Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih Coğrafya Fakültesi Dergisi, No: 52( 2), Ankara Üniversitesi Basımevi, 41-56.

160

Usage Forms of Plant Species on Dana Island and its Surroundings from Past to Present KARA, A., (2012), Türkiye’de Yetişen Kapari (Capparisspp.) Bitkisinde Genetik Çeşitliliğin Moleküler İşaretleyicilerle Karakterizasyonu, Unpublished Masters Dissertation, Hittite University. KASAPLIGIL, B., (1981), Past and present oak of Turkey. Part 1. Phytologia, Vol: 49, No: 2, 95-146. MENITSKY, Y. L., (2005), Oaks of Asia, Science Publishers, Enfield NH, 549. KAYA, B. and ALADAĞ, C., (2009), Maki ve Gorig Topluluklarının Türkiye’deki Yayılış Alanları ve Ekolojik Özeliklerinin İncelenmesi, Selçuk Üniversitesi, Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi, 22, 67-80. KAYACIK, H., (1980), Orman ve Park Ağaçlarının Özel Sistematiği, I. Cilt, Gymnospermae, İ.Ü. Orman Fakültesi Yayın No: 2642/281, Bozak Matbaası, İstanbul, 388. KAYACIK, H., (1982), Orman ve Park Ağaçlarının Özel Sistematiği, İ. Ü. Orman Fak., Yayın No: 3013. Kuniholm, P .T. and GRIGGS, C. B., (1990), Dendrochronological dating of prehistoric and early historic cedars. Uluslararası Sedir Sempozyumu bildirisi, Antalya. (Yayınlanmamıştır). MAYER, H. and SEVIM, M., (1953), Die Libanozedar, ihre Ausrottung in Libanon während der vergangenen 5000 Jahre, das heutige Areal in Anatolien und Überlegungen zur Wiedereinburgerung in den Alpen, Jahrbüch des Vereins Schutze des Alpenpflanzen und Teire 1953, 85-105 ODABAŞI, T., ÇALIŞKAN, A., BOZKUŞ, H. F., (2004), Silvikültürün Tekniği (Silvikültür II), İ. Ü Orman Fakültesi Yayınları, İ. Ü. Yayın No: 4459, Orman Fakültesi Yayın No: 475. İstanbul. ÖKTEM, E. and SÖZEN, M. R., (1992), Sedir Odununun Anatomik ve Teknolojik Özellikleri ile Kullanım Yerleri, in Ü. Eller (ed.) Ormancılık Araştırma Enstitüsü Yayınları Muhtelif Yayınları Serisi: 66, Ankara, 287-297. PAMIR, H., (2008), Antiokheia ve Yakın Çevresinde Zeytinyağı Üretimi ve Zeytinyağı İşlikleri, Olive Oiland Wine Production in Anatolia During the Antiquity, International Symposium, 06-08 November, Mersin, 75-96. SARIBAŞ, M., (2009), Silifke (Mersin) İlçesinin Beşeri ve Ekonomik Coğrafyası, Unpublished Masters Dissertation, Selçuk University, Konya, 95. SATIL, F., SELVI, S., POLAT, R., (2011), Ethnicuses of pineresin production from Pinus brutia by native people on the Kazdağ Mountain (Mt. Ida) in Western Turkey, Journal of Food, Agriculture & Enviroment 9 (3&4), Helsinki, 1059-1063. YALTIRIK, F. and BOYDAK, M. (2000), A New Variety of Calabrian Pine (Pinus brutia Ten.) From Anatolia (Anadolu’da Saptanan Yeni Bir Kızılcam Varyetesi), The Karaca Arboretum Magazine, 5 (4), 173-180. YALTIRIK, F., (1993), Dendroloji Ders Kitabı I Gymnospermae, İ.Ü. Orman Fakültesi Yayın No: 3443/386, İstanbul, 320. YALTIRIK, F. and EFE, A., (1994), Dendroloji Ders Kitabı Gymnospermae-Angiospermae, İ.Ü. Orman Fakültesi Yayın No: 3836/431, İstanbul, 382. YALTIRIK, F., (1993), Dendroloji Ders Kitabı I Gymnospermae, İstanbul Üniversitesi Orman Fakültesi Yayını, İstanbul. YILMAZ, E., GÜRSES, M.K., (1997), Doğu Akdeniz Ormancılığında Sedir, Doğu Akdeniz Ormancılık Araştırma Müdürlüğü, DOA dergisi, 3. WALHEIM, L., (1981), Western Fruit, Berries and Nuts, Hp Books YEŞILOVACIK FOREST SUB-DISTRICT DIRECTORATE (2015), Yeşilovacık Amenajman Planı, Orman ve Su İşleri Bakanlığı, Ankara.

161

Western necropolis and a building complex

Chapter 11

The Tomb Types on Dana Island (Ancient Pityoussa) Günay Dönmez and Ercan Soydan In 2015, ancient shipyard structures were discovered on Dana Island in the course of the Underwater Archaeological Research on the Mediterranean Shores project with permission given by the Ministry of Culture and Tourism of Turkey. Following this discovery focusing on the island itself, research continued from 2016 under the title Archaeological Studies of Dana Island in order to examine the remains on the island and to investigate both the shipyard and its inland areas. Plant removal, clearing work and documentation, detailed examination and drawings of other structures were made on the island, in order to determine the positions of other slipways in planned future studies. The ancient slipways in-situ on Dana Island that have survived to the present day are of great importance for archaeology. As is known, the ruins of ancient structure on the island do not consist solely of these slipways, and other structures extend over a large area behind them. The necropolis areas on the island form a part of these remains. These areas are located at the back of different structures behind the slipways and are connected to each other at short intervals. Considering the relative numbers of the tombs on the island, we have divided them into three main regional groups. These are termed the eastern, central and western necropolises (Figure 11.1). In order to determine the typology of the tombs found in the necropolis areas and to examine their chronological distribution, studies have been carried out on them since 2017. The analysis of the historical development of a region as well as socio-cultural and socioeconomic processes through archaeology enable a better understanding of its settlement. For

Figure 11.1 Location of the necropolis areas on Dana Island

Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 164–173

The Tomb Types on Dana Island (Ancient Pityoussa)

Figure 11.2 Tombs from a section of the central necropolis of Dana Island (Drawing: Sena Hazal Yazıcı)

Figure 11.3 Aerial photo of the Western Necropolis

this reason, necropolis areas enable us to obtain data from which archaeological evaluation can be made, both through the study of religious beliefs and the evaluation of cultural understanding of those periods, as well as through the analysis of other data. There are different types of tombs in the necropolis areas (Figures 11.2, 11.3) which may be classified in three groups. These are generally of the arcosolium, simple rock-cut tomb, and chamosorium tomb types. Amongst the burial traditions since the first millennium BC, rock-cut tombs have an important place. The tradition of the rock-cut tomb is thought to begin with the Urartians (Işık, 1989:17), and in general, spread in the sixth century BC, with the arrival of the Persians in Anatolia. Chamosoria, chamber tombs, and arcosolia are found in quantity in the Urartu, 165

Dana Island

Figure 11.4 A group of two chamosorium tombs

Figure 11.5 Simple engraved chamosorium tombs lined up side by side

Phrygia, Paphlagonia, Lycian, Carian, and Commagene regions, and especially in Cilicia (Kortanoğlu, 2006: 59). Opinions concerning the origin and development of the rock-cut tombs have brought with them dating problems (Akurgal, 1955: 4568; Akurgal, 1961: 73; Işık, 1989: 1-39; Işık, 2003: 19-33; Çevik, 2003: 213-250). The dating of rock tombs can be more clearly established if they carry inscriptions. But, it is also known from surviving examples that these inscriptions were erased and reused over the course of history. For example, it is known for a rock-cut tomb built in the Hellenistic era to be later reused in the Roman era, or even in the Byzantine period (Kortanoğlu, 2006: 60). This makes it difficult to date the tombs (İşkan and Çevik, 2001: 170). Similar examples to these tomb types on the island began to be seen in Anatolia from the sixth century BC These tomb forms coincide with the presence of 6000 people on the island who resisted the attack of the Neo-Babylonian King Neriglissar in the sixth century BC (Öniz, 2017: 7; Ünal and Girginer 2007: 206). From this date, the tomb types on the surface of the island developed in parallel with historical developments affecting the island. Types of tombs that can be dated from earlier periods are unknown as excavations have not yet begun. Chamosorium (stone cist) tombs Chamosorium tombs are the most common form of tomb, where the body of the tomb is carved from the bedrock and a triangular-pediment or rectangular stone lid is placed on top. For this form, the term ‘rock-bound sarcophagus’ (Karyosorion) (Zeyrek, 2007: 815) or ‘rockcut sarcophagus’ (Khamosoria) (Yılmaz, 2007: 176) has been employed. Examples of these tombs covered by clay blocks are found in Elaiussa Sebaste, Kanytella,

Figure 11.6 Chamosorium tomb

166

The Tomb Types on Dana Island (Ancient Pityoussa)

Figure 11.7 Chamosorium tomb with a slightly raised edge for fitting the lid

Figure 11.8 Rock-cut tomb made of bedrock

Figure 11.9 Terracing and levelling with chamosorium tomb and earthwork structure on the island

Figure 11.10 Terraces and levelling of graves due to the island’s terrain

Figure 11.11 The tombs were covered with stone blocks

Figure 11.12 Terraces and levelling of graves due to the island’s terrain

167

Dana Island Korykos (Machatschek, 1967: 34). This particular type has not been found to date on Dana Island.

Figure 11.13 Stone lid of chamosorium tomb with pediments

Figure 11.14 Arcosolium grave carved in rectangular form

Figure 11.15 Arcosolium tomb

168

The most characteristic features of these tombs are that the sarcophagus trunks were carved out of stone blocks. The earliest examples of chamosorium tombs were those types used in Anatolia from the 7th-6th century BC (Alfoldi-Rosenbaum, 1980: 30) and the type continued in use until Late Antiquity (Doğanay, 2008: 38; Doğanay, 2008: 38; Kortanoğlu, 2006: 41). These types of tombs are also found in the cities of Lycia and Pisidia (Çelgin, 1994: 167-169). The most common examples that have been identified to date on Dana Island are of this grave type. Chamosorium tombs are generally of two types. The first are formed by cutting into the bedrock in a rectangular form. The other type are blocks carved into a sarcophagus. Examples of such tombs found in groups of two and three are found on the island (Figure 11.4). Some of the chamosoria were simply carved out of the rocks in rectangular form (Figures 11.5, 11.6). Some of them were built with finer workmanship and the upper edges were slightly raised to seat the lid and prevent it from sliding (Figures 11.7, 11.8). It can be observed when the geomorphological features of the land are examined that the uneven edges of the sarcophagus trunk were terraced and that slopes were flattened (Figures 11.9, 11.10). The doors of these tombs were covered by stone blocks. Amongst these stone blocks are those built in the form of a rectangular single-piece structure (Figures 11.11, 11.12), and with triangular pediments and a roof type structure with acroteria (Figure 11.13). The dimensions of these tombs are generally about 220 cm in length, 8590 cm in width and 40 - 50 cm in depth. No precise dating could be made due to the absence of inscriptions, decoration,

The Tomb Types on Dana Island (Ancient Pityoussa) profile, etc. on the tombs that would help to date them, and as there have been no archaeological excavations. Arcosolium tombs This term derives from the words arcus – meaning arch in Latin and the word solium – meaning throne. These tombs were built by carving the lower part of an arched niche in rectangular form and closing the pit formed with a stone lid (Er and Söğüt, 2005: 102). Alföldi and Rosenbaum stated that arcosolium tombs were of Anatolian origin. They believe that it resembles the Anatolian house type since the burial is under the arch (Alföldi–Rosenbaum, 1971: 100). Arcosolium tombs are common in the mountainous region of Cilicia (Machatschek, 1967:58).

Figure 11.16 Arcosolium tomb with steps on the outer wall

Figure 11.17 Niche on the inner walls of an Arcosolium tomb, thought to have been for offerings to the dead or an oil lamp

In the examples from Dana Island, the arcosolium is carved from the bedrock. The burial is placed in the pit of a rectangular form at the bottom of the arch which swings over it (Figures 11.14, 11.15, 11.16). In the inner parts of the tombs, there are niches opening in the side walls of the arch. These niches must have been added to enable gifts and offerings for dead to be placed, or for oil lamps (Figure 11.17). One characteristic of the tombs of this type on Dana Island is the inclusion of steps on the upper side edges of the arch (Figure 11.18, 11.19). No inscriptions, profiles or decorations have been found on the visible parts of these tombs. However, exact dating will be more certain after excavations have been carried out. The simple rock-cut tombs

Figure 11.18 Stairs cut into the side wall of the grave

169

These are tombs that are built by carving out the interior into a chamber form from the steep face of the rocky outcrops in the terrain. These tombs are generally classified in two types: rock-cut tombs

Dana Island

Figure 11.19 Stairs cut into the side wall of the grave

with arched entrances and rock-cut tombs with rectangular entrances (Figures 11.20, 11.21). In both types, the burial chamber itself is rectangular. In tombs of these types, the burial was placed on the side and back walls of the marble lining kline. The form of these tombs is generally considered to reflect their purpose as houses of the dead (Er and Söğüt, 2005: 99). There was no concern in their construction about the direction the tomb openings faced; geological factors alone determined their siting. In general, the tombs are of a single chamber. It is thought that the dead were placed upon a flat surface of the marble lining kline (Figures 11.22, 11.23, 11.24, 11.25). Christian sarcophagus This sarcophagus, which is located next to a building considered to have been a church on Dana Island, is covered with an a lid in the form of a saddle with an acroterion . There is no inscription on the long side except for the sign of the Christian cross covered with a medallion (Figures 11.26, 11.27). This Christian sarcophagus on Dana Island is thought to date to between the 4th and 6th centuries from comparison with similar examples (such as at Korykos, Elaiussa Sebaste, etc) from ancient settlements in the vicinity.

Figure 11.20 Rock carved chamber tomb

Conclusion An archaeological evaluation of Dana Island and the geography of the region was made and its historical significance is being determined through the studies we began in 2015. As a result of our observations and research to date, the types of tombs have been evaluated as belonging within a certain group. Considering the geological structure of the island, it is not surprising that the number of rock tombs is high. The

Figure 11.21 Rock carved chamber tomb with arched entrance

170

The Tomb Types on Dana Island (Ancient Pityoussa)

Figure 11.22 Chamber tomb with rectangular entrance

Figure 11.23 Side-by-side chambers with rectangular entrance door

Figure 11.25 Chamber tomb with rectangular entrance Figure 11.24 Inside the chamber tombs, klines were built on the side and back walls

Figure 11.27 The cover of the sarcophagus is made in the form of a saddle with acroteria

Figure 11.26 Christian sarcophagus

171

Dana Island chamosorium tombs are the most common type among the rock tombs. Other rock tomb types found on the island are arcosolium tombs and chamber tombs. All the types of tombs found to date on Dana Island have historical and cultural parallels with those of the Cilicia region. The dates could only be given within a general range, or were not determined at all, because no inscriptions or signs, except for one cross, were found on these tombs and no detailed excavation work was conducted. Future excavation works will provide a better understanding of the socio-cultural structure of the region and should provide us with the material finds that would enable exact dating. Bibliography AKURGAL, E., (1955), Phrygische Kunst, Ankara Üniversitesi Dil ve Tarih Coğrafya Fakültesi Yayınları, Ankara. AKURGAL, E., (1961), Die Kunst Anatolien von Homer bis Alexander, Walter de Gruyter & Co., Berlin. ALFOLDI-ROSENBAUM, E., (1980), The Necropolis of Adrassus (Balabolu) In Rough Cilicia (Isauria), Vienna. ÇEVİK, N., (2003), Anadolu’daki Kaya Mimarlığı Örneklerinin Karşılaştırılması ve Kültürler Arası Etkileşim Olgusunun Yeniden İrdelenmesi, Olba VIII, Mersin. 213-250. ER, Y. and SÖĞÜT, B., (2005), Dağlık Kilikya’da Olba – Diocaesarea Nekropollerindeki Kaya Mezarları, Türk Arkeoloji ve Etnografya Dergisi 5, 97-110, Ankara. IŞIK, F., (1989), Batı Uygarlığının Kökeni. Erken Demirağ Doğu-Batı Kültür ve Sanat İlişkilerinde Anadolu, Türk Arkeoloji Dergisi 28, 1-39, Ankara. IŞIK, F., (2003), Karanlık Dönemin Aydınlığı ve Frig Sanatının Anadoluluğu Üzerine, Anadolu/ Anatolia, XXIV, 19-33, Ankara. İŞKAN, H., and ÇEVİK, N., (2001), Tlos 1999, Araştırma Sonuçları Toplantısı 18.1, Ankara. KORTANOĞLU, R. E., (2006), Hellenistik ve Roma Dönemlerinde Dağlık Phrygia Bölgesi Kaya Mezarları, Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Istanbul University. MACHATSCHEK, A., (1967), Die Nekropolen Und Grabmäler Im Gebeit Von Elaiussa Sebasteud Korykos Im Rauhen Kilikien ,Ergänzungs bändezu den Tituli Asiae Minoris 2, Vienna. ONIZ, H., (2017), A Shipyard on Dana Island, SKYLLIS, 17, 4-16, Bubenreuth. ÜNAL, A. and GİRGİNER K. S., (2007), Kilikya – Çukurova, İlk Çağlardan Osmanlı Dönemi’ne Kadar Kilikya’da Tarihi Coğrafya, Tarih ve Arkeoloji, İstanbul. YILMAZ, N., (2007), Roma Dönemi Pisidia’sında Nekropoller ve Mezar Anıtları, Necropolis and Funerary Monuments in Pisidia During the Roman Period, Adalya, X, 57-204, Antalya. ZEYREK, T. H., (2007), Yukarı Söğütlü Nekropollerinden Kaya Mezarları, Gaziantep Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi 6, 117-144, Gaziantep.

172

Slipway numbers 240, 241, 242, 243, 244, 245, 246 and stone cutting place no S6

Chapter 12

Water Cisterns on Dana Island Dilber Bala and Hakan Öniz A total of 221 cisterns – 7 in 2016, 165 in 2017, and 49 in 2018 – were identified and documented in studies conducted to locate the cisterns on Dana Island and accordingly determine the estimated population. These cisterns were built to meet the needs of people living on the island, domestic animals, small cultivation activities and the workshops of shipyards. Apart from the 221 documented cisterns, numerous cisterns have survived among the vegetation and structural remains, but have not yet been documented. In this context, the number of cisterns on the island is thought to be at least 300. Of the 221 documented cisterns, 218 have standard cistern forms generally carved into the bedrock or aeolianite structure. The other three are located within the castle structure on the southern western hill of the island, were created by architectural interventions to natural crevices. Continuity in the use of cisterns is demonstrated by changes made to their mouths. Since no excavations have yet been carried out, no investigations have focused on the floors of the cisterns, and no specific finds have been obtained for dating. However, the cisterns on the island will probably have been used, with additions and changes, from the Iron Age to the Byzantine period, in parallel with the general dating of the structures on the island. A considerable part of the information in this article was the subject of Dilber Bala’s masters dissertation in 2017. The people of the ancient world, who needed water wherever they settled and determined the locations of their cities accordingly, needed to store water, just as today, in places with low rainfall that were distant from a water source. Thus they built structures to collect rainwater, water from snow and fresh water. Cisterns, one of the most important of these structures, have not lost their importance from the ancient world until today, and were constructed to meet the water requirements of animals and people in residential areas, caravan routes, etc. (Mays et al. 2013: 1917). During historical times, cisterns were first used to irrigate agricultural lands. With the use of loams away from water sources, some of these lands were irrigated using cisterns. Later, with the urban population increasing, they began to be constructed mainly to collect drinking water (Güngör, 2017: 38). The rapid technological progress in the 20th century has led to a change in water supply systems, particularly in the use of cisterns (Mays et al. 2013: 1917). However, they continue to be used in many parts of the world, including some villages of the Taurus Mountains in Anatolia. The construction and use of cisterns can be traced back to the Neolithic, when waterproof lime plaster cisterns were built into the floors of houses in village locations of the Levant, such as Ramad and Lebwe. By the late fourth millennium BC, cisterns were essential elements of emerging water management techniques used in dry-land farming, such as at Jawa in northeastern Lebanon (Roberts, 1977: 134-146). At Khirbet et-Tell, located today on the shores of Lake Galilee in Israel, a large cistern dating back to around 2500 BC was discovered that had Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 174–185

Water Cisterns on Dana Island a capacity of nearly 1700 m3. It was carved out of solid rock, lined with large stones, and sealed with clay to prevent leaking (Roberts, 1977: 134-146). The Hittite period saw the provision of structures such as cisterns, reservoirs, water boats, and conduits to collect rain and spring waters. (Sevimli, 2005: 17). The cisterns in Hittite cities were built in the form of a barrel cut into the rock and on highly inclined terraces. Rainwater was collected in these cisterns and distributed as required. (Neve, 2000: 21-40; Alp, 2003: 52). Since Ancient times, especially in areas with a shortage of water, the collection of rainwater with cisterns has been widespread (Şahin and Manioğlu, 2011: 531-541). These techniques were used by Ur and other civilizations in the Middle East in 4500 BC (Frasier, 1980: 125). During the Hellenic period, water supply and storage in both public buildings and houses was widespread. In addition, there are different cisterns where water is stored in the spring, as at the sanctuary of Epidauros in the Saronic Gulf of Greece (Mays et al. 2013: 1919). The direct collection and use of rainwater is defined as ‘rainwater harvesting’ especially during that period. Rainwater could be collected from roofs or floors and made available for drinking water, cleaning, irrigation, etc. It is known that similar techniques have been used for drinking water in rural areas in Asia and Africa since antiquity (UNEP-IETC, 2018). Cisterns were built to guard against water shortages even in places where there is a constant supply of water, but which might be cut off by blockade or siege (Önge, 1997: 2). During historical times, cisterns became an essential feature of a well-designed city. Increasing population during the Roman era led to an increase in the size of cisterns and their design became more sophisticated (Mays et al. 2013: 1917). Although Dana Island has many archaeological data from early to late periods, it has not been the subject of systematic investigation until today. A large number of cisterns have been noted on the island in the studies we have conducted in recent years. In this context, a methodology

Figure 12.1 Location of cisterns

175

Dana Island

Figure 12.2 Murals in one of the cisterns

Figure 12.3 Murals in the same cistern

Figure 12.4 Murals in the same cistern

Figure 12.5 Cistern with murals

Figure 12.6 A cistern closed with large stones by local goat herds

Figure 12.7 Cistern no. 71: one of many cisterns filled with stones

176

Water Cisterns on Dana Island for the determination and documentation of the cisterns on the island was considered and implemented. During the work we conducted on Dana Island 165 cisterns were found by Dilber Bala, Muhammed Ali Çerezci, Hafize Uysal, Burak Can Kavkalı and Yaşar Deniz Tamin in 2017; and 49 cisterns were found by Kardelen Gerçek, Merve Küpoğlu, Selin Yılmaz and Çağrı Alkan in 2018. The total number of the documented cisterns, together with seven cisterns identified in 2016, has reached 221 (Figure 12.1). It is certain that this number will increase with the ongoing work. Most of the structures behind the slipways are in the form of rubble, and cisterns are highly likely to be underneath. Since no excavations were conducted in the cisterns, the findings were limited to surface observations and there was not enough evidence to assist with dating. The surface exploration carried out in Dana Island in 2016 and 2017 can date the history of the island from the Neolithic era to the sixth century, and the structures are thought to exist from the Iron Age. When evaluated together with the surface materials and as a result of the excavations that will start on the island, the construction dates of the structures may be extended to earlier dates. Depending on these results, the cisterns must have begun to be constructed at the same time as the earliest structures on the island. The probable date of the last use of cisterns was during the Crusader period in the 12th-13th centuries. Dana Island is known to have been used for a brief period by Provencal knights. Wall paintings, which are probably to be dated to this period, were found in a cistern (Figures 12.2, 12.3, 12.4, 12.5). These cisterns have been closed again after being documented. Each cistern was photographed after numbering. The diameter and the characteristics of the entrance were recorded. Depths were measured by a laser-meter and sketch drawings were executed. The size of the base diameter was measured, the inside of the cisterns was photographed and investigation as to any inscriptions or decoration was carried out by entering suitable cisterns. The locations and distances of the cisterns in relation to the slipways and other cisterns on the island have been mapped. Drawings of the measured and photographed cisterns were generated in the AutoCAD environment taking into account their current status. 165 cisterns were documented with photographs, drawings, measurements, coordinates and current status in the catalogue created by Dilber Bala for his dissertation while others have also been documented separately with the same features. The majority of the 221 cisterns that were found as a result of our studies in Dana Island were damaged, mainly as a result of natural effects such as earthquakes, landslides, and plant roots. However some cisterns appear to be have been deliberately filled with large stones, which reminds us of the invasions that may have occurred on the island. The entrance quoins of most of the cisterns have not survived until today. The forms of some could not be fully determined since they were filled with sand, soil and stone (Figure 12.7). In the majority of those with entrance quoins, the quoin surface was simple and formed from two parts (Figure 12.8). Some, formed by combining two parts, attract attention due to their special architectural forms (Figure 12.9). Presumably, this type of cistern would belong to the higher status homes or workplaces. There are also cisterns with different forms of entrance quoin (Figure 12.10). There are traces of the lid covering in many entrance quoins (Figure 12.11). Most of the cisterns are of bell or pear form. There are also large-scale cisterns of oval and rectangular shapes, such those numbered 47, 76, 102, 104, and 123. Examples of cisterns with arches (Figure 12.12) are partially well preserved: cisterns numbered 79 and 116 are examples 177

Dana Island

Figure 12.8 Cistern mouth section – two-part quoin

Figure 12.9 Cistern mouth section – two-part quoin

Figure 12.10 Band formed unit on the mouth of the cistern

Figure 12.11 Cistern no. 202: the seating of the cover can be clearly seen

Figure 12.12 An example of arched rectangular cisterns. This cistern is accessed by a staircase from the temple/church

Figure 12.13 One of the cisterns in the castle on the western ridges of the island

178

Water Cisterns on Dana Island of these. These cisterns were usually built to exploit the gaps that exist in the bedrock and, in particular, there are three beautiful examples at the castle structure to the west of the island (Figures 12.13, 12.14). There is no roof system in some cisterns; they are thought probably to have a wooden roof system or be without a roof (Figure 12.15). There are cisterns in some of the slipways (Figure 12.16) and their bodies are now below sea level. Figure 12.14 One of the cisterns in the castle on the western ridges of the island

Figure 12.15 Probably wooden roofed or open cistern

Figure 12.16 The cistern inside of slipway no. 129

Detection studies were carried out based on the slipways documented in 2016 with north-south-axis scans in the area starting from slipway 1 (the east of the island) to slipway 266 (west of the island). Since maquis shrubland covers a large portion of the area, a large number of cisterns were located following clearance of vegetation carried out by Silifke Municipality and Silifke Museum’s personnel under our supervision. Some cisterns had been covered by local goatherds to prevent animals from falling in (Figure 12.6) and were concealed. The Dana Island cisterns numbered 1 (Figure 12.17), 18, 85, 87, 92, 127, 139, 155 and 160 show similarity to the cistern numbered ‘Cistern 1.S.4’ located in Phaselis (Mergen, 2018: web). Similar cisterns to those numbered 14, 19, 27, 58 (Figure 12.18), 113 and 140 exist in the ancient city of Burdur Kremna (Kürkçü, 2015: 301-311). The C 3 cistern located in Ariassos between Antalya and Burdur (Kürkçü, 2015: 301-311) is similar to cisterns 76 and 123. Cisterns 79 (Figure 12.19), 102, 103, 104, and 123 are similar to the rectangular cistern dating to 8th-7th century BC located in the Agora of the city in Dreros, Crete, with dimensions of 13x5.5x6 m and a capacity of nearly 429 m3 (Mays et al., 2013). Photographs and drawings of 165 of the Dana island cisterns can be accessed via the national thesis center through Dilber Bala’s master’s dissertation.

179

Dana Island

Figure 12.17 Cistern no. 1 (D.Bala)

Figure 12.18 Cistern no. 58 (D.Bala)

In the present study on Dana Island, we observed traces of baked clay pipe fragments, carved duct forms (Figure 12.20), and duct marks engraved on the rock, which are thought to be channels that have survived until today together with the cisterns. Canals, which might easily be buried, were not fully uncovered since no excavation was carried out on the island. The possibility of the connection of water collection systems and cisterns with each other will be clarified through future excavations. It seems likely that the method that continues to be used today in the mountain villages of the Taurus would have been used on the island. By this method, the first rain of the season is not channelled to the cistern via the canal connected to the roofs and is instead used to wash the dust and dirt out of the canals. Rainwater begins to be collected in the cistern from the second rainfall of the season. In this context, the rainwater collected on Dana Island would be obtained from roofs and brought through canals from the backs of the structures. Very few traces of freshwater sources were found on the island; it is not known what water resources existed in the past. However, water resources are available in Mavikent, just across the island. When water supply cannot be procured on the island or when there is a dry period, it would be possible to meet the water demand using sea vessels from the mainland 2.5 km away. Based on the number of cisterns documented, 221, it should be considered that the total number of cisterns on the island is at least 300. 218 cisterns out of the 221 are generally 180

Water Cisterns on Dana Island

Figure 12.20 Channels associated with cisterns

in similar forms but of different sizes. Nevertheless, it is possible to get their averages. The three cisterns in the fortress structure on the south-west hill of the island, which were built through the closure of natural crevices, were not fully measured. However, it is clear that they have a much larger capacity than other cisterns on the island. Cistern 12 was identified and measured exactly in order to understand the average capacity of cisterns on the island. The entrance Figure 12.19 Cistern no. 79 (D. Bala) diameter of this cistern is 103 cm, with a base diameter of 460 cm, and a depth of 320 cm. Based on these dimensions, we can conclude that the cistern has a volume of about 21.5 m3. Considering that water is provided by rainfall, we can calculate that 47.4 mm, which is the average monthly rainfall of the region, is sufficient to fill the cisterns (Figure 12.21). We can infer from this calculation that the cistern capacity on Dana island was at least 6,450 m3 (6,450,000 liters) in total. Today, water consumption per capita is considered to be 80-100 liters in settlements below 50,000 inhabitants. Necessary drinking water is considered to be 50 liters per day for oxen and 15 liters per day for smaller bovids (data taken from İller Bank). In the most adverse conditions in antiquity, water consumption per capita might be calculated as 20 liters per day (Türk et al., 2008:48). Accordingly, water consumption per capita per month can be calculated as 600 liters in August - the driest month. It is suggested that oxen were used on the island to beach the ships. There would also probably have been small bovids such as goats for domestic purposes. The monthly water consumption of oxen is about 1,500 liters and of small bovids about 450 liters. If 200 oxen were kept to beach the ships, and 500 small bovids were kept for daily needs, the monthly water consumption for animals would be 525 tons. With the remaining water, 9875 people should be able to survive a month without rainfall. Since the water consumed by poultry is just 0.25 liters per day, it is not included in this calculation. This calculation may be affected by the geographical location of the island and ancient climate conditions. Further, in this calculation all 300 cisterns are considered to be of the same or similar form and all are 181

Dana Island

Figure 12.21 Average monthly rainfall in the Silifke region

considered to be in use at the same time. Population estimates made based on the assumption of water consumption will also vary according to figures given for consumption (Türk et al., 2008: 56). For example; if the amount of daily consumption were calculated as 40 liters instead of 20 liters, the maximum sustainable island population would fall below 5000 people in a stroke. Therefore, cistern capacities can only be used as a secondary indicator for population forecasts. The traces of agriculture and livestock breeding on the Island are very limited. It is likely that such a large number of cisterns must have built for carpenters, workers, workshops, and soldiers serving as guards for the shipyard and their families. In other chapters of the book, the presence of 6,000 people on the island who resisted the Neo-Babylonian army of Neriglissar in the 6th millennium BC has been mentioned. The capacity of the cisterns indicates that 6000 people and more could live on the island. It seems likely that from the third-fourth century AD, as the shipyard lost its importance, the population decreased, and a small number of people, attested by the number of churches, were engaged in religious matters and the cultivation of grapes. However, Pityussians also most likely continued their shipbuilding traditions at this time for the construction of commercial and fishing vessels. All this will be revealed by the excavations. These data will be further clarified by changes in the number of cisterns identified and the determination of their exact forms and capacities in the course of future studies on the island. Bibliography FRASIER, G. W., (1980), Harvesting Water for Agricultural, Wildlife and Domestic Uses. Journal of Soil and Water Conservation, 35 (3). 125. GÜNGÖR, S., (2017), Tarihi Yarımada’daki Roma ve Bizans Dönemi Sarnıçları. Stratejik ve Sosyal Araştırmalar Dergisi, 1, 2. 32-72. KÜRKÇÜ, M., (2015), Ariassos ve Kremna’da Gözlemlenen Su Sistemleri ve Sarnıçlar Hakkında Bir Değerlendirme, Mediterranean Journal of Humanities V/1, 301-311. MAYS, L., AntonIou, G. P. ve AngelakIs, A. N., (2013), History of Water Cisterns: Legacies and Lessons. Water, 5, 1916-1940. MERGEN, Y., (2018), http://www.phaselis.org/phaselis-arastirmalari/kent-ve-akropolisarastirmalari/kent-ve-akropolis-arastirmalari-guncesi-2015 (viewed 1.12.2018) MILLER, R., (1980), Water use in Syria and Palestine from the Neolithic to the Bronze Age, World Archaeology, 11, 331-341. NEVE, P. ,(2000), Tanrılar ve Tapınaklar Kenti Hattuşa. Anadolu Araştırmaları XII. 21-40. ÖNGE, Y., (1997), Türk Mimarisinde Selçuklu ve Osmanlı Dönemi Su Yapıları. Ankara: Türk Tarih Kurumu.

182

Water Cisterns on Dana Island ROBERTS, N., (1977), Water Conservation in Ancient Arabia. In Proceedings of the Seminar for Arabian Studies, Middle East Centre, Cambridge, UK, 12–14 July 1976, Vol. 7; Archaeopress: Oxford, 134–146. SEVIMLI, Ş., (2005), Anadolu Uygarlıklarında Temizlik Kavramı ve Uygulamalarının Evrimi. Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Çukurova University, Adana. ŞAHIN, İ. N. and Manioğlu, G., (2011), Binalarda Yağmur Suyunun Kullanılması. Ulusal Tesisat Mühendisliği Kongresi X. 531-541. TÜRK, S., KAYA, B., BAYKAN, O., (2008), Batı Akdeniz (Likya) Tarihi Yerleşim Merkezlerinin Su İletim Sistemleri, DEÜ Mühendislik Fakültesi Fen Ve Mühendislik Dergisi 10(3), 43-57. http://www.unep.or.jp/ietc/publications/techpublications/techpub-8e/conservation.asp (viewed 1.12.2018). https://www.ilbank.gov.tr/dosyalar/icmesuyu/ICMESUYU_ETUT_FIZB_TEKN_SART.pdf (viewed 1.12.2018).

183

Slipway number 49

Chapter 13

The Possible Role of Dana Island in the Events Of 1200 BC Haldun Aydingün The survey on Dana Island, conducted by the director of the Silifke Museum under the scientific consultancy of archaeologist Hakan Öniz, identified 294 slipways which had been constructed by carving out the bedrock on the northwest coast of the island, facing Anatolia. Although it is problematic to associate this maritime infrastructure directly with the Bronze Age (the subject matter of this article), it was discovered that the slipways on the eastern part of the island were much more eroded. This fact may indicate an earlier time frame of usage, thus, pointing to an earlier age (H. Öniz, personal communication). The materials collected from the surface were analyzed by Assoc. Prof. Dr Şengül Aydıngün and a ceramic fragment that could be dated to the Early Bronze Age was found. It will not be possible to reach a definitive answer, with such a limited number of materials uncovered from the surface before systematic archaeological excavations on Dana Island begin. However, the island’s position and undisputedly considerable maritime infrastructure dating to later periods, leads us to think about at least a few possibilities when one considers the historical evolution of shipping technologies and on the other hand the great population movements in the eastern part of the Mediterranean during the catastrophic times around 1200 BC The cultural, commercial, and most especially the military importance of land roads and sea routes was understood by the Romans two thousand years ago. When the imperial roads were at their most advanced stage, they consisted of a total length of 85,000 km. Although some important parts of the famous Silk Road, by which goods from China and Central Asia were transported to the West, were on land, transportation by land always remained limited and problematic compared to transportation by sea – until the 1840s when railways started to be built followed by the construction of highways between cities in the 1930s. As the main means of transportation throughout history, the use of seas, lakes, rivers, and waterways maintained their importance until the aforementioned years. Vessels that can negotiate these waterways go back as far as the 9th millennium BC, with dugout canoes found almost intact in the Netherlands as well as rafts created by binding the reeds to each other (Laskaris et al., 2011: 2475). These vessels showed continuous improvement and developed into more complex structures during the 5th millennium BC (Carter, 2006: 52) – into ‘long boats’ with multiple oars in the 4th millennium BC (Televantou, 2008: 47), to 43 meter long giant ships from the middle of the 3rd millennium BC an original example being found next to the Pyramid of Kheops in Egypt (Renfrew and Bahn, 2012: 95, 329). In the early 2nd millennium BC, river going vessels reached such an advanced technological level that a 450ton granite obelisk, unearthed in one piece from the Swenett quarries near Aswan, could be carried successfully to the Luxor Temple 170 km north (Bunson, 2002: 286). The Uluburun ship Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 186–193

The Possible Role of Dana Island in the Events Of 1200 BC that sank in the 14th century BC and had a cargo load of approximately 20-25 tons, contained goods from all over the then-known world (Pulak, 2006: 53-89). This remarkable technological level was gradually reached over thousands of years. It is thought that both the techniques used in shipbuilding and the practice of seafaring passed from one generation to the next and underwent very few changes over hundreds of years. It is highly likely that a sailor living during that time would not notice any changes or progress during his lifetime. Therefore, it is possible that the maritime advantages of Dana Island, which led to the large-scale use of the island during the Iron Age, Hellenistic and Roman periods, provided similar advantages to the sailors of previous millennia. From a methodological point of view there is a problem in investigating the slipways to find traces of previous epochs. Contrary to settlement mounds, with every generation increasing their height and preserving the remnants of the past, with ever increasing ship sizes, engineers had to dig wider and deeper in the bedrock of the island, thus erasing whatever may have been left from previous periods. As a result, it is only natural that the archaeological record from the 2nd millennium BC, if it ever existed, was completely lost in these slipways of Dana Island. On the other hand cultural layers belonging to the Bronze Age have been found intact on the inland sites of the island. Also extensive underwater investigations should bring us stone anchors or shipwrecks with their cargos from that era. Indeed some shipwrecks have already been identified (Öniz, 2016:157). Around 1200 BC, almost all cities known to have existed in the Eastern Mediterranean were burned down and destroyed resulting in large scale migrations. As a result, the Greek mainland lost 80% of its population (Popham, 2001: 282). Although only Egypt was able to escape this fate, this did not stop its slow decline, and it was never able to return to its former glory (Aydıngün, 2014: 17). The collapse that occurred at the end of the Bronze Age was not caused by one single factor. Many economic, social and environmental factors combined to eventually cause the collapse to occur in a series of cascading events. The fact that agricultural production was a heavily labour-intensive sector in the Bronze Age can be considered as the starting point for the ensuing problems1. Reduction in agricultural production caused by drought or extreme cold created serious problems related to tax collection from agricultural surplus. In such cases, the state had to constantly feed an important ‘army/police’ force in order to collect the necessary taxes. The cost of this ‘police’ force not only increased the amount of tax to be collected but also increased the dissatisfaction of the public and made it compulsory to enlarge the police force in order to suppress possible riots. As might be expected, this process could turn into a vicious circle (Aydıngün, 2014: 142). Towards the end of the 13th century BC there were many palace constructions, renovations and enlargements and also unending wars that removed ever more workers from the already depleting labour force, leaving fewer people to work in agriculture, which was already on the verge of a severe drought. The social tension among the public inevitably rose. Under normal conditions, 90 agricultural laborers in the Bronze Age were able to produce enough to feed only 10 people other than themselves. Therefore, the soldiers, administrators, artists, priests and those who did not work in the field of agriculture who were serving the states of the period had to remain within this 10% of the population. 1

187

Dana Island Another problem of the period around 1200 BC were earthquakes that occurred one after another, characterized as earthquake storms by some scientists (Nur and Burgess, 2008: 227). A massive earthquake occurred at Tiryns around 1200 BC, one of the Mycenaean palaces located on the Greek mainland (Maran 2010: 255). It is thought that such an earthquake not only momentarily destabilized the pressure applied to the people, but also the sudden weakness in state authority may have triggered a major wave of rebellions against all Mycenaean palaces. In a very short period of time the control of the Mycenaean palaces and the relatively secure environment they provided were destroyed. Looting and plundering took place across the whole of the Greek mainland. In addition, the pirates of Lukka (Lycia) and Rhodes began to freely carry out large scale activity on the seas. In this period, while other cities were destroyed and deserted, the expansion and the development of Ialysos, located in the northeast of Rhodes, to five time its former size, leads us to think that pirates were centered in that part of the Aegean (Luca, 2005:134, Aydıngün, 2014: 21). Those survivors who had been under the rule of the Mycenaean palaces started a massive migration movement to the Levant region2, where they knew living conditions were better (Yassur-Landau, 2010: 123). 3000 years ago the coastline was not much different than it is today and Dana Island was already separated from the mainland Anatolia. In a world where technological advances were very slow the advantages provided by maritime sanctuaries, such as the northern coast of Dana island, were unchanging for millennia. Therefore, we can conclude that Dana Island could have provided shelter to both the Mycenaean immigrants on their way to a better life and to the pirates of Lukka, known to loot as far as the Syrian and Lebanon coast. Systematic and scientific archaeological excavations in the future could present evidence of these Bronze Age people passing along the Anatolian coast and taking shelter on Dana Island. We conclude with a final discussion of the actual name of Dana Island. The word dana simply means ‘calf ‘ in Turkish, which is a rather bizarre name for an island or for any geographical entity. But we know from written sources that the name of one of the migrating tribes from Mainland Greece was the people of Danaoi3. Future excavations may prove that 3200 years ago it was the Danaoi people who settled on this island for some time during their voyage to Levant and their name lived on here. Bibliography AMOS, N., BURGESS, D., (2008), Apocalypse - Earthquakes, Archaeology, and the Wrath of God. Princeton: Princeton University Press. AYDINGÜN, H., (2014), Uygar Dünyanın İlk Yıkılışı – MÖ 1200 Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları, İstanbul.

Traces that they left behind in the region are known: the vessels that began to be more stylistically diverse in the middle stages of the LH-IIIC period, which started after the disappearance of the palace economies on the Greek mainland, began to be produced freely in local ceramic workshops. These ceramics were seen on the Aegean and Mediterranean coasts of Anatolia mostly in the Mersin, Adana and Hatay regions (Gür, 2012: 35-54). 3 According to Woudhuizen, as two alternative names that describe the Greeks for the late Bronze Age, Ekwesh and Denye(n) refer to the Achaians and Danaoi that Homer indicates. The equivalents of these names in the inscriptions of Asia Minor are likely to be Ahhiyawa used mostly by Hittites and Tanayu used by Egyptians (Woudhuizen, 2006: p.117). Ian Shaw says that Ekwesh and Denen may be associated with the Achaean and Danaean Greeks in Ilyada (Shaw, 2003: 322). 2

188

The Possible Role of Dana Island in the Events Of 1200 BC BUNSON, M. R., (2002), Encyclopedia of Ancient Egypt – Revised Edition, Facts on File Inc., New York. CARTER, R., (2006), ‘Boat Remains and Maritime Trade in the Persian Gulf During the Sixth and Fifth Millennia BC’, Antiquity 80, 307, 52-63. GÜR, B., (2012), Anadolu’da Geç Hellas III C Seramiği’ne İlişkin Bazı Gözlemler, Arkeoloji ve Sanat, s.140, 35-54. LASKARIS, N., SAMPSON, A., MAVRIDIS, F., LIRITZIS, I., (2011), Late Pleistocene/Early Holocene seafaring in the Aegean: new obsidian hydration dates with the SIMS-SS method, Journal of Archaeological Science, 38, 2475-2479. LUCA, G., (2005), Ialysos. Foreign Relations in the Late Bronze Age, in R. Laffineur and E. Greco eds Aegeans in Central and Eastern Mediterranean. 10th International Aegean Conference, 14-18 April 2004, Aegaeum 25, Athens, 129-139. MARAN, J., (2010), The Crisis Years? Reflections on Signs of Instability in the Last Decades of the Mycenaean Palaces, Scienze dell’antichità Storia Archeologia Antropologia -2009, Università deglistudi di Roma ‘La Sapienza’, 15, 241-262. ÖNİZ, H., (2016), ‘Akdeniz Kıyıları Arkeolojik Sualtı Araştırmaları’, ANMED – Anadolu Akdenizi Arkeoloji Haberleri 2016-14, 155-161. POPHAM, M.R.., (2001), The Collapse of Aegean Civilization at the End of the Late Bronze Age, in B. Cunliffe (ed.) The Oxford Illustrated History of Prehistoric Europe, Oxford University Press, 277-303. PULAK, C., (2006), Das Schiffswrack von Uluburun, in Ünsal Yalçın, Cemal Pulak, Rainer Slotta (eds.) Das Schiff von Uluburun: Welthandelvor 3000 Jahren, Deutsches Bergbau-Museum, Bochum, 55-103 RENFREW, C., BAHN P., (2012), Archaeology: Theories, Methods and Practice, 6th ed., Thames & Hudson, London. SHAW, I., (ed.) (2003), The Oxford History of Ancient Egypt, Oxford: Oxford University Press. WOUDHUIZEN, F. C., (2006), The Ethnicity of the Sea Peoples. Unpublished PhD Dissertation, Erasmus University, Rotterdam. TELEVANTOU CHRISTINA, A., (2008), ‘Strofilas: A Neolithic Settlement on Andros’, in N. Brodie, J. Doole, G. Gavalas and C. Renfrew (eds.) A Colloquium on the Prehistory of the Cyclades, McDonald Institute for Archaeological Research, Cambridge. YASSUR-LANDAU, A., (2010), The Philistines and Aegean Migration at the End of the Late Bronze Age Cambridge University Press.

189

Slipway numbers 218a, 218b, 219a, 219b, 220, 221, 222, 223,224, 225, 226, 227, 228 and S5 temporary stone quarry

Chapter 14

Mavikent Harbour: the Mainland Connection Point of the Dana Island Shipyard?1 Mert Uğur Kara In the 2018 field season we identified ancient harbour remains on the shores of the modern Mavikent site in the neighborhood of Yeşilovacık, Silifke/ Mersin. Working in the area allowed us to discover two different harbour constructions. One is thought to be earlier than the other and both served as the harbour of the ancient Mavikent population. Based on the survey findings that we observed, it can be said that the ancient Mavikent harbour was in service at least as early as the Hellenistic Period. This area is within very close reach of what we now call Dana Island, roughly one nautical mile (1.85 km) to its northwest. Any piece of information about the connection between the island and Mavikent harbour would be very helpful to our pursuit of finding Dana Island’s main centre of transportation for supporting and sustaining the shipyard and the island’s population. One of the fruitful results of the survey is that the ceramic finds from the Mavikent harbour area show close parallels with the survey findings of the Dana Island shipyard. Furthermore, there is some underwater archaeological evidence in very close proximity both to Mavikent harbour and to Dana Island which would support that close connection. Given the circumstances, it can be proposed that the populations of Dana Island and the ancient Mavikent site shared close relations. Therefore, Mavikent harbour is highly likely to be the closest mainland connection point from which the basic needs of the Dana Island shipyard were provided. It has been a couple of years since archaeological surveys on Dana Island started. Assoc. Prof. Dr Hakan Öniz and the rest of the team members have discovered spectacular remains on the island. Öniz identified the structures on the shore of the island as the remains of a shipyard. During the 2018 field seasons of the Dana Island Survey and the Underwater Archaeological Surveys of the Shores of the Cities of Antalya and Mersin, also headed by Öniz, we carried out archaeological investigations to determine the possible connection points for Dana Island and its shipyard. During times of war, as well as to provide support with raw materials and the basic needs of everyday life, it must have been necessary to have a close harbour to service the large shipyard located on the island andits population. In order to understand how the island met those needs we carried out archaeological surveys both underwater and on the land around the shore of the modern Mavikent site which we posited as the closest mainland connection of Dana Island. I especially thank Assoc. Prof. Dr Hakan Öniz for allowing me the use of the data of the Silifke-Mavikent Underwater Archaeological Survey which was headed by himself. I am also grateful to Günay Dönmez for his help and courtesy. Lastly, I express my gratitude to all the members of the underwater archaeological survey team without whom this work could never have been carried out. 1

Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 194–203

Mavikent Harbour: the Mainland Connection Point of the Dana Island Shipyard

Figure 14.1 Location of the Mavikent site

Figure 14.2 Mavikent and some of the visible structural remains

195

Dana Island

Figure 14.3 Harbour area of Mavikent, drone photo

The modern Mavikent site is in the neighborhood of Yeşilovacık, Silifke/ Mersin. It lies face to face with Dana Island and is about one nautical mile (1.85 km) away (Figure 14.1). General observations at the modern site revealed that it is obvious the site has been built on an ancient settlement (Figure 14.2). These observations also indicate that, in terms of position, the closest ancient community to Dana Island resided in this area. After the surveys conducted on the shores of the Mavikent site, which is currently used as a beach, remains of an ancient harbour were detected easily (Figure 14.3). A natural promontory lays at the western side of the beach; on examination it was found to have been used as a mole Figure 14.4 The western mole for the ancient harbour and it is still favored by the modern population both as part of the beach and for its heliport. In order to use the promontory, modern installations were made on the ancient remains, thereby providing functionality. Evidently, this promontory must have been the western mole of the ancient Mavikent harbour (Figure 14.4). An artificial rubble mound lies on the eastern side of the western mole (Figure 14.5). Based on our interviews with the locals, it is understood that during modern construction on the site this artificial mound was constructed from materials such as soil, stone etc. Satellite footage from 2004 made it possible to prove that there was no such mole back in the 2000s and that 196

Mavikent Harbour: the Mainland Connection Point of the Dana Island Shipyard

Figure 14.5 Modern/artificial mound

Figure 14.6 2004 Google Earth footage taken before the artificial mole was made

197

Dana Island

Figure 14.7 The stream bed and the area of alluvial deposition

the mole was a very late structure built artificially (Figure 14.6). There is also a stream bed that comes down from the mountain and reaches exactly to the artificial mole (Figure 14.7). Following searches on the site it is understood that there is also a barrier which was made subsequently to prevent overflows and locals also reported that, before the recently built barrier, the stream carried soils into the sea, especially during rainy periods. In this case, without the barrier the stream was carrying alluvium – from ancient times until very recently – which caused an alluvial deposit, reaching the center of the ancient harbour (Figure 14.7), a phenomenon of which we know similar examples such as the harbour of Miletus, which became unusable due to alluvial deposition (Bruckner et. al., 2017: 876-879). The remains of an ancient mole structure was found at the eastern side of the artificial mound (Figure 14.8). After examinations of the structure it is understood that the mole is still in use, with modern elements built on the ancient mole remains which preserved their functionality (Figure 14.9). Having detected the eastern mole, it was possible to recover the exact dimensions and location of the ancient harbour (Figure 14.10). Archaeological materials continue to be revealed at the eastward side of the eastern mole. Remains of a rounded architectural structure (Figure 14.11) – which could be a watchtower or beacon – and a level of an archaeological deposit are visible. There is a small natural rocky promontory (Figure 14.12) that lies a little to the western side of the probable archaeological deposit, which raises the possibility of this area between the eastern mole and the natural promontory being a second or auxiliary

Figure 14.8 Eastern harbor mole

198

Mavikent Harbour: the Mainland Connection Point of the Dana Island Shipyard harbour, or at least a place for casual anchorage (Figure 14.10). In order to meet expectations for the potential, probably very frequent, maritime activities of the possibly large population comprised by both the ancient Mavikent site and Dana Island, there must have been anchorage areas. In terms of sailing, anchoring and beaching, such anchorages as that suggested could be able to satisfy the daily needs for the small boats used both for transportation between the mainland and the island and for ordinary fishery activities. Furthermore, Figure 14.9 Quay construction having an alluvial deposit in the center of the western and probably early harbour, which grew in time while the population on both the mainland and the island decreased, supports the assertion that the eastern coastal area must have been both an auxiliary anchorage and the probable late harbour area. It is known that in the Medieval Period settlements in the area of Mavikent and Dana Island began to see a population decrease and in time they were abandoned. Knowing that there was a progressive population decrease in both areas, also helps us to understand the reason for the decrease in the volume of trade and general maritime activity. Under these circumstances, for the ancient residents of the Mavikent site, the move to the late harbour, making use of its geographical features, sounds reasonable and affirms our proposition about the eastern coastal area’s properties. As a result of the underwater archaeological surveys in and around the harbour, we found shipwreck remains scattered in the harbour, which were badly damaged due to their location in shallow waters approximately 5 meters in depth (Figure 14.13). Because of the intense destruction it was not possible to say precisely if these finds belong to just one or more than

Figure 14.10 The ancient harbor and a possible late harbor or anchorage

199

Dana Island one shipwreck, however, it is possible to date them to the Late Roman or Early Byzantine periods at a rough guess. In this case, it shows that the ancient harbour structures of Mavikent were in service at least until the end of the Roman period. Archaeological surveys along the coast conducted around the ancient harbour area revealed that the site is rich in evidence. Figure 14.11 Remains of the rounded structure Gathered ceramic samples were high in quantity and the majority of them were dated to the Hellenistic and Roman periods. A very similar outcome came from the survey on the coast of Dana Island. Furthermore, comparison between ceramic finds from both settlements made it clear that the assemblages showed close parallels (Figure 14.14), therefore raising the possibility of both sites having a shared cultural relationship and a long coexistence which must have lasted for at least a few centuries. It is highly likely that the harbour of the Mavikent site could be the harbour from which the basic needs of the population that lived on Dana Island and its shipyard were met. In terms of maritime connectivity, seafaring and strategical relations and also geographical favorability, it is reasonable to think of the relationship between Mavikent and Dana Island as quite natural. Such dependent relations of the islands could be stumbled upon anywhere and anytime throughout history, for instance, in the modern age island settlements like Heybeli Ada in the Sea of Marmara are connected to the harbours of Istanbul with regard to supplying basic needs and represent similar features to the ancient Dana Island. Likewise, Chios, which was a powerful city, guaranteed its prosperity through its connections to the nearby harbours of Ionia – notably with Erythrae (Greaves,

Figure 14.12 Natural promontory, eastern edge of the possible late harbor/anchorage

200

Mavikent Harbour: the Mainland Connection Point of the Dana Island Shipyard

Figure 14.13 Shipwreck remains found in the area of the ancient harbor

Figure 14.14 Pottery finds from Dana Island (top) and Mavikent (below) showing similar features

2010: 53). By so doing, it became a high volume trade centre and a colonist city (Roebuck, 1959: 16). Underwater archaeologist Timmy Gambin, who is also an islander himself, rightly states the tendencies of island peoples thus: ‘The one inescapable fact of living on an island is that islanders are surrounded by sea. Whether one has direct interaction with the sea or not there is no escaping its presence in everyday island life. Over ninety percent of all goods that we consume on a daily basis have, at some point or other, travelled across some stretch of sea or other.’ (Gambin: 2015, 5) Bibliography BRÜCKNER H., HERDA A., KERSCHNER M., MÜLLENHOFF, M, STOCK, F. (2017) Life cycle of estuarine islands-From the formation to the landlocking of former islands in the environs of Miletos and Ephesos in western Asia Minor (Turkey), Journal of Archaeological Science: Reports, 12, 876-894. GAMBIN, T. (ed.) (2015) The Maltese Islands and The Sea, Midsea Books, Malta. GREAVES, A. (2010) The Land of Ionia: Society and Economy in the Archaic Period, Wiley-Blackwell. ÖNIZ, H. (2017) ‘A Slipway on Dana Island, Cilicia: Two hundred and seventy-four slipways recently discovered’, Skyllis, Zeitschrift für maritime und limnische Archäologie und Kulturgeschichte, 17/1, 4-16. ROEBUCK, C. (1969) Ionian Trade and Colonization, Ares Publishers, Chicago

201

Chapter 15

Early Maritime Activities in the Eastern Mediterranean and Dana Island Koray Alper The earliest evidence of human activity on the island of Cyprus dates to the Epi-Paleolithic period in the 10th millennium BC and constitutes the remains of temporary settlements from hunting groups. Following the depletion of the endemic fauna (pygmy elephants and pygmy hippopotamus) by hunter-gatherers (Reese 2001, 20), the island was abandoned until the Aceramic Neolithic (PPNB) due to the lack of food stocks. However, this 2000 year period on Cyprus is unclear (Şevketoğlu 2006, 114.). Together with Anatolian and Near Eastern characteristics, Aceramic Neolithic (PPNB) changes in the island such as architecture, stone tool technology, early metallurgy and pottery experiments can be observed. Maritime and naval voyages also took their place among these developments (Yosef 2001, 129-130.). The Aceramic Neolithic settlers probably left Cyprus for the second time because of the pressure of climatic changes. The appearance of elements belonging to Ceramic Neolithic cultures on the island of Cyprus occurs approximately 1000 years after their development on the mainland. We can explain this delay as the natural isolated geography of the island and the sufficiency of resources on the mainland . Due to the deterioration of favourable conditions on the mainland, groups sailed again to the island (Yosef 2001, 130.). Based on the analysis of material culture, it is possible to establish communication with Cyprus from both Anatolia and the Near East (Güngörlü 2010, 60, 61.). The fact that obsidian tools found in Akanthou / Tatlısu settlement were found in a continuous and dense form in all layers is evidence of a continuous connection with Anatolia. The form and technique of cutting tools, similar to those of Kömürcü-Kaletepe stone tools, are outweighed by the lack of cores and chips. In terms of obsidian finds in Cyprus, the site of Shillourokambos takes second place (217 finds), and Kalavassos-Tenta takes third (32 finds) (Şevketoğlu 2006, 114). The prismatic tools seen in the Kaletepe-Kömürcü settlement have also been found in the Early PPNB settlement Dja’da in Syria and in the Middle PPNB settlements Mureybet and Tell Halula, and similar tools were also found in the Shillourokambos settlement on Cyprus (Balkan-Atlı, Binder, 2007, 219.). The existence of a direct Anatolian-Cyprus connection to Khirokitia, based on the assumption that finds of obsidian tools, which may not be more than a dozen, originated in Anatolia and may have reached Cyprus through Syria-Palestine has not been accepted for many years. Based on architectural similarities, it has been suggested that the Mediterranean coastal settlements of the Near East may have been the homeland of the first inhabitants of Cyprus. However, a large amount of Anatolian obsidian (over 4000 finds) Dana Island (Archaeopress 2021): 204–211

Early Maritime Activities in the Eastern Mediterranean and Dana Island found at the site of Tatlısu reveals the maritimee relationship between the Anatolian coast and Cyprus. The fact that Tatlısu is located on the northern coastline of Cyprus and has the most obsidian finds among the settlements of Cyprus for this period, suggests a connection with the Anatolian coast, which is only 50 km to the North and can easily be seen with the naked eye in the open air (Şevketoğlu 2006, 111-115.). Although maritime activities are generally identified on the basis of material remains, it is not possible to give a definite localization due to sea level changes, tectonic movements, distorted construction and/or lack of research. However Dana Island is one of the southernmost points of Anatolia and could credibly have be used in sea communication, with its special location and maritime ties, such as being located within easy distance of the Tatlısu settlement in Cyprus. Considering the rising sea level and the changing coastline due to holocene climatic recovery, the fact that material culture consistent with mainland connections has been discovered dating to historic periods is suggestive that similar artefacts and connections may have been present in early periods. A more continuous and more detailed interdisciplinary study on Dana Island will answer this high probability. Bibliography BALKAN-ATLI, N.,BINDER, D. (2007).’Kömürcü-Kaletepe Obsidyen İşçiliği’. In Özdoğan, M. and N. Başgelen, eds., Anadolu’da Uygarlığın Doğuşu ve Avrupa’ya Yayılımı Türkiye’de Neolitik Dönem Yeni Kazılar, Yeni Bulgular. İstanbul: Arkeoloji ve Sanat Yayınları, 2007, 217-222. GÜNGÖRLÜ, F. V. (2010). Obsidıan, Trade and Socıety in the Central Anatolian Neolıthic, Unpublished Masters Dissertation, Bilkent University. REESE, D. S. (2001). Some Comments on the Akrotiri Aetokremnos Fauna in S. Swiny (ed.) The Earliest Prehistory of Cyprus from Colonization to Exploitation, American Schools of Oriental Research, 2001, 19-36. ŞEVKETOĞLU, M. (2006). MÖ 8. Binde Anadolu ve Kıbrıs İlişkileri: Akanthou/Tatlısı Kurtarma Kazısı Anadolu/Anatolia 30, 2006, 111-118. YOSEF, O. B. (2001). The World Around Cyprus: From Epi-Paleolithic For ages to the Collapse of the PPNB Civilization in S. Swiny (ed.) The Earliest Prehistory of Cyprus from Colonization to Exploitation, American Schools of Oriental Research, 2001, 129-131.

205

Dana Island from Mavikent Harbour

Authors/Dana Island Scientific Committee Members Prof. Dr Ahmet Ünal Hitit University - Director of Hittite Application and Research Center Hittitologist [email protected] Prof. Dr Ahmet Denker Istanbul Bilgi University, Department of Electrical and Electronic Engineering [email protected] Prof. Dr Hamdi Sayar Istanbul University, Department of History, Department of Ancient History [email protected] Prof. Dr Ahmet Evren Erginal Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart University, Faculty of Education, Department of Geography [email protected] Prof. Dr Olaf Höckmann Ancient seafaring specialist [email protected] Assoc. Prof. Dr Şengül Aydıngün Kocaeli University, Head of the Prehistory Division of the Department of Archaeology [email protected] Assoc. Prof. Dr Hakan Öniz Head of the Department of Restoration and Conservation of Cultural Heritage, Faculty of Art - Akdeniz University/Head of the Division of Underwater Cultural Heritage, Institute of Mediterranean Civilizations - Akdeniz University [email protected] Assoc. Prof. Dr Özlem Sir Gavaz Hitit University, Department of Archaeology - Hittitologist [email protected] Dr Oya Erenoğlu Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart University, Faculty of Education, Department of Geography [email protected]

208

Authors/Dana Island Scientific Committee Members Dr Zerrin Koşdemir Ministry of Agriculture and Forestry, VI. Regional Directorate, Beydağları Coastal National Park Directorate Forest Engineer [email protected] Dr Koray Alper PhD. Candidate - Pamukkale University, Department of Archaeology [email protected] Dr Haldun Aydıngün Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart University, Department of Archaeology [email protected] Savaş Sarıaltun PhD. Candidate, archaeologist, Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart University, Department of Archeology / Faculty of Education, Department of Geography [email protected] Mert Uğur Kara PhD. Candidate, archaeologist, Trakya University, Department of Archaeology [email protected] Günay Dönmez PhD. Candidate, underwater archaeologist, Akdeniz University, Mediterranean Civilizations Research Institute, Early Modern and Modern Mediterranean History [email protected] Ercan Soydan Archaeologist, Akdeniz University, Mediterranean Civilizations Research Institute, Mediterranean Underwater Cultural Heritage, graduate student [email protected] Dilber Bala Archaeologist, Selcuk University, Graduate Program in Underwater Archeology [email protected]

209

Piece of stone stock belonging to a wooden anchor, Dana Island East Bay (9th-7th century BC)

Dana Island: The Greatest Shipyard of the Ancient Mediterranean presents the dramatic archaeological discoveries from Dana Island, off the coast of Rough Cilicia in southern Turkey, where underwater investigations and surface survey in advance of excavation have revealed nearly 300 ancient rock cut slipways, the largest number of such naval installations discovered to date. Further slipways have been lost to erosion or await excavation. The slipways accommodated a range of different sizes of warship and are identified as shipsheds, grouped within a shipyard area, behind which are various structures seen as workshops used in shipbuilding, as well as living spaces, military and religious buildings, managerial facilities, barn areas for animals, baths and dock areas, shops, villas, columned areas, watchtowers, and many other buildings whose functions cannot yet be understood. The majority are mortarless stone structures and some of the architectural forms show resemblances to Iron Age masonry. The volume presents and analyses the slipways, their use and possible dating. Water supply is discussed and cisterns documented. Further chapters focus on the tombs found on the island, its geology, plant usage, and the geoarchaeology of the island’s structures. Extensive contextual sections review the island’s geographical situation and ancient naval history. Finally computer modelling is used to produce stunning 3D visualisations of the ancient shipyard and naval base.

Hakan Öniz completed his masters and PhD on Underwater Archaeology at Selçuk University, Konya. He is one of the founders and was first coordinator of the UNESCO UniTwin Underwater Archaeology Network between 2012 and 2015. He is the head of the Mediterranean Underwater Cultural Heritage Division in the Mediterranean Civilizations Research Institute of Akdeniz University, Head of the Department of Restoration and Conservation of Cultural Heritage in the Faculty of Art, and also Director of the Underwater Archaeology Research Center in the same University. Hakan manages several underwater archaeology research and excavation projects on the Turkish Mediterranean coast, is Secretary and bureau member of ICOMOS-ICUCH (International Committee of Underwater Cultural Heritage), a member of the UNESCO National Observation Committee of Underwater Archaeology, and a member of the CMAS Scientific Committee.

Archaeopress Archaeology www.archaeopress.com