Daily, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls (Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah) [Bilingual ed.] 9004108173, 9789004108172

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DAILY, SABBATH, AND FESTIVAL PRAVERS IN THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS

STUDIES ON THE TEXTS OF THE DESERT OF JUDAH EDITEDBY

F. GARCIA MARTINEZ A. S. VAN DER WOUDE

VOLUME XXVII

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DAILY, SABBATH, AND FESTIVAL PRAYERS IN THE DEAD SEA SCROLLS BY

DANIEL K. FALK

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line 2 of the tenth column of document S (Serekh haYa/:tad = Community Rule) from Qumran cave 1. line 3 of the second column of joined fragments 1 and 2 of document 393 from Qumran cave 4. probable letter possible letter uncertain letter break in the manuscript or loss of writing surface erasure or mi stake in manuscript (in translation) superscript (in translation) word(s) supplied by the editor space in manuscript intentionally left blank: parallel texts, not necessarily identical

For the purposes of comparing benediction formulas I use a system of encoding which is described on pp. 19-20. For references to the Dead Sea Scrolls, I follow the authority of the official publications in the series Discoveries in the Judaean Desert where these are available, and the Companion Volume to the Dead Sea Serolls Mierojiche Edition, second revised edition, edited by Emanuel Tov. In the case of the Damascus Document, the numbering of fragments from cave 4 adopted by the editor J. Baumgarten (DJD 18) differs substantially from that used in previous publications. In the case of the Hodayot, I follow the column and fragment numbering used in F. Garcfa Martinez, The Dead Sea Serolls Translated, which is a covenient representation of the reconstruction of the scroll by E. Puech. I provide the original numbering of E. Sukenik in square brackets. For the cave 4 fragments of the Community Rule, I follow J. Charlesworth, Rule 0/ the Community and Related Documents. I have endeavoured to provide accurate transcriptions to the texts I discuss, and where this is my own work, I follow the conventions adopted bythe series Discoveries in the Judaean Desert (see DJD 9). Where an accepted transcription already exists, I often have simply followed this. There has been no attempt to consistently represent manuscript characteristics such as medial forms in final position. Throughout the book I cite literature by short title only, inc1uding the date of publication at the first citation. Full bibliographic details are given in the bibliography.

INTRODUCTION For the heart to cry out to God at an occasion of joy or trouble is a natural religious impulse. It is a very different phenomenon for persons to gather at regular occasions for corporate, liturgical prayer as a central activity of their religious life. 1 That this latter type of prayer became a defining characteristic of Judaism, and thence Christianity and Islam, is the significant legacy of the synagogue liturgy. Despite considerable probing of the early history of the Jewish liturgy by scholars of both Judaism and Christianity, the origins of prayer as a divine service remain unclear. 2 The main problem is a poverty of early evidence. This situation reflects the predominantly oral nature of Jewish liturgy and the reservation feit by the rabbis about writing prayers. 3 Indeed, the earliest extant Jewish prayer-

I See S. Talmon, "The Emergence of Institutionalized Prayer in Israel in Light of Qumran Literature" (1989) 200-202. , On the Jewish side, see especially L. Zunz, Die gottesdienstlichen Vorträge der luden (1892); I. Elbogen, Der jüdische Gottesdienst (1913; 3rd ed. 1931; English translation lewish Liturgy: A Comprehensive History, 1993); K. Kohler, "Origin and Composition of the Eighteen Benedictions" (1924); L. Finkelstein, "The Development of the Amidah" (1925/1926); H. Jansen, Die spätjüdische Psalmendichtung (1937); A. Baumstark, "Comparative Liturgy" (1958); J. Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud: Forms and Patterns (Hebreweditions 1964, 1966; revised English edition 1977); J. Petuchowski, ed., Contributions to the Scientific Study of lewish Liturgy (1970); L. Hoffman, The Canonization of the Synagogue Service (1979); E. Fleischer, "On the Beginnings of Obligatory Jewish Prayer" (1990 [Hebrew]); S. Reif, "On the Earliest Development of Jewish Prayer" (1991 [Hebrew]); E. Fleischer, "Rejoinder to Dr Reif's Remarks" (1991 [Hebrew]); L. Trepp, Der jüdische Gottesdienst: Gestalt und Entwicklung (1992); S. Reif, ludaism and Hebrew Prayer (1993). On the Christian side, see especially W. Oesterley, The lewish Background of the Christian Liturgy (1925); F. Gavin, The lewish Antecedents of the Christian Sacraments (1928); G. Dix, The Shape of the Liturgy (1945); C. Dugmore, The lnjluence of the Synagogue upon the Divine Office (1944); P. Bradshaw, The Search for the Origins of Christian Worship (1992). There are a number of recent and excellent surveys: R. Sarason, "On the Use of Method" (1978) and "Recent Developments" (1981); S. Reif, "Jewish Liturgical Research: Past, Present and Future" (1983); J. Charlesworth, "A Prolegomenon to a New Study of the Jewish Background of the Hyrnns and Prayers in the New Testament" (1982) and "lewish Hymns, Odes, and Prayers" (1986); D. Flusser, "Psalms, Hyrnns and Prayers" (1984); M. Harding, "The Lord's Prayer and Other Prayer Texts of the Greco-Roman Era: A Bibliography" (1994); M. Kiley et al. , ed., Prayer from Alexander to Constantine (1997). 3 J. Petuchowski, "Liturgy of the Synagogue" (1983) 3-4; Reif, ludaism and Hebrew Prayer, 124, 139. See e.g. b. Shabb. 115b.

2

INTRODUCTION

books date only from the ninth and tenth centuries AD, and were produced to address liturgical disputes. 4 Of course, the liturgy they systematize is much earlier and is assumed in its essentials in talmudic discussions at least by the end of the fourth century AD. 5 The system of daily public prayer as a service to God and the basic liturgical themes are taken for granted in the Mishnah among scholars in the generation following the destruction of the second Temple. 6 Prior to this, the evidence is much more confusing. Late biblical texts beg in to attest some public prayers and psalms in connection with particular occasions-especially festivals 7-and this situation is more prominent in post-biblicalliterature of the Second Temple period, but there is little evidence to suggest a liturgical cycle analogous to the synagogue service. Numerous scholars have attempted to reconstruct the early liturgy using the methods of philology, working backwards from the medieval prayerbooks by comparing variants and considering liturgical debates recorded in the Talmud and Mishnah. In this way, many pursued the origins of the basic synagogue prayers back into the time of the Second Temple, prominently Zunz, Elbogen, Kohler, Finkelstein, and Baumstark. 8 Their concern was to reconstruct the original text of the prayers and date the various stages of development. Finkelstein, for example, claimed to have reconstructed the text of the Amidah as it was recited in pre-Maccabean times. This enterprise is fraught with problems since it proceeds on the dubious assumption that the prayers were from the beginning literary creations fixed by an authority, and that they developed in a linear fashion. Furthermore, the rabbinic discussions presuppose alternative texts and for the most part refer to prayers without reproducing them, so that one cannot safely assurne that the content known from the medieval prayer-books is in mind. 9

4 These are the prayer-books of Amram Gaon (D. Hedegärd, Seder R. Amram Gaon. Part 1[1951]; T. Kronholm, Seder R. Amram Gaon. Part II [i974]) and Saadiah Gaon (1. Davidson, Siddur. R. Saadja Gaon [1941]). See Petuchowski, Liturgy 0/ the Synagogue, 5, and Hoffman, Canonization, 5. Many fragments of other collections of prayer texts from this time have been identified among the Cairo Genizah manuscripts. Reif, ludaism and Hebrew Prayer, 143-5. 5 Reif, ludaism and Hebrew Prayer, 123-31. 6 See Zahavy, The Mishnaic Law 0/ Blessings (1987). 7 E.g., the penitential prayers in Neh 9, Dan 9, Ezra 9; the designations for days of the weeks added to the superscriptions of several psalms in the Septuagint (see chapter 2, n. 77 below). 8 See n. 2 above. 9 See Hoffman, Canonization, 4.

INTRODUCTION

3

Against this trend, Heinemann championed a form-critical approach to the liturgy, arguing that the statutory prayers originated as multifarious folk creations on whieh later formulators imposed standardized norms. IO He traced basie forms and thematic structures back into the time of the Second Temple, but not fixed texts. Hoffman allows that considerable license continued to prevail even throughout the talmudic period and that canonization of the liturgy was especially a concern of the geonim (8th11th c. AD).ll Other scholars reject any gradual evolution of the statutory prayers from the time of the Second Temple to standardization by the rabbis, emphasizing instead the discontinuity between the nature of prayer before and after the destruction of the Temple. 12 Fleischer, for example, has recently argued forcefully that in the generation after the destruction of the Second Temple Rabban Gamaliel 11 introduced without precedent the novel institution of prayer as obligatory for individuals and as service to God for the community, together with fixed formulations for the central components of the synagogue liturgy.13 In the preceding survey, I have deliberately avoided reference to the Dead Sea Scrolls because the scrolls have hitherto had surprisingly little impact on theories of the development of the Jewish liturgy. This is despite the fact that the Dead Sea Scrolls have proved to be the riehest source of Jewish prayers from the laUer Second Temple period, and radieally alter the landscape of evidence for that crucial time period. Besides many prayers, blessings, and hyrnns, the scrolls contain a number of collections of liturgieal prayers for corporate recital at specified occasions as weIl as indieations that a comprehensive cycle of liturgieal prayer was regarded as a fundamental religious service. In short, the scrolls contain exactly the type of data which was lacking for this time period and their evidence is germane to the scholarly debates reviewed above. 14 That the evidence from the scrolls has yet to be integrated into a comprehensive treatment of Jewish liturgy is partly due to the fact that many of the most signifieant prayer texts have only recently been available-notably the collections of prayers published by Baillet in 1982 and the cycle of sab-

Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 37. Hoffman, Canonization, 1-9. 12 E.g., S. Zeitlin, "The Tefillah, the Shemonah Esreh" (1963-64) and Fleischer, "On the Beginnings" . 13 "On the Beginnings," 397-401, 414-5, 426-7. 14 See Talmon, "Emergence," 207 -9. 10 11

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INTRODUCTION

bath songs by Newsom in 1986. 15 Heinemann, for example, occasionally referred to the Dead Sea ScroIls, especially with regard to the development of benediction forms,16 but even when writing the English edition of his book in 1977 he did not have access to any of the collections of prayers for specified occasions. The following quote suggests he would have given great significance to the large body of liturgical texts now known from Qumran: The comparative method would indeed be helpful if we actually possessed material from the earliest formative period of the liturgy-and perhaps it will be applicable once the remaining liturgical fragments of the Dead Sea Scrolls will have been published. 17

Nevertheless, even recent treatments of Jewish liturgy give little space to the Dead Sea Scrolls. In a 44-page artide examining all the evidence for the origin of obligatory prayer (1990), Fleischer makes only very brief references to the prayers from Qumran as sectarian practice. 18 In his book on the shape and development of the Jewish liturgy (1992), Trepp cites only seven passages from the scroIls-and then only from Hodayot and the Community Rule. 19 When discussing daily and sabbath prayers in the Second Temple period, he significantly fails to make any mention of the only primary texts for these types of prayers which can be securely dated to that time period-the prayer scrolls from Qumran-preferring instead later rabbinic sources. 20 As with Fleischer, the Qumran texts represent for Trepp marginal sectarian practice. 21 Reif values the prayers from Qumran much more highly in his book on the history of Jewish liturgy (1993) and accordingly summarizes briefly the scope of material and its possible relationship to the rabbinic prayers. 22 Nevertheless, he consciously makes little attempt to fully integrate the Qumran evidence, although he recognizes that the subject requires attention. For his study, he treats the prayers from Qumran as a special case representing sectarian practice, although he holds this as a provisional judgement pending further research.

15 M. Baillet, QumrEm Grotte 4. III (4Q482-4Q520), DJD 7; Newsom. Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrifice,' A Critical Edition (1985). 16 Prayer in the Talmud, see "Dead Sea Scrolls" and "Dead Sea sect" in the index. 17 Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 8. IS "On the Beginnings," e.g., 415. 19 Trepp, Der jüdische Gottesdienst, see the index of sources. By contrast, he cites the Apocrypha 10 times, Philo and Josephus 9 times, and the New Testament 30 times. 20 Trepp, Der jüdische Gottesdienst, 192-6. 21 Trepp, Der jüdische Gottesdienst, 186-7. 22 Reif, Judaism and Hebrew Prayer, 48-50.

INTRODUCTION

5

The situation at Qumran, at least physically separated from the wider community, was different and there formal worship, prayer, praise and benediction were in the process of merging. The question that has yet to be asked, let alone answered, is whether that process is to be understood as a unique feature of the way of life represented at Qumran, which was later adopted and adapted by the rabbinic inheritors of Jewish religious practice, or as an example of popular liturgical piety that was common to various Pharisaic and Essenic groups and subsequently survived in the tannaitic traditions. 23

Here, Reif has put his finger on the key issue: not just whether individual prayers originated in a secluded sect or not -a question which is being asked more frequently in recent years-but whether the system of formal communal liturgy reflects a wider phenomenon in the Second Temple period. Uncertainty on this question has lent itself to uncertainty about the relevance of the Dead Sea Scroils for the history of Jewish prayer. Although Fleischer's view is at one extreme and not representative of the majority of scholars, his argument highlights the issue in the starkest possible manner. He focuses on the "true nature" of Jewish prayers '1lil instead of tll7.ltl!il (see ';>nl i[ in 183). 56 I follow here the restoration of Baillet (DJD 7:106). Alternatively, one could restore a second person suffix (il:J]n,nl 1'), in wh ich case this would be part of a concluding benediction. It is unlikely, however, that there is room for a concluding benediction after m01!l:l at the beginning of the line. It is assumed here, then, that this prayer did not have a concluding benediction before the blessing of peace on Israel, a possibility considered p. 36 below. 57 It is tempting to suggest that ';>)1 belongs in the gap, but there does not seem sufficient space. Perhaps ';> would work, as translated tentatively here, or one should assume a waw here and regard this as the beginning of a new sentence. 58 For this restoration, see p. 32 above. The manuscript reads ];)11. Baillet restored 1];)11. 59 This is a tentative restoration, schematically perhaps something Iike tl'~' iltll')lil. This could just fit the space. I am grateful to Moshe Bernstein for suggesting alternatively that the ,tll~ could be translated "who" and refer to God, but then it would need to follow more closely ,;>~,tll' ';>~ 1":1, and one would have expected a verb immediately after it.

DAILY PRAYERS

35

phrase is more suitable to the sabbath and could thus pertain to the 4th, 11th, or 25th of the month. Baumgarten finds in fragment 41 a reference to the "third sabbath of the first month," which is similarly called a "holy rest" (lU"i' n1:l7~[ ••• l'lUlot]" TI'lU"lUi1 [TI~lUi1]) and which then pertains to the 18th day .60 The method outlined above also indicates that Baillet's positioning of fragment 36 at the bottom of column 11 so that it pertains to the evening of the 24th day is incorrect despite two seemingly strong pieces of evidence on Baillet's side: (1) Baillet reads 36 1 as ];lU'lZ7 C[,', Friday, the day of the week on which the 24th of the 1st month falls; and (2) on the 4Q512 side, this positioning produces a sensible connection between fragments 36 and 38. 61 Nevertheless, Baumgarten also notes that Baillet's positioning is discounted on the basis of content. 36 4 refers to a ,,~~ :m, and the 24th of the first month is not a holiday. Baumgarten proposes two alternative possibilities: "(I) 'sixth' is perhaps the sixth day of Passover, although this is only a half-holiday. (2) 'lZ7lZ7 C,' might refer to the sixth day of the Omer which, according to Pharisaic practice, would coincide with the festival on the concluding day of Passover. "62 It could perhaps be read as 16th day, the second day of the Feast of Unleavened Bread, or as the 26th, the Feast of the First-fruits of Barley, but these too are problematic. The former is difficult to correlate with fragments 29-32 and the latter does not explain the term :m. Whatever the solution, it is reasonably certain that fragment 36 does not belong at the bottom of column 11 or pertain to the 24th day. 3. Prayer Formulas

Three types of formulas punctuate the scroll at regular intervals: time references, opening and c10sing berakhah formulas, and response formulas. In the light of their importance for the reconstruction of the text, it is important to note that not even one single occurrence of any of these formulas actually appears in full. Fortunately, by comparing all the various passages which contain parts of the formulas, and by a certain amount of estimating blank spaces, it is possible to restore them with reasonable accuracy. At times, however, Baillet's reconstruction goes beyond reasonable conjecture, and it will be necessary here to consider the forms which are actually attested.

"4Q503." See Baillet, DJD 7:263. 62 Baumgarten, "4Q503," 402. 60

61

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CHAPTERONE

On the basis of the reconstruction of column 7 given above and supporting fragments throughout the scroll, it seems that each day contains four time references: 1. 2. 3. 4.

On the X of the month, in the evening; X lots of light/darkness; When the sun rises to shine on the earth; In the X gate of light.

Elements (1) and (3) introduce the evening and morning prayers respectively, and (2) and (4) seem to appear in the course of these respective prayers. More complicated is the situation with the benediction formulas. Here, particularly, many of Baillet's reconstructions appear unfounded and give a misleading impression of the formulas employed in the scroll. Nevertheless, his edition of the scroll shows that each prayer opened with a benediction and ended with a response formula ~~,tzl' :1::J'~37 C,~tzl (once apparently ~~,tzl' :1::J'~37 ~~ C,~tzl, 308). A number of the prayers also have a closing benediction before the blessing on Israel. Due to the poor state of preservation, it is not certain whether all of the prayers had both a closing benediction and a responding blessing on Israe1 63 or whether some prayers ended just with the blessing on Israel. The relative scarcity of preserved concluding benedictions may favour the latter possibility, and there are at least four instances where a concluding benediction is difficult to restore (1-35; 1-3 10; 307-8; and 39 3).64 It will be assumed that the usual pattern was to have both, but that there were probably some exceptions. Following is a list of all of the blessing formulas which are useful in determining their nature. 65 In the column "Time," "e" indicates evening and "m," morning.

See 4Q503 94-5; 345-6; 654-5; 662-3. See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 70. 65 Blessings where only a single word, or part thereof, is extant are generally useless for the purposes of reconstruction. In a number of cases, Baillet restores a complete formula, sometimes in a distinctive shape, without even a single letter as evidence. 63

64

DAILY PRAYERS

37

Table 1. Prayer Formulas in Daily Prayers 4Q503

Time

Code

1-32 1-36-7 5-63 96 16 1 24-53-4

m e ? e m m

BL[y+r? .. BL[y]+p B[L]y[ ... BLy[ ... BLy+p[ ... BLy]+r3

33 i 6 33 ii 1-2 33 ii 7 354 363 372-3 48-503 48-507 534 545 762

e? m e m e? e e? m e m e

BL]y+r[ ... BLy]+r BL]y+r[ ... BL+r[ ... BL[ ... BLy]+x B]Ly+r[ ... BLy[ ... BLy[ ... BLy[ ... BLy]+r3

4Q503 94 142 345 654 662 682 215 4-5

Time m ? e ? ? ? e?

4Q503

Time

671 692 743 1391 1841

? ? ? ? ?

Code Bn2[ ... B]n2Ly[ ... 71 B2Ly+r272 BL[y ... B]n2Ly[ ... B]2?Ly[ ... 73 B2?]Ly[ ... Code BL?]y+r[ ... BLy[ ... 75 BLy[ ... 76 BL[y ... B]Ly[ ...

Opening Formulas

... 7~'V' 7]~ 1":1 ... ]CrnOit [7~'V' 7]~ 1,':1 ... ]7~,V' [7~ 1,];5 ... 7~,]t>' 7~ 1":1 ~'];!lIJit ;~'V' 7~ ;[,,:1 7,:JIJ U:l [,]n:1 7[~ 7~'V' 7~ 1":1 1:l'1l[it] ... ]'V~ ;~['V' 7~ 1":1 66UnnIJV []V,n ['V~ 7~'V' 7~ 1":1 67 ••• ']lÜ~ 7[~'V]' [7~ 1":1 ... 'V]~ 7~ 11[':1 ... ]7~ 1":1 68 ••• 1:l']V,'i' 7,:J 'it'7N [7~'V' 7~ 1":1 ...,]t>N 7~'V' 7~ [1":1 69 ••• 7~']V' 7~ 1":1 .. .7~']lÜ' 7~ 1":1 ... ]7~,V' 7~ 1":1 ... ]1ly",it ;V~ [7~'V' 7~ 1":1 Closing Formulas 70,,~ [ ••• it]S[IJ]lÜ 1':1 ... 7,];:1 7~'V' 7~ it:JI:l[V 1":1 ... it]mIJyit 'V~ 7~'V; ;~ itn~ 1[":1 ... 'XiV'] 'Ix 1'i:1 .. .7]~,V' 'Ix it:JIJ[V 1":1 ... 7X'lV' 'Ix it[nx 1":1 74 ••• ]7X'V' ;[X itnX 1'i:1

Uncertain Formulas

... ] 'V~ 7~'[V' 7~ 1":1 .. .7~]'V' 7~ 1":1 ... 7~'V]; 7~ 1[":1 .. .7~,V' ]7~ 1,,5 ... ]V' 7~[ 1":1

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CHAPTERONE

Almost all of the benedictions are fragmentary, making it impossible to determine their specific nature. Nevertheless, on the basis of the extant evidence, it is apparent that the vast majority of the opening formulas begin f;,1('lU' f;,1( 1"::1, followed usually by a third person relative clause, but sometimes a participle (16 1; 1-3 6-7) or another extension (37 2-3; possibly 48-50 7). Baillet restored a second person berakhah as the opening formula in 33 ii 1-2 and 33 ii 6-7, and it is necessary to consider these in detail. Both of these are certainly opening blessings, as indicated by the marginal marks and introductory formulas. Very litde is preserved of the blessings themselves. For 33 ii 1-2 Baillet restored 'lTl"~lU [:1T1]lU'" ['lUl( f;,1( :11"11( 1"::1].17

See the discussion of this reading pp. 38-9 below. Baillet restores 1]tbK I;>[K illl]K [1'1:1 (DlD 7: 116). For the reading given here, see p. 39 below. 68 Lines 1 and 2 almost certainly contain the end of a morning prayer and the beginning of an evening prayer. Baillet reconstructs O']tu"i' 1;>" 'il1I;>i\ [1'1:1 (DlD 7: 117), but because of the loss of the preceding context and uncertainty as to the width of the colurnn, this is purely speculative (his reconstruction of the same formula in 37+38 18-19 is completely without foundation). It would conflict with the otherwise consistent use of I;>K in the blessings. I restore the blessing in line with the usual pattern I;>K1tu' ?K 1'1:1. This requires a colurnn width of 46.5 corrected letter spaces (cis), which is within the range for this manuscript (in BaiIlet's reconstruction, there are at least 45 cIs in 51-5512 and 45.5 cIs in 33 i 6). The same opening could also be restored in 48-507, as suggested in the following note. 69 Baillet restores C;[?K 1l1K:1l 1;>" I;>K ?K1]tu' I;>K 1'1:1 but without support. The phrase C'I;>K 1l1K:1l occurs near the beginning of the prayer in 65 2, but the colurnn would be improbably narrow if one applied BaiIlet's restoration there. It is more likely that the benediction should be restored O;[tu"i' 1;>" 'il1?K I;>K1]tu' ?K 1'1:1 as I suggested for 37 2-3. This would fit the available space admirably, whereas Baillet's suggestion is a bit long. 70 The reading il]'~tu was suggested by Puech (review of Qumran Grotte 4, III, by M. Baillet, 407). That this is part of a closing berakhah is indicated by the end of the following line left blank, as weIl as the marginal mark at the beginning of that line if Baillet is correct to connect frgs. 8 and 9. Thus, 11:1 should be read as amistake for 1'1:1. 71 The vacat in the following line indicates that this is probably a concluding rather than opening benediction. 72 See previous note. 73 This is probably a c10sing formula because it is followed 2 lines later by the introduction to a new prayer. 74 This is Baillet's reconstruction (DJD 7: 135), but on the basis of the physical remains and spacing, the formula could also be I;>K1tu' I;>K il'~tu 1'1:1 or I;>K1tu' ?K 1'1:1. 75 The extant letters of the preceding word are ,~ or ,~. This could suggest that it is a closing formula because it is not preceded by 'l37' as is usual for opening formulas in 4Q503. On the other hand, ,~[ could be amistake for '1~[K1. Both possibilities must be left open. 76 If Baillet is correct to restore the beginning of a new prayer 2 lines later on the basis of the letters ]1;>, I;>K1[, then this must be a c10sing benediction. Too little is extant for certainty, however. 77 DlD 7:116. 66

67

DAlLY PRAYERS

39

This reconstruction has no support other than that there would otherwise be aspace of 6.5 mm between lU'" and 'lTl"~lU. Although this is an unsually large gap, it is not impossible for this manuscript. Twice in fragment 9 the same size of gap separates words which belong together (9 1, 6). On the other hand, there is not room to restore :1T1 in the gap, even with the smallest letters found in this hand (e.g., 345; cf. :1T1lU'" in 30 6). There would be room to restore a defective form of the second person ending (TIlU'"), but this manuscript consistently attests only the long forms for the second person (:1T1, :1::». Furthermore, Baillet positioned the parts of fragment 33 ii too far apart. This becomes apparent with lines 4 and 5. In order to read 'TI"~lU:1 and :1::>',Y [C']'lU at the beginning of these lines, one must move the pieces 2.5 mm eloser together. Even with the large space left by Baillet, C['llU C,':1] would be far too long for the beginning of line 6. The most common formula-C['llU:1-however, works perfectly for the adjusted arrangement proposed here. Moving the pieces eloser together also makes certain that we should read lU'" at the beginning of line 2 rather than [:1T1]lU'", as there is then only about a 4 mm space before the following word, not at all unusual for this manuscript. It is therefore preferable to read 33 ii 1-2 according to the usual pattern for opening formulas (BLy +r3): 1lTl"~lU []lU'" ['lUlot 'lot'lU' ,lot 1":1]. The second case is in 33 ii 6-7, where Baillet reads ,[lot :1T1]lot [1":1] ']!ÜK78 The restoration '[~ :1T1]~ does not easily fit the narrow gap between the two pieces of 33 ii as argued above. Furthermore, a elose look at photographs PAM 41.840 and 42.480 reveals problems for reading the first letter of line 7 as an 'ale! (for Baillet's :1T1]~): what is to be the left leg of the 'ale! does not extend to connect with the diagonal, and it descends lower (see PAM 41.840) than expected for the left leg of an 'alej. Instead, these marks can be read as ]!U', allowing one to restore '[~']!Ü;, which fits the spacing admirably. 79 In the light of the proposals made here and in comparison with the estimated column width at line 1, line 6 is a bit short, but is of satisfactory length if one restores ,~ at end. Thus, the blessing in 33 ii 6-7 should probably be read ']!Ü~ '[~']!Ü; ['~ 1":1], that is, as the usual type BLy+r. 80 Only a single exception remains to the tendency described here: 1;[':1 'lU]~ ,~ (35 4). Although this is too broken to attempt restoration, it is a

78

DJD 7:116.

Compare the size of '7~,tu' in 2 10. This reading requires a broad yod of the type in 2 1. 80 It is unnecessary to concede, then, as does Schuller, that a second person form may sometimes need to be restored for the opening blessing ("Some Observations," 139). 79

)I'v',

40

CHAPTERONE

clear departure from the usual reference to ?Iot,tv' ?1ot.81 Thus, only three patterns are reliably attested for opening formulas, with a possible fourth: 1. 2. 3. 4.

BLy+r3 BLy+p BLy+x (once or twice) BL+r[3?] (possibly once)

On the other hand, the closing formulas are predominantly of two types: 1":1 and :1Tl?Y1J ,tvlot ?Iot,tv' ?Iot :1TlIot 1":1. There is only one positive exception to this tendency, poorly preserved: ?Iot,tv'] ?Iot 1":1 in 65 4. 82 Thus, only three patterns are reliably attested for closing formulas: ?Iot,tv' ?Iot :1::l~tv

1. BN2Ly[ ... 2. B2Ly+r2 3. BL[y? (only once certainly)

Amidst the variety of forms are two consistent tendencies. (1) God is almost always addressed as ?Iot,tv' ?Iot. (2) Opening benedictions use the impersonal address for God but closing benedictions usually address God directly in the second person. 83 The consistency of this distinction between opening and closing benedictions does not seem to have been appreciated previously due to dependence on Baillet's restorations. 84 It does not seem to be possible to differentiate on the basis of form between morning and evening formulas, as both use the available formulas interchangeably.

81 Schuller notes the uncenainty of Baillet's reconstruction of this benediction ("Some Observations," 139 n. 34). 82 Two further possible examples of the same formula for a c10sing occur in 69 2 and 74 3, but these are questionable. See M. 75 and 76 above. Another possible exception would be 40+41 2-3. Baillet restores n7'7 '1Y']7.) ,,;,) 71(1tu[' n;"7Y O'7tu ... 71(1tu'] 71( Otu. If this were correct, it would seem to attest a concluding benediction of the form 71(1tu' 71( Otu 1'1) (BnLy). It is highly unlikely, however, that fragments 40 and 41 belong together because their line spacing does not match (cf. particularly lines 3 and 4). 83 In addition to the examples in the table above, see also 29 3 for an opening benediction, and for c10sing benedictions 165-6 and 48-50 6. 84 E.g., Nitzan, following Baillet's reconstructions, thinks that some direct address benedictions (33 ii 1-2,6-7) are used as opening formulas (Qumran Prayer, 76). I have indicated above that these reconstructions are unsound and that the passages should rather be restored according to the usual pattern.

DAILY PRAYERS

41

4. Structure and Content The structure of the prayers for each day can be outlined as follows. 85 Table 2. Structure of Daily Prayers Evening Prayers

Time

Opening or: or: or:

::1'Y::1 ltl"n; -::1 ,:l,::1 ' "bN'1lY'

On the X of the month in the evening they shall bless. They shall recite, saying:

;N'ltr ;N 1"::1 ... ;Y!l 'ltlN ... ;Y'!lil ... 'il';N ... 'ltlN ;N 1"::1

Blessed be the God of Israel, who did ... [3rd p. relative c1ause] who does ... [participle c1ause] [noun c1ause] Blessed be God who ...

... il;';il'

Body

1ltl,n,"N CLosing or: or:

Response

I";'''' -

il:lbltl 1"::1 ... ;N'ltl';N ;N'ltl' ;N ilnN 1"::1 ... iln;Y!l 'ltlN ... ];N 1"::1 ;N'ltl' :1:1">' tl1,ltl

And this night ... 86 X lots of light/darkness [3rd or 2nd person for God] Blessed be your name, God ofIsrael ... Blessed be you, God of Israel, you did ... [2nd p. relative c1ause] B1essed be God [ ... Peace be on you, Israel 8?

85 This chart follows that in Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 70, but with modifications; e.g., she did not recognize the regularity of the time references to "lots" and "gates" of light. 86 Several forms exist, such as 'lll~ :1?'?, 1l? n?'?i11, and 1l? i1ln n?'?i11, but amention of night does seem to be a regular feature in the line following the opening benediction formula. See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 70 n. 71. 87 One possible modification appears: ?~'lll' n:l'?[17 ]?~ 01?lll (30 8). The formula can be extended, e.g., n?'? '1171/j ?1:1:l, 411; cf. 51-5510.

42

CHAPTERONE

~orning

Time

Prayers 1lI7JllIil 11~~:11 ri~il ?Y i'~il?

Opening

(same as evening)

Body

... O"il' i'~ 'iYIlI-~

Closing Response

And when the sun rises 88 to shine on the earth 89

And this day ... 90 In the X gate of light [3rd or 2nd person for God] (same as evening)

?~illl'

il:J'?Y 0,?1lI

Peace be on you, Israel

The body of the prayers seem usually to follow the diction of the opening benediction by referring to God impersonally in the third person. 91 In at least a few eases, the body of the prayer seems to address God direetly in the seeond person. 92 Onee again, the poor preservation of the prayers obseures whether there was a eonsistent pattern. Most strikingly, the direet address to God in the eoncluding benediction-and in the body of some prayers at least-eauses some dissonanee with the final wish of peaee on Israel, where Israel is addressed in the seeond person. 93 As is apparent from the above outline, the regularly oeeurring formulas eomprise the bulk of the prayers. What ean be ealled the body proper of the prayers, the only variable part, is adapted to the oeeasion, both the time of day and the day in the ealendar. Thus, referenees to night and day oeeur respeetively in the evening and morning prayers. Likewise, prayers on sabbath include eustomary sabbath themes as noted by Chazon. 94 and the prayers whieh oeeur on the dates for Passover and the Feast of Unleavened

According to Baillet, there is a variant fonn in 2156 ('mm; DJD 7:135). See 1-3 12; 10 I; 24-25 3; 29-32 7; 48-507; 647. The wording attested in 1-3 I: O[']7.llllil17'i"[ ... ] n!\l:l' appears to be a variant. 90 Various fonns include: ilTil 0,'i11, 1l? ilTil tl1'il, O,':l. See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 70 n.72. 91 E.g., 1-3 8,19-20; 11 3; 15-163; 37+38 16; 51-55 13,18; perhaps 68 3; 892; 1392; 2158. 92 E.g., 93; 306,7; 48-505; 51-5 3. 93 On this, see pp. 46 and 53 below. 94 See p. 52 below. 88

89

DAILY PRAYERS

43

Bread contain allusions to these commemorations. Chazon's argument that "rest" and "delight" are more suitable to sabbath prayers and "joy" to festival prayers helps with the placement of some fragments. 95 I thus agree with Chazon in regarding fragments 24-25 as part of a prayer for sabbath rather than for Unleavened Bread as Baillet suggests, and fragments 37 + 38 and 40+41 as also belonging to sabbath prayers. 96 In the light of the previous discussion of reconstruction, however, I cannot accept her suggestion that fragment 1 1-5 belongs to the sabbath of the fourth day of the month. It belongs rather to the four[teenth] day, Passover. Due to the lamentably poor condition of the scroll, only a brief sketch of the content/themes of the prayers is possible, but even this illustrates clearly the relation of themes to the day. 97

95 96 97

Chazon, "On the Special Character," 6-9 and n. 20. Chazon, "On the Special Character," 7; Baillet, DJD 7: 112. Under "Day, " e = evening, m = moming.

44

CHAPTERONE

Table 3. Topics in Daily Prayers Day

Contentlthemes

Frgs.

Occasion New Year sabbath

(1)

(4) 5m 6e 6m

4 4 7-9

7e 9m?

7-9 10

festivals of glory community with angels light; knowledge; covenant; election; praise in communion with angels justice; knowledge community with angels sabbath

(11)

12e 12m? l3e 14m

11 16 16 1-3

15e

1-3

15m

1-3

16e? 16m 17e 17m 18e 18m?

29-32 29-32 29-32 29-32 29-32 40-41? 40-41

19m? 20e? 20m? 21e? 21m? 22e? 22m?

33-34 33-34 33-34 33-34 33,35 33,35 33,35

praise in community with angels?98 praise for God's miracles and holiness God's glory renewal; dominion; Passover (mO'!):1); Exodus (,]r",:1l " n[':l:1) who hides ... ?; God's glory; thanksgiving; deliverance (Um,~); rotations of the heavenly bodies feasts of joy and festivals of glory ('ln? [,,:1]:l

Passover Ma~~ot

"311m i1n7;)lll)

election? joy; God of lights; renewal; God's glory joy holy of ho lies sabbath God's kingship? (?]1ll7;)7;):1'); God's name [day/appointed time of] rest of holiness sabbath (lll"P n1l7;)[); praise; God's name praised by all the holy ones (=angels?, tJ'lll"P 2X); glory exalted; holiness; festivals God's kingship? (m:l?7;)7;); election? (u?,]il? m7;)[yn,)99 election? (]m7;)Yi1) renewal; joy

1

45

DAILY PRAYERS

23e? 23m? 24e? 25e

33,35 33,35 33,35 37+8

25m

37+8

26e

37+8

28e? ? ?

39 13 15

?

20

?

24-25

? ?e ?e ?e ?m ?e ?

26-28 42-44 48-50 51-55 51-55 64 65

?

81

100

God of all the holy ones; "[day/appointed time ot] holiness and rest" (nU~1Ilmp [); God's kingship (in?Ill~~) God of all the holy ones?; praise in eommunion with the angels? (C'''ii[~] u~y); glory justiee

peaee God of Iights praise of God's glory and his sanetuary? (C'1ll11P 1ll11p 3X) God's (angelie?) ministers (C'mlll[~); God's dwelling? (]ijiY~) eleetion; "an appointed time of rest and delight" (iilyni M1l~[ 1Y]1~?) ereation of night and day; God's works weeks? of glorylOl joy, deliveranee lO2

sabbath

sabbath

First-fruits of Barley; eounting of the Omer

sabbath

knowledge, glory knowledge priesthood (nl1ii:l) eommunity with angelie hosts (n1~:J'!t C'?~; U]tlY 0'1Y1) eonfession of sin (ii:l]? u~6[n)

See Baillet's note on o~" 1~)I~J 'l~)I 0'1)11, DJD 7: 109. In favour of 1l1~[lIm instead of Baillet's 'l1~[1I1, see 34 5 (]m~)li1). 100 See above, p. 35, for the argument that frg. 36, with its reference to a feast of glory (,,:1:l ln:1), does not pertain to this day. 101 Although the phrase "weeks of his glory" might be appropriate to the 26th, it does not seem possible to combine it with frg. 38 wh ich gives the beginning of the evening prayer for the 26th, panicularly when the verso is taken into account (frg. 38 shows the bottom margin). 102 Although the possible reference to the third day of a "festival of joy" (Baillet) suggests the 16th or 17th, it does not seem possible for these fragments to fit the reconstructions of those days. Again, the need for a fresh, comprehensive reconstruction is highlighted. 98

99

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5. Liturgical Use

A liturgical use for these prayers is certain on the basis of several observations: 1. Introductory rubrics for each prayer explicitly designate morning and evening communal recitation. 2. Allusions to liturgical prayer appear in the prayers themselves (e.g., 7-93-4).

3. Several Qumran texts (IQS 10:1-3; lQHa 20:4-7 [12:4-7]; lQM 14: 12-14) describe daily prayer at sunrise and sunset. Philo reports a similar practice among the Therapeutae in Egypt (De vita cont. 2728), and Josephus (War 2.128-9) comments that a distinctive practice of the Essenes was communal prayer toward the rising sun, with wordings handed down from their fathers. Assuming that this last reference to Essene prayer at sunrise does not exclude a corresponding prayer at sunset, and considering the probability that the Ya}:lad was in some way an Essene group, it is possible that Daily Prayers provides the text of these sectarian prayers. On the other hand, communal daily prayer at sunrise and sunset was not restricted to these sects alone and Daily Prayers could reflect a wider practice. 4. Thematic similarities exist with other morning and sabbath prayers, including those of the later prayer-books. 5. The prayers are spoken in the first person plural. 6. The vocabulary is extremely limited, giving the prayers a remarkably monotonous character. Nitzan regards this as an essential quality of popular, communal prayers. 103 7. The prayers employ very regular benediction formulas. 8. Perhaps the strongest indication that these prayers were used liturgically is the dissonance created by the double referent of the second person singular without any transition. As text, this unsignalled switch is ambiguous, but as liturgical dialogue, it is completely appropriate. Probably, then, it should be understood as some type of response pattern. 104 In further considering the function of these prayers, several of these points must be explored in more detail.

103 104

Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 321-55. See p. 53 below.

DAILY PRAYERS

47

With regard to point 3, there is abundant evidence that it was customary in the late Second Temple period for many Jews to pray daily in the early morning and in the evening. Nevertheless, apart from popular gatherings at the Temple at the time of sacrifice,105 most of this gives no indication of a public setting; it could have been private, individual prayer. 106 When one differentiates between prayer regulated according to the course of the luminaries and prayer at the times of the sacrifice, it appears that these should be viewed as two distinct patterns of prayer, sometimes blurred,107 and later conflated to produce the standard thrice daily prayer of the synagogue service. 108 It is the former pattern that is of interest here. 109 In Ep. Arist. 158-60 and Jos. Ant. 4.212-3, the context is the use of tefillin and mezuzot as a Mosaic ordinance, and this morning and evening prayer on waking and retiring was clearly the Shema. On the evidence of the latter passage, this was combined with recital of the Decalogue and, probably, blessings. 110 Although Josephus (Life 280, 293, 295) seems to indicate that this type of prayer may have been accomplished in a public setting (a Galilean proseuche), the overall impression is that it was individual rather than corporate prayer which is in view. 111 Even in the Mishnah and Tosefta, recital of the Shema is mostly treated as an individual activity.112

E.g., Sir 50:16-21; Luke 1:10; Acts 3:1; Jos. Ag. Ap. 2.193-8; m. Tamid 7:3-4. E.g., Ps 88:13; Sir. 39:5; Wis 16:28; Ep. Arist. 305-6; T. Jos. 3:6; Sib. Or. 3:591-3 (while in bed). 107 Not least because sacrifices were offered at daybreak and evening (e.g., Jub. 6: 14), and the offering of morning incense was around sunrise (Jub. 3:27). Nevertheless, that prayer in conjunction with the sacrificial schedule should be viewed practicaJly as aseparate pattern from that of the rising and setting of the sun is evident from the change in the time of the evening sacrifice sometime during the hellenistic period from twilight to mid-afternoon (Jos. Ant. 14.65; m. PesalJ. 5:1; this change may have been due to areinterpretation of the phrase "between the evenings," cf. Jub. 49: 1). From thence, prayer at the evening sacrifice was at the 9th hour of the day (e.g., Acts 10:30). See Beckwith, Calendar and Chronology, 1-2 and n. 1, and the references cited there. Also, the description of the morning sacrificial ritual in m. Tamid (see 1:2; 3:2; 4:3-5:1; 5:4; 5:6; 7:3-4) separates recital of the Shema, which was a relatively private affair although according to this report some non-priests were present, from the sacrificial ritual itself and the formallevitical singing, prayers, and popular gatherings which accompanied it. 108 See D. Falk, "Jewish Prayer Literature and the Jerusalem Church in Acts" (1995) 296-8. 109 Schiffman, "Early History ," 39-40, does not distinguish these two patterns of prayer when he suggests that the prayers of Daily Prayers attest prayers at the time of the morning and afternoon sacrifices. See Chazon, "Historical Implications, " 282 n. 70. 110 See p. 114 below. 111 In the latter passage, Josephus is interrupted in the course of his prayer; also the people met by special arrangement, not, apparently, for a regular service. 112 Sanders, Jewish Law from Jesus to the Mishnah (1990) 73. 105

106

48

CHAPTERONE

1QS 10 describes prayer at sunrise and sunset including recital of the Shema with the Decalogue and apparently also blessings. l13 Unlike the picture we acquire of other contemporary usage of the Shema, however, it seems to have included confession of sin and recollection of the annual covenant ceremony, 114 and it was recited corporately. Daily, corporate prayer at sunrise and sunset was probably seen as a particularly pious aCL Both Philo (De vita cont. 27-28) and Josephus (War 2.128-9) applaud the Therapeutae and Essenes (sunrise prayer only is mentioned) respectively for this activity. But what merits special admiration in these accounts is not, apparently, simply that they prayed corporately, which is not at all emphasized, but that they prayed corporately at these times daily.1I5 Nevertheless, there is no reason to suspect that communal prayer at sunrise and sunset was limited to a single sectarian group. While heterodox, the idolatrous prayer of Jerusalem leaders viewed by Ezekiel (8: 16), attests to the antiquity and widespread nature of corporate prayer at sunrise. According to m. Tamid 4:3-5: 1, priests in the Second Temple recited the Shema with the Decalogue and benedictions corporately at or near sunset before the moming sacrificial ritual began. 116 The passage seems to assume the presence of members of the public, but it is not sure whether this is reliable. 117 The Song of Moses (Exod 15) gives precedent for corporate thanksgiving at dawn (cf. Exod 14:24), and Ps 57:8-9 may suggest public singing at daybreak. In his letter to Trajan (10.96.7), Pliny also attests a similar practice among the early Christians. Their hymns to Christ before sunrise followed by a solemn ethical oath are the counterpart to the Shema plus Decalogue and benedictions. It is again the time element which is the item of regard in R. Yol:.tanan's account of the pious watfldn who customarily recited the Shema just prior to sunrise so that they could follow it immediately after sunrise with the Amidah (h. Ber. 9b). I offer the hypothesis, therefore, that daily communal prayer at sunrise and sunset was a practice of priests and some pious individuals and

See p. 114 below. See p. 114 below. 115 I thus take Josephus's emphasis to lie on the special piety indicated by corporate prayer every day at dawn; his comment "as though entreating hirn (the sun) to rise" is likely to indicate orientation and time of prayer rather than any suggestion of prayer to the sun. 116 See Hammer, "What Did They Bless? A Study of Mishnah Tamid 5.1" (1991) 117 See p. 116 below. Although there are problems with the attribution, the Mishnah locates this scene in the Chamber of Hewn Stone. There is no other evidence to picture large mobs of people praying daily with the priests before the sacrifices begin. 113

114

DAlLY PRAYERS

49

groupS.118 The hyper-pious priestly grouping at Qumran would naturally have carried on the custom with more severe observance, but in so doing, they were not carrying out an activity unique to themselves. This hypothesis provides a good rationale for the later imposition of daily communal recital of the Shema moming and evening in the synagogue: it was not the adoption of sectarian practice, but rather making universal the admired practice of the virtuosi in piety. Throughout the development of rabbinic regulation of prayer, this principle may be seen at work. 119 A dialectic relationship exists between corporate, liturgical prayer and individual, customary practice. One further factor supports the conclusion that the moming and evening prayer attested in Daily Prayers should be viewed in the light of a wider practice within Judaism, albeit one considered particularly pious rather than exclusively sectarian. From a number of references to communion with angels in Daily Prayers, it seems probable that their communal prayer is connected with the idea that the interchange of the luminaries is a special time when angels must present themselves before God to praise hirn. Not only is this view of angelic praise, particularly at sunrise, very old, it is also attested in a variety of sources of different provenance. 120 It is found in other Dead Sea Scrolls moming prayers (cf. llQPsa Hymn to the Creator 26: 11-12; 4Q504 1-2 vii 6), and it is also enshrined in the yotzer 'or benediction preceding the Shema in the synagogue liturgy.121 Daily Prayers could not in a simple way represent the body of prayers described in daily use by the Yal).ad (lQS 10) or in Josephus' and Philo' portrait of the Essenes and Therapeutae because the prayers in Daily

118 This receives some further support from the account in m. Sukk. 5:4 that during the Feast of Booths, "pious men (tJ'1'On) and men of (good) works" would dance and sing songs and praise, and that priests and Levites would lead a procession to the eastem gate, and, tuming their back on the rising sun, negate the sin of their fathers described in Ezek 8:6. 119 R. Amram Gaon refers to a baraita not preserved in our Bavli on Ber. 9b in which R. Yol).anan b. Thema advocates the practice of the watikin of reciting the Shema just prior to sunrise as the norm, ruling that "this is the preferable way of performing this religious act" (Hedegärd, Seder R. Amram Gaon, 37). 120 Job 38:7 (cf. Septuagint and Targum); Targum PS.-J. Gen 32:27; see also Bib. Ant. 18.6; 11 QPs' Hymn to the Creator 26:11-12; 2 Enoch 15; 3 Bar. 6-10; T. Adam 1-2; Apoc. Moses 7:2; 17:1. See further M. Philonenko, "Priere au soleil et liturgie angelique" (1985) 225-7. 121 We cannot be certain how early the Qedushah was included in the yotzer 'or, because the Talmud mentions only the wording of the opening and concluding benediction (b. Ber. 11b), but it is probably very early (see E. Wemer, "The Doxology in Synagogue and Chureh" [1945-46] 341). 3 Enoch 40 supports the use of the Qedushah as a moming prayer, but cannot itself be dated reliably.

50

CHAPTERONE

Prayers seem to be particular to one month, the first (spring) month of the year. 122 It is unlikely, in the light of the direct allusions to Passover and the Feast of Unleavened Bread, that the cycle was applied to other months. Perhaps there were similar collections of daily prayers for each month of the year, which by chance have not survived, but this is improbable. There can have been little purpose throughout most of the year for prayers to be ordered by days of the month. Generally, it seems more appropriate for prayers to be regulated according to days of the week, supplemented by prayers for particular festival days, as we find in Words oj the Luminaries and Festival Prayers. More likely, those who prayed the Daily Prayers marked the first month as special, and possibly also the third and seventh months in honour of the great pilgrimage festivals. On the other hand, apart from those prayers for festival days and sabbaths, the content of these prayers is suitable for any day, and they take place at the same time as recital of the Shema with Decalogue and benedictions which was a feature of daily prayer both in the Yal:;tad and, as argued here, more generally in Judaism. Thematic similarities with the Shema benedictions of the later synagogue prayer-book, especially light, knowledge, and election,123 suggest that the prayers in Daily Prayers were probably recited as benedictions accompanying the Shema,124 at least during the first month of the year. Although use of benedictions with the Shema prior to the liturgical reforms following the destruction of the Temple has been a debatable point, it is probable that this practice is attested in the Yal:;tad by lQS 1O:1O-14a, and as a widespread Jewish practice by Josephus. 125 According to m. Tamid 5: 1, the priests recited an unspecified benediction prior to the Decalogue and Shema in their moming prayers. 126 It is also possible that the sunrise and sunset prayers of the Therapeutae reported by Philo (De vita cont. 27-8) refer to the Shema complex, as the content of the prayers---enlightenment 127 and peace for

See Maier, "Zu Kult," 579. See table 4 below. 124 See also L. Schiffman, Reclaiming the Dead Sea Serails (1994) 294. 125 Ant. 4.212-3; see p. 114 below. 126 See Hammer, "What Did They Bless?," 311; Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 230; R. Kirneiman, "The Sema' and its Blessings" (1987) 73. 127 A. Leaney, The Rule 0/ Qumran and its Meaning (1966) 240, notes that EirT//-l8pCall "corresponds to something like 'inner light' or enlightenment." See also Philo De vita cant. 89. 122

123

51

DAILY PRAYERS

sunrise and sunset, respeetively--corresponds to topics in the benedictions aeeompanying the moming and evening Shema. 128 Thematie paralieis do not prove identity of praetice but are useful in demonstrating that what is under investigation is less likely to be an isolated aetivity without eontinuity in wider Judaism. The following ehart is only a erude eomparison of important themes whieh appear in moming prayers. 129 Table 4. Thematic Comparison of Morning Prayers

4Q503

DibHam

11 QPs' 26:9-15 130

Odes Sol. 15

Shema Benedietions 131

• light/ darkness

• ereation of light

• light/ darkness

• angelie praise • knowledge

• angelie praise • knowJedge

• ereation of light • angelie praise

• knowledge

• revelation/ knowledge

• knowledge

• God's kingship 132 • eleetion

• election • salvation • eonfession

• salvation

• eleetion • salvation

The most prominent themes are ereation of light, angelie praise, and knowledge. Daily Prayers is thematically mueh closer to the moming

128 These are the 'ahabah rabbah (contains a blessing over Torah according to b. Ber. llb) preceding the moming Shema, and the hashkibenu following the evening Shema. Of course, it cannot be suggested that the current wordings go back to the first century or earlier, but customary themes were certainly much more ancient than specific wordings. See J. Mann 's discussion of variations attested in the Shema benedictions, "Genizah Fragments of the Palestinian Order of Service" (1925) 395-405; Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 26, 129. 129 See also Philo De vita cont. 27-8 (knowledge); 2 Enoch 15 (light, rejoicing). 130 See Weinfeld, "Traces." 131 See Mann, "Genizah Fragments," 395-405; Hedegärd, Seder R. Amram Gaon, 36-69. 132 See T. Lehnardt, "Der Gott der Welt is unser König" (1991). That the theme of God's kingship is absent from the other moming prayers listed here suggests that this made a later entrance into daily prayers (Judah the Prince advocated its mention in the moming prayer near the end of the 2nd C. AD, t. Ber. 2: 1). It is earlier attested as a sabbath theme.

52

CHAPTER ONE

prayer in llQPsa Hymn to the Creator, the Odes 0/ Solomon, and the synagogue Shema complex than to the moming prayers of Words 0/ the Luminaries . Also, the prayer form used in Daily Prayers is fundamentally different from that in Words 0/ the Luminaries , as described earlier. J33 The difference is particularly noticeable in the sabbath prayers: Words 0/ the Luminaries has hymns of praise conceming creation whereas Daily Prayers has benedictions conceming the character of the day.134 It is likely, then, that Daily Prayers is of different provenance to Words 0/ the Luminaries, but at any rate, they represent two different types of moming prayer: the prayers in Words 0/ the Luminaries are petitionary and much longer and more complex. On the other hand, "in content, language, form and function," Daily Prayers lies elose to what later became standard in the synagogue for benedictions recited with the Shema. 135 Similarly, the prayers for the sabbath in Daily Prayers contain the general sabbath themes of rest and joy136 as weH as the themes of God's holiness, God's kingship, and the praise of angels and men which were at first distinctive of sabbath prayers. These are witnessed in other sabbath prayers among the Dead Sea ScroHs (4Q504 1-2 vii; Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice)137 and attested as common sabbath themes in Jub. 2:17-22 and 50:9-10, and the Falasha sabbath prescriptions (the Te'ezaza Sanbat).138 They are also enshrined in the Qedushah, which according to some scholars may have found a place in the rabbinic liturgy first on sabbaths and high feasts. 139 Again, Daily Prayers shows some common elements. The benediction conceming Israel's election in 4Q503 24-25 3-4 may also display continuity. Baumgarten brought to attention the special con-

See p. 28 above. Chazon, "On the Special Character, " 9 and n. 32. 135 Chazon, "Historical Implications, " 282, notes this in regard to the yotzer 'ar benediction alone, but similarities also pertain to the other Shema benedictions. See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, §11 n. 29. Also, with regard to form, the employment of both opening and closing benedictions is comparable to the "long" form of rabbinic benedictions. Schiffman, Reclaiming, 295, notes that the blessing "[Blessed be the God of Israel w]ho cho[se] us from among all [the] nations" (24-25 3-4) is virtually identical with the benediction recited over the reading of Torah in the synagogue. More relevant, I think, is comparison to the statement in the 'ahabah rabbah benediction which immediately precedes the Shema in the prayer-book: "you have chosen us from all peoples and tongues." 136 See Chazon, "Historical Implications" 283 n. n. 137 See Schwemer, "Gott als König und seine Königsherrschaft in der Sabbatlieder aus Qumran" (1991) 49-58. IJ8 Schwemer, "Gott als König, " 54-8. 139 Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy, 56-7 (see also Heinemann's supplementary note, 61-2, from the Hebrew edition); E. Fleischer, "The Diffusion of the Qedushot of the Amidah and the Yozer in the Palestinian Ritual" (1969). 133 134

DAILY PRAYERS

53

nection made in Jub. 2: 19 between sabbath and the theme of Israel' s election. 140 Chazon further noted that the benediction in 4Q503 24-25 3-4 'lU[~ C'1l[;'] f;,,~~ 1l:1 [,]n:1 is "virtually identical" with the Torah benediction recited by R. Hamnuna (3rd century AD): 1lf;, 11m c'~y;, f;,~~ 'l:1 ,n:1 'lU~ ,m,n n~ (b. Ber. llb).141 These comparisons cannot bear much weight since election is a common theme not at all restricted to sabbaths and R. Harnnuna's benediction belongs to a different setting. Nevertheless, there is no precise biblical precedent for these two election benedictions, whose exact correspondence probably points to a common tradition of blessings. Also, the Jubilees passage shows the election theme on sabbath to be particularly appropriate. 142 Some information can be inferred as to the manner of performance of these prayers. As noted above, the strong dissonance created by the double referent of the second person singular is best explained as an instance of liturgical dialogue. That is, the change in referent seems to demand a change in speaker. Numerous analogies exist for such liturgical dialogue. 143 What is unusual about the concluding declaration "Peace be on you, Israel" is the second person address to Israel. Elsewhere,144 this formula is in the third person (f;,~,lU' f;,y C,f;,lU). The second person address to the congregation is a characteristic of priestly blessings, and use by others was restricted. 145 Thus, one can infer, tentatively, that the prayers in Daily Prayers were recited by a congregation, and then a priest or group of priests declared a blessing over the congregation. Two comparisons are instructive. First, in lQS 1:24-2:4, a prayer of confession of sins by those entering the covenant is followed by the priests blessing the men of God's lot. 146 Second, the final benediction of the Amidah is a blessing of peace on

140 "4Q503," 402; see Chazon, "On the Special Character," 9 and n. 26; "Historical Implications," 278 n. 52. 141 Chazon, "Historical Implications, " 278. 142 Weinfeld, "Prayer and Liturgical Practice," 244-5, lists so me other comparative material for the election theme on sabbath, but it is of only a very general nature. 143 For the Psalms, e.g., 24, 115, 135, and others, see S. Mowinckel, The Psalms in lsrael's Worship (1962) 2:75-7. The interaction among priests, Levites, and those entering the covenant in lQS 1-2 is instructive, as is Heinemann's ingenious proposed reconstruction of the ceremony for pubJic fast-days (Prayer in the Talmud, 109-11). 144 E.g., Ps 125:5; 128:6; cf. GaI6:16. 145 Num 6:22-6; Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 104-11. 146 This is consonant with the speculation made earlier (p. 27) that the form adopted in Daily Prayers may have developed in connection with the Yai).ad's covenant ceremony.

54

CHAPTERONE

IsraeI.i47 It is known in rabbinic literature as a priestly blessing. 148 That is, at the end of aseries of blessings to God by the congregation, priests recite a blessing of peace over the congregation. This observation on the basis of formal grounds supports Maier's suggestion on the basis of style and content that Daily Prayers probably represents a priestly liturgy. 149 Attempts to discem sociological settings of liturgical elements on the basis of content -as practised by Maier, Zahavy, and Smith-risk subjectivity by identifying stereotyped concems with different groupS.150 Nevertheless, it is to be expected that liturgy will bear marks of competing groups and consideration of the sociological dynamics of liturgical development is undoubtedly promising. Caution may be exercised by seeking complexes of themes and accepting them as only one possible piece of evidence towards identifying the interest-group behind the creation of a particular prayer. In the case of 4Q503, an argument on the basis of form coincides with numerous "priestly" concems in the prayers: participation in the heavenly liturgy, the Temple (ff. 15, 20, 29); God's kingship (ff. 40-41, 33-34); the priesthood (fr. 64); and God's ministers (fr. 20). It is not right to caIl this simply a priestly liturgy as Maier does since the above analysis suggests that priests represented only one side in this responsive liturgy. Nevertheless, it appears probable that these prayers derive from a priest-dominated group. 6. Summary Daily Prayers can now be read on a somewhat more seeure basis than the reading produeed by Baillet. The prayer practiee attested in this seroIl ean

147 The wording of the Palestinian version preserved in the Cairo Genizah is: "Bestow your peace upon Israel your people, and upon your city, and upon your inheritance, and bless us all, together. Blessed be you, 0 Lord, Maker of peace." Translation: J. Heinemann, Literature of the Synagogue (1975) pp. 33-36. Text: S. Schechter, "Genizah Specimens" (1898) and J. Mann, "Genizah Fragments of the Palestinian Order of Service" (1925), both reprinted in J. Petuchowski, Contributions to the Scientijic Stuy ofthe Jewish Liturgy (1970) 375-8 and 405-10. 148 M. Ber. 5:4; y. Ber. 5.5,9c-d (TL/5.4, 1:215-8). Note that the final component in the daily cycie of prayers recited by the priests in the Temple was the priestly benediction (m. Tamid 5:1; b. Ber. 11b). 149 "Zu Kult, " 579. ISO This approach is pursued with regard to Jewish prayer above all by Tz. Zahavy in "Three Stages in the Development of Early Rabbinic Prayer" (1989) and "Politics of Piety" but also by M. Smith, "On the Y6~er and Related Texts" (1987), and Maier, "Zu Kult," 5445. The dangers of this endeavour are apparent in each of these works. The concerns which Zahavy isolates as seemingly exciusive concerns of priestly, scribal, and patriarchal groups coincide in Jesus Ben Sira. Smith and Maier make the dubious assumption of an exciusive opposition between priestly and Deuteronomic concerns.

DAILY PRAYERS

55

be summarized as the daily communal, liturgical recitation of prayers of specific wording in connection with the course of the sun as an institutionalized procedure. It is probable that both a congregation and priests were involved, the latter responding to the prayer of the former with a blessing of peace on the congregation. Because of formal similarities with the Ritual oj Marriage (4Q502), two manuscripts of purification rituals (4Q414, 4Q512), prayers in the War Seroll, and blessings and curses from the covenant ceremony (Community Rule, 4QBer), I suggest that Daily Prayers originated in the Yal;tad. They find a ready setting in the descriptions of daily prayer at sunrise and sunset in writings of the Yal;tad,151 as well as of the Essenes by Josephus (and the Therapeutae by Philo). Nevertheless, they represent a non-exclusivistic practice of moming and evening blessings which probably accompanied recital of the Shema. The thematic similarity of the prayers to other daily and sabbath prayers, not only found at Qumran, but also of other contemporary sources and the later synagogue liturgy, suggests that they relate to a broader stream of Jewish daily prayer practice. Quite apart from the Dead Sea Scrolls evidence, we have information on daily prayers being uttered by pious individuals and groups in Palestine besides references to the popular gatherings at the Temple: Jdt 9: l; 12:5-9; Ep. Arist. 305-6; Jos. Ant. 4.212-3; Jos. Life 280, 293, 295; m. Tamid 4:3-5:1. The information from Daily Prayers is congruous with what we otherwise know of daily prayer practice, particularly with regard to times of prayer and general topics. If this is so, it suggests that prayers of the Yal;tad were not completely discontinuous with wider practices of the time. It is very unlikely that corporate prayer was recited corporately by many Jews, however. Daily communal prayer seems to have been primarily the practice of priests and the pious at this time. Also, we are dealing with customary themes for prayers and not universally standardized wordings. In the light of the uniformity in the use of benedictions evident within collections of prayers such as Daily Prayers, it seems probable that consistent use of different types of benedictions reflects different provenance of prayers. The most significant insight for the present study is the fundamental difference between Daily Prayers (with 4Q502, 4Q414, 4Q502) and Words oj the Luminaries and Festival Prayers. These represent two sets of institutionalized prayers almost certainly of different origin, the latter outside the Yal;tad.

151

See p. 116 below.

56

CHAPTERONE

If my argument is correct that the prayers in Daily Prayers are best seen in the light of benedictions accompanying the Shema, but attesting themes found in all the Shema benedictions of the later prayer-book rather than just the yatzer 'ar,152 then perhaps a tentative hypothesis may be proposed to resolve an ancient historical problem: what is the one benediction, which according to the Tannaim, the priests in the Temple recited before the Decalogue and Shema (m. Tamid 5:1)? The third-century Amoraim were unable to agree, and there is a striking discrepancy between the traditions of Bavli and Yerushalmi. According to y. Ber. 1.8,3c (ll. 27-28; TL! 1.4, 1:44), R. Mattena cited the authority of R. Samuel that it was the benediction over the Torah. But, according to b. Ber. Ilb, R. Mattena did not know, and R. Judah cited R. Samuel as saying that it was the 'ahabah rabbah, the benediction immediately preceding the morning Shema, while another opinion suggested that it was the yatzer 'ar, the first benediction before the morning Shema. The confusion seems to be that only one benediction was mentioned, and the Amoraim had difficulty deciding which it could be, since their Shema was surrounded with three benedictions in the morning. It is possible to conjecture that both m. Tamid 5: 1 and Daily Prayers attest an ancient practice of reciting just one benediction with the Shema with a flexible use of customary themes which eventually survived in the standardized benedictions of the later synagogue. 153 One further historical comment may be added about Daily Prayers. As Chazon notes, it "provides our earliest solid evidence for the daily recitation of praise in unison with the heavenly beings and its liturgical connection with praise for the daily renewal of the heavenly lights. "154 This is important for the question of the origin of the yatzer 'ar benediction, which has often been considered very old. Some have also considered the Qedushah to be an early component of the yatzer 'ar, but Fleischer has argued from its absence in the Palestinian ritual preserved in Cairo Genizah fragments that the Qedushah was originally recited only on sabbaths and festivals and only later adopted into the daily yatzer 'ar and Amidah. 155 At most, this would pertain to its fixture in the synagogue liturgy and does not imply anything about the origin of its basic components and their earliest use. Observations on Daily Prayers show that already by the first century

152 153

320. 154 155

Schiffman, "Early History, " 39, only recognizes the similarities to the yatzer 'ar. Essentially the same conclusion was reached by Hammer, "What Did They Bless?" Chazon, "Historical Implications, " 283 n. 71. "Diffusion."

DAiLY PRAYERS

57

the theme of praise in unison with the angels had been combined with the renewal of light, thus setting the stage for a daily Qedushah. 156

BC

156

See the passages cited in n. 120 above.

CHAPTER TWO

WORDS OF THE LUMINARIES

One of the most informative prayer texts found at Qumran is a eolleetion of prayers for days of the week.' It survives in two eopies, not three as presented by Baillet. 2 The oldest exemplar, 4Q504, is also the most intaet. Its 49 fragments preserve extensive seetions of eoherent text in about a dozen eolumns, representing roughly one-half of the original seroIl.3 The end of the eomposition is eontinued on the reverse side and the words m,l':~;' are written on the outside of the seroll aeross the baek of the first eolumn, presumably giving the title of the eomposition: "Words of the Luminaries. " This enigmatie title has provoked various interpretations, but the most plausible is that of Chazon. She suggests that it is best understood as referring to the liturgieal use of these prayers at the interehange of the luminaries, that is, at sunrise and/or sunset. 4 A further 49 small fragments, designated 4Q506, are all that remain of the seeond exemplar of Words 0/ the Luminaries . Overlaps with 4Q504 enable a few minor reeonstrueted readings. 4Q506 appears on the verso of a papyrus manuseript following a eopy of the War Seroll (4Q496). On the reeto is a eopy of the Festival Prayers (4Q509). Baillet also isolated ten fragments from the reeto of this same manuseript as belonging to a third eopy of Words of the Luminaries-4Q505-on

',:1,

I For photographs, transcription, and translation, see Baillet, DJD 7:137-68, 170-5 and plates XLIX-LIII, XVIII, XX, XXIV. For a transcription of the reconstructed text, see Chazon, "A Liturgical Document from Qumran and Its Implications: 'Words of the Luminaries' (4QDibHam)" (1991) 129-42, 170-74, 178-85, 195-202,218-27,261-7,298302. See also the appendices, pp. 326ff. for a list of fragment positions and a photocopied reconstruction of the serolI. English translations of the prayers for Thursday, Friday, and the sabbath are published in Chazon, "Prayers from Qumran: Issues and Methods" (1993) 7624, and the prayer for Friday is presented in Chazon, "Prayer for the Sixth Day, " 23-27. 2 See DJD 7:168-75. ) Chazon, "A Liturgical Document, " English abstract, 1. 4 Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 57; "Dibre Hamme'orot: Prayer for the Sixth Day" (1997) 24. This interpretation was al ready anticipated by Baillet who noted that the title could refer to a liturgy regulated by the luminaries, but he also suggested that m1X1:li1 '1J1 could mean "angelic liturgy" or "priestly office" (DJD 7: 138-9). Lehmann believed '1J1 should be understood in the light of the early use of 0'1J1 for the Tal).anun prayers (t. Ber. 3:6), and suggested that m1X1:li1 is amistaken reading ("Re-interpretation," 107).

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CHAPTER TWO

the basis of a few very slight alleged overlaps with 4Q504. 5 Garcia Martinez is almost certainly correct to suspect that these ten fragments are not a third copy of Words of the Luminaries but belong rather to 4Q509 Festival Prayers. 6 (1) He questions why one would copy a text on the back of a manuscript already containing a copy dating a century earlier. (2) He notes that all of the proposed matches between 4Q505 and 4Q504 are very dubious, requiring a variant reading and producing a direct contradiction with the more certain overlap between 4Q506 124 and 45045 ii 1-6. 7 Two further observations can be added. (3) On the back of most of the 4Q509 fragments are parts of 4Q496, but some belong to 4Q506 and others are blank. Contradictorily, one finds that the backs of the ten fragments designated 4Q505 also belong to both 4Q496 and 4Q506. (4) As will be discussed below, Chazon has shown that Words of the Luminaries is a collection of prayers with adefinite literary progression. 8 It is unlikely, therefore, that these prayers will occur in a rearranged order. According to their correspondence with 4Q504, the fragments of 4Q506 would be in the following order from right to left: 126, 131-2, 124, 157, 125+127, 129. 9 Irreconcilably, the back of each of these belongs to Baillet's putative

DJD 7:168-70. F. Garcia Martinez, review of Qumr/in grotte 4, III (4Q482-4Q520), by M. Baillet, 161-2 (hereafter cited as Garcia Martinez, review of DJD 7). 7 Baillet's proposal requires hirn to regard ll7 opm C[ in 4Q505 124 4 as a variant reading for n"J 'lnl\ m,jm 0")1' in 4Q504 3 ii 13. Furthermore, the supposed overlaps appear over aspace of six lines in 4Q505 but belong to two different columns in 4Q505 and separated by approximately 20 lines. Garcia Martinez also noted that there seems to be no room for 4Q506 124 1 in Baillet's reconstruction of 4Q504 5 ii. Several comments can be added in support of these observations by Garcia Martinez. It might seem possible to dispense with the proposed overlaps between 4Q505 124 and 4Q504 3 ii-which after all are weak -and to retain the more robust overlap with 4Q504 5 ii + 3 i ( ... ll!)' 'i':l1)l tu"P[) , as Chazon does ("A Liturgical Document," 184), but even this is problematic. (1) The overlap between 4Q506 124 and 4Q504 5 ii + 3 i is certain given that 17 letters belonging to 7 words spread over 4 lines in 4Q506 exactly correspond to 4Q506 (with the exception of the alternative spelling il"jT for "jT). These appear at regular and appropriate intervals in 4Q504 5 ii + 3 i. (2) It is possible to estimate with reasonable accuracy the relative line widths of 4Q504 and 4Q506. In 4Q506 124 3-4 ,m'l\l is directly beneath il"jT. In 4Q504 5 ii, "jT appears at the beginning of line 3 and ,m'l\l appears approximately 11 cis further left in line 4. Therefore, the column width of 4Q504 5 ii + 3 i must be approximately 11 cis narrower than 4Q506. Applying this estimate, the remains of 4Q506 124 1 (]ni':l "j ilj[) should occur at the beginning of the line preceding 5 ii 1 and the end of the line preceding that. There is not room for Baillet's restoration of J'P)l'" pntu'" Oili:1l\' from 4Q505 124 6-7. (3) Deut 10: 15, from which the phrase Oil',nl\ O)l'T:1 is drawn, does not contain references to each of the patriarchs. 8 "Liturgy or Literature?" 329-36. 9 E. Puech, review of Qumr/in grotte 4, III (4Q482-4Q520), by M. Baillet, (1988) 409 (hereafter cited as Puech, review of DJD 7). See further, p. 159 below. 5 6

WORDS OF THE LUMINARIES

61

4Q505, except for fragments 131-2, which belong to 4Q509. Ockham's razor would have tolerated only one conclusion: the entire recto represents a single copy of 4Q509 Festival Prayers copied by one scribe, while another scribe added on the verso material related to the War Seroll (4Q496) and much later a third scribe appended a copy of Words 0/ the Luminaries (4Q506). This conclusion is supported by the recognition of references to Passover in 4Q505 125 10 and affects both the reconstruction of Words o/the Luminaries and Festival Prayers. 11 1. Dating and Provenance

On the basis of palaeography, Baillet dates the oldest copy, 4Q504, to the middle of the second century BC and 4Q506 to the middle of the first century AD. 12 With the additional evidence of literary dependence, historical allusions and language, Chazon suggests a date of composition in the early or middle second century BC. 13 There is no compelling evidence to indicate a sectarian provenance for Words 0/ the Luminaries . Baillet contemplates a pre-Essene l;tsidean origin on the basis of the early date and the lack of sectarian character .14 Puech points to the avoidance of the Tetragrammaton and possible reliance on Daniel 9 in arguing for composition in the early years of the Essene movement or the founding of the Yal;tad. 15 The former is not positive evidence for identification with any particular group or movement, and Chazon refutes the claim of dependance on Dan 9. 16 Tov notes that 4Q504 exhibits the features which he characterizes as the "Qumran system" of scribal practice,17 but as noted in the introduction, this criterion is of little help. 18

See Baillet, DJD 7: 169. Chazon relies on 4Q505 124 in restoring part of the prayer for Tuesday (" A Liturgical Doeument," 183-4). See also the reeonstruetion of Festival Prayers in ehapter 5. One might ponder a possible explanation for the phrase in eommon to 4Q505 124 7 and 4Q504 5 ii 2 ( ... ]l!)~ ,7j'17 tu"i'D. Chazon has demonstrated a signifieant amount of literary paralleis among the prayers of Words 0/ the Luminaries whieh are seemingly intentional ("Liturgy or Literature?" 452-5). If the Festival Prayers are of the same origin as argued below (p. 182) it should not be surprising to find in these two eolleetions a reuse of the same phrase. 12 Baillet, DJD 7:137, 170. Vermes eonsiders the antiquity of the former to be exaggerated but offers no alternative dating (The Complete Dead Sea Scrolls, 364). 13 "A Liturgical Doeument, " 81-5. 14 DJD 7: 137. 15 Pueeh, review of DJD 7, 409; La croyance des Esseniens en la viefuture (1993) 2:565. 16 "A Liturgieal Doeument," 269. 17 Tov, "Orthography," Table 1; "Hebrew Biblical Manuseripts," 16. Tov includes eonsideration of 4Q505, whieh displays the orthographie features of the "Qumran system." 18 See p. 11 above. 10 11

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CHAPTER TWO

Chazon considers four criteria: (1) "features of a distinct scribal school" applying Tov's indicators, (2) "paleographical dating," (3) "identity with a nonsectarian (liturgical) text," and (4) "terminology and ideas. "19 She adds the evidence that 4Q506 also conforms to the orthography and language of Tov's "Qumran system," but notes that the early date assigned to 4Q504 may suggest a pre-Qumran origin in an older scribal tradition inherited at Qumran. 20 She rejects direct identification of Words 0/ the Luminaries with any particular non-sectarian prayer (e.g., the Tal}anun prayers), but allows that "various similarities with nonsectarian, Jewish liturgy-such as in the use of concluding benedictions, the proclamation of divine justice and the petition for knowledge-do reveal some connection. "21 Her most important observation is that although none of the content is incompatible with origin by the Yal;tad, there is no use of terms or ideas distinctive to the Yal;tad even though they would be expected in the long sections of historical reflection, especially in the prayer for Friday which concems the postexilic age. 22 Chazon admits that none of this evidence can definitively prove non-sectarian origin, her evidence points to a pre-Qumran provenance, and probably outside the Yal;tad. 23 Although it is no longer correct to speak of three copies from three different time periods (early Hasmonean, late Hasmonean, Herodian), Chazon's conclusion that Words 0/ the Luminaries was copied and used at Qumran remains sound on the basis that 4Q506 was copied in the Herodian period almost two centuries after 4Q504. 24 For the purposes of the present investigation, it is more important to demonstrate diversity of tradition than simply to distinguish Qumran and non/pre-Qumran or Yal;tad and non-Yal;tad. Fortunately, it is possible to probe slightly further.

Chazon, "Sectarian Prayer." Chazon, "Sectarian Prayer," 5-9. 21 Chazon, "Sectarian Prayer," 12. 22 Chazon, "Sectarian Prayer," 15-16. This would also apply especially to the contrast shown by 1. Collins ("Was the Dead Sea Sect an Apocalyptic Movement" [1990] 43-44) between the "traditional Deuteronomic theology" of the Words 01 the Luminaries and the distinctive theology of history displayed in the sectarian texts (e.g., Community Rute, Damascus Document) conceming the source of evil in the world, "the conception of Israel," and "the goal of restoration." 23 Chazon, "Sectarian Prayer," 17. It is not always clear whether Chazon distinguishes the Yai).ad from its particular manifestation at Qumran. Her criterion of palaeography pertains to occupation at Qumran, but her criterion of terms and ideas pertains to the Yai).ad in general. 24 See "Sectarian Prayer," 17. 19

20

WORDS OF lliE LUMINARIES

63

Words 0/ the Luminaries and Festival Prayers exhibit a virtually identical structure and form distinct from other prayer collections in the Dead Sea ScroIls, suggesting that they are of the same provenance. 25 Therefore, the conclusions drawn below26 conceming the Festival Prayers on the basis of its calendrical sequence apply also to Words 0/ the Luminaries , potentially distancing it from the Y~ad, any so-called "parent group," and also generally the tradition of the Astronomical Book (1 Enoch), Jubilees, and Temple Scroll. 2. Reconstruction A correct understanding of the nature of the prayers and their use of formulas is only possible on the basis of an accurate reconstruction of the fragments. In his publication of 4Q504, Baillet presented the fragments in the order from largest to smallest. 27 Baillet recognized the highly formulaic nature of the text and on this basis as weIl as the writing and the physical relationships between the fragments as found, he offered comments on the probable ordering of about one third of the fragments. 28 He did not attempt a true reconstruction or a comprehensive interpretation of the scroIl, but proposed (1) that these were prayers for liturgical use on each day of the week, although only the fourth day and the sabbath are explicitly mentioned in the scroIl, and (2) that each day had an appropriate theme: the covenant on Wednesday, confession of sin on Friday, and praise on the sabbath. 29 In a critical review, Puech offered in descriptive form a more comprehensive reconstruction on the basis of shapes of fragments and the formulaic content. 30 His reconstruction demonstrated that there was indeed

25 See p. 28 above and pp. 66, and 182 below. On the basis of her comparison of the two collections of prayer, Chazon correctly argued that the similarities are not due to influence of one text on the other. She posits instead that they both draw on common Iiturgical traditions (" A Liturgical Document," 19). However, given that these prayers are formally distinctive in many regards from not only other prayers found at Qumran but also all other known prayers from the Second Temple period, it seems justifiable to speak more concretely of the same provenance. 26 See p. 157. 27 Many of the physical joins adopted in Baillet's edition were the work of Starcky (DJD 7:137), but for convenience, the presentation in DJD 7 will be referred to as that ofBaillet. 28 DJD 7: 138. 29 DJD 7: 137. 30 Puech, review of DJD 7, 407-9. Slight corrections offered in Puech, La croyance, 2:564-5 (combining fragments 7 and 18 in column 10 [po 564]; reading 'lfUil o,'? il?'Jn] 'l"~ [,,:JT in 4Q504 4 16 [po 565, n. 4]). His corrected views are represented below.

64

CHAPTER TWO

one prayer for eaeh day of the week, and allowed hirn to position fragments belonging to eaeh day's prayer as weIl as to identify the precise or approximate beginning and ending of eaeh prayer. The seroll as reeonstrueted by Pueeh is summarized in the following table. Table 5. Reconstruction of 4Q504 by Column 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 13 14 15 16 17 18 19 20

Fragments 8 recto+9 6 4 26 17 i (+ 20?) 14, 17 ii 5i 5 ii+3 i 3 ii 7+18 43 40+1 i 1 ii 1-2 iii 1-2 iv 1-2 v 1-2 vi 1-2 vii lost 1-2 vii verso

E.

Puech Day Sunday Sunday Sun/Mon Monday Monday Mon/Tue Tuesday Tuesday Tue/Wed Wednesday Wednesday Wed/Thur Thursday Thursday Thur/Fri Friday Friday Fri/Sabbath Sabbath Sabbath

(Transition)

(4 15-16)

(17 ii 5-7)

(3 ii 3-5)

(1 i 7-8)

(1-2 iv, bottom)

(1-2 vii 4-5)

Aeeording to Pueeh, eaeh prayer was approximately 2 213 eolumns in length, the entire eolleetion eovering twenty eolumns. He proposed a number of new readings, several of whieh are important here: 31 (1) eaeh weekday prayer would have begun with the formula X 0":1 :1~!lTl as Baillet had suggested for day four ('~mt ":JT '>7':1,:1 0[":1 :1~!lTl], 3 ii 5). Aeeordingly, Pueeh restored [']~[']'~ '[':JT l'!U'~':1 0":1 :1~!lTl] (8 1) for Sunday, :1~!lTl] ,~,,~ [":JT '~!U:1 0":1 (4 16) for Monday, and ,~,,~ ":JT '!U'~n:1 0":1 :1~!lTl] m~~!l~ '[!U>7~ (1 i 8) for Thursday. (2) Above the title for the sabbath (1-2

31

Review of DJD 7, 408, and the correction for Monday in La croyance, 565, n. 4.

WORDS OF illE LUMINARIES

65

vii 4) are traces of a superscript word which Puech reads as "IU and supposes subsequently to have been erased. (3) The apparent blank line in 1-2 vii 10 is merely due to a correction extending from the previous column and therefore it does not signal the beginning of a new prayer as Baillet suggested. Unfortunately, Puech did not provide a transcription of his entire reconstruction. Several years earlier, Stegemann had independently completed a reconstruction on the basis of damage pattems. 32 This has not been published, but is presented with corrections by E. Chazon in her 1991 doctoral dissertation on the Words oj the Luminaries . 33 The Stegemann/Chazon reconstruction mostly agrees with that of Puech in the ordering of fragments, but differs slightly with regard to the numbering of columns: they calculate that there is a column lost between Puech's columns 1 and 2 and between 2 and 3, and two columns lost at the end of the manuscript (recto and verso), and they place fragments 7 and 18 together in a single column, restoring readings between them. Thus, according to them, the scroll contained 23 columns of text. Chazon adds many new restorations and provides the only complete transcription of the entire text according to its proper reconstruction, along with a detailed commentary. For the sake of convenience, however, and because few of the differences from Baillet and Puech are essential for the following argument, all translations and comments on the text presented below will be based on the published transcriptions by Baillet and the arrangement of fragments and prayer divisions published by Puech, with corrections and new restorations by Chazon indicated where necessary. 34 My own assumptions on the text where they differ from Puech or Chazon can be summarized briefly. (1) I reject 4Q505 as a copy of Words oj the Luminaries and therefore exclude 4Q505 124 from the reconstruction of the prayer for Tuesday.35 (2) Assuming Puech's reading of a supralinear "IU in 1-2 vii 4, I suggest that this was intended as a correction which was

32 For the method of reconstruction, see Stegemann, "Methods for the Reconstruction of Scrolls" (1990) 189-220. For his comments on Words ofthe Luminaries, see pp. 203-4. 33 See n. 1 at the beginning of this chapter. An English translation of Chazon's dissertation is to be published in the series Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah (BrilI). My own attempt to reconstruct a model of the manuscript supported essentially the same arrangement. 34 Baillet, DJD 7:137-68, 170-75; Puech, review of DJD 7, 407-9 and La croyance, 2:564-5. Baillet (155, 157) identified the overlaps between 4Q504 4 and 4Q506 131-132 and between 4Q504 5 ii and 4Q506 124; Puech (408) recognized that 3 i and 5 ii belong together. For Chazon's transcriptions, see n. 1 at the beginning of this chapter. 3S See pp. 59-61 above.

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not deliberately erased36 but has suffered deterioration. The title for the sabbath should then be read l1:1lU:1 C,':1 "lU 111":1 ("Praise. A song for the sabbath. ").37 On the basis of her reconstruction and a detailed analysis, Chazon clearly revealed for the first time the literary structure of this collection of prayers. 38 First of all, Chazon highlighted the formal distinction between a single petitionary prayer for each consecutive weekday, and on the other hand "several shorter hyrnns (or several stanzas of one long hyrnn)" for the sabbath. 39 In the light of Puech's observation that the large space between lines 9 and 10 of 4Q504 2 vii should not be considered a vacat and the proposal made above that the title for the sabbath be read C,':1 "lU 111":1 l1:1lUil, it is probable that there is only one long hyrnn for sabbath, just as there is only one petition for each day of the week. 40 Second, Chazon showed that all of the weekday petitions share a comprehensive formal pattern marked by a consistent use of formulas: (1) each prayer is preceded by a superscription indicating the type and the occasion of recital (e.g., 'Y':1'il C[":1 il~!ll1], 3 ii 5),41 (2) the prayers begin by summoning God to remembrance ('j"~ "::>T) of his holiness or his past dealings with Israel, followed by (3) an extended historical summary of Israel's relationship with God and (4) a petition, concluding with (5) a benediction and (6) a response "Amen, Amen. "42 Each prayer was separated by aspace left blank and by a symbol in the margin (e.g., 1-2 vii 3-4; cf. 4 14-15; 17 ii 6; 3 ii 2_3).43 The constituent parts of each prayer are interdependent. Thus, the historical summary "is tied thematically and linguistically to the

36 As assumed by Puech (review of DJD 7, 409) and followed by Chazon ("On the Special Character," 14 n. 7). If erasure was intended, a poor job was done. The sin and res are still recognizable. 370r less likely-given the indented position of "!/l-TlJ!/li1 01'J T1111i1 "!/l ("song of praises for the sabbath"). 38 See Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 3-5 (English abstract), 10-56; "Liturgy or Literature?" 447-451; "Prayer for the Sixth Day," 23-24. 39 Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 3 (English abstract), also 12-15, and "Liturgy or Literature?" 447-8; cf. Schiffman, "Early History, "41. 40 Puech, Review of DJD 7, 409. Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 15, also notes that the structure favours a single hymn. 41 Although this is the only surviving superscription for a weekday prayer and it is only partially preserved, this reading can confidently be inferred from the superscription for the sabbath hymn (TlJ!/li1 tl1'J T1111i1), from the content, and from the superscriptions in the Festival Prayers (e.g., '1!l':l tl1'? i1?!lTl, lQ34 2+ 1 6; cf. 4Q509 10 ii+ 11 8) with which these prayers are formally linked (Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 10, 99-100; see also Baillet, DJD 7:152 and Puech, review of DJD 7, 408). 42 "A Liturgical Document, " 4 (English abstract) and "Prayer for the Sixth Day, " 23. 43 Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 11.

WORDS OF THE LUMINARIES

67

petition motivated by it" and the benediction recapitulates the prayer with relevant praise. 44 She infers from this coherent structure that "each was an independent, self-contained unit. "45 In the prayer for Sunday, for example, God is called to remember his creation and his ancient deeds (8 1_3).46 The historical summary embraces the creation of Adam and God's gift of understanding and knowledge (8 45), and is concerned with human straying (8 8), God's discipline (6 15-16), and the understanding of God's law (6 3). God is the "God of knowledge" and the people's knowledge comes from God granting them a holy spirit (4 4-5). Petition is made for God to forgive sin, to teach his law,47 to "circumcise the foreskin [of our heart]" (4 11), and to "strengthen our heart to do[ ... ]" (4 12). The prayer concludes with the blessing "Blessed] be the Lord, who has made [us] to kn[ow ... ] (4 14). As Chazon noted, the theme of knowledge resonates throughout, along with forgiveness and spiritual fortitude. 48 The prayer for Friday, as another example, shows an equally distinctive and uniform character even though the beginning is lost. God is reminded that although he punished Israel by exile for their unfaithfulness, he did not break his covenant or abandon them. Instead he was gracious to them, led them to repentance, and poured on them his holy spirit to cause them to seek hirn. God responded similarly to more recent sins of Israel,49 so that the present community which has humbled itself, atoned for its sins, and submitted to God's punishment petition God to turn his anger away and deliver them from their affliction. The concluding benediction blesses the Lord "who delivered us from all distress. "50 Each part of this prayer focuses on God's deliverance from distress. 51

44 Chazon, "A Liturgical Document, " 4 (English abstract). For an example, see the summary of the prayer for Sunday below. 45 "Liturgy or Literature?" 45l. 46 Chazon suggests as a possible restoration for the opening line "]!l17~ !t'::J [']l[']1!t .,['::Jl 'ln.,l' (" A Liturgical Document, " 144). 47 Based on Chazon's proposed restoration for 8 8, il::J'i'['" 'l1~7] (" A Liturgical Document," 165). 48 The occurrence of this tripie petition in the prayer for Sunday-as with the prayer for Thursday-was first recognized by Chazon, "A Liturgical Document, " 104-5; see pp. 69 and 77 ff. below. 49 Chazon pointed out that the historical summary of this prayer describes in turn Israel 's distress in the BabylonianiPersian period and recently in the Hellenistic period ("Prayer for the Sixth Day, " 24; "A Liturgical Document," 268). 50 Chazon, "Prayer for the Sixth Day," 26; "A Liturgical Document," 296. 51 Chazon suggested that the prayers in Words of the Luminaries altemated between these two types of prayers, but see pp. 69 ff. below for an argument that the emphases on physical deliverance and spiritual assistance are not strictly distinct.

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Third, Chazon observes that the historical surnrnaries form a progressive narrative: the prayer for Sunday begins with the creation of Adam and throughout the week are introduced consecutively the Exodus, wildemess wanderings, the giving of the law, the Davidic kingdom and the first Temple, to the exile and post-exilic struggles on Friday.52 The sabbath alone lies outside the historical scheme. 53 This is one of Chazon's most intriguing insights, with profound implications for the interpretation of the scroll. Alongside the "uniformity of structure" cornrnon to the prayers and the various "linguistic paralieis" between them, she considers this evidence that Words 0/ the Luminaries as a whole is a "unitary composition" resulting from "deliberate literary composition" by an author at one time. 54 Nevertheless, she convincingly argues that the individual prayer for each day stands on its own and that the collection was written expressly for liturgical use. 55 This understanding of the scroll as a whole will be assumed in the following discussion. It is now necessary to examine further formal features of the prayers and possible comparisons with other liturgical materials both within and without the Qumran corpus. The treatment will focus on the weekday petitions, as the sabbath hymn will receive further attention in chapter 4. 3. Form and Content

The formal structure of the weekday prayers has already been surnrnarized above. They are written in the first person plural and petition God directly in the second person, but the concluding benedictions by contrast bless God indirectly in the third person. 56 Chazon calls these prayers "daily communal supplications," but although this phrase is an accurate description, it is less suitable to designate a genre as she proposes .57 Most importantly, as Chazon herself recognized, the Festival Prayers share the same structure and formal features and are similarly cornrnunal supplications, but ostensibly not for "daily" use. 58

See also Flusser, "Psalms, Hymns and Prayers, " 567. Chazon, "Liturgy or Literature?" 448-50. 54 Chazon, "Liturgy or Literature? " 455, 450. 55 Chazon, "Liturgy or Literature? " 455. 56 Schuller, "Some Observations," 140. 57 "A Liturgical Document, " 6 (English abstract). 58 Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 19. A thorough generic classification of prayers from the Second Temple period has yet to be attempted, but it will have to take into account all of the Qumran evidence with the many other Jewish prayers from the time. See e.g., Charlesworth, "Jewish Hymns, Odes, and Prayers." 52 53

WORDS OF THE LUMINARIES

69

Two further characteristics from Chazon's analysis should be mentioned. (1) The introduction of the prayers as :'I'~ll-certain for Festival Prayers (e.g., lQ34 2+1 6 reads C"'~:J C," iI'~ll) and probably to be restored in Words 0/ the Luminaries-reflects the petitionary nature of these two collections. 59 These headings find a biblical model in Ps 92: 1 (ll::l!Z1i1 C," "!Z1 "~T~). 60 Although the term iI'~ll can denote a wide range of types of prayer and is thus not valuable for defining a specific genre of prayer, Chazon suggests that there does appear to be a general tendency for :'I'~ll to indicate petition as opposed to praise and thanksgiving, as is borne out in Words 0/ the Luminaries by the switch to m"iI for the sabbath hymn. 61 (2) Similar to the Hodayot, the prayers displaya relatively free poetic style and a mosaic style of Scripture use. Biblical prayers of confession are adapted in a personalizing manner, and the petitioner often enters into biblical proclamations concerning the blessings and curses of the covenant, especially Lev 26, sometimes acting out a different role than that in the biblical text. 62 Chazon believes that the form of these prayers corresponds to Gunkel's classification of "community laments," but is adapted to the requirements of a daily liturgy, embracing everyday spiritual needs in addition to pleas for deliverance from enemies common to laments. In this way, she distinguishes two different kinds of weekday prayers on the basis of the object of the petition. 63 Those for Sunday and Thursday petition for forgiveness, repentance/protection from sin, and knowledge of Torah, a pattern of petitions Weinfeld previously recognized in many prayers ranging from the

59

The only extant difference between the headings is that Words of the Luminaries seems

to have used 0":2 rather than 0'"

in Festival Prayers (Chazon. "A Liturgical Document,"

10). 60 Chazon provides a useful chart comparing such introductory formulas in the Psalms and in Words 0/ the Luminaries, Daily Prayers, and Festival Prayers ("A Liturgical Document," 100). 61 Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 10, 42 n. 8, 304; see also Schuller, "NonCanonical Psalms, " 27. 62 "A Liturgical Document, " 7 (English abstract), 58-60; "Prayer for the Sixth Day," 234. On the latter point, Chazon refers to the use of Isa 26:16 in 4Q504 1-2 v 16-17, the use of Lev 26 and Deut 30 in the prayer for Friday, and the adaptation ofMoses' prayer (Nu m 14) in the prayers for Sunday, Wednesday, and Thursday. The use and choice of biblical passages are similar to those in the Admonition section of the Damascus Document (CD 1-8, CD B 1-2) which focuses on the sin-punishment-restoration cycle, especially Lev 26, Num 14, and Deut 28, as shown by J. Campbell, The Use 0/ Scripture in the Damascus Document 1-8, 19-20 (1995) 175-189). This could incline in favour of a sectarian origin for Words 0/ the Luminaries, but Collins ("Apocalyptic Movement") shows that the perspectives of the two compositions are very different. See n. 22 of this chapter. 63"A Liturgical Document," 70-71,107-14.

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Hebrew Bible to the rabbinic obligatory prayers. 64 Those for Tuesday, Wednesday, and Friday petition for deliverance from distress. Too little is preserved of Monday to be confident of its nature. In other words, the prayers alternate between those primarily concerning physical need and those concerning spiritual need, specifically, strengthening for the fulfilment of Torah. Chazon believes that the prayers for help in fulfiling Torah were adapted to the form of the prayers for deliverance. 65 It is questionable whether such a sharp distinction between these two types of prayer is appropriate. First, the prayers are too fragmentary to allow confidence. 66 Second, even on the basis of what is extant, a strict dichotomy between the two concerns is not demonstrable in Words 0/ the Luminaries. For example, Chazon categorizes the prayer for Wednesday as a supplication for physical deliverance, but the petition "do not abandon us" (7 10) may refer to spiritual rather than physical peril as in 4Q393 3 35. 67 The following context in 4Q504 7 10-18 concerning forgiveness and knowledge ("you forgave [ ... and] you [g]ave them a heart [to know]," 7 13-15+18 1_2)68 suggests that this may be the case. Avoidance of sin and adherence to God's law are predominant throughout the preserved fragments of this prayer. Unfortunately, the concluding benediction is not preserved. Similarly, the prayer for Friday is concerned for physical deliverance as explicit in the petition "rescue your people Isr[ael]" and the concluding benediction "[Blessed be the Lord] who delivered us from all distress, "69 but forgiveness and empowering in obedience are also central themes. This is mostly apparent in the historical summary (see 1-2 v 12-17, vi 2-9, e.g., "to cause them to turn their hearts to return to you and to obey your voice;" "[fo]r you poured out your holy spirit on us ... so that (we) might seek you in our distress;" "you strengthened our heart so that we might relate your mighty acts to distant generations") but it is also not absent from the petitions ("to serve you and give thanks to [your holy name]," 1-2 vi 15). Conversely, themes associated with physical deliverance are also present in the prayers which Chazon classifies as sup-

Weinfeld, "The Prayers for Knowledge, Repentance and Forgiveness." "A Liturgical Prayer," 108. 66 Chazon admits this ("A Liturgical Document, " 108). 67 See D. Falk, "4Q393: A Communal Confession" (1994) 192. Chazon seems to acknowldege that a spiritual meaning is possible ("A Liturgical Document," 203-4). 68 For the combination of fragments 7 and 18 of 4Q504, see Baillet, DJD 7:138 and Puech, La croyance, 564. For the reconstruction, see Chazon, "A Liturgical Document, " 202. 69 Restoration according to Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 296. 64

65

WORDS OF THE LUMINARIES

71

plications for spiritual strengthening, especially references to God's mighty deeds of old and deliverance from Egypt (8 3 and 6 6-7 for Sunday, and 1 i 8-9 and 1-2 iv 12-14 for Thursday; cf. 5 i 2-4 and 5 ii 4 for Tuesday and 72-4 for Wednesday).70 Third, most of the examples adduced by Weinfeld for prayers with the triple pattern knowledge, repentance, and forgiveness similarly incorporate petition for deliverance. 71 It is probable, therefore, that all of the weekday prayers from Words 0/ the Luminaries combined concern for spiritual and physical assistance to varying degrees. This is further supported by comparison with a large group of post-exilic prayers which typically make confession of sins in the form of a historical recollection, rehearse God's acts of mercy, and on the basis of these make petition for mercy in the present situation (e.g., Dan 9:3-19; Neh 9:6-37; Ps 106; Bar 1:15-3:8; Pr Azar 2-22; Esther LXX C 14; 3 Macc 2:1-20; 6:1-15; cf. Ezra 9; Neh 1; Jer 14; Ps 79; Lam 5).72 All of these are concerned with both forgiveness and physical deliverance, at least implicitly. It is the importance of confession of sins which imbues these supplications with a much more humble attitude than that of most community laments which claim innocence. Nevertheless, in these prayers confession of sin and seeking of forgiveness seem to function primarily as motivation for God to respond. In Words 0/ the Luminaries and 4Q393 on the other hand, forgiveness, along with knowledge and protection from sin, is an object of petition, not merely a contingency in a petition for physical deliverance. Even so, only in lQS 1: 18-2:4 is the concern for physical deliverance absent; 73 here there is no petition at all, but confession of sin forms the basis of blessing and cursing. 74 In other words, rather than a strict distinction between two types of prayers-for physical deliverance on

See the summaries of the prayers for Sunday and Friday above, p. 67. For example, 4QTestLevi'; llQPs' 155 (Syr. Ps III); llQPs' Plea. The latter two are not primarily concerned with spiritual perfection; the petition for knowledge, repentance and forgiveness in each occurs as part of a reported plea for vindication/deliverance respectively, which is embedded in a song of thanksgiving. See J. Sanders, The Psalms Seroll of Qumran Cave 11, DJD 4 (1965) 73-4, 76. In all three, there is a close connection between protection from sin and physical danger; see D. Flusser, "Qumran and Jewish 'Apotropaic' Prayers" (1966). 72 See Flusser, "Psalms, Hymns and Prayers," 570-573. Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 269, rightly rejects the suggestion by Baillet (DJD 7:229-232) and A. LaCocque ("The Liturgical Prayer of Daniel 9" (1976) 134-135) that the prayer for Friday in Words of the Luminaries is based on Dan 9, or even on a prototype of it. As Chazon suggests, the similarity is no more than that arising from two prayers of a similar time period. 73 See 4Q393 3 7-9 and on Words ofthe Luminaries, p. 70 above. 74 See the discussion of lQS below, p. 222. 70

71

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CHAPTER TWO

the one hand and for spiritual help on the other-all of these confessions/supplications belong on a continuum involving both concerns. In the light of this, all of the weekday prayers in Words 0/ the Luminaries may generally be grouped with the "post-exilic communal confessions"prayers based on the Deuteronomic theology of salvation-history and the model for confession found in Lev 26. 75 Despite this qualification that there are probably not two distinct types of petition among the Words 0/ the Luminaries, Chazon's observations remain very valuable. She has pointed out that Words 0/ the Luminaries provides the earliest examples of petitions for deliverance for daily recital. 76 Some precedent for prayers for days of the week comes from the use of certain psalms for each day of the week which was probably established in the Temple by this time, attested by the titles added to the Septuagint Psalter, the Old Latin Psalter, and the Mishnah. 77 Nevertheless, no convincing connection appears between these psalms and the petitions of Words 0/ the Luminaries . There are only a few similarities in topics, which are probably coincidental, and the psalms represent a variety of genres, only two of which are laments. 78 As Chazon observes, such penitential prayers for deliverance are attested prior to Words 0/ the Luminaries only at "ad hoc times of acute distress" or public fasts. 79 In the post-exilic period, public fasts became regularized,80 and prayers of confession and petition for deliverance began to be uttered on festivals apart from a special occasion of need. These are

75 Chazon made this observation with regard to the prayer for Friday (" A Liturgical Document, " 269). 76 "A Liturgical Document, "70, 108; "Prayer for the Sixth Day," 24. 77 Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 99-100; see HiP, 2:393. The LXX includes: Sunday, Ps 24 (23); Monday, 48 (47); Wednesday, 94 (93); Friday, 93 (92); sabbath, 92 (91). Only the heading for sabbath made it into the Hebrew Bible, but the Old Latin has in addition to those of the Septuagint Ps 81 for Thursday. In m. Tamid 7:4, the tradition of reciting these psalms on days of the week, along with Ps 82 for Tuesday, is attributed to the levitical singers in the Second Temple. 78 Including the attributions of the Old Latin and the Mishnah, the few topic similarities are (1) Sunday, creation; (2) Wednesday, "not forsake" (in both cases, to~l); (3) Thursday, deliverance from Egypt, historical recounting of the sins of the Egypt-born generation, feeding; (4) sabbath, praise ofGod's name. The laments are Pss 82 and 94. 79Chazon, "Prayer for the Sixth Day," 24; "A Liturgical Document," 108,268-9. See Gunkel and Begrich, Einleitung in die Psalmen (1933) 117-121; Mowinckel, Psalms in Israel's Worship, 1:193-4. 80 For example, Zech 7:5; 8:19; the lack of reference to the Day of Atonement in preexilic material and its increasing importance throughout the Second Temple period suggest that it either originated in the post-exilic period or had not previously been calendrically fixed.

WORDS OF THE LUMINARIES

73

attested not only in the Festival Prayers (4Q507-9; lQ34),81 but also in Baruch 1: 14-3: 8. As the earliest witness to daily supplications for deliverance, Words of the Luminaries provides a vital ideological analogy for the daily petitions of the Amidah and the Tal:zanunim (Supplications). It is therefore necessary to consider the question whether there is any relationship between Words of the Luminaries and these prayers known from later liturgy.

3.1. Words of the Luminaries and the Tal:zanunim Tal:zanun is supplication, and the word appears most often in the Hebrew Bible in the Psalms and Daniel. In the parlance of Jewish liturgy, Tal:zanunim are specifically the individual, private supplications recited after the daily Amidah in the synagogue, and it is in this technical sense that the term will be used here. On the market days of Monday and Thursday, days of fasting for the pious, the Tal:zanunim were expanded. Because the Talmud uses the technical term C'EJ~ Tl"EJ~ for these prayers, it is sometimes thought that their origin lies in the popular prostrations and prayers following the sacrifices in the Second Temple (Sir 50: 17; m. Tamid 7: 3-4; cf. Luke 1: 10) and that from there they were appropriated into the developing synagogue liturgy. 82 M. Lehmann has drawn up an extensive list of proposed parallels between the Tal:zanunim and Words of the Luminaries and argues on this basis that the latter should be regarded as "the individual prayer following the priestly portion of the service" and, because of the length of the prayers, "it is equally safe to attribute it especially to the services on Mondays and Thursdays. "83 As further support, he notes that the Tal:zanunim were called 0":1' in some ancient sources and links this with the tide of 4Q504, Tl1'~~i1 ":1,.84 Without reiterating Lehmann's entire list of parallels, the most significant are as follows: • "for the sake of your covenant" • "return your anger and your wrath from your city Jerusalem" Ta1:}.anun)/ "from your people Israel" (4QDibHam) • appeal for God to remember, particularly the covenant

Also, perhaps, 4Q393; Falk, "4Q393," 199-207. See Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy, 66-9. 83 Lehmann, "A Re-interpreJation," 107-110. Flusser, "Psalms, Hymns and Prayers," 570-573, and Weinfeld, "Prayer and Liturgical Practice," 248-250, follow Lehmann with some qualifications. 84 Lehmann, "A Re-interpreJation," 107. 8\

82

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CHAPTER TWO

• "recall" (4QDibHam)/ "do" (Tal).anun) wonders "for we are called by your name" • "do ... according to the greatness of your mercy" (Tal).anun)/ "your strength" (4QDibHam)85 • "your great name" • desolation of the land • "do not abandon us" • "to you, Lord, belongs justice" • "do" (Tal).anun)/ "as you did" (4QDibHam) wonders always • "rescue your people Israel from all the earth near and far" (4QDibHam)/ "gather our dispersed from the four corners of the earth" (Tal).anun) • "rescue us from all distress" In a complementary vein, Flusser notes a combination of three elements shared not only by Words 0/ the Luminaries and the Taf}anunim but also various "prayers in times of distress" from the Second Temple period: "supplication for God's help," the "remembrance of his saving deeds in the past," and "the repentance of the people and its prayer for forgiveness of sins. "86 He consequently regards Words 0/ the Luminaries as a "prototype of the later Taf}anun prayer of the synagogue. "87 Weinfeld adds a refinement to Lehmann's theory by distinguishing between the individual and public parts of the Taf}anun prayers, and bringing comparisons only with the public prayer. 88 It is unnecessary, however, to posit any direct relationship between Words 0/ the Luminaries and the Taf}anunim in order to explain these resemblances, as Chazon demonstrates in detail. 89 First, she shows that in form and function the private, individual, and voluntary Taf}anunim are not truly comparable to the public, corporate petitions of Words 0/ the Luminaries with their specified texts for different days of the week.

See Falk, "4Q393, " 195. Flusser, "Psalms, Hymns and Prayers," 570-71, also 572-3. He points to the prayers in Neh 9; Dan 9; Esther's prayer (LXX); the Prayer of Azariah; Baruch 2:6-3:8; 3 Macc 2:1-20 and 6:1-15; and partial examples in Sir 36:1-17, m. Ta 'an. 2:4-5, and throughout 1 and 2 Maccabees. 87 "Psalms, Hymns and Prayers, " 571. 88 "Prayer and Liturgical Practice," 248-250. The other criticisms of Lehmann's theory, brought below, still apply to Weinfeld's view. Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy, 68, had already noted that the public part of the TalJanunim on Mondays and Thursdays-with which Weinfeld deals-developed much later. 89 "Sectarian Prayer," 9-13 and "A Liturgical Document," 109-12. 85

86

WORDS OF THE LUMlNARlES

75

Second, the literary paralieis are explicable as the use of common themes and the same biblical supplications as models (especially Daniel 9 and Nehemiah 9). Third, the common themes and most of the terminological similarities between Words 0/ the Luminaries and the TaJ:tanunim are also shared by the penitential supplications for fast days and the Day of Atonement. 90 Chazon, then, offers a more probable explanation for the comparisons adduced by Lehmann: the individual TaJ:tanunim as they have come down to us, drew on the biblical models of supplication and the penitentialliturgies of public fast days.91 Originally, the individual TaJ:tanunim, being private, voluntary prayers, would have been much more intensely personal; more standardized texts for these voluntary prayers developed much later when they were established as a regular part of the synagogue liturgy. 92 Words 0/ the Luminaries does not attest analogous practice to m. Tamid 7:3 and Sir 50:16-19, nor to the later Ta~1anunim; rather, it attests customary themes in communal penitential supplications of the Second Temple period. Whereas these are otherwise connected with fast days, Words 0/ the Luminaries shows their adaptation for daily communal use as Chazon has shown. 93 Matthew's version of the Lord's Prayer might pose a possible analogy somewhat later for a petition for deliverance in a prayer for regular use (cf. Matt 6: 13).

3.2. Words 0/ the Luminaries and the Amidah Comparisons may also be drawn with other prayers of the synagogue. Nitzan presents a list of thematic and terminological paralleIs between Words 0/ the Luminaries and most of the thirteen intermediate petitions of the Amidah, including #4 (knowledge), #5 (repentance), #6 (forgiveness), #7 (redemption), #8 (healing), #10 (gathering of exiles), and #14 (compassion).94 In addition, it could be added (1) that the focus on Jerusalem and

90 Especially important are the themes of remembrance and petition for forgiveness, but also the historical progression inherent in the pattern "may he that answered . . . answer you" which appears in the expanded Amidah for public fast days (m. Ta 'an. 2:4-5). Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 134, provides convincing reasons for regarding the latter as originating in the Temple. 91 Some evidence in this direction can be found in t. Ber. 3:6, which notes the use of the prayer from the Day of Atonement in individual TalJanunim, and the TalJanun prayer 'l')!\ 'l~I77.l comes from Akiva's fast-day prayer (Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy, 68). 92 See Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy, 67-8. 93 Chazon, see n. 76 of this chapter and p. 72.

94

Qumran Prayer, 108.

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CHAPTER TWO

David in the historical summary for Thursday may imply a corresponding petition for Jerusalem and the restoration of the Davidic dynasty (see Amidah #14) which has been 10st,95 and (2) that "book of life" is mentioned both in the prayer for Friday (4Q504 1-2 vi 14) and also in the Palestinian version (Cairo Genizah) of the curse against apostates (Amidah 12, in a quotation from Ps 69:29), although with differing emphases. Nitzan is circumspect about the significance she attributes to such paralleis. Noting that the shared language is biblical terminology, she reasons that "one may not draw the conclusion that the prayers of Qumran were an earlier version of the Amidah prayer, or for that matter of any other fixed prayer in later Judaism. "96 Rather , the similarities in subject matter and terminology indicate a common tradition of prayer themes and phrases based on conventional biblical passages which eventually crystallized in various prayer texts. 97 The correctness of this conclusion is attested by numerous other ancient prayers which likewise exhibit strong thematic and terminological similarities with the later Amidah benedictions. Chief among these, both because of its age 98 and the remarkable resemblances to seven or eight of the Amidah benedictions, is the Hebrew hymn following Sir 51: 12. Even if one can trace biblical precedent for most of the points of contact between this hymn and the Amidah,99 this still does not explain the degree of similarity in phrasing, ordering, and prayer form. lOo Other prayers which have been compared include the following: 101 • Sir 36: 1-17 (content, not wording)102

• M. Tamid 5: 1

95 See Maier, "Zu Kult, " 560. In the prayer-book, these are two separate benedictions (14 and 15), but the Cairo Genizah (see n. 147 in chapter 1) shows that in Palestine these were originally a single benediction. % Qumran Prayer, 110, and n. 68. 97 Qumran Prayer, 109-110. E.g., Liebreich convincingly demonstrates that the central prayer complex of the synagogue, the Shema plus benedictions and the Amidah, is extensively and consciously modelIed on the prayer in Neh 9 ("The impact of Neh 9:5-37"). This habit of looking to biblical prayers in composing new prayers does not, however, justify Liebreich's view of Neh 9 as representing an early form of synagogue liturgy itself. 98Its authenticity has been questioned (e.g., E. Bickerman, "The Civic Prayer for Jerusalem" (1962) 181 n. 77), but the blessing on the Zadokite priesthood suits best a preMaccabean date (e.g., I. Levi, The Hebrew Text of the Book of Ecclesiasticus (1904) 73; Kohler, "Origin and Composition," 393). 99 E.g., P. Skehan and A. Di Lella, The Wisdom of Ben Sira (1987) 570. 100 See A. Marmorstein, "Jesus Sirach 51: 12ff." (1909) 288. 101 See Heinemann, Prayer, 219-220. Secondary references are provided only for those items not mentioned in Heinemann's list. 102 For the benediction O'?tvl" illlJ of the Palestinian Amidah (#14) which shows special affinity to Sir 36:11-13, see Heinemann, Prayer, 48-52, 70-76, 288-291.

WORDS OF lliE LUMINARIES

77

• The eight benedictions recited by the high priest after reading from the Torah on the Day of Atonement • 2 Macc 1:24-29 103 • Psalms of Solomon • An ancient Jewish Greek papyrus l04 • lQS 10:8-11:16 • 1 Clement l05 • Apostolic Constitutions Book 7 106 Scholars have long debated the relevance of these paralleis to the history of the development of the Amidah. Despite the similarities, there are also striking differences between all these prayers. Heinemann's explanation is most probable: this state of affairs can only be explained by assuming that a great number of "series of benedictions" like these must have existed in a variety of forms and styles. The "Eighteen Benedictions" which we now possess is to be regarded as only one of these many forms (wh ich ultimately crystallized and became normative), and is itself most likely a combination of several previous "series" of benedictions and petitionary prayers. 107

A further connection can be explored with the later liturgy, and the Amidah in particular. Weinfeld has demonstrated that the combination of petitions for knowledge, repentance, and forgiveness which head the intermediate benedictions of the Amidah are found in a number of texts indicating an ancient tradition: a prayer of Levi (4QTestLevia; c. 100 BC), two noncanonical psalms found at Qumran (11QPsa Plea; llQPsa 155 [Syriac Ps III]), several hyrnns from the Hodayot (especially lQHa 8: 16-28 [16:820]), and early Christian catechetical prayers (Ap. Const. 8.6.5-7; cf. Col 1:9-14; Eph 1:3-14).108 Chazon shows that the prayers for Sunday and Thursday of Words 0/ the Luminaries also belong to this liSt. 109 She

103 See 1. Goldstein, II Maccabees (1983) 178; my own list of paralleis is brought in the chapter on the Festival Prayers, p. 200 below. 104 A. Marmorstein, "Oldest Form." His attempts to make this papyrus conform to each of the "original" seventeen benedictions are very forced. Some similarities are there, certainly, but this only attests a very general tradition of series of benedictions with some customary themes. 1051. Lightfoot, The Apostolic Fathers. Part 1. St. element ofRome (1890) 1:393-396. 106 D. Fiensy, Prayers Alleged to be Jewish (1985) 129-134; K. Kohler, "The Essene Version of the Seven Benedictions as Preserved in the vii Book of the Apostolic Constitutions" (1925). 107 Heinemann, Prayer, 220-221. 108 Weinfeld, "The Prayers for Knowledge, R.:pentance and Forgiveness." 109 Chazon, "A Liturgical Document, " 13 (English abstract), 104-5.

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furthermore considers the petition for the return of exiles and the declaration of divine justice. These are similarly common to Words of the Luminaries , a body of other prayers from the Second Temple Period, and the later rabbinic liturgy. She concludes that this evidence points in general to "a continuous liturgical tradition. "110 A direct connection among these prayers is not necessary to account for the similarities, since there are biblical precedents for these three concerns appearing together, and much of the language is biblically based. ll1 Nevertheless, Chazon's argument remains strong because (1) there is a conglomeration of prayers which exhibit the observed characteristics, indicating continuity, and (2) a couple of the petitions have no exact biblical precedent, although they do appear in later liturgy .112 4Q504 1 ii 13 is the earliest attestation of the expression "to implant Torah in our heart," which came to have a standard place during the Tannaitic period in the benediction spoken after the Torah reading. 113 The Christianized Jewish liturgy in the Apostolic Constitutions (7.26.1-3, 8.6.5-7) also attests this expression. 114 In addition, although the phrase "circumcise the foreskin of our heart" is based on biblical passages (Deut 10: 16; Jer 4:4), this is the earliest instance of the petition wh ich appears in similar form in the abbreviated Amidah known as Habinenu. 115 It is hence reasonable to agree with Chazon's conclusion that the weekday petitions of Words of the Luminaries stand in a broad stream of Jewish liturgical tradition that includes the rabbinic liturgy, even though there is not necessarily a direct lineage. 116 Most likely, we are dealing with a body of traditional prayer themes, stock phrases, and groupings of prayers. Regardless of the provenance of Words of the Luminaries , then, we must not regard its prayers as isolated in the practice they attest.

"A Liturgical Document," 13 (English abstract), 104-6. See Weinfeld, "The Prayers for Knowledge, Repentance and Forgiveness," 196-200, who mentions the Psalms (particularly 51); Hos 6:1-3; Jer 31:32-4; and Ezek 36:25-32. 112 For a detailed discussion including the following examples, see Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 104-5. 113 See D. Flusser, "'He Has Planted It [i.e., the Law] as Etemal Life in Our Midst'" (1989). For a near parallel, cf. 2 Macc 1:4 "May he open your heart to his law and his commandments" (NRSV). 114 See Weinfeld, "The Prayers for Knowledge, Repentance and Forgiveness," 194; Flusser, "He Has Planted It," 151. 115 See Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 167 and 104-5. 116 Chazon does consider a direct relationship possible for the petition "implant Torah in our heart" ("A Liturgical Document," 13 [English abstract]). 110

111

WORDS OF THE LUMINARIES

79

3.3. Prayer Formulas

Amidst the fragments of prayer formulas in Words 0/ the Luminaries can be glimpsed a fascinating view into the early development of liturgical prayers. Qnly a portion of the content remains from these formulas, but what evidence survives corresponds sufficiently with the formulas preserved in Festival Prayers to allow some generalizations. For the sake of completeness both opening and concluding formulas are listed below, as weIl as those which seem to appear in the middle of prayers, in the order they appear in the reconstructed scroll. lJ7 Table 6. Prayer Formulas in Words ofthe Luminaries Reference 4Q50481 4Q504416 4Q5043 ii 5

Day

Code

Opening Formulas

... ]t.)yt.) ~':J [,]j[,]i~ '[':Ji

Sun Mon Wed

.•• ii]::'~I"'i' ClU 'm~[ ":Ji ... ] 'l"~ ":Ji Closing Formulas

4Q5044 14 4Q5043 ii 2 4Q504 1-2 vii 1-2

Sun Tue Fri

B]D+r3 BL+3 BD]+r3

..• UY]"'ii 'lU~ 'l"~ [1":1 .•• ] iln;l;; [']~ii 1;;:1

ii'~ 'bt.) U"~ii 'lU~ ['l"~ 1":1 Internal Formulas

4Q504 6 6 4Q504 6 20 4Q5045 ii 3 4Q506 124 3 118

Sun Sun Tue Tue

6[']~,il U~lUll' U":J ii:my ~':J ~l ,iS[i

BD[ ...

...] 'l"~ 1":1 ••• ]o!l; ~':::l 'l"N ,,::,[t] ~':J 'l"~ ]ii":Ji

Each of the supplications in Words 0/ the Luminaries and Festival Prayers begins with the formula 'l"lot ":JT followed by a matter which the petitioner recalls 10 God's attention: his deeds of old, his reputation, and in

117 The restoration of 4 16 and 1-2 vii 1-2 follows Chazon ("A Liturgical Document," 141, 267). For a comparison of the opening and c10sing formulas in Words of the Luminaries with Festival Prayers and Daily Prayers, see Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 101. 118 This passage corresponds with 4Q504 5 ii 3 (Baillet, DJD 7:170-1), but note the spelling n":::lT instead of ":JT.

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the case of Festival Prayers his prescnptlOns conceming festivals. 119 Chazon is correct to note that the formula is appropriate to the content of the following prayers, but it is questionable whether the 'l"lot "~T formula really represents an ancient opening formula which could be used interchangeably with an opening berakhah as she suggests. 120 Berakhah formulas generally are self-contained, even when they are thematically related to the following or preceding prayer. However, it is not clear in Words 0/ the Luminaries and Festival Prayers that 'l"lot "~T is used in a self-contained formula. 121 Furthermore, there is no other evidence to suggest such a specialized use for 'l"lot "~T elsewhere. Although there are numerous biblical prayers wh ich call upon God to remember and a few with 'l'lot "~T, these are generally not at the beginning of the prayer and never as part of a self-contained formula. 122 Nor is there any evidence in post-biblical literature that 'l"lot "~T gains significance beyond this commonplace use. It is most likely that the unique use of 'l"lot "~T in Words 0/ {he Luminaries and Festival Prayers is simply the adoption of a biblical model (see Psa 132: 1; Lam 5: 1) as a stereotyped way to beg in aseries of prayers. That is, the phrase may merely be part of the historical summary, whether as its first words or somewhere in the middle. If this is true, then it is also not entirely accurate for Chazon to describe the prayers in Words 0/ {he Luminaries and Festival Prayers as examples of the tendency toward the consistent use of opening and closing benedictions. 123 Certainly, combined with the closing benediction the 'l"lot "~T opening shows an increasing predilection to frame prayers with stereotyped formulas, but this is not quite analogous to formal benedictions at the beginning and end. Nevertheless, Chazon is correct to regard these prayers as representing a stage in the development of liturgical prayer between that of the biblical prayers and the prayers as formalized by the Tannaim. This latter comment is particularly true of the concluding benedictions, which we now consider.

119 See Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 100 and Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 101. It appears that only in the oldest copy-4Q504-is the spelling .,':JT. The later copies (those made at Qumran?) seem to use the spelling il.,':JT. 120 "A Liturgical Document, " 12 (English abstract), 100-101. 121 This is difficult to judge because of the severely broken contexts, but particularly in the Festival Prayers (e.g., 4Q508 2 2-6; 4Q509 131-132) it is doubtful whether a discreet opening formula can be isolated. 122 With '3'1( ":JT are most importantly Ps 132:1 and Lam 5:1, but also Ps 89:50 (and perhaps 89:47 with emendation); 137:7. With .,':JT alone, see especially Deut 9:27 and Neh 1:8. 123 "A Liturgical Document," 12 (English abstract), 100-10 I.

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81

The concluding benedictions in Words of the Luminaries and Festival Prayers are all berakhot, and like concluding benedictions in synagogue prayers, they epitomize their preceding prayers. Because few formulas survive intact it is not entirely clear how consistent their form iso In Words of the Luminaries there is one example of the form BL+3 and two which in the light of Festival Prayers are almost certainly of the form BD+r3. The Festival Prayers are similarly mixed. Five instances of BD+r3 are probable, one not certainly a concluding benediction, and there are two instances of BD+p, again one not certainly a concluding benediction. Too little survives of the remaining concluding benedictions to be confident of their form other than that they all began 'l"lot 1"::1. From this it seems probable that the majority of the concluding benedictions were of the form BD+r3, but there was also certainly variation. It is not impossible that both documents could have included all three formulas. 124 Nevertheless, there is a general consistency. All of these are impersonal blessings in contrast to the prayer itself which addresses God direct1y, and apart from the two participial forms in Festival Prayers, all continue with a finite verb. 125 The significance of these concluding formulas is best seen in the light of Heinemann's explanation of the development of the classical rabbinic liturgical berakhah. 126 Heinemann considered the puzzle that the rabbinic berakhah, which appears only as an opening formula, begins by addressing God in the second person (:11:1' :111!\: 1"::1, often expanded) but continues curiously with a third person relative clause. His solution was to suggest that two opening formulas had converged. The first is the impersonal "biblical pattern" taken over from the common biblical benediction formula ... 'lUlot ••• :1,:1' 1"::1. In the Hebrew Bible this formula is never connected with a petition, nor does it ever appear at the conclusion of a prayer. 127 Rather , it appears exclusively as a short benediction, a spontaneous ejaculation on witnessing a wonder which functions more as a declaration than as a prayer, either standing alone or opening a longer declaration. 128 Because of this, its impersonal blessing is appropriate.

See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 75. Schuller, "Some Observations on Blessings," 140. 126 Heinemann, Prayer, 77-103. 127 The examples Towner gives of blessings at the concJusion of psalms either have no content cJause or participial cJause (W. Towner, "'Blessed Be YHWH' and 'Blessed Art Thou, YHWH'" [1968] 390). 128 E.g., 1 Kgs 8:15, 56, which both lie outside the prayer of 8:23-53; also Tobit 13:18. See J.-P. Audet, "Esquisse historique du genre litteraire de la 'benediction' juive et de I"eucharistie' chretienne" (1958) 379-80; Heinemann, Prayer, 82-3, 88-9; Towner, "Blessed Be YHWH," 388-9. 124 125

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Accordingly, Heinemann noted that those rabbinic prayers which retain this opening formula generally do not contain petition. The second pattern Heinemann called the "eulogy pattern" because it survives in its pure form only as a concluding benediction. Direct address is integral to the pattern (..• ;";" ;,n~ 1":1), but there are no additional appellatives, and it continues with abrief participial clause. This second pattern was an innovation of the Second Temple period without biblical model, although it was created by combining a rare biblical benediction (... ;";" ;,n~ 1":1, 1 ehr 29:10; Ps 119:12) with biblical participial description clauses. On the evidence of several prayers in the Hodayot beginning 'l"~ ;,n~ 1":1 (cf. 1QS 11: 15), Heinemann proposed that this form was also originally used as an opening formula. The "biblical" pattern and the "eulogy" pattern were used alternatively at the beginning of prayers, and the cross-fertilization eventually produced the rabbinic liturgical berakhah. The situation can be diagrammed as follows: Table 7. Heinemann's Theory of Berakhah Development Late Biblical Pattern

Common Biblical Pattern

... ,tlm ;";" 1"::1

... in;,'

im~

1"::1

• additional appellatives Liturgical Berakhah

"Eulogy" Pattern

• additional appellatives

• additional appellatives

• 3rd p. relative clause • opening form only

• participial clause • 3rd p. relative clause • opening form (closes with eulogy pattern)

• no additional appellatives • participial clause

"Biblical" Pattern •.•

,tll~

mii'

1"::1

• additional elements optional • earliest

... mii' iiI1~

• rabbinie standard

1"::1

• closing form, originally also opening • brief, no additional elements • Second Temple innovation

On the basis that no examples of concluding benedictions in the impersonal ,!U~ style were known to hirn, Heinemann reasoned that the flexibility he posited with regard to the opening formulas did not pertain to concluding formulas. Rather, out of a strong des ire to maintain the

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83

integrity of the "eulogy pattern" the relative clause was never used in concluding benedictions. This was so even when a relative clause would have been more suitable than the participle, such as "when the benediction dealt with a historical event. "129 Heinemann noted: The stereotyped Biblical pattern, then, was never transferred to the eulogyformula, and particular care was taken in the eulogy to avoid using a relative cIause with the verb in the perfect tense, since this style is employed in the Bible itself only at the beginning of a prayer as the opening formula, and the creators of the liturgy would not allow themselves to abandon this Biblical convention. I3O The form BD +r3 ('IZ!~ ':I11~ 1"~) in Words 0/ the Luminaries and Festival Prayers is identical to the common biblical berakhah formula except for its replacement of 'j"~ in place of the Tetragrammaton. 131 As Chazon noted, its use as a concluding-rather than opening-benediction in these two documents is unique, and is exactly the practice that Heinemann says was carefully avoided. 132 In the light of this, and also a comparison of the opening and concluding formulas of Words 0/ the Luminaries , Festival Prayers, Daily Prayers, and Ritual 0/ Purification, she concluded "these same sources show that the various benediction formulae were used interchangeably as introductions and conclusions in this early period, often even within the same document. "133 It is true that a certain flexibility in the use of formulas is attested in these prayer texts, but it is questionable whether this really indicates an interchangeability of opening and closing formulas. More striking than the slight range of freedom is the consistency which pervades individual collections of prayers. 134 As noted in the previous chapter, the benedictions in Daily Prayers are consistently divided between impersonal opening blessings and direct address in closing blessings. 135 In Words 0/ the Luminaries and Festival Prayers the distinction between opening and closing formulas is rigidly maintained. A better explanation may be found in the light of

Heinemann, Prayer, 97. Prayer, 93. 131 Exod 18:10; 1 Sam 25:39; 1 Kgs 5:21; 1 Kgs 8:56; Ruth 4:14; Ps 124:6; expanded with additional 7K1lU' 'i17K: 1 Sam 25:32; 1 Kgs 1:48; 1 Kgs 8: 15 = 2 Chr 6:4; 2 Chr 2: 11. Cf. Gen 14:20; Ps 66:20. I32"A Liturgical Document," 12 (English abstract), 100-101, 118 n. 12. 133 "A Liturgical Document," 12. 134 See Schuller, "Some Observations on Blessings," 139-41; Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 69-75. 135 There is a single exception: the impersonal ... ] 7K 111:2 in 65 4 is a closing benediction. Nevertheless, there are no examples of direct address in opening benedictions. 129

130

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Heinemann's suggestion that the "biblical" pattern and the "eulogy" pattern were both freely used for opening formulas but that the "biblical" pattern was never used in closing formulas. The benedictions in Words oj the Luminaries and Festival Prayers now disprove the latter proposition while confirming the general theory. It may now be suggested that at the early stage in the formation of liturgical prayers represented by Words oj the Luminaries, neither the "biblical" pattern nor the "eulogy" pattern were regarded as distinclly "opening" or "closing" patterns. Both were drawn upon freely for both uses. 136 Thus, within the scope of Words oj the Luminaries and Festival Prayers both the '~Io( style and the active participle style feature as concluding benedictions. It may furthermore be added, in the light of the BD +p ('Y'!l:1 'l"10( 1":1) concluding formula in Festival Prayers (cf. Ps. Sol. 6:6) that :11110( was not originally integral to the "eulogy" pattern as Heinemann assumed. 137 The large number of blessings in the form 'l"10( :11110( 1":1 found at Qumran, continued in the second person, probably attest the beginning of the tendency toward direct address. 138 Words oj the Luminaries and Festival Prayers are by comparison typologically earlier, so that their impersonal style of benediction appears to conflict with the body of the prayers in the second person. 139 Although it is not possible to chart a linear development of benedictions, as different groups may have employed different customs at different times, the concluding benedictions in Words oj the Luminaries typologically stand closer to the biblical formulations of short benedictions, but at the time when these are being expanded with petition and were beginning to be used in more regular, formal structures of prayer. 140 Although these observations cannot indicate the provenance of these prayers, they are suggestive of continuity rather than exclusivity of practice. 3.4. The Response

Chazon noted that although the first person plural stance of the petitions indicates communal recital, it is not certain whether the congregation recited the entire prayer in unison together with the "Amen, Amen"

136 See similarly Schuller, "So me Observations on Blessings," 141; Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 99-101. 137 Prayer, 87. 138 This is further suggested by the correction in 1QH a 13 :20 [5 :20] of '3"1\ il:J,,1\ to '3"1\ ilnl\ 1":1; see Heinemann, Prayer, 80. 139 Schuller, "Observations on Blessings," 140. 140 See Heinemann, Prayer, 84-5.

WORDS OF THE LUMINARIES

85

response, or whether the prayer was recited by a prayer leader(s) with the eongregation responding "Amen, Amen" sueh as in Neh 8:6; Ps 106:48; 1 Chr 16:36; ef. ludith 13:20. 141 Given the length of the prayers the latter perhaps seems most likely. 142 In any ease, the use of "Amen" after a petitionary prayer is unknown in the Hebrew Bible. It is first attested in Tobit 8:8 (probably late third eentury or early seeond eentury BC), foIlowed by Words 0/ the Luminaries and Festival Prayers alone among the Dead Sea SeroIls,143 both of which I argue had a eommon origin outside the Y~ad by the middle of the seeond eentury BC. EIsewhere in the Dead Sea SeroIls, "Amen" appears after blessings, eurses and hymns of praise (lQS 1-2; 4Q511; 4Q286). "Amen" as a eonfirmation of petition beeomes more eommon in rabbinic literature. 144 It is reasonable to eonsider these observations as further support that Words 0/ the Luminaries (with Festival Prayers) ean be distinguished from seetarian prayers found at Qumran and stands in a broader eontinuity of liturgical development. 4. Liturgical Use

Chazon notes the foIlowing evidenee from both the literary strueture and the form and eontent that the eoIleetion of prayers entitled Words 0/ the Luminaries was intended for liturgical use: 145 1. the Iiturgical structure of the composition, which is a collection of prayers without a literary frame 2. the prayer headings, wh ich indicate the intended day of the week für each prayer

Chazon, "A Lirurgical Document," 25, 102; see Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy, 190. Since the various collections of prayers found at Qumran each embrace only a single type of occasion, Chazon is probably correct to reason that they were not siddurim for use by members of the congregation at prayer (" A Lirurgical Document," 70). Emile Puech (private conversation, 1993) suggested that the small size of these scrolls points exactly to that very purpose, and Moshe Weinfeld (private conversation, 1993) argued that there is no obstacle to imagining Jews carrying several scrolls to prayer-one for each type of prayer-but one should then have expected a very larger number of prayer serolls dating from the same time period. On the other hand, one eannot dismiss the possibility that members memorized all of the various prayers as part of their training. 143 Chazon, "A Lirurgical Doeument," 25; see also R. Deiehgräber, Gotteshymnus und Christushymnus in der frühen Christheit: Untersuchungen zu Form Sprache und Stil der frühchristlichen Hymnen (1967) 26. 144 E.g., t. Ber. 3:26; m. Ta 'an. 2:5. 145 The following eh art is eited direetly from Chazon, "A Lirurgical Doeument," 69, my translation. See also Chazon, "4QDibHam: Liturgy or Literarure?" 447, 455; Sehiffman, "Early History , " 40-41; and idem, "Lirurgieal Texts," 187-8. 141

142

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3. the petitionary content for weekdays and song of praise for the sabbath, which emphasizes the function of prayers on different days 4. the use of liturgical structures, forms, and formulas (e.g., concluding benedictions) 5. the adaptation of biblical citations to prayer language-i.e., the pray-ers addressing God in the second person, voicing their petitions in the first person plural

One mayaiso add a few further pieces of support not included in Chazon's chart, but which follow from her analysis and the preceding analysis in this chapter.

',J,

1. As Chazon noted, the title 11"lot~;"I is best understood as referring to the liturgical use of these prayers at the interchange of the luminaries. 146 It is not impossible, given the use of O',J, for supplications in Hos 14:3 and for the TalJanun supplications in t. Ber. 3:6 that the title could mean "daily supplications. "147 Daily prayers, especially in relation to the course of the sun, are well attested both at Qumran and elsewhere during the late Second Temple period. The idea of special prayers for different days of the week is also not unique in the second century BC, as it finds analogy in the psalms for days of the week attested in the Septuagint headings. 148 2. Petitionary prayer for weekdays and the hyrnnic form for sabbath are consistent not only with a sensibility in liturgical practice expressed by the rabbis, but also with contemporary indications of sabbath prayer. 149 Special prayers for sabbath are exhibited elsewhere for this time period (e.g., Ps 92, Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice, 11QPsa David 's Compositions, 4Q503 Daily Prayers). 150 3. These prayers for each day of the week correspond formally with a collection of prayers for festivals throughout the year (Festival Prayers) , together forming a consistent and comprehensive liturgical cycle. 4. Although it cannot be argued that the similarities with the later TalJanun prayers and Amidah benedictions indicate that Words 0/ the Luminaries should be considered a prototype of one or the other of

Chazon, "A Liturgical Document, " 57. See Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy, 67 and Lehmann, "A Re-interpretation," 107. Lehmann's theory that m1~7.)il '1J1 represents the TalJanun prayers is flawed. See above, p. 74. 148 See p. 72 above. 149 Chazon, "On the Special Character, " 5-6. ISO Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 113. 146 147

WORDS OF THE LUMINARIES

87

these, they do suggest a continuous tradition of daily supplications with customary themes and wordings. This link with later liturgical prayer, as weIl as other observations about benediction forms, supports the conclusion that Words 0/ the Luminaries consisted of liturgical prayers in a common stream. 5. The small size of the scroIl-approximately 13 cm. high-could be compatible with its use as a "pocket edition. "151 Apart from the liturgical intention indicated by the above evidence, it is not possible to prove that any community actually used these prayers as a regular liturgy. That they were adopted for use at Qumran at least, however, is suggested by the fact that between the sister collections Words 0/ the Luminaries (two copies) and Festival Prayers (four copies) there survived at Qumran six copies spanning roughly two centuries. 152 Beyond this general evidence that the prayers were used liturgically, much remains in darkness. 153 Little can be said as to the manner of their use, either with regard to the Yal;1ad or other circles, or even how these might differ. Following Chazon's interpretation of the title, it is probable that they were recited daily in connection with the course of the sun, but was each prayer repeated at sunrise and sunset or recited at just one of those times?154 In the Yal;1ad, either is possible-sunrise and sunset were established times of prayer there (1QS 1O:1b-3a, 10; 1QM 14:12-14; 1QHa 20:4-11 [12:4-11]), but there was also a special time of prayer each night (IQS 6:7-8). With regard to its original function, it must be admitted is original. Were the prayers that it is not certain that the title 1"'~~;' combined with other prayers to form each day's liturgy, and if so, how? At Qumran, Schiffman and Chazon consider it most likely that the various prayers were recited together at the same time, including Daily Prayers, Words 0/ the Luminaries, and the prayers mentioned in lQS 10. 155 This is uncertain and perhaps unprovable. As argued below, Daily Prayers and

',::1,

151 Emile Puech, private conversation, 1993. See note 142 of this chapter. In support of this, a large number of small format seraIls have turned up at Qumran (Stegemann, "Methods for the Reconstruction of SeroIls," 196) and these are particularly characteristic of prayer co 1lections and "excerpted" texts (Tov, "Excerpted and Abbreviated Biblical Texts from Qumran," unpublished seminar paper, University of Cambridge, 23 January 1995). 152 See Chazon, "Liturgy or Literature?" 455 and "A Literary Document," 89, although she counts three copies of Words 0/ the Luminaries and does not take Festival Prayers into account on this point. 153 On the following questions, see Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 69-70; Schiffman, "Early History ," 39. 154 Chazon, "A Liturgical Document, " 69, 89. 155 Schiffman, "Early Liturgy, " 39 and Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 69-70, 89.

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Words 0/ the Luminaries probably derive from different socio-liturgical settings, and are unlikely to have been combined originally. It is, however, reasonable to suppose that the Festival Prayers would have been recited with these when appropriate, both originally and in their Qumran use. The strong formal connections with the Festival Prayers raise the possibility that the prayers of Words 0/ the Luminaries were intended for one particular festival week. 156 If this were the case, the Feast of Unleavened Bread would be the most likely choice in the light of the preponderance of Exodus imagery and the phrase "let us keep the feast of [our] redemption" in the prayer for Tuesday. Nevertheless, there is no calendrical dating in Words 0/ the Luminaries, and whereas the Festival Prayers contain specific references to the requirements and character of the festival concerned,157 nothing like this appears in Words 0/ the Luminaries even though much more of its content is preserved than in the case of the Festival Prayers. In the absence of any positive evidence to the contrary, therefore, it is best to assume that the prayers in Words 0/ the Luminaries were repeated for each week of the year. 158 Apart from the decision reached above that these prayers probably did not originate in the Yal:tad, or at least did not represent a liturgy unique to the Yal:tad, it is probable that they were used at Qumran. 159 Nevertheless, even in their use at Qumran the prayers themselves represent a nonexclusivistic practice; that is, a boundary marking function is not integral to them. The sins of the people are referred to in general terms only, such as "we have [we]aried God with our iniquity" (4Q504 1-2 v 19), and there is no hint that •Israel' in the restoration envisaged is used in a polemical

See Maier, "Zu Kult und Liturgie," 579. Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 99. 158 Baillet raised the possibility that the prayers for certain days of the week may have incorporated themes appropriate to that day, for example covenant on Wednesday and confession on Friday (M. Baillet, "Un recueilliturgique de Qumran, Grotte 4" [1961] 248-9 and DJD 7: 137). This would presumably assume a 364 day solar calendar, according to which the Feast of Weeks fell always on Wednesday and the Day of Atonement on Friday. If this were so, it would connect this document with those circles which adhered to a 364 day calendar, but this does not appear to be limited to "sectarian" groups. See Albani, "Zur Rekonstruktion eines verdrängten Konzepts," 110-15. Still, it is highly unlikely that this view of Words 0/ the Luminaries is correct: the themes covenant and confession are not unique to these particular days in the serolI. 159 See p. 62 above. As noted by Chazon ("A Liturgical Document," 80 n. 78; 90), the concern in these prayers for remembering and confessing the sins of the fathers and for submission to God's discipline would appeal to the similar interests found among the sectarians (e.g., 1QS 1-2; CD 2:17-3:19; 4QD' 11; the end of MMT), as also the concern for spiritual assistance. 156

157

WORDS OF THE LUMINARIES

89

manner. l60 Chazon has already noted that one should have expected allusion to sectarian history and vocabulary in the description of the post-exilic age in the prayer for Friday.161 This point can be applied more generally for the present purpose by noting that there is also no criticism of a corrupt Temple or even allusion to prayer as a sacrifice. Admittedly this is an argument from silence, but such comments would have been most appropriate in the two prayers that are almost completely preserved: the prayer for Thursday, which refers to the Jerusalem Temple, and the prayer for Friday, which covers the exilic and post-exilic age. Furthermore, this is one of the oldest surviving collections of Jewish liturgical prayers. If such prayer originated as a substitute for a Temple service deemed corrupt, is it likely that the extensive prayers in Words 0/ the Luminaries with their long historical summaries would not preserve a trace of this origin? Likewise, the Festival Prayers contain several references to sacrifice and offerings, but nothing reflecting prayer as a substitute for sacrifice. 162 Thus, there is no reason to assume that these prayers originated in a group that had withdrawn from the Temple. 163 Replacement for the Temple cult, it would seem, is not intrinsically the raison d' etre of liturgical prayer. Can anything be deduced about their possible non-Yal;tad use? We should definitely not imagine that daily communal prayers were practised by the majority of Jews in the Second Temple period, as evidence for this is virtually nonexistent. As we noted in the discussion of 4Q503 Daily Prayers, most of the indications of daily prayer portray this as an individual activity. But we also discemed hints that daily communal prayer was seen as a practice of priestly and pious groups. Whereas some evidence was found-formal, thematic, and terminological-to suggest that Daily Prayers derived from a priest-dominated group, the situation is different for Words 0/ the Luminaries . Angels are summoned to worship a10ng with the rest of creation in the sabbath hymn (4Q504 1-2 vii 6-9), but concem for imitating the heavenly liturgy as in the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice and Daily Prayers is lacking. Also, although there is mention of the Davidic kingship and God's dwelling in the petitions (4Q504 1-2 iv 12), the emphasis is on the city of Jerusalem rather than specifically the Temple

160 Although the deliverance of "your people Isr[ael]" is defined in terms of "everyone who is written in the book of life" (4Q504 1-2 vi 12-14; Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 293-4), there is no polemical emphasis in the context. 161 "Sectarian Prayer," 15-16. 162 See 4Q508 fragments 9, 15 (probably "1]itlJ nm'1, Baillet, DJD 181), and 17; 4Q509 84. 163 See also p. 157 above.

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as in Daily Prayers .164 Formally as weIl, Words of the Luminaries is very different. Whereas Daily Prayers is a collection of blessings without petition for days of a month, and concludes with what seems to be a priestly confirmation of the prayers, Words of the Luminaries is a collection of supplications for days of the week. 165 As noted in the last chapter, Maier attempted to discem the socioliturgical setting of various prayers found at Qumran. 166 Although he did not attempt to categorize Words of the Luminaries, according to his criteria for distinguishing priestly, levitical, and lay prayers, Words of the Luminaries looks like a levitical liturgy.167 Maier characterizes levitical liturgy as concemed with Deuteronomic salvation-historical themes,168 and this is the perspective of the historical recitals of Words of the Luminaries. Also, the only analogy to prayers for days of the week contemporary with Words of the Luminaries is the psalms for days of the weeks which are attributed in m. Tamid 7:4 to the Levites. On the basis of Maier's approach and the levitical song in 1 ehr 16:8-36, we could consider calls to prayer and congregational responses of "Amen" to be characteristic of levitical liturgy,169 both of which appear in Words of the Luminaries . One further comment could be added in support of associating Words of the Luminaries with circles of Temple singers. A distinctive feature of Words of the Luminaries is its use of Moses' prayer following sin in the wildemess (Num. 14: 13-19) as a model. l7O For Levites who cherished their connection with Moses, 171 this would be natural. Firm conclusions are are not possible with such speculation,172 but it does at least more clearly illuminate the fundamental differences between the two collections of daily prayers represented by Daily Prayers and Words of the Luminaries, not only with regard to a few themes but a range of maUers. Since we know so litde about their actual use, we cannot rule

164 See p. 54 above. Of course, little weight can be placed on this account because of the fragmentary nature of the serolI. Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 70, notes that the content of these prayers does not connect them to the Temple service in any manner. 165 See further the comparison chan p. 92 below. 166 See p. 54 above. 167 Maier, "Zu Kult und Liturgie," 544-5, 549-50, 565-6, 579-80. 168 This agrees with Smith's theory of Nehemiah's elevation of the Levites to enforce his reforms and to win them over to his Deuteronomic theology (M. Smith, Palestinian Parties and Politics that Shaped the Old Testament [1987] 124-9). 169 Cf. Neh 9:5. 170 Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 103. See 4Q504 1 ii 7-10, 6 10-11, 3 ii 7, 7 13-

14. 171

172

See A. Cody, A History ofOld Testament Priesthood (1969) 50-52. See n. 150 in chapter 1.

WORDS OF 11lE LUMINARIES

91

out the possibility that these differences involve different functions. This is unlikely, however, when one considers that Words oj the Luminaries and Festival Prayers show a consistent benediction pattern used for prayers of different occasion. In the light of this, the fact that Daily Prayers and Words oj the Luminaries display very different benediction patterns from each other, as weH as differences in form, conception (monthly versus weekly), themes, style, and terminology, suggests instead that these prayer coHections derive from two different socio-liturgical environments. Our ability confidently to identify with Maier distinct "leviticai" as opposed to priestly liturgies, however, is questionable, not least because of the confusion between priests, Levites, and Temple singers in the sources. 173 Another possibility, if we continue our speculation along these lines a bit further, is a connection of the weekly prayers in Words oj the Luminaries with the lay ma'amadot services. About these little is known, and there is not even a hint that communal prayer played any part in these services, although scholars often assurne that it must have. 174 Nevertheless, that each course met for one week would make a weekly cycle of prayer appropriate, and their reading of particular passages from the creation story in sequence for each day of the week is at least analogous to the weekday prayers in Words oj the Luminaries which also follow a historical progression, albeit from creation to post-exilic times. Consideration of the sabbath hyrnn in Words oj the Luminaries could support either of these hypotheses. The repetition of the same song every week is paralleled by the use of Psalm 92 for sabbath by the Temple singers and could also be appropriate for the ma'amadot which operated on weekly cycles. In the end, we must admit that we cannot establish with certainty the worship-grouping from which these daily liturgical prayers arose, nor their precise use. We can, however, conclude that the practice is nonexclusivistic and that they were probably composed outside of the Yal).ad in a different socio-liturgical setting from that of Daily Prayers. Although we must accord much less confidence to the results than Zahavy and Maier allow, speculation along the lines employed by them, but incorporating more evidence, does suggest two possible socio-liturgical settings which should be considered: levitical circles, or lay ma'amadot services. The

See HIP 2:250-4. Elbogen infers it from a notice in b. Ta'an 22b that the ma'amadot sometimes represented the prayers of their communities in times of crisis (Iewish Liturgy, 191). On the ma'amadot, see also HIP 2:293 and Beckwith, Calendar and Chronology, 44 n. 39. 173

174

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complexity and length of these prayers shows the clear mark of professionals both in composition and recital. Of the two proposed settings, then, the most likely is that of leviticalliturgists. In either case, the prayer cycle likely originated in a content associated with the Temple.

5. Summary Words 0/ the Luminaries requires examination alongside Daily Prayers, the other collection of daily prayers found in the same cave at Qumran. In certain regards the two are similar. Both consist of communal, liturgical prayers with specific wording of general interest, which were recited daily as an institutionalized procedure. With regard to form, function, and socioliturgical setting, however, they are fundamentally different. Table 8. Comparison of Words ofthe Luminaries and Daily Prayers 4Q503

4QDibHam

• Formulas

• opening and concluding benedictions, priestly blessing

• petitionary opening, conc1uding benediction of different form than in Daily Prayers, "Amen, Amen" response

• Content

• blessings • two prayers for each day • morning and evening

• supplications for weekdays, hymn for sabbath • one prayer for each day • morning or evening alone, or morning and evening repeated?

• Cycle

• monthly

• weekly

• Themes

• priestly concerns (communion with angels, Temple)

• Deuteronomic salvationhistorical perspective (sinpunishment-restoration cycle)

• Setting

• priest-dominated group

• levitical circles, or lay ma 'amadot services?

Although it is not impossible that these contrasts are due to the fact that these collections were created for different occasions and hence compatible for use by the same group in a liturgical order, it is more likely that they

WORDS OF THE LUMINARIES

93

attest different origins. Both the concern for communion with angels and the sin-punishment-restoration cycle, which are the overriding preoccupations of Daily Prayers and Words 0/ the Luminaries respectively, are indeed prevalent in sectarian compositions found at Qumran, but they are also biblically derived and common to other contemporary documents. It is difficult to imagine, however, that both of these sets of daily prayers would have been composed by a single, narrowly focused sect. As discussed above, there is growing agreement among scholars that a pre- or nonQumran origin is likely for Words 0/ the Luminaries and possibIe for Daily Prayers. If that were so, it would now appear probable that these two collections of daily prayers did not originate from the same source outside Qumran. On the other hand, my examination of Daily Prayers in the preceding chapter suggests that this collection did originate in the Ya1;lad along with other prayers sharing the same form. The contrast with Words 0/ the Luminaries bolsters both the association of Daily Prayers with the Ya1;lad and the Words 0/ the Luminaries with a completely different provenance. Nevertheless, both collections found their way to the same cave at Qumran, and at least Words 0/ the Luminaries provides evidence that it had been copied and probably used at Qumran. Brooke's thought-provoking study of Levites in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the New Testament makes a plausible case for an integration into the Qumran community of Levites who brought traditions and documents with them, a process which generated detectable modifications to the existing documents. 175 Thus, more support is found for the theory advanced throughout this exploration that the liturgical compositions found at Qumran do not represent parts of a homogeneous liturgy composed by a single sect as a compIete innovation. Rather, we recognize the "ordinariness" of many of the liturgical pieces taken up at Qumran, eclectically adopted and adapted. Furthermore, we see in and behind much of this material glimpses of practices of Jews beyond the limited boundaries of separatist sects. This is not to imagine in the Second Temple period a universally standardized liturgy such as the Tannaim, Amoraim, and above all the Geonim strove to impose as a binding obligation on all Jews. We are dealing with a matter of widely disseminated customary themes and situations of prayer combined with local fixed wordings. The focus for public daily prayer in general, and the likely setting for Words 0/ the Luminaries

175

G. Brooke, "Levi and the Levites in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the New Testament"

(1993).

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specifically, was the Temple in Jerusalem. This point will be pursued in the following chapter. This view with regard to liturgical compositions found at Qumran is generally supported by compelling similarities in structures of themes in prayers both from Qumran and in contemporary non-sectarian documentsabove all Ben Sira-and in prayers central to the later synagogue liturgy, yet never do we have either a prayer identical with one of the rabbinic prayers or two prayers in different early sources which match. With Words 0/ the Luminaries in particular, we recognize strong connections with a general trend in prayer tradition which emerges clearly in the rabbinic era, particularly in petitions in the Amidah such as those for knowledge, repentance and forgiveness. 176 Several other items are of historical interest to the study of Jewish liturgy. As Chazon pointed out, Words 0/ the Luminaries represents the first example of daily supplications for deliverance, and the first time that we find petitions affirmed by an "Amen" response. \77 This latter point indicates that "Amen" had become a liturgical element apart from its original meaning at least by the second century BC, an observation further supported by the transliteration of "Amen" in the Septuagint and the New Testament. Also as Chazon noted, the use of the common biblical benediction formula as a concluding benediction for a petition is unique, and attests an early stage in the expanding use of benedictions and normalizing of their employment. 178 This was found to provide some useful support for and qualification to Heinemann's theory on the development of the liturgical berakhah. At the same time, it reveals the complexity of the relationship between the prayers attested in the Dead Sea Scrolls and the rabbinic liturgy. Whereas some themes of prayers are found in agreement, there is rabbinic opposition to the usage of benediction forms attested in Words 0/ the Luminaries . Probably, we have in this further support that there is no genetic relationship between Qumran and rabbinic prayer; rather, Words 0/ the Luminaries belongs in a broader stream of tradition of Jewish prayer.

Chazon, "A Liturgical Document, " 104-5; "Historical Implications," 277-84. See p. 85 above. 178 See p. 83 above. 176 177

CHAPTER THREE

OTHER EVIDENCE FOR DAILY PRA YERS Daily Prayers and Words 0/ the Luminaries are the only two eolleetions of prayers explicitly for daily recital found so far at Qumran. There is, however, a small but signifieant amount of other evidenee for the praetice of daily prayer: (1) numerous tefillin as physieal artefaets of prayer, (2) eomments and instruetions about prayer embedded in various texts, and (3) some blessings and hymns possibly for daily use. It is possible to glean some important insights about the nature of daily prayers attested. 1. llQPsa David's Compositions

A prose eomposition included in a psalter from eave 11 (l1QPsa 27:2-11) enumerates the eompositions attributed to David. 1 In addition to 3600 psalms, he is eredited with writing songs for various oeeasions: to aeeompany the saerificial offerings for eaeh day of the year, and for sabbaths, New Moons, festivals, and the Day of Atonement, and for apotropaie use. And David, the son of Jesse, was wise ... And the Lord (ini1') gave hirn a discerning an enlightened spirit. And he wrote 3,600 psalms (C":'i1n); and songs ("!lI) to sing before the altar over the whole-burnt tamid offering every day, for all the days of the year, 364 ... All these he spoke through prophecy wh ich was given hirn from before the most High (1IQPs' 27:2-11, Sanders, DJD 4:92)

Use of the Tetragrammaton suggests that this is not a eomposition of the Yal;tad, although the text assumes a 364-day solar ealendar. Nothing is indieated as to the nature of the pieees other than that they are "songs" ("lZ!) as distinet from psalms (C,t;,i111). This may suggest hymns of praise. In any ease the songs are assoeiated with the daily whole offering. Whether this text implies an aetual eycle of songs for every day of the year or is

I For transcription, translation, and photogrpahs, see Sanders, The Psalms Seroll, 91-3 and plate XVI.

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merely a theoretical text to assert David's superiority over Solomon,2 may be insoluble. No such collection of 364 songs has so far been discovered. In any case, the compositions are said to be by inspiration of God, and the text at least assurnes acceptance of the idea of daily praise ordained by God. Furthermore, this is envisaged in connection with the sacrificial cult, not in replacement for it.

2.4Q408 4Q408 was originally regarded as a sapiential text but has recently been described by Steudel as "a liturgy on morning and evening prayer."3 The only fragment of any size contains a benediction to God which appears to praise hirn for creating morning and evening as times for prayer: 4 4Q408 1 6-11

... 1':J1' ,:J:1 i"'~[il] 'l1~ iln~ {il'il'} 1'1:1 ... 1'~ n'lzmo Y'~'il' n,~ 1i':1il n~ iln1:1 1V~ ... 1V'i' OV n~ 11:1' Cn1:1Y' [ .•• 1V'" ]1i,voo y'mil' n,~ :11Yil n~ :1[n]'1:1 1V~ 1V'i' ov n~] 11:1' 'OYO Blessed be {YHWH} You, 0 Lord (you) [who] (are) righteous in al1 your ways ... you who created the morning (as a) sign to make the dominion of light appear ... for their work/service to bless your holy name ... [y]ou who created the evening (as a) sign to make the dominion of [darkness] appear ... from work to bless [your holy name ...

Steudel points out features suggesting a liturgical function: instructions in the third person plural (1.:1)7[' or 1.:1)7['; in':!v['), a switch from address to a group in the second person plural to direct address of God in the second

2 Sanders (The Psalms Seroll, 92) notes that Solomon is credited with 3000 proverbs and 1005 songs in 1 Kings 5:12. Against his total of 4005 compositions, David is attributed here with 4050. 3 A. Steudel, "4Q408: A Liturgy on Moming and Evening Prayer Preliminary Edition" (1994) 313-34. 4 The following transcription and translation are modified from those of Steudel, "4Q408," 318, 321. I have excerpted parts to give the sense rather than reproduce a1l of the prayer.

OTHER DAIL Y PRA VERS

97

person singular, and language associated with liturgy in other texts found at Qumran, especially conceming moming and evening as times for blessing God. She is also correct to recognize linguistic and thematic similarities to 4Q503 Daily Prayers and the liturgical calendars on times for prayer in lQS 10:1-3 and lQHa 20:4-7 [12:4-7], especially the phrases "dominion of light" and "dominion of darkness" distinctive to these documents and the transitions between the two dominions as times for prayer ordained by God from creation. This evidence, together with a likely reference to the community (],n't;, ~':1 ~'::1[, 1 3) and the correction (seemingly in the same hand) of a berakhah formula to avoid the Tetragrarnmaton and conform to a common Hodayot address (:11:1' 1"::1 corrected to ')"~ :111~ 1"::1), suggests that in its current manifestation, it is probably connected with the Yal;tad. 5 Because of the apparent indications of other liturgical instructions and benedictions in other fragments (e.g., 2 1-2; 62; 7 2; 8 2), it is probable that the manuscript comprised a collection of liturgical recitations. Possibly it was a collection of moming and evening prayers similar to 4Q503. Since 4Q503 seems to have been specific to one month of the year, this possibility is attractive, although it cannot be proven. In any case, it provides evidence that the Yal;tad recited blessings at sunrise and sunset praising God for his justice, knowledge, and creation of the luminaries. Both the practice and these motifs correspond to Daily Prayers, and 4Q408 may describe the same activity. 6 Once again, similarities with the prayers reported of the Essenes and Therapeutae, as weIl as the yotzer 'or benediction, are

5 "4Q408," 331-4. Steudel overemphasizes the significance of the specific address when she states that the 'l1~ ;,n~ l"J form is found only here and in the Hodayot among biblical and Qumran material. It is merely the late biblical formula "';" ;,n~ l"J (Ps 119: 12; I Chr 29: 10) with the substitution of 'l1~ for the Tetragrammaton, a substitution which was common within Judaism during the second century BC (Stegemann, "Religionsgeschichtliche Erwägungen; apart from magical texts, cf. Puech, "I1QPsAp'," 401-2). The Septuagint of Ps 119:12 and 1 Chr 29:10 translates 'l1K ;,nK l"J (EvAoYIJTo~ el, KvpLe), and the benedictions in Tob 3: 11 and Pr Azar 3 and 29 begin with the same address. It is thus not the form itself that is significant, but the correction in 4Q408 wh ich inserts the second person pronoun as weil as eliminating the Tetragrammaton. That Hodayot also shows a correction to this formula (lQH' 13:20 [5:20]; see Steudel, "4Q408," 333) suggests a link between the two. 6 As Steudel has noticed, 4Q408 differs in two ways from 4Q503: morning is mentioned before evening and the benediction formula is different ("4Q408," 331-2). Neither of these discounts the possibility that 4Q408 and 4Q503 attest the same practice. On the former matter, see p. 22 above. With regard to the benediction formu1a, both the berakhah in 4Q408 and that predominant in 4Q503 are prominently represented within literature of the YaQ.ad. Also, it is not impossibile that the prayer(s) in 4Q408 belongs to a different occasion and merely refers to blessings at sunrise and sunset rather than representing them (cf. the Hymn to the Creator, 11QPs' 26:9-15; lQM 14:12-14).

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CHAPTER THREE

apparent. Steudel dates the manuscript on the basis of its palaeography to some time in. the Hasmonean period, roughly contemporary with the copying of 4Q503. 3.4Q334

4Q334 preserves only minute remains of a calendar which prescribes the number of "songs" and "words of praise" to be recited on the evening and moming of specified days of a month. 7 Whether this was for only one particular month is unknown. Here the similarity with Daily Prayer ends. It is not c1ear what compositions are intended by the designations "songs" (m,'IU) and "words of praise" (mntllUn ',:1,), but it is c1ear that they intend two different genres and cannot correspond to the benedictions in 4Q503. Furthermore, surprisingly high numbers of each type of recitation are prescribed for each moming and evening: one evening is marked by eight songs and forty-some words of praise (4Q334 2 1). Most likely, the calendar is intended as a mystical description of daily angelic praise at sunrise and sunset to correspond to the heavenly sabbath praise represented in the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice. In support of this, the latter are called "IU and similarly designate multiple recitals of various types, inc1uding mm:1lUn (4Q403 1 i 3). Like Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice, 4Q334 probably is to be connected with the Yal;tad although it may preserve an older priestly tradition. Although it is probable that the calendar had liturgical significance reflecting concert with the heavenly worship, it is uncertain whether it functioned as prescription for terrestrial worship. If these conc1usions are correct, it presupposes a rationale for daily prayer at sunrise and sunset: these are the times when the angels sing praise to God. 8 This rationale is reflected in the Hymn to the Creator, often regarded as a non-Yal;tad composition because of its use of the Tetragrarnmaton. 9

',:1,

Great and holy are you, YHWH, the hohest of the holy ones from generation to generation ... He separates light from darkness. He established the dawn by the knowledge of his mind. Then all his angels saw and sang out, for he showed them what they did not know (Hymn to the Creator l1QPs' 26:9-12)

7 Transcription and comment in Wacholder and Abegg, Preliminary Edition, 3: 124-5 and xv; translation in Wise, Abegg, and Cook, The Dead Sea Scrolls, 322-3. 8 In addition to the following two passages, see also in later documents (late first centUlY AD) 2 Enoch 15; Apoc. Moses 7:2; 17:1. 9 Sanders, DJD 4:89-91.

99

OTHER DAILY PRA YERS

It is also found in Jubilees . [For on the first day he created the heaven]s that are above, the ear[th,] ... darkness, dawn, [light, and evening which he prepared through] his [know]ledge. Then we saw his works and we [blessed hirn] regarding all his [wo]rks, and [we offered praise before hirn because hel had rna[de seven] great works [on the first day]. (Jub. 2:2-3, cited from 4Q216 5:4,10-11, VanderKam, DJD 13:14)

These texts associate angelie praise with God's ereation of the luminaries and with his knowledge, as enshrined ultimately in the yotzer 'or benediction recited before the moming Shema in the synagogue. Sunrise and sunset are preseribed as divinely appointed times for daily prayer in ealendars of eultie time embedded in three hymns in works of the Ya1).ad: a vietory hymn after battle in the War SerolI, a hymn of the Instructor in the Hodayot, and the hymn of the Instruetor at the end of the

Community Rule. 4. War Serail

A hymn in the War Seroll briefly mentions praise at ordained times, including the two transition points of the day deseribed twiee in terms of beginning and end. lQM 14:12-14 :i:nz",i' tly

m~,

:i::J~tv :i~~:i) :i::Jn~~ 'tvY~:l [

]on :i~~") :i::J'n"':l:m

tl'ny[

]

O'7.)r,1Y 111i1)711 'iY17.)1

:i~'~' tl~1' ~[1:l]~ oy

'i'1:l 1 :l,y

'~~'~1

And we, your holy people shall praise you name on account of your works of truth, and on account of your rnighty deeds we shall exalt ... . . . tirnes and seasons of the eternal fixed times at the en[tran]ce of day and night and the departure of evening and morning

Only a hint is given as to the eontent of prayer: praise of God's mighty deeds.

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5. Hodayot A lengthy rubric in the Hodayot appears to serve as the heading for aseries of hymns of the Instructor (Maskil). It indicates the intention to offer praise and supplication to God at every ordained time. 10 lQHa 20:4-11 [12:4-11Pl 12]r,[':nU7Jr,] il r,!)11' 11",[il pn11il1 r,!))11ilr, l'i'r, l'i'7J "7J11

[111r,~]7J7Jr, ',N N1:l7J cy r,,'l ',N7J mi',nr, m::mr, C1' m!)1i'11:l "N

N~m1

:l,y 11U!):l

ilr"r, ,y'7Jr, l~,n 11r,~7J7J 11'~':l 'i":l 11U!)r, 111!)1i'11:l "N ')!)7J 111)1Y7J r,N 1!)ONil l'i':l1 C7J1' N1:l7J1 ilr"r, N~17Jr, c',ym 11!)1i'm l'i' ",0' 11Y "r,m r,,::l:l "7J11 C11r,~7J7J r,,::l r, C111111N:l Cm11:l ?N '5l7J ilJ7JNJ 1,::m:l il'il11 ilN'il1 il11il m1ym il'il N1r, il11r,m O!)N l'N1 "y il'il' N,r" il),::lil mY'il r,N '::l 17JY ,nN l'N1

That this is the beginning of a hymn is indicated by a mark in the margin. The hymn is partly preserved in 4QH' 3 ii. My translation of 1QH' 20:4-11 depends heavily on M. Weise (Kultzeiten und kultischer Bundesschluss in der 'Ordensregel' vom Toten Meer [1961] 13-20) at points. For this hymn, see also the comrnents on lQS 9:2610: 17, which assumes the same cultic calendar. 12 For the restoration of the beginning of this hymn, see E. Puech, "Quelques aspects de la restauration du Rouleau des Hymnes (lQH)" (1988) 50, and 4QH' 3 ii 5. iO

11

OTHER DAILY PRAYERS

101

[For the Maski]1 [pr]aise and prayer, for prostration and pleading mercy always at every fixed time: When the light comes forth for its dom[inion], 13 at the ends of the day according to its assigned order, according to the laws of the great light When evening turns and light departs, At the beginning of the dominion of darkness for the per iod of night, At its end, at the arrival of morning, at the moment when it is gathered to its dwelling place before the light, at the departure of night departs and the arrival of day; Always, at every beginning time, fixed point, and the end of every appointed time, in their order determined by their signs (= luminaries) for the duration of their dominion in accordance with the reliable order from God's command and the precept (which) is and will endure. 14 Beside it there is nothing, nor will anything else ever be for the God of knowledge established it, and there is none other beside Hirn.

As with the passage in the War Scroll, the two transition points between day and night are described with poetic repetition, along with other appointed times mentioned generally . It is unlikely that this rubric applies rigidly to the following hyrnns to suggest that they had specific liturgical functions. More likely, the rubric is a general statement about prayer at times established by God and its use to introduce aseries of hyrnns shows their availability for use on a variety of occasions. In other words, they are not functionally analogous to collections of prayers for specific occasions such as Daily Prayers and Words of the Luminaries. Nevertheless, it seems

IJ 14

For !his restoration, cf. 4QH' 3 ii 5-11. Cf. 1QM 14: 13 O'7:l7'11 n"'l1n '111'7:ll

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probable that the content of the following hymns should represent suitable topics for daily prayer. That both praise and petition l5 are mentioned seems significant. Also it may be noted that this poem detailing times of prayer established by the luminaries ends by praising God's knowledge, and God's knowledge is the central theme of one or two of the hymns following it. 16 Another heading has been recovered by Puech in a reconstruction of fragments 15 and 31. 17 lQH 5:12-14 [frgs. 15 1-3+31] "'lU[lJ' 1mTlJ] 'lot ']l~' '!JJl1ii' "31lU!J '31 "lJl1 pn11ii" [C"""ii] 'lot 'lU31lJ[J p'Jl1ii" '~['!J 'i1J] C'lotl1'). 9 3. Distinctive terminology suggests links to other Yal;tad compositions, e.g., the benedictions in the War Seroil; 10 1" '~'~11 as a community designation (cf. lQHa; lQS; lQSa; 4Q51O-511); 111" (cf. 111'" lQS)ll; >,V!) ':lV (cf. lQS; CD; lQHa); 11>" ':11~lot (cf. ':11~lot 111>" 4Q51O; 111>";' ~lot lQW; 4QHoda). For other similarities of motif and phrasing, see the references Newsom provides concerning predestination and the description of the Temple. 12

"i""

i""

Two other factors are consistent with a Yal;tad provenance without, however, providing positive evidence. 4. The outlook and theology of the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrijice show uniformity with the "sectarian" writings from Qumran. For example, 4Q400 2 6-8 manifests the same parallelism between the worship of

8 Newsom, "'He Has Established for Himself Priests': Human and Angelie Priesthood in the Qumran Sabbath Shirot" (1990) 104. Although O',':JtulJ appear as distinet leaders in Chronicles and Daniel, there is no hint there that ":JtulJ was a speeifie offiee as in the Yal;1ad. 9 Newsom, "He Has Established," 104. 10 J. Strugnell, "Angelie Liturgy," 319. 11 A similar expression appears in Sapiential Work A (4Q417 2 i 14; see Wacholder and Abegg, Preliminary Edition, 2:66). This work exhibits other language distinctive of Yal;1ad texts but "presupposes a seeular or non-'monastie' setting" (D. Harrington, Wisdom Texts from Qumran [1996] 41). This implies a different setting than Qumran, but it is still best regarded as a Yal;1ad text. 12 Newsom, Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrijice, 73 n. 7.

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the earthly community and angels in heaven as the Hodayot, although this is not unique to the Yabad. 13 5. Although the large number of manuscripts prove nothing more than that the composition was important and copied at Qumran,14 Newsom has pointed out that of non-biblical writings it is primarily only those texts with explicitly sectarian content which are present in such quantities at Qumran. 15 Originally, on the basis of just some of this evidence, Newsom advocated Qumran authorship of the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice. 16 In a later article, Newsom changed her conclusion and argued that the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice were not composed at Qumran. 17 They were merely adopted at Qumran and extensively used and copied there. She made this reversal partly under the conviction that the appearance of a copy at Masada deserved more weight than she had given it previously, but mostly on the basis of the criterion that sectarian writings found at Qumran tend to avoid use of c';'f;,~ as a divine epithet in free composition. To be sure, apart from biblical quotation, the epithet never appears in the main "sectarian" works (the Community Rule, the War Seroil, the Damascus Document, the Hodayot, and the pesharim) except the Rule 0/ Blessings (IQSb 4:25), an example Newsom dismisses as an exception. 18 In free composition, it occurs in some works whose origin in the Yabad is otherwise questionable (e.g., Psalms 0/ Joshua [4Q378-379], and NonCanonical Psalms [4Q380-381]),19 but it appears very frequently as an epithet for God in only two works found at Qumran: the Songs oj the Sabbath Sacrifice and the Songs 0/ the Sage (4Q51O-511). These two works have much in common: similar motifs, f;,'::JtQ~f;" God as 1f;,~ and c,;"f;,~, "perfect in way" (1" '~'~11), the idea of praise together with the angels. 2o

lJ Vermes, review of Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrifice, by C. Newsom, 255; M. Davidson, Angels at Qumran: A Comparative Study of 1 Enoch 1-36, 72-108 and Sectarian Writings from Qumran (1992) 320. Cf. D. Dimant, "The Apoealyptie Interpretation of Ezekiel at Qumran,» 41 n. 38. 14 Tov also notes that the manuseripts exhibit the orthographie system he assoeiates with Qumran ("Orthography,» 53). 15 "Seetually Explieit,» 170-71; the notable exeeptions are Enoch and Jubilees. 16 Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrifice, 1-4. 17 Newsom, "Seetually Explieit,» 182-5. 18 Newsom, "Seetually Explieit," 183 n. 9. 1QS 8: 14 and 1QM 10:4, 7 are biblieal quotations. 19 See Newsom, "The 'Psalms of Joshua' from Qumran Cave 4" (1988) 59; Sehuller, Non-Canonical Psalms, 41-3. 20 See Newsom, "Seetually Explieit,» 183.

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129

Even Newsom admits that Songs 0/ the Sage is a Yabad eomposition in the light of its similarity to the explicitly seetarian doeuments,21 but she insists that its use of C';"I,~lot is to be explained as literary dependenee on Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice. Although the general avoidanee of C'm~lot as a divine epithet in free eomposition within the Yabad eannot be denied,22 it is doubtful whether this alone is a reliable indicator of provenanee. Its plentiful use in the Songs 0/ the Sage and its oeeurrenee in lQSb 4:25 should not be quiekly dismissed. In lQSb, the expression m]~5~ ';"I~lot oeeurs in a eontext very similar to that of the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice, namely, worship of the angelie priests in the heavenly sanetuary. Angelie worship is also dominant in Songs 0/ the Sage. C';"I,~lot also appears twice in the Daily Prayers (4Q503 13 1; 37+38 14), whieh as argued earlier may very weIl have originated in the Yabad. Here, too, angelie worship is a prominent motif, as also in Songs 0/ the Sage. One must allow the possibility, then, that use or non-use of C';"I,~lot in writings of the Yabad may be influeneed by genre: it is found in mystical and magical works, especially recitations eonneeted with the Maskil. In any ease, both Songs o/the Sabbath Sacrifice and Songs 0/ the Sage ean be regarded as exeeptional to normal praetiees eoneeming divine names. Songs 0/ the Sage is a eolleetion of apotropaic psalms expressly for the use of a professional 'exoreist' (4Q51O 1 4-6). It should not be surprising to find that sueh a work resorts to greater lieense with regard to divine names. Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice, on the other hand, opens a window onto seenes of heavenly worship, where it should oeeasion no surprise if terrestrial eonventions are suspended. 23 In the end, the presenee of C';"I,~lot should not be eonsidered to be a reliable indieator of origin outside the Yabad even if it may raise a question mark. Other factors may exert influence. Although we cannot be completely certain of the provenanee of the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice, we ean be eonfident that they were used at Qutnran, and in the light of the other evidence listed above, we can suggest that in their present form they were probably produeed in the Yabad as weIl. Nevertheless, the laek of an

Newsom, Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrijice, 183-4. The preference for 7X instead of O'i117X is seen in the common use of the epithet 7X 7X1l1J' in blessings of the Yal)ad in place of the biblical title 7X1l1J' 'i17x. 23 It needs to be noted that O'i117X is most often applied to angelic beings in Songs of the Sabbath Sacrijice. Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrijice, 24. In private conversation, D. Hannah pointed out that the flexibility of the term to designate God or various angelic beings could have been perceived as dangerous in general use. That it is found at Qumran predominantly in esoteric materials for professionals would be consistent with this theory. 21

22

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explicit polemic allows the possibility that the basic form of these songs reflects an older priestly tradition. 24

2.1. Form and Function Despite the fragmentary nature of the manuscripts, Newsom was able to reconstruct the order of enough fragments on the basis of overlaps and recurring damage patterns to provide a reasonable understanding of the content and structure of the composition. 25 It consisted of thirteen songs, each of which are introduced with the following formula: 26 1. Authorship or dedication: ":JlV~' 2. Type of composition: n:llV;'

n"y 1'lV

3. Date formula of the format "the Nth Sabbath on the Nth (day) of the Nth27 month," where "N' represents various ordinals, e.g., Ji[:llV;' l'lV'l/;1;' lV,m, ;'Y:l1l/;:l ;'j'lV'l/;1;' (4Q400 1 i 1) This is followed by: 4. Call to praise:

a. ,,,;,;

b. epithet for God (i.e., direct object of praise, sometimes introduced by lamed) c. vocative (an angelic title) d. sometimes further, but less formulaic, calls to praise e. sometimes a motive elause introduced with ':J 5. Body of the song which primarily comprises descriptive scenes of heavenly worship. The songs do not seem to elose with a standardized formula.

24 Stegemann states this possibility with suitable caution, "Bedeutung der Qumranfunde, " 519. J. Maier's confidence in this regard seems to go beyond the evidence, "Shire 'Olat Hash-Shabbat. Some Observations on Their Calendrical Implications and on Their Style" (1992) 560. 25 Newsom's reconstruction is based on a preliminary reconstruction by Stegemann. See Newsom, Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrijice, vii-viii. 26 See Newsom, Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrijice, 6. 21 There are only !wo contexts where this part is preserved: in one (4Q400 1 i 1), the month (first) is specified, but in the other (4Q403 1 i 30), it is not (",n Ih,n, 1toy toto:l). Space considerations suggest that the month was specified in MasShirShabb 1 8-9, so it is safe to assume that the number of each month was usually specified.

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131

The beginning of one song is weIl preserved: For the Maskil. Song of the sacrifice of the seventh sabbath, on the sixteenth of the month: Praise the God of the heights, 0 you elevated ones among the eiirn of knowledge! (4Q403 1 i 30)

The series is structured in three distinct sections. Songs one to five primarily concern the angelic priesthood itself: its establishment by God, its organization, activities, and praise. Songs six to eight are highly formulaic and repetitive, structured around patterns of seven and focusing attention on the seventh song as central to the cyde. Songs nine to thirteen feature descriptions of the heavenly sanctuary in an exalted, "numinous" style28 seemingly designed to create an ecstatic mood. The thirteenth song finally mentions sacrifices and describes the service and raiment of the angelic high priests which the headings of the songs would lead one to expect, forming a dimax to the cyde. The songs for the sixth to the eighth day form a central focus and are the most formulaic. They are thus the most valuable for the present study and, fortunately, the best preserved. Since the sixth and the eighth songs follow essentially the same pattern, with the primary exception that the psalms and blessings of the sixth are by the chief princes (angelic priests), but those of the eighth, are by the deputy princes (angelic priests of second rank),29 adescription of the former will suffice as illustrative. The song for the sixth sabbath (MasShirShabb i 8-ii 26; 4Q403 1 i 1-29) consists of the following: 3o 1. A call to praise issued to the heavenly beings 2. ?? (about a dozen lines of irretrievable content), perhaps adescription of the increasing praise of the seven chief princes in analogy to the eighth song 3. A list of psalms by the seven chief princes to God, each with the form: a. Psalm of Y (blessing, magnification, etc.) b. by the tongue of the Nth chief prince [expanded description of Y] c. to (r,) {epithet Jor God} [extended] d. with its seven wondrous Y's e. and he will Y {epithet Jor God} [extended]

Newsom, Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrijice, 16. See Newsom, Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrijice, 239. JO See Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrijice, 178-80, 207-8. In this chan, items in square brackets indicate optional elements; curly braces frame items substituted. 28

29

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f. 4.

5. (I)

(11)

(III)

6. 7.

seven times g. with seven words of wondrous Y A summary statement mentioning that there are seven of each of the seven types of psalms A list of three-fold blessings by the seven chief princes, each directed to various classes of angels (and humans?),31 with the form: a. Nth chief prince b. Verb of blessing ( 1':1') c. Invocatory phrase (... C!U:1; e.g., "in the glorious name of God") d. Indication of those blessed ( ... "~') e. Words of blessing (... ',:1, i1Y:1!U:1) f. Verb of blessing ( 1':1') g. Indication of those blessed (... "~') h. Words ofblessing ( ... ',:1, i1Y:1!U:1) i. Verb of blessing ( 1':1') j. Indication of those blessed (... "~') k. Words ofblessing (... ',:1, i1Y:1!U:1) A summary statement mentioning that the chief priests will recite three-fold blessings together (;[n']) in God's name A blessing to God: "Blessed be [the ]Lo[r]d, the Kin[g of alU, above all blessing and pr[aise ... "32 i1'i1]m i1~':1 ,,~, i1'Y~ "~[i11]'~ 1['];~[i1] 1":1 (4Q403 1 i 28) The last word is best restored as above with Schwemer, who argues that the reference is to the two main parts of the song in reverse order: a list of psalms [i1'i111], then a list of blessings [i1~':1]. 33

Although uniformity is not complete, adefinite formulaic progression of themes lies behind the cycles of seven as may be seen from a comparison of the seven psalms with their summaries, and the seven blessings. 34 The third and seventh elements, God's kingship and God's holiness, are particularly stable. 35

3 I That angelie beings are eertainly in view is indieated in the summary (4Q403 1 i 26), but other designations seem more appropriate to righteous humans (see Strugnell, "Angelie Liturgy," 331; Davidson, Angels at Qumran, 243-4). 32 On this benedietion and its eontinuation, see below, p. 146. 33 "Gott als König," 91; cf. Neh 9:5. Newsom restores mn:ltU]m (Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice, 189). 34 See Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice, 178-80, 207-8; my lable is based on Newsom's reeonstruetion, but not marking missing or uneertain eharaeters. 35 See Newsom, Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrifice, 177ff.

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SABBATH PRAYER

Table 10. Thematic Progression in the Sixth Sabbath Song 7 Psalms of

1. 2.

3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

...

C'lJ,'Y ';n,~, ii;":l C';'~'lJ l'lJ' ... "l C';'~'lJ l'lJ' ... ClJ" ":ll' ... n:llU ":l;'ii l'lJ' ... nmii :l'~ ,~, ... p, lU"i' 'ii"~'

... 'lJT

Summary

,'r";":l 'i"~ "l

,n';"lJ tm m:l;' mn:llUn ,'m~'!)J nmii ,nynm 'lU"i' n",lJT

7 Blessings

,,:l;' ClU:l ClU:l ,m;"lJ C" ClU:l l'lJii ClU:l ,'n'~'!)J ClU:l C"~ m":ll ClU:l 'lU"i' ClU:l C'ii"~

,nlJ~

"ii "ii

Unlike all the other songs, the seventh song eontains seven ealls to praise, summoning not only angels but also the very eomponents of the heavenly sanetuary to join in. This song forms the pinnacle of the eycle. The theme of God's kingship-whieh reeurs throughout the thirteen songs but is particularly anticipated at the end of the sixth song and comes to dominate here-ean be eonsidered a eentral theme of the eycle as a whole. These songs are poetry, 36 and they have the basic features of hyrnns of praise. 37 The form of the ealls to praise, beginning with "';', attests to the Temple foeus of the Songs oj the Sabbath Sacrijice. The ,,,;, form is rare in the Dead Sea Serolls outside of the Songs oj the Sabbath Sacrijice. In the Hebrew Bible, ,,;, forms are distinetive of the offieial praise of the Temple singers and congregational responses in the Temple. 38 Their content portrays scenes of heavenly worship influenced by Isa 6 and Ezekiel (1, 3, 10). In this, they resemble the visions of heavenly worship in the apocalypses. 39 Nevertheless, the Songs oj the Sabbath Sacrijice

36 S. Segen, "Observations on Poetic Structures in tbe Songs of tbe Sabbatb Sacrifice" (1988); Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 293 n. 66: "parallel rhytbm of 3-4 beats." 37 See H. Gunkel, Einleitung, 32-59. Both the name given the composition, ,'tu, as weil as the words which describe the praise-e.g., "m, '33', "'ii, ,,'m-are characteristic of songs of praise (Gunkel, 58-9). 38 This displays itself in tbe prominent distribution of the ??ii root in 1-2 Chronicles, Ezra-Nehemiah, and tbe Psalms. It stands in contrast to the l'J root, which has a much wider distribution and is much less comrnonly used for tbe official praise of tbe Temple singers. This difference in origin may explain why tbe Iiturgical berakhah becomes tbe standard form in tbe synagogue after tbe destruction of tbe Temple while ??ii doxologies are comparatively uncomrnon. See Werner, "Doxology," 366; Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 145. 39 E.g., 1 Enoch 39; 47:1-2; 61:7-13; T. Levi 3:5-6; Apoc. Moses 33; 37:1-3; Apoc. Abr. 17-18; Rev 4.

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are not visionary works sueh as oeeur in the apoealypses in which a seer witnesses angelie praise. 40 Rather, as a whole the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice represents liturgical recital intended for use by the earthly eommunity. In this regard, they are eomparable to deseriptions of angelie liturgy whieh have beeome standard in both Jewish and Christian liturgy. Evidenee for a liturgical use includes the following: I. The introduetory formula which preeedes eaeh song eonneets them with a particular liturgical setting, the sabbath saerifiees. 2. Thus, the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice are formally eomparable to other eolleetions of liturgical prayers found at Qumran, including prayers for days of the week, days of the month, and festivals. In eaeh ease, unlike the later Jewish prayer-books, prayers for a single liturg ieal oeeasion are grouped together. A eolleetion of sabbath prayers is to be expeeted. 3. llQPsa David's Compositions likewise mentions songs ("lZ!) for the sabbath offering O:l,'i'), although the relationship of this to the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice is uneertain sinee the former mentions fiftytwo songs and only thirteen belong to the seroll of Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice. 41 4. The type of liturgy attested in the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice, in whieh the earthly eommunity unites with the heavenly eommunity in worship, is mentioned in writings of the Yal;tad (e.g., lQHa 11:21 [3:21]-3; 19[11]:11-13, 25-6; 10 6-7; lQS 11:7-8; 4Q491 [War Scroll 4QMa] 24 4, "and in praise together with the heavenly beings [lit. "sons of God" = angels] C"~ 'J:1 C)1 ,", [:1],:111:1,).42 5. Other features of the eommunity may be explained as imitation of the angelie order, or sharing "in the lot together with the angels of the Presenee" (IQHa 6:13 [14:13]; IQSb 4:25-26).43 The Yal;tad is ranked in order ('~)1~:l)44 both for military and liturgical aetivities as are the angels (e. g., 4Q405 20 ii - 21-22 14) . The emphasis on the eommunity's "unity" ('"'), even as a title for the eommunity, may be in simulation of the union among the angels in their serviee (:1T-'~ m, Isa 6:3; C11~)1" Ezek 3:13; ,"" Job 38:7).45

See Strugnell, "Angelie Liturgy," 320. Maier, "Shire 'Olat Hash-Shabbat,» 55l. 42 Baillet, DJD 7:43. 43 See Weinfeld, "Heavenly Praise in Unison. » 44 See Weinfeld, "Heavenly Praise in Unison, "435 n. 35. 45 For the interpretation of the moming stars in this passage at Qumran as angels, see 11Qtglob 30:5. Further on these terms, see Weinfeld, "Heavenly Praise in Unison, »427-9. 40

41

SABBATH PRA YER

135

6. Although rare, first person plural forms do occur (song 2), but only as the words recited by the human community (cf. song 6). 4Q400 2 7 is key as it provides justification for the description of angelic praise in the context of human praise: "[What] is the offering of our earthly tongue (compared) with the knowledge of the el[im? ... ]. "46 This implies that not only are the songs to be recited communally but they are to be said by the human community. Although angels are described as praising, their actual praises are never recorded. 7. The style of the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice seems intended to engender ecstatic praise. The large number of manuscripts in comparison with the other liturgical collections could imply the importance of this liturgy at Qumran. Nevertheless, when one seeks to detail the nature of this liturgy and its use, definite conclusions are not possible. The headings do not actually specify the connection of the songs to the sacrifice. Were they to accompany the sacrificial service, and thus presuppose a use in connection with the Temple sacrifices, or separatist sacrifices? Were they to be recited at the time of the sacrifice? Were they to be seen as replacements for the sacrificial service? Although Newsom contends that the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice were recited at the time of the sabbath whole offering, she argues that they were not intended as a substitute for cultic sacrifice or as an accompaniment to the heavenly or earthly sabbath on the basis of the following evidence: (1) The sacrificial cult itself is explicitly mentioned only once. (2) The thirteen songs appear in a structured cycle that does not seem suited to a weekly sacrifice. (3) The thirteen-week cycle seems to have been specific to the first quarter. 47 All of these points can be questioned. First, although less mention is made of sacrificial service than the headings would lead one to expect, what is there is significant. Newsom has in mind the thirteenth song, which describes the angelic priests, their garments, their service, and the structures of the heavenly temple. Explicit mention is made of the sacrifices and offerings of the angelic priests: C'IU"i' 'n~T, n', CmMl~, C;'I'~Cl n[']; (llQShirShabb 8-7). Other terms may have been lost, even from other songs, due to the fragmentary nature of the manuscripts. In any case, the cycle places special emphasis on the heavenly sacrificial service with this language at the climax of the progression. Since n~T, ;'IMl~, and 1Cl elsewhere in Qumran literature never have a spiritual

46

47

Newsom, Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrijice, 111. Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrijice, 18-9, 59; "He Has Established," 114.

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meaning, 48 it is unlikely that here they refer to praise as spiritual sacrifice. Although there is an understandable reluctance to imagine actual animal sacrifice in heaven, the idea that angels make offerings is attested in T. Levi, a work found at Qumran,49 and Revelation pictures in heaven both an altar of incense and seemingly also an altar of bumt offering. 50 With its image of angels making propitiation for the sins of those who repent, 4Q400 1 i 16 is very similar to T. Levi 3:5 which speaks of propitiatory sacrifices, albeit "rational and bloodless" ones. It is also important that this is the earliest Jewish document which expressly uses the designation 1;";:' for angels. 51 Given these observations, and the consideration that ;"'Y has no spiritual meaning in the yal:;tad,52 it is probable that the opening formula for each song, l1:llZ7:1 l1"Y "lU, indicates that the songs were intended to accompany the heavenly altar service, whatever its specific form. 53 This also supports Newsom's observation that "it is not really God but the angelic priesthood and heavenly temple which are the subjects of the work. "54 Points two and three belong together because she rejects the possibility that the cycle was repeated for each quarter on the basis that sabbaths are numbered from one to thirteen and the focus on the number seven would be lost if the cycle were repeated. 55 Nevertheless, this objection disappears if each cycle is considered a unit of its own. 56 There is no proof for Newsom's contention that "the date formulas of the Shirot are related to a yearly rather than quarterly system. "57 The calendars found at Qumran 48 n:lT always refers to animal sacrifices (e.g., lQpHab 6:4; CD 11 :20; 12:9; lQS 9:4; lQM 2:5; 11QT"); 1°3 only appears in 11QT' apart from here and always as an actual drink offering; ilnl)j is always a meal offering or other material offering of some kind (e.g., 4Q504 1-2 iv 10; 4Q513 12 i 2 [?]; 11QT'). In lQS 9:5 and CD 11:21, perfection of way and prayer, respectively, are compared with ilnl)j, but the preposition :J in both cases makes clear that ilnl)j is a material offering. 49 T. Levi 3:6. See G. Gray, Sacrijice in the Old Testament (1925) 157-9. 50 Rev 8:3-5; 6:9. See Gray, Sacrijice, 159-71. 51 Davidson, Angels at Qumran, 248. 52 For example, 1QS 9:4 (111'1)1 1tu:m); CD 11: 18 71:!lUil 71")/, where il")/ is definitely a bloody sacrifice; lQM 2:5; lIQT' 23-9, 52; 4Q409 1:4. 53 See A. van der Woude, "Fünfzehn Jahre" (1990) 250. B. lfag. 12b pictures Michael standing at the heavenly altar making offerings; for the rabbinic development of this idea, see H. Bietenhard, Die himmlische Welt im Urchristentum un Spätjudentum (1951) 123-37. 54 Newsom, Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrijice, 16. 55 Newsom, "He Has Established," 109-10. 56 Maier, "Shire 'Dlat Hash-Shabbat," 552. Baumgarten, "The Counting of the Sabbath in Ancient Sources" (1966) 280-1, suggests that the Samaritan liturgy, in which sabbaths are numbered within cycles, creates a partial analogy. 57 Newsom, "He Has Established," 110.

SABBATH PRA YER

137

eertainly number months aeeording to their position in the year, but 1QS 10:7 provides some evidenee that the four quarters had a degree of independent regard. It is also hypothetieally possible that eolleetions of the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice were divided into four serolls, one for each quarter, but this is extremely unlikely since multiple copies of one scroll were found, but not a scrap from any similar collection. We must, then, admit that we are unsure whether special sabbath songs were used for only the first quarter or whether these songs were used for each sabbath of the year. Arguably, the latter is more likely. Although the difference in wording has been noted, llQPsa David's Compositions shows that they could conceive of a song for each sabbath of the year. Newsom's other statements as to the purpose of the songs are more convincing. She concludes that "the eycle of the Sabbath Shirot is a quasimystical liturgy designed to evoke a sense of being present in the heavenly temple," that their purpose was "the praxis of something like a communal mysticism," and that this served as a vehicle for "experiential validation" of the community's claims to be the true priesthood despite their exiled condition. 58 This hypothesis is further affirmed by Schwemer's study of the prominent use of m:J'~ in the Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice,59 where it frequently refers to the heavenly s 1":1 (EVAO"rf/l-'sPrJ ~ oo~a KVp[OV BK TOU T07rOV aVTou) in Ezek 3: 12, which has completely supplanted in all the Hebrew and Greek manuscript evidence what was probably an original '~'i'~~ ;";"-,,:1::> 0,,:1;70 and (2) the expansionist LXX translation of Ezek 43:2, which relies on both Ezek 3:12-3 and Isa 6:2-3. 71 Nevertheless, no indication is given in either the Hebrew Bible or the Septuagint that recital of the praise of angels is understood to be apart of the liturgy of the earthly community as is the case in the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice. Therefore, we cannot presume from the outset that the combination of Isa 6:3 and Ezek 3:12 in the LXX was anything more than an exegetical tradition. It will be useful, therefore, to consider Schwemer's argument at some length, asking whether there is any reliable evidence that the combination of these passages in the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice invokes a liturgical Qedushah.

66 In the following discussion, "trishagion " refers to the thrice "holy" of the angelic praise from Isa 6:3 rather than to the component in the liturgy of the Eastem church by that name. By this understanding, it does not necessarily imply liturgical use. "Qedushah" refers to the combination of Isaiah 6:3 and Ezek 3:12 as a liturgical recital. The counterpart in Christian liturgy which includes the trishagion from Isaiah 6:3 but a different response instead of Ezek 3: 12 is called the "Sanctus." 67 Christian forms are gene rally altered. 68 E.g., Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 367; B. Spinks, Sanctus, 27. 69 Schwemer, "Gott als König," 97-8; "Irdischer und himmlischer König," 325 n. 44. 70 For the verb 0" in similar contexts, cf. Ezek 10:4, 15, 17. 71 D. Halperin, "Merkabah Midrash in the Septuagint" (1982) 356; cf. Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 277 n. 14.

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First, Schwemer suggests that a trishagion is concealed in the song for the seventh sabbath. The second call reads as follows:

w"'v ~':J~ 'Y"v~ ~"V~il "~:Jil l~~~ c'ft,~~ '~"v '~"v' Let the ho liest of the godlike ones sanctify the King of glory who sanctifies by his holiness all his holy ones. 72 (4Q403 1 i 30-31)

'~"i" and 'Y"i':J are obviously not correct readings and are apparently to be read as 'lU"i" and 'lU"i':J (or lU"i':J)13 respectively. Newsom assumes that the these as mistakes, but Schwemer, following a suggestion by Hengel, contends that the misspellings are deliberate. By concealing two occurrences of the root lU'i', a three-fold "holy" is left visible, alluding to the song of the Seraphim in Isa 6:3. 74 Furthermore, she suggests that the substituted letters were determined by gematria: the numerical value of the two replacement letters (~ = 30 + Y = 70) tripled equals 300, the value of lU, the letter for which they substitute. Second, Schwemer suggests that the second part of the song for seventh sabbath 75 portrays the praise of the heavenly chariot and allows one to recall Ezek 3:12: 76 C'il'~~ l1'l~l1 ,~~,

[... C]il'l~'~'

Cil'~":J ~~~ ':J'~' ",~, m~:J'~ ,n' '~~il1 ,~"v ,,~,~ 'il'''il'

And the chariots of his debir give praise together, and their cherubim and thei[r] 'ophanim bless wondrously [... ] the chiefs of the divine structure. And they praise hirn in his holy debir

(4Q403 1 ii 15-16)

Thus, she finds vague allusions to both Isa 6:3 and Ezek 3:12 within the same song and claims that this assurnes liturgical use of the Qedushah. She thinks this conclusion is supported by her observation that the song for the seventh sabbath structurally resembles the yotzer 'or, the berakhah preceding the Shema which contains a Qedushah:77 it beg ins with an appeal to the

Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice, 211 (slightly modified). There is agraphie similarity between 1)1 and lIJ. 74 See L. Sehiffman, "Merkavah Speeulation at Qumran" (1982) 17f., for the Qedushah as the song of the angels. 75 This song differs from the seemingly three-part form of the others by being c1early in two parts. 76 "Gott als König," 97-8, 102. 77 Sehwemer, "Gott als König," 98-9. Others have notieed the similarity in style and themes between this benedietion and the Songs ofthe Sabbath Sacrifice in general, see Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrifice, 81 n. 2; 1. Gruenwald, From Apocalypticism to Gnosticism (1988) 145-70; Lehnardt, "Der Gott der Welt, " 299ff. 72 73

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holy ones and builds to its conelusion through the praise of the 'Ophanim and Cherubim. Unfortunately, she does not discuss her theory in detail. There are thus two levels at which some explanation is required. These concern (1) whether the allusions she finds are in fact reliable, and (2) whether there is any evidence for the implied liturgieal practice whieh recited these passages together. With regard to the first issue, one must be sceptical of proposals based on gematria, and the present one does not appear particularly strong. Nevertheless, it is admittedly difficult to explain the forms ""i" and 'Y"i':l as mistakes. Schwemer has al ready pointed out that the lack of analogous confusion between " and i' renders unlikely Puech's proposal that ""i" is amistake for """,.78 In addition, although graphie similarity means that a scribe could visually mistake a llJ for an Y or W, what word would the scribe have thought he was writing were this the case? On the other hand, a scribe who saw a llJ would not accidentally write an y, as the method of production differs too much. Even more difficult to explain is the substitution of a , for a llJ where there is no graphie similarity. Two such errors in elose proximity involving familiar and expected words of the same root tax the imagination. Also, as Schwemer notes, neither of these words fall under the corrector's pen, although correction marks appear in lines 34 and 42 of the same column. If they are intentional misspellings, the attempt to "hide" two occurrences of the llJ'i' in order to produce a surreptitious trishagion should not be immediately dismissed as too fantastic. Although likewise conjectural and not widely followed, Thackeray suggested that the additions to the Septuagint version of the Song of Hannah, according to hirn occasioned by liturgieal adaptation, produce a trishagion and that the three occurrences of tV"i' in Ps 99, which otherwise bears strong links with the Song of Hannah, also reflect a liturgical trishagion.7 9 In both cases, the tripIe "Holy" seems to be deliberate, made evident in LXX 1 Sam 2 by the additions with regard to the MT and in Ps 99 by possible evocations of Isa 6. 80 Neverthe-

"Gott als König," 97 n. 145. "Song of Hannah," 190. Further on this feature in Ps 99, see R. Scoralick, Trishagion und GottesherrschaJt (1989). A. Warren, "A Trisagion Inserted in the 4QSarna Version of the Song of Hannah" (1994) argues that the Septuagint version of the Song of Hannah is based on a Hebrew text which had already been glossed and also suggests that the version of this song in 4QSarn' rnay also contain three occurrences of lIl"i'. 80 These incJude: God praised as king; each of the instances of God being decJared "holy" is prefaced by hirn described as "exalted" (01, '~~'1), cf. Isa 6: 1 (01); the earth shakes (cf. Isa 6:4). The cherubim above which God is enthroned do not correspond to the seraphim that hover above God in Isa 6:2, but rather the creatures by the wheels of God' throne in Ezekiel' vision (cf. Ezek 1:15; 3:12-13; 10:20). 78 79

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less, the three-fold nature of the "Holy" is obscured rather than highlighted both times by uneven distribution throughout the songs. In other words, there appears to be an effort to include the trishagion in these liturgical pieces but little desire to advertise its presence. Weinfeld thinks a similar veiled trishagion occurs in the Hymn to the Creator (11QPsa 26:9-15), where it follows the last of the Psalms as does the yotzer 'or in the synagogue liturgy.81 We will address the motivation for such secrecy below. Nevertheless, an objection can be raised. If the misspellings in 4Q403 I i 30-31 were intentionally done in order to recall the thrice repeated cry of "Holy," the choice of words to leave alone is very strange: C';"~~ 'lZl"i' applies to angelic beings, not God. The allusion to Ezek 3: 12 is less difficult to accept because Ezek 3: 1213 is the only biblical source for the idea that the cherubim82 bless God along with the 'ophanim, or the wheels of the chariot: 83

m, n'v'C'IJ

m'n:1 'gj:l ~'v' :,IJ'vIJIJ m:1'-":1:l 1":1 ~") C'y, ~'v ',m~ YIJC'~' 'j~C'm :~") C'Y' ~'v' cnIJY~ C'jg'~:1 ~'v' :1n,n~-~~ :1C'~

Then the spirit Iifted me up, and I heard behind me the sound of loud rumbling: Blessed be the glory of the LORD from his place!84 It was the sound of the wings of the Iiving creatures brushing against one another, and the sound of the wheels beside them, that sounded like a loud rumbling. (Ezek 3:12-3, modified NRSV)

It is not explicit in the MT that the angelic beings (including the chariot whee1s) recite the blessing, but the Songs oi the Sabbath Sacrifice are consistent with Jewish liturgical tradition from early times in this interpretation. 85 Also, it is possible, if conjectural, that the phrase ,':1,:1 ,;"~~;,,

81 Weinfeld, "Traces." 82 That the living creatures of Ezek 3:12 are cherubim is leamt in the vision of Ezek 10. 83 Hence, also, the throne-wagon itself (now chariot) praises God. Newsom, Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice, 237, notes that "a plurality of chariot thrones is a phenomenon otherwise known only in the most fully developed Merkabah literature. " Sir 49:8 (Hebrew) and LXX Ezek 43:2 are the earliest interpretations of the vision by the Chebar River (Ezek 1-3) as of a chariot. 84 NRSV here follows the common emendation of 0") for 1"). This possibility for the original text is of no interest here since the reading 1") was established by the second century BC (witness the LXX) and was definitely in the text followed at Qumran. 85 Tg. Ezek 3:12 adds before the blessing l"lj~' l'n)llm1 ("for they were blessing, saying"); Ap. Const. 7.35.3; t. Ber. 1:9; the Qedushah of the yotzer 'or and the Amidah, and the Qedushah desidra of the prayer-book (Hedegärd. Seder R. Amram Gaon, 49, 114, 131).

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'lU"i'

is an interpretation of '~'i'~~ i1'i1'-":1~ 1":1. That is, the "place" in which the glory of the Lord is blessed is defined as his holy debir. 86 Although some doubt must remain as to whether Isa 6:3 and Ezek 3: 12 are intentionally evoked in the seventh Sabbath Song, the probability is heightened in the light of the observation that the song for the twelfth sabbath also seems to allude to the same combination. 87 Evaluating the likelihood that this implies a liturgical Qedushah recited by the community is the much more important question. One might reasonably object that allusions to Isa 6 and Ezek 3 are insignificant because these songs are based on the biblical accounts of angelic worship. Ironically, however, it is the very fact that allusions to the trishagion and Ezek 3: 12 are so veiled that makes it more likely that they do attest an early liturgical use of the Qedushah. Why indeed, given the topic of these songs, are the two most obvious passages, Isa 6:3 and Ezek 3:12, so deliberately not cited directly when their influence is otherwise everywhere to be seen? Although it is not certain that its traditions can be dated as early as the pre-destruction period, 2 Enoch 19:6 expresses an analogous reserve: in its description of the unison singing of the phoenixes, cherubim, and seraphim in the sixth heaven, it is reported that "their song is not to be reported. "88 Maier suggests a possible motive: the actual content of the throne liturgy was carefully guarded by priestly groups such as at Qumran, because it formed the c1imax of their exc1usive, esoteric liturgy. 89 Similar reasons have been offered previously to explain why in the apocalypses the Qedushah is a heavenly song learned only by the righteous through ascent and why mystical elements appear and survive in the synagogue liturgy despite the apparent opposition of some rabbis. Spinks argues that the Qedushah was apart of an ancient Temple liturgy connected with a mystical ascent to the heavenly courts and that this tradition was kept alive in

many circ1es, eventually entering the berakhot of the synagogue liturgy. 90

86 A similar interpretation of ,1J'P7)1.l oeeurs in the Tg. Ezek: i1'nl';)fIJ n':l ,m~1J ("from the plaee of the house of his Shekinah"; cf. the Qedushah de sidra (Hedegärd, Seder R. Amram Gaon, 131), "Blessed be the glory of JHWH from the region of his Divine Presenee. " 87 "As they rise" and "as their wings lift up" (4Q405 20 i-22 7-8); "sound of blessing (Ezek 3:12) ... they praise his holiness (Isa 6:3)." C. Newsom, "Merkabah Exegesis in the Qumran Sabbath Shirot" (1987) 22-3; Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 367 n. 3. 88 On the diffieulties ofprovenanee, see F. Andersen, "2 Enoeh" (1983) 95-7. 89 "Zu Kult," 573-4. See Allison who suggests theologieal reasons for not reeording the praises of the angels: an interest in the heavenly stillness and a belief that angelie worship was mostly silent. D. Allison, "The Silenee of Angels: Refleetion on the Songs of the Sabbath Saerifiee" (1988). 90 B. Spinks, The Sanctus in the Eucharistie Prayer (1991) 36, 194.

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This is a plausible explanation, but it defies confirmation. The debate concerning the history of the Qedushah is very complex and allows few solid conclusions. 91 It is first described as a liturgical element of the synagogue in Jewish sources in t. Ber. 1:9 (end of the 2nd century AD, Palestine). Christi an evidence is likewise difficult. Although liturgieal use of the Sanctus is attested in Palestine and Syria in the third and definitely by the fourth century, 92 and that which appears in Apostolic Constitutions 7.35.3 (mid-4th century AD, Syria; cf. 8.12.27) reflects influence from the synagogue Qedushah, it is debatable whether there is any evidence for a eucharistie Sanctus in earlier Christi an sources. 93 Nevertheless, there remains evidence that Christi ans became aware of Jewish use of the trishagion in the synagogue very early. Both 1 element 34 and a Cairo Genizah fragment of the yotzer 'or benediction share the same combination of Isa 6:3 and Dan 7:10. 94 Jeremiah's use of the trishagion in a prayer in 4 Bar 9:2-6 probably points in the same direction. 95 Furthermore, one might ask why there was such fascination with angelic worship if there were not attempts to copy it. Earlier descriptions of heavenly worship in apocalyptic writings, such as Apoc. Moses 37:1-3; 43:4; 1 Enoch 39:12-13; 61; T. Levi 3:7; and Rev 4:8,96 give no hint of recital by an earthly congregation and so cannot

91 For a good summary of older views, see Wemer, "Doxology, " 334-49. More recently, see Fleischer, "The Diffusion of the Qedushot"; Spinks, Sanctus; and brief discussions in Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 230-3; Newsom, Songs of the Sabbath Sacrijice, 20-1; Fiensy, Prayers Alleged to be Jewish, 69, 225-7; R. Kirneiman, "The Sema' and its Blessings"; A. Schwemer, "Irdischer und himmlischer König" (1991) 325-6 n. 44; Lehnardt, "Der Gott der Welt," 300-6. 92 Addai and Mari; the Sharar; Eusebius; SI. lames; Cyril of lerusalem; Asterios; St. Basil; SI. Gregory Nazianzen; Chrysostom; Theodore of Mopsuestia; Ap. Const.; see Spinks, Sanctus, 57-82. 93 The question is discussed in detail by Spinks, Sanctus. Tertullian's comment (On Prayer 3; early 3rd century Africa) that the congregation copies the angelic trishagion shows that the trishagion was a component of Christian prayer but does not necessarily attest a eucharistie Sanctus (Dix, Shape ofthe Liturgy, 165). W. Van Unnik ("1 Clement 34" [1951]) provides a history of interpretation on 1 Clement 34 and shows by detailed exegesis that it cannot be considered an attestation of a eucharistie Sanctus. In any case, the absence of the Sanctus from second century sources (see the Didache and lustin Martyr) is notable. 94 Spinks, Sanctus, 49-50; Wemer, "Doxology," 339-40, points to the evidence of Clement of Alexandria, Stromata VII, 12, for liturgical use of the trishagion. 95 Although originally a lewish work, plausibly from Palestine, the ending (8: 12-9:32) is Christian. The trishagion is combined with what seems to be an allusion to lohn 1:9 ("true light that enJightens me"). S. Robinson, "4 Baruch" (1985) 415, 424. There is too much uncertainty about the date and provenance of the Ladder of Jacob to determine the significance of the trishagion used in lacob's prayer (2: 18). 96 See further Spinks, Sanctus, 25-45.

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prove liturgical use. 97 The evidence of Rev 4:8 remains significant, however, because of its setting "on the Lord's Day" (Rev 1: 10), which may imp1y a context of worship.98 Possible allusions in liturgical pieces such as Ps 99 and the Gloria99 are suggestive for the theory that the Qedushah belonged to an ancient Temple liturgy which was not to be openly represented: again, however, these do not constitute proof. Nor do the Targum or Septuagint renderings of Isa 6:3 and Ezek 3: 12 provide indications that these were liturgical recitations of the congregation. Although Schwemer's proposal falls short of proof even with the additional arguments considered here, there is a strong possibility that the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice do attest the use of a liturgical Qedushah on sabbaths. In any case, there is value in the recognition that the group behind these songs feit the sabbath to be an occasion on which it was especially suitable to express unity between the earthly and heavenly communities in worship by reciting descriptions of the angelic praise with heavy reliance on the visions of Isaiah and Ezekiel and focusing on the themes of God's holiness and kingship. That we are at least concerned with customary themes for sabbath prayer may be supported by the following considerations: 100 (1) These same themes are raised in the prescriptions for the hallowing of sabbath which frame the book of Jubilees . In Jub. 2: 1722, it is noted that God ordained humans to keep the sabbath together with the angels by blessing the one who created all things; Jub. 50:9-11 notes that the sabbath is "a day of the holy kingdom for all Israel" in which they are to bless the Lord God and offer incense and sacrifices. 101 (2) In the sabbath hymn in Words 0/ the Luminaries, the angels are invited to join with the earth and all creation in blessing God's holiness. Unfortunately, it is too fragmentary to gain an accurate picture of the entire prayer, and no mention of God's kingship appears in the extant portions. (3) The idea of

See Schiffman, "Merkavah Speculation," 17. Many scholars have recognized the value of Revelation as a witness to early Christian worship, but there is little agreement on what of actual practice, if any, might be reconstructed on this basis. R. Bauckham's scepticism (Climax 0/ Prophecy: Studies on the Book 0/ Revelation [1993] 140), about wholesale reconstructions (e.g., L. Mowry, "Revelation 4-5 and Early Christian Liturgical Usage" [1952]) is justified. 99 D. Flusser, "Jewish Roots of the Liturgical Trishagion" (1973-74); Spinks (Sanctus, 46), however, rejects Flusser's suggestion that Luke 2: 14 reflects the Qedushah de sidra as highly speculative. Cf. Targ. Isa 6:3, and Ps 24 (":l:Jill?~). 100 See the extended discussion by Schwemer, "Gott als König," 49-58. 101 See Schwemer, "Gott als König," 54. She also notes (55-7) the preservation of these themes in the remote form of the sabbath prescriptions of the Ethiopian Falasha Jews (Te 'ezaza Sanbat) . 97

98

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the earthly community joining in angelic worship has no Old Testament precedent; it is first made explicit in Qumran literature and is also attested in apocryphal literature (e.g., 1 Enoch 39:7; 61:12; both from the Similitudes which are post-Qumran), and rabbinic and Christian liturgy.102 (4) The same themes survive in Jewish liturgies in the Qedushah, and it is not likely to be a coincidence that Fleischer is able to claim, not only that liturgical use of the Qedushah is ancient, but also that its use in Palestine was at first restricted to the sabbath and festivals. 103 Therefore, the particular recital of the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice in its present form may be considered distinctive to the Yal}.ad, but it is probably to be understood in the context of wider liturgical practice on the sabbath. Apparently this type of liturgy is rooted in ancient Temple worship: 104 both the heavenly visions of Isa 6 and Ezek 3 concern the Temple; the imagery of God enthroned among the cherubim is based on the ark in the holy of holies; and the theme of God's kingship was enshrined in the Temple doxologies such as '>" cf;,,>,f;, 'l1'::>f;,~ ,,:1::> ClU 1":1. 105 2.3. Benediction Form

A few comments are required about the single benediction form which occurs: "]'1:1~ !:l'~["P Im7 11:1' i17i1]n, i1'1:1 7"7 i17Y~ 7"[i1 l]lj~ l[,]iN[i1] 1'1:1 'Y "'1:1 71;,7 11[:1'] ",:1, !:l~:1 ['];P["~~1.

Although damage to the manuscript means that reconstruction and interpretation remain conjectural, it seerns best to consider the whole as part of a blessing which beg ins with a benediction forrnula and continues with a wish that God may bless those who bless hirn: 106 Blessed be [the] Lo[r]d, the Kin[g of a]Il, above all blessing and pr[aise. And rnay he bless all the holy] ones who bless [hirn and decIare hirn right]eous in

Weinfeld, "Heavenly Praise in Unison, "429, see 431; Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 275. Fleischer, "The Diffusion of the Qedushot, " 255-84. 104 See Schwerner, "Gott als König, " 58-64. 105 This is preserved as a whispered response at the beginning of the Shema. (1. Ta 'an. 1: 11ff.; cf. m. foma 3:8; 4:1-2; 6:2; b. Ta 'an. 16b). See the benedictions in the Song ofthe Three Men and Pss. Sol. 5: 19; 17:1; Schwemer, "Gott als König," 63; Lehnardt, "Der Gott der Welt, " 290; Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 136-7. 106 The following is based on Newsom's reconstruction, Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrijice, 189, and adapted from her translation. Newsom translates the latter half as astatement, "[And He will bless all the holy] ones who bless [Hirn and declare Hirn right]eous." 102 103

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the name of his glory, [and may] he [bl]ess all the everlastingly blessed ones. (4Q403 1 i 28-9)

The "wish" interpretation adopted here for the continuation of the blessing particularly suits the context if the blessing is to be understood as recited by the human congregation. That this blessing is recited by the human rather than angelic congregation is suggested by the resistance throughout the songs to portray the actual angelic praise, despite frequent allusions to it. This may also make the best sense of the content of the blessing. It would then be understood as a response by the human community to the preceding unstated angelic benedictions blessing God "above all blessing and praise (of the angels)"I07 and asking God's blessing on the heavenly beings whose praise of God has just been rehearsed. I know of no other exact parallel to the benediction formula l"~il 1":J "~il1'~' It is reminiscent of the 'alenu prayer from the musa! Amidah for New Year, which beg ins "~ill"~' n:Jtz..>' U"Y and proceeds to emphasize God's unrivalled kingship. Both also mention God's loftiness ('Y~~, il'Y~ "~') and are strictly impersonal, praising God in the third person. 108 The 'alenu is often regared as a very ancient prayer, and because of its strikingly different formal pattern from the prayers of the synagogue and references to prostration, Heinemann suggests that its origins were in connection with the Second Temple. 109 Most distinctive of the benediction in 4Q403 is its general and impersonal nature and its lack of a specific content clause. IIO This is a rare form, as most benedictions state in some type of verbal clause what God is being praised for. Its form is thus most comparable to the biblical "':J~ ctz..> 1":J' doxologies, for example l~~ r'~il-'~ Tl~ "':J~ ~,~" l~~ (Ps 72: 19).111 Although it is difficult to define precisely what constitutes a doxology, characteristic features include praise of God's glory or kingship; mention of God's eternality; general praise which lacks a specific content clause; they are responsorial; and they tend to be impersonal in

C"Y'

107

glory.

Effectively acknowledging that even the praise of angels is inadequate to hyrnn God's

lOB The second part of the prayer in the prayer-books, 'a/-ken neqaveh, addresses God directly, but is of different origin and a later addition. Heinemann, Prayer in the Ta/mud, 270,272. See also ']';~ ", l"~' ??i11 in 4Q403 1 ii 33. 109 See further, the discussion in chapter 6, p. 234 below. 110 Unless a " c\ause be restored, as described above. 111 See also Ps 41:14; 89:53; 106:48; 1 ehr 16:36; cf. Neh 9:5.

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their address to God. ll2 Our "doxology" makes no mention of God's eternality but otherwise is in agreement. Several features of doxologies are important for our study;113 (1) They originated as Temple responses. 114 (2) They were used particularly at the end of series of psalms or blessings. 115(3) Although their importance in Christi an liturgy increased, their use in Jewish liturgy declined until they were virtually superseded by the standardized liturgical berakhah; only a few examples survive. 116 These points are in concord with the hypothesis that the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice intentionally attempt to preserve Temple liturgy and with the conjecture that this benediction is to be seen as a response by the human congregation to angelic praise. 2.4. Summary

In summary, against Newsom's revised theory, I have concluded that the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice in their present form were probably composed in the Ya1;lad and that they served as accompaniments used by the earthly priestly community to the heavenly altar service, probably for each sabbath of the year. The liturgy itself is group-specific with particular wording. Its performance is institutionalized, liturgical, and corporate. No indication is given as to location. Nevertheless, the whole liturgy cannot be considered a complete innovation. It seems to draw on themes (holiness, kingship, united praise with the angels) and form (doxology) used at the Temple, presumably to maintian continuity in an exiled setting.

112 See the discussion in Wemer, "Doxology," 318-23, 354-5; Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 134-8; also 83 n. 9. 113 See the references cited in n. 112 above. 114 1 Chr 16:36; m. fama 6:2 states that the doxology ')/' 07')/7 ,m:J7/j ,,:2:J Oll! l":2 was recited as a response to the pronunciation of the Divine Name by the high priest in the Temple on Yom Kippur, and t. Ta 'an. 1:11 states that it was used instead of Amen in the Jerusalem Temple. See Elbogen, Jüdische Gottesdienst, 495; V. Aptowitzer, ","7/j:J!ll:2. Geschichte einer liturgische Formel" (1929). 115 Prominent is their usage in the Hebrew Psalter to conclude the "books" of psalms (Ps 41:14; 72:19; 89:53; 106:48). N. Wieder, "The Old Palestinian Ritual-New Sources" (1953) 65-9, traces the tendency which apparently lasted for some centuries in Palestine of using doxologies as both prologue and epilogue to individual festival psalms, as attested in some Cairo Genizah fragments. Blessings and doxologies now frame the groups of psalms recited in the moming service (pesukei de zimra) and festivals (Hallel). 116 Most importantly, ')/' 07')/7 m':J7/j ,,:2:J O!ll l":2 after the opening call of the Shema and ')/' 07')/7 l':J/jil il1il' l":2 after the call preceding the yotzer 'ar. Those which survive in the synagogue liturgy may be considered among its oldest parts; see Wemer, "Doxology," 324. Wemer, 357-9, notes the much more abundant continuation of doxologies in the Samaritan and Karaite liturgies.

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Far from supplying evidence for a new type of liturgical prayer which could only develop as areplacement for the Temple cult, it suggests instead attempts to preserve elements of priestly liturgy. Some of this, as Maier has claimed, may be esoteric liturgy which surfaces openly in rabbinie liturgy only much later as mystical elements. 3. Daily Prayers 4Q503 Daily Prayers is a collection of morning and evening prayers numbered according to the days of a month. Because it appears to concern a particular month and assumes a 364-day solar calendar, certain prayers are specifically for sabbaths. These are formally identical with the prayers for the other days of the month, but contain some special content. They refer to the day as an appointed time for rest and joyl17 and they mention themes characteristically associated with the sabbath: God's holiness, God's kingship, and joint praise of angels and men. 118 Apart from this general continuity with contemporary sources as weIl as the later liturgy with regard to themes, there is no analogy for a different benediction to be recited for each sabbath. This highlights the distinctiveness of these blessings. I argued in chapter I that Daily Prayers is probably to be regarded as a product of the Ya1).ad drawing on the priestly service in the Temple, as imperfectly recalled in m. Tamid 5: 1. As suggested by Hammer, the anonymous benediction mentioned in m. Tamid probably reflects a situation where there was no fixed formulation. 119 If Daily Prayers was formulated within the Ya1).ad to recall that liturgy, the existence of different fixed forms for each day, and each Sabbath, would be explained. 12o 4. Words

0/ the Luminaries

As Chazon has observed, the sabbath prayer in Words 0/ the Luminaries differs markedly from the weekday supplications in form and content. 121

See Chazon, "Historical Implications" 283 n. 72. See pp. 52 and 44 above. 119 "What Did They Bless?" 320. 120 See pp. 56 and 120. 121 Chazon, "On the Special Character," 3-6. It is also set apart from the weekday prayers by standing outside of the historical progression (Chazon, "Liturgy or Literature, " 448-50). 1I7

118

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Instead of a petition, there is a hyrnn of praise. 122 The dominant formal feature is not opening and elosing formulas, but calls to praise issued to all creation altemating with bodies of praise. 123 Following Puech's reading of the supralinear word ("IU) in 1-2 vii 4, I suggest that the title of the sabbath hyrnn is Tl:lIU:1 O,':l "IU Tl",:1 ("Praises. A song for the sabbath. ").124 This would be analogous to the title for Psalm 92: 1 (Tl:lIU:1 O,'? "IU ,mT~), and also elose to the titles for the sabbath songs in Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice (Tl:lIU:1 Tl?'Y "IU ?':JIU~'). Contrary to Chazon's comment that m":1 does not elsewhere appear in a heading to indicate a type of prayer, it does appear in a heading in the Hodayot according to a reconstruction by Puech: ri" ri'~ "~TlllnTl:1' '!l:IT1;', ;"!lTl, Tl",[:1 ]'[':JIU~?] (IQHa 20:4 [12:4]).125

Nothing remains from the ending of the hyrnn, and there is no evidence whether it coneluded with a benediction and response like the weekday prayers. In contrast to the weekday prayers, God is praised in the third person with doxological language, there are more poetic features, and there is no speaker self-reference. 126 Chazon states that this hyrnn, the prayers for sabbath among the daily prayers in 4Q503 Daily Prayers, and the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice represent "the only texts of sabbath prayers which have survived from the Second Temple period. "127 On the basis of a comparative analysis of these prayers, she finds four characteristies of sabbath prayer wh ich are consistent with the few indications in other contemporary sources and with the later standardized synagogue prayers. These are (1) sabbath prayers are doxological in form and content, (2) sabbath merited a special prayer of praise, (3) petition was deemed inappropriate on sabbath, and (4) they display customary language and themes, notably, rest and delight, Israel's election, and joint human and angelie praise. These eonelusions are all essentially sound and accord weIl with Sehwemer's affirmation that there are typical elements to sabbath prayers,

See p. 66 above. Chazon, "A Liturgical Document, " 16. 124 See 66 above. Chazon does not include the supralinear "llJ in her reading, following Puech's comment that the word was erased ("A Liturgical Document," 304, but cf. her comments "On the Special Character," 14 n. 7). 125 Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 304. On the general use of the term to indicate hymns of praise in the Second Temple period, Chazon cites Neh 12:8, 46 (cf. LXX); 1 Chr 25:3; Sir 17:27; 47:8 ("On the Special Character," 14 n. 7). For Puech's restoration, see "Quelques aspects de la restaurations, " 50. 126 Chazon, "A Liturgical Document," 57. 127 "On the Special Character," 12. 122 123

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but a few qualifications are necessary. 128 First, it is not completely correct that there are no other texts of sabbath prayers from the Second Temple period because Psalm 92 had become so regarded by the time of the Septuagint translation. Also, it is possible that the Song of the Sea (Exod 15) may have been recited on sabbaths in the Second Temple, although the evidence for this is later and cannot be trusted with regard to earlier times. 129 Second, there is less thematic consistency among the early sabbath prayers than Chazon presumes, both with regard to the Qumran material and the other two examples just cited. Psalm 92, for example, contains no explicit sabbath motifs, although Schwemer suggests that they are implied. \30 Nevertheless, the themes which Schwemer identifies as sabbath topics in Second Temple prayer-praise in communion with angels, God's holiness, and divine kingship\3l-are explicitly connected with the sabbath in rabbinic prayer. As Chazon notes, the topics of rest and delight are also natural to the sabbath, and election is a common, if not distinctive, sabbath motif. That these do belong to a tradition of sabbath prayer is supported by the emphasis on several of these in the prescriptions for sabbath observance in Jubilees (2: 17-22; 50:9): humans keep the sabbath with the angels, it is "a day of the holy kingdom, " and Israel is chosen out of aIl the nations to observe sabbath. 132 Chazon is correct, then, that the appearance of these themes in the sabbath prayers found at Qurnran does indicate a general liturgical tradition, but it needs to be stressed that this is only a loose tradition of some recurrent themes deemed appropriate to the occasion. Third, Chazon is correct to notice that the distinction made between weekday petitions and sabbath praise in Words 0/ the Luminaries , as weIl as the absence of any sabbath petitions in the available texts from the Second Temple period, can be viewed in the light of the rabbinic discussion regarding the acceptability of petition on the sabbath. Nevertheless, there is insufficient evidence to support her conc1usion that the prayers of the Dead

See Schwemer, "Gott als König," 49-58. Recollection of this usage is attributed in b. Ros Has 31a to R. Yose b. Halafta (middle of the second century AD), who could have known Temple practice from his father (Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy, 99). Judging by gaonic sources, use in the synagogue was first on sabbaths (Elbogen, Jewish Liturgy, 75, 95; Hoffman, Canonization, 130-31). 130 She comments that Ps 92 has an eschatological viewpoint, rejoicing in the heavenly sabbath joy and rest, and the psalms attributed in the Septuagint, Old Latin, and m. Tamid 7:3-4 to the days before and after the sabbath (Pss 93 and 24 respectively) are Yahweh-king psalms (Schwemer, "Gott als König," 50). 131 Schwemer, "Gott als König," 49-58. 132 Chazon, "On the Special Character," 20, n. 41. 128

129

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Sea Scrolls attest a stricter OppositIOn to petition on sabbath than that exhibited by rabbinic scruples. 133 Our data sampie is simply too small, and despite the existence of several bodies of sabbath regulation from the Second Temple period (e.g., Jubilees; Damascus Document), we lack any regulation proscribing petition on sabbath. Her comparison shows that the unease feit by some rabbis over petition on sabbath was shared by at least some Jews in the Second Temple period, but the evidence is not full enough to confirm her proposal that we witness in the sources a gradual and progressive relaxing of the restriction against petition on sabbath from the Second Temple period through the rabbinic period. In sum, the sabbath hymn in Words oi the Luminaries is seen to belong to a general tradition of special sabbath praise with characteristic themes in continuity with rabbinic prayer. It does not follow from this that we can speak in terms of any kind of genetic relationship; rather, it supports the observation made throughout this investigation that common themes and practices are developing in this period of liturgical variety which survive as authenticated elements in the later synagogue liturgy. With this understanding, the Amidah for sabbaths may be considered as an illustrative analogy. Instead of eighteen (or nineteen) benedictions recited on weekdays, the sabbath Amidah contains only seven, replacing the intermediate petitions with a "sanctification of the day." In this way, it is a special sabbath prayer and reflects avoidance of petition. Debates attributed to the houses of Hillel and Shammai (t. Ber. 3: 13) assurne the recitation of a sabbath Amidah containing seven benedictions, leading Heinemann to conclude that "already during the Second Temple period, the number and structure of the benedictions in the 'amfdäh for Sabbaths and festivals was fixed precisely. "134 Heinemann may overstate the signficance of this tradition when he accepts it as confirrnation of the number and structure of the benedictions, but there is good reason to believe that at least a general tradition of sabbath benedictions existed in Temple times. Both the short prayer recited by R. Zadok (AD 40-80) on the eve of the sabbath according to his son R. Eleazar (t. Ber. 3:7) and the benediction beginning magen

133 Chazon, "On the Special Character," 5-6 and nn. 12-13; "A Liturgical Document, " 113. Cf. Schiffman, Halakhah, 87-90; "Early History, "41. 134 Heinemann, Prayer, 22.

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153

'avot, recited on sabbath evening, represent early Palestinian examples of abbreviated sabbath benedictions. 135 R. Zadok's prayer reads: Because of your love, 0 LORD our God, with which you loved Israel your people, and because of your compassion, 0 our King, which you bestowed on the sons of your covenant, you gave to us, 0 LORD our God, this great and holy seventh day with love.

As inference from rabbinic texts would suggest, one may regard the sabbath hymn of Words 0/ the Luminaries as one instance of a general type of sabbath prayer which was more widely attested at the time. In chapter 2, I argued that Words 0/ the Luminaries most likely originate in some connection with the Temple, either the Temple singers or the ma'amadot.

5. Summary Several observations may be drawn from these texts about sabbath prayer. First, they represent different types of prayers and different origins. The contrast is particularly striking between Daily Prayers with its short benedictions, different for every sabbath, and the single hymn for the sabbath in Words 0/ the Luminaries, presumably to be reused each sabbath. The former probably originated in the Yal;lad and the latter probably elsewhere. Both David's Compositions and Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice indicate a different text for each sabbath, the former, one for each sabbath of the year and the latter, perhaps one for each sabbath of the quarter. Although in this way they resemble Daily Prayers, formally they are very different: songs instead of blessings. David's Compositions probably did not originate in the Yal;lad and seem to reflect the songs of the Temple singers. Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice does not contain direct songs of praise, but an esoteric liturgy describing heavenly worship. It probably owes its present formulation to the Yal;lad. Second, the influence of the Temple worship is explicit in the case of the songs described in David 's Compositions, and probable also with Words 0/ the Luminaries . Temple influence is also likely with regard to Daily Prayers and Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice, apparently with the motive of preservation. That is, even in the case of those works most likely to be connected with the Yal;lad, it is not a case of the creation of a new institution to replace the sacrifices, but the des ire to adapt and preserve liturgical patterns al ready associated with the Temple cult to a new setting.

lJ5 Heinemann, "One Benediction Comprising Seven," 10 1-1 07; Kronholm, Seder R. Amram, 23.

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Third, it is uncertain whether all of these different sabbath prayers were incorporated into a single liturgical scheme, but it is not impossible that they could have in the Yal;tad. For example, Nitzan conjectures that the sabbath prayer in Words 0/ the Luminaries was used as the fixed prayer for sabbath and that the Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice may have been used as a substitute for the Additional (musa/) service to correspond with the special sacrifice for sabbath held between the two regular sacrifices (see Num 28: 31).136 I would add the further speculation that the sabbath benedictions of Daily Prayers would have been used to accompany the Shema. On the other hand, it is not clear that Songs 0/ the Sabbath Sacrifice could have functioned as a prayer liturgy at all comparable to the hymn at the end of Words 0/ the Luminaries . It could have been an esoteric liturgy for only an elite even within the Yal;tad.

136

Qumran Prayer, 293 n. 67.

CHAPTER FIVE

PRAYERS AT FESTIVALS Several sources among the Dead Sea Scrolls attest the practice of reciting special prayers or songs at festivals. (1) There is a collection of liturgical prayers designated for various festivals, referred to as Festival Prayers. Several works contain prescriptions that festivals are times ordained by God for praise: (2) Community Rule, (3) Songs ofthe Sage, and (4) 4Q409. (5) llQPsa David's Compositions mentions songs composed especially for festivals, and (6) a heading in the Hodayot indicates the use of part of the collection for appointed times, presumably including festivals. One could perhaps also consider here (7) the YaI).ad's covenant liturgy which includes confession of sin and blessing and cursing since it apparently took place on the Feast of Weeks, 1 but this is best regarded as a special ritual on its own. It will be considered instead in chapter 6. 1. Festival Prayers

A collection of prayers for festivals (Festival Prayers) is attested in four manuscripts found at Qumran. 2 1. 1Q34 3 comprises three fragments with overlaps to 4Q508 and 509. The script is Herodian, and Trever dates the copy to the first century AD. It is by far the most highly trained hand among copies of the Festival Prayers, and comparison of this fine script with that in other scrolls from Qumran led Trever to believe that the same scribe was

See p. 226 below. lQ34, transcription and translation: J. Milik, "Recueil de prieres liturgiques," in Qumran Cave 1, by D. Barthelemy and J. Milik, DJD 1 (1956) 136, 152-5; photographs: J. Trever, "Completion of the Publication of Some Fragments from Qumran Cave 1" (1965) plate IV. 4Q505, 4Q507, 4Q508, 4Q509, photographs, transcription, and translation: Baillet, DJD 7:168-170,175-215; plates IX, XI, XIII, XV, XVII, XIX, XXI, XXII, XXIII, XXVIII, LIV. 3 To avoid continuing the cumbersome and now needless convention of distinguishing fragment 1 (IQ34) from fragments 2-3 which were later connected with it (IQ34bi'), I will refer to all three fragments as 1Q34. I

2

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CHAPTER FIVE

responsible for the corrections in column 28 of lQlsa and hand "A" in lQHa.4 2. 4Q507 consists of four small fragments, only three of which have writing. 3. 4Q508 contains forty three fragments, only a quarter of which are large enough to show a few words in two or more lines. Baillet dates this copy and 4Q507 to the first century AD. 5 4. 4Q505 +509 contains 313 fragments on the recto of an extremely fragmentary papyrus. 6 Baillet judges the script to be late Hasmonean and dates the copy to approximately 70-60 BC. 7 On the verso, copied slightly later,8 is a composition related to the War Seroil (4QMf = 4Q496), followed by the second exemplar of Words 0/ the Luminaries (4Q506), copied about a century later. 9 The verso of fragments 183313 is blank. Because of the extremely fragmentary nature of the copies, very little can be said with certainty about these prayers. No comprehensive reconstruction has yet been offered, and I will not attempt it here, although given the writing on both sides of 4Q509 and the overlaps between copies there is scope for a better reconstruction than that provided by Baillet. Also, because of the strong connection between the Festival Prayers and Words 0/ the Luminaries , the discussions of provenance, form, and liturgical use with reference to Words 0/ the Luminaries also apply here. I will make only limited comments on these matters and instead focus on how these prayers enrich our knowledge of prayers for festivals.

1.1. Dating and Provenance The number and range of dates of the copies suggest that all extant copies of these collections of festival prayers were copied at Qumran. Nevertheless, like Words 0/ the Luminaries, these prayers exhibit no features distinctive to the Yal;tad. In the light of the elose relationship to Words 0/ the Luminaries in form and content, and their characteristic use of benediction

Trever, "Completion," 333. Baillet, DJD 7:175, 177. 6 For the argument that the 4Q505 fragments are part of 4Q509 rather than another copy of Words ofthe Luminaries, see p. 59-61 above. 7 Baillet, DJD 7:184. 8 Baillet, DJD 7: 58, suggests the middle of the first century BC. It appears on the back of frgs 1-119 of 4Q509. 9 Baillet, DJD 7: 170. 4

5

PRA YER AT FESTIVALS

157

forms different from those common in prayers of the Yal.tad, it is probable that the Festival Prayers likewise originated outside of the Yal.tad. 1O Although the evidence is not nearly as strong as Newsom assurnes (see below), it still appears likely that the liturgical calendar assumed in Festival Prayers begins in the autumn rather than the spring as otherwise attested at Qumran.!! If true, this would probably imply that it was not composed by the people responsible for the many calendars at Qumran which reckon the year from the spring New Year, as Newsom suggested. Extending this line of reasoning, it would furthermore be unlikely that Festival Prayers originated in the so-called "parent group" of the Yal.tad either, or even generally in the tradition of the Astronomical Book (1 Enoch) , Jubilees, and Temple Seroil. It would have originated together with Words 0/ the Luminaries in a completely different sociological grouping. It could then be concluded that the development of this kind of institutionalized, liturgical prayer at least in the second century Be was not associated solely with a single calendar. The same speculation as to the socio-liturgical setting in which Words 0/ the Luminaries arose applies here as weIl: some connection with levitical circles and/or ma'amadot services may tentatively be considered possible. 1.2. Reconstruction \2 Only a small percentage of the entire content of Festival Prayers survives, and not enough to allow confidence that there was only one prayer for each festival!3 or that all the festivals were represented. Only material relating to the Day of Atonement and the Feast of Weeks (First Fruits, Pentecost) may certainly be identified by introductory formulas, and Passover with a high degree of probability . However, given the relation of this collection to Words 0/ the Luminaries which contains an order of prayers for each day of the week, it is a reasonable assumption that prayers for all the annual festivals were included. Considering the compositions on the verso of 4Q509, Baillet assumed that the festivals were treated in calendrical order beginning in the

10 I am not persuaded by Maier's comment ("Zu Kult," 577) that the Festival Prayers are c1early influenced by YalJad theology. 11 Newsom, "'Sectually Explicit' Literature, " 177-8. 12 Transcriptions follow Milik (DJD 1) for lQ34 (corrected by Baillet's comments in DJD 7), and Baillet (DJD 7) for 4Q505, 4Q507, 4Q508, and 4Q509 (see n. 2 above for references). Significant variations from these transcriptions are indicated in the notes. 13 See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 65.

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autumn. 14 Newsom developed this into a case for the non-sectarian origin of the scroll on the grounds that a calendar beginning with the spring New Year seems to be assumed in the sectarian writings found at Qumran. 15 That the calendar began in the autumn seems secure, but unfortunately it is not at all dear that the entire scroll was in calendrical order. This of course casts some doubt on Newsom's hypothesis, but on the other hand most of the evidence for the positioning of prayers supports a calendrical order at least for the majority of the scroll. It is possible that the apparent problems are caused by inaccurate identifications of the content on the verso. Altematively, difficulties could be alleviated by positing that one or more prayers were added to the end of the scroll. Too little is known about the nature of the entire scroll to allow a confident condusion. In the absence of stronger evidence to the contrary, Newsom's suggestion that the Festival Prayers assume a liturgical calendar beginning in the autumn will be regarded as probable. There are two solid pegs. (1) The prayer for the Day of Atonement occurred very near the beginning of the scroll with one prayer preceding it. The title for the Day of Atonement prayer appears on 1Q34 2 + 1, preceded by the end of another prayer. 4Q509 3 also preserves the end of the preceding prayer. On the verso of this fragment is a passage from a copy of the War Seroll (4QMf) corresponding to lQM 1:4-9. Since 4QMf appears to be the same recension as lQM with only minor variations 16 and since there is no indication of a prior composition, it is probable that this is the beginning of the scroll. There would not likely be room for more than one prayer preceding that for the Day of Atonement. (2) The prayer for the Feast of Weeks came much later in the scroll. The title appears on 4Q509 131-2. On the verso is part of the end of the prayer for Sunday from a copy of Words oj the Luminaries (4Q506, corresponding to 4Q504 4 2-7) which followed 4QMf: thus, perhaps in the last quarter of the scroll. 17

Baillet, DJD 7: 185, also 57 and 177. "Seetually Explieit," 177-8. 16 J. Duhaime, "War SerolI" (1995) 81-2 and see also 180 n. 21; 182 n. 51; 184 nn. 56, 57,62,64; and 186 n. 71. 17 This is ealculating on the basis of the eomplete War Serail (approximately 7500 words estimating 22 lines per eolumn and 20 eolurnns), followed by the Wards a/ the Luminaries (approximately 3200 words on the basis of Stegemann and Chazon's estimate of 23 eolurnns, aeeording to wh ich the passage eoneerned here oeeurs toward the end of the fifth eolurnn). However, it is very unlikely that this seroll eontained all of the War Serail on its verso. If it did, the eolleetion of Festival Prayers would have been implausibly long. It is likely that this eopy of the War Serail was mueh less extensive than that of lQM. Identifieations are only eonfident with 1QM 1-4, and a few possibilities with later ehapters. Still, even on the basis of the percentage of fragments with 4Q506 on the verso, the prayer for the Feast of Weeks would have eome in the last third of the serolI. 14 15

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PRAYER AT FESTIVALS

This is all the reliable evidenee for the order of festivals whieh eould be derived from Baillet's identifieations. If I am eorreet to regard 4Q505 as part of 4Q509 and fragment 125 as the beginning of a Passover prayer, this provides a third referenee point. Baillet identifies the verso of this fragment (4Q506 125 + 127) with 4Q504 3 ii 17-18, part of the prayer for Wednesday in Words 0/ the Luminaries. 18 This would plaee a prayer for Passover on the reeto several eolumns after the prayer for Weeks, definitely out of ealendrieal order. Baillet's identifieation is not without problems itself beeause a high pereentage of the letters are uneertain readings: :1;"l']Y) 1" ;N[~7J" ];n;~, 0[ ... ,]1JY :1m:i[1 l:I];l€l

?N l:I;[J~

(4Q506 125 + 127 2-3) :1;"l'Y)

1" ]iN~7J"

m;~,[ ... 1]bS [...

,]niN ;;[n]')1 l:I'J~ ?N l:I'Jtl[ (4Q504 3 ii 17-18)

Most eritically, the reading C];)!> is very diffieult,19 and ;1'1;~i is obseured by damage. Nevertheless, Baillet's transeription of 4Q506 125 + 127 is still the most plausible and his identifieation of 4Q506 125 + 127 with 4Q504 3 ii 17-18 is probable. Apart from the slender possibility that Baillet's identifieation is ineorreet, to maintain that all of the festival prayers oeeurred in ealendrieal order would require one to assume that fragments 125 + 127 preeeded 1312 in the seroll. This is highly improbable. 2o In view of these observations, the most likely eonclusion is that a prayer for Passover follows a prayer for Weeks. It is difficult to produce a satisfying explanation for this state of affairs, since the most natural order in which to present a collection of prayers for festivals is their chronological progression throughout the year. Perhaps the majority of the prayers were written in calendrical order with some extra prayers at the end. The relative

Baillet, DJD 7:171. The pe would have to be more square than usual, especially the bottom right corner (cf. frgs. 1327 and 168 1). Medial nun in this hand is usually an elongated "s"-curve. This shape works for the diagonal mark at the foot of the supposed pe, but the top mark appears too far to the right and there is no sign of the tail extending below. The horizontalline which meets the bottom right of the nun is slightly inclined, suggesting the bottom of a sin. See PAM 42.498 and 43.865. What appears to be a dark horizontal bar in plate XXIV of DJD 7 is in fact merely a hole. Some of the ink has been lost beneath this hole. 20 It could only be true if (1) Baillet's identification of 4Q506 131-2 with 4Q504 4 were incorrect, or (2) the order of Words ofthe Luminaries as reconstructed by Puech, Stegemann, and Chazon were wrong, or (3) 4Q506 were to present prayers from Words of the Luminaries in a different order from 4Q504. All of these are extremely unlikely. 18

19

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CHAPTER FIVE

positions of the prayers for the Day of Atonement and Feast of Weeks as well as the content of some of the other prayers supports this as a plausible hypothesis, but prayers cannot be allocated to particular festivals on the basis of relative position alone. Thus, many of the allocations suggested by Baillet cannot be trusted, and the discussion below offers some significantly different arrangements. His proposals are listed here for the sake of reference. 21 1. Autumn New Year: lQ34 2+11-4; 4Q508 21; 4Q509 1-7 2. Day of Atonement: lQ34 2+16-7; 4Q508 1, 3, 7, 30, 39-41; 4Q509 8,9+10 i, 12 i+13, 10 ii+11 1-7, and possibly 4Q509 18, 97+98 and lQ34 3 ii 3. Booths: 4Q509 10 ii + 11 8-12, 12 ii, 16 4. 'Omer: 4Q508 22+23 5. Second Passover: 4Q509 131-2 i-ii 3 6. Weeks: 4Q508 13; 4Q509 131-2 ii 5-20

Furthermore, Newsom's argument that the collection assurnes a liturgical calendar beginning in the autumn remains probable, but it cannot be accepted as beyond doubt. I gather below those fragments which can be associated with various festivals with some confidence. Unfortunately, some fragments of significant size must be left out. General guidance in ordering the fragments may be drawn from consideration of the verso of 4Q509, which contains copies, or parts thereof, of the War Scroll (4QMf) followed by Words 0/ the Luminaries (4Q506), with a blank section located either between the two or at the end. Most of Baillet's identifications are convincing, in particular that fragments 1-16 of 4QMf overlap with the first four columns of lQM, and consequently belong to the beginning of the scroll. Baillet's Iocation of fragment 4 next to fragments 1-2 should be rejected; his reading of 4QMf 4 is very uncertain and consisting of non-distinctive words, and the concluding benediction in 4Q509 4 cannot fit the content of fragments 1-2. 22

21 22

Baille!, DJD 7: 177, 185. See Baille!, DJD 7: 60 and

187.

PRAYER AT FESTIV ALS

161

Comparison among the various eopies of Festival Prayers also provides some data, as there are some significant overlaps:23 • • • •

4Q509 3 11 1Q34 2 + 1 and possibly 11 4Q508 2 4Q508 1 I1 lQ34 3 i 4Q509 97+98 i 11 lQ34 3 ii possibly 4Q509 8 11 4Q508 22-23 and 21

This would be espeeially signifieant if 1Q34 2 + 1 immediately preeeded 3 i-ii as Milik supposed. 24 The only basis for juxtaposing lQ34 2+ 1 and 3 i-ii, however, is the argument by Carmignae and Trever that 2+ 1 belongs in the same column as 3 i beeause of a blank line on both. 25 This is impossible. The line spacing is ineompatible, the eontent eonfliets,26 and this positioning eannot be reeoneiled with the order of fragments aeeording to the verso of 4Q509. lQ34 3 i-ii must belong later in the seroll, although Baillet's suggestion that 4Q509 97 +98 i eorresponds to lQM 12 or 19 is uneertain. 27 The prayers will be diseussed in the probable order of the seroll aeeording to Baillet's identifications of overlaps with War Scroll and Words 0/ the Luminaries on the verso of 4Q509 + 505, as summarized in the following table.

See the comments throughout Baillet's edition, DJD 7:175-215. DJD 1: 152. 25 Carmignac, "Le Recueil de Prieres Liturgiques de la Grotte 1 (lQ34 and 34bis)" (1963) 271-5; Trever, "Completion," plate 4; Baillet, DJD 7:178. 26 There would be !Wo conduding benedictions, the latter of which could contain only the single word l"J since frgs 1-2 show the beginning of the following line to be blank. 27 DJD 7:68, 199. 23

24

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Table 11. Order of Prayers in Festival Prayers Festival

Fragments

Autumn New Year?

4Q5091+2 1Q34 2 + 1 1-4 11 4Q509 3 1-8

Day of Atonement

lQ34 2+ 16-7 4Q509 5-6 ii 4Q5097 4Q50821-6 4Q5098 1-3 4Q508 22 + 23 1

Booths

4Q509 4Q509 4Q509 4Q509

Booths?

4Q509 10 ii + 11 8-12 4Q509 12 ii? 4Q509 16

Passover?

4Q505 126? 4Q509 131-2 i 4Q509 131-2 ii 1-3

Weeks

4Q509 131-2 ii 5-20

Passover

4Q505 125, 127

8 4-10 114Q508 22+232-3,21 10 i 12 i + 13 10 ii + 11 1-7

Relative position uncertain: Passover?

lQ343 i 1-8 114Q508 1

Weeks?

lQ343 i 9 lQ343 ii 114Q509 97+98 i

It must be emphasized again that only the prayers for the Day of Atonement and Feast of Weeks are certain because of the preserved titles. A high degree of probability attaches 4Q505 125 + 127 to Passover, but not in calendrical order. There are some grounds on the basis of content to regard the first prayer as the autumnal New Year and the prayer following Day of Atonement as Booths. Much less certainty applies to the rest, but some

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PRA YER AT FESTIVALS

fragments are suggested as possibly belonging to other prayers for Booths and Passover/Unleavened Bread.

1.2.1. Autumn New Year The following fragments belong to the prayer preeeding the Day of Atonement prayer whieh begins in 1Q34 2+ 1 6. These fragments probably belong to the first prayer of the seroll. 4Q509 1 +2

] m~1n ö;[ö

3 4 5

Un']li! 11~lUj fI[::J'l~f;, ]i1 1'i':1 un[

6

7 1,]rn~ 1:1 1m fI!b;lJ [ ] f;,y 1lUN 0;:1 0 0 oooo[

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8. 9.

8 9

]f;,~ ;n'1~ 1lU[N

10

]S i1::JlJY i15[

11

[... m]ud of the streets [... [... before y]ou we pour out [our] p[laint ... ] [... ] us at the time of [... ]

[... ] Moses and you spoke to [hirn ... ] [... ] ... which on [... ] 10. [ ... wh]ich you commanded (it) to[ ... ] 11. [... ] your people (or with you) [... ] 4Q5093 1-8 (I/1Q34 2+ 1 1-4)Z8 ]00

i11;N1[

];llJ1f;,lU 'Y1lJ i11i[ 1Y1lJf;, u'n11 ]flniloN1 bm'lJ 1l[nnlJlU N'::J

2 3

n~1i'nf;, p]p[n {n~1i'n];} ;l[']nm~li[

4

[Y1r '1Y17J:1 1'1Ni1 f;,y 0'1'Y]lU::J umy f;,y fl5;,6[n

5

]; NlU' "Y1lJ:1 :i!b[y f;,y 0':1':11::J1] 6

~]i'1 11'f;, i1::J'n[1]Nf;,il[1 i11~Ol 11N1] 7 1~]nlJlU 1lU~ ;mN 1[11:1

28

8

Reconstructions provided by lQ34 2+ 1 1-4 are underlined. Puech, "Qumran Grotte 4,

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1. [...] and her sorrow [... ] 2. [... ] the appointed time of our peace [... ], 3. [for you gladdened] us from our grief, and you gathered [our banished ones for the appointed time of ... ], 4. [... ] and our scattered on[es you] ass[embled for the turning of ... ]; 5. [... ] your [me]rcies on our assembly Iike ra [in drops on the earth at seed-time] 6. rand as showers on the gr]ass at sprouting-time. [ ... ]

7. [We will declare] your [w]on[d]ers for generation after gene rat [ion ... ]. 8. [... B1ess]ed be the Lord who has caused [us] to rejoice [ ... ] The oceasion eannot be determined with eertainty, but several clues are suggestive. The rain and sprouting imagery would be most appropriate for an autumn feast 29 and espeeially for Booths at the end of harvest. At this feast, prayers eustomarily were raised for the neeessary rains for the planting of new erops.30 The eoncluding benediction "who gladdened us" (':In~!U) is least suited to the Day of Atonement,31 but it is fitting for both Booths and the autumn New Year. Notably, the Temple Seroll adds to the biblieal preseriptions for the autumn New Year "you shall rejoice (,n~!UTI) on this day" (llQP 25:9). Either New Year or Booths is also suggested by the term ;"!!l'i'TI ("turning-point"), restored in 4Q509 3 4 from lQ34 2+ 1 2. Certainly the term was applied to the Feast of Booths as the turning of the seasons, since it coincided with the autumnal equinox (Exod 34:22; Jos. Ant. 3.244), but it also seems to have been applieable to the New Year as the head of the year (IQS 10:6; lQM 10: 15). On the basis of eontent alone, then, the autumnal New Year and Booths are the most likely eandidates for this prayer. Considering its position at the beginning of the seroll and prior to a prayer for the Day of Atonement, New Year is preferable.

III, " 409, notes contra Baillet that there is no vacat after line 5. Therefore, the line numbering in the following transcription differs from Baillet. 29 For the expression I(V1 '1)1'/j, and in support of Baillet's reconstruction of )l1T '1)1'/j before it, see lQS 10:7. 30 See Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 151. JI Based on the use of Deut 32 in a Samaritan liturgical poem for the Day of Atonement, Lehmann suggests that the use of language from Deut 32:2 in 11. 5-6 indicates that this belongs to the Day of Atonement ("Yom Kippur, " 120-121). The attribution is possible (see also Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 102), but the argument is not compelling.

165

PRAYER AT FESTIVALS

1.2.2. Day 0/ Atonement The beginning of a prayer for the Day of Atonement is clearly indicated by an opening formula following a concluding benediction and a blank line: lQ34 2+ 1 6-7 ,]jnIJIt! ,It!~ 'l'1~ 1":1 "1' "1f;, 4

vacat 5 I1]N 'l'1[~ il,]bi C'"El:J c,'f;, ilf;,ElI1 6 ]o[ ]f;,[ ]f;,[ ] 7

4. Blessed be the Lord who has gladdened urs ... ] 5. vacat 6. Prayer for the Day of Atonement. Remem[ber 0 L]ord [... ]32

4Q509 3 1-9 corresponds to lQ34 2+ 1 1-4, and therefore presumably the opening formula for the Day of Atonement began at the bottom of this fragment (4Q509 3 10 or in the lost line following). Considering the overlaps with the War Scroll on the verso, the prayer for the Day of Atonement in 4Q509 must therefore have begun at the bottom of column 1. Fragments 5-6 follow immediately at the top of column 2, then fragment 7 after several missing lines. These, then, must belong to the same prayer for the Day of Atonement. 4Q509 5-6 ii ]6;~;00 oolt![

1

]o[ ] ~P:1 1l~' il[ ],b 1l11N'Pf;, il:1 oo [ ]f;,bil ill1311' C[

2 3 ]000 00[]:1 4

].li,;~:;

]o[

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

32

;i[:J

];:111' il11:l;El ];;111:11 ,1t!~:J ;)[:1] il:J'I1']~~ c31 :l:J,1t! ilSj[il] ]'[

[... ] our blood at the time of [... ] [... ] us to befall us all [... ] [... ] you know everything [... ] you divided and you decIared [ ... a]1I the curses [... ] [among] us, as you said [... ] U[No]w you are about to lie down with [your] fath[ers ... )"

For the reconstruction il']':JT instead of ']':JT as in DJD 1:153, see p. 184 below.

5 6 7 8

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4Q5097 ]o[ ] ]0 ":J~; rnIJim"1:i['] ]0 ii1'1Nllll Ö?'YIJ;; ]00 ii:J'l~?7J ,'n;[] ]C'IJ':i 1'1'imb ]i CONlll"'''P iö[ ] ]:l iIJlllii? C1'1[ ] ]oftoo [ ]o?[ ]

2. 3. 4. 5. 6. 7.

2 3 4

5 6 7

8

[and] in the depths and in all [... ] For from eternity you hated [... ] [... ] alone from before you [... ] At the end of days [... ] [... ] to keep [... ]

Fragments 5-6 ii allude to the curses of the covenant from the end of Deuteronomy, specifically citing God' s speech to Moses in Deut 31: 16. Furthermore, it is possible to suggest the ending of this prayer, if Baillet is correct that 4Q509 8 at the top of column 3 overlaps with 4Q508 22 + 23 (lines 4 and 3 respectively). 33 FoIlowing is his transcription of the relevant parts of these fragments. 4Q50981-4 ];1111YIJii [ ]iii o ii:J[ ]oo[

2 3 ii]l?i5iil;7 U~[iN 1'1N'~1'1] 4 4Q50822+23 ]oY~ 1.lIJni illl[N

]ft:J'IJni ~i[i ii~ ]il1'1? U~iN 1'1N;:l[1'1

2 3

Baillet did not appear to appreciate, however, that the first lines of these fragments must contain the end of a prayer. Regularly throughout these prayers, as weIl as the Words 0/ the Luminaries, the body addresses God

JJ

DJD 7:189.

167

PRA YER AT FESTIV ALS

directly in the second person, switching to the third person only for the concluding benediction, which is usually of the form ,v~ ':1'~ 1":1 followed by a third person finite verb. Thus, 4Q508 22+23 1 is to be restored as part of a concluding benediction: ]0)7:1 ;:I7~n, 'V[~ ':1"~ 1":1]. The following line addresses God in the second person and must be part of the introductory formula for the next prayer. It should probably be restored as follows: ]:i:J'~n, :1;[, ':1"~ :1":JT]. Below I will argue that this is the beginning of the prayer for the Feast of Booths. The only practical problem with this proposal is accommodating the concluding and opening formulas-which are always on separate lines and sometimes with a blank line between-in Baillet's transcription of 4Q509 8. The difficulty disappears when it is recognized that between the lines Baillet numbered 2 and 4 is in fact space for two lines, as was originally presented in the editio

princeps.34

Below is arestoration of both fragments, at points schematic, including the opening of the following prayer. The translation is a composite of the two fragments for just the ending of the prayer for the Day of Atonement. No line numbers will thus be given. 4Q508 22+23 1-3 ]oY:1 iJ~ni illJ[~ 'm~ 1'i:1 ] ]ft::J'~ni :1i[i n~ 'm~ iii'::Ji n'::J'Oii :In; ii;~n] 2 ii~]iJn; U~i~ n~iS[n ] 3

4Q5098

1_5 35

]ftIlJY~ii [

]i1io ii::J[

1 2

0Y:1 u~ni illJ~ 'l"~ 1'i:1 ] 3 ii::J'~ni :1'i 'l"~ iii'::Ji n'::J'Oii :In; ii;~n] 4 ii]~ili1; U~[i~ n~':1n ] 5

[... ] the work [... ] you and [... Blessed be the Lord, w]ho had compassion on us in the ti[me of ... ]36

On the basis of content, especially 11':1)711:1 C,' which is a designation for the Day of Atonement in CD 6: 19,37 4Q508 2 2-6 also belongs to the Day of Atonement, probably including line 1.

See the comment in Baillet, DJD 7:189. Two uncertain letters can be discerned in 4Q509 8 3 as in Baillet's transcription represented above, but the entire line will be placed within square brackets. 36 This is a tentative suggestion; cf. 4Q508 2 2. 37 Milik, DJD 1: 153. 34 35

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4Q50821-6

]'l:mtl :ilib~, o[

]:lito ny, 1'~"'i 'Y'~ 'lm~ il1m C[ O,],y

P'" n'lyn 'Y'~ 'l'?y 38t'~ 'l"lot ;"'~T C["'!)~ C"~ ;'~!)TI]. Therefore 4Q508 2 1 would be part of the concIuding blessing for the preceding prayer, also represented in lQ34 2+ 1 4. However, these cannot be harmonized. 39 The second person address of ]ib'TI:1 fllibllJ;[ (4Q508 2 I) is incompatible with the third person blessing in 1Q34 2 + 1: 1":1 ,]~n~llJ ,llJlot 'l"lot. Furthermore, it is doubtful that 4Q508 2 1 could be a concIuding benediction at aIl, since all of the other examples preserved in Festival Prayers as weIl as Words 0/ the Luminaries are in the third person. The most likely concIusion is that 4Q508 2 comes from the middle of a prayer for the Day of Atonement. At least two analogous examples of a "~T formula in the middle of a prayer survive in Words 0/ the Luminaries (4Q504 6 6 and 5 ii 3). The question is whether it belongs to the prayer which finds its concIusion in 4Q509 8 1-3//4Q508 22+23 1 or a second prayer for the Day of Atonement. In favour of the former, the concIuding benediction which blesses God for having mercy ('l~n,) would pick up the phrase 1'~n, '>t'~ from 4Q508 2 2. Other fragments which have been attributed to the Day of Atonement incIude 4Q509 12 i + 13, 4Q509 16, and lQ34 3 i-ii 8. Below I will discuss arguments for associating them with other festivals. If the preceding

n>t'

38 39

Corrected from 01.l'pm. See Baillet, DJD 7: 179.

169

PRA YER AT FESTIV ALS

line of argument is eorreet, there was apparently a single prayer for the Day of Atonement near the beginning of the seroIl, a little less than one and one-half eolumns in length. It was probably preeeded by a single prayer for the autumn New Year at the very beginning of the seroll and, as suggested below, followed by a prayer for Booths. This does not precIude the possibility that a further prayer(s) for the Day of Atonement was added later in the seroll.

1.2.3. Feast 0/ Booths It was proposed above that fragments 4Q508 22 +23 and 4Q509 8 preserve the end of a prayer for the Day of Atonement and the beginning of the next prayer. Baillet did not reeognize this division and regarded these fragments as part of the Day of Atonement prayer. It will be argued here that this is a separate prayer and is best attributed to the Feast of Booths. The following transeription of 4Q509 8 ineorporates the overlaps with 4Q508 22 + 23 and 4Q508 21 suggested by Baillet. 40 Where the overlaps supply eontent missing in 4Q509 8, the eharaeters are underlined. 4Q509 8 4-10 (I/4Q508 22+23 2-3, 211-3)

::m 'J,'X :1":Ji n1:J'O:1 ln, :1'~1l] 4 :1]!l15J1l, U::l['X llX,Jll 5

:1:J'~n,

]'v

[U"i~

---

tr ll'VX'S[

6

]00000 '1N[~

7

] ij;j1;::l~1[

u'n"x,

]055 ll'V~[~ ]oooo[

8 9

10

4. [Prayer for the Feast ofBooths. 41 Remember, 0 Lord, the abundance ofyour mercies ... ] 5. [... produce of] our [la]nd for a consecrated gif[t ... ] 6. [... ] at the beginning of [... ] 7. [... m]uch [... and our despised ones,] 8. [... our travellers,] and our needy ones [... ] 9. [. . .the d]ominion of [. . .]

40 DJD 7:189. Baillet's view of these fragments is self-contradictory. He suggests that the two overlap, and yet identifies 4Q508 22+23 with the Offering of 'Omer and 4Q509 8 with the Day of Atonement (D1O 7:177,185). 41 For my schematic restoration T11:J,on ln? n?!ln, see e.g., llQP 11:13; 42:13, 17; 4QMishmerot A 4 iii 9.

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Following 4Q509 8 in the same column, according to the order of the War Scroll on the verso, are 10 i and 12 i+13. 42 These must also belong to the same prayer. Besides the phrase "and you blessed," fragment 10 i contains no decipherable content and need not be reproduced here. 4Q509 12 i + 13 [tl' ... ii :l'!lm ];':l~ tl'Y'nii tl'",il~ft [tl' ... ii tl'v~ ];':l~ tl',:mft trji~ ',S[~] 2 i[ V:l," ];':l~ tl":lVlii ;;S6 ":l6 3

,iS[f '[

n'~'

]

~:l" 1'~[' ]l"YS 4 1'~' ]tlii'YV:l:l tl"V:Jl C"l~ 5 tl]"'O~ iiir,fm 'SS, 11:1' 6 bottorn rnargin

1. the exiles who wander, without [sorneone to bring (thern) back; ... ] 2. [w]ithout strength; those who fall, without [sorneone to raise (thern); ... ] 3. [ ... ] without sorneone to give (thern) understanding; the broken, without [sorneone to bind (thern) up; ... ] 4. in [their] iniquity, rand] there is no one to heal; [... and there is no one]43 5. [to] cornfort; sturnbling in their transgressions,[ and there is no one to Re]rnernber44 6. the sorrow and the weeping. You are the cornpanion45 of prisoner[s ... ]

The prayer ends in 10 ii + 11, around the middle of the following column (column 4), as indicated by the word 'l"~, a paragraph mark in the margin, and the start of an introductory formula for the next prayer (line 8). 4Q509 10 ii+ll 1-7

]", 2

[1":l

]Si iill;Y' ] ii:Jll[ ]Y:l ]ii:J':J~'~' ]l ii:Jll'"l'

3 4 5

6

7 ]iy,~, iir;[:ll1] 8 ]'l"~

42 Baillet groups fragment 9 with 10 i, but the content on the verso does not allow confident identification with a specific passage in 1QM. 43 For this restoration, see Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 100 n. 43; also to be restored in line 5. 44 Baillet (DJD 7: 190) suggests ":JTT1, but in the light of the frequent use of ":JT in Festival Prayers and Words ofthe Luminaries, this is a more probable restoration.

PRAYER AT FESTIVALS

3. 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

171

You shepherded and [... ] in your [... ] and your angels [... ] and your inheritance [... B1essed bel the Lord [who ... ] [Pra ]yer for the Feast of [. . .]

As with the first prayer of the scroll, the evidence is somewhat ambiguous, but one festival is most likely. Baillet's identification with the Day of Atonement is not disproved by my argument that a new prayer begins in 4Q509 8 4, since it is plausible that there was more than one prayer for the Day of Atonement. Indeed, Nitzan recognized a remarkable sirnilarity in content between the litany in 4Q509 12 i + 13 and a much later liturgical poem for the Day of Atonement. 46 It is not necessary on this basis to attribute the prayer to the Day of Atonement, but the possibility cannot be dismissed. The phrase ;"J!l'll1f;, 'll'lot l1lot':ll1 at the beginning of the prayer could easily suggest either the first-fruits of barley in the first month (the 'Omer offering) or the first-fruits of wheat in the third month (the Feast of Weeks). In the Bible, these are the only two calendrical occasions for which the ;"J!l'll1 offering is explicitly mentioned. 47 Either occasion could thus be a possibility if the prayers are not in calendrical order. The greatest amount of evidence, however, is compatible with the Feast of Booths. (1) On the ground of its position following a prayer for the Day of Atonement, Booths is the most natural. (2) In the Bible, the expression f'lot l1lot':ll1 describes the gathering of the harvest in the context of the regular ritual of Booths (Lev 23:39).48 This point is all the more persuasive because each of the Festival Prayers seems to have mentioned Torah prescriptions for the day, analogously to the festival prayers of the synagogue. 49 Elbogen notes that examples of the festival Amidah from the Cairo Geniza-which he argues represent an early Palestinian rite-include

45 Altematively, Nitzan suggests that "from the context, il1l1T1T1 means 1'T1T1," and translates "release the imprison[ed)" (Qumran Prayer, 100 n. 42). 46 See p. 211 below. 47 The term is most abundantly used in connection with the consecration of priests (e.g., Exod 29:27-28) and in the Temple Scroll this is an annual occasion following the spring New Year (l1QT' 15:3-17:5), but the mention of "produce of the land" would not appear particularly relevant. 48 The phrase occurs elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible only in Jos 5:12 to describe the first meal of the Israelites from the produce of Canaan. 49 See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 99-104, and below, p. 184.

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prescriptions for each festival from Lev 23. 50 The prayer for the eighth day of Booths specifically includes Lev 23: 39 C1,1;1 ill;1~ll • curses of the covenant [ ••• 1'1]~ 'l1'[N il,]bi • God's dwelling with his people • mercy (Tbn, ,ym) • repentance (:l1lU I1Y1)

il:>'1i[1]NI;1~[l il'~Ol 1lN1] ,]i'1'1,1;1

1]lnblU 'lUN 'l'N 11':J

]Y:J Übn, 'lU[N 'l1'N 1":J]

• fasting (I1'lYI1 'Y1b) • God's knowledge of secrets and the human condition

19 The prayers are summarized in the same order as the table p. 164 above. See that table for references to the prayers.

181

PRAYER AT FESTIVALS

Booths [111;:)'Oii :In? ii?!ll1] • produce for consecration offering ~1[' 11~ 'l"~ ii";:)f] [ ... ] ;1;:)'7Jn, • God's mercies • the despised, exiled, and needy • God as friend and shepherd

[••.

]'l"~ [1"~]

Booths? [ .•• ]iY'7J? iit;,[!ll1] • affliction • ridicule of elders • wisdom Passover? • • • • •

miracles release (from Egypt) rebellion God's glory election as sons

"3r[ ••• 'l"~ 1"~] n7J]~ 17J~

Weeks 6;,bS[ii c,'? ii?!ll1] • free-will offerings ... ]1Y17.) ;3["]N :i";:)i • first -fruits Passover C"'7JlU[ ?'?? ii?!ll1] • [... 'l"~ ii,]bT • • • •

vigil passing over the houses deliverance the nations miracles, show of God's strength

Position uncertain: Passover? • contrasted lot of the righteous and the wicked • God 's provision of food through the wilderness • destruction of oppressors • praise

['Y'] C?'Y? 17JlÜ? ii'U U~' Ul1~'~ l1~i? ';:) 1? [~'lUl ']lU~ iiT1 [••• 'lU~ 'l"~] 1"~

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Weeks? • sun and moon to mark appointed times • rejection of the wicked • election of a holy people • renewal of the covenant • revelation • Sinai Torah • a faithful shepherd

1.3. Form Despite the poor condition of the scroIls, what is extant is sufficient to ascertain that the same formal pattern exists as in Words ofthe Luminaries. A heading introduces the prayer, which always begins with an appeal for God to remember. God is addressed throughout in the second person except in the concluding benediction, which, like that of Words ofthe Luminaries, is impersonal. The only recognizable difference from Words of the Luminaries is the use of a statement of praise immediately before the concluding benediction, introduced by 'l~' where it is extant, for example: ['Y'] cl;!,yl;! lblih Öl"l 1lN' ll;! [::l 'llll i]ll!N 1lllNi::l llNil;! " ]Y::l ilbn, 'lll[N 'l"N] l"::l (4Q508 22-23 6-8; cf. 4Q509 3 7)

in,

The content is similar to that of Words of the Luminaries as weIl, consisting mainly of historical confession, both of sin and of God's wondrous deeds. Appropriate to occasions of festival, most of the prayers are dominated by descriptive praise, but the introductory word "remember" gives to the whole the nature of petition. Actual petition forms only a small part, and then, as in Words of the Luminaries , it is supplication for deliverance and for assistance to carry out Torah. With regard to the benediction formulas, I find no evidence for Schuller's statement that the benediction for the New Year "is followed by a ':l clause with a perfect verb, and elsewhere by a participle. "80 The usual pattern here, as in Words ofthe Luminaries, is BD+r3, with only one certain and one possible exception in the form BD+p (see table below). As noted

80

"Some Observations," 140-1.

183

PRA YER AT FESTIV ALS

above, it is unlikely that ];bU'~ fllib& o[ (4Q508 2 1) is part of a concluding benediction formula. 81 Rather , together with the "~T formula following, it probably comes from the middle of the prayer for the Day of Atonement. Table 13. Prayer Formulas in Festival Prayers Reference

Code

Opening Formulas TI]~ 'l"[N ;,,]bi

lQ34 2+ 16 4Q505 125 1 4Q50733 4Q508 22 + 23 2 4Q509 131 + 132 ii 5

'l"N ;,,]bi 'l"N ;",]Si ;i:l'~n, J1[' TIN 'l"N ;"':li] ] ;Y1)j ;l["]~ fl":li Closing Formulas

,tuN 'l'N l"J

lQ34 2+ 14 (=4Q50938) lQ343 i 7-8 4Q507 2 2 4Q5073 1-2 4Q508201 4Q508 22 + 23 1 4Q50938 (= lQ34 2+14) 4Q509 4 4

BD+r3

,]jnm~,

B[ ... BD[ ... BD[ ... [?] BD+r3 BD+r3

]l"J ] 'l"N l,i[J ]l~N l~N C"y li1i[" ... 'l,]iN l1i[J

BD+p

;y ['~"Y' ... ]5 'lh~;i ;j'i~[ l"J

4Q509 10 ii + 11 6-7 4Q509 183 4Q509 2061 4Q509491 4Q509 131 + 132 3

B]D[... ?B]D+r[ ?BD+p?[ [?] [?]

l~N l~N ll[ ... ]

]oYJ

,tu[N 'l"N l"J] ll]fmtu ,tu~ ;l"N l["J il~n,

l~N i6N ]'l"N [l"J ],tuN 'l"[N l"J ]l~;' ;l"N l"J l~N l~N 'Y '~]"Y' [... ] l~]N l~N

"y[... ]

Internal Formulas 4Q508 2 2

81

See p. 168.

]J 1& TlY' l'~n'i 'Y'~ 'l"N ;"':li

184

CHAPTER FIVE

The spelling :1"~T is probably to be assumed in all of the manuscripts of Festival Prayers. It is the spelling attested in 4Q508 and 4Q509 where extant, as well as the copy of Words oj the Luminaries (4Q506) on the verso of 4Q509. Space considerations require the restoration of :1,]bT 'l"[lot in 1Q34 2 + 1 6 instead of 'l"[lot ']'~T as transcribed by Baillet. 82 Nitzan notes that the remembrance sections are analogous to-but not the same as-the system of remembrance in rabbinic prayers. 83 They function in two ways.84 (1) They appeal to God's promises. (2) They recall the prescribed requirements for the day, which may be compared with the synagogue practice of reading prescriptions for the day in the festival prayers. Nitzan demonstrated this latter function with regard to the prayer for the Day of Atonement and the Feast of Weeks, but on the basis of the new identifications proposed here, it is also apparent in the prayer for Booths and Passover. The benediction forms have already been discussed with regard to Words oj the Luminaries in chapter 2. One further remark may be added. In his treatment of the development of benediction formulas, Heinemann concluded that "there is no indication that the eulogy-formula ever lacked the word 'auäh; moreover, not a single instance of such a formula lacking this word is extant. "85 This statement is no longer true. Exactly this formula-t;,:nm 'l"lot 1":1 (with 'l"lot instead of the Tetragrarnmaton)appears as a concluding formula in Festival Prayers at least once (BD+p). Although this seems to have been a rare usage, it was not unique to the Festival Prayers. It is also found in Ps Sol 6:6. Together with the earlier comments on the uniqueness of the BD +r3 pattern ('lZllot 'l"lot 1":1) as a concluding benediction,86 it is striking that both Words oj the Luminaries and Festival Prayers use exclusively formulas not adopted for closing formulas in rabbinic prayers. On the other hand, these forms are closely related to patterns common in rabbinic prayer. The rabbinic liturgical berakhah typically beg ins .•. 'lZllot ... :11:1' :1T1lot 1":1. This is virtually the BD+r3 pattern-with the addition of the second person address 87 -used as an opening in contrast to an ending. Likewise, the rabbinic berakhah closes t;,Y'~:1 :1,:1' :1T1lot 1":1, exactly the BD +p pattern with the addition of the

82 Following Baillet's transcription (DJD 7: 153) the space between the words would be 3 nun, twice the usual in this manuscript. 83 Qumran Prayer, 111-5. 84 Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 99-104. 85 Prayer, 87 n. 14. 86 See p. 83 above. 87 The expansion and use of the Tetragranunaton are not typologically significant.

PRA YER AT FESTIVALS

185

second person address. Rather than suggesting that the formula usage in Words of the Luminaries and Festival Prayers was marginal, these observations encourage the conelusion that the early impulse to formal consistency embraced a few more options than survived in rabbinic prayer. It is likely that we are glimpsing different parts of a broad stream. Two other petitionary prayers among the Dead Sea Scrolls resonate with a similar mood, vocabulary, and content as the Festival Prayers. 4Q50I contains a poem describing the people as afflicted without help which is very elose to the poetic passage in 4Q509 12 i-13. 88 4Q393 is a prayer of confession and petition that God will not abandon his people which particularly recalls 4Q50I but also the Festival Prayers. 89 Unfortunately, nothing is indicated about the use of these two prayers. It is possible on the basis of comparison with the Festival Prayers that they also were used on festival and/or fast days, but comparison of content and themes alone is insufficient for such a conelusion. 90

1.4. Liturgical Use Since the general discussion of liturgical use entered into with Words of the Luminaries applies here as weIl, it remains only to be added in support of the conelusion that these prayers were actually used liturgically that there is much more testimony to the existence of festival prayer in the Second Temple period than is the case with daily prayer. The evidence is of several types: (1) references to liturgical prayer at festivals in sources dating from the Second Temple period; (2) texts of festival prayers in sources from the Second Temple period; (3) descriptions in rabbinie literature of festival prayers from Temple times; and (4) similarities between the Festival Prayers found at Qumran and festival prayers in the later synagogue liturgy. I will consider this evidence below in the light of two propositions : that the corporate recital of special prayers on festivals was a widespread practice in the Second Temple period, and furthermore, that the Festival Prayers are a valuable picture of this widespread custom and not merely a glimpse at the unique practice of a sect. Before examining this body of evidence, it will be helpful to set my argument in the context of the study by Nitzan. 1 differ from her position only subtly, but with important implications. Nitzan is impressed both with

See p. 210 below. See Falk, "4Q393." 90 See the valuable comments of Maier, "Zu Kult," 568-9, on the assessing of comparisons between prayers. 88

89

186

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the similarities of the Festival Prayers to later synagogue prayers in terms of topics and the practice of remembrance, and with their lack of ideas distinctive to the Yal;tad. 91 So, for example, she notices that the Festival Prayers found at Qumran and the festival prayers of the synagogue are both concemed with spiritual perfection and with national hopes rather than everyday needs. After a comparison she states that "the motifs mentioned here in the prayer from Qumran indeed reflect the traditional elements of Jewish prayer on this day, "92 and this parallel illustrates that the petitions in the prayers used by the people of Qumran for the fixed festivals were essentially identical with those of the prayers of mainstream Judaism. The model we have found in the Qumran prayers includes a core of petitions which were presumably fixed during the Second Temple per iod and which, in the final stage, had become customary in Jewish worship down to our own day.93

Although Nitzan seems to envisage festival prayers as a widespread Jewish custom in the Second Temple period with some common motifs which also appear in the prayers of the Dead Sea Scrolls and later synagogue prayers, she is not clear on what these practices actually were. Nor does she fully consider the implications of her observations. Throughout, she treats the Festival Prayers as sectarian prayers by the inhabitants at Qumran, distinguished from those of "normative" Judaism at the time because their system of remembrances served to make these prayers a substitute for sacrifices, similar to a rabbinic development after the destruction of the Temple. By implication, then, Nitzan must view the prayers of "normative" Judaism during the Second Temple period as fundamentally different from the prayers found at Qumran, since the formulaic remembrance scheme is central to both Words 0/ the Luminaries and the Festival Prayers. Her assumption also seems to be that "normative" Judaism of the Second Temple period would have been closer to the rabbinic prayers than to those in the Dead Sea Scrolls. According to Nitzan, a particularly distinctive feature of the Festival Prayers is prayer as a substitute for sacrifice,94 but three considerations undermine the force of this point. (1) There are indeed numerous passages in the Dead Sea Scrolls which express criticism of the

91 Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 99-116. The specific comparisons she makes will be incorporated into the list of evidence further below. 92 Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 104 n. 52. 93 Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 109. 94 See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 115.

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Temple cult and uphold prayer as acceptable as sacrifice, but with most of these it has not been proven that the sentiments were fundamentally different from those found in late biblical texts and other Jewish writings of the Second Temple period. The priests of the Yal;tad would almost certainly have been isolated from serving in the Temple, and this would have been of great consequence, but it is not necessarily the case that all contact with the Temple was at any point cut off. We can be confident of neither a complete boycott of the Temple cult by the Yal;tad nor the uniqueness of its view of prayer vis-a-vis sacrifice. (2) Although prayer in the Yal;tad had the value of sacrifice, and for the priests their extensive prayer services probably filled the place of Temple duties, there is no evidence that liturgical prayer had been created for this purpose. Rather, the earliest evidence for public and communal prayer places it as an accompaniment to the Temple service, and at least some of this prayer can be regarded as liturgical and institutionalized. This point has been argued already with regard to daily and sabbath prayer, and it is even more compelling with regard to festival prayer since there is considerable evidence that festivals were the first regular occasions to stimulate communal, liturgical prayers involving the public, whose enthusiasm made them fixed institutions by custom at least. In any case, (3) there is no evidence at all in Words 0/ the Luminaries or the Festival Prayers that these prayers in particular were seen as substitutes for the sacrifice, as Schiffman rightly notes. 95 On the other hand, the very similarity with later synagogue prayers is argument that the Festival Prayers were closer to common currency in the Second Temple period than Nitzan seems to allow, and this is consonant with the conclusion reached earlier that the Festival Prayers probably did not originate in the Yal;tad. Combined with the other evidence to be brought below, there is therefore a strong body of evidence for the practice of liturgical prayers on festivals in the Second Temple period. This in turn considerably weakens the connection between separation from the Temple sacrifices (whether voluntarily or because of the destruction of the Temple) and the development of fixed, liturgical prayer. It is this which I find to be the most significant implication of these comparisons, but it is one which Nitzan overlooks. Before proceeding to consider the wider context of prayer at festivals in the Second Temple period, we must first survey the other evidence from the Dead Sea Scrolls.

95

"Early History , " 42.

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2. Other Evidence Jor Festival Prayer

The first three texts to be discussed all appear in hyrnns of the Maskil, and thus belong to the Yabad. 2.1. Community Rule: 1QS 9:26-10:8

Along with sunrise and sunset, the liturgical calendar in lQS 9:26-10:8 includes festivals, new moons, and other calendrical occasions as times appointed for praising God. The passages concerning daily prayer were discussed above. 96 The rest is represented here with annotation. 2.1.1. New Moons: 1QS 1O:3b-5a ltIi1n '1.)" c'i31m N1:m::l

m, m Cmi01.) c31 Cll!l1i'11 in' C'ltIi1i' ltIi1i" '1il C1' Cltlinllii::l C'131 won nll!l1.)' l mN1 ii'iil l'i' '1:>::l C'i3111.) 'ItINi'

At the entrance of times appointed for the days of the new moon,97 together with their transition points when they are bound 98 one to the other. When they are renewed (it is) a great day for the holy of holies, and a sign {}99 for the release of his eternal mercies at the beginnings of seasons in each occurring period.

Weise argues that the reference is to the four "Days of Remembrance" at the beginning of each season. IOO These days occurred on the first of the first, fourth, seventh, and tenth "months" as attested in Jubilees, the astronomical book of 1 Enoch, and some of the calendrical texts from Qumran,101 and would not correspond to the observed new moons. As attractive as it is to read the whole calendar in terms of the solar calendar alone, this interpretation is unlikely given the contrast between here and in line 5, and in the light of the clear reference to the four "Days

C'""

lU""

See p. 105 above. Following the translation of Wemberg-Moller, Manual 0/ Discipline, 36. 98 Literally "with their binding this to this." Cf. lQS 10:7. 99 The solitary nun which occurs here is probably amistake; it is absent from 4QSb.d. See Milik, review of "Manual of Discipline," by Wemberg-Moller, 414. 100 Kultzeiten, 32-8. 101 E.g., Jub. 6:23; 1 Enoch 82; the calendar of 4QMMT (see Qimron and Strugnell, DJD 7:44); Calendrical Document A (4Q320 4 iii 6). %

97

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of Remembranee" in lQS 1O:6b-8. It is probably best to understand this passage as a deseription of the lunar eycle and the high regard in whieh the new moons were held even by adherents of the solar ealendar .102

2.1.2. Months and Festivals: 1QS 1O:5b-6a Ci1'1Y'7J; C'",' l1'lU'~ Cil'1Y'7J~ 1":lT; Cl':lI1~ lU1'P '7J" C'I1!llU 117J"11 1Y; 111'" p1n:l

1l:l'~il

At the beginning of (solar) months according to their appointed times, 103 and (on) holy days established lO4 for a memorial at their appointed times. (With an) offering of lips r105 will bless hirn according to an eternally inscribed precept. 106

It is unlikely that Ci1"Y'~~ c'n,' 1'1'lU':J has the same referent as ~':J~:J C"Y'~ in the previous seetion. Therefore, it is probable that here the beginnings of the thirty-day solar months are in view rather than the actual new moons. 107 Good arguments have been raised for varying interpretations of the "holy days" as sabbaths, festivals, or the four "Days of Remembrance. "108 If only one of these is intended, it is most likely to be festivals, but it is amistake to demand such specificity of this hyrnnic

lU,'n ,~,~

See n. 7 in chapter I. See n. 107. 104 Lit. "in their established place. " 105 lQS reads 'l'1Jil, but this is an error for 'l'1J~ preserved in 4QS Band 4QS D. 'Ale! and he are graphically close in this hand. 106 As Weise, Kultzeiten, 9, has shown, m1n pm here corresponds to ~ppn 111!~ O'lP in 9:26b-1O: la and refers to the fixed laws of the cosmic order observed as times of prayer. 107 Weise, Kultzeiten , 46-7, also argues that the specification "according to their appointed times" is more appropriate to solar months than lunar months. Cf. 1 Enoch 82; perhaps 11 Q Temple 25:7. 108 Weise bases his argument for sabbaths on the description of the sabbath as a holy day in the Bible, occasional connections between sabbath and remembrance, and the structure of the calendar (Kultzeiten, 48 nn. 1-2, 37-8, 46; cf. Dupont-Sommer, Jewish Sect, 112). In favour of "Days of Remembrance," see Vermes, CDSSE, 112. For festivals, one can point to the use of 1'1'1 in the Bible for Passover (Exod 12: 14) and the first day of the seventh month (Lev 23:24; cf. 4Q321); a possible extended use for any festival and the beginnings of months derived from the trumpets of 1'1'1 blown on these occasions (Num 10: 10); and the importance of remembrance themes in the Festival Prayers (lQ34bis ; 4Q507-9) among the Dead Sea Scrolls; cf Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 57-8, 89-107; Licht, Rule, 210 and §121. 102

103

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catalogue. Perhaps the reference is more general and includes all of these special days. No indication is given as to which festivals are in view, but the following are attested in calendrical texts at Qumran: 109 Passover (Tue., 1411), the Lifting of the 'Omer (Sun., 26/1), second Passover (Thur., 1412), Weeks (Sun., 15/3), New Wine (Sun., 3/5), New Oil (Sun., 22/6), Wood (Mon., 23/6), Remembrance llO (Wed., 117), the Day of Atonement (Fri., 1017), Tabemacles (Wed., 1517), and Ingathering (Wed., 2217).

2.1.3. Years and Seasons: 1QS 10:6b-8a C')t!J 't!J~,~ Cil"Y17.J 11:l1P11~ 1 C)1::J11 pm C't!Jil~

ÖlT' ilT 1~Dt!J7.J C1' 'l"P' "~p 'Y17.J

~t!J, 'Y17.J' y'T 'Y17.J1

Cil'Y1~t!J' C')t!J "Y17.J '1" 'Y17.J' Cil'Y1~t!J t!J1'~1

At the beginnings of the years, and at (each) turning-point of their seasons; when their prescribed regulation is completed: the day determined by hirn (for transition) one to the other, the season of harvest until (the season 01) summer and the season of sowing until the season of grass;lll the appointed times of the years until their weeks (of years) and at the beginning of their weeks (of years) until the jubilee. 112

Although the focus here is on the annual and less frequent festivals, the four Days of Remembrance (the solstices and equinoxes) are again introduced to portray the progression of the year. From the list of the seasons, it is apparent that the New Year came in the spring, the first day of the first month, as in the calendrical texts from Qumran and implied in the

1094Q208-11; 4Q317-330; 4Q335-7; 4Q394 1-2 i-v, 3-4 i; 4Q409; 11QT· 11:9-13; 13-29. liD According to 4QMMT calendar, also 1/4 and 1/10. III This refers to the four seasons; cf. 1 Enoch 82: 16, 19 for wheat harvest and summer. Weise, Kultzeiten, 53, requires too much specificity from the poetry when he suggests that only the summer and winter solstices are indicated because there are only !Wo lamed's. 112 Li!. "appointed time of liberty."

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astronomical book of 1 Enoch (82: 13-20)113 and the calendar of Jubilees (29:16).114 The fOUf days of Remembrance are also mentioned in 4Q512 Ritual of Purification 33+35 1-3: "and] the fOUf appointed times of [ ... and] the appointed time of har[ve]st and of summer and the be[ginning of the] first 115 [mo]nth." The context is lost, but is probably again times of praise. A summary statement to the calendar of sacred times in lQS 1O:8b reinforces the idea that prayer at fixed times is a religious duty. It is possible that the line "and as long as I live (there will be) an inscribed ordinance on my tongue" (lQS 10:8) refers to a prescribed content of prayers, but in the context it probably means that the speaker will be mIed by the preceding order of times of prayer. 116 No information is provided as to the content of these prayers. Probably the general statements embrace various types of prayer, but the terms 1':1 and ;'~;'11 may suggest at least benedictions in praise of God. 2.2. Hodayot: IQH 20:4-6 As noted earlier, a heading in the Hodayot contains a similar but shorter catalogue of times of praise. It indicates that at least some of the following hymns are for praise and prayer "at every fixed time." Presumably this would include festivals, but these are not apparently songs specifically intended for festivals. 2.3. Songs ofthe Sage: 4Q51O-511 4Q51O-11 is also a Maskil hymn of the Yab.ad, intended for apotropaic use,117 and similarly makes reference to divinely ordained praise at the annual festivals: 118 iml ")71~?

pn cii[ ••• ] nrii:l[lU]1i

i~lU:l

In his name the praises of [... which] he established (pn) for the appointed (4Q511 2 i 8-9). times ofthe year

Dupont-Sommer, Jewish Sect, 112. Although the summer solstice, auturnn equinox, and winter solstice are defined by agricultural and seasonal terms, the spring equinox receives a calendrical definition: "between the times of the months. " See Leaney, Rule, 244. 113

114

115

K V,,[n VK]1,.

See p. 107 above. Its Yal)ad provenance is attested by many similarities to the Hodayot, the designation "for the Maskil," and the use of characteristic Yal)ad expressions; see Baillet, DJD 7:220-2; Newsom, "Sectually Explicit," 183-4. For the nature of the hyrnns, cf. Nitzan, "Hyrnns from Qumran-4Q510-511. " 118 Transcriptions, translation, and photographs: Baillet, DJD 7:221, 247, plates LVLXXI. 116 117

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i1~":l~ nmi1 "i"n 1:l1'1"nN' i1:J"n'lb!lj i1'!lON "nm31n "'31'7J:l, i1~7JV i1~i:iN

... I will bless your name, and at the times appointed for me l19 I will decIare your wonders. I will engrave them (as) prescriptions to praise your glory 120 (4Q511 63-64 ii 2)

Again, it is possible that even the content of the praises is viewed as divinely ordained.

2.4.4Q409 4Q409 is a hymn, copied no later than the early first century AD, with calls to praise (e.g., ",;" 1':1' f;,f;,;,) at specific occasions, all of which seem to be festivals. 121 Although it is very broken, Qirnron's reconstruction is plausible. In the minute extant fragments, the following festivals appear in order: • • • •

first fruits [of wheat; also of new wine and new oil?] wood festival Day of Remembrance (= autumn New Year) Feast of Booths

If Qirnron is correct, it assumes a religious calendar beginning in the spring and corresponds to the list of festivals mentioned in the Temple Scroll and the Qurnran calendaric texts (especially the wood festival). Formal similarity with the hymn of times of prayer in lQS 9:26-10: 17,122 may suggest a connection with the YaQ.ad, but the evidence is too scant to permit reliable conclusions. On the basis of these passages, there is no doubt that the Yal,tad viewed the festivals as times ordained by God to recite prayers, perhaps even prayers of prescribed content. Is this the setting in which the Festival Prayers should be placed? Was this opinion held outside the Yal,tad? Below, I will draw on a large body of evidence to show that not a single

119 On the meaning of m"l111 see Qimron, Hebrew 0/ the Dead Sea Serolls, 115 and the references cited there. The phrase m"l111 "11'7.l occurs in a similar use in lQS 1:9 and 3:10. 120 Literally , "Iaws of praise of your glory. " The antecedent of the third person plural suffix is unclear, but the most meaningful solution is probably to understand a reference to the m"l111 "11'7.l as times appointed for praise. See e.g., lQS 9:26-10:1,6. 121 For the palaeographic dating, description of contents, transcription and translation of the fragments, see E. Qimron, "Times for Praising God: A Fragment of aScroll from Qumran (4Q409)" (1990). 122 Qimron, "Times for Praising," 343.

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element of this attitude was without analogy among contemporary practice. First, it remains to mention one more passage from the Dead Sea Scrolls which does not readily harmonize with the YaQad texts listed above. 2.5. llQPsa David's Compositions 11QPsa David's Compositions (col. 27) states that besides 3600 psalms, 364 songs to be sung before the altar over the daily offerings, and 52 songs for the sabbath offerings, David composed 30 songs ("lU) "for the offering of the beginnings of the months, for all the days of festivals, and for the Day of Atonement": C"'~~:1 C'~' m'Y'~:1 ,~, ~,~~, C'lU,m:1 'lU~' p"p~, (llQPsa 27:7-8). Almost certainly, the thirty songs are accounted for as folIows: 12 7 1 8 30

months Passover Unleavened Bread Pentecost Booths Day of Atonement Total

If so, there is no room for the extra festivals mentioned in the Temple SerolI, the Qumran calendaric texts, and seemingly in 4Q409-the first

fruits festivals of wine and oil, and the wood festival-nor is there room for the four days dividing the seasons mentioned in 1QS 10:7. The difference is important because the copy of 11QPsa is roughly contemporary with that of 4Q409-around the beginning of the first century AD. 123 Here, then, we may witness a different liturgical tradition of festival prayer from that espoused in YaQad compositions, and indeed, the scroll llQPsa has already been regarded by some to be a collection originating outside the YaQad because of its use of the Tetragrammaton in non-biblical compositions,124 although the scroll itself is dated to the beginning of the first century AD. Because of the mention that these songs are for the p"p, and the preceding mention of 364 songs "to sing before the altar over the whole-bumt tamid offering every day" (Sanders, DJD 4:92), it is

For the date, see Sanders, DJD 4:9. This is probably the weakest case for using the appearance of the Tetragrammaton in free composition as a criterion for non-Yal;1ad origin because all of these were to be regarded as Davidic compositions; that is, they were not to be considered as non-biblical psalms. 123

124

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apparently songs of the Temple singers in view. Furthermore, that the 30 festival songs are not included in the 364 songs for days of the year suggests that these are for the additional service for these days. In this light, the Festival Prayers look much less consistent with the yal;tad festival tradition. Again, there is no evidence for the extra festivals. Furthermore, both 1QS 10 (line 7) and 4Q409 treat the festivals beginning in the spring, but if the Festival Prayers follow a calendrical order at all, it beg ins in the autumn. It seems probable, then, that the Festival Prayers represent a non-Yal;tad festival tradition, which may, however, have been adopted at Qurnran. Now we can consider the evidence for festival prayers external to the Dead Sea Scrolls which may provide a general context for the Festival Prayers under consideration.

3. Festival Prayers in Context References to prayer at festivals are many, and it is always assumed to be a common custom. According to Zech 14: 17, the Feast of Booths is a time for petition for rain. In Jub. 32:7-8, Jacob blesses and praises the Lord, "the one who delivered him from all his affliction and who granted him his prayers"125 throughout the Feast of Booths. In the books of the Maccabees, Hanukkah is celebrated with sacrifices, music, songs and blessings for eight days (1 Macc 4:52-59; cf. Jos. Ant. 12.323) in the manner of the Feast of Booths, carrying branches in procession (2 Macc 10:6-8). Thus, although the accounts of the Feast of Booths in the Temple in m. Sukk. 5:4 and t. Sukk. 4:5 date much later, they should not be discounted as their picture of prayer and praise is supported by earlier sources. Also, the portrayal of t. Sukk. 4:5 is attributed to R. Joshua b. Bananiah, who functioned after the destruction of the Temple, but he would have been a child when his father was prefect of the priesthood, plausibly in Jerusalem. 126 His anecdote that immediately after the morning sacrifice, they would go to the synagogue (T1Cj~;' T1'~), presumably for prayer,127 has the ring of

O. Wintennute, "Jubilees" (1985) 117. On l;Iananiah, see J. Neusner, The Rabbinie Traditions About the Pharisees Be/ore 70, vol. 1 (1971) 400-13. 127 This is according to codex Vienna, used by Liebennann. Codex Erfurt includes mention of additional and aftemoon prayer, but this is likely to be a later expansion to incorporate synagogue times of prayer followed after the destruction of the Temple on festivals. B. Sukk. 53a makes explicit that they went to pray, buty. Sukk. 5:2, 5b lacks mention of either prayer or the synagogue. See S. Liebennan, Tosefta Ki-Fshu{ah: A Comprehensive Commentary on the Tosefta, 4:888-9; Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 132 n. 30. 125 126

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authenticity because MS Vienna posits only a single visit to the synagogue throughout the day. Loewe argues that the prayers for rain and the processions, including the water pouring rite and the shaking of the lulab, connected with the Feast of Booths in the Mishnah and assumed in John 7-8, were all part of a ritual to bring rain. 128 In a discussion of the various Jewish feasts, Philo describes festival prayers and hymns for Passover as fulfiling ancient customs. The guests assembled for the banquet have been cleansed by purificatory lustrations, and are there not as in other festive gatherings, to indulge the belly with wine and viands, but to fulfil with prayers and hymns the custom handed down by their fathers (7raTpW/I /fOoe; €K7rATJPWCJO/lT€e; P.€TCt €VXW/I T€ KlXt up./IW/I). (Philo, Spec. leg. 2.148, Loeb)

Also in a discussion of sacrifices for the various festivals, Philo mentions prayer in the Temple as an ancient practice. It is probable that these should be seen as references to festival prayers. As the context is of Mosaic institution, it seems that Philo believed the festival prayers to be ordained of old. At least, it must indicate that in his time festival prayers were widely established. Then he summoned them to the sanctuary to take their part in hymns and prayers and sacrifices, that the place and the spectacles there presented and the words there spoken . . . may make them enamoured of continence and piety ... For if anyone cares to examine closely the motives wh ich led men of the earliest times to res ort to sacrifices as a medium of prayer and thanksgiving, he will find that two hold the highest place. (Philo, Spec. leg. 1.193-195, Loeb)

Josephus similarly mentions that the pilgrimage festivals are times "to render thanks to God for benefits received, (and) to intercede for future mercies" (Ant. 4.203, Loeb).

Philo's idealized Pentecost banquet of the Therapeutae (De vita cont. 64-90) posits festival prayers prior to the meal by the standing congregation. Following a sermon by the president are hymns led by individuals with congregational responses, and after the meal more hymns and dancing, ending in the early morning with prayers facing the eastern sunrise. Along with a confessional prayer given in full, which will be discussed below, Baruch 1: 10-13 mentions a prayer for the well-being of the ruler

128 R. Loewe, "'Salvation' is not of the Jews" (1981) 352-5. He argues convincingly that Bar Kochba's reason for requesting lulabs and the three species for his troops, in a letter found in NaQall;Iever, is that the autumn rains brought an end to military campaigns. A successful ritual, then, would bring respite to his troops.

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and the Jewish community, in this case, the exiles. According to the directions, this prayer together with the confession is to be recited on festivals and appointed days (SII ~JLip~ BOpTijt~) of the Eighteen. R. Akiva (third generation, AD 110-135) is quoted as adopting a mediating position and suggesting that if the person is capable, he should fo11ow R. Gamaliel's ruling, but otherwise, he should fo11ow R. Joshua. The Mishnah does not give the text, and consequently, in both Yerushalmi and Bavli, thirdcentury rabbis attempt to provide the formulation. The Bavli formulationknown as the Habinenu-is given in the name of R. Samuel, but dissent is also recorded (b. Ber. 29a). According to hirn, one recites the first three and the final three benedictions normally, but instead of the middle petitions, he substitutes the abbreviated formulation given below. The competing view is that an abbreviation of all eighteen benedictions is recited. Yerushalmi assurnes the discussion in Bavli, but R. Na1:mm's wording, cited in y. Ber. 4.3, 8a (11. 24-34), differs from the Bavli wording, revealing a Palestinian wording. 150 Table 15. Habinenu in Yerushalmi and Bavli

Yerushalmi U'l':1il 1l'11:1 wm il~1 U' "'0 U"l'm U"'" N~1 1l'nulU 11:1 PP7J ilnN C'1i1~7J '::J tl1~lU' 1")1 C')11n1 1" n'lUn C')1lU1il ;)11 11')1 l"l:1J 1:1 '01" '::J 1n7JlU'1

Bavli 4 5 6 7 8

9

1lU'P7J n':1 lU1"":11 1':1)1 '1' "7J~:11

10 11 12 13 14 15

illyn ilnN N1pl C1tl '::J

16

117JN::J illYN 'lN1 1N1p' C1tl il'il1

ny"

1l'il'N 'il 1ll':1il

1nN1"

1'::J1' '17J1

U, ",om

1l:l:1'

nN

C"1Nl m'il' 1l':11N:17J7J UP"11 1~1N n1Nl:1 1lllU'1 ppn )1:11N7J 1l'm~1~l1 1tl~lU' 1ny, ')1 c'ymil1 1'" tl'iln C')1lU1il ')11 C'P"~ 1n7JlU'1 1'::J'il l1P11:11 11'y l'l:1:1 il::J':1Y '1" l1P n"'7J~:11 1"'lU7J 'lU' 1l n::J'1Y:11 illyn ilnN N1pl C1tl il,~n Y7J1lU 'il ilnN 111:1

p'

Y7JlUN 'lN1 C'1:1'7J Cil '1Y

il"~n Y7J1lU '" ilnN 111:1

150 See L. Ginzberg, A Commentary on the Palestinian Talmud, 3:321; for commentary on the whole fonnulation, pp. 320-333. J. Derenbourg, "Melanges Rabbiniques. III. Quelques observations sur le rituel" (1887) 32, suggests that the Yerushalmi fonnula is really a com-

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We know, then, that there were different formulations of short series of benedictions, and it seems that the prayer in 2 Maccabees 1, as weH as the Hebrew hymn in Sir 51, reflects this type of series. 2 Maccabees at least attests the use of such aseries for a festival prayer. Second, Baruch 1: 10-3: 8 is at the surface a letter from Baruch and the exiles in Babyion to the Jews remaining in Jerusalern after the destruction of the city to pray for the well-being of the gentile ruler and the Jewish community in exile and to recite a prayer of confession at their festivals. 151 In reality, all of 1: 1-3: 8 was composed in Hebrew and translated into Greek as a unit before the end of the second century BC .152 It thus represents an attempt by a Palestinian author and/or compiler to promote the described practices among his country-men, and the "discrepant" mention that these prayers are to be recited in connection with sacrificial offerings reveals the author's setting in the time of the rebuilt Temple. We certainly cannot suppose that the exact wording given there represented a standard fixed festival prayer commonly used by Jews in many different communities. Nevertheless, the prayer of confession displays the same form as a group of post-exilic confession prayers, at least two of which are also associated with festivals: Neh 9 (Booths) and lQS 1:21-2:1 (Pentecost).153 Therefore, although it may be an idealized prayer closely dependent on Daniel 9, it is more probable that both Daniel 9 and the Baruch prayer reflect prayer patterns then in circulation. 154 It testifies, then, that at least some Jews in one Palestinian community before the common era had fixed prayers for festivals along with customary forms and themes. Also, it reveals that there were already attempts to promote local formulations more widely, using the authority of respected figures from the

pound of two different fonnulations, one very short and the other longer, and this is easily seen in the above layout. Benedictions 4-9 are given in the short fonn, of which the remaining benedictions have not survived. Benedictions 10-16 are given in a longer fonn which resembles the fonnulation for all of the intennediate benedictions in the abbreviated Amidah in Bavli (h. Ber. 29a). 151 Although the Greek is singular, no particular festival is mentioned. 152 See HIP 3.1:736. Thus, even if 1:3-14 is an interpolation as some believe, or if evidence can be found within 1:15-3:8 of compilation (see C. Moore, Daniel, Esther and Ieremiah: The Additions. A New Translation with lntroduction and Commentary (1977) 282, 291), for our purposes it can be considered as a whole giving expression to a Palestinian perspective of the second century BC. For arecent defence of the unity of the introduction 1: 115a, see O. Steck, Das Apokryphe Baruchbuch (1993) 55-6. 153 See Falk, "4Q393," 199-207, on this genre, and especially n. 67 on the connection between these two festivals in particular and this type of confession prayer. 154 See HIP 3.2:736.

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past. Above all , both 2 Macc 1 and Bar 1-3 show that fixed communal prayer was not regarded as in any conflict with commitment to the sacrificial cult. In addition, Heinemann argues that we can accept the Mishnah's testimony as true in attributing the following prayers to the time of the Second Temple because their connection with the sacrificial cult and formal difference from the synagogue prayers suggests that they originated in the Temple: 155 1. the responsorial chanting of the Hallel Psalms (113-18) by the people

on festivals while the sacrifices were offered Up156; 2. the high priest's confession on the Day of Atonement (m. Yoma 3:8; 4:2; 6:2); 3. the high priest' s blessing of the people at the end of the Day of Atonement ritual (Sir 50?); 157 4. the festival Temple formula '>" C">,' ,m:J'~ ,,:1:J ClU 1":1 (m. Yoma 4:1-2; b. Ta 'an. 16b; preserved in an undertone after the opening line of the Shema). With less certainty, the Mishnah may also be believed when it pictures the following prayers used in the Second Temple, although they may have originated elsewhere since they have no connection to the sacrificial cult and exhibit characteristics familiar from synagogue prayers (benedictions and synagogue-style eulogy formulas): 158 1. the short, private prayer recited by the high priest when coming out of the Holy ofHolies (m. Yoma 5:1); 2. the eight benedictions recited by the high priest after the Torah reading on the Day of Atonement (m. Yoma 7:1; m. Sota 7:7-8; t. Yoma 3:18; y. Yoma 7.44b; y. Sota 7.22a) on the topics of Torah' the Temple service, thanksgiving, forgiveness, the sanctuary, Israel, the priests, and the answering of Israel's prayer;159

Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 124-5, 129, 139-55. Maier explains the absence of the Hallel Psalms (except for apart of Ps 118 positioned between Pss 109 and 104) from llQPs' by suggesting that at Qumran, this group of psalms was reserved for the particular levitical liturgy ("Zu Kult," 566). This theory, which fits his overall hypothesis of esoteric liturgical materials, is interesting but lacks confirmation. 157 Some early liturgical poems for the Day of Atonement also mention it; see Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 124 n. 4. 158 Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 125-9. 159 Many have noted the similarities between the high priest's benedictions on the Day of Atonement and the haftarah benedictions for festivals which have come down to us and also the Hebrew prayer in Sir 51. There is no reason to doubt the Mishnah's record that the high priest did recite benedictions of the general topics indicated. 155

156

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205

3. the series of benedictions for fast days. The six special benedictionscomposed of biblical verses and interposed in the Amidah for these occasions-probably were originallyaseparate unit, as suggested by stylistic differences; 4. the series of benedictions in the musa! Amidah for New Year, accompanied by trumpet and shofar bl asts (m. Ros Has 4:5-6). These are composed of selections of biblical passages (similar to the fast-day benedictions) concemed with the themes of God's Kingship, Remembrance, and the Shofar, each preceded by a dedarative prologue and followed by a supplication. The three special benedictions are likely to represent an ancient order of prayers in their own right providing opportunities for the nine-fold blowing of the shofar. Not connected to the Temple,160 there is good reason to believe that the series of seven benedictions in the Amidah for festivals and sabbaths (including the first three and last three of the daily Amidah, plus a special benediction which incorporates themes appropriate for the occasion known as the "sanctification of the day") predates the destruction of the Temple, although, of course, not necessarily in its present form. It is often thought that this series of seven predates the daily series of eighteen. According to t. Ros Has 2: 17, the houses of Shammai and Hillel assumed the practice of reciting seven benedictions for sabbaths and festivals and debated only whether the mention of the sabbath and the mention of the festival are counted as separate benedictions or as a single one. In support of their view, the House of Hillel appealed to I:Ioni the cirde drawer in the first century Be who recited aseries of seven benedictions on a festival day which coincided with the sabbath. Even Fleischer, who wants to argue that the idea of obligatory prayer was an innovation of Gamaliel 11 after the destruction of the Temple, concedes that the above testimony may reflect experimentation with crystallized prayer forms among certain circles before the destruction of the Temple. 161 That the seven benedictions for festivals existed in Temple times is further attested by the analogous series of eight benedictions recited by the high priest on the Day of Atonement, and the testimony of m. Sofa 7:8 that on the Sabbatical Feast of Booths, the king recites the same benedictions but with "that (benediction) for the festivals (= the "sanctification of the day") instead of that for the forgiveness of

160 161

Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 132. Fleischer, "On the Beginnings," 425.

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sins. "162 It is further probable that the series of benedictions now recited after the hajtarah reading (Soferim 13:9-14) represents an ancient series of sabbath and festival benedictions also from Second Temple times, although again, not necessarily in the wordings known to uso Heinemann suggests this on the basis of the festive character of the benedictions and the inclusion of petitions which are neither directly relevant to the purpose of thanksgiving for Scripture nor paralleled in other blessings after Scripture readings, especially a sanctification of the day. 163 All of this material-and doubtless other examples could be adduced as well-amply demonstrates that (1) an extensive body of festival prayer tradition existed prior to the destruction of the Temple in AD 70; (2) much is roughly contemporary with the prayers of the Dead Sea Scrolls with which we are concemed; (3) customary themes are associated with particular festivals; (4) distinct compositions with fixed wordings are in some cases in view; (5) the practice of reciting prayers at festivals is firmly rooted in custom, so that Josephus could even refer to it as a Mosaic ordinance; (6) at least some attempted to promote particular formulations in other communities; and (7) the prayers represent a wide variety of socioliturgical settings, both communal and private, from priests to Templesingers and lay persons, and with varying degrees of connections with the sacrificial cult. The only element which is perhaps unique to the Yal:}.ad with regard to festival prayers is the possibility that they viewed the content of prayers as ordained by God, but this is not certain, and in the end, unlikely. In any case, this would not require us to associate the Festival Prayers with the Yal:}.ad because there is no indication in those prayers that the wording is regarded as divinely instituted, and on the other hand, evidence exists outside of the Yal:}.ad for promoting specific formulations of festival prayers. Although one must be cautious about argumentation from thematic similarity,164 a comparison of content strengthens the case for the Festival Prayers being placed in the context of a broad stream of festival prayer

162 See Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 130 and n. 21. See also the significant reflection of the seven benedictions for sabbaths and festivals in the seventh book of the Apostolic Constitutions, which may, however, represent a post-AD 70 appropriation (See Kohler, "Origin and Composition," 410-25; Fiensy, Prayers Alleged to be Jewish, 129-34,223-5). 163 Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 227-9; see Fleischer, "On the Beginnings," 413, who concedes on this point. 164 Maier's warning, "Zu Kult," 568-9, that thematic similarity alone is of little value apart from a correspondence of function level, occasion, and cult service grouping is relevant and important, but on the other hand, it can be added that groupings of themes and significant verbal paralleis (more than a single word) without biblical paralleis do bear weight.

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207

tradition. We notice in the first instance the general conditioning of the content of prayers to festivals in both the Festival Prayers and in the other psalms and prayers associated with various festivals which we have surveyed above. So, for example, the first prayer of the Festival Prayers, which is probably for New Year, mentions the seasonally relevant concems of rain, sowing and sprouting. The prayer for the Day of Atonement focuses on guilt, affliction, repentance, and mercy. The Passover prayer alludes to the Exodus, God's miracles of deliverance, and the election of Israel. Furthermore, as noted above,165 the prayers for Day of Atonement, Booths, Weeks, and Passover mention or allude to the biblical prescriptions for the day. All of this is perhaps natural and so of limited comparative value, but it is still significant that hints of contemporary prayers are so similar. For example, the theme of God's mercy in the concluding benediction for the Day of Atonement (4Q508 22+23 1) is not only topically suitable to the occasion, but also seems to accord with the popular prayers of Jews in the Second Temple period. In the vivid portrait of the high priest's service on the Day of Atonement in Sir 50, Ben Sira notes that the people "offered their prayers before the Merciful One" (Sir 50: 19, NRSV). Such epitomes of prayers are frequent in narratives and in many cases it is arguable that they represent fairly accurately the major tone of the prayer which would be recapitulated in a concluding benediction. Similarly, the litany which I have associated with the Feast of Booths (4Q509 12 i+ 13, see below) laments the sufferings of the people. Support of a connection with ancient prayers at Booths might possibly be derived from Jubilees 32 which associates the origin of the Feast of Booths with Jacob's encounter with God at Bethel. Jub 32:7 records that Jacob "blessed and praised the LORD, the one who delivered hirn from all his affliction and who granted hirn his prayers." This epitome would serve admirably as a summary of the litany in 4Q509 12 i + 13, and would be appropriate as a concluding benediction. It may accurately reflect the content of ancient prayers at Booths. Further similarities with the later synagogue liturgy add weight to the argument. Besides merely mentioning the similar system of remembrance which is treated in detail by Nitzan,166 I will discuss in some detail four examples which have been noticed by others. 167

See p. 184. Qumran Prayer, 99-104, 111-6. 167 On the examples discussed below, see Schiffman, "Early History," 41-2; Weinfeld, "Prayer and Liturgical Practice," 244-7; and Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 99-116, esp. nn. 39, 43, 52. 165

166

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(1) 4Q509 3 3-4 (= lQ34 2+ 1 2) contains in the prayer for New Year the following line:

[... n~,pn]?

ij[']ml'~Ji[ ...

131m? U'"1J ];in~o~,

and you gathered [ our banished ones for the time of ... ] and our scattered [ones] for [ the age of ... ] Both Schiffman and Weinfeld compare this passage with a line from the "sanctification for the day" in the musa! Amidah for festivals ('J!)~ 'J'l>ttlM): r'~

'n"'tJ OJ' u'n'l'~J' C'l.lil ptJ 'J",t~ :l,P' (Goldschmidt, Seder R. Amram, 126)

Bring together our scattered ones from among the nations, and gather our dispersed ones from the corners of the earth. The verbal comparison is not as convincing as Schiffman and Weinfeld find it,168 particularly because the only true verbal resemblance is dependent on Isa 11: 12 and both otherwise draw differentlyon Isa 11: 12. Nevertheless, there is some significance in the fact that both of these turn Isa 11: 12 into a petition for festival use. Weinfeld further points out the connection between the gathering of exiles and festivals introduced into the Septuagint's reading of MO!) 'Y'~:l ("at the Feast of Passover") instead of C:l MO!)' "Y ("among them the blind and larne") in Jer 31:8 (LXX 38:8).169 This supports the idea that roughly contemporary with the Festival Prayers, prayer for the gathering of exiles was associated particularly, although not exclusively,170 with festivals. It is then of significance that both of the festival prayers recorded in the Apocrypha also contain petitions for the gathering of exiles: Gather together our scattered people, set free those who are slaves among the Gentiles, look on those who are rejected and despised. (2 Macc 1:27; NRSV) Let your anger turn away from us, for we are left, few in number, among the nations where you have scattered uso Hear, 0 Lord, our prayer and our supplication, and for your own sake deliver us, and grant us favor in the sight of

Schiffman, "Early History, "42; Weinfeld, "Prayer and Liturgical Practice," 245. Weinfeld, "Prayer and Liturgical Practice, " 246. 170 See Chazon, "Prayers from Qumran," 278-9, for filrther discussion on petitions for the ingathering of exiles. Other notable examples from the Second Temple period are Sir 36:13 (cf. Sir 51:11'); Pss. Sol. 8:28; 4Q504 1-2 vi 12-14 (prayer for Friday). 168

169

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209

those who have carried us into exile; so that all the earth may know that you are the Lord our God. (Bar 2:13-15a)

(2) In the synagogue liturgy there are litanies eonneeted with the Feast of Booths known as hosha'not. Heinemann suggests that four anonymous hosha'not represent "one of the earliest forms of post-biblical poetry known to us," originating as improvised litanies in eonneetion with the proeessions around the altar held during the Feast of Booths in the Temple. This is plausible given our knowledge of the observanee of the Feast of Booths from the Seeond Temple period. Although none of the the aneient patterns of hosha'not which Heinemann identifies 171 appear in the Dead Sea SeroIls, some similarities in style of poetry do oeeur. The poetic passage in 4Q509 12 i-l3, which I have tentatively eategorized as a prayer for the Day of Atonement,172 is very close to the short, repetitive, stereotyped lines of the hosha'noth. The lines are set out poetically below. 173 4Q509 12 i-13

[:J'ttm ]":J1.) c'y,nil c'niil1.)ft ',S[1.) C' ... il] c',:mft [C'jm]":J1.) C' ••• il] i'Sil ":Jil[ C'1:JlU)il ltmn ]":J1.) ])"yS [ ] N:'" 1'~[' ] CnJ1.) [1'~' [ 1'~'] Cil'YlU:J:J C"lU:n t)ji~

'SS, 11:1' 1iS[t]

C]'1'O~

ilyinn

the exiles who wander, without [someone to bring (them) back]; [those who ... ] [w]ithout strength; those who fall, without [someone to raise (them); [those who ... ] without someone to give (them) understanding; the broken, without [someone to bind (them) up] [... ] in [their] iniquity, land] there is no one to heal; [ ... ]

and there is no one tO]174 comfort; stumbling in their transgressions land there is no one to ... ]. [Re]member the sorrow and the weeping. You are the companion of prisoner[s ... ]

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As recognized by Nitzan,175 the litany in 4Q509 12 i + 13 is also remarkably similar to the poetic lamentation 4Q501. 4Q501 1 1-4 il:J7JY '[i'~Y 'lnl~] ~':J i':Jf il:Jll?nl ':my, tl'7:J7JWIil il :Jll'i:l 'l:l i':Jf il[:J :l'!Ub 1'~' !U:lm 1'~'

9P['f 1'~'

tl')r'l1 tl':l 'Ubil tl'i':l!U tl'~'~:J]

Remember that [we are the restrained] of your people, and the abandoned of your inheritance; Remember the desolate sons of your covenant, [and the ... ofyo]ur [ ... ] the volunteers wandering, and there is no one to bring back the broken, and there is no one to heal; [the bent over, and there is no one to lif]t up.

The phrase C'~1J1 C':1"l~n ("the volunteers wandering") in 4Q501 seems suspiciously secondary to the corresponding C'~'T1 C'n1u~n ("the exiles wandering") in 4Q509. Perhaps 4Q501 can be understood as an adaptation by the Yal;tad, where C':1'ln and C':1'lT1~n are distinctive designations for the community.176 If this was the case, it could provide further support for the argument that the Festival Prayers did not originate in the Yal;tad but were adopted by them.

Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 154-5. See also Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 84 n. 109. 173 On this passage, see p. 170 above. 114 For this restoration, see Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 100 n. 43. 175 Qumran Prayer, 100 n. 43. 176 See Wemberg-M",lIer, Manual 0/ Discipline, 46. 171

172

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PRAYER AT FESTIVALS

Much of the terminology in these two passages of prayer is gleaned from biblical passages which describe God' s assistance of the needy, 177 particularly the depiction of God as the true shepherd in Ezek 34: pmN

:il;!1n:i-11N1

~:mN

m:l~ll;!1

:l'~N

11n1l:i-11N1

~P:lN

111:lN:i-11N (Ezek 34: 16)

1Q34 3 ii 8 may also allude to the same context. Also, the basic structure "x without y" is biblical, employing some of the same terminology. Most notable are the following: 178

C'i'~ " 1'~' '!ll' l"T '~::J' :l~ l'~'

'l";' C'~'11'

(Jer 50:32) (Lam 5:3)

C;'l~ C;', l'~' C'i'~~;' 11~~' ;'l;" Cnl~

C;"

l'~'

n::J C;"i'~~ ,,~,

(Eccl 4: 1)

:l~;' '~N l'N' ;,c~~ "~~ l'N' T:l' ";' (Isa 42:22) Nevertheless, there is no biblical precedent for the use of the pattern in a prayer or for the litany-like list found in both of the prayers found at Qumran; nor for such a collocation of these concems as found in them. This makes all the more striking the similarities to a liturgical poem (piyyut) for the musa! service on the Day of Atonement, part of which is cited by Nitzan. 179 The whole poem is as follows, with the most significant parallels highlighted: imy 1lN 1:11 ~P:ll;! 1'N1 C'Y1m :l:l1~l;! l'N1 C"1:l~:J ?':JN:i? 1'N1 C':lY,;' 11Upl;! 1'N1 C"UP:J 111P~:il;! 1'N1 C'N~~:J 1~" l'N1 C'N11~:J :l'~:i' 1'N1 C'~'Y:J :l:iN' 1'N1 C'NU~:J :l'P' 1'N1 C'~1:il:J

177

190.

For we are now

like wanderers, with no one to seek (them); like prisoners, with no one to redeem (them); like like like like

the starving, with no one to feed (them); possessions, without a possessor; the thirsty, with no one to give (them) drink; fools, with no one to instruct (them);

like weary ones, with no one to restore (them); like the hated, with no one to love (them); like those pushed away, with no one to receive (them)

Ezek 34:4, 16; Pss 145: 14; 146:7-8; 147:3; and Judith 9: 11. See Baillet, DJD 7:80,

Cf. also Amos 5:2; Isa 1:31; Isa 41:17; 63:5; Lam 1:7; Mie 5:8; Nah 3:18. Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 101 n. 43. leite the text aeeording to D. Goldsehmidt, MalJzor for the Days of Awe (1970) 2:495; the translation is my own. 118

179

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"11il? l'N' !:l"l7.):l !:l'l"N l'N' !:l'mp?:l tppt? l'N' !:l'~:ml:l:l :lN !:lil?-l'N' !:l'7.)m':l 'il~? l'N' !:l'N7.)~:l 11'N?7.)? l'N' !:l"On:l ,,:lt? l'N' !:l'mlt:l ilml7.) !:lil?-l'N' !:l'7.)'il:l !:llln? l'N' !:l'?,:l ?:lP? l'N' !:l"l:l ,:l:l? l'N' !:l",t:l:l !:lnl7.) l'N' !:l'?:lN:l OU7.) l'N' !:l'OUN:l

like the outcasts, with no one to release (them); like clients, without a master; like those bent over, with no one to raise (them); like orphans, without a father; Iike the impure, with no one to purify (them); like the empty, with no one to fill (them); Iike the forsaken, with no one to remember (them); like the busy, with no one to give them rest; like the poor, with no one to have mercy on them; like the strangers, with no one to receive (them); Iike the despised, with no one to honour (them); like the mourning, with no comforter; Iike the violated, with no refuge.

One eannot argue on the basis of this eomparison for a genetie link between the prayers found at Qumran and the mueh later piyyut, but it does point to a post-biblical prayer tradition-albeit drawing on biblieal resoureeswhich is refleeted in the Dead Sea Serolls but also in medieval liturgical poetry .180 The similarity with a piyyut for the Day of Atonement does not pose problems for identifying 4Q509 12 i-13 with Booths, sinee as Heinemann noted, there is evidenee for a similar origin and a high degree of overlap between the prayers recited on Booths and the High Holy Days (New Year, Day of Atonement).181 (3) In the prayer for the Day of Atonement in the Festival Prayers is a passage about God's knowledge of seeret things. m~' 11Y;[' •.. 11']?ll;;; 111"110l;; il11Y" il11~;

And you know the hidden things and the revealed [things ... ] you [k]now our inclination (4Q508 2 4-5)

This is almost identical to the eonfession made in the publie recitation of the Amidah on the Day of Atonement in the synagogue liturgy: 182 Y'" il11N m?llil' 11"110lil ?:l N?il 'n ?:l "110 m7.)'?Y11' !:l?'Y 't, Y'" il11N :l?, 11"?:l ilN" lö:l '"n ':llU!l,n il11N l'l'Y 'll7.) '110ll'N' l7.)7.) !:l?Yl ,:l, l'N (Goldschmidt, Seder R. Amram, 161)

IBO Nitzan notes that there are other paralleis to the prayers and piyyutim for the Day of Atonement in the Festival Prayers (Qumran Prayer 101 n. 43). 181 Prayer in the Talmud, 152.

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213

Do you not know all hidden things and the revealed things? You know the mysteries of the universe and the hidden secrets of allliving. You search all the inner recesses (and) see the inner being and the heart. Nothing is hidden from you, and nothing is concealed from your eyes.

Once again, the common language is biblical: God's knowledge of the hidden and revealed things in Deut 29:28 U'l'''li11 'Il';"~ ;''1;'" mTllUl:1), and his knowledge of man' s inclination in Ps 103: 14 ('Il'l' ~" ~'I;'-'::J; cf. Deut 31 :21).183 Nevertheless, the combination does not have biblical precedent, and the adaptation to a prayer form and use in a prayer for the Day of Atonement shows that we are dealing with an element of festival prayer tradition. In the third century, Rab refers to this confession as 'T' ~''I' ;'Tl~ C''I~ (b. Yoma 87b), but the same passage reveals that other formulations were also known at that time. (4) Nitzan notes that the structural elements of the Festival Prayers, which include "the reference to the specific commandment of the day, the promise of reward to those who fulfil it, and the worshippers' anticipation of that fulfilment," 184 belong to the special blessing for festivals ("sanctification of the day") in the musa! Amidah for festivals. In example (1) above, a similarity to one part of this benediction was recognized (the part known as 'Il'~t!n 'l!l~). A strong resemblance to another part (beginning 'Ilmn:l ;'Tl~) appears in the festival prayer in 2 Maccabees, discussed above. 185 There are no strong similarities to the 'Ilmn:l ;'Tl~-first mentioned as a benediction recited on the Day of Atonement by Rabba (b. Yom. 87b)-extant in the Festival Prayers. Nevertheless, God's election and sanctification of his people, the two themes found in 2 Macc 1:25, appear also in 4Q508 4 2 ('Il:l ,n:l 'lU~) and 4Q509 131 + 132 ii 10 (]TllU'i';,).186 It seems probable that themes which became enshrined in the special blessing for festivals in the festival musa! Amidah were already associated with festival prayers before the common era. Unfortunately, the fragmentary nature of the Festival Prayers does not allow more confident comparisons, but it is important to note that whereas

182 183

184

Weinfeld, "Prayer and Liturgical Practice, " 246; Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, WO, n. 38. BaiIIet, DJD 7: 179.

Qumran Prayer, 103.

2 Macc 1:25; see p. 200 above. 186 See Chazon, "Prayers from Qumran," 278, on the motif of Israel's election in prayers, particularly those for sabbath and festivals. 185

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thematic similarities can be drawn mostly with the Amidah benedictions, these prayers are not formally comparable to the Amidah. As noted above, specific petition is rare in the Festival Prayers. They cannot, therefore, be said to be in any kind of genetic relationship with the Amidah. Likewise, they differ for the sarne reason from the prayer in 2 Maccabees 1 and the intercessory prayers for the ruler and other communities cited above. On the other hand, although the Festival Prayers have a similar attitude and content to the psalms for festivals, they are basically prose, even if they contain some poetic passages. There is, however, one festival prayer reviewed above which is comparable in form, namely, the prayer in Baruch 1: 15-3:8. Differences still distinguish the two, but they share as primary components the confession of sins and of God's righteous deeds in the form of a historical recital, and petition far mercy. This similarity is sufficient to indicate that the Festival Prayers are not a unique phenomenon. Formally, they belong with the Baruch prayer broadly to the body of post-exilic communal confessions (e.g., Neh 9; Dan 9; Pr Azar; Ps 106; lQS 1-2; Words 0/ the Luminaries; 4Q393; cf. Ezra 9).187 Although this form is related to the communal larnent, its distinctiveness is seemingly due to the change of setting from ad hoc occasions of crisis to recurring use on regular fast-days (cf. Zech 7:3-5) and then also at festivals (e.g., Neh 9, Booths; lQS 1-2, Weeks). It is possible that all of the exarnples of this form mentioned above had some connection with festivals. Most give no indication of their actual setting, but neither Daniei 9 nor the Prayer of Azariah fit the setting of individual prayer attributed to them. The use of Ps 106 in 1 Chronicles 16 may suggest a festive use,188 and the festival allusions in Words 0/ the Luminaries may suggest a conscious extension from festival prayer to daily prayer. 4. Summary

We find, then, three broad categories of prayers connected with festivals in the Second Temple period. (1) There are hymns, especially the Temple songs for festivals as described in 11 QPsa David 's Compositions. (2) There are series of benedictions, including 2 Maccabees 1 and the series of benedictions for festivals which can be extrapolated back from rabbinic references. 189 It is probable that the prayers referred to in lQS 1O:5b-8,

187 188 189

See Falk, "4Q393, " 199-201. See Mowinckel, Psalms, 1: 127. See also Sir 36.

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215

4Q409, and 4Q51O-11 inc1ude these, along with perhaps songs of praise. (3) There are also communal confessions. l90 Locating the Festival Prayers in the third category, we can hypothesize a certain amount about the socioliturgical setting of these prayers. On the basis of content and theology, it may be possible to associate these prayers with Levites, if this approach has validity.191 But furthermore, in the only two examples of this category which provide detailed information on their communal use (Neh 9; lQS 12), the Levites have a dominant role in leading the people in a responsive liturgy.192 The prayer in Baruch is presented as a liturgy to be read in the Temple to accompany sacrifices (Bar 1: 10-11, 14). Even though its posited setting in the time of the Babylonian exile is fictitious, the general setting of such a prayer in the context of the Temple service is probably accurate, given other testimony to prayer led by the Temple liturgists at festivals. As a hypothesis, therefore, it seems likely that Festival Prayers should be viewed as a leviticalliturgy with participation by the people. Thus, the Dead Sea Scrolls attest a range of prayers associated with festivals-inc1uding songs of praise, benedictions, and supplication and confession-which is broadly consistent with other sources for the Second Temple period. Furthermore, the foregoing investigation has highlighted divergent patterns of festival prayers in the Dead Sea Serolls. On the one hand, texts most c10sely associated with the Yal:;tad (4Q409, lQS 10) assurne a cyc1e of prayers beginning in the spring and inc1uding the extra festivals mentioned in the Temple Scroll. On the other hand, Festival Prayers assurnes a cyc1e beginning in the autumn, and apparently, with 11QPsa David's Compositions, does not inc1ude the extra festivals. On other grounds, both of these are best regarded as not originating in the Yal:;tad, but find their most likely association with the Temple liturgists. As far as texts of festival prayers are concerned, many psalms, hymns, and blessings found at Qumran might have been used at festivals by the Yal:;tad, but only the Hodayot gives some indication of such use. The only supplications specified for festival use found at Qumran are the Festival Prayers. Although they probably did not originate in the Yal:;tad, it is likely that the Yal:;tad adopted (and perhaps adapted) them for use. As with the daily and sabbath liturgies of the Yal:;tad, Temple influence on their festivalliturgy is also prominent.

190 To these should probably be added a litany-type, but there is too lillle evidence for the Second Temple period to say anything useful. 191 See the discussion pp. 90ff. above. 192 The Hebrew of Neh 9:4-5 lacks the LXX's introduction of Ezra in Neh 9:5a.

CHAPTER SIX DAILY, SABBATH, AND FESTIVAL PRAYER IN CONTEXT The daily, sabbath, and festival prayers examined above represent only a part of a larger repertoire of prayers attested in the Dead Sea Scrolls. Either by association with the Maskil or a particular setting, many of the prayers are distinctively connected with the YalJ,ad. These include: a liturgy in which the members of the YalJ,ad annually reaffirmed their standing in the "New Covenant" and inducted new members (1QS 1:18-2:18; CD 20:2730; 4QDa 11 = 4QDe 7 i-ii; 5Q13; 4QBerakhot; cf. 4Q275); a communal recitation of Grace at Meals according to the hierarchy of the YalJ,ad (1 QS 6:4b-6; cf. 10: 14b-15a; 1QSa 2: 17-21)1; prayers for purification rituals in which the purification is linked with God's forgiveness of sin (4Q414, 4Q512; cf. 1QS 2:25-3:12); apotropaic prayers for use by a professional exorcist (4Q51O-511 Songs 01 the Sage; 4Q444; possibly 4Q560; 8Q5); what appears to be a marriage liturgy (4Q502); various hymns, prayers, and blessings for the eschatological setting of the final war and the messianic era (lQM 10-19; 4QMa,b,e,f; 4Q471 5 and 4Q497 1-2; 4Q285 1; l1QBer; 1QSb; 1QSa 1:22-25); and collections of individual thanksgivings and community hymns (Hodayot). In addition, there are various prayers and songs whose provenance is uncertain because they lack distinguishing features of the YalJ,ad. 2 These include apotropaic prayers for use by individuals (llQPsa David's Compositions; llQApocryphal Psalms a); a prayer for the well-being of the city, the king, and all the congregation of Israel who are dispersed over all the earth (4Q448); petitionary prayers (4Q393 Communal Conlession; 4Q501 Apocryphal Lamentations);

I No texts of meal prayers tumed up at Qumran. The two fragments which Weinfeld proposes as a "grace after meals at the moumer's house" ("Grace After Meals in Qumran") contain rather a psalm about God's future consolation of Jerusalem's afflicted based on Isaiah 61:10-16. It is best understood as a song of Zion (cf. Ps. 48; 11 QPs' Hymn to Zion; 4Q380 1-2) and belongs to a collection of psalms known as Barkhi Naphshi. Neither the comparisons that he draws to the traditional grace nor to the moumer's prayer compel one to view this as an early example. 2 This does not necessarily imply a non-Ya\:lad origin. Schuller has pointed out that prayers are perhaps least likely to show marks of sectarianism ("Prayer, Hymnic, and Liturgical Texts," 170).

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numerous songs and religious poems (Barkhi Naphshi, 4Q392 Works 0/ God, hybrid psalters [4QPSf; 11 QPsa.bJ, collections of non-canonical psalms [4Q380, 381]); many prayers embedded in narratives, especially attributed to the patriarehs; and many fragmentary prayers of undetermined nature. 3 This entire corpus cannot and need not be reviewed here. Most of these other prayers are either situation specific or of uncertain function. Our interest is in the development of institutionalized prayer at fixed recurring occasions, and for this, we have already examined the most significant evidence, although some of the works mentioned in the previous paragraph may also have been used for daily, sabbath, or festival prayer. The discussion so far has suggested that liturgical prayer at fixed times was not unique to sectarians in the Second Temple period and it has raised evidence pointing to original connections with the Temple service rather than in replacement for it. This was recommended by evidence of dissimilarity within the corpus of prayers in the Dead Sea ScroIls, implying different origins, and also continuity with contemporary prayer-especially that associated with the Temple-and later rabbinic liturgy. The Yal;1ad's daily liturgy, for example, can be seen as an adaptation of prayer practices surrounding the daily Temple service. I suggested that part of the modification included the incorporation of confession under the influence of the annual covenant ceremony. In order to set these arguments in their larger context in the Qumran corpus and the history of Jewish prayer, it remains to examine the annual covenant ceremony of the Yal;1ad, and then to address the topics of continuity and modification, motivation for institutionalized prayer, and obligation in prayer.

3 See D. Falk. "Prayer in the Qumran Texts" (1998) for a longer version of this survey with bibliographie details. In abrief survey of the corpus of prayers from Qumran. Chazon suggests that they fall into "seven major form-critical categories" ("Historical Implications." 267-8). It is questionable whether her classification can be regarded as truly form-critical. Four of her categories-liturgies for fixed times. ceremonial liturgies. eschatological prayers. and magie incantations-concern general occasions alone and ignore significant formal and functional differences between the prayers in each category. The remaining three categories-collections of psalms. hodayot hymns. and prose prayers-primarily concern contextual form rather than structural form and function. A thorough form-critical classification of the corpus of prayers and psalms from Qumran is greatly needed. but considerable work remains to be done to establish a suitable taxonomy.

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219

1. Annual Covenant Ceremony Once a year, apparently at the Feast of Weeks,4 the Yal:;tad performed a ceremony in which new members were inducted and the community as a whole was mustered and reaffirmed their position in the "New Covenant." The most complete description of the four-part ceremony is preserved in the Community Rule (IQS 1:18-2:18).

1.1. Community Rule 1QS 1: 18-2: 18 describes a covenant ceremony5 to be repeated annually, in which the priests, Levites, and people enter the order in sequence (2: 19ff.). Although this is an incomplete description, seemingly for rhetorical purposes rather than instructions for performance, a certain amount of information nevertheless may be gleaned. It is a structured ceremony in four parts, each including participation by the priests (a), Levites (b), and the people (c).

See below, p. 226. This whole section describes a single ceremony, not two different ones; WembergMeller, Manual ofDiscipline, 55 n. 47. 4

5

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Table 16. The Form ofthe Covenant Ceremony6 The Covenant Ceremony (IQS 1:18-2:18)

Post-exilic Confession

l.a + b The priests and Levites bless the God of Ascription of salvation and all the works of his truth praise ('tuy~ ,,:l n~, my,tu' ,~ n~ C':li::m ,n~~ 1:18b-19a) c Those entering the covenant respond "Amen, Amen" (1: 19b-20) 2. a

b

c

Baltzer's Covenant Formulary Invocation and praise of God

The priests recount the righteous and merciful acts of God for Israel (tl1ni':ll 'tuY~:l ,~ mp'~ n~ t:I'iElO~ '~itu' ,y t:I'~ni ',on ,,:l c'Y'~tu~, 1:21-22a) The Levites recount the iniquities (nm,y) of the sons of Israel, all their guilty transgressions ('ytuEl Cn~tu~), and their sins (Cn~~n) during the reign of Belial (1 :22b-24a)

Historical recollection of God's mercies

Antecedent history = recounting of God's saving acts

Those entering the covenant confess their sins (1 :24b-2: la): We have done wrong (1l"Yl), we have [tr]ansgressed (1lytu[El]), we have [sin]ned (1l~[~n]), we have done wickedly (1lytuiil), we [and] our [t]athers before us, in going [contrary to the covenant]

Confession of sins and the sins ofthe fathers, in the form of a historical recollection

Statement of substance = description of relationship

AcknowledgeTrue and righteous is the [G]od of ment of God's [Israel, and] his judgement against us and against [our] fathers; but he has bes- just sentence towed on us his gracious mercy forever and ever

6 The following table is heavily dependent on the analysis of the covenant ceremony by Weise, Kultzeiten, 61-112 (and its review in TLz 82 [1957] 386-7) and Baltzer, Covenant Formulary, 49-50. See further the discussion below.

PRAYER IN CONTEXT

3. a

b

e

The priests bless all the men of God's lot "who walk blamelessly in all his ways" with an expanded Priestly Blessing (2:lb-4a): May he bless you with every good and keep you from every evil. May he enlighten your heart with living wisdom and favour you with eternal knowledge. May he lift up his mereiful face to you for eternal peaee

Petition for merey

221 Blessings and eurses

The Levites eurse the men of Belial's lot (with a given formula whieh is the obverse of the blessing; 2:4b-9) Those entering the eovenant respond "Amen, Amen" (2:10)

4.a + b The priests and the Levites eurse the apostate (2: 11-17) e Those entering the eovenant respond "Amen, Amen" (2:18)

Scholars often compare this ceremony with two forms: (1) what Baltzer called the "covenant formulary," consisting of invocation and praise of God, recounting of God's saving acts, adescription of the relationship, and concluding with blessings and curses to motivate maintenance;7 and (2) a distinctive body of prayers of communal confession from the post-exilic period, including Nehemiah 9, Ezra 9, DanieI 9, Bar 1:15-3:8. 8 The latter

7 Baltzer, Covenant Formulary. See also M. Dekor, "Das Bundesfest in Qumran und das Pfingsfest" (1963). 8 E.g., F. Baumgärtel, "Zur Liturgie in der 'Sektenrolle' vom Toten Meer" (1953); cf. Weise, Kultzeiten, 81-2; Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 129. Although in its context Daniel 9 is prayed privately by Daniei, the language is that of communal prayer: note especially "we do not present our supplication before you on the ground of our righteousness ... " (Dan 9: 18, NRSV). These prayers share in common typical features and form a distinctive grouping in the Second Temple period. Examples of this formal pattern, which will be referred to as "post-exilic communal confessions," include: Neh 9:6-37; Dan 9:4-19; Pr Azar; Bar 1:153:8; 4Q504 2 v 1-2 vii 2 (cf. Ezra 9:6-15; Ps 106). See Falk, "4Q393," 199-201 and the references listed n. 45 there. Baltzer, Covenant Formulary, 39-50, calls essentially this pattern "covenant renewal" and includes lQS 1:18-2:18. I do not follow his terminology because I think it obscures the distinctiveness of confessional prayer in this form, and not all the texts which exhibit this pattern of typical elements can be called covenant renewals. I also think he overlooks the uniqueness of lQS 1:18-2:18.

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appear to be based on the former as areparation of the covenant whose breach had been punished by the exile. Thus, they too begin with praise and a recollection of God's past mercies, but the confession of sins comes as an admission of the broken obligations and the petition for mercy to counter the earned curses. Therefore, it is not surprising to find similarities to both of these in the liturgy of lQS 1-2, which is concerned with returning to the covenant of God in the face of Israel's error. Nevertheless, despite similarities to both of these, the covenant ceremony in the Community Rule remains unique. On the one hand, it differs from the "covenant formulary" primarily in that it contains a confession of sin. On the other hand, it differs from the post-exilic communal confessions in three important regards: 1. despite beginning with confession, it lacks mention of forgiveness and renewal of the covenant 2. it lacks the petition for mercy 3. instead of the petition for mercy, it includes blessing and curse The absence of a petition for forgiveness and mercy is particularly striking because the confession of sin closely follows the biblical models (1 Kgs 8:47; Dan 9:5; Ps 106:6; cf. Ezra 9:6-7, Neh 9:6-37; Jer 14:20-21) which all contain an explicit or implicit supplication. 9 To have the confession of sin followed immediately by a confident assertion of God's blessing is unexpected. The blessing and curse, for their part, correspond to the blessing and curse in the covenant formulary of Deut 27: 11-26,10 but it is the combination of confession of sins with blessing and cursing which makes 1QS 1: 18-2: 18 unique. l1 There are further differences from the blessing and cursing of the covenant formulary. The blessing is an expanded Priestly Blessing. The curses, instead of being called upon themselves, are spoken against outsiders (the "sons of Belial") and a curse specifically on apostates is introduced (2:11-8) on the inspiration of Deut 29:17-20. Consequently, the liturgy ends with a confident tone which appears incongruous with the beginning confession. Instead of a petition for mercy it is a confident declaration of blessing, and where we would expect to find reference to forgiveness and renewal of the covenant it is cursing on sinners and

9 See p. 229 below. The usual pattern confession then petition for pardon is reflected in the Amidah (benedictions 5 and 6). 10 See Baltzer, Covenant Formulary, 49-50, 168-9. 11 This was overlooked by both Weise and Baltzer.

PRAYER IN CONTEXT

223

apostates. In comparison with the biblical models of communal confession on which it draws, this ritual sounds distinctly self-assured. How is this to be explained? Scholars have generally recognized that the ritual is a deliberate modification of biblical models-especially the covenant blessing and cursing ceremony of Deut 27 and the communal confessions-and that its distinctive sectarian character lay in that modification. 12 It is particularly the combination of confession of sins and cursing which requires explanation, for this has no biblical precedent. Lev 26:40-5 specified that God would only remove the curses of the covenant and remember the land when the people confessed their sins and the sins of their fathers and humbled their uncircumcised hearts. Out of the soil of this theology stemmed a genre of communal confession in the postexilic period which had a strong influence on the literature of the time. 13 I propose that the combination of such confession with cursing could have been prompted by reflection on Deut 30: 1-10. Here it explains that when the people have turned back to God after experiencing the curses of the covenant, God will restore their fortunes, have compassion on them, return them from exile to their land and make them prosper , and circumcise their hearts. So far, this corresponds to Lev 26, which provides the pattern for how to repent for a number of communal confessions. But Deut 30:7 states another consequence of repentance: "The LORD your God will put all these curses on your enemies and on the adversaries who took advantage of you" (NRSV). A group which viewed itself as having fulfiled the requirements of confession and was confident of its standing as God's returned exiles might feel justified in turning the covenant curses into curses on their opponents. The curses would function to separate members of the covenant from those who have not undertaken the covenant. This attitude is precisely a distinctive feature of the group represented by lQS.14 The cursing on apostates may be accounted for as an eschatological prayer, asking God to purify them as a pre-condition for blessing, and in effect saying: please remove apostates from uso This has some analogy in the malediction against the apostates in the Amidah. The incorporation of the Priestly Blessing into this compound ritual is due to the precedence given to priests, 15 and Num 6:4-6 is the only biblical

E.g., Weise, Kultzeiten, 103-10; Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 130. See Pr Azar; Bar 1:15-3:8; cf. 3 Maee 2:2-20; Pss. Sol. 9. 14 See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 126-9, 133. This very eonfidenee mayaIso explain the lack of a promise that the eovenant will be granted before the blessing and eurse, whieh Baltzer, Covenant Formulary, 169, finds surprising. 151. Baumgarten, "Saerifiee and Worship among the Jewish Seetarians of the Dead Sea (Qumran) Serolls" (1953) 153, notes the priestly eharaeter and origin of the eovenant eeremony. 12 11

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model for a blessing by the priests. 16 Nitzan notes the connection of the priestly blessing with sacrifice in the Temple, and suggests that the placing of the priestly blessing foIIowing the confession of sin by those who entered the covenant would suggest that the people of Qumran attributed a weight and importance to the recitation of confession corresponding to that of a sin offering that purifies from transgression. I?

On the other hand, the priestly blessing in the Temple was also elose in proximity to the songs of the Temple singers and the popular prayers of the people, and it would be natural to associate them elosely, as does Ben Sira (Sir 50:14-21; cf. m. Tamid 7:1-4). I suggested in chapter 3 that the Yal}.ad's daily liturgy was adapted from prayers associated with the Temple service: the priestly service, the prayers of the people, and the songs of the Temple singers. 18 The same process may be at work here. There is some evidence that on festivals priests or Temple liturgists might lead the people in a communal confession or supplication. 19 The covenant ritual as it appears in 1QS, then, is exelusivistic,20 employing adaptations occasioned by three elements of the group's selfconsciousness: they are a priestly-oriented society; they regard themselves as the humble, returned exiles who are God's faithful; and their activities have atoning significance for the land. Nevertheless, the basic liturgical materials cannot be considered sectarian. The communal confession followed a more widely used pattern, and there is nothing exelusive about its wording. 21 Although the interpretive expansion of the Priestly Blessing is without previous model, it is known in Targum Pseudo-lonathan and rabbinic writings, and finds some analogy in the free use of the Priestly Blessing in the Bible. 22 It is primarily its particular combination in this ritual

Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 133; cf. llQBer. Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 134. 18 See p. 119 above. 19 See Bar 1:14-3:8 and 2 Macc 1:18-30, and the discussion pp. 203 and 199 above on these passages. See also Neh 8: 13-9:37 where the communal prayer of confession is closely associated with the Feast of Booths, but occurs 2 days after its end. Note that according to the Hebrew, which does not have the phrase "and Ezra said" found in the Septuagint, the prayer is led by the Levites. 20 See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 133. 21 Weise, Kultzeiten, 79; see D. Falk, "4Q393," 199-207. 22 Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 146-7; Hammer, "What Did They Bless?," 312; T. Gaster, The Scriptures ofthe Dead Sea Sect (1957) 45-7; Sipre Num §40-2 (Neusner, 1:191-9); cf. the final benediction of the Amidah. The particular expansion in this case does, however, reveal characteristic interests of the group represented by lQS (Weise, Kultzeiten, 93; Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 148-50). Cf. lQSb. 16

17

PRA YER IN CONTEXT

225

which is unique. 23 Annual covenant renewals may not have been restricted to the particular group represented by lQS. Numerous passages attest covenant gatherings in the late-biblical period, and some scholars have long postulated a covenant renewal festival on the basis of such hints. 24 Jubilees attests such a practice among a different group prior to that of Qumran, which fully participated in the Temple sacrificial cult. The innovation in the Qumran covenant ceremony lies in the group-specific "customization" of existing forms. We must now consider the function of this liturgical report more broadly within the Community Rule and within the life of the group represented by this document. Although the rubrics indicate that this ritual was actually performed,25 this is a condensed description of the ritual, not instructions for it. 26 Within the Community Rule, it fulfils the rhetorical function of evoking the members' commitment to the covenant and their original zeal. 27 Consequently, not all of the recitations are detailed, but the descriptions, such as "bless the God of salvation and all the works of his truth," reflect at least a general content which is known, if not an established wording. 28 Weise considers it possible that the opening praise, in which the priests and Levites "bless the God of salvation and all the works of his truth," may have been that of 1 Chron 16: 8-36, but this is conjecture. 29 Only four of the recitations from this liturgy are recorded in the Community Rule: the people's confession of sin, the blessing on insiders, the curse on outsiders, and the curse on apostates. Other Qumran texts also preserve parts of the liturgy: the Damascus Document, 5Q13 Sectarian Rule, and the Berakhot from cave 4. The Damascus Document includes a slightly different form of the confession of sin (CD 20:27-30), and speaks

But notice that the confession in Daniel 9 also alludes to the Priestly Blessing (9: 17). E.g., G. von Rad, "The Form-Critical Problem of the Hexateuch, 1938" (1966) 33-40; cf. Baumgärtel, "Zur Liturgie"; Baltzer, Covenant Formulary. 25 See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 321. 26 Wemberg-M011er, Manual of Discipline, 50 n. 45. The liturgy was independent of lQS but alluded to in various compositions, including lQS (Leaney, Rule, 113). 27 Murphy-O'Connor, "La genese litteraire, " 539, 543. 28 Cf. the practice of referring to a prayer by a name or a description of its contents, e.g., m. Ros Has 4:5. See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 131-2, who argues that the contents of these recitations are not given in lQS 1:19-24 "because they followed the well-known biblical passages conceming the circumstances requiring the renewal of the covenant" (p. 132). 29 Kultzeiten, 72-3. The psalm in 1 Chr 16 includes praise of God's deeds and of his salvation, and concludes with a petition addressed to the God of salvation followed by a benediction to which the people respond "Amen." See G. Brooke, "Psalms 105 and 106 at Qumran" (1989). 23

24

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of an assembly in the third month at which apostates are banished with a curse (4QDa 11//4QDe 7 i-ii). Since Jub. 6: 17 also speaks of covenant renewal on the Feast of Weeks, it is almost certain that the ritual was part of a covenant renewal ceremony which took place during the Feast of Weeks. 3o The confession of sin in this ritual functioned as a means of affirming one's position in tae covenant, since God's elect were those who confessed sins (CD B 2:27-30).

1.2. Damascus Document In its present form, the Damascus Document as a whole can be seen as reflecting the shape of a covenant formulary, including historical recital, warnings, laws, and blessings and curses. 31 The order of material is convoluted, but Davies' objection that the blessings and curses precede rather than follow the laws is negated by 4QDa 11 which belongs at the very end of the document and contains an excommunication ritual with blessings and curses. Comparison may be made with the description of the covenant ceremony at the beginning of lQS. The address formulas such as appear in CD 2:2, the confession prayer and excommunication ritual from the covenant ceremony (as argued below), and the overall structure strongly suggest that the Damascus Document had some use in relation to that liturgical occasion. 32 Nevertheless, it does not appear in a liturgical form. Most parts are descriptive rather than performative. 33 Although the information about liturgical practices is slight, it is nevertheless important, especially as this document is one of several witnesses to a covenant ceremony, none of which completely agree. At the end of the Admonition is the following prayer of confession. CD B 2:27-30 But all those who hold fast to these ordinances to go out and to come in according to the Torah, will listen to the voice of the Teacher and will confess before God:

Milik, Ten Years 0/ Discovery in the Wilderness 0/ Judaea (1959) 116-18. See Baltzer, Covenant Formulary, 97-122; P. Davies, The Damascus Covenant (1983) 48-55. 32 See M. Knibb, The Qumran Community (1987) 14. 33 Davies, Damascus Covenant, 53, suggests that the Damascus Document was not directly used as a covenant renewal liturgy but that the organization may be subconscious. 301.

31

PRA YER IN CONTEXT 'lY~' 'lN~n

'l'111:lN tll 1lnlN öl n;i:lil 'pn:l "p 1ln:Jl;!:l 1l:l l'~!l~n nnN' [p]i~

227

We have sinned, we have done evil, both we and our fathers in our opposing the statutes of the covenant; righteous and trustworthy are your judgements against uso

Although this confession is preserved only in CD manuscript B, there is no reason to doubt that it belonged to the Damascus Document, lost in CD manuscript A and the Cave 4 manuscripts only because of the fragmentary nature of what has survived. White has argued that the differences between manuscripts A and B of CD can be explained on text-critical grounds, assuming a single exemplar. 34 Furthermore, the immediate context of the confession seems to be preserved in 4QDa 4 and 4QDb 3. The most striking comparison is with the prayer of confession in the Rule oj the Community, which provides a setting. 35 lQS 1:24-6 [And all] who enter into the covenant confess after them, saying: 1lY~!l]

1l"Yl

1lY~'il 'lN[~n

'l'l!ll;!n 'l'n'[:lN'] m~ [n":l:l "P] 'ln:Jl;!:l '~!l~n[ ... P]'~' nm~

[1l']n':lN:l' 1l:l

We have committed iniquity, [we have rebelIed], we [have sin]ned, we have done evil, we [and] our [fath]ers before us in our going [contrary to the covenant]36; trustworthy and righ[teous ... ] his judgements against us and against [our] father[s].

Both prayers confess guilt, solidarity with the sins of the fathers, and God's justice in his punishments. Unlike other confessional prayers in the Second Temple period, these do not contain petition. I have argued in the preceding section that this is due to a modification of an existing prayer pattern to reflect the unique views of the YaI:,1ad. 37 Verbal similarities are strong enough to suggest that the two are versions of the same confession,

34 S. White, "A Comparison of the A and B Manuscripts of the Damascus Document" (1987). 35 For a textual comparison, see Weise, Kultzeiten, 77-8. 36 Wernberg-Moller, Manual of Discipline, 40. 37 The practice here is different from the confessional prayers known from the synagogue that Heinemann has identified as using the law-court pattern because these latter lack the confident blessing and cursing of the Qumran ritual. See Heinemann, Prayer in the Talmud, 197-8,205.

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although that in 1QS refers to God in the third person while the one in CD addresses hirn directly. This impression is strengthened when the contexts are considered. The confession in lQS was uttered during a covenant ceremony after priests and Levites had recited praise to God, confessed God's deeds in the past and the sins of Israel, and before a blessing and cursing on the faithful and the outsiders and backsliders, respectively. In CD, the confession comes at the end of a lengthy Admonition, during which God's deeds in the past and the sins of Israel were recounted, judgement was pronounced upon outsiders and backsliders, and blessing called upon those who "hold fast to these judgements" and confessed their sins. Since the excommunication ritual described at the end of the Damascus Document (4QDa 11; see below) was explicitly intended for an annual covenant ceremony in the third month, and since the covenant ceremony in the Community Rule also probably took place during the Feast of Weeks following the calendar of Jubilees , it may be conc1uded that the confession of the Damascus Document is a variant of the one in 1QS and was recited in the course of a Feast of Weeks covenant ceremony. That is, the context in the Damascus Document is not a description of a ceremony as in the Community Rule; rather , it is an allusion to it which appears in the course of an exhortation for the purpose of recalling the members to the initial act whereby they entered the covenant. The extent of similarities between the covenant ceremonies in Damascus Document and Community Rule is uncertain. Both passages are considered by literary critics to belong to the final stage of their respective documents, the earliest witness of which is the beginning of the first century BC for the Community Rute, and latter first century BC for the Damascus Document. 38 The source for the ritual must therefore be dated no later than the end of the second century BC. Baumgarten notes that the order of the first three components in 1QS 1:24-5 (iniquity, transgression, sin) corresponds to those of the high priest's confession on the Day of Atonement in Lev 16:21: "Then Aaron shall lay both his hands on the head of the live goat, and confess over it all the iniquities (m'lT) of the people of Israel, and all their transgressions (C:1'lTlV!), all their sins (Cl'lloi~n). "39 According to m. Yoma 3:8 and paral-

38 For strata, see J. Murphy-O'Connor, "La genese litteraire, " 528-549, and "A Literary Analysis of Damascus Document XIX, 33-XX, 34" (1972). Although none of the Cave 4 copies of either the Community Rule or the Damascus Document preserve the confession, the context is attested in 4QS··b.c and 4QD b. For dating, see J. Milik, "Le travail d'edition des manuscrits de Qumran" (1956) 61; J. Baumgarten, "The Laws of the Damascus Document in Current Research" (1992) 60. 39 Baumgarten, "Sacrifice and Worship," 158-9. Cf. Exod 34:7.

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229

leIs, this order was used by the high priest in the Second Temple, but in the second century AD it was debated and superseded by the logical order of sin, transgression, iniquity for confession in the synagogue on the Day of Atonement. He conc1udes that the confession in 1QS "was derived from the ancient formula used in the Temple at Jerusalem. "40 Building on this, Murphy-O'Connor notes that while the Day of Atonement confession in the Temple was in the "I" -form, sometime after the destruction of the Temple a "We"-form confession was adopted in the synagogue on the Day of Atonement. 41 Since this corresponds to the "We"-form in both CD and 1QS, he proposes that adoption of the plural form reflected loss of the Temple, in the one case, by destruction, while in CD and 1QS, by willing rejection. Baumgarten's proposal is possible, but only in terms of indirect influence. CD 20:28-9 and 1QS 1:24-5 were not intended for the Day of Atonement, and in any case the form differs. 1QS has four components while CD has only two, which are in a different order. MurphyO'Connor's proposal fails as a consequence. A more plausible explanation for the plural form, which is common to both the CD and 1QS confessions as well as those of the later synagogue, is available. Since both were for communal settings, they both looked to biblical examples of communal confessions for patterns: (1 Kings 8:47) UYlZl' 'l"Y;"

(Ps 106:6) UYlZl';' U',y;, 'l'T11:lN-CY

(Dan 9:5) UYlZl,;n 'l"Y'

(ler 14:20) "

UN~n ':J

mt~n 'lN~n

'lN~n

U'Tl':lN l'Y UYlZl' ;";" 'lY"

The first three of these were specifically used as precedent in the rabbinic argument for changing the order from that of Lev 16 for the Day of Atonement. Furthermore, as noted earlier it is probable that communal confessions such as these were recited in connection with the Temple service on some festivals and occasions of special need. 42 CD and 1QS do not follow the exact order of components, but it is still likely that their formulations were influenced more by these communal confessions than direct1y by the Day of Atonement prayer of the high priest. These confessions may have

Baumgarten, "Saerifiee and Worship," 159. Murphy-O'Connor, "A Literary Analysis of Damaseus Doeument XIX, 33-XX, 34," 559-60. The earliest attestation is t. foma 2: 1, although Murphy-O'Connor does not eite it. 42 See n. 19 above. 40 41

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had special significance for the communities which defined themselves as exiles. 43 In summary, this is an occasion-specific, communal confession of sin recited by all those who entered the covenant at the annual covenant ceremony during the Feast of Weeks. Part of a public, liturgical recitation with specific wording but an unspecified place of recital, it was a statutory institution which was probably led by priests and Levites, if we are to judge from lQS.44 The ceremony belongs to the later strata of the Damascus Document and hence derived from a community which, like that assumed by the Community Rule, was exclusivistic and harshly criticized, if not rejected participation in, the present Temple cult. 45 In the Cave 4 fragments belonging to the end of the Damascus Document appears a ritual for the banishment of those who rejected the laws of the community, during the course of which the priestly overseer recited a prayer. 46 4QDe 7 i 15 [These are the se]ntences wh[ich they will observeJ, (i.e.,) all those who are disciplined. Every man who 16 [... ] will co me and will report it to the priestly [o]verseer ('i'~mil1il':J) 4QD' 11 over the many, and he shall freely accept his sentence. As he (God) said 2 through Moses concer[ning] the person who sins inadvertently, "let them bring 3 his sin offering [o]r his guilt offering. " And concerning Israel, it is written "Let me go 4 to the ends of [the] heavens, so that I will not smell the fragrance of your offerings. "47 And in another place

43 See Murphy-O'Connor, "A Literary Analysis of Damascus Document XIX, 33-XX, 34," 560-2. 44 See the excommunication ritual in 4QD' 11. 45 See pp. ff. below. 464QD' 11 1-20 (4Q266), supplemented with 4QDe 7 i 15-16 (4Q270) for the beginning, and De 7 i 17-21 and ii 11-15 overlapping throughout. For transcriptions, translation, and photographs: 1. Baumgarten, Qumran Cave 4. XIII. The Damascus Document (4Q266-273), DJD 18 (1996). The following translation is my own, based on Baumgarten's transcriptions. 47 Literally, "I will not smell your pleasing odours." The latter half of this is from Lev 26:31, but the first part has no clear biblical parallel. J. Baumgarten, "A 'Scriptural' Citation in 4Q Fragments of the Damascus Document" (1992) 96, suggests that it loosely uses language from Deut 30:4. For an analogy to the negative consecutive clause, see Gen 16:10 (GKC §166a). Cf. Pss. Sol. 2:4, where a similar judgement is said by God in reaction to the sins of the people which parallel the three nets of Belial of CD 4: 14 ff.

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5 It IS written "to return to God with weeping and with fasting." And in [anoth]er plac[e], "rend your hearts and not your garments. "48 Everyone who rejects these judgements, 6 in accordance with all the laws which are found in the Torah of Moses, shall not be reckoned 7 among all the sons of his truth, for his soul abhors the disciplines of righteousness in rebellion. From the presence of 8 the many49 he shall be sent away. The priestly overseer [ov]er the many will speak concerning hirn 9 [and s]ay, "Blessed be you, Lord of all. 5o In your hand is everything! Maker of everything! You founded 10 [peo]ples according to their clans and their nationallanguages, and you made them wander in a trackless waste. 11 But you chose our fathers. To their seed you gave your true statutes 12 and your holy ordinances. The man who does them will live. And you set bounds 13 for uso You will curse those who transgress them. We are your redeemed people and the sheep of your pasture. 14 You have cursed those who transgressed them, and we effect (your judgement)."51 Then the expelled one is sent away. Whoever 15 eats anything [ot] theirs or seeks the welfare of the expelled one or consents with hirn, 16 the matter shall be recorded by the superintendent (ii'~n) as an inscription and his sentence shall be complete. All 17 [the inhabitants ot] the camps shall assemble in the third month and curse the one who has turned aside to the right 18 [or left from the] Torah. This is the exact statement of the judgements which they shall do in all the period

De 7 ii 13 [of ... in al]1 the times of wrath 14 and [their] journ[eyings] for all those inhabit[ing] their [ca]mps and all their [cit]ies. Behold all th[is]

48 This last c\ause is a supralinear addition. Since it does not appear in 4QDe , it may have been an addition to 4QDa to supplement the Joel reference. 49 Cf. lQS 6:1; 7:21; Jos. An!. 2.146; 2 Cor 2:6 for "the many" as the body which decides cases and pronounces sentences. See further Milik, Ten Years, 101. 50 See p. 234 below. 51 Baumgarten translates "you cursed their transgressors but preserved us," but it is difficult to see how he arrives at the translation "you ... preserved us" from the first person plural causative verb 'l,/j'i'il.

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15 concerns the latter exposition of the Torah.

This passage immediately follows the penal code found in 4QDa 10 ii and 4QDe 7 i, of which only the very beginning is preserved in CD. Most of this is verbally the same code as appears in lQS 7:4-18, but it contains some deletions and additions and generally more specific punishments than lQS, detailing both the length of punishment and aperiod of separation. Some type of genetic relationship between the two penal codes is certain (as also with 4QSD), and points to an earlier source. Nevertheless, it is questionable whether the description of the banishment ceremony cited above originally belonged to the penal code which it conc1udes. It is parallel to the discussion of exc1usion in 1QS 7: 18-25, which likewise conc1udes a penal code but does not mention a ritual. Furthermore, the passage expresses a harsh criticism of the Temple cult-and perhaps even rejection of it -more in the tenor of that found in the Admonition than the attitude evident elsewhere in the laws. The excommunication ritual in D, then, is probably a later addition to the penal code, belonging to the same stratum as CD B 2:25-34 in the Admonition (cf. lQS 1-2) which describes the covenant ceremony. Immediately following the penal code comes an encouragement to submit to the discipline imposed by the community, supported by aseries of interpretive "quotations": (1) a paraphrase of the content of Lev 4 and 5 (esp. 4:27-8; 5: 14) requiring the bringing of sin and guilt offerings in the case of unintentional sin; (2) a quotation of Lev 26:31 prefaced by what appears to be a loose employment of language from Deut 30:4; and (3) a paraphrase of Joel 2: 12, expanded in 4QDa with the quotation of Joel 2: 13. 52 Why have these particular quotations been used and modified in this manner? First, as Baumgarten argues, the striking combination of Lev 26:31 ("I will not smell the fragrance ofyour offerings") with a loose allusion to Deut 30:4 in a "quotation" (a reference to exiles scattered to the ends of the heavens is transformed into God's going to the ends of the heavens away from the people) probably reveals the interpretation that "Israel's exile 'to the ends of the heavens' in Deuteronomy can only be the result of God's self-concealment. "53 Second, two of the passages chosen as proof-texts for this exhortation to submit to community discipline concern sacrifice, one promising forgiveness when the appropriate offering is brought, the other depicting God as repulsed by the offerings. This sug-

52

53

See n. 48 above. "A Scriptural Citation, " 96.

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gests that community discipline has an expiatory significance, a belief found in other Qumran texts54 and, according to Josephus (War 2.144), among the Essenes. 55 It is also strongly held in the Psalms 0/ Solomon (esp. 10:1; 13:10), which otherwise bear significant paralieis with the Damascus Document, particularly with regard to the chief offences (fomication, unrighteous gain, defilement of the sanctuary).56 This is also congruous with the proposal of prayer, fasting and good works as sacrifices. 57 Third, the contexts of the passages cited, particularly the destruction of sanctuaries and altars in Lev 26 and the priority of prayer and fasting in a public, penitential fast in Joel 2, introduce harsh overtones of threat against the Temple cult. Although this is easiest to explain if the passage implies a rejection of the Temple cult and replacement with submission to community discipline by means of a spiritualizing interpretation,58 this reading is equivocal. It could simply imply that sacrifice is useless without repentance and submission to discipline. By analogy, 1QS 3:4-12, stresses that purification baths are ineffectual for the atonement of a backslider apart from repentance, yet no one has ever imagined that the Community Rule therefore condemns ablutions. Those who rejected the discipline of the community were expelled in a ritual which occurred in the third month. Several elements of this ritual recall the cursing of the backslider in the covenant ceremony recorded in the Community Rule (lQS 1-2). (1) After the blessing by the priests over the men of God's lot and the cursing by the Levites over the men of Belial's lot, the priests and Levites cursed the backsliders (lQS 2:11-18). First the priestly overseer, then the Levites and the men of the camps, cursed the backslider according to 4QD. (2) The descriptions of the backslider are almost identical: P1~jt "'0':1 W'~l il?31l '::J (4QDa 11 7)

P'~ 'ö~ltIb 11311 "'0':1 'ltI~l jt?31l X'::J (lQS 2:26-3:1)

(3) The backslider's rebellion could not be expiated by any means until he humbly submitted to the discipline and instruction of the community (1QS

54 In addition to the passages discussed in P. Gamet, Salvation and Atonement (1977) 647,81,82-3, 118-9, see also 4QSD 38-9. 55 That is, submission to the punishment is a precondition to purification; cf. 1QS 8: 1718. 56 Cf. Pss. Sol. 1-2; 8:10-3; the "Three Nets of Belial" in CD 4: 14ff. 57 E.g., Ps 69:31-2; Sir 35:1-9; Pr Azar 15-7; lQS 9:4-5; CD 11:20-1; Pss. Sol. 3:8; 9:6 f.; Tg. Hosea 14:3. 58 See Baumgarten, "A Scriptural Citation," 96.

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3:4-12; cf. 4QDa 11 1-5). (4) The ban on eating with the expelled person or carrying on intercourse with him is reflected also in lQS 5: 14-20; 7:245 and 8:23 (cf. 4QDa 11 14-5). It seems, then, that the ritual detailed at the end of the Damascus Document provides a prayer of banishment for the apostate alluded to in 1QS 2: 11-18. The specification of the third month in 4QDa allows one to conelude that this transpired during the Feast of Weeks as according to the calendar of Jubilees (6: 17) or in elose connection with it. 59 That this ritual occurs at the end of the covenant ceremony as described in lQS 1-2 and appears at the end of the Damascus Document adds a measure of support to the theory that Damascus Document reflects in some way the structure of the covenant ceremony. The text of the prayer is as follows. 4QD' 11 9-14a

iT1110' 'lll~ ,biT iTlll'31' ,,:liT l";:1 1":liT ,iT l'~ "1'1 C'>,IU' n::1T (Prov 15:8) 111' 1'1nl~~ Ci"11'1r,!)1i, ;'::1>,'1'1 C'>,IU' n::1T (CD 11 :20-21)

The context, however, negates this possibility because the quote is used to guard the sanctity of the Temple cult, not to question it, although, as Davies notes, this quote would be the ideal proof-text to reject sacrifice as replaced by prayer. 81 What is asserted is that care must be taken to follow aH propriety in sacrifice since impure sacrifice is abominable to God. In

79 80

81

See chapter 2. See Baumgarten, "A Scriptural Citation, " 97. Davies, "Ideology of the Temple, " 293-4.

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fact, God would rather receive prayer alone than to have impure sacrifice. The value of prayer as a parallel to sacrifice is indeed noted, but not to the exclusion of sacrifice, as is evident by the preceding rule (CD 11: 17 -8) which restricts sacrifices at the altar on sabbath to the sabbath burot offering alone. The very next passage contains a curious reference to a mnrnU:1 1'1':1. Does this refer to the Temple, to a prayer house/synagogue, or to a central sanctuary of the Essenes? Steudel proposes the foHowing transcription: 82 'N C'P11' !?;'P;' 11,,~,~n Y';':l1 Otl:J N7J~ N:1' 7N 111n11l!m 11':1 !?N N:1;' 7:J' Ni;, lll"P IJi~:i [':J] ;'7':J ;i,i:iy;, 11N 111':1111' N7' ,nN11'

Steudel's reconstruction of the end of 11:23 gives a satisfying reason for the ruling, focusing on the holiness of the place, which fits weH the context conceroed with contamination of the altar and the holy city. In this context, it would be most natural to interpret mn1'1!Z7:1 1'1':1 as the Temple, as did many early commentators,83 producing the progression of altar, Temple, Jerusalem. Thus, I translate the passage as foHows: And anyone who comes to the "house of prostration" (=Temple) shall not enter (when he is still) unclean after washing. 84 When the trumpets of assembly sound, he shall go before or he shall go afterwards, but they shall not interrupt the whole service; [for] it is the holy house (=Temple 85 ; CD 11:21-12:1).86

As Baumgarten notices, this is probably two separate rulings, both about the assemblies at the Temple when the sacrifices are being made. 87 Steudel considers the possibility that the Temple is in view, but rejects it on the basis of four arguments: (1) mn1'1!Z7:1 1'1':1 and lU"p 1'1':1, to which it must correspond, are both indefinite; (2) in the Damascus Document, the Jerusalem Temple is consistently called lU'P~;'; (3) it would be

82 "Houses of Prostration," 52. The restoration of 11':1 at the end of 11 :23 is certain for the reasons she provides, and her proposal that there is room for ':J to precede this is verified by the recognition of ink remains at the right end of the hole and comparison with the spacing of the second ':J in line 18. The previously proposed transcriptions of l1::Ul!, 111':1)7 and 11)7 are untenable. 83 See Dupont-Sommer, Essene Writings, 154; L. Ginzberg, An Unknown Jewish Sect (1970) 72-3. Contrast S. Talmon, "A Further Link between the Judean Covenanters and the Essenes?" (1963) 313-9. 84 This translation of 0':1:;' I(l;l" is from Baumgarten, "Damascus Document" (1995) 51 and n. 51. 85 See p. 244 below. 86 See Steudel, "Houses of Prostration, " 66. 87 "Damascus Document," 51, nn. 178, 179.

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unnecessary to define the Temple as 1U"i' TI'::1; (4) such a ruling would be superfluous with regard to the Temple and must apply to an institution not yet firmly established. Instead, Steudel interprets mnTlIU~ TI'::1 as a building for cultic, communal prayer services by the Essenes, where worship followed the pattern of the Temple and was completely different from that of the proseuchai. She suggests that such common prayer was unique in Israel at the time. Surprisingly, she cites as evidence for this distinctive prayer house Philo Quod omn. prob. 81, which mentions only reading and study as activities in their "synagogue, " but she later (p. 58) says that the reading of Scripture was not part of the prayer services which she has in mind. Her third and fourth arguments are of little persuasion. Against (4), in particular, may be cited the similar regulations barring impurity from the Temple in llQP 45. Against (1), it should be noted that the definite TI'::1 m,nTlIU~~ in 4QDf 3 i 15 must take precedence over the indefinite form in the medieval text of CD. Steudel's dismissal of the definite form in Cave 4 as a generic name is weak, particularly as no analogous construct form is given in GKC §126.3. Only her second argument poses a significant difficulty for identifying mnTlIU~ TI'::1 with the Temple, which is otherwise called lU'i'~~ in the Damascus Document. On the other hand, this point is mitigated by the observation that it applies only to the Admonition, which is later than the laws. There is only one ruling in all of the laws which refers to the Temple as lU'i'~~, and that is the ruling immediately following this. Hence, there is no established designation for the Temple in the laws incorporated into the Damascus Document. The argument against is easily outweighed by the arguments for an identification with the Temple. (1) No other institution would be so appropriately called a mnTllZm 1'1'::1 as the Temple since prostration was a distinctive feature of Temple worship.8 8 Baumgarten notes that the Mishnah uses 1'1'::1 to refer to chambers in the Temple. 89 (2) The term 1U"i' 1'1'::1 recalls the lU'i'~. (3) As Steudel notes, the passage employs a high degree of Temple terminology, especially the sounding of the trumpets in the

88 Sir 50:16-17 and m. Tamid 7:3 connect the prostrations of the people during the Temple service with the blowing of the trumpets by the priests, a connection also made in CD 11:21-12:1. Cf. Deut 26:10; 1 Chr 16:29; 2 Chr 29:28-30; Pss 5:8; 95:6; 99:5, 9; 138:2; Isa 27:13; 66:23; Jer 26:2; Ezek 46:3, 9; John 4:19-26; M. Haran, "Temple and Comrnunity," 24. For the Shiloh sanctuary, see 1 Sam 1:3, 19; for the Elephantine temple as a place of prostration, see A. Cowley, Aramaie Papyri ofthe Fifth Century BC (1923) 44.3 (the temple is called ~'107J, a possible Ararnaic analogy to mmwm n':!; cf. Tg. Neo! Deut 17:3). Ginzberg, Unknown Jewish Sect, 71, notes that prostration was never central enough in synagogues to serve as a name for the institution. 89 "Damascus Document," 51 n. 178.

PRAYER IN CONTEXT

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assembly and il":1Y which is used in the Cave 4 fragments of the

Damascus Document for the priestly service at the Temple (4QDa 6 ii

6-8).

(4) If the mnrnzm 1'1':1 is a riYal institution to the Temple unique to this community, one would expect greater effort to distinguish between them. As it is, no polemic tendency is apparent to exalt the mn1'l~m 1'1':1 above the !u'i'~, and the same word is used for the service in both (il":1Y). (5) It is awkward to assurne, as Steudel does, that following a regulation concerning the altar, concern would briefly shift in 11:21-12:1 to a unique sectarian institution in the Judaean desert and then return to offer rules concerning the city of Jerusalern. A parallel ruling concerning the washing required of one who has a nocturnal emission before his admission to the Temple occurs in 11 QP 45: 8-10. This is immediately followed by a ruling (45:11-2) forbidding a man from entering any part of the city of the sanctuary for three days after sexual intercourse. As in the Damascus Document, the progression is from greater to lesser stringency. 90 The many similarities between the Damascus Document and the Temple Scroll91 suggest some type of relationship between the two sets of laws and strengthens the conclusion that the Temple is also in view in the ruling of Damascus Document. 92 There is no justification for imagining a switch to any other institution apart from the Temple. The prominent concern for the sanctity of Jerusalern, the Temple, and the sacrifices in MMT may also be relevant in the light of similarities between this document and Damascus Document. (6) Other laws in Damascus Document assurne contact with the Temple. The significance of these passages is two-fold. First, they show that criticism of improper sacrifice and endorsement of prayer as sacrifice are compatible with continued involvement with the Temple cult. Second, and more importantly, they show that the daily gatherings of people at the Temple for prayer during the time of the sacrifices had a significant

influence on the formative period of the YaI;1ad. This is suggested in a general way by the reference to the Temple as the "house of prostration" and mention of trumpets, details which correspond to the prostration and prayers of the people in Sir 50:16-7 and m. Tamid 7:3. Furthermore, Baumgarten is probably correct to find in CD 11:21-12:1 two separate rulings. 93 Both are obscure but specifically concern these popular prayer

See Y. Yadin, The Temple Seroll (1983) 1:278; see also MMT. See Baumgarten, "Laws, " 55. 92 Ginzberg, Unknown Jewish Seet, 72, thinks thaI the 0':1;) K7.1t1 refers to a man who has emitted semen (called "i' ?17:1 in the Talmud) and requires washing rather than immersion. 93 "Damascus Document," 51, nn. 178, 179. 90

91

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gatherings. The first disallows a person whose period of purification is incomplete from taking part. The second seems to be an attempt to restrict the comings and goings of the people during the service to prevent disruption and preserve reverence. That is, the formulators of these laws, inherited and cherished by the Yal;lad, regarded the gatherings in the Temple for prayer as part of the divine service and worthy of safeguarding. Viewing prayer as having the value of sacrifice is one possible motivation for institutionalized prayer, but this view was not unique to the Ya1;tad in the Second Temple period, nor was it incompatible with participation in the sacrificial cult even for the Ya1;tad. From what has been seen, it is even likely that prayer as sacrifice derived from the proximity between the Temple as the place of sacrifice and the Temple as the place of prayer (e.g., 1 Kings 8). This is not the only meaning for liturgical prayer which may be derived from the Dead Sea Scrolls. At least two more are prominent. First, daily prayer is commonly associated with sunrise and sunset, the interchange of the heavenly lights (e.g., Daily Prayers, lQS 9:26-10:3; lQHa 20:4-11; lQM 14:12-14; 4Q408 1 6-11; 4Q334).94 These are times established by God for praise, when the angels worship hirn. By praising God at these prescribed times, the community exercises harmony with the created order and unity with the heavenly community. 95 This motivation for daily prayer is found also in Hymn to the Creator llQPsa 26:9-12 and Jubilees 2:2-3, showing that it is not unique to the Ya1;tad and, in the latter case at least, compatible with sacrifice. Second, one finds particularly in daily and festival petitions concern for confession of sin along with petition for spiritual needs (forgiveness, knowledge)96 and deliverance in salvation-historical terms (regathering of exiles, restoration of covenantal promises)97 rather than immediate and physical needs. This seems to be based directly on the theology of the

See chapter 3. B. Nitzan, "Hannonie and Mystic Characteristics in Poetic and Liturgical Writings from Qumran" (1994) 174-6. 96 E.g., " ... to cause ]us[ to repent] with all (our) heart and with all (our) soul, and to implant your Torah in our heart [so that one may not turn from it to go] to the right or the left. For you will heal us from madness, blindness and bewildennent [of heart ... because of] our [si]ns we were sold, but despite our trespasses you called us [... ] and you will deliver us from sinning against you [... ] and to make us understand the testimonies" (4Q504 1-2 ii 13-17). See Words oj the Luminaries, Festival Prayers, Communal Conjession, 4QTestLevia 1 i, 11QPsa Psalm 155, 11QPsa Plea, the Hodayoth. 97 E.g., "you will assemble [our banished ones ... ] and our dispersed ones [you will] gat[her]" (4Q509 3 3-4). 94

95

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247

covenantal warnings such as Lev 26:40-42; Deut 30:1-10; and 1 Ki 8:4653 and an ideology of disillusionment with the return under Ezra and Nehemiah: atonement has yet to be made for the land, and until then, the nation stillianguishes in exile under the covenantal curses. That is, petition at fixed times is motivated by the need for an institutionalized exile remedy. These concerns and the underlying ideology are reflected in the growing importance of communal confession in the Second Temple period and views of a lengthened exile (Dan 9:24-7; 1 Enoch 93:9-10). Here, then, are three possible motivations for liturgical prayer reflected in prayers themselves. These are neither unique to the Ya1;tad nor incompatible with continued participation in sacrifice. 4. Obligation in Prayer

Fleischer pointed to the idea of prayer as an obligatory service as the key element of discontinuity between prayer be fore and after the destruction of the Temple. 98 In the present study I have argued that the institutionalized prayers found among the Dead Sea Scrolls represent at least to some extent practice beyond the confines of an exclusivistic group. Part of the argument has consisted of pointing to similarities with prayers or descriptions of prayer in the Second Temple period apart from the Dead Sea Scrolls. Is there support outside the Dead Sea Scrolls for the idea of prayer as an obligatory service prior to the destruction of the Temple? First of all, one must address the binding force of convention and ask whether the way that rabbis made rulings was completely discontinuous. Not only are Passover prayers and hymns described as a regular "custom handed down by their fathers" by Philo in Egypt (Philo Spec. leg. 2.148), but public prayers at the Jerusalem Temple are portrayed as customary in diverse sources (Sir 50:16-21; Jos. Ag. Ap. 2.193-8; 1 Macc 12:11; Acts 3:1; on festivals, Jos. Ant. 4.203), and Josephus mentions a "customary service" which he prayed in the synagogue at Tiberias (Jos. Life 280, 293, 295). Josephus also cites Agatharchides, to whom it seemed that public sabbath prayer was customary in Judaea in the latter second century BC (Jos. Ag. Ap. 1.209). The distinction between the type of obligation implied in these customs and that inherent in the rabbinic rulings is not as evident or stark as Fleischer assumes. It is true that one does not find written regulation of prayer

98

"On the Beginnings," 400-2.

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as in the Mishnah prior to the destruction of the Temple, but this may be better explained by the rise of a new type of scholarly literature than by a completely new outlook for common Jews. Also, it must be granted that in Gamaliel's time, the decisions and decrees had probably not yet been written. Furthermore, studies in ancient Jewish and Near Eastem law reveal that customary law is not less binding than codified law. 99 One must not underestimate the force of custom as there is a very fine line between what has "always" been done and what one "ought" to do (cf. Wis 16:28). This is particularly apparent in attempts to ground customary prayers in appeals to authorities from the past. 2 Macc 1: 18-30 appears to be an attempt to promote the observance of Hanukkah with prayer and hymns among Alexandrian Jews of the latter second century BC by appealing to Judaean practice and the example of Nehemiah. Philo (Spec. leg. 1.193-4) attributes the use of prayers and hymns in connection with the Temple ritual at festivals to Mosaic decree. Bar 1: 10-3:8 attempts to promote a particular festival prayer in Palestine by using the authority of Baruch. Josephus (Ant. 4.212) portrays a twice daily recital of the Shema, along with use of tefillin and mezuzot, as a Mosaic ordinance, revealing that recital of the Shema was a standard custom and was generally considered obligatory weIl before Josephus' day.\Oo PS.-Philo Biblical Antiquities (Palestine, probably pre-70\01) makes public praise on sabbaths part

99 E.g., Ä. Viberg, Symbols ofLaw (1992) 14-7; Sanders, Jewish Law, 243-4. "Custom" is used here in the sense defined by Black: "A usage or practice of the people, which, by comrnon adoption and acquiescence, and by long and unvarying habit, has become co mpulsory, and has acquired the force of a law with respect to the place or subject-maner to which it relates" (Black's Law Dictionary, 5th ed. [1979] 347, cited by Viberg, Symbols of Law, 7 n. 21). 100 See Sanders, Jewish Law, 75. Fleischer, "On the Beginnings," 417, somewhat reluctantly admits that this passage refers to the Shema and that it was seen as a requirement, but downplays its significance by suggesting that such practice was primarily limited to scholars and priests, and was not a widespread or fixed liturgical tradition. He further marginalizes the import of evidence testifying to the recital of the Shema by asserting that (1) it was only a private practice at horne, (2) there is no evidence for its recital in the synagogue during Temple times, and (3) there is no evidence that it was accompanied with the recital of benedictions at this time. None of these objections are of significance for the present argument, and the objection that it was not a fixed liturgical tradition is at least weak in light of the strong support for the use of tefillin. It is of interest that he does not make reference to the tefillin found at Qumran or the Nash papyrus. The fact still remains that there is evidence for the beginning, at least, of debates and decisions concerning elements of non-Temple liturgy which should be regarded as binding. Further, however, he is wrong 10 suggest that there is no evidence that benedictions were added to the recital of the Shema prior to the destruction of the Temple as we have seen previously. See ch. 3 above. 101 See HJP, 3.1:327-9.

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249

of the divine law of sabbath in his expanded version of the Decalogue. (Bib. Ant. 11 :8). Many of these instances may be understood as efforts to raise the status of certain prayer practices and promote them as obligatory. Other passages reveal debate and decisions conceming prayer practices prior to the destruction of the Temple. T. Ros Has 2: 17 attributes a debate over the series of benedictions to be recited on the New Year and other festival days which coincide with the sabbath to the houses of Shammai and Rillel, the latter of which appeals to the practice of ijoni the circle drawer in the first century BC .102 This example is particularly interesting because it shows appeal to the customary practice of a revered individual. Jesus also engaged not only in polemic against certain prayer practices but uttered authoritative rulings for his disciples (e.g., Matt 6:5-15; cf. Mark 11 :25). The appeals to Mosaic ordinance, in particular, probably reflect an attempt to establish prayer as a religious duty. When one adds to this the idea of prayer as acceptable as sacrifice, already attested in the Rebrew Bible,103 it is more difficult to see the novelty in the Yavnean view of prayer as an obligatory service. This is not to deny that great innovations in the liturgy were triggered by the destruction of the Temple or that theological reflection on prayer as an obligatory service owes most to the Yavnean scholars. Nevertheless, I argue that the type of prayer found at Qumran was not completely unique in the Second Temple period, and there was considerably more continuity in the institutionalization of prayer before and after the Temple's destruction. We have seen that most of the elements of obligatory prayer can be found in some form in the Second Temple period, and not only among sectarian writings: prayer as a binding custom, attempts to promote certain practices and formulations, appeals to authority, debates and decisions on prayer, prayer as a service to God. It may be helpful to consider a range of mechanisms in liturgical formation: popular development, local leaders, and party politics. Zahavy has

102 Fleischer, "On the Beginnings," 425, belittles the significance of this mishnah, which he seems to take as substantially authentie, by considering it to reflect experimentation with crystallized prayer forms among certain limited circles before the destruction of the Temple. He is probably correct that not everyone was doing this type of activity, but he limits it too much. The schools of Hillel and Shammai were in competition and hardly would have cooperated in the same smalI, isolated experiment. In any case, for the present point, if there is any authenticity to the attribution, it is significant merely as another indication of the process of debate and decision regarding liturgical practice prior to the destruction of the Temple. 103 E.g., Prov 15:8; Ps 51:17-19; 69:31-2; 107:21-2; 141:2. Cf. Jub. 2:22; T. Levi 3:6; Philo Quod. omn. prob. 75 (of the Therapeutae, but Philo approves); llQPs Psalm 154 (probably non-sectarian); CD 11:18-20 (adaptation ofProv 15:8); lQS 9:4-5; 10:6-8.

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demonstrated the need to take into aeeount the history of social and politieal eonfliets in the development of liturgy, even if his own proposals ean be eriticized at points. \04 He foeuses on three stages of eonfliet beginning immediately after the destruetion of the Temple but suggests that even before the destruetion of the Temple,105 various groups of authority probably vied for eontrol of liturgical praetiee. If this is so, then the aetivity of liturgical formulation before and after the destruetion differed not so mueh in kind, but in degree. Further support for this hypothesis is found if other evidenee for the Seeond Temple period is re-examined in the light of the hints provided by the Dead Sea Serolls and with a view to the influenee of loeal leaders and eonfliets. Notable examples are the prayers in 2 Maee 1 and Bar 1:10-3:8 as attempts to promote particular formulations. Aeeording to t. Ras Has 2: 17, the prayer praetiee of I:Ioni is appealed to by both the houses of HilleI and Sharnmai to support the respeetive praetices they promoted, and in the Talmud the emulation of the personal prayers of revered rabbis is exhibited. 106 Other possible examples include the eommunal prayers plaeed on the lips of Daniel and Azariah (Dan 9; Pr Azar), and Ben Sira's prayer (Sir 36:1-17), whieh is likely to have been used in some eircles in the light of its eommunal nature, similarities to later synagogue prayers, and the popularity enjoyed by Ben Sira. A partieularly clear portrait of the importanee of individual leaders and loeal formulations is displayed in the disciples' eoming to Jesus and asking hirn to teaeh them how to pray as John taught his diseiples (Luke 11: 1). Jesus obliges with a model prayer (Luke 11 :2-4; cf. Matt 6:9-13), which eventually beeomes an obligatory formulation (cf. Didache 8:2-3). The evidenee of early Christi an prayer for the history of Jewish liturgy should not be underestimated l07 for it suggests institutionalized prayer in Judaism at the birth of Christianity.108

104 "Politics of Piety." His work suffers from being based on an overly simplistic caricature of priestly, scribal and patriarchal factions. 105 See, e.g., Smith's conjectures in "Palestinian Parties and Politics." 106 See, e.g., the prayers cited in Heinemann, Literature ofthe Synagogue, 47-51. 107 See W. Horbury, "Early Christians on Synagogue Prayer and Imprecation." I am indebted to Dr. Horbury's generosity in offering to let me read a draft of the forthcoming articie. lOS Numerous elements of Jewish prayer can be found in early Christian Iiturgy, e.g., the Qedushah (J C/em. 34.7; Ap. Const. 8.12, 27); Grace after Meals (Did. 10); the Amidah (J C/em. 59.3-61.3; Ap. Const. 7); the Shema plus Decalogue? (Pliny, Ep. 10.96). Fleischer's argument that Christian prayer was standardized earlier than Jewish prayer is not convincing ("On the Beginnings," 435 and n. 96).

PRAYER IN CONTEXT

251

Even these examp1es show a range from the simple and popular to leamed and lengthy. The prayers preserved among the Dead Sea Scrolls represent one end of the spectrum, mostly bearing the imprint of professional liturgists and the influence of the Temple, reflecting the nature and interests of the Yal:;tad. Their relationship to wider Iudaism is both indirect through analogy and direct through the popular influence of the Temple service.

CONCLUSION There can be little question that the Yabad had developed an extensive and comprehensive liturgical cycle without parallel in the Second Temple period among the average population of Jews.! A remarkably large and diverse range of material is associated with each occasion. It is also hardly to be disputed that this liturgy of prayer had special significance for priests in the Yabad isolated from service in the Temple. In the preceding investigation I have argued that the liturgical prayers preserved among the Dead Sea Scrolls nevertheless provide a window to prayer practices beyond the confines of an exclusivistic group. On the basis of form, function, and content, distinctions can be detected between various prayers and prayer practices in the Dead Sea Scrolls, pointing to different origins. Among prayers for daily use, Words of the Luminaries shows no evidence of sectarian provenance and contrasts with 4Q503 Daily Prayers, which is linked formally with other prayers of the Yabad. The single sabbath hymn in Words ofthe Luminaries, apparently to be repeated weekly, contrasts with the sabbath benedictions in Daily Prayers and the esoteric Songs of the Sabbath Sacrijice, both of which have different compositions for each sabbath. Finally, two different cycles of festival prayers seem to appear: a festival cyde beginning in the spring and including the extra festivals mentioned in the Temple Scroll, and a cyde beginning in the autumn and lacking these extra festivals (Festival Prayers, llQPsa David's Compositions). Furthermore, Words of the Luminaries and Festival Prayers are integrally related by form, indicating a common origin. An original connection with the Temple singers was suggested as most likely for many of those prayers showing no Yabad characteristics. Nevertheless, it is probable that these prayers too, especially Words of the Luminaries and Festival Prayers, were incorporated into the Yabad's liturgy because they represent types of prayer (daily and festival supplications and confessions of sin) described in Yabad sources but for which no other collections have been found at Qumran. Furthermore, there is

I Exceptions would include the Therapeutae and the Essenes described by Philo and Josephus, although the Yal).ad is probably to be regarded as Essene.

254

CONCLUSION

evidence that much of the liturgy developed by the Yal:;tad was adapted from practice elsewhere, especially the Temple. This is particularly apparent with regard to the daily liturgy outlined in lQS 10. Recital of the Shema and Decalogue with blessings is more widely attested as an individual and private practice, but as daily corporate prayer only in the priestly service at the Temple. Moreover, every element of the Yal:;tad's daily liturgy can be related to practices which had come to be associated with the daily Temple service, among the priestly service, the Temple singers, and the popular prayers of the people. The principle of modification is apparent in the distinctive nature of their annual covenant ceremony which uniquely combines confession of sin with blessing and cursing. It was suggested, too, that the most significant element of modification in their daily prayers was the incorporation of communal confession of sin under the pervasive influence of their covenant ceremony. These findings point to the Temple as the most influential locus for corpo rate prayer in the Second Temple period-certainly for daily prayerboth for the Yal:;tad as weIl as for the wider public. This provides a plausible explanation for the similarities which have often been detected between Qumran prayer and the later synagogue liturgy, as weIl as both with some other prayers from the Second Temple period, especially those in Ben Sira who was prominently influenced by the Temple service. The influence of the Temple as a focus for public prayer is declared loudly in numerous sources of the Second Temple period, not only directly but also in the synchronizing of prayer to the times of sacrifice when away from the Temple. Rabbinic sources too hint at the influence of prayer at the Temple on the synagogue liturgy (e.g., m. Tamid 5:1; m. Yoma 7:1). It was argued that the binding force of such custom should not be underestimated. Important implications foIlow for the debate conceming the origin of institutionalized prayer. In the first instance, its origins seem to lie in the attraction of prayer to the Temple cult, rather than the need to provide a replacement for the sacrificial system. One can speculate further. Loss of the Temple would then seem to have given impetus to the development and broadening of such prayer and to its systematization. In the Temple, the prayers of the priests, the songs of the Temple singers, and the popular prayers of the people remained disparate, brought into proximity only by their somewhat loose connection with the Temple service. When the Yal:;tad adopted and adapted these elements for communal use away from the Temple, and thus without sacrifice as a centre, they combined these for the first time in a comprehensive and coherent liturgy of their own. A similar process can be suggested for the synagogue. Finally, the importance of the

CONCLUSION

255

Temple as a focus for public and corporate prayer coincides with the picture in Luke and Acts that the early Christians in Jerusalem prayed regularly at the Temple and maintained a distinctive presence there. 2 At the outset of this investigation, I broached the question as to the potential value of the prayers in the Dead Sea Scrolls for the study of Jewish liturgy in general. There is now an even stronger case to be made that the scrolls are vital witnesses for the history of Jewish prayer. Through them we may hear echoes of the prayers of Jews from the Second Temple.

2 Luke 24:52; Acts 3:1 (cf. 2:42, 46-7); 22:17; also Acts 3:11; 5:12-13, 20-21, 42; 6:7. See Falk, "Jewish Prayer Literature, " 269-76.

APPENDIX

PRA YER FORMULAS IN THE HODAYOT AND WAR seROU Both the Hodayot and the War Scroll have elicited considerable debate about possible liturgical use and similarities with Christian prayer. Although neither fall strict1y into the focus of this monograph, their prayer formulas are important for comparative purposes. Only brief comments will be included here. For further discussion of prayer formulas, see E. Schuller, "Some Observations on Blessings of God in Texts from Qumran." In both cases, much remains to be learned from the Cave 4 copies which contain independent material and/or different orders.' With regard to the Hodayot, Schuller has raised the possibility that some of the cave 4 copies represent collections of different character than lQHa, and noted that 4QHa particularly exhibits a greater concentration of liturgical elements. 2 Redactional studies on the War Scroll suggest that the Cave 4 fragments preserve a typologically earlier version than IQM; thus, the former should be considered a pre-Qumran War Scroll and the latter a dualistic adaptation of a common tradition. 3 Thus, although in the form of lQM it is an explicitly exclusive text,4 the Cave 4 fragments lack many of the sectarian distinctives of lQM.5 Further work is required, but for now, the possibility remains open that some non- or pre-Yal).ad material is preserved in the War Scroll. 1. Hodayot

A variety of prayer formulas appear throughout the Hodayot. The collection is named after the most common opening formula: '::l 'l"lot :1::l"lot :1n,y~ (H2D+k2). Various barukh formulas such as B2D+p and B2D+k2

I See Murphy-O'Connor, "Judean Desert," 132-3; Davies, "Redaction and Sectarianism," 153-5; "Etude comparative de 4QM', " 470-2. 2 E. Schuller, "The Cave Four Hodayot Manuscripts: A Preliminary Description" (1994); "A Hymn from a Cave Four Hodayot Manuscript: 4Q427 7i+ Ii," (1993). 3 Davies, "Redaction and Sectarianism," 153-5; "Etude comparative de 4QM", " 470-2. 4 lQM 1:2; 13:1-5 cf. lQS 2:1-10. 5 See Davies, "Redaction and Sectarianism," 154.

258

APPENDIX

also occur. Prayer formulas in the Hodayot provide interesting paralieis to early Christi an prayer. The closest known example in a Palestinian Jewish source to the doxology form common in early Christian literature occurs in lQHa 4:32 [17:20]:6 t:I]?1Y? il"~il 1~V?1 ili"~il ilTlN 1?

To you belongs righteousness, and to your name belongs blessing forev[er.

Similarly, abundant paralleis to the three-part hodayah formula are found in early Christian sources, although Jewish paralieis are more scarce. Robinson has investigated this matter in depth7 and found that early Christian prayer shows a marked preference for the three-fold hodayah pattern: expression of thanks

+ address to God + causa I c1ause

" 'l1'N il",N = €UXlXptUTW UOt KVPt€

on

Reflections of this formula are prevalent in Pauline prayer and expressions of thanksgiving (e.g., 1 Cor 1:4-5), but the formula is also found on the lips of Jesus (e.g., John 11:41; Matt 11:25-7//Luke 10:21-2), the Pharisee in Luke 18:11, and the twenty-four elders in Rev 11:17. The form becomes less common, but examples may still be found in the second to fourth centuries (Did. 9-10; Mart. Poly 14: 3; the Apostolic Tradition 4; Ap. Const. 7.26.3; 7.38.1). This preference comes to light with special clarity in the taking over of Jewish prayers which are thoroughly Christianized, not least by the substitution of hodayah formulas for berakhot. Striking here is the example of meal prayers. Jewish mealtime prayer is a blessing (Heb. berakhah; Gr. eulogia) which customarily beg ins ilTllot 1":1. The New Testament, however, often speaks of thanks (SUXaPU1TStV) at meal prayers, particularly in the meal prayers of Jesus. More conspicuous is the example of the Eucharistie prayer described in Did. 10. As scholars have long commented, this prayer corresponds to a remarkable degree to the three-fold prayer of the Birkat Ha-Mazon (Jewish Grace after Meals), whose basic shape8 is reflected as early as Jub. 22:6-9: 1. berakhah + ptc., re: food; 2. hodayah + causal c1ause, re: land/peace; 3. petition, re: Jerusalem/inheritance.

R. Deichgräber, Gotteshymnus, 37. J. Robinson, "Die Hodajot-Fonnel," 194-235. 8 See Finkelstein, "Birkat Ha-Mazon. " 6 7

APPENDIX

259

Besides switching the order of the first two components, Did. 10 is Christianized by the use of a doxology at the end of each component and the substitution of a hodayah formula for the berakhah. It is also noticeable that Eucharist becomes the name for the Christian meal. How are these similarities between prayer forms in the Hodayot and in early Christian literature to be explained? Postulating a direct connection between the early Christi ans and the Qumran sect is too hasty. 9 To place Robinson's observations in context, we can note that in both early Christianity and Qumran, including the "Hyrnns of the Community" in the Hodayot, the hodayah formula co-exists with berakhah formulas. That is, in neither early Christianity nor Qumran is there any such strict uniformity of prayer formulas as is promoted by the rabbis. \0 It is most likely, then, that the hodayah was not a marginal formulation used by sectarian groups and later adopted by Christi ans but an alternative formula co-existing with berakhah formulations during a time of flexible but gradual stabilization of prayer forms. Parallel to the Christian/Jewish parting over the use of the Septuagint, the Apocrypha, the Decalogue in liturgy, and names for their meetings (synagoge vs. ekklesia) , rabbinic promotion of the liturgical berakhah formula and concluding eulogies may have coincided with Christi an tendencies toward hodayah formulas and doxologies. 2. War Seroil

Some scholars have suggested that the War Seroil, or part of it, is a liturgical text, a "cultic drama" of some kind, perhaps used in connection with the covenant festival. 11 Although this is possible and would certainly explain some strong links with the Hodayot and the appearance of a blessing and cursing ritual similar to that included in the covenant ceremony (lQM 13:1-5 cf. lQS 2:1-10), such theories are too speculative to warrant detailed consideration in the present study. We can have no confidence that this scroll was actually "used" in any particular way by the group at Qumran. Nevertheless, however one understands the scroll, it is likely that the

9 Flusser. "Psalms, Hyrnns and Prayers," 567, writes concerning Matt 11:25-27I1Luke 10:21-22: "not only the opening of Jesus' hyrnn hut also the free rhythm of the poem and its content show affinity with the Essene thanksgiving hyrnns. " His conclusion that "Jesus knew the Essene thanksgiving hyrnns and used their form in order 10 express his own place in the divine economy" is unnecessary. 10 See Heinemann's diseussion of the liturgical berakhah in Prayer in the Talmud, eh. 3. 11 E.g., Carmignae, La Regle de la Guerre, xii; Holm-Nielsen. Hodayot, 345-6; Krieg, "MÖ'ED NÄQÄM, " 20-4.

260

APPENDIX

prayers in the War Seroll at least reflect the form of actual prayers. 12 As such, it will be useful to make some comments on the prayer material in the scroll. Numerous addresses, hymns and blessings appear in columns 10-14 and 15-19 along with liturgical instructions for various battle liturgies. These are not exceptional when compared with the custom of battle addresses and prayers in contemporary use. 13 For comparative purposes, I will provide here only abrief account of the blessing formulas which occur in two prayers. (1) A thanksgiving prayer for after battle (lQM 14:4-end; 4QMa 8-10 i 1-17).

Introduction: ,,~~, 'lY' ;,"~V

,"':1 ,~v ,~~", f;,~,v' f;,~ Tl~ cf;,,::> CV ,::>,:1,

And they shall all bless there the God of Israel and exalt his name in joyful chorus. And they will ans wer and say:

Opening formula: (BLy+p)

'1m!:l tlY, ilywr 11"'Y11' '11":1' ,on

,~wm

'N'llr 'N 1":1

BIessed be the God of Israel who preserves faithfulness to his covenant and promises of deliverance to the people he has redeemed.

After this reference to God's faithfulness to the covenant, the prayer continues in the third person, describing God's raising the weak: in deliverance and bringing down the wicked to destruction (14:5-8a). In 14:8b, the same structure is repeated, but it is spoken from the first person plural and addresses God in the second person, beginning with the blessing formula (BN2Lx+p):

c',onil 'N il::mlU [1":1 U'11':1N' 11":1 '~'lUil ,,::J cy, [il::J~y 11'J'NlU' il::>',on il11'!:lil ,y',:1 11'lU~~:1

'l'm",

See Flusser, "Psalms, Hymns and Prayers, " 570. 1 Macc 3:56; 4:30-3 and elsewhere in 1 and 2 Macc. Cf. Deut 20:2-9; m. Sora. 8:1; Yadin, Serail ofWar, 208-28. 12

13

APPENDIX

261

Blessed]l4 be your name, God of mercies, who keeps the covenant to our fathers; and in all our generations you have caused your mercies to descend on the rem[nant of your people] during the dominion of Belial.

4QMa 8-10 6 preserves a shorter version: 0',6[n];; ?N 17JV 11[':1 1b 1',on N'?[!l]7Jil [?Y]'?:1 l1?V7J7J:1

Bl]essed be your name, God of mercies, who causes your mercies to descend on us, during the dominion of Beli[al].

Following another seetion on God's reversal of the fortunes of his people and their enemies (14:9-12a), there is an expression that God's people will praise his name for his mighty deeds at the times ordained for praise (14: 12b-15). Specifically, the turning points of day and night are mentioned, recalling the catalogue of times of prayer in the hyrnns in lQS 10 and lQHa 20:4ff. [12:4ff.]. Other battle hyrnns follow in this thanksgiving liturgy (4QMa 8-10 i 17). Flusser notes that this prayer, including its beginning benediction, wording, themes, and structure, bears much similarity to the Benedictus in Luke 1: 68-79. 15 In consideration of this and similarities also between one of the battle hyrnns (1QM 11 :9-10) and the Magnificat (Luke 1:46-55), he argues that Luke incorporated into his narrative two militant hyrnns composed by followers of John the Baptist, which, in turn, had been drawn from Essene circles. Although this theory is possible in the light of other similarities between Qurnran and early Christian prayer, it is more likely that what is common between the battle prayers and hyrnns in the War Seroll and the Magnificat and Benedictus was part of a shared heritage of Jewish prayer language in the latter Second Temple period. This finds support in some structures and themes which are similar to the first benediction of the Amidah. 16 Furthermore, the benediction form B(2)Ly which is common to lQM 13:2;

Confinned by 4QM'. Flusser, "Magnificat." 16 See Nitzan, Qumran Prayer, 213-5. 14

15

262

APPENDIX

14:4 and Luke 1:68 is eertainly not distinetively Qumranic. It appears in the more eompaet version of the prayer in 4QMa, which, as noted above, may be of pre-Qumran origin, and also in 4Q503 Daily Prayers, also probably pre- or non-Qumran. The similarities with the Benedictus, then, point to the more general nature of this prayer in the War Seroll. (2) Blessing and petition for a miracle as dusk approaehes during pursuit (IQM 18:6b-19:8). Introduetion: And when the sun travels towards its setting on this day, the high priest will take up position; likewise the priests and Levites who are with hirn and the ch[iefs of the men] of the rule. And there they shall bless the God of Israel. They shall speak and say:

Opening formula: (BN2Lx +k2) C'['~] ,~ ii:JOtll 11'::1 ~"~)jj' [ii:JOY cy ii]11"lii N':J i~O iimOtll ii:J11"::11 111::1' c'oy~ ii11n11~ 111Y1tl1' "ytll1

1)'

1)'

Blessed be your name, God of [god]s, for you have made grea[t your people] to do wonders, and your covenant you have guarded for us from of old, and the gates of salvation you have opened for us many times.

Both of the prayers summarized above show sunrise and sunset to be viewed as times for prayer as was eommon in Seeond Temple Judaism. Another point of interest in the War Seroil is the insight that prayers eould be read from aseroll. lQM 15:4-5 informs that the ehief priest reads in the hearing of the men and the other priests and Levites "the prayer for the time of batt[le as it is written in the b]ook of the Rule for this time, with all their words of thanksgiving." 17 C111'1ii ',::1, '1:J cy 111Y 1'0 '~[0::1 ::1111:J:J iiO]n1mii 'Y1O 11'~1111~

In private eonversation, Emile Pueeh suggested that the eompaet size of many of the prayer serolls found at Qumran was for the praetieal eonsideration that they had to be easily transported and handled during prayer times. 18 On the analogy of this passage, Pueeh's hypothesis is plausible.

17

18

For this reconstruction, cf. 1QM 15:6; Yadin, Serail afWar, 331. Ecole Biblique, Jerusalem, winter, 1993.

APPENDIX

263

Tob 13: 1 shows that the writing and reading of prayers was not unknown at this time.

BIBLIOGRAPHY

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INDEX OF ANCIENT SOURCES HEBREWBillLE Genesis 1:16 22 14:20 83 Exodus 4:22 174 12:14 190 12:27 176 12:42 175 14:24 48 15 48, 151 18:10 83 19:6 198 29:27-8 171 34:7 228 34:22 164 Leviticus 4,5 232 7:30 172 14:13-19 90 16 229 16:4 25 16:21 228 23:24 190 23:36 197 23:39 171-2 26 69, 72, 109 26:40-42 247 26:31 232 26:40-45 223 Numbers 6:4-6 223 6:22-6 53 10:10 190 14 69 28:9-10 126 28:26 174 28:31 154 29:39 126 Deuteronomy 6:4-9 113

9:27 80 10:15 60

10:16 78 16:8 27 223 27:11-26 222 27:14-15 27 28 69 29:17-20 222 29:28 213 30 69 30:1-10 222,247 30:4 232 31:16 166 31:21 213 32 164 32:13-15 178 Joshua 5:12 171, 178 1 Samuel 23:10,11 28 25:32 83 25:39 83

2 Samuel 7:27 28 25:32 28 1 Kings

1:48 28, 83 5:21 83 8 246 8:15 28,81, 83 8:23, 25, 26 28 8:23-56 81 8:46-53 247 8:47 222, 229 8:56 81, 83 2 Kings 21: 13 109 Isaiah 1:31 211 6:3 134, 139, 140, 143, 144, 145 11:12 208

286 26:8 110 26:16 69 28:13 109 28:17 110 30:29 196 34:11, 17 109 35:8 197 37:16 28 41:17 211 41:22 211 45:15 28 63:5 211

Jeremiah 4:4 78 14 71 14:20-21 222, 229 31:8 208 31:32-4 78 32:17-23 117 50:32 211 Ezekiel 1 133 3 133 3:12 139, 140, 142, 143, 145 3:13 134 8:6 49 8:16 48 10 133,142 10:4, 15, 17 139 34:4 211 34:16 211 43:2 139, 142 Hosea 6:1-3 78 11:1 174 14:3 86 JoeI2:12-13 232 Amos 5:2 211 Micah 5:8 211 Nahum 3:18 211 Zechariah 7:3-5 214 7:5 72 8:19 72 14:16-17 198

INDEXES 14:17 194 Psalms 73, 78, 90 24 53, 72, 145, 197 29 197 29:10 197 30 197 41:14 28,147,148 47 197 51 78, 117 51:17-19 249 57:8-9 48 59:5 28 65 199 66:20 83 67 199 68:36 27 69:6 28 69:29 76, 201 69:31-2 233, 249 72:18 28 72:19 148 79 71 81 199 82 72 84 197 84:6 197 85 199 88:13 47 89:47 80 89:50 80 89:53 147, 148 92 86, 91, 151 92:1 69,125,150 94 72 96 198 97 198 99 141, 145 100 119 103:14 213 104:20 106 106 71, 117, 214 106:6 222, 228 106:48 28, 85, 147, 148 107:21-2 249 115 53 118 199 119: 12 82, 97 120-34 197 124:6 83 125:5 53 126 199 128:6 53

287

INDEXES 132:1 80 135 53 137:7 80 141:2 249 145:14 211 146:7-8 211 147:3 211

Proverbs 15:8 242, 249

1 Chronicles 15-16 119 15:16 125 16 225 16:7 125 16:8-36 90, 225 16:36 28, 85, 147, 148 16:37 125 16:41-2 125 25:3 150 29: 10 28, 82, 97

Ruth 4:14 83

2 Chronicles

Job 38:7 (cf. LXX and Targum) 49, 134

Ecclesiastes 4: 1 211 Lamentations 1:7 211 5 71 5:1 79 5:3 211 Daniel 73 7:10 144 7:25 13,126 9 2, 61, 71, 74, 75, 203, 214, 221, 225,250 9:3-19 71 9:5 222,228 9:16-19 118 9:21 119 9:24-7 247 Ezra 9 2, 71, 214, 221 9:5 119 9:5-15

117

9:6-7 224 9: 15 28

Nehemiah 1 71 1:4-11 117 1:8 80 8:6 85 8: 13-9:37 224 8:18 197 9 2, 74, 75, 203, 214-15, 221 9:5 90, 132 9:6-37 71, 76, 117, 222 9:36-7 118 12:8,46 150

2:11 28,83 6:4 28,83 6:14, 16, 17 28 7:9 TRANSLATIONS Septuagint Deut 6:4 113 1 Sam 2 141 Psalms 119 23,47,91,92,93 Job 38:7 49 Jer 38:8 208 Ezek 3:12 139

72, 151

Old Latin Psalms 151 81 72 Targum Tg. PS.-J. Gen 32:27 49 Gen 35:14 198 Num 6:4-6 224 Tg. Neofiti Exodus 12:42 Isa 6:3 145 Ezek 3:12 142, 143, 145 Hosea 14:3 233 Job 38:7 49 APOCRYPHA AND PSEUDEPIGRAPHA Additions to Esther 74 14 71 14:3 28 14:3-19 117 Tobit 3:1-6 117 3: 11 97

288

INDEXES

8:5-7 25 8:8 85 13:15 25 13:17 28 13:18 81 Judith 4:6-12 119 4:12 28 6:21 28 9:1 55, 119 9:11 213 10: 1 28 12:5-9 55 13:7 28 13:20 85 Wisdom 16:28 47, 115, 121, 248

2:11 28 2:13-15 208-9 3:1,4 28 Prayer of Azariah 2-22 71 3 97 15-17 233 29 97

Song of the Three Men 146 1 Maccabees 75 1:45 13,126 1:49 13,126 4:30 28 4:52-9 119, 194 12:11 118, 196, 247 2 Maccabees

Sirach (Ecclesiasticus) 17:27 150 34:21-4 240

35:1-9 233, 240 36 201,214 36:1-17 74, 76, 250 36:11-13 76, 77, 208 39:5 47,121 44:5 108 47:8 150 47:9 119, 196-7 47:10 119 49:8 142 50 207 50:14-21 224 50:16-17 244-5 50: 16-19 75, 119 50:16-21 47, 247 50:17 73 50: 19 118, 207 50:20-21 116 51 203 51:12 76 51:12i -" (Hebrew) 122-3, 196, 204 Baruch 1-3 204 1:3-14 203

1:10-14 1:10-3:8 1:14-3:8 1:15-3:8 2:6-3:8

118,195-6,215 203,248 73,224 71,117,203,214,221,223 74

74, 117, 214, 223, 250

75

1 201, 203, 204, 214

1:4 78 1:7 198 1:9 198 1:10-2:18 199 1:18 119 1: 18-30 224, 248 1:23-30 117,118,119 1:24 198 1:24-9 77, 196, 198, 200-1 1:25 213 1:27 208 6:6-7 13, 126 10:6 198 10:6-7 199 10:6-8 194 3 Maccabees 2:1-20 71, 117, 223 6:1-15 71 7:23 28

Epistle of Aristeas 158-60 47, 115 305-6 47, 55, 115 Biblical Antiquities (Pseudo-Philo) 11:8 248-9 18:6 49 Jubilees 12, 13, 22, 63, 127, 157, 188 2:2 (Greek) 22 2:2-3 99, 246

289

INDEXES

2:17 52 2:17-22 145, 151 2:19 53 2:22 249 3:27 47 5:4, 10-11 99 6 22 6:1,4 234 6:1-22 180 6:14 47 6:17 226, 234 6:23 188 10:6 25 12:16 22 15:1 234 21:10 22 22:6-9 196 29:16 191 31-2 197 32 172, 198, 207 32:7-8 194, 207 32:23 198 49:1 22 49:1 47 50:9 151 50:9-10 52 50:9-11 145 1 Enoch

12 39 133 39:7 146 39: 12-13 144 47:1-2 133 61 144 61:7-13 133 61:12 146

Astronomical Book 13, 21, 22, 31,

63,157 82 188 82:13-20 191 82:16, 19 190 91:3 25 93:2 25 93:9-10 247

4 Baruch

8: 12-9:32 144 9:2-6 144

Testament 0/ the 12 Patriarchs 12 T. Levi 127

3:5-6 133, 136, 249 3:7 144 T. Jos. 3:6 47 Testament

0/ Adam

1-2 49

Apocalypse 0/ Moses (Life 0/ Adam and Eve)

7:2 49,98 17:1 49, 98 33 133 37:1-3 133, 144 43:4 144

Sibylline Oracles

3:591-3 47

0/ Solomon 52 15 51

Odes

0/ Solomon 1-2 233 3:8 233 5:19 146 6:6 84,184 8:10-13 233 8:28 208 9 117, 223 9:6 233 10:1 233 13:10 233 15:3 105 17:1 146

Psalms

77

Apocalypse 0/ Abraham 17-18 133 Ladder 0/ Jacob 2:18 144

2 Enoch

15 49,51, 98 19:6 143 51:4 119 3 Enoch 40 49 3 Baruch 6-10 49

DEAD SEA SCROLLS Damascus Document 128, 225-35 CDA

1-8 69 2:17-3:19 88 3:21-4:3 25 4: 14ff. 233

290

INDEXES

6:11-14 240 6:13 241 6: 19 168 7:5,8 179 9:14 241 10:6 179 10:14-5 22 11:17-12:2 241 11:17-18 243 11:18 136 11:18-21 242 11:20-21 136, 233 11:21-12:1 243-5 12:9 136 12:22-13:3 120 13:1-2 120 CDB 1-2 69 2:25-34 232 2:27-30 225-6, 229 4QD" (4Q266) 5 ii 241 6 ii 241,245 10 ii 232 11 89, 226, 230 11 7 234 11 8-9 27 11 9-14 234 4QD< (4Q270) 7 i 230 7 ii 232 4QD f 3 j 15 (4Q271) 244 Community Rute 4, 12, 25, 55, 103-23, 128 lQS 1-2 26, 53, 85, 88, 111, 175, 214-15 1-4 105,232 1:9 192 1:16 114 1:16-3:12 103 1:18-2:4 71,225 1: 18-2: 18 219-226, 237 1:21-2:1 203 1:24-6 227-9 1:24-2:1 109 1:24-2:4 53 2:2-4 237 2:5 27 2:11-18 234 2:25-3:12 25 2:26-3:1 234 3:1 179

3:2 25 3:4-12 233 3:5 25 3:10 192 3:12 25 3:20 25 3:22 25 3:24 27 4:4-7 25 5-9 104 5:1 105 5:2 25, 120 5:3 109 5:9 25,120 5:14-20 234 6:1 231 6:1-8 120 6:3-4 120 6:6-7 120 6:7-8 87, 121 6:26 110 7:4-18 232 7:18-25 232 7:21 231 7:24-5 234 8:1 120 8:23 234 9:3-10:8 104 9:4-5 109, 136, 233, 240 9:6 25 9:7 109 9:12-26 103 9:21 109 9:26 105, 107 9:26-10:1 104, 105, 107, 189, 192 9:26-10:3 246 9:26-10:8 104, 107, 188-91 9:26-10:17 100, 104, 192 9:26-11 :22 104 10 48, 49, 105, 114, 121, 215 10-11 111, 121 10: 1 22 10:1-3 46, 87, 97, 106 10:1-8 104 10:2 104, 105 10:4 104 10:5-8 214 10:6 104, 105, 107, 113, 164, 192 10:7 26, 109, 137, 193 10:8 104, 107 10:8-11:15 122-3 10:8-11:16 77 10:9 108, 110, 112, 118

291

INDEXES 10:9-14 115, 116, 123 10:9-17 107 10:9-11 :22 104, 110, 237 10:10 87, 106 10:10-13 109 10:10-14 50, 112 10:11 107 10:17-11:2 104 11:2-15 104 11:7-8 134 11:8 25 11:15 82,122 11:15-22 104,110 4QSb 113 4QSd 105, 113 1 i I 127 2 ii 10 105 4QS' 105 Rule ofthe Congregation OQSa) 12, 25 1:2 25 1:24 25 1:26 25 2:3 25 Rule of Blessings (IQSb) 12, 23, 224 1:1 127 3:22 25, 127 4:25-6 134 4:25 128, 129 4:26 25 5:20 127 War Seroll 12, 25-7, 55, 101, 128, 158, 238, 257, 259-63 lQM 1: 1 127 1: 10 27 2:5 136 2:5-6 240 6:6 27 6: 12-13 10:8 27 10:15 164 13:1-2 26,27 13:13 27 14:3-4 26, 27 14:4-end 28 14:12-14 46, 87, 97, 99, 106, 246 14:13 101 15:13 27 16:1 27 18:3,6 27

18:6-7 26 4QM' (4Q491) 8-10 i 1-2 26 8-10 i 1-17 28 244 134 4QM f (4Q496) 59-61 Hodayot 4, 12, 20, 25, 27, 69, 77, 100103, 128, 215, 238, 257-9 lQH' 1:28-9 108 3:12 102 5:12-14 102, 117 6:13 134 8:16 234 8:16-28 77 9:28-9 108 11:21-3 134 13:20 84, 97, 234 18:14 234 19:11-13 134 19:25-6 134 19:27-28 234 19:33 234 20:4 150 20:4-6 191 20:4-7 46, 97 20:4-9 22, 109 20:4-11 87, 100, 106, 119, 246 415 102,234 7 i+8 8-9 102 810 127 10 6-7 134 10 10 127 15 I 127 15 1-3+31 102, 117 4QH' 3 ii 100 3 ii 5 100 3 ii 5-11 101

lQ36 1 2 25 Pesharim 12, 128 1QpHab 6:4 136 7:13 109 4QpIsa' 22 3 25 4QDeu~

113

Florilegium 4QI741+21+217 25

292

INDEXES 4Q400 1 i 1 130 1 i 16 136 21,6 138 26-8 127 27 105,135 4Q402 1 3 25 4Q403 1 i 1-29 131 1 i 3 98 1 i 10-26 138 1 i 26 131 1 i 28 138 1 i 28-9 146-8 1 i 30 130, 131,140 1 ii 15-16 140 1 ii 26 105 4Q405 20 i-22 7-8 143 20 ii-21-22 14 134 23 ii 12 105

Tobit 4Q200 7 ii 1-2 28 Astronomical Enoch 22 4Q208-11 190 4Q21O Enastr" 1 iii 7-8 32 Testament of Levi' 71, 77 Testament of Naphthali 4Q215 4:5 25 Jubilees 4Q216 2:5 25 4:4 25 7:17 25 Berakhot 26, 55, 127, 225, 236 4Q286 85 1 10 25 7 i 8 27 7 ii 1-2 27

llQShirShabb 2-1-9 2 25 MasShirShabb 13 25 1 8-9 130 1 8-ii 26 131

Mysteries b 4Q3OO 1 ii 2 25

4Q408 96-8, 116 1 6-11 96, 246 21-2 97 62 97 72 97 82 97

Calendrical Document A 4Q320 22 1 i 3 22 4 iii 6 188 4Q334 98-9, 119, 246 21 98

4Q4091:4 136,192-3,215

Psalms of Joshua (4Q378-379) 128 4Q379 22 ii 5 28 Non-Canonical Psalms (4Q380-381) 128 Communal Confession (4Q393) 71, 73, 117, 185, 214 1-2 ii 5-7 117 3 118 33-5 70 37-9 71

Baptismal Liturgy 4Q414 23, 24, 26, 55 2 i 1-2 23 2 ii 5-6 23 7 ii 2-3 23 10 7 26 12 6 23 144 24 Sapiential Work A 17 4Q4172 i 14 127 Barkhi Naphshi 119

4QMMT 89, 188, 190

Songs of the Sabbath Sacrijice 91, 150, 153, 237-8

11 86 Apocryphal Lamentations B (4Q50l) 185 " I 1-4 210

293

INDEXES

Ritual of Marriage (4Q502) 23-5, 55, 238 13 24 25 25 25 43 25 53 25 73 25 86 25 92 23 10 1 23 194 25 196 23 21 3 25 242 23 303 23 462 23 702 25 962 23 964 23 1044 23 1 \0

105+1061 23 105+1062 25 2602 25

Daily Prayers (4Q503) 9, 21-57, 69, 79, 83, 86, 89-3, 95-8, 101, 116, 117, 149-50, 1534,238 1 1-5 43

1-3 5 36 1-36-7 36,38 1-3 \0 36 1-3 12 42 1-3 32-4,44 1-38,19-20 42 1-6 29-31

4 44

7-9 44 7-93-4 46 8+9 38 91,6 39 93 42 94-5 36 10 44 10 1 42 11 44 113 42 13 45 13 1 23,129 15 45,54 15-163 42

15-166 22 16 44 161 53 165-6 40

20 45,54 21-28 34 22-32 44 24-253 42 24-253-4 53 24-25 42,45 26-28 45 293

40

29 54 29-327 42 306,7 42 306 39 307-8 36 308 42 33 i+34 44,54 33 i 6 38 33 ii 1-2 38, 39, 40 33 ii 6-7 38, 39, 40 33 ii 39 33 ii+35 44 345-6 36 34 5 22, 39, 45 354 39 36 35,45 372-3 38 37 + 38 14 23, 129 37+3816 42 37+3818-19 38 37+38 42,44 38 45 39 45 393 36 40+412-3 40 40+41 42, 44, 54 411 42 42-44 45 488 22 48-50 45 48-505 42 48-506 40 48-507 38, 42 51-5 45 51-53 42 51-55 \0 42 51-5512 38 51-55 13,18 42 64 45,54 647 41 65 45

294

INDEXES

654-5 36.83 662-3 36 683 42 692 40 743 40 81 45 892 42 1392 42 2156 42 2158 42

Words of the Luminaries 19. 28. 50. 52. 55. 59-94. 95. 101, 115. 117. 149-54. 157. 158. 182. 186. 196, 214, 242 4Q504 1i 8 1 i 8-9 71 1 ii 7-10 90 1-2 ii 13 78 1-2 ii 13-17 246 1-2 ii 17 25 1-2 iii 5-6 174 1-2 iv 10 136 1-2 iv 12 89 1-2 iv 12-14 71 1-2 v 12-14 89 1-2 v 12-17 70 1-2 v 16-17 69 1-2 vi 2-9 70 1-2 vi 10-vii 2 118 1-2 vi 12-14 208 1-2 vi 14 76 1-2 vi 15 70 1-2 vii 49,52 1-2 vii 1-2 79 1-2 vii 3-4 66 1-2vii4 65.150 1-2 vii 6 49 1-2 vii 10 65. 66 3 ii 2 79 3 ii 2-3 66, 79 3 ii 5 64. 79 3 ii 13 60 3 ii 7 90 3 ii 17-18 159 44-5 67 411-12 67 414 67, 79 414-15 66 416 63, 64. 79 5 i 2-4 71 5 ii 1-6 60 5 ii 2 61

5 ii 3 79, 168 5 ii 4 71 63 67 66 79. 168 66-7 71 610-11 90 615-16 67 620 79 7+18 63.65 72-4 71 7 10-18 70 7 13-14 90 81 64. 79 8 1-3 67 83 71 84-5 67 88 67 17 ii 6 66 181-2 70 4Q506 124 60 1243 79 125+1272-3 131-2 173

Festival Prayers

19. 28, 50, 55. 61, 63. 66. 68. 69, 73. 79-81, 83-9. 91. 15588,215 lQ34 2+1 163,164 2+12 208 2+ 1 6 66, 69, 158, 161, 168 2+ 1 6-7 165 3 i-ii 169, 177 3 i 161, 177-8 3 i 7 179 3 i 9 178 3 ii 161,179 3 ii 8 211

4Q505 59-60, 159, 175 124 60, 61, 65 125 33, 61, 159, 175-6 126 174 127 159, 176-80 4Q507 4Q508 1 161 13 179 2 161, 168-9 21 183 22-6 80 24-5 212

295

INDEXES

42 213 9 89 15 89 17 89 21 161, 169 22-23 161, 166-70 22-231 207 22-236-8 182 4Q509 59,60 1+2 163 3 158, 161, 163 3 3-4 208, 246 34 164 37 182 5-6 ii 156 7 166 8 161, 166-70 84 89,171 10 i 170 10 ii+ 11 1-7 170-71 10 ii 5-6 172 10 ii+11 8 66 lOii+118-12172-3 12 i+13 169,171,185,207,209-10, 212 12 ii 172 16 169, 172-3 97+98 i 161, 178-9 131-132 80, 158, 173 131-132 ii 5-20 174 131-132 ii 10 213 Songs 0/ the Sage (4Q51O-511) 191-2 4Q51O 1 4-6 129 4Q511 85 2 i I 127 2 i 8-9 127 84 127 63-64 ii 2 192 63-64 ii 4 105 Ritual 0/ Purification (4Q512) 21, 23, 24, 26, 55, 83, 238

1-6 30

1-61-2 23 1-67-8 23 15 ii 4 23 166 26 171 23 24+254 23 29-32 4-5 23, 26 29-32 8-9 23, 26

129,

29-3221 23, 24 33+35 26 33+351-3 191 33+353 26 33+355-7 23 36,38 35 402 23 41 2-3 23 42-44 2 23 42-44 3-4 23 42-44 5 26 48-50 23 51-55 ii 7-8 23 645 23 72 6 23 Mishmerot A 4 iii 9 169 Ordinances 4Q513 12 i 2 136 4Q514 26 Sectarian Rule (5QI3) 225, 236

11QPs' Psalm 155 (Syriac Ps III) l1QPs' Plea

71, 77

71, 77

11 QPs' Hymn to the Creator 52 26:9-12 98, 246 26:9-15 51, 97, 142 26:11-12 49 11QPs' David's Compositions 86, 95-6, 119, 125-6, 134, 137, 153, 193-4, 214-15 27:7 125 11QtgJob 30:5 134 Temple Seroll 26, 63, 192, 197, 215 lIQT' 11:13 169 15:3-17:5 171 23-9 136 25:7 189 25:9 164 29:8-10 172 42:13,17 169 45 244 45:8-10 243 52 136

296

INDEXES OTHER ANCIENT WRITERS

Pliny Letter to Trajan 10.96.7 48, 250 Philo Hypothetica 7.12-13

120

89 50

Josephus War 2.128-9 46, 48, 115, 119 2.144 233 2.146 120

Antiquities 2.146 231 3.244 164 4.203 195, 247 4.212 114, 248 4.212-3 47, 50, 55, 115 12,323 194 14.65 47 Life 280,293,295 47, 55, 115, 247 290 115 Against Apion 1.209 247 2.193-8 47, 247 2.196-7 117,118 NEW TESTAMENT AND EARL Y CHRISTIAN LITERATURE

Mark 11 :25 249

Luke 1:10 47,73,117 1:68 28 11:1-4 250

Quod omnis probus liber sit 75 249 81 244 De specialibus legibus 1.167 119 1.193-4 119, 195, 247 2.148 195, 247 De vita contemplativa 27-28 46, 48, 50, 51, 115, 119 64-90 195 68 24 80-89 119

Matthew 6:5-15 249 6:9-13 6:13 75 26:30 197

14:26 197

22:53 118 24:53 119 John 1:9 144 7-8 195 8:12 199

Acts 1:5 121 2:42-7 118, 121 3:1 47, 117, 118,247 4:32-5 121 5:12-14 118 6:4 119 9:10 119 10:30 47 22:17 118 2 Corinthians 2:6 231 Galatians 6:16 53 Ephesians 13-14 77 Colossians 1:9-14 77 Revelation 1:10 145 4 133

4:8 144,145 6:9 136 8:3-5 136 Didache 144 8:2-3

250

10 196

Justin Martyr 144 1 Clement 77 34 144 34:7 250 59.3-61.3 250

INDEXES

Clement of Alexandria

Stromata VII, 12 144

Tertullian On Prayer 3 144 Apostolic Constitutions 144 Book 7 77, 206, 250

7.26.1-3 78 7.35.3 142, 144 7.37 200 8.6.5-7 77, 78 8.12,27 250 Hippolytus

Refutatio 9.16 119 RABBINIC LITERATURE Mishnah

m. Berakhot 4:3 201 5:4 54 m. Sabbat 1:8 105 m. PesalJim 5: 1 47 m. Yoma 3:8 146, 204, 228 4:1-2 146,204 5: 1 204 6:2 146, 148, 204 m. Sukkah 5:2-3 199 5:4 49, 119, 194 m. Ros Has 4:5-6 205, 225 m. Ta'anit 2:4-5 74, 75 2:5 85 m. Megillah 4:3 121 m. Sotah 7:7-8 204-5 m. Sanhedrin 1:6 121 m. 'Abot 3:6 121 m. Tamid 1:2 47 3:2 47 4:3-5:1 47, 48, 55 5: 1 50, 54, 56, 76, 113-17, 120, 149 5:4 47 5:6 47

7:1-4 224 7:3 75, 244-5 7:3-4 47, 73, 151 7.4 72, 90, 119 Tosefta

t. Berakhot 1:9 142,144 2:1 51 3:6 59, 75, 86 3:7 153 3:13 152 3:26 85 6:20 28 t. Yoma 2: 1 229 3:18 204 t. Sukkah 4:5 194 t. Ros Has 2:17 205, 249 t. Ta'anit l:llff. 146,148 Jerusalem Talmud y. Berakhot

1.8, 3c 56, 115 4.3, 8a 202 5.5,9c-d 54 y. Yomah 7.44b 204 y. Sukkah 5.2, 5b 194 y. Sotah 7.22a 204 Babylonian Talmud

b. Berakhot 6a 121 9b 48,49 llb 49, 51, 53, 54, 56 12a 115 b. Shabbat 115b 1 b. PesalJim 109b 175 b. Yoma 87b 213 b. RosHas llb 175 31a 151 b. Sukkah 53a 194 b. Ta'anit 16b 146, 204 22b 91 b. ijagigah 12b 136

297

INDEX OF NAMES AND SUBJECTS 'ahabah rabbah 52, 56 Albani, M. 13, 126 Albeek, C. 118 Alexander, P. Allison, D. 143 'alenu 147, 235 Amen 16, 66, 84-5, 90, 92, 94, 127, 148, 173, 220, 225 Amidah 2, 6, 53, 56, 73, 75-8, 86, 94, 118, 119, 122, 123, 142, 152, 171, 196, 198, 200-1, 205, 213-14, 222-4, 250 Amoraim 56 Amram Gaon 2 Andersen 143 angelie praise 49, 59, 89, 98, 126, 129, 139, 140, 147, 148 humans united with 44-5, 51-2, 54, 56, 57, 93, 130, 134, 138, 145-6, 148-51, 246 apotropaie see prayer Aptowitzer, V. 148 atonement 10, 224 Audet, J.-P. 81 Baillet, M. 3-4, 21-57 passim, 59-94 passim, 134, 155-88 passim Baltzer, K. 7, 117, 220-22, 225-6 banishment ritual 27, 226, 230-34, 238 baptism see liturgy, purifieation Bardtke, H. 103 Bauekham, R. 145 Baumgarten, 1. 22-4, 27, 30, 32, 52, 121, 136, 223, 228-35, 240, 242-3 Baumgärtel, F. 7, 221, 225 Baumstark, A. 1, 2 Beeker, J. 103 Beekwith, R. 22 benedietions hajtarah 5 Torah 5, 52, 53, 77, 78, 204 Benedictus 28 berakhah see formulas Bickerman, E. 76, 118, 196, 201 Bietenhard, H. 136

Blaek, M. 32, 240 blessing and cursing 26, 27, 29, 55, 117, 226, 236, 238 Booths, Feast of 24, 49, 160, 162, 167, 169-73, 181, 184, 194-5, 197, 199, 203, 205, 207, 209, 212, 214 Bradshaw, P. 1 Brooke, G. 94, 225, 240 Brownlee, W. 108 BUITows, W. 240 Cairo Geniza 2, 54, 76, 144, 148, 171, 200 ealendar 13-15, 21, 22, 26, 31-2, 95, 125, 126, 149, 157, 188, 192 times of prayer 26, 99, 104, 105, 107, 121,188-92 Callaway, P. 241 Campbell, J. 69 Carmignac, J. 161, 240 Charlesworth, 1. 1, 25, 103 Chazon, E. 7, 9, 10, 12, 13, 22, 33, 423, 47, 52, 53, 56, 59-95 passim, 14952, 158, 159, 177. 208, 213, 238 Chazon, E. & Bernstein, M. 8 Christian ehureh 15, 118, 119, 121, 139, 144, 148, 196, 250 Cody, A. 90 Collins, 1. 62, 69 covenant 44-5, 63, 67, 73, 222, 225 eovenant eeremony 26, 27, 29, 48, 53, 55, 103, 109-12, 114, 117, 120, 180, 218-38 Cowley, A. 244 Cross, F., Jr. 105 eurses 222 Dahmen, U. 25 Davidson, M. 128, 136 Davies, P. 13, 226, 241-2 Day,J. 197-8 Day of Atonement 72, 75, 77, 95, 148, 157, 158, 160, 162, 164, 165-9, 171, 172, 178-80, 184, 193, 204-7, 211-12, 228-9

INDEXES Days of Remembrance 188-91 Deichgräber, R. 85 DeIcor, M. 221 Delitzsch, F. 197 Derenbourg, J. 202 De Vaux, R. 10 Dimant, D. 9, 10, 11, 12, 11 0, 128 Dix, G. 1, 144 Dugmore, C. 1 Duhaime, J. 158 Dupont-Sommer, A. 179, 189, 191, 240, 243 Eisenman, R. & Wise, M. 23, 25 Eissfeldt, O. 108 election 44-5, 50, 51, 52, 53, 150, 181, 213 Elbogen, I. 1, 2, 52, 73, 74, 75, 85, 86, 91, 148, 151, 171, 172, 200, 235 Elgvin, T. 17 Essenes 46, 48, 49, 55, 61, 97, 115, 119, 120, 233 exile/exiles 67, 74, 75, 78, 180, 201, 208, 224, 230 Fagen, R. 113 Falasha 52, 145 Falk, D. 30, 47, 70, 73, 114, 117, 119, 185, 199, 203, 214, 218, 221 fast days 75, 115, 123, 205 festivals 95, 117, 118, 122, 123, 126, 189-90,193 see also individual Jeasts Fiensy, D. 77, 206 Finkelstein, L. 1, 2, 116 Fitzmyer, J. 28 First-Fruits, Barley 35, 44, 171 Fleischer, E. 1, 3-7, 52, 146, 205-6, 247,249-50 Fiusser, D. 1, 6, 67, 71, 74, 78, 103, 145 forgiveness 6, 69, 70, 71, 75, 77, 94, 196,246 formulas, prayer 16, 19, 23-8, 32, 3540, 66, 79-85, 130, 167 berakhah 4, 7, 16, 23-4, 27-8, 30, 36-40, 79-84, 97, 132, 133, 147-8, 182-5, 234-5, 237-8 doxology 147-8, 150 response 36, 53, 66, 84-5, 148 Gagnon, R. 105, 241 Gamaliel 11, Rabban 3, 5, 201, 205

299

Garcia Martinez, F. 108, 109, 179 Garcia Martinez, F. & van der Woude, A. 241 Gamet, P. 109, 233 Gärtner, B. 240 Gaster. T. 224 Gavin, F. 1 gematria 140, 141 Geonim 3 ge'ullah 114 Ginzberg, L. 201-2, 243, 244 Gloria 145 God, in prayer 19 'lm~ 29,83 'n~ 23, 27, 28, 129, 238 7t(1fU' 7t( 23, 27-9, 38-39 tl'ii7t( 11, 23, 128-9 direct address 38, 40, 42, 68, 81, 82, 83, 84, 96, 167-8 impersonal address 38, 40, 42, 68, 81, 147-8 Tetragrammaton 11, 22, 27, 61, 83, 95, 97, 98, 126, 148, 184, 193, 238 Goldschmidt, D. 77, 208, 211, 212 Goldstein, 1. 199-200 Grace at Meals 6, 122, 196, 217, 250 Gruenwald, I. 140 Gunkel H. & Begrich, 1. 69, 72, 133

lJaberim 121 habinenu 78, 202 Haftarah 206 Hallel 148, 197, 204 Halperin, D. 139 Hammer, R. 48, 50, 56, 114, 116, 120, 149,224 ij:oni 205, 249 ijanukkah 194, 197-9, 248 Haran, M. 244 Harding, M. 1 Harrington, D. 127 hashkibenu 51 i).asidim 49, 61 Hedegärd, D. 2, 49, 51, 142 Heinemann, J. 1, 3, 4, 50, 51, 53, 54, 75, 76, 81, 84, 116, 120, 133, 146, 147, 148, 152, 164, 184, 194, 201, 204-6,209-10, 212, 227, 234, 250 Heinemann, J. & Petuchowski, J. 200 Hillel 152, 205, 249 Hillyer, N. 198 Hoffman, L. 1, 2, 3, 151 Holm-Nielsen, S. 7, 103

300

INDEXES

Horbury, W. 110,114,121,250 hosha 'not 209 hymns 86, 133, 150, 192, 217-18 "hymns of the comrnunity" 103 Israel 62, 66, 67, 88, 89, 151 Jansen, H. 1 Jeremias, G. 103 Jesus 249 John Hyrcanus 10 judgement 109-10 Karaite 148 Kiley, M. 1 Kimelman, R. 50, 114 kingship, God's 44-5, 51, 52, 54, 132,

133, 138, 141, 145, 146, 148-9, 151, 197-8,205 Klinzing, G. 240 Knibb, M. 226 knowledge 6, 50, 62, 67, 69, 70, 71, 75, 77, 94, 97, 99, 102, 103, 110, 181, 196, 237-8, 246 Kohler, K. 1, 2, 76, 77, 200-1 Kronholm, T. 2 Kuhn, H. 25,103,111, 112 Lacocque, A. 71 Lange, A. & Lichtenberger, H. 9 Leaney, A. 50, 108, 109, 113, 121, 191 Lehmann, M. 6, 73, 75, 86, 118, 164 Lehnardt, T. 51, 138, 140, 146 Levi, I. 76 Levites 219-21, 230, 236 see Temple, singers Licht, J. 113, 189 Lichtenberger, H. 7, 9, 10, 240 Lieberman, S. 194 Liebreich, L. 76 light, creation of 44-5, 50, 51, 57, 97, 99 Lightfoot, J. 77 liturgy canonization 3, 81 disputes 2, 54 synagogue 2, 5, 49, 52, 55, 56, 70,

75, 78, 81, 93, 120, 123-4, 143, 149, 154, 184-7, 204, 209, 218, 236 Loewe, R. 195 Lohse, E. 106 Lord's Prayer 75

ma'amadot 91-2, 157 magen 'avot 152 Maier, J. 7, 8, 13, 18, 20, 50, 54, 76, 88, 90, 91, 130, 134, 136, 143, 149, 157, 185, 204, 206, 240 Mann, J. 51, 54 Marböck, J. 108 Marmorstein, A. 76, 77 marriage 217 Maskil 100-101, 103, 105, 127, 188, 191, 217 Metso, S. 103, 105, 241 Milik, J. 32, 155, 157, 168, 178, 179, 188, 226, 228, 231, 240 Molin, G. 103 Moore, C. 203 Morawe, G. 103 Mowinckel, S. 53, 72, 197-8, 214 Mowry, L. 145 Murphy-O'Connor, J. 10, 103, 104, 111, 225, 228-30, 241 mysticism 143, 149 Nash Papyrus 113,248 Neugebauer, O. 32 Neusner, J. 194 New Moon 95, 122, 188 Newsom, C. 4, 7, 11, 25, 28, 126-49

passim, 157, 158, 191 44, 160, 162-4, 172, 180, 190, 205, 207-8, 212, 249 Nitzan, B. 6, 7, 8, 36, 40, 42, 46, 52, 75, 76, 80, 81, 88, 103, 122, 133, 139, 143, 157, 164, 170-2, 184, 186, 189, 191, 207, 210-11, 224, 225, 237 New Year

Oesterley, W. 1 Fearghail, F. 118 'Omer see First Fruits, Barley

6

21, 29, 32, 33, 35, 40, 43, 44, 50, 61, 157, 159, 160, 162, 173-8, 181, 184 pesukei de zimra 119, 148 Petuchowski, J. 1, 2, 54, 199 Philonenko, M. 49 piyyut 204, 211-12 Pouilly, J. 104, 240 Passover, Feast of

prayer apotropaic 217 confession 45, 48, 51, 53, 63, 69, 71,

103, 110, 112, 114, 116, 117, 119,

INDEXES

123, 196, 203-4, 215, 218, 220, 224, 226, 228-30, 236-8, 246-7 obligatol)' 4-5, 107, 114, 191-2, 205-6, 247-51 petition 52, 67, 68, 69, 73-5, 85, 90, 94, 102, 123, 182, 185, 214, 21718 as substitute for sacrifice 5-6, 8-9, 89, 124, 135, 137, 138, 154, 186-7, 218,239-47 sunrise and sunset 46-50, 55, 59, 97, 98, 99, 106, 113, 119, 121, 246 prayer-book 2, 121, 122, 134 Priestly Blessing 222-5, 236, 238 priests 48-9, 53-6, 59, 89, 92, 98, 114, 116, 118, 119, 120, 124, 137, 149, 187, 219-21, 228, 230, 236 angelic 135-6 proseuche 47, 115 Puech, E. 11, 22, 60, 61, 63, 64, 65, 66, 85, 87, 97, 100, 102, 105, 150, 159, 164 purification 217 Qedushah 6, 49, 56, 57, 138-46, 250 Qimron, E. 25, 105, 106, 179, 192 Qimron, E. & Strugnell, J. 188 Rabinowitz, I. 121 Reicke, B. 103 Reif, S. I, 2, 4, 5, 7, 240 remembrance 66, 67, 74, 79-80, 182, 184, 186, 205 repentance 6, 67, 71, 74, 75, 77, 94, 196,233 Robinson, S. 144 Rubinstein, A. 121 Saadiah 2 sacrifice 153-4, 225, 230, 232 see prayer, as substitute for sacrifice see also Temple Salzmann, J. 118 Samaritans 136, 148, 164 Sanctus 139 Sanders, E. 47, 71, 248 Sanders, J. 95, 96, 98, 126, 193 Sarason, R. 1 Schechter, S. 54, 200 Schiffman, L. 6, 25, 26, 47, 50, 52, 56, 66, 85, 87, 88, 121, 140, 145, 152, 175, 187, 207 Schuller, E. 7, 9, 11, 25, 28, 30, 39-40, 69, 83, 84, 128, 182, 217, 238

301

Schürer, E. 91, 103, 203-4, 248 Schwemer, A. M. 52, 137, 139, 140, 145, 14~ 150-51, 198 Scoralick, R. 141 sect, definition 13 Segal, M. 201 Segen, S. 133 Shammai 152, 205, 249 Shema 5, 47-52, 55, 113-16, 119, 146, 148, 154, 204, 236, 248 with Decalogue, 47-8, 50, 56, 113-16, 123,236 with benedictions, 47-8, 50, 56, 76, 113-16, 119, 122, 123,236 Shutt, R. 115 Skehan, P. 11 Skehan, P. & Di Lella, A. 76, 118 Smith, M. 54, 90, 250 Spinks, B. 143, 144, 145 Steck, o. 203 Stegemann, H. 7, 9, 10, II. 65, 87, 97, 130, 158, 159, 176, 241 Steudel, A. 96, 97, 239-40, 43 Strugnell, J. 127, 132 synagogue 121, 194 see also liturgy, synagogue Tabemacles see Feasts, Booths Talmon, S. I, 3, 6, 7, 8, 106, 121-3, 137, 241, 243 Tannaim 56 TalJanun 62, 73-5, 86 Teacher of Righteousness 10, 12-13 tefillin 95, 113, 115, 236, 248 Temple 243-5 Elephantine 244 and prayer 3, 5, 6, 8, 47, 48, 54, 55, 56, 72, 75, 89, 92, 94, 114, 116-20, 123, 125, 135, 137, 138, 143, 145, 146, 148, 189, 193-6, 203, 209, 215, 218, 224, 235-51 singers 49, 53, 90, 92, 117, 119, 153, 157, 194, 204, 215, 224 and Yai).ad 239-47 Thackeray 141 Therapeutae 24, 46, 48-50, 55, 97, 115, 119,195 Tov, E. 9, 22, 61, 62, 87, 128 Towner, W. 81 Trepp, L. I, 4 Trever, J. 103, 155, 156, 161 trishagion 139, 143

302

INDEXES

Unleavened Bread, Feast of 21, 29, 32, 33, 35, 40, 44, 50, 88, 197 VanderKam, J. 13 van der Ploeg, 1. 240 van Unnik, W. 144 van der Woude, A. 26, 136 Vermes, G. 22, 61, 103, 108, 109, 113, 115, 128, 179, 189 Viberg, A. 248 Von Rad, G. 109, 225 Wacholder, B. Z. & Abegg, M. G. 26, 98, 127 Warren, A. 141

watikin 49

23,

Weeks, Feast of 157-60, 162, 171, 1735, 178-82, 184, 203, 207, 214, 236 Weinfeld, M. 6, 17, 51, 53, 69, 70, 71, 74, 77, 78, 85, 113, 134, 142, 146,

207,217

100, 104, 106, 107, 109, 110, 113, 188-90, 220-25, 227, 237 Wemberg-Moller, P. 25, 26, 108, 109, 121, 188, 210, 219, 225, 227 Wemer, E. 133, 144, 148 Wbite, S. A. 227 Wieder, N. 148 Wintermute, O. 194, 198 Wise, M. 10, 30 Wise, Abegg, & Cook 98 Weise, M.

Yadin, Y. 108, 113 Yavneh 5 yotzer 'ar 6, 49, 52, 56, 97, 99, 140, 142, 148 Zahavy, Tz. 2, 17,54, 91, 249-50 Zeitlin, S. 3 Zunz, L. 1,2

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STUDIES ON THE TEXTS OF THE DESERT OF JUDAH 1. WERNBERG M0LLER, P. The Manual of Discipline. Translated and Annotated, with an Introduction. 1957. ISBN 90 04 02195 7 2. PLOEG,]. VAN DER. Le rouleau de la guerre. Traduit et annote, avec une introduction. 1959. ISBN 90 04 02196 5 3. MANSOOR, M. 1he 1hanksgiving Hymns. Translated and Annotated with an Introduction. 1961. ISBN 90 04 02197 3 5. KOFFMAHN, E. Die Doppelurkunden aus der Wüste Juda. Recht und Praxis der jüdischen Papyri des 1. und 2. Jahrhunderts n. Chr. samt Übertragung der Texte und Deutscher Übersetzung. 1968. ISBN 90 04 03148 0 6. KUTSCHER, E.Y. The Language and linguistic Background of the Isaiah Seroll (1 Qfsaß). Trans!. from the first (1959) Hebrew ed. With an obituary by H.B. RosEN. 1974. ISBN 90 04 04019 6 6a. KUTSCHER, E.Y. 1he Language and Linguistic Background of the Isaiah Seroll (1 Qfsaß). Indices and Corrections by E. Q!MRON. Introduction by S. MORAG. 1979. ISBN 90 04 05974 1 7. JONGEUNG, B. A Ciassijied Bibliography of the Finds in the Desert of Judah, 19581969. 1971. ISBN 90 04 02200 7 8. MERRILL, E.H. Qymran and Predestination. A Theo1ogical Study of the Thanksgiving Hymns. 1975. ISBN 90 04 042652 9. GARCiA MARTINEZ, F. Qumran and Apocalyptic. Studies on the Aramaie Texts from Qumran. 1992. ISBN 90 04 09586 1 10. DIMANT, D. & U. RAPPAPORT (eds.). 1he Dead Sea Serolls. Forty Years of research. 1992. ISBN 90 04 096795 11. TREBOLLE BARRERA, ]. & L. VEGAS MONTANER (eds.). 1he Madrid Qymran Congress. Proceedings of the International Congress on the Dead Sea Scrolls, Madrid 18-21 March 1991. 2 vols. 1993. ISBN 90 04 09771 6 set 12. NITZAN, B. Qumran Prayer and Religious Poetry 1994. ISBN 90 04 09658 2 13. STEUDEL, A. Der Midrasch zur Eschatologie aus der Qymrangemeinde (4QMidrEschat a.b). Materielle Rekonstruktion, Textbestand, Gattung und traditionsgeschichtliche Einordnung des durch 4Q174 ("Florilegium") und 4Ql77 ("Catena A") repräsentierten Werkes aus den Qumranfunden. 1994. ISBN 90 04 09763 5 14. SWANSON, D.D. 1he Temple Seroll and the Bible. The Methodo1ogy of 11QT. ISBN 90 04 09849 6 15. BROOKE, G.]. (ed.). New Qymran Texts and Studies. Proceedings of the First Meeting of the International Organization for Qumran Studies, Paris 1992. With F. Garcia Martinez. 1994. ISBN 90 04 10093 8 16. DIMANT, D. & L.H. SCHIFFMAN. Time to Prepare the Way in the Wilderness. Papers on the Qumran Scrolls by Fellows of the Institute for Advanced Studies ofthe Hebrew University,Jerusa1em, 1989-1990. 1995. ISBN 90 04102256 17. FUNT, P.W. The Dead Sea Psalms Scrolls and the Book of Psalms. 1997. ISBN 9004 10341 4

18. LANGE, A. Weisheit und Prädestination. Weisheitliche Urordnung und Prädestination in den Textfunden von Qumran. 1995. ISBN 9004 10432 1 19. GARCiA MARTtNEZ, F. & D.w. PARRY. A Bibliography ofthe Finds in the Desert ofJudah 1970-95. Arranged by Author with Citation and Subject Indexes. 1996. ISBN 90 04 10588 3 20. PARRY, D. W. & S.D. RICKS (eds.). Gurrent Research and Teehnologieal Developments on the Dead Sea Serolls. Conference on the Texts from the Judean Desert, Jerusalem, 30 April 1995. 1996. ISBN 9004 106626 21. METSO, S. 1he Textual DevelopTT1i!nt ofthe Qymran Community Rute. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10683 9 22. HERBERT, E.D. Reeonstrueting Biblieal Dead Sea Serolls. A New Method applied to the Reconstruction of 4QSama . 1997. ISBN 90 04 10684 7 23. BERNSTEIN, M., F. GARCiA MARTtNEZ & J. KAMPEN (eds.). Legal texts and Legal Issues. Proceedings of the Second Meeting of the International Organization for Qumran Studies, Cambridge 1995. Published in honour of Joseph M. Baumgarten. 1997. ISBN 90 04 10829 7 24. LEFKOVITS, J.K. 17ze Copper Scroll - 3QJ 5: AReevaluation. A new Reading, Translation, and Commentary. ISBN 90 04 10685 5 (In preparation) 25. GLEßMER, U. Die Ideale Kultordnung: 24 Priesterordnungen in den Chronikbüchern, kalendarischen Qumrantexten und in synagogalen Inschriften. ISBN 90 04 10837 8 (In preparation) 26. MURAOKA, T. & J.F. ELWOLDE (eds.). 1he Hebrew of the Dead Sea Serolls & Ben Sira. Proceedings of a Symposium held at Leiden University, 11-14 December 1995. 1997. ISBN 90 04 108203 27. FALK, D.K. Dai!J, Sabbath, and Festival Prayers in the Dead Sea Serolls. 1998. ISBN 90 04 10817 3