Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong [1 ed.] 9789882205451, 9789888028016

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Hong Kong University Press 14/F Hing Wai Centre 7 Tin Wan Praya Road Aberdeen Hong Kong © Hong Kong University Press 2010 Hardback ISBN 978-988-8028-01-6 Paperback ISBN 978-988-8028-02-3 All rights reserved. No portion of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopy, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publisher. Secure On-line Ordering http://www.hkupress.org British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library.

Printed and bound by Liang Yu Printing Factory, Hong Kong, China

Contents

List of Figures

vii

List of Tables

ix

Preface

xi

Acknowledgements

xiii

List of Abbreviations

xv

Chapter 1

Studying the Curriculum

1

Chapter 2

Curriculum Policy and Policymaking

17

Chapter 3

Curriculum Development

45

Chapter 4

Curriculum Organization

65

Chapter 5

Teachers, Teaching and the Curriculum

85

Chapter 6

Learners, Learning and the Curriculum

109

Chapter 7

Assessing Pupils’ Learning

127

Chapter 8

Language Policy and the Medium of Instruction

147

Chapter 9

Evaluating the Curriculum

163

Chapter 10 Changing the Curriculum

179

References

193

Index

203

List of Figures

1.1 2.1 2.2 3.1 3.2 3.3 3.4 3.5 3.6 4.1 4.2 4.3 4.4 4.5 5.1 5.2 7.1 8.1 9.1 9.2 9.3 9.4

Historical influences on schools and the curriculum in Hong Kong Explanations for curriculum change Policymaking and administrative bodies in Hong Kong education Aims, goals and outcomes of a curriculum Images of education Considerations in curriculum development Four key stages in curriculum planning Curriculum framework for primary and secondary schools Walker’s model of the curriculum process A curriculum map for English language in SS1–SS3 Different forms of curriculum organization A planning wheel showing the contribution from various subjects (Primary 4) to the theme “A Happy Life” Modules with similar time allocations Modules with different time allocations Some of the factors influencing the choice of teaching approach Steps in a learning study Types of written assessment Additive, developing, subtractive and replacive effects A model for curriculum evaluation Primary, secondary and tertiary levels of curriculum implementation/ evaluation Performance Indicators Framework for School Evaluation in Hong Kong The five stages of the institutional review and development process

13 19 28 46 47 54 54 55 60 66 74 76 80 81 96 98 141 158 166 168 171 172

List of Tables

2.1 2.2 2.3 2.4 2.5 3.1 4.1 5.1 5.2 5.3 5.4 7.1 7.2 7.3 9.1 9.2

Education Commission Reports Centralized approaches to curriculum development Curriculum decisions and sources of influence The concerns of various groups which influence curriculum decisions The concerns of various groups in schools Curriculum conceptions and curriculum components Education codes Characteristics of progressive and traditional teachers Some major methods of imparting content Teaching-learning strategies Framework for lesson analysis Assessment needs and purposes of different groups Appropriateness of types of assessment School-based assessment and skills development in some subjects Evaluating the observed curriculum Assessment criteria for school evaluation in Hong Kong

25 32 34 42 43 51 74 90 92 100 104 135 140 143 167 173

Preface

Hong Kong is a fascinating place for the study of curriculum. Its schooling system is influenced by the legacies of a Chinese tradition and British colonialism and was developed at a time when, around the world, that state was taking more responsibility for the education of young people and educational policies were increasingly influenced by the impact of globalization. To this we can add the complexities of Hong Kong as a society — one that has witnessed major political and economic changes over the past hundred and fifty years or so, and particularly since the late 1970s. We thus find that the dynamics produce an interplay of innovation and conservatism, globalization and localization, liberalism and authoritarianism, devolution and centralization, and many other tensions. This book has two main purposes. The first is to provide a comprehensive introduction to curriculum as a field of study in a way which highlights its inherent dilemmas and complexities. The second is to present a specific analysis of the Hong Kong school curriculum and to highlight the ways in which the curriculum both reflects and changes in response to broader socio-political shifts. Our wish is to show readers the diverse ways in which a curriculum can be developed and analyzed, and to illustrate this with reference to the Hong Kong context. The book is primarily intended for students who are studying introductory courses at various levels of higher education on aspects of the curriculum. It will also be relevant to all teachers, principals, parents and other stakeholders who are concerned with understanding and improving the quality of their schools’ curriculum. We have been very conscious that most readers will be studying this book in their second language. We have therefore made every effort to ensure that the writing style is clear and direct. Paul Morris Professor, Institute of Education, University of London Bob Adamson Professor, The Hong Kong Institute of Education

Acknowledgements

We would like to acknowledge the help given by a number of people in the preparation of this book, which has been based on the earlier work The Hong Kong School Curriculum: Development, Issues and Policies by Paul Morris. We would especially like to acknowledge the help given by (in alphabetical order): Trevor Bond, Dickei Kwan, Magdalena Mok, Phillip Moore, Esther Morris, Nie Jia, Pong Wing Yan, Annie Tong, Edward Vickers and Zeng Yi. This book is dedicated to the school principals and teachers of Hong Kong, who have contributed so significantly, often in difficult circumstances, to Hong Kong’s development.

List of Abbreviations

CARD Centre for Assessment Research and Development CDC Curriculum Development Council CDI Curriculum Development Institute CMI Chinese as the Medium of Instruction DSS Direct Subsidy Scheme EC Education Commission ED Education Department EDB Education Bureau EMI English as the Medium of Instruction ESR External School Review GRIDS Guideline for Review and Internal Development in Schools HKEAA Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority HKPTU Hong Kong Professional Teachers’ Union IEA International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement KLA Key Learning Area LPAT Language Proficiency Assessment for Teachers MoI Medium of Instruction NET Native-speaking English Teacher PI Performance Indicator PISA Programme for International Student Assessment PSHE Personal, Social and Humanities Education SBA School-based Assessment SBCPS School-Based Curriculum Projects Scheme SBM School-based Management SCOLAR Standing Committee on Language and Research SDA School Development and Accountability SLOA Self-directed Learning Oriented Assessment

xvi

List of Abbreviations

SMI School Management Initiative SS Senior Secondary SSE School Self-evaluation TIMSS Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study TOC Target Oriented Curriculum TSA Territory-wide Student Assessment ZPD Zone of Proximal Development

1 Studying the Curriculum

Changes to the curriculum of schools are a regular feature of life in Hong Kong. In the past twenty years, for instance, there have been several reforms affecting the school curriculum as a whole, and many examples of changes to parts of the curriculum. Some of the reforms which have had a significant impact include comprehensive curriculum reforms, such as the Target Oriented Curriculum (TOC), Learning to Learn (2001) and the New Senior Secondary Curriculum, including the change to a 3-3-4 structure for secondary and tertiary education (2009); assessment reforms, including school-based assessment and a reorientation towards assessment for learning; reforms that seek to cater for diverse learning needs; and language policy reforms, most notably the move to promote mother-tongue instruction (1998) and the “fine-tuning” of the language policy (2009). At the same time, there have been various policies to enhance the professional quality of teachers (e.g., policies to create an all-graduate, all-trained teaching force; tests of teachers’ language and information technology proficiency; training programmes for school leaders; and the introduction of the Quality Education Fund to stimulate school-based initiatives). The purpose of this book is to explain and use the tools of curriculum analysis to examine both the nature of the school curriculum in Hong Kong and the ongoing agenda to reform the curriculum. We also look at what actually happens in Hong Kong schools and why. These are fundamental questions in the field of curriculum studies. While the questions may seem simple, the answers are not. One of our goals is to demonstrate the complexity of curriculum problems and issues, the alternatives and the extent to which they are dependent on the historical, political, economic and social contexts, and, most importantly, the underlying perspectives, or assumptions, of those who promote their solutions. In this chapter, we provide an overview of curriculum studies — the nature of curriculum, the scope of curriculum studies, and different ways of perceiving and researching curriculum issues — and we set out the approach that underpins this book.

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Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

The Nature of Curriculum [The secondary school] curriculum consists of a common core and, combined with the curriculum at the primary level, provides students with an integrated curriculum for nine years of free, compulsory and universal education. (Hong Kong Yearbook 1996, 142) The primary school curriculum has been reviewed to incorporate the Target Oriented Curriculum elements across all subject curricula. A new curriculum for primary mathematics was developed. … In order to enhance primary school teachers’ abilities to implement the curriculum framework … a curriculum package entitled ‘Learning and Teaching 2000’ was developed. (Hong Kong Yearbook 2000, 156) In 2002, … the CDC [Curriculum Development Council] developed the Basic Education Curriculum Guide setting out the themes essential for curriculum development throughout schools. At the primary education level, school curriculum leaders have been appointed to support primary school heads to lead curriculum development. (Hong Kong Yearbook 2004, 170) The curriculum reform is the core component of education reforms. It aims to motivate students to learn, to enhance their knowledge and abilities, and develop in them positive values and attitudes to establish a solid foundation for lifelong learning and whole-person development. (Hong Kong Yearbook 2005, 182) The school curriculum in Hong Kong is founded on five essential learning experiences: moral and civic education, intellectual development, community service, physical and aesthetic development and career-related experiences for lifelong learning and whole-person development of students. (Hong Kong Yearbook 2006, 157)

The above quotations show the many different ways in which the term curriculum is used. We can see that it is used to refer to the planned content of learning for various levels of schooling (e.g., primary and secondary), for specific school subjects (e.g., mathematics), learning experiences (e.g., moral and civic education), for specific school reforms (e.g., the New Senior Secondary Curriculum), and for certain groups of pupils (e.g., the “underachievers” and the academically gifted). Just as there are a variety of ways in which the term is used, there are many different definitions of the term curriculum. The word has its roots in the Latin word currere (to run), and refers to “a race course” or “a running track”. The key parts of seven definitions are shown on p. 3:

Studying the Curriculum

• • • • • • •

3

… the disciplined study of permanent subjects such as grammar, logic and reading that best embody essential knowledge. … should consist entirely of knowledge which comes from the established disciplines. … all the planned learning outcomes for which the school is responsible. … the experiences the learner has under the guidance of the school. … those subjects that are most useful for living in contemporary society. … a passage of personal transformation (for both the teacher and the pupil). … the questioning of the status quo and the search for a better society.

We can see that the definitions vary considerably. The first two focus on the nature of what we teach, the third on the planned outcomes or goals of schooling, and the fourth on pupils’ experiences and activities in school. The fifth definition focuses on the needs of society; the sixth focuses on the process of change for individuals; and the last definition focuses on the need for critical inquiry and improvement of the human condition. This variety of definitions reflects the fact that the field of curriculum studies, like the uses of the term itself, covers a wide range of concerns and activities. Curriculum can include a consideration of the purposes of schooling within a particular society, what we teach, how we teach, both what is planned and unplanned, and it can focus on the outcomes of schooling or on its processes. Each of these different emphases has to be taken into consideration if we are to study and improve the curriculum. The most basic questions which are addressed in developing the curriculum are: What knowledge is most worthwhile, why should it be taught and how can it be learnt? How a society answers these questions — which relate to the content of the curriculum, its purpose and its organization — has a major influence on what pupils learn and how they are taught. In turn, pupils’ experiences in school help to determine their beliefs and who they are. This is clearly recognized in Hong Kong where the government has stated that the school curriculum “defines the views of society about ‘what is worth learning’” (Curriculum Development Council 2001, 19). There are a large number of different groups of people working in the field of curriculum. These include the staff of the Curriculum Development Institute (CDI), textbook and materials writers and publishers, the Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority (HKEAA), the Education Bureau (EDB), educational psychologists and counsellors, and most importantly the thousands of teachers, teaching assistants and school administrators who engage with the curriculum each day as they attempt to help pupils to learn.

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Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

The Scope of Curriculum Studies As the curriculum operates in different ways and exists at different levels, there is not a single curriculum. A country or a state has a curriculum. A school has a curriculum which includes all the pupils’ experiences across a range of subjects. Every class and every pupil has slightly different experiences. We can also talk about the curriculum for a group of similar subjects such as science, the curriculum of a single subject, and the curriculum for a specific group of pupils such as the gifted. We are therefore faced with a wide range of events at different levels which come together under the word curriculum. Below we identify some of the major forms or foci of the school curriculum each of which provides a different perspective for analyzing it.

The intended curriculum This is the plan which spells out the intentions with regards to the three key elements of the curriculum, namely what teachers should teach and pupils should learn, why, and how it should be organized. In Hong Kong the intended curriculum is set out in key documents such as Learning to Learn (Curriculum Development Council 2001). We also have documents which describe the intended curriculum for levels of schooling and for each school subject. The curriculum guide for each school subject published by the Curriculum Development Council (CDC) explains to teachers the aims of the subject, what to teach and it also advises on appropriate teaching and assessment methods. Essentially the intended curriculum is an official plan of what those who have the power to make decisions want the younger generation to learn, how it should be organized and why. A distinction is also sometimes made between two aspects of the planned curriculum. That which is planned and goes on during the timetabled periods is sometimes referred to as the formal curriculum. Those planned school activities which are not part of the subject timetable such as sports activities, outside speakers and school trips are sometimes referred to as the informal curriculum.

The implemented curriculum Curriculum plans are not always achieved in practice. For instance, schools, for various reasons, may have their own interpretation of the curriculum, while teachers often have to cope with multiple demands and unexpected events, which means that the intentions are not always achieved. Moreover, many curriculum plans are statements of an ideal which is difficult to achieve in practice because the necessary

Studying the Curriculum

5

resources, time or skills are not available. The study of the curriculum is also concerned with what actually goes on in classrooms and what pupils learn in schools. This is sometimes called the implemented curriculum, the taught curriculum or the experienced curriculum. Furthermore, not everything taught and learnt in school is tested in the relevant examinations. That which is tested is referred to as the tested or assessed curriculum. Because of the gap between the intended curriculum and the implemented curriculum, teachers should not be viewed as technicians whose job is only to deliver a pre-packaged curriculum. Teachers play a key role in determining the implemented curriculum as they make decisions every day about what pupils should learn, how they can learn it, and how it should be assessed. A teacher’s personal beliefs, goals and practices are a key influence on the implemented curriculum. Schools in Hong Kong also make a number of key decisions which affect the curriculum, such as whether pupils should be taught in mixed ability groups or in streamed classes. To put it another way: the curriculum is not wholly determined by the government or its key agency, the CDI. This is acknowledged in the reform document, Learning to Learn, published by the CDC in 2001: The school curriculum defines the views of society about ‘what is worth learning’, commensurate with students’ abilities at different stages and with their ways of perceiving and learning about the world. We have to move away from the concept of the curriculum as “documents” to the concept of the curriculum as “learning experiences” to enhance the effectiveness of learning. Learning experiences are a nexus of ➩ aims ➩ learning processes ➩ learning contents ➩ social environment (Curriculum Development Council 2001, 19)

The hidden curriculum Schools sometimes teach pupils attitudes and skills which are not part of any plan. For example, pupils might learn to be selfish, racist or sexist. These attitudes might be conveyed through educational practices such as encouraging competition amongst pupils, ability grouping, teacher-pupil relationships, classroom rules, the content of textbooks, sex role differentiation of pupils and the reward structure

6

Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

in schools. The pupils might also learn in school to be passive or to have a very low opinion of themselves, or even to be prepared for a certain social status in life — a study by Anyon (1980), for instance, showed how teaching differed even in elementary schools for different social classes, with school for the working class focused on mechanical, rote learning, whilst elitist schools asked students to think independently. The social roles, attitudes and values which pupils learn that are not planned are referred to as the hidden (or covert) curriculum. The values and attitudes which pupils learn from the hidden curriculum are potentially very powerful and could be positive or negative, depending on the viewpoint one adopts.

The null curriculum In planning a curriculum we make decisions about the content, skills and attitudes we want pupils to learn because, hopefully, we have decided that they are “worthwhile”. We also make decisions about what should not be included in the curriculum. Some topics might simply be excluded from the curriculum because time is limited or because those who plan the curriculum believe that pupils should not learn the topic. For example, in the USA, some religious groups have argued that schools should not teach the theory of evolution because they do not believe in it. The content, skills and attitudes that we decide not to include in the curriculum is termed the null curriculum. Eisner (1994, 97) argues that … what schools do not teach may be as important as what they do teach. Ignorance is not simply a neutral void; it has important effects on the kinds of options one is able to consider, the alternatives that one can examine, and the perspectives from which one can view a situation or problems.

The concept of the null curriculum is important in Hong Kong because the curriculum of many subjects has avoided the inclusion of topics which were seen to be politically sensitive (Stimpson 1991). We will examine this in more detail in Chapter 6.

The outside curriculum Education takes place over our whole lifetime, not just in schools. We learn from our families, friends, the internet, the media and from our workplaces. Just as school curricula have intended, implemented, null and hidden elements, so do the

7

Studying the Curriculum

many “curricula” which exist outside schools. Increasingly curriculum scholars are analyzing the multiple curricula which surround us both inside and outside schools and which have an influence on what we learn and who we are. In this book we will focus on the curriculum of schools but it is important to remember that there are many other influences outside the school which have a powerful effect on what pupils learn. These points indicate that the study of curriculum is a large, amorphous and ill-defined field (Marsh 2009). It includes the study of what we plan to do and why we do it, what happens in practice and the context in which the curriculum operates. This suggests that the study of curriculum lies at the heart of the study of education, and is linked to the concerns of many other disciplines such as philosophy, sociology and psychology. However, while philosophers, sociologists and psychologists are all concerned with various questions about schooling, they tend to focus on one aspect of it. Psychologists mainly focus on the nature of learning, philosophers on the aims of education, and sociologists on the links between schooling and society. The study of the curriculum tries to bring these various concerns together and thus analyzes schooling using a range of perspectives.

Studying the Curriculum Given the considerations outlined above we can now identify the key topics and questions which are addressed in the study of curriculum. These are: a. Curriculum Intentions: What knowledge is considered most worthwhile? THE BASIC OR b. The Content of the Curriculum FUNDAMENTAL c. Delivering the Curriculum COMPONENTS d. Assessing the Curriculum e. f. g. h.

Curriculum Policy and Planning How is it arranged? How is it assessed? Does it work and how can it be improved?

TECHNICAL ASPECTS

i. j. k. l. m.

Who makes these decisions? Are the decisions implemented? What are the influences on the curriculum? Who benefits from the curriculum? What are the future priorities?

SOCIAL AND POLITICAL ASPECTS

8

Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

The first four questions are concerned with the most fundamental or basic components of any curriculum. When we select certain subjects and topics for pupils to study, we have decided that they are the most worthwhile knowledge available under the circumstances and we should be able to explain why it is worthwhile. If we are not able to do this, then the schooling we provide has no defensible rationale or purpose. Similarly, the teaching and assessment methods we advocate are justifiable if we believe that they are the most effective means available to help pupils learn the knowledge, skills and attitudes that we have selected as worthwhile and to assess their understanding (Schubert 1997). Questions e, f and g focus on more technical issues which are concerned with how a curriculum should be planned, organized and improved. Questions h, i, j and k relate to social and political aspects of the curriculum. The different views of the curriculum which we identified above reflect very different perceptions people have of the nature of society and what is considered worthwhile. It is important to recognize, as noted earlier, that there is not a single way of analyzing the curriculum which is generally accepted. Unlike the study of mathematics or some branches of science, there are no generally accepted universal truths or methods of analysis in the study of the curriculum. Instead, there are different approaches to or traditions of curriculum research. Elliott (1996) identifies three research traditions, which he terms the technical-rational, critical-social and experimental-innovative research. The technical-rational tradition of research views the curriculum as a programme of learning that can be rationally planned and implemented in the light of prespecified objectives. Goodson (1994) has described this tradition as based on a belief in the “science of education”, which implies a technological view of school knowledge. He criticizes this tradition as being preoccupied with setting out prescriptions and guidelines. The critical-social tradition is concerned with answering very fundamental questions about the curriculum, such as who constructed it, what sort of knowledge is valued, and who benefits from the curriculum. Central to these questions is a view that the school curriculum is not a neutral object, but is a product of social and political forces in society and that those in power tend to define the nature of the curriculum. Recent developments in critical-social theories and sociology have contributed to the development of a movement called “postmodernism”. Postmodernism refers to a range of ideas, and the movement is subject to different interpretations, even from those who advocate it. Basically, postmodernists reject the traditional idea of “objective” or “certain” knowledge. Instead, they argue that knowledge is socially constructed and linked to the exercise of power. Hence, truth is ideological in nature. In line with postmodernism’s stress on pluralism and the contextual nature of understanding, Slattery (2006, 192) argues that curriculum development

Studying the Curriculum

9

in the postmodern era emphasizes discourses that promote understanding of the cultural, historical, political, ecological, aesthetic, theological and autobiographical impact … rather than the planning, design, implementation, and evaluation of context-free and value-neutral schooling events and trivial information.

The experimental-innovative tradition is primarily concerned with improving the quality of learning. It is strongly associated with the work of Stenhouse (1975) and Elliott (1996), which stresses the role of the teacher as a researcher, and the value of action research as a means for teachers to improve the quality and effectiveness of the implemented curriculum. We will see examples of each of these traditions in this book as different chapters focus on topics which are more central to different traditions. Linked to these traditions are various research perspectives that are commonly found in the social sciences are evident in the study of education: empirical, interpretive and critical perspectives. The empirical or positivist perspective focuses on trying to obtain and analyze data which describes how the curriculum operates. The interpretive perspective is concerned with trying to make sense of the way the curriculum operates in society, the influences on it and its functions. The critical perspective addresses the normative question — how should the curriculum be changed to create a more just, equal and moral society. Clearly these perspectives are derived from very different assumptions and judgements about both why we should study the curriculum and the appropriate methods to use. Another key distinction used in the social sciences — that between positivist and normative analysis — is also evident in curriculum studies. A normative approach is concerned with what should happen in schools, while a positivist approach is concerned with what actually happens in schools. It is important to be clear which approach is being used as they can produce very different answers to the questions. Many discussions on the curriculum are confusing because one person is focusing on what should happen while the other is concerned with how things are in practice. Another way of distinguishing the specific ways of analyzing the curriculum is provided by Reid (1992) and by Marsh and Willis (1995). They distinguish between four key conceptions that people hold in terms of two criteria: the extent to which existing social institutions are seen as determining the nature of an individual’s behaviour, and whether we analyze curricula in terms of predetermined theories or principles. The main features of the four conceptions are summarized below. Systematizers or System Maintainers: They focus on the idea of a curriculum as a plan or blueprint for activities, and expect schools and individuals to implement it unproblematically. They use curriculum aims to determine the details of the plan and spend a great amount of time defining what should be in the various components

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Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

of the curriculum plan. The focus is on the parts of the curriculum, especially the identification of objectives, the design of programmes to achieve them and the evaluation of their effectiveness. The curriculum analyst is seen as a specialist who has the essentially technical job of keeping the machine running smoothly and helping teachers and schools to implement the master plan. In essence, the education system and its curriculum are broken down into and analyzed as part of a complex planned system, but the system itself and the plan are viewed as unproblematic and therefore accepted and taken for granted. Radicals or System Changers: They are the opposite of systematizers, for they believe that the system is not operating efficiently or fairly and requires radical change. The curriculum is seen, along with other social institutions such as the legal system, as a political tool which reproduces the existing social order which oppresses the majority or certain sectors of the population. A great deal of radical analysis is concerned with identifying how schools in general, and the curriculum in particular, play a part in establishing and maintaining the unequal distribution of power in society. Their concern is with analyzing what the curriculum is for rather than with trying to make it work. Central to radical analyses is the strong use of an a priori or predetermined theoretical position. This means that they start with a view of the role of education in society and search for evidence to support that viewpoint. Existentialists — Focus on Individuals: They share the radicals’ view that the curriculum should be viewed critically, but they do not share their view that this can be explained solely by reference to the role of education as a vehicle for social oppression. They are more concerned with the individual’s lived experience of education in general, and schooling in particular. The broad generalizations and macro explanations of radicals are replaced by a concern with individual experiences, personal growth and consciousness. For some people, the curriculum is liberating; for others it may be oppressive. They thus tend to focus on areas of analysis concerned with the individual and how one can improve one’s position, for example, psychoanalysis, biography and gender studies. They do not start with a strong predetermined theoretical position, but tend to try to generate theory from specific concrete cases. Deliberators — Focus on the Practical: These avoid seeing the curriculum as a plan, a system of social control or a personal experience. They see the study of the curriculum as the discovery of problems, deliberation on those problems and inventing solutions to the problems. They focus then on the way in which plans can be realized in schools and classrooms that are recognized as different and to a degree unique. In effect, this is a compromise perspective and to a degree a contradictory one. It sees plans and institutions as limited; it accepts differences between schools and individuals, and it is concerned with problems and actions.

Studying the Curriculum

11

Each of these four perspectives provides a different way of analyzing the curriculum. However, it is clear that different areas of curriculum analysis have been more influenced by some of these perspectives than others. For example, the analysis of the basic technical questions we identified on pp. 7–8 has been strongly influenced by systematizers; the social and political aspects of school curricula have been more influenced by radicals; the analysis of teaching methods, school improvement and staff development have been the focus of concern of deliberators and existentialists. Each of these conceptions represents a different philosophy about the nature of society and social action. The need is to recognize both the philosophy which underlines an analytical perspective and an awareness that alternative perspectives and interpretations exist.

Complexity, Society and Curriculum Dilemmas The study of the curriculum will not provide us with a set of simple and certain answers for the fundamental curriculum questions. Although we need not accept all the postmodernists’ claims, it may be worth following their advice to be sceptical of simple solutions to educational problems, especially those solutions which are dressed in a cloak of science! The curriculum is strongly connected with all aspects of the wider society in which it exists, especially the political system. People have different values and do not always agree on what knowledge is most worthwhile; and some people have the power to make decisions about the curriculum whilst others are relatively powerless. An education system, with the curriculum at the centre, is therefore a site where different groups in society compete to ensure that their views about what should be taught to the new members of society prevail. As Apple (1999, 13) explains: [A]s inherently part of a set of political institutions, the educational system will constantly be in the middle of crucial struggles about the meaning of democracy, about definitions of legitimate culture, and about who should benefit most from government policies and practices.

It follows from this that studying the curriculum cannot be undertaken without reference to people’s values and to political considerations. For example, what knowledge is most worthwhile, whether education is provided free and who receives education are questions that are influenced by the nature of society. Educational research might provide more information and allow for greater efficiency, but it does not provide simple answers to the fundamental questions. Educational research can be used to support a preconceived viewpoint. For example, a person who believes

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Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

that Cantonese should be used as the medium of instruction could gather data to show that pupils learn more effectively when they use their mother tongue. In contrast, a person who believes that English should be used could collect data which shows that pupils who have received instruction in English have better opportunities for further study and employment prospects. What the above example demonstrates is that many disagreements about the curriculum are essentially dilemmas rather than problems or issues. Ogawa, Crowson and Goldring (1999, 278) define dilemmas as: … neither problems to be solved nor issues to be faced. Problems are presumed solvable; issues can be negotiated and are thus resolvable … [D]ilemmas reveal deeper, more fundamental dichotomies. They present a situation with equally valued alternatives. As a result dilemmas cannot be solved or resolved.

Tyack and Cuban (1995, 43) identify five contradictory purposes for education. They argue that Americans want schools: • to produce young people who are obedient but on the other hand they also expect schools to ensure that they are critical and creative citizens; • to pass on academic knowledge drawn from the past, but to also teach practical and marketable skills for the future; • to encourage co-operation, but teach pupils to compete with one another; • to stress basic skills but also develop creativity and higher-order thinking; and • to focus on “core” knowledge, while permitting a wide range of subject choice. These dilemmas are never completely solved and the outcome is usually a compromise which shifts over time between alternatives that are valued differently by different groups in society. This book draws separately upon the three traditions — technical-rationalist, critical-social and experimental-innovative — in analyzing the historical, political, economic and social influences on the curriculum. Political and economic developments in China have been especially influential on the Hong Kong school curriculum. Figure 1.1 illustrates the historical interrelationship of these forces. However, it needs to be noted that these forces are not just limited to China’s influence on schools and the curriculum in Hong Kong: political and economic forces also exist at the global level and at the micro-level within Hong Kong. Furthermore, the relationship is not just in one direction. The influences affect schooling, and are affected by schooling. Thus, for example, schooling has been affected by the economy, while the competitive examination system has served to reinforce values consistent with a highly competitive economy. Also, the schools have provided the economy with skilled and educated workers who have enabled

Studying the Curriculum

13

Political

Social Rapid rise in refugees/migrants from the Mainland Religious/missionary bodies Young and rapidly growing population Emergence of middle class Decreasing family size and prevalence of nuclear families Emergence of a Hong Kong identity and culture Strengthening of identity with the Mainland

Colonial political system Belated and limited process of democratization Concern over consequences of communist rule International agreements (e.g., minimum working age) Political instability in the 1960s Changes in political realities of the PRC (e.g., Cultural Revolution and the subsequent modernization programme) Return to Chinese sovereignty from 1997 Government priorities to promote political stability and economic prosperity

Schools and the curriculum

Economic Free market philosophy and practice Shifts from entrepôt to manufacturing to service-led economy Influx of refugees providing cheap labour and some capital Efficient infrastructure (banking, insurance, communications, etc.) Thriving economy Sensitivity of the economy to global changes (e.g., the Asian Economic Crisis of 1997 and the banking crisis of 2008–09) Emergence and opening up of China as the world’s main manufacturing centre

Figure 1.1 Historical influences on schools and the curriculum in Hong Kong Hong Kong’s economy to develop, and thus reinvest in raising the quality of education in a virtuous circle. At this stage, we should define the scope of this book. As Bray and Yamato (2003) note, there are dozens of curricula operating in schools within the Hong Kong SAR, if we take into account all the international and private schools that have links to different education systems. Our concern is with the curriculum that is formulated by the EDB for implementation in schools that fall under its aegis. We will look at the interaction between various societal forces and this school curriculum.

14

Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

The conceptual framework shown in Figure 1.1 will be used in the following chapters as we address the questions about the Hong Kong curriculum that are listed on p. 7. In each chapter we identify and analyze the different factors which influence the answers to these questions in Hong Kong. Each chapter considers a different aspect of the Hong Kong curriculum, such as issues relating to the intended curriculum (Chapters 2–4), the implemented curriculum (Chapters 5–6) and the assessed curriculum (Chapter 7). We also look at language policy across all aspects of the curriculum (Chapter 8), curriculum evaluation (Chapter 9) and, in the final chapter, we draw together some of the themes emerging from the book. The structure of this book is spiral, which means that certain topics are revisited, albeit from a different angle. For example, in Chapter 2 we examine questions concerning the content of the curriculum, and then, in Chapter 4, we analyze how that content can be organized. At the end of each chapter there are questions for you to consider. Our purpose is to encourage you to recognize that “certain” and “simple” answers to questions about how we educate our children are dangerous, for they deny the complex nature of human societies and their curricula.

? Questions

1. The Curriculum Development Council (1993a, 7) defined a curriculum in the following terms: “A school curriculum consists of all those activities designed or encouraged within its organizational framework to promote the intellectual, personal, social and physical development of its pupils”. The Australian Curriculum Studies Association (2009, ACSA principles for Australian curriculum, para. 2) states: Curriculum involves what is taught (knowledge, understandings, skills, values); how it is taught (pedagogy, teaching style); and how it is assessed (assessment, testing, reporting). Curriculum shapes and is shaped by social, political, economic and historical forces. It involves the selection, interpretation and implementation of culturally-based knowledge, skills, values and beliefs.



Compare these definitions. What are the similarities and differences? What would be your definition of a curriculum?

2. Select a specific school subject and use the table on p. 15 to identify the main features of the planned, implemented and hidden curriculum in a specific context. What are the influences on the implemented and hidden curriculum?

15

Studying the Curriculum Main features of School subject

The planned curriculum

The implemented curriculum

The hidden curriculum

3. Can you identify any “dilemma” which affects the curriculum of your school or of schools in Hong Kong?

Further Reading A comprehensive overview and analysis of the nature and development of the curriculum is provided by Connelly, He and Phillion (2008) and Marsh (2009). For more on approaches to research in curriculum studies see Adamson and Morris (2007). Tyack and Cuban (1995) provide a clear analysis of the dilemmas facing education systems. For details of the reform agenda in Hong Kong, see Reform Proposals for the Education System in Hong Kong by the Education Commission (2000). Various documents are also available at the following websites: http://www.hkedcity.net/main/reform/ http://www.edb.gov.hk/

2 Curriculum Policy and Policymaking

Education policymaking is a complex undertaking, and trying to understand or analyze a policy has been compared to the story of the Blind Men and the Elephant — different components have different meanings to different people (Yang 2007). The complexity arises from, first of all, the fact that policies are usually influenced by local, regional and international forces that often are contradictory or diverse and thus require negotiations and compromises. Another reason for complexity is that policies include a wide range of components: the purposes, the proposals, the decision-making processes, the curriculum documents that result from the processes, the implementation strategies and the evaluation of the policies. Yang (2007) identifies two perspectives for developing and analyzing policies: the rational and the conflict perspectives. The rational perspective suggests that there are the following clear and neat steps in the policymaking process: Genesis: a need for change appears and it attracts the attention of policymakers Planned curriculum: a plan is drawn up and approved by the government Dissemination: the government explains the new plan to schools and other stakeholders, and seeks their co-operation Adoption: schools agree to make changes to the curriculum in line with the reform plan Implemented curriculum: the reforms reach the classroom Institutionalization: the reform becomes a feature of the system An example drawn from Hong Kong would be: 1. Large class sizes are identified as a barrier to effective learning, and the problem is drawn to the attention of the government through research reports, mass media and lobbying by pressure groups and politicians. 2. Smaller class sizes are proposed as the solution.

18

Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

3. Discussions are held with various stakeholders until consensus is achieved on the details of the small class policy. 4. The policy is implemented, usually starting with a pilot study. 5. The government commissions an evaluation study of the small class policy. 6. The new policy becomes a standard feature of the education system. The conflict perspective views the process as being much more messy and competitive than the consensual emphasis of the rational perspective. Conflict theorists see policymaking as essentially a power struggle between competing groups with different interests, and the resulting policy can reflect victories for dominant stakeholders over weaker forces. Taking the large/small class debate for example: conflicts can arise between different pedagogical theories (one may stress the importance of class size; another may hold that class size is unimportant), between educators and accountants (small classes may be desirable but they can be expensive), and between the government and different groups within the Legislative Council as part of a broader political battle. The outcome of these conflicts is strongly influenced by the broader political environment, unanticipated events and the government’s desire to strengthen its public image. From this perspective, the decision to introduce small classes in 2007 would be viewed as a political response to evidence which emerged in the Commission of Inquiry on allegations relating to the Hong Kong Institute of Education. Drawing on the notions of rational and conflict perspectives, this chapter focuses on how curriculum decisions are made and who the key agencies are which have a role in the formal process of educational policymaking in Hong Kong.

Why Policies Change Before looking at policymaking processes in Hong Kong, it is necessary to understand why educational change in general and curriculum change in particular occurs. A number of explanations have been advanced. Overall, they may be categorized into three types (Jary and Jary 1991, Elmore and Sykes 1992). These are: (1) macrolevel (large-scale) explanations, such as the influence of global and international forces, and links to shifts in the socio-economic climate of the society; (2) a combination of meso-(medium-scale) and micro-(small-scale) level explanations, such as the outcome of conflict between dominant and subordinate social groups, and competition between subjects in the curriculum; and (3) an explanation that incorporates both macro- and meso-/micro-level dynamics. These three types of explanations for curriculum change may be subdivided according to whether or not they are determined by factors that are external and internal to the education system (Cuban 1992). The explanations are summarized in Figure 2.1.

Curriculum Policy and Policymaking

19

The boundaries between the various subdivisions are loose, as it is possible that both external and internal factors might bring about a new educational policy. Indeed, Elmore and Sykes (1992) suggest that curriculum change may be an irrational reaction to a critical event comprising an ongoing stream of random and multi-level problems and solutions. Type

Factors

Sources

Macro-level External

Shifts in the national socio-political climate, or inherent tensions in state structures



Influence of international trends in education

Internal

Meso/Micro-level External

Pressure from interest groups in society such as business sector

Internal

Competition and/or interaction between educational interest groups

Macro- and External Meso-/Micro-level

Combination of shifts in socio-political goals and pressure from interest groups in society

Internal

Combination of international trends and activities of educational interest groups

Figure 2.1 Explanations for curriculum change Skilbeck (1991) offers a broader range of triggers for educational change that include both macro- and, to a lesser extent, meso-/micro-level factors. He identifies five specific factors that can explain policy changes: exposure to economic forces; responses to demographic movements; changing socio-cultural values; a sociocultural critique of the curriculum; and curriculum as an agency for national development. These factors emerge from changes in society (with direct or indirect linkage to curriculum change) and changes in education (also with direct or indirect linkage to curriculum change) (Skilbeck 1984). Although the source of change may be located at a particular level, there are various interpretations of the actual nature of the influences or pressures that are generated in the change process which suggest that these could transcend all the levels. They include: functionalist, Marxist and neo-Marxist, and Dependency/ World Systems theories. Functionalist theories view educational change as serving the common and individual good; Marxist and neo-Marxist theories stress the role of education in maintaining social and economic inequities; and Dependency theories discern a central dominance by a core of industrialized countries over less developed nations, which is reflected in educational change (Theisen and Adams 1991).

20

Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

We saw in Chapter 1 that the Hong Kong curriculum is influenced by historical, social, political and economic forces, as well as those that are related to educational theory or practice. All of these forces are dynamic — societies change in terms of values, political and economic profile, and new discoveries or ideas. As suggested by Figure 2.1, these changes influence the formulation of educational policies to a greater or lesser extent. Social forces: Despite the trappings of modernity, the weight of tradition is important in Hong Kong culture, and its Confucian heritage maintains a strong influence over conceptions of curriculum. Rozman (1991, 32) argues that there are two key images associated with Confucianism: First, the East Asian concern for family and community means that individuals work hard to satisfy the expectations of the group — to prevent others from losing face. This may require them to submerge their individual yearnings in the interest of harmony and the pursuit of collective goals. Second, the East Asian tradition of central imperial authority or hierarchical samurai loyalty establishes a framework for concerted national action. On the international arena — whether in forging export markets or in mobilizing for war — the centralized potential of these vertically organized societies produces a formidable adversary.

These images have been portrayed as major influences on the success of the East Asian tiger economies and they are associated with and reinforced by educational methods which Rozman describes in the following terms: Educational methods in East Asia, past and present, are noted for their stress on following a well-charted, but demanding course of study. Ultimately the individual is responsible for his [sic] own learning, although he is made aware of role models who have followed the same path, he is placed under the strict authority of the teacher, and he is mastering the basics in concert with numerous students throughout his country. The classroom is a potent force for combining performance with conformity. Stress on moral education and rote learning heightens its effects as a socializing force.

Although Hong Kong society has changed in many ways as the people have become more affluent, traditional social forces can still constrain the amount of change that is incorporated in curriculum reform and that is implemented in the classroom. Other writers have questioned whether Confucianism has had any significant influence on Hong Kong society, arguing that the competitiveness of Hong Kong society is not compatible with the collaborative harmony that is promoted by Confucianism. Also, the lack of economic and political progress in

Curriculum Policy and Policymaking

21

China in the nineteenth and early twentieth century was attributed by writers such as Weber (1951) to the impact of Confucianism, which he argued encouraged conformity and deference to authority. Political forces: In Hong Kong, the influence of politics on the curriculum has mainly arisen from external forces. The changing relationship between Hong Kong and mainland China has been the most pervasive and ongoing influence on Hong Kong’s politics and this is reflected in the school curriculum, which, in turn, attempted to shape pupils’ sense of identity. Three very broad periods that can be identified (Morris 2009). In the first, from 1945 to 1984, the colonial government was very wary of Communist and Kuomintang (Guomindang) forces seeking to use the school curriculum in Hong Kong to further their political agenda, so it gave itself the powers to control schools and the curriculum, and these powers were used to depoliticize the content of the curriculum. This resulted in the avoidance of content which focused on modern Chinese history or literature, on the geography or economy of China, and on controversial social and political issues in Hong Kong. Consequently the content of the curriculum was abstract and academic, and what pupils studied was largely divorced from their own society and culture. The goal was to ensure that pupils could not be taught anything which might undermine the colonial government. By the mid-1980s, pupils left school with little awareness of political and social issues, and a very weak sense of national identity. They were taught a sense of Chinese cultural identity but this was based on an ancient or premodern China. The situation changed drastically once the handover of sovereignty was confirmed in 1984. This affected the curriculum in two ways. First, it was changed to ensure that pupils knew about China and were better prepared to become citizens of the country. The content of existing subjects was modified to focus on China, and Putonghua changed from being a peripheral subject to an important component of the curriculum. Second, changes were introduced to encourage pupils to become active and critical citizens who would be able to support the development of the “one country, two systems” principle. For example, a new subject designed for this purpose, government and public affairs, was introduced (but adopted by very few schools). Since 1997, the curriculum has again been modified to make pupils aware of their identity as Chinese citizens (rather that as politically aware citizens of a relatively autonomous Hong Kong) and to promote a stronger sense of national, as opposed to cultural, identity. Vickers (2005) provides a comprehensive analysis of the political influences that have shaped the curriculum for history as a school subject in Hong Kong. History in most societies is the school subject most directly influenced by political factors. Vickers compares the development of the subject history with the separate

22

Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

subject of Chinese history (with the latter researched in greater depth by Kan, 2007). The division between history and Chinese history is an unusual feature of the local school curriculum that dates back at least to the 1950s. Whereas school curricula in many countries maintain a divide between national history and world history, in Hong Kong the division between the two history subjects was effectively between a conservative-nationalist vision of ancient Chinese culture and civilization (Chinese history) and a liberal-imperialist vision of the modern world focusing on Europe and East Asia, including China (history). From the 1970s onwards, against a background of decolonization worldwide and attempts to rebrand Hong Kong as a “territory” (related to China’s objections to the “colony” label), almost all content promoting an “official” interpretation of British imperial history was removed from the history subject. Instead, the history curriculum became increasingly influenced by liberal pedagogical trends in the English-speaking world that emphasized history’s utility in training students in skills of analysis and critical thinking, through work with primary sources. However, attempts to implement this pedagogical approach in Hong Kong remained highly problematic, partly due to difficulties related to the use of English as the MoI (at least until the late 1990s), but also because the objective of promoting critical thinking conflicted head-on with concerns to depoliticize the curriculum by avoiding any controversial subject-matter, or (particularly since 1997) to use history as a vehicle for the promotion of uncritical state-centred patriotism. The subject of Chinese history, meanwhile, remained immune from liberal pedagogical trends — due to determined resistance on the part of many teachers and local academic historians of China to any suggestion of curricular reform. This resistance arose largely from the conviction of those involved in the teaching of Chinese history that their subject was a vital defence of Chineseness in a curriculum filled with foreign — or “colonial” — content that threatened to undermine local students’ sense of their national identity. This belief was reinforced by the fact that, unlike most other school subjects (including history), Chinese history was always taught through the medium of Chinese. Though some efforts were made by the government (for example, in the early 1970s) to reform the curriculum for Chinese history, officials backed down in the face of strong opposition, presented in terms of “anti-colonial resistance”, from the subject community of teachers and academics. Between the 1970s and 1990s, however, as local people came to identify more with Hong Kong than with China, the absence of any coverage of Hong Kong history in either Chinese history or history came to seem increasingly out-of-date and unacceptable to curriculum developers responsible for the history subject. It was also felt that the teaching of local history was essential if pedagogical innovations, such as work with primary sources, field trips, or oral history projects, were to be successfully introduced. By contrast, curriculum developers for Chinese history saw the role of their subject as one of imparting the narrative of dynastic history from

Curriculum Policy and Policymaking

23

ancient times and thus saw the history of Hong Kong as peripheral to their core content and mission. In the early 1990s, moves were made to introduce coverage of local history within the subject of history, but this prompted accusations in the local pro-China press of a “colonial” plot to “internationalize” Hong Kong in the run-up to 1997. The introduction of local history into the school curriculum thus became caught up in the politics of the handover, running up against the determination of the Chinese authorities and their local supporters to initiate a programme of patriotic re-education. Vickers (2005) argues that fear of criticism from pro-China supporters prompted officials to revise early drafts of the curriculum for local history, while textbook publishers, mindful of their growing business interests in the Mainland, frequently exceeded officials in their anxiety to present a vision of local history that would not offend Chinese authorities. This involved emphasizing the essential “Chineseness” of the local community; avoiding discussion of the origins, nature and strength of a distinctive Hong Kong identity; stressing the consistently beneficent concern of the Chinese government for Hong Kong; and glossing over the refugee antecedents of the majority of the local population. Long-established approaches to the teaching of Chinese history meanwhile persisted largely unchallenged. The highly conservative, cultural-nationalist agenda of the local subject community, originally associated with exiles from the Mainland determined to maintain traditional culture against communism, by the 1990s had become more than acceptable to the Chinese government, which was rapidly divesting itself of the last traces of Maoist antitraditionalism. Economic forces: Since 1978, when China embarked upon a drive to modernize the economy, Hong Kong shifted from an industrial and manufacturing centre to one offering financial, business and tourism services. This shift has been associated with changing expectations in the society of the school curriculum. In the past, when most workers were employed in factories, employers wanted workers who had a basic level of literacy and numeracy, but it was just as important that they should be diligent, dextrous, punctual and obedient. Teaching methods encouraged pupils to be quiet, respectful and hard-working. Now, the economy relies on providing intellectual services. All of the skills identified above are still desired by employers but extra skills are required. More employees are expected to be able to use another language (English or Putonghua), communicate clearly and effectively with customers, work productively in a team, solve complex problems quickly, use sophisticated information technology, and be flexible and able to learn new skills quickly. The most direct impact of this shift is that tertiary education has been expanded to provide more education to more people. Its impact on the school curriculum can be seen in the promotion of generic learning skills and task-based approaches that encourage collaborative learning, critical and creative thinking, and problem solving.

24

Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

The discussion in this section shows how the school curriculum in Hong Kong has been affected by social, political and economic forces. How deeply these forces are reflected in curriculum change depends on which groups or agencies have the strongest influence in the policymaking processes.

Key Agencies in Educational Policymaking The Education Bureau, headed by the secretary of education in the Hong Kong government, is responsible for formulating, developing and reviewing policies, programmes and legislation relating to education at the pre-primary, primary, secondary and tertiary levels in the mainstream system, and for monitoring the implementation of policies and initiatives by education providers. The Education Commission (EC) advises the secretary for education on educational policies and objectives, as well as the priorities for implementation. The University Grants Committee and the Vocational Training Council provide advice on tertiary and technical education respectively. A major new policy will require the support of the Executive Council and the chief executive. The relationship and role of these key agencies have changed in recent decades. The EC was established in 1984 as a major advisory body. It initiated a wide range of policies (including the creation of the Open Learning Institute which became the Open University of Hong Kong, the Curriculum Development Institute and the Hong Kong Institute of Education) and these were mainly aimed at developing the schools sector. Table 2.1, adapted from Morris (1996), summarizes the main recommendations of the EC since 1984. The table also shows the different roles played by the EC and extent of intra-governmental harmony. Five periods are identified. In the period 1984–86 the EC served to provide a response to the very critical report of the Visiting Panel (1982). During that period the Education Department (which was then a separate body from the Education and Manpower Branch) was most influential, the various sections within the government were fairly cohesive, and the EC was tightly controlled by the government. The task was partly achieved by the very careful selection of members. In the second period (1986–88), the EC was used to tackle the tertiary sector over their different points of entry to undergraduate programmes and to promote the Direct Subsidy Scheme (DSS). These reforms were highly controversial and on some issues, such as the DSS, the Education Department and Education and Manpower Branch disagreed strongly. The Education and Manpower Branch (renamed a Bureau in 2003) emerged as more influential, until its merger with the Education Department in 2007.

Dates and titles of reports

Tackle universities over • Introduction of Direct Subsidy Scheme differential student entry • Setting a single point of entry to tertiary education points

Low

(continued on p. 26)

EMB/ unofficials

EMB

ED

Degree of Intra- Locus of governmental control/ cohesion influence

1988– No. 4 (1990) ECR 4: Initiate curriculum reforms; • Establishment of CDI Medium 92 The Curriculum and Behavioural reduce the control and • Introduction of Targets and Target-Related Assessment Problems in Schools bureaucracy of ED • Measures to encourage a whole-school approach to guidance and counselling No. 5 (1992) ECR 5: Teaching • Measures to encourage more schools to use Chinese as Profession MoI • Disestablishment of Colleges of Education from government and setting up of Hong Kong Institute of Education • Creation of 35% of graduate posts in primary schools and introduction of BEd degrees • Improved staffing levels

1986– No. 3 (1988) ECR 3: The Structure 88 of Tertiary Education and the Future of Private Schools

Key policy outcomes

• Phasing out of Junior Secondary Entrance Examination High • Expansion of technical and vocational education • Proposals to broaden the sixth-form curriculum • Establishment of the Open Learning Institute

Key concerns/role of the EC

Education Commission Reports

1984– No. 1 (1984) ECR 1 (no title) Respond to the report of 86 No. 2 (1986) ECR 2 (no title) the visiting panel

Period

Table 2.1

Curriculum Policy and Policymaking 25

Review of Medium of Instruction for Secondary Schools and Secondary School Places Allocation (2005)

Progress Reports on the Education Reform (2002, 2003, 2004, 2006)

2000–



Serve as an advisory and monitoring body

• Reports on policy implementation

High

1992– No. 6 (1995) ECR 6: Enhancing Address language in • Measures to support language education policy High 2000 Language Proficiency: A education issues without • Measures to provide a quality assurance framework and Comprehensive Strategy major financial strategies for schools commitment • Flexible funding mechanisms for schools No. 7 (1998) ECR 7: Quality • Measures to raise the professional standards School Education Ensure effective, efficient of principals and teachers and accountable delivery • Measures to construct a system conducive to lifelong Reform Proposal for the Education of education by schools learning and all-round development System in Hong Kong (2000)

(Table 2.1 continued)

EDB

EMB/ Treasury

26 Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

Curriculum Policy and Policymaking

27

During the third period (1988–92) the Education and Manpower Branch and appointed members of the EC became even more influential than had previously been the case. This resulted in Reports 4 and 5 recommending a wide range of expensive reforms such as the creation of the CDI and of the Hong Kong Institute of Education (HKIEd). Also, it looked as if the EC was going to focus on pre-primary schooling in its next report, and this could have resulted in a set of proposals recommending a higher level of funding or subsidy for that sector. This possibility was averted in the fourth period by a variety of measures, including: the careful selection of new members, especially the chairperson, the creation of an agenda which focused on technical issues (EC Report 6 focused on language proficiency and the following report examined the issue of assuring the delivery of quality education in schools), the creation of a range of sub-committees, and by referring to the role of other committees which were working on similar topics. This period has been characterized by a decline in the degree of influence of appointed members and an increased control of the EC by the government, a higher degree of cohesion between the sections within the government and an overall reduction in the EC’s ability to address long-term policy issues. The final period has been marked by a change in nature of EC reports, as the commission has been reduced to an advisory and monitoring role rather than one responsible for policy initiation. Figure 2.2 provides an overview of the main organizations which are involved in making decisions about the school curriculum. Curriculum policies may emerge from advisory bodies such as the EC and the CDC, which include a substantial number of non-official members. In reality, however, the work of these bodies is tightly circumscribed by the government, who controls the agenda and select the members. Overall the system of curriculum decision-making is centralized and bureaucratic. Curriculum development is the responsibility of the CDI within the EDB, in consultation with the CDC, although assessment of pupils in public examinations is carried out by the HKEAA. This means that in developing school curricula, a gap can arise between the goals of the planned curriculum and what is actually assessed. The CDC has committees in the Key Learning Areas specified in the current school curriculum, and also in the areas of special needs, early childhood and gifted education, as well as learning resources. The CDC is responsible for the production of curriculum guides. The guides state the intended aims, objectives, pedagogy and assessment method. The CDC will also decide which textbooks and related teaching materials are approved for use in schools. It is then up to schools to decide whether they will offer that subject and the HKEAA will decide how it will be assessed, if it is offered as a public examination subject.

Advisory role Influence Policy formulation and implementation

Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority Education Bureau

Primary and secondary schools

Advisory Committee on Teacher Education and Qualifications

Workplace education

Vocational Training Council

Standing Committee on Language Education and Research

(Adapted from Cheng 1996 and Kennedy 2005)

Tertiary institutions

University Grants Committee

Education Commission

Figure 2.2 Policymaking and administrative bodies in Hong Kong education

Key:

Curriculum Development Council

Executive Council

Chief Executive

28 Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

Curriculum Policy and Policymaking

29

Centralized or Decentralized Decision-Making? A number of models of curriculum decision-making focus on the extent to which teachers are involved in the process. For example top-down and centre-periphery models of decision-making are ones which involve people and agencies close to the government and external to the schools making key decisions, especially about the nature of the planned curriculum. In Hong Kong, the key agencies are the CDC, CDI, HKEAA and the EC. While some teachers are involved in the committees of the CDI and HKEAA, they basically help those agencies to develop the curriculum plan and to construct examinations; they do not have a significant role in policy formulation. Similarly, when schools are encouraged to provide pupils with, for example, a greater sense of civic identity, morality and environmental awareness, the response has often involved producing a set of “curriculum guidelines” on moral, civic and environmental education. These guidelines state the government’s policy on the topic and suggest how these themes could be incorporated within the existing school curriculum. Such guidelines are a classic example of symbolic policies. They show the government’s desire to promote change but leave it to schools to decide how to implement the solution. In reality, the guidelines were often ignored because they were not part of the examined curriculum and as they were the responsibility of all teachers, they became no-one’s responsibility. Historically, this high degree of centralization of curriculum decision-making has been supported by, and reflected in, a range of regulations which give the government strong legal powers. For example: No instruction may be given by school except in accordance with a syllabus approved by the Director. (Education Regulations 1971, S92[1]) No person shall use any document for instruction in a class in any school unless particulars of the title, author and publisher of the document and such other particulars of the document as the Director may require have been furnished to the Director not less than fourteen days previously. (Education Regulations 1971, S92[1]) No instruction, education, entertainment, recreation or propaganda or activity of any kind which, in the opinion of the Director, is in any way of a political or partly political nature and prejudicial to the public interest or the welfare of the pupils or of education generally or contrary to the approved syllabus, shall be permitted upon any school premises or upon the occasion of any school activity. (Education Regulation 1971, 98[1]) [The underlined text was deleted in 1990.]

30

Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

There has been substantial criticism of such centralized control of curriculum decision-making. The main problems were that it was often found to be not very successful at changing the implemented curriculum and it seemed to treat teachers as technicians who were expected to carry out instructions, rather than as professionals who could be trusted to make decisions about the curriculum. The alternatives to a centralized system of curriculum decision-making stress the active involvement of teachers and schools. Periphery-centre, school-based, teacher-centred, bottom-up or top-down bottom-up approaches to curriculum decision-making are the best examples. These have their roots in the experimentalinnovation tradition of curriculum research which we introduced in Chapter 1 and they stress the value of teacher/school involvement, local knowledge and control, and flexibility to meet diverse pupils’ needs. In Hong Kong the high degree of central control of curriculum decision-making, especially in terms of the intended curriculum, has resulted in many calls for reform. For example, in the early 1980s, a review by external experts (Visiting Panel 1982, 56) commented that: To encourage curriculum development efforts, especially in the postForm III area, we believe there is merit in drawing the teaching service, as a professional force, into curriculum development and assessment practices. Strategies should be implemented to improve the coordination and communication between the agencies responsible for curriculum development and examinations. A genuine drive towards school-based curriculum selection and adaptation, together with school-based programme and pupil evaluation, would open up new horizons for teacher participation. This involvement would be from periphery-to-centre rather than the centre-to-periphery tradition which now permeates educational planning, policymaking and innovation, limiting the number of teachers who can become involved in these activities. Every effort must be made to encourage innovation at the school level which, after all, is where the real work is being done. [emphasis in the original]



In a similar vein, the School Management Initiative (SMI) manual commented: Schools are free to adapt the syllabuses of the centrally designed curriculum to suit their own needs but in practice they tend to follow the syllabuses closely. This is unsatisfactory because the centrally devised syllabuses cannot totally meet the individual needs of schools. . . The ED [Education Department] encourages schools to study and identify their own special needs and develop curricula to serve them. (Education Department 1992, section 5.2)

There have been moves to reduce the degree of centralization of curriculum decision-making in Hong Kong. These include the introduction of the School-

Curriculum Policy and Policymaking

31

Based Curriculum Project Scheme (SBCPS) in 1988, the establishment of the CDI in 1992, the SMI in 1991, School-based Management (SBM) in 2000, and School-Based Curriculum Development (SBCD) that was launched in 1998. The CDI was intended to be a professional body dedicated to curriculum development and mainly staffed by people recruited directly from the schools. The SBCPS and SBCD were designed to encourage schools to develop school-based curricula. This could result in less central control of the curriculum. But, in practice, the schemes have mainly resulted in the production of classroom materials for existing curricula, not the creation of new curricula to meet the needs of pupils, as both the SBCPS and CDI are directly administered and controlled by the government. Likewise, the SMI and its successor, SBM, encouraged schools to take greater responsibility for their operation and to reduce the role played by the central authorities, but the accountability systems built into these systems (such as school reviews that are submitted to the government) ensured that autonomy is limited. While Hong Kong has been criticized for maintaining a centralized system of decision-making, the trend in many other countries is towards a greater degree of centralization. In the UK, Australia and the USA, governments have stressed their legal responsibility to ensure that all pupils have access to a curriculum which has some common elements and that all pupils achieve some minimum levels of competency. This was partly a reaction to the concern that school-based decisionmaking could result in pupils in different schools following very different curricula and achieving very different standards. This move towards more centrally-based curriculum decision-making elsewhere provides an important reminder that every system of curriculum decision-making has both strengths and weaknesses. This point is often neglected partly because of the sort of language used to describe the different approaches. Terms such as centre-periphery, power-coercive, top-down, autocratic and bureaucratic have been used to describe more centralized approaches and these terms have fairly negative associations. In contrast, the terms used to describe school-based approaches have more positive associations: bottom-up, school-based, teacher-centred, participative and democratic. The careful selection of language has been a powerful influence on how we view many aspects of the curriculum. It is also important to remember that school-based approaches to curriculum development do not necessarily mean greater participation by teachers in decisionmaking. Sometimes individual schools operate in a very bureaucratic and centralized way. For example, the principal might make all the important decisions without consulting the teachers. Table 2.2 (p. 32) provides a useful summary of the strengths and weaknesses of centralized approaches to curriculum decision-making.

32

Table 2.2

Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

Centralized approaches to curriculum development Strengths

• It provides a uniform or standardized curriculum which is equally accessible to all pupils.



Weaknesses

• It does not involve teachers and this can de-professionalize teachers.

• It saves time and resources to develop one curriculum which is used by all.

• It often focuses on curriculum intentions and ignores the extent to which the plans are or can be implemented.

• It ensures continuity over a number of years as the curriculum will not be changed regularly.

• It increases standardization, which means that the diverse needs of pupils and schools are not catered for.

• It allows a group of experts to develop the curriculum.

• It assumes that teachers will implement the policies.

• It allows the government to control the activities of schools.

• It is often very sensitive to influences external to education, especially political ones. (adapted from Marsh 1993)

What Is to Be Decided by Whom? The key questions affecting the curriculum basically involve making decisions about the four main components of the curriculum which we will analyze in Chapter 4. The concern in this section is to analyze the influence of the different groups of people on decisions about those components. This will demonstrate that a reliance on the distinction between centralized and school-based approaches to curriculum decision-making tends to oversimplify the reality. The goal of curriculum decision-making is often to try to ensure that the content, pedagogy and assessment are developed in a way which is appropriate for achieving the aims and objectives that have been identified. This approach to curriculum planning will be examined in detail in Chapter 3 and Chapter 4. It has been very influential and is sometimes called the objectives, rational or meansend model. It derives from the technical-rational tradition of curriculum research which we introduced in Chapter 1 and it is associated with the work of Tyler (1949). Most curriculum documents in Hong Kong traditionally used the language of the Tyler model. The main attractions of this approach are that it can be used for all subjects, and it is logical and very suitable for a bureaucratic and centralized system of decision-making. A central agency can undertake the task of identifying desirable intentions and then logically deduce from these the nature of each of the curriculum components.

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In Hong Kong, the CDC produces a curriculum guide for each subject that describes the nature of each of the curriculum components (aims and objectives, content, teaching methods and assessment), but this remains a statement of intentions or a plan as: • the HKEAA decide how the subject will be examined; • publishers decide whether to produce resources and how to present the subject; • schools decide whether to adopt the subject; • teachers decide what will happen in classrooms; • pupils learn in different ways and some don’t learn for different reasons. Thus, while we do have a very centralized system of decision-making, this is really confined to decisions about the intended curriculum. The nature of the implemented curriculum is not decided by the centre, and often gaps emerge between the various components. This reflects that the term curriculum development, especially when used in the context of SBCD, can cover a wide range of activities. It could refer to developing a completely new subject or to developing, selecting or adapting materials for use in the classroom teaching of an existing subject. Clearly, the first activity is often undertaken by central agencies who have the resources to plan, design, assess and produce materials for a new subject. However, the latter tasks are often undertaken by individual teachers or groups of teachers in a school. Consequently, Marsh (2009) argues that we should use the term curriculum-making to describe the curriculum activities that teachers are involved in. Table 2.3 (pp. 34–35) shows the degree of influence of various groups on the different curriculum components we identified, and on another vital decision which affects the curriculum in Hong Kong, namely the language of instruction. The table serves to highlight a number of key points, which are discussed below with reference to each of the groups. It is important to recognize three considerations about the table. First, the range of groups could be extended to include pupils and employers, and decisions could cover questions such as those about textbooks and other resources, and the range of subjects pupils can study. Similarly the central agencies consist of a variety of sub-groups which do not always share a common view point. However, for the sake of simplicity, these are analyzed together at this stage. Second, the nature of the influence of various groups will vary according to the level of schooling. For example, the influence of the HKEAA is weaker in primary schools than in secondary schools and in secondary schools its influence is stronger in senior forms. Third, the focus of the table is on the formal curriculum. The influence of schools and teachers is much stronger on the informal curriculum. The Government: In most societies, the government has the ultimate responsibility for all aspects of schooling. To different degrees, governments use the curriculum to promote their vision of a future society. Schooling and decisions

The intended curriculum

Curriculum decisions and sources of influence

Strong influence. The CDC/CDI decides on these and they are stated in curriculum documents.

Strong influence. CDC/CDI curriculum documents and HKEAA examination syllabuses specify content to be taught and assessed.

Advice and recommendations are given in curriculum documents.

Aims and objectives

Content

Teaching method

Moderate influence, but when teachers rely heavily on textbooks, then the influence is stronger.

Moderate influence. Textbooks are based on CDC/CDI documents but they determine the depth and scope of coverage of content. Some teachers also rely on textbooks for lesson planning.

No influence.

Some influence, especially in schools that actively promote staff development.

Moderate influence. Some capacity for school-based curriculum decisions, but within frameworks set out in CDC/CDI and HKEAA curriculum documents.

Weak influence. But schools can decide whether or not to introduce a subject.

Group Central agencies Textbook publishers Schools Decision (CDC/CDI and HKEAA) about the curriculum

Table 2.3

The implemented curriculum

Strong influence.

Moderate influence through involvement in school-based curriculum planning. Some capacity for deciding contents of lessons.

No influence, except as members of CDC/CDI and HKEAA committees.

Teachers

(continued on p. 35)

No influence, or weak influence.

No influence.

No influence.

Parents

34 Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

Public assessment is controlled by HKEAA. Internal assessment is influenced by approaches used by HKEAA.

The language Limited influence, as of instruction the government only provides guidance to schools.

Assessment

(Table 2.3 continued)

Some influence. If resources are not available in English or Chinese, it might dissuade schools from offering a subject in that MoI.

Moderate influence, especially when textbooks provide preparation for public assessment. Strong influence. Schools decide their own language policy regarding MoI, depending on their capacity.

Some influence, with school-based assessment, although these tend to mirror the assessments used by HKEAA. Strong influence. Teachers decide which languages to use in the classroom.

Strong influence. Parents can choose not to send their children to a school on the basis of MoI issues.

Some influence on No influence, except on school-based assessment. the language assessment.

Curriculum Policy and Policymaking 35

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about the curriculum are therefore highly political. In many societies, as we noted above, governments are increasing their direct control of the curriculum. In Hong Kong, the situation is more complex and confused. During colonial times, the status of the Hong Kong government was tenuous and it lacked political legitimacy although it reduced this problem by achieving a high level of economic legitimacy. Its main concerns, as noted earlier, were to minimize conflict and survive, rather than to create its view of a future society. It therefore tended to respond to social pressure and allow market forces and social demand to determine the quantity of education provided and the nature of the curriculum. Thus in the 1950s most primary education was provided by private schools and in the 1960s and 1970s the same was true of secondary education. Social conflict in the mid-1960s encouraged the government to be more concerned about education, and slowly this happened. Whilst government expanded access to schooling and endeavoured to ensure that pupils were not taught anything subversive, they were happy to leave the various charities and religious bodies, which make up the aided sector, to run the schools. When issues emerged which divided the community the government’s response was to introduce symbolic policies. These effectively avoided conflict because whilst they signalled the government’s good intentions, it was left up to schools to decide to implement them or not. The best example of this was the government’s approach to the medium of instruction (MoI). From the 1970s the policy was that Chinese should be the MoI but it was left to schools to decide. As a result, few schools were willing to use Chinese for the reasons we discuss in Chapter 8. Similarly, with regard to the curriculum, the government took little interest until the late 1940s, when the Chinese Communist Party and the Kuomintang (Guomindang) began to use the curriculum of schools to directly promote their political viewpoints. These were very critical of the colonial government and encouraged dissent. This resulted in the government taking a more active interest in the curriculum and a section in the Education Department was established to produce model syllabuses and textbooks. The Regulations (see p. 29) made it illegal for schools to teach politics and to use materials and curricula not approved by the Education Department. The attempt to avoid sensitive political and social issues encouraged the development of a curriculum strongly based on traditional academic subjects (Morris 1988). Since the handover in 1997, policymaking reflects a new set of political concerns. Hong Kong has to position itself as a reintegrated part of China, as shown by the promotion of Putonghua as a subject and, recently, as an MoI, as well as the change to a secondary school structure that matches the one operating in the Mainland (i.e., three years’ junior secondary and three years’ senior secondary school). The post-handover government has also — probably because it perceives that it is more

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legitimate than its predecessor — been more determined to reform the education system and to ensure the implementation of policies. There has therefore been less of a reliance on the use of symbolic policies and intense conflict has resulted when a number of new policies were introduced. Examples include the decisions that Chinese be used as the MoI; that the power of school sponsoring bodies be reduced through the requirement for them to set up incorporated management committees; and, before 2007, that class sizes should not be reduced. Morris and Scott (2003) analyze the different approaches to policymaking of the colonial and post-handover governments. They described the standard cycle of education reform of the post-handover government as involving four stages. 1. The identification of an area of concern in education and its formulation as a “problem” with the subsequent need for a policy to address it. 2. Public support for change is encouraged by strong criticism of the object of change (e.g., language standards) by government officials and/or the perceived source of the problem (e.g., teachers or teacher education). 3. A policy statement (e.g., an EC report) spells out the need for change, describes the weakness of the status quo and identifies the broad policy intentions (e.g., a knowledge society, quality education, lifelong learning, and so on) in language which is essentially exhortatory; and, 4. Policy intents are, to varying degrees, translated into specific policy actions of a direct (i.e., requiring by law schools to implement a policy) or indirect (encouraging schools to implement a policy by giving them extra resources) nature. Also, the current political system, which results in elections where the “opposition” group in the Legislative Council obtain the most votes (but not seats) and thus have a mandate to challenge the government, makes education policymaking a highly contested process. The government has also often relied on the support of legislators from the functional constituencies who have a low level of legitimacy as they are elected by less than 8% of the electorate. Another powerful set of forces on the government has arisen from globalization, which essentially refers to the increased interdependence between countries around the world. The need to compete with other Asian economic tigers, such as Singapore and the emergent Shanghai, and the high-profile media coverage given to Hong Kong’s rankings in comparative studies such as the Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMSS), the International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) and the Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA), place pressure on the government to create a school curriculum that bears the characteristics of cutting-edge international trends. This pressure, reinforced by the strength of the business community in the government

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consultation processes, may result in idealistic rather than realistic curriculum plans that operate at the rhetorical and symbolic level rather than at the implemented level. Techniques of Control: In all societies, the government has a legitimate desire to influence or control decisions about schooling generally and the curriculum specifically. In Hong Kong, the government has developed a complex system for consulting and obtaining advice from the public. Examples of consultative committees in the area of the curriculum are the CDC and its Key Learning Area Committees and Functional Committees, the HKEAA Committees, and the EC. It also uses a range of techniques to control and influence those bodies. These include: setting up a number of committees to study the same topic, careful control of the agenda, careful selection of committee members, ignoring recommendations which are not consistent with the government’s view, or implementing policies in a way which is contrary to that recommended. Educational Publishers: This group has an influence on the curriculum which is very variable. After a syllabus or curriculum guide has been produced, the textbooks and related resources will determine how the topics are explained and the depth of coverage. This can be a very strong influence as teachers and pupils rely heavily on these resources in most classrooms. For subjects studied by a large number of pupils, many resources will be available and these might have slightly different emphases and approaches which teachers can choose from. However, in the long run, because published resources are economic commodities, the important influences on contents are teachers and schools, because they decide which resources will be adopted, and publishers are very cautious of producing resources which are very different from those with which teachers are familiar. One consequence of this is a tendency over time for resources from different publishers to become similar, as they follow the market leader. There is also the possibility that publishers will engage in self-censorship as they anticipate what they think the government wants. Schools and Teachers: Schools and teachers have a strong influence on the implemented curriculum because they decide what methods of teaching are used, the styles of learning that are encouraged, and the textbooks which the pupils will use. Consequently, many innovations designed to reduce the strong influence of academic rationalism (see p. 48) on the curriculum have failed simply because they were not adopted in schools. For example, social studies was introduced by the CDC in 1975 and it was intended to replace EPA, geography and history at S1–3, but most schools decided not to offer it. Similarly in the 1990s, the Target Oriented Curriculum did not prosper because many schools resisted (often for valid reasons) the comprehensive reforms that were required. The current curriculum has a core — Chinese language, English language and mathematics — and there are choices for the pupils in the subjects they can take, or electives within a subject, but the precise range of choices to be offered is decided by the individual schools. Furthermore,

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schools are constrained by the quality assurance review mechanism that exposes their curriculum to external scrutiny and criticism, which might discourage them from taking too many risks. Overall, the pattern which emerges is complex. Central agencies effectively control what subjects are available, the nature of the intended curriculum and public assessment. Schools and teachers then decide which subjects to offer their pupils, how to teach them and the language instruction to use. Parents: The direct influence of parents on curriculum decisions in Hong Kong is not strong although the government has attempted to employ the concerns of parents as a means to put pressure on teachers and schools to change. This is in marked contrast to the situation in many other countries, where parents exert quite a strong and direct, but often very conservative, influence through bodies such as parent-teacher associations and the governing boards of schools. One of the goals of the SBM is to involve more parents in school management committees and one of the proposals of ECR4 was to encourage schools to establish parent-teacher associations, but this has not yielded significant changes to the role played by parents. However, as we noted above, parents do exert a powerful but indirect influence on one aspect of the curriculum, namely, the policy of schools on the language of instruction. The future economic returns to studying in English are higher than studying in Chinese and thus parents prefer their children to go to schools with English as the MoI. This has encouraged schools to aim to achieve the status of an English medium school. When the policy of identifying 100 schools as English medium schools was announced in 1998, it resulted in protests from parents who feared that their children’s education might suffer if their school was not included in the one hundred. A few years earlier, Carmel English School in Ho Man Tin switched from English to Chinese medium of instruction to help pupil learning, but then switched back to English because they no longer attracted the academically more able pupils as parents chose to send their children elsewhere. More recently, the government’s decision in 2009 to allow schools to have more flexibility in deciding the MoI was a response to the wishes of most parents.

Priorities and Concerns Overall it is clear from Table 2.3 (pp. 34–35) that different groups have a stronger influence on decisions about some curriculum components than others. Thus while decisions about aims and objectives, content and public assessment are taken centrally, those concerning teaching methods are determined by teachers. As there are many different groups which influence or control curriculum decisions, there is a strong possibility that the components of a curriculum will not be consistent.

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One of the major types of inconsistency is between curriculum intentions and implementation which we will examine in more detail in Chapter 10. CDC curriculum guides might promote the importance of generic skills, such as problem solving, creativity or critical thinking. However, the examination set by the HKEAA and the approach used in the resources from educational publishers might promote a different approach to teaching the subject. The critical problem is that some components are easy to change while others are extremely difficult. For example, it is relatively simple to change the content of what is taught. If the examination syllabus changes, the teachers will adjust what they teach, quite simply because they would be heavily criticized by parents if they do not cover the examination syllabus. So both the planned and implemented aspects of the content of the curriculum will change. Similarly, it is relatively easy to change the style of public assessment. In contrast, it is extremely difficult to change methods of teaching, as these involve deeply held beliefs by teachers and pupils about factors such as the roles of the teacher and pupils, the purpose of schooling, the nature of knowledge, and effective ways to bring about learning. Unfortunately, curriculum policy in Hong Kong has often worked on the basis that you could use the same approach to change teaching methods and to change curriculum content and examinations. The fact that there are a range of influences on curriculum decisions would not be important if all the groups had the same view of the purposes and nature of schooling and the curriculum. But that is not the case. Different groups tend to emphasize different goals and concerns. This results in conflict over education generally and curriculum issues specifically, yet conflict is something that the Hong Kong government has been keen to avoid. Thus, in terms of the rational and conflict perspectives identified by Yang (2007) that we discussed at the beginning of the chapter, the process of policymaking in Hong Kong resembles the conflict perspective to some extent. However, it is interesting to note that there are very few forums for conflict to be resolved — there is a lack of representation of key stakeholders in policymaking committees. This leaves the policymakers (essentially government officials) the choice of resolving the views of competing groups or leaving the conflicts unresolved. Historically, the solution has been to introduce symbolic policies, with no strong intention to implement them for fear of upsetting some of the key stakeholders or to leave ambiguities in the policy. Sweeting and Morris (1993) reviewed six major educational reforms in Hong Kong in the postwar period and concluded that reforms that were responses to unanticipated political crises were far more likely to be implemented than those which involved a process of long-term rational planning similar to that outlined above.

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When symbolic policies have been introduced or when the ambiguities are unresolved, the outcome is often inconsistency across the various curriculum components. This merely passes the dilemmas on to schools to handle. Examples include the MoI policies, which promote a strong emphasis on English in a context that is obviously unsupportive of English learning, and, recently, the insistence on Chinese proficiency even among the non-Chinese minority groups who follow the same curriculum; the move towards a learner-centred curriculum in TOC while maintaining a rigid syllabus-based public examination system; and the promotion of critical thinking but uncritical patriotism after 1997. Clearly, the interpretation shown in Table 2.3 is subjective and designed to highlight the differences rather than the similarities across the groups. All groups share a genuine concern to improve the quality of schooling, but exactly what this means in practice does vary between the groups. Some of the groups, such as the HKEAA, have a relatively narrow set of concerns. Other groups, such as the EDB, are in a more complex position. They are part of the government and are trying to promote the quality of schooling and reconcile the diverse views of many different groups in society. Also, while they would like to press for various reforms, they cannot be seen to be criticizing existing policies or other government departments, especially the Financial Services and the Treasury Bureau. Similarly, schools have to try to satisfy a range of competing demands, which derive from the different needs of all pupils. While high academic results can be achieved through an intake of academically more able pupils, this has resulted in academically less able pupils being accorded a lower priority. Thus, the educational system has catered fairly effectively to the needs of above average pupils but it has not catered as well to the needs of the less able. This conflict in decision-making arises from a number of factors, but, as in any conflict, the results are clear—there are winners and losers.

? Questions

1. How would you characterize policymaking in your school or in a context that you know well? 2. With reference to Table 2.4 (p. 42): (a) Which groups(s) in that table is/are the most likely to encourage and accept change and which the least likely? (b) Which groups are likely to have a strong influence on educational policies and which are likely to have a strong influence on teaching methods?

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Table 2.4

Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong

The concerns of various groups which influence curriculum decisions Group

Major concerns

EDB

To be able to demonstrate that the government has a policy designed to address all foreseeable educational problems and to control any part of the system that might threaten its status



To implement policy, minimize any potential conflicts or problems and ensure a smooth running bureaucracy

CDC

To advise the government on curriculum development

HKEAA

To provide a fair and objective system of public assessment

Education Commission

To advise the government on educational objectives, policies and priorities

Standing Committee on Language To advise the government on language policy and Education and Research language standards Textbook publishers and producers To maximize sales and profits of educational media Schools

To attract the more able pupils



To maintain an efficient organization and to cater for the diverse needs and abilities of pupils

Teachers

Classroom management, syllabus coverage, pupils’ learning and examination success, and generally being able to cope with heavy teaching, marking and administrative workloads

Parents

Their children’s future, especially with regard to gaining access to higher levels of education. Also a concern to see acceptable standards of personal and social behaviour.

3. Table 2.5 (p. 43) is similar to Table 2.4, but it focuses only on groups in a school. Complete the table to show your views of the nature of the primary concerns of different groups in your school. Illustrate how some of the different concerns of these groups resulted in a very different perspective on an issue within your school.

Curriculum Policy and Policymaking

Table 2.5

43

The concerns of various groups in schools

Group /Individual

Major concerns

School Management Committee The principal The panel chairs Teachers The clerical and other supporting staff The pupils

Further Reading Marsh (2009) provides a clear summary of the arguments for and against centralized and decentralized decision-making. .

Scott (2005) analyzes how the nature of Hong Kong’s political system has changed and its impact on policymaking processes. Kennedy and Lee (2008) discuss in detail the nature of school-based curriculum development in Asian contexts. Morris (1992, 1996) analyzes the strategies of curriculum development used in colonial Hong Kong and the strategies used by the government to control the process of educational policymaking. The Education Commission’s website is http://www.e-c.edu.hk/eng/index_e.html.

3 Curriculum Development

In the previous chapter, we saw how policies relating to the curriculum can emerge from a variety of social, political, economic and educational forces and influences at the global, national and local levels. In the past two decades or so, schools in Hong Kong have faced a change in their role and in the aims they pursue. The periods of international economic uncertainty, such as the Asian financial crisis and the global banking crisis that started in 2008, plus the local political impact of the return to Chinese sovereignty, have brought about a radical reappraisal of the aims of schooling. The future of pupils as workers and citizens in modern Hong Kong is very different from the prospects of those educated twenty years ago. The process which leads to the formulation of a curriculum reform is often messy — for instance, comprehensive curriculum reform could be addressing a wide range of different economic, political and social goals — as is the case with the current reforms being undertaken in Hong Kong, which means that it is a challenge for curriculum developers to find coherent solutions. They have to make a bridge between the often ambitious and diverse policy goals and the realities of schooling in Hong Kong, and produce a curriculum reform that schools can actually understand, appreciate and implement. One of the early curriculum scholars, Ralph Tyler (1949), argued that the first and most basic question that curriculum developers should ask is: “What educational purposes do we seek to attain?” This may seem fairly obvious nowadays but it was a radical idea at that time. People had assumed that the purpose of education was self-evident: it was to teach pupils the subjects they studied at school. But Tyler asked, “Why do we expect pupils to study those subjects?” and “What experiences should pupils have in classrooms?” The intentions of a curriculum can be expressed as aims, goals and outcomes. Each of these try to identify what we expect pupils to obtain from participating in the curriculum at different levels of detail or specificity (Figure 3.1, see p. 46).

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AIMS

idealistic, long-term, difficult to measure

GOALS OUTCOMES

specific, short-term, usually measurable

Figure 3.1 Aims, goals and outcomes of a curriculum

We would expect that a well-designed curriculum would achieve the goals of the related policy and, at the same time, be of benefit to pupils. We would also expect that the aims stated in curriculum documents would specify what the benefits are for the pupils and/or society. Eisner (1994, 134) summarizes the nature of aims when he states that they are: “… general statements that proclaim to the world the values that some group holds for an educational programme … These statements form a kind of educational manifesto”. The implication of this is that different groups in society will compete to promote those aims which reflect their own value systems. Educational aims therefore are statements of what ought to be achieved through a curriculum, and they are directly derived from what is viewed as most worthwhile for the pupils by those who promote them, unless, as Schubert (1997) notes, the promoters are acting out of evil intent or blatant self-interest.

The Sources of Aims Educational aims and the other curriculum components designed to achieve those aims reflect a set of images, orientations, conceptions, characterizations or value systems which involve beliefs and assumptions about the learner, knowledge, schooling and society. They are therefore strongly influenced by views that people hold on the nature of knowledge (epistemology), good and evil (ethics), and what is valuable (axiology). Different stakeholders often have different epistemological, ethical and axiological viewpoints or images. As Schiro (2008, 1–2) notes, each viewpoint

47

Curriculum Development … embodies distinct beliefs about the type of knowledge that should be taught in schools, the inherent nature of children, what school learning consist of, how teachers should instruct children, and how children should be assessed. Each vision has its own values system, its own purposes of education, its own meaning for words (for example, does knowledge consist of understandings, skills, meanings, or values?), its own heroes whose beliefs it repeats, and its own villains whose beliefs it rails against.

There are five main images that influence our views on what schools are expected to achieve. These are shown in Figure 3.2.

Social and Economic Efficiency

Child-centred

Orthodoxy/ Ideological Transfer

CURRICULAR AIMS

Academic Rationalism

Social Reconstructionism

Figure 3.2 Images of education Social and Economic Efficiency: This image stresses the role of schools for preparing future citizens who fit into society and who are economically productive. Aims derived from this view stress society’s needs. Examples of such aims are: “to play a positive role in the community”, “to become socially-aware adults” and “to equip pupils with appropriate skills for employment”. They focus on the need for schools to produce pupils who are able to get jobs and fit into society. This type of aim suggests that the curriculum should be planned so that it meets the practical needs of society. A specific example is the argument that because Hong Kong is heavily involved in providing services in the global economy, schools should ensure that pupils can communicate in English, which is the language of international trade. The major problem with this viewpoint is to decide which knowledge and skills will be most useful in an unknown future. It can also mean that individuals are only valued in terms of their contribution to the economy or to society. Child-centred: This image focuses on the needs and growth of individual children. It was put forward partly as a reaction to the authoritarian nature of

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some education systems. It stresses aims which primarily relate to the needs of the individual child. Examples from Learning to Learn (Curriculum Development Council 2001, 10) are: “the development of students’ own interests and potential” and “We should understand their needs, learning styles, interests and abilities”. It promotes exploration, investigation and pupils’ choice as key elements which set pupils on the path to meaningful learning. The work of educational psychologists has provided a number of important insights to how pupils develop and learn which form a basis for designing a curriculum (see Chapter 6). The main problem with this individualistic view of education lies in the assumption that pupils want to learn something and that if they do, they will learn something worthwhile. Academic Rationalism: This focuses on the need to either enlighten students with the concepts and information which can be derived from the established academic disciplines (such as physics, history and mathematics), or to use the disciplines as a vehicle for promoting pupils’ critical thinking and problem-solving capacities. It stresses aims which focus on the development of pupils’ intellect and rationality, and the transmission of knowledge from one generation to the next. For example: “pupils should be equipped with the knowledge, skills and attitudes …” and “the aims of this course are to provide pupils with the basic knowledge and skills necessary to understand better the world in which they live”. Many philosophers have tried to identify the essential structure of human knowledge in an attempt to provide the basis for curriculum planning. The central issue which has to be solved is to decide which knowledge is most worthwhile and if that knowledge is useful. Social Reconstructionism: This is a stronger version of the social efficiency perspective. It looks to schools to improve society in the future. Writing in 1932, at the time of the Great Depression in the USA, one of the scholars associated with this perspective, George S. Counts, argued that teachers could play a powerful role in fashioning the social attitudes, ideals and behaviours of their pupils and that schools should try to transform, and not just study, society. The curriculum derived from this perspective focuses on developing knowledge, skills and attitudes which would help to create a world where people care about each other, the environment and the distribution of wealth. Tolerance, the acceptance of diversity and peace would also be encouraged. Social injustices, the abuse of power and inequality would be central issues in the curriculum. The main problem with this viewpoint is the assumption that schools can change society. It is also unclear whose vision of a future society is “correct”. Orthodoxy/Ideological Transfer: This viewpoint, associated with the work of scholars such as Pierre Bourdieu and Basil Bernstein, sees the primary role of schools as to reflect and pass onto children the existing values and beliefs of a society and its

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culture. The government usually takes the lead in deciding what pupils should learn and when new nations have emerged, the school curriculum has often been used to play a very strong role in trying to create a sense of national identity and patriotism. To some degree, all school curricula focus on teaching pupils about aspects of their own society, including its culture, the nation’s history and geography, and its language. The extreme form of this view involves schools being used to induct the young into the beliefs of a given religion (e.g., Catholicism or Islam) or of a political ideology (e.g., Nazism or Communism). The goal is to shape the views of the young so that they match those of the prevailing orthodoxy. Orthodoxies, by definition, believe in fixed answers to relevant questions and the task of schools is to ensure that pupils know those answers. Pupils are not encouraged to consider alternatives. The problem with this viewpoint is that if the curriculum promotes an orthodoxy uncritically then this assumes that the status quo does not require change or improvement. The primary aim is to shape the view of children so that they match the prevailing or orthodox views in society. As Eisner (1992) explains, orthodoxies are not essentially about doubts, but about certainties. Indeed, to become orthodox is to become a true believer. Each of these images is generally associated with different views of the nature and purposes of each of the curriculum components. It is important to recognize these associations as they allow us to better understand the rationale behind many reforms and the basis for conflicts over curriculum issues. Table 3.1 (p. 51) analyzes the nature of the various curriculum components which are associated with each of the five conceptions. There have been numerous other attempts to describe these images or conceptions. For example, Skilbeck (1976) identifies three ideologies: progressivism, reconstructionism and classical humanism. McNeil (1981) identifies four conceptions which he terms academic rationalism, humanism, social reconstructionism and the technological. The technological image involves an approach to schooling and the curriculum which stresses the need to find an efficient way to achieve a predetermined goal. Examples of such technologies are programmed instruction (a feature of many early online or computer-based learning packages) and mastery learning. However, as this focuses on the means rather than on the purposes of schooling, it is unlike the five we have analyzed, and is not a complete conception. Print (1988) adds a fifth conception to McNeil’s list, the eclectic conception, which basically involves a combination of two or more of the other conceptions. Eisner (1992) identifies six ideologies, which are: rational humanism, progressivism, critical theory, reconceptualism, religious and political orthodoxy and cognitive pluralism. The last of Eisner’s ideologies is not clearly associated with the five conceptions described above. Cognitive pluralism has its roots in the idea that knowledge takes many different forms and different types of knowledge

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involve different ways of thinking. It is also argued that intelligence is not a single phenomenon but that there are multiple types of intelligence. For example, Gardner (1999) argues that an individual has a set of intelligences which are independent of each other. He identifies these as linguistic, logical-mathematical, musical, physical, spatial, interpersonal, intrapersonal and naturalist. The implications for the curriculum are that it should be designed to develop a wide range of competencies and attitudes, and that a range of methods for bringing about learning need to be used. Schiro (2008) identifies four ideologies: Scholar Academic, which corresponds to the academic rationalism/classical humanism/rational humanism ideologies; Social Efficiency, which is concerned with educating pupils to live in society; Learnercentred, which is similar to progressivist ideologies; and Social Reconstruction, which is concerned with empowering pupils to become agents of social change. Yeung (2009) analyzed the values underpinning the following four major educational reforms in Hong Kong: the comprehensive Learning to Learn curriculum reform in 2001; the New Senior Secondary Curriculum first discussed in 2005; the External School Review and School Self-Evaluation introduced in 2005 and 2008; and the “fine-tuning” of the Medium of Instruction policy in 2009. She found that the main arguments used to support these policies were most strongly based on values related to social efficiency and the development of pupils’ cognitive processes. In contrast, social reconstructionism did not seem to be a significant influence on these policies. While the identification of conceptions or beliefs about the curriculum help clarify the diverse views of the purposes of schooling, it is important to recognize three points. First, different groups in society stress different but worthwhile aims associated with the different images. For example, employers and politicians will often stress the importance of social and economic efficiency; school principals and teachers will often focus on academic rationalism; and parents will often stress child-centred aims. At any point in time the curriculum is made up of a compromise between the images of schooling held by different groups in a society and by the images embedded in the curriculum by previous generations. In effect, the intended curriculum is therefore an ongoing attempt by the government to manage the dilemmas which arise from the different views held in society of the main purposes of schooling. The emphasis on aims also varies according to the level of schooling. Primary schooling and kindergarten tend to focus more on the child-centred/personal development type of aim. Secondary schooling focuses more on the academic type of aim. Technical and vocational schools focus on the aim of preparing pupils for employment.

Emphasize application and skill mastery

Focus on teacher exposition and didactic teaching, and on promoting inquiry skills

Emphasize testing of pupils’ knowledge and skills, and on academic rigour

Teaching/ learning methods

Assessment

Emphasize assessing pupils’ ability to apply knowledge and skills

Focus on knowledge and skills which are useful and relevant future employment

Focus on the knowledge, skills and values derived from the academic disciplines

Content

To provide for the current and future manpower needs of a society

To enhance pupils’ intellectual capacities and cognitive skills, and to teach them how to learn

Focus on qualitative measures that attempt to analyze the process of learning

Emphasize pupils’ activity and selflearning, and the teacher as facilitator

Focus on knowledge as an integrated holistic entity and on the process of learning

To provide pupils with opportunities for enhancing their personal and intellectual development

Social and Child-centred Economic Efficiency

Intentions

Academic Rationalism

Curriculum conceptions and curriculum components

Image Curriculum Component

Table 3.1

Focus on the need to involve pupils in their own assessment

Focus on interaction, group work and students’ involvement in community activities

Focus on social needs, issues and ideals

The school serves as an agent for social reform, changes and criticism

Social Reconstructionism

Focus on assessing if pupils can reproduce what they have been taught

Emphasizes teacher exposition and ensuring pupils master the chosen beliefs and values

Focus on patriotic events, religious and/or political events

Schools should pass on the prevailing values and beliefs of that society/ culture

Orthodoxy/Ideological Transfer

Curriculum Development 51

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Second, none of the five images or ideologies provides a complete basis for devising a curriculum. A complete curriculum plan will try to take into account society’s current and future needs, the pupils’ needs, the transmission of the society’s culture and values, and the need to transmit worthwhile knowledge. In reality all types of schools are trying to teach pupils knowledge, to improve society, to help pupils develop as individuals and to prepare them for life as adults in society. The following statements show that schooling in Hong Kong pursues a range of aims: Our overarching principle is to help students Learn to Learn, which involves developing their independent learning capabilities leading to whole-person development and lifelong learning. It is hoped that these will result in an overall improvement in the quality of education. Broadly speaking, the means for bringing this about will include: ➩ the development of generic skills (e.g., critical thinking, creativity, communication, etc.) in the context of Key Learning Areas and other relevant contexts ➩ the use of different methods of learning and teaching to achieve learning targets ➩ the development of students’ own interests and potential ➩ the widening of students’ learning space for whole-person development All students can learn, and in order to do so they are entitled to ➩ learning opportunities through one curriculum framework ➩ a broad and balanced curriculum in basic education ➩ a broad and balanced curriculum in senior secondary education but with greater choice A learner-focused approach should be adopted. We should understand their needs, learning styles, interests and abilities, in order to decide on appropriate learning, teaching and assessment strategies. … We should adopt practices that will achieve a balance between: ➩ different purposes ➩ conflicting interests and views ✧ the academic, personal, economic and social goals of the curriculum ✧ diversified learning and teaching strategies ✧ diversified assessment modes for an informed learning process and/or for selection purposes. (Curriculum Development Council 2001, 10, 11)

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The most obvious feature of these examples is that there is not one aim of schooling. They are also very broad and long-term, and they are not expressed in terms of specific or easily measured behaviours. They do not say what exactly should be taught or how it should be taught. They are statements of values which reflect what a society expects from its schools. Third, the associations shown in Table 3.1 are based on logical inferences rather than on an analysis of teachers’ beliefs and actions. It is possible to argue that a range of different pedagogies or assessment techniques could be logically associated with a pedagogy that involved group interaction on the grounds that this was an effective way of enhancing academic learning. Furthermore, studies of teachers’ attitudes to education (Morris, 1988) have shown that while teachers support curricular intentions which are child- and society-centred, they primarily use teaching methods which are associated with academic rationalism. We will examine the reasons for this in more detail in Chapter 5.

Implications for Curriculum Developers A person or group involved in developing a curriculum will, just as employers and parents do, hold implicit views about the aims of schooling and the appropriate features of the curriculum. These views will influence their approach to the task of curriculum development. But the existence of different views suggests that it is important for developers to be sensitive to and aware of other conceptions and the different considerations which need to be taken into account. Three major considerations are usually identified. They are: • studies of learning and learners which are provided by psychology, • studies of a society and its cultures which are the concern of sociology and anthropology; • studies of the nature and value of knowledge which are the concern of philosophy. Some conceptions focus on one of these areas, for example academic rationalism relies heavily on philosophical studies. However as Figure 3.3 shows, curriculum developers need to develop a conception which recognizes each of the three considerations.

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Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong Philosophy: The nature of knowledge

Psychology: The nature of pupils, their development and how they learn

Sociology: The nature of a society and its culture(s)

Curriculum developers

Conceptions of curriculum

Curriculum content

(adapted from Lawton 1978)

Figure 3.3 Considerations in curriculum development

Planning by Outcomes Curriculum developers can approach their task in different ways. One common way, based on Tyler’s key questions that we explored in Chapter 1, is to develop a curriculum plan according to the desired outcomes, based on a linear model that involves four stages (Figure 3.4).

Goals and intended Content outcomes

Organization of teaching and learning

Evaluation and assessment

Figure 3.4 Four key stages in curriculum planning Goals are specific statements of our intentions. Descriptions of goals which can reflect the images of education’s role outlined above are: • academic goals — concerned with pupils’ intellectual ability • vocational goals — concerned with preparing pupils for the world of work • social goals — focusing on developing pupils’ moral and civic character • personal goals — concerned with developing self awareness, physical growth and creativity • cultural goals — concerned with ensuring pupils understand their cultural heritage and/or religion

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In Hong Kong, the curriculum framework for primary and secondary schools (Figure 3.5) has three components: Key Learning Areas (KLAs), generic skills and values and attitudes. Figure 3.5 shows the KLAs and the generic skills. The goals are expressed as learning targets, which are set for students to: • acquire the basic knowledge/concepts needed for an adult world in the eight KLAs • develop the generic skills necessary for independent and lifelong learning through the KLAs, General Studies for Primary School and other meaningful contexts • nurture positive values and attitudes for whole-person development

Source: CDC (2001)

Figure 3.5 Curriculum framework for primary and secondary schools

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Outcomes are usually specific and more concrete statements of the learning which is expected as a result of studying a curriculum. They can be distinguished according to the type of learning that is expected of pupils. The classic distinction between types of learning is based on Bloom’s (1956) Taxonomy. This distinguishes between the cognitive (concerned with thinking), the affective (concerned with feelings) and the psychomotor (concerned with physical action) outcomes of learning. In curriculum plans in Hong Kong these outcomes are called elements of learning, and three are identified: knowledge, skills and attitudes. Knowledge: This broadly corresponds to the cognitive domain and refers to a pupil’s ability to engage in a range of thinking abilities. Bloom classified cognitive objectives into six categories: knowledge (recall), comprehension, application, analysis, synthesis and evaluation, and claimed that each of these involves a higher degree of complexity than the one preceding it, although this view has been challenged by scholars such as Paul (1993), who believe that this hierarchy is an oversimplification. Skills: The original definition of a skill is the ability to perform a manual or physical task such as catching a ball or drawing a picture, and this definition corresponds with Bloom’s psychomotor domain. This conception of skills meant that they were seen as something that was developed through practice that could be provided in training programmes. However, the term is now used in education circles very loosely to the point where it can include virtually everything, and all educational purposes are reduced to some form of skills. For example, curriculum documents now refer to “Critical and Creative Thinking Skills”, “Emotional Skills” and “Generic Skills”. In the UK, the department responsible for higher education was named “The Department for Universities and Skills”. This use of terminology is a reflection of the increasing influence on educational policy of a view of education as a tool for developing human capital which corresponds to the social/economic efficiency conception. The main problem which arises from this is that if education is redefined as a set of skills, it suggests that all of education can be reduced to a set of pre-specified competencies which pupils can be trained to acquire. Attitudes: This is a way of thinking about something and is the same as the affective domain. It could refer to a pupil’s attitude to self, family, friends or society in general. Honesty, patience, co-operation and tolerance are examples of values which schools try to encourage and these are classified as attitudes. This classification unfortunately implies that morality is merely a question of attitude and does not have a logical basis. If morality is a function of a person’s attitude then we cannot argue that any type of behaviour is unacceptable or immoral. The affective outcomes of schooling are very important and are stressed in statements of intention. But they are more difficult to describe and measure than knowledge-based objectives. Recognizing affective goals can remind us that schooling is not only concerned with what pupils know, but also with how they think and act.

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Behavioural Outcomes: Outcomes can also be stated at different levels of specificity. The most specific are called behavioural outcomes. These state exactly what behaviour the pupil will be able to display. For example: “at the end of this unit, the pupils will be able to subtract two digit numbers” or “be able to spell the following words correctly”. Some authors argue that effective statements of behavioural outcomes should satisfy the A B C D rule — the Audience, who will display the outcome; the Behaviour, which will be displayed (the task); the Context of the behaviour (what materials will be used); and the Degree of completion (the criteria for successful performance). For example: At the end of this lesson the pupils (A) will be able to draw an aeroplane (B) on a stiff card (C) and cut it out carefully (D). Expressive Outcomes: Not all of what goes on in school can be reduced to a statement of specific planned outcomes. Teachers sometimes encourage pupils to develop ideas or materials which cannot be pre-specified because an original response or different response is sought. This is especially true for aesthetic or creative subjects such as music or artistic skills. Expressive outcomes are openended statements about the consequences of curriculum activities. They do not specify a single outcome of learning but encourage a diversity of responses. Examples of expressive outcomes are “pupils will develop an interest in art” and “to visit a temple and discuss what was interesting”. Instructional Outcomes: These are fairly specific but they do not focus on setting out what pupils will be able to do as a result of following a course of study. They focus on identifying the sort of tasks, activities or experience which the pupils are expected to carry out or be involved in. For example, in preparation for a school trip, the teacher could specify an instructional outcome in the following terms: “the pupils will work in groups to make a list of the questions that they will answer when they visit Mai Po Wetland Park”. Analyzing and identifying curriculum aims, goals and outcomes can be a useful exercise as it requires us to consider carefully what our intentions are. It also encourages us to consider how different components of the curriculum contribute to achieving the aims and outcomes. Clearly, different subjects contribute more to achieving some goals than others. A teacher of Chinese is trying to develop pupils’ understanding but she is also trying to develop pupils’ linguistic attitudes and social skills. A teacher of science may also try to help pupils to learn to communicate, but would probably be more concerned with behavioural outcomes related to scientific processes. The use of outcomes, especially behavioural outcomes, has had an important influence on many attempts at curriculum planning. They are seen by some as providing a rational, systematic and scientific basis for curriculum planning and so a large number of books have been written and courses designed to help teachers

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break their lessons down into very detailed objectives. However, a major problem is that the identification of behavioural outcomes and other similar types of learning outcomes can mean that we only try to achieve what is planned and measurable. It assumes that worthwhile learning can only occur if it can be expressed in terms of some measurable pupil behaviour. As a result, the curriculum is reduced to separate and easily measured blocks of knowledge. Of course, not all that goes on in schools is predictable or product-oriented. Good teachers often depart from their plans to pursue a worthwhile but unplanned goal. Similarly, a focus on cognitive outcomes can mean that we ignore or downgrade the pursuit of affective outcomes or other key features of education (internalized processes, thoughts and values) that are not reducible to observable states and cannot be measured by reference to behaviours. Another criticism of this approach has arisen from the use of outcomes as a form of accountability. In some countries, pupils’ achievements in attaining outcomes were recorded and published as “league tables” that identified the success rate of individual teachers. These tables were used as the basis for rewarding or punishing teachers (e.g., see Steiner-Khamsi and Stolpe 2006).

Alternative Models for Curriculum Development We will now examine alternative models that do not start only with the goals and intended outcomes. These models were developed partly because of criticisms of the objective approach. They take into consideration the practical realities of schools, in an attempt to ensure that the curriculum that results from the process is suitable for implementation, given the contextual strengths and weaknesses that help or hinder the work of teachers. One feature of these models is the involvement of teachers in curriculum development, which is consistent with moves towards school-based curriculum planning in Hong Kong. Planning with Reference to Classroom Process: This approach is associated with the work of Bruner (1966) and Stenhouse (1975). Bruner argued that the knowledge and procedures that we try to teach pupils are not fixed and certain, but problematic and shifting. Consequently, schooling generally, and curriculum planning in particular, should focus on the process of inquiry rather than on the outcomes of learning. Central to this process is the identification of key concepts (such as causation in history) and procedures (such as experimentation in science) which are fundamental within different forms of knowledge. Thus, the content of a curriculum should be selected because it could be used to exemplify these key concepts and procedures.

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This approach to planning has influenced the development of inquiry-learning, task-based learning (although the Hong Kong version is closely aligned with prespecified outcomes, or targets), project work and problem-based learning in schools, and is viewed as particularly useful in developing certain generic skills. The new curriculum reform in Hong Kong has identified ten generic skills: collaboration, communication, creativity, critical thinking, using information technology, scientific and technological skills, numeracy, problem solving, self-management and study skills. These skills are valued at a time when pupils’ futures are unpredictable and they will need to cope with the challenges of change and innovation. Wiggins and McTighe (2005) propose a model of curriculum development that combines classroom processes with desired outcomes. To do so, they advocate turning the desired outcomes into questions that can be the subject of pupils’ discussions and investigations. This process, they claim, will help pupils to develop the skills of explaining, interpreting, application and empathy, and endow them with a sense of perspective and self-knowledge. Planning with Reference to “Needs” and the “Context”: This approach builds upon a focus on pupils’ needs as a basis for curriculum planning. For example, Taba’s (1962) model has the diagnosis of needs as the first step. This would involve identifying the needs and priorities within a school or within an education system. The steps in this model have been set out by Oliva (2001) as follows: 1. Producing experimental materials a. Diagnosis of needs b. Formulation of objective based on pupils’ needs c. Selection of content based on the objectives d. Organization of content e. Selection of learning experiences f. Organization of learning activities g. Deciding what to evaluate and how to do so h. Checking for balance and sequence 2. Testing experimental materials 3. Revising and consolidating 4. Developing an overall framework 5. Installing and disseminating the new materials Skilbeck (1976) extends the notion of needs analysis, by using a situational analysis. Here the teachers must consider the context in which they are working (e.g., the culture of the school, resources available, examination requirements), as well as the needs of key groups (pupils, teachers, parents) involved. His model involves five steps, namely: (i) situational analysis, (ii) goal formulation, (iii) programme building, (iv) interpretation and implementation, and (v) monitoring, feedback,

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assessment and reconstruction. Skilbeck argues that these five steps do not have to be conceived as a linear progression, but rather as an “organic whole”. The central feature of these two models is that they start with an analysis of pupils’ needs and/or the situation in which the reforms will be implemented. Oliva (2001) proposes a cyclical model that merges a needs analysis with a focus on the policy objectives, in order to ensure that the school-based changes remain in line with the overall direction of the policy. Planning with Reference to What Teachers Do: Walker (1971) argues that the objectives model is not an accurate description of what teachers or curriculum developers actually do when they plan curricula. He analyzed several curriculum projects and identified what he termed a “natural” model that has three stages (Figure 3.6). Curriculum Design (making decisions about the components: content, pedagogy, assessment, etc.) Deliberations (applying the theories, etc. to practical situations, arguing, accepting, omitting, changing, adapting)

Platform beliefs theories conceptions

points of view

Figure 3.6 Walker’s model of the curriculum process

aims, objectives

(adapted from Walker 1971)

The first stage is termed platform and involves a mixture of ideas, preferences, beliefs, values and opinions about some or all aspects of the curriculum. They are not necessarily clearly stated or logical. They would include people’s conceptions or images of schooling which we analyzed earlier in this chapter. This platform forms the basis on which decisions on the curriculum will be made. The deliberation stage involves a wide range of complex interactions which allow people to begin to translate the platform into a new curriculum. These interactions would include: identifying relevant facts, desired outcomes, appropriate considerations, alternative solutions, costs and benefits of actions, and eventually, the “best” alternative.

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The final stage of design involves making detailed decisions on the various curriculum components and this results in the production of curriculum documents or materials.

Criticisms of Alternative Approaches As with most topics we analyze in this book, there is no model of curriculum planning that is the “best”. The strengths of one model in one context are often its weaknesses in another context, and vice versa. For example, the sequencing of the Taba model makes it linear and rational, which is useful in providing clarity to the process, but one of the major criticisms is that it is inflexible and “hyper-rational”, unable to accommodate the irrationalities of real life. Similarly, the key features of some of the other approaches we have analyzed are also the basis for criticism. The major criticisms are: • They are unsystematic — they do not (in some cases) provide clear or detailed guidance on the appropriate steps to take, and are confusing to put into practice. • They are descriptive — this applies especially to Walker’s model. Just because it is the way that some curriculum planners have approached the task does not mean that all planners should follow that approach. • They lack direction — if no reference is made to the desired outcomes of the policy or the curriculum plan, the planners do not have a clear sense of purpose. • They require expertise — these approaches require teachers to possess sophisticated skills in curriculum planning and the time to engage in detailed analysis of the needs or the context. The approach which is chosen to plan a curriculum will depend on a variety of factors, including the macro- and meso-/micro-level political environment, and on the conceptions or images of schooling that are held by key decision-makers, as certain images tend to favour certain approaches to planning. The Hong Kong school curriculum, as this chapter shows, reflects a range of images of schooling and of models of curriculum planning. This all-inclusiveness and complexity can be seen as a potential weakness. For instance, Alexander (2008, 149) argues that the curriculum in Hong Kong is a hybrid curriculum that: … starts with eight Key Learning Areas (KLAs), which despite their names are essentially realms of knowledge. These are cross-cut by nine generic skills. Then there is a third dimension of 74 values

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Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong and attitudes, divided into ‘personal’ and ‘social’ and each of these further subdivided into ‘core’ and ‘sustaining’. But there are also the four key tasks, five essential learning experiences, and finally seven learning goals… I have to say that this is one of the more complex of the hybrid specifications that I have seen, because although it starts as the familiar two-dimensional grid (key learning areas — or subjects — and generic skills) it actually has six dimensions. This degree of complexity raises the stakes when it comes to implementation, and makes it possible that some elements, in some schools, will be delivered more as rhetoric than practice, for it is hard to pursue so many objectives simultaneously.

? Questions

1. Select an example of curriculum planning in your school. Which of the approaches described in this chapter best describes how those decisions were made? 2. A former chief inspector of schools in the UK (Christopher Woodhead) described his view of education in the following terms “. . . the school is an institution in which children are initiated by teachers, who are authorities in their subjects, into a body of knowledge which has no immediate connection to their lives or necessary relevance to the problems of society” (Education Guardian, 12 May 2009). Which image of schooling is this based on? 3. Which of the five images or conceptions of the purposes of schooling described in this chapter are most emphasized in your school and which one is least emphasized? 4. (a) Refer to Table 3.1 (p. 51). What do you think are the intentions, content, teaching/learning methods and assessment techniques associated with the subject you teach? (b) What knowledge, skills and attitudes are pupils expected to learn from the subject you teach? 5. Use the table on p. 63 to analyze the link between KLAs and generic skills. If you believe a KLA can make a contribution to a generic skill, enter 3 for strong, 2 for medium and 1 for weak contribution. (a) Are there any skills which are not covered or poorly covered? (b) Which skills are covered strongly? (c) What should be done to improve the coverage of some skills? (d) Does your subject contribute to covering all of the skills?

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PSHE

Arts Ed

Physical Ed

Technology

Science

Maths

English Language

School subjects Generic skills

Chinese



Collaboration Communication Creativity Critical Thinking Information Technology Scientific and technological Numeracy Problem solving Self-management Study skills

Further Reading More analyses of the nature of curricular intentions are provided by Levin (2008) and by Welner and Oakes (2008). Eraut (1991) provides an analysis of the nature of education outcomes. Schiro (2008) provides a detailed overview of curriculum ideologies. Oliva (2001) presents an overview and a critique of various models of curriculum development. A description of the intentions of schooling in Hong Kong is provided in Learning to Learn (Curriculum Development Council 2001). These are analyzed in Kennedy (2005) and Kennedy and Lee (2008). The EDB website contains information and ideas about school-based curriculum development: http://www.edb.gov.hk/.

4 Curriculum Organization

In this chapter we identify and analyze the different ways in which a curriculum can be structured and organized. This involves addressing the following questions: When should the content be taught? Should it be organized around traditional academic disciplines, or around key issues or themes, or with reference to broad areas of study? Clearly our answers to these questions will be heavily influenced by our views on the questions we addressed in Chapter 3, namely, what is viewed as most worthwhile and should be learnt in schools? We first examine two concepts relevant for analyzing the organization of the curriculum: scope and sequence. Then we examine the cases for an integrated, core and modular curriculum which are essentially different approaches to organizing the curriculum, and which have become increasingly prevalent in the Hong Kong school curriculum in recent years.

Scope and Sequence Scope refers to both the breadth or range of content covered and the depth of that coverage. The scope therefore describes how much time pupils spend on different subjects or areas of learning and the depth to which they should be studied. Scope is sometimes also referred to as the horizontal organization of a curriculum. The school timetable of a class or an individual pupil provides the classic description of the scope of a curriculum as it specifies what pupils study and for how long during the academic year. Sequence refers to the order in which the content is presented and it is sometimes also referred to as the vertical organization of the curriculum. We can analyze the sequence of teaching the content within a topic and the sequence of the content over a long period of time such as junior secondary schooling or primary schooling. A timetable for one academic year does not tell us much about the sequence of the curriculum as most subjects are studied throughout the year.

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The scope and sequence of the curriculum can be illustrated on a curriculum map and an example for English language in the Senior Secondary (SS) 1 to SS 3 is provided in Figure 4.1. The map presumes that eight terms are available for covering new content in that time span, with the final (ninth) term being reserved for revision and assessments in SS3. The proposed framework for English language (Curriculum Development Council and Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority 2004) recommends that the scope of the curriculum should comprise 70% (223 hours) devoted to the compulsory components and 30% (96 hours) to electives. The sequence shows that Elective 1 is taken in SS 1, Elective 2 in SS 2, and the third elective is taken over two terms in SS 3. Revision and assessments

SS3 Term 3 SS3 Term 2

Compulsory curriculum components

Elective 3

SS3 Term 1 SS2 Term 3 SS2 Term 2 SS2 Term 1

Elective 2

Compulsory curriculum components

SS1 Term 3 SS1 Term 2

Elective 1

SS1 Term 1 Compulsory curriculum components = 70% Elective components = 30%

Figure 4.1 A curriculum map for English language in SS1–SS3 The map provides a clear way of showing how the curriculum is organized horizontally and vertically. It is much easier to plan a curriculum if one has a clear picture of the balance between the content areas.

The Sequencing of Content In this section we look at the criteria we can use to determine the order or sequence of the content. For example, should pupils be expected to learn about the effects of smoking on people’s health before they study the human body? Or should they study the history of Hong Kong before or after they study world history? Often that decision is based on tradition (what was done in the past) and/or intuition. However,

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the work of educational psychologists has provided a number of principles that can be used to determine the sequencing of curriculum content. Simple to Complex: Content is chosen so that it moves from the simplest ideas to more complex ones. So, in mathematics for example, we might study addition, then subtraction, then multiplication because this is seen to involve moving from simple to more complex and difficult calculations. This criterion is broadly consistent with the work of educational psychologists such as Piaget (1963) and it is probably the criterion which is most influential in curriculum organization. Chronology: This involves placing the content in a sequence which reflects when it happened. Events which happened earlier are learnt before those which occurred later. History and literature subjects often use this approach as earlier events/ books can then be interpreted with reference to their effect on later events/books. Prerequisite Learning: This places content in a sequence which is necessary to build up to an understanding of theories or principles. So to understand the law of demand in economics you first need to understand the concept of price. This criterion is consistent with the work of Gagne (1977) and is commonly used in subjects which include a large number of laws (e.g., science). Whole to Part: This involves providing the pupils with an understanding of the whole before looking in detail at the constituent parts. For example, a teacher of Chinese literature might discuss with pupils the overall structure of a novel before analyzing the text in detail. A geography teacher might examine the main features of a continent before analyzing in detail its weather, vegetation, population, and so on. This approach is consistent with the work of the psychologist, Ausubel (1963). Concrete to Abstract: This is based on the idea that pupils will learn more effectively if the content proceeds from focusing on what pupils already know and what is close to them (i.e., the concrete) to more abstract relationships. In mathematics, pupils are often introduced to the measurement of objects in the classroom before moving on to more abstract aspects of the concept, such as integral calculus. This approach is consistent with the work of Piaget (1963). Spiral Sequencing: This is based on the work of Bruner (1965), who argued that one should identify the key ideas and concepts of a discipline and then pupils should be exposed to those basic ideas repeatedly. The content is therefore sequenced to ensure that pupils are first introduced to those key ideas and then return to study them at various stages in more complex contexts. Bruner (1977, 28) provides an example from biology: … one of the principal organizing concepts in biology is the persistent question “What function does this thing serve?”… The student who makes progress in biology learns to ask the question more and more subtly, to relate more and more things to do it.

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Another form of spiral sequencing is to conceptualize the curriculum content in terms of concentric circles, with topics close to the pupils’ experience at the centre, and then expanding these topics to more remote aspects of their experience. For example, in social studies (Secondary 1–3), pupils could first study the nature of family relationships, and then proceed at later stages to study relationships among larger social groups such as the local community, the nation in which they live, and the international community. While each of these views on how learning should be sequenced emphasizes a different criterion, they are not all mutually elusive. For example, moving from the concrete to the abstract and from the simple to the complex often produces very similar results. It is also clear that some of the criteria are more applicable to some subjects and topics than to others. There is no single approach to sequencing which has universal applicability across all components of the curriculum.

Academic Subjects We noted in Chapter 3 that academic rationalism is a strong influence on the curriculum and that this emphasizes the importance of the traditional academic disciplines as the basis for organizing the curriculum. Most secondary school curricula are organized around subjects that are based on long-established academic disciplines such as mathematics and science. The works of the educational philosophers Phenix (1964) and Hirst (1974) have provided the best-known rationales for the organization of the school curriculum around traditional academic subjects. Phenix argues that human experience can be organized into six patterns of meaning. These are: Symbolics (e.g., languages and mathematics); Empirics (e.g., science and social sciences); Aesthetics (e.g., art and music); Synnoetics (e.g., literature); Ethics (e.g., morals); and Synoptics (e.g., history, religion and philosophy). Hirst (1974) proposes that human knowledge can be classified in to eight forms of knowledge: • mathematical knowledge • religious knowledge • philosophical knowledge • aesthetic knowledge • moral knowledge • human sciences and history • physical sciences Hirst argues that each of these forms of knowledge has different concepts, structures and criteria to understand the world.

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These frameworks, especially that of Hirst, have considerable overlap with school subjects and university disciplines, and would seem to provide a strong basis for the organization of the school curriculum around the academic disciplines. We can refer to these forms of knowledge to provide a logical basis for explaining the content of the school curriculum, but we should be aware of some of the major problems of this framework. A number of critics, such as Young (2008) and Stengel (1997), have argued that school subjects are not stable or sacrosanct bodies of knowledge, but are merely the way society decides, at a certain period in history, to define and classify educational knowledge. Therefore, these subjects might only reflect the way societies have organized schooling in the past and lack contemporary relevance. Other criticisms argue that the framework focuses on declarative learning, such as scientific knowledge, and ignores skills and attitudes. As a result, it overlooks subjects that are less academic but obviously useful, like physical education and design and technology. Also, Hirst argues that each of these forms of knowledge is able to develop propositions by which the truth can be verified. However, aesthetics is also included as a form of knowledge, but those subjects which are most concerned with aesthetic awareness, namely, music and art, do not develop testable propositions which can be verified. Finally, although many philosophers have tried to identify the nature of disciplines and forms of knowledge, there is no universally accepted framework, and some commentators do not accept that there are significant differences between our ways of understanding the world.

Integration There have also been a number of criticisms of the reliance on the academic disciplines as the basis for organizing the school curriculum. The major criticisms have been clearly summarized by Pring (1976) and they include: • Not enough account is taken of the interests of pupils, which means that they often lack motivation. • The links between the content and skills promoted by different subjects are not made as the subjects are taught independently of each other. • Little account is taken of pupils’ previous experience, prior knowledge, local community affairs and current issues. • Insufficient emphasis is given to addressing personal and social education, for example, careers advice, sex, drugs, moral and civic education. Increasingly, schools are expected to influence pupils’ behaviour and ensure that they do not get involved in drugs or bullying.

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These criticisms, especially that relating to the lack of cross-curricular relationships in what pupils study in a curriculum organized around academic subjects, have resulted in a number of attempts to establish greater links between the parts of the curriculum. This is referred to as curriculum integration and it essentially involves a different approach to the horizontal organization of the curriculum. Integration can take many forms, and four of these are described in more detail below. Integration by Correlation: This involves relating two or more fields of study so that what is learnt in one reinforces what is studied in another. It is also called parallel curriculum design. For example, the curriculum can be arranged so that linked concepts in science and mathematics such as the concept of measurement are studied at the same time. The Chinese history and Chinese literature curriculum might be arranged so that pupils studying Tang dynasty history also study at the same time the literature of that period. Essentially, this type of integration involves arranging the existing academic subjects so that they reinforce each other. Integration by Broad Fields: This involves combining together different disciplines to create a “subject” which contains their key elements. It is also referred to as multidisciplinary curriculum design. One of the best examples of this is social studies (Secondary 1–3), which was introduced into Hong Kong in 1975 as a combination of history, geography, and economic and public affairs. Similarly, integrated science (Secondary 1–3) was produced by combining together elements of physics, chemistry and biology. This idea has been carried out in the conception of KLAs in 2000, with the Technology Education KLA encompassing a broad range of individual subjects. Interdisciplinary Integration: This involves taking aspects of two or more disciplines and combining them into a single field of study. For example, population education involves aspects of geography and biology. In the USA many pupils study a subject called American studies which involves elements of social studies and languages. In Hong Kong, economic and public affairs and general studies were created by integrating aspects of different disciplines. Transdisciplinary Integration: This is the most radical approach to integration as it does not attempt to combine academic disciplines or aspects of them. The curriculum is designed so that it focuses on broad learning experiences or on important social problem or issues. The classic case for this type of integration was provided by Stenhouse (1968, 27), who argued: If we wish students to be able adequately to meet important human issues, these issues must themselves be the stuff of the curriculum. We must deal in areas where complex and informed decisions ought to be made by almost everyone.

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For example, a curriculum designed to encourage pupils to solve real problems and to work co-operatively together could involve identifying a worthwhile project (e.g., building a playground) and then carrying it out. Pupils would be taught relevant skills (designing, planning, woodwork) when they were needed to undertake the task. Alternatively, a curriculum might be designed to focus on a key concept or on a social problem, such as drug addiction, violence, or racism. The content of the curriculum would then be selected on the basis that it helped pupils to analyze from the perspective of a historian, a geographer, a biologist and a psychologist. The Personal, Social and Humanities Education (PSHE) KLA is promoted as a potential area of the Hong Kong school curriculum for Secondary 1–3 pupils to undertake this form of inquiry-based project learning. An example of how a curriculum can be planned so that the disciplines are used to focus on a key concept or social problem is shown on pp. 75–77. The curriculum of Hong Kong schools is primarily organized around subjects that are derived from the established academic disciplines, even when they are grouped into KLAs. Chinese language education, English language education and mathematics education are single-subject KLAs. But some KLAs, such as science education, arts education, technology education and PSHE, are based on a broad group of disciplines, and others such as physical education are based on an area of skills development and application. This reflects the existence of very different criteria for determining the organization of a curriculum. Despite the extensive criticisms of discipline-based curricula and the worthwhile goals of integration, the attempts to promote integrated curricula have encountered a number of difficulties. As Harris and Marsh (2007, 12) state, “the long-term impact of various integrated, interdisciplinary, multidisciplinary and trans-disciplinary approaches does not look all that promising”. The problems are well illustrated by the case of two integrated curricula in Hong Kong, namely social studies and liberal studies, which were first introduced in 1975 and 1992 respectively. Neither of these was very popular. Social studies was studied by about 25% of junior secondary pupils and liberal studies was studied by less than 10% of sixth form pupils. There are a number of reasons for this but the major factors include the following: • They were not seen to be subjects that are clearly linked to the next stage of schooling. If pupils were to study history, geography and economics at certificate level, then social studies was not seen to provide an appropriate preparation. Similarly, as the tertiary institutes did not require that pupils study liberal studies, most schools did not offer it. Under the New Senior Secondary Curriculum introduced in 2009, liberal studies is a compulsory subject at the sixth form level and this is largely possible because all the universities have agreed to make it an entrance requirement.

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Integrated curricula are sometimes not closely associated with the academic disciplines and they are often associated with less able pupils. Consequently, they are perceived to have a low status by parents, teachers and pupils. The status of a subject seems to be linked to the extent to which (a) its concepts can be easily linked to those of other subjects and therefore incorporated in an integrated course, and (b) the content is detached from the concerns of everyday life. Bernstein (1971) argues that high-status school subjects such as science are not easily integrated into everyday life and are detached from the concerns of the world outside the classroom. The provision of integrated curricula is administratively very difficult to implement as it requires inputs from a range of teachers who are often trained in only one subject. Teachers have been educated in academic disciplines and are trained to teach them. They often see themselves as specialists in their subject and are not comfortable teaching topics outside their area of expertise. This is less applicable to primary than to secondary school teachers. Some of the topics in integrated curricula are seen to be controversial, sensitive and have no simple or definite answers. For example, topics such as politics and the Tiananmen Square Incident of June 4, 1989, the Cultural Revolution, human sexuality, and drugs are ones which some teachers might feel embarrassed or less confident about teaching. Sometimes, integrated curricula have been poorly designed. For example, the first social studies curriculum was a collection of topics from world history, geography, and economic and public affairs. Originally, when the subject was created in the 1970s, it was intended that it should also include Chinese history (Kan 2007). However, the Chinese history community strongly objected to this and portrayed it as an attempt by the colonial government to reduce pupils’ exposure to Chinese culture. As a result, Chinese history was not included in social studies. There was only a limited attempt to integrate the subjects included and the scope of the content was excessive. Similar criticisms were made about general studies in primary schools. Integrated curricula have often been developed in ways which were centralized and bureaucratic. Consequently, there was little involvement of teachers and the curriculum was not seen to address a real need, nor was it very practical. Further, the process of evaluation was mainly used to legitimate the innovation not to improve it.

Furthermore, in a study in the USA, Wineburg and Grossman (2000) found little evidence that shows that pupils learn better when following a high-quality interdisciplinary curriculum than a high-quality subject-based curriculum. They

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also found that interdisciplinary teaching often failed to encourage pupils to use knowledge from more than one discipline — instead, the result was multidisciplinary learning without real integration or sense of purpose. These problems do not suggest that we should abandon attempts to integrate some parts of the curriculum. They do, however, suggest that for such an exercise to be successful a number of complex factors will need to be taken into account and change will be a slow and gradual process. The successful development of integrated curricula will require that it is a response to a real need or problem, involves both teachers and curriculum planners, and is able to translate intentions into concrete factors which influence whether curriculum innovations are implemented successfully. A successful example of integration in a local primary school is described in more detail in a later section. Two broad findings are evident from many decades of research on curriculum integration. These are, first, that pupils who study integrated curricula learn to read, write and calculate as well as students who have studied more conventional curricula. Second, in general, curricula achieve what they are designed to achieve. Thus students who follow an integrated course which, for example, focuses on environmental issues are more competent at discussing and analyzing broad social problems and policies than students who follow separate courses in physics, chemistry and biology. But students who study traditional science subjects have a better understanding of the concepts of those disciplines. It follows that the central issue is not whether we should integrate or not but to decide what our goals are and determine the balance we want to achieve within a curriculum so that pupils are exposed to both the disciplines and their integration.

Analyzing the Organization of the Curriculum Bernstein (1971, 1975, 1990) provides a powerful way of analyzing the relationship between the contents of the school curriculum. He uses the term classification to describe the strength of the boundary between curriculum content. Where the content of school subjects is strongly separated from each other he describes this as a “strong” classification of curricular knowledge. Where the boundaries are weak or blurred there is a “weak” classification of curricular knowledge. Bernstein also distinguishes between the characteristics of the pedagogy used in classrooms. He uses the term frame to identify the degree of control of teachers and pupils over the curriculum. A strong pedagogic frame is associated with a low level of control over key curriculum decisions by teachers and pupils. A weak pedagogic frame has the opposite characteristics. By putting together these two concepts of classification and framing, Bernstein distinguishes between integrated

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and collection codes of curricular organization. These describe different forms of curriculum organization and are illustrated in Figure 4.2. Strong classification of curricular knowledge Collection type curriculum code Strong pedagogic frame

Weak pedagogic frame Integrated type curriculum code Weak classification of curricular knowledge

Figure 4.2 Different forms of curriculum organization A combination of a strong degree of classification and framing is described as a collection code or type of curriculum. Weak framing and classification are described as an integrated code or type of curriculum. Table 4.1 from Pollard, Broadfoot, McCroll, Osborn and Abbott (1994) shows the main differences between these two types of curriculum. Table 4.1

Education codes Collection code

Rigid Differentiated Hierarchical Depth in education Content closure States of knowing Didactic presentation Rigid organization of teaching groups Summative evaluation

Integration code Flexible Undifferentiated Non-hierarchical Breadth in education Content openness Ways of knowing Self-regulatory pedagogy Flexible organization of teaching groups Formative evaluation (adapted from Pollard et al. 1994)

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The value of Bernstein’s distinctions is that they highlight the interrelationship between different components of the curriculum, and they focus on the key question of who has the power to make curriculum decisions. The Hong Kong school curriculum has a relatively strong subject-based structure and, other than the instances of integration that we describe in this chapter, there are few linkages between the content of different subjects. Thus, there is a strong classification of curricular knowledge, especially at the secondary level. There are a number of possible reasons for this. First, the Hong Kong school curriculum was historically based on the one operating in the UK, which tended to be organized around distinct subjects. Added to this is the examination culture in Hong Kong that maintains the use of standardized assessment that is associated with subject-based study. A third, related, reason is the preference of local universities for a clear identification by school-leavers of a subject area that they wish to pursue at tertiary level.

Curriculum Integration in a Primary School: A Case Study The move towards curriculum integration was furthered in Hong Kong by Education Commission Report No. 4 (1990), which stated that the school curriculum was fragmented and compartmentalized. In addition, the content of school subjects and the range of subjects were increasing and this was placing an undue burden on pupils. It was believed that the integration of subject could alleviate the situation and bring greater relevance to learning. The CDI assigned a small unit to study and facilitate the further integration of subjects. An early experiment in integrated curriculum was conducted at the Baptist Lui Ming Choi Primary School (p.m.), under the close monitoring of a leading group of two people, one from the CDI and one from the school. A design team of 13 teachers and an evaluating team of 17 teachers tried to integrate their P4 curriculum. They first used a parallel-discipline design and then an interdisciplinary inquiry approach. It developed into a holistic approach to curriculum integration which involved substantial teacher, pupil and parent participation and an ongoing process of formative evaluation. Parallel-discipline Design: The key assumption was that learning is meaningful if things to be learnt are related to each other and to what the learner already knows. Bearing this in mind, the team started by identifying themes of related ideas across various subject curricula using a curriculum map, which essentially plotted out what was being taught each month in each of all the subjects. These related ideas were then aligned for simultaneous teaching. Consequently, a theme was found for nearly every month. Examples of the themes are: natural beauty, water and a happy life.

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Interdisciplinary Inquiry Unit: A main aim of curriculum integration is that pupils learn how to learn. This necessitates the pupils learning how to inquire and investigate. Accordingly, the teacher team upgraded one of the themes consisting of all eleven subjects to an interdisciplinary inquiry unit using two open-ended focus questions, namely: “What is a happy life?” and “What can we do so that we can have a happy life?” All subjects attempted to investigate or to complement one another in investigating these two questions. Both teachers and pupils designed many creative teaching/learning activities which focused on these themes. Figure 4.3 shows how different subjects contributed to the teaching of the unit.

Figure 4.3 A planning wheel showing the contribution from various subjects (Primary 4) to the theme “A Happy Life”

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Throughout this exercise, careful attention was paid to the dynamics of the change. Close informal contacts and formative evaluation revealed two things. First, teachers needed clarification of the theory underlying the integration of curricula, especially that pertaining to thinking skills and attitudes. Consequently two more workshops were organized, in addition to the one originally planned. Second, immediate and constructive feedback after class visits was seen to produce significantly better results in subsequent lessons. In order to find out the after-school impact of the innovation on pupils and to encourage home-school liaison, a reception for parents was organized. Some worries were expressed especially with regard to the quantity of formal written homework and impact on examination results. However, overall there was a very positive response. Examples of the comments received were: • “My child asked more questions than before.” • “In the past, when I pointed out his mistakes in his homework, my child cried. But recently, he corrected his mistakes with a smile.” • “In her telephone conversation with her classmates when discussing their class picnic, my child talked in English!” • “My child voluntarily revised for an hour!” The notion of tasks (particularly in English language) which were promoted in the Target Oriented Curriculum (TOC) and the introduction of KLAs in Learning to Learn were extensions of the idea of curriculum integration. Tasks were viewed as holistic and realistic activities that drew upon cross-curricular knowledge, skills, attitudes and frameworks of thinking. The KLA are designed to allow scope for an integrated curriculum to emerge from the associated subjects, and for “unnecessary” curriculum content to be trimmed, thus reducing the burden on pupils.

The Core Curriculum The core curriculum has long been an important topic of debate in Hong Kong, as new subjects have been added to the senior secondary school curriculum at different times, including computer studies, travel and tourism, human biology, government and public affairs, social studies, PE, textiles, engineering science, liberal studies, civics, fashion and clothing, accommodation and catering services, integrated humanities, and science and technology. As the number of subjects has grown, schools have had to face the problem of scarcity as a limited amount of time is available on the timetable. There is an opportunity cost of including any subject on the timetable as they cannot use that time or the resources for teaching some other subjects.

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This pressure on the curriculum has resulted in ongoing attempts to answer the fundamental question: What are the most important knowledge and skills that all students should learn? Those areas which have been identified as necessary for all pupils are usually referred to as the common core curriculum while that part of the curriculum which varies for different groups of pupils is called the peripheral or optional curriculum. Views on the nature of the core curriculum are closely linked to the different conceptions of schooling which we analyzed in Chapter 3. A core curriculum could be based on the academic disciplines, the skills needed for employment, the interests of the child, promoting aspects of a culture or an orthodoxy, or on the analysis of social problems. The subjects that are usually included in the core curricula of most societies are: languages, mathematics, history and sciences. For example, the core of the school curriculum in the United Kingdom involves the study of three traditional subjects: English language and literature, mathematics and science. Another approach to the core curriculum is to include theme-based studies that draw on various traditional disciplines: many Australian states includes studies of society and environment, in which pupils investigate social problems and issues (such as democracy, social justice and ecological sustainability) from historical, geographical, economic, political, sociological, anthropological, legal, psychological and ethical perspectives. This latter approach underpins, to some extent, the inclusion in Hong Kong of liberal studies in the NSSC from 2009. The core curriculum in Hong Kong is frequently referred to in policy documents but it is a concept which is not clearly defined. For example, an earlier Guide to the Secondary School Curriculum stated: In the development of the junior secondary curriculum, one milestone was the introduction of the concept of a common-core curriculum. The 1974 White Paper “Secondary Education in Hong Kong over the Next Decade” recommended inter alia, that all children should follow a common course of general education throughout the nineyear free and compulsory education. (Curriculum Development Council 1993b, 3)

and: The common-core subjects are: Chinese Language, English Language, Mathematics, Science, Social Studies, Chinese History, Art And Design, Home Economics/Design And Technology, Physical Education, Music, and Ethical/Religious Education. (Curriculum Development Council 1993b, 19)

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But then it is explained that many schools do not teach all of the core subjects: Most schools offer Science but about one-third of them start splitting the subject into the three disciplines of Physics, Chemistry and Biology at Secondary 3. About half of the schools offer Social Studies as an integrated subject while the rest offer History, Geography and Economic And Public Affairs as alternatives. (Curriculum Development Council 1993b, 19)

The document also candidly stated that the common core effectively incorporates all of the subjects that pupils study. Schools generally feel that the common-core curriculum is overcrowded. Since the suggested time allocation for the constituent subjects amounts to 42 periods a week, it leaves virtually no room for any new subject which may have been developed to meet the changing needs of society. As a result of the overcrowding of the curriculum, some schools do not place due emphasis on the cross-curricular studies such as Civic, Moral and Sex Education. (Curriculum Development Council 1993b, 20)

We noted earlier that reducing overcrowding in the curriculum is a recent trend in Hong Kong. In Learning to Learn, this is achieved through the clustering of subjects under KLAs. However, we also noted that Chinese language, English language and mathematics form their own separate KLAs, indicating their high (or core) status in the curriculum. These subjects are the embodiment of literacy and numeracy, and are viewed as crucial to Hong Kong’s continued success as a world-class economic centre. The place of these three subjects is unassailable. One impact is that a substantial amount of the school timetable is given over to these subjects and, with Putonghua assuming increasing importance alongside Cantonese and English, a result is a timetable that has a strong orientation towards languages, despite the best efforts of the CDC to achieve a balanced curriculum. In fact, the CDC suggest that 54%–66% of the primary school timetable and 46%–57% of the junior secondary school timetable should be given to the Chinese language, English language and mathematics, with 42%–51% and 34%–42% respectively being allocated to the language subjects. Morris (1997) found in a survey of secondary schools that the proportion of time in schools devoted to languages, sciences and mathematics had significantly increased whilst the time pupils were expected to study other subjects, especially music, art and PE, had declined. The NSSC prescribes four core subjects: Chinese language, English language, mathematics and liberal studies, with the latter intended to bring cross-curricular perspectives across three areas of study: Self and Personal Development, Society and Culture, and Science, Technology and the Environment. This squeezing of the

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broadening component into a single subject provides a clear statement that languages and mathematics are the most highly valued subjects in the school curriculum.

The Modular Curriculum One definition of a module is that it is a self-contained and independent unit of learning which focuses on a few well-defined objectives. Modules originated along with programmed instruction from the behavioural outcomes approach to curriculum planning which we examined in Chapter 3. This approach stressed the need for the identification of clear behavioural outcomes and teaching which progressed in small steps, and encouraged active involvement by pupils, immediate feedback, reinforcement and self-pacing. A course of study was broken up into modules which were designed as mini-courses focusing on a small number of outcomes. The term module is now used more loosely to refer to a variety of courses, units or materials. These are often designed to be self-contained but many are not based on achieving behavioural outcomes. Unlike a curriculum organized around subjects that are taught for the whole academic year, a modular curriculum allows pupils to study a module intensively for a short period of time, usually no more than one term. The module should be assessed and pupils given feedback soon after it is completed—not at the end of the academic year. So, while the map of a conventional curriculum resembles a number of thick parallel lines, a map of a modular curriculum is like a set of building blocks. An example is provided in Figure 4.4. This assumes that the junior secondary school curriculum is made up of a total of 27 modules each of one term’s duration (three modules per term over three years). That time could be divided up equally so that three different components of PSHE are each given nine modules.

Semester 1

Semester 2

Semester 3

S3 Chinese Geo- History Chinese Geo- History Chinese Geo- History history graphy 7 history graphy 8 history graphy 9 7 7 8 8 9 9 S2 Chinese Geo- History Chinese Geo- History Chinese Geo- History history graphy 4 history graphy 5 history graphy 6 4 4 5 5 6 6 S1 Chinese Geo- History Chinese Geo- History Chinese Geo- History history graphy 1 history graphy 2 history graphy 3 1 1 2 2 3 3

Figure 4.4 Modules with similar time allocations

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It would also be possible for the modules to be provided so that some subjects are studied intensively and completed in one term and others studied over three years. This is shown in the curriculum map in Figure 4.5. Semester 1

S3

Modules on Chinese history

S2 S1

Semester 2

Semester 3

Module on Module on US Module on Module on Module on African geography and post- industrial globalization geography history colonialism modernization Modules on European history and geography

Modules on Chinese history and geography

Modules on history

Figure 4.5 Modules with different time allocations The advantages and disadvantages which have been associated with the modular organizations of the curriculum are summarized below.

Advantages • • • • • • •

The short intensive course, with immediate assessment and feedback of results, increases motivation and decreases truancy. Thematic or project based modules can cross subject boundaries, allow greater variety and innovation, and can bring the curriculum closer to life outside school. The flexibility of modular organization gives pupils experience in organizing their own learning and thus advances their personal development. The choice of a module is not long-term commitment. Errors of choice can be more easily rectified, and changes in long-term goals can be more easily achieved than the conventional subject option system. Non-academic modules such as community service, personal and moral education can be fitted more readily into a modular organization. Assessment is usually cumulative, providing a profile of attainment, in contrast to the terminal, once-and-for-all assessment. Curriculum development is facilitated because a new module is more easily designed, and a place for its introduction into the whole school curriculum more easily found, than for a completely new subject.

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Disadvantages • • • • • • • •

A modular organization is likely to result in fragmentation of the curriculum into many different little pieces, compared with the more uniform curriculum consisting of a small number of subjects. It is difficult to ensure coherence in each pupil’s modular programme, and equally difficult to follow a pupil’s progress through it. Few modules can be entirely self-contained, free-standing packages; most of them require necessary antecedent and complementary modules. A modular programme is sometimes accorded a low status because it is associated with schemes designed for less able pupils. Short modular courses may motivate some pupils, particularly the least able, but many pupils have longer-term goals and are prepared to accept delay in achieving them. The organization and management of a modular system is more complex than the organization and management of the more uniform traditional form of the curriculum. It is difficult to get employers and tertiary institutions to recognize any curriculum not organized around subjects based on the academic disciplines. The demands on teaching staff, particularly with regard to counselling, assessment and record keeping, are much greater in a modular system. (Adapted from Postlethwait 1991 and Matthews 1989)

The modular curriculum is, as with other methods of organizing a curriculum, not a panacea which will by itself improve the quality of schooling. It is also important to recognize that the types of curriculum organization we have analyzed (integrated, core and modular curricula) are not mutually exclusive. They focus on slightly different aspects of the organization of the curriculum. Integration is concerned with how bodies of knowledge can be combined; the core curriculum is concerned with identifying what is a necessary part of every pupil’s curriculum; and modularization is concerned with creating manageable units of learning. The implications of this are that each of these forms of organization can be employed in parallel so that, for example, a core curriculum is organized around modules which involve the integration of two or more KLAs. The structure of the CDC, however, involves committees that are based on individual KLAs, which makes it difficult to achieve greater integration, as does the strength of Chinese language, English language and mathematics as single-subject KLAs.

? Questions

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1. Using Figure 4.1 (p. 66) as an example, construct a map to illustrate the horizontal and vertical organization of a curriculum for either (a) Primary 1–6 pupils, or (b) Secondary 1–3 pupils in a school of your choice. What do you think are the weaknesses of the curriculum shown in your map? 2. Review curriculum documents from other parts of the world (see Further Reading below for some sources). Compare the curriculum organization set out in those documents with the organization of the curriculum in Hong Kong. What similarities and differences can you find? 3. Identify an issue, problem or theme which could be used to develop a module as part of an integrated curriculum. Use Figure 4.3 (p. 76) to illustrate which subjects/disciplines could contribute to understanding the topics and how they could contribute. 4. Using the concepts of classification and framing, compare the characteristics of two subjects in your school, e.g., mathematics and Chinese language.

Further Reading Marsh (2009) provides a clear summary of questions relating to the organization of curricula. Warwick (1987) and Moon (1988) provide a comprehensive analysis of the modular curriculum. The case for integration is provided by Stenhouse (1975) and Pring (1976). Stimpson and Tao (1994) provide detailed practical advice to teachers in Hong Kong who are considering developing an issues-based approach to teaching and learning. Kennedy (2005) reviews recent initiatives in Hong Kong to integrate components of the curriculum. Kennedy and Lee (2008) describe a school-based initiative in Hong Kong to develop an integrated curriculum to enhance classroom interaction and higher-order thinking skills. Curriculum documents from other education systems can be found on the internet. Here are a few examples:

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Queensland (Australia): http://education.qld.gov.au/curriculum/ England: http://curriculum.qca.org.uk/ Republic of South Africa: http://www.thutong.org.za/ New York State, USA: http://www.emsc.nysed.gov/ciai/cores.htm Ontario (Canada): http://www.edu.gov.on.ca/eng/document/curricul/curricul.html

5 Teachers, Teaching and the Curriculum

Teachers in Hong Kong, as in many other places, make the most important contributions to the successful or unsuccessful implementation of a curriculum. They play the major role in creating the conditions for learning, delivering the content, and transmitting the values held by society, policymakers, the school and themselves. As Bruner (1977, xv) argues, “A curriculum is more for teachers than it is for pupils. If it cannot change, move, perturb, inform teachers, it will have no effect on those whom they teach.” This crucial role is recognized by policymakers, who often allocate resources to support teacher preparation for reforms and who often blame the teachers when the objectives of a reform fail to materialize. We saw in Chapter 2 how curriculum change is often brought about by external influences, such as political, economic or social forces. This places the government in the position of needing to respond by making an appropriate policy, and then needing to get the teachers to implement the curriculum reforms. Teachers are thus faced with changes that are imposed upon them for reasons that they might believe are not in the best interests of their pupils’ education and, indeed, themselves. For instance, the rapid rise in immigrants from China fleeing the political uncertainty of the civil war, the Great Leap Forward and the Cultural Revolution led to a large expansion of primary and secondary schooling, and, since the 1980s, of the tertiary sector. All these changes were funded by the increasing prosperity that Hong Kong enjoyed, thanks to its economic development. The expansion of schooling that arose from these political, economic and social forces also had a long-term effect on the curriculum, especially of secondary schools. The curriculum was originally designed to prepare a selected group of academically able pupils to compete for entrance to university. As a result, the curriculum reflected an academic rationalist conception. Now that secondary schooling is open to all pupils, the curriculum has to incorporate significant changes to cater for the diverse ranges of ability and future careers of pupils, many of whom will not go to university, and

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teachers have been forced to change their classroom practices to cope with this move from elite to mass education. They found that it was increasingly difficult to rely on those teaching methods that once served them well with academically able and motivated pupils who could study quite effectively in English. More time has to be spent on dealing with classroom management problems, trying to motivate pupils and preparing activities and worksheets for pupils who found it difficult to concentrate for long periods, especially if they did not understand English. At the same time, the range of intentions that teachers are expected to achieve has grown. As schooling has expanded, so our conceptions of curriculum have also changed to include a desire to promote pupils’ whole-person development, as well as (and, to some extent, in conflict with) the needs of the economy and society, and a sense of national identity. Curriculum reform also creates dilemmas for the EDB as we saw in Chapter 2. Often, as part of the political process of winning support from the public and legislators for a policy and weakening the resistance to change from teachers and sponsoring bodies, they are very critical of current educational practices. The result is often that they alienate teachers, whose assistance is vital to the success of the reforms that EDB wishes to implement. The government recognizes the important role played by teachers and so it uses a mixture of coercive measures and incentives to encourage them to support reforms. For instance, since the 1990s, teachers have been expected to possess a degree and (in the case of language teachers) to reach language proficiency benchmarks; at the same time, they have been allocated grants for professional development, been provided with funding to support projects through the Quality Education Fund, been recognized through teaching award schemes, and had a reduction in teaching loads through the employment of extra staff. Other concessions were granted by the government after signals of discontent from teachers. In this chapter, we look at the context of teaching in Hong Kong, starting with the social status of teachers. We then examine the nature of pedagogy and how it can be analyzed, with reference to innovations in Hong Kong.

Teachers and Society White (1980) identifies three variables that determine the status of a group in society: power, social prestige and material welfare. The role as gatekeepers of reform is a source of power for teachers, as we discussed earlier. Another source comes from the teachers’ role as a political force. For instance, shortly after the Second World War, the Hong Kong Teachers’ Welfare Association was founded. The government became suspicious of the association’s links to trades union groups

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and the Chinese Communist Party (Sweeting 1993). Teachers working in schools that were sponsored by organizations sympathetic to China participated in the Star Ferry Riots of 1967, while in 1978, some teachers from Precious Blood Secondary School took part in street marches criticizing the management of education by the government, who then closed down the school (Cheng 1992). Teachers have also been willing to take their grievances to the streets over educational reforms, sometimes forcing the government to make adjustments, as happened with the Language Proficiency Assessment for Teachers initiative (see Chapter 8). The Hong Kong Professional Teachers’ Union (HKPTU) has a long history as a pressure group in education and socio-political matters. (The other current trades union, the Hong Kong Federation of Education Workers, has a lower public profile.) For many years, successive presidents of the HKPTU, Szeto Wah and Cheung Man Kwong, have served in the Legislative Council as representatives of the teaching profession and, as members of the Democratic Party, were effectively part of the elected opposition to the government. It is interesting to note that the concern of the government in the colonial era was the support of the teachers’ association for the Chinese Communist Party, while nowadays the leadership of the HKPTU is supporting democracy in Hong Kong and the Mainland. Morris (2008) has argued that the government’s attitude to teachers in Hong Kong has been ambivalent. On the one hand, they want individual teachers to behave professionally, provide their pupils with a high-quality education and be held accountable for their actions. On the other hand, they do not want to see the emergence of a strong, independent and unified teaching profession that might challenge the government. Consequently, the government has opposed various attempts over the years to establish a self-regulating teaching profession, to require that new teachers be professionally trained, and to provide the HKIEd with university title. It has, at the same time, promoted individual teachers’ accountability by providing the public with more information about pupil and school performance. Teacher registration remains under government control, which means that teachers are subject to quality assurance mechanisms such as proficiency tests in information technology and language, while — unlike other professions — they do not yet have their own selfregulatory body and the requirements to become a teacher are relatively low. As a result, Law (2003) describes teachers in Hong Kong as “semi-professional” as they do not enjoy as much autonomy as other professional groups. Teaching in Hong Kong has also been viewed historically as mainly a female profession, especially in primary schools. In 2007, 78% of primary school teachers and 56% of secondary school teachers were female (Census and Statistics Department 2008). Until the 1960s and 1970s, female teachers received a lower salary than males (Mak 2003). Now, teachers receive equal and competitive salaries, but there are other professions that offer greater prestige and higher salaries. However, periods of economic recession have resulted in the rising popularity of teaching as a safe haven.

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The level of education and training expected of teachers is also relatively low compared to most other professions and to the expectations of teachers in other countries. In 1997, the government announced that all new teachers would be required to be graduates and trained. However, this policy has never been fully implemented. Whilst all new teachers in primary and secondary schools are now graduates, many new teachers still have no professional training when they start teaching. Since the move towards creating an all-graduate teaching force started, tertiary institutions have struggled to attract higher academic achievers as prospective teachers, especially to study for undergraduate degrees in education, because of the attractions of other professions. This is especially a problem for the HKIEd as its title does not make it as attractive to those who would prefer to study at a university. In 2009, the UGC argued that HKIEd should not be given university title primarily because it only trained teachers, which is a mission imposed on it by the government. Teachers’ working conditions are challenging. A teacher typically teaches five or six lessons a day, and also undertakes extracurricular activities, pastoral work and other duties. Some of these other duties are connected to administration rather than teaching matters, and this has been a cause of complaints from teachers, resulting in the employment of some extra administrative staff. Marking pupils’ work — which often involves correcting the work, as well as grading and offering feedback — also takes up a lot of non-teaching time, as many teachers value the objective scores that marks can provide for assessment purposes (Morris et al. 1999). Teachers work in cramped and often uncomfortable conditions: staffrooms tend to be work stations rather than places of relaxation, while classrooms tend to be crowded, which can hinder the implementation of child-centred pedagogical approaches. In some schools, the noisy environment encourages the teacher to use a microphone when teaching, which can create a power barrier between the teacher and the pupils.

Curriculum and Pedagogy Pedagogy is the term often applied to approaches to teaching and learning. It is a very broad term, used to refer to both methodology and the personal beliefs and practices of an individual teacher. A methodology is a generalized approach, usually based on a particular theory of learning and teaching, and includes ideas for the design and delivery of learning experiences based on this theory. A personal pedagogy is individual and context-based, and is usually founded on a teacher’s beliefs and experiences. Pedagogy is often used in the sense of methodology in curriculum documents as part of the intended curriculum, whereas the personal pedagogy of teachers is highly influential on the implemented curriculum.

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The link between the intentions of a curriculum and the pedagogy or pedagogies which should be used in the classroom is actually very tenuous. Curriculum intentions might have some implications for pedagogy, but it is difficult to establish a clear linear relationship. For example, as we saw in Chapter 3, a focus on the discipline of science can result in very different views of what it means to study and teach science, and a given goal might be achieved by a variety of means. Also, a teaching method which works in one context with a certain group of pupils might not work in another context with different pupils. For instance, the techniques used in small class teaching do not always transfer easily to large class settings. So, while we can establish the intentions of education, these do not provide the basis for clearly identifying the most appropriate means to achieve those goals. However, we did (in Table 3.1, see p. 51) infer some tentative links between the different conceptions of schooling and the sorts of pedagogy that have been associated with them. We examine the tentative links between the three main conceptions of schooling and pedagogy below. A child-centred view of schooling focuses on the needs of the individual learner. Pedagogy should revolve around the child’s needs, interests and problems. According to the CDC Basic Education Curriculum Guide (2002, 1): Schools should strive to stretch the potential of every student with due emphasis on improving the quality of learning and teaching. Focus should be geared to the needs of students, clear learning goals/ targets/outcomes, interactive learning and teaching processes, and the provision of useful feedback to students through assessment.

An emphasis on the individual pupil would tend to support a pedagogy which encourages: • an open classroom in which the pupils are allowed to move about, • a role for the teacher as a resource person and facilitator, • the modification of resources, teaching styles and modes of interaction to cater for diversity in pupils’ needs, interests and abilities, • the extensive use of projects and other activities to encourage creativity, critical thinking and communication skills, • opportunities for pupils to discuss negotiate and share. Those who place more stress on the social purposes of education would emphasize the need for classrooms to reflect and respond to society’s needs and pressures. The classroom should be used to prepare pupils to participate in the community and to get on well and work effectively with other people. This might result in the promotion of a pedagogy which stresses: • tasks and classroom activities which involve group work and collaboration among pupils,

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a dialogic approach, involving discussion and debate of social issues, a course in citizenship and moral education, social action and participation in community activities, critical examination of social problems.

We saw in Chapter 3 that academic rationalists associate schooling with the task of introducing pupils to the knowledge and ways of thinking of the academic disciplines. This would support a curriculum which promotes: • classroom activities which involve detailed study of the disciplines, • an understanding of basic information and concepts, • an emphasis on improving standards of literacy and numeracy, • activities which encourage pupils to engage in inquiry and problem solving. Teaching methods have often been distinguished with reference to the extent to which they are progressive or traditional. These labels are value-laden. Progressive has a positive connotation, implying that it is innovative, modern and desirable, while traditional has a negative connotation, implying that such approaches are outdated and old-fashioned. Bennett (1976) has analyzed in detail what characteristics are associated with those terms. These are shown in Table 5.1. Table 5.1

Characteristics of progressive and traditional teachers Progressive

Traditional

1. Integrated subject matter

1. Separate subject matter

2. Teacher as guide to educational experiences

2. Teacher as distributor of knowledge

3. Active pupil role

3. Passive pupil role

4. Pupils’ participation in curriculum planning

4. Pupils have no say in curriculum planning

5. Learning predominantly by discovery techniques

5. Accent on memory, practice and rote

6. External rewards and punishments 6. External rewards used, e.g., grades, i.e. not necessary, i.e. intrinsic motivation extrinsic motivation 7. Not too concerned with conventional academic standards

7. Concerned with academic standards

8. Little testing

8. Regular testing

9. Accent on co-operative group work

9. Accent on competition

10. Teaching not confined to classroom

10. Teaching confined to classroom base

11. Accent on creative expression

11. Little emphasis on creative expression

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Table 5.2 (p. 92) shows the features and the advantages and disadvantages of a range of teaching methods. It clearly illustrates that all methods have both advantages and disadvantages, and there is a range of methods which are difficult to categorize as wholly progressive or traditional. Despite this, there has been a tendency for curriculum planners to promote uncritically forms of child-centred education. In the past, curriculum documents in Hong Kong have strongly advocated pedagogy such as the Activity Approach or task-based learning. This superficial approach to planning involved using positive terms, such as “activity”, “interest” and “involvement”, to describe child-centred teaching, and then contrasting it with a teacher-centred or traditional approach which is associated with more negative terms such as “rote learning”, “transmission”, “reception of facts” and “passive” pupils. This polarity often offended teachers who sometimes saw educational value in using teacher-centred approaches. In some overseas countries such as England, the government has been encouraging teachers to use “whole class teaching” methods in an attempt to improve pupils’ levels of literacy and numeracy. It is also the case that child-centred teaching does not always match the role of schools as bureaucratic institutions responsible for the socialization of pupils, nor the actual conditions that prevail in Hong Kong classrooms. A major theme of reforms since the 1980s has been introducing child-centred approaches to teaching and learning. Curriculum documents suggest that Hong Kong classrooms are characterized by teacher-centred presentations, with pupils playing a passive, receptive role. For instance, the EC (Education Commission 1999, 11) notes: Common criticisms of our present education system are that there are many subjects, the homework is heavy, and the examination pressure is intense. Students prepare for examinations through rote-learning and memorisation, without sufficient freedom to give free rein to their creativity and imagination, and to develop an interest in selflearning.

This document goes on to promote the use of teaching methods which involve pupils as active learners, developing autonomy and critical thinking — attributes that are required by the new economic environment (Kennedy and Lee 2008). There are a number of assumptions underpinning the ideas in the curriculum documents. First, the characterization of teacher-centred presentations implies that all or most lessons were taught in this way. Many commentators have portrayed teaching in Chinese societies as teacher-, textbook- and test-centred (Hayhoe 1984; Parmenter et al. 2000; Potts 2003). The Visiting Panel (1982, 53) provided a very similar description of Hong Kong classrooms:

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Table 5.2 Method

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Some major methods of imparting content Characteristics

Advantages/Disadvantages

Emphasis

Verbal presentations Teacher talks, by teacher to the mini-lectures, demonstrations whole class

Advantages 1. Can provide stimulating introduction to a topic 2. Especially useful in some subjects, e.g., literature Disadvantages 1. Public required to listen passively 2. Assumes all pupils interested in the topic and can concentrate for the length of time required

Teacher-centred Academic rational Behaviour-control Didactic Product-oriented

Practice drills

Repetition of a skill until mastery has been reached

Advantages 1. Emphasis on attaining skills Disadvantages 1. May become boring and counter- productive

Discussion, questioning, recitation

Questions and answers relating to assigned materials, usually pages in a workbook or textbook

Advantages 1. Enables teacher to judge whether pupils have understood the topic Disadvantages 1. Teacher dominates the activity 2. Students tend to regurgitate facts 3. Emphasis on acquiring knowledge

Problem solving, inquiry, discovery, inductive learning

Pupils engaged in collecting data, formulating hypotheses to solve problems and issues

Advantages 1. Active pupil participation 2. Develops pupil initiative and organizing skills Disadvantages 1. May require wide range of resources 2. May be time-consuming to reach certain levels of cognitive understanding

Role playing, games, simulations

Pupils taken on specific roles and act out near real-life situations

Advantages 1. Develops values and attitudes 2. Powerful tool to develop empathy towards people and places Disadvantages 1. Sometimes difficult to operate in a traditional classroom, problems of classroom management 2. Time-consuming

Child-centred Discovery learning Process-oriented Heuristic

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The lessons we observed tended to be teacher-centred, with little use of aids beyond chalk and blackboard. In ‘non-exam’ years, the atmosphere seemed fairly relaxed, but in the examination preparatory forms all was deadly earnest and students were seen taking notes, laboriously completing model answers and learning texts by rote.

Clearly a wider range of aids than a blackboard and chalk are now used in the classroom. The most prevalent of these is probably the use of powerpoint and similar software, and of microphones. The use of microphones by teachers became popular in the mid-1970s, when many schools were surrounded by the noise from the construction of housing, especially in the new towns, and from aircraft using Kai Tak airport. A microphone became necessary to help pupils hear what was said. Subsequently, when one teacher used a microphone, other teachers in nearby classrooms followed, to ensure their own voices were not drowned out. Now the widespread use of microphones has encouraged a form of “karaoke” teaching, in which the teacher takes on the role of performer and the pupils are the audience. This encourages a new form of teacher-centred whole class teaching and discourages pupil involvement. Research indicates that the portrayal of Hong Kong classrooms as teachercentred and focusing on rote learning fails to recognize the subtle ways in which teacher-centred instruction can vary. For example, Mok and Morris (2001) analyzed 122 primary maths classrooms and found they were characterized by a combination of instruction: practice–feedback activities in whole class contexts that involved high levels of teacher-pupil and, in the context of group work, pupil-pupil interaction. Some countries, such as the UK, also promoted the greater use of whole class teaching in the belief that this would improve pupils’ learning. Second, it implies that teacher-centred presentations represent poor pedagogy — many educators would argue that such presentations are legitimate at appropriate times. The high levels of performance of pupils from Hong Kong and other Asian societies in international tests of achievement have been cited as evidence of the effectiveness of the teaching methods used. Third, there is a suggestion that curriculum developers are best placed to decide which approaches to teaching and learning are the most effective; again, teachers, who have their own beliefs and practices, might disagree. We can see that the area of approaches to teaching and learning is hotly contested, with different stakeholders holding different viewpoints. Many teachers see pedagogy as part of their professional identity and believe that they are best placed to make pedagogical decisions that match the needs, interests and abilities of their pupils. However, curriculum developers see pedagogy as an integral part of the education system and believe that pedagogical approaches should be aligned with the outcomes and assessment methods incorporated in that system. This creates a tension between the intended and implemented curriculum.

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More recents curriculum documents from the CDC encourage a plurality of pedagogical approaches, which appear to encourage the teachers to develop their personal pedagogy rather than to faithfully follow a particular methodology. As a CDC document explains: (1) Teachers can use different learning and teaching strategies to achieve the different purposes of learning and to suit the learning styles, abilities, interests and needs of students. There is no fixed rule regarding which strategy is the best. Teachers master learning and teaching strategies differently. They can develop the repertoire which is the most effective for them to enhance the independent learning capabilities of students for whole-person development. (2) Different forms of classroom organization (e.g., variations in grouping, whole-class setting and seating arrangements) facilitate the delivery of diverse learning and teaching strategies such as group learning, whole-class teaching and individual works. However, teachers should understand that the above arrangements do not automatically result in the desired effect without suitable lesson/activity planning, teacher-student interaction, learning and teaching resources and other factors affecting effective learning and teaching. (3) To address the needs of students with different learning styles, teachers are encouraged to make diversified use of learning materials, such as audio, visual, pictorial, graphic representations, and texts, etc. (4) Teachers need to provide opportunities for students to develop their thinking skills through effective questioning. They can also encourage students to express themselves openly and share their work in class and publicly to build up their self-confidence through co-operative learning, for example, peer-tutoring and cooperative learning. (5) Teachers can capitalise on opportunities (e.g., current affairs, school/classroom contexts) to facilitate spontaneity and change in responding to different demands and situations. This widens the exposure of students and helps them to learn in a changing environment. (6) Teachers can help students to extend their learning by providing a range of life-wide learning opportunities outside the classroom, such as on the school premises, at home and in the community, and organise co-curricular activities to complement classroom learning. (Curriculum Development Council 2002, 4–5)

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Three points need to be recognized. First, we cannot usefully analyze teaching methods without reference to the content or nature of learning. For learning to take place, we need pupils to learn some new knowledge, skill or attitude. What we expect pupils to learn exerts a powerful influence on the methods we use. Thus for example, a primary school teacher teaching Chinese characters to a Primary 1 class will select teaching methods different from those of a PE teacher who wants to teach pupils how to swim. Second, the goals of schooling are diverse, as are the range of pupils in a class or a school. Different pedagogies are more effective for achieving some purposes than others, as is illustrated in Table 5.2. Similarly, some are more effective with some pupils than others. No single pedagogy can be viewed as the best for all circumstances and all pupils. Third, the constant use of a single pedagogy, such as role playing or discussion, can lose its effectiveness as pupils become bored and the principle of diminishing return sets in. The use of a variety of teaching methods can serve to motivate pupils and maintain their interest.

Eclectic Approaches We return to the notion of the teacher as the “gatekeeper” that we mentioned at the beginning of the chapter. The teacher often has to balance a number of competing and often contradictory priorities that arise from the pupils’ needs, interests and abilities, the teacher’s own beliefs about teaching and learning, the official curriculum, the examination system, and the school ethos. A study by Zhu (2004) of how novice teachers in Guangdong develop their understanding of teaching and learning revealed the pivotal role played by the teachers’ knowledge of their pupils — the more the teachers understood their pupils, the better able they were to integrate the curriculum requirements, school requirements, their theoretical knowledge and their own beliefs about teaching in a coherent way. (We will return to this idea in Chapter 6.) This usually results in a pragmatic compromise, which is evident in the fact that, as we noted earlier in the chapter, the link between teaching methods promoted in curriculum documents and those used by teachers in the classroom can be very tenuous. Sometimes, there is a large gap between the rhetoric and the reality. This phenomenon is sometimes referred to as “slippage”. The following example is drawn from the Target Oriented Curriculum (TOC), which was introduced in Hong Kong schools in the 1990s and which resulted in disappointment for the policymakers when, generally speaking, the curriculum was not implemented in classrooms as they intended. A study of English language and

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Chinese language classrooms (Tong, Adamson and Che 2000) found that teachers were more influenced by their own beliefs about pedagogy, and by the nature of internal assessments, than by the pedagogy promoted in TOC documents. As a result, task-based learning was implemented superficially, sometimes added as an extra activity at the end of the unit of work rather than being integrated into the main teaching and learning process. Figure 5.1 identifies some of the factors that influence a teacher’s choice of pedagogy.

School principal’s expectations

Pupils’ expectations

Language skills of pupils and/or teacher

Colleagues’ beliefs and practices

Teaching approach

Ability of pupils

Availability of materials

Teacher’s beliefs

Teacher’s skills/training

Figure 5.1 Some of the factors influencing the choice of teaching approach

Some educationalists, such a Kumaravadivelu (2006), have argued against the notion of a “one-size-fits-all” pedagogy and suggest that, instead, teachers should develop a personal pedagogy that comprises a repertoire of methods, and then make principled decisions to select the approaches to teaching and learning that seem the most appropriate in a particular context. Such principled pragmatism would obviously work best when teachers have sufficient freedom to make these choices — a weak frame, using Bernstein’s terminology that we discussed in Chapter 4 — and when teachers have the expertise and self-confidence to make effective choices. Those conditions have become more evident in Hong Kong with the devolution of aspects of curriculum-making and assessment to teachers through various schoolbased initiatives. The devolution can be viewed as an implicit acknowledgement by the government that the emergence of an all-trained all-graduate teaching force has enhanced the expertise and self-confidence of teachers.

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As the social and economic efficiency model — which has strongly influenced policymakers in Hong Kong — encounters problems in predicting the nature and needs of society in the future, the solution has been to target generic skills and integrated learning outcomes, which, in turn, suggest a move towards a weaker frame in which teachers operate. With the weakening of the frame, action research has become a feature of teachers’ work in many schools. Action research, as noted in Chapter 1, is associated with the experimental-innovative research tradition. (Innovation is currently a term that enjoys high status and positive connotations in education because it is viewed as a desirable attribute for coping with change.) Action research involves the investigation of an issue (a problem, a challenge or a new idea) by teachers through a structured process: 1. identification of issue 2. design of project 3. implementation 4. review, evaluation and adjustment of design 5. implementation 6. further review and evaluation A specific form of action research that has been introduced in Hong Kong in recent years is learning study, which focuses on the planning, delivery and review of a research lesson. Learning study in Hong Kong is underpinned by the learning theory of variation (Marton and Booth 1997). This theory views teaching is a continuous process of changing students’ way of seeing. Learning, according to the theory, should be directed to an object of learning, and pupils learn when they see the critical features of the object of learning. Identifying these critical features can be best achieved through variation or contrast, which allows the critical features to be highlighted. As with most action research projects, learning study has a structured cyclical procedure, although this procedure has special characteristics. A typical learning study cycle (Figure 5.2, p. 98) takes three to four months to complete. The participants are usually a group of teachers who teach the same subject and/ or year group, supported by a team of experienced researchers who also contribute to the discussions about the best ways to present a particular object of learning. A research lesson is planned and delivered to a class, with the teachers and researchers observing. After feedback, the research lesson is revised and delivered again, to a parallel class, with the same process. A third version is then prepared and delivered and the pupils’ learning outcomes in respect of the object of learning are assessed through tests and interviews. Whilst learning studies are very intensive and time consuming, a number of schools have reported that they have had a very significant and positive impact on teachers’ teaching and pupils’ learning.

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Identify a tentative object of learning (V2)

Another cycle of the study

Select a topic for study (V2)

Disseminate and report the results (V2)

Confirm the object of learning and its critical aspects

Diagnose students’ learning difficulties (pre-test, interviews) (V1)

Plan the research lesson (V2, V3) Different teaching cycles Evaluate the overall impact of the study (V2)

Evaluate the learning outcomes (post-test, interviews) (V1)

Implement and observe the lesson (V1, V2, V3)

Source: Lo (2009) Notes: V1: Variation in pupils’ ways of seeing the object of learning V2: Variation in teachers’ ways of dealing with the object of learning V3: Using variation as a guiding principle of pedagogical design

Figure 5.2 Steps in a learning study

Teaching and Culture In a multi-level and comprehensive analysis of pedagogy in five cultural settings — France, Russia, India, USA and England — Alexander (2000) was concerned with how pedagogy in primary schools reflects and transmits the values of the society in which the classroom is located. His study argues that teaching is a highly complex, context-dependent activity. It is shaped by the organization of education system and of the school, by the use of time, space and language, by theoretical values and beliefs, and by the culture in which it operates. On the other hand, Brophy’s (1999) argues that, because of globalization and the adaptation of international pedagogical innovations by places like Hong Kong, cultural differences in schooling have become less pronounced. Brophy identifies 12 generic principles of effective teaching, which were based on research in different cultural settings:

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1. The classroom climate supports learning. 2. Pupils are given plenty of opportunities to participate in their learning. 3. The curriculum components (syllabus, assessment, pedagogy, etc.) are aligned. 4. The intended learning outcomes and the relevant strategies are communicated to the pupils at the outset. 5. The content is explained clearly to pupils and developed with emphasis on its structure and connections. 6. The teacher uses questions to engage pupils and to help them to structure their learning. 7. The teacher gives pupils enough chances to practise and apply what they are learning and to receive feedback that helps their learning. 8. The teacher scaffolds the pupils’ learning and helps them to engage in learning tasks productively. 9. The teacher models and teaches general learning and study skills as strategies. 10. The teacher instructs pupils how to engage in co-operative learning, so the pupils can benefit from such activities. 11. The teacher uses a comprehensive range of valid and reliable assessment methods to monitor pupils’ progress towards learning goals 12. The teacher sets appropriate expectations for the pupils’ learning and these expectations guide the teacher and the pupils as they carry out the learning activities. While Alexander argues that the settings in which teaching takes place, the nature of the interaction between teachers and pupils and the types of learning activities are shaped by the cultural environment, Brophy’s analysis suggests that there is a general consensus among educational researchers about good pedagogical practices that transcends cultural boundaries. However, it could also be argued that pedagogical practices can only flourish if they are culturally appropriate — what might be effective in one cultural setting may be less effective in another.

Analyzing Teaching The teaching methods discussed above (including Brophy’s list) contain assumptions about the nature of people and how they learn. Print (1988) provides a way of distinguishing between teaching-learning or pedagogical strategies. He focuses on broad categories which lie on the continuum shown in Table 5.3 (p. 100), which distinguishes between the degree of teacher and pupil involvement and the extent to which they are close to reality. This continuum does not contain any value judgements — it does not suggest that any strategies are inherently better than others.

Teaching-learning strategies

Small groups

Class is divided into groups and set learning tasks. Pupils are encouraged to discuss and solve problems. Teacher acts as coordinator.

Interactive teaching

Teacher transmits information but asks pupils questions and encourages discussion.

Teacher transmits information. Pupils observe and listen.



Exposition

Low reality High teacher participation Low learner involvement

Table 5.3

Pupils complete tasks set to their ability level. Pupils work independently at their own speed. The teacher provides tasks for pupils to complete.

Individualization Pupils are encouraged to address problems and issues. This often involves (a) problem awareness; (b) identification of possible answers; and (c) forming conclusions.

Inquiry

Teacher encourages pupils to learn from situations that are realistic as possible (e.g., simulations, games, role plays). Teacher organizes the activity and helps to establish the key points.

Models of reality

High reality Low teacher participation High learner involvement

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Hargreaves (1995) distinguishes between three types of teachers based on the methods they use in the classroom. They are: “lion tamers” who stress firm discipline and the teacher as an expert; “entertainers” who use lots of resources, activities and group work; and “new normalities” who negotiate styles and provide individualized teaching. Joyce, Weil and Calhoun (2004) argue that teaching methods can be grouped into four “families of models”, which are: information processing, social interaction, personal and behavioural models. Information Processing Models: These models focus on the pupils’ ability to process information and try to develop ways that they can improve that capability. Information processing includes how people handle external inputs, data, problems, solutions, symbols and concepts. Some models focus on how people solve problems, and others on the role of concepts which are derived from the academic disciplines. Examples of approaches promoted by this view of teaching and learning includes those which focus on inductive thinking (Taba 1966), scientific inquiry (Schwab 1965), concept attainment (Bruner 1967), cognitive growth (Piaget 1963), and advanced organizers (Ausubel 1963). Social Interaction Models: These emphasize the links between the individual and other persons or the society in general. They stress that reality is socially negotiated and that individuals should learn to relate to and understand other people. Thus, concepts and situation which require people to recognize others’ viewpoints, such as democracy and group work, are central elements of the recommended teaching approaches. Examples of specific approaches are group investigation (Thelen 1960), social inquiry (Massialas 1966), and role playing (Shaftel 1967). Personal Models: This group of models is concerned with the individual and their development into independent and productive persons. They stress the need to help individuals develop positive self-esteem and a healthy relationship with their environment. Teaching approaches promoted by this view include those which focus on non-directive teaching (Rogers 1971), and awareness training (Perls 1951). Behavioural Models: Models within this group share a common theoretical base, namely behaviourism. This is sometimes also referred to as behaviour modification and behaviour therapy. The emphasis is on changing the visible behaviour of the learner by reinforcement techniques. The concern is not so much with how pupils learn, but with finding the most efficient way to change their behaviour. Examples of specific approaches are: contingency management (Skinner 1953), assertiveness training (Wolpe 1958), and direct training (Gagne 1962). This approach focuses on the means and not the purposes of learning, and it can therefore be used to teach pupils knowledge and concepts, skills, or social attitudes. These four models are linked in a loose way to the conceptions of schooling and curricula which we discussed in Chapter 3. Academic rationalism has often

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been associated with those models of teaching which stress information processing, while social efficiency and child-centred conceptions are more closely associated with social interaction and personal development models. Behaviourism has been associated with all of the conceptions (especially the training of skills and the teaching of an orthodoxy), as it is more concerned with means than ends. As we saw in Chapter 4, Bernstein (1971, 1975) provides a useful distinction between the characteristics of the teaching approaches used in classrooms. He focuses on the extent of control of pupils and teachers over the curriculum and uses the term frame to identify the degree of control. Bernstein (1975, 205–6) explains: Frame refers to the strength of the boundary between what may be transmitted and what may not be transmitted in the pedagogical relationship. Where framing is strong, there is a sharp boundary; where framing is weak, a blurred boundary between what may and may not be transmitted. Frame refers us to the range of options available to teacher and taught in the control of what is transmitted and received in the context of the pedagogical relationship. Strong framing entails reduced options; weak framing entails a range of options. Thus frame refers to the degree of control teacher and pupil possess over the selection, organization, pacing and timing of the knowledge transmitted and received in the pedagogical relationship. [italics in the original]

If teachers and pupils are able to select work and tasks, to decide to organize groups, and decide on the timing or sequencing of the curriculum, then there is a weak pedagogical frame. On the other hand, if there are numerous constraints and their choices are greatly reduced, then there is a strong pedagogic frame. This is the case in Hong Kong schools, especially secondary schools, although recent reform efforts have tried to weaken the frame. Factors such as examination syllabuses, textbooks, pupils’ expectations and internal tests all serve to reduce the choice teachers can make. Other researchers focus less on which teaching method is used and more on the nature of the classroom atmosphere or on the need for teachers to match their teaching style to the pupils’ learning style. Hendry et al. (2005) and Ford and Chen (2001) demonstrate that when teaching styles are matched to pupils’ learning styles, their learning is better than for pupils where these are not matched. However, a teacher often does not have time to determine each pupil’s learning style. This creates a dilemma, as one of the goals of schooling is to help pupils to develop new learning styles. Thus Joyce, Weil and Calhoun (2004) argue that there should be a “discomfort factor” in classrooms so that the teaching style is not perfectly matched to the pupils’ learning style, but is trying to advance it.

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Alexander’s (2000) study mentioned above encompassed three levels: the system, the school and the classroom. At the system level, Alexander examined: • the history; • the socio-political context; • the structure of education; • the control of education; • the values and identity to be transmitted; and • the goals, curriculum and assessment.



• • • • •

At the school level, the study investigated: school buildings and the organization of space; the organization of time within a school; the organization of people within a school; teachers’ concept of a school; and a school’s relationships with families and communities.

• • • • •

In order to analyze the pedagogy that he observed, Alexander focused on: lesson structure and form; classroom organization and the nature of tasks and activities; judgements, routines, rules and rituals; interactions, timing and pacing; and the learning discourse.

Here, we shall focus on the analysis of pedagogy, as it is the main concern of this chapter, but we will bear in mind Alexander’s argument that pedagogy cannot be isolated from other factors. Lesson structure and form: This analysis includes the time allocated for a lesson, and how a lesson is structured. In some systems, the length of a lesson is regular throughout a primary school (as is generally the case in Hong Kong) while, in other systems, the teacher can determine how long is spent on a particular lesson except when the class is using a common space (such as the gymnasium or the music room) where the use has to be timetabled. The flexibility depends, to some extent, on the teacher’s function. In some systems, the primary school teacher is a generalist, responsible for the same class for most of the school day. This teacher has more flexibility in determining the length of a lesson than a specialist teacher who is responsible for teaching a particular subject to different classes in a primary school. The structure of a lesson, according to Alexander’s findings, is often divided into three stages — an introduction, development (sometimes subdivided into two sections), and a conclusion. Alexander distinguishes three kinds of introduction and

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conclusion: procedural, which is explaining to the pupils what they are expected to do, or a review of what they have done; instructional, which is introducing or reviewing new materials; and procedural/instructional, which is a mixture of the two. The central development stage might consist of a single task (which Alexander terms a unitary organization) or a sequence of tasks (episodic organization) that are either linked or self-contained. Tasks can be open-ended, which means that there are multiple possibilities in terms of outcome, or closed, which means that there are a restricted number of possible outcomes and usually these outcomes need to be achieved before the lesson can be concluded. (It needs to be noted that the definition of task is very loose and much broader than the definition used in Hong Kong for task-based learning. It refers to any form of teaching and learning activity in the lesson, whether undertaken by the teacher alone, or by the pupils, or in the form of interaction between the teacher and the pupils.) Using this framework we could analyze a lesson in the way shown in Table 5.4. Table 5.4

Framework for lesson analysis Task/Activity

Stage

Classification

Teacher reviews and presents some key concepts about weather forecasting and tells the pupils what they will do in the lesson.

Introduction

Procedural/ instructional

Teacher demonstrates how to collect different data about the weather.

Development

Episodic (linked); closed tasks moving to more open-ended tasks

Conclusion

Instructional

Pupils collect different about the weather. Teacher discusses with the class how to interpret weather data in making a weather forecast. Pupils are provided with a range of data and make predictions based on the data. Working in groups, pupils create different scenarios (e.g., organizing a picnic; planning a skiing holiday) that depend on specific kinds of weather. They pass these scenarios to another group. The other group gives advice for these scenarios based on the weather data that they have. Teacher collects some examples of the scenarios and the advice and discusses them with the whole class. Teacher reviews some of the key concepts of the lesson.

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Classroom organization and the nature of tasks and activities: The classroom can be organized in many ways. The pupils’ desks can be arranged in rows (single rows, paired rows, etc.), in groups (of various sizes and configurations), in a horseshoe or other shape. The teacher can likewise be placed in different positions, such as near the blackboard or whiteboard, or at a computer desk to one side of the room, or in a corner at the back of the room, depending on the layout of the desks. The configuration can reflect the nature of the tasks/activities, the role of the pupils and the teacher in the activities, and the pedagogical theory that the teacher follows. As noted earlier, group work, which is often termed co-operative learning, is a popular way of organizing classrooms in Hong Kong. The nature of tasks and activities has been discussed above. For the purposes of analysis, Alexander examined: • the number of learning tasks that were presented in a lesson and how they were interrelated; • The kinds of learning involved (e.g., acquiring new knowledge, reorganizing existing knowledge or consolidating new knowledge through practice); and • The kinds of knowledge and understanding involved (e.g., propositional or procedural knowledge). Judgements, routines, rules and rituals: Judgements are concerned with teacher decisions that differentiate the pupils in a school (e.g., streaming, identifying pupils with learning difficulties) and other purposes and forms of assessment (which we shall discuss in more detail in Chapter 7). Classroom routines, rules and rituals include teachers’ expectations of pupils in terms of behaviour and also the habitual procedures that take place. Alexander studied six kinds of routines, rules and rituals: temporal, as shown in timetables and other events structured by time; procedural, related to what pupils are expected to conduct themselves; behavioural, which is concerned with how pupils are expected to relate to each other and to the teacher; interactive, which covers turn-taking and other social interaction; linguistic, which refers to classroom communication; and curricular, which reflects the particular nature of the subject being taught. Interactions, timing and pacing: The analysis of interactions includes three aspects. • The number and proportion of interaction between participants (teacher and whole class; teacher and groups, teacher and individual pupils, individual pupils and whole class, pupils and pupils, pupils and teacher, etc.); • Utterance length: how long the teacher and pupils speak; • Interaction mode: the purpose of interaction, such as procedural, instructional or disciplinary;

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The information tells us about the roles given to the teacher and pupils in the teaching and learning process, the value accorded to pupils’ contributions, and the kind of pedagogy being used, as some pedagogies will involve more teacher talk than others. Timing and pacing of a lesson examines how much time is allocated to different stages of a lesson, and how quickly the learning is expected to take. This information is also revealing of the kind of pedagogy being used and also of the teacher’s view of the pupils’ learning ability. The learning discourse: This is concerned with what the teacher and pupils say in the classroom. It studies how life in the classroom is mediated through language, and provides useful insights into how the teacher and pupils organize and communicate their thinking, the power relationships among different groups in the classroom, and the values that underpin the particular teaching and learning process. A study of teachers and teaching in Hong Kong would reveal many similarities with other places: teachers are facing universal problems of handling the demands of the curriculum, assessments, pupils, parents and school administrators. However, how they respond to these demands is influenced by the views of schooling held by different stakeholders (including teachers’ own beliefs); by the kinds of pedagogical practices that are seen as tried and tested; by the willingness of the stakeholders to innovate and take risks; and by the nature and scope of resources that are available. These influences have a particular character at the Hong Kong-wide systemic level, with variations at the level of individual schools and classrooms. Together, they form a distinctive culture that needs to be considered when we propose the implementation of any innovation.

? Questions

1. What are the main features of the pedagogy which is recommended by the CDC for a subject you teach or plan to teach? What do you think are the main features of the pedagogy which is used your school (or a school that you know well)? What the reasons for any differences between the planned and implanted pedagogies? 2. Make a video recording of a lesson and use Alexander’s analytical framework to study it. How would you characterize the lesson? What cultural factors shape the lesson? 3. What are the main differences in the teaching methods used by teachers A, B and C:

Teacher A shows the class a map depicting the world distribution of tropical rainforests. The climate is outlined by referring to a climate graph from a

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station in Amazonia. The formation of conventional rain, as found in such areas, is explained. The main features of the rainforest are described using photographs in the textbook. The nature of shifting cultivation is illustrated using a series of diagrams which set out the stages. Recent changes and their impact on the forest environment are described in conclusion.

Teacher B shows the class photographs of the tropical rainforest, and the pupils then attempt to describe the main features. Their findings are used to build up a general model which compared with a stylized diagram in the text. The class (in an attempt to explain the nature of the forest) look at a map depicting the world distribution of rainforests. They use this information to find appropriate climatic information which is then related to the growing requirements for rainforests. The idea of relatedness is emphasized and further examined by looking at how shifting agriculture represents a way of life which maintains the balance, whereas many of the contemporary developments cause irreparable harm.



Teacher C starts by looking at a news item on the plight of the Amazonian Indians in areas of deforestation. The class tries to clarify what the problem is, and lists the advantages and the losses, or risk of loss, development brings. The class looks at photographs of the tropical rainforest and climatic graphs to understand what the forest is like and why. The impact of traditional shifting agriculture is compared with the impact of modern development. In conclusion, the advantages and disadvantages of development are evaluated. (Source: Stimpson 1995)

Further Reading Concise analyses of teaching styles are provided by Joyce et al. (2004), Bennett (1983) and Doyle (1992). Jackson (1968) provides a fascinating account of what goes on in classrooms. Alexander (2000) provides a comparison of primary education in different settings and offers insights into the role of culture on pedagogical approaches. An account of the impact of the TOC reform in Hong Kong primary schools is provided in Adamson, Kwan and Chan (2000), with various chapters focusing on teachers’ response to the reform.

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The book by Phillipson (2007) highlights ways in which teachers can incorporate learning diversity in the classroom. Hui and Yung (1992) and Forlin and Lian (2008) present ways that teachers can help pupils with learning difficulties. Suggestions for teachers in Hong Kong on classroom management are provided by Hue and Li (2008), and Wong, McClelland and Au Yeung (1992). Cooke and Nicholson (1992) provide advice on how to use group work, and Sweeting (1994) explains how teachers can improve their questioning techniques. The website for the HKPTU is http://www.hkptu.org.hk/ and for the Hong Kong Federation of Education Workers is http://www.hkfew.org.hk/.

6 Learners, Learning and the Curriculum

In the last chapter, we noted that teachers play a vital role in the implementation of the curriculum. However, pupils are the most important people in education. All educational activities are designed to bring about a pupil’s learning. But this leads us to several important and controversial questions that are related to the nature and purposes of schooling: • What is learning? • How does learning occur? • What should be learnt? • Who should make decisions about learning? In this chapter we look at some of the theoretical views about the learning process. We look at recent curriculum reforms in Hong Kong and identify what kinds of learning are promoted in these reforms. We then move on to discuss questions of the contexts in which learning takes place, for, as Bruner (1996, x–xi) argues: … you cannot understand mental activity unless you take into account the cultural setting and its resources, the very things that give mind its shape and scope.

The school contexts in which pupils learn are therefore very significant and leads us to sociological issues, such as the roles of schools in society, and how they prepare pupils for their future. Schools are not simply places where pupils might be encouraged to develop their individual potential; they can also be seen as powerful instruments of socialization. Moreover, the lessons that are offered in schools go beyond the subjects that are on the school timetable. Each school is a social unit in itself, with its own rules, power structures and values system. Pupils therefore experience much more than the formal learning opportunities that are the main concern of the intended curriculum.

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What Is Learning? A survey of adult students by Säljö (1979) revealed their views of learning, which were clustered around five main conceptions: 1. Learning as a quantitative increase in knowledge: Learning is acquiring information or “knowing a fact”. 2. Learning as memorizing: Learning is storing information that can be reproduced. 3. Learning as acquiring: Learning is retaining facts, skills and methods that can be used as necessary. 4. Learning as making sense or abstracting meaning: Learning involves relating parts of the subject matter to each other and to the real world. 5. Learning as interpreting and understanding reality in different ways: Learning involves comprehending the world by reinterpreting knowledge. These views suggest that learning is both a process and a product (or outcome). The first three categories conceptualize learning as acquiring an external body of knowledge. An extreme form of this view is that the pupil is an “empty vessel” and the teacher is responsible for pouring in new knowledge. The fourth and fifth categories consider learning as an internal process, whereby pupils construct their own understanding of the world. The reference in the third classification in Säljö’s list to facts, skills and methods reflects a common classification of knowledge that identifies three different kinds of knowledge: experiential, procedural and declarative. Experiential knowledge arises from learning from our experiences — what we see, hear, touch, smell and taste. We can create our own knowledge through learning by doing. Procedural knowledge involves learning how to do something, such as swimming, or using a camera. This knowledge is related to action. It can be physical (for instance, a footballer’s procedural knowledge could include how to control a ball that is travelling very fast) or cognitive (for example, a child solving a jigsaw puzzle). The footballer and the child might not be able to explain how they carry out the processes, because these are often automatic rather than carefully considered. Declarative knowledge is knowing about the world around us. If we know the capital city of Germany or the theory of relativity or the rules of mahjong, then this is declarative knowledge — we have learnt facts about the world. (However, declarative knowledge does not necessarily mean that we will be good at mahjong — for that, we would also need good procedural knowledge.) Declarative knowledge comes from learning facts and figures, theories, frameworks and taxonomies.

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Biggs and Watkins (1995) argue that schools in Hong Kong tend to concentrate on getting pupils to learn declarative knowledge, which is often abstract and impersonal. For instance, some history lessons tend to centre on learning dates and historical facts rather than on developing the skills of historiography. One reason for this preference is that declarative knowledge is associated with objective assessment through standardized examinations. Another is related to pupils’ language proficiency, especially when English is the MoI, as memorization — an approach to learning that is useful for pupils with limited linguistic competence in a particular area or subject — is especially suited to declarative knowledge. Recent innovations in Hong Kong, such as the Activity Approach, task-based learning and the Learning to Learn initiative have attempted to introduce more opportunities for experiential and procedural learning. The Learning to Learn initiative, which we will discuss later in this chapter, highlights the importance of pupils developing generic learning skills or processes. By doing so, the initiative makes links to what Kennedy (2005) labels “modern growth theory”, which requires the creation of new knowledge and processes through creativity, problem solving and entrepreneurship in order to produce new technologies, economic activities and wealth creation.

How Does Learning Occur? There are a variety of views on how learning occurs or how it should occur. Some of the models that have influenced the school curriculum in Hong Kong are briefly set out below. The linkages between some of these models and approaches to teaching are discussed in Chapter 5.

Behaviourist models Behaviourist theories view learning as a process of stimulus-response in order to moderate behaviour. It suggests that a person’s behaviour is conditioned by the environment, through reinforcement or association. Well-known proponents include B. F. Skinner and Ivan Pavlov. Skinner believed that learning arose when the brain made connections between a stimulus and a response that were strengthened by reinforcements. Reinforcements could be positive — such as praise, a high mark or a feeling of success — or negative, which is a stimulus that produces the desired behaviour when it is taken away. This form of behaviourism is found in programmed instruction, where pupils move through a sequence of learning step-by-step, receiving immediate feedback at each step.

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Pavlov observed that the dogs in his laboratory began to salivate whenever the person who was responsible for feeding them entered the room. He believed that the dogs had become conditioned to associate the good feeling of being fed with that person. In the same way, a child who learns to read while sitting on a parent’s knee could develop a love of reading, because it is associated with parental affection. According to this theory, teachers could encourage pupils’ enjoyment of learning by creating a positive classroom environment.

Constructivist models Constructivist views link learning to intellectual development. The famous psychologist, Jean Piaget, monitored how children’s capacity to understand the world and to undertake certain tasks increased as they matured psychologically through a number of stages, namely the sensorimotor, pre-operational, concrete operational and formal operational stages. Piaget argued that pupils learn most effectively when provided with appropriately matched opportunities to interact with the environment, and with instruction that helps them to construct conceptual frameworks. Another psychologist, Lev Vygotsky, believed that social interaction with more experienced others was the key to helping learners to structure knowledge, building new knowledge on to existing knowledge, and that this construction was helped by two things. First, using language and other communication tools to articulate ideas enables learners to make sense of them, and second, pupils learn best when the new learning falls within their zone of proximal development (ZPD) — in other words, the pupils are challenged and stretched, but not too much. This suggests that effective learning requires pupils to be set tasks that are appropriate to their cognitive and linguistic capacities, to be active participants in their own learning, to work together, and to reflect upon and talk about their learning. An important principle of constructivism in all its forms is that new learning builds on existing learning. Therefore, any learning plan (a curriculum document, an examination syllabus, a textbook series, a scheme of work, etc.) should start with a consideration of what the pupils already know. The teacher can assist the pupils’ construction of knowledge by “scaffolding” their learning — providing the necessary supports for pupils to build their understanding.

Information processing models Information processing models, associated with the work of Miller (1956), sees human learning as similar to computer operations — collecting information, encoding,

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storing and retrieving it. Memory is viewed as playing an important role in the process. Sensory registers receive information through the five senses. Short-term memory stores the new data temporarily until it is lost or transferred into long-term memory. Long-term memory stores the information on a more permanent basis. Data can be encoded provided that it is meaningful, can be linked to prior learning and is easy to process. Teachers can help pupils by ensuring that new learning is learnable, such as by breaking it into manageable chunks, using frameworks of knowledge, employing memory strategies such as imagery, repetition and mnemonics, and so on.

Metacognition and self-regulation models Metacognition and self-regulation focus on pupils learning how to learn. They do this by monitoring their progress as they learn, and making adjustments to their learning strategies as necessary. Pupils with good metacognition are aware of the learning strategies available to them, able to plan to use the strategies appropriately and evaluate their implementation. In this way, pupils become independent and efficient learners. Teachers can support the development of pupils’ metacognition and self-regulation by presenting learning strategies and providing the pupils with opportunities and support in reflecting on the effectiveness of strategies that have been used for a particular task.

Humanistic models Humanistic models, associated with the work of Carl Rogers and Abraham Maslow, emphasize that learning involves the whole person, not just the intellect. These models aim to bring about personal fulfilment and a high sense of self-esteem by enabling learners to reach their potential in different aspects of their personality. Intrinsic motivation — an internal drive to learn — is a key aspect of humanistic approaches. Learning is learner-centred and often experiential, with the teacher serving as facilitator.

Confucian models Some commentators, such as Biggs and Watkins (1995), argue that Confucian models of learning are influential in Hong Kong because they form a strong component of the educational tradition in China. However, Confucian models take many forms, as

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they are often later interpretations of Confucius’ ideas. For instance, one model can be linked to humanistic models and another is more transmissive in nature. Chen (1990) notes five steps in the process of the humanistic model of Confucian learning: intensive study, accurate inquiry, careful thought, clear discrimination and earnest practice. Confucius expected his pupils to read classical works (such as the Book of Songs and the Book of History, which deal with the problems of government and society. These books were far more than textbooks: they enshrined a philosophy, the Way, that emphasized learning from the past. Another resource for study was the role model. Pupils were encouraged to imitate historical heroes such as King Wen, whose exploits were described in the Book of Songs. Confucius himself embodied the virtues that he advocated. Indeed, a whole chapter of The Analects is devoted to descriptions of Confucius’ behaviour in different circumstances. Confucian teachers insisted, however, that mere imitation was never enough. Learning was an exercise that required active participation and an inquisitive spirit on the part of the learner. The teacher acted as a guide to the learner, initiating lines of inquiry and paying close attention to the needs of each individual learner. The learner, for his part, would need to be highly motivated and to possess the analytical skills that would enable him to profit from a Confucian education. It could be argued that a change occurred when Confucian education was applied to young learners instead of adults. The young learners did not possess the analytical ability to participate actively in their own learning. Therefore, a different Confucian model emerged, one that was more transmissive in nature. This model focused on preparing the pupils for adult learning. It started with the learning of characters, sometimes by rote, sometimes through the use of rhymes. Next, the pupils studied selected texts on historical and moral themes, collected in Zhu Xi’s Basic Learning. Pupils were given a passage of approximately 1,000 characters. At this stage no attention was paid to the meaning of the passage. Instead, a method known as bei shu (literally “back to the book”) was employed. After a period of time, the pupils were expected to recite the text without reference to their books. Next, they had to recite the text backwards. The teacher would punish errors by a blow with a cane. Even after the overthrow of the Qing dynasty in 1911, a morning’s study for the deposed last emperor, Pu Yi, was still firmly founded, in 1922, upon the traditional model, as he notes in his diary: Rose at four, wrote out eighteen sheets of the character Prosperity in a large hand. Classes at eight, read Analects, Chou Ritual, Record of Ritual, and Tang poetry with Pu Chieh and Yu Chung: listened to Tutor Chen lecturing on the General Chronological History with Comments by Emperor Chien Lung. Finished eating at 9:30, read Tso Commentary, Ku Liang Commentary, heard Tutor Chu on the

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Explanation of the Great Learning, wrote couplets. Lessons finished at 11, went to pay respects to four High Consorts … returned to Mind Nurture Palace and wrote out thirty more sheets of characters Prosperity and Longevity. Read papers, ate at four, bed at six. Read Anthology of Ancient Literature in bed: very interesting. (Pu Yi 1963, 58–59)

Such approaches are rarely promoted in systems of education nowadays. However, the assumptions about learning may still be influential, in particular in the nature of the relationship between teachers and pupils, the expectation that the teacher should serve as a role model, and the use of rote learning by pupils to handle materials that are linguistically and/or cognitively too demanding but needed for an examination.

What Should Be Learnt? In deciding the nature of learning experiences that should be provided to pupils, we need to consider different areas of learning. Our decisions will be strongly influenced by our views of the aims of schooling that we discussed in Chapter 2. Different perspectives on important areas of learning include: • the nature of knowledge • cultural selections • the needs of employers • the needs of pupils • the areas of learning or experience

The nature of knowledge As we saw in Chapter 2, Hirst (1974) identified eight forms of knowledge: • mathematical knowledge • religious knowledge • philosophical knowledge • aesthetic knowledge • moral knowledge • human sciences and history • physical sciences These forms of knowledge are closely associated with a curriculum that is strongly influenced by academic rationalism.

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A selection from a culture An alternative view is that the content of the curriculum should be based on a selection from the culture in which it is set. This perspective is derived from an emphasis on social and economic efficiency, but it focuses on the nature of the society rather than on the nature of the job market. Lawton (1983), for example, identifies the following as important aspects of all cultures: • social structure/system • economic system • communication system • technology system • morality system • belief system • aesthetic system Lawton argues that the curriculum should involve a selection from each of these kinds of system within any given society. This would mean that the religious beliefs, values and language(s) prevalent in a culture should form an important part of the curriculum. If we are to select curriculum content for pupils to learn with reference to a society’s culture, then some problems arise. Is it possible to identify the common elements of a culture? If so, are they real or rhetorical? Is our purpose to pass on the culture to the new generation of learners in a transmissive way? Or do we expect the pupils to adopt a critical perspective and to challenge the assumptions and values underpinning a culture? How do we decide which aspects of a culture should be included or excluded? This is problematic in Hong Kong, which aspires to be an international city where the society is made up of different ethnic groups, with different cultures, religions and values systems. Nonetheless, if we compare the content of curricula across education systems, it is evident that curricula in different countries strongly reflect religious and political attitudes that prevail within the particular society. This is especially evident in those parts of the curriculum which try to teach pupils about their nation’s history, their civic identity and, where applicable, the society’s religious beliefs. Often the content of this area of the curriculum is used to promote a strong sense of national identity and/or to ensure pupils’ unquestioning belief in a religious orthodoxy.

Employment/life skills Another view is an extension of the social and economic efficiency perspective which we examined in Chapter 3. It emphasizes that pupils should learn curriculum

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content that is linked to the knowledge, attitude and skills required in everyday life. A curriculum designed to prepare pupils for employment would traditionally emphasize subjects with a strong vocational element such as computing, business studies, commerce and accounting. The assumption is that more jobs will be created if pupils are better trained. The main problems with this perspective are that schools are not well equipped to train pupils for specific types of employment and, also, the rapid changes in the economy brought about by globalization and the shift of industrialization from Hong Kong to Guangdong and elsewhere, means that it is much more difficult to predict what jobs pupils will do in the future. As a result, these problems have led to an attempt to identify generic skills (such as problem solving and communicating) that are needed in all types of employment. A variation of this perspective is to base curriculum content on the sort of social or life skills that people need to lead a meaningful life, such as citizenship, the effective use of leisure time, parenting skills, safety and money management. However, as these areas are seen as less “academic” and not an important part of the assessed curriculum, they do not tend to receive much attention in many schools.

Child-centred This is the image of education which stresses the needs of the individual pupil. In terms of deciding the content of the curriculum, it suggests that the critical factor is to select the content which will allow each child to maximize his or her potential. Given the differences between pupils, this points to every child having a curriculum tailored to his or her needs. Curricula derived from this basis are often organized around themes or topics rather than subjects, with the content related to the pupils’ needs, interests and abilities. A controversial aspect of this view is who should decide what the children’s needs are. Some educators believe that pupils should have a major decision-making role. One famous school that gave pupils a very strong voice is the Summerhill School in the UK, which was founded by A. S. Neill in the 1920s. Summerhill School allowed pupils freedom of choice to select their own programmes of study and to decide whether or not to attend lessons. The school was run on democratic principles, with all members of the school community having an equal vote in meetings to decide on the school rules, disciplinary measures and other matters regarding management. This latter principle is also found in some countries, such as Denmark, where high schools are required by law to have a Student Council that is involved in school management. In the Hong Kong school curriculum, the reality is that adults decide the content that pupils should study, and this is influenced by their view of the nature of

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schooling. It is also very difficult to construct a separate curriculum for each pupil when teachers are faced with large class sizes. We tend to identify a curriculum for all pupils of a given age and only sometimes try to adjust it to meet the needs, interests and abilities of different pupils.

Learning to learn It is noteworthy that the latest series of curriculum documents produced by the CDC is entitled Learning to Learn. As we noted in Chapter 3, this document states that: Our overarching principle is to help students Learn to Learn, which involves developing their independent learning capabilities leading to whole-person development and lifelong learning. It is hoped that these will result in an overall improvement in the quality of education. Broadly speaking, the means for bringing this about will include: • • • • …

the development of generic skills (e.g., critical thinking, creativity, communication, etc.) in the context of Key Learning Areas and other relevant contexts the use of different methods of learning and teaching to achieve learning targets the development of students’ own interests and potential the widening of students’ learning space for whole-person development

A learner-focused approach should be adopted. We should understand their needs, learning styles, interests and abilities, in order to decide on appropriate learning, teaching and assessment strategies. (Curriculum Development Council 2001, 10)

This indicates a shift in the intended curriculum in focus to learning rather than teaching, and also reflects an increased emphasis on metacognition and selfregulated processes of reflecting on, and learning about learning. Thus, the new curriculum is not just concerned with pupils learning declarative knowledge, as a key feature of the curriculum is the development of generic skills across academic subjects. Also, Learning to Learn identifies five learning experiences that, together, form a conceptualization of whole person development that incorporates ethics, intellect, physique, social skills and aesthetics. The five learning experiences are:

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• Moral and civic education Developing ➩ personal character and interpersonal skills ➩ respect for others ➩ perseverance ➩ national identity • Intellectual development ➩ laying a firm foundation of knowledge ➩ enjoyment in learning • Community service Developing ➩ commitment ➩ responsibility • Physical and aesthetic development ➩ leading to healthy living styles ➩ appreciating aesthetic qualities • Career-related experiences ➩ linking studies with career aspirations and job opportunities (Curriculum Development Council 2001, 20)

This suggests that the planned curriculum for Hong Kong contains a mixture of the various perspectives that we discussed above: there are learning experiences based on academic disciplines, cultural studies, employment/life skills and humanistic components.

Learners’ Experiences When we look back on our own school days, we probably do not often think about the nature and content of the curriculum. Most people will recall the good and bad experiences of human interaction — school friends, teachers, funny incidents, embarrassments, happy and sad moments, successes and failures. This is a reminder that the curriculum is not simply a set of plans — it is lived or experienced by pupils and teachers. In the following passage (which was written in English and is presented here uncorrected), a girl in an upper primary class of a Christian bi-sessional school describes a typical day:

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Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong It is six o’clock, so I have to wake up to brush my teeth, wash my face and wear my uniform. After that I go down to wait for the school bus. When I arrive school, I hand in my homework. Usually we are quiet except Wednesday. There is a lot of noise. Some of us talk, some of us study and some spell words with each other. Why? Because we will have our English Dictation in the fifth lesson. After two lessons we have a small recess. It lasts for five minutes. We are not allowed to eat, but drink. After the recess, we have an assembly. Sometimes the theme is about Jesus, and sometimes it is about morals. One hour later we have a recess again. During this recess we are allowed to eat, drink and buy food at the canteen … But one thing we are not allowed, is run. So our teacher have chosen some prefects to write down the names of the pupils who run and give them to the teacher. Then the teacher will punish them. Now let’s talk about some happy things. We have a PE lesson twice a week, we do our exercises and play ball games in winter. In summer, we’ll have our swimming lesson. School finish at about twelve forty. I carry my heavy bag and go home by school bus happily. (Cited in Adamson and Morris 1998, 191)

There are a lot of interesting points in this passage. First, the pupils’ time and behaviour are tightly regulated, suggesting that they are being socialized into accepting authoritarian governance. Second, the school is a place for the transmission of moral education. Third, the girl particularly enjoys games and swimming — activities that are not part of the core curriculum. Fourth, she is expected to carry a heavy bag of homework — usually in Chinese language, English language and mathematics — as diligence is seen as a crucial contributory factor to progress in learning. Fifth, she has written the passage in English, which is not her mother tongue but a high-status language in education in Hong Kong (see Chapter 8). This passage reminds us that the lived curriculum is the most powerful learning experience that pupils have. It also reminds us that schools are complex social environments. Olson (2003, 275) argues that schools have two functions that are essentially contradictory. The first function is as: … institutions that reflect the needs of the primary economic, political, legal and scientific institutions of the larger society. Schools have traditionally assumed the task of devising, assessing and improving the means for these institutional needs.

On the other hand, “schools have been reconceived as instruments for human development and human fulfilment” (Olson 2003, 275), which creates a tension

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between societal needs and individual needs. The dilemmas of schooling identified by Tyack and Cuban (1995) that we listed in Chapter 1 arise largely from this tension. It also helps to explain why efforts to improve pupils’ learning by reference to their individual needs (such as the Activity Approach, task-based learning and learningcentred curricula) may not be wholly successful in the Hong Kong context if they ignore the other function of a school, which is to impart to the pupils a system of values that is not compatible with the values promoted by the learning theory. There are many learning experiences at school that are not explicitly declared in syllabuses or other curriculum documents, such as how different pupils are treated, the messages that are transmitted through regulations and logistical organization, and even the architecture of schools. These learning experiences are examples of the hidden curriculum, and they might undermine the aims of the official curriculum.

The hidden curriculum Earlier in this chapter we discussed experiential learning. Pupils’ experience of school life is a powerful learning process, as a school is a microcosmic society with its own culture, traditions, routines, rules and rituals. The messages transmitted to students by the school environment and the interactions that take place within that environment are often called the hidden or covert curriculum, although Cornbleth (1990) prefers the term implicit curricula, on the grounds that the messages are not necessarily secretive or hidden, just unstated. The school environment can be tangible (in terms of buildings and classroom layout) or organizational (such as timetables and rules). Interactions take place inside and outside of the classroom. The design of many school buildings in Hong Kong is obviously influenced by their urban settings. The footprint is smaller and buildings are higher than, for example, a rural school in Australia which might have single-storey wooden classrooms spread over an expansive grass campus that is shared with wild kangaroos. The upward design means that there are some prime locations — classrooms on a lower floor are generally preferred to those on the top floor. In some primary schools, younger pupils are allocated classrooms on a lower floor, while older pupils are allocated classrooms on a higher floor because they have greater strength to climb the stairs. In some schools, though, pupils with good academic results might be allocated a classroom on a lower floor as an incentive or reward. The design of classrooms tends to be functional rather than comfortable, which sends a message about how the process of education is perceived. The day starts early in most schools — before most offices or shops are open. The rationale is not that pupils learn best at the beginning of the morning (although there is some evidence to suggest that this is true for primary school pupils, but not

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for secondary school pupils); rather, the timing is practical to spread the burden on public transport and to enable parents to send their children to school before setting off to work themselves. The organization of the timetable into standard blocks of time is often for bureaucratic rather than educational reasons. One of the main lessons for pupils in Hong Kong schools is learning to live in a crowded space. They learn to line up and to move around the school in an orderly fashion, according to various traffic control systems (signage and prefects located at blackspots). Desks are often set in rows, partly to enable the pupils to face the teacher and the board, partly because there is not enough room to create groups. Respect for rules — another aspect of living in cramped conditions — is incorporated in the school disciplinary codes. Pupils bow to teachers as a demonstration of respect for authority. The following anecdotes illustrate some of the other messages that are transmitted to pupils through the hidden curriculum. 1. The noticeboard for the English Club is located near to the playground and outside the English Language Student Resource Centre. The noticeboard for the Music Club is in a small corridor on the fourth floor, outside the small staffroom for the music teachers. (This room was recently converted from a boys’ washroom.) As public examinations draw near, some classes receive extra mathematics lessons. These replace the music lessons that are normally scheduled on the timetable. 2. During the morning assembly, the principal gives a talk about forgiveness. She reminds pupils that, if someone does something wrong to you, you should not seek revenge or punishment. Instead, you should forgive the offender. After the talk, the deputy principal reads out the names of students who are required to attend the detention class that evening. 3. The classrooms are cramped, with forty desks arranged in lines. Ventilation is poor and the lighting is rather dim. However, the school has a large, airconditioned reception area where parents and other visitors can meet with members of staff. 4. A girls’ school puts girls in detention because they have arrived at school with dyed streaks in their hair and have broken the school rules that forbid this. The girls complain that the rules are unfair as many of the (older) teachers dye their hair. Subsequently the school rules are changed so that pupils cannot dye their hair any colour except black. The first case makes clear the relative importance of English language and mathematics (well-resourced and prominent subjects that are part of the core curriculum) and music (a peripheral subject that is considered to be less important as

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it is not academic or part of the core curriculum). The second case demonstrates how school rules and practices can sometimes be contradictory to the moral or ethical messages that the school wants to pass on to students — which of the two messages (the principal’s or the deputy principal’s) is likely to make the stronger impression on pupils? The third case suggests that the learning environment for pupils is not always pleasant, while priorities are placed on presenting a good image to outsiders. The final case shows that rules are decided by those in positions of power. These anecdotes were gathered from a variety of real cases, and we are not suggesting that they are typical of all Hong Kong schools. However, the point is that they are part of the hidden curriculum, which is powerful, and pupils can learn very clear lessons about their role and status in the school, as well as about the kind of knowledge, values and behaviour that are encouraged. Some researchers argue that schools are deliberately configured in a way that, through the hidden curriculum, socializes the pupils into particular patterns that reinforce power structures in society. The anecdotes also show that the hidden curriculum operates in different ways: sometimes to reinforce the overt messages of the curriculum; sometimes to contradict the overt messages (as in the second case above); and sometimes to add a separate, unconnected message to the overt messages of the curriculum. The hidden curriculum does not have to be negative. How a school structures and implements its organizations, regulations and interactions can also promote positive messages of fairness, tolerance, independence, honesty and friendship. This resonates with the Confucian ideal of the teacher and (by extension) the school community as a role model. The functions of the hidden curriculum reinforce the argument that schools are highly complex, multilayered institutions with distinct cultural characteristics (as Alexander’s study, that we discussed in Chapter 5, shows). Theories of learning will only be effective in Hong Kong schools when they take this complexity and these characteristics into consideration. For instance, some of the elements of the Learning to Learn curriculum initiative are new to Hong Kong, as they draw upon learning theories and curriculum plans developed in other cultural contexts. This raises a question whether Learning to Learn can be implemented effectively in the Hong Kong context. Sadler (1900, 310) warns against the temptation to base curriculum changes on learning theories and pedagogical practices uncritically borrowed from elsewhere: We cannot wander at pleasure among the educational systems of the world, like a child strolling through a garden, and pick off a flower from one bush and some leaves from another, and then expect that if we stick what we have gathered into the soil at home, we shall have a living plant.

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1. How would you explain to a pupil the relevance and importance of the subject that you teach? 2. To what extent does the content of your subject and your teaching incorporate these different perspectives: academic disciplines, cultural studies, employment/ life skills and pupil-centred components? 3. What messages are transmitted in the following scenarios?

The Principal made a speech at Prize Day, emphasizing the importance of whole-person development in education. Then he called upon the guest of honour to present the prizes to the pupils who achieved the highest grades in the public examinations.



“Boys,” said the PE teacher, “I would like you to look after the scoring and the clock in the basketball tournament. Girls, maybe you would like to form a cheerleading team?”



A pupil in Class 2B was caught stealing money from classmates. The class teacher organized a class discussion (which included the pupil caught stealing) on how the classmates should respond to the situation. The class agreed on a plan that allowed the pupil to repay the money and set up a support group to help the pupil with some family problems.



Mr Leung teaches English language in a co-educational school. As usual, before he starts the lesson, he tells the girls to clean the floor and the blackboard. He then hands back the homework and tells three pupils that their work is messy and they should do it again before the next lesson. He suggests that they should get their parents to help them if they have problems. He then gives two merit points to pupils because they have kept quiet during lessons and warns that pupils making a noise will receive demerit marks.

4. Here are some comments from a debate on messages of schooling. How would you respond to them? • “Schools need to teach pupils that life is tough in the real world.” • “Schools exist for the comfort of teachers and to abuse the human rights of pupils.”

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5. How could you make the hidden curriculum into a positive experience for pupils?

Further Reading How Children Think and Learn by Wood (1998) offers a good overview of issues relating to learning. The edited book, The Chinese Learner, by Watkins and Biggs (1996) and Revisiting the Chinese Learner, by Chan and Rao (2009), present detailed discussions of various cultural, psychological and contextual influences on learning, mainly with reference to Hong Kong. For more on how pupils actually experience learning, and how teachers can connect with their pupils, see the work of van Manen (e.g., 1991, 2002). The hidden curriculum is explored in the collection of papers in Giroux and Purpel (1983). The UN Convention on the Rights of the Child is found on http://www2.ohchr.org/ english/law/crc.htm.

7 Assessing Pupils’ Learning

We require pupils to go to school and we specify what we want them to learn. It is therefore appropriate that we should try to determine whether pupils have achieved our intentions. Assessment is the term used to describe those actions we undertake to obtain information about pupils’ knowledge, attitudes or skills. All teachers should be constantly trying to determine what pupils have learnt so as to help them develop further. In this chapter we will examine the reasons for assessment, the effects and influence of examinations, methods of assessment, and developments in systems of assessment. First, we look at a number of ways in which we can distinguish between aspects of assessment.

Assessment, Evaluation and Measurement The term assessment is often used alongside terms such as evaluation, accountability and measurement. Evaluation, which is considered in more detail in Chapter 9, involves making judgements about a curriculum to help us make decisions about how to improve it or whether it should continue to be offered. One of the sources of information we might use in an evaluation could be an assessment of pupils’ learning. We would probably use other data as well, such as the views of teachers, the quality of textbooks and the practice in other schools. Accountability refers to the extent to which an organization or person (e.g., a school or teacher) is responsible to another body or person for their actions. In Hong Kong, schools are accountable to their school management committees and teachers are responsible to the principal, and universities are responsible to their councils.

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Measurement: Whilst assessment may often involve some form of measurement, many forms of assessment do not. Ultimately, assessment is a judgemental process and, when measurement is used, it is not as precise or accurate as other forms of measurement (e.g., of variables such as temperature, distance or weight). By giving marks and percentages we can easily create an illusion that we are scientifically and accurately measuring what is basically a judgement. So when one teacher may give a pupil 67% for an essay and tells her she is fifth in the class, it is very possible that another independent marker would have given a different mark.

Validity and Reliability Two key, interrelated, concepts underpinning the quality of assessment are validity and reliability. Good assessments need to be both valid and reliable. Validity refers to the relationship between the assessment instrument and the intended learning outcomes that the instrument should be measuring. A valid assessment depends on the use of an appropriate instrument. An inappropriate instrument would not perform the assessment function properly. In some aspects of life, it is quite easy to select an appropriate tool. For instance, a thermometer is a good instrument for measuring body temperature. However, the issue of validity becomes more complex when we are assessing skills and knowledge. A driving test, for example, has to assess a range of complex skills and a particular body of knowledge that is needed for driving a car. In many places, the driving test comprises a written assessment of knowledge and a practical road test. Although the written test does not cover every piece of knowledge that might be considered necessary for a driver, and although the short road test cannot cover every possible driving situation, it is considered to be a valid assessment in that it covers sufficient knowledge and sufficient road skills to satisfy the relevant authorities that the learner should or should not be granted a driving licence. However, a driving test that comprises just a written component (without a road test) or a test that just comprises driving a vehicle along an empty road would be considered less valid, as the test instrument does not incorporate enough elements that allow the learner to display the skills and knowledge that are generally seen as prerequisite for a safe driver. The same principle applies to assessment in the school curriculum. If a music curriculum promotes pupils’ appreciation of music and teaches them to play a musical instrument, an assessment that just requires them to answer factual questions about the lives of composers could be considered as lacking validity. Although validity is often linked to intended learning outcomes (“what you teach is what you assess”), it should also be remembered that pupils’ learning is very often unpredictable. There is a strong argument for the concept of validity to include unintended learning outcomes (“what they learn is what you assess”).

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Reliability refers to the consistency or dependability of an assessment instrument (Berry 2008). A reliable instrument will produce similar results in different contexts, and all parties can have confidence that the instrument is accurate. A reliable thermometer will provide an accurate reading at different times of the day, in different rooms and in different weather. A reliable driving test covers sufficient skills and knowledge to allow a reasonable assessment of the learner’s driving ability. Another aspect is inter-rater reliability, which refers to consistency in examiners. If a pupil’s work is assessed by one teacher, who gives it high marks, and then the same work is assessed by another teacher, who fails it, then there is a problem of inter-rater reliability. Reliability can be assured by including a range of different components (such as tests, practical work, portfolios, teacher observations) in the assessment process, so that the pupils have sufficient opportunities in a variety of formats to display their learning, and by moderation processes, which could involve markers’ meetings to establish agreement on assessment criteria and double marking.

Formative and Summative Assessment Assessment performs a range of purposes or functions, some of which are more educational and others more administrative in nature. Some of these functions, such as the selection of pupils, can be viewed as summative assessment as they provide a description of the student at the end of a course of study. On the other hand, those which focus on diagnosis, prediction and guidance can be viewed as formative assessments as they are primarily used to obtain information to try and help improve a pupil’s future performance. We can also distinguish between the extent to which an assessment focuses on differentiation or discrimination. Summative assessment is more concerned with discriminating between a number of pupils, while formative assessment is more concerned with differentiating the characteristics (strength or weakness) of individual pupils. A major development in assessment policies in recent years has arisen from the recognition of the very powerful impact of feedback on pupils’ learning (Black and Wiliam 1998). This has resulted in a wide range of initiatives to promote the use of different types of formative assessment in classrooms so that teachers are able to provide constructive feedback to their pupils. These initiatives, which go under titles such as “Learning How to Learn” and “Assessment for Learning”, have influenced policies in Hong Kong, where the use of assessment as a tool to promote learning is actively encouraged. This is evident in the way that the formal curriculum now stresses the formative and differentiating role of assessment by teachers:

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Curriculum, Schooling and Society in Hong Kong Assessment is the practice of collecting evidence of student learning. It is an integral part of the learning and teaching cycle rather than a separate stage at the end of teaching. It helps to provide information for both students and teachers to improve learning and teaching (assessment for learning). (Curriculum Development Council 2001, 80)

• • •

Assessment for learning has three major components (Carless et al. 2006): constructing assessment tasks that involve pupils in activities and processes that bring about learning; the use of self-assessment and peer-assessment by pupils, with the goals of enhancing learning through feedback and building the pupils’ capacity to assess and provide constructive feedback; and ensuring processes whereby responding to constructive feedback is actually embedded in the learning activities — so that it is “feedforward”.

Assessment tasks: Carless et al. (2006) argue for a close alignment of the processes involved in the assessment task and the learning processes that are being assessed. This represents a shift from assessment that focuses on what is taught to assessment that focuses on pupil learning. It enables teachers to help pupils to improve their learning, rather than just identifying what they know or do not know, or can do or cannot do. Self-assessment and peer-assessment: As noted above, the argument for selfevaluation by pupils lies in the extra source of feedback that arises and from the potential for pupils to develop their evaluation skills. Self-assessment and peerassessment are sensitive areas. Some teachers might feel uneasy about passing this responsibility on to pupils. Peer-assessment requires trust and tact, and it can be problematic if peer-assessment is linked to grading. However, these forms of assessment can be facilitated if they are viewed as a positive developmental process for the pupils, and if they are carefully supported by, for instance, the use of agreed criteria. “Feedforward”: It is common practice in schools to provide pupils with feedback on completion of their tasks. Teachers collect the assignments and carry out two functions simultaneously: grading and giving feedback. This process denies pupils the opportunity to incorporate feedback into their work before it is graded. Assessment processes that focus on learning allow for timely feedback, so that pupils can improve their work before it is submitted as the final product. The feedback should be linked to learning and the specific criteria for the task or activity; it should be comprehensible and useful to the pupils (Gibbs and Simpson 2004). Overall, assessment for learning is based on the concept of a pupil as an apprentice being inducted into a community. It seeks to empower and transform

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pupils. In order to perform these functions, teachers need to have a strong grasp of the psychology of learning in general and of learning in relation to the subject matter, as well as a good grasp of the subject matter itself (Black et al. 2003). The Centre for Assessment Research and Development (CARD) at HKIEd has developed a theoretical framework entitled Self-directed Learning Oriented Assessment (SLOA) which is underpinned by two fundamental concepts — that assessment should be learning-oriented, and that assessment should be selfdirected. Seven interrelated strategies are used to support teachers in implementing SLOA in their classrooms and the main strategy is site-based teacher professional development and briefings for parents by subject experts from CARD. The next set of strategies involves whole-school professional development and jointschool professional development for teachers. Assessment for learning invariably requires negotiation among teaching team members on the same subject. These two strategies aim to enhance support to teachers participating in the project within their own schools, and to build network of teachers across schools who are teaching the same subject and using similar approaches for assessment for learning. SLOA is designed to empower both teachers and students as self-directed learners who could utilize simple self-assessment tools to generate feedback for the enhancement of teaching and learning. Teachers write reflective journals, sometimes on an individual basis and at other times in group format. Pupils are also encouraged to write learning journals, such as producing a reflective diary on the books that they have read. There is strong research evidence that SLOA has had significant impacts on the quality of teaching and learning (Mok 2008).

Norm-referenced, Criterion-referenced and Ipsative Assessment Norm-referenced assessment is based on criteria which involve comparing the performance of pupils to that of other pupils. Often this involves comparing a pupil’s performance to what is considered the average performance of pupils at the same age. So the basic goal is to compare pupils of similar ages. When pupils in a class are rank-ordered after doing an exam from 1st to 40th, then this is an example of norm referencing as it involves a comparison of pupils against other pupils of about the same age. The rank order tells us nothing about what the pupils understand or what they can and cannot do. Criterion-referenced assessments use criteria which are based on standards derived from the knowledge or skills that we want the pupils to learn. What we expect the pupils to learn is often expressed as learning or attainment targets. The purpose is to determine if the pupils have achieved those targets. The best examples

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of criterion-referenced assessments are piano exams, swimming tests and the driving test. In each of these the examiner compares the pupil’s performance against a list of criteria that are derived from what we expect a piano player, swimmer and driver to be able to do. In reality, this distinction between criterion- and norm-referenced assessment is often difficult to maintain as we often set attainment targets based on the norms of what we would expect of the average performance of pupils of a similar age. Ipsative assessment refers to assessment which uses as its criterion what the pupil has previously achieved. So the pupil’s attainment is compared to what he or she has achieved earlier. The focus is on how the pupil is progressing and developing, not on comparing them with other pupils or a set of attainment targets. Teachers often use this form of assessment when they tell pupils that their work is an improvement on the work they have done before.

Formal and Informal Assessment Some types of assessment, such as many of the public examinations administered by the HKEAA, are highly formal and planned activities. Typically, a formal examination involves the pupils in attending a designated examination centre, in sitting at an assigned desk in silence and under supervision, and in answering the questions that are revealed to the pupils when the examination starts. Other types of assessment are much more informal. For example, when a teacher observes a pupil interacting with other pupils during a group work activity, she is engaged in assessment in a very informal and unobtrusive way. In their day-to-day work, teachers are regularly assessing their pupils, such as when they ask pupils questions, or mark and give feedback on their homework.

Authentic Assessment Along with assessment for learning, the term authentic assessment has become popular over the last two decades. The idea is that a great deal of conventional assessment focuses on what can be easily measured and ignores what is most important. Those who promote authentic assessment (e.g., Gipps, McCallum and Hargreaves 2000; McTighe and Wiggins 2004) see it as a way of finding out whether pupils have developed a deep understanding of both the subject matter and how it contributes to their lives. In practical terms, the use of authentic assessment would involve pupils undertaking tasks which are more practical, realistic and challenging than traditional tests.

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Marsh (2009, 84) provides a useful summary of the characteristics of authentic assessment, as follows: • Teachers collect evidence of pupils’ performance from multiple activities and sources. • Assessments reflect the “real-world” tasks that pupils meet outside of schools. • Assessments reveal how pupils undertake problem solving, as well as the solutions that they reach. • The procedures for assessments and the nature of the contents are derived from pupils’ everyday learning in schools. • Assessments reflect the values, standards and quality assurance controls that have been constructed with regard to the local context, rather than being imposed externally. • The assessment tasks are open-ended in terms of the possible solutions to problems and answers to questions.

The Functions of Assessment From the above we can see that assessment takes a number of forms and performs a range of different functions and in this section we look at these in more detail. The six major functions are grading, selection, diagnosis, mastery, guidance and prediction. Grading: This involves the assessment of pupils for the purpose of determining and comparing their levels of achievement. So examinations such as the HKCEE, in which some pupils fail and other pass at different grades or percentages, are primarily performing a grading function. This form of assessment places pupils in rank order of achievement and permits comparisons between them. The grades which pupils are given are usually norm-referenced as they are relative to grades given to the other pupils who are assessed. Selection: An assessment that is used to decide which pupils should gain admission to a course or get a job is performing a selective function. This function is paramount in most societies because of the effect of examination results on social mobility and future earnings. Many public examinations, especially those at the end of secondary schooling, perform both a grading and selection function. They grade pupils (pass/fail A, B, C, D, etc.), and these grades are then used to select pupils for entry to universities, colleges and many forms of employment. Such assessments are usually summative as they are undertaken at the end of a course of study. Diagnosis: Diagnostic assessments are used to indicate the point at which a pupil has failed to learn something. They help the teacher identify the difficulties which a pupil is experiencing. Therefore, a test which is undertaken to find out which

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pupils have learning difficulties in English language or mathematics so as to provide them with remedial support is serving a diagnostic function. Such assessments are examples of formative assessments. Mastery: Assessment can be used to determine what skills or competencies a pupil has mastered. For example, a driving or swimming test requires a person to be able to demonstrate that he or she can perform a number of skills. An assessment which describes the skills a person can perform and when these are based on preselected criteria is an example of a criterion-referenced assessment. The judgement is based on the pre-established criteria, not on how well other pupils who took the test performed. Guidance: Here an assessment attempts to help pupils make a decision. Examples are assessments which are designed to aid their choice of subjects to study, or of career to follow. Prediction: This refers to assessments which try to predict how a pupil will perform in later academic studies or in an area of work. Academic or scholastic aptitude tests are the best examples of assessments which primarily serve this purpose. For example, predictive tests can be used to determine whether a pupil is ready to learn to read. They can also be used to assess a pupil’s aptitude for mathematics.

Who Uses Assessment? The different functions performed by assessment satisfy the needs of different groups or stakeholders in society. Teachers primarily require information about pupils which is immediate and which helps them to plan their lessons and to obtain rapid feedback on pupils’ learning. In contrast, governments, tertiary institutions and employers want information which will allow them to select students or evaluate the effectiveness of the school system. Their concern is not with how learning takes place but with how much has been learnt in relative or absolute terms. Table 7.1 provides a clear indication of the functions and information needs of assessment by different groups. We can see that, as with the aims of education we examined in Chapter 2, a focus on society’s needs produces a very different approach to assessment than does a focus on the needs of the individual pupil. Many problems concerning assessment and examinations arise because the different stakeholders have very different needs and expectations. If an assessment exercise fully satisfies the needs of one group, such as the universities or employers, it is unlikely to satisfy the needs of parents or teachers. The information provided by assessments is, therefore, expected to serve many different purposes.

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Table 7.1

Assessment needs and purposes of different groups

Groups/Stakeholders Function of assessment Government

To judge effectiveness of the General achievement education system through international scores benchmarking, evaluate the effectiveness of schools and place pupils in school bands

Employers and higher To select employees and entrants to education institutions universities School administrators

Test, examination or portfolio scores

To market the school, judge teacher Test, examination or effectiveness for promotion purposes, portfolio scores and determine pupils’ progression

Parents To demonstrate their children’s progress and success, and to enable parents to assist children’s learning Teachers

Data

Term test scores showing pupils’ progress; public examination results; information from teacher on children’s progress and feedback for improvement

Purpose/ characteristic Summative

Summative Mainly summative Summative and formative

To monitor pupils’ progress and Term test scores, Mainly diagnose problems with teaching and continuous assessment, formative learning observation

Pupils To find out about their progress and learn how they can improve

Public examination results, test scores, marks and teacher feedback

Summative and formative

The Impact and Limitations of Assessment The main purpose of assessment in Hong Kong has traditionally been to grade pupils and select them for further education and employment. Assessment of the attainment of individual pupils has been primarily carried out through formal public examinations, although recent initiatives include the online Student Assessment system and the periodic testing in the Territory-wide Student Assessment. Public examinations have, as we saw in Chapters 5 and 6, a powerful influence on the style of teaching and learning used in schools. This is especially the case in secondary schools, which have been portrayed as relying on pupils to learn from a combination

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of the 3Ts (teachers, textbooks and tests), but it has also influenced those levels of schooling which are not preparing pupils directly for a public examination. The curriculum at junior secondary level is often treated as a preparation and/or selection for the certificate-level course. Consequently, some subjects such as social studies were unpopular because they did not clearly link to a certificate-level course, or as in the case of integrated science, the course was sometimes shortened to two years to allow pupils to study physics, chemistry and biology in preparation for the certificate level. When liberal studies was introduced as an AS-level subject in 1992, it was adopted in less than 10% of secondary schools primarily because it was not required for access to any of the tertiary institutions. The importance and influence of public examinations throughout all levels of schooling is therefore very substantial. It is important therefore to recognize their limitations. The Curriculum Development Council (2001, 81) commented: Hong Kong has relied on written tests and examinations as major methods of public assessment as well as within schools. Written tests and examinations assess the products of learning such as memory, understanding of knowledge and concepts at a certain point in time. However, independent learning capabilities and other learning experiences are better reflected in the processes of learning rather than in tests and examinations. Therefore, the latter would have a narrowing effect on learning if they continued to dominate assessment in Hong Kong. Curriculum change will not succeed without corresponding changes in assessment.

Matthews (1989) has identified the following limitations of public examinations: • They are terminal — that is, confined to the point of a long period of schooling. • They are conformist — marks are given for answers which have been largely determined in advance by the examiners. • They are uniform — large numbers of candidates sit the same paper at the same time. • The medium of communication is largely inscriptive — examiners are remote and communication from the candidates to the examiners is through writing, calculating or drawing. • They tend to assess the product of schooling in the form of intellectual skills, rather than the process of learning and personal and social attributes. • They are competitive rather than informative — results are published simply as an order of merit in form of single grades. • They are crude — the error of measurement is considerable and what they measure is uncertain.

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Examinations can also be demotivating for those pupils whose experience of them is a series of failures. According to the HKEAA, the number of candidates who achieved Level 2 or E grades or above in at least five HKCEE subjects was 48% in 2007. Thus, one of the consequences of a competitive and selective examination is that it informs most pupils that they have been unsuccessful. The recognition of these limitations has resulted in a number of reforms and modifications of the systems of public assessment. We examine some of these in more detail below. The question which arises is: If examinations have so many limitations, why not abolish them or replace them by another system for selecting pupils? Examinations were first introduced in China in the fifth century and subsequently in Germany, the UK and France as a fair means to select people to work in the civil service. Examinations replaced systems of selection which were based on criterion such as wealth, political affiliation, bribes and personal connections. So, for example, before examinations were introduced, well paid jobs in the civil service in the UK could be purchased, which meant that only the sons of rich families could get such jobs. Public examinations, despite their limitations, remain an acceptable, objective and fair method of selecting pupils for employment and further studies.

Influences on Examinations We saw in Chapter 2 that curriculum plans expect schools to develop pupils’ cognitive, psychomotor and affective capabilities. Curricular goals also stress the importance of social, personal and moral education. Public examinations have found it difficult to assess pupils in areas other than their knowledge of subject content. Many factors serve to influence and reinforce this by-product of public examinations. These are: • objectivity • scale and efficiency • teacher competence • the nature and development of knowledge • the language of assessment Objectivity: Examiners have a duty to ensure fairness and objectivity, especially when an examination is used to select pupils. This is especially relevant in Hong Kong, where success in education and consequent upward social mobility are possible for all children regardless of their wealth. The very legitimate concern for fairness and objectivity encourages the avoidance of those forms of assessment which require a marker to use personal judgement or where there is no single correct response. Instead, there is a preference for some forms of assessment, such as multiple choice

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questions, which can be more easily demonstrated to provide valid and reliable measures. A consequence of this can often be an emphasis on assessing pupils’ knowledge of trivial facts and information which are easily measured by such forms of assessment. This leads teachers to place the greatest emphasis on memorization by pupils and to ensure that pupils “know” large quantities of information. Little emphasis is given to encouraging pupils to understand key principles or how to apply them. The “objectivity” of the public examination system played an especially important role during the 1960s and 1970s, when a large proportion of the population were recent refugees and not native to Hong Kong. There was a strong belief in what has been called the “Hong Kong Dream” (Wong 1992). This involves a conviction that, with hard work and diligence, people could improve their position in society and were thus willing to accept the trials and tribulations of life (see Leung 1996). This belief, which placed success or failure as the responsibility of the individual, played a vital role in sustaining both Hong Kong’s stability and economic development. One example of the “Hong Kong Dream” was that surveys of parents (e.g., Mitchell 1969) showed that over 50% of respondents believed that the chances of a workingclass boy to become a medical doctor were “good” or “excellent”. The fact that children’s access to, and progression through, the education system was decided on their performance in public examinations was thus a major element in the emergence (not just the fulfilment) of the “Hong Kong Dream”. Scale and Efficiency: A public examination is a very large-scale administrative exercise which can involve thousands of pupils. The scale of the operation encourages the use of administratively efficient forms of assessment which minimize the potential for any discrepancy between regions or between markers, and which can be marked quickly. This consideration places further pressure on examiners to rely on forms of assessment which can be seen to have no obvious bias and which can be easily administered. Teacher Competence: If teachers are to be involved significantly in the examination process, they must have adequate professional training and experience. In countries which have experienced a rapid expansion of schooling, such teachers may be in short supply and so it is seen as inappropriate to involve teachers in the design or marking of public examinations. The low level of teacher involvement in public assessment reinforces the perception of teachers that public examinations assess their own competence as well as that of their pupils, and they attempt to align their teaching with the approach which they anticipate will bring the greatest examination success. The Nature and Development of Knowledge: A society’s perception of what constitutes the primary purpose of education and of the status of knowledge can promote the use of some forms of assessment rather than others. Different societies

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emphasize different educational goals and have different perceptions of how to choose the content of the curriculum and how to present it. If worthwhile knowledge is viewed as a set of known truths, and these are contained in the writings of a prominent religious or political leader, then clearly this suggests it can be assessed by determining whether or not a pupil can remember and repeat the key passages. Pollard et al. (1994) argue that where knowledge is viewed as “established”, the forms of assessment used tend to have a strong degree of categorization. This means there is an emphasis on the products of learning and summative assessment of what is known and certain. In contrast, constructivist views of knowledge display weak categorization, for they stress the process of learning and formative assessment of knowledge which is tentative and provisional. The Language of Assessment: In Hong Kong many pupils experience a curriculum where some components are in English and others in Chinese. Consequently, their proficiency in expressing themselves in writing is sometimes poor. This makes it difficult for some pupils to answer questions which require extended pieces of writing, such as essays. Examiners find it easy to ask questions, such as multiple choice questions, which require pupils to identify a correct answer and not to write extended answers. These considerations make changes in the assessment of pupils and in teaching methods much more difficult to bring about than changes in other components of a curriculum. One implication of this is that in developing or adopting a new curriculum, it is not sufficient only to address the question of whether or not the aims and outcomes of a curriculum are “worthwhile”. We also need to ask whether it is possible to develop and implement a form of assessment which reflects and encourages the learning of the purposes of the curriculum.

What and How to Assess? Which method is used should primarily depend on the function of the assessment exercise and its relevance to the educational task we are trying to achieve. It should be appropriate to the goals of the course, its context and the style of teaching we have used. The goals of a given subject typically include knowledge of the content of a subject together with outcomes such as getting the pupils to develop ways of thinking, intellectual curiosity, imagination and problem-solving skills. A number of frameworks have been devised to help educators identify their outcomes and how they might be assessed. The most influential of these in Hong Kong has been that of Bloom (1956) which, as we saw in Chapter 3, divides educational outcomes into three categories known as the cognitive, affective and psychomotor domains.

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Bloom’s taxonomy, and subsequent revisions to it, draw attention to the fact that a pupil could “know” or “understand” a subject in a number of very different ways. One pupil studying physics might have learnt by rote the definition of key concepts and laws. Another pupil in the same class might also be able to apply the ideas, recognize examples of them and be able to explain them to someone else. Another might be able to put the ideas together with other knowledge to suggest new ideas. When developing a curriculum, a lesson or an assessment exercise, we need to devise a way of assessing pupils’ learning that is flexible enough to encompass learner differences and that allows the teacher or other assessor to gather relevant data in order to carry out the function of the assessment (e.g., formative, summative or a mixture of the two). Table 7.2 provides a summary of the appropriateness of four types of assessment for achieving four of the cognitive skills identified in Bloom’s taxonomy. Table 7.2

Type of thinking

Appropriateness of types of assessment Type of assessment

Recalling facts, concepts, etc. (course content)

Extended writing Free writing and essays

Guided responses

Not Poor appropriate

Short answers Structured questions

Objective tests (e.g., MCQ)

Useful and appropriate

Understanding of facts, Not Limited Useful and concepts, etc. appropriate usefulness appropriate

Useful and appropriate though limited

Analysis of facts, concept- Appropriate Useful and Limited use making, inferences, etc. appropriate

Not appropriate: too limited

Synthesis and evaluation: creative thinking, generating own problems and solutions

Useful and appropriate

Useful training

Not appropriate: too limited and structured

(adapted from Jones and Bray 1986)

Therefore, a multiple choice examination does not seem to be an appropriate way to assess a course which has, as its main goal, the development of pupils’ skills at communicating in a second language. Similarly, essay questions might not be appropriate for a course which has been based on developing students’ ability to work together through project work. Basically, some types of assessment are more

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effective for assessing some competencies than others, and no single type is effective for assessing all competencies. The central question which we therefore need to answer in deciding which assessment method(s) to use is: Will it provide an indication of those pupil abilities or skills in which we are interested? Many forms of assessment are unsatisfactory because they measure outcomes other than those which are central to their purposes. For example, tests of intellectual competence, such as IQ tests, often appear to be assessing a pupil’s general knowledge, social experiences, the socio-economic background of their parents or the pupils’ vocabulary. Similarly, multiple choice, true-false, and sentence completion exercises often seem to be testing pupils’ ability to guess the correct answer. Lee and Law (1988) distinguish between types of written assessment, as illustrated in Figure 7.1.

Written assessment

select-answer type (The pupils chooses true/false items) supply-answer type (The pupil supplies the correct answer)

Multiple-choice questions True/false items Matching pairs Completion items

Structured-type questions

Essay-type questions

Open-ended questions

Figure 7.1 Types of written assessment

An over-reliance on types of assessment which involves choosing the correct answers can serve to reinforce tendencies towards convergent thinking, the provision of large quantities of information and a focus on those parts of a subject which are certain. If a curriculum is attempting to encourage pupils’ creativity, expressive skills, and imagination, then clearly this type of assessment would be inappropriate.

Developments in Forms of Assessment The limitations and effects of conventional forms of assessment have resulted in attempts to develop alternatives. These are not usually intended to replace traditional

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public examinations but are increasingly used to complement them. Alternatives include the increasing use of non-written assessment and of the recurrent or continuous assessment of coursework. Another is an increasing concern for developing effective forms of criterion-referenced formative assessment. The best example of this in Hong Kong is the attempt to introduce school-based assessment. The main features of these developments in Hong Kong are described below. Non-written Forms of Assessment and Coursework Assessment: To try to meet the increasing diverse goals of school curricula, there is increasing use of practical, oral and aural assessments. Fieldwork, laboratory work, oral tests, listening tests and practical tests are all examples of non-written forms of assessment. Assessments based on fieldwork and laboratory work are often used in science. Oral, listening and practical tests are most commonly used in areas such as art, music and languages where learning the subject necessarily involves an increasing mastery of a skill. The assessment can take the form of a set of practical exercises, such as a formal oral examination in a language or a continuous assessment of pupils’ practical skills. Coursework assessment is often based on an accumulation of grades or marks for work performed during the year. It may include the assessment of projects in which a pupil or group of pupils undertake an exercise both within and outside the constraints of formal lessons. Coursework assessment can replace all, or part of a terminal examination and allow the pupils to be assessed by a teacher who knows the pupils’ strengths and weaknesses. However, if a complete curriculum is assessed in this way, the pupils may be put under the pressure of assessment continuously and not just at the end of the year. There are also problems which can arise from the source of the work (pupils in a group might make unequal contributions or some might receive help from their parents) and from the teachers permitting personal factors to affect their judgement of the quality of the work performed. Because of these problems, assessments used for selection where the selection pressure is high usually give a relatively small weighting to course and project work if they include it at all. E-assessment: Advances in technology have permitted the introduction of online assessment and of innovations such as e-portfolios. For instance, the Student Assessment system developed by the EDB is designed to be a flexible tool to assist schools in low-stakes assessment in Chinese, English and mathematics. It includes a web-based central assessment item bank, assessments that can be taken online, and the generation of instant reports on pupils’ performance. E-portfolios draw upon the idea of portfolios that are commonly used by professionals such as artists or architects, who wish to display a sample of their work to potential clients. Being web-based, e-portfolios are a collection of a pupil’s work, and usually take the form of artefacts that have been created through the use of information technology. The work is selected to display the pupil’s learning over

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time (often in relation to specified learning outcomes), as well as providing the pupil with an opportunity to display competence in information technology (IT). The flexibility of the work being online makes it easy to share with others and to incorporate feedback. Territory-wide Student Assessment (TSA): This is a mechanism to enable the government and school leaders to keep track of the performance of pupils in relation to the KLAs and also to provide feedback on areas for improvement. Assessment takes place at three key stages (Primary 3, Primary 6 and Secondary 3) in Chinese, English and mathematics, with oral and written assignments for the language subjects. School-based Assessment (SBA): A greater use of SBA as a contribution to public examination grades is a relatively new feature of assessment in Hong Kong. The rationale presented by the HKEAA (Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority 2008) is as follows: Certain components of some curricula cannot be assessed within the context of a written examination, and this can be complemented by SBA. An even more compelling reason for SBA is that it emphasizes the assessment of a wide range of abilities of students including the process of their learning and growth, thereby strengthening the tie between assessment and teaching and utilizing assessment as a support to teaching. The validity of assessments is therefore greatly improved. Teachers are undoubtedly the most suitable people to assess the process of students’ learning and growth. SBA can also help reduce the pressure of “one-off examination” on students and affirm the professional judgement of teachers.



For individual subjects, SBA can help to develop specific skills (Table 7.3).

Table 7.3

School-based assessment and skills development in some subjects

Subjects Science subjects

Aims

• To enhance the ability of planning and performing experiments • To enhance the ability of designing scientific research and report writing

Chinese language • To enhance students’ interest in extracurricular reading and culture • To assess the learning outcome reasonably through a number of assignments during the learning process • To enhance self-learning ability Liberal studies

• To enhance self-initiated research and organizing ability • To enhance various generic skills

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One key feature of SBA involves teachers taking responsibility for assessing their pupils for a public examination. This gives rise to concerns (among outsiders and teachers themselves) about the teachers’ ability to participate in such a highstakes activity: Do they have sufficient competence and objectivity? Various measures have been implemented by the HKEAA to moderate the marks and to identify any inappropriate grading. The high degree of caution surrounding SBA indicates the sensitivity of issues relating to public examinations and the desire to create a “level playing field” for all pupils. The main trends in Hong Kong are towards encouraging the use of assessment for learning, which matches the general pedagogical shift from a focus on teaching to a focus on learning. However, the role of assessment in benchmarking the performance of Hong Kong pupils is also present in the TSA and in the attention to international schemes such as TIMSS and PISA, which we mentioned in Chapter 2.

? Questions

1. What are your views on the opinions expressed in this Letter to the Editor? In the past, pupils competed for a very small number of university places, which meant that only those who could benefit from tertiary education actually gained a place. The public examination system was standardized and fair to all candidates. If you failed, bad luck! Nowadays, teachers are carrying out school-based assessment for this important selective function, but this kind of assessment is well known for being subjective, not objective. Also, with the larger number of university places available, pupils tend to relax and do not study hard. They know that they only need to have a sympathetic teacher to help them pass the exams. This system makes our pupils lazy and unworthy of tertiary education. Hong Kong society is the loser. 2. Select an assessment instrument which has been used for external or internal examinations. Analyze the questions using the dimensions shown in Table 7.2 (p. 140). What does your analysis indicate to be the main types of thinking that are assessed, and which types of assessment are mainly used? Do you think that the types of questions used are appropriate to encourage those types of thinking?

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Further Reading Concise analyses of the principles and types of assessment are provided by Black and Wiliam (1998). A clear overview and analysis of assessment principles and practices which focuses on the Hong Kong context is provided by Berry (2008) and, in Chinese, by Lo (2008). The EDB website, http://www.edb.gov.hk/index.aspx?nodeID=2410&langno=1, focuses on assessment for learning.

8 Language Policy and the Medium of Instruction

A theme of this book is the interplay between the curriculum of schools and society. The curriculum, as noted in Chapter 1, is shaped by the existing economic, political and other societal forces, including social values, and at the same time, schooling is often expected to contribute to the future development of society. One of the richest examples of this interplay — and one of the major, long-standing topics of debate concerning the school curriculum in Hong Kong — concerns languages. The key questions are: which languages should be taught in Hong Kong schools? And, in particular, what should be the medium of instruction? Which languages are useful for economic development? What level of language competence can we reasonably expect learners to achieve? Taking into account international schools, national schools and schools catering to ethnic minorities, there are many languages taught in schools in Hong Kong. However, three languages are prominent in schools that follow the curriculum promoted by the EDB: Cantonese, Putonghua and English. This has not always been the case. As a British colony, Hong Kong developed a distinct local identity that combined Chinese and European influences, with just Cantonese and English as the significant languages. For many years, Putonghua was rarely taught, but the handover in 1997 raised a number of important issues about language and identity in Hong Kong and since then Putonghua is used much more in schools. Language and cultural identity are closely linked — language is a part of culture and helps to define a person’s cultural identity. Language policy can be strongly influenced by political considerations, because the languages that are taught in schools can influence the way that citizens see themselves. For instance, learning Cantonese can strengthen a person’s sense of identification with Hong Kong as a distinctive culture; learning Putonghua can strengthen a person’s sense of identification with the whole Chinese nation; learning English before 1997 could strengthen a person’s identification with Hong Kong as a colony of the United Kingdom.

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For these reasons, the language subjects in the curriculum are often changed as a result of a political transition such as the end of colonial rule or the creation of a new nation. The local languages tend to receive a boost, while the colonial language is relegated in terms of status as governments use language as a means to help create a sense of cohesion and national identity. However, the case of English is more complicated, as it is considered the main international language which plays a key role in supporting technological progress and international trade. As a result, in places such as Singapore, India and Malaysia, English has retained a significant position in the school curriculum in the post-colonial era. This interplay between the establishment of local and national identity and the forces of globalization is visible in Hong Kong (Adamson and Li 2004).

Languages in Hong Kong Hong Kong is home to speakers of many languages and dialects. The three most prominent languages (in terms of official status) are Cantonese, Putonghua and English, and these are taught in mainstream Hong Kong schools.

Cantonese Cantonese became prominent through the immigration of millions of people from Guangdong into Hong Kong. It is now spoken (to some level) by approximately 97% of the population. Since the 1960s, Cantonese has formed part of the development of a distinctive Hong Kong culture (reinforced by the emergence of Cantopop and the Hong Kong movie industry), and is used in government and the legal system. As the mother tongue or first language of many pupils in the education system, Cantonese would appear to be the best medium of instruction for learning. However, there are some problems with Cantonese, most notably the gap between the spoken and written forms of the language. Also, Cantonese does not have as high a status in Hong Kong as English, or (after 1997) as Putonghua.

Putonghua Putonghua had a low status in Hong Kong for many years before preparations for the handover began in the 1980s. It is based on a northern variety of spoken Chinese and the grammar of modern literary works. In 1955, it was adopted as the standard language of the People’s Republic of China (PRC). In the 1950s and 1960s, a large

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number of characters in the classical written script were simplified so as to make them more accessible for everyone and encourage mass literacy in China. In 1958, the romanized form of characters, pinyin, was introduced. However, these changes made little impression in Hong Kong and were rarely found in the curriculum in schools except in those private schools supported by the Chinese Communist Party. Then, with the handover approaching and the Mainland’s economy growing rapidly under the reforms of Deng Xiaoping, people in Hong Kong began to appreciate the value of Putonghua. Many government officials, members of the business community and popular entertainers became proficient in the language. However, there are problems facing Hong Kong pupils in learning Putonghua. The written characters used in mainland China were simplified to encourage mass literacy, but the traditional, full-form characters are still used in Hong Kong. Also, there are significant differences in the vocabulary and grammar between Cantonese and Putonghua.

English The case of English in Hong Kong is interesting. As the former colonial language, it might be expected to have less importance after the handover. However, English also has another role — as noted earlier, it is viewed as an important language for international communication, business and academic study. For example, to gain access to a university in Hong Kong, pupils must first pass the Use of English examination. Also, each year, thousands of students go overseas to study mainly in countries which use English as the medium of instruction. Many employers also require their staff to have a good level of proficiency in English. This role has given English a high status in Hong Kong and resulted in schools that use it as the medium of instruction becoming very popular with parents. English, though, is not an easy language for many Hong Kong pupils to learn. The writing system, pronunciation and grammar are often confusing with many words being spelt differently from the way they are spoken and a complex system of tenses. They are very different from Chinese languages, and English is not commonly used for everyday communication in Hong Kong. Although these three languages have a central place in the Hong Kong school curriculum, there are many other languages and dialects that are spoken in Hong Kong, or that are valuable for trade. For instance, Hong Kong has had a significant Indian community for several generations, and now has large numbers of Tagalog speakers from the Philippines; Japanese and Korean are spoken by important trading partners. Why are these languages not taught more widely? Obviously, there are issues of resources and time that limit the available choices. The choices between the three main languages reflect the existence of a classic set of educational

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dilemmas which, as we show below, have been addressed in ways which reflect different priorities at different times in Hong Kong’s history. That set of dilemmas can be expressed thus: society expects pupils to learn through their mother tongue as that is the language in which they communicate and learn most effectively; we also expect students to learn English as that is the language which best supports the economy and advances their education and career prospects; and we also expect pupils to be able to use Putonghua as that is the national language of China and an important source of national cohesion and identity. Each of these alternatives is worthwhile, but given that time is limited and that schools do not exist only to teach languages, it is difficult to achieve all three of them effectively.

Language Policies in Hong Kong Language policy has long been a controversial issue in Hong Kong. From the nineteenth century onwards, there have been recurring debates in the Legislative Council about the use of English or Chinese as the medium of instruction and complaints that English standards among young people were declining. Various solutions have been implemented, fine-tuned and abandoned. Language issues are very complex in Hong Kong for various political, social, economic and educational reasons, and language policies have to reflect a number of related principles. Historically, language policies for education have changed in Hong Kong as circumstances have changed.

Colonial elitism (1860s–1950s) As a British colony, education initially served the interest of the colonial rulers, creating a buffer class of an educated élite from the local population. This educated élite tended to be fluent in English and an increasing number studied at British universities. In the 1860s, Frederick Stewart, the inspector of government schools and first headmaster of the Central School in Hong Kong, strongly advocated that equal emphasis should be given to Chinese and English in the curriculum, and that pupils should not lose their sense of Chinese identity. However, the government resisted these ideas, arguing that English was important for trade and administration, and that local parents supported the teaching of English. Thus, English was emphasized in the small number of government schools, while community schools still followed the mandates of the Imperial Civil Service examinations in China.

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Vernacularization (1950s–1990s) It was argued by various sectors of society in the 1930s that schooling was not keeping track with Hong Kong’s development as an entrepôt and light manufacturing centre, nor with the modernization of China in the Republican era. An official report by overseas inspectors, published as the Burney Report (1935), called for greater vernacularization of schooling — in other words, more attention should be given to teaching Cantonese (at that time seen as low status) — and for a shift from a highly academic to a more vocation-oriented curriculum. The changes actually took place after the Second World War, when the decline of the British Empire meant that Hong Kong had to strengthen its own economic base while, at the same time, coping with the huge numbers of refugees fleeing the civil war and its aftermath in China. In the 1950s, the government permitted the establishment of Chinese-medium (CMI) schools to cater for the burgeoning population, while maintaining a large proportion of English-medium (EMI) schools. However, the CMI schools remained a small part of the school system and never received strong support from the government before 1997. In 1963, the Marsh and Sampson Report recommended that more CMI schools should be set up to enhance the learning of Cantonese-speaking pupils. The government’s response was familiar: English was valuable as an international language and was prized by parents in terms of the career prospects that pupils would have. However, in an attempt to encourage more schools to use CMI, the government initially requested the University of Hong Kong to develop a Chinese language stream but it refused and so the government established the Chinese University of Hong Kong in 1963 as a university that would use CMI. In 1973, a Green Paper produced by the Board of Education called for a strengthening and expansion of CMI in schools, stating that CMI should be the standard, with English taught as a second language. However, government policy, set out in 1974, toned down the support for CMI and stated that the choice of medium of instruction should be left to schools (Poon 2000). A similar response followed the Visiting Panel Report (1982), which criticized the educational value of EMI. In 1990, the government did introduce a policy that recommended the use of CMI. However, the government was very reluctant to bear the risks of a wholehearted commitment to implementing CMI and the policy remained a symbolic one as it was never implemented. Morris and Scott (2003) argue that the government did not press for the policy to be implemented, as to do so would have created significant conflict with parents and with the school sponsoring bodies. As a colonial government with a low level of political legitimacy, they could not risk open conflict and the possibility of the failure of any attempt to implement the policy. By 1990, more than 90% of secondary schools remained EMI. In reality, however, most schools used

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what is termed a mixed code. Textbooks, examinations and most written work were in English. But most of the teaching was in Cantonese with a smattering of English, especially the key terms and concepts of the subject. Most primary schools were wholly CMI, but many parents favoured those that had a reputation for achieving good results in English language (and therefore, potential access to prestigious EMI secondary schools). In the 1990s, with the handover in sight, a number of policies did address concerns arising in EMI schools, such as many pupils struggling to learn through a foreign language and some teachers struggling to teach, given their own limited competence in English. Bridge Programmes were established to help pupils move from CMI to EMI education at appropriate points. However, despite the government’s encouragement to secondary schools to adopt CMI as the medium of instruction by providing various incentives (such as extra native-speaking teachers of English), most schools still chose to be an EMI school, responding to market forces.

Firm guidance (1997–2008) After the handover, the Hong Kong government identified knowledge-intensive economic activities as a priority, as advocated in Chief Executive Tung Chee Hwa’s 1999 policy speech. Education reform to improve learning and language policies were priorities to help to achieve government objectives and the symbolic policies were replaced by policy actions. English language remained as a powerful force in the school curriculum, being seen as the main language of higher education, international trade and cross-cultural communication, and as an important asset to build Hong Kong into a “world-class city” (Hong Kong Government 1999). At the same time, Cantonese was associated with Hong Kong cultural identity. Political — most notably the desire for national unity — and economic forces (opportunities for increased involvement in China’s booming economy) led to Putonghua being given increased attention in the school curriculum. The interplay between Cantonese, English and Putonghua was addressed in the government’s goal of establishing a “biliterate and trilingual” society (biliteracy in English and Modern Standard Written Chinese; trilingualism in Cantonese, Putonghua and English). In 1997, the ED issued the Medium of Instruction Guidance to schools which stated that each school had to opt for CMI unless it could demonstrate that the teachers and pupils had the ability to cope with EMI. This measure was very controversial and was a major departure from previous policy as it was now a requirement despite it being referred to as “guidance”. As part of the shift to CMI, only 100 secondary schools were designated by the Education Department as EMI schools — which produced an angry reaction from schools that were omitted from the list and who

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feared a drop in status that was associated with CMI education. On appeal, 14 more schools were deemed to be capable of delivering EMI education, bringing the total to 114 schools permitted to use EMI. To compensate for the reduced exposure to English and to appease the disappointed schools, the government promised extra resources and enhanced the Native-speaking English Teacher (NET) scheme in both primary and secondary schools. Another measure to improve language standards included the introduction of a benchmarking test, now called the Language Proficiency Assessment for Teachers (LPAT), designed to ensure that new and serving teachers have sufficient competence to teach Chinese language and English language. LPAT was initially opposed by teachers, who viewed the test as an attack on their professional standards. It is interesting to note that the language policy in Hong Kong at this time was driven by issues of identity in the post-colonial era and the reintegration with the Mainland. From 2000 onwards there were calls for Putonghua to replace Cantonese as the language of instruction in Chinese medium schools, as well as — and to a lesser extent — arguments that mother tongue instruction enhanced student learning. However, elsewhere in Asia, including the Mainland, there was a move in the opposite direction — to increase the amount of EMI in the school curriculum. For instance, shuangyu jiaoyu (“bilingual education”) was popularized in many provinces in China. It involved the teaching of subjects such as mathematics and science in secondary school through the medium of English. Similar practices were adopted in many Asian countries as a response to the forces of globalization. In Malaysia, for example, English was reintroduced as the MoI for mathematics and science in 2003, although this policy was later abandoned. In 2001, the Hong Kong government commissioned the Standing Committee on Language Education and Research (SCOLAR) to review language policies. The resulting report, Action Plan to Raise Language Standards in Hong Kong (SCOLAR 2003), broadly supported the existing policies but identified a number of areas that required attention. One problem was that the policies had failed to specify the required levels in the three languages that were expected of schoolleavers. SCOLAR recommended that a list of outcomes should be drawn up, referring to social, vocational and educational uses of the languages. The report also highlighted that language education was not just the responsibility of schools, and recommended that continuing education for the workforce should help people to attain these competencies. SCOLAR suggested ways of enhancing the linguistic environment in order to motivate pupils to learn languages, and proposed measures to raise the standards of language teachers. These included encouraging schools, parents and pupils to make more use of the mass media, such as television and radio programmes in English and Putonghua, as a resource for language learning; encouraging parents to stimulate their children’s interest in reading; providing more

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professional development courses for teachers; requiring all language teachers to pass the relevant LPAT; and instituting the title of “Professional Chinese/English Language Teacher” to recognize those who were fully qualified.

Fine-tuning (2009–) The firm guidelines issued by the government in 1997 came under increasing pressure from various sectors of the community, including teachers, parents and school sponsoring bodies. They argued that schools should have more discretion in deciding which MoI to use, but essentially the goal was to allow more schools to be able to decide to use EMI. Consequently, the minister of education, Michael Suen, accepted in 2009 that some “fine-tuning” was necessary. The “fine-tuning” effectively meant that the 1997 Firm Guidance policy has been abandoned as individual schools can now decide which subjects to teach in which MoI. In practice, we have returned to the situation which existed before 1997 and this will result in a greater use of EMI, especially for those high-status subjects which are viewed as important for university access.

Policy Principles It can be seen from this brief review of language policy in education that several threads — political, social, economic and educational — are entangled in the debates.

Language and Politics There is a saying that “a language is a dialect with an army and a navy”. In other words, a high-status language is often linked to political power. Take English in the United Kingdom as an example. There are many dialects of English in that country, but the variety that is seen as the “standard” or “received pronunciation” (RP) is called “Queen’s English”, “Home Counties English”, “Oxford English” and similar names reflecting a connection to the aristocratic and educated elite in the southern area near London, the capital city. In China, Putonghua (“standard speech”) was based on the northern dialect in the area of Beijing. This preference gives a privilege to the people who are from the capital city or who belong to the social elites, and creates a disadvantage to those people who speak a different dialect or language. However, it has been a common feature of the process of nation-building around the world that governments promote the use of one language in an attempt to promote national cohesion and enhance communication within a country.

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The Firm Guidance policy of 1997 is an example of a language policy that is privileging one part of society. All 114 schools were Band 1 schools. Therefore, the message was that the “best” schools taught through the medium of English (the language of power and economic wealth). The rest of the schools, who had to use mother tongue as the MoI, were labelled as inferior and the pupils were given less access to the high-status language (Choi 2003).

Language and society Languages and dialects are not just useful for everyday communication; they are also an expression of social identity. Often people associate their identity with their “mother tongue”: a person from Shanghai, for instance, might consider the ability to speak Shanghainese to be an important part of their roots. In Hong Kong, Cantonese is a major element of the local identity, through cultural artefacts such as Cantopop music, martial arts and police movies, and the mass media. The Hong Kong variety of Cantonese is significantly different from other varieties and many citizens celebrate that difference as a sign of Hong Kong’s modernity. Mathews, Ma and Lui (2008) analyze the changing nature of the Hong Kong identity and argue that it was strongest in the 1980s when there was a very distinctive popular culture rooted in Cantopop music, TV soap operas, and movies. Central to that identity was the belief that Hong Kongers were sophisticated and modern urbanites in contrast to mainlanders who were portrayed as unsophisticated country cousins who spoke Cantonese poorly. Clearly, that has now changed and mainlanders are increasingly portrayed as more affluent and sophisticated than Hong Kongers, who are often depicted as speaking Putonghua poorly and with a heavy accent. Mathews et al. argue that there is still a distinct Hong Kong identity which is defined more by the influences of global consumerism than by the influence of the government. Mathews et al. thus describe Hong Kong identity as akin to a global commodity which is selected according to the specific purposes it can serve for the individual. The linkage of language to identity is evident in battles in the Hong Kong school curriculum over the learning of Cantonese and Putonghua. Cantonese represents the local identity and cultural plurality; Putonghua represents the national identity. While there are significant differences between Cantonese and Putonghua that lead some linguists to label Cantonese as a separate language (in the same way, for example, as Spanish and Portuguese are regarded as separate languages), such a distinction is unacceptable to PRC leaders, who prefer to view Cantonese as a variation, or dialect, of a standard form of Chinese and who would promote the use of Putonghua throughout the PRC for the purposes of national unity (Ramsey 1989). This creates a dilemma as to which of the two should take precedence in the Hong Kong school curriculum, the local or the national?

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Language and economics Some languages are seen as having an economic advantage. For example, English is often promoted (uncritically) as the international language of trade and overseas study, while pupils in many countries are now learning Putonghua because of the potential business opportunities in China. The Chinese government is encouraging this development by training more teachers of Putonghua as a foreign language and seeking to popularize the standard tests in the language for foreigners. Organizations such as the British Council (English), the Alliance Française (French) and the GoetheInstitut (German) play a similar role for the languages of their respective countries. As noted above, the economic utility argument has facilitated the retention of English in Hong Kong schools even after the return of sovereignty in 1997. This, as Lin (1997, 431) notes, has led to a situation in which [t]he government, academic and media discourses repeatedly assert that Hong Kong’s economic prosperity depends on attracting foreign investors, which in turn depends on providing them with an English-conversant labor force. This saturation of consciousness by the ‘economic argument’ has legitimized the subordination of all sociocultural and educational goals to the single goal of mastering a socially, culturally, and linguistically distant language for the majority of children in Hong Kong.

Language and education The choice of the medium of instruction is crucial for pupils’ learning. Pupils learn best through a familiar language (not necessarily their first language or mother tongue). If pupils do not have sufficient competence in the language that is used as a medium of instruction, they tend to learn superficially (by rote, which is memorization without deep understanding) and to lack autonomy and self-expression. From the Hong Kong Certificate of Education Examination results of pupils who had studied in CMI schools following the implementation of the 1997 policy, two main findings emerged. Their performance in the subjects other than English had improved. However, their results in English were not as good. Of all the aspects of language in debates surrounding language policy in general, and MoI issues in particular, it appears that the educational value receives the least attention. Even when mother-tongue education was promoted in 1997, there was still a political dimension (noted above) favouring Band 1 schools that remained EMI, and this diluted the stress on the value of mother-tongue education. This reflects a tension between two of the images of schooling which we examined in Chapter 2,

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namely, a focus on social efficiency and economic returns on the one hand, and on the other, an emphasis on the needs and development of the child. From these perspectives, we can draw a number of competing principles that have driven language policies in education: 1. All citizens should have the opportunity to learn the national language and any other language that has political benefits. 2. For social justice, all citizens should have the opportunity to learn the languages of their daily communication and cultural identity. 3. For economic development, citizens should learn the language of key trading partners, or at least a common international language. 4. It is vital for developing deep learning, learner autonomy and self-expression that learners learn through a familiar language.

Biliteracy and trilingualism The challenge outlined by Tung Chee Hwa to Hong Kong citizens of becoming biliterate and trilingual places a considerable strain on schools, especially if the goal is a high level of proficiency in Cantonese, Putonghua and English. Language experts, such as Baker (2006), write about the additive, developing, subtractive and replacive effects when pupils learn more than one language. • An additive effect occurs when the language policy brings about a high level of competence in both or all languages. • A developing effect occurs when the pupil develops some competence in both or all languages but has not yet become strongly competent in any of them. • A subtractive effect occurs when learning one of the languages damages the learning of other languages. • A replacive effect means that learning one language causes one or more of the other languages to disappear (e.g., learning English results in pupils totally losing their Cantonese). Obviously, the additive effect is the most desirable. Figure 8.1 (p. 158) illustrates these effects in respect of two languages. When a third language is also taught, as in Hong Kong (Cantonese, Putonghua and English), the situation is more complex, and additive biliteracy and trilingualism is very difficult to achieve. The government and the business community have expressed concerns that schools were producing pupils who were not fully competent in either written Chinese or English, nor in spoken Cantonese, Putonghua or English — at best, what is achieved is a developing effect, although some might argue that it is a subtractive or even replacive process.

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Language B

Additive Developing Subtractive Replacive

Figure 8.1 Additive, developing, subtractive and replacive effects

Coercive and Collaborative Policies Governments face a challenge in deciding whether to use what Cummins (2000) describes as coercive or collaborative language policies. Coercive policies force pupils to learn a specific language, often at the expense of another language, such as their mother tongue. Collaborative polices try to create an environment that supports more than one language, such as the mother tongue, the national language (if different from the mother tongue) and an international language (such as English). Hong Kong’s language policies in education have shifted from being collaborative to more coercive and currently back to collaborative. However, underpinning the SCOLAR report mentioned above is the recognition that the linguistic environment in Hong Kong is not very favourable to achieving additive biliteracy and trilingualism. Unlike the situation in Singapore, most pupils in Hong Kong do not need to use English when they are not in school and thus the opportunities to practise are very limited. Setting realistic expectations, as recommended by SCOLAR, would help to sharpen the language policy. Different targets for different languages could be set, such as: Cantonese: pupils should develop an advanced level of oral and written competence in this language so that they can participate in the daily life of Hong Kong. Putonghua: pupils should develop at least an intermediate level of oral and written competence in this language so that they can become active citizens of China. English: pupils should develop at least a lower intermediate level of oral and written competence in this language so that they can communicate with people who cannot communicate in Cantonese or Putonghua.

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Other: pupils should develop an appropriate level in other languages that are important to them (e.g., an advanced level of oral and written competence in their first language, if it is not Cantonese, Putonghua or English). This is an important consideration given the ethnic diversity of Hong Kong’s population. Of course, pupils could be encouraged to exceed these targets if they have the ability.

Creating a Supportive Linguistic Environment A challenge in achieving biliteracy and trilingualism is creating a supportive linguistic environment in Hong Kong. Schools need a co-ordinated plan: language policies involve all teachers, not just language teachers. When English is the MoI, there are various options that have been adopted in schools. Language immersion: English is used throughout the lesson. The use of other languages is not permitted. This approach is strongly favoured by EDB. It can be effective if all the language (teacher talk, learning materials, pupil talk, etc.) used in the lesson is comprehensible to the pupils and the topics are conceptually familiar to them. However, it is less effective if the pupils are studying topics that are conceptually unfamiliar, as it is difficult for the teacher to communicate the meaning using English explanations or paraphrases. Code-switching: the use of more than one language is permitted. For instance, the learning materials may be in English, but the teacher’s presentation could be in Cantonese. Pupils might give a presentation in English, but a class discussion might be held in Cantonese. Lessons could even be multilingual. For instance, a liberal studies lesson could use resources in Cantonese and Putonghua, with the class discussion conducted in English. This approach could lead to breaking down the differences between CMI and EMI schools. It could also lead to pupils’ having a better understanding of the topic under study, as they can draw upon a familiar language when they are confronted with some new learning or something that they do not understand. However, the approach is controversial, as there is a fear that pupils will have inadequate linguistic mastery of the concepts in any language. Code-mixing: this, as we saw above, is the mixing of more than one language at the same time. For instance, the teacher introduces a topic in Cantonese, but inserts a few key words in English. This approach allows pupils to follow the lesson and pick up some English terminology. However, although their understanding is enhanced, their language learning is not. There is a danger that subtractive bilingualism/ trilingualism will occur, as they are exposed to a hybrid form of language.

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One strategy adopted by the Hong Kong government has been to employ native-speaking teachers of English to expose the pupils to “natural” English in the classroom. However, some scholars (e.g., Kirkpatrick 2006) argue that when pupils are taught by non-native language teachers, this offers them a more attainable model of English and Putonghua than native-speaking teachers, as they speak the Hong Kong varieties of English and Putonghua that local pupils will mainly need in the future. Clearly, language policy has to create the conditions that allow pupils to develop an appropriate sense of self and cultural identity in Hong Kong and China, and to gain access to opportunities so that they can contribute to and benefit from the social and economic well-being of the society in which they live. However, the ambitious goals of biliteracy and trilingualism, given the language environment in Hong Kong, make this a very complex and frustrating endeavour, with no consensus emerging as to the best approach. One recent trend has been to acknowledge the need for flexibility in the policy, with the devolution of some decisions regarding language policy from the central government to schools. This allows schools to find a language policy that works best for them. However, the problem with devolving decisions to schools is that market forces will predominate, resulting in the continued growth of EMI, which may be in the economic interests of Hong Kong, but not necessarily in the educational interests of the majority of pupils.

? Questions

1. What is your school’s language policy? What measures have school leaders taken to support the policy? What effects does it have on your pupils’ learning? 2. What suggestions would you give to the teachers in the following cases?

Cathy teaches in an EMI school with a very strict English-only policy. The S2 pupils find her lessons very difficult to follow. The language of the textbook, in particular, is pitched at a very high level. Cathy’s pupils regularly ask her to switch to Cantonese.



George teaches in a CMI school. He believes that many of the S4 pupils have the ability to get into an EMI university, if they are given appropriate support.



Susan is the new principal in a school which has a significant number of pupils whose mother tongue is Urdu, Hindi, Korean and other Asian languages. She is responsible for devising the language policy for her school.

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Further Reading Analysis of language policies in general is found in Cummins (1986), Tollefson and Tsui (2004), Lin and Martin (2005) and Liddicoat (2007). Specific analysis of language policies in Hong Kong is provided by Adamson and Auyeung Lai (1997), Tsui et al. (1999), Evans (2000), Poon (2000), Byram (2003) and Lin and Man (2009). Advice for teachers on handling medium of instruction issues is set out in Johnson, Shek and Law (1993), Hoare, Kong and Evans (1997) and Evans et al. (2001). How subjects such as (world) history and Chinese history have been linked to the formation of identity in Hong Kong is discussed in Vickers (2005) and Kan (2007) respectively. Lee (2008) examines the tensions between national identity and globalization in the context of citizenship education in Hong Kong. The SCOLAR website is http://cd1.edb.hkedcity.net/cd/scolar/html/new_index_ tw.htm

9 Evaluating the Curriculum

Evaluation, like assessment, can serve different functions and be used for different purposes by different audiences who have very different priorities and concerns. Teachers and/or policymakers might evaluate a school curriculum or a part of it because they want to improve it or because they want to decide whether it works or whether it should be replaced. Evaluation designed to help improve an existing curriculum is called formative evaluation. Evaluation designed to make a decision about a curriculum’s worth is called summative evaluation. In reality, many evaluations are trying to achieve both purposes as they are evaluating both a curriculum’s worth and trying to find out how it can be improved. In this chapter, we first analyze an approach to a complete evaluation of all aspects of a curriculum. Then, we examine various types of evaluation which focus on specific components of the curriculum.

Models of Curriculum Evaluation If we are to make decisions designed to improve the curriculum, then we will need to decide whether it works. This requires that we make judgements about its worth or value. Decisions to change or replace a curriculum in schools are sometimes made on the basis of intuition or very limited data. Curriculum evaluation is the collection and provision of evidence on the basis of which informed decisions can be made about the curriculum. There are several models that have been proposed for curriculum evaluation. Kirkpatrick (1994) suggests that evaluation should focus on four levels — the reactions of pupils, their learning, their behaviour and the results. Pupils’ reaction (Level 1): It is common practice in higher education for students to evaluate the courses that they study. Such evaluations typically ask for

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students’ opinions on issues such as the coherence of the course, the sequencing of the content, how motivating the students found the course, the appropriateness of the assessment, the clarity and effectiveness of teaching, the teaching aids, classroom facilities, the benefits that the students feel that they gained from the course and aspects that they felt were lacking or poorly presented. The evaluations are usually conducted at the end of the course and students are generally allowed to submit the evaluations anonymously. Feedback may also be solicited through focus groups or staff-student consultative meetings. It is rare to find such evaluations in primary and secondary schools, possibly because teachers have doubts about the pupils’ capability to offer mature reflections on their learning experiences — which is an argument also often used by some teachers in higher education. There are other concerns. The use of evaluations at this level as the main evidence (with the other three levels largely ignored) has been criticized as giving an incomplete picture, and the tendency in some institutions to use this data for the purposes of promotions and contract renewals for teachers is very problematic and controversial. Nonetheless, there is an argument (as we saw in Chapter 6) for allowing pupils’ voices to be heard in matters relating to their own education. Learning (Level 2): Evaluation at this level looks for evidence of pupils’ learning, which is usually provided by some form of assessment. There are different approaches to this evaluation. One approach (similar to the Fidelity Perspective that will be discussed in the next chapter) is to match the pupils’ learning outcomes with the outcomes that were planned in the curriculum. A second approach, which is not incompatible with the first approach, is to try to identify and take into account learning outcomes that had not been specifically planned in the curriculum. These outcomes might be positive (for example, extra learning that benefits the pupils’ whole person development) or negative (such as acquiring undesirable attitudes or prejudices). We need to be cautious in evaluating the curriculum based on assessment scores for a number of reasons: • It is difficult to establish through assessment if pupils’ learning is a result of the curriculum they follow or of other factors (e.g., pupils’ prior learning or ability level); • It is difficult to establish which parts of a curriculum are effective and which are not; • Many curricula have goals which focus on learning processes which are very difficult to assess; • Examinations and tests only tell us how well a pupil has performed at a point in time. They do not tell us by how much the pupil’s understanding and skills have improved.

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Public examination results are limited forms of evidence because they would suggest that those schools with lower ability intakes (Band 3) are not doing a good job, while those with higher ability intakes are relatively successful. It is self-evident that this is not necessarily the case. Many schools with lower ability intakes are providing an education which greatly improves their pupils’ capabilities. It is possible that a school which has an intake of Band 1 and 2 pupils does not greatly improve their capabilities. It is for this reason that some education systems, including Hong Kong’s, are now attempting to measure the “value added” by schools.

Behaviour (Level 3): This level of evaluation is very difficult to gauge, as it is concerned with the ways in which the pupils’ behaviour has changed as a result of experiencing the curriculum. Such an evaluation would rely on reflections by teachers, parents and the pupils themselves, and it can be very hard to establish a link between perceived changes in behaviour and specific learning. However, for some aspects of the curriculum, especially those that adopt a social reconstructionist orientation (see Chapter 3), behavioural change may be an intended and important learning outcome. For example, the curriculum may include making the pupils more aware of environmental issues and encouraging them to act responsibly by engaging in activities such as recycling. A noticeable difference in pupils’ recycling habits would indicate that the curriculum has produced a change in their behaviour. Results (Level 4): Evaluation of results refers to the overall outcomes of the curriculum. Have the results proved worthwhile and cost-effective? For instance, if the curriculum is oriented towards social and economic efficiency (as described in Chapter 3), to what extent has the curriculum succeeded in producing the human resources and quality of citizens that it set out to produce? This level of evaluation can draw on quantitative and qualitative data. However, balancing the (often diverse) views of different stakeholders on the success of a curriculum can be a challenging task requiring subjective judgement on the part of the evaluator. Kirkpatrick’s model focuses mainly on the teaching and learning processes that take place in the classroom, and the results that have accrued. The evaluation model developed by Stake (1967) is similar in some aspects to the one developed by Kirkpatrick, but it also takes contextual factors at the school level into consideration and looks at issues of curriculum coherence. Stake distinguishes between three key elements of both the intended and implemented curriculum, which are the antecedents, transactions and outcomes. Antecedents refers to the situation or context in which a curriculum is provided. This includes the environment of schools, the time allocated, and the books, equipment and other resources that are available. Transactions refers to what happens in classrooms, including what teachers and pupils do. Outcomes refers to what the pupils have learnt, which could be measured

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by an assessment of their knowledge, skills and/or attitudes. Each of these three elements can be expressed as part of both the intended (or planned) curriculum and the observed (or implemented) curriculum. The relationship between them is summarized in Figure 9.1. Intended antecedents

Observed antecedents

Intended transactions

Observed transactions

Intended outcomes

Observed outcomes

Figure 9.1 A model for curriculum evaluation This model suggests that, to evaluate a curriculum, we should compare the intentions and reality of a curriculum with regard to its antecedents, transactions and outcomes. Examples of questions which reflect the three levels of comparison are: (a) Are pupils provided with the intended textbooks and laboratory equipment? (b) Do pupils undertake the tasks and activities which the intended curriculum specifies? (c) Do the pupils possess the planned knowledge, skills and attitudes? Stake also suggests that an evaluator should ask questions about the relationship between the vertical components. For example, are the intended antecedents likely to result in the intended transactions and the intended outcomes? This question is important as it recognizes that curriculum plans can fail because the planners have not provided the necessary conditions to allow teachers to implement it. Different sorts of information are required to describe each of these elements in the model. For example, the evaluator will have to describe the intended aspects of the curriculum from a range of documents which describe what the course expects to achieve and how it is to be achieved. The intended antecedents will include a description of the assessment methods, organizational climate, target population of pupils and necessary resources. The intended transactions will be derived from statements of the desired teaching methods and pupils’ learning activities. Intended outcomes will often be described in a curriculum document as learning objectives. The sorts of information that might be collected to provide a description of the three elements of the observed curriculum are shown in Table 9.1.

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Table 9.1 Antecedents

Evaluating the observed curriculum Kinds of information Organizational background Resources Attitudes of school administrators, parents, etc. Examinations available Context in curriculum Knowledge and skills of pupils

Transactions Teachers: (in lessons) Roles adopted Use of time and resources Contact with pupils Pupils Cognitive processes Interaction and involvement Use of time Outcomes

Pupils’ achievements Pupils’ attitudes, interpretations Teachers’ attitudes, interpretations Effects on other parts of institution

Sources of information Timetable Curriculum documents, teaching materials Interviews, records of meetings Internal tests and examinations Interviews with staff Interviews, observation, pupils’ work Activity records Observation of class Self-report by teachers Self-report by pupils Observation of individuals Tests and written work Questionnaires Interviews (adapted from Barnes 1982)

It is not easy to evaluate a curriculum using all of the dimensions identified in this model. However, the model is important because it serves to highlight the range of different aspects of a curriculum that can be analyzed and compared. For example, by distinguishing between antecedents, transactions and outcomes, the model recognizes the possibility that there might be inconsistencies between the context, classroom activities and learning outcomes. This is important as it underlines the extent to which evaluation needs to look at the relationship between the curriculum and the context in which it is used. It also serves to remind us of another important consideration. Frequently, evaluations of new curricula identify the motivation, skills, or understanding of teachers as a major barrier to their successful implementation. For example, when policies such as the TOC were not supported by teachers, it was concluded that they did not fully understand them and therefore required more in-service education. The assumption was that teachers were the “problem” and that the innovation itself was not. The model outlined above recognizes that an evaluation should analyze both the intentions and the practices, and that problems could arise because the planned intentions are too complex, vague, insufficiently resourced or even contradictory to the transactions and outcomes.

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Another example of curriculum evaluation is a major study undertaken in Hong Kong reported in Adamson, Kwan and Chan (2000). The study analyzed over a four-year period the impact of the TOC reform in primary schools. It added an extra level to Stake’s evaluation model by examining the reform at three levels — the policy level, the school level, and the classroom level — which correspond to what Tong (2005) refers to as the primary, secondary and tertiary levels of curriculum implementation (Figure 9.2).

TERTIARY LEVEL System-wide curriculum planning and interpretation SECONDARY LEVEL Implementation decisions and responses by schools PRIMARY LEVEL Materials, pedagogical approaches and beliefs in the classroom Kirkpatrick’s focus of evaluation Stake’s focus of evaluation

Adamson et al.’s focus of evaluation

(adapted from Tong 2005)

Figure 9.2 Primary, secondary and tertiary levels of curriculum implementation/evaluation The study used a combination of methods (including documentary analysis, case studies, questionnaires, interviews and classroom observations) to collect data. The study was concerned with three perspectives (Chan 2000): accountability (the efficiency of the curriculum); development (the capacity-building in schools and educational agencies that resulted from the reform programme); and knowledge (the new understandings that were generated by participation in the curriculum

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initiative). Thus, by taking into consideration the development and knowledge perspectives, this evaluation model is much broader in scope than the Kirkpatrick or Stake models, which are mainly concerned with curriculum efficiency. The findings of the study highlighted that, at the policy level, there were a number of contradictions between policy intentions and actions, and that the nature of the policy changed significantly over time. Many schools which adopted TOC did not implement it, but, in many schools, the reform provided an opportunity for significant improvements which were only weakly linked to TOC as set out in the policy documents. The reform also provided many teachers with opportunities to engage in professional development activities and collaborative learning. At the classroom level, teachers faced major problems implementing the recommended pedagogy and they became skilful at adapting it to their own situations. The reform did have an impact on the teaching of Chinese, as more time was given to teaching oracy. In many ways, dealing with the challenges posed by the TOC reform proved to be an important learning experience for curriculum developers, school leaders and teachers, and prepared the ground for the curriculum reforms that followed TOC.

Curriculum Evaluation by External Inspection of Schools In many education systems, school evaluation is an important form of curriculum evaluation. The EDB adopted a new scheme to review schools in 2003 under the School Development and Accountability (SDA) framework. The scheme was subsequently revised in 2008, on the basis of the experiences of the first cycle of implementation. The scheme involves an external school review (ESR), usually by a group of academics or education consultants, including subject-based and KLA specialists, in conjunction with a school self-evaluation (SSE). The role of the review group is to judge whether a school is being run effectively in accordance with its development plan and whether a satisfactory quality of schooling is being provided. The overall purpose of the SDA is twofold: to strengthen the accountability of schools, and to encourage the schools to focus on improving learning outcomes. The first function is more of an inspection and resembles a summative evaluation. The second function stresses the advisory and formative role of evaluation. The two goals are not necessarily mutually compatible — for instance, a stress on accountability may lead to defensiveness in schools, whereas improving learning outcomes might require risk-taking — and so the evaluation process requires skilful handling by all participants. The EDB adopted the practice of publishing ESRs on the internet for public access and this served to reinforce the perception that the intention was summative, with schools that were deemed to be performing well gaining a market advantage over those whose reports were less favourable. Poor reports carried the

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risk of public humiliation and recriminations and as a result schools tended to be very defensive and avoided taking any risks. In 2005, major changes were made to counteract the defensive tendencies of schools. Key changes were a reduction in the amount of documentation that was required, and stopping the practice of uploading ESR reports to the EDB website for public consumption, in an attempt to make the system more of a formative process. According to an impact study of the effectiveness of the ESR (McBeath 2008), these changes represented a shift from a top-down inspection approach to a sequential model of planning → implementation → evaluation that is designed to bring about school improvement. When the scheme was further revised in 2008, the ESR changed its focus in order to pay particular attention to the concerns raised by the school and the implementation of the School Development Plan, as well as to follow up on previous evaluations. In this way, the ESR was envisaged as an external validation of a school’s self-appraisal and efforts to improve. In the ESR, the evaluators review school performance in four domains: management and organization; learning and teaching; student support and school ethos; and student performance. These four areas are linked to eight areas of Performance Indicators (PIs) (Figure 9.3). Clearly, any useful and comprehensive evaluation of a school has to address questions related to the curriculum and it should be able to identify and recommend solutions to any curriculum problems. The group conducting the ESR, for example, will review school documents and pupils’ assignments; observe lessons and other school activities; and hold meetings and interviews with relevant stakeholders. The evaluation model underpinning the ESR has elements of both Kirkpatrick’s four-level model and Stake’s context-related model. The philosophy is a mixture of assessment for learning (i.e., for school improvement) and of accountability (i.e., whether the school is providing value). It is not an evaluation of the intended curriculum that is set out in CDI documents. Instead, it is an evaluation of the school’s interpretation and implementation of the intended curriculum. The potential weakness of such a scheme lies in the temptation to assume that the intended curriculum is problem-free and that it is the schools that are somehow deficient in implementing it.

Self-evaluation by Schools As schools in Hong Kong are now being encouraged to take greater responsibility for their own activities, it follows that self-evaluation is an important exercise for reflecting on strengths and weaknesses.

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(adapted from EDB 2008)

Figure 9.3 Performance Indicators Framework for School Evaluation in Hong Kong Common approaches to self-evaluation might involve the school in soliciting support from a team of external consultants in preparing the report or completely undertaking the task themselves. Described briefly below are the main features of two such schemes:

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(1) A standard approach to the evaluation of schools by external groups who work with the staff of a school is described by Marsh (1992). It involves four key stages: (a) consideration of the school’s written aims and objectives, (b) compilation by the school of an evaluation report on its ability to meet its goals, (c) assessment by an external panel that focuses on the extent to which the school report is consistent with their experiences, and, (d) follow-up in which the school considers the reports resulting from stages (b) and (c) and decides on recommendations/policies which will be implemented. (2) There are a number of models describing how schools themselves can undertake an evaluation. The one we will describe was developed by McMahon et al. (1984) and is called “Guideline for Review and Internal Development in Schools” (GRIDS). It involves five stages which are shown in Figure 9.4 and it is intended that all staff within a school are involved in each stage.

Stage 1: Getting started 1. Decide whether this method suits your needs. 2. Consult the staff. 3. Appoint a school co-ordinator.

Stage 5: Evaluation and restart

Stage 2: Initial review

1. Decide whether the changes should be made permanent. 2. Decide whether and how to restart. 3. Restart.

1. Plan the initial review. 2. Collect information. 3. Survey staff opinion. 4. Identify priority areas.

Stage 4: Action for development

Stage 3: Focused review

1. Check on the implications for your development plan. 2. Decide what professional development opportunities should be made available. 3. Take action.

1. Choose aspects for focused review. 2. Identify present policy/practice. 3. Check on its effectiveness. 4. Draw up recommendations for development.

(adapted from McMahon et al. 1984)

Figure 9.4 The five stages of the institutional review and development process

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One approach adopted in Hong Kong schools under the SDA is to set up a School Improvement Team (SIT) that is made up of a cross-section of the teaching staff and that has responsibility for producing an SSE and finding ways to make it into a formative document that can actually help school improvement. The SSE (which is now optional and recommended to be no more than 20 pages) is intended to be an evidence-based appraisal linked to the Performance Indicators in the eight areas set out in Figure 9.3. Schools are asked to rate their own performance according to the scale shown in Table 9.2.

Table 9.2

Assessment criteria for school evaluation in Hong Kong

Levels of school performance

Assessment criteria

Excellent

School work in the area in question is often characterized by major strengths, attainment of expected outcomes and outstanding performance. An exemplary case worthy of dissemination.

Good

Strengths outweigh weaknesses in the area of school work in question; the school is advancing steadily towards pre-set goals with pleasing outcomes.

Acceptable

School work in the area in question is marked by some strengths and some weaknesses. The school is advancing towards pre-set goals with some initial observable outcomes.

Unsatisfactory

Major weaknesses in the area in question with undesirable outcomes; pre-set goals fail to be attained and immediate remedial action is required. Source: EDB (2008) (emphasis in the original)

There is potential for the SIT to lead their school in the role of “self-evaluators for learning”. Of course, it could be argued that school leaders and teachers have always undertaken self-evaluation as a part of professional practice, but the SDA has formalized and institutionalized the practice in recent years. In some schools, other stakeholders such as parents and pupils have been invited to participate in self-evaluation exercises. This wider participation can add new perspectives to the process, but the amount of attention to be paid to their views is controversial. As noted above, some schools view pupils as important witnesses to the quality of teaching and learning offered by the curriculum, while other schools would suggest that pupils lack the maturity to make valuable judgements.

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Evaluating Curriculum Components Not all curriculum evaluation is a comprehensive review. Very often, a component of the curriculum is evaluated, such as the quality of teaching through teacher appraisal. In this section, we will discuss the evaluation of learning resources, such as textbooks and multimedia, as these resources need to be selected carefully for pedagogical, economic and political reasons. The development of information technology in recent decades has had a major impact on the curriculum, not least in terms of the range of instructional materials and sources of information that have become available to teachers and pupils. Multimedia resources offer a number of advantages. For example, they can: • provide opportunities for learning using different intelligences, such as music and spatial intelligence; • portray events happening in real life (which is useful in language learning); • allow privileged access to special events (e.g., the space walk by Chinese astronauts); • show a dramatized version of an historical event; • use special effects; • demonstrate concepts that involve motion; • show a sequence of events occurring; and • enhance interactivity in learning, such as through social websites, file-sharing websites, discussion boards, mobile technology and similar. However, despite the wide availability of multimedia resources, and the huge potential impact of the internet on learning and teaching, textbooks and related curriculum materials remain central to the delivery of the curriculum in many schools. There are several reasons for this. Textbooks are portable, flexible and less flimsy than sets of worksheets and notes, and require less technological skill on the part of pupils and teachers. They offer a comprehensive programme of study and are often organized in a linear sequence. Parents, teachers and students have confidence in them because they have been through quality assurance processes, including vetting by EDB. Pedagogically, resources are an important part of the teaching and learning process. How teachers use resources varies greatly. Some teachers use them as a sort of bible; for instance, they follow the contents closely. In contrast, some teachers rarely use or rarely refer to resources. In selecting appropriate resources, some teachers pay considerable attention to the coverage of the syllabus and the preparation for public examinations and other forms of assessment; others focus more on whether the resources match the interests and abilities of the pupils. Some

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of these differences are strongly linked to the nature of the subject. For example, mathematics teachers might use a textbook mainly as a source of examples and exercises; science textbooks might serve as an outline of the syllabus content; a history textbook might be used as a record of key events; a teacher of Chinese literature may use a textbook as a source of stories and extracts from classical literature. What is certain is that in many subjects textbooks perform a very important role as they often define in detail the depth and sequence of coverage of the content. In other words, they are a major influence on the horizontal and vertical integration of the content of the curriculum. Resources are economic goods. Textbooks, the most commonly used resources, are published by companies that seek to make a profit. Publishers will try to create a popular product and will be influenced by market forces. Currently in Hong Kong, the choice of textbooks is usually made by teachers. Therefore, publishers will tend to pay particular attention to the needs of teachers by providing model lesson plans and similar supports to ease the burden on teachers. At the same time, publishers will try to make their textbooks and supplementary resources appear attractive, by using colour printing, glossy pages, and so on. This can raise the cost of production and therefore prices, which can cause problems for less well-off families. Resources are also political artefacts. They reflect particular social values and priorities. For instance, there has been considerable debate about whether or not teaching resources should refer to the Tiananmen Square Incident of June 4, 1989. Similarly, as Kan (2007) notes, wording in textbooks can convey subtle messages: for instance, one Chinese history textbook published before 1997 contained the phrase the National Government moved to Taiwan when discussing the post-1949 period, but later editions stated the KMT retreated to Taiwan — thereby removing the reference to governmental status and suggesting that it was a defeat. It is, therefore, important to evaluate carefully the resources pupils use, and to arrive at a choice that balances the different issues that we have identified. Pedagogical issues to consider include: • Syllabus coverage (breadth and depth) • The sequencing of contents (linear, spiral, etc.) • The presentation of information (layout, use of pictures, diagrams, etc.) • Structuring of information (logical connections, cohesion, signalling key points, etc.) • The intended learning activities (tasks, exercises, scaffolding, etc.) • The cognitive demands on pupils (information processing, higher order thinking, etc.) • Readability (analyzing the level of difficulty of the words used and the complexity of the sentences).

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• •

Economic issues to consider include: Affordability Value for money

• • •

Political issues to consider include: Cultural representation (degree of diversity, etc.) Bias (gender, disadvantaged members of the community, ideology, etc.) Treatment of sensitive issues (underlying values, assumptions, beliefs, etc.)

These issues apply equally to the evaluation of resources that teachers produce by themselves. The most important factor to consider in selecting resources is how they will contribute to pupils’ learning, which, as we discussed in Chapter 6, takes a number of different forms. This requires good knowledge of the pupils, of how the pupils learn and of how resources can be used in a way that supports pupils’ learning in order to reach the intended outcomes — not just the intended learning outcomes of the curriculum, but also of the pupils. It is crucial for teachers to be aware that all resources reflect values, assumptions and beliefs, and they can reflect a particular ideology. Teachers need to be critical when making their selection of resources and they could develop a similar approach in their pupils, so that the pupils learn to question the content of materials through critical analysis. Indeed, critical analysis by all stakeholders, together with a commitment to improvement, is the key to ongoing evaluation of all aspects of the curriculum.

? Questions

1. Write a brief evaluation of your school in around than 750 words. Identify what you believe to be the school’s goals, the extent to which those goals are met, and what improvements could be made. 2. Use the criteria for the evaluation of textbooks and multimedia resources in this chapter to evaluate a textbook or multimedia resources you use or have used in school, and to compare it with an alternative on the market. What differences do you notice? Which, in your view, is more suitable for the context in which you work?

Further Reading Thompson et al. (2000) provide useful advice to teachers on developing resources for learning. Lee and Adamson (1993) provide concrete suggestions on developing

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a range of curriculum resources and how to evaluate and adapt textbooks in the Hong Kong context. An overall analysis of research on curriculum evaluation is provided by Madaus and Kellaghan (1992) and by Alkin and Lewy (1991). Specific approaches to evaluation are presented and analyzed in Lewy (1991) and Oliva (2001). More information about the SDA framework can be found on http://www.edb.gov. hk/index.aspx?nodeid=6422&langno=1

10 Changing the Curriculum

In this book, we have identified social, economic and political influences on the school curriculum and how the curriculum has changed to cope with new social, economic and political circumstances at different times in Hong Kong’s history. We have looked at different aspects of the curriculum, such as the intended, implemented, experienced and assessed curriculum, and noted the debates and challenges that have arisen. Some of the debates, such as how teaching and learning should happen, are perennial (dating back at least as far as Confucius) and it is clear that there are many views on the nature of schooling that we wish to provide to pupils and that these views are often irreconcilable. Therefore, as we noted in Chapter 1, the curriculum fundamentally involves engaging with a series of dilemmas. The curriculum that exists today is a compromise and a temporary phenomenon. It is a compromise in that it reflects a resolution of the perennial dilemmas of education in a way that appears most appropriate for addressing the changing challenges of contemporary society. It is temporary because social, economic and political conditions are dynamic, and they can change in a dramatic fashion. Indeed, in recent years, Hong Kong has undergone remarkable changes with the return to Chinese sovereignty, the impact of various financial booms and busts, SARS and its aftermath, and shifts in international geopolitics, to mention just a few examples. It is perhaps not surprising to note that curriculum reform has been such a regular feature of life in schools. Further changes will pose a new set of challenges that the curriculum will need to address, resulting in more reforms and new attempts to address the dilemmas. The process for government-initiated curriculum reforms is not always a smooth one, as we discussed in Chapter 5. In fact, they are often a source of frustration and resentment. For policymakers, some solutions to educational problems look very attractive in theory, but they appear to fail in practice. Policymakers have often expressed their disappointment with teachers when the intended curriculum is not implemented effectively, while teachers have resented the extra workload associated

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with reforms and the implicit (and sometimes explicit) official criticism of their previous efforts. In reviewing educational reforms in the USA, Tyack and Cuban (1995, 134) make comments that could equally apply to the Hong Kong context: The concepts of progress and decline that have dominated discourse about educational reform distort the actual development of the educational enterprise over time. The ahistorical nature of most current reform arguments results in both a magnification of present defects in relation to the past and an understatement of the difficulty of changing the system. Policy talk about the schools has moved in cycles of gloomy assessments of education and overconfident solutions, producing incoherent guidance in actual reform practice. Hyperbole has often produced public cynicism and scepticism among teachers.

The fundamental lessons are simple, although the remedies are complex. First, curriculum reform must take into account the historical, political, socio-economic and pedagogical context of Hong Kong, as well as the aims and aspirations for the future. Second, the key role of teachers as gatekeepers of classroom practice must be acknowledged. If teachers resist and dislike the reforms, then the intended curriculum has little chance of being implemented effectively. If teachers accept and are enthusiastic about a curriculum reform, then there are good prospects for effective change. However, gaining teachers’ acceptance and enthusiastic support is not a simple matter. Curriculum reforms are often problematic for teachers. Government-initiated reforms tend, as we saw in Chapter 2 and Chapter 9, to be political, complex, contradictory, and (occasionally) symbolic rather than a serious attempt to bring about actual change in schools. School-initiated reforms can also be difficult to implement, with limited resources and capacity. The principles for effective curriculum reform appear to be similar to the principles for effective learning that we discussed in Chapter 6. Just as learning comes from building on what the pupil already knows, using learning strategies that suit the individual pupil and ensuring that the expected learning outcomes are within the pupil’s ZPD, so curriculum reform might have more chance of success if it builds on what is strong in Hong Kong schools and seeks to achieve incremental improvements by providing appropriate support to those involved in the change process and by ensuring that the expected reform outcomes are within the ZPD of pupils, teachers, schools and the education system. This chapter is concerned with the nature of curriculum change, and how it can be managed. In this chapter, we will show that the management of change is a crucial aspect of curriculum reform, and we will identify some of the facilitators and barriers to effective change taking place at the level of the implemented curriculum.

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The Nature of Curriculum Change This book has shown that the nature of the curriculum is very broad, as demonstrated by the variety of reforms. Change can relate to access to education. Hong Kong has been very successful in expanding educational opportunities for citizens. For instance, a seven-year expansion programme in primary education was undertaken in 1954, to cope with the dramatic post-war rise in Hong Kong’s population. Free, universal and compulsory primary education was achieved by 1971. Other changes can be structural, such as the change from a 3-2-2 model of secondary schooling to three years’ junior secondary and three years’ senior secondary schooling, as part of the current NSSC reforms. Organizational reforms can be associated with changes to the types of schools in Hong Kong, such as the establishment of Direct Subsidy Schools, or the abolition of bi-sessional (i.e., separate morning and afternoon sessions) schools. Systemic reforms involve change to specific components of the education process, such as the shift from centralized, high-stakes public examinations towards more school-based assessment. Pedagogical changes are concerned with teaching and learning, such as the introduction of the Activity Approach in 1975, or task-based learning in the 1990s. All these changes have implications for the school curriculum. As schooling is embedded in and a reflection of society, it is influenced (as noted above) by social, economic and political factors. Thus, for example, the rapid development of the Chinese economy, and especially the Special Economic Zones in Guangdong Province as part of China’s modernization drive from 1978, led to a significant shift in Hong Kong’s economic profile from manufacturing to service industries, and this in turn led to curriculum reforms that aimed at producing schoolleavers who would be well-equipped to work in the new environment. Political changes have led to the rise in status of Putonghua as a school subject, changes in focus to the Chinese history curriculum and, arguably, the introduction of 3-3-4 to align Hong Kong with the structure of education operating in the rest of China. Other causes of curriculum change include the effects of international trends in education, such as the promotion of child-centred pedagogy in the form of the Activity Approach and catering for individual differences, or the outcome of a debate or initiative within a subject area, such as the use of phonics in teaching English. Most reforms actually have multiple purposes and are the product of much negotiation and compromises among the various stakeholders. After the 1997 handover, the impetus for reform in Hong Kong came from three different sources: the political and social agenda of the newly established government of the Hong Kong SAR, the serious economic downturn that many parts of Asia, including Hong Kong, suffered, and the multifaceted forces of globalization. As a result, the school curriculum in Hong Kong today, Kennedy (2008) argues, is characterized by:

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A discourse of lifelong learning More integrated forms of curriculum Less emphasis on examinations and more on assessment for learning An emphasis on generic skills Some focus on vocational education Some focus on more co-operative forms of learning The need for learning to be extended to more students.

However, some of the above have been promoted by the government for a long time. For example, attempts to promote integrated curricula began in the mid-1970s when social studies and integrated science were created as new school subjects. Similarly curriculum reforms in the 1970s also promoted the use of co-operative learning, generic skills and attempted to reduce the role of formal assessment. When education reforms are driven by different forces that reflect fundamental dilemmas, internal contradictions can often occur. An example would be the promotion of critical thinking in the NSSC on the one hand, and of relatively uncritical patriotic education on the other. This reflects what Tyack and Cuban (1995) describe as one of the perennial dilemmas of schooling, namely, that governments desire, on the one hand, to ensure an obedient populace and, on the other hand, to encourage critical thinking and active citizens. Another example is the push for informal, formative assessment, while high-stakes, summative assessment remains embedded in the educational system because Hong Kong society still values its formal examination system, which is perceived to be objective and fair. The intended curriculum, therefore, should never be regarded as unproblematic. It will always be a compromise and a temporary phenomenon. However, an ideal curriculum plan, without contradiction or tension, is not likely to be workable precisely because it cannot cater to multiple viewpoints and purposes. Moreover, the compromises and contradictions of a curriculum often provide space for schools and teachers to implement diversified interpretations of the curriculum, which gives them an opportunity to use their professional judgement and to undertake initiatives that address issues at the school and classroom levels.

Dissemination, Adoption and Implementation We saw in earlier chapters that the planned curriculum promotes curriculum components (intentions, subjects, generic skills, values, pedagogy, assessment, and so on) that are considered to be worthwhile and desirable, although the intended curriculum may contain flaws. Morris and Scott (2003) describe the standard cycle of educational reform in Hong Kong as now having several overlapping stages:

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•

•

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The identification of an area of concern in education and its formulation as a “problem” with the subsequent need for a policy to address it; Public support for change is encouraged by strong criticism of the object of change (for example, language standards, problem solving) by government officials and/or of the perceived source of the problem (for example, curricula, schools, teachers, language standards, teacher education); A policy statement (for example, an Education Commission report) spells out the need for change, describes the weaknesses of the status quo and identifies the broad policy intentions (for example, quality education, a knowledge society, lifelong/lifewide learning, enhanced teacher professionalism, the upgrading of teacher education) in language which is essentially exhortatory; and Policy intents are, to varying degrees, translated into specific policy actions of a direct nature (e.g., schools are required to use CMI) or indirect nature (e.g., schools are given more teachers if they use CMI).

Curriculum change therefore often involves the government introducing new policies. As we have seen in Chapter 2, the major concerns which have influenced policymaking in Hong Kong, especially prior to 1997, was the government’s desire to ensure its own survival and this placed a premium on policies designed to maintain political stability and economic prosperity (Leung 1996). Political stability was a necessity if the government was to survive and if the government could ensure economic prosperity, it would gain the legitimacy to govern. Thus, Morris and Scott (2003, 78) describe educational policy prior to 1997 as being formulated in a culture that is “a mixture of inertia and cynicism”, in that the government wanted to introduce reforms but was worried about causing social or political unrest by enforcing its implementation. The outcome, especially before 1997, was a reliance on symbolic policies. This refers to the government introducing a policy intention but not taking action to ensure its implementation. However, since 1997, the government has been more concerned with implementing policies. The top-down nature of reforms and, at times, the lack of political will to resource them often results in a significant gap between many aspects of the planned curriculum and the implemented curriculum. There is also sometimes poor coordination and communication between different stakeholders (especially between the government and teachers), and systemic constraints (such as a rigid examination system) can counteract policies. Another problem is that top-down reforms often fail to take account of the fact that the context of change is different at each stage. Policymakers are concerned with the political and bureaucratic processes of creating the reform documents. Publishers are concerned not just about following the curriculum documents, but also about the economics of selling teaching materials, such as textbooks. Schools adopt the reforms in the context of their own mission,

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ethos, staff and student profile, and other distinguishing characteristics. Teachers synthesize the new initiatives with their existing beliefs and practices, according to their understanding of the reforms and their scope and aptitude for change. Pupils learn what makes the most sense to them, according to their past experiences, motivation, aptitude, and so on. The process of change is complex and often leads to slippage. Is this slippage between curriculum intentions and reality always a problem? There are a number of ways of viewing the process. Fidelity Perspective: This perspective is based on the idea that curriculum changes should be implemented according to the plans of the developers and policymakers. Any variation from the plan at the implementation level is seen as undesirable. The basic assumption is that if considerable resources have been devoted to developing a new curriculum, then it should be used as intended by teachers if it is to be effective. Curriculum Enactment Perspective: This perspective suggests that the construction of teaching and learning experiences by teachers and pupils is the most significant part of the process. Policy only provides a context within which teachers work. The focus here is on the processes and experiences which teachers and pupils engage in as they determine what the curriculum is in the classroom. Mutual Adaptation Perspective: According to this perspective, the objectives of the planned curriculum are important, but it is healthy for slippage to occur, as schools and teachers have a strong grasp of grassroots reality. The intention of the planners is just one element in determining the forms of curriculum implementation in the classroom. The assumption here is that there is a two-way process in which adjustments will inevitably take place to both the curriculum and to the setting in which it is implemented. In Chapter 3, we identified a number of stakeholders who are involved in the policymaking process. Different stakeholders tend to hold different perspectives. Curriculum policymakers and developers will tend to hold a fidelity perspective, and may express frustration when the intended curriculum is modified or ignored by teachers. Teachers may resent the imposition of “unworkable” reforms (in their views) by curriculum planners at the macro level. Feelings on all sides can become so intense that the process of curriculum development can be described “as a war zone, full of conflicts and battlefields between stakeholders with different values and interests” (van den Akker 2003, 7). Fullan (1993, 24) states that educational change “can be likened to a planned journey into uncharted waters in a leaky boat with a mutinous crew”. In principle, a partnership between the various stakeholders would produce a more harmonious process, as envisaged by the mutual adaptation perspective. How can this partnership be achieved? There are four aspects of curriculum policymaking that need to be addressed to help reduce the gap between intentions and practice: the

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selection of innovations; supporting implementation; the nature of public assessment and a focus on curriculum processes.

The selection of innovations We saw in Chapter 3 that curriculum innovations are often selected and promoted by decision-makers who are detached from schools and who often use criteria based on the innovation’s perceived worthwhileness, quality and desirability. This sometimes results in importing and copying trends and fashions from the West, as it allows rapid and inexpensive promotion of “modern” developments. The nature of the innovation itself is rarely viewed as problematic because to argue against it is to reject its self-evident worthwhileness. Thus the standard strategy of curriculum innovation which was often used in Hong Kong followed this pattern: (a) Identify the weaknesses and limitations of the present styles of teaching and learning, which are then termed “traditional”, “didactic”, “teacher-centred” or “product-oriented”. (b) Specify what benefits would arise to pupils and society if a more “pupilcentred”, “progressive”, “inductive” or “innovative” style is used; and (c) Recommend that new curricula be introduced which embody the goals identified in (b). This ensured that curriculum plans were decided primarily with regard to their intentions. Questions of relevance, feasibility and practicality were viewed as essentially technical, rather than substantive issues, which were often addressed as an afterthought when problems arose (or schools were left to find their own solutions). Unfortunately, the experience in Hong Kong, as elsewhere, suggests that the intended impact on patterns of teaching and learning do not materialize for a range of reasons. When this occurs, it is easy for policymakers to blame teachers for their lack of commitment, professionalism, knowledge, or skills. The very limited success of a wide range of highly desirable innovations arises mainly from the failure to treat implementation issues as being important in policy decisions. As a result, curriculum innovations, such as requiring ethnic minorities to become proficient in Chinese, or task-based learning, are selected and promoted without reference to information on the context in which they are to be used. Consequently, teachers find themselves presented with policy initiatives which they often view as impractical, as they do not take into account key variables such as the repertoire of teachers’ skills, the resources available, the expectations of pupils and parents, the pupil–teacher ratio, and the requirements of public examinations. The result is that the goals of

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the innovation are too distant to constitute a realistic target and the innovation is adopted at a superficial level, ignored, or misused. They can, using Vygotsky’s (1978) terms, be viewed as outside the zone of proximal (innovative) development. It is vital to pursue policies with regard to what is both desirable and achievable. The selection of innovations therefore needs to be informed by research on what is going on in classrooms and schools, which allow real needs and attainable targets to be identified.

Supporting implementation One approach to supporting implementation is to increase the sense of ownership of change by those who are responsible for actually implementing a new policy or reform. Curriculum changes in Hong Kong have traditionally been supported by information seminars for teachers. While useful in informing teachers about the changes, such seminars are inadequate on their own. First, they reinforce a Fidelity Perspective, viewing the teachers merely as technicians whose job is to implement centralized, top-down policy. Second, teachers are left with little or no sense of ownership of the reforms, and may possibly rebel against them. Fullan (1993) argues that the complex process of change needs to value the informed professional judgement of teachers, and that teachers need to have a strong sense of ownership, but the process should also involve top-down and bottom-up inputs. He suggests that deep and sustainable change can only be achieved if: • the various stakeholders involved in the reform interact with each other; • people are generating and embracing new knowledge; • new solutions are found for the problems that arise in the change process; • people have ownership of these solutions, and they demonstrate strong and active commitment to them; • there are people who continually question and criticize, in the search for better solutions and innovative ideas. Increasing teacher involvement is not easily achieved. Many teachers are unable or unwilling to participate in centrally-organized consultative and developmental activities. However, the school level provides a more feasible platform for teachers to take ownership of an innovation. In recent years, there has been a move to devolve some of the decisionmaking responsibility from the government level to schools, with the introduction of various school-based initiatives and the refocusing of the SDA framework. The establishment of the Quality Education Fund, which allows schools to experiment with innovations of their own design and then to disseminate the outcomes, has the

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potential to stimulate reforms at the chalkface and to encourage teachers to have a sense of ownership of initiatives. Another significant example is SBCD, which was promoted in the Learning to Learn document published by the CDC. According to this document, the government maintains a degree of control by setting certain requirements regarding learning time, learning targets and essential content, while each school has a degree of autonomy in varying the choice of subjects, organizing the contents, adapting learning resources and choosing appropriate learning, teaching and assessment strategies. A further important aspect of reform is developing teachers’ professional ability to cope with the demands of new initiatives. Research shows that the development of professional learning communities is very effective in enabling change to take place in schools. Professional learning communities are groups of people who work together continuously to share, reflect on and critique their practices in order to learn and grow. Stoll et al. (2006) identify eight features of successful professional learning communities, namely: • Shared values and vision • Collective responsibility • Reflective professional inquiry • Collaboration • Group, as well as individual, learning • Mutual trust, respect and support • Inclusive school-wide community • Openness, networks and partnerships Providing time and space for such professional learning communities to operate is one way in which school leaders can promote change. Some schools, for example, schedule common free time so that these communities can get together. An increasing number of schools are using Learning Study (see Chapter 5) as a means to enhance collaboration and problem solving among teachers. This has often resulted in teachers working together and the emergence of strong professional learning communities in the schools.

Public assessment Where there is an imbalance between demand and supply (for well-paid jobs, elite schools, university places) and where there is a high rate of private return to each level of education, the educational system must incorporate some mechanism for selection and sorting. Public examinations have been widely adopted as the fairest method for determining who will obtain the scarce number of available places.

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Where selection pressure is high, examinations begin to become the reason for schooling. Pupils and parents become more concerned with their certification than with their education. As was explained in Chapter 7, the effect of this is that the style and format of public examinations places a very strong influence on the style of teaching used and the style of learning which is encouraged. If a public examination, in an attempt to maximize the objectivity and efficiency of marking, consistently requires candidates to reproduce chunks of discrete and trivial information, then that is what pupils will be encouraged to do in class. Teachers will transmit that information and pupils will attempt to memorize it. This will exert a more powerful influence on the implemented curriculum than any other factor, especially in a society where is a low level of teacher professionalism. The solution does not lie in the removal of public examinations, for they are merely a symptom of the essential problem, which is the need to select pupils. Nor does the solution necessarily lie in a shift from norm-referenced to criterionreferenced assessments. If criterion-referenced tests are used to perform selective and summative functions, then they lose the benefits usually associated with criterion-referenced testing. The time and effort which is required to develop a new curriculum is likely to be wasted if the means of assessment are not able to measure those skills and understandings which are its reason for existence. The development and testing of appropriate means of assessment should therefore be considered at an early stage in the process of curriculum design. Too frequently it is undertaken by another agency long after the publicity which accompanies the new policy has evaporated. More importantly, examiners (especially in the context of School-based Assessment), by virtue of the very important and practical nature of their task, are more likely to be influenced by the realities of the classroom and by the need to ensure objectivity and inter-marker reliability. The result can be a massive disjuncture between plans and practices. This can be avoided only if both achievable goals and appropriate means of assessment are identified.

The focus on curriculum process For some time now, curriculum plans have promoted pedagogic styles which stress the need for teachers to help pupils to learn how to learn. This is based on the belief that we should focus on the process rather than the product and content of learning. If pupils can learn skills such as inquiring and problem solving and work easily with other people, then they will have the ability to deal with new and unpredictable problem situations in the future. Innovations which stress the importance of aspects of the learning process include inquiry learning, problem solving, issuesbased teaching, inductive teaching, co-operative learning, task-based learning and assessment for learning.

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There is a parallel with this focus on process in curriculum innovations and the general approach to and purposes of curriculum development. The emphasis in Hong Kong has been to see curriculum development in terms of identifying and promoting specific curriculum innovations. The Activity Approach, the TOC, the Communicative Approach, Modular and Integrated Curricula are all solutions to problems or desirable trends which have been identified and promoted by the government. This emphasis involves trying to get the schools to adopt and implement specific curriculum products. Just as effective learning requires that pupils learn how to learn and how to solve problems, effective curriculum development requires that schools and teachers see their job as identifying and trying to solve curriculum problems. The Quality Education Fund has provided opportunities for teachers to address such problems through team work, resulting in some successful projects such as the one reported by Shatin Tsung Tsin School (2006), which stimulated pupils’ collaborative and problem-solving skills. Unfortunately, other attempts to promote a problem-solving capacity in schools have themselves sometimes reinforced the view of curriculum development as something which involves promoting and implementing curriculum products. The School-Based Curriculum Project Scheme is a good illustration of this. It was introduced in 1988 with the goal of encouraging schools to develop curricula to meet the specific needs of their pupils. Lo (1999) has shown that the scheme was administered in a way which meant that schools were expected to adopt curricular materials for use in existing curricula and the primary goal was to adopt materials and display them in an annual exhibition. The focus was therefore on curriculum development as an exercise in producing tangible products for display, not on encouraging schools to develop an environment which identified problems and worked towards trying to solve them. Effective curriculum development requires that schools develop the capacity or processes which allow them to continuously attempt to improve their curriculum. The promotion of ready-made solutions makes it difficult to encourage the development of that capacity. A central point that needs to be recognized is that the sorts of problems which affect the curriculum, unlike problems in engineering or science, are, as we noted earlier, dilemmas not problems as they are never completely solved. This is because many curriculum dilemmas involve a trade-off between competing goals. Therefore, if we introduce a policy to solve one problem, then this is likely to result in the emergence of another set of problems. For example, if more schools were required to use Cantonese as the medium of instruction, then this would probably result in complaints that this would have a negative effect on the standard of English and on Hong Kong’s international competitiveness. Similarly, the reform of the school curriculum to cater more effectively for the needs of all pupils would probably be accompanied by concerns about a possible decline in academic standards.

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These trade-offs are a reflection of the existence of, and competition between, different conceptions of schooling and of the curriculum. In the end, the Hong Kong school curriculum has to be able to achieve an acceptable compromise between the competing and often conflicting, but legitimate, conceptions of its purposes and nature. At the same time, it needs to provide the flexibility and support to schools and teachers that allow them to attend effectively to the needs, interests and abilities of their pupils.

? Questions

1. May Pong is the vice principal of a secondary school in Kowloon. Her principal has asked her to make preparations for the New Senior Secondary Curriculum. After reading the relevant documents and attending a briefing session organized by the EdB, May feels that she has a basic understanding of the reforms. She also has some ideas for initiatives that she could introduce in her school. However, when she gives a presentation at a staff meeting, her colleagues raise many questions about the details of the new curriculum and are critical of her ideas. May notices that several teachers are unhappy about the proposed changes and that they are showing signs of strong resistance. She wonders how she can bring about effective change in the school.



What advice would you give May?

2. Here are some comments by teachers in a primary school on curriculum innovations (cited in Lo 2000). What steps would you advise to improve the prospects for curriculum reform in these situations?

“There were so many innovations last term; before we could even digest the previous ones, new ones were coming.”



“[The principal] introduced a lot of new things — there is so much work that you have no time to work on your lessons and the curriculum.”



“[The principal] is not very strong in communication. I once told him that colleagues would be happy to hear from him some caring words, but he said, ‘I have too much work to do. How could I explain everything? We are racing against time.’”

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“We believe in the idea but … we get no support and this is hurting us. We work so hard and I don’t know if it is worthwhile. I wonder if [the policymakers] really believe in the idea too.”

Further Reading Kennedy (2005) and Kennedy and Lee (2008) analyze curriculum reforms in Hong Kong within the context of Asia. Stoll et al. (2006) provide an overview of the development of professional learning communities by teachers. The website of the World Association of Lesson Studies, which has a strong presence in Hong Kong, is http://www.worldals.org/

References

Adamson, B., and Y. W. W. Auyeung Lai. 1997. Language and the curriculum in Hong Kong: dilemmas of triglossia. Comparative Education 33(2): 233–246. Adamson, B., and S. P. T. Li. 2004. Primary and secondary schooling. In Education and society in Hong Kong and Macao (2nd ed.), ed. M. Bray and R. Koo, 35–60. Dordrecht and Hong Kong: Kluwer and Comparative Education Research Centre, The University of Hong Kong. Adamson, B., T. Kwan, and K. K. Chan, eds. 2000. Changing the curriculum: The impact of reform on primary schooling in Hong Kong. Hong Kong: Hong Kong University Press. Adamson, B., and P. Morris. 1998. Primary schooling in Hong Kong. In The primary curriculum: Learning from wider international contexts, ed. J. Moyles and L. Hargreaves, 181–204. London: Routledge. ———. 2007. Comparing curricula. In Comparative education research approaches and methods, ed. M. Bray, B. Adamson and M. Mason, 263–282. Hong Kong: Comparative Education Research Centre, The University of Hong Kong, and Springer. Alexander, R. J. 2000. Culture and pedagogy: International comparisons in primary education. Oxford: Blackwell Publishers. ———. 2008. Essays on pedagogy. London: Routledge. Alkin, M. C., and A. Lewy. 1991. Introduction: Three decades of curriculum evaluation. In The international encyclopedia of curriculum, ed. A. Lewy, 328–350. Oxford: Pergamon Press. Apple, M. W. 1999. Power, meaning, and identity: Essays in critical educational studies. New York, NY: Counterpoints. Australian Curriculum Studies Association. 2009. ACSA principles for Australian curriculum. http://www.acsa.edu.au/pages/images/principles.pdf. Ausubel, D. 1963. The psychology of meaningful verbal learning. New York: Grune and Stratton Inc. Baker, C. 2006. Foundations of bilingual education and bilingualism. 4th edition. Clevedon, UK: Multilingual Matters. Barnes, D. 1982. Practical curriculum study. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. Bennett, N. 1976. Teaching styles and pupil progress. London: Open Books. ———. 1983. Styles, time and task: Changing trends in recent research on teaching. In Changing schools — changing curriculum, ed. M. Galton and R. Moon, 257–275. London: Harper and Row.

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Index

A B C D rule 57 ability, pupils 2, 5, 39, 41–2, 48, 51–2, 56, 72, 82, 85, 93–6, 100–1, 117–8, 140–1, 143, 159–60 academic disciplines 3, 7, 48, 51, 67, 69–73, 78–9, 82, 89–90, 101, 119, 124 academic rationalism 38, 48–50, 53, 68, 101, 115 academic subjects 36, 68, 70, 118 accommodation and catering services 77 accountability 58, 87, 127, 168–70 Action Plan to Raise Language Standards 153 action research 9, 97 active pupil participation 90, 92 Activity Approach 91, 111, 121, 181, 189 Advisory Committee on Teacher Education 28 aesthetics 68–9, 118 affective outcomes 56, 58 agencies, educational 24, 29–30, 32–4, 39, 168, 188 all-graduate teaching 1, 88, 96 Alliance Française 156 Analects, The 114 analyzing 11–2, 57, 65, 67, 73, 175 art and design 78 arts education 71 assertiveness training 101 assessment 1, 14, 27, 30, 32–3, 35, 51, 53–4, 60, 66, 81–2, 105–6, 127–45, 163–4, 182, 188 authentic 132–3 continuous 135, 142



coursework 142 criterion-referenced 131–2, 134, 188 diagnostic 133 e- 142 formal 182 formative 129, 134, 139, 142, 182 informal 132 instruments 128–30, 133, 144 internal 35, 96 ipsative 131–2 language of 139 for learning 129 low-stakes 142 methods/strategies 4, 8, 27, 52, 93, 99, 118, 127, 140–1, 166, 187 norm-referenced 131–2 objective 111 online 135, 142 processes 129–30 public 35, 39–40, 136–8, 185, 187 purposes 88, 128, 133, 135 school-based 1, 35, 142–4, 181, 188 standardized 75 summative 129, 139, 182 validity 128 written 128, 141 attainment 81, 131–2, 135, 173 Australian Curriculum Studies Association (ACSA) 14 banking crisis 13 see also financial crisis Baptist Lui Ming Choi Primary School 75

204

Index

basic education 52 Basic Education Curriculum Guide 2, 89 Basic Learning 114 behaviour 48, 56–8, 69, 101, 105, 111, 120, 123, 163, 165 measurable 58 behavioural models 101 behavioural outcomes 57–8, 80 behaviourism 101–2, 111 bei shu 114 Bernstein, B. 48, 72–3, 75, 96, 102 bilingual education (shuangyu jiaoyu) 153 bilingualism additive 157 developing 157 replacive 157 subtractive 157, 159 biliteracy 152, 157–60 and trilingualism 152 biography 10 biology 67, 70, 73, 79, 136 Bloom’s Taxonomy 56, 139–40 Board of Education 151 Book of Songs 114 bottom-up decision-making 30–1, 186 Bourdieu, P. 48 Bridge Programmes 152 Britain/British Empire 22, 137, 147, 150–1 see also United Kingdom Burney Report 151 Cantonese 12, 79, 147–9, 151–3, 155, 157–60, 189 Cantopop music 155 Carmel English School 39 Catholicism 49 Central School 150 Centre for Assessment Research and Development (CARD) 131 child-centred teaching 91–2 China 12–3, 21–3, 36, 87, 113, 117, 137, 149– 51, 153–4, 156, 158, 181 Chinese as the Medium of Instruction (CMI), schools 151–3, 156, 159–60, 183 Chinese Communist Party 36, 87, 149 Chinese government 23, 156

Chinese history 22–3, 70, 72, 81, 161, 181 Chinese language 38, 71, 78–9, 82–3, 96, 120, 143, 153 characters 95, 114, 149 Chinese literature 67, 175 Chinese University of Hong Kong, The 151 citizenship 21, 45, 47, 147, 157, 161, 165, 181 civic education 2, 69, 119 civics 77 civil war 85, 151 class sizes 17–8, 37 classification of curricular knowledge 73–5, 83, 97, 102 classroom activities 89–90, 167 classroom management problems 86 classroom organization 94, 103, 105 co-curricular activities 94 co-operative learning 94, 99, 105, 182, 188 code-mixing 159 code-switching 159 cognitive pluralism 49 collaborative learning 23, 169 collection codes 74 Colleges of Education 25 colonial government 21, 36, 72, 151 communicative approach 189 community schools 150 competencies 31, 50, 134, 141, 153 compulsory education 78 computer-based learning packages 49 computer studies 77 conflict perspectives 17–8, 40 Confucian education 113–4 Confucianism 20–1 Confucius 114, 179 contingency management 101 core curriculum 77–9, 82, 120, 122–3 Counts, G. S. 48 creative expression 90 creativity 12, 40, 52, 54, 59, 63, 89, 91, 111, 118, 141 critical/ critical-social perspective 3, 8–9, 12, 49, 116, 176 critical thinking 22, 40, 48, 52, 59, 63, 89, 91, 118, 182 curriculum

Index





aims 9, 47, 57 analysis 1, 11 antecedents 165–7 assessed 5, 14, 29, 117, 179 balanced 52, 79 change 18–9, 24, 85, 123, 136, 180–1, 183–4, 186 coherence 165 common-core 66, 78–9 components 32–3, 39, 41, 46, 49, 51, 61, 99, 182 conceptions/ideologies 49–52, 63, 176 content 54, 67–8, 73, 77, 116 decisions/design 18, 30–4, 39–40, 60, 70, 73, 75, 188 definition 2, 4 developers 22, 45, 53–4, 60, 93, 169, 184 development 2, 8, 27, 30–3, 42–3, 45, 47, 49, 51, 53–5, 57–9, 61, 63, 81, 184, 189 dilemmas/problems 1, 11–2, 15, 41, 50, 86, 102, 121, 150, 155, 170, 179, 189 discipline-based 71 documents 17, 32, 34, 46, 56, 61, 83, 88, 91, 94–5, 112, 118, 121, 166–7, 183 efficiency 169 evaluation 14, 163, 166, 168–9, 174, 177 formal 4, 33, 129 framework 2, 52, 55 fundamental questions 11 goals 137 guidelines 29 guides 4, 27, 33, 38 hidden 5–6, 14, 121–3, 125 hybrid 61 implemented 4–5, 9, 14, 17, 30, 33–4, 38, 88, 93, 165, 168, 180, 183–4, 188 informal 4, 33 innovations 73, 123, 185, 189–90 integrated 2, 70–3, 75–7, 83, 182, 189 intended/planned 4–5, 7, 14, 17, 27, 29–30, 32–4, 39–40, 50, 63, 88–9, 109, 118–9, 170, 179–80, 182–4 intentions 4, 32–3, 45, 51, 54, 56–7, 62–3, 73, 86, 89, 127, 166–7, 182, 184–5 knowledge 73–5

205



learner-centred 41, 121 lived 120 map 66, 75, 81 materials/resources see resources 59, 174, 177, 189 messages 121–4, 175 modular 65, 80–3 null 6 observed 166–7 optional 78 organization 65, 67, 69, 71, 73–5, 77, 79, 81–3 ownership 186–7 planning see planning, curriculum policies see policies, curriculum processes 60, 185, 188 reform 1–2, 20, 22, 25, 45, 50, 59, 85–6, 109, 169, 179–82, 190–1 research 8, 30, 32 resources see resources standardized 32, 82 studies 1, 3–4, 9, 15 subject-based 72 transactions 165–7 Curriculum Development Council (CDC) 2–5, 14, 27, 29, 33–4, 38, 40, 42, 48, 52, 55, 63, 66, 78–9, 94, 118–9 Curriculum Development Institute (CDI) 3, 5, 24–5, 27, 29, 31, 34, 75 curriculum enactment perspective 184 declarative learning 69 deliberators 10–1 Dependency/World Systems theory 19 dialects 148–9, 154–5 Direct Subsidy Scheme (DSS) 24, 181 direct training 101 disciplinary codes 122 see also schools, rules discomfort factor 102 drugs 69, 72 economic and public affairs (EPA) 70, 72, 77, 79 economic forces 19–20, 23–4, 152 economic prosperity 13, 156, 183 economy 12–3, 20–1, 23, 47, 86, 117, 150

206

Index

education 6–7, 9–13, 19, 23–9, 36–7, 42, 47–8, 52–3, 56, 74, 87–9, 150–4, 156–8, 163–5, 179–81 aims 42, 45–6, 54, 56, 139, 156 change 18–9, 184 outcomes 63 policymaking see policymaking research 11 science of 8 systems 10–1, 13, 15, 18, 37, 48, 59, 83, 91, 93, 98, 115–6, 135, 138, 148, 165 technical 24 technology 70–1 theory 20 traditions 113 universal 2 Education and Manpower Branch/Bureau (EMB) 24–7 Education Bureau (EDB) 3, 13, 24, 26–7, 41–2, 86, 142, 147, 159, 169, 171, 173–4 Education Commission (EC) 15, 24–7, 29, 38, 42–3, 75, 91, 183 education consultants 169 Education Department (ED) 24, 30, 36, 152 Education Guardian 62 education providers 24 Education Regulations 29 educational, change triggers 19 educational forces 45 educational manifesto 46 empirical/positivist research 9 employers 23, 33, 50, 53, 82, 115, 134–5, 149 employment 47, 50–1, 78, 86, 88, 117, 124, 133, 135, 137 engineering science 77 England 91, 98 English 12, 22–3, 35, 39, 41, 47, 63, 77, 79, 86, 111, 119–20, 139, 142–3, 147–60 English as the Medium of Instruction (EMI) 39, 151–4, 160 English language 38, 66, 71, 77–9, 82, 95, 120, 122, 124, 134, 152–3 English Language Student Resource Centre 122 environmental education 29 evaluation 9–10, 17–8, 54, 56, 72, 97, 127, 140, 163–5, 167, 169–74, 176–7

formative 74–5, 77, 163 models 165, 168–70 process 72, 169 skills 130 examinations 5, 29–30, 40, 91, 93, 115, 127, 132–7, 143, 152, 164, 167, 182, 188 examiners 129, 132, 136–9, 188 existentialists 10–1 experiential learning 2, 5, 59, 62, 70, 81, 88, 110–1, 113, 115, 118–21, 125, 136, 139, 164, 169 experimental-innovative tradition 9 external inspection of schools 169 external school review (ESR) 50, 169–70 extracurricular activities 88, 143 fashion and clothing 77 feedback 59, 77, 80–1, 88–9, 97, 99, 111, 129–32, 135, 143, 164 feedforward 130 fidelity perspective 164, 184, 186 fieldwork 142 financial crisis 45 Financial Services and the Treasury Bureau 41 France 98, 137 functionalist theories 19 gender studies 10 General Studies for Primary School 55 generic skills 40, 52, 55–6, 59, 61–2, 111, 117–8, 143, 182 geography 21, 38, 49, 70–2, 79–81 gifted education 27 girls 119–20, 122, 124 government and public affairs 21, 77 government officials 37, 40, 149, 183 grades 88, 90, 130, 133, 137, 142, 144 Great Learning 115 group work (see also co-operative learning) 51, 74, 89–90, 93–4, 101, 105, 108, 132 Guangdong 95, 117, 148 Guidelines for Review and Internal Development in Schools (GRIDS) 172 handover (1997) 21, 23, 36–7, 147–9, 152, 181 history 21–3, 38, 48, 58, 66–71, 78–81, 103, 161

Index HKCEE subjects 137, 156 home economics/design and technology 78 homework 77, 91, 120, 124, 132 Hong Kong culture 20, 148 Hong Kong Dream 138 Hong Kong Examinations and Assessment Authority (HKEAA) 3, 27–9, 33–5, 40–2, 66, 132, 137, 143–4 Hong Kong Federation of Education Workers 87 Hong Kong Institute of Education (HKIEd) 18, 24–5, 27, 87–8, 131 Hong Kong Professional Teachers’ Union (HKPTU) 87, 108 Hong Kong Teachers’ Welfare Association 86 humanistic models 113–4 identity 13, 21–3, 49, 86, 103, 116, 119, 147–8, 150, 152–3, 155, 157, 160–1 images of schooling 50, 60–1, 156 in-service education 167 independent learning 52, 94, 118, 136 Indian community in Hong Kong 149 inductive teaching and learning 92, 188 information processing models 101, 112 information technology 23, 59, 63, 87, 142–3, 174 innovations 24, 30, 38, 59, 72, 77, 81, 83, 86, 97, 106, 111, 129, 181–2, 184–8, 190 inquiry-based project learning 71 instruction see pedagogy instructional outcomes 57 integrated humanities 77 intellectual services 23 intelligences 50, 174 interactions pupil-pupil 93 social 101–2, 105, 112 teacher-pupil 94 interdisciplinary curriculum 72–3, 76 interest groups 19 International Association for the Evaluation of Educational Achievement (IEA) 37 international schools in Hong Kong 147 interpretive research 9 Islam 49 issues-based teaching 188

207

Japanese 149 karaoke teaching 93 Key Learning Area Committees and Functional Committees 38 Key Learning Areas (KLAs) 27, 52, 55, 61–2, 70–1, 77, 79, 82, 118, 143 knowledge 2–3, 7–8, 11–2, 46–9, 51, 53–4, 56, 58, 61–2, 68–9, 110, 112–3, 115, 127–9, 136–41, 166–8 aesthetic 68, 115 cross-curricular 77 declarative 110–1, 118 educational 69 human 48, 68 mathematical 68, 115 moral 68, 115 philosophical 68, 115 procedural 105, 110 religious 68, 115 knowledge society 37, 183 Korean 149, 160 Kuomintang/Guomindang/KMT 21, 36, 175 laboratory work 142 language competence 26–7, 96, 111, 147 language education 150, 153 language environment 159–60 language immersion 159 language policy 1, 14, 35, 42, 147, 149–61 fine-tuning 1, 50, 154 Language Proficiency Assessment for Teachers (LPAT) 86–7, 153–4 language standards 37, 42, 153, 183 language subjects 79, 143, 148 language teachers 86, 153–4, 159–60 language teaching and learning 39, 153, 159, 174 languages 1, 23, 26, 31–2, 35, 37, 42, 47, 49, 63, 68, 70, 78–80, 87, 142, 147–60 colonial 148–9 foreign 152, 156 high-status 120, 154–5 national 150, 157–8 see also Putonghua standard 148 see also Putonghua league tables 58

208

Index

learner, autonomy 91, 156 see also selflearning learner-focused approach 52, 118 see also pupil-centred learners (see also pupils) 3, 46, 53, 75, 89, 101, 109, 111–7, 119, 121, 123, 125, 128, 147, 157 learning 1–2, 50–4, 56–8, 79–83, 88–91, 93–9, 109–15, 117–23, 127–32, 134–6, 142–5, 155–7, 163–5, 179–82, 187–8 diversity 108 environment 123 goals 89 processes 5, 52, 96, 106, 109, 121, 130, 143, 164–5, 174, 188 strategies 113, 180 styles 48, 52, 94, 102, 118 theories 97, 121, 123 learning activities, organization 59 Learning and Teaching 2000 2 learning experiences 59 learning outcomes 58, 97–8, 143, 164–5, 167, 169, 180 integrated 97 intended 99, 128, 176 planned 3 unintended 128 Learning study 97–8 Learning to Learn 1, 4–5, 48, 50, 63, 77, 79, 111, 118, 123, 187 Legislative Council 18, 37, 87, 150 lessons 34, 57–8, 77, 88, 91, 93, 98, 103–6, 109, 115, 117, 120, 122, 124, 134, 159–60 structure 103 liberal studies 71, 77–9, 136, 143 life skills 117, 124 lifelong learning 2, 37, 52, 55, 118, 182–3 literacy 23, 79, 90–1 mass 149 literature 67 Mai Po Wetland Park 57 Malaysia 148, 153 markers 129, 137–8 marking pupils 88 Marxist theories 19

Maslow, A. 113 mass education 86 mastery learning 49 mathematics 2, 8, 38, 48, 67–8, 70–1, 78–80, 82–3, 120, 122, 134, 142–3, 153, 175 media, mass 17, 153, 155 medium of instruction (MoI) 12, 22, 26, 33, 35–7, 39, 111, 147, 149–57, 159, 161, 189 metacognition 113, 118 methods, teaching/learning 52, 62, 88, 94, 118 microphones 88, 93 modern growth theory 111 moral education 20, 81, 90, 120, 137 morality 29, 56 mother tongue 12, 120, 148, 150, 155–6, 158, 160 education 156 multidisciplinary learning 73 music 57, 68–9, 78–9, 122, 128, 142, 174 mutual adaptation perspective 184 Native-Speaking English Teacher scheme 153 native-speaking teachers 152–3, 160 Neill, A.S. 117 Neo-Marxist theories 19 New Senior Secondary Curriculum (NSSC) 1–2, 50, 71, 78–9, 182, 190 non-directive teaching 101 normative analysis 9 numeracy 23, 59, 63, 79, 90–1 Open Learning Institute 24–5 Open University of Hong Kong 24 orthodoxies 47, 49, 78, 102 outcomes educational 139 expressive 57 intended 58, 166, 176 pacing 102–3, 105–6 parent-teacher associations 39 parents 34–5, 39–40, 42, 50, 53, 59, 72, 77, 106, 122, 124, 131, 134–5, 141–2, 151–4, 173–4 patriotic education 23, 182

Index Pavlov, I. 111–2 pedagogy 12, 26–7, 29–30, 53, 88–9, 93–6, 98–9, 103, 106–7, 147–9, 151–3, 155–7, 174–5 context 180 innovations 22, 98 teacher-centred 91 peer-assessment 130 performance, pupils’ 131–2 Performance Indicators (PIs) 170–1, 173 periphery-centre 30 Personal, Social and Humanities Education (PSHE) 63, 71, 80 philosophers 7, 48, 69 philosophy 7, 11, 53–4, 68, 114, 170 physical education (PE) 69, 71, 78 teaching 95, 124 Piaget, J. 67, 101, 112 planning, curriculum 4, 6–7, 9–10, 17, 29–30, 32–4, 38, 48, 54, 56–62, 90–1, 97–8, 123–4, 166, 184–5, 188 platform 60, 186 policies curriculum/educational 1, 17–21, 23–5, 27, 31–3, 35–7, 39–43, 45–6, 50, 60–1, 85–6, 151–3, 160, 183–4, 186, 188–9 symbolic 29, 36–7, 40–1, 152, 183 policy formulation 28–9 implementation of 24, 37–8, 183 intentions 37, 169, 183 policymakers 17, 40, 85, 95, 163, 179, 183–5, 191 policymaking 17–9, 21, 23–5, 27–31, 33, 35–7, 39–41, 43, 184 centralized approaches 30–2 political stability 13, 183 politics 21, 23, 72, 154 postmodernism 8 Precious Blood Secondary School 87 primary schooling 2, 36, 50, 65, 107, 181 primary schools 2, 25, 33, 36, 55, 72–3, 75, 79, 87, 98, 103, 107, 121, 152, 168, 181 curriculum 2 principal 26, 31, 43, 50, 96, 122–4, 127, 160, 190

209

private schools 13, 25, 36, 149 problem-based learning 59 problem solving 23, 40, 48, 59, 63, 90, 92, 111, 117, 133, 183, 187–9 Professional Chinese/English Language Teacher 154 professional learning communities 187 see also teacher learning networks Programme for International Student Assessment (PISA) 37, 144 progressivism 49–50 project work 59, 140, 142 PSHE (Personal, Social and Humanities Education) 63, 71, 80 psychoanalysis 10 psychologists 3, 7, 48, 67, 71, 112 psychology 7, 53–4, 131 Pu Yi 114–5 public examinations 27, 122, 124, 132–3, 135–8, 142, 144, 174, 185, 187–8 publishers 3, 29, 33, 38, 40, 175, 183 pupil-centred 124 see also child-centred teaching pupil-teacher ratio 185 pupils attitude 56 freedom 117 involvement 93, 99 needs of 1, 30–2, 41–2, 47–8, 52, 59–60, 89, 93–5, 114–5, 117–8, 121, 134, 157, 189–90 passive 90–1 performance of 131, 143 progress 82 questions 132 secondary 71, 122 selecting 137 understanding 164 work 100, 129, 142 Putonghua 21, 23, 36, 79, 147–50, 152–60, 181 quality education 27, 37, 183 Quality Education Fund 1, 86, 186, 189 questionnaires 167–8

210

Index

radicals/systems changers 10–1 rainforests 106–7 Raise Language Standards in Hong Kong 153 rational perspective 17–8 recess 120 reconstructionism, social 47–50 reforms, educational (see also curriculum innovations and curriculum initiatives) 1–2, 17, 22, 24, 26, 30, 37, 40–1, 49–50, 85–7, 168–9, 179–84, 186–7, 189–90 reliability 128–9 religious education 78 research lesson 97–8 resources 5, 27, 32–3, 35, 38, 40, 59, 77, 89, 92, 94, 101, 106, 109, 165–7, 174–7 multimedia 174, 176 rituals 103, 105, 121 Rogers, C. 101, 113 role model 20, 114–5, 123 rote learning 6, 20, 91, 93, 115 routines 103, 105, 121 rules 103, 105, 109, 121–3 SARS 179 school performance 87, 170, 173 rules 117, 122–3 trips 4, 57 school-based, programmes 30 school-based approaches 31–2, 60, 180 School-based Assessment (SBA) 1, 35, 143–4, 181, 188 school-based curriculum 31, 34, 43, 58, 63, 96, 160 School-Based Curriculum Development (SBCD) 31, 33, 43, 63, 187 School-Based Curriculum Project Scheme 31, 189 school-based initiatives 1, 83, 96, 186 School-based Management (SBM) 31, 39 School Development and Accountability (SDA) 169, 173 School Development Plan 170 School Improvement Team (SIT) 173 school leaders 1, 117, 143, 160, 169, 173, 187 see also principal

school-leavers 75, 153, 181 School Management Committee 39, 43, 127 School Management Initiative (SMI) 30–1 school principal see principal school self-evaluation (SSE) 50, 169, 173 schooling 2–3, 7–8, 12, 33, 40–1, 45–6, 49–50, 52–3, 56, 60–3, 85–6, 89–90, 136, 151, 181–2 goals of 3, 49–50, 62, 95, 102, 109 levels of 4, 33, 50, 136 pre-primary 27 schools 1–7, 9–10, 12–3, 25–7, 29–39, 41–3, 47–9, 56–9, 62–3, 79, 120–4, 135–7, 149–60, 168–74, 179–87, 189–90 administration 3, 106, 167 banding 135, 155, 165 co-educational 124 community 117, 123 contexts 109 curriculum leaders 2 elitist 6 ethos 95, 170 government 150 improvement 11, 170, 173 national 147 review of 169, 172 self-appraisal 170 sponsoring bodies 37, 151, 154 schools, environment 29, 94, 103, 121, 165 science, social 9, 68 science and technology 77 science subjects 4, 8, 11, 57–8, 63, 67–8, 70–3, 77–9, 89, 142–3, 153, 189 SCOLAR (Standing Committee on Language and Research) 153, 158 secondary schooling 2, 26, 33, 36, 50, 52, 55, 65, 78–9, 85, 88, 102, 133, 135–6, 151–3, 181 secondary schools, teachers 72, 87 self-assessment 130–1 Self-directed Learning Oriented Assessment (SLOA) 131 self-learning 91, 143 see also learner, autonomy sequencing 59, 65–7, 104, 111, 174–5 spiral 67–8

Index sex education 5, 72, 79 Shanghai 37, 155 Shatin Tsung Tsin School 189 Singapore 37, 148, 158 situational analysis 59 skills cognitive 51, 140 emotional 56 employment/life 116, 119 generic learning 23 parenting 117 problem-solving 139, 189 social 57, 118 technological 59, 174 thinking 77, 94 skills development 71, 143 Skinner, B.F. 101, 111 slippage 95, 184 social and economic efficiency 47, 50, 102, 116, 157, 165 social change 20, 48, 50 social culture 52, 116 social education 69 social forces 13, 20, 85, 147 social problems 70–1, 78, 90 social studies 38, 68, 70–2, 77–9, 136, 182 society 2–12, 18–24, 32–4, 36, 40–2, 46–54, 68–70, 78–80, 84–6, 88–90, 100–2, 108–10, 116, 132–4, 150–2, 154–6 needs of 3, 47, 51–2, 79, 86, 89, 97, 120–1, 134–5 sociologists 7 sociology 7–8, 53–4 stakeholders 17–8, 40, 46, 93, 106, 134, 165, 170, 173, 176, 181, 183–4, 186 standards 31, 42, 90, 131, 133, 153–4, 189 Standing Committee on Language Education (SCOLAR) 28, 42 Star Ferry Riots 87 Stewart, F. 150 Student Assessment system 142 Student Council 117 subject content 22, 90, 110, 131–2, 137 subjects 2–4, 8, 14–5, 21–2, 32–6, 38–40, 45, 62, 65, 67–73, 75–83, 91–2, 117, 139–43, 152–4, 181–2

211

boundaries 81 choice of 12, 134, 187 common-core 78 compulsory 71 creative 57 generic 63 high-status 80, 154 integrated 79 peripheral 21, 122 permanent 3 single 4, 80 traditional 78 Summerhill School 117 syllabus 29–30, 38, 99, 121, 174 symbolic policies 29, 36–8, 40–1, 151–2, 180, 183 systematizers/system maintainers 9–11 systems educational 11, 41, 123, 182, 187 political 11, 13, 37, 43 Taba’s model 59 Tagalog 149 Taiwan 175 Target Oriented Curriculum (TOC) 1–2, 38, 41, 77, 95, 107, 167–9, 189 Targets and Target-Related Assessment 25 task-based learning 59, 91, 96, 104, 111, 121, 181, 185, 188 teacher, observations 129 teacher-centred instruction 93 teacher-centred presentation 91, 93 teacher education 28, 37, 85, 183 teacher-pupil interaction 93 teacher-pupil relationship 5 teachers 3–5, 29–35, 37–40, 57–62, 72–3, 85–110, 112–5, 118–20, 127–36, 142–4, 152–4, 159–61, 163–7, 173–6, 179–80, 182–91 acts 100 beliefs 88, 96 competence 137–8 decisions 105 development 187 female 87 involvement of 58, 72, 138

212

Index

novice 87–8, 95 professional development 86, 131 professionalism 183, 188 prospective 88 registration 87 specialist 103 trained 88 working conditions 88 teachers, appraisal 174 teaching 22–3, 33–4, 40, 51–2, 76–7, 85–91, 93–107, 118, 130–1, 135, 138–9, 143–4, 152–3, 173–4, 184–5 approaches 96, 101–2 award schemes 86 cycles 98, 130 materials see resources methods (see also pedagogy) 11, 23, 33, 39, 41, 52–3, 86, 89–91, 93–5, 99–102, 106, 139, 166 styles 14, 89, 102, 107 teaching assistants 3 teaching profession 30, 87 technology 49, 63, 69, 77–9, 111, 142 Territory-wide Student Assessment (TSA) 135, 143–4 tertiary education 1, 23, 25, 82, 88, 134, 136, 144 see also universities tests 1, 97, 128–9, 132–6, 141–2, 153, 164, 167 textbooks 3, 5, 27, 33–6, 38, 91–2, 102, 107, 114, 127, 136, 152, 160, 174–7, 183 textiles 77 Tiananmen Square Incident 72, 175 top-down bottom-up decision-making 30, 186 top-down decision-making 29–31, 186 travel and tourism 77 Trends in International Mathematics and Science Study (TIMMS) 37, 144 trilingualism 152, 157–60 true/false items 141 Tung Chee Hwa 157 Tyler, R. 32, 45 United Kingdom (UK) 31, 56, 62, 75, 78, 93, 117, 137, 147, 154 universities 25, 56, 71, 85, 88, 127, 133–5, 149, 151

University of Hong Kong, The 151 USA 6, 31, 48, 70, 72, 98, 180 validity 128, 143 value-neutral schooling 9 variation, theory of 97–8 vernacularization 151 Visiting Panel 24–5, 30, 91, 151 vocational, schools 50 vocational education 25, 151, 182 Vygotsky, L. 112, 186 Walker’s model 60–1 whole-class teaching 94 whole-person development 2, 52, 55, 86, 94, 118, 124 whole-school approach 25, 131 ZPD education system 180 pupils 112, 180 schools 180 teachers 180