Cultural Heritage and Tourism in Japan 0367028611, 9780367028619

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Cultural Heritage and Tourism in Japan

This book offers a comprehensive understanding of cultural heritage in Japan and its relationship with both domestic and international tourism. Japan has witnessed an increase in tourism, with rising visitor numbers to both established destinations and lesser known sites. This has generated greater attention towards various aspects of Japanese culture, heritage and society. This book explores these diverse aspects of everyday life in Japan and their interconnections with tourism. It begins with a conceptual framework of key theories related to heritage and tourism, serving as a useful apparatus for further discussions in the following chapters. Each chapter studies a specific aspect of Japan's cultural heritage, from the history of Japan, the development of war sites, such as Hiroshima and Nagasaki, to tourist destinations, indigenous communities and their places of residence, festivals such as matsuri, to popular culture and media. Each chapter discusses a certain type of cultural heritage first in a global context and then examines it in a Japanese context, aiming to demonstrate the relation between these two different contexts. In each chapter, furthermore, how a particular kind of Japan's cultural heritage is utilised as tourism resources and how it is perceived and consumed by international and domestic tourists are discussed. Finally, the book revisits the conceptual framework to suggest future directions for cultural heritage and tourism in Japan. Written in an informative and accessible style, this book will be of interest to scholars, students and practitioners in the fields of tourism, cultural studies and heritage studies. Takamitsu Jimura is Programme Manager for MSc International Tourism Management at Liverpool John Moores University. His primary research interests are heritage, especially World Heritage and tourism, tourism marketing and sustainable tourism. He is a co-editor of Tourism Ethnographies: Ethics, Methods, Application and Reflexivity published by Routledge.

Routledge Cultural Heritage and Tourism Series Series editor: Dallen J. Timothy Arizona State University, USA

The Routledge Cultural Heritage and Tourism Series offers an interdisciplinary social science forum for original, innovative and cutting-edge research about all aspects of cultural heritage-based tourism. This series encourages new and theoretical perspectives and showcases ground-breaking work that reflects the dynamism and vibrancy of heritage, tourism and cultural studies. It aims to foster discussions about both tangible and intangible heritages, and all of their management, conservation, interpretation, political, conflict, consumption and identity challenges, opportunities and implications. This series interprets heritage broadly and caters to the needs of upper-level students, academic researchers, and policy makers. Creating Heritage Unrecognised Pasts and Rejected Futures Edited by Thomas Carter, David C. Harvey, Roy Jones, and Iain J.M. Robertson The Economics and Finance of Cultural Heritage How to Make Tourist Attractions a Regional Economic Resource Vincenzo Pacelli and Edgardo Sica Urban Recovery Intersecting Displacement with Post War Reconstruction Edited by Howayda Al-Harithy Resilience, Authenticity and Digital Heritage Tourism Deepak Chhabra Cultural Heritage and Tourism in Japan Takamitsu Jimura Medieval Imaginaries in Tourism, Heritage and the Media Jennifer Frost and Warwick Frost For more information about this series, please visit: https://www.routledge. com/Routledge-Cultural-Heritage-and-Tourism-Series/book-series/RCHT

Cultural Heritage and Tourism in Japan

Takamitsu Jimura

First published 2022 by Routledge 2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon OX14 4RN and by Routledge 605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158 Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business © 2022 Takamitsu Jimura The right of Takamitsu Jimura to be identified as author of this work has been asserted by him in accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act 1988. All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means, now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording, or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in writing from the publishers. Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent to infringe. British Library Cataloguing-in-Publication Data A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data A catalog record has been requested for this book ISBN: 978-0-367-02861-9 (hbk) ISBN: 978-1-032-04386-9 (pbk) ISBN: 978-0-429-01917-3 (ebk) Typeset in Times New Roman by KnowledgeWorks Global Ltd.

Contents

List of figuresvii List of tablesviii Acknowledgementsix Prefacex List of abbreviations and acronymsxii 1 Introduction1 2 Religious landscape of Japan: Religions, spiritual philosophies, and contemporary pilgrimage 

23

3 Festivals in Japan: Matsuri, local community, and wider audience47 4 Food and drink heritage: Japanese cuisine and international cuisines in Japan68 5 Onsen and Japanese-style inns: Treatment, relaxation, recreation, and ‘Japaneseness’87 6 Living cultures of Japan: Indigenous peoples and their identities – The Ainu and the Uchinanchu108 7 Industrial heritage in Japan: Witnesses of Japan’s modernisation129 8 War and its heritage: Hiroshima and Nagasaki151 9 Urban heritage: Coexistence of historic and contemporary cultural heritage – Kyoto, Yokohama and Kobe171

vi  Contents

10 Shoppers’ paradises: Capitals of consumption – Tokyo and Osaka193 11 Popular culture and media: Films and television dramas, manga and anime, music, and computer games212 12 Theme parks in Japan: Tokyo Disney Resort, Universal Studios Japan, Parque España, and Huis Ten Bosch231 13 Conclusion: Reflections and futures250 Index

266

List of figures

2.1 Interpretation panel at Kishimojin-do, Tokyo 34 2.2 Paper leaflet at Eigen-ji Temple, Shiga35 2.3 Karesansui garden at Tofuku-ji Temple, Kyoto38 3.1 Author having a go at handling kanto62 4.1 Osechi-ryori71 4.2 Okonomiyaki in Osaka style74 5.1 Tsurunoyu Onsen91 5.2 Yubatake gensen of Kusatsu Onsen96 5.3 Mukaitaki ryokan103 6.1 Traditional Uchinanchu house in the Taketomi Island120 7.1 Inside of Iwami Ginzan World Heritage Centre141 8.1 Interpretation panel for Hiroshima Peace Memorial159 9.1 Nijo Castle176 9.2 Fourth-generation Kyoto Station Building reflecting Kyoto Tower177 9.3 Chinatown, Yokohama184 9.4 Kazamidori no Yakata (Former Thomas Residence) in Kitano-cho and Yamamoto-dori area, Kobe186 10.1 Ginza, Tokyo200 10.2 Sites for the second phase of Umekita Project205 11.1 Twenty-four Eyes Movie Studio220 11.2 Nipponbashi Ota-Road222 12.1 Tokyo Disney Resort233 12.2 Universal Studios Japan233

List of tables

1.1 1.2 2.1 2.2 3.1 3.2 7.1 7.2 8.1 8.2

Top ten attractions in Japan by international travellers 2020 Classification of cultural heritage attractions  Relations between religiosity and visitor groups Classification of sacred sites Classification of festivals and examples (World) Classification of festivals and examples (Japan) Classification of industrial World Heritage Sites (World) Classification of industrial heritage sites (Japan) Classification of war heritage Classification of war heritage (Japan)

5 7 24 31 48 52 131 134 152 154

Acknowledgements

First of all, I am really grateful to Routledge and its Geography and Tourism Books team, especially Ms Faye Leerink, Commissioning Editor, for giving me an opportunity to write a monograph on cultural heritage, tourism and Japan, all of which have always been my main research interests throughout my academic journey, and Ms Nonita Saha, Editorial Assistant, for offering me helpful guidance throughout the writing process. Special thanks also go to Professor Dallen J. Timothy, Series Editor of Routledge Cultural Heritage and Tourism series, for providing me with insightful comments and feedback that were essential to finalise the aim, scope and framework of this book. I am also very grateful to people and organisations who have supported my academic journey or worked together, including academics, practitioners and my former and current students. In addition, I would also like to thank all people I interacted with at cultural heritage sites and attractions all over the world, especially those whom I met in Japan. I have learned countless things on cultural heritage and tourism from these people and have been inspired by them. Such invaluable assets have enabled me to write this monograph. I would like to deeply thank my parents, brothers, and parents-in-law for their support from Japan. Unfortunately, I lost my father, father-in-law and grandfather whilst I was working on this book. It was a huge loss to me and was very challenging to cope with it. However, I feel that their spirits and hearts have always been, and will always be with me. Finally, I would like to express my profound thanks to my wife, Akemi Jimura. I could not have completed this book project without her understanding, patience and encouragement.

Preface

Since I was a child, I have been passionate about tourism and heritage and still am. My sense of enquiry towards tourism and heritage, especially cultural heritage, and interrelationships between these two phenomena has continued to grow further since I started studying them as academic disciplines. The year 2002 was a memorable year for me and my wife. This is the year we moved to the UK and I began to embark on my academic journey as a Master’s student. I do still remember the day when we landed at Heathrow Airport in August 2002 to start our new life in the UK from scratch. I was full of fears and hopes, probably more fears than hopes. I was not sure whether this life-changing decision was ‘right’ or not for me and my wife. Fortunately, however, I still had something that could encourage and motivate me – my passion for studying tourism and heritage, and more importantly, my wife who was always with me and on my side. Since that time, my life has been filled with new discoveries, and cultural heritage and tourism have always been the centres of the new discoveries. In the past 19 years, we have met new people, have learned new customs, have been to new places and have experienced a variety of things. I have also been able to expand my horizons, visiting various destinations in the UK and other regions of the world, and seeing and experiencing a wide range of cultural heritage as a tourist and researcher. As time has passed, however, I started wondering what and how much I know about Japan as a Japanese person who has lived in the UK for a long time. This question has developed into a more specific question – what and how much I know about Japan's cultural heritage and tourism in Japan and how these two phenomena are interrelated. More importantly, furthermore, what kind of contributions I can make to relevant academic fields and realworld practices, making the most of my knowledge on and experience with cultural heritage and tourism in Japan. This was the main reason and motivation why I decided to write this monograph. This book is aimed primarily at academics, researchers, students and practitioners whose fields are not only tourism, heritage studies and/or

Preface xi Japanese studies but also ethnic and cultural studies, geography, anthropology and sociology. However, this book will appeal to much wider range of readers than ordinary academic books do. All those who are interested in Japanese culture and heritage and/or tourism in Japan are sure to find this monograph interesting and useful. Takamitsu Jimura Liverpool, UK

List of abbreviations and acronyms

ACA AFEJ AR CABV CHA CPUCH DCRAA DMO EJ ERIH eWOM FAC FGH FRF FSES FSS GDP GFO GTA HNPMH HPM HPMC HPMM HPMP HTB ICH ICOMOS IJA IJN

Agency for Cultural Affairs Armed Forces of the Empire of Japan augmented reality Cenotaph for the Atomic Bomb Victims cultural heritage attraction Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage Development of Comprehensive Resort Areas Act destination marketing/management organisation Empire of Japan European Route of Industrial Heritage e-word-of-mouth Foundation for Ainu Culture Former Glover House Fuji Rock Festival Former Shiroyama Elementary School First Service School gross domestic product Grand Front Osaka Greater Tokyo Area Hiroshima National Peace Memorial Hall for the Atomic Bomb Victims Hiroshima Peace Memorial Hiroshima Peace Memorial Ceremony Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park Huis Ten Bosch Intangible Cultural Heritage (the name of the scheme adopted by UNESCO) International Council of Monuments and Sites Imperial Japanese Army Imperial Japanese Navy

List of abbreviations and acronyms xiii IJNA IR ISPA JH JMSDF JNTO JR JTDA KCTA KNA KNHM KUP MAFF METI MEXT

Imperial Japanese Naval Academy integrated resort International Spa Association Japan Heritage Japan Maritime Self-Defence Force Japan National Tourism Organization Japan Railway Japan Thoron Development Association Kyoto City Tourism Association Kure Naval Arsenal Kure Naval History Museum Kyoto Urban Prefecture Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology MICE meetings, incentives, conferences (conventions) and exhibitions (events) MoW Memory of the World NABM Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Museum NABVMPPC Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Victims Memorial Peace Prayer Ceremony NAM National Ainu Museum NAMP National Ainu Museum and Park NAP National Ainu Park NHV Nagasaki Holland Village NME National Museum of Ethnology NNPMH Nagasaki National Peace Memorial Hall for the Atomic Bomb Victims NPP Nagasaki Peace Park OAMP Office of Ainu Measures Promotion OCCI Okayama Chamber of Commerce and Industry OCSC Osaka Cotton Spinning Company OCVB Okinawa Convention and Visitors Bureau OHCHR Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights OPGM Okunoshima Poison Gas Museum OUP Osaka Urban Prefecture OUV Outstanding Universal Value PE Parque España PIIF public interest incorporated foundation SS Summer Sonic SSF Sapporo Snow Festival SWT Special Wards of Tokyo TDL Tokyo Disneyland

xiv  List of abbreviations and acronyms TDR TDS TEMS TKSP TMP TSM UGC UPR URA USAF USJ WDC WH WHC WHS WOM WWII

Tokyo Disney Resort Tokyo DisneySea Twenty-four Eyes Movie Studio Toei Kyoto Studio Park Tokyo Metropolitan Prefecture Tomioka Silk Mill user-generated content Universal Parks & Resorts Urban Renaissance Agency United States Armed Forces Universal Studios Japan Walt Disney Company World Heritage World Heritage Centre World Heritage Site word-of-mouth World War II

1

Introduction

1.1  Scope and aim of the book First, this opening chapter presents the scope of the book. ‘Heritage’ is a familiar word, but people understand the term differently. For instance, some people may believe that every heritage is tangible, whilst others may think heritage can be tangible or intangible. Moreover, some would regard there is only cultural heritage, whilst others would deem that there is cultural and natural heritage. In academia, conventionally, tangible cultural heritage has been focused more on than other kinds of heritage. In the author’s view, however, intangible and tangible heritage is equally important for humankind and its society, and both cultural and natural resources can be valued as heritage. In academia, this view is backed by an increasing number of studies examining nature and/or intangibles as heritage. In the real world, the schemes employed by UNESCO such as World Heritage (WH) and Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) can support this stance (Jimura, 2019). Of these diverse types of heritage, this monograph deals with Japan’s tangible and intangible cultural heritage and discusses it in relation to tourism in Japan. Later, the concluding chapter (Chapter 13) revisits this point. Second, the author outlines the concept of cultural heritage in the context of tourism adopted in this book, considering requirements to be recognised as cultural heritage. Regarding ‘cultural’, this book sees ‘culture’ as anything that has been acquired by humans as groups and members of society. This definition is based on the one suggested by Tylor (1924). Concerning ‘heritage’, the terms ‘past’ and ‘current’ are two essential components to be regarded as heritage in various contexts, including tourism. For example, Lowenthal (1998) understands heritage as the contemporary use of the past and suggests that heritage is exploited for economic and cultural purposes. This is echoed by Timothy (2011), who argues that both cultural and natural elements inherited from the past and utilised for current tourism or recreational purposes should be comprehended as heritage. Furthermore, ‘identity’ is also an important notion for heritage (Jimura, 2019). Heritage is linked with identity at personal and collective (local, regional and national) levels (Jimura, 2016; 2019). By contrast,

2  Introduction UNESCO promotes the idea of ‘universal’ heritage through its WH initiative, emphasising Outstanding Universal Value of World Heritage Sites (WHSs) (Jimura, 2019). Ultimately, therefore, everything visitors perceive as ‘heritage’ can be seen as heritage in the tourism context (Timothy and Boyd, 2003). In tourism, furthermore, the existence of heritage can be more solid through its engagement with host and guest sides of tourism. In light of the aforementioned discussion, cultural heritage in this monograph denotes: Any tangibles and intangibles inherited from the past and used for contemporary purposes, including tourism, that are associated with personal and/or collective identities and can be enhanced or damaged through engagement with host and guest sides of tourism. Next, the aim of the book is explained. Many studies have examined Japan’s tourism, culture, heritage and society. However, most of them published in English are written by non-Japanese researchers. Indeed, these studies have made great contributions to knowledge and practice in relevant fields. In my opinion, however, they do not always fully comprehend the meanings of certain concepts or phenomena in the context of Japanese culture, heritage and society. Furthermore, research outputs on Japan’s cultural heritage and tourism produced by Japanese researchers written in English is limited. This situation should be improved and Japanese perspectives must be incorporated more to achieve a comprehensive understanding of relevant key themes and to realise more-balanced manifestation of diverse views. This is what this monograph intends to achieve by exploring various significant subjects associated with cultural heritage and tourism in Japan. Section 1.2 outlines such main themes and they form a conceptual framework for this monograph.

1.2  Conceptual framework This section explains the conceptual framework employed in this book. The framework comprises key academic themes closely associated with cultural heritage and tourism and serves as a foundation for discussions throughout the book. These discussions are constructed, referring to a variety of academic and practical references that are pertinent to the aforementioned main themes in a Japanese context. Moreover, the author’s views, knowledge and experience as a Japanese researcher are embedded in the discussions. This book focuses on cultural heritage and tourism in Japan; however, the discussions aim to place Japan’s cultural heritage and tourism experience within a broader global heritage and tourism experience. Through this approach, the book aspires to show the reader the position that cultural heritage and tourism in Japan holds in the international research stream.

Introduction 3 1.2.1  Concepts and meanings of cultural heritage Section 1.1 presents the definition of cultural heritage adopted in this book. As this is an extensive conception, it contains high culture (e.g. nogaku) and low culture (e.g. anime) of Japan. The concept also involves contemporary heritage such as Japan’s theme parks as well as traditional heritage such as Japan’s historic buildings. In the author’s opinion, ‘culture’ is much more familiar notion for the Japanese than ‘heritage’. This means that most Japanese people would see multiple phenomena examined in this book as culture but only small part of them would view them as heritage. This would be due to the difference in the degree of their familiarity of the words, bunka (culture) and isan (heritage), amongst Japanese people. Recently, the idea of isan (heritage) has been increasingly recognised by Japanese people mainly through the WH initiative by UNESCO and partly via the Japan Heritage (JH) system established in 2015 by the Agency for Cultural Affairs (ACA) (ACA, n.d.). The mission of the former includes conservation of cultural and natural heritage around the world through its universal approach (World Heritage Centre, 2020), whilst the aim of the latter is revitalisation of local communities and promotion of heritage listed as JH (ACA, n.d.). Some cultural heritage investigated in this book is a quite common thing for Japanese citizens. They grow up surrounded by Japanese foods (Chapter 4), shopping areas (Chapter 10) and manga (Chapter 11). These types of heritage exist in Japanese people’s everyday lives and their engagement with such heritage shapes a basis of their identity, views and beliefs. In this sense, the meaning of such heritage is immense for Japanese persons. On the other hand, many Japanese citizens do not experience some kinds of cultural heritage explored in this book on a daily basis. Such cultural heritage includes Buddhist temples (Chapter 2), matsuri (Chapter 3), onsen (Chapter 5), urban landscapes (Chapter 9) and theme parks (Chapter 12). Stated differently, the experience with these types of cultural heritage is usually special occasions for the Japanese. The author enjoyed an annual local matsuri in his childhood and experienced urban landscapes of Osaka when his uncle took him to this metropolis. The author also visited famous Buddhist temples in Kyoto and Tokyo Disneyland as part of his school trips. These sorts of cultural heritage are also very important for Japanese people, as they can expand Japanese people’s horizons, and rouse their interests in diverse Japanese cultural heritage. Compared with the cultural heritage belonging to the above-stated two categories, most Japanese people have limited opportunities to know and experience other types of cultural heritage that tend to be far from their daily lives, which is heritage of indigenous people (Chapter 6), industrial heritage (Chapter 7) and war heritage (Chapter 8). Nevertheless, there are still opportunities for the Japanese to become interested in these cultural heritage resources through Japanese history classes at school, word-of-mouth (WOM) and the information delivered via media. The significance of cultural heritage in the last category is also crucial since

4  Introduction they are deeply connected with personal and collective identities as the Japanese and the history of Japan. 1.2.2  Demand side of cultural heritage and tourism In this book, ‘visitors’ denote all people who visit places outside their usual environment. Visitors are divided into tourists, who stay overnight in a tourist destination, and excursionists, who do not stay overnight there. In principle, cultural heritage has already existed in a place before tourism emerges there. However, such cultural heritage is not always appreciated enough by the host side of tourism (e.g. local people) until they realise the power, value and appeal of their cultural heritage as tourism resources (e.g. cathedrals). On the other hand, ‘new’ cultural heritage can be ‘created’ by the host side of tourism to meet the ever-increasing and ever-changing demands of visitors. For example, a short version of Barong-dance performance in Bali and ninja goods sold in Japan are cultural heritage that has been invented to satisfy visitor demands, especially overseas visitors’. Nowadays, cultural heritage is ubiquitous and one of the most popular tourism resources (Timothy, 2011). Furthermore, more and more visitors call in a certain place to enjoy cultural heritage unique to or distinctive in the place. For a long time, Japan had been well-known as a major tourist-generating country. At that time, the number of inbound tourists coming to Japan was much smaller than the number of outbound tourists travelling abroad. Thus, Japan’s tourism balance of payments had been negative until recent. This signifies that Japan had not been seen as an attractive and approachable place by overseas visitors and their demand for Japan as a tourist destination had also been small. To improve this situation, the Japanese Government launched a visit Japan campaign in 2003, employing a slogan, ‘Yokoso! Japan’ (‘yokoso’ means ‘welcome’ in Japanese), between 2003 and 2010, and ‘Japan, Endless Discovery’ since 2010. This campaign has been very successful with regard to inbound tourism. In fact, the number of overseas visitors to Japan was around 5.2 million in 2003 but increased to 31 million in 2018 (Japan National Tourism Organization, n.d.). In 2014, Japan’s tourism balance of payments turned positive for the first time in 55 years thanks to the recent inbound tourism boom (Jimura, 2019). Table 1.1 shows the top ten attractions in Japan by international travellers 2020 (Tripadvisor Japan, 2020). These attractions are religious sites, gardens/parks, museums and a castle, all of which can be regarded as cultural heritage. Overall, these attractions are also popular amongst Japanese visitors. Demands of excursionists and tourists for a tourist destination can be affected positively or negatively by internal and external factors. SWOT analysis is a tool to understand and evaluate the current strategic environment of an organisation or industry. SWOT stands for strengths (internal and positive), weaknesses (internal and negative), opportunities (external

Introduction 5 Table 1.1  Top ten attractions in Japan by international travellers 2020 Rank

Name

Prefecture

Category

1

Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum Fushimi Inari Taisha Shrine The Hakone Open-Air Museum Todai-ji Temple Kenrokuen Garden Shinjuku Gyoen National Garden Nikko Tosho-gu Dolls Museum Himeji Castle Koyasan Okunoin Temple

Hiroshima

museum

Kyoto Kanagawa

religious site museum

Nara Ishikawa Tokyo

religious site garden/park garden/park

Tochigi Ishikawa Hyogo Wakayama

religious site museum castle religious site

2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

Source: Tripadvisor, 2020.

and positive) and threats (external and negative). It is possible to adopt this model to analyse and assess the current situation of a tourist destination. Concerning cultural heritage and tourism, for instance, rich cultural resources of a tourist destination are seen as a strength and can stimulate the visitor demands for the destination. Forthcoming opening of a new gallery is viewed as an opportunity and may boost the future demand. In contrast, heavy traffic congestion in city centre would be a weakness and a natural disaster can be a threat for the destination. Such a weakness and threat would discourage visitors to come. Visitors have different types of demand and they can be interpreted as their motivations and expectations before their visits. Such motivations and expectations would be influenced by the aforementioned SWOT factors of a destination and tourism marketing activities (see Section 1.2.3). In the case of Japan, 2020 Summer Olympics and Paralympics are mega events that can also be comprehended as intangible cultural heritage of Japan. The event can be a great opportunity for Tokyo Metropolitan Prefecture (TMP) and whole of Japan, increasing the demands of overseas and domestic visitors (Jimura, 2020). In summer 2018, Japan was hit by a series of natural disasters. They were major threats for Japan and decreased the level of visitor demands. Such incidents can also damage Japan’s cultural heritage, and this may deter visitors to come to appreciate cultural heritage of affected destinations. Actually, heavy rains in summer 2018 damaged two cultural WHSs in Japan, Itsukushima Shinto Shrine and Sacred Sites and Pilgrimage Routes in the Kii Mountain Range, and negatively influenced visitor demands. Motivations of people visiting cultural heritage are diverse (Timothy, 2011). However, visitor experience is always assessed based on how cultural heritage meets expectations of visitors. If cultural heritage cannot satisfy their

6  Introduction expectations, it may deter existing visitors from their repeat visits. It may also discourage prospective visitors to come as negative views can be spread through WOM or eWOM (e.g. reviews on Tripadvisor). In Japan, eWOM available at Japanese e-travel agents or travel websites (e.g. Rakuten Travel, Jalan, 4Travel) are influential to visitors’ motivations and decision-making processes (Jimura, 2011a). Marketing plays a vital role in increasing the number of visitors and is explained in Section 1.2.3 from the perspective of the supply side of tourism. 1.2.3  Supply side of cultural heritage and tourism There are miscellaneous stakeholders on the supply side of cultural heritage and tourism and they include: • • • • • • • • • •

Local communities. Public sector (national, regional or local government). Conservation bodies. Destination marketing/management organisations (DMOs). Accommodation sector. Catering sector. Visitor attraction sector. Retail sector. Local transport. Local tour operators. (Adapted from Jimura, 2019)

Of these, the roles of local communities, conservation bodies, DMOs and visitor attractions are particularly central for cultural heritage and tourism. In the present-day tourism market, the majority of visitor attractions are cultural heritage attractions (CHAs), and CHAs work as a main channel that visitors engage with cultural heritage in a tourist destination. However, things that can function as cultural heritage of a destination are not limited to visitor attractions. For example, historic Japanese-style inns and traditional Japanese cuisine are also cultural heritage that can lure visitors. Leask (2009) classifies visitor attractions by the following factors: • • • • •

Target market – International, national, regional or local, Ownership – Public, private, charity or voluntary, Admission – Free or paid, Property – Natural or built, and Product – Resource, catering, interpretation, retailing, events, conferences and activities.

Introduction 7 The target market of CHAs can be any of the above four. For instance, the Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, USA, attracts people from all over the world. Regarding the ownership, the National Trust is a charity and private organisation in the UK that is not financially supported by the national government. In many countries, including Japan, most CHAs are paid attractions. A rare exception is the UK. Since December 2001, visitors to UK’s national museums and galleries do not need to pay entrance fees if they enjoy permanent collections only (Martin, 2002). Although most CHAs are built attractions, they may include natural elements if a natural site demonstrates the evidence of its historical interactions with humans (e.g. the Cultural Landscapes category of WHSs). Of various components of visitor attractions, interpretation can strongly influences on visitor experience. It should be thought-provoking, educational and awareness-raising as Tilden’s (1977) six principles of interpretation signify (see Section 1.2.6 for details). Timothy (2011) develops his classification of CHAs (see Table 1.2). In Table 1.2, tangible and intangible are main categories, and each category has several sub categories. For example, Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum (HPMM) listed in Table 1.1 is a ‘Dark attraction’ and sumo wrestling belongs to ‘Sport’ in Table 1.2. Features of tourist destinations and visitor attractions, including CHAs, are heavily used in tourism and destination marketing. Such marketing activities are conducted at an individual attraction level (e.g. Kiyomizudera Temple) as well as at a destination level (e.g. Kyoto City). In Japan, destination marketing is often conducted by local or regional governments Table 1.2  Classification of cultural heritage attractions Tangible

Intangible

Military attractions (e.g. battlefields, museums, war memorials) Dark attractions (e.g. sites of terrorism, concentration camps, prisons) Historic settlements (e.g. historic cities, villages, rural settlements) Archaeological sites/historic buildings (e.g. ancient ruins, castles, historic homes) Industrial attractions (e.g. mines, factories, breweries) Religious attractions (e.g. churches, cathedrals, temples)  

Arts (e.g. art traditions, handicraft skills, foodways and gastronomy) Languages (e.g. unique languages, music)

Source: Timothy, 2011.

Folkways (e.g. dress, faith, folklore, stories) Music and performing arts (e.g. dance, music, opera) Religion (e.g. beliefs, practices, ceremonies) Sport (e.g. play, rules and methods) Festivals and pageants (e.g. ethnic festivals, food festivals, religious pageants)

8  Introduction (e.g. city or prefecture) and DMOs (e.g. tourism association, public interest incorporated foundation (PIIF)). For example, Osaka Info is a PIIF for Osaka Urban Prefecture and is run by a public-private partnership. Its board of governors consists of representatives from public (e.g. Osaka City) and private (e.g. Universal Studios Japan (USJ)) organisations. Nowadays, CHAs and DMOs promote their destinations and attractions, utilising diverse marketing activities and channels. Traditional promotions such as paper leaflets and television adverts are still popular and effective. Recently, however, promotions through digital media and the Internet have become very popular and highly influential. Indeed, most CHAs and DMOs now have their own websites and utilise other digital communication channels such as Facebook, Instagram, Twitter and YouTube. As tourism is not a good but a service, consumers (visitors) cannot test tourism before they purchase it. Thus, having appealing and unique destination images is vital for tourist destinations and cultural heritage sites to keep themselves competitive. Destination images are shaped in two stages (Gunn, 1988; Wu and Jimura, 2019). First, organic images are developed through people’s everyday absorption of varied information. This phase involves various mediums (e.g. geography classes at school and television programmes). In the second phase, induced images are constructed by the impacts of tourism marketing activities. Therefore, marketers should put their energy into enhancing induced images to be successful in tourism and destination marketing. 1.2.4  Cultural heritage, spatial transformation and regeneration Heritage is one of the most significant and fastest-growing components of tourism in developed countries (Li et al., 2008). Heritage has also been increasingly acknowledged as an essential tourism asset in less-developed countries, especially in Asia (Prideaux et al., 2013). Section 1.2.2 emphasises that heritage is not limited to the one that has already been there. Actually, heritage can be newly ‘created’, and the accelerating pace of heritage resource creation is a remarkable contemporary phenomenon (Graham et al., 2000). Cultural resources can be turned into cultural heritage through renovation, reuse and reconstruction of their tangible e­ lements and reassessment and reappraisal of their intangible components. Through such procedures, urbanscapes have changed their faces and nowadays this is common in contemporary urban scenes across the globe (Wise and Jimura, 2020). Consequently, more and more CHAs have been emerging in the heritage and tourism markets. In theory, indeed, they are ‘new’ as attractions, but their main components are often old because they were already there. For instance, abandoned coal mines were converted to museums in Slovenia and closed gold and silver mines were changed into historic sites in Japan.

Introduction 9 Creation of cultural heritage can also be confirmed at rural settings. In Japan, people started putting a higher value on traditional Japanese society and culture, and this trend became noticeable since the Japanese economic bubble burst in the early 1990s (Jimura, 2011b). In fact, however, signs of this tendency were already observed in the late 1970s (Moon, 2002). At that time, many rural towns and villages in Japan struggled with depopulation and aging society (unfortunately, many still do). Under this circumstance, these places tried to revitalise themselves, exploiting cultural and natural resources unique to or prominent in each place (Moon, 2002). This drive is called muraokoshi (revitalisation of local communities) in Japanese. Through this movement, almost everything having locality was turned into commodities. Such commodification is confirmed as a range of souvenir that highlights local culture. Moreover, many folk museums opened across Japan between the early 1970s and the late 1980s (Kanzaki, 1988). Along with the aforementioned heritage phenomenon in different regions of the world, visitors have become more interested in consuming heritage (Ashworth and Tunbridge, 2000). Subsequently, numerous tourist destinations with cultural heritage compete each other to entice visitors, and once unknown places have emerged in the market of cultural heritage tourism (Orbasli, 2000). Creation of new CHAs can be understood as a spatial transformation and tends to be part of an extensive regeneration plan. Roberts (2017: 18) defines urban regeneration as comprehensive and integrated vision and action which seeks to resolve urban problems and bring about a lasting improvement in the economic, physical, social and environmental condition of an area that has been subject to change or offers opportunities for improvement. As this definition implies, urban regenerations usually involve spatial transformations, and holistic approaches must be adopted to consider the enhancement of all key conditions of a specific area in the long term. Furthermore, the concerns of local communities should be reflected on the vision of regeneration. The development and improvement of CHAs such as local museums are beneficial for local communities, government and businesses in terms of economic, physical and social conditions of the area. As mentioned before, former industrial sites can be turned into cultural heritage sites and this alteration helps to enhance all of the aforementioned three types of condition. Nowadays, more and more visitors are keen to consume heritage, and this is not limited to the aforementioned historic and traditional cultural heritage. The rise of ‘new’ types of cultural heritage, typically shopping malls (see Chapter 10) and theme parks (see Chapter 12), cannot be ignored when cultural heritage is discussed with consumerism in the context of contemporary society. Ritzer (2010) describes shopping malls as ‘cathedrals of

10  Introduction consumption’ (see Chapter 10 for details). In the last half century, numerous new cathedrals of consumption were created, altering city/townscapes, regenerating places and changing the nature of spaces. Originated in the West, especially in the USA and the UK, they rapidly spread to most regions of the world. The development of such mega structures is a good example of spatial transformation that changes city/townscapes and often occurs as part of regeneration of a wider area. In Japan, one of the recent examples of cathedrals of consumption in urban areas is Ginza Six, a high-end shopping centre opened in 2017. Ginza Six was built on the site of Matsuzakaya department store that closed in 2013 due to declining popularity. Ginza Six is a good example of contemporary cultural heritage located in TMP. In contrast, a typical example of cathedrals of consumption in a suburban/ rural area is Aeon Malls. Aeon Malls are extensive shopping centres, which consist of an Aeon supermarket, retailers, restaurants and cafés. Some of them even encompass a cinema, amusement arcade, barber shop and dentist. Some Japanese persons say in fun that an Aeon Mall is like a small town and people can spend all day there. In rural areas, Aeon Malls or equivalents might be the only place where young people can get together, killing their time. Both Ginza Six and Aeon Malls are spectacularisation of shopping as a social and communal activity. Actually, however, at least some of the consumers visiting Ginza Six and Aeon Malls do not come there for shopping. They may just want to have a good time with their families and friends, or find something interesting there. In this sense, these cathedrals of consumption are highly associated with leisure and tourism. In short, visitor experience with these cathedrals of consumption involves consumption of money, space, time and experience, and they are viewed as a new type of cultural heritage embedded in Japanese society and tourism in Japan. 1.2.5  Cultural heritage and authenticity in tourism Authenticity is a focal theme for cultural heritage that scholars have examined for a long time. Authenticity has also been explored in relation to visitor experience. It could be stated that most researchers and practitioners regard authenticity as an essential notion for cultural heritage. To cite a case, UNESCO has its own understanding of authenticity and treats it as an essential component for a property to be inscribed as a cultural or mixed WHS. Some researchers also think that having authentic experience is a main interest of visitors (e.g. MacCannell, 1973). To date, nevertheless, no consensus has been reached regarding what authenticity is in the context of cultural heritage and visitor experience, and what extent visitors stick to authenticity of what they see or experience. Many different views of authenticity are proposed by researchers. In relation to this, Reisinger and Steiner (2006) offer a very thorough outline of different views towards authenticity as Timothy (2011) claims. In short, authenticity of tangible and intangible cultural heritage can be explored in terms of three different conceptual standpoints:

Introduction 11 •

•

•

Modernists, realists and objectivists – In this stance, authenticity of cultural heritage is objective and can be measured and assessed by certain standards and criteria. Stated differently, cultural heritage can be authentic in its own right. Hence, whether or not what visitors experience is authentic is pre-determined regardless of visitors and their views of authenticity. Constructivists – In this viewpoint, authenticity of cultural heritage is subjective and constructed by individuals, including visitors, based on their own understanding of ‘real’ or ‘genuine’. In other words, cultural heritage cannot be authentic in its own right and is fluid and negotiable. Therefore, whether or not what visitors experience is authentic is determined through their engagement with cultural heritage. Postmodernists – In this standpoint, authenticity does not matter. This means that inauthenticity or staged authenticity of cultural heritage is not a problem for visitors in the postmodern era. These visitors are ready to accept and enjoy inauthenticity and staged authenticity in their tourism experience. Postmodern visitors are much more concerned with otherness and extraordinary experience through their engagement with cultural heritage than its authenticity.

These three different types of stance are employed in this monograph as a basis of discussions about the issues in authenticity of cultural heritage and visitor experience. In the case of Japan’s cultural heritage, only partial cultural heritage examined in Chapters 2–12 can be regarded as authentic one, if the stance of modernists, realists and objectivists is adopted. A certain degree of originality and evidence of specific features would be required when the authenticity of cultural heritage associated with, for instance, religions (Chapter 2), indigenous people of Japan (Chapter 6) and wars (Chapter 8) is assessed. In this perspective, theme parks in Japan (Chapter 12) cannot be seen as authentic cultural heritage (Jimura, 2017). By contrast, any cultural heritage can be authentic as long as authenticity is constructed by visitors through their engagement with the heritage, if the standpoint of constructivists is employed. In this sense, all types of cultural heritage investigated in this book can be authentic. On the other hand, the perspective of postmodernists signifies that most people in the postmodern period like today are released from the spell of authenticity, and their main interests would be extraordinariness, relaxation, pleasure, entertainment, excitements, and ‘wow’ factors. In this case, what cultural heritage can provide to visitors and what kinds of expectations they have would be much more important than authenticity of cultural heritage for visitor experience. As Chapter 4 signifies, for example, Japanised Chinese cuisine may give a pleasure to some Chinese tourists but cannot satisfy the need of other Chinese tourists who expect Chinese cuisine they eat in their home country.

12  Introduction 1.2.6  Cultural heritage and interpretation in tourism Interpretation plays a vital role for cultural heritage in tourism settings, especially with regard to the relationship between cultural heritage and visitors. The roots of today’s interpretation can be traced back to storytelling amongst members of a community, hunters, fishermen and traders in the ancient times (Timothy and Boyd, 2003). Through such storytelling, something important for these groups has been passed on to next generations. It is agreed amongst most scholars that interpretation today is more than just telling the information to others. Regarding this point, Tilden’s (1977) six principles of interpretation is useful and they are: 1 Any interpretation that does not somehow relate what is being displayed or described to something within the personality or experience of the visitor will be sterile. 2 Information, as such, is not Interpretation. Interpretation is revelation based upon information. But they are entirely different things. However, all interpretation includes information. 3 Interpretation is an art, which combines many arts, whether the materials presented are scientific, historical or architectural. Any art is in some degree teachable. 4 The chief aim of Interpretation is not instruction, but provocation. 5 Interpretation should aim to present a whole rather than a part, and must address itself to the whole man rather than any phase. 6 Interpretation addressed to children (say, up to the age of twelve) should not be a dilution of the presentation to adults, but should follow a fundamentally different approach. To be at its best it will require a separate programme. As confirmed from the above, varied factors are considered to be seen as proper interpretation. Narratives created and delivered by storytellers are unique and kinds of arts because their stories usually involve elements of education, entertainment and even admonitions. In addition, interpretation in the current tourism settings has other essential roles, including enhancement of heritage conservation, visitor management and income generation. In particular, education, admonitions, conservation and visitor management are closely related to each other. For many CHAs, education is part of their mission. The target of education includes adults as well as children or students. Through education, CHAs can raise people’s awareness of cultural heritage for local communities and a wider audience, and this could lead to enhancement of conservation. However, just informing people about why heritage is significant and what they should do would not be sufficient for appropriate heritage conservation. Simultaneously, what they need to avoid must also be recognised by visitors. To this end, the role of interpretation for visitor management is also crucial.

Introduction 13 Good visitor management can also increase the level of visitor satisfaction, and this may encourage their repeat visits and lead to positive WOM and eWOM. Interpretation should also provide visitors with entertainment and this is particularly necessary for children. Visitors are more engaged with cultural heritage and more likely to remember their experience if entertainment factors are embedded in interpretation. As many CHAs must be financially sustainable in their own right, income generation is also imperative. Interpretation can contribute to it, for example, through guidebooks sold at a retail space and audio guides and/or guided tours with extra fees. As the number of international visitors to most CHAs has been boosting, the availability of interpretation in foreign languages is also key for CHAs, especially for the CHAs whose main targets are overseas visitors. Interpretation methods available for visitors can be personal or non-personal: • •

Personal – e.g. guided tours, lectures, performances and workshops. Non-personal – e.g. interpretation panels, audio guides and videos and photographs.

Compared with non-personal interpretation, personal interpretation could enhance the level of visitors’ engagement more through two-way communications and is likely to lead to more individualised visitor experience. However, personal interpretation tends to be more expensive to arrange and more difficult to manage with a large audience than non-personal interpretation. In contrast, non-personal interpretation does not cost a lot except its installation phase and would work well with a large audience. Generally, however, this interpretation method lack interactions with visitors and their level of engagement can be lower than that with personal interpretation. Thus, each CHA should explore a best balance between personal and non-personal interpretation, considering their mission, purposes, and human and financial resources. Interpretation is also a key element of heritage trails. Usually, heritage trails are organised by the supply side of tourism under a specific theme. Visitors call in a series of places associated with a peculiar theme all located in a certain destination. By doing so, visitors will be able to have comprehensive understanding of the theme and may extend the length of their stay in the destination. Here, the ‘contested’ nature of heritage and heritage interpretation should also be mentioned. Cultural heritage could have manifold meanings and these meanings can differ by stakeholder. In theory, thus, different interpretations are possible for one cultural heritage. Nonetheless, interpretation available for visitors is often only one. Therefore, there would be no opportunity for visitors to aware other possible interpretations of the cultural heritage, although most visitors do not seem to recognise this risk. In line with this, important questions may arise. Whose interpretation should be delivered to visitors? Moreover, such ‘official’ interpretation is usually developed by a CHA and/or relevant experts, but it may not be the same

14  Introduction as the dominant interpretation that the community members share. If the interpretation obtainable at a CHA is referred to as ‘authorised’ interpretation, it should be noted that there would also be any ‘alternative’ or ‘hidden’ interpretation(s). Particularly, interpretation of ‘delicate’ heritage should be designed carefully. According to the author’s observations, for instance, most interpretations of HPMM available before and after its refurbishment appear to adhere to delivering the ‘facts’ rather than ‘stories’ or ‘narratives’ they created. Due to the nature of the displays, what stories or narratives should be presented as ‘authorised’ and ‘official’ interpretations is quite difficult to decide. That is mainly because; the views of Japanese and American visitors towards the exhibits can be different or even contested. In this case, ‘leaving interpretation to each visitor’ would work as a sensible and effective approach, and this approach should be respected as proper interpretation. The main purpose of such interpretation is to evoke emotions and thoughts about world peace in each visitor’s mind through learning about the atomic bombing experience of Hiroshima (see Chapter 8 for further details). 1.2.7 Conservation and management of cultural heritage and tourism Cultural heritage is imperative for current and future generations. In the author’s view, the importance of cultural heritage conservation can be justified by the following reasons: a b c d e

Its link with humans as members of society, Its value as creations of humans, Its association with humans’ identities at various levels, Its existence as a testimony of the cultural diversity on the globe, Its account for providing humans with educational and recreational opportunities, and f Its interrelationship with natural heritage.

A range of measures have been invented and implemented to conserve tangible and intangible cultural heritage. Regarding tangible heritage, the following conservation methods are representative and two or more can be used concurrently: 1 2 3 4 5

Refurbishment. Renovation. Restoration. Reconstruction. Relocation.

The dissimilarities between 1, 2 and 3 are often vague, and each of these terms could have different meanings depending on field or nation. Generally,

Introduction 15 however, 1 means the most minor work and 4 signifies the most major work, although some people do not see 4 as a conservation method. 5 has a nature different from 1 to 4, because 5 means that tangible cultural heritage is physically moved to a new place. Can relocation damage the meaning and value of tangible cultural heritage? For example, the International Council of Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) basically prohibits the relocation of historic monuments and buildings, because ICOMOS believes that tangible cultural heritage is inseparable from the history of a place where it has been situated (Gregory, 2008). In Japan, however, a lot of tangible cultural heritage has been relocated for conservation purposes. For instance, many gassho-style houses in Shirakawa Village in Gifu Prefecture were moved to new places across Japan chiefly due to construction of dams (Kuroda, 2013). WHSs, ICH and Memory of the World (MoW) are three main international schemes for cultural heritage conservation adopted by UNESCO (Jimura, 2019). Of these, WHSs is directly related to conservation of tangible cultural heritage. Moreover, the notions involved in WHSs such as the List of World Heritage in Danger, Cultural Landscapes, and Historic Urban Landscapes are also vital as guiding philosophy for heritage conservation. On the other hand, MoW Register was developed to enhance conservation of documentary heritage around the globe. Compared with conservation of tangible cultural heritage, conservation of intangible cultural heritage requires approaches that focus more on invisible aspects. Such approaches include identification, recognition and appreciation of cultural heritage. Of the aforementioned three key systems implemented by UNESCO, ICH is the scheme to conserve diverse intangible cultural heritage in the world. Its principle is the Convention for the Safeguarding of ICH (ICH Convention), which was adopted by the UNESCO General Conference in 2003 (UNESCO, 2016). Article 1 of the ICH Convention illustrates its purposes as follows: • • • •

To safeguard the ICH, To ensure respect for the ICH of the communities, groups and individuals concerned, To raise awareness at the local, national and international levels of the importance of the ICH, and of ensuring mutual appreciation thereof, and To provide for international cooperation and assistance. (Jimura, 2019)

In addition, Article 2 of the convention presents typical fields of ICH, and they are: • •

Oral traditions and expressions, including language as a vehicle of the ICH, Performing arts,

16  Introduction • • •

Social practices, rituals and festive events, Knowledge and practices concerning nature and the universe, and Traditional craftsmanship.

(Jimura, 2019)

In Japan, for example, traditional Ainu dance was added to the List of ICH in 2009 (UNESCO, n.d.) (see Chapter 6). Concerning cultural heritage, its ownership and stewardship are also crucial issues in its conservation (Jimura, 2019). In the case of WHSs, the legal ownership of a WHS belongs to each State Party (nation that ratified the WH Convention), whilst its moral ownership belongs to all people in the world (Jimura, 2019). This dual ownership can trigger such issues in the ownership and stewardship of a WHS as who makes a final decision regarding the conservation of the WHS and who engage with the maintenance of the WHS (Jimura, 2019). As suggested in Section 1.1, everything excursionists or tourists perceive as heritage can be treated as heritage in the tourism context. In fact, varied cultural heritage is presented to visitors in the tourism setting all over the world. The use of cultural heritage as a tourism resource is beneficial in terms of educational and recreational opportunities, awareness-raising, community engagement and economic benefits. As Jimura (2019) argues, however, basically the relationship between heritage conservation and tourism is contradictory. Fundamentally, a larger number of visitors to a CHA mean a higher level of success as visitor attraction. Ironically, however, this can increase risks for heritage conservation (Shackley, 1998). Hence, careful and effective visitor management is essential for proper conservation of cultural heritage as well as good visitor experience. Nowadays, various visitor management techniques are available. Inkson and Minnaert (2018) list following techniques as mainstream ones: • • • • • • • • •

Increasing capacity, Making capacity more flexible, Site hardening, Restricting or forbidding access, Demarketing, Charging or pricing, Quota systems and timed entry, Queue management, and Education and interpretation.

As can be seen from the above, education and interpretation is one of the major visitor management methods. Of the systems listed above, for instance, timed entry is introduced by popular CHAs, especially medium or small-sized historic attractions in Western countries. The Anne Frank House is a relatively small attraction located in the city centre of Amsterdam,

Introduction 17 and its popularity has been increasing year-on-year. Nowadays, the house can be visited only with an online ticket for a specific date and time (Anne Frank House, n.d.). In Japan, overall, timed entry is still not common. Nevertheless, timed tickets and/or fast (express) passes are introduced by Japanese branches of world-famous theme parks such as USJ and Tokyo Disney Resort (TDR) to deal with long queues and waiting times for super-popular attractions such as the Wizarding World of Harry Potter (USJ) and Splash Mountain (TDR) (see Chapter 12).

1.3  History of tourism in Japan Section 1.3 shows the history of tourism in the West and Japan to indicate Japan’s situation and position in a broader stream and how the history of Japanese tourism has shaped cultural heritage as a consumable product in tourism. The term, tourism, is a very broad concept and encompasses diverse activities depending on how it is defined. In this section, tourism signifies the activities of people who travel outside their daily environment for diverse objectives. In this broad sense, tourism has a very long history. In early tourism, people travelled for religious, trading and military purposes rather than leisure purposes. For instance, it is known that Egyptians visited cultural heritage such as pyramids during the Ancient Egypt time. Butler (2009) also claims that in the West, some activities seen as tourism today already existed in the Greek and Roman eras. The Ancient Olympic Games were held every four years in Olympia, Greece, originally as prayers to a god and eulogy to the dead. As time passed by, however, the Games began to bear the earmarks of pleasure. The golden age of the Roman Empire was a good period for travelling thanks to the good quality of roads, no borders, single currency and high safety level. In the West, feudalism developed as a social system along with the fall of the Western Roman Empire, the rise of Christianity and the development of monastic orders. In the Middle Ages, people could have some holidays; however, they were associated closely with religious (Christian) festivals. This implies that their holidays were a rest from work but did not mean a travel to other place. In the West, two important phenomena in the history of tourism occurred during the 18th century. One is the Grand Tour, which is a form of tourism for young aristocrats’ socio-cultural experiences and education. Multiple nationalities (e.g. the British, French, German and Russian) were inspired by travel literature and went on to the Grand Tour to broaden their minds. Basically, they visited certain places at particular times, for instance, Venice around May and June for Ascensiontide and Rome in the Christmas time. The other is the Industrial Revolution originated in the UK during the 18th century. Industrialisation brought growing prosperity that allowed some people to enjoy leisure activities. Availability of leisure time and development of transport, especially railway networks, led to the rise of tourist destinations,

18  Introduction typically seaside (e.g. Scarborough, UK), ski (e.g. Chamonix, France) and spa (e.g. Budapest, Hungary) resorts. Each of these traditional types of tourism mirrors characteristics of tourist destinations. These attributes are also appreciated as cultural heritage of the destination when the host side of tourism recognises the value of such features and the destination starts attracting visitors. In Japan, the origin of tourism dates back to the Heian period (794–1185). During this period and the Kamakura period (1185–1333), emperors emeritus regularly visited Shinto shrines in the Kumano region. This is called Kumano-mode or Kumano-mairi. The backdrop of these visits was mapposhiso (the end-of-the-world belief) widespread amongst people of that time. To be spiritually saved, many people started to believe in jodo-shiso (Pure Land Buddhism). These backgrounds encouraged the spread of Kumano-mode during the Muromachi period (1336–1573). Not only noble people such as emperors emeritus but also samurai and ordinary people started to go on Kumano-mode during this period. For the aforementioned reasons, it can be stated that the main purpose of early tourism in Japan is to visit religious sites (Chapter 2). Kumano-mode had been popular until the beginning of the Edo Period (1603–1868). One of the key features of the policies employed in the Edo period was the re-installation of sekisho (checkpoints) that monitor the flow of people between han (feudal domains). Basically, therefore, this was a negative change in governmental policies for people who wanted to visit religious sites outside the han they lived in because they needed to obtain tsuko-tegata (travel pass) to travel across the borders. During the Edo period, however, okage-mairi became quite popular amongst ordinary people. In fact, okage-mairi is perceived as a forerunner of Japan’s present-day tourism (Linhart and Fruhstuck, 1998). Okage-mairi was a journey to Ise Jingu (Ise Grand Shrine) made by the general public (Traganou, 2004). This pilgrimage was regarded as a once-in-alifetime experience, because normal people were not allowed to travel freely due to sekisho, and the travel cost them a large amount of time and money. Under this circumstance, okage-mairi usually worked well as a good excuse for ordinary people to travel across the borders, and was often condoned as an exception thanks to its religious nature. These people believed that they could obtain a good luck or protection from Shinto deities. The pilgrimage routes to Ise Jingu were also developed thanks to the growing popularity of okage-mairi. Through the pilgrimages such as Kumano-mode and okage-mairi, Japanese people built relationships with religious sites, and these places have been established as cultural heritage amongst Japanese people in the context of tourism. However, the things that developed into cultural heritage through Japanese pilgrimages were not limited to religious sites. To cite a case, chaya (café), hatagoya and kichinyado (accommodation facilities) were constructed along the pilgrimage routes or main streets to support pilgrimage. Chaya were places for the pilgrims to take a rest, selling them Japanese

Introduction 19 tea and wagashi (traditional Japanese sweets). Such foods and drinks have a long-term relationship with Japanese people and can also be seen as cultural heritage of Japan (see Chapter 4). Hatagoya and kichinyado are the ancestors of today’s Japanese-style inns such as ryokan (see Chapter 5). Most Japanese persons understand what they are and recognise them as important cultural assets of Japan. Other kinds of historic cultural heritage of Japan covered in this monograph include matsuri (Chapter 3) and indigenous people of Japan (Chapter 6). An increasing level of attention has been paid to both as cultural heritage in the tourism context. That is because; nowadays they can attract overseas visitors as well as domestic visitors (e.g. Aomori Nebuta Matsuri and National Ainu Museum), although they still retain a certain level of bonds with local communities and/or indigenous people. Furthermore, other types of historic Japanese culture such as industrial sites including Tomioka Silk Mill (Chapter 7) and war memorials and museums such as Genbaku Dome (Chapter 8) have also been acknowledged as cultural heritage and places to visit partly thanks to their WH status. Moreover, these heritage sites have been visited well by Japanese school trips, which aim to raise students’ awareness of the Japanese history. Many Japanese people are also familiar with contemporary Japanese culture such as urban landscapes, extensive shopping districts, amine and manga, and theme parks, although once such contemporary culture did not seem to be valued as cultural heritage by Japanese people. Since the launch of a visit Japan campaign in 2003 (see Section 1.2.2), however, Japanese citizens appear to have more respected such contemporary Japanese culture as cultural heritage and tourism resources thanks to its recognition and popularity amongst Japanese people and people from abroad.

1.4  Structure of the book Lastly, Section 1.4 illustrates the structure of the book. This monograph consists of 13 chapters. This chapter serves as an introductory chapter. Eleven chapters (Chapter 2–12) are devoted to the discussions on diverse types of cultural heritage and tourism in Japan. In principle, these 11 chapters are organised by a chronological order. More precisely, the chapters on historic cultural heritage come earlier than those about contemporary cultural heritage. The arguments in these chapters are supported by relevant academic theories and a variety of examples from Japan to develop exhaustive and convincing discussions on each of the 11 key topics and to enhance the readers’ understanding of cultural heritage and tourism in Japan. Chapter 2 looks at religious landscapes of Japan, covering dominant religions of Japan, namely Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism, and also investigates contemporary pilgrimages. Chapter 3 focuses on festivals and events in Japan such as matsuri and its association with local community and wider audience. Chapter 4 examines Japanese cuisine as Japan’s intangible cultural heritage and its attractiveness for overseas and

20  Introduction domestic visitors. The chapter also considers how Japanised international cuisines have been invented to suit the tastes and preferences of Japanese customers. Chapter 5 deliberates onsen (hot springs) and Japanese-style inns, typically ryokan. The chapter also explores how they are connected with Japanese sense of relaxation and Japaneseness. The core of Chapter 6 is cultural heritage and identities of indigenous people, the Ainu and Uchinanchu. The main topic of Chapter 7 is former factories, mines and a range of infrastructure, which made great contributions to Japan’s modernisation after the Meiji Restoration (1868) and are currently acknowledged as Japan’ industrial heritage. Chapter 8 highlights wars and war heritage, focusing on Hiroshima and Nagasaki, which are victims of atomic bombings. Chapter 9 investigates coexistence of historic and contemporary cultures as urban heritage in gigantic cities, namely Yokohama, Kyoto and Kobe. On the other hand, Chapter 10 examines the remarkableness of consumerism and materialism through Japan’s shopping culture, focusing on Tokyo and Osaka. The centre of Chapter 11 is the allure of Japanese popular culture and its diffusion amongst Japanese people and foreigners through various media. Chapter 12 studies theme parks in Japan, especially those feature Western cultures. The final chapter (Chapter 13) serves as concluding chapter of this monograph, revisiting the key themes that form the conceptual framework of this book, demonstrating further thoughts emerged from Chapters 2 to 12, and showing the future directions of cultural heritage and tourism in Japan.

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Introduction 21 Jimura, T. (2011a) The websites of Japanese ryokan and eWOM: Their impacts on guests’ expectation and experience. International Journal of Asian Tourism Management, 2(2): 120–133. Jimura, T. (2011b) The impact of world heritage site designation on local communities – A case study of Ogimachi, Shirakawa-mura, Japan. Tourism Management, 32(2): 288–296. Jimura, T. (2016) World heritage site management: A case study of sacred sites and pilgrimage routes in the Kii mountain range, Japan. Journal of Heritage Tourism, 11(4): 382–394. Jimura, T. (2017) Architecture and Tourism: Creation and Re-creation of Europe in Japan. A conference paper for “International Conference – Architecture and Tourism: Fictions, Simulacra, Virtualities” held at Université Paris 1 Pantheon Sorbonne, Paris, France (4–7 July 2017). Book of Abstract – pp. 65–66. Jimura, T. (2019) World Heritage Sites: Tourism, Local Communities and Conservation Activities. Wallingford: CABI. Jimura, T. (2020) Changing faces of Tokyo: Regeneration, tourism and Tokyo 2020. In: N. Wise and T. Jimura (eds) Tourism, Cultural Heritage and Urban Regeneration – Changing Spaces in Historical Places. Cham: Springer, pp. 141–155. Kanzaki, N. (1988) Chiikiokoshi no Folklore (Folklore of Regional Revitalisation) [in Japanese]. Tokyo: Gyosei. Kuroda, N. (2013) Gassho-zukuri kaoku to Shuraku no Saisei (Gassho-style houses and regeneration of local community) [in Japanese]. Nosonkeikaku Gakkaishi, 32(2): 117–120. Available at: https://www.jstage.jst.go.jp/article/arp/32/2/32_117/_ pdf (accessed 14 May 2020). Leask, A. (2009) The nature and role of visitor attractions. In: A. Fyall, A. Leask and B. Garrod (eds) Managing Visitor Attractions. Abingdon: Routledge, pp. 23–35. Li, M., Wu, B. and Cai, L. (2008) Tourism development of world heritage sites in China: A geographic perspective. Tourism Management, 29(2): 308–319. Linhart, S. and Fruhstuck, S. (eds) (1998) The Culture of Japan as Seen through Its Leisure. New York: SUNY. Lowenthal, D. (1998) The Heritage Crusade and the Spoils of History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. MacCannell, D. (1973) Staged authenticity: Arrangements of social space in tourist settings. American Journal of Sociology, 79(3): 589–603. Martin, A. (2002) The impact of free entry to museums.  Cultural Trends, 12(47), 1–12. Moon, O. (2002) The countryside reinvented for urban tourists: Rural transformation in the Japanese muraokoshi movement. In: J. Hendry and M. Raveri (eds) Japan at Play. London: Routledge, pp. 228–244. Orbasli, A. (2000) Tourists in Historic Towns. London: E & FN Spon. Prideaux, B., Timothy, D. J. and Chon, K. (eds) (2013) Cultural and Heritage Tourism in Asia and the Pacific. Abingdon: Routledge. Reisinger, Y. and Steiner, C. J. (2006) Reconceptualizing object authenticity. Annals of tourism research, 33(1): 65–86. Ritzer, G. (2010) Enchanting a Disenchanted World: Continuity and Change in the Cathedrals of Consumption, 3rd edn. London: Sage. Roberts, P. (2017) The evolution, definition and purpose of Urban regeneration. In: P. Roberts, H. Sykes and R. Granger (eds) Urban Regeneration, 2nd edn. London: Sage Publications, pp. 9–43.

22  Introduction Shackley, M. (ed) (1998) Visitor Management: Case Studies from World Heritage Sites. Oxford: Butterworth-Heinemann. Tilden, F. (1977) Interpreting Our Heritage, 3rd edn. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. Timothy, D. J. (2011) Cultural Heritage and Tourism: An Introduction. Bristol: Channel View Publications. Timothy, D. J. and Boyd, S. W. (2003) Heritage Tourism. London: Prentice- Hall. Traganou, J. (2004) The Tokaido Road: Traveling and Representation in Edo and Meiji Japan. New York: Routledge. Tripadvisor Japan. (2020) Top 30 Attractions in Japan by International Travelers 2020. Available at: https://tg.tripadvisor.jp/news/ranking/best-inbound-attractions/ (accessed 12 May 2020). Tylor, E. B. (1924) Primitive Culture, 7th edn. New York: Brentano’s. UNESCO. (2016) Convention for the Safeguarding of the Intangible Cultural Heritage: 2016 edition. Available at: http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images// 0013/001325/132540e.pdf (accessed 15 September 2018). UNESCO. (n.d.) Traditional Ainu Dance. Available at: https://ich.unesco.org/en/ RL/traditional-ainu-dance-00278 (accessed 14 May 2020). World Heritage Centre. (2020) World Heritage. Available at: http://whc.unesco.org/ en/about/world-heritage (accessed 14 May 2020). Wise, N. and Jimura, T. (eds) (2020) Tourism, Cultural Heritage and Urban Regeneration – Changing Spaces in Historical Places. Cham: Springer. Wu, H. and Jimura, T. (2019) Exploring an importance-performance analysis approach to evaluate destination image. Local Economy, 34(7): 699–717.

2

Religious landscape of Japan Religions, spiritual philosophies, and contemporary pilgrimage

2.1 Introduction A religion consists of a sense of awe and amazement that is usually focused on a certain person or symbol (Riis and Woodhead, 2010). Religions and religious sites are cultural heritage that has a long history with human beings and their culture and society since the ancient times. In this sense, religions and religious sites can be regarded as one of the earliest types of cultural heritage. On one hand, visits to and tourism at religious sites are the activities that can be confirmed throughout the history of humankind regardless of religion and region of the world. On the other hand, religious tourism is a specific type of tourism and involves various aspects and themes within its concept. It depends on how religious tourism is defined; however, generally not all visits to and tourism at religious sites are religious tourism. That is because; travelling for religious reasons or with religious motivations are essential to be viewed as religious tourism (Shackley, 2001). Rinschede (1992: 52) also states that ‘Religious tourism is that type of tourism whose participants are motivated either in part or exclusively for religious reasons’. This monograph adopts this view; therefore, visits to and tourism at religious sites for other reasons or with other motivations (e.g. leisure) are not treated as religious tourism. In addition to visits to and tourism at religious sites, pilgrimage is also an important notion when religions and religious sites are explored in the context of tourism. Pilgrimage is an established cultural phenomenon existing in all main religions in the world (CollinsKreiner et al., 2017). As claimed earlier, if religious reasons and motivations are deemed as requisite components of religious tourism, pilgrimage is very similar to religious tourism. This is echoed by Collins-Kreiner (2018), who argues that the difference between religious tourism and pilgrimage has become blurred. As signified earlier, religious tourism is one of the oldest forms of tourism (Swarbrooke and Horner, 2007). However, it needs to be noted that religious sites have also been visited by ordinary people as visitor attractions or tourist destinations. In addition, as discussed earlier, not all visits to and tourism at religious sites are religious tourism. This signifies that not all

24  Religious landscape of Japan Table 2.1  Relations between religiosity and visitor groups Level of religiosity

Group

Magnitude of religion for visit

High Medium Low

Devout pilgrims Religious visitors Secular visitors

Very important Somewhat important Not important

Source: Smith, 1992; Timothy, 2011.

the visitors coming to religious places are religious visitors. In fact, Nolan and Nolan (1992) argue that there are religious and sacred sites in Europe that attract secular visitors as well as religious visitors. This phenomenon is not peculiar to religious places in Europe and is also confirmed at those in other regions of the world, including Japan. Of the visitors to religious spots for religious reasons or with religious motivations, some of them are followers of a specific religion who devote themselves to the religion in their everyday lives. Smith (1992) calls such people ‘devout pilgrims’. Given all of these discussions, visitors calling in religious sites can be divided into three groups (see Table 2.1). Of a multitude of religions across the world, following five are seen as world’s major religions: • • • • •

Buddhism, Christianity, Hinduism, Islam, and Judaism.

(Timothy, 2011; Collins-Kreiner et al., 2017)

Christianity is the world-largest religion in terms of the number of believers. In Christianity, visiting pilgrimage destinations such as Vatican City, Santiago de Compostela and Jerusalem is very meaningful for pilgrims. Furthermore, the journeys to the pilgrimage destinations are also important for them. As the number of pilgrims who visit the pilgrimage destinations has increased, the pilgrimage routes have also developed, advancing services and facilities to support the pilgrims. For example, the history of the pilgrimages to Santiago de Compostela can be traced back to 951. Many pilgrimage routes were created throughout Europe, particularly in Italy, Germany and France. Today, people must travel at least 100 km by walk or 200 km by bicycle to be officially recognised as the pilgrims when they arrive at Catedral de Santiago de Compostela and 60,412 pilgrims arrived there in August 2018 (Oficina de Acogida Al Peregrino, 2018). Concerning the follower numbers, Islam is the world’s second-largest religion. In Islam, Mecca, Medina, Jerusalem, Najaf, and Karbala are major pilgrim destinations. Of the pilgrimages to these holy sites, an annual pilgrimage to Mecca

Religious landscape of Japan 25 in August (Hajj) is particularly important for Muslims. Kaaba is a structure situated at the core of Islam’s most significant mosque located in the city centre of Mecca. Touching Kaaba is the ultimate goal for the pilgrims. In 2019, Hajj fell approximately between 9 and 14 August, and almost 2.5 million pilgrims visited Mecca during this holy period (General Authority for Statistics, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia, n.d.). Jerusalem is also a very important holy site for Judaism. The Temple in Jerusalem had been the most sacred place for Judaism. After the Temple was destroyed, the remains of the Temple (the Wailing Wall) have been the holiest place for Jews and the most momentous pilgrim destination. Hinduism is the third-largest religion in view of the follower numbers. Most followers of Hinduism live in India or Nepal. There are many sacred sites for Hindus, especially in India. Of these, Varanasi can be viewed as the most significant pilgrim destination and countless Hindus visit the city for bathing in the River Ganges. Originated in India, Buddhism is followed mainly by people in East, Southeast and South Asia. In Buddhism, devout pilgrims or religious visitors see natural or artificial sites as the destinations of their pilgrimages. For Tibetan Buddhists, for instance Mount Kailash located in the Tibet Autonomous Region of China is a key destination for their pilgrimages. Of these, very keen Tibetan Buddhists adopt prostration when they move forward on pilgrimage routes. In Japanese Buddhism, sacred mountains are destinations of pilgrimages, but in many cases Buddhist temples (tera) including those located in such holy mountains are pilgrimage destinations.

2.2  Religions and spiritual philosophies of Japan 2.2.1 Overview Shintoism and Buddhism are Japan’s two dominant religions. Shintoism is a region unique to Japan. Buddhism in Japan should be comprehended as ‘Japanese Buddhism’ as Buddhism has developed in a Japanese context since it was officially imported to Japan in 538 (at the end of the Kofun period). The population of Japan is around 127.3 million as of 2014 (World Bank, 2018). According to the Agency for Cultural Affairs (ACA) (2016), as of 31 December 2014, the number of believers in any religion is around 190.2 million, which is much larger than the population of Japan. This means that many people in Japan believe in two (or more) religions. This phenomenon is not confirmed in most of other countries. Thus, this attitude towards religions can be seen as a lack of a commitment to a single religion by foreigners. The number of believers in Shintoism is around 92.2 million (48.5%) and the number of those in Japanese Buddhism is around 87.1 million (45.8%) (ACA, 2016). Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism, particularly the latter have various sects and their dogmas are different. In Japan, the religion with the third-largest number of followers is Christianity (around 1.95 million

26  Religious landscape of Japan (1.0%)) (ACA, 2016). These figures endorse that Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism are two major religions of Japan. Interestingly, Reuters Japan (2012) shows that around 72.0 million (56.6%) of Japanese people do not follow any religion. This conflicts with the data above. This contradiction can be explained as follows. In principle, Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism, especially the former do not require people to sign a particular document or attend a certain ceremony to become believers. Hence, there are no clear standards to distinguish its believers from non-believers (10MTV, 2017). The author is Japanese, who was born and bred in Japan for 30 years before he moved to the UK. He supports the views of 10MTV (2017) rather than the figures of ACA (2016). For generations, his family belongs to Tendaishu, more precisely Tendaishinseishu of Japanese Buddhism whose headquarters (sohonzan) is Saikyo-ji Temple in Otsu City, Shiga Prefecture. He has been to Saikyo-ji Temple and has basic knowledge on the sect. Basically, every temple belongs to a sect of Japanese Buddhism, and every Japanese family has its family temple (bodaiji). A monk from bodaiji performs a ritual when a family member passes away and bodaiji looks after the family’s grave for generations. The author visits his family’s bodaiji and grave when he is in Japan. Nevertheless, if the author is asked whether he is a believer in Tendaishinseishu, his answer is ‘no’. In fact, most Japanese people, especially young people living in urban areas are not believers in Shintoism or Japanese Buddhism (Jimura, 2007). Nevertheless, these religions are still important for Japanese people. That is because; most Japanese persons, particularly elderly people in rural areas, rely on Shintoism and/ or Japanese Buddhism as their ‘spiritual anchorages’, especially when they face any difficulties in their lives (Jimura, 2007). For example, many residents in Shirakawa Village in Gifu Prefecture worship Jodoshinshu, one of the major Japanese Buddhist sects (ACA, 1994). Hence, it is fair to say that Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism serve as spiritual philosophies as well as religions for Japanese people. Stated differently, most Japanese citizens are not believers in Shintoism or Japanese Buddhism but they are ‘sympathisers’ of these religions. Furthermore, many Japanese persons are the believers in or sympathisers of both Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism. This is confirmed from the fact that most traditional households in Japan have both a miniature Shinto shrine (kamidana) and Buddhist altar (butsudan) in their houses. 2.2.2 Shintoism As discussed earlier, the majority of Japanese nationals are not the followers of any religion. However, this does not mean that they are atheists. In fact, many Japanese people think that there are or might be deities. Shintoism signifies a distinctive Japanese attitude towards deities that can make followers of other religions, especially those of monotheism, upset or confused (Jimura, 2019). Shintoism has an extended history as a Japanese religion

Religious landscape of Japan 27 and emerged naturally from the climate of Japan and everyday lives of the Japanese in the ancient times (Nagano Jinjacho, n.d.). This is echoed by Ichigaya Kamegaoka Hachimangu (n.d.), who claims that the history of Shintoism started in the Jomon period (14,000–300 BC) and that Shintoism developed by absorbing diverse Japanese elements (Ichigaya Kamegaoka Hachimangu, n.d.). Shintoism does not have a specific religious text or originator. It is polytheism based on Japanese myths, nature and natural phenomena. Fundamentally, Shintoism equates our nature with deities (kami). Believers or sympathisers of Shintoism deem that everything in our world has its own deity (kami). This thought is represented as myriad deities (yaoyorozu-no-kami) (Sakurai, 2014). This Japanese way of thinking is confirmed in Japanese popular culture such as a Japanese anime movie, Spirited Away. Shinto shrines ( jinja) are sacred places for Shintoism and diverse Shinto rituals are held there. Believers or sympathisers of Shintoism visit Shinto shrines for religious and secular purposes. Each Shinto shrine enshrines a deity or deities often unique to the shrine. The following list shows examples of shrines and types of deities each shrine enshrines with the prefecture they are located in: • • • • •

Suitengu (Tokyo): Deity of childbirth. Oyama Afuri Jinja (Kanagawa): Deity of mountain. Shirahige Jinja (Shiga): Deity of road safety. Kitano Tenmangu (Kyoto): Deity of study. Akama Jingu (Yamaguchi): Deity of water.

For instance, a Japanese person goes to Shirahige Jinja before his/her first drive and the same person visits Kitano Tenmangu prior to his/her entrance examination. This behaviour is natural for the author and most Japanese people. However, it might be difficult for the followers of a monotheistic religion to understand such behaviour and the principles of Shintoism (Jimura, 2019). This Japanese belief can also be criticised by these people as a lack of devotion to a certain religion or single deity (Jimura, 2019). 2.2.3  Japanese Buddhism Japanese Buddhism is the other main religion of Japan. Nowadays, Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism are recognised and practised as two different religions. Historically, however, these two have maintained an intriguing relationship since Buddhism arrived in Japan. In reality, Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism had been amalgamated, and worshiped and practiced in a syncretic manner until the end of the Edo period (1868). This phenomenon is called shinbutsu-shugo. Shintoism (Shinto shrines) and Japanese Buddhism (Buddhist temples) were separated by the law of shinbutsu-bunri proclaimed by the Meiji new government in 1868. Today, however, remains of shinbutsu-shugo can still be seen, for instance, as the practice of Shugendo

28  Religious landscape of Japan that is a conglomerate of Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism. Buddhism has developed in a Japanese way since its official import to Japan as a national religion in the 6th century. This is viewed as the origin of Japanese Buddhism. Generally, Japanese Buddhism has 13 major traditional sects as follows: • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Hossoshu Jishu Jodoshinshu Jodoshu Nichirenshu Kegonshu Obakushu Rinzaishu Risshu Shingonshu Sotoshu Tendaishu Yuzunenbutsushu

The dogmas of these sects are different, although those of some sects are relatively similar because they belong to the same Buddhist branch. For instance, Obakushu, Rinzaishu and Sotoshu belong to the Zen branch. It is common to all the 13 sects that ultimately they aim to release people from the sufferings of everyday lives that stem from earthly desires (bonno) each person has by nature. The status in which people are freed from anguish of everyday lives and bonno is called gedatsu or satori. The concept of dependent origination (engi) is also vital for Japanese Buddhism regardless of its sects. This notion implies that everything in our world is in cause-and-effect logics: If A exists, B will also exist; and, if A has gone, B will also be gone. This indicates that if people are unfettered from bonno and then sufferings, they will be able to reach gedatsu (satori). Buddhist temples are holy places for Japanese Buddhism and various rituals are held there. Most Japanese families belong to a Japanese Buddhist sect and have their family temple (bodaiji). The believers and sympathisers of a sect visit their bodaiji for ritual purposes. Another imperative concept in Japanese Buddhism is shogyo-mujo. Shogyo-mujo signifies that everything in the world is in flux and nothing stands still or is permanent (Jimura, 2019). The idea of shogyo-mujo represents significant attributes of Japanese culture and cultural heritage. Since the ancient times, Japan has been importing and absorbing elements of foreign cultures (Davies and Ikeno, 2002). This process started with Japan’s interactions with China and Korea more than a thousand years ago, followed by those with European countries since the 16th century and then with the USA that became prominent after World War II (Jimura, 2019).

Religious landscape of Japan 29 The ability of Japanese people, society and culture to incorporate overseas cultures without causing serious conflicts seems to be related closely with the notion of shogyo-mujo (Jimura, 2007). This philosophy is also associated with Japanese people’s views of cultural heritage and its authenticity (see Section 1.2.5 in Chapter 1). It has been challenging for the Japanese to conserve their tangible cultural heritage such as historic buildings as they had been due to different factors such as frequent natural disasters (e.g. earthquakes, typhoons, and tsunami) and traditional building materials (i.e. wood). Because of the influence of Japanese Buddhism, especially ­shogyo-mujo, traditionally Japanese people do not fixate much on conserving cultural heritage with original materials, exterior and interior as they have been. Stated differently, conventionally when Japanese nationals assess authenticity of cultural heritage, they prioritise its spirit of place rather than its physical originality. This denotes that a Buddhist temple is still authentic for the Japanese even if its appearance was altered dramatically as long as it still serves Buddhist purposes. To cite a case, Ise Jingu (Ise Grand Shrine) is a symbolic example that reflects the magnitude of spirit of place for the Japanese. For more than 1,300 years, the main structures of Ise Jingu have been scrapped and rebuilt in the same style every 20 years. This practice is named shikinen sengu. The most recent shikinen sengu was conducted in 2013. In the Japanese view, the authenticity of Ise Jingu as cultural heritage has not been damaged despite shikinen sengu as its spirit of place has been intact. Considering these points, the Japanese attitudes towards authenticity are closer to those of constructivists rather than those of modernists, realists and objectivists (see Section 1.2.5 in Chapter 1). 2.2.4 Confucianism As Section 2.2.1 illustrates, Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism have been functioning as religions and/or spiritual philosophies for most Japanese nationals. In addition, Confucianism has also been influential for Japanese persons, culture and society. Grapard (1984) claims that Confucianism is one of the main religions of Japan. In the author’s opinion, however, it is a spiritual philosophy or ethic for most Japanese people rather than a religion. This view is supported by Hofstede and Bond (1988: 8), who state that ‘Confucianism is not a religion but a set of pragmatic rules for daily life’.

2.3 Religious sites as visitor attractions and tourist destinations 2.3.1 Overview Section 2.3 examines Japan’s religious and sacred places from a viewpoint of the supply side of cultural heritage and tourism. Nowadays, religious and sacred spots also have a nature as visitor attractions or tourist destinations

30  Religious landscape of Japan (Olsen, 2006). In fact, abundant holy sites across the globe act as visitor attractions (e.g. Hagia Sophia in Istanbul, Turkey) or tourist destinations (e.g. Mount Ida in Crete, Greece). This trend is confirmed in Japan as well, and visitors come to holy sites for religious and secular reasons (see Sections  2.4 and 2.5 for details). Due to this dual nature, they must deal with both religious and secular visitors, consider the needs of both and seek a finest balance between these two in their daily management (Shackley, 2001; Sharpley, 2009). That is because; the dual nature may trigger a conflict of different interests and aspirations in their management and conservation. For example, Jimura’s (2016) study on Sacred Sites and Pilgrimage Routes in the Kii Mountain Range, a cultural World Heritage Site (WHS) in Japan, illustrates such a tension. ACA installed signposts in the YoshinoOmine mountainous area in the WHS, which is helpful for visitors and site management. However, the area is also a holy place for Shugendo religion. Although the signposts only show the directions to and names of places of interest; religious practitioners of Shugendo contested the presence of the signposts as they believe that the signposts hamper their ascetic practices (Jimura, 2016). In Shugendo, a senior practitioner (sendatsu) is a religious leader, who conquered mountain passes by practising. Sendatsu has disciples and the disciples must memorise the mountain passes by making several mountain pilgrimages to become sendatsu. The existence of signposts can discourage the disciples to remember the passes and it can be a threat to the concept of sendatsu in Shugendo (Jimura, 2016). 2.3.2 Classification In Japan, Shinto shrines ( jinja) and Japanese Buddhist temples (tera) are representative religious spots serving as visitor attractions. Although Christianity is not a major religion, many cathedrals and churches in Japan welcome visitors. Furthermore, Japan has tourist destinations containing a cluster of holy sites. Such destinations include Mount Fuji and Kumano Sanzan, both of which are cultural WHSs. Mount Fuji is the highest mountain in Japan. Generally, Japanese people see the mountain as a symbol of Japan and have a certain level of attachment to it. Kumano Sanzan is home to three grand Shinto shrines and also contains two Buddhist temples, Nachi Falls and Nachi Primeval Forest (Jimura, 2016). Shackley (2001) propounds a classification of sacred sites comprising 11 groups with examples from the world for each group. The author adds examples from Japan to each group (see Table 2.2). 2.3.3  Financial issues and site management Given the religious and/or spiritual nature of the places in the world and Japan shown in Table 2.2, fundamentally these sites should be widely open to the general public as well as their followers irrespective of their monetary

Religious landscape of Japan 31 Table 2.2  Classification of sacred sites Category

Type

Examples (World)

Examples (Japan)

1

Single nodal feature

Canterbury Cathedral, Emerald Buddha (Bangkok), Hagia Sophia (Istanbul)

2

Archaeological sites Burial sites

Machu Picchu (Peru), Chichen Itza (Mexico) Catacombs (Rome), Pyramids (Giza)

4

Detached temples/shrines

Borobudur, Ankgor Wat, Amritsar

5

Whole towns

6

Shrine/temple complexes

7 8

‘Earth energy’ sites Sacred mountains

Rome, Jerusalem, Assisi, Varanasi, Bethlehem Lalibela (Ethiopia), Patala (Tibet), St Katherine’s Monastery (Egypt) Nazca Lines (Peru), Glastonbury Uluru, Everest, Tai Shan, Athos, Mount Fuji

Nikko Toshogu Shrine (Tochigi), Senso-ji Temple (Tokyo) and Todai-ji Temple (Nara) Oyu Stones Circles (Akita) Mozu Tombs (Osaka), Ishibutai (Nara) Hokkaido Jingu Shrine (Hokkaido), Eihei-ji Temple (Fukui) and Fushimi Inari Taisha Shrine (Kyoto) Koya Town (Wakayama)

9

Sacred islands

Rapa Nui, Lindisfarne, Iona, Mont-St-Michel

10

Pilgrimage foci

Mecca, Medina, Mount Kailash, Compostela

11

Secular pilgrimage

Robben Island (RSA), Goree (Senegal), Holocaust sites

3

Adapted from: Shackley, 2001.

Teramachi Temple Complex (Ishikawa) Shiraito Falls (Shizuoka) Mount Osore (Aomori), Mount Tate (Toyama) and Mount Haku (Ishikawa and Gifu) Okinoshima Island (Fukuoka) and Kudaka Island (Okinawa) Kegon-ji Temple (Gifu) and Okubo-ji Temple (Kagawa) Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum (Hiroshima), Bando Prisoner of War Camp (Tokushima) and Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Museum (Nagasaki)

32  Religious landscape of Japan contribution. In Japan, basically, Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples are financially supported by their believers and sympathisers mainly through the fees they pay for religious events. However, the financial resource coming from religious events is not always enough to maintain religious organisations, including their buildings and collections. Thus, most religious sites across the globe working as visitor attractions or tourist destinations also ask their visitors to make some donation. In addition to the solicitation for donation, an increasing number of religious places are charging entrance fees (e.g. Church of the Savior on Spilled Blood, Russia). Many religious sites in Japan also charge admission fees, although there is a difference in practices between Shinto shrines, Japanese Buddhist temples, and cathedrals/churches. Overall, charging admission fees (hatsuho-ryo) is still not common for Shinto shrines, although some shrines adopt it. For instance, Itsukushima Shinto Shrine charges the admission fees of 300 JPY for adults as of May 2020. Generally, large historic shrines owning a range of historic facilities and cultural heritage are more likely to charge entrance fees than other shrines. By contrast, charging admission fees (haikan-ryo) is customary for Japanese Buddhist temples. For example, Kiyomizu-dera Temple charges the entrance fees of 400 JPY for adults as of May 2020. The proportion of Japan’s Christianity sites introducing entrance fees would be larger than that of Shinto shrines and lower than Japanese Buddhist temples. To cite a case, Hakodate Orthodox Church asks adult visitors to pay 200 JPY as haikan-kenkin (compulsory donation) as of May 2020, clearly stating that the money raised through haikan-kenkin is spent for conservation purposes. There are some possible reasons why the aforementioned divergence exists. First, Japanese Buddhist temples are more likely to have invaluable cultural heritage such as National Treasures (Kokuho) and Important Cultural Properties (Juyo Bunkazai) than Shinto shrines or cathedrals/ churches. Their conservation costs the temples a considerable amount of money, though some monetary support through donation and from ACA may be available. Secondly, normally Shinto shrines do not have a garden, but many Japanese Buddhist temples do. Japanese gardens (Nihon teien) of several temples are highly popular amongst visitors. For example, a karesansui garden (Japanese rock garden) at Ryoan-ji Temple represents the world of zen and is always immaculately maintained. Upkeep of these gardens requires considerable financial resources as well as skilled gardeners and master masons. Lastly, visitors to a Shinto shrine usually do not enter its main building (honden or shinden) and explore only its precinct (keidai), whilst those to a Japanese Buddhist temple commonly not only walk around its keidai but also enter its main hall (hondo). This implies that Japanese Buddhist temples could have more issues in heritage conservation caused by visits such as vandalism and wear and tear than Shinto shrines. Charging admission fees can be a controversial topic amongst stakeholders of religious sites since it may conflict with the original meaning and

Religious landscape of Japan 33 mission of religious sites. Some people believe that religious sites should not charge entrance fees and should just encourage their visitors to make some donation. These people are also concerned with commoditisation of religious sites, because charging the fees may damage their authenticity as sacred places. In contrast, others think that charging admission fees is acceptable in terms of the beneficiaries-pay principle. Actually, visitors receive diverse benefits by entering, appreciating and experiencing religious sites. Moreover, these places must conserve their cultural heritage under the increasing pressure from the larger number of visitors and their behaviour. Thus, it is important for the places to ensure that at least part of the income generated through admission charges are reinvested for the conservation of their cultural heritage and relevant personnel costs. In addition to the income earned through entrance fees, some religious places raise money by developing commercial facilities and services such as retail spaces, cafés and restaurants on site. In the UK, for instance, Liverpool Cathedral does not charge entrance fees but has a café and shop that sells religious and secular souvenir. York Minster charges admission fees and has physical and online stores selling religious and secular souvenir. St Paul’s Cathedral in London charges entry fees, and has cafés and physical and online shops selling sacred and secular gifts. These facilities and services can increase the revenue from visitors and monetarily support conservation works for cultural heritage of religious places and their day-to-day management as visitor attractions. Nonetheless, instalment and development of retail spaces, cafés and restaurants might be blamed as commoditisation or commercialisation of holiness of religious sites. This may also trigger the alteration in the nature of these sacred sites from the premises for worship to those for business. In Japan, the situation of commercial activities in and around holy locations is different from the above. Most of Japan’s shrines, temples and Christianity sites have retail spaces. Usually, however, what they sell on site are only religious souvenir (e.g. amulets (omamori) and paper fortunes (omikuji)). Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples generally do not sell secular souvenir (e.g. postcards) nor equip cafés and restaurants within their precincts, as they are too worldly to be situated within holy spaces such as keidai. Their presence may also harm the spirit of place of shrines and temples that is essential for the authenticity of cultural heritage, especially for such sacred places. Instead, shops selling secular gifts, cafés and restaurants are typically found along an approach (sando) to a shrine or temple. For instance, Narita Sando is a main approach to Narita-san Shinsho-ji Temple and is lined with many shops and restaurants. Ise Jingu is a shrine complex comprising several Shinto shrines. Of these, the inner shrine (naiku) and outer shrine (geku) are two main shrines. In case of Ise Jingu, there are two main sando: One leads to naiku and the other to geku. There are assorted shops, cafés and restaurants along these sando, especially along the sando to naiku. Thus, the main purpose of some visitors to Ise Jingu is to enjoy various amenities along sando rather than to visit the shrines.

34  Religious landscape of Japan

Figure 2.1  Interpretation panel at Kishimojin-do, Tokyo (Source: Author)

2.3.4 Interpretation As argued in Section 1.2.6 in Chapter 1, interpretation is an essential component of cultural heritage attractions (CHAs). Compared with other types of CHAs, however, the amount and diversity of interpretation available at religious or sacred places tend to be limited. This also applies to religious and holy sites in Japan. In most Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples, non-personal interpretation methods are much more common than personal interpretation methods. The most common non-personal interpretation methods employed by Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples are interpretation panels and paper leaflets (see Figures 2.1 and 2.2) as they do not disturb the quiet, tranquil and awe-inspiring atmosphere of the shrines and temples. 2.3.5 Marketing Marketing is another focal aspect of cultural heritage as visitor attractions or tourist destinations. As the main purposes of religious and sacred places are not secular ones, including tourism, normally Shinto shrines, Japanese Buddhist temples or other holy sites in Japan do not proactively market themselves as visitor attractions or tourist destinations. In marketing studies, the marketing mix (4Ps) is one of the key concepts, and service industries including tourism sector has extended 3Ps as well as the basic 4Ps elements as follows:

Religious landscape of Japan 35

Figure 2.2  Paper leaflet at Eigen-ji Temple, Shiga (Source: Author)

• •

Basic 4Ps (Product, Price, Promotion and Place (distribution)). Extended 3Ps (People, Process and Physical evidence).

Of these, Promotion can be explained through the concept of promotion mix comprising advertising, sales promotion, personal selling, public relations and direct marketing (Kotler et al., 2014). Compared with other kinds of CHAs, religious and sacred sites do not seem to utilise the promotion mix actively for commercial purposes. However, it is confirmed from their activities and communication channels that part of Japan’s religious sites endeavour to reach out not only to their believers and sympathisers but also as many people as possible. Such efforts are confirmed by the official websites of religious sites and their other communication channels. For instance, the English websites of Meiji Jingu Shrine and Kiyomizu-dera Temple provide overseas visitors with key information about them. Besides, Kiyomizu-dera Temple has a Facebook account, Instagram account, and YouTube channel. This indicates their keen utilisation of digital marketing and this approach should be effective for attracting prospective visitors, especially young visitors.

2.4 Visits to religious sites: Motivations, purposes and experiences 2.4.1  Motivations and purposes of visitors Section 2.4 investigates Japan’s religious and sacred sites from the perspective of the demand side of cultural heritage and tourism, focusing on visitors’ motivations, purposes and experiences. Sharpley (2009: 246) suggests that there are at least four possible motivations for visiting religious sites:

36  Religious landscape of Japan 1 Spiritual/religious purposes – individual contemplation/prayer or participation in formal services or ceremonies. 2 Heritage or cultural purposes – an interest in architecture or religious culture. 3 Special interests – musical concerts, brass-rubbing, or photography. 4 Planned or impulse visit ‘because it is there’ – visiting religious sites as iconic tourist markers. Of these motives, 2, 3 and 4 can be comprehended as secular motivations. All of these four can be motivations of people visiting Japan’s religious sites and more specific information can be given in the context of Japan as follows: i Spiritual/religious purposes – individual contemplation (meiso and zazen) and prayer (sanpai and kigan), participation in formal services or ceremonies (hoji and kito), or visiting family grave in bodaiji informally to pay respects to their ancestors (ohakamairi). ii Heritage or cultural purposes – an interest in religious architectural styles (e.g. Shinmei-zukuri for Shinto shrines and Kiritsuma-zukuri for Japanese Buddhist temples), religious arts (e.g. Buddha sculptures), Japanese gardens (e.g. karesansui garden) and other religious cultures. iii Special interests – a variety of events (e.g. music, craft, amine, food and beverage, exercise), photography, cherry blossom viewing (ohanami) in spring and red leaves viewing (momijigari) in autumn. iv Planned or impulse visit ‘because it is there’ – visiting famous religious sites as iconic tourist markers or popping in local religious sites for relaxation or any other casual purposes. All these motivations (i–iv) can also be understood as main purposes of people visiting Japan’s religious sites. Of these, i, ii and iii are more specific purposes than iv. Next, each of these four different purposes is explored in depth, starting with spiritual/religious purposes. In the Japanese context, activities such as meiso and zazen are typical examples of individual contemplation that can be held at Japanese Buddhist temples and Shinto shrines, with mostly held at the former. The differences between meiso and zazen are relatively vague and there are also many different understandings of these two notions. For instance, Hirano and Yukawa (2013) define meiso as a practice to control own consciousness and mind of a practitioner. In the author’s view, meiso signifies mental concentration and tries to observe oneself in an objective manner. Meiso can be conducted whilst sitting, lying, standing or even walking. On the other hand, zazen (zen mediation) can be comprehended as a spiritual exercise generally held at a temple belonging to the Zen branch of Japanese Buddhism (Kasamatsu and Hirai, 1966). In Japanese, ‘za’ denotes sitting; hence, zazen requires practitioners to sit whilst practicing it. In the

Religious landscape of Japan 37 author’s opinion, moreover, nothingness in the practitioner’s mind is also essential for zazen. Zazen practitioners try to attain a spiritual state of nothingness, forgetting everything in their minds. In summary, it can be stated that meiso and zazen are different but have many similarities. The popularity of meiso and zazen has been increasing amongst domestic and international visitors in recent years (see Section 2.5 for details). The author experienced zazen at Zenko-ji Temple during his school trip (shugakuryoko) when he was a secondary school student. At that time, however, he did not understand what zazen is and was just sitting in hondo, closing his eyes. In such a case, zazen does not make sense to the practitioner. Visiting Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples for worship is called sanpai, which means actions for admiration or pray for a deity (kami) at Shinto shrines and a Buddha (hotoke) at Japanese Buddhist temples whilst visiting them to pray for something to happen or not to happen is called kigan. Both hoji and kito are formal religious ceremonies. Hoji is a ritual for the deceased in a family and usually held at the family’s bodaiji, whilst kito is a rite conducted typically at a Shinto shrine to fulfil someone’s wish. Ohakamairi is visiting the grave of the deceased in a family, their ancestors but more casual than hoji. As discussed in Section 2.2, most Japanese people are not believers in any religion. However, the majority of them have been to a religious site for any of the above-stated religious purposes. Next, heritage or cultural purposes are discussed. Architecture is a type of cultural heritage many visitors are interested in (Hinze and Voisard, 2003). It is believed that the architecture of Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples has around 1,400-year history. Horyu-ji Temple is seen as the oldest wooden building in the world that exists today. The temple is believed to be originally built in the early 7th century, burned down in 670 and then rebuilt by 710–720. There are varied architectural styles for Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples. Some visitors have good knowledge on such architectural styles and are eager to appreciate them during their visits. Most visitors would not have extensive knowledge on such architectural styles but at least could feel that they are something magnificent or special. The Japanese Government well recognises the values of Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples with distinctive architectural styles. In fact, many religious buildings are designated as National Treasures (Kokuho) or Important Cultural Properties (Juyo Bunkazai) by the national government. For instance, honden of Nishina Shinmeigu Shrine was listed as a National Treasure in 1953 and hondo of Banna-ji Temple was inscribed as a National Treasure in 2013. Japanese cultural heritage inscribed as National Treasures or Important Cultural Properties are not limited to religious buildings. Diverse religious arts are also protected as Kokuho or Juyo Bunkazai, and attract domestic and international visitors. Religious arts owned by Shinto shrines or Japanese Buddhist temples encompass paintings, sculptures, crafts and ancient documents. Popularity of religious arts is evidenced, for instance, by the fact that the special exhibition of National

38  Religious landscape of Japan Treasures of Kofuku-ji Temple held in 2017 welcomed more than 0.35 million visitors in two months (Asahi Shimbun, 2017). Concerning Japanese gardens, Fowler argues that the most common conception of the Japanese garden is found in its striking miniaturizations, stylizations and manipulation of scales through the use of effects such as forced perspectives as well as the dialectic they establish between notions of the ‘natural’ and the ‘artificial’ or human and made. (2015: 312)

For example, the use of the natural and the artificial is confirmed in Izumo-style gardens, a type of karesansui garden. Miniaturisation is also verified in karesansui gardens. Figure 2.3 shows the south garden of Tofuku-ji Temple. Rocks represent holy islands and a space filled with pebbles symbolises the sea surrounding the islands. As argued in Section 2.3, karesansui garden of Ryoan-ji Temple is the most famous Japanese rock garden quite popular amongst overseas visitors. In fact, Ryoan-ji is the 11th most popular visitor attractions in Kyoto City amongst foreigners in 2013 (City of Kyoto, n.d.). Thirdly, visits to religious places with special interests are examined. At a global level, interests of excursionists and tourists have been increasingly segmentalised, and special interest (niche) tourism, including cultural and heritage tourism has become prominent and been investigated by scholars, particularly since the 1990s (e.g. Nuryanti, 1996; Novelli, 2005). Nowadays, religious sites in Japan host a range of events that are not directly related

Figure 2.3  Karesansui garden at Tofuku-ji Temple, Kyoto (Source: Author)

Religious landscape of Japan 39 to their religions or cultural heritage. For instance, a monthly handicraft market held at Chion-in Temple has around 400 stalls and lures many customers, including foreigners. Both sellers and buyers look forward to it and enjoy interactions with each other. In this sense, the temple provides local people and a wider audience with good socialising opportunities. This practice is also viewed as an outreach activity of the temple, and could make its presence in a local community more solid, enhancing the ties between the temple and a variety of people. In Japan, ohanami and momijigari are important socialising activities in spring and autumn respectively and the main purposes of visits to religious places. Japan has four distinct seasons, although summer and winter have been becoming longer with spring and autumn getting shorter compared with 30 or 40 years ago. The magnitude of sense of seasons has been inherited to next generations through various ways, including ohanami and momijigari (Yamamoto, 2015). Many Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples have cherry and maples trees in and around their precincts. Thus, it is natural that many Japanese people call in these religious premises for the purposes of ohanami and momijigari. Photographs allow visitors to have ownership of their experiences through converting intangible experiences to something tangible (Lo et al., 2011). Hence, taking photographs is tempting for most visitors. Moreover, the number of Japanese people who enjoy photography as their hobby has been boosting. Therefore, it is common for them to visit Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples to take photographs. Lastly, planned or impulse visits are discussed. Many renowned religious sites have their own iconic images and such images can motivate people to visit there. Besides, locally-situated Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples are very familiar places for Japanese people. Actually, the author often used the precinct of a local temple as a playground when he was a child, and the temple warmly welcomed local children. This proves that people would visit religious places simply because they are just there. 2.4.2  Visitor experiences Along with motivations and purposes of visitors, visitor experiences are the other vital aspect when the guest side of tourism is examined. The complex nature of visitor experiences is pointed out by researchers, and visitor experiences at religious sites can be highly complicated due to the nature of these places (Shackley, 2001). According to Shackley (2001), the visitor experiences comprise several factors, including: • • • • •

The journey to reach the site. The characteristics and atmosphere of the site. The influence of staff and site management. Availability of visitor services. Occurrence of special events, festivals, etc.

40  Religious landscape of Japan Religious sites are ubiquitous throughout Japan and visitors’ overall experiences can be influenced by journeys to the sites. With regard to tourism, good accessibility is usually an advantage for visitor attractions or tourist destinations, whilst poor accessibility is normally a disadvantage for the sites. Poor accessibility can also lead to negative visitor experiences, although some keen visitors may enjoy even such a negative element in their journeys. In the case of pilgrimages, possible issues during the journeys to pilgrimage focuses are not limited to accessibility. In Japan, for instance, the Shikoku Pilgrimage has become increasingly popular amongst Japanese people. Many pilgrims aim to visit all of the 88 temples on the pilgrimage route. In this case, diverse factors on the route (e.g. road conditions) as well as those at the temples (e.g. religious arts) affect pilgrim experiences. Nowadays, pilgrims can be benefited from varied assistances such as route maps, guidebooks, accommodation and catering facilities. Even though, their experiences would still be greatly influenced by the factors beyond their control such as weather, temperature and supports from local people because the pilgrimage is physically demanding and takes a long time to complete. Regarding the characteristics and atmosphere of the sites, all religious sites in Japan, including Shinto shrines, Japanese Buddhist temples, cathedrals, churches, and mosques have sacred atmosphere. Such atmosphere is created by the presence of human (e.g. monks, priests and believers) and non-human (e.g. hondo, honden and Buddha sculptures) elements. The majority of visitors expect solemn atmosphere at religious places and also understand that they should not ruin it. This implies that visitor experiences can be undermined by, for instance, incongruous behaviour of other visitors, noises or congestion. Each Shinto shrine and Japanese Buddhist temple is unique in various senses but there is an important similarity. Both shrines and temples have a holy gate that distinguishes their sacred areas from the secular world. These sacred gates are called torii at Shinto shrines and mon (or sanmon) at Japanese Buddhist temples. This feature helps visitors to realise that they are entering holy spaces. Once visitors enter sacred premises, visitor experiences are influenced by the quality of staff and site management. The magnitude of human resources for customer experiences is acknowledged well in the business world, particularly service industries including tourism. Fundamentally, religious sites are not the places for tourism businesses; however, the members of staff working there still need to consider how they welcome, serve and treat their visitors. The way to manage religious sites also has a significant impact on visitor experiences. The management of religious sites involves many issues in conservation of cultural heritage, admission fees, queues, bottlenecks, rubbish, vandalism, wear and tear and a breach of rules. All of these affect visitor experiences as well as religious sites themselves. A breach of rules would be particularly worrying in relation to visitor experiences at religious places since their solemn atmosphere

Religious landscape of Japan 41 can be disturbed by visitors who ignore the rules. For instance, many religious sites prohibit visitors from video-recording or taking photographs with flash. Recently, however, many visitors, including those from overseas, break such regulations, taking selfies with a selfie stick or photographs for Instagram or Facebook. Consequently, the experiences of visitors who observe the rules can be ruined by such selfish behaviours of irresponsible others. Nowadays, a range of regular services and occasional special events are available for visitors at Japan’s religious locations. As examined in Section 2.4.1, many Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples serve as venues for various religious and secular events. This makes these holy places more approachable for the general public and enables the places to satisfy the needs of diverse audience. Needless to say, the mission of religious places is to serve religious purposes but diverse activities, including secular events, would be helpful for them to meet the needs of wider audience. Furthermore, many religious sites have been making efforts to introduce new services and facilities. For instance, the leaflet of Tofuku-ji Temple includes the interpretation in Japanese, English, Chinese and Korean (see Figure 2.2). Currently, multipurpose toilets and parking spaces for disabled visitors are available at the majority of Japan’s religious places. These improvements can enrich the experiences of such visitors and their companions.

2.5 Contemporary phenomena: Trial shugyo, power spots and goshuin For more comprehensive understanding of tourism at Japan’s religious sites, Section 2.5 sheds light on contemporary tourism phenomena confirmed at these sites. In this section, three noticeable trends are examined, namely participations in trial ascetic training (shugyo), visits to ‘power spots’, and collection of goshuin. Currently, many religious places, particularly Japanese Buddhist temples, allow domestic and international visitors to participate in trial ascetic training, which lasts a half day to several days. These can be seen as outreach or awareness-raising activities conducted by religious bodies. Such activities can also be understood as measures to meet more diversified needs of visitors and to generate additional income for religious sites. The author participated in two-day trial ascetic training at Eihei-ji Temple in winter 2018, aiming to look deeper into himself. The training comprised a range of activities, including two zazen sessions and a Dharma talk. That was very precious and memorable experience for him. This may be attractive for those who are interested in Japanese Buddhism, want to experience something extraordinary or wish to review his/her life. Lately, more and more Japanese people perceive certain Shinto shrines, Japanese Buddhist temples and natural sites, particularly the shrines, as ‘power spots’ and visit there to obtain spiritual powers (Kotera, 2011). A certain proportion of Japanese people believe that the places acknowledged

42  Religious landscape of Japan as power spots allow visitors to share their spiritual powers. Famous power spots in Japan by type are as follows: • • •

Shinto shrines: Dewa Three Grand Shrines (Yamagata), Ise Jingu (Mie), Kumano Three Grand Shrines (Wakayama) and Izumo Taisha (Shimane). Japanese Buddhist temples: Enzo-ji Temple (Fukushima) and the innermost sanctuary (okunoin) of Yokomine-ji Temple (Ehime). Natural sites: Shirakami-Sanchi (Shirakami mountainous area) (Aomori and Akita) and Yakushima (Yaku Island) (Kagoshima).

Considering the nature of these well-known power spots, they should be understood as ‘earth energy’ sites in Table 2.2. It is unlikely that most people visiting these locations as power spots are followers of Shintoism or other peculiar religion. Simultaneously, however, it is certain that these visitors believe in something spiritual whatever their reason is. The last present-day phenomenon noted here is the collection of goshuin. Goshuin are stamps that visitors to Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples can obtain. Goshuin are seen as proofs of their visits and the designs of goshuin differ by shrine or temple. Some people, usually women, are enthusiastic to collect goshuin of diverse shrines and temples, using goshuincho (goshuin book). That is why, for some visitors, not worshipping but collecting goshuin seems to have become the main purpose of their visits. This trend and behaviour may be criticised by believers in a certain religion but can be utilised by sacred sites for their outreach and awareness-raising activities. In summary, the character of these three trends can be understood as the amalgam of religious and secular tourism. All of them are also not traditional purposes for Japanese people to visit religious or spiritual places but should be acknowledged as important movements currently observed at Japan’s religious sites. That is because; participants of any of these three kinds of activities travel from their home to specific religious or spiritual places with clear purposes, spending their time and money. In this sense, these phenomena should be appreciated as contemporary pilgrimages confirmed in today’s Japan.

2.6 Conclusion Two major religions of Japan are Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism but most Japanese people are followers of neither. Nevertheless, these two religions are still imperative for the Japanese, as the majority of Japanese people are ‘sympathisers’ of both religions and the religions work as their ‘spiritual anchorages.’ Currently, Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism are recognised as two different religions. However, they had been worshiped and practiced in a syncretic manner until the end of the Edo period. Shintoism is polytheism that arose naturally from nature of Japan and lives of Japanese people

Religious landscape of Japan 43 in the very early times. In Shintoism, everything in the world has its own deity (kami). This belief is embodied as myriad deities (yaoyorozu-no-kami) and may be difficult to understand for followers of monotheism. On the other hand, one of the key principles of Japanese Buddhism is s­ yogyo-mujo, which implies that nothing is eternal and everything keeps changing. This idea is closely related to Japanese views towards the authenticity of cultural heritage, which is similar to the notion of authenticity from a stance of constructivists. Many religious and sacred places in Japan are open to the general public as visitor attractions or tourist destinations. This fact signifies that these sites have both religious and secular nature. Representative examples of Japan’s religious sites functioning as visitor attractions are Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples. Today, many religious visitor attractions in Japan, particularly the temples, charge admission fees. Given the primary meaning of religious sites, however, some people may criticise this entry policy as commoditisation of religious sites. Simultaneously, the income generated through admission charges can be spent for conserving their cultural heritage and relevant personnel costs. Likewise, commoditisation of religions is also confirmed through the fact that many holy sites now have shops, cafés and/or restaurants. Such facilities and services may also be blamed in terms of religiosity of the sites, but they can also generate additional revenue for the sites. In Japan, generally, retail spaces located within the religious sites sell religious souvenir only, whilst the facilities and services selling secular souvenir or food and beverage are likely to be located along approaches (sando) to religious places. Regarding interpretation, the majority of interpretation methods available at Japan’s religious places are non-personal ones, as they do not damage solemn atmosphere of the sites. Overall, religious places do not appear to promote themselves as visitor attractions or tourist destinations in a proactive manner. However, part of them endeavour to reach as many people as possible, utilising various media and communication channels. The motivations and purposes of visitors coming to religious premises can be religious or secular. Concerning religious motivations and purposes, most Japanese persons have been to a religious site for individual contemplation (meiso and zazen), prayers (sanpai and kigan), or participation in formal (hoji and kito) and informal (ohakamairi) religious events. Regarding secular motivations and purposes, first, heritage or cultural ones include interests in traditional and unique architectural styles of Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples, invaluable religious arts and Japanese gardens. Second, people come to religious sites, as they are interested in non-religious special events held at religious premises such as handicraft markets, ohanami and momijigari. Third, visitors call in religious spots as they may be iconic markers for them, or more simply, because these spots are just there. Visitor experiences, especially those at religious places, are complex and difficult to entirely comprehend due to the characters of the sites. Nonetheless, it could still be stated that visitor experiences comprise five different constituents,

44  Religious landscape of Japan namely the journey to the site, characteristics and atmosphere of the site, the impact of staff and site management, availability of visitor services, and occurrence of special events. For instance, managing visitor behaviour is critical, because irresponsible behaviours of some visitors can worsen the quality of other visitors’ experiences. Besides, some visitors may ignore or break the rules set by religious places. Such self-centred attitude is problematic for responsible visitors as well as religious places. In addition, three contemporary phenomena confirmed at Japan’s religious sites are discussed. Recently, various religious places, mainly Japanese Buddhist temples, accept visitors who are interested in their ascetic practice (shugyo). Visitors can attend trial shugyo to devote oneself to selfexamination or to achieve a spiritual state of nothingness. Lately, certain Shinto shrines, Japanese Buddhist temples and natural sites, especially shrines are recognised as ‘power spots’ by some Japanese persons. Most of them would not be followers of Shintoism or Japanese Buddhism but think that power spots would allow them to share their spiritual powers. The other trend is the collection of goshuin (stamps) amongst Japanese people, especially women. Visitors to Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples could acquire goshuin as proofs of their visits. As each religious site has a different goshuin, some visitors are keen on collecting as many goshuin as possible. In such a case, not prayers but acquisition of goshuin is a primary purpose of visitors. Overall, the natures of these contemporary phenomena are neither entirely religious nor secular and can be comprehended as the blend of religious and secular tourism. All of these trends can also be viewed as outreach and awareness-raising activities of religious sites. These religious places can make themselves more accessible for ordinary people through these phenomena. Besides, religious sites can earn additional income through these activities, and these monetary resources can then be spent on conservation of their cultural heritage and human resources.

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Religious landscape of Japan 45 City of Kyoto. (n.d.) Kyoto Kanko Sogo-chosa 2013 (Kyoto Tourism Survey 2013) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://kanko.city.kyoto.lg.jp/chosa/image/kanko_ chosa25.pdf (accessed 11 October 2018). Collins-Kreiner, N. (2018) Pilgrimage-tourism: Common themes in different religions. International Journal of Religious Tourism and Pilgrimage, 6(1): 8–17. Collins-Kreiner, N., Kliot, N., Mansfeld, Y. and Sagi, K. (2017) Christian Tourism to the Holy Land: Pilgrimage during Security Crisis. London: Routledge. Davies, R. J. and Ikeno, O. (eds) (2002) The Japanese Mind: Understanding Contemporary Japanese Culture. Vermont: Tuttle Publishing. Fowler, M. (2015) Sound as a considered design parameter in the Japanese garden. Studies in the History of Gardens & Designed Landscapes, 35(4): 312–327. General Authority for Statistics, Kingdom of Saudi Arabia. (n.d.) Hajj Statistics 2019 – 1440. Available at: https://www.stats.gov.sa/sites/default/files/haj_40_en. pdf (accessed 16 May 2020). Grapard, A. G. (1984) Japan’s ignored cultural revolution: The separation of Shinto and Buddhist divinities in Meiji (“Shimbutsu Bunri”) and a case study: Tōnomine. History of Religions, 23(3): 240–265. Hinze, A. and Voisard, A. (2003). Location-and time-based information delivery in tourism. In: T. Hadzilacos, Y. Manolopoulos, J. Roddick and Y. Theodoridis (eds) Advances in Spatial and Temporal Databases. Berlin: Springer, pp. 489–507. Hirano, S. and Yukawa, S. (2013) Mindfulness meiso no ikari teigen-koka ni kansuru jikkenteki kento (Experimental discussion about the effects of mindful meiso on allaying anger) [in Japanese]. Shinrigaku-kenkyu, 84(2): 93–102. Hofstede, G. and Bond, M. H. (1988) The Confucius connection: From cultural roots to economic growth. Organizational Dynamics, 16(4): 5–21. Ichigaya Kamegaoka Hachimangu. (n.d.) Shinto no Hassei (Emergence of Shintoism) [In Japanese]. Available at: http://www.ichigayahachiman.or.jp/shinto/shinto1. html (accessed 8 May 2021). Jimura, T. (2007) The impact of World Heritage Site designation on local communities – A comparative study of Ogimachi (Japan) and Saltaire (UK). Nottingham: Doctoral Thesis, Nottingham Trent University. Jimura, T. (2016) World heritage site management: A case study of sacred sites and pilgrimage routes in the Kii mountain range, Japan. Journal of Heritage Tourism, 11(4): 382–394. Jimura, T. (2019) World Heritage Sites: Tourism, Local Communities and Conservation Activities. Wallingford: CABI. Kasamatsu, A. and Hirai, T. (1966) An electroencephalographic study on the Zen meditation (Zazen). Psychiatry and Clinical Neurosciences, 20(4): 315–336. Kotera, A. (2011) Power spots towa nanika: Syakaiteki haikei no kento to sono juyo nitsuiteno yobiteki-chosa (A study of power spots: An examination of the social background and a preliminary survey) [In Japanese]. Jinbun syakai-kagaku ronshu, 29: 87–110. Kotler, P., Bowen, J. and Makens, J. (2014) Marketing for Hospitality and Tourism, 7th edn. London: Prentice Hall. Lo, I. S., McKercher, B., Lo, A., Cheung, C. and Law, R. (2011) Tourism and online photography. Tourism Management, 32(4): 725–731. Nagano Jinjacho. (n.d.) Shinto mamechishiki ‘Shinto Iroha’ yori (Knowledge on Shinto) [In Japanese]. Available at: http://www.nagano-jinjacho.jp/page/ mamechishiki.htm (accessed 6 January 2019).

46  Religious landscape of Japan Nolan, M. L. and Nolan, S. (1992) Religious sites as tourism attractions in Europe. Annals of Tourism Research, 19(1): 68–78. Novelli, M. (ed) (2005) Niche Tourism: Contemporary Issues, Trends and Cases. London: Routledge. Nuryanti, W. (1996) Heritage and postmodern tourism. Annals of tourism research, 23(2): 249–260. Oficina de Acogida Al Peregrino. (2018) Statistics – August 2018. Available at: https://oficinadelperegrino.com/estadisticas/ (accessed 29 September 2018). Olsen, D. H. (2006) Management issues for religious heritage attractions. In: D. J. Timothy and D. H. Olsen (eds) Tourism, Religion and Spiritual Journeys. London: Routledge, pp. 104–118. Reuters Japan. (2012) Mushukyo ga daisanseiryoku – Nihon dewa jinko no hansu shimeru (No religion is the third-largest group – It shares more than 50% people in Japan) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://jp.reuters.com/article/tk0577133-religion-world-idJPTYE8BI02P20121219 (accessed 20 May 2020). Riis, O. and Woodhead, L. (2010) A Sociology of Religious Emotion. Oxford: Oxford University Press. Rinschede, G. (1992) Forms of religious tourism. Annals of Tourism Research, 19(1): 51–67. Sakurai, H. (2014) Nihonjin to kamisama (Japanese people and deities) [in Japanese]. Tokyo: Poplar Publishing. Shackley, M. (2001) Managing Sacred Sites: Service Provision and Visitor Experience. London: Continuum. Sharpley, R. (2009) Tourism, religion and spirituality. In: T. Jamal and M. Robinson (eds) The Sage Handbook of Tourism Studies. London: Sage, pp. 237–253. Smith, V. L. (1992) Introduction: The quest in guest. Annals of tourism research, 19: 1–17. Swarbrooke, J. and Horner, S. (2007) Consumer Behaviour in Tourism. London: Routledge. Timothy, D. J. (2011) Cultural Heritage and Tourism: An Introduction. Bristol: Channel View Publications. World Bank. (2018) Population, total. Available at: https://data.worldbank.org/­ indicator/SP.POP.TOTL?end=2014&start=1960 (accessed 20 May 2020). Yamamoto, E. (2015) Nojireki wo theme to shita mukashi-banashi ni tsuite (About old tales that look at a farming calendar) [in Japanese]. Koshigaya Hoiku Semmon Gakko Kenkyu-kiyo, 4: 12–18.

3

Festivals in Japan Matsuri, local community, and wider audience

3.1 Introduction The importance of festivals as intangible cultural heritage and tourism resources is well acknowledged by scholars (e.g. del Barrio et al., 2012; Wise and Jimura, 2020). Festivals are phenomena with a long-standing history in human society and can encompass diverse events. In previous studies, for instance, a festival is defined as ‘a public themed celebration’ (Getz, 2005: 21) or ‘the celebration of a specific theme to which the public is invited for a limited period of time’ (Grappi and Montanari, 2011: 1129). Thus, celebrating a peculiar theme can be seen as a necessary component of festivals. Festivals are also incredibly diverse in terms of their themes and purposes. The visibility of festivals also varies a great deal depending on a number of factors such as their history, theme, size, venue and market. In relation to their markets, some festivals are viewed as international festivals (e.g. Oktoberfest, Munich, Germany), whist others are seen as national, regional or local festivals (e.g. Liverpool Food and Drink Festival, UK). Grappi and Montanari (2011: 1129) also state that ‘this celebration can be held annually or less frequently, and includes single events’, although many festivals are run more frequently. For instance, Alcester Food Festivals (Warwickshire, UK) are organised twice a year in spring and autumn. In 2019, the festivals were held in 18 May and 19 October. Classifying festivals is a useful way to comprehend their overview and meanings as cultural heritage and tourism resources. Festivals today can be classified by many different approaches. To cite a case, Lee and Arcodia (2011) categorise regional food festivals by people who manage the festivals: Those managed by non-paid volunteers or those organised by paid workers. Stated differently, festivals can be classified by key stakeholder on the host side of the festivals. On the other hand, Cudny (2011) classifies film festivals in Łódź (Poland) by rank, scale and frequency. Probably, the most common approach to categorise festivals in the contemporary society is the classification by their main purpose(s) and/or theme(s). For instance, Frey (1994) recites music, folklore, dances and films as examples of present-day festivals. In addition, food and beverage, arts, books and sports can also

48  Festivals in Japan be regarded as primary purposes and/or themes of festivals. Across different regions of the world, however, historically numerous festivals seem to have originated from ceremonies or rites related to religions or harvest. Considering these points, the author develops a classification of festivals in the present society (see Table 3.1). Table 3.1 comprises 11 categories by festivals’ purpose/theme and each category contains examples from around the world. Table 3.1 also implies that nowadays most festivals have two or more purposes and/or themes. Table 3.1  Classification of festivals and examples (World)  

Category (theme/ purpose)

Examples (religion or place)

1

Religious

2

Harvest

3

Seasonal

4

Food and drink

5

Art

Christmas (Christianity), Diwali (Hinduism), Eid ul-Adha (Islam), Gavari (Mewar, India), Holi (Hinduism) (India), Halloween (Christianity), Nirvana (Buddhism), Passover (Judaism), Ramadan (Islam), Rosh Hashanah (Judaism), St. Patrick’s Day (Christianity) (Ireland), Vaisakhi (Sikhism), Wesak (Buddhism) Asogli Yam Festival (Ghana), Castagnades Chestnut Festival (Ardeche, France), Herring Festival (Hvide Sande, Denmark), Halloween (USA etc.), La Tomatina (Buñol, Valencia, Spain), National Cherry Festival (Traverse City, USA), Oktoberfest (Munich, Germany), Rice Harvest Festival (Bali, Indonesia), Pongal (Thailand) Asogli Yam Festival (Ghana), Castagnades Chestnut Festival (Ardeche, France), Gavari (Mewar, India), Herring Festival (Hvide Sande, Denmark), Holi (Hinduism) (India), National Cherry Festival (Traverse City, USA), Oktoberfest (Munich, Germany), Phuket Vegetarian Festival (Thailand), Rice Harvest Festival (Bali, Indonesia) Castagnades Chestnut Festival (Ardeche, France), Golden Spurtle (Cairngorms, UK), Herring Festival (Hvide Sande, Denmark), Liverpool Food and Drink Festival (UK), National Cherry Festival (Traverse City, USA), Oktoberfest (Munich, Germany), Phuket Vegetarian Festival (Thailand), Pizzafest (Naples, Italy), Salon de Chocolate (Quito, Ecuador), Wildfoods Festival (Hokitika, New Zealand), Zibelemärit (Onion Market) (Bern, Switzerland) ARCO Madrid (Spain), Armory Show (New York City, USA), Art Basel (Switzerland), Art Dubai (UAE), Empty Hills (Russia), Gavari (Mewar, India), Athens Digital Arts Festival (Greece), Hong Kong International Art Fair (China), Edinburgh Festival Fringe (UK), Kilkenny Arts Festival (Ireland), TEFAF Maastricht (the Netherlands), Upfest – The Urban Paint Festival (Bristol, UK), Venice Biennial (Italy), Vivid Sydney (Australia)

Festivals in Japan 49 Table 3.1  Classification of festivals and examples (World) (Cont.)  

Category (theme/ purpose)

Examples (religion or place)

6

Books

7

Music

8

Culture/heritage

9

Dance/performing arts

10

Films/television programmes/ theatres

11

Sports

Berlin International Literature Festival (Germany), Conrad Festival (Krakow, Poland), Gothenburg Book Fair (Sweden), Hay Festival (UK), International Literary Festival of Paraty (Brazil), NGC Bocas Lit Fest (Port of Spain, Trinidad and Tobago), Sydney Writers’ Festival (Australia), Texas Book Festival (USA), Ubud Writers & Readers Festival (Bali, Indonesia), Vivid Sydney (Australia), ZEE Jaipur Literature Festival (India) Calgary Folk Music Festival (Canada), Empty Hills (Russia), Glastonbury Festival (Pilton, UK), Jacob’s Ladder (Israel), National Folk Festival (Canberra, Australia), Kilkenny Arts Festival (Ireland), Temple Bar TradFest (Dublin, Ireland), Tønder Festival (Denmark), Rapalje Zomerfolk Festival (Groningen, the Netherlands) Calgary Folk Music Festival (Canada), Gavari (Mewar, India), Ilidža International Children’s Folklore Festival (Sarajevo, Bosnia and Herzegovina), International Bodrum Folk Dance Festival (Turkey), Jorvik Viking Festival (York, UK), National Folk Festival (Canberra, Australia), Tønder Festival (Denmark) Arena di Verona Festival (opera) (Italy), Buxton Festival (UK), Chorégies d’Orange (France), Festival Amazonas de Ópera (Manaus, Brazil), Festival Dansa-Diawoura (Bafoulabé, Mali), Gavari (Mewar, India), International Bodrum Folk Dance Festival (Turkey), Kilkenny Arts Festival (Ireland), OPEN LOOK St. Petersburg International Dance Festival (Russia) Berlin International Film Festival (Germany), Cairo International Film Festival (Egypt), Cannes Film Festival (France), Festival de Télévision de MonteCarlo (Monaco), Gavari (Mewar, India), Kilkenny Arts Festival (Ireland), Shanghai International Film Festival (China), Tbilisi International Festival of Theatre (Georgia), Tribeca Film Festival (New York City, USA), Venice Film Festival (Italy) Olympic and Paralympic Games (winter and summer in every four years held in different cities), FIFA World Cup (every four years in different countries)

Source: Author.

3.2  Overview of matsuri and festivals in Japan 3.2.1  History of matsuri Usually, the term, matsuri, is used to describe festivals in Japan. More precisely speaking, matsuri is typically used to indicate traditional festivals that have an extended history and established associations with a certain

50  Festivals in Japan locality, tradition, history and/or religion. A festival with a short history and without clear links to a specific locality, tradition, history and/or religion tend to be called a ‘festival’ using the loanword from English even though it is held in Japan. The history of matsuri commenced in the ancient times and their origin is confirmed in Japanese mythology (Nihon shinwa) that was believed to be created based on Kojiki and Nihon Shoki, the oldest and second oldest extant chronicles of Japan. Originally, therefore, matsuri arose as festivals associated with Shintoism and its deities (kami). These matsuri had various objectives, including celebration of kami, receipt of oracles from kami and prayers for good harvest. Shinto music and dance numbers (kagura) were often performed during matsuri as votive offerings. After Japan imported Buddhism as one of the nation’s official religions in the 6th century, Buddhism has evolved in a Japanese way (Japanese Buddhism) (see Chapter 2). Since that time, Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism had been mingled, venerated and practiced in a syncretic manner (shinbutsu-shugo) until the end of the Edo period (1603–1868). Normally, the Edo period is labelled as a period of peace and stability mainly thanks to unification of the whole country (tenka-toitsu) (Kazui and Videen, 1982). Such social backgrounds supported the emergence and development of varied matsuri across Japan during the Edo period. Matsuri permeated ordinary people’s lives as regular (often annual) opportunities for entertainment, enjoyment and excitement. At that time, many matsuri were deeply associated with Shintoism and Shinto shrines. Matsuri during the Edo era were characterised by procession of portable Shinto shrines (mikoshi) or floats (dashi), special clothing (e.g. happi), traditional dance and music performances (e.g. kagura, enbu, taiko and shishimai), food stalls (e.g. sweets (ame) and rice dumplings (dango)) and firework (hanabi) displays. In addition to the matsuri derived from Shintoism and Shinto shrines, those originated from diverse elements in people’s daily lives also emerged throughout the Edo period. Such matsuri include bon-odori, jizo-bon and tanabata that have a connection with Buddhism or Japanese Buddhism. For example, bon or obon is a traditional Japanese Buddhist custom/festival held in July (e.g. Tokyo) or August (e.g. Kyoto). It aims to welcome ancestors (the dead) whose spirits return to their home during the bon period. Bon also acts as an opportunity for a family reunion or community gathering. On the other hand, odori refers to a dance or dancing in Japanese. Thus, bon-odori signifies the dance performed during the bon period whose original and main purpose is to remember the forebears. Recently, however, the nature of bon-odori has become less religious than before and currently bon-odori frequently works as the climax of local summer matsuri. Matsuri associated with the celebration of victory of provisional wars, hope for bountiful catch or rich harvest and pray for the remission of pandemic diseases also emerged and advanced over the Edo era. Many of these historic matsuri and their traditional elements can still be confirmed and practiced at various matsuri all over Japan.

Festivals in Japan 51 Shintoism (Shinto shrines) and Japanese Buddhism (Buddhist temples) were separated by the law of shinbutsu-bunri in 1868, at the beginning of the Meiji period (see Section 2.2.3 in Chapter 2). This historical incident cannot be overlooked when the history of matsuri is explored. The law of shinbutsu-bunri and a series of relevant actions had enormous impacts on matsuri connected with Japan’s religions, particularly those linked to Japanese Buddhism. The Meiji government (1868–1912) intended to unite nation’s politics and matsuri, upholding the concept of ‘State Shinto’ (KokkaShinto). This led to the situation that the Emperor of Japan (tenno) rules both nation’s politics and religion, which is known as saisei-icchi. Enforcing these new national policies, the Meiji government cracked down on Japanese Buddhism, and this movement is called haibutsu-kishaku. The estates and properties of many Japanese Buddhist temples were confiscated to abolish these temples or were decreased to weaken their powers and influences (e.g. Kennin-ji Temple, Kyoto). Religious events connected with Japanese Buddhism were forbidden and the statues and sculptures of Buddha placed in Shinto shrines were removed or destroyed. Furthermore, kami (deities) of some Shinto shrines were eliminated or replaced if the national government regarded that these kami had close relations with Japanese Buddhism or Buddha. The Meiji government also initiated new systems that hugely affected Shintoism, Shinto shrines and matsuri linked to Shintoism. Such systems include kindai shakaku-seido (modern system of ranked Shinto shrines) and jinja-goshi (merger of Shinto shrines). As the outcomes of the aforementioned policies and movements demonstrate, it is indisputable that the law of shinbutsu-bunri and its relevant movements altered the nature and content of many matsuri. Of diverse matsuri emerged and blossomed during the Edo period, especially those associated with Japan’s religions were influenced negatively by these policies and actions. Most of such policies and alterations, including Kokka-Shinto and shinbutsu-bunri were removed or softened later, particularly after World War II (WWII) by the General Headquarters. This change revived the matsuri that had declined or ceased since the Meiji period. Such revitalisation was often led and driven by local people and community groups who were interested in and proud of the culture and nature of their place to live. Thanks to such efforts made by the ancestors of Japanese people, Japan can now celebrate a number of matsuri associated with Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism. Nowadays, these matsuri are visited and enjoyed by visitors as well as local people. Like most foreign countries, currently Japan also has a variety of matsuri or festivals whose primary purposes and/or themes are something other than religions. 3.2.2  Profiles of various types of matsuri and festivals The author suggests a classification of festivals that comprises 11 groups giving examples from different regions of the world to each group (see Table 3.1).

52  Festivals in Japan Considering the history of matsuri, traditional festivals of Japan, outlined in Section 3.2.1 as a basis, this section delineates the profiles of a wide variety of matsuri and festivals, citing those from different regions of Japan. First, the author develops Table 3.2 based on Table 3.1 by replacing examples from the world with those from Japan to clearly display the profiles of 11 kinds of matsuri or festivals in Japan. Table 3.2  Classification of festivals and examples (Japan)  

Category (theme/ purpose)

Examples (place – prefecture or city)

1

Religious

2

Harvest

3

Seasonal

4

Food and drink

5

Art

6

Books

7

Music

Aoi Matsuri (Kyoto), Doburoku Matsuri (Gifu, Aichi and Oita), Eyo Hadaka Matsuri (Okayama), Gion Matsuri (Kyoto), Hakata Gion Yamakasa (Fukuoka), Inaho Matsuri (Yamaguchi), Iwashimizu-sai (Kyoto), Jidai Matsuri (Kyoto), Kanda Matsuri (Tokyo), Kasuga-sai (Nara), Kumagaya Uchiwa Matsuri (Saitama), Nukiho Matsuri (Ehime), Onbashira-sai (Nagano), Taue Odori (Sendai etc.), Tenzin Matsuri (Osaka etc.), Yoshida no Himatsuri (Yamanashi) Doburoku Matsuri (Gifu, Aichi and Oita), Honen Matsuri (Aichi etc.), Inaho Matsuri (Yamaguchi), Kanto Matsuri (Akita), Kasuga-sai (Nara), Niiname no Matsuri (Imperial Palace (Tokyo) and Ise Jingu (Mie)), Nukiho Matsuri (Ehime), Taue Odori (Sendai etc.) Aomori Nebuta Matsuri (Aomori), Gion Matsuri (Kyoto), Gujo Odori (Gifu), Hakata Gion Yamakasa (Fukuoka), Inaho Matsuri (Yamaguchi), Jidai Matsuri (Kyoto), Kanto Matsuri (Akita), Kasuga-sai (Nara), Kobe Luminarie (Hyogo), Lake Shikotsu Ice Festival (Hokkaido), Lake Towada Winter Story Festival (Aomori), Nukiho Matsuri (Ehime), Taue Odori (Sendai etc.), Sapporo Snow Festival (Hokkaido), Tenzin Matsuri (Osaka etc.) Doburoku Matsuri (Gifu, Aichi and Oita), Hiroshima Food Festival, Imoni-kai Festival (Yamagata), Japan Food Park (Tokyo), Michelin Food Festival (Mie) Aomori Nebuta Matsuri (Aomori), Biennale Toyama (Toyama), Echigo-Tsumari Art Festival (Niigata), Kobe Luminarie (Hyogo), Lake Shikotsu Ice Festival (Hokkaido), Lake Towada Winter Story Festival (Aomori), Sapporo International Art Festival (Hokkaido), Sapporo Snow Festival (Hokkaido), Yambaru Art Festival (Okinawa), Yokohama Triennale (Kanagawa) Kanda Used Book Festival (Tokyo), Tokyo International Literary Festival Fuji Rock Festival (Niigata), Gujo Odori (Gifu), Mount Fuji Jazz Festival (Yamanashi), Nango Summer Jazz Festival (Aomori), Summer Sonic Festival (Chiba and Osaka)

Festivals in Japan 53 Table 3.2  Classification of festivals and examples (Japan) (Cont.)  

Category (theme/ purpose)

Examples (place – prefecture or city)

8

Culture/heritage

9

Dance/performing arts

10

Films/television programmes/ theatres

11

Sports

Aoi Matsuri (Kyoto), Aomori Nebuta Matsuri (Aomori), Eyo Hadaka Matsuri (Okayama), Gion Matsuri (Kyoto), Gujo Odori (Gifu), Hakata Dontaku (Fukuoka), Hakata Gion Yamakasa (Fukuoka), Hanagasa Matsuri (Yamagata), Iwashimizu-sai (Kyoto), Jidai Matsuri (Kyoto), Kanda Matsuri (Tokyo), Kanto Matsuri (Akita), Kasuga-sai (Nara), Kishiwada Danjiri Matsuri (Osaka), Kumagaya Uchiwa Matsuri (Saitama), Morioka Sansa Odori (Iwate), Namahage Sedo-matsuri (Akita), Onbashirasai (Nagano), Sendai Tanabata (Miyagi), Tenzin Matsuri (Osaka etc.), Yosakoi Matsuri (Kochi), Yoshida no Himatsuri (Yamanashi) All Japan Dance Festival Kobe (Hyogo), Awa Odori (Tokushima), Dance Dance Dance Yokohama (Kanagawa), Gujo Odori (Gifu), Hanagasa Matsuri (Yamagata), Japan Belly Dance Festival (Tokyo), Kaze no Bon (Toyama), Kyoto Experiment: Kyoto International Performing Arts Festival (Kyoto), Morioka Sansa Odori (Iwate), Yosakoi Matsuri (Kochi) Tokyo International Film Festival (Tokyo), Asian Queer Film Festival (Tokyo), Hiroshima International Animation Festival (Hiroshima), Kyoto International Performing Arts Festival (Kyoto), Okinawa International Movie Festival (Okinawa), Yamagata International Documentary Film Festival (Yamagata) National Sports Festival of Japan (different prefectures)

Source: Author.

Category 1 shows religious festivals (matsuri). As implied in Section 3.2.1, historically religions, especially Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism have been a footing of many matsuri. Concerning matsuri associated with Shintoism or Shinto shrines, for instance, Gion Matsuri (Kyoto) is a traditional festival of Yasaka Jinjya (shrine) (Kyoto City Tourism Association (KCTA), n.d.a). Generally, Gion Matsuri is acknowledged as one of the top three matsuri of Japan, along with Kanda Matsuri (Tokyo) and Tenzin Matsuri (Osaka), both of which are also Shinto matsuri. Gion Matsuri has around a 1,100-year history and is believed to be originated from the enshrinement of deities (kami) of Gion wishing to prevent calamities (KCTA, n.d.a). This matsuri is held every year throughout July and its apex is yamahoko-junko (grand parades of floats called ‘yama’ or ‘hoko’) held on 17 and 24 July (KCTA, n.d.a). Gion Matsuri is also one of the 33 float festivals in Japan listed by UNESCO as Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH); Yama, Hoko, Yatai, float festivals in Japan; in 2016 (UNESCO, 2016). On the other hand, one of the famous and unique examples of matsuri related to Japanese Buddhism or Buddhist temples is Eyo Hadaka

54  Festivals in Japan Matsuri (Okayama), a naked festival held annually at the precinct of Saidai-ji Temple on the third Saturday of February (Okayama Chamber of Commerce and Industry (OCCI), 2018). In the early 16th century, talismans available at the temple received huge popularity amongst the general public. Too many people came flooding in the temple to obtain the talismans; therefore, the temple had to scatter the talismans at its precinct (OCCI, 2018). Today, around 10,000 men participate in the matsuri wearing just a loincloth and purify their body with cold water. At 22:00, two talismans (shingi) are thrown into the huge crowd who compete with each other to get the shingi (Okayama Kanko Net, 2020). Category 2 indicates harvest festivals (matsuri). In Japan, traditionally, most harvest festivals are associated with religions or religious sites, particularly Shintoism and Shinto shrines. In fact, praying for huge harvest of the five grains (gokoku-hojo) has been a main purpose of one of annual major matsuri of Shinto shrines. This type of matsuri is called Toshigoi no Matsuri or Kinen-sai and is held in February every year. Toshigoi no Matsuri pairs up with Niiname no Matsuri held in November each year. The main aim of Niiname no Matsuri is to celebrate the harvest of the five grains, especially rice (Ikezoe, 1988). Like Toshigoi no Matsuri, Niiname no Matsuri is also run at Shinto shrines across Japan. In some cases, however, Niiname no Matsuri may signify the ceremonies held at Imperial Palace (Tokyo) and/or Ise Jingu (Ise Grand Shrine) (Mie). Niiname no Matsuri at Imperial Palace is performed by the Emperor of Japan (tenno) as one of the court rituals. Harvest festivals also retain strong bonds with local communities and their farming and food customs, traditions and cultures. Doburoku is regarded as the ancestor of Japanese sake, and has been brewed throughout Japan. For instance, several places in some prefectures such as Gifu, Aichi and Oita organise annual doburoku matsuri that are often held at a local Shinto shrine in autumn. At doburoku matsuri, the matsuri organiser gives away a cupful of doburoku to participants of the matsuri. In Shirakawa Village, Gifu, their doburoku matsuri is held at several Shinto shrines every October. Usually, a series of Shinto rituals finish at around 15:00, and then doburoku is offered to the Shinto shrine and is given to matsuri participants, including villagers and religious and secular visitors (Shirakawa Village Office, 2019). The matsuri often continues until midnight. Category 3 illustrates seasonal festivals (matsuri). Most religious and harvest festivals (Categories 1 and 2) can also be understood as seasonal festivals since they are held in a certain season, month or date (e.g. Gion Matsuri in Kyoto). Most of religious and harvest festivals have a long history and established traditions. On the other hand, seasonal festivals can be either historic/ traditional ones or contemporary/recent ones. Gujo Odori is a good example of the former. The origin of Gujo Odori is traceable back to the Edo era. Gujo Odori denotes a series of bon-odori performed between mid-July and the beginning of September every year. As stated in Section 3.2.1, bon-odori indicate the dances performed during the obon period whose key objective is to remember the forebears, although their nature has become more secular. It is quite rare in Japan that bon-odori are scheduled for almost two months

Festivals in Japan 55 like Gujo Odori, although the highlight of Gujo Odori is ­tetsuya-odori (dancing throughout the night) for four days in mid-August, the obon period. By contrast, Sapporo Snow Festival (Hokkaido) can be recited as a representative example of contemporary/recent seasonal festivals. The origin of this festival is that local students created six snow statues on Odori Park, Sapporo, in 1950 (Sapporo Snow Festival (SSF), 2018). Surprisingly, its first festival attracted more than five million visitors (SSF, 2018). Since that time, the festival has become established as a major winter festival in Sapporo and Hokkaido and is held annually at the beginning of February. Category 4 displays food and drink festivals (matsuri). Japan has relatively clear regional distinctions regarding foods and beverages, and they are part of the base of region’s cultural festivals as well as regional identities and traditions (Hashimoto and Telfer, 2008). As discussed earlier, the doburoku matsuri in Shirakawa Village is an example of matsuri belonging to harvest festivals (Category 2). Since doburoku is locally-brewed traditional alcoholic drink, doburoku matsuri can also be seen as a food and drink festival. This fact supports the author’s point that most of current festivals have multiple themes and/or purposes (see Section 3.1). Locally-produced foods and beverages have been utilised widely as drives for revitalisation of local communities (muraokoshi) and/or tourism promotion and development. In many cases, ultimately tourism promotion and development intend to contribute to muraokoshi, especially at the places struggling with depopulation, aging society and/or decline of traditional industries. To this end, holding focal festivals or events with main themes of local foods and/or beverages is an effective strategy to promote their local products (Çela et al., 2007). Imoni-kai Festival in Yamagata is a good example of such festivals. Imoni, a Japanese taro and meat soup, is a traditional food of Tohoku region, northeast part of Japan. The Imoni-kai Festival is organised annually in September in Yamagata City. The festival organisers are very proud of their festival as Japan’s number one imoni festival due to the huge volume of imoni they cook. In just one day, imoni for around 30,000 participants is cooked in a gigantic deep pot. Category 5 outlines art festivals (matsuri). Japan has a variety of art festivals (matsuri). Art matsuri are featured by historic/traditional arts, whilst art festivals are characterised by contemporary/modern arts. Aomori Nebuta Matsuri is a typical example of the matsuri whose key attractions are traditional and huge local arts called nebuta/neputa or dashi-toro (lantern floats). Nebuta are made by local craftsmen with special skills and they are called and respected as nebuta-shi (Anan, 2008). Aomori Nebuta Matsuri was inscribed as Juyo Mukei Minzoku Bunkazai (Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property) in 1980 together with Hirosaki Neputa Matsuri by the Agency for Cultural Affairs. Both Aomori City and Hirosaki City are situated in Aomori Prefecture. In contrast, Kobe Luminarie is an art festival whose main attraction is light arts, a type of modern arts. The festival started in December 1995 to commemorate the victims of the Great Hanshin Earthquake occurred on 17 January 1995 wishing for recovery

56  Festivals in Japan from the disaster. Since then, the festival runs for ten days (since 2015) in December each year. Nowadays, many people recognise it as a winter feature of Kobe City. Kobe Luminarie attracted around 3.47 million visitors in 2019 (Kobe Luminarie, 2020). Overall, Japanese people recognise Kobe as a modern port city with many traces of Western influence (see Section 9.4 in Chapter 9 for details). Therefore, light arts of Luminarie seem to fit the profile and characteristics of the city. Category 6 explains book festivals. As far as the author is aware, Japan does not have traditional book festivals with an extensive history that can be acknowledged as historic book matsuri. Relative to Western countries, book festivals or fairs do not appear to be well-founded in Japan. There are some second-hand bookshop streets/districts, usually near universities in large cities such as Tokyo, Nagoya, Kyoto and Osaka. Of these, probably the most famous one is the Kanda second-hand bookshop district in Tokyo. The bookshop sector has been declining in Japan and the second-hand bookshops sector is not an exception, although some people still enjoy finding used or antique books in second-hand bookshops. Kanda Used Book Festival held in the district every year could make people aware the appeal of used books, promote their sales and vitalise the district. Category 7 illustrates music festivals (matsuri). Music is also an essential element for the festivals or matsuri belonging to other categories such as religious and seasonal festivals (Categories 1 and 3). For example, Gujo Odori is a representative example of seasonal festivals (Category 3); however, specific local music (Gujo-bushi) is essential for this matsuri. Most Japanese festivals whose main theme or purpose is music are relatively recent phenomena. Probably, two most notable music festivals in Japan are Fuji Rock Festival (FRF) in Niigata and Summer Sonic (SS) in Chiba and Osaka. FRF started in 1997 and features not only rock music but other types of music, including wadaiko (Japanese drum) music. FRF adopts Glastonbury Festival in the UK started in 1970 as its model (FRF, 2018). On the other hand, SS started in 2000 and features mainly rock music. These two festivals have made a great contribution to the establishment of music-festival culture in Japan. Category 8 describes culture/heritage festivals (matsuri). Although the terms, ‘culture’ and ‘heritage’ are already explored in Section 1.1 of Chapter 1, it would be ideal to revisit these two concepts with additional information before Category 8 is discussed. ‘Culture’ is the term everybody knows but difficult to create a definition that can satisfy all. Nevertheless, it could be stated that most of various definitions of culture include human beings and their society as indispensable elements of culture. For instance, Moran (2001: 24) defines culture as the evolving way of life of a group of persons, consisting of a shared set of practices associated with a shared set of products, based upon a shared set of perspectives on the world, and set within specific social contexts.

Festivals in Japan 57 On the other hand, the key principle for heritage would be the use and interpretation of the past in the current context. For example, Jimura (2019: 9) argues that ‘Heritage is inherited from the past, is used in the current context and needs to be passed on to future generations’. Considering these points, all of the themes/purposes of the 11 categories of festivals can be seen as both culture and heritage. Thus, Category 8 should include only the festivals and matsuri that centre on traditional and ingrained Japanese culture and heritage with an extensive history. One such example is Aoi Matsuri in Kyoto, which is believed to have started as a national event during the Heian period (794–1185). The evidence of aristocratic (kizoku) culture and heritage of the Heian era are confirmed in the practice of Aoi Matsuri (e.g. cow carriage (gissha)) (KCTA, n.d.b). Aoi Matsuri is also an annual celebration of two Shinto shrines, Kamigamo Jinja and Shimogamo Jinja. Seen in this light, Aoi Matsuri is also deemed as a religious festival (Category 1). As mentioned earlier, Kanda Matsuri (Tokyo), Gion Matsuri (Kyoto) and Tenzin Matsuri (Osaka) are usually regarded as three major matsuri of Japan. Of these, Gion Matsuri and Tenzin Matsuri have more than a thousand years of history. Kanda Matsuri also has a long history and began during the Edo period. All these three matsuri are characterised by the culture and heritage distinctive to each matsuri (e.g. funatogyo of Tenzin Matsuri), and are deeply associated with Shinto shrines: Kanda Matsuri for Kanda Myojin, Gion Matsuri for Yasaka Jinja and Tenzin Matsuri for Osaka Tenmangu. Category 9 enlightens dance/performing arts festivals (matsuri). Like art festivals (Category 5), dance/performing matsuri feature traditional dances/ performing arts unique to or prominent in specific region(s) of Japan, whilst dance/performing festivals highlight modern or contemporary dances/ performing arts. Gujo Odori is explained as an example of seasonal festivals, music festivals and culture/heritage festivals (Categories 3, 7 and 8). However, its focus is traditional bon-odori in the Gujo style. Other typical example of matsuri highlighting a conventional Japanese dance is Awa Odori. There are some different beliefs concerning the origin and advancement of Awa Odori; however, it is generally agreed that its origin can be dated back to the Edo period (Awa Odori Kaikan, n.d.). It is assumed that local bon-odori in Tokushima Prefecture had been affected by various local performing arts and then gradually developed into Awa Odori. Awa Odori is performed at several places in Tokushima Prefecture and a very popular visitor attraction in August. In fact, Awa Odori of Tokushima City attracts more than one million visitors every year. On the contrary, festivals highlighting a variety of dance/performing arts from different regions of the world have newly appeared in Japan in recent years. Kyoto Experiment: Kyoto International Performing Arts Festival is a good example of this type of festival. The festival takes place every autumn in Kyoto since 2010, bringing together leading models of theatre and dance from all over the world (Kyoto Experiment, 2018).

58  Festivals in Japan Category 10 shows films/television programmes/theatres festivals. Of these three themes of festivals falling into this category, probably film festivals are the most major ones at both international and Japanese levels. According to Rüling and Pedersen (2010), annual film festivals are very European institutions. At an international level, Chan (2011) argues that the first modern film festival commenced in Venice, Italy, in 1932. Today, the Venice Film Festival is recognised as one of the three foremost international film festivals along with the Cannes Film Festival in France (started in 1946) and the Berlin International Film Festival in Germany (founded in 1951). In Japan, the Tokyo International Film Festival that began in 1985 is usually regarded as Japan’s first international film festival (Fujita, 2017). In Japan, the history of local and/or small screening events is older than that of international film festivals. It is usually agreed that the Yufuin Cinema Festival in Oita Prefecture is the oldest film festival in Japan that started in 1976 (Fujita, 2017). Holding such local film festivals can be seen as a type of the aforementioned muraokoshi activities that are particularly popular in rural areas of Japan (see also the discussion on Category 4 above). Muraokoshi activities are often financially supported by public funds. Fujita (2017) also argues that the nature of international and local film festivals in Japan seems to be more commercialised and/or more tourism/muraokoshi-driven, and less cultural than those in Europe. Compared with film festivals, television programmes and theatres festivals in Japan have not developed well at least at the moment. Category 11 signifies sports festivals. Japan hosted or is going to host several international mega sports festivals, including Tokyo 1964 and 2020 Summer Olympics, 1972 Sapporo and 1988 Nagano Winter Olympics, and 2002 FIFA World Cup Korea/Japan. Holding such mega events could have varied purposes and impacts, including image enhancement of, positive or negative economic impacts on, and urban regeneration of a hosting country or city. In the case of international mega sports events, traditionally host countries or cities have been chosen as a result of bids. Regarding sports festivals at a national level, the National Sports Festival of Japan (Kokumin Taiiku Taikai in Japanese) is the most famous sports festival of Japan. It was founded in 1946 and held in summer/autumn and winter annually. The prefecture(s) hosting the festival changes every year. However, the festival is criticised for several reasons such as economic burdens placed on the hosting prefecture(s), bloated and ineffective operations, and absence of top athletes (Sekimoto and Kimura, 2010).

3.3  Matsuri and festivals in Japan as tourism resources 3.3.1  Involvement, meanings, authenticity and commodification Nowadays, the majority of both matsuri and festivals of Japan are recognised as significant tourism resources, although the levels of their appeal for and popularity amongst day trippers and tourists can be varied.

Festivals in Japan 59 Concerning Japan’s festivals, the involvement of outsiders (people other than the host side of festivals and local people) such as visitors, onlookers and audience is an integral element for Japan’s festivals in several categories, including all books festivals (Category 6) and most food and drink (Category  4), art (Category 5), music (Category 7), films/television programmes/theatres (Category 10) and sports (Category 11) festivals. Stated differently, in principle these festivals are not possible without having a certain number of outsiders as part of the festivals. When such festivals are created, one of their main purposes should be to obtain economic benefits from visitors, onlookers or audience. In this sense, these festivals are more or less commercial activities and can be understood as commodities by nature. Therefore, the original meanings of these festivals would not be damaged by the involvement of outsiders and commercial activities such as tourism. Moreover, this point signifies that the authenticity of these festivals would also not be harmed by being utilised as tourism resources in terms of all of the following three different standpoints for understanding of authenticity: (i) modernists, realists and objectivists, (ii) constructivists and (iii) postmodernists (see Section 1.2.5 in Chapter 1). It could also be stated that these festivals seem to have rather limited links with local communities and localities of places where the festivals are held compared with typical matsuri. This implies that interrelationships between the themes and/or purposes of such festivals and local people, traditions, cultures, customs and heritage of the places where the festivals are run appear to be weak compared with representative matsuri. In reality, there are often no or limited necessities why a Japan’s festival definitely needs to be held at a certain place. Generally, it is not clear that to what extent organisers (supply side) of Japan’s festivals consider the aforementioned connections when they decide to launch a new contemporary festival at a certain place. It is also uncertain that how much outsiders (demand side) coming to these festivals take into account the aforementioned relationships between a festival’s theme and hosting place when they make a decision to attend. In light of ever-­increasing number and overall success of such festivals in Japan, the majority of stakeholders on the supply and demand sides of festivals, particularly the latter, do not seem to care the associations between the themes and/or purposes of festivals and a range of localities unique to or distinctive in a certain place. On the contrary, typical matsuri differ from the aforementioned festivals in several senses. Participation of outsiders, including viewers, audience and visitors is not a requisite component of traditional matsuri, at least when they first emerged long time ago. Examples of such matsuri are well-confirmed at religious (Category 1), harvest (Category 2), seasonal (Category 3), culture/ heritage (Category 8) and dance/performing arts (Category 9) festivals (matsuri). Stated differently, originally the preponderance of these matsuri arose spontaneously and/or created by local communities and/or religious bodies with particular themes or for specific purposes other than economic benefits such as tourism or promoting their localities. This also implies that such matsuri were initially only for limited people or groups, did not consider the

60  Festivals in Japan involvement of outsiders in its early stage and have survived and still exist in its own right. Seen in this way, at least, primarily these matsuri did not arise or were not created as commercial or promotional activities and did not intend to be utilised as tourism resources. Different from the above-discussed festivals; therefore, the primary meanings of these matsuri can be spoiled by attracting a wider audience such as tourists, although it is also true that tourism can vitalise or revitalise such matsuri in some cases. To date, many studies have examined how the involvement of strangers and/or tourism itself altered or can modify the original meanings of long-established festivals all over the world. Of these, Greenwood’s (1989) study on the Alarde of Hondarribia, Basque region, Spain is one of the most wellknown ones. In essence, the Alarde is a ritual recreation of Hondarribia’s victory over the French military in 1638 (Greenwood, 1989). In this sense, the Alarde has a strong link to this particular region, its history and local inhabitants. Hence, initially the Alarde was a Japanese matsuri-like festival that has a strong bond with local communities. As time passed by however, the popularity of the Alarde increased and many outsiders wanted to see it. To meet such demands, the Spanish Ministry of Tourism and Information changed the nature of the Alarde in 1969 (Greenwood, 1989): It was held twice on the same day and everybody wanted to see it could enjoy the festival. Through this process, the Alarde lost its original meanings at least to some extent and many local people also lost their interest in and/or devotion to the festival. This also denotes that the connection between the Alarde and local communities and history became weaker. Consequently, the festival’s authenticity seems to have been deteriorated in terms of the viewpoint of (ii) constructivists through commodification of the festival, although it may still conserve a certain degree of authenticity from the standpoint of (i) modernists, realists and objectivists. In terms of (iii) postmodernists, probably people would just enjoy the Alarde as a tourism resource because at least the festival still works as an important visitor attraction that is unique to and can be appreciated only in the Basque region. As discussed earlier, the Alarde after commodification would not be the same as the original Alarde for local people (supply side). As time went by, local residents appeared to have been excluded more from the Alarde than before due to the commodification of this festival. It is ironic that a certain proportion of visitors (demand side) would want to experience authentic cultural heritage of Basque by joining the Alarde but their presence itself damaged the authenticity of the Alarde by discouraging local communities’ engagement with the festival. In Japan, some examples of commodification of traditional matsuri can be confirmed. For instance, Sendai Tanabata (Miyagi) seems to have undergone commodification processes. The event, tanabata, originates in China. The concept of tanabata was imported to Japan in the late Asuka period (592–710) and events associated with tanabata began during the Nara period (710–794) (Watanabe, 2011). Sendai Tanabata was established as a local matsuri of Sendai City during the Edo period (1603–1868). Ordinary people, especially

Festivals in Japan 61 local children write their wishes on a strip of paper (tanzaku) and hang it off bamboo grasses on 7 July every year. This is the essence of tanabata matsuri of Japan. The aforementioned commodification process of Sendai Tanabata can be divided into two phases: After the Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923 and after the end of WWII in 1945 (Watanabe, 2011). Both stages of the commodification aimed to recover from recession after the two tragic incidents. Commoditised Sendai Tanabata is characterised, for example, by gorgeous decorations, lotteries, various competitions and sponsorships. Thanks to this approach, Sendai Tanabata increased its popularity and attracted around 2.25 million visitors during the matsuri period (6–8 August) in 2019 (Sendai Chamber of Commerce and Industry, 2020). As Watanabe (2011) indicates, however, some local people feel that the current Sendai Tanabata might be losing its original meanings. They also miss good old days of the matsuri and believe that it should be run in more traditional ways, focusing more on a community spirit, ties amongst local people, handmade and more ecofriendly tanabata decorations and cutting financial costs. 3.3.2  Conservation, management, interpretation and regeneration The previous section sheds light on negative impacts of tourism on festivals or matsuri. Of course, however, the impacts of tourism on matsuri are not always negative. For instance, tourism can vitalise or revitalise local matsuri. That is because; tourism could enhance people’s awareness of matsuri and bring economic benefits to the places where the matsuri are held. Furthermore, both traditional matsuri and modern festivals of Japan can act as effective tools for muraokoshi (see Section 3.2.2). Muraokoshi is crucial for most local cities, towns and villages in Japan, especially for those suffer from social issues such as depopulation, ageing society and decline of traditional main industries. In general, the value of matsuri has been acknowledged well by Japanese people, particularly by local inhabitants whose family has lived in a specific area for several generations, have a particular commitment to their local matsuri and/ or respect it as an imperative local tradition or cultural heritage. These people are also inclined to recognise the magnitude of conservation of matsuri that should be passed on to future generations of Japan. In recent years, the value of Japan’s matsuri and the importance of their conservation have also been appreciated at a global level. Actually, Section 3.2.2 tells that 33 matsuri of Japan, which include floats as their essential element were inscribed as ICH by UNESCO in 2016. This listing will be able to heighten the level of conservation of traditional Japanese matsuri in the long term. Some stakeholders on the host side of matsuri also fully recognise the importance of effective management of matsuri for their economic, socio-cultural and environmental sustainability as the case of Sendai Tanabata demonstrates (see Section 3.3.1). This also infers that the cores of matsuri such as their original meanings and links to localities should be preserved even if the management styles of matsuri are modified or updated in accordance with the times.

62  Festivals in Japan Furthermore, interpretation and regeneration are also key subjects when matsuri and festivals of Japan are looked at as tourism resources. As deliberated in Section 1.2.6 in Chapter 1, interpretation plays an essential role for cultural heritage in the tourism contexts, particularly regarding its association with the demand side of tourism (i.e. same-day visitors and tourists). If Tilden’s (1977) six principles of interpretation are applied, the interpretation for matsuri must be informative, educational and inspiring for audience and should also cater for the needs of various visitors, including children. The dominant interpretation method for most matsuri is non-personal one. Not only practical information about the matsuri but also the knowledge on its origin, history and meanings are available at websites of relevant organisations such as hosting local governments, tourism associations or religious sites. For instance, the website of KCTA (https://www.kyokanko.or.jp/jidai/) gives people a range of resources associated with Jidai Matsuri, and these resources satisfy Tilden’s (1977) six principles of interpretation. Organising committees are set up for most matsuri, especially for major ones. Such committees are likely to have their own websites and the above-stated interpretation is obtainable there. For example, Kanto Matsuri (Akita) is managed by its organising committee and their official website (http://www.kantou.gr.jp/ index.htm) provides viewers with educational and stimulating resources such as the craftsmanship and artisans of specific skills. Kanto are long bamboo poles decorated with a number of paper lanterns (see Figure 3.1).

Figure 3.1  Author having a go at handling kanto (Source: Author)

Festivals in Japan 63 Occasionally, a group of kanto performers visit local primary schools to demonstrate their performance in front of students. Such activities can be comprehended as good practices of a personal interpretation method and are used to raise the students’ interests in and awareness of their local matsuri. Regeneration is discussed in Section 1.2.4 in Chapter 1 together with spatial transformation. On one hand, regeneration specifically urban regeneration, frequently occur together with spatial transformation, and can influence the practice of festivals all over the world. Such issues are also reported in Japan. For instance, a small local matsuri in Sendai City is not held any longer as a new apartment house was built on the ground where the matsuri had been run (Hirose, 2000). On the other hand, across diverse countries and cities in the world, hosting festivals or events, specifically mega ones have been utilised as catalysts for regeneration, especially urban regeneration (Smith, 2012). Urban regeneration often involves a certain degree of spatial transformation. In fact, many studies examine the relationships between holding mega festivals, urban regeneration and spatial transformation at different places (e.g. 1992 Barcelona Olympic Games by Lei and Spaans (2009) and 2006 FIFA World Cup Germany by Ohmann et al. (2006)). Generally, most traditional matsuri of Japan are unlikely to affect urban regeneration or spatial transformation. However, mega festivals held in Japan have changed or are changing the cityscape of hosting destinations as shown by the cases of Tokyo 1964 and 2020 Summer Olympics (Jimura 2020) and Osaka 1970 and 2025 World Expositions.

3.4 Conclusion Festivals at diverse places of the world are acknowledged as significant intangible cultural heritage and tourism resources. Categorising festivals is helpful to understand their profiles and meanings, and classifying festivals by their key theme and purpose would be the most universal approach. In the author’s opinion, festivals can be divided into 11 groups by their main theme and purpose, but it should be noted that most festivals have multiple themes and purposes. This classification with 11 categories can be applied to the festivals of Japan. In general, the word matsuri is employed to indicate a festival of Japan. In many cases, matsuri signify only Japan’s festivals that have long-term relationships with a specific locality, tradition, history and/or religion. The festivals that have a relatively short history and/or do not have a distinct link with localities are likely to be called just ‘festivals’ rather than matsuri. Matsuri have the history dating back to the ancient times and their origin is confirmed in Japanese mythology (Nihon shinwa). Therefore, matsuri initially emerged as Shinto festivals. Japanese Buddhism also became the foundation of some matsuri after Japan imported it as country’s formal religion in the 6th century. Various matsuri related to Shintoism or Japanese Buddhism emerged and/or were created during the Edo period thanks to

64  Festivals in Japan the stable and peaceful social circumstance of the era. Today, Japan also has a range of matsuri or festivals whose principal themes or purposes are something other than religions. Nowadays, most matsuri and festivals in Japan are recognised as important tourism resources. However, these two are somewhat different in terms of various key notions in cultural heritage and tourism. First, originally most matsuri did not expect the participation of strangers such as tourists. Matsuri have specific meanings for local communities or relevant religious sites, and established connections with diverse localities such as traditions, customs and heritage. In other words, there are particular and convincing reasons why a matsuri with specific theme(s) or purpose(s) needs to be held at a certain place. In contrast, the festivals of Japan expect the involvement of strangers. They tend to lack established relationships between the theme(s) and/or purpose(s) of festivals and the locations where these festivals take place. It is important to recognise that authenticity of matsuri can be damaged by its commodification such as serving as tourism resources depending on the stance towards the authenticity of cultural heritage. In relation to this, it should also be remembered that tourism could vitalise or revitalise matsuri by raising people’s awareness of matsuri and increasing revenue of their hosting places. Contrary to matsuri, the authenticity of Japan’s festivals would not de spoiled by being exploited as tourism resources because they are commodities innately. Overall, the value of matsuri as cultural heritage seems to be comprehended well by Japanese persons, especially by local residents who have close personal relationships with their local matsuri. Recently their importance has also been recognised at an international level, mainly through the designation of 33 matsuri whose vital component is floats as ICH by UNESCO in 2016. Appropriate management of matsuri is essential for their conservation for a long period. In this sense, the essences of matsuri such as their fundamental meanings and relationships with localities should be maintained well even though their management styles are altered as time goes by. Besides, interpretation and regeneration are also significant subjects in the examination of matsuri and festivals of Japan as tourism resources. If Tilden’s (1977) six principles of interpretation are employed, interpretation for matsuri is expected to be informative, educational and inspiring and should also meet expectations of diverse visitors, including the youth. Most matsuri employ a non-personal interpretation method such as resources on their websites but some also use a personal interpretation method such as guides at a museum that features a certain matsuri. As a whole, thus, various types of interpretation of matsuri could meet the aforementioned principles of interpretation. Sometimes, urban regeneration involving spatial transformation may influence implementation and continuation of local matsuri, whilst matsuri usually do not alter cityscapes of the hosting destinations totally and/or permanently. Probably, mega festivals hosted in Japan such

Festivals in Japan 65 as Olympics and Paralympics and World Expos are rare examples that can transform the cityscape of hosting places dramatically and/or enduringly.

References Anan, T. (2008) Matsuri no Kaigai-ensei: Los Angeles no Aomori Nebuta (Oversea Expedition of Matsuri: Aomori Nebuta in Los Angeles) [in Japanese]. Joho to Shakai, 18: 21–39. Awa Odori Kaikan (n.d.). Awa Odori no Rekishi (History of Awa Odori) [in Japanese]. https://awaodori-kaikan.jp/history/ (accessed 20 May 2020). Çela, A., Knowles-Lankford, J. and Lankford, S. (2007) Local food festivals in Northeast Iowa communities: A visitor and economic impact study. Managing Leisure, 12(2-3): 171–186. Chan, F. (2011) The international film festival and the making of a national cinema. Screen, 52(2): 253–260. Cudny, W. (2011) Film festivals in Łódź as a main component of urban cultural tourism. Bulletin of Geography Socio-economic Series, 15(15): 131–141. del Barrio, M. J., Devesa, M. and Herrero, L. C. (2012) Evaluating intangible cultural heritage: The case of cultural festivals. City, Culture and Society, 3(4): 235–244. Frey, B. S. (1994) The economics of music festivals. Journal of Cultural Economics, 18(1): 29–39. FRF. (2018) UNFAIRGROUND in FUJI ROCK FESTIVAL! [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.fujirockfestival.com/news/pickup04.html (accessed 18 November 2018). Fujita, S. (2017) Chiiki no Eigasai no Kigen to Kokyokukan wo Meguru Kosatsu (Consideration of the origin of local film festivals and public spaces) [in Japanese]. Eizo-gaku, 97: 65–86. Getz, D. (2005) Event Management & Event Tourism, 2nd edn. New York: Cognizant Communication. Grappi, S. and Montanari, F. (2011) The role of social identification and hedonism in affecting tourist re-patronizing behaviours: The case of an Italian festival. Tourism Management, 32(5): 1128–1140. Greenwood, D. J. (1989) Culture by the pound: An anthropological perspective on tourism as cultural commoditization. In: V. L. Smith (ed) Hosts and Guests: The Anthropology of Tourism, 2nd edn. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, pp. 157–169. Hashimoto, A. and Telfer, D. J. (2008) From sake to sea urchin: Food and drink festivals and regional identity in Japan. In: C. M. Hall and L. Sharples (eds) Food and Wine Festivals and Events Around the World. Oxford: Butterworth Heinemann, pp. 249–278. Hirose, T. (2000) Mansion Kaihatsu ni Tomonau Sendai Kyu-shigaichi no Chiikihenbo: Aoba-ku Itsutsubashi 2-chome-chiku wo Jirei ni (Transformation of old town of Sendai city caused by the construction of apartment houses: A case study of Aoba-ku Itsutsubashi 2-chome-chiku [in Japanese]. Quarterly Journal of Geography, 52: 118–130. Ikezoe, H. (1988) Shokumotsu-bunka-ko (Examination of food culture) [in Japanese]. Obihiro Otani Tankidaigaku Kiyo, 25: A27–A37.

66  Festivals in Japan Jimura, T. (2019) World Heritage Sites: Tourism, Local Communities and Conservation Activities. Wallingford: CABI. Jimura, T. (2020) Changing Faces of Tokyo: Regeneration, Tourism and Tokyo 2020. In: N. Wise and T. Jimura (eds) Tourism, Cultural Heritage and Urban Regeneration - Changing Spaces in Historical Places. Cham: Springer, pp. 141–155. Kazui, T. and Videen, S. D. (1982) Foreign relations during the Edo period: Sakoku reexamined. Journal of Japanese Studies, 8(2): 283–306. KCTA. (n.d.a) Gion Matsuri Festival [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www. kyokanko.or.jp/gion/ (accessed 6 November 2018). KCTA. (n.d.b) Aoi Matsuri Festival [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www. kyokanko.or.jp/aoi/enkaku.html (accessed 19 November 2018). Kobe Luminarie. (2020) 2019 nendo raijokyakusu (Visitor numbers in 2019) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://kobe-luminarie.jp/cont-13.htm (accessed 20 May 2020). Kyoto Experiment. (2018) Kyoto Experiment 2018. Available at: https://kyoto-ex. jp/2018-eng/ (accessed 21 November 2018). Lee, I. and Arcodia, C. (2011) The role of regional food festivals for destination branding. International Journal of Tourism Research, 13(4): 355–367. Lei, Q. and Spaans, M. (2009) The mega-event as a strategy in spatial planning: Starting from the Olympic city of Barcelona. In: The 4th International Conference of the International Forum on Urbanism - The New Urban Question. Urbanism beyond Neo-Liberalism, 1291–1300. Moran, P. R. (2001)  Teaching Culture: Perspectives in Practice. Boston: Heinle & Heinle. OCCI. (2018) Saidai-ji Eyo [in Japanese]. Available at: http://www.okayama-cci. or.jp/activation/saidaijieyo.html (accessed 20 May 2020). Ohmann, S., Jones, I. and Wilkes, K. (2006) The perceived social impacts of the 2006 football world cup on Munich residents. Journal of Sport & Tourism, 11(2): 129–152. Okayama Kanko Net. (2020) Saidai-ji Eyo [in Japanese]. Available at: https://okayama-kanko.net/sightseeing/special.php?f=info_special_24 (accessed 20 May 2020). Rüling, C. C. and Pedersen, J. S. (2010) Film festival research from an organizational studies perspective. Scandinavian Journal of Management, 26(3): 318–323. Sekimoto, Y. and Kimura, K. (2010) Is the Demonstration Program the Legacy of the National Sports Festival? [in Japanese]. Journal of Japan Society of Sports Industry, 20(1): 131–138. Sendai Chamber of Commerce and Industry. (2020) Shiryo (Statistics) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.sendaitanabata.com/outline/document (accessed 20 May 2020). Shirakawa Village Office. (2019) Tenka no Kisai Shirakawa-go ‘Doburoku Matsuri’ 2019 nen Kaisainittei no Goannai (Information on Shirakawa-go 2019 Doburoku Matsuri) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://shirakawa-go.org/kankou_info/14358/ (accessed 20 May 2020). Smith, A. (2012) Events and Urban Regeneration: The Strategic Use of Events to Revitalise Cities. London: Routledge. SSF. (2018) Sapporo Yuki Matsuri no Rekishi (History of Sapporo Snow Festival) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://www.snowfes.com/about/history.html (accessed 18 November 2018).

Festivals in Japan 67 Tilden, F. (1977) Interpreting Our Heritage, 3rd edn. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press. UNESCO. (2016) Yama, Hoko, Yatai, float festivals in Japan. Available at: https:// ich.unesco.org/en/RL/yama-hoko-yatai-float-festivals-in-japan-01059 (accessed 20 May 2020). Watanabe, A. (2011) Shuhenbu Shotengai ni Miru Furuki Yoki Sendai Tanabata Matsuri (Old and good Sendai Tanabata Matsuri confirmed in shopping districts of Sendai) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://teapot.lib.ocha.ac.jp/?action=pages_ v iew_ mai n&active _ action=repositor y_v iew_ mai n _ item _ det ai l&item _ id=34559&item_no=1&page_id=64&block_id=115 (accessed 20 May 2020). Wise, N. and Jimura, T. (eds) (2020) Tourism, Cultural Heritage and Urban Regeneration – Changing Spaces in Historical Places. Cham: Springer.

4

Food and drink heritage Japanese cuisine and international cuisines in Japan

4.1 Introduction Humanity at large consumes foods and drinks to survive. In other words, foods and drinks have been utilised to satisfy ‘physiological needs’, the most basic needs of human beings, according to Maslow’s hierarchy of needs (Maslow, 1943). Historically, however, people have also ingested diets and beverages for amusement and socialising purposes. Even in early times, such practices were already observed amongst people in the upper class such as patricians in the ancient Roman. Later, these phenomena could also be confirmed amongst individuals in the middle or working class, including the general public during the Edo period of Japan (1603–1868). Along with Japan’s main religions (see Chapter 2) and traditional festivals (see Chapter 3), Japan’s foods and drinks have also been integral parts of Japanese culture. Foods, drinks and foodways can also be comprehended as cultural heritage. In academia, this is echoed by Di Giovine and Brulotte (2016), who assert that diets can unite people together through space and time as they remember past experience with specific foods or meals inherited from their ancestors. Thus, this custom can transform foods and drinks that originate in, are unique to or are prominent in a particular ethnic group or place into its cultural heritage. The practice also demonstrates that making and consuming foods and beverages that have been inherited from the forebears is understood as a contemporary use of the past, which is a core element of being heritage (Jimura, 2019). Actually, many evidences can prove that meals and beverages are acknowledged as cultural heritage. A good example associated with Japan is the designation of ‘Washoku, traditional dietary cultures of the Japanese, notably for the celebration of New Year’ as Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) by UNESCO (UNESCO, 2013). Regarding this listing, it should be noted that foods and meals are not the only elements UNESCO recognises their value as cultural heritage. In fact, washoku (Nihon-ryori) is appreciated as ‘a social practice based on a set of skills, knowledge, practice and traditions related to the production, processing, preparation and consumption of food’ (UNESCO, 2013).

Food and drink heritage 69 The significance of foods and drinks are not limited to their values as cultural heritage. Meals and beverages have also been examined as tourism resources especially since the late 1990s (e.g. Hashimoto and Telfer, 1999; Hall et al., 2003). It is generally agreed that foods are a fundamental component of visitor experience (Hall et al., 2003). When food tourism is defined, however, it needs to be remembered that there are people who consume foods just as part of their travel experience and people whose activities and/or destination choices are influenced by their interest in specific foods (Hall and Sharples, 2003). According to Hall and Sharples (2003), only the latter should be treated as food tourism. This view agrees with the definition of food tourism suggested by Getz et al. (2014: 6), who define food tourism as ‘travel for the specific purpose of enjoying food experiences’. This monograph adopts this definition, as it is clear and seems to be accepted widely. Based on the scope and aim of this book, Chapter 4 examines foods and drinks as cultural heritage and tourism resources, referring to the conceptual framework for this monograph (see Section 1.2 in Chapter 1). Japan has varied diets and beverages that can be appreciated as the nation’s cultural heritage and they are available for visitors as tourism resources. These foods and drinks of Japan can be categorised into two groups: Japanese cuisine (Nihon-shoku) that has originated in Japan and international cuisines that came from foreign countries. First, this chapter focuses on Japanese cuisine (Nihon-shoku), subdividing it into washoku (Nihon-ryori), gotochi gurume and b-kyu gurume (see Section 4.2). Washoku is Japan’s traditional cuisine listed as ICH by UNESCO. Usually, however, this is not Japanese people’s daily meals due to the skills, labours, time and costs required to prepare, cook and serve proper washoku. Gotochi gurume signifies the meals (and drinks) unique to or prominent in a peculiar place. Thus, gotochi gurume can be a major reason why travellers visit a certain destination, although it can be home-cooked meals for local people. In many cases, gotochi gurume is affordable and easy to enjoy. B-kyu gurume indicates the foods (and beverages) people across Japan consume on a daily basis when they dine out and at home. Like gotochi gurume, therefore, this type of meals is usually inexpensive and approachable. Nevertheless, b-kyu gurume is still different from gotochi gurume, mainly because b-kyu gurume does not have a certain locality. Discussions about these three kinds of Japanese cuisine are followed by those on international cuisines available in Japan (see Section 4.3). Varied international cuisines born in foreign countries have been imported to Japan. International cuisines obtainable in Japan (sekai-no-ryori) can also be sub categorised into two groups. Some of them have not been modified or have not been altered much since they were imported to Japan (gaikoku-ryori), whilst others have been amended in a Japanese way to suit Japanese society and people’s preferences (Japanised international cuisines

70  Food and drink heritage (Nihon-fu gaikoku-ryori)). In summary, this monograph adopts the following classification of Japan’s foods (and drinks): 1 Japanese cuisine (Nihon-shoku) 1.1 Washoku (Nihon-ryori) 1.2 Gotochi gurume 1.3 B-kyu gurume 2 International cuisines in Japan (sekai-no-ryori) 2.1 Non/little-modified international cuisines (gaikoku-ryori) 2.2 Japanised international cuisines (Nihon-fu gaikoku-ryori)

4.2 Japanese cuisine as cultural heritage and tourism resources 4.2.1  Japanese cuisine as cultural heritage As suggested in Section 4.1, Japanese cuisine (Nihon-shoku) can be categorised into washoku (Nihon-shoku), gotochi gurume and b-kyu gurume. Here, it should be noted that the differences between these three, particularly those between gotochi gurume and b-kyu gurume tend to be vague and may be recognised differently by person. Of these three, washoku is a kind of Japanese cuisine and foodway that has developed and advanced in Japan over generations. The designation of washoku as ICH in 2003 stimulated the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry and Fisheries (MAFF) to create leaf lets on washoku in English and Japanese. According to MAFF (n.d.), washoku has the following main features: 1 Various fresh ingredients and respect for their natural flavours •

Ingredients used in washoku are diverse, fresh and available in four distinct seasons of Japan. Washoku requires minimum cooking and processing.

2 Well-balanced meals for healthy diets •

Washoku contributes to a healthy lifestyle, long life expectancy and prevention of obesity among the Japanese as it is a balanced, healthy diet.

3 Emphasis on the beauty of nature in its presentation •

The beauty of nature and changing of seasons is emphasised in the presentation of washoku. Plates are decorated with leaves, flowers and bamboo, and natural motifs are represented in decoratively-cut foodstuff. Decorating tables and rooms with objects that match the season are also closely associated with washoku.

Food and drink heritage 71 4 Close relationships with annual events •

Washoku has been developed using traditional knowledge and customs that have a close association with nature and a connection to annual events. It strengthens the bonds of family and community members when they eat together, appreciating ingredients gifted from nature.

Concerning these attributes of washoku, for instance, dishes in a full-course washoku dinner offered at washoku restaurants or Japanese-style inns (ryokan) reflect ‘3. Emphasis on the beauty of nature in its presentation’. Dishes in a full-course washoku dinner differ by washoku restaurant or Japanesestyle inn, and reflect locality and distinctions (Jimura, 2011). Furthermore, most customers of these restaurants and inns also understand the value and meaning of such a dinner. Thus, a full-course washoku dinner and each dish included in the course can be understood as cultural heritage of Japan by both supply (host) and demand (guest) sides of tourism. A good example that shows ‘4. Close relationships with annual events’ is osechi-ryori, traditional dishes for the celebration of the New Year (Omori, 2018). The author celebrated the New Year 2020 with his wife and parents-in-law, enjoying osechi-ryori together. Figure 4.1 shows one of the three boxes containing osechi-ryori the author and his family enjoyed. Traditionally, osechi-ryori had been made at home in Japan just before the New Year so that housewives can be released from daily cooking during the New Year holiday period (1–3 January). Nowadays, more and more Japanese families purchase osechi-ryori from Japanese restaurants or department stores by booking it

Figure 4.1  Osechi-ryori (Source: Author)

72  Food and drink heritage in advance. This may imply that the practice of osechi-ryori cooking at ordinary households has been declining. As shown in Section 1.2.5 of Chapter 1, authenticity is a key idea for cultural heritage, including the case where it is examined in the context of tourism. Regarding the above-mentioned ICH initiative adopted by UNESCO, the term, ‘authenticity’, does not seem to be treated as a key term for this scheme (Jimura, 2019). Instead, the notions of ‘safeguard’, ‘respect’ ‘awareness’, ‘cooperation’ and ‘assistance’ appear to be emphasised more than ‘authenticity’. This is different from World Heritage Sites (WHSs), which is UNESCO’s another universal initiative for the conservation of cultural heritage. Unlike ICH, WHSs focus on tangible heritage and authenticity is an essential concept for the Outstanding Universal Value of cultural and mixed WHSs (Jimura, 2019). Although UNESCO seems to put less importance on authenticity regarding ICH, the authenticity of Japanese cuisine has been a main concern of MAFF in the past around 15 years. In 2006, MAFF started working to establish a certification system for Japanese restaurants abroad. Through this management initiative, the Japanese Government aimed to ensure a certain level of quality and standard of Japanese cuisine, especially sushi offered at Japanese restaurants in overseas countries. This scheme might be useful to conserve the authenticity of Japanese foods if its authenticity is judged from the viewpoint of modernists, realists and objectivists (see Section 1.2.5 in Chapter 1). In 2007, however, MAFF had to abort the idea of this system for various reasons, including a backlash from the owners and chefs of Japanese restaurants in foreign nations. The reasons for the backlash from and the emotions of the owners and chefs are understandable; although what they cook is not always ‘Japanese cuisine’ from the perspective of a Japanese person like the author. Put differently, what they cook looks ‘modified Japanese cuisine’ to Japanese people. For instance, California rolls are a representative example of Americanised sushi devised in the 1960s to suit the taste and preference of American customers, although it is believed that the rolls were invented by Japanese owner and chef who were based in the USA. Thanks to the inbound tourism boom that has become noticeable since 2014, the number of international tourists, particularly Asian tourists, visiting Japan has increased rapidly and dramatically. To cater for them, for example, washoku restaurants may need to offer ‘modified’ washoku to Chinese customers visiting Japan or increase portion sizes for overseas consumers (Ro and Yamaguchi, 2012). Personally, the author disagrees with this view because such practices may spoil the essence of washoku and its foodway as Japan’s cultural heritage and their value acknowledged at a global level. Interestingly, however, Japan has also been modifying international cuisines brought to Japan, inventing a variety of ‘Japanised international cuisines’ (Nihon-fu gaikoku-ryori) (see Section 4.3 for details). Although the Japanese Government relinquished introducing the accreditation scheme

Food and drink heritage 73 for Japanese restaurants in overseas countries in 2007, they launched ‘the Certification of Cooking Skills for Japanese Cuisine in Foreign Countries’ and prepared guidelines for this new certification system (MAFF, 2016). The main purpose of the abolished system seems to be conserving the genuineness of Japanese restaurants abroad and Japanese dishes available there, whilst the primary aim of the new system appears to be ensuring chefs’ cooking skills required for Japanese cuisine, especially washoku. The latter would be more acceptable for the owners and chefs of Japanese restaurants in foreign nations, whilst still being effective to ensure a certain level of quality and standard of Japanese dishes served at restaurants abroad. This should also be helpful to protect the authenticity of Japanese cuisine on the global stage from the stance of modernists, realists and objectivists. Japanese cuisine (Nihon-shoku) is different from international cuisines available in Japan (sekai-no-ryori) in many senses (see Section 4.1). As stated in Section 4.1, Japanese cuisine (Nihon-shoku) can be classified into three groups: washoku (Nihon-ryori), gotochi ryori and b-kyu gurume. Concerning the first group, in principle, there are no clear differences in the meanings between washoku and Nihon-ryori. In many cases, both terms indicate Japan’s traditional and extraordinary foods with established tradition and history. Thus, Nihon-ryori or washoku includes specific ‘dishes originating in Japan’ such as sushi, sashimi, sukiyaki and tempura as well as particular ‘styles of Japanese meals’ such as shojin-ryori (Buddhist cuisine) and kaiseki-ryori (haute cuisine developed from the meals served before a tea ceremony). In truth, however, most Japanese people do not eat washoku or Nihon-ryori on a daily basis. What they eat everyday tends to be Japanese foods that are much more common and inexpensive than Nihon-ryori or washoku. The aforementioned b-kyu gurume is a typical kind of foods that ordinary Japanese persons enjoy on a daily basis. There are a wide variety of b-kyu gurume available throughout Japan such as okonomiyaki, udon, soba and gyudon. B-kyu gurume has some overlaps with gotochi gurume that has a close connection with specific places and is inclined to mirror localities. For instance, both Osaka and Hiroshima are famous for their okonomiyaki (Japanese savoury pancakes) but the ingredients and cookery methods they use and food appearance are different (see Figure 4.2 for Osaka-style okonomiyaki). Nonetheless, both types of okonomiyaki are inexpensive, famous and tasty; and more importantly both have been very much loved by people in Osaka and Hiroshima. Nowadays, their popularity is also established amongst Japanese people who do not reside in Osaka or Hiroshima. Given these points, okonomiyaki should be acknowledged as both gotochi gurume of Osaka and Hiroshima and b-kyu gurume for people in Japan. Furthermore, it should also be remembered that gotochi gurume and b-kyu gurume have also been exploited for muraokoshi (revitalisation of local communities) activities in countless places throughout Japan, particularly in rural or remote areas. These important roles that gotochi gurume and b-kyu gurume have been playing in Japanese society also prove their value as intangible cultural heritage of Japan.

74  Food and drink heritage

Figure 4.2  Okonomiyaki in Osaka style (Source: Author)

4.2.2  Japanese cuisine as tourism resources As affirmed in Section 4.1, foods and beverages that tourists and day trippers consume at their destination are vital elements of their tourism activities. This component is particularly significant for visitors whose destination selection, activities and itineraries are affected by their curiosity about meals and drinks they intend to consume whilst they stay at their destination. The number of Japanese restaurants and availability of Japanese cuisine (Nihon-shoku) in foreign countries used to be very limited. In the UK, for instance, the number of restaurants offering Japanese meals (e.g. sushi) and drinks (e.g. sake) was not many, even in London when the author first visited the city in 1994. At that time, London has a few Japanese restaurants that offered a variety of Japanese dishes. There were also only a few Japanese eateries specialised in a specific type of Nihonshoku, such as ramen. In the 1990s, nationwide restaurants chains offering Japanese or ‘Britainised’ Japanese dishes such as Wagamama (founded in 1992) and Yo! Sushi (founded in 1997) emerged in the UK market, although neither was launched nor managed by Japanese owners or chefs. Since around that time, Japanese cuisine has become increasingly popular across the world (Sakamoto and Allen, 2011). In fact, such popularity is reported in the West (Cwiertka, 2006), including the USA (Iwasaki and Brown, 2014) and the Netherlands (Cwiertka, 2001) as well as in the East such as China and Korea (Farrer et al., 2019). In the UK, a variety of Japanese meals and foodstuffs have become more accessible than before over the past two decades. Compared to today, Japanese restaurants abroad were more likely to be owned by non-Japanese persons and/or the dishes also tended to be cooked

Food and drink heritage 75 by non-Japanese chefs. Some of them had never been to Japan or had not been trained properly as chefs of Japanese cuisine. This situation continues in many countries. Overall, however, their knowledge on and skills in Japanese cuisine seem to have improved gradually in recent years. According to the author’s observations, moreover, the number of Japanese chefs, especially young ones, who moved to foreign countries and started their own Japanese restaurants, appears to have been increasing. The author has enjoyed Japanese cuisine at many Japanese restaurants in diverse destinations outside Japan, including London, Paris, Gratz (Austria) and Bari (Italy). In many cases, the author was satisfied with the quality of their Japanese dishes such as sushi (washoku), udon, ramen and Japanese curry rice (gotochi or b-kyu gurume). It is vital for these Japanese migrants to employ and train local people to make a good contribution to local community and economy. It is also significant for them to be involved in a local business network to keep running their everyday business smoothly for a long time. Probably, a key for their success would be to be visited by local people regularly as well as to keep attracting one-off customers such as visitors. This can make their business financially and socially sustainable. In recent years, moreover, various Japanese restaurants well-established in Japan have begun to run or expand their businesses in foreign countries (e.g. Yoshinoya – gyudon, Genki Sushi – sushi, Marugame Seimen – udon and Ippudo – ramen). It is sure that a series of aforementioned phenomena has contributed to recognition and popularity of Japanese cuisine amongst overseas people. This factor can motivate foreigners to visit Japan to enjoy Japanese foods in their birthplace. Besides, enjoying Japanese cuisine in Japan can even be a main purpose of foreign people’s visits to Japan (food tourism). In this case, authenticity of Japanese cuisine that overseas visitors consume in Japan can be a main interest for them, especially for those acknowledged as ‘foodies’. Getz et al. (2014: 6) define a foodie as ‘a food lover; one whose personal and social identity encompasses food quality, cooking, sharing meals and food experiences; foodies incorporate all aspects of food into their lifestyle, which often leads them to travel for new and authentic food experiences’. For this reason, Japanese cuisine that foodies could have in Japan should be authentic from the stance of modernists, realists and objectivists to satisfy their specific demands and high expectations. As demonstrated in Chapter 1, the roles that cultural heritage such as Japanese cuisine plays in tourism can be explored from both demand and supply sides of tourism. Regarding the demand side, people can obtain huge amount of information about foods and beverages thanks to the Internet. At an international level, travel online review sites such as Tripadvisor have been widely used by people. The online reviews accessible on these websites also act as e-word-of-mouth (eWOM) (Jimura, 2011). In theory, every person in the world can read such user-generated contents (UGCs) as long as they have access to the Internet. The impact of such eWOM and UGCs on prospective visitors can be immense, especially if they are written in world

76  Food and drink heritage languages like English. EWOM about the restaurants in Japan obtainable at travel websites such as Tripadvisor are of course, influential in the decision-making process of future customers/visitors. As for the information about Japan’s restaurants, however, restaurant search websites such as Gurunavi, Tabelog and Hot Pepper Gourmet are the major restaurant review sites (Sai, 2014). Compared with Tripadvisor, these websites should be more informative for and more influential on a certain proportion of overseas people and the majority of Japanese people regarding their decision-making. That is because; these websites are run by Japanese companies and have users’ reviews (eWOM and UGCs) written in Japanese, English, Hangul, Traditional Chinese and Simplified Chinese. Besides, Gurunavi offers the information in Thai as well. Viewers can look for the information on restaurants in Japan by cuisine or location. Although users’ reviews are available at all these three websites, those available at Tabelog would be the most fulfilling and powerful as it offers the information much more restaurants than other two websites and has its own rating system. Such contents and functions are quite important and helpful for overseas visitors who plan to enjoy a specific type of Japanese cuisine at a certain location in Japan. Concerning the supply side, diverse public and private organisations are aware of the appeal of Japanese cuisine and have been enthusiastic to promote the cuisine amongst overseas tourists. Japan National Tourism Organization (JNTO) is a public body offering a large amount of resources on foods and drinks of Japan at their official website (https://us.jnto.go.jp/ gourmet/). Horng and Tsai (2010) examine the content of governments’ tourism websites of six East Asian countries, including Japan and identify eight dimensions related to foods and drinks. The website of JNTO covers six out of the eight dimensions, namely ‘food culture’, ‘featured foods and recipes’, ‘local cuisines’, ‘table manners’, ‘information for culinary tourists’ and ‘culinary tourism marketing strategies’ (Horng and Tsai, 2010). This indicates that the website of JNTO is a good source of information about meals and beverages that overseas tourists would consume in Japan. In addition, this website could also inspire their interest in the foods and drinks available in Japan, particularly Japanese cuisine by offering various relevant resources in an educational manner. In this sense, the resources accessible at the website can be seen as proper interpretation in the tourism context if Tilden’s (1977) six principles of interpretation are applied (see Section 1.2.6 in Chapter 1). By contrast, Japan-guide.com is a website run by a private company providing overseas tourists with diverse data on Japan. Compared with the website of JNTO, it seems to focus more on Japanese cuisine than international cuisines available in Japan and have more detailed information about Japanese dishes by type and location (https://www.japan-guide.com/e/e620.html). A web page (https://www.japan-guide.com/e/e2005.html) of Japan-guide.com also outlines Japanese table manners, which is educational and useful for foreigners. Thus, some resources available at Japan-guide.com can also be acknowledged as good interpretation in the tourism settings.

Food and drink heritage 77

4.3 International cuisines in Japan as cultural heritage and tourism resources 4.3.1  International cuisines in Japan as cultural heritage Needless to say, foods and drinks that people can enjoy in Japan are not limited to Japanese cuisine (Nihon-shoku), which consists of washoku (Nihon-ryori), gotochi gurume and b-kyu gurume. In reality, a variety of international cuisines (sekai-no-ryori) is also accessible in many local cities and towns as well as large cities like Special Wards of Tokyo and Osaka. International cuisines were introduced to Japan by diverse agents, for instance, international traders and immigrants to Japan. Since then, most of them have penetrated into Japanese society and have been accepted by people in Japan, particularly those in metropolises whose society, culture and people are more likely to be multicultural than those in the countryside. To cite a case, it is suggested that Chinese cuisine was brought to Japan, first to Nagasaki and then to Osaka, Kyoto, Tokyo and so on, during the Edo period (Minami and Funahashi, 2003). Considering these points, international cuisines that were brought to Japan and are now enjoyed by people in Japan can also be understood as Japan’s cultural heritage thanks to their extended history in Japan and relations with Japanese society and people. According to E-food Japan (2012), foods and beverages of almost 90 foreign countries can be enjoyed at restaurants in Tokyo Metropolitan Prefecture or the Greater Tokyo Area. However, the number of restaurants and the level of their popularity and prevalence are different by type of cuisine. Given the information obtainable from the aforementioned websites (Gurunavi, Tabelog and Hot Pepper Gourmet) and the author’s observations of international cuisine restaurants in Japan, the following international cuisines are acknowledged as major ones available in Japan. As of 21 May 2020, Tabelog (2020) shows the number of restaurants by cuisine as follows: 1 Europe • • •

Italian (especially pizza and pasta) (24,660) French (11,034) Spanish (1,621)

2 Asia • • • •

Chinese (42,182) Korean (9,038) Indian (4,569) Thai (2,088)

It is fair to say that of these diverse cuisines, especially Chinese, Italian and French have deeply permeated into most Japanese people’s lives as the number of these restaurants signifies. As discussed earlier, the history of

78  Food and drink heritage Chinese cuisine in Japan can be traced back to the Edo era. On the other hand, the histories of French and Italian cuisines in Japan are shorter than that of Chinese cuisine in Japan. It is believed that the restaurants specialised in French cuisine existed even before World War II (WWII). However, its real history in Japan commenced after WWII when established French chefs got back to business. From the 1960s onwards, moreover, the number of Japanese chefs travelling to France to learn French-cuisine cooking has increased considerably (National Diet Library, 2014). These chefs returned to Japan with cutting-edge trends in French cuisine and this has led to prosperity of French cuisine in today’s Japan. Regarding Italian cuisine in Japan, its history appears to have begun after WWII by former Italian military people who stayed in Japan for various reasons (Sawaguchi, 2009). However, Sawaguchi (2009) also states that the true history of Italian cuisine in Japan started in the 1970s when Japanese persons who had learned the cuisine in Italy returned to Japan and opened their own Italian restaurants. All of these elements and backgrounds can endorse the values and meanings of international cuisines in Japan as cultural heritage of Japan. As discussed in Section 4.1, the author believes that international cuisines (sekai-no-ryori) in Japan can be sub categorised into two groups: non/ little-modified international cuisines (gaikoku-ryori) and Japanised international cuisines (Nihon-fu gaikoku-ryori). In this chapter, modification of cuisines signifies cooking/eating practices and variations of foods/dishes that do not exist in their home nation. Japanised international cuisines are a quite intriguing type of cultural heritage to study. For instance, Japanised international cuisines can be criticised in terms of its authenticity. National Museum of Ethnology (NME) (2006) argues that in many cases, international cuisines (sekai-no-ryori) that Japanese people consume in Japan are not non/ little-modified international cuisines (gaikoku-ryori) but Japanised ones (Nihon-fu gaikoku-ryori). The author enumerates representative Japanised international cuisines, referring to their distinctive dishes as follows: •

Japanised Chinese cuisine • • • •

•

Japanised French cuisine •

•

Tenshin-han (crab meat omelette on rice covered with starchy sauce) Ebi chili (stir/deep-fried shrimps in chili sauce) Ebi mayo (stir/deep-fried shrimps in mayonnaise sauce) Yaki gyoza (grilled dumplings) Japanese-style French dishes (seasoned with Japanese seasonings such as soy sauce (shoyu), miso, mirin and sake and/or eaten with chopsticks)

Japanised Italian cuisine • •

Mentaiko spaghetti (spaghetti with spicy cod roe sauce) Teriyaki chicken pizza

Food and drink heritage 79 Inventing and accepting a range of Japanised international cuisines (Nihon-fu gaikoku-ryori) would be associated with a view and practice prominent in Japanese society and culture. As Jimura (2019) discusses, traditionally the Japanese have been absorbing foreign cultures without causing sharp conflicts with existing Japanese culture. This ability of Japanese society and culture is linked with an ideology of Japanese Buddhism, shogyo-mujo, which asserts that everything in our universe continues to change and nothing is permanent (Jimura, 2019). The implication of this is that Japanese people are open-minded enough to accept other cultures such as international cuisines and do not stick to the originality of other cultures when they are embedded in Japanese society. Consequently, diverse Japanised international cuisines have been born. For the above-mentioned factors and reasons, international cuisines available in Japan are often willing or are expected to go through some degree of alterations in order to be welcomed widely by Japanese people and to be rooted deeply in Japanese society. Nowadays, most Japanese persons appear to accept and enjoy diverse Japanised international cuisines such as tenshin-han and mentaiko spaghetti. Given this, Japanised international cuisines should also be treated as cultural heritage of Japan. Nevertheless, people coming from the home country of a specific cuisine may have different views towards their Japanised cuisine. For example, one of the author’s Chinese friends likes yaki gyoza but never accepts it as a Chinese food. When the author visited a Chinese restaurant in Paris run by a Chinese family, one of the employees told the author that the restaurant was very proud of their sui gyoza (boiled dumplings) and yaki gyoza (grilled dumplings) was not a Chinese food. As the two cases show, yaki gyoza is not an authentic Chinese dish for at least these Chinese people. 4.3.2  International cuisines in Japan as tourism resources As NME (2006) indicates, it is rather challenging to find and eat non/ little-modified international cuisines in Japan, especially non-modified ones. To cite a case, Chinese barbecued pork (char siu), a popular dish in Guangdong (Canton), Hong Kong and Macau, was brought to Japan and is called cha shu. In Japan, however, cha shu means boiled or grilled pork often served as a side dish, which is different from char siu (Masuko, 2017). In this case, the original char siu, if available in Japan is non/little-modified Chinese cuisine, whilst cha shu is Japanised Chinese cuisine. Such a difference can be a main concern for a certain group of people such as foodies and visitors who come from the country where an international cuisine originates. On the other hand, most Japanese and international visitors would not care much such a divergence. As a whole, both types of international cuisines have been playing an important role as tourism resources of Japan, for example, by enhancing the attractiveness of a tourist destination, diversifying its attraction portfolio and attracting visitors with varied cultural backgrounds. Therefore, it can be concluded that the difference between non/little-modified and Japanised international cuisines is significant only

80  Food and drink heritage for small part of visitors (e.g. foodies) and a relatively minor issue for the majority of visitors when these cuisines are seen as tourism resources. Probably, a more significant matter for international cuisines in Japan as tourism resources would be the evaluations given by their customers (e.g. eWOM and UGCs), and scores and ratings awarded by external organisations (e.g. Restaurant search websites and food guidebooks). As deliberated in Section 4.2.1, the influences of existing customers’ evaluations of certain products on prospective customers’ decision-making process can be massive. The level of their impacts would be more enormous when Japanese people or visitors search for information about international cuisines, especially rather unfamiliar cuisines for them (e.g. Caribbean cuisine), than when they look for information on Japanese cuisine (Nihon-shoku). Concerning the evaluations by customers such as eWOM and UGCs, those available at Tabelog (https://tabelog.com/) are fairly influential (Hayashi et al., 2020). The scores given by Tabelog are calculated considering those given by each customer and can also affect the popularity of restaurants, especially those offering relatively unknown international cuisine. That is because; nowadays restaurant customers tend to rely heavily on the evaluations and scores obtainable at restaurant search websites, including Tabelog, and these may be the only information they can get about rather unfamiliar cuisines. Concerning the ratings awarded by external organisations, perhaps the most notable one across the world as well as in Japan would be the Michelin Guides and their star-rating system. High-quality restaurants could be awarded one, two or three stars by Michelin. Being awarded even one-star status is a solid endorsement for excellent quality of restaurants and their dishes. Obtaining three stars is proof of the most exceptional quality. The first Michelin Guide on an Asian city, Michelin Guide Tokyo 2008, was published in 2007 (Michelin, 2019). Since then, Michelin has published the following books: • • • • • • • • • • • • •

Michelin Guide Kyoto and Osaka 2010, Michelin Guide Kyoto, Osaka and Kobe 2011, Michelin Guide Tokyo, Yokohama and Kamakura 2011, Michelin Guide Kyoto, Osaka, Kobe and Nara 2012, Michelin Guide Tokyo, Yokohama and Shonan 2012, Michelin Guide Hokkaido 2012 (special edition), Michelin Guide Hiroshima 2013 (special edition), Michelin Guide Fukuoka and Saga 2014 (special edition), Michelin Guide Tokyo 2015, Michelin Guide Yokohama, Kawasaki and Shonan 2015 (special edition), Michelin Guide Kyoto and Osaka 2016, Michelin Guide Hyogo 2016 (special edition), Michelin Guide Toyama and Ishikawa (Kanazawa) 2016 (special edition),

Food and drink heritage 81 • • •

Michelin Guide Nara 2017 (special edition – available on the official website), Michelin Guide Hokkaido 2017 (special edition), and Michelin Guide Miyagi 2017 (special edition) (Michelin, 2019).

Due to its visibility, fame, history and trustworthiness, the stars awarded to restaurants by the Michelin Guides can work as markers for outstanding restaurants with high-quality meals and services. Generally, winning a star or increasing the number of stars is an exceptional honour for restaurants, especially those serving French and other European cuisines because of the origin of the Michelin Guides (France) and their history in Europe (e.g. Italy, Benelux and Spain). Consequently, the ratings given by the Michelin Guides could influence the reputation of high-end restaurants in Japan. The impacts of Michelin’s ratings would be more immense for Western customers than Asian ones as the former should be more familiar with the Guides than the latter, and the Michelin Guides on the restaurants in Japanese cities are available only in Japanese and English. The disparities between non/little-modified international cuisines (gaikoku-ryori) and Japanised international cuisines (Nihon-fu gaikoku-ryori) are not always clear for both supply and demand sides of tourism. There would also be no unanimous agreement about what ‘modified’ or ‘Japanised’ means amongst key stakeholders of foods and beverages offered at restaurants in Japan. Nevertheless, it could still be stated that there is a certain level of consensus about the meanings of ‘modified’ and ‘Japanised’ amongst the majority of Japanese customers and part of overseas customers. These people should acknowledge the presence of Japanised international cuisines and their examples as shown above. Japanised international cuisines are also an intriguing tourism resource to examine from the perspectives of relevant study fields such as marketing. For instance, the balance between standardisation and adaptation is highly significant for the products to be consumed by international customers whose cultural backgrounds are not the same as those of the products’ home country (Calantone et al., 2006). This point can be applied to services such as tourism products, including when dishes and drinks served at eateries are examined as tourism resources. An adaptation process of foods and drinks can also be understood as their localisation process. To cite a case, Zhang et al. (2014) examine the operation of two international fast food restaurant chains, McDonald’s and Kentucky Fried Chicken, in Nanjing, China. These chains in Nanjing have abandoned a certain degree of standardisation to attract wider local customers effectively and quickly (Zhang et al., 2014). The authors also suggest that localisation is at the core of the restaurants’ adaptation strategies. The view of Zhang et al. (2014) is echoed by the existence of products that were/are only available in Japan. For instance, McDonald’s Japan has burgers exclusive to Japan such as Chicken Tatsuta. ‘Tatsuta-age’ is a Japanese cooking method in which meat or fish is marinated in shoyu (soy sauce) with ginger

82  Food and drink heritage and garlic, then coated with katakuriko (potato starch), and finally deepfried (Yoshizuka, 2019). Currently, Chicken Tatsuta is one of the most popular burger products of McDonald’s Japan. Along with tatsuta-age, teriyaki is also a popular cooking technique and taste amongst Japanese customers. Originally, Teriyaki Burger was available only at McDonald’s in Japan. Currently, however, this product is also sold at McDonald’s in Vietnam as of May 2020. This phenomenon would be partly due to an increase in the level of popularity of Japanese foods and tastes in overseas countries, especially those with close relationships with Japan. Considering diverse factors on both supply and demand sides of services, it could also be confirmed that the above-discussed adaptation and localisation process has been occurring not only at international restaurant chains but also at independent restaurants serving international cuisines (sekai-no-ryori) in Japan. This process is essential for both types of restaurants to ensure their business survival and to enhance the attractiveness of their products for diverse customers, including Japanese and international visitors. In the author’s opinion, however, there is some dissimilarity in the nature of this process between these two different sorts of restaurants. The adaptation and localisation process that international restaurant chains in Japan go through would be directed by their companies and conducted in an official and formal manner as part of their global business and marketing strategies. By contrast, such a process that independent restaurants offering Japanised international cuisines in Japan seems to have occurred in a much more natural and informal way through their everyday business and continuous interactions with their customers.

4.4 Conclusion Foods and beverages are indispensable for humanity to survive. Put differently, people consume something to eat or drink to satisfy their ‘physiological needs’, which are the most fundamental needs of human beings in Maslow’s (1943) hierarchy of needs. In truth, however, people have been consuming meals and beverages also as their pleasure throughout their history. Japan’s foods and drinks are one of the significant components of Japanese culture. Japan has a variety of foodstuffs and beverages that can be recognised and respected as the nation’s cultural heritage. The foods available in Japan, especially at the restaurants, include both Japanese cuisine (Nihon-shoku) and international cuisines in Japan (sekai-no-ryori). In the author’s view, Japanese cuisine can be divided into washoku (Nihonryori), gotochi gurume and b-kyu gurume, and international cuisines in Japan can be classified into non/little-modified international cuisines (gaikoku-ryori) and Japanised international cuisines (Nihon-fu gaikoku ryori). The magnitude of these diverse types of foods and drinks accessible in Japan is proved by their history and relationships with Japanese people and society.

Food and drink heritage 83 Of a wide range of Japanese foods, the importance and meaning of washoku is officially accredited at an international level through its designation by UNESCO as ICH (‘Washoku, traditional dietary cultures of the Japanese, notably for the celebration of New Year’). This listing indicates that not only dishes in washoku but also its social practice is valued as ICH. Gotochi gurume well reflect localities of foods and beverages unique to or salient in a certain place, whilst b-kyu gurume can be found across Japan. Normally, gotochi gurume and b-kyu gurume are low-priced and easy-to-­enjoy daily dishes. Both non/little-modified international cuisines ­(gaikoku-ryori) and Japanised international cuisines (Nihon-fu gaikoku ryori) can be enjoyed at eateries in Japan. Amongst miscellaneous international cuisines accessible in Japan, Chinese, Italian and French cuisines have thoroughly penetrated into Japanese society and have been highly popular amongst the Japanese. This point is evidenced by the history and the number of these restaurants in Japan. Compared to Japanised international cuisines, however, it would be more difficult to find and enjoy non/ little-modified international cuisines in Japan, although it largely depends on how ‘modified’ or ‘Japanised’ is defined. This is partly due to the nature of Japanese society and people that have been accepting overseas cultures, including cuisines, without instigating severe clashes with Japanese one. However, most international cuisines have been altered at least to some extent, resulting in the creation of a variety of Japanised international cuisines. Concerning this point, it should also be noted that Japanised international cuisines might be perceived negatively by overseas visitors in terms of their authenticity. Foods and drinks of Japan should also be valued as Japan’s tourism resources. Consuming foodstuffs and beverages are an integral part of people’s travel experience. Furthermore, some people ‘travel for the specific purpose of enjoying food experience’ (Getz et al., 2014: 6). This kind of tourism is labelled as food tourism. A certain proportion of people who are involved in food tourism are regarded as foodies. A foodie is ‘a food lover; one whose personal and social identity encompasses food quality, cooking, sharing meals and food experiences; foodies incorporate all aspects of food into their lifestyle, which often leads them to travel for new and authentic food experiences’ (Getz et al., 2014: 6). Lately, an increase in the number of restaurants offering Japanese cuisine (Nihon-shoku) is confirmed in many countries across the globe, particularly in Asia, Europe and North America. This fact demonstrates a growth of popularity and visibility of Japanese cuisine outside Japan. In the context of tourism, both supply (host) (e.g. restaurants) and demand (guest) (e.g. tourists) sides of tourism realise the power of Japan’s foods and beverages as the country’s tourism resources. Regarding the supply side, both public and private tourism-related organisations (e.g. JNTO and Japan-guide.com) have been promoting the meals, beverages and foodways of Japan to foreigners mainly via their official websites. The contents of these websites are particularly useful for overseas

84  Food and drink heritage people to acquire basic knowledge on Japanese cuisine (Nihon-shoku). If Tilden’s (1977) six principles of interpretation are applied, the contents obtainable at these websites are seen as appropriate interpretation because they would enlighten overseas visitors about Japan’s foods and drinks and inspire their interests in the foods and drinks further. Concerning the demand side, nowadays many Japanese and international visitors rely on the information available at restaurant search websites. Evaluations and ratings given by other customers/visitors or external agencies have a lot of influence on prospective customers/visitors. For instance, Tabelog is a restaurant search website that gives scores to restaurants and shows customer reviews. Such quantitative and qualitative data seem to be very influential for Japanese people as well as overseas people who can understand Japanese or any other language available on the website. On the other hand, the Michelin Guides are a typical example of external medium and the ratings they give to the restaurants are a main concern of both the supply and demand sides of restaurants. The adaptation and localisation process occurs when and after foreign foods and cuisines have been introduced. In Japan, this process is confirmed at both international restaurant chains (e.g. McDonald’s) and independent restaurants serving international dishes. However, there is a difference in the nature of this process between the aforementioned two sorts of restaurants. The process international restaurant chains experience appears to be conducted officially by the companies as part of their global business and marketing strategies. Conversely, the process that independent restaurants serving Japanised international cuisines undergo seems to emerge naturally through their day-to-day business and communications with their customers.

References Calantone, R. J., Kim, D., Schmidt, J. B. and Cavusgil, S. T. (2006) The influence of internal and external firm factors on international product adaptation strategy and export performance: A three-country comparison. Journal of Business Research, 59(2): 176–185. Cwiertka, K. J. (2001) Japanese food in Holland: The global trend spreads. Food Culture, 3: 15–19. Cwiertka, K. J. (2006) Modern Japanese Cuisine: Food, Power and National Identity. London: Reaktion Books. Di Giovine, M. A. and Brulotte, R. L. (2016) Introduction food and foodways as cultural heritage. In: R. L. Brulotte and M. A. Di Giovine (eds) Edible Identities: Food as Cultural Heritage. London: Routledge, pp. 1–28. E-food Japan. (2012) Tokyo Restaurant Search. Available at: https://e-food.jp/rest/ worldmap.html (accessed 21 May 2020). Farrer, J., Hess, C., de Carvalho, M. R., Wang, C. and Wank, D. (2019) Japanese culinary mobilities: The multiple globalizations of Japanese cuisine. In: C. Leong-Salobir (ed) Routledge Handbook of Food in Asia. Abingdon: Routledge, pp. 39–57.

Food and drink heritage 85 Getz, D., Robinson, R., Andersson, T. and Vujicic, S. (2014) Foodies and Food Tourism. Oxford: Goodfellow Publishers. Hall, C. M. and Sharples, L. (2003) The consumption of experiences or the experience of consumption? An introduction to the tourism of taste. In: C. M. Hall, L. Sharples, R. Mitchell, N. Macionis and B. Cambourne (eds) Food Tourism Around the World. London: Routledge, pp. 1–24. Hall, C. M., Sharples, L., Mitchell, R., Macionis, N. and Cambourne, B. (eds) (2003) Food Tourism Around the World. London: Routledge. Hashimoto, A. and Telfer, D. J. (1999) Marketing icewine to Japanese tourists in Niagara: The case of Inniskillin Winery. International Journal of Wine Marketing, 11(2): 29–41. Hayashi, H., Yoshino, T. and Hirabayashi, M. M. (2020) Comparison of Appearance of Tasty Expressions by the Timing of Meal Impressions [in Japanese]. 2020 Johoshori-gakkai Kansaishibu-taikai Koenronbunshu, C-17. Horng, J. S. and Tsai, C. T. S. (2010) Government websites for promoting East Asian culinary tourism: A cross-national analysis. Tourism management, 31(1): 74–85. Iwasaki, M. and Brown, A. (2014) Qualitative application of the acculturation model by Schwartz et al.: A sample of Japanese American women. Asian American Journal of Psychology, 5(4): 325–334. Jimura, T. (2011) The websites of Japanese ryokan and eWOM: Their impacts on guests’ expectation and experience. International Journal of Asian Tourism Management, 2(2): 120–133. Jimura, T. (2019) World Heritage Sites: Tourism, Local Communities and Conservation Activities. Wallingford: CABI. MAFF. (2016) Guidelines for Certification of Cooking Skills for Japanese Cuisine in Foreign Countries (Provisional Translation). Available at: http://www.maff.go. jp/j/shokusan/syokubun/pdf/chori_s_e.pdf (accessed 21 May 2020). MAFF. (n.d.) Washoku. Available at: http://www.maff.go.jp/j/keikaku/syokubunka/ ich/pdf/leaflet_e2ok.pdf (accessed 21 May 2020). Maslow, A. H. (1943) A theory of human motivation. Psychological Review, 50(4): 370–396. Masuko, Y. (2017) From char sui to cha shu: History of cultural change of barbecued pork on the Japanese table [in Japanese]. Japanese Society for Global Social and Cultural Studies, 14(1): 39–49. Michelin. (2019) Nihon no Michelin Guide (Michelin Guides for Japan) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.michelin.co.jp/michelin-guide/japan (accessed 21 May 2020). Minami, H. and Funahashi, Y. (2003) Comparison of “Chinese Cooking” in Japan and China in terms of cooking approach [in Japanese]. The Bulletin of Nagoya Women’s University Homemaking and Nature, 49: 69–80. National Diet Library. (2014) Section 1: Cuisine. Available at: https://www.ndl. go.jp/france/en/column/s2_1.html (accessed 2 April 2021). NME. (2006) Sekai wo Taberu Nihon, Nihon wo Taberu Sekai (Japanese people consume cuisines across the globe, whilst Japanese cuisine is consumed worldwide) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.minpaku.ac.jp/research/education/ university/student/project/gourmet (21 May 2020). Omori, I. (2018) Impact of UNESCO heritage status on Japanese food discourse in major Japanese newspapers. Advances in Social Sciences Research Journal, 5(11): 433–441.

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5

Onsen and Japanese-style inns Treatment, relaxation, recreation, and ‘Japaneseness’

5.1 Introduction The term ‘spa’, has several different but rather similar meanings. According to Oxford Living Dictionaries (2020), the word means: 1 A mineral spring considered to have health-giving properties 1.1 A place or resort with a mineral spring 1.2 A commercial establishment offering health and beauty treatment through such means as steam baths, exercise equipment, and massage 2 A bath containing hot aerated water Regarding 1, thus, the word may denote a type of water, a destination with this kind of water, or a facility providing services with such water. In the real world, for example, the International Spa Association (ISPA) defined spas as entities devoted to enhancing overall well-being through a variety of professional services that encourage the renewal of mind, body and spirit. (ISPA, 2006 cited in Mak et al., 2009) A ‘hot spring’ is a type of spa water, although not all kinds of hot springs are mineral springs. In Japanese, ‘onsen’ is the term to indicate a ‘hot spring’. In academia, for instance, Page and Connell (2014: 480) describe a spa as Historically, a resort at which the visitor ‘took the waters’ for therapeutic purposes, either by bathing or drinking, an activity which can be dated to Greek and Roman times. In other words, their definition understands a spa as a destination with this type of water, or a facility providing visitors with services using this type of water.

88 Onsen and Japanese-style inns Throughout the history, spa/hot-spring culture and resorts have developed and advanced in different regions of the world, particularly in Europe. The spa/hot-spring culture and resorts have also grown substantially in Asia (e.g. Japan, Malaysia and Taiwan), North America (e.g. the USA) and Oceania (e.g. New Zealand). In these areas, spa/hot-spring culture and resorts have been embedded in people’s lives and are still enjoyed by the current generations. Such a long-standing relationship between spas/hot springs and people is one of the main elements to be recognised as cultural heritage (Jimura, 2019). Thus, not only spas/hot springs themselves but spa/ hot-spring culture and resorts must be acknowledged and valued as cultural heritage. Spa/hot-spring resorts or sites with spa/hot-spring facilities are rather familiar destinations for local inhabitants to visit for various purposes such as treatment, relaxation and even recreation. These purposes are closely linked with each other and the visits with these intentions can be named ‘spa/hot-spring tourism’. If the primary motivation of people’s visits is treatment (and relaxation); such visits can also be understood as ‘health tourism’ or ‘wellness tourism’. This view is echoed by Mueller and Kaufmann (2001), who developed their definition of wellness tourism based on Kaspar’s (1996) definition of health tourism. As stated above, European countries have a long-standing spa/hot-spring culture. These nations also have places with an extended history as spa/hot-spring destinations. Of these, countries with well-established destinations of spa/hot-spring tourism are listed below with examples: • • • • • • • • •

Bulgaria (e.g. Bankya). Czech Republic (e.g. Františkovy Lázně). France (e.g. Évian-les-Bains, Vichy). Germany (e.g. Baden-Baden, Wiesbaden). Greece (e.g. Agkistro). Hungary (e.g. Budapest (Széchenyi Thermal Bath), Hévíz (Lake Hévíz)). Iceland (e.g. the Blue Lagoon). Poland (e.g. Nałęczów). United Kingdom (e.g. Bath, Cheltenham, Royal Leamington Spa).

Historically, curing certain disease(s) and/or improving health problems have been the main purposes of visiting and staying in spa/hot-spring destinations. Compared with other regions of the world, such a treatment purpose appears to have been more significant for spa/hot-spring destinations in Europe. In Europe, spa/hot-spring resorts started emerging steadily during the 16th century. This can be regarded as one of the most important historical trends in tourism history of the West. Around the same time, Japanese people also travelled to spa/hot-spring destinations near their hometowns but these places seemed to be less developed as tourist destinations than those in Europe. Regarding European and North American countries,

Onsen and Japanese-style inns 89 Page (2015) suggests that there was a shit in tourism trends from spas to seaside resorts between the mid-18th century and the early-19th century. The development and advancement of transport infrastructure and services, most importantly railways, is one of the main factors for this change. Bacon (1998) also asserts that spa/hot-spring destinations in continental Europe, which newly entered the spa/hot-spring tourism market in the UK in 1816 and thereafter, had a competitive advantage over those in the UK. Consequently, a clear decline in the British spa industry could be confirmed by 1850 (Bacon, 1998). Internationally, many sites with spas or hot-springs, especially those in Europe have experienced a certain degree of prosperity, although not all of them have survived as active spa/hot-spring destinations until today. Nevertheless, the aforementioned history of spa/hot-spring destinations could still function as a solid proof that can testify the magnitude of spas and hot springs as tourism resources across the globe. Sometimes, spas and hot-springs are visited as part of day trips. Today, this practice is well observed at many spa/hot-spring destinations in Japan. Due to the intrinsic nature and traditional purposes of spa/hot-spring tourism, however, more visitors would stay overnight at the destinations of spa/ hot-spring tourism than the destinations of other types of tourism. This suggests that accommodation facilities is highly important for spa/hotspring visitors since they tend to stay for a comparatively long time and enjoy various activities associated with spas or hot-springs in and near such accommodation facilities. Using the above discussion as a foundation, Sections 5.2 focuses on hot springs in Japan (onsen) and Section 5.3 sheds light on Japanese-style inns that often possess hot-spring (onsen) facilities as cultural heritage and tourism resources.

5.2  Onsen, onsen-chi and onsen-kyo 5.2.1  History, meaning and relationships with Japanese people Japan has more than 100 active volcanoes. On one hand, these volcanoes are seen negatively as a natural threat for Japan and its people, because they can trigger earthquakes. Throughout its history, Japan has been suffering from countless earthquakes and they have caused huge damages to the areas hit by the earthquakes. In the past 30 years, for instance, the 1994 Great Hanshin Earthquake and the 2011 Tohoku Earthquake and Tsunami destroyed extended areas and livelihoods of local people. Not always but sometimes, earthquakes can cause tsunami. In the case of the 2011 Tohoku Earthquake and Tsunami, many lives were lost by the huge tsunami. For a long time, Japan and Japanese persons have been making efforts to recover from the aftermaths of constant earthquakes and tsunami. On the other hand, the existence of many active volcanoes is a main reason why Japan has uncountable hot springs (onsen) and hot-spring areas (onsen-chi). Onsen

90 Onsen and Japanese-style inns are categorised into volcanic and non-volcanic ones; and in Japan, many onsen are volcanic. In English, the term, ‘ablution’, means purifying one’s body with water and is often perceived as a religious practice that can be confirmed in the world’s major religions. The merit of soaking in water is also advocated in Japanese Buddhism. Unshitsu-kyo, a Buddhist scripture brought to Japan in the 8th century, stresses the virtue of bathing in hot water (Matsuda, 2002). It was also believed that bathing in hot water is beneficial for people’s physical health. Thus, many Japanese Buddhist temples started running their bathhouses open to the general public for free. For the aforementioned reasons, the popularity of soaking in hot water increased amongst ordinary people of Japan, and this leads to the emergence of the first public bathhouse (yuya or sento) in Kyoto at the end of the Heian period (794–1185) (Tokyo Sento, n.d.). Good availability of hot springs (onsen) across Japan also contributed to the popularisation of soaking in hot water that stemmed originally from Japanese Buddhism (Matsuda, 2002). Therefore, it is understandable that many famous onsen-chi are believed to be officially opened by high priests of Japanese Buddhism. For example, Gyoki was a high priest in the Nara period (710–794) who is believed to have established the base of today’s Arima Onsen in Hyogo Prefecture (Arima Hot Springs Tourism Association, n.d.). Arima Onsen was named as one of the best three onsen by Razan Hayashi, a Japanese Neo-Confucian philosopher during the Edo period (1603–1868). The other two are Kusatsu Onsen in Gunma Prefecture and Gero Onsen in Gifu Prefecture, and all of these three have been well-liked hot-spring areas (onsen-chi). Initially, Japanese people believed in the potency of soaking in hot water, including onsen, for their physical health due to its connection with the teaching in the Buddhist scripture. Simultaneously, people also began to believe in health benefits of onsen through their own onsen experiences. The benefits differ by onsen. In some cases, moreover, drinking onsen water (insen), if the water is potable, can also be beneficial for health as well as bathing in it. Differences in the benefits amongst diverse onsen come mainly from varied characteristics of onsen water and its contained materials. For instance, it is generally believed that drinking sulfate onsen is good for arteriosclerosis, whilst soaking in chalybeate onsen is beneficial for disturbed menstruation (Onsen-s.com, n.d.). Regarding this point, many onsen-chi have been serving people as places for hot-spring cure/treatment (toji) and these sites are called toji-ba. In the past, people usually stayed at toji-ba for a long period (e.g. two to four weeks) to ease symptoms or cure diseases. Nowadays, however, overall the time people spend for toji is much shorter than before (e.g. one week or even just two to three days). Onsen-kyo or onsen-go signifies a cluster of several onsen-chi in a certain region. For example, Tsurunoyu Onsen in Nyuto Onsen-kyo (Akita) (see Figure 5.1) is one of the most admired onsen amongst Japanese visitors and has welcomed guests with both toji and tourism purposes. It is generally agreed that bathing in onsen has positive effects on mental health as well as

Onsen and Japanese-style inns 91

Figure 5.1  Tsurunoyu Onsen (Source: Author)

physical health since onsen experiences can make people relaxed (Serbulea and Payyappallimana, 2012). Nowadays, furthermore, the Japanese visit onsen-chi and enjoy onsen for recreational purposes as well (Serbulea and Payyappallimana, 2012). Thus, it can be concluded that now Japanese people come to onsen-chi for treatment, relaxation and recreation. 5.2.2  Authenticity and interpretation There are many different ideas and views towards the authenticity of heritage. Of these, this monograph employs the classification of the views suggested by Reisinger and Steiner (2006) (see Section 1.2.5 in Chapter 1). This classification comprises three different conceptual stances: Modernists, realists and objectivists; constructivists; and, postmodernists. From the standpoint of modernists, realists and objectivists, onsen’s authenticity is judged based on the substances in and quality of onsen water. According to Japan Thoron Development Association (JTDA) (2016) and Takahashi (2017), onsen can be divided into ‘natural onsen’ (tennen-onsen) and ‘artificial onsen’ ( jinko-onsen). The onsen discussed in Section 5.1 are natural onsen. When Japanese people say ‘onsen’, they normally mean natural onsen. Natural onsen are under the jurisdiction of the Ministry of Environment (JTDA, 2016) and must

92 Onsen and Japanese-style inns meet the requirements mandated by Onsen-ho (Hot Spring Act) enacted in 1948. According to the Act, onsen must be: • • •

Hot water, mineral water, water vapour or other vapours that gushes out from the ground, 25 degrees Celsius or above, and Contain a certain amount of at least one of the 19 specified natural substances.

In 2004, however, it was revealed that some onsen facilities had been modifying the quality of natural onsen by adding additives and/or tap water and not disclosing such information to users (JTDA, 2016). Natural onsen can easily be affected by crustal movements and natural disasters; therefore, it is challenging to ensure a stable supply of natural onsen water (JTDA, 2016). Hot Spring Act was revised in 2005 to address the issue and now onsen facilities must clearly display such information so that customers can see whether any modification has been made to the original onsen water (JTDA, 2016). The other category of onsen is ‘artificial onsen’ ( jinko-onsen). Artificial onsen are hot water with bath salts containing artificial minerals or chemicals (Takahashi, 2017). These bath salts must be quasi-pharmaceutical products that derived from natural ingredients and approved by the Ministry of Health, Labour and Welfare (JTDA, 2016; Takahashi, 2017). Considering these requirements and standards, only natural onsen is recognised as authentic onsen if the viewpoint of modernists, realists and objectivists is adopted. If the perspective of constructivists is employed; whilst, artificial onsen as well as natural onsen can be authentic onsen. However, authenticity of onsen would not be a main interest of visitors who have a stance of postmodernists. Rather, their main concern would be whether onsen can represent otherness to them and give them an extraordinary experience. Interpretation of onsen is also significant in tourism settings, particularly in recent years. Until recent, most visitors to onsen, onsen-chi and onsenkyo are Japanese people (Laing and Weiler, 2008). In many cases, Japanese guests stay at a Japanese-style inn (see Section 5.3 for details) with onsen facilities overnight and enjoy bathing in onsen water. There are many rules or etiquette when persons use onsen facilities. Basically, these manners are common knowledge or tacit understanding for Japanese individuals. In principle, thus, interpretation or guidance on how to enjoy onsen facilities is not so important to cater for Japanese guests. Lately, however, more and more overseas visitors enjoy bathing in onsen water at diverse onsen facilities throughout Japan and most of them are not familiar with the aforementioned onsen etiquette. That is why the need for clear, user-friendly and educational interpretation has been emerging. Nowadays, many Japanese-style inns with onsen facilities prepare interpretation specifically for customers from foreign countries. Such interpretation tends to be written in English, Hangul, Traditional Chinese and Simplified Chinese, and displayed at the

Onsen and Japanese-style inns 93 entrance of onsen facilities. Besides, a variety of interpretation on onsen etiquette for overseas visitors is provided by public and private tourism/ onsen-related organisations based in Japan or abroad at their websites. Gamagori, a city in Aichi Prefecture has Gamagori Onsen-kyo that comprises three onsen-chi. City of Gamagori and Gamagori City Tourist Association (n.d.) provides a list of onsen etiquette in English on their official website as follows: 1 You cannot wear a bathing suit 2 Please wash your body at a washing space. You must not wash your body in a bath 3 Please enter the bath after rinsing all the soap off your body 4 You must not put any towels in the bath 5 Tie up if you have long hair and try not to get it in the bath 6 Even if you feel the water temperature is too hot, you must not add cold water 7 To prevent blood rushing to your head, it is advisable to put a cold towel on your head while you are in the bath 8 After bathing, make sure to drink enough water and take a rest 9 As a general rule, people with tattoos cannot enter the bath 10 After taking bath, dry yourself off with a towel before heading to the changing room 11 Try not to enter the bath straight after eating or drinking alcohol 12 To prevent dizziness, do not bathe more than three times in a day 13 You must not do laundry at the washing space Such interpretation is also offered by non-Japanese persons (e.g. Cheung, n.d.) or non-Japanese organisations. For instance, BBC Travel (2012) lists the following points as onsen etiquette: 1 2 3 4 5

Rinse off before going in Take it all off Check beforehand about an onsen’s tattoo policy Do not take pictures Drink water not booze

Four tips are common to both lists above. Of these, the most important but probably the most embarrassing onsen rule for foreigners would be ‘being naked’ in front of strangers. Subsequently, overseas visitors are expected to bathe in onsen water with others sharing a large bath. Across the world, usually people wear a swimsuit when they enjoy spas. In Japan, however, being naked is compulsory for people who use onsen facilities. Why do people need to be naked? In Japanese society, traditionally, hadaka-no-tsukiai (naked companionship) has been believed to be important to build or enhance a relationship with others. That is because; being naked signifies the removal

94 Onsen and Japanese-style inns of people’s positions in society and daily life, and sharing the same bath represents trust in and closeness to others. This mirrors an important aspect of Japanese society and culture. In the daily environment, people must consider other people’s social statuses, ages and other demographic factors when they communicate and are expected to behave accordingly. Such a social pressure would be prominent in Confucian countries, including Japan (see Section 2.2.4 in Chapter 2). Simultaneously, however, Japanese persons also appreciate the magnitude of equality as human beings regardless of their social positions or ages. Ichikawa (1988) notes that hadaka-no-tsukiai epitomises Japanese people’s sense of equality, and this sense has developed mainly due to the influence of Japanese Buddhism, especially Jodoshu’s (see Section 2.2.3 in Chapter 2). More precisely, Jodoshu’s bonpu-kan (the view of ordinary beings (non-Buddhas)) would be a source of this sense of equality (Ichikawa, 1988). This view signifies that ultimately, all people are equal and their demographic factors do not matter because they are not Buddhas but just ordinary people. Hadaka-no-tsukiai embodies this sense of equality and has been serving as practice of and custom for socialising and trust-building in onsen settings. For these reasons, hadaka-no-tsukiai surely epitomises Japaneseness of their society and culture. The vital role that onsen and onsen facilities play as places for hadaka-no-tsukiai can endorse their value as Japan’s cultural heritage and tourism resources. 5.2.3  Development and spatial transformation Japan’s onsen, onsen-chi and onsen-kyo should also be explored in relation to the development of onsen-chi and spatial transformation of relevant areas. First, the dimension of development is discussed. The history and attributes of onsen-chi and onsen-kyo are various and different by onsen-chi or onsen-kyo. Since the health benefits of onsen water were well-known to ordinary people, they have enjoyed onsen by sharing and maintaining their communal baths (kyodo-yu or kyodo-yokujo) that are situated in and around their local community (Takayanagi, 2006). This trend became popular amongst the general public during the Edo period (Shimomura, 1988). Communal baths are principally for local inhabitants who have been maintaining the baths generation after generation. Historically, moreover, local onsen had been enjoyed mainly by local residents until the end of the Meiji period (1868–1912) (Yamamura, 1969). During the Taisho period (1912–1926) and the beginning of Showa period (1926–1989); however, countless onsen-chi had been created rapidly and sometimes also extensively as tourist destinations. To cite a case, the number of people who visited onsen-chi was 3.8 million in 1886, but the number increased to 25.0 million by 1934. Such fast and substantial development of onsen-chi had continued across Japan until the collapse of Japan’s bubble economy (1991–1993) (Takayanagi, 2006). Yamamura (1969) and Takayanagi (2006) advocate that there were two principal factors behind such a quick and vast growth of many onsen-chi and spatial transformation observed in these places.

Onsen and Japanese-style inns 95 The first factor is the advancement of traffic infrastructures and services, especially railway networks. It made onsen-chi accessible for people residing in urban areas. For instance, full opening of the Hakone Tozan Line in 1935 by Odakyu Electric Railway improved the accessibility of several onsenchi in the Hakone area (Hakone Onsen) (Kanagawa) for people residing in Tokyo and Kanagawa. Regarding the access from Tokyo to Kinugawa Onsen (Tochigi), Tobu Railway has been playing a leading role, including the introduction of ‘Spacia’, limited express trains from Asakusa, Tokyo in 1990. In the Kansai region, the Arima Line opened in 1928 by Kobe Electronic Railway improved the accessibility to Arima Onsen from the neighbouring metropolises such as Kobe and Osaka. Motorways have also contributed to improving the accessibility to many onsen-chi. For example, the access to Susami Onsen (Wakayama) became much easier thanks to the opening of Kisei Expressway and its Susami interchange. Ironically, however, better traffic infrastructures mean shorter travel hours for visitors, and nowadays an increasing number of visitors do not stay overnight in onsen-chi and are inclined to spend a smaller amount of money during their stay. These issues can be major threats for easy-to-access onsen-chi in terms of their economic and environmental sustainability. Hence, these onsen-chi are expected to develop and implement any measures that can solve or at least mitigate these problems. The other factor is the development of onsen-chi as newly-emerged tourist destinations. Huge investment made by large companies, typically railway companies (and their affiliated companies), enables onsen-chi to convert themselves to popular tourist destinations. In Hakone Onsen, Odakyu Electric Railway and its group businesses have altered the landscape of the Hakone area. For example, Hakone Sightseeing Cruise has been operating a sightseeing cruise ship (Hakone Pirate Ship) in Lake Ashi daily since 1964, which attracts around two million people annually. Nowadays, many onsen-chi can be viewed as well-established tourist destinations rather than places for enjoying bathing in onsen water only. The most conspicuous example of highly-developed tourist destinations with onsen as their primary attraction would be Hakone Onsen due to its extensive size, diverse tourism resources and facilities, and large visitor numbers. Next, the aspect of spatial transformation is highlighted. The term, ‘gensen’, denotes a source of onsen water. It is an essential natural resource for every onsen-chi. Places cannot be regarded as onsen-chi without gensen or at least guaranteed access to gensen. Given this, drilling to discover new gensen was tightly controlled until the end of the Edo period (Takayanagi, 2006). The locations of gensen are often a key factor for the development of onsen-chi and their spatial transformation. Generally, tourism facilities such as communal baths and Japanese-style inns with onsen facilities are constructed near gensen. In some instances, moreover, one or two main gensen function as spatial cores of the whole onsen-chi (Shimomura, 1988). Perhaps, the most emblematic example is Yubatake gensen of Kusatsu Onsen

96 Onsen and Japanese-style inns

Figure 5.2  Yubatake gensen of Kusatsu Onsen (Source: Author)

(see Figure 5.2). In addition to the locations of gensen, those of communal baths can also be a footing of the spatial structure of onsen-chi. Shimomura (1988) regards Kinosaki Onsen (Hyogo) as a good example of this. Kinosaki Onsen has seven communal baths throughout the onsen-chi, and these baths work together as a basis of Kinosaki Onsen’s spatial structure. In fact, communal baths are essential elements for the formation of townscapes of some onsen-chi, including Kinosaki Onsen and Kusatsu Onsen. Today, communal baths in many onsen-chi are open to visitors for a small fee. This could give visitors opportunities to experience local culture more in depth and to mingle with local residents. Sadly, however, some communal baths have been suffering from irresponsible behaviour of visitors. In addition to the abovelisted communal baths and Japanese-style inns with onsen facilities, most onsen-chi also offer other services for visitors such as restaurants, cafés and souvenir shops. According to the e-word-of-mouth available at Tripadvisor as of 24 May 2020, for example, some Japanese visitors to Yufuin Onsen (Oita) felt that part of this onsen-chi, especially Yunotsubo Kaido street, was too touristy and commercialised owing to the presence of many souvenir shops and restaurants. When the author visited this onsen-chi, he also thought that the exterior of some buildings did not harmonise with their surroundings. Such visual pollution or damage on a visible atmosphere is known as a negative socio-cultural and/or environmental change possibly caused or worsened by tourism development (Jimura, 2019). In recent years, many onsen-chi have added another type of facility to their destination profiles. This new addition is public footbaths (ashiyu) open to visitors as well as local residents usually for free. For instance, Awara Onsen (Fukui) opened its new ashiyu in 2014, which is situated between the main railway station and the centre of the onsen-chi. The

Onsen and Japanese-style inns 97 location of the footbath is ideal because it fills vacant space between the two important spots for tourism. This could also encourage people to call in Awara Onsen even for a short period. Another example is Jozankei Onsen (Hokkaido), which can be easily accessed from Sapporo, the prefectural capital of Hokkaido. Jozankei Onsen has four ashiyu facilities, three of which are free to enjoy. The advantage of ashiyu in general is that they are handy and convenient to use. In many cases, as stated above, users do not need to pay for using ashiyu and can enjoy it in a short period (e.g. 10–20 minutes). They just need to take off their socks and all they need is a hand towel to dry their feet. Ashiyu can also motivate excursionists and tourists visiting onsen-chi to explore more different quarters in and around the onsen-chi by working together with other tourism facilities such as communal baths, souvenir shops, restaurants and cafés. 5.2.4  Conservation and management As outlined in Section 5.2.2, onsen can be sorted into two groups, natural onsen (tennen-onsen) and artificial onsen ( jinko-onsen). In Japanese, the term, onsen, usually indicates natural onsen. Onsen can also be classified by whether onsen water naturally comes to the surface from under the ground or is pumped up by motor. Customarily, the former is more valued than the latter. Whichever the case is, conservation of gensen (sources of onsen) is imperative for onsen-chi or onsen-kyo to keep surviving as sustainable tourist destinations. In many cases, natural hot spring water for spas (equivalent to gensen in Japan) in Europe gushes out naturally from under the ground, although sources of such water are also excavated artificially by boring (Asami, 1977). Overall, Japan is in a similar situation. However, Europe seems to have been less struggling with the depletion and quality loss of the sources of natural hot spring water that can be caused or worsened by over-boring and pumping with motor thanks to meticulous European approach to the conservation and management of the sources (Asami, 1977). In Japan, most historic onsen-chi and Japanese-style inns with onsen facilities have been utilising onsen water that naturally comes out of the ground. In the 1960s, a new type of properties with onsen facilities started emerging in some established onsen-chi. Probably the most prominent example is holiday apartments with onsen facilities in Atami Onsen (Shizuoka). Atami Onsen has more than 500 gensen and is easy to access from large urban areas such as Tokyo and Yokohama. A large number of holiday apartments with onsen facilities had been built since the early 1960s, particularly during the decade between the late 1970s and the late 1980s. Most owners of these apartments used them as their second houses, weekend houses or new residences after their retirement. At that time, many Japanese individuals wanted to possess such holiday residences. However, developers stopped constructing them after Japan’s bubble economy burst, and their popularity began to decline. Nowadays, the prices of holiday apartments with onsen

98 Onsen and Japanese-style inns facilities in Atami Onsen plummeted. Smoola (2017) suggests four main reasons for the significant drop in the prices as follows: 1 Oversupply of holiday apartments in the market after Japan’s bubble economy burst 2 Expensive maintenance fees due to onsen facilities and large communal areas 3 Lack of interests in maintenance as many owners do not live there throughout the year 4 Depopulation of neighbouring areas because of the smaller number of tourists after the collapse of Japan’s bubble economy For example, a one bedroom apartment with a private onsen bathroom built in 1969 is for sale for 2.9 million JPY (around 22,148 GBP) as of 24 May 2020 (EZ, 2020). This implies that the demand for such properties is quite low. Thus, it is crucial for current owners, estate agents and the local government to collaborate to reach a certain level of agreements concerning the future of these properties and to find best possible solutions. As many onsen facilities of holiday apartments in Atami Onsen draw onsen water from gensen, the prospect of these apartments also influences the future of gensen situated within the Atami Onsen area. The other theme to be noted here is that an increasing number of ‘new’ onsen have been developed by drilling boreholes. In Japan, onsen can be developed even in non-volcanic regions thanks to highly-advanced boring methods and drilling technologies, which can reach even 2,000m below the ground. Recently, therefore, a number of onsen and structures with onsen facilities can be found even in places that have not been traditionally recognised as onsen-chi. However, the development of such new onsen may cause or worsen environmental issues in the conservation and management of other gensen and existing onsen located near new onsen. In other words, the amount and quality of onsen water gushing out from the existing gensen can be negatively affected by the exploitation of new gensen and development of new onsen. Besides, pumping up excessive amount of water from underground may lead to subsidence in its neighbouring areas. To prevent these problems, Article 3 of Hot Spring Act (Onsen-ho) requires a person, organisation or company that plans to drill the ground for developing new onsen to obtain a permission of the prefectural governor in advance. The development of new onsen in an artificial manner has been promoted after the collapse of Japan’s bubble economy to meet an increasing demand of people who want to enjoy onsen more easily and quickly (Yamamura, 2006). The supply side of onsen services also seems to have felt that this was an attractive market to enter or cultivate further. For example, Japan has many no-frills hotels (business hotel in Japanese English) whose guest rooms tend to be smaller and whose prices are likely to be cheaper than those of full-service hotels. Traditionally, these no-frills hotels featured

Onsen and Japanese-style inns 99 basic facilities and services. In the 1990s, however, some no-frills hotels started differentiating themselves from their competitors. One of the strategies adopted for differentiation was the installation of communal baths with onsen or tap water on site. To this end, a number of new gensen were excavated and many new onsen were created in an artificial manner such as by drilling boreholes. As noted earlier, this can instigate a negative impact on surrounding natural environments. Teramae (2008) suggests that no-frills hotels with communal baths with onsen or tap water represent a kind of evolution of Western-style hotels in the Japanese context. Onsen that is available at no-frills hotels can be either natural or artificial. Guests staying at such hotels can enjoy bathing in natural or artificial onsen, sharing communal baths with other guests. Today, several Japanese hotel chains such as Dormy Inn, Super Hotel, Route Inn and APA Hotel operate no-frills hotels with communal baths with onsen or tap water. All of the chains have been very popular amongst Japanese guests. Lately, part of overseas tourists visiting Japan, especially those from East Asia, also choose to stay at these no-frills hotels and enjoy their onsen/communal-bath experiences. The other example developed to provide people with handier and quicker onsen experience is ‘higaeri onsen shisetsu’ (onsen facilities for day trippers) such as ‘kenko land’ and ‘super sento’ that welcome both same-day visitors as well as local residents. Hot water used at these complexes is not always onsen water and may be just hot tap water that contains no onsen substances. Nonetheless, they could still satisfy the need of Japanese people who want to have onsen or onsen-like experience handily. This trend also became noticeable after the burst of Japan’s bubble economy. Between 1988 and 1989, the Japanese Government provided 100 million JPY to all local governments to promote muraokoshi, or regional development, activities. Yamamura (2006) points out that these subsidies financially supported the establishments of new public-funded higaeri onsen shisetsu. Needless to say, the foremost attraction factors of higaeri onsen shisetsu are onsen or hot water and communal baths. Normally, higaeri onsen shisetsu are pay attractions and do not have accommodation facilities. Moreover, they tend to be located in a suburban area where people can access effortlessly by car from large cities in the same region. The difference between ‘kenko land’ and ‘super sento’ is not always clear and often ambiguous. Generally, however, kenko land have more diverse facilities, including a nap room, dining room, karaoke room and/or an amusement arcade, than super sento. Yamamura (2006) argues that day trips to higaeri onsen shisetsu have become more popular than staying at Japanese-style inns overnight amongst Japanese persons as a means to enjoy onsen or onsen-like experience. This trend still appears to continue. However, excessive development of new onsen in an artificial manner can damage nearby geological environments. Furthermore, an increase in the number of higaeri onsen shisetsu across Japan may discourage people to travel to traditional onsenchi and stay overnight there. It would be advantageous for the conservation

100 Onsen and Japanese-style inns of gensen and onsen in established onsen-chi but disadvantageous for the business of Japanese-style inns with onsen facilities there. To increase revenue, therefore, some Japanese-style inns open their onsen facilities to day trippers until check-in time, although some overnight guests might not be happy with this. As demonstrated in this section, onsen and its facilities are essential elements of many Japanese-style inns, which is the focus of the next section.

5.3  Japanese-style inns 5.3.1  History of Japanese-style inns The impact of religions, particularly Japanese Buddhism, must be noted when the history of Japan’s inns is examined (Yamaguchi, 2011). This is because; several Japanese Buddhist temples commenced to set up on-site accommodation facilities called ‘bo’ for their pilgrims since the 9th century (during the Heian period). Thus, bo can be understood as an origin of Japan’s inns. However, ‘hatago’ that developed during the Edo period would be more appropriate than bo to be considered as the first real Japanese-style inns. That is because; hatago offered dinner and breakfast and served travellers who did not have religious purposes. These characteristics of hatago are confirmed at Japanese-style inns today. The oldest Japanese-style inn is claimed to be Hoshi in Awazu Onsen (Ishikawa), which was believed to be formally opened by a high priest of Shugendo religion, Taicho in 718 (Hoshi, n.d.). Like onsen, Japanese-style inns must be respected as cultural heritage of Japan and significant tourism resources primarily due to its long-standing history in Japanese society and strong relationships with Japanese people. 5.3.2 Differences between Western-style inns and Japanese-style inns As Section 5.2.4 indicates, recently excursions to visit buildings with communal baths have become popular as a convenient way to enjoy onsen or onsen-like experience. Conventionally, however, Japanese people have stayed in a Japanese-style inn like Hoshi for a relatively long time (e.g. at least overnight) to fully enjoy onsen (see Section 5.1). Usually Japanese individuals who come to onsen-chi stay at a Japanese-style inn. Japan has a variety of accommodation that can be grouped into Western-style inns and Japanese-style inns (Jimura, 2011). Western-style inns include full-service hotels (city hotel in Japanese English), no-frills hotels (business hotel in Japanese English), pensions and youth hostels. As Teramae (2008) explains referring to Japan’s no-frills hotels with bathing facilities with onsen or hot tap water, Westernstyle inns in Japan often offer modified services to suit Japanese culture and the preference of Japanese guests. For example, many full-service and no-frills hotels in Japan provide slippers and nightclothes for their guests.

Onsen and Japanese-style inns 101 Japanese-style inns are different from Western-style inns in many ways, and the typical features of Japanese-style inns can be summarised as follows: • • • • •

Guests need to take off their shoes at the main entrance. Guest rooms come with tatami mats. Guests sleep on futon. Traditionally, dinner and breakfast are included in the accommodation fee. Dinner and breakfast, particularly the former, use locally-sourced ingredients and include local specialities.

5.3.3  Japanese-style inns: Ryokan and minshuku Japanese-style inns can be divided into ryokan and minshuku, although the five characteristics of Japanese-style inns listed in the previous section are common to both (Jimura, 2011). The businesses of ryokan are specified in Ryokan-gyoho (Inns and Hotels Act) enacted in 1948 and last amended in 2018, whilst those of minshuku are not stipulated in this Act. Nevertheless, it is generally agreed that minshuku are a type of kan’i shukusho (basic accommodation facilities) mentioned in the Act. Ryokan and minshuku also differ in their locations, management styles, levels and qualities of facilities and services and accommodation fees. Overall, ryokan are superior to minshuku with regard to all these aspects. Concerning locations, ryokan tend to be situated in historic and famous onsen-chi, whilst the locations of minshuku are more diverse than those of ryokan. Some minshuku can be found in and around onsen-chi but others are located in any places with attractive tourism resources. Such resources usually comprise local foods and drinks, famous religious sites and/or beautiful mountains or lakes. Regarding the management styles, ryokan, particularly large ones are often owned and run by a leisure company, including a joint-stock one, whilst minshuku are often family-run. As for the levels and qualities of facilities and services, ryokan are more likely to have facilities and services other than onsen/communal-bath facilities and guest rooms than minshuku. Such facilities and services typically include a spacious lobby, banquet room, on-site souvenir shop, on-site bar and Japanese garden. With regard to onsen facilities specifically, ryokan normally have their own onsen facilities that can meet diverse needs of guests and accommodate a large number of guests at one time (Jimura, 2011). In contrast, having their own onsen facilities is much less common for minshuku, and even if they have, their onsen facilities would be simpler and smaller than those of ryokan. Minshuku have their own communal baths, however, they do not usually use onsen water but hot tap water. In relation to accommodation fees, normally ryokan charge higher than minshuku. However, some minshuku in certain areas may charge higher fees than ryokan in other areas primarily due to the local specialities they offer.

102 Onsen and Japanese-style inns For example, Miharashi-so is minshuku located in the Shakotan Peninsula (Hokkaido), serving local specialities like uni (sea urchin), especially aka uni (hemicentrotus) in summer. When the author stayed there, the accommodation fee was expensive but was value for money, considering the fantastic uni dishes served. Given the cooking style, quality, seasonality and locality of these uni dishes, the meal should be regarded as washoku (Nihon-ryori), which is one of the three categories of Japanese cuisine (Nihon-shoku) suggested by the author (see Chapter 4). In addition to accommodation fees, guests staying at ryokan or minshuku with onsen facilities also need to pay nyuto-zei (onsen tax), which is 150 JPY per person per night as of May 2020. Local governments use the revenue collected through onsen tax for specific purposes such as conservation of onsen and tourism promotion. 5.3.4 Key elements of Japanese-style inns as cultural heritage and tourism resources According to Jimura (2011), key attraction factors of Japanese-style inns, particularly ryokan with their own onsen facilities, are as follows: • • •

Guest rooms with a tatami-mat floor, Local specialities, and Onsen and onsen facilities.

In principle, the qualities of these elements determine the level of attractiveness of Japanese-style inns as tourism resources and can affect the value of the inns as cultural heritage of Japan. This is particularly true for ryokan as most of them have all the three key factors above, and they symbolise essential aspects of Japaneseness. A room with tatami mats is called washitsu (Japanese-style room). Japan imported diverse foreign cultures, especially Chinese ones, during the ancient times (the Nara and Heian periods) and have been adapting them to suit Japanese culture and society. Nonetheless, it is believed that tatami originates in Japan and its ancestor is mentioned even in Kojiki, the oldest extant chronicle of Japan (Hirai, 2011) (see also Section 3.2.1 in Chapter 3). The presence of tatami distinguishes Japanesestyle rooms from Western-style rooms. People are expected to take off their shoes when they enter a tatami room or a Japanese-style house. One of the main reasons of this custom would be that Japanese-style houses used to have no Western-style rooms. Since ancient times, Japanese persons have regarded the outside of a house as a tainted or unclean space and the inside of it as a sacred or clean space (Uchida, 2000). Some features of a Japanese house, typically gate (mon) and entrance (genkan), function as boundaries between two opposite worlds. In this sense, tatami embodies holiness and cleanness of the inside world. Tatami have also affected Japanese people’s postures. For instance, Japanese individuals, particularly elderly people, tend to sit directly on tatami mats or sometimes even lie on them. Therefore,

Onsen and Japanese-style inns 103 it could be stated that tatami and rooms with tatami mats such as washitsu in ryokan also signify a key aspect of Japaneseness. Most ryokan and some of minshuku deem their dinner and breakfast as an integral component of their services. As the case of Miharashi-so indicates, these accommodation facilities try to make the most of local produce and cook regional or local dishes. Hence, it is natural that the meals they offer, especially dinner, differ by region or even by Japanese-style inn. Thus, many Japanese guests look forward to enjoying dinner and breakfast when they stay in Japanese-style inns. As discussed in Section 5.2.4, however, the ways people enjoy onsen have become more diverse. These days, an increasing number of Japanese-style inns welcome guests with breakfast only or those without any meals to meet their varied demands, although this practice may decrease their profit per guest. As also stated in Section 5.2.4, moreover, nowadays, many Japanese-style inns, particularly ryokan allow same-day visitors to use their onsen facilities, charging a small fee (usually, up to 1,000 JPY). Given such current trends in visitors’ demands for meals and onsen facilities of Japanesestyle inns, traditional Japaneseness observed in their consumption patterns and behaviours may have already undergone significant changes. The aforementioned three features are crucial for Japanese-style inns as both cultural heritage and tourism resources. In addition to these, their buildings, particularly ryokan’s, may also be valued as tourism resources as well as cultural heritage. That is because; many historic ryokan have been conserving and utilising the structures that were inscribed as Toroku Yukei Bunkazai (Registered Tangible Cultural Properties) by the Japanese Government. To cite a case, four structures of Mukaitaki ryokan (Fukushima) (see Figure 5.3), including its main entrance, were listed as Toroku Yukei Bunkazai in 1996,

Figure 5.3  Mukaitaki ryokan (Source: Author)

104 Onsen and Japanese-style inns and the ryokan is proud of this designation (Mukaitaki, n.d.). Such endorsement by the national government can act as a marker of authenticity from the standpoint of modernists, realists and objectivists. In terms of tourism marketing, furthermore, this ratification can function as a key appealing point for the demand side of tourism such as domestic and international tourists. To maintain the value of the buildings of historic ryokan as cultural heritage and tourism resources, their conservation is crucial. However, it is challenging to conserve the structures of historic ryokan as they have been, because they are made of wood and receive guests every day. Under such difficult circumstances, many ryokan have implemented diverse measures for conservation. For instance, they have enhanced earthquake safety through renovation and/or have newly adopted a total smoking ban policy.

5.4 Conclusion Japanese people have a long-standing relationship with onsen and have been using them initially for treatment and then also for relaxation and recreation. Today, onsen are acknowledged as invaluable cultural heritage and tourism resources of Japan. Onsen are categorised into ‘natural onsen’ (tennen-onsen), which contains onsen substances naturally, and ‘artificial onsen’ ( jinko-onsen), to which minerals or chemicals are added. Thus, the authenticity of artificial onsen can be challenged from the stance of modernists, realists and objectivists. Interpretation plays a vital role for onsen users to comprehend its history and efficacy. Furthermore, it is also necessary for them to understand the manners required for using onsen facilities and sharing baths with others. In fact, there is a lot of onsen etiquette, which have been tacit rules for the Japanese. In recent years, however, an increasing number of overseas visitors have also been enjoying onsen experience. It would be difficult for them to be familiar with such etiquette beforehand. Nowadays, therefore, the onsen etiquette is available at various relevant websites and on site. Of diverse onsen manners, perhaps the most basic but possibly upsetting manner for international visitors would be being naked in front of strangers. Hence, it is reasonable that this manner is explicitly included in almost every list of onsen etiquette. Being naked and sharing a communal bath with others are called hadaka-no-tsukiai in Japanese. It epitomises a vital aspect of Japaneseness, meaning equality of all people and has been valued as one of the effective ways to know each other and to build or enhance bonds amongst persons. Areas with onsen and/or gensen (sources of onsen water) are called onsen-chi and regions comprising several onsen-chi are named onsen-kyo or onsen-go. The development of onsen-chi and onsen-kyo as tourist destinations seems to have commenced in the Taisho period or the beginning of Showa period mainly thanks to the advancement of traffic infrastructure and the investment made by large enterprises. This process has changed overall atmospheres and townscapes of onsen-chi and onsen-kyo, particularly the former.

Onsen and Japanese-style inns 105 In many cases, the spots of gensen and communal baths work as a foundation of the spatial structure of onsen-chi, with other tourism facilities often being located nearby. However, visitors may feel that some onsen-chi are overly commercialised or touristy because of the presence of excessive number of tourism facilities (e.g. souvenir shops) and buildings that do not harmonise with their surrounding environment. A rather recent trend observed in many onsen-chi and onsen-kyo is ashiyu (footbath) facilities. They can act as trial onsen experience and can boost the number of people who stop by onsen-chi and onsen-kyo. Recently, more and more people want to have onsen or onsen-like experience with communal baths in a handier manner. To meet such demand, some no-frills hotels started installing such facilities on site, and various higaeri onsen shisetsu, which usually accept only same-day visitors, have also been created. Onsen water available at these facilities are not always natural onsen and sometimes even not artificial one, but can still satisfy the need of their guests and customers. To increase the number of onsen and onsen facilities, more and more gensen have been newly excavated by drilling boreholes, however, this may damage existing gensen nearby and their neighbouring natural environment. Onsen has close associations with Japanese-style inns that are dissimilar to Westerns-style inns in many senses. For instance, the former requires guests to take off their shoes at the entrance, has guest rooms covered with tatami and commonly serves both dinner and breakfast that include local specialities. These features also signify an important dimension of Japaneseness. Two main categories in Japanese-style inns are ryokan and minshuku. Both are Japan’s important tourism resources, which can also be recognised as Japan’s cultural heritage. Ryokan and minshuku differ in their locales, management styles, levels and qualities of facilities and services, and accommodation charges. Generally, ryokan are superior to minshuku in all of these aspects. Onsen have been an integral part of Japanese-style inns, particularly ryokan, for a long time because the quality of their onsen water and onsen facilities is one of their main attraction factors. Other attraction factors of Japanese-style inns are refined Japanesestyle rooms (washitsu) with tatami mats and high-quality meals made with local produce. Onsen and these two elements have been valued as important cultural heritage and appealing tourism resources of Japan and would affect the value and reputation of Japanese-style inns, particularly ryokan’s. Japanese-style inns with onsen facilities used to accept guests who stay overnight and have both dinner and breakfast only. Lately, however, many of them have begun to welcome guests with breakfast only, those without any meals, and/or even those who just want to use their onsen facilities. This strategic shift could increase their sales and profits. By doing so, they would also be able to maintain their competitive advantage over other Japanesestyle inns and higaeri onsen shisetsu. However, it should be remarked that this strategic change may damage the experience of conventional guests who stay overnight and enjoy both dinner and breakfast, affecting the level

106 Onsen and Japanese-style inns of their satisfaction with the services they receive. This practice may also be detrimental to the conservation of ryokan buildings as they can be damaged by excessive use. It can be a serious issue for historic ryokan, because the value of their historic structures is officially recognised by the Japanese Government as Toroku Yukei Bunkazai.

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Onsen and Japanese-style inns 107 Mak, A. H., Wong, K. K. and Chang, R. C. (2009) Health or self-indulgence? The motivations and characteristics of spa-goers. International Journal of Tourism Research, 11(2): 185–199. Matsuda, T. (2002) Nihonjin to onsen (Japanese people and hot springs) [in Japanese]. In: K. Isshiki (ed) Kankogaku ga Wakaru (Understanding Tourism Studies). Tokyo: Asahi Shimbun, pp. 110–113. Mukaitaki. (n.d.) Kuni no Toroku Yukei Bunkazai (Tangible Cultural Properties Registered by the Japanese Government) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www. mukaitaki.com/cultural_assets/ (accessed 24 May 2020). Mueller, H. and Kaufmann, E. L. (2001) Wellness tourism: Market analysis of a special health tourism segment and implications for the hotel industry. Journal of Vacation Marketing, 7(1): 5–17. Onsen-s.com. (n.d.) Senshitsubetsu kono (Potency of various onsen) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://onsen-s.com/n009-siawase1-6.htm (accessed 24 May 2020). Oxford Living Dictionaries. (2020) Spa. Available at: https://en.oxforddictionaries. com/definition/spa (accessed 24 May 2020). Page, S. (2015) Tourism Management, 5th edn. London: Routledge. Page, S. and Connell, J. (2014) Tourism: A Modern Synthesis, 4th edn. Andover: Cengage Learning EMEA. Reisinger, Y. and Steiner, C. J. (2006) Reconceptualizing object authenticity. Annals of Tourism Research, 33(1): 65–86. Serbulea, M. and Payyappallimana, U. (2012) Onsen (hot springs) in Japan – Transforming terrain into healing landscapes. Health & Place, 18(6): 1366–1373. Shimomura, A. (1988) Study on space-structure of the hot-spring resort in Edo and Meiji Era [in Japanese]. Zoen Zasshi, 52(5): 223–228. Smoola. (2017) E!? Konna ni Yasui Resort Mansion ga Aruno?? Kakuyasu no Riyu towa (There are very cheap holiday apartments. Why are they so cheap?) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://smoola.jp/smolabo/347 (accessed 24 May 2020). Takahashi, K. (2017) Tennen-onsen towa? Jinko-onsen to no Chigai (What are natural onsen? How are they different from artificial onsen?) [in Japanese] Available at: https://onsenbu.net/5909 (accessed 24 May 2020). Takayanagi, T. (2006) Onsen-chi ni okeru gensen-riyo: Senzenki Atami onsen wo jirei ni (The use of the source of onsen at onsen-chi: A case study of Atami onsen before WWII) [in Japanese]. Rekishi to Keizai, 48(3): 41–58. Teramae, S. (2008) An introduction to tourism information science [in Japanese]. Chiiki Seisaku Kenkyu, 11(2): 1–20. Tokyo Sento. (n.d.) Sento no rekishi (History of sento) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://www.1010.or.jp/guide/history/ (accessed 24 May 2020). Uchida, S. (2000) Interior to Nihonjin (Interior Accessories and Japanese People) [in Japanese]. Tokyo: Shobunsya. Yamaguchi, Y. (2011) The history of the Japanese-style hotel [in Japanese]. Annals of Tokyo Management College, 19: 89–106. Yamamura, J. (1969) The development and economic function of hot spring resort settlements at Ikaho and Kinugawa spa: A study on hot spring resorts in Japan, Part II [in Japanese]. Geographical Review of Japan, 42(5): 295–313. Yamamura, J. (2006) Kin’nen ni okeru onsen to onsen-chi wo meguru shomondai (Current issues in onsen and onsen-chi) [in Japanese]. Doshisha-Shogaku, 57(5): 217–239.

6

Living cultures of Japan Indigenous peoples and their identities – The Ainu and the Uchinanchu

6.1 Introduction Cultural heritage plays a central role in shaping or enhancing people’s identity at personal, local, regional and national levels (Jimura, 2015, 2016, 2019). Moreover, cultural heritage often works with tourism in the process of building or strengthening identity. That is because people can rediscover who they are and the value of themselves, their community, culture and society by being ‘discovered’ by outsiders (Jimura, 2019). Across the world, identity is a key notion for cultural heritage and people, especially for indigenous people and their cultural heritage (Caneen, 2014). Bearing this in mind, this chapter examines indigenous peoples as living cultures, focusing on Japan’s indigenous peoples and their cultural heritage and identities. Japan is seen as a largely mono-ethnic country (Weiner, 2009) and sometimes regarded as one of the last strongholds of ethnic homogeneity (Tsuda, 2000). Actually, however, Japan has had many minority groups throughout its history and the number of foreigners migrating to Japan has also been increasing. Weiner (2009) identifies six groups of people as Japan’s principal minority groups, namely the Ainu, the Burakumin, the Chinese, the Korean, the Nikkeijin and the Okinawan. Of these, however, usually the Burakumin and the Nikkeijin are not understood as minorities in terms of ethnicity. The Burakumin are groups of outcasts who are excluded unduly from Japanese society; whilst the Nikkeijin in Japan are descendants of Japanese people who migrated abroad (e.g. Brazil) but currently reside in Japan. Due to the historical links with neighbouring countries, many Chinese and Korean people live in Japan. Some of them have naturalised in Japan. Recently, the number of the Chinese residing in Japan has been increasing, whilst that of the Korean living in Japan has been decreasing (Ministry of Justice, 2020). The Ainu and the Okinawan are indigenous peoples in Japan and can be seen as ethnic minority groups in Japan. The dominant indigenous people of the Japanese archipelago are Yamato people (wajin) and sometimes only Yamato people are viewed as Japanese people. However, there is a strong view that the Ainu and the Okinawan must be acknowledged not only as Japanese people but also as indigenous

Living cultures of Japan 109 peoples of Japan. In fact, there have been assertions that the Japanese Government should officially recognise the Ainu and the Okinawan as Japan’s indigenous peoples. At an international level, UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples was adopted in September 2007 and Japan voted in favour of the declaration. The adoption of the declaration seems to be one of the reasons why the national government finally acknowledged the Ainu as Japan’s indigenous people in 2008, although the indigenous rights of the Ainu were denied at that time (Maruyama, 2013). In 2019, the Japanese Government promulgated and enforced a new law (Ainu Minzoku Shien-ho) to formally recognise the Ainu as Japan’s indigenous people. The Japanese Government intends to realise the society where the pride of the Ainu is fully respected through the enforcement of the law, although there seems to be still room for improvement, including recognising the indigenous rights of Ainu people. The Okinawan is also recognised as the Ryukyuan or the Uchinanchu. This monograph employs the term, the Uchinanchu as this should have a stronger association with their identity than the Okinawan or the Ryukyuan. Some people suggest that the Uchinanchu is an ethnic group different from Yamato people, whilst others think there is no clear difference in ethnicity between Uchinanchu and Yamato peoples. Unlike Ainu people, the central government has not approved the Uchinanchu as Japan’s indigenous people as of writing. As evidenced by the designation of Gusuku Sites and Related Properties of the Kingdom of Ryukyu as a cultural World Heritage Site (WHS) by UNESCO in 2000, the value and distinctiveness of Uchinanchu culture are appreciated at an international level. Sadly, Shuri Castle, one of the main components of this WHS, was burnt down in October 2019. This incident devastated overseas people as well as Japanese people, especially the Uchinanchu. However, a movement for the castle’s reconstruction has started immediately after the fire. This clearly indicates that how important Shuri Castle has been for the Uchinanchu. In some media coverage, several Uchinanchu persons mentioned the word ‘identity’ when they talked about the fire. As evidenced by its inscription as a WHS, the author also believes that Uchinanchu culture differs distinctly from typical Japanese culture but is also far from the cultures of its neighbours such as Korea, Taiwan and China. Some people and organisations feel that Okinawa Prefecture, where many Uchinanchu people originate from, has been treated unfairly by the Japanese Government since its retrocession from the USA in 1972. For instance, some Uchinanchu people view the deployment of American military on Okinawan areas as an unjust treatment by the national government and discrimination against the Uchinanchu. Furthermore, the Japanese Government does not seem to be happy with some Uchinanchu people’s hostile attitudes towards the presence of American military in Okinawa Prefecture. This should be treated as an issue between Japan and the USA as well as within Japan. In addition, a lack of respect for the people of Okinawa

110  Living cultures of Japan is a main concern of Office of the United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) (OHCHR, 2014). Sections 6.2 and 6.3 examine the Ainu and the Uchinanchu respectively, highlighting their cultures and identities as living cultures of Japan. These sections also explore Ainu and Uchinanchu peoples and their cultures as Japan’s cultural heritage and tourism resources.

6.2  The Ainu 6.2.1  History and habitation areas As indicated in Section 6.1, Ainu people have their own unique culture. In Ainu language (Ainu itak), the term ‘Ainu’ denotes ‘humankind’ as opposed to ‘kamuy’ (deity). There appear to be different views towards the origin of Ainu persons as a distinct ethnic group and the establishment of Ainu culture. According to the Foundation for Ainu Culture (FAC) (FAC, n.d.), the Ainu was established as a discrete ethnic group during the 12th and 13th centuries, although the fist literature that can evidence the existence of Ainu people was written in around the 15th century. On the other hand, Ainu Museum (n.d.a) proposes that the lifestyle regarded as traditional Ainu culture was formed in the 13th and 14th centuries. Recent research reveals that Ainu people at that time engaged in domestic and international trade, whilst a Chinese literature in the late 13th century reports that the Ainu battled with the forces of the Yuan dynasty because of a trouble in their trade (Ainu Museum, n.d.a). Historically, the habitation area of the Ainu was called ‘Ezochi’. Most part of Ezochi is today’s Hokkaido, the second largest island of Japan after the Honshu Island and the northernmost prefecture of Japan. Ezochi also includes the northern tip of the Honshu Island (part of today’s Aomori Prefecture), Kuril Islands and Sakhalin. It is not exactly clear when Yamato people (wajin) commenced to dwell in Ezochi. However, FAC (n.d.) states that their residential areas already extended over some parts of the central and most parts of southern Ezochi during the 15th century. At that time, merchant ships from today’s Fukui Prefecture came to the Hakodate area that lies in the Oshima Peninsula of Ezochi for trading purposes, and wholesalers and blacksmiths were running their businesses (FAC, n.d.). Ainu persons were active as producers or traders of various goods (FAC, n.d.). Koshamain’s Revolt in 1457 is one of the most important incidents in the history of the Ainu in terms of their relationship with Yamato people. As the number of Yamato people migrating to Ezochi increased, conflicts between the Yamato and the Ainu became intensified (Ainu Museum, n.d.a). One day, a Yamato blacksmith and an Ainu customer got in a squabble, and the former stabbed the latter to death. This tragedy triggered the uprising of Ainu people led by Koshamain against Yamato people in Ezochi. Koshamain and his supporters plundered ten out of 12 forts of Yamato lords located in the Oshima

Living cultures of Japan 111 Peninsula but were subdued by Nobuhiro Takeda, who was a feudal warlord of Yamato (FAC, n.d.). The skirmishes between Yamato and Ainu peoples had been a long-standing matter for a century after Koshamain’s Revolt. Over the period, Yamato people’s superior position to Ainu people had been established. After Koshamain’s Revolt, Nobuhiro Takeda succeeded the Kakizaki clan, one of the two Yamato lords who had survived the revolt, solidified their strong position amongst Yamato people in Ezochi. Nobuhiro Takeda later became the patriarch of the Matsumae clan, who was the ruler of Ezochi (Matsumae Domain) during the Edo period (1603–1868), although sometimes Ezochi was controlled directly by the Tokugawa shogunate in Edo (Tokyo). Another rebellion of the Ainu against the Yamato, Shakushain’s Revolt, occurred in 1669. A truce deal was made between Ainu and Yamato peoples; however, Shakushain, the leader of rebels, was murdered by an underhand attack of the Matsumae Domain. In this sneaky way, Shakushain and his Ainu followers were defeated by the Matsumae Domain. This occurrence is recognised as the commencement of Matsumae Domain’s control over Ainu people (Sekine, 2014). That is because; the Matsumae Domain disarmed Ainu persons and aggrandised their political and economic rule over the Ainu after Shakushain’s Revolt (Sekine, 2014). Since that time, Ainu people have been enduring inequitable treatment and discrimination and their unique culture has also been disrespected or ignored for a prolonged time. In recent years, however, finally positive movements for Ainu people and their culture have been emerging, including the enactment of Ainu Minzoku Shien-ho in 2019. Besides, the Agency for Cultural Affairs (ACA) worked on the development of the National Ainu Museum and Park (NAMP) (also called Upopoy), mainly consisting of National Ainu Museum (NAM) and National Ainu Park (NAP) (ACA, n.d.). Initially, Upopoy was scheduled to open on 24 April 2020 but its opening was postponed to 12 July 2020 due to COVID-19 (Upopoy, 2020). Both the history of Ainu people and how they have been making their living are key subjects of NAMP. To understand Ainu culture more in depth, subsequent sections provide the reader with an overview of Ainu culture and investigations of its key aspects, considering its links to people’s identity and meanings as cultural heritage and tourism resources of Japan. 6.2.2  Ainu culture: Overview and its association with identity For the past around 25 years, there has been a movement for valuing and reviving Ainu culture. This drive includes the enactment of two laws, namely Ainu Bunka Shinko-ho (Act on the Promotion of Ainu Culture) in 1997 and Ainu Minzoku Shien-ho (Act on the Promotion of Measures for the Realisation of Society Respecting the Pride of Ainu People) in 2019. The former was abolished when the latter was executed. Historically, however, Ainu culture has been weakened rather than enhanced through various

112  Living cultures of Japan policies and actions, including a forced assimilation policy introduced by the Tokugawa shogunate between 1856 and 1857 in the late Edo period (Endo, 2003). The policy compelled Ainu people to be Yamato people in many senses. Endo (2002) adduces the change of the names of Ainu persons living in the Nemuro-basho area as an instance of the consequence of the forced assimilation policy. Between 1848 and 1855, more than 90% of Ainu people had Ainu names only but between 1857 and 1858, the percentage of those with Ainu names only decreased to 30%, with 60% having both Ainu and Yamato names and 10% having Yamato names only (Endo, 2002). On the other hand, the Tokugawa shogunate has also tried to improve the treatment of Ainu people through the Matsumae Domain. Unfortunately, however, this did not work. In 1870, at the beginning of the Meiji period (1868–1912), the Meiji government changed the name of Ezochi to Hokkaido. During this period, the government recognised the need to protect Ainu people and their life. To this end, Hokkaido Kyu-dojin Hogo-ho (Protection of Ainu People in Hokkaido Act) was established in 1899. Regrettably, this law had not been effective enough to improve the life of the Ainu and was abolished in 1997, following the constitution of the aforementioned Ainu Bunka Shinko-ho in the same year. As mentioned in Section 6.1, however, Ainu Bunka Shinko-ho was also discarded in 2019 and replaced with Ainu Minzoku Shien-ho. Nevertheless, some people, including Ainu people are not satisfied with Ainu Minzoku Shien-ho, as indigenous rights of the Ainu are not acknowledged even in this latest legislation. In the late 19th century, the Meiji government was keen to modernise Japan. To achieve this, the government ‘used’ Ainu people to advance Japan’s agriculture. The government colonised Hokkaido to develop agriculture further, adopting innovative agricultural technologies imported from Western countries. As a result, Ainu people were forced to change their traditional lifestyle of hunting and fishery to a new lifestyle that is suitable for agriculture. As Ainu culture had developed based on their traditional lifestyle, the alteration of their lifestyle was detrimental to conventional Ainu culture. However, the Ainu’s traditional way of life and their distinctive culture should be valued not only as cultural heritage of the Ainu but also as that of the Japanese. Jimura (2015, 2016) claims that cultural heritage can play a leading role in building or strengthening a local identity. Paasi (2002) also emphasises that sharing the same roots or common heritage would be a foundation of a regional identity. As traditional Ainu culture has been damaged for a prolonged period mainly due to Japan’s governmental policies, Ainu people’s identity as ‘Ainu’ might have weakened whist their identity as ‘Japanese’ might have enhanced. Nowadays, it may be difficult to distinguish Ainu persons from Yamato persons at a glance. Even so, Ainu people would still have a solid identity as the Ainu in their minds (Honda and Hazuki, 2007). Honda and Hazuki (2007) also assert that Ainu individuals should not be recognised as ‘Ainu Japanese’ but should be acknowledged as ‘Ainu living in Japan’, because

Living cultures of Japan 113 the latter could express more respect for the Ainu as Japan’s indigenous people than the former. Accumulated damages on Ainu culture also imply that authenticity of Ainu culture has been spoiled from a viewpoint of modernists, realists and objectivists (see Section 1.2.5 in Chapter 1). Nowadays, Ainu culture is recognised and utilised as tourism resources as well as cultural heritage. Thus, if the demand-side of tourism has the aforementioned view of authenticity, they might not feel that current Ainu culture is authentic. Ainu persons themselves may also notice that their culture has deteriorated because they should know their own culture better than others. In contrast, Ainu culture can still be authentic from a stance of constructivists even if its original or traditional features have changed greatly because in this standpoint cultural heritage cannot be authentic in its own right and whether or not it is authentic depends on people’s perception of ‘genuine’ (see Section 1.2.5 in Chapter 1). In this case, the word ‘people’ means all individuals, including both visitors and Ainu people. When this perspective towards authenticity is taken, interpretation (see Section 1.2.6 in Chapter 1) would be crucial in the relationship between Ainu culture as cultural heritage and Ainu culture as tourism resources. That is because interpretation is expected not only to provide visitors with useful information but also to influence them in an educational and thought-provoking manner. Thus, the quality, content and design of interpretation of cultural heritage of the Ainu can affect each visitor’s judgement on its authenticity. Given the importance of interpretation, the supply-side of tourism that focuses on cultural heritage of the Ainu must pay enough attention to the interpretation of their exhibits. As mentioned in the previous section, the Japanese Government opened NAMP in 2020; hence, it is beneficial, for the future of Ainu culture, to evaluate how interpretation available at NAMP, particularly NAM, is designed and delivered to visitors and how visitors perceive the interpretation. NAM has exhibitions under six themes associated with the Ainu, namely language, view of the world, daily life, history, work, and interaction, all of which are supported by interpretations to enhance the level of visitors’ understanding. As explained above, Ainu people had to alter their conventional lifestyle of fishing and hunting to a new way of life that centres on agriculture using innovative techniques. As stated in the previous section, some Yamato people already moved to Ezochi before the Meiji era. However, much more Yamato colonists migrated to Hokkaido during the Meiji period mainly to build a new life. These colonists were from various regions of Japan, particularly from Tohoku region (northeastern part of the Honshu Island). Furthermore, the Meiji government recruited former samurai who were living in reduced circumstances since the commencement of the Meiji period as tonden-hei, soldier-farmers. Their mission was not only to develop Hokkaido but also to defend Japan’s northern frontier from foreign powers such as the Russian Empire. Consequently, the landscape of part of Hokkaido that used to be filled with wilderness and primitive forests was

114  Living cultures of Japan changed to agricultural terrains by the Meiji government’s modernisation strategies. Due to this development, new townscapes emerged and the infrastructure essential for inhabitants’ lives were built. Hence, a series of physical changes occurred in Ezochi and then in Hokkaido can be understood as an extensive spatial transformation. 6.2.3 Language Ainu language (Ainu itak) is the language that has been spoken by Ainu people. Ainu language clearly differs from Japanese language and should be recognised as a language peculiar to the Ainu, although the forming processes of both languages are unclear even today (Office of Ainu Measures Promotion (OAMP), 2020). Ainu language has three different dialects, namely Hokkaido Ainu, Kuril Ainu and Sakhalin Ainu. Ainu language is seen as a dormant language isolates (Dougherty, 2017). Unfortunately, the Kuril and Sakhalin Ainu already became extinct (UNESCO, 2010a). The Hokkaido Ainu is also in danger of extinction and officially acknowledged as a ‘critically endangered’ language by UNESCO (2010a). Being labelled as a critically endangered language signifies that the number of speakers has become very small. According to UNESCO (2010a), the number of Hokkaido Ainu speakers was 15. This number may have decreased further since 2010. For instance, Nippan (2017) estimates that there are only five speakers of Ainu language. One of the distinctive characteristics of Ainu language is that the language does not have characters. This means that there were no records or documents written in Ainu language (Takakura, 1966). That is why conventionally the language has been passed onto next generations orally through speaking and listening. This feature would also be one of the causes why the language has declined and is nowadays regarded as a dormant or extinct language. Nevertheless, Ainu people have been conserving Ainu language since the Taisho period (1912–1926) by documenting it in Japanese, with the use of katakana and hiragana, and romaji (romanisation of Japanese language) (OAMP, 2020) or katakana and romaji only (Ainu Museum, n.d.b). Besides, OAMP (2020) emphasises that today people with various backgrounds and expertise are trying to transcribe Ainu language through different ways to preserve it for future generations of the Ainu and the Japanese. Such efforts can also contribute to sustaining Ainu identity because language plays a significant role in the formation and expression of identity (Warschauer, 2000). Conserving Ainu language and passing it down to later generations is also important to maintain authenticity of Ainu language. Although there are many different approaches towards authenticity of cultural heritage, Ainu language should remain authentic in its own right as well as in terms of its association with the Ainu to value it as cultural heritage. Hokkaido has several public and private museums that feature Ainu culture and Ainu language is often one of their main displays. In this setting, interpretation

Living cultures of Japan 115 can enhance visitors’ understanding of Ainu language, working in tandem with displays. As mentioned in the previous section, Ainu language is one of the six key themes of NAM and this indicates the importance of Ainu language for Ainu culture as a whole. 6.2.4 Religion and performances: Songs, music, dances and storytelling In addition to its distinct language, Ainu inhabitants also have other intangible cultural heritage such as religion and performances. Fundamentally, traditional Ainu religion is understood as animism. Perhaps, the most wellknown Ainu ritual is kamuiomante (or iomante) that contains some nature of animism. As stated in Section 6.2.2, hunting is part of traditional lives of Ainu people. The Ainu fully respect animals’ lives; hence, iomante is conducted to send the spirits of dead animals’ lives back to kamui (deity). Typically, the subject of iomante is higuma (brown bear). Traditional Ainu culture is also well expressed through Ainu performances such as songs, music, dances and storytelling. In Ainu culture, the differences between songs, music, dances and storytelling are rather blurred, and these four cultural domains are closely related to each other. As stated in Section 6.2.3, the absence of characters is a noticeable feature of Ainu language. This attribute affects Ainu songs, music, dances and storytelling. Its impact can be confirmed in the fact that Ainu songs, music and dances do not to have musical scores (Sugano and Ishida, 2011). Instead, these forms of Ainu culture have been inherited to next generations through singing, playing, performing and storytelling. Thus, the same song, music or dance is sung, played or performed differently by signer, player or performer, and it is hard to identify their original versions (Sugano and Ishida, 2011). Furthermore, it could also be stated that the main commonality amongst these different sorts of Ainu performances is extemporaneity. This also makes it difficult to identify the original versions, although the originality or authenticity of these performances does not seem to be a main concern of Ainu people. The more important thing for the Ainu would be that these performances are always part of their daily lives and passed down to their future generations. Of several types of Ainu performances, yukar (or yukara) seems to have exceptionally intriguing nature. Originally meaning ‘imitating’, yukar denotes Ainu’s oral literature in the form of epic poems (Takakura, 1966). Yukar was recited by storytellers in Ainu villages, usually elderly people (Takakura, 1966). Nonetheless, everybody in an Ainu village had opportunities to become storytellers by learning the way to recite yukar. This practice indicates a flexible aspect of Ainu culture. The best storyteller in a village acted as the village’s official storyteller who recited yukar on ceremonial evenings as well as ordinary evenings if requested by villagers (Takakura, 1966). As yukar initially had sacred or ritual nature, storytellers of yukar could be regarded as shamans who convey the words

116  Living cultures of Japan of kamuy (deity) (Takakura, 1966). It is fascinating that even such a special role was open to everybody in an Ainu village. The value of Ainu performances has been recognised formally first at a national level and then at a global level in the past 35–40 years. The most evident example of Ainu performance that obtained such appreciation is traditional Ainu dance (Ainu Koshiki-buyo). Ainu Koshiki-buyo includes various types of dances, all of which are connected closely with Ainu people’s daily lives, nature and/or religion. Domestically, Ainu Koshiki-buyo was designated as Juyo Mukei Minzoku Bunkazai (Important Intangible Folk Cultural Property) in 1984 by ACA. At an international level, the traditional Ainu dance was inscribed by UNESCO as Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) in 2009 (UNESCO, 2009). Currently, Ainu Koshiki-buyo is still actively performed on various occasions and for diverse purposes such as matsuri, education and tourism. The next section examines the relationships between Ainu culture and tourism. 6.2.5  Ainu culture and tourism Sections 6.2.1–6.2.4 explore a range of Ainu culture and its history and background. Most of these diverse kinds of Ainu culture have been utilised as tourism resources and consequently, can be affected by tourism positively or negatively. As noted in the previous section, for instance, Ainu performances, such as Ainu Koshiki-buyo, have been acting as tourism resources as well as cultural heritage. Nowadays, visitors have more opportunities to enjoy Ainu performances than before. For example, Lake Akan Ainu Theatre offers visitors traditional Ainu performances, including Ainu Koshiki-buyo, puppet shows performed by Ainu kotan (village) residents, and the Iomante Fire Festival (Akanko Ainu Kotan, n.d.). On one hand, the performances at the theatre can be understood positively as they could help Ainu people, especially young ones, to acquire the knowledge and skills required to succeed Ainu culture. Staging various kinds of Ainu performances may also revitalise the traditions because it can increase opportunities for people to appreciate them. On the other hand, the performances offered in such a tourism setting can be criticised in terms of their authenticity and originality. To cite a case, Sugano and Ishida (2011) states that Ainu songs and dances changed due to the impact of Yamato folk songs and music. The alternation has been advanced by being performed in front of audience for tourism purposes (Sugano and Ishida, 2011). Moreover, performances presented in the tourism setting like Lake Akan Ainu Theatre have been modified to meet the needs of visitors. Some people may dispraise such modified versions as embodiment of staged authenticity and/or commoditisation of cultural heritage. In addition to the aforementioned theatre, museums that feature Ainu ­culture are also main players in tourism. Hence, NAMP will be a new and vital key stakeholder in Ainu tourism for some reasons. Firstly, NAM is Japan’s first national museum highlighting Ainu people and a primary

Living cultures of Japan 117 visitor attraction in NAMP that has been completed as a result of a gigantic project led by the Japanese Government. Secondly, NAMP is the place to learn about and promote Ainu history and culture opened after Ainu Minzoku Shien-ho was enacted in 2019. Lastly, NAMP consists of NAM, which owns exhibits and interpretation under six main themes that cover historic and contemporary Ainu culture and NAP, which enables visitors to experience Ainu culture and provides young visitors with special programmes. This indicates that the interpretation prepared by NAM and NAP can satisfy the needs of diverse types of visitors, including children. This point is directly related to the sixth principle of Tilden’s (1977) six principles of interpretation (see Section 1.2.6 of Chapter 1).

6.3  The Uchinanchu 6.3.1  History and habitation areas As shown in Section 6.1, ‘the Uchinanchu’ would be the most appropriate term to denote indigenous people of Okinawa Prefecture in terms of their identity. Some individuals think that the Uchinanchu is an ethnic group that is different from Yamato people; whilst others view that there is no obvious difference in ethnicity between the Uchinanchu and the Yamato (see Section 6.1). The Uchinanchu use the terms ‘the Naicha’ or ‘the Yamatonchu’ to mean Yamato people or Japanese people other than the Uchinanchu. The geographical area that is now called Okinawa Prefecture was once not part of Japan but an independent country named the Ryukyu Kingdom (1429–1879). The territory of Okinawa Prefecture and the dominion of the Ryukyu Kingdom are not exactly the same. For example, the Amami Islands were part of the Ryukyu Kingdom, but now belong to Kagoshima Prefecture. Overall, however, it can be stated that Okinawa Prefecture and the Ryukyu Kingdom consist of the Okinawa Island and around 160 small islands. It should also be noted that the domain of the Ryukyu Kingdom had not been always the same throughout its history. For instance, the aforementioned Amami Islands were part of the Ryukyu Kingdom for only around two centuries. Prior to the establishment of the Ryukyu Kingdom, the Okinawa Island was divided into Hokuzan, Chuzan and Nanzan Kingdoms, and governed by three different polities (the Sanzan period: 1322–1429). In 1429, Sho Hashi, the second chief of Chuzan, united these three kingdoms, and thus began the Ryukyu Kingdom. The main industry of the Ryukyu Kingdom and its precedent kingdoms was international trade with China (the Ming dynasty), Korea (the Joseon dynasty) and Southeast Asian countries (e.g. Malacca Sultanate). The kingdom’s geographical location and the relationship with the Ming Dynasty as lord (Ming) and vassal (Ryukyu) helped their success in their international trade. The kingdom and its precedents were particularly successful between the middle of the 14th century and the middle of the 16th century,

118  Living cultures of Japan the period known as ‘Great Era of International Trade’ (Shibutani and Iwamoto, 2012). During this period, the Uchinanchu also developed their distinctive culture through interactions with Asian countries, especially Ming and such unique culture includes royal tombs (e.g. Tamaudun) and string instrument (i.e. sanshin). In 1609, at the beginning of the Edo era, however, Satsuma (Kagoshima) Domain invaded the Ryukyu Kingdom. Consequently, the kingdom needed to build a relationship with Tokugawa shogunate via Satsuma Domain as lord (Tokugawa shogunate and Satsuma Domain) and vassal (Ryukyu). Since then, Yamato culture started influencing Uchinanchu culture. Even in this situation, Ryukyu kept its lordand-vassal relation with the rulers of China (Ming until 1644 and Qing since 1644). In a sense, having two lords simultaneously helped the Ryukyu Kingdom to continue to survive as an independent country. In 1872, the Ryukyu Kingdom was renamed as Ryukyu Domain and the ruler was changed from Satsuma Domain (Tokugawa shogunate) to the Meiji government. In 1879, the royal family of the kingdom was forced to abandon Shuri Castle by the Meiji government. It was the end of the Ryukyu Kingdom and the beginning of Okinawa Prefecture. In March 1945, at the end of World War II (WWII), the Battle of Okinawa occurred where more than 230,000 people, including ordinary people, died (Oshiro and Higashi, 1989). Okinawa Prefecture was governed by the USA between 1945 and 1972 and then returned to Japan in 1972. Since that time, the prefectural capital has been Naha City where Shuri Castle is located. Throughout the history of the Ryukyu Kingdom, the castle had been the centre of the kingdom as king’s palace. Regrettably, however, its original structures were destroyed by the Battle of Okinawa, and only some of them exist today. As shown in Section 6.1, these remains and other Uchinanchu heritage, including Tamaudun, were added to World Heritage List in 2000 as Gusuku Sites and Related Properties of the Kingdom of Ryukyu. Whilst Okinawa Prefecture was governed by the USA, American military bases were built and human rights of the Uchinanchu were trampled on. Thus, many Uchinanchu persons began to feel Okinawa Prefecture should be returned to Japan. Almost 50 years have passed since the return; however, the Uchinanchu still suffer from the presence of American military bases. According to Okinawa Prefecture (2018), 70% of American military bases in Japan are situated in the prefecture. Okinawa Times (2017) also states that 70.6% of American military bases in Japan sit in the Okinawa Island. Although the island’s land area used by the military bases had decreased by 30% between 1972 and 2017, the bases still occupy 15% of the land area. This indicates that these military bases caused an extensive level of spatial transformation in the Okinawa Island. The bases also disturb or threaten people’s daily lives as they are often located in or around the city centres and various crimes are committed by American soldiers (Okinawa Prefecture, 2018). Whist Okinawa Prefecture’s economy relies heavily on the military bases and many Uchinanchu people work for the bases, they also cause

Living cultures of Japan 119 environmental issues such as noise and water pollution (Okinawa Prefecture, 2018). As illustrated in Section 6.1, many Uchinanchu persons are concerned with the problems related to American military bases and dissatisfied with the Japanese Government’s attitudes towards Okinawa Prefecture. The majority of Japanese people, both the Yamato and the Uchinanchu, would think that there are clear dissimilarities between Uchinanchu and Yamato (general Japanese) cultures. At a global level, the Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination has recommended the Japanese Government to formally approve the Uchinanchu as indigenous people of Japan several times (e.g. in 2014 and 2018). Nevertheless, the government has not done so as of writing. To fully comprehend Uchinanchu culture, the following sections give the reader an outline of Uchinanchu culture and examinations of the main aspects of the culture, considering its associations with people’s identity and meanings as cultural heritage and tourism resources of Japan. 6.3.2 Uchinanchu culture: Overview and its association with identity Perhaps, the most noticeable feature of Uchinanchu culture is that it has changed over time through its continuous interactions with many different cultures. Prior to Satsuma Domain’s invasion in 1609, Uchinanchu culture had been influenced by various Asian cultures through international trade. Chinese culture, especially Ming dynasty’s, had been the most influential of them all. In addition to the impacts of these Asian cultures, Yamato (general Japanese) culture began to affect Uchinanchu culture since the invasion of Satsuma Domain. All these influences are summarised as Eastern impacts on Uchinanchu culture. Besides, Uchinanchu culture was hugely influenced by American culture during the occupation period (1945 and 1972). As opposed to the Eastern impacts, American impacts can be comprehended as Western impacts. In summary, Uchinanchu culture has experienced three major historical phases of cultural influences, firstly Asian, particularly Chinese (Ming), secondly Yamato (general Japanese), and thirdly American impacts. Stated differently, Uchinanchu culture can be categorised into traditional (historic) and modern (contemporary) ones. The traditional culture is affected by the Eastern (Asian and Yamato) cultures, whilst the modern culture is influenced by the Western (American) culture. These historical and cultural backgrounds have made Uchinanchu culture distinctive and clearly different from Yamato culture. On the top of the history of cultural interactions with overseas countries, the geographical location of the Ryukyu Kingdom and Okinawa Prefecture is also a key influential factor for Uchinanchu culture. Of 47 prefectures of Japan, Okinawa is the southernmost prefecture and the only prefecture situated in the subtropical zone. Moreover, the Okinawa Island and most of the smaller islands belonging to the prefecture are located on

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Figure 6.1  Traditional Uchinanchu house in the Taketomi Island (Source: Chiharu Tomikawa)

the path of typhoons and hit by many typhoons every year. These natural factors, together with the previous-stated cultural factors, have also influenced Uchinanchu culture. For instance, Uchina Sugai, a traditional Uchinanchu costume was originally an ethnic costume of people of the Ryukyu Kingdom. As mentioned earlier, the costume was first influenced by Chinese culture and then Yamato culture. Subsequently, Uchina Sugai developed into the current design, with wide sleeves made from breathable fabrics, to match the subtropical climate of the prefecture. Another good example is Uchinanchu house design. The house style often reflects Feng Shui, or Chinese geomancy, whist room floors are usually covered with tatami mats, a Yamato influence. The traditional Uchinanchu house is a single-story building surrounded by black stone walls brightened with flowering plants. These features aim to safeguard the house against typhoons. Figure 6.1 shows a traditional Uchinanchu house in the Taketomi Island. 6.3.3 Language There are different opinions on the traditional languages or dialects spoken by Uchinanchu people and/or inhabitants of Okinawa Prefecture and Amami Islands. Some people consider what the Uchinanchu have traditionally been speaking belongs to the Japanese language and therefore are Japanese dialects. Others believe that they do not belong to the Japanese language and should be treated as independent Ryukyuan languages. Overall, Japanese linguistics researchers understand what Uchinanchu persons have conventionally been speaking as Japanese dialects, whilst overseas linguistics scholars are likely to view them as independent Ryukyuan languages

Living cultures of Japan 121 (Takahashi, 2017). Referring to the view of Chambers and Trudgill (1998), Takahashi (2017) also suggests that if two persons using different tongues cannot understand what the other says, these two should be treated as two different languages; whilst, if they can, they should be regarded as two different dialects belonging to one language. It would be demanding for ordinary Yamato people to understand what Uchinanchu people have been traditionally speaking, although the opposite would be possible mainly owing to the influence of mass media. Therefore, this monograph deals with what the Uchinanchu have been speaking as individual Ryukyuan languages. It is also important why the author uses not ‘Ryukyuan language’ but ‘Ryukyuan languages’. In fact, there are several different Ryukyuan tongues but they can be categorised into two language groups namely North Ryukyuan languages (Amami and Okinawa Islands) and South Ryukyuan languages (Miyako and Yaeyama Islands) (Karimata, 2000). The differences between the two language groups make communication almost impossible between the speakers of each group (Karimata, 2000). Like Hokkaido Ainu language (see Section 6.2.3), six Ryukyuan languages are designated by UNESCO as the World’s Languages in Danger (UNESCO, 2010a). Of these six, Amami, Kunigami and Okinawan (North Ryukyuan) and Miyako (South Ryukyuan) languages are recognised as ‘definitely endangered’ languages; and Yaeyama and Yonaguni (South Ryukyuan) languages are listed as ‘severely endangered’ languages (UNESCO, 2010a). In relation to the tongues that Uchinanchu people currently speak, Uchinayamatoguchi should be addressed here. Usually, it is viewed as a Japanese dialect, Ryukyuan (Okinawan) Japanese (Tsuhako, 2000). Uchinayamatoguchi can also be understood as a hybrid of traditional Uchinanchu languages and Yamato (general Japanese) language. The Japanese Government started to strongly encourage the Uchinanchu, particularly students, to use Yamato language during the Meiji period (Tsuhako, 2000). Through this rigid enforcement, Uchinayamatoguchi emerged naturally amongst Uchinanchu citizens. Especially after WWII, the number of Ryukyuan languages speakers has decreased as evidenced by their enlistment in the UNESCO Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger. Furthermore, Uchinayamatoguchi has become similar to Yamato language as time passed by (Tsuhako, 2000). It is natural for every single language to keep changing gradually over time, and unfortunately many languages across the world already became defunct. Simultaneously, however, movements to revitalise minority languages and languages of indigenous peoples are also confirmed across the world (e.g. Welsh and Maori), particularly in the past 20–30 years and Ryukyuan languages are not exceptions (Oyakawa, 2012). Such drives are critical to conserve identities of indigenous and minority peoples, including the Uchinanchu because of the magnitude of languages in forming regional identity (Warschauer, 2000). Preserving each of distinct Ryukyuan languages and passing them onto future Uchinanchu people are significant to maintain authenticity of these

122  Living cultures of Japan languages. These languages should remain authentic in their own right and in their associations with Uchinanchu citizens to appreciate the languages as cultural heritage. 6.3.4  Religions and intangible and tangible cultures In addition to Uchinanchu (Ryukyuan) languages, uniqueness of Uchinanchu culture is also confirmed in other types of Uchinanchu cultural heritage. For instance, Uchinanchu religions have characteristics different from major religions of Japan (i.e. Shintoism and Japanese Buddhism). It is generally agreed that Ryukyuan Shintoism is a polytheism and Shamanism that arose spontaneously amongst Uchinanchu people over time. Its noticeable attributes include focal roles played by a hereditary pythoness (noro) and private priestess (yuta). Noro was involved deeply in the system of the unity of rituals and politics adopted by the Ryukyu Kingdom. By contrast, yuta worked for ordinary people, giving them spiritual advices (Kira, 1995). Vestiges of Buddhism can also be found in Uchinanchu culture; however, Buddhism does not seem to have been widely accepted by ordinary Uchinanchu citizens. Probably, the most important religious character of Uchinanchu culture is the veneration of ancestors (Adachi, 2001) that developed based on the attachment to and respect for the forebears. In Uchinanchu religions, for this reason, the veneration of ancestors should not be treated as a casual belief amongst people but should be respected as the religion of Uchinanchu people. Uchinanchu culture can also be examined, referring to intangible cultural heritage other than religions. Like Ainu culture, such intangible cultural heritage includes songs, music and dances. Most Uchinanchu performances contain two or more types of such intangible cultural heritage, and may also be associated with Uchinanchu religions. Traditional Uchinanchu music comprises Ryukyu classical music (Ryukyu Koten-ongaku) for the royal family of the Ryukyu Kingdom and Okinawa folk songs (Okinawa Minyo) for ordinary people (Okinawa Convention and Visitors Bureau (OCVB), 2015). Like Ainu Koshiki-buyo (see Section 6.2.4), Okinawa Minyo has been utilised for educational purposes at primary and secondary schools in Okinawa Prefecture (Tsuda, 2004). A variety of music instruments are required to play both types of Uchinanchu music. Of these, sanshin, literally meaning ‘three strings’, would be the most representative example of Uchinanchu music instruments. It is believed that the prototype of sanshin was imported from China during the 14th and 15th centuries (OCVB, 2015). Sanshin has been appreciated by Uchinanchu inhabitants not only as a music instrument but also as a traditional artefact (Okinawa 34, n.d.). Treasurable and expensive sanshin is seen as a symbol of wealth, and Uchinanchu persons put it on display in an alcove (tokonoma) of their houses (Okinawa 34, n.d.). Uchinanchu dances (Ryukyu Buyo) have been conserved by the Japanese Government as Juyo Mukei Bunkazai (Important Intangible Cultural

Living cultures of Japan 123 Property) since 2009. Uchinanchu dances include Ryukyu classical dances (Ryukyu Koten-buyo) originating from songs and dances for ritual purposes and zo odori whose main themes are ordinary people’s thoughts and lives (OCVB, 2015). Furthermore, various other dances have emerged over time, particularly after WWII (OCVB, 2015) being affected by American rock, pop and hip-hop music and Japanese pop music. There is also a form of dance unique to Uchinanchu culture. For example, kumi odori means an ensemble dance developed by the influence of Chinese (e.g. jingju (Beijing opera)) and Japanese (e.g. nogaku and kabuki) cultural performances. Its value as cultural heritage was acknowledged formally and internationally through the designation of Kumiodori, traditional Okinawan musical theatre as ICH by UNESCO in 2010 (UNESCO, 2010b). More recently, Paantu of the Miyako Island was also inscribed as ICH in 2018 as part of ­Raiho-shin, ritual visits of deities in masks and costumes (UNESCO, 2018). Lastly, tangible cultural heritage of Uchinanchu inhabitants is investigated. Yachimun is traditional Uchinanchu pottery. Today, Tsuboya district in Naha City and Yomitan Village are recognised as main producing areas of yachimun. Like other Uchinanchu cultural heritage, Asian, Chinese and Yamato cultures had influenced its production process, design and quality. Another good example of tangible Uchinanchu cultural heritage is Ryukyu glass crafts. Unlike yachimun, American culture is closely associated with the birth of Ryukyu glass crafts and their history commenced after WWII when Uchinanchu people and Okinawa Prefecture struggled with a lack of resources and materials needed for the manufacturing industry. Hence, the people began to search for empty bottles of Coca-Cola or beers, and recycled them as Ryukyu glass crafts (Kono and Murayama, 2007). Ryukyu glass crafts feature vivid colours that mirror the picturesque nature of Okinawa. Currently, Ryukyu glass crafts are utilised for revitalisation and/or regeneration of cities, towns or villages across Okinawa Prefecture, such as their producing areas (e.g. Yomitan Village and Naha City), Onna Village and Urazoe City, all of which are located on the Okinawa Island. The next section investigates the associations between Uchinanchu culture and tourism. 6.3.5  Uchinanchu culture and tourism Okinawa Prefecture is full of cultural and natural heritage that also serves as tourism resources. Traditionally, Okinawa’s beautiful ocean beaches, part of its natural heritage, have been the dominant image of the prefecture due to the exploitation by the supply side of tourism for marketing purposes and are the first thing that comes to the mind of the demand side of tourism when thinking of Okinawa. Nowadays, however, cultural heritage as well as natural heritage are well featured and explained on the official tourism website of Okinawa Prefecture (https://www.okinawastory.jp/). The year 2000 was a monumental year for the cultural heritage of Okinawa Prefecture, specifically for its tangible cultural heritage. Both

124  Living cultures of Japan supply and demand sides of tourism appear to have started paying more attention to Uchinanchu cultural heritage and its potential as tourism resources than before since 2000. For instance, Gusuku Sites and Related Properties of the Kingdom of Ryukyu was inscribed as a cultural WHS in 2000 (see Section 6.3.1). As Jimura (2019) notes, today World Heritage status is perceived as a strong brand and marker of authenticity by both supply and demand sides of tourism, although tourism marketing/promotion is not the mission of WHSs. Besides, the 26th G8 summit was held in Okinawa Prefecture in July 2000. This event increased the level of Okinawa’s exposure to domestic and international mass media and contributed to better recognition of Okinawa Prefecture. Although the main venue for the summit was a convention centre in Nago City, heads of G8 nations visited Shuri Castle and attended the formal banquet held in Hokuden building of the castle. This also gave international audience opportunities to see various Uchinanchu cultural resources. As shown in the previous section, furthermore, kumi odori and Paantu of the Miyako Island were designated as ICH by UNESCO in 2010 and 2018 respectively. These listings not only enhance the level of conservation of kumi odori and Paantu but also raise people’s awareness of them. Such inscriptions may also increase the popularity of the designated ICH as tourism resources, although currently the attractiveness of ICH as a tourism brand seems to be lower than that of WHS at both domestic and international levels. Additionally, American military bases in Okinawa Prefecture should also be discussed in relation to tourism. Basically, the military bases are not open to the general public. In a few cases, however they are allowed to enter the premises. Such exceptive cases include festivals and events organised by the military bases across the Okinawa Island. These festivals and events act as good opportunities for interactions between American military personnel and ordinary Japanese citizens, especially local Uchinanchu individuals. Enjoying these occasions together may also reduce the tensions between the bases and the Uchinanchu to some extent.

6.4 Conclusion This chapter examines indigenous peoples of Japan, focusing on Ainu and Uchinanchu peoples. It is found that each group of people has developed their distinctive culture over time. Their roots, history and interactions with other ethnic groups have played a key role in shaping their cultures. It could be stated that diverse aspects of their cultural heritage have formed their identity as the Ainu and Uchinanchu. It must be emphasised that the cultures of Ainu and Uchinanchu peoples are not dormant. As demonstrated in Sections 6.2 and 6.3, there are various examples that can evidence active presence of these cultures and their value as cultural heritage and tourism resources. Overall, the history of Ainu people and culture has been featured by their relations with Japan’s successive governments and Yamato people and their culture. Overall, the national governments have oppressed Ainu

Living cultures of Japan 125 people and their culture rather than respect or support them. In the past around 25 years, the Japanese Government’s stance towards Ainu people and culture began to improve. Finally, in 2019, the Japanese Government formally recognised that Ainu people are Japan’s indigenous people by promulgating and executing Ainu Minzoku Shien-ho. However, even this latest law is criticised, as indigenous rights of the Ainu have still not been recognised. In such circumstances, it would still be difficult to realise the society that respect the pride of Ainu people and to maintain or strengthen the indigenous people’s identity as the Ainu. Furthermore, most Yamato people and foreigners do not seem to understand or appreciate the Ainu and their culture enough, and this should be improved. To this end, NAMP, opened in 2020 is expected to play an imperative role as a focal point of Ainu cultural heritage and a key visitor attraction that features Ainu people and culture. NAM includes exhibitions and interpretation under carefully-selected six themes, whilst NAP acts as an open-air museum and offers various programmes for visitors, especially children. It is obvious that the quality, content and design of exhibitions are crucial to increase visitors’ awareness and the level of their understanding of Ainu culture and to provide them with memorable experience. The quality, content and design of interpretation are also significant to achieve the aforementioned objectives of NAMP. Different from the case of Ainu, the history of Uchinanchu people and culture has been characterised by their relations with overseas countries as well as Yamato people and their culture. The Uchinanchu were once the citizens of an independent country, the Ryukyu Kingdom between 1429 and 1879. Throughout its history, Uchinanchu culture had been influenced first by the cultures of Asian countries, particularly China and then by the culture of Yamato people. Thus, Uchinanchu culture is a mixture of several Asian cultures but not the same or similar to any of these cultures. The author regards it as ‘traditional’ Uchinanchu culture. Moreover, Uchinanchu culture experienced a third wave of foreign influence mainly due to WWII and its outcome. Regrettably, a variety of Uchinanchu cultural heritage were destroyed or damaged severely by the Battle of Okinawa. As Okinawa had been governed by the USA between 1945 and 1972, American culture had influence on Uchinanchu culture during the period. The impact of American culture propelled Uchinanchu people to create new types of Uchinanchu culture such as Ryukyu glass crafts, which are seen as ‘modern’ Uchinanchu culture. Nowadays, both traditional and modern Uchinanchu cultures are appreciated as tourism resources as well as cultural heritage by the supply and demand sides of tourism. Many Uchinanchu inhabitants have been concerned about the issues related to American military bases in Okinawa Prefecture. Their presence has caused an extensive level of spatial transformation of the Okinawa Island. More significantly, these military bases have caused diverse sociocultural and environmental problems, although they have also contributed

126  Living cultures of Japan to Okinawa Prefecture, especially nearby communities by providing employment opportunities. Nevertheless, the presence of the military bases has always been a main cause of the tension between Okinawa Prefecture and the Japanese Government since the reversion of Okinawa to Japan in 1972. A certain proportion of the Uchinanchu have negative feelings towards the Japanese Government and the USA, because the people feel that the Japanese Government has sacrificed Okinawa Prefecture to secure lands for American military bases in Japan. It is not clear whether these matters have affected the view of the Japanese Government towards Uchinanchu people; at least, however, the national government does not recognise them as indigenous people of Japan as of writing.

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Living cultures of Japan 127 Heritage, Tourism and Identity: Inscription and Co-Production. Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 81–91. Jimura, T. (2016) Re-examination of the relationship between world heritage site designation and local identity. In: R. Amoeda, S. Lira and C. Pinheiro (eds) Heritage 2016: Heritage and Sustainable Development. Barcelos: Green Lines Institute, pp. 283–290, Lisbon, Portugal. 12–15 July 2016. Jimura, T. (2019) World Heritage Sites: Tourism, Local Communities and Conservation Activities. Wallingford: CABI. Karimata, S. (2000) Amami-Okinawa hogengun ni okeru Okinoerabu-hogen no Ichizuke (Placing the Okinoerabu dialect in the Amami-Okinawa language group) [in Japanese]. Nihon-Toyo-bunkaronshu, 6: 43–69. Kira, Y. (1995) A Study on the Counselling Function of Okinawan Shaman “Yuta”: From an Analysis of Interviews Conducted in a Religious Situation [in Japanese]. Kyushu University Journal of Health Science, 17: 51–58. Kono, S. and Murayama, T. (2007) Coke vs. Pepsi; Okinawa 1945-72 (volume 1) [in Japanese]. Konan-keiei-kenkyu, 48(1 & 2): 75–102. Maruyama, H. (2013) Japan’s post-war Ainu policy. Why the Japanese government has not recognised Ainu indigenous rights. Polar Record, 49(2): 204–207. Ministry of Justice. (2020) Reiwa gannen matsu ni okeru zairyu-gaikokujinsu ni tsuite (The number of foreigners living in Japan as of the end of 2019) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://www.moj.go.jp/nyuukokukanri/kouhou/nyuukokukanri04_00003.html (accessed 26 May 2020). Nippan. (2017) Ainu-go wo Hanasu Hito wa Tatta 5 nin!? ‘Nakunarisona Sekai no Kotoba’ ga Wadai (Only five people speak Ainu Language? Endangered Languages around the World) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://hon-hikidashi.jp/ know_learn/37319/ (accessed 26 May 2020). OAMP. (2020) Ainu-go towa (What is Ainu language?) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://www.pref.hokkaido.lg.jp/ks/ass/new_ainugo.htm (accessed 26 May 2020). OCVB. (2015) Ongaku to Geino (Music and Performing Art) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.okinawastory.jp/about/theme/music (accessed 26 May 2020). OHCHR. (2014) Committee on the Elimination of Racial Discrimination considers report of Japan. Available at: https://www.ohchr.org/EN/NewsEvents/Pages/ DisplayNews.aspx?NewsID=14957&LangID=E (accessed 26 May 2020). Okinawa 34. (n.d.) Sanshin no Miryoku (Charm of Sanshin) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://okinawa34.jp/sanshin/charm (accessed 26 May 2020). Okinawa Prefecture. (2018) Okinawa no Beigun-kichi (American Military Bases in Okinawa Prefecture) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.pref.okinawa.jp/ site/kodomo/sugata/begunkichi.html (accessed 26 May 2020). Okinawa Times. (2017) Izen, Beigun-shisetsu no 70% ga shuchu, honto no 15% shimeru (70% of American military bases in Japan are located in Okinawa Prefecture. They occupy 15% of the Okinawa Island) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.okinawatimes.co.jp/articles/-/97464 (accessed 26 May 2020). Oshiro, T. and Higashi, M. (1989) Okinawa: Two Postwar Novellas. Berkeley: University of California Press. Oyakawa, S. (2012) Language Revitalization and Indigenity in the Ryukyus: A Comparison with the Language Revitalization in Hawai’i [in Japanese]. International Review of Ryukyuan and Okinawan Studies, 2: 1–9. Paasi, A. (2002) Bounded spaces in the mobile world: Deconstructing ‘regional identity’. Tijdschrift voor economische en sociale geografie, 93(2): 137–148.

128  Living cultures of Japan Sekine, T. (2014) Chukinsei no Ezochi to Hoppo-boeki: Ainu-bunka to Naikoku-ka (Ezo-chi and Northern Trades during the Medieval and Modern Periods: Ainu Culture and Yamato-nisation of Ezo-chi) [in Japanese]. Tokyo: Yoshikawa Kobunkan. Shibutani, T. and Iwamoto, H. (2012) Social-studies education research which used Okinawa as a case study [in Japanese]. Kyoiku Jissen Kaihatsu Kenkyu Centre Kenkyu Kiyo, 21: 109–118. Sugano, M. and Ishida, H. (2011) The Use of Ainu Songs as Teaching Materials in the Elementary and Junior High School Music Class [in Japanese]. Journal of Hokkaido University of Education (Education), 62(1): 217–225. Takahashi, T. (2017) Ryukyuan Language and Ethnicity: Focusing on the Decline and the Revival of Okinoerabu Dialect [in Japanese]. Kodomo-kyoiku Hosendaigaku Kiyo, 8: 101–108. Takakura, S. (1966) Vanishing Ainu of North Japan. Natural History, 75(3): 16–25. Tsuda, M. (2004) Okinawa-ken no shochu-gakko ni okeru kyodoongaku-­gakushu no genjo to kadai (Current situation and issues in local music learning in Okinawa) [in Japanese]. Ryukyu-daigaku Kyoiku-gakubu Kiyo, 64: 149–176. Tsuda, T. G. (2000) Acting Brazilian in Japan: Ethnic resistance among return migrants. Ethnology, 39(1): 55–71. Tsuhako, T. (2000) Ryukyu-hogen-kamoku no kyoiku-mokuhyo wo Saguru: Kyoyo to shite hogen wo oshieru-koto no igi (Exploring the teaching target of Ryukyuan dialect subjects: The meaning of teaching dialects as liberal arts) [in Japanese]. Okinawa-daigaku Kiyo, 17: 93–101. UNESCO. (2009) Traditional Ainu dance. Available at: https://ich.unesco.org/en/ RL/traditional-ainu-dance-00278 (accessed 26 May 2020). UNESCO. (2010a) UNESCO Atlas of the World’s Languages in Danger. Available at: http://www.unesco.org/languages-atlas/index.php (accessed 26 May 2020). UNESCO. (2010b) Kumiodori, traditional Okinawan musical theatre. Available at: https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/kumiodori-traditional-okinawan-musical-theatre00405 (accessed 26 May 2020). UNESCO. (2018) Raiho-shin, ritual visits of deities in masks and costumes. Available at: https://ich.unesco.org/en/RL/raiho-shin-ritual-visits-of-deities-inmasks-and-costumes-01271 (accessed 26 May 2020). Upopoy. (2020) Upopoy to open on July 12. Available at: https://ainu-upopoy.jp/en/ (accessed 10 July 2020). Warschauer, M. (2000) Language, identity, and the internet. In: B. Kolko, L. Nakamura and G. Rodman (eds) Race in Cyberspace. New York: Routledge, pp. 151–170. Weiner, M. (ed) (2009) Japan’s Minorities: the Illusion of Homogeneity, 2nd edn. Abingdon: Routledge.

7

Industrial heritage in Japan Witnesses of Japan’s modernisation

7.1 Introduction Historically, industrial heritage has been profoundly associated with economic and social activities of humans, particularly after the Modern Age. Alfrey and Putnam (2003) asked people in diverse nations what industrial heritage is and what is involved in its management. Their answers include: • • • • • •

Gathering the remains of lost industry to understand how it functioned, Conserving buildings, sites and machinery due to their technical, historical or aesthetic interest, Finding new usages for redundant but irreplaceable elements of the industrial landscape, Restoring disused machinery and working practices to use, Recording the knowledge, skills and experience of industrial populations, and, Utilising the results of the above to show how past generations lived and worked.

As Hewison (1987) points out through the case of the UK, citizens may develop a stronger level of attachment to or obsession with the ‘past’ when their country has been declining. Industrial heritage is understood as a representation of a glorious past. It has continued to emerge as a relatively ‘new’ type of cultural heritage in heritage and tourism markets in many countries, particularly Western countries with a long-standing industrial history (e.g. the UK and Germany) over the past 30–40 years. This trend is evidenced by an increase in the number of industrial heritage sites designated as World Heritage Sites (WHSs) since the 1990s. There are ten selection criteria for WHSs: The criteria (i)–(vi) are for cultural WHSs and criteria (vii)–(x) are for natural WHSs (Jimura, 2019; World Heritage Centre (WHC), 2020a). Nominated properties must meet at least one of these ten criteria to be inscribed as WHSs (Jimura, 2019; WHC, 2020a). Of these, generally, industrial heritage sites satisfy the criteria (ii) and/or (iv). The criterion (ii) is:

130  Industrial heritage in Japan to exhibit an important interchange of human values, over a span of time or within a cultural area of the world, on developments in architecture or technology, monumental arts, town-planning or landscape design, and the criterion (iv) is: to be an outstanding example of a type of building, architectural or technological ensemble or landscape which illustrates (a) significant stage(s) in human history. In the context of industrial heritage, thus, ‘(a) significant stage(s)’ in the criterion (iv) denotes the phase(s) that can prove any important industrial change(s), development(s) or advancement(s) in the history of humankind. Concerning this point, Wieliczka and Bochnia Royal Salt Mines (Poland) can be cited as a good example of industrial heritage in the West. This is the first industrial heritage site designated as a WHS in 1978, satisfying the criterion (iv) (WHC, 2020b). Bochnia is the oldest salt mine and Wieliczka is the oldest active salt mine in the world. The history of Wieliczka dates back to the mid-11th century. Another example of Western industrial heritage listed as a WHS relatively early is Ironbridge Gorge (UK) inscribed in 1986. Different from Wieliczka and Bochnia Royal Salt Mines, Ironbridge Gorge meets not only the criterion (iv) but also the criteria (i), (ii) and (vi) (WHC, 2020c). The location of this industrial heritage is also understood as the birthplace of the Industrial Revolution. WHS listing is a powerful tool to conserve industrial heritage at a universal level. Nowadays, many countries also have their own schemes for conservation of their industrial heritage, although such systems often intend to preserve primarily cultural heritage as a whole. These initiatives originated in the West, but are now used widely across the globe. For example, Historic England (England, UK) adopts the ‘listed buildings’ scheme and National Cultural Heritage Administration (China) employs the Major Historical and Cultural Site Protected at the National Level programme. In Europe, moreover, the European Route of Industrial Heritage (ERIH) was established as a network of industrial heritage across Europe. Its official website (https://www.erih.net/) offers comprehensive information about each industrial heritage site and regional routes that connect different industrial heritage sites. Nonetheless, it should be noted that the primary purpose of ERIH is to promote industrial heritage as tourism resources rather than its conservation. What the notion of ‘industrial heritage’ includes would be different by country. This monograph employs the concept of industrial heritage sites inscribed as WHSs, because it is an established global standard. Table 7.1 shows the classification of industrial heritage sites, with main categories, sub categories and examples from the sites designated as WHSs in the world.

Table 7.1  Classification of industrial World Heritage Sites (World)  

Main category (theme/purpose)

Examples (World)

a b c

Textile Iron & Steel Salt

d

Others

Crespi d’Adda (Italy), Saltaire (UK) Engelsberg Ironworks (Sweden), Völklingen Ironworks (Germany) From the Great Saltworks of Salins-les-Bains to the Royal Saltworks of Arc-et-Senans, the Production of Open-pan Salt (France) Verla Groundwood and Board Mill (pulp & paper) (Finland) City of Potosí (Bolivia), Cornwall and West Devon Mining Landscape (UK) Agave Landscape and Ancient Industrial Facilities of Tequila (Mexico), Red Bay Basque Whaling Station (Canada) Seventeenth-century canal ring area of Amsterdam inside the Singelgracht (Netherlands), The Four Lifts on the Canal du Centre and their Environs, La Louvière and Le Roeulx (Hainault)+ (Belgium) Mehmed Paša Sokolović Bridge in Višegrad (Bosnia and Herzegovina) Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus (formerly Victoria Terminus) (India), Semmering Railway (Austria) Liverpool - Maritime Mercantile City (UK), Speicherstadt and Kontorhaus District with Chilehaus (Germany) Grimeton Radio Station, Varberg (Telecommunication) (Sweden)

1

Manufacturing

2

Mining

3 4

Agriculture, Fishery, Foods & Beverages Transportation

a

Canals

 

 

b

Bridges

 

 

c

5

Trade and Commerce Others

Train stations & Railways

6

Source: Author.

Industrial heritage in Japan 131

Sub category (theme/purpose)

132  Industrial heritage in Japan As shown in Table 7.1, various types of industrial heritage sites are designated as WHSs, and some sites from the ancient times (e.g. Agave Landscape and Ancient Industrial Facilities of Tequila, Mexico) are also regarded as industrial heritage sites in a broad sense. However, this book focuses primarily on industrial heritage since the Modern Age mainly due to its imperative contributions to modernisation of countries and people’s lives. There are some key points that should be stressed when industrial heritage sites are discussed. First, some industrial heritage sites are recognised as ‘model villages’ comprising structures required for the daily lives of workers and their families such as dwellings and schools as well as those for the industry itself such as factories and relevant facilities. In Table 7.1, Crespi d’Adda (Italy) and Saltaire (UK) are such model villages. Second, part of industrial heritage sites is still used actively for its original purposes. In Table 7.1, Chhatrapati Shivaji Terminus (formerly Victoria Terminus) (India) is an example of such industrial heritage sites. This monograph calls them ‘active industrial heritage sites with the original use’. Third, there are a quantity of industrial heritage sites whose original structures, particularly exterior, have not been altered but whose usage and purposes have been changed to meet the demands of the current society. In Table 7.1, Geevor Tin Mine, part of Cornwall and West Devon Mining Landscape (UK), is now operated as a museum and heritage centre. Salts Mill, part of Saltaire (UK), is also currently utilised as galleries, restaurant and café, and retail spaces. This monograph calls them ‘active industrial heritage sites with the altered use’. This type of heritage testifies the change in the nature of industrial heritage from places for production to those for consumption. This shift also mirrors a monumental change in the main industry of developed countries such as the UK from manufacturing to service operations. The presence of active industrial heritage sites with the altered use also demonstrates their usefulness as tourism resources in contemporary society. Based on the arguments in this introductory section, the following sections examine the industrial heritage sites in Japan from various theoretical perspectives, referring to relevant examples.

7.2  Overview: Industrial heritage sites in Japan Japan lagged behind the West in acknowledging the value of industrial heritage. Currently, Japan has two national programmes for the conservation of its industrial heritage. The first scheme is the designation of Kindaika Isan (Heritage of Modernisation) managed by the Agency for Cultural Affairs (ACA). The Heritage of Modernisation is a category belonging to Jyuyo Bunkazai (Important Cultural Properties) and the first Heritage of Modernisation was registered in 1993 (Nikkei, 2014). The other system is the record of Kindaika Sangyo Isan (Heritage of Industrial Modernisation) by the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry (METI). The system was launched in 2007 with the inscription of 575 properties in 33 heritage constellations

Industrial heritage in Japan 133 (METI, n.d.). The concept and focus of ‘Heritage of Modernisation’ and ‘Heritage of Industrial Modernisation’ seem to be rather similar, although some differences in their nature and meanings can be identified. In the author’s view, Heritage of Modernisation focuses on conservation more than Heritage of Industrial Modernisation does, whilst Heritage of Industrial Modernisation emphasises utilisation of heritage for revitalisation of local communities (muraokoshi) more than Heritage of Modernisation does. This difference appears to stem from the divergence in the mission between the two government agencies responsible for each scheme, ACA (Heritage of Modernisation) and METI (Heritage of Industrial Modernisation). The author’s view about the difference between the two schemes is echoed by Morishima (2014), who asserts that Heritage of Modernisation focuses primarily on a cultural value of registered properties, whilst Heritage of Industrial Modernisation concentrates principally on an economic value of listed sites. The cultural value includes the significance as cultural heritage, whilst the economic value contains the importance as a tourism resource. Regarding similarities between the two programmes, ‘conservation’ and ‘recognition of value’ seem to be common purposes for both. Whilst ‘kindaika’, the term meaning ‘modernisation’, is commonly included in the names of these two systems, ‘sangyo’ that means ‘industrial’ is not contained in the name of the initiative Kindaika Isan but included in the name of the other scheme Kindaika Sangyo Isan. It is interesting that the cultural heritage belonging to either of these two Japanese systems would be understood as ‘industrial heritage’ rather than ‘modernisation heritage’ in the context of the UK. This fact would signify that kindaika (modernisation) has been more important than sangyo (industrial) in the context of Japanese modern history. That is because; kindaika (modernisation) was Japan’s primary goal under the Meiji Restoration after Japan’s national system utterly changed in 1868. The full-scale modernisation of Japan commenced during the Meiji period ­(1868–1912) (Dohi, 1992), which became the foundation for today’s Japan as a developed country. Thus, the term kindaika (modernisation) is more meaningful than the word sangyo (industrial) in terms of the role they played in the turning point of the Japan’s history. It must also be noted that traditionally modernisation means ‘westernisation’ for Japan (Sonoda, 1994). During the Edo period (1603–1868), Japan’s interactions with overseas countries were highly limited. Under the Meiji Restoration; therefore, Japan was much less developed than European and North American countries. The Meiji government invited experts in various fields from the West to modernise Japan. These foreign specialists hired by the Meiji government were called ‘oyatoi gaikokujin’ in Japanese, who typically came from the UK, France, Germany and the USA. For these reasons, modernisation is a key word that mirrors a milestone in the history of Japan and would have not occurred without Western influences. Table 7.2 uses the same classification of industrial heritage sites as Table 7.1, but shows examples from Heritage of Modernisation and Heritage of Industrial Modernisation. At the time of writing, Japan has three WHSs

 

1

Main category (theme/purpose) Manufacturing

2

Mining

3

Agriculture, Fishery, Foods & Beverages

Sub category (theme/purpose)

Examples (Japan): Kindaika Isan (Heritage of Modernisation)

Examples (Japan): Kindaika Sangyo Isan (Heritage of Industrial Modernisation)

a

Textile

Tomioka Silk Mill and Related Sites (WHS) (Gunma)

b

Iron & Steel

c

Salt

Sites of Japan’s Meiji Industrial Revolution: Iron and Steel, Shipbuilding and Coal Mining (WHS) (located in eight prefectures)  

Structures and facilities related to silk textile industry in the Hokuriku region (Ishikawa & Fukui) Structures and facilities related to iron and steel industries (Iwate & Fukuoka)

d

Others

Sites of Japan’s Meiji Industrial Revolution: Iron and Steel, Shipbuilding and Coal Mining (WHS) (located in eight prefectures) Sites of Japan’s Meiji Industrial Revolution: Iron and Steel, Shipbuilding and Coal Mining (WHS) (located in eight prefectures)  

Structures and facilities related to salt and brewing industries in the Setouchi area (Hyogo, Hiroshima & Kagawa) Structures and facilities related to ceramics industry in the northern Kyushu region (Fukuoka & Saga) Structures and facilities related to mining industry in the Tohuku region (Iwate, Miyagi & Akita) Structures and facilities related to agriculture and food industries in Hokkaido (Hokkaido)

134  Industrial heritage in Japan

Table 7.2  Classification of industrial heritage sites (Japan)

4

Transportation

a

Canals

Fugan Canal Facilities (Toyama)

 

 

b

Bridges

Usui Daisankyoryo Meganebashi Bridge (Gunma)

 

 

c

Train stations & Railways

Mojiko Station (Fukuoka)

5

Trade and Commerce

 

6

Others

Old Shinagawa Light House (Aichi)

Industrial heritage in Japan 135

Source: Author.

Structures and facilities related to shipping industry (located in six prefectures) Structures and facilities related to power development and logistics in the southern Kyushu region (Kumamoto, Miyazaki & Kagoshima) Structures and facilities related to domestic tourism in the early stage (located in nine prefectures Structures and facilities related to trade and commerce at Yokohama port (Kanagawa) Structures and facilities related to power development in the Kinki region (Toyama, Nagano & Gifu)

136  Industrial heritage in Japan recognised as industrial heritage sites as indicated in Table 7.2. The following sections explore Japan’s industrial heritage sites, mainly those designated as cultural WHSs, referring to this book’s theoretical framework (see Chapter 1) and other relevant academic concepts.

7.3  Conservation and management of industrial heritage sites On the international stage, for example, in England, the 1950s designation of Richard Arkwright’s Cromford Mill in Derbyshire as a listed building by the predecessor of Historic England is seen as the first movement for conservation of industrial heritage sites (Historic England, 2020), although around four more decades were needed before the national conservation system was fully established through coordinated institutional supports and raised public awareness of conservation. Thus, the year 1989, when the Monuments Protection Programme was established, can be regarded as the time when England’s full scheme for conservation of industrial heritage was initiated. In academia, Xing et al. (2007) also assert that industrial heritage was increasingly concerned about its conservation across the globe since the end of the 20th century. Such a movement also emerged in Japan around that time. As stated in Section 7.2, the register of Heritage of Modernisation (Kindaika Isan) is the first conservation programme for Japan’s industrial heritage and its first inscription was made in 1993. Industrial heritage of Japan has been conserved and managed by two national schemes, namely the list of Kindaika Isan (Heritage of Modernisation) and the register of Kindaika Sangyo Isan (Heritage of Industrial Modernisation) (see Section 7.2). Furthermore, industrial heritage sites designated as WHSs are also protected by the World Heritage (WH) initiative, one of UNESCO’s international systems for heritage conservation. As of May 2020, Japan has 23 WHSs, 19 cultural and four natural sites. As Table 7.2 shows, Japan owns three industrial heritage sites with WH status, namely Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape (WHS Iwami) (listed in 2007), Tomioka Silk Mill and Related Sites (WHS Tomioka) (designated in 2014), and Sites of Japan’s Meiji Industrial Revolution: Iron and Steel, Shipbuilding and Coal Mining (WHS Meiji) (inscribed in 2015). 14 years passed since the designation of Japan’s first two cultural WHSs in 1993 before the listing of WHS Iwami in 2007. Moreover, 10 properties in Japan were already inscribed as cultural WHSs prior to the designation of WHS Iwami. Given these points, the Japanese Government seems to have paid less attention to its industrial heritage than its more historic and traditional types of cultural heritage (e.g. religious buildings) when nominating its properties for WHSs. An international agreement, the WH Convention, and the Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the WH Convention (Operational Guidelines) are the basis of WHS conservation in theoretical and practical senses. Jimura (2019) specifies that three essential elements required for WH

Industrial heritage in Japan 137 status are: (1) selection criteria, (2) Outstanding Universal Value (OUV), and (3) integrity (all WHSs) and authenticity (cultural and mixed WHSs). The Operational Guidelines cover all these three. As Section 7.1 demonstrates, a site must satisfy at least one of the ten selection criteria to be inscribed as a WHS. This connotes that the site must possess the OUV to be listed as a WHS and retain its OUV after WHS designation (Jimura, 2019). Otherwise, the site may be added to the List of WH in Danger by UNESCO and then may even lose its WH status in the future (Jimura, 2019). According to the Operational Guidelines, properties nominated as cultural or mixed WHSs must fulfil the conditions of ‘authenticity’ and ‘integrity’ (Jimura, 2019). As for authenticity, paragraph 82 of the Guidelines shows a variety of attributes through which their cultural values need to be expressed, and they are: • • • • • • • •

Form and design, Materials and substance, Use and function, Traditions, techniques and management systems, Location and setting, Language, and other forms of intangible heritage, Spirit and feeling, and Other internal and external factors.

(Jimura, 2019)

Authenticity of industrial heritage sites is discussed further in Section 7.5. Regarding integrity, Paragraph 88 of the Guidelines state that it means a degree of the wholeness and intactness of the natural or cultural heritage and its features. Hence, an examination of the conditions of integrity needs assessing the extent to which the property: • • •

includes all elements necessary to express its OUV, is of adequate size to ensure the complete representation of the features and processes which convey the property’s significance, suffers from adverse effects of development and/or neglect.

(Jimura, 2019)

As can be seen from the list, the WH Convention and the Operational Guidelines offered by UNESCO are the footings for WHS conservation. However, it needs to be highlighted that being a WHS does not mean any direct interference from UNESCO or its advisory bodies (e.g. International Council of Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS)) regarding the management of the WHS (Jimura, 2019). This purports that the nations that ratified the WH Convention (called ‘States Parties’) and own WHSs are expected to take responsibility for conserving and managing their WHSs. Therefore, States Parties are one of the major stakeholders in WHS conservation and management. In everyday conservation and management of a WHS, however,

138  Industrial heritage in Japan key stakeholders at local level would play a much more significant role than States Parties due to their constant and closer relationships with the WHS. Such stakeholders include local residents, community groups, local government and local conservation agency. In this monograph, industrial heritage sites still utilised actively for their original purpose are called ‘active industrial heritage sites with the original use’, whilst those original structures have not been changed, but whose usage and purpose have been modified are named ‘active industrial heritage sites with the altered use’ (see Section 7.1). Of Japan’s three industrial heritage sites accredited internationally as WHSs, WHS Iwami and WHS Tomioka should be understood as ‘active industrial heritage sites with the altered use’. Both are no longer utilised for their original purposes, mining for WHS Iwami and textile manufacturing for WHS Tomioka, and have been open to the general public as a tourist destination (WHS Iwami) and a visitor attraction (WHS Tomioka). By contrast, WHS Meiji is the only industrial heritage site that includes some properties that can be acknowledged as ‘active industrial heritage sites with the original use’ (e.g. Mitsubishi Nagasaki Shipyard No.3 Dry Dock). Cabinet Secretariat (n.d.) notes that nominating this type of industrial heritage sites as a WHS needs a special attention because WH status requires proper conservation but such sites are still in operation for the businesses of their owning company (Cabinet Secretariat, n.d.). To this end, the Cabinet approved a new framework for the nomination of ‘active industrial heritage sites with the original use’ in 2012 (Cabinet Secretariat, n.d.), which led to the successful inscription of WHS Meiji in 2015. The difference in the purposes between active industrial heritage sites with the original use and those with the altered use can be discussed further, referring to the change of the nature of sites (see Section 7.1). In other words, WHS Iwami and WHS Tomioka transformed from places for production into those for consumption, whilst some components of WHS Meiji did not change their original purposes and still function as places for production. Concerning recognition schemes for industrial heritage at a national level, for instance, WHS Iwami or any of its components is not designated as either ‘Heritage of Modernisation’ or ‘Heritage of Industrial Modernisation’. That is mainly because domestically the value of the structures and quarters listed as the WHS has been appreciated not as industrial heritage sites but as historic districts. This is evidenced by the fact that two main areas of WHS Iwami was inscribed by the Ministry of Education, Culture, Sports, Science and Technology (MEXT) as ‘Important Preservation Districts for Groups of Traditional Buildings’ (Juyo Dentoteki Kenzobutsugun Hozonchiku) in 1987 and 2004, earlier than the listing of WHS Iwami in 2007. Indeed, WHS Iwami was designated as a ‘cultural landscape’ by UNESCO. Therefore, the integrity as a whole area inscribed as WHS is especially important for the conservation of industrial heritage site like WHS Iwami. Since a remarkable interaction between humankind and their natural environment is a requisite to be recognised as ‘cultural landscapes’ in the context of WHSs

Industrial heritage in Japan 139 (Rössler, 2006), the forests surrounding the main area of WHS Iwami must also be conserved in a sustainable manner. WHS Tomioka is an intriguing case as its main component, Tomioka Silk Mill (TSM) has been protected by the aforementioned two Japanese and one international conservation programmes. First, the mill was listed as Heritage of Modernisation by ACA in 2006 and then designated as Heritage of Industrial Modernisation by METI in 2007. Such dual recognition by the Japanese Government as industrial heritage worked as one of the main accelerators for the nomination of TSM and its relevant properties as a WHS, which was successfully inscribed as a cultural WHS in 2014. This series of recognitions first domestically and then internationally is a natural and logical flow. That is because the value of properties nominated for WHSs must be fully recognised nationally first by their States Parties that prepare their Tentative List and work on the nomination process. Recognition as industrial heritage by the three different schemes implies that TSM needs to satisfy the standards set by each of these programmes. More precisely, TSM must maintain its cultural value (Heritage of Modernisation), economic value (Heritage of Industrial Modernisation) and OUV (WHS). As a great number of properties located in 23 sites are included in WHS Meiji and these sites are scattered around eight different prefectures in the Honshu and Kyusyu Islands, the WHS was inscribed through a serial nomination, a nomination consisting of two or more geographically unconnected areas (WHC, n.d.). Concerning WHS Meiji, the relations between Heritage of Modernisation, Heritage of Industrial Modernisation and WHS are complicated chiefly due to the large number of properties included and their diverse qualities. Like TSM, Old Shuseikan Machine Factory (Kagoshima) is appreciated by two domestic and one global conservation initiatives. However, Hagi Reverberatory Furnace and Ebisugahara Shipyard are registered only as components of Heritage of Industrial Modernisation and WHS Meiji. Such a variation in the listings of industrial heritage amongst the properties included in one WHS would make a holistic approach towards conservation of WHS Meiji challenging, together with the fact that these properties are dotted around different prefectures of Japan. As Jimura (2003, 2019) warns, the absence of a single organisation in charge of the management of the whole WHS can be a risk for the conservation of the WHS. This can even be a greater danger for the WHS designated through a serial nomination like WHS Meiji because its major components are geographically distant from each other.

7.4 Industrial heritage sites: Spatial transformation and regeneration As the construction of model villages in the West (see Section 7.1) indicates, industrial heritage sites are closely related to spatial transformation and/or regeneration of certain areas. Concerning industrial heritage sites in Japan,

140  Industrial heritage in Japan WHS Iwami played a significant role in Japan’s economic development during the early modern period, especially in the 16th and 17th centuries. Silver ores produced at Iwami Silver Mine were used to produce Japanese silver coins and as a commodity for international trade. The value of WHS Iwami is acknowledged as a cultural landscape, the main constituents of which are ‘the archaeological remains of large-scale mines, smelting and refining sites and mining settlements worked between the 16th and 20th centuries’ (WHC, 2020d). The WHS also encompasses ‘routes used to transport silver ore to the coast’, and ‘port towns from where it was shipped to Korea and China’ (WHC, 2020d). Such a variety of components of WHS Iwami signifies that the silver mine triggered not only the construction of human settlement (Omori district in Oda City, Shimane Prefecture) and other relevant sites near the mine but also the development of transport routes and port towns (Tomogaura district in Nima Town and Okidomari district in Yunotsu Town both situated in Oda City) (Kariya, 2008). This shows that the development and exploitation of the mine caused a spatial transformation of the areas in and around the mine. Like most mining towns in the world, there were no human settlements until the mine was dug. In the case of WHS Iwami, Omori and Yunotsu are also listed by MEXT as Important Preservation Districts for Groups of Traditional Buildings (Juyo Dentoteki Kenzobutsugun Hozonchiku) as a mining town in 1987 and port town in 2004 respectively. The silver mine had been active for almost 400 years (1526–1923). The landscape of the areas in and around the mine had transformed, demonstrating the proof of interactions between human beings and their surrounding nature. This is a key reason why the mine and its related sites were appreciated as a cultural landscape when listed as a cultural WHS. In the case of WHS Iwami, the closure of the mine signifies the beginning of regeneration of the mine and its relevant properties. In the author’s view, their regeneration process comprises two stages, first valuing the mine as cultural heritage and second utilising it as a tourism resource. Through this regeneration process, the mine and its related properties changed their nature from places for production to those for consumption (see Sections 7.1 and 7.3). The first phase, valuing the properties as cultural heritage, appears to have commenced at a local level in 1967. At that time, the value of the closed mine was officially recognised through its designation as a prefectural historic site. The closed mine and its relevant sites were also inscribed as national historic sites in 1969. These listings led to the inscription of Omori and Yunotsu as Important Preservation Districts for Groups of Traditional Buildings in 1987 and 2004 respectively. This series of domestic recognition as cultural heritage acted as a base for the designation of WHS Iwami in 2007. Then, the second phase, utilising the properties as a tourism resource, seems to have commenced in 2008 when the Iwami Ginzan World Heritage Centre opened (see Figure 7.1). Tourism-related themes are discussed in depth in Section 7.5.

Industrial heritage in Japan 141

Figure 7.1  Inside of Iwami Ginzan World Heritage Centre (Source: Author)

By contrast, WHS Tomioka, particularly TSM, played a vital role in modernising Japan, especially during the late modern period. TSM had been a yarn-making factory between 1872 and 1987 and is valued as the birthplace of Japan’s silk industry. Jonishi (2016) recites the following five factors as the reasons why Tomioka (Gunma) was selected as the location of Japan’s first modern silk factory: • • • • •

Tomioka had a long history of its sericulture industry producing high quality cocoons. Yarn-making requires plenty of good quality water, which was accessible in Tomioka. Extensive open space was available to build a large mill. Coal required for steam engines could be acquired in Tomioka. Local residents were in favour of the construction of the mill.

During the Edo period, Tomioka had developed as a castle town and post-station town. TSM brought about spatial transformation in the cityscape of Tomioka due to its extensive size and Western-style buildings. As stated in Section 7.2, the Meiji government invited specialists in diverse fields, such as yarn-making and textile industries, from the West in order to advance Japan’s modernisation rapidly and extensively. Regarding TSM, the government approached French technician Paul Brunat, who was oyatoi gaikokujin, for the planning of TSM. Brunat asked French architect Edmond Auguste Bastien, who was also oyatoi gaikokujin to design TSM. Thus, TSM was completely reliant on French experts for its architectural technology and design. However, it needs to be emphasised that the construction of TSM depended solely on Japanese people and organisations in

142  Industrial heritage in Japan terms of labour and financing (Tomioka City, n.d.a). This was achievable mainly thanks to the private money accumulated by wealthy merchants and farmers during the peaceful and economically-stable Edo era (Jonishi, 2016). Completing the construction of TSM with Japan’s own financial resources and labours was a milestone in Japan’s modernisation. That is because this could enhance Japanese Government’s and people’s confidence in, knowledge on, and experiences with cutting-edge technologies imported from the West. According to Imai (2006), TSM had the following three main objectives: 1 To introduce and use advanced Western (French) technology and machines for yarn-making 2 To develop the skills in yarn-making under the supervision of Western (French) specialists such as oyatoi gaikokujin 3 To recruit mill girls from all over Japan, enable them to acquire the advanced technique for yarn-making and send them back to their hometowns as instructors Of these, the objectives 1 and 2 are discussed above; therefore, the objective 3 is examined here. Overall, this objective also seems to have been achieved to a certain extent. Most of mill girls worked at TSM were daughters of decent families and came from the north (Hokkaido) to south (Kumamoto) of Japan (Jonishi, 2016). For instance, Ei Wada had worked at TSM returned to her hometown, Nagano City and then made a good contribution to the establishment of a local yarn-making mill (Katakura, n.d.). Through the objective 3, TSM also contributed to the regeneration of many locales across Japan, especially rural ones. Ei’s case can also be acknowledged as one of the earliest examples of Japanese women’s social advancement (Abe et al., 2017). The modernisation of Japan since the beginning of Meiji period started off with the development of light industry such as yarn-making and spinning industries. A representative example of the former is TSM and typical examples of the latter are Kagoshima Spinning Factory built in 1867 and Osaka Cotton Spinning Company (OCSC) established in 1882. OCSC is known as the first company that introduced mechanised cotton manufacturing (Miyamoto, 1989). During the Meiji period, the growth of light industry was followed by the advancement of heavy industry. Most of the 23 sites included in WHS Meiji are associated with heavy industry, namely iron, steel, shipbuilding and coal industries. This fast and large development of light and then heavy industries can be understood as the Industrial Revolution of Japan as the full name of WHS Meiji (Sites of Japan’s Meiji Industrial Revolution: Iron and Steel, Shipbuilding and Coal Mining) indicates. Since then, the heavy industry has become the main industry for the cities owning WH properties, especially for those in Chugoku and Kyusyu regions. For instance, Yahata Imperial Steel Works (currently Yahata Steel

Industrial heritage in Japan 143 Works) was constructed in Yahata Village (currently part of Kitakyushu City) and began to operate in 1901. Yahata (Imperial) Steel Works can be seen as a good example of ‘active industrial heritage sites with the original use’ as the steel works are still used by Nippon Steel and Sumitomo Metal Corporation, Japan’s largest iron and steel manufacturing company. This mega structure altered the villagescape of Yahata and became the key employer of the local area. Yahata (Imperial) Steel Works has also been serving as the core of the Kitakyushu industrial zone, one of the four major industrial zones that have been the centres of Japan’s manufacturing industry for more than a century since the latter half of the Meiji period.

7.5 Industrial heritage sites: Supply and demand sides of tourism, authenticity and interpretation Nowadays, most industrial heritage sites with cultural and/or historic values function as tourism resources as either visitor attractions or tourist destinations. This current trend can be confirmed in many nations, especially in developed countries, including Japan. As discussed in Sections 7.3 and 7.4, these industrial heritage sites were originally built as places for production and supported the modernisation of countries. However, many industrial heritage sites in developed countries such as Japan already or almost stopped serving their initial purpose (production). That is because the dominant industry of developed countries has shifted from manufacturing (secondary) to service (tertiary) industry. In this transition, many industrial sites were abandoned or demolished for regeneration and spatial transformation ensued. Through this process, the character of most industrial sites was converted from places for production to those for consumption. Under such a circumstance, industrial sites and properties have begun to be valued as industrial heritage and have been appreciated as tourism resources. As argued in Section 7.3, Japan started to formally acknowledge the worth of industrial heritage since the late 20th century through the two national conservation programmes. At a global level, WHS Iwami was Japan’s first industrial heritage inscribed as a WHS in 2007. Not all of Japan’s industrial heritage sites are open to the public as visitor attractions or tourist destinations. Like many other developed nations, Japan has more ‘active industrial heritage sites with the altered use’ than ‘active industrial heritage sites with the original use’, and the former is much more likely to open to ordinary people than the latter as visitor attractions or tourist destinations. Concerning the supply and demand sides of tourism, the two recognitions at a national level, ‘Heritage of Modernisation’ and ‘Heritage of Industrial Modernisation’, do not seem to have increased the popularity of industrial heritage sites as tourism resources. By contrast, official appreciation at an international level such as WH status would be more influential than the aforementioned formal appreciation at a national level as a tool for destination marketing of industrial heritage sites. This infers that WH status is

144  Industrial heritage in Japan acknowledged as an established tourism brand and a marker of authenticity by both host and guest sides of tourism (Jimura, 2019). As signified above, Japan’s industrial heritage sites currently have WH status had not been recognised as visitor attractions or tourist destinations by host and guest sides of tourism until they became WHSs. However, the situation changed more or less after the sites became WHSs. For instance, WHS Iwami that was listed as a cultural WHS in 2007 has commenced to be utilised as a tourism resource in 2008 when the Iwami Ginzan World Heritage Centre was opened (see Figure 7.1 in Chapter 7). Since then, the centre has functioned as both a gateway to the whole area inscribed as WHS Iwami and a visitor centre offering exhibits and interpretations for educational purposes. Furthermore, not all but considerable numbers of WHSs in the world have experienced an increase in visitor numbers after their WHS listing (Jimura, 2019). Indeed, the number of visitors to the area designated as WHS Iwami had more than doubled from approximately 0.3 million in 2005 to around 0.8 million in 2008, the following year of its WHS inscription (Sankei West, 2017). However, some WHSs may have such an increase only for a short period of time (Jimura, 2019). Unfortunately, WHS Iwami appears to be one of such WHSs. In 2016, their visitor numbers dropped to around 0.3 million, the same level as the 2005 figure (Sankei West, 2017). Looking at TSM, the main constituent of WHS Tomioka, it was closed down in 1987 (Tomioka City, n.d.b). For TSM, the year 2005 was a turning point in terms of tourism: It was designated as a national historic site in July; its buildings were donated to Tomioka City by its owner, Katakura Industries Co., Ltd, in September and was opened as a free visitor attraction in October (Nishio et al., 2014). TSM began to record visitor numbers every fiscal year (April to March in Japan) in October 2005. TSM started charging admission fees to visitors except the residents of Tomioka City since April 2007; nevertheless, the visitor numbers kept increasing even after the introduction of the admission fees (from 112,988 between April 2006 and March 2007 to 314,516 between April 2013 and March 2014) (Tomioka City, n.d.c). The number of visitors increased drastically to 1,337,720 between April 2014 and March 2015, during which TSM and its relevant properties were inscribed as WHS Tomioka. However, the number started to decline in the next year (April 2015 and March 2016) to 1,144,706 visitors, and kept decreasing (from 800,230 between April 2016 and March 2017 to 442,840 between April 2019 and March 2020) (Tomioka City, n.d.c). As shown earlier, a decrease in the visitor numbers after WHS listing is a phenomenon also observed in WHS Iwami. An online news article reports that reasons for such a reduction might be that industrial WHSs tend to be less magnificent and visually-appealing than other WHSs in Japan such as Shinto shrines and Japanese Buddhist temples (SankeiBiz, 2017). This is a good insight but a temporary increase and then decrease in visitor numbers after WHS listing can also be confirmed at Shinto shrines or Japanese Buddhist temples with WH status. In fact, Buddhist Monuments in the Horyu-ji

Industrial heritage in Japan 145 Area (Nara) is the WHS that has experienced a short-term surge in visitor numbers for only a few years after its WHS listing in 1993 and then seen a gradual decrease (Jimura, 2007, 2019). As both WHS Iwami and WHS Tomioka are cultural WHSs, their authenticity is assured by international authorities such as UNESCO and ICOMOS through the WH initiative. Nonetheless, the authenticity of these WHSs must also be socially ‘constructed’ by each visitor based on his/her perception of genuineness through his/her engagement with the WHSs, if the view of constructivists towards authenticity is employed (see Section 1.2.5 in Chapter 1). To address the above-stated decrease in visitor numbers and to redeem a lack of visual appeals of industrial heritage sites as tourism resources, WHS Iwami has been making great efforts such as enhancing the quality of their guided tours, which seems to have been effective in providing visitors with memorable experience (SankeiBiz, 2017). TSM can learn from the approach adopted by WHS Iwami (SankeiBiz, 2017) to keep attracting a certain number of visitors for the future and provide visitors with unforgettable experience, although the number may not increase massively again. This implies the magnitude of interpretations, particularly interactive and personal ones, in offering excellent visitor experience (Hwang et al., 2005). TSM commenced to improve the quality of their guided tours, focusing on TSM’s historical background and value as industrial heritage, to increase the level of visitor satisfaction and the quality of their experience (SankeiBiz, 2017). Contrasted with WHS Iwami and WHS Tomioka, the attributes of WHS Meiji as industrial heritage and tourism resources are somewhat different. First, WHS Meiji comprises 23 sites scattered in eight prefectures and yet was designated as one cultural WHS through a serial nomination. Therefore, it is difficult to characterise the whole WHS Meiji as one visitor attraction or tourist destination. Second, the WHS contains some ‘active industrial heritage sites with the original use’ (see Section 7.3). As these properties are still in operation, usually people are not permitted to visit there for tourism purposes. WHS Meiji has two industrial heritage properties that are not open to visitors, Mitsubishi Nagasaki Shipyard No.3 Dry Dock and Yahata Imperial Steel Works (currently Yahata Steel Works). Thus, it would be difficult to assess the entire WHS Meiji or some of its properties as tourism resources. Third, it is ironic that the components of WHS Meiji that are popular as visor attractions or tourist destinations are not normally recognised as industrial heritage. Hagi Castle Town (Yamaguchi), Shokasonjuku Academy (Yamaguchi) and Glover House and Office (Nagasaki) would be such components. Xie (2015) notes that overall the popularity of industrial heritage as a tourism resource has been increasing. Actually, this increase is confirmed in different regions and countries, including Europe (Hospers, 2002) and China (Yang, 2017). Given the current situation of tourism at Japan’s industrial heritage sites inscribed as WHSs; however, they have not been established as popular tourism resources and destinations amongst Japanese people.

146  Industrial heritage in Japan

7.6 Conclusion Industrial heritage has retained close relations with people’s economic and social activities since the ancient times. Compared with other kinds of cultural heritage, industrial heritage is a relatively new type of cultural heritage in heritage and tourism markets. Nowadays, an increasing number of industrial heritage sites have been listed as WHSs. Having WH status can be understood as endorsement of the value of industrial heritage as cultural heritage by the global authorities such as UNESCO and ICOMOS. Overall, the value of industrial heritage in Western countries seems to have been recognised earlier than in other regions of the world. For example, Wieliczka and Bochnia Royal Salt Mines (Poland) is the first industrial heritage inscribed as a WHS in 1978. Another early Western example of industrial heritage listed as a WHS is Ironbridge Gorge (UK) designated in 1986. These cases indicate that the WH system has been functioning as a universal scheme for conservation of industrial heritage. In addition to international approaches such as the WH scheme, many nations have their own programme(s) for the protection of their industrial heritage. For instance, Historic England and its predecessor have been using a listing system (Grade I, II* and II) for the conservation of historic buildings in England, UK. The value of Japan’s industrial heritage as cultural heritage does not seem to have been formally recognised domestically and internationally until relatively recent. Japan has two domestic schemes for its industrial heritage conservation. The first one is the listing of Kindaika Isan (Heritage of Modernisation) managed by ACA and the first Heritage of Modernisation was designated in 1993. The other programme is the certification of Kindaika Sangyo Isan (Heritage of Industrial Modernisation) administered by METI. This system was established in 2007 with the register of 33 groups of Heritage of Industrial Modernisation. Both programmes acknowledge the meaning of industrial heritage, although there are some differences between these two. Heritage of Modernisation seems to centre more on conservation than Heritage of Industrial Modernisation does. On the other hand, Heritage of Industrial Modernisation appears to focus more on exploitation of heritage for revitalisation of local communities than Heritage of Modernisation does. WHS Iwami, Japan’s first industrial heritage site listed as a WHS, is recognised as a sliver mining area and inscribed as a cultural landscape. This means that WHS Iwami is not only an important witness of Japan’s modernisation but also a paramount example that indicates long-term interactions between human activities and the natural environment surrounding them. As of October 2020, only three of Japan’s 23 WHSs can be regarded as industrial heritage sites, namely WHS Iwami inscribed in 2007, WHS Tomioka listed in 2014, and WHS Meiji designated in 2015. Such rather limited and delayed acknowledgement of the value of Japan’s industrial heritage sites as WHSs may be associated with relatively late timings of establishment of two Japanese schemes for the conservation of industrial heritage in 1993 and 2007.

Industrial heritage in Japan 147 Like industrial heritage sites in other countries, those in Japan have brought both tangible and intangible changes to Japanese economy and society. The Meiji government (1868–1912) was enthusiastic to modernise Japan to catch up with developed countries in the West. To this end, the government invited many oyatoi gaikokujin, or foreign nationals specialised in diverse fields, from Europe and the USA. Through this process, for example, TSM, the main constituent of WHS Tomioka, and many industrial properties included in WHS Meiji were newly built or developed further. This caused a substantial intangible change in Japan’s society and economy: Japan’s main industry shifted from primary industry to secondary (manufacturing) industry. Moreover, the construction of a silk mill (WHS Tomioka), and iron and steel works (WHS Meiji) drastically altered the landscape of the districts where they were situated and their surrounding areas. Such alterations can be comprehended as important tangible changes and mean extensive spatial transformations for the districts and their nearby areas. The author suggests that industrial heritage sites that are still actively used can be categorised into two groups, namely ‘active industrial heritage sites with the original use’ and ‘active industrial heritage sites with the altered use’. Nowadays, Japan’s main industry has been shifting from secondary (manufacturing) to tertiary (service) industry, although this change has already occurred or completed in some developed countries in the West. This implies that the number of active industrial heritage sites with the original use has become much smaller than the number of active industrial heritage sites with the altered use across developed countries, including Japan. This phenomenon also signifies a fundamental change in the nature of industrial heritage sites from places for production to those for consumption. It can also be stated that active industrial heritage sites with the original use still work as places for production, whilst most of active industrial heritage sites with the altered use were already changed from places for production to those for consumption. This implies that they have become tourism resources such as museums, galleries, retail and event spaces, café and restaurants. This alteration is an effective and realistic way for most industrial heritage sites no longer used for their original purpose to be financially and socially sustainable and to survive in the future. However, the authenticity of such active industrial heritage sites with the altered use might be criticised from the position of modernists, realists and objectivists (see Section 1.2.5 in Chapter 1), although many industrial heritage sites designated as WHSs are currently used for altered purposes. For example, Salts Mill, part of Saltaire (a cultural WHS in the UK), is utilised as a gallery with shops, restaurant and café, though the exterior of the building has been kept unchanged. Compared with the years before their WHS listings, both WHS Iwami and WHS Tomioka experienced a large increase in the number of visitors in their WHS designation years and for a few years after the listings. However, the numbers of visitors to both WHSs have been declining in recent years.

148  Industrial heritage in Japan Nowadays, the visitor numbers to WHS Iwami are similar to those prior to its WHS designation. This would be partially because industrial WHSs are likely to be less impressive and less visually-appealing to visitors compared with other cultural WHSs in Japan such as religious structures. A relative lack of recognition and familiarity of industrial heritage sites as holiday destinations would also be factors of such a decline. Overall, however, both WHS Iwami and WHS Tomioka seem to stay positive towards tourism and endeavour to enhance their lure by providing visitors with memorable experience, for example, through fulfilling and well-developed guided tours.

References Abe, T., Hirano, K., Fukuda, Y., Hasegawa, N. and Hirano, S. (2017) Books on Japanese Business History Published in 2016. Japanese Research in Business History, 34: 129–141. Alfrey, J. and Putnam, T. (2003) The Industrial Heritage: Managing Resources and Uses. London: Routledge. Cabinet Secretariat. (n.d.) Sangyo Isan no Sekai-isan Toroku Suishinshitsu (Office to Promote Japan’s Industrial Heritage as World Heritage) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.cas.go.jp/jp/sangyousekaiisan/ (accessed 29 May 2020). Dohi, M. (1992) A Study on the Birth of the Public Parks at Meiji Era – Mainly about the Relation with Edo and Meiji Street – [in Japanese]. Available at: https:// www.jstage.jst.go.jp/article/journalcpij/27/0/27_37/_pdf (accessed 29 May 2020). Hewison, R. (1987) The Heritage Industry: Britain in a Climate of Decline. London: Methuen. Historic England. (2020) Protecting Industrial Sites. Available at: https://historicengland.org.uk/advice/heritage-at-risk/industrial-heritage/protecting-industrialsites/ (accessed 29 May 2020). Hospers, G. J. (2002) Industrial heritage tourism and regional restructuring in the European Union. European Planning Studies, 10(3): 397–404. Hwang, S. N., Lee, C. and Chen, H. J. (2005) The relationship among tourists’ involvement, place attachment and interpretation satisfaction in Taiwan’s national parks. Tourism Management, 26(2): 143–156. Imai, M. (2006) History and Culture of Tomioka Silk Mill [in Japanese]. Tokyo: Hosei University. Available at: http://riim.ws.hosei.ac.jp/wp-content/uploads/2014/10/ WPNo.19_imai.pdf (accessed 29 May 2020). Jimura, T. (2003) Visitor management – as a professional responsibility of the various site managers (Maritime Greenwich – Cultural World Heritage Site). Master’s thesis. London: University of Greenwich. Jimura, T. (2007) The impact of World Heritage Site designation on local communities – A comparative study of Ogimachi (Japan) and Saltaire (UK). Nottingham: Doctoral Thesis, Nottingham Trent University. Jimura, T. (2019) World Heritage Sites: Tourism, Local Communities and Conservation Activities. Wallingford: CABI. Jonishi, E. (2016) Historical Significance of Tomioka Silk Mill for Japan’s Silk Industry [in Japanese]. Chiiki-seisaku Kenkyu, 18(4): 89–99.

Industrial heritage in Japan 149 Kariya, Y. (2008) Bunkazai-kenzobutsu Hozon to Katsuyo no Shin-tenkai (New evolvement in conservation and utilisation of historic cultural buildings) [in Japanese]. Seisaku-kagaku, 15(3): 57–76. Katakura. (n.d.) Rekishi-teki na Sangyo-isan ‘Tomioka Seishi-jo’ no Setsuritsu-hiwa (Story behind Historic Industrial Heritage, ‘Tomioka Silk Mill’) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.katakura.co.jp/silk/study/silk2.html (accessed 29 May 2020). METI. (n.d.) Kindaika Sangyo Isan (Heritage of Industrial Modernisation) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.meti.go.jp/policy/mono_info_service/mono/ creative/kindaikasangyoisan/index.html (accessed 4 April 2021). Miyamoto, M. (1989) The products and market strategies of the Osaka Cotton Spinning Company: 1883-1914. Japanese Yearbook on Business History, 5: 117–159. Morishima, T. (2014) Kindaika sangyo isan no hozon to katsuyo ni kansuru seisaku-teki taio no hikaku (Comparing policy responses for the conservation and utilisation of the heritage of industrial modernisation) [in Japanese]. E-journal GEO, 9(2): 102–117. Nikkei. (2014) Usui Meganebashi (Usui Daisankyoryo Meganebashi Bridge) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://www.adnet.jp/nikkei/kindai/11/ (accessed 30 May 2020). Nishio, T., Tsukada, S., Morita, T. and Yuzawa, A. (2014) A study on town planning and evaluation of Industrial Heritage Tomioka Silk Mill [in Japanese]. Nihon Kenchikugakkai Keikakukei Ronbunshu, 79(705): 2507–2516. Rössler, M. (2006) World heritage cultural landscapes: A UNESCO flagship programme 1992–2006. Landscape Research, 31(4): 333–353. Sankei West. (2017) ‘Sekai-isan-koka’ usureta Iwami Ginzan: Kadai wa Miryokuhasshin (Weakened impacts of World Heritage designation on Iwami Silver Mine: How should they promote their attractiveness?) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.sankei.com/west/news/170701/wst1707010072-n1.html (accessed 30 May 2020). SankeiBiz. (2017) Tomioka Seishi-jo, kanko-boom ni kageri. ‘Omoshiromi sukunai’. Shi wa kokai to hozon no dilemma (The visitor numbers of Tomioka Silk Mill started decreasing. The mill is not interesting enough for visitors. Tomioka City has been struggling with finding a best balance between tourism and conservation) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.sankeibiz.jp/business/news/170622/ bsc1706220500006-n1.htm (accessed 30 May 2020). Sonoda, H. (1994) Seiyo-ka no kozo: Kurofune, bushi, kokka (The structure of westernisation: Black ships from the USA, samurai and nation) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://ir.library.osaka-u.ac.jp/repo/ouka/all/39257/11482_%E8%A6 %81%E6%97%A8.pdf (accessed 29 May 2020). Tomioka City. (n.d.a) Tomioka Silk Mill: About the buildings. Available at: http:// www.tomioka-silk.jp.e.wv.hp.transer.com/tomioka-silk-mill/guide/building. html?_ga=2.104474756.584100241.1553780835-343420403.1553198495 (accessed 29 May 2020). Tomioka City. (n.d.b) Tomioka Silk Mill: Learn history. Available at: http://www. tomioka-silk.jp.e.wv.hp.transer.com/tomioka-silk-mill/guide/history.html?_ ga=2.167736059.419220068.1554143521-1811806886.1554143521 (accessed 30 May 2020).

150  Industrial heritage in Japan Tomioka City. (n.d.c) Tomioka Silk Mill: The number of the visitors. Available at: http://www.tomioka-silk.jp.e.wv.hp.transer.com/tomioka-silk-mill/guide/record. html?_ga=2.68629588.419220068.1554143521-1811806886.1554143521 (accessed 30 May 2020). WHC. (2020a) The Criteria for Selection. Available at: https://whc.unesco.org/en/ criteria/ (accessed 29 May 2020). WHC. (2020b) Wieliczka and Bochnia Royal Salt Mines. Available at: https://whc. unesco.org/en/list/32 (accessed 29 May 2020). WHC. (2020c) Ironbridge Gorge. Available at: https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/371 (accessed 29 May 2020). WHC. (2020d) Iwami Ginzan Silver Mine and its Cultural Landscape. Available at: http://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1246/ (accessed 29 May 2020). WHC. (n.d.) Guidelines for the Preparation of Serial Nominations to the World Heritage List. Available at: http://whc.unesco.org/archive/serial-noms.htm (accessed 29 May 2020). Xie, P. F. (2015) Industrial Heritage Tourism. Bristol: Channel View Publications. Xing, H. B., Ran, H. Y. and Zhang, D. J. (2007) Value of Industrial heritage and its conservation [in Chinese]. Journal of Northeastern University (Social Science), 1(003): 16–19. Yang, X. (2017) Industrial heritage tourism development and city image reconstruction in Chinese traditional industrial cities: A web content analysis. Journal of Heritage Tourism, 12(3): 267–280.

8

War and its heritage Hiroshima and Nagasaki

8.1 Introduction Across the world, cultural heritage has long-lasting relationships with wars. War heritage has been examined well in several study fields such as war studies, cultural studies, heritage studies and archaeology (e.g. Gegner and Ziino, 2011; Sørensen and Viejo-Rose, 2015). A variety of cultural heritage has been influenced by or generated through wars. War heritage can be classified by various criteria, for instance, by war that heritage is associated with (e.g. World War II (WWII)), place where heritage is located (e.g. Vietnam) and tangibility of heritage (intangible or tangible). Timothy (2011: 454–455) finds the following categorisation of war-related attractions suggested by Smith (1996) helpful: •

• •

•

‘Lest we forgot’ attractions – They remind visitors of the reasons of battles were fought in the first place. They are aide memories of what should or should not occur again (e.g. concentration camps and holocaust memorials). ‘Heroic’ war sites – They are designed to honour famous war heroes, politicians who provoked or ended war, heads of state or military officers. ‘Reliving the past’ locales – They consist of battle re-enactments at battlefields and forts (e.g. re-creating American Civil War battles that are one of the main reasons why some international tourists visit the USA). ‘Remember the fallen’ sites – They are considered sacred ground where lives were sacrificed for a good cause (e.g. war memorials, battlefields, and cemeteries).

The author uses his own classification of war heritage that is simpler than Smith’s (see Table 8.1). War heritage is first considered whether it is intangible or tangible and then, if tangible, whether it is affected or created by war. Memorial services for the war dead are a representative example of intangible war heritage that are usually held annually

152  War and its heritage Table 8.1  Classification of war heritage Main category (theme/purpose)

Sub category (theme/purpose)

Examples

Intangible Tangible

N/A Affected by War

War memorial services Battlefield sites/Ruins of buildings and structures War cemeteries/War memorials/War museums

Generated by War Source: Author.

in many countries. For example, Remembrance Day (11 November) is a memorial day for the Commonwealth nations. In some cases, war survivors and family members of the war dead can be regarded as living war heritage, and stories told by them may also be viewed as intangible war heritage. Tangible war heritage consists of heritage affected by war and heritage generated by war. The former encompasses battlefield sites (e.g. KwaZulu-Natal Battlefields Route, South Africa) and ruins of buildings and structures (e.g. Coventry Cathedral Ruins, UK); whilst, the latter includes war cemeteries (e.g. Arlington National Cemetery, USA), memorials (e.g. Unknown Soldier Memorial, Egypt) and museums (e.g. War Museum Cambodia). Similar to other sorts of cultural heritage, the majority of war heritage has relations with tourism and is involved in tourism-related activities (Butler and Suntikul, 2013). Most war heritage is associated with the war dead, deaths, tragic events, massacres or genocide and visits to such war heritage are seen as a specific type of tourism and given a name such as ‘dark tourism’. There are some well-accepted definitions of dark tourism. Lennon and Foley (2000) understand dark tourism as the presentation and consumption of real and commodified death and disaster sites. Similarly but somewhat differently, Stone (2006) views dark tourism as the act of travel to sites associated with death, suffering, and the seemingly macabre. In tourism studies, other notions similar to dark tourism have also been advocated. Such concepts include ‘thanatourism’, ‘morbid tourism’, ‘grief tourism’, ‘disaster tourism’ and ‘black spot tourism’ (Farmaki, 2013). Overall, dark tourism and the concepts similar to dark tourism have been well-examined topics in heritage and tourism studies since the mid-1990s as signified by the emergence of the notions of ‘dark tourism’ (Foley and Lennon, 1996) and ‘thanatourism’ (Seaton, 1996). Section 8.2 argues Japan’s war heritage. Sections 8.3 and 8.4 focus on war heritage of Hiroshima and Nagasaki respectively and examine it as cultural heritage and tourism resources. Section 8.5 considers the relations between war heritage of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, dark tourism and peace-learning tourism.

War and its heritage 153

8.2  Japan: War and war heritage Regrettably, Japan experienced some major wars against foreign countries until the end of WWII (1945). Amongst Japan’s war heritage associated with different wars, this chapter focuses on Japan’s war heritage associated with WWII. WWII was a major global war between the Axis (main countries were Nazi Germany, Empire of Japan (EJ) and Kingdom of Italy (Italian Social Republic)) and the Allies (core nations were the USA, the UK, and Soviet Union). The war lasted from 1939 to 1945 and the Allies won the war. The trigger of WWII was the Invasion of Poland by Nazi Germany and First Slovak Republic (1939–1945) on 1 September 1939 followed by Soviet Union on 17 September 1939. In response to this attack, the UK and France, the allied nations of Poland, declared a war against Nazi Germany. Initially, therefore, it was a war within Europe and EJ and the USA were not involved in the war at that stage. EJ had already been in the Second Sino-Japanese War since July 1937; however, the war lasted longer than the Armed Forces of the Empire of Japan (AFEJ) anticipated. Moreover, AFEJ was beaten by Soviet Union at the Battles of Khalkhyn Gol. These facts signified that AFEJ could not advance northwards any longer. To break through this deadlock, EJ advanced southwards and went into the fight against the USA, UK and Netherlands. In 1941, EJ and the USA had a series of conversations to solve issues in Japan’s invasion of China and Southeast Asia. However, two parties never reached agreements. In December 1941, consequently, AFEJ conducted the Attack on the Pearl Harbour and this initiated the Pacific War. The Pacific War is a key factor that changed the nature of the war from a European war to a global war. In 1945, atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki were conducted by the USA on 6 and 9 August respectively. The bombings were a major reason why EJ decided to accept the Potsdam Declaration on 14 August 1945. Besides, the outbreak of the Soviet-Japanese War (August–September 1945) also affected the aforementioned decision of EJ. During WWII, numerous foreigners lost their lives because of AFEJ’s attacks. Simultaneously, Japanese military people and citizens also lost their lives because of WWII. Lives of countless ordinary people were lost due to atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki as well as other bombings such as the Bombing of Tokyo. Diverse scars and legacies of wars, especially those of WWII, still exist in Japan and are foundations of Japan’s war heritage. The grouping shown in Table 8.1, a categorisation of war heritage suggested by the author, can be applied to war heritage of Japan (see Table 8.2). As Table 8.2 indicates, both Hiroshima City and Nagasaki City have all three kinds of war heritage. Today, many of the war heritage sites in Table 8.2 are also recognised as visitor attractions or tourist destinations.

154  War and its heritage Table 8.2  Classification of war heritage (Japan) Main category (theme/purpose)

Sub category (theme/purpose)

Examples (Japan)

Intangible

N/A

Tangible

Affected by War

War memorial services (e.g. Memorial Ceremony for the War Dead, Tokyo; Hiroshima Peace Memorial Ceremony; Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Victims Memorial Peace Prayer Ceremony) Battlefield sites (Battle of Okinawa sites – e.g. Kerama Islands)/Ruins of buildings and structures (e.g. Hiroshima Peace Memorial; Former Shiroyama Elementary School, Nagasaki) War cemeteries (e.g. Sanadayama Army cemetery, Osaka)/War memorials (e.g. Tokyo Memorial Hall; Cenotaph for Atomic Bomb Victims, Hiroshima; Hypocenter Cenotaph, Nagasaki; Himeyuri Cenotaph, Okinawa)/War museums (e.g. Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum; Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Museum; Himeyuri Peace Museum, Okinawa)

Generated by War

Source: Author.

8.3 Hiroshima 8.3.1  Site description ‘Hiroshima’ is the name of the largest prefecture (Hiroshima Prefecture) in the Chugoku region of Japan, the westernmost part of the Honshu Island. It is also the name of the capital city of Hiroshima Prefecture. The prefecture has several places with war heritage, and four of them are selected and introduced here as illustrative examples of war heritage sites located in Hiroshima Prefecture. The first example is Hiroshima City that has an estimated population of 1,199,180 as of 2020 (City of Hiroshima, 2020). Currently, domestic and international visitors recognise Hiroshima as a well-established tourist destination. Hiroshima City’s many cultural heritage sites that are also popular visitor attractions include Hiroshima Peace Memorial (HPM) (Genbaku Dome), Hiroshima Castle, Shukkeien Garden, Fudo-in Temple, Hiroshima Toyo Carp (baseball team) and their Mazda Zoom-Zoom Stadium, Sanfrecce Hiroshima (football club) and their Edion Stadium Hiroshima, Hiroshima Museum of Art, and

War and its heritage 155 Hiroshima City of Museum of Contemporary Art. Amongst these, HPM is a cultural World Heritage Site (WHS) inscribed in 1996. Hiroshima City had been prosperous as a main base of the Imperial Japanese Army (IJA) between the beginning of the Meiji period (1868–1912) and the end of WWII (1939–1945). The second example is Kure City, the third largest city in Hiroshima Prefecture in terms of population. The city consists of the main area that faces the Seto Inland Sea and several islands in the sea. Now, Kure is an established industrial city that is part of Greater Hiroshima metropolitan district (Kure City, n.d.). Kure is also a well-liked tourist destination with distinctive visitor attractions. According to Tripadvisor, Kure Naval History Museum (KNHM) (also known as Yamato Museum) is the most popular ‘thing to do’ in the city as of 3 June 2020, and its displays include a one-tenth-scale model of Battleship Yamato. Japan Maritime Self-Defence Force (JMSDF) Kure Museum is the second most popular ‘thing to do’ in the city, and its main display is a real submarine that proves to be quite popular amongst children. In relation to wars, historically, Kure had developed as a city of the Imperial Japanese Navy (IJN). The city was home of Kure Naval Arsenal (KNA), one of the four main naval shipyards of IJN. Probably, the most famous battleship built at KNA was the aforementioned Battleship Yamato, which is the main theme of exhibits at KNHM as its nickname Yamato Museum implies. The third one, Etajima City comprises several islands, including the main island, Etajima. The city is close to both Hiroshima and Kure, and has varied establishments of JMSDF. The facilities include JMSDF First Service School (FSS) and their Officer Candidate School. FSS uses the facilities and buildings of the Imperial Japanese Naval Academy (IJNA) that had existed between 1876 and 1945. Nowadays, FSS is open to the general public but visitors are required to join a group tour or visit as a group with pre-arrangement (FSS, 2020). In addition to the areas open to the public, bereaved families of IJNA graduates are allowed to enter a special room guided by a current FSS student or graduate. An older brother of the author’s grandmother was a lieutenant commander of IJN and lost his life in the New Guinea campaign of the Pacific War. The author visited FSS in August 2010 and appreciated documents and photographs related to him. The last example is Okunoshima, a small island in the Seto Inland Sea belonging to Takehara City. Concerning tourism, the island has leisure and recreational facilities such as a campsite, beach and accommodation facility. Today, Okunoshima is famous for its hundreds of wild European rabbits and they attract many Japanese and overseas visitors alike. Thus, the island looks a peaceful tourist destination now, although it has a dark wartime history. IJA had been secretly manufacturing poison gasses between 1929 and 1945 (Takehara City, n.d.). People can comprehend this war heritage by visiting Okunoshima Poison Gas Museum (OPGM) established in 1988 (Takehara City, n.d.).

156  War and its heritage 8.3.2  Intangible war heritage The first category in the author’s classification of Japan’s war heritage is intangible war heritage (see Table 8.2). Memorial services would be the most typical and significant intangible war heritage. Of the war memorial ceremonies held in Hiroshima Prefecture, Hiroshima Peace Memorial Ceremony (HPMC) is the most well-known one. The ceremony is held between 8:00 am and 8:45 am on 6 August every year (City of Hiroshima, n.d.a). The United States Armed Forces (USAF) dropped an atomic bomb above the city centre of Hiroshima at 8:15 am on 6 August 1945. Therefore, 8:15 am is the time when a silent prayer is offered to the war dead for one minute. According to City of Hiroshima (n.d.a), the ceremony: • • •

Aims to console the souls of people who died because of the atomic bombing and to pray for realisation of everlasting world peace. Is open to the public, including persons who lost their family members or ancestors due to the bombing. Is held in front of the Cenotaph for the Atomic Bomb Victims (CABV) that is placed between Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum (HPMM) and HPM.

The mayor of Hiroshima City delivers the Peace Declaration during the ceremony and nowadays the ceremony is live streamed to all over the world. The declaration intends to convey Hiroshima’s determination to abolish nuclear weapons and achieve eternal global peace (City of Hiroshima, n.d.a). Of course, acting as a tourism resource is not what HPMC intends to do. In fact, however, ordinary people including visitors can attend the ceremony on a first come first served basis. Overseas tourists can book in advance, although reserving a seat is competitive due to high demand. Given the current situation of the ceremony, the ritual can be understood not only as intangible war heritage but also as a visitor attraction. Examining Japan’s cultural heritage from the standpoints of demand and supply sides of heritage and tourism is part of the mission of this monograph (see Sections 1.2.2 and 1.2.3 in Chapter 1). The ceremony is organised by Hiroshima City, meaning that a key stakeholder on the supply (host) side is the public sector. In fact, Jimura (2019) proposes that the public sector is one of the main stakeholders on the supply side of tourism. In contrast, persons who attend the ceremony can be recognised as a major stakeholder on the demand (guest) side of tourism. The organiser does not promote the ceremony as a tourism resource; however, the number of visitors, especially overseas visitors, who want to attend the ceremony seems to have increased in recent years. Considering the nature and objectives of the ceremony, a solemn atmosphere must be maintained during the ceremony. To this end, attendees of the service as well as its organiser must fully understand the meaning of the ceremony. This is especially vital as HPMC receives both domestic and

War and its heritage 157 international visitors who do not have a personal link to the war dead. Otherwise, the authenticity of this intangible war heritage can be damaged by irresponsible behaviour of attendees or their lack of respect to the war dead. This is particularly true from the standpoint of constructivists towards authenticity of cultural heritage (see Section 1.2.5 in Chapter 1). That is because; in this viewpoint, the authenticity of cultural heritage is negotiable and constructed by each person, including a visitor, based on his/her own perception of being real. For maintaining a sacred ambiance, it is also necessary to make sure that all participants comprehend the significance of HPMC prior to the rite. Given this, ‘interpretation’ of the ceremony plays a crucial role in enhancing visitors’ understanding of the objectives of the ceremony (see Section 1.2.6 in Chapter 1). Owing to the nature of the ceremony, its participants are expected to appreciate the ceremony’s meaning before it begins. Therefore, interpretation should be made available for participants beforehand and the official website of Hiroshima City provides good interpretation for the ceremony in Japanese and English. In Hiroshima Prefecture, another war memorial service has also been held yearly at Okunoshima in late October or early November, although this does not appear to be officially open to the general public. The service aims to comfort the souls of workers of poison gas factory who lost their lives because of accidents or after-effects and to pray for eradication of chemical weapons from the world (The Chugoku Shimbun, 2012a). 8.3.3  Tangible war heritage affected by war The second group in the author’s classification of war heritage of Japan is tangible war heritage. As Table 8.2 indicates, tangible war heritage are divided into ‘tangible war heritage affected by war’ and ‘tangible war heritage generated by war’. This section investigates the former. This group includes battlefield sites and ruins of synthetic structures as its typical examples (see Table 8.2). Although Hiroshima Prefecture has some battlefield sites, they are ancient battlefields (e.g. Itsukushima) and not associated with WWII. Thus, this section focuses on ruins of artificial structures. It is believed that there were some reasons why Hiroshima City was chosen by USAF as a target of atomic bombing. One reason is that the city was a core base of IJA but had not been damaged by WWII; therefore, it was ideal for USAF to evaluate the impact of atomic bombing itself. The other reason is that USAF thought that there were no prisoner-of-war camps in Hiroshima City. As discussed in Section 8.3.1, HPM (Genbaku Dome) is the city’s topmost cultural heritage site situated near Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park (HPMP), and probably the most visited visitor attraction that can be recognised as tangible war heritage affected by war. Furthermore, Genbaku Dome is also listed as a cultural WHS. Jimura (2019) states that World Heritage (WH) status functions as a solid marker of authenticity as the

158  War and its heritage status is given by a relevant international authority, UNESCO and its official advisory body such as ICOMOS. Such endorsement of authenticity would be highly valued by visitors who have the view of modernists, realists and objectivists towards authenticity of cultural heritage (see Section 1.2.5 in Chapter 1). Like all other WHSs in the world, the Operational Guidelines for the Implementation of the WH Convention (Operational Guidelines) have served as a conservation and management framework for HPM since its inscription in 1996 (see also Section 7.3 in Chapter 7). Together with the Operational Guidelines, relevant Japanese laws and conservation systems are utilised for the conservation and management of the country’s invaluable cultural properties. Concerning the historical aspect of HPM, the structure remaining as Genbaku Dome was once part of Hiroshima Prefectural Industrial Promotion Centre completed in 1915 (City of Hiroshima, n.d.b). The atomic bombing of Hiroshima City on 6 August 1945 utterly changed the cityscape, including this building. The bombing killed around 140,000 people by the end of 1945 and most of the dead were ordinary citizens (City of Hiroshima, n.d.c). The ground zero is considered to be Shima Hospital in the city centre that was situated near the Aioi Bridge, the original target of the bombing. The bombing altered Hiroshima City into complete burn-out ruins. However, the city and its citizens have made great efforts to recover from the devastation, and today, they are thriving. In short, Hiroshima City experienced two major spatial transformations because of WWII, the first was complete demolition and the second was rapid post-war urban regeneration (see also Section 1.2.4 in Chapter 1). Regarding the relationship between cultural heritage and tourism, nowadays WH status is recognised as an established brand in tourism marketing by both supply (host) and demand (guest) sides of tourism (Jimura, 2019) (see Sections 1.2.2 and 1.2.3 in Chapter 1). This also applies to HPM (Genbaku Dome). Concerning the supply side, Hiroshima City makes use of Genbaku Dome and its WH status for destination marketing and promotion as confirmed by the their tourism website (https://www.hiroshima-navi. or.jp/en/worldheritage/) (Jimura, 2019). This implies that the city acknowledges the appeal of WH status for the demand side of tourism, particularly for Japanese visitors as suggested by Jimura (2011). As proposed in Section 1.2.6 in Chapter 1, the magnitude of interpretation should not be underestimated in tourism settings for various purposes, including better visitor experience and higher levels of visitor satisfaction. In the case of HPM, the number and variety of interpretation is limited. That is because; the ruin stands under the open sky and does not allow visitors to get inside. This means that non-personal interpretation is unavailable inside of HPM, and only an interpretation panel is provided near HPM. The interpretation on the panel used to be available only in Japanese and English; however, it is now available also in Chinese and Korean as of December 2019 (see Figure 8.1). Basically, there are no attendants or guides on site to answer visitors’ questions on a face-to-face basis. Therefore, it would be ideal for visitors to

War and its heritage 159

Figure 8.1  Interpretation panel for Hiroshima Peace Memorial (Source: Author)

participate in a guided tour, a type of personal interpretation, which enables them to better understand Genbaku Dome through two-way communications, by booking it in advance. FSS facilities in Etajima City were originally constructed for IJNA. These structures are also a noteworthy example of tangible war heritage influenced by war. Japan’s defeat in WWII led to the breakup of IJNA and the facilities lost their original aims. At that time, of course, they were not playing a role as a visitor attraction. As stated in Section 8.3.1, however, currently the facilities are used by FSS and accept visitors. Although the primary purpose of the facilities is not being a visitor attraction, accepting visitors would be effective to enhance people’s understanding of IJNA and FSS, and could work as a ‘bridge’ connecting JMSDF and the general public. This is of paramount importance, because Japanese people tend to think that JMSDF and Japan Self-Defence Forces ( jieitai) as a whole are not related to their daily lives. An example of tangible war heritage influenced by war can also be found in Kure City. The admiral’s office and residence at Kure Naval Base stopped serving for its original purpose when WWII ended but was converted to a museum, Irifuneyama Memorial Museum, to welcome visitors. 8.3.4  Tangible war heritage generated by war This section examines tangible war heritage generated by war that includes war cemeteries, memorials and museums (see Table 8.2). There used to be many war cemeteries across Japan; however, only some of them still exist and serve for their original purpose. In the world, nowadays some war

160  War and its heritage cemeteries are regarded as tourism resources and perform as visitor attractions by both host and guest sides of tourism, especially by the latter (see also Sections 1.2.2 and 1.2.3 in Chapter 1). For example, Arlington National Cemetery (USA) and Luxembourg American Cemetery and Memorial are such war cemeteries. Unlike them, war cemeteries in Japan are not generally recognised as tourism resources by Japanese citizens, though some people are very interested in visiting such places. Regarding Hiroshima Prefecture, Hijiyama Army Cemetery in Hiroshima City can be viewed as the only cemetery that still functions as a war cemetery. The original cemetery was destroyed during and after WWII. The current one was rebuilt at a different location thanks to donations and efforts of volunteers. Thus, the current Hijiyama Army Cemetery should be seen as tangible war heritage generated by war, and its authenticity as cultural heritage might be challenged by modernists, realists and objectivists (see Section 1.2.5 in Chapter 1). By contrast, its authenticity can still be preserved if the viewpoint of constructivists is adopted as the authenticity can be constructed through people’s visits to the cemetery, especially the visits made by family members of the war dead. In principle, Japan’s war cemeteries used to be managed by the Japanese Government. Nowadays, however, many are maintained by ordinary people through volunteering. Therefore, it is difficult to conserve and manage war cemeteries due to a lack of budget and labour (see also Section 1.2.7 in Chapter 1). In Hiroshima Prefecture, there were two other cemeteries that could be seen as war cemeteries, namely Fukuyama Army Cemetery and Kure Navy Cemetery. However, they appear to have been converted to normal cemeteries, although any major spatial transformation does not seem to have occurred in and around these cemeteries (see also Section 1.2.4 in Chapter 1). Perhaps, some of Japan’s war cemeteries needed to accept such alterations as they faced with a shortage of financial resources and workforce. As Table 8.2 illustrates, war memorials and museums are other types of tangible war heritage generated by war. The atomic bombing in August 1945 completely destroyed the cityscape of Hiroshima and took the lives of countless people immediately and gradually. After WWII, Hiroshima Prefectural Industrial Promotion Centre located near the ground zero was changed into HPM (Genbaku Dome) (see Section 8.3.3), and Hiroshima City, particularly its city centre, experienced spatial transformation and regeneration at an extensive level. For instance, most of Nakajimacho district was revived as HPMP, which is a representative example of Hiroshima’s post-war urban planning and redevelopment (Nakagoshi et al., 2006). Today, HPMP is visited by many Japanese and overseas visitors, because the park is full of tangible war heritage generated by war, including CABV, HPMM and Hiroshima National Peace Memorial Hall for the Atomic Bomb Victims (HNPMH). As signified in the previous section, CABV is one of the three main war heritage sites situated in or around HPMP along with Genbaku Dome and

War and its heritage 161 HPMM. The original cenotaph was made of concrete, and completed and opened to the public in 1952, although it was replaced with a new one made of granite stone in 1985 because of deterioration over time (The Chugoku Shimbun, 2011). Initially, Isamu Noguchi’s design was considered for CABV; however, his design was not employed mainly due to his origins, the Japanese American. Consequently, Kenzo Tange’s was adopted. This incident may mirror negative feelings of some Japanese people against American people in the years immediately after WWII. The cenotaph holds the list of the atomic bombing victims. The epitaph on CABV has caused controversy. Hiroshima City asked Tadayoshi Saiga, Professor in English Literature at Hiroshima University, to write an epitaph for CABV. After careful consideration, the epitaph was decided as ‘Let all the souls here rest in peace; For we shall not repeat the evil’. However, some people thought that ‘we’ denotes ‘Japanese people’ and it is not appropriate, although Saiga meant ‘all human beings on the earth’ by the word, ‘we’ (The Chugoku Shimbun, 2012b). This is also the official understanding of the epitaph by Hiroshima City, and the interpretation panel for the epitaph became available on site in Japanese and English in 1983 to convey the meaning of the message Saiga and Hiroshima City intended (The Chugoku Shimbun, 2011). Nevertheless, some people still believe that the epitaph should be revised. This matter is related to a range of key debates in heritage and tourism studies, including representation, ownership/stewardship and interpretation of contested heritage (e.g. Daugbjerg, 2009; Holtorf et al., 2018). The other main war heritage generated by war in HPMP is HPMM. Opened in 1955, the museum has diverse exhibits with interpretation. Because of the distressing nature of some displays, interpretation available there might seem to emphasise Hiroshima’s position as a ‘victim’ or ‘sufferer’. These words are also essential factors for a site to be considered as a destination of dark tourism. According to Jimura (2012a), however, HPMM does not appear to highlight its stance as a victim or sufferer even after its redesign completed in 2019. Stated differently, HPMM’s interpretation focuses on telling what actually happened, referring to specific cases, places and people rather than ‘creating’ stories for visitors. This signifies that ultimately HPMM leaves ‘interpretation’ of the atomic bombing of Hiroshima to each visitor. On the other hand, the nature of HNPMH as a visitor attraction is somewhat different from that of HPM (Genbaku Dome), CABV and HPMM. Although HNPMH accepts general visitors, its main target seems to be researchers and those who have personal connections with the war dead because its main mission is to console the spirits of the war dead, display individual notes and special exhibitions on the atomic bombing, and allow visitors to browse relevant books (HNPMH, 2020). Tangible war heritage generated by war is also found in other places in Hiroshima Prefecture. As shown in Section 8.3.1, KNHM features the most famous Japanese battleship, Yamato. It also reflects the characteristics and history of Kure City. As explained in Section 8.3.2, Okunoshima Memorial

162  War and its heritage Service, intangible war heritage is held every year to solace the spirits of poison gas factory workers who lost their lives there, and to pray for extermination of chemical arms. The service is closely associated with Okunoshima’s tangible war heritage generated by war as it is held in front of Memorial of Okunoshima Poison Gas Victims and its participants are allowed to visit OPGM after the service (Hiroshima Prefecture, 2010).

8.4 Nagasaki 8.4.1  Site description Nagasaki Prefecture is situated in the Kyushu Island, which occupies a southeastern part of the Japan archipelago. Like Hiroshima, Nagasaki is also the name of the capital city of Nagasaki Prefecture. Nagasaki Prefecture has some different war heritage sites, and Nagasaki City and Sasebo City are selected and discussed here as typical war heritage sites located in the prefecture. With a population of 407,918 as of 1 May 2020 (Nagasaki City, 2020a), Nagasaki City is not a very large tourist destination in terms of area size and population; however, it has a distinctive attraction portfolio. Major visitor attractions in Nagasaki City are characterised by the influence of Western culture and industrialisation of Japan (see Chapter 7). Dejima is an artificial island constructed for international trade during the Edo period (with Portugal between 1636 and 1639, and then with the Netherlands between 1641 and 1859). Dejima and buildings there were restored after WWII and now serve as visitor attractions. The main structure of Glover Garden is Former Glover House (FGH) built originally as the residence of Scottish merchant, Thomas Blake Glover. Today, the garden also encompasses historic buildings relocated from other parts of the city. FGH is part of a cultural WHS, Sites of Japan’s Meiji Industrial Revolution: Iron and Steel, Shipbuilding and Coal Mining (WHS Meiji), which was designated in 2015. In addition to FGH, Gunkanjima Island (Battleship Island) is also a composing element of WHS Meiji. The island ‘is an abandoned coalmine and community off the coast of Nagasaki, Japan’ (Hashimoto and Telfer, 2017: 107). Basilica of the Twenty-Six Holy Martyrs of Japan (Oura Church (Basilica)) is another example that illustrates Western impacts on the city. The planning and construction of this Catholic Church was led by French priests, and the building was completed in 1864 (Oura Church, n.d.). The church is a component of Hidden Christian Sites in the Nagasaki Region, which was inscribed as a cultural WHS in 2018. Nowadays, it is open to visitors for a fee. As Nagasaki City is the second city that experienced atomic bombing, the city has a diverse war heritage associated with the tragedy that occurred on 9 August 1945 and other kinds of war heritage. Such heritage includes Former Shiroyama Elementary School (FSES), Immaculate Conception Cathedral (Urakami Cathedral) and Nagasaki Peace Park (NPP), all of which act as visitor attractions today.

War and its heritage 163 Sasebo is the other city examined in this section. Sasebo City has several visitor attractions as well as war heritage. The most-visited attraction of the city is Huis Ten Bosch (HTB), a theme park featuring Dutch townscape. HTB attracted 2.70 million visitors in 2018, although the number decreased from 2017 (Sasebo City, 2019). The second most popular attraction in terms of visitor numbers is Kujukushima Pearl Sea Resort, which welcomed 722,228 visitors in 2018 (Sasebo City, 2019). This resort complex consists of a visitor centre, aquarium, cruise terminal, fish market, restaurants and shops. Considering the characteristics of these attractions, it could be stated that entertainments and amusements are the main features of top visitor attractions of Sasebo City. Unlike war heritage of Nagasaki City, basically Sasebo’s war heritage is not open to the general public and, therefore, cannot be seen as visitor attractions. These war heritage sites are often still in use by a private company or JMSDF. 8.4.2  Intangible war heritage As stated in Section 8.3.2, war memorial services would be the most representative and important intangible heritage of war. Of war memorial services held regularly in Nagasaki Prefecture, Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Victims Memorial Peace Prayer Ceremony (NABVMPPC) is the most wellknown war memorial service. NABVMPPC is held annually on 9 August, stating at 10:45am, in front of Peace Statue at NPP. The meaning and aim of NABVMPPC is equivalent to HPMC – to console the souls of the war dead and to pray for eternal global peace (Nagasaki City, 2020b). The content of the ceremony is also similar to Hiroshima’s. At 11:02 am, the moment that an atomic bomb was dropped, a silent prayer is offered to the war dead for one minute, and then the Peace Declaration is made by the mayor of Nagasaki City. Like HPMC, NABVMPPC also allows ordinary persons to participate. In this sense, NABVMPPC can be viewed as a visitor attraction, although it is not a mission of the ceremony. Like Hiroshima’s case, serious atmosphere must be retained during the ceremony to fulfil its mission. Every year, overall, this atmosphere is maintained well during the ceremonies in Nagasaki and Hiroshima thanks to the attendees’ understanding and supports. As discussed in Section 8.3.2, this is crucial to preserve the authenticity of ceremonies from the perspective of constructivists. To this end, interpretation for the ceremony plays a key role. Such interpretation is, for instance, available in Japanese at the official website of Nagasaki tourism (https:// www.at-nagasaki.jp/event/50862/), although the same interpretation does not seem to be available at their website in foreign languages as of writing. In recent years, demonstrations are often staged whilst the ceremonies are held. Objectives of such demonstrations are not always related to the ceremonies’ aims and these protests can harm the solemn ambiance of HPMC and NABVMPPC.

164  War and its heritage 8.4.3  Tangible war heritage affected by war Next, tangible war heritage in Nagasaki Prefecture affected by war is discussed. Immaculate Conception Cathedral (Urakami Cathedral) is a Catholic cathedral built originally in 1914. Like Hiroshima’s case, atomic bombing entirely obliterated the cityscape of Nagasaki. As the cathedral was situated around 500m to the northeast from the ground zero, the atomic bombing damaged the cathedral heavily and only its ruins remained after the bombing. Different from Genbaku Dome in Hiroshima, the ruins were removed and the cathedral was reconstructed on the same location. Consequently, today the cathedral still serves its original purposes, whilst the authenticity of its structure can be challenged from the standpoint of modernists, realists and objectivists towards authenticity of cultural heritage. Authenticity is an essential factor to evaluate Outstanding Universal Value (OUV) of cultural heritage and to be listed as a cultural or mixed WHS (Jimura, 2019), including war heritage. WHSs are listed by UNESCO and their view towards authenticity is closer to the stance of modernists, realists and objectivists rather than the perspective of constructivists. Thus, as the case of Ise Jingu (a Grand Shinto Shrine in Japan) and Paragraph 82 of the Operational Guidelines signify, original materials used for buildings is valued greatly in the decision-making process for the properties nominated for cultural or mixed WHSs (Jimura, 2019). Oura Church (Basilica), another Catholic Church in Nagasaki City, was not severely damaged by the atomic bombing, as it was further away from the ground zero. Oura Church is one of the constituents of a cultural WHS, Hidden Christian Sites in the Nagasaki Region (WHS Nagasaki), inscribed in 2018. This illustrates that whilst Oura Church was included in WHS Nagasaki, Urakami Cathedral was not, although these two have similar profiles as cultural heritage. Considering the above discussion regarding authenticity, this difference appears to have been caused by the dissimilarity in the attributes of buildings between the two war heritage sites with religious nature. Shiroyama Elementary School was located around 500 m to the west from the epicentre of the explosion of the atomic bomb. Due to this short distance, more than 150 people in the school lost their lives and the school buildings were seriously damaged. Unlike Urakami Cathedral, part of the original structures (a wing) of the school was conserved after WWII. Currently, this building is called FSES and is open to the public as a small peace memorial hall. Not many but some war heritage sites can be found in Sasebo City. Like KNA, Sasebo Naval Arsenal was also one of four naval shipyards for IJN during the wartime. Now, most of the facilities initially for IJN are owned and utilised by a private company, Sasebo Heavy Industries, and the rest are possessed and used by JMSDF or United States Navy. Like Kure City, Sasebo City had the admiral’s office and residence at Sasebo Naval Base throughout the wartime. However, the office and residence stopped serving

War and its heritage 165 its original purpose when WWII ended and were transformed to Sasebo Community Hall. Although both can be understood as tangible war heritage affected by war, in principle neither serves as a tourism resource today. 8.4.4  Tangible war heritage generated by war NPP was constructed in Matsuyamacho district through massive spatial transformation and redevelopment after WWII. NPP contains several tangible war heritage developed after WWII and its focal point is Hypocenter Cenotaph that stands on the ground zero. A wreckage of a wall of original Urakami Cathedral stands near the cenotaph as a war monument. Stated differently, this debris was reborn after WWII as Urakami Cathedral Wall, another tangible war heritage generated by war. NABVMPPC is held in front of Peace Statue in NPP (see Section 8.4.2). The statue was completed in 1955 and is regarded as an iconic war monument representing Nagasaki. Like HPMP, NPP encompasses Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Museum (NABM) and Nagasaki National Peace Memorial Hall for the Atomic Bomb Victims (NNPMH), and both show the city’s atomic bombing experience to visitors. Their vision and attitudes towards atomic bomb experience seem to be similar to Hiroshima’s. Their mission, displays, interpretations and activities are also future-oriented. In other words, their focus is to raise people’s awareness of everlasting world peace rather than to stress Nagasaki as a sufferer or victim of the atomic bombing.

8.5  War heritage, dark tourism and peace-learning tourism In light of the nature of war heritage, war heritage itself and sites with war heritage can be understood as dark tourism attractions or destinations. For instance, Hiroshima is examined in many tourism studies; however, most of them explores Hiroshima from the perspective of dark tourism and/or as a dark tourism destination (e.g. Lennon and Foley, 2000; Wu et al., 2014), often together with Nagasaki (e.g. Yoshida et al., 2016). Jimura (2012a) conducted his research on war heritage sites in HPMP, employing secondary research, visits and observations. He suggests that HPMP and war heritage there intend to raise people’s awareness of global peace by showing various exhibitions and their interpretations in a neutral manner rather than to present Hiroshima and victims/sufferers of the atomic bombing as a destination and objects of dark tourism (see Section 8.3.4). Between 2014 and 2015, the author also investigated war heritage sites in NPP through secondary data analysis, visitations and observations. Consequently, he concludes that as a whole Nagasaki’s war heritage adopts the approach similar to Hiroshima’s (see Section 8.4.4). The relationship between Hiroshima, peace, and tourism has also been well-examined by scholars, often together with Nagasaki and/or Okinawa (e.g. Blanchard and Higgins-Desbiolles, 2013; van den Dungen, 2014). van

166  War and its heritage den Dungen (2014) pays attention to growing debates and studies on tourism’s contribution to peace and claims that ‘peace tourism’ has not been investigated enough in these studies. According to van den Dungen (2014: 62), peace tourism ‘involves visits to places, at home and abroad, which are significant because of their association with such notions as peace-making, peaceful conflict resolution, prevention of war, resistance to war, protesting war, nonviolence and reconciliation’. If this definition of peace tourism is adopted, it can be safely stated that peace tourism has already been practiced at war heritage attractions and sites in Hiroshima and Nagasaki. Thus, both cities can be acknowledged as destinations of peace tourism. Jimura (2012b) states that Japan’s many WHSs and their surrounding areas, including Genbaku Dome and Hiroshima City, have been widely utilised as destinations of Japan’s educational school trips (shugaku ryoko). Nagasaki City is also an established destination of Japan’s educational school trips as it has components of WHS Meiji (e.g. Gunkanjima Island) and WHS Nagasaki (e.g. Oura Church) as well as war heritage sites (e.g. NPP and Urakami Cathedral). In addition to the documents and resources available on site in Hiroshima (HPMP) and Nagasaki (NPP), diverse information for ‘peace-learning’ activities is obtainable at the websites of HPMM and NABM. Moreover, school teachers can ask HPMM to send learning materials to their school so that they can utilise the materials for their peace-learning classes (Jimura, 2012b). They can also borrow documents and photographs relevant to the atomic bombing from NABM for their peace-learning classes. Nowadays, it is common to see overseas visitors in HPMP and NPP, particularly in the former. For the aforementioned reasons, Jimura (2012a) suggests that visits to war heritage at HPMP should be understood as ‘peace-learning tourism’ rather than just ‘peace tourism’ or ‘dark tourism’ when educational aspects are emphasised. In a similar vein, visits to war heritage at NPP should also be comprehended as ‘peace-learning tourism’ if the main purpose of the visits is to learn about peace. Therefore, war heritage sites in Hiroshima and Nagasaki, especially those at HPMP and NPP, are expected to continue to work to enhance people’s awareness of perpetual world peace, encouraging wider participation of diverse people around the world, particularly young persons and students.

8.6 Conclusion Wars have impacted on or created a variety of cultural heritage throughout human history. Such cultural heritage is called war heritage or heritage of war. The author suggests his own classification of war heritage that consists of three groups, namely intangible war heritage, tangible war heritage affected by war and tangible war heritage generated by war. Like other types of cultural heritage, war heritage has also been serving as tourism resources. The value and appeal of war heritage are recognised well by both supply (hosts) and demand (guests) sides of tourism. Mainly due to the nature and

War and its heritage 167 characteristics of war heritage, it is frequently examined in the context of a specific kind of tourism, dark tourism. Given well-accepted definitions of dark tourism, the concept can be understood as visits to the sites associated death, tragedy, massacre or genocide. Of diverse war heritage Japan owns today, this chapter sheds light on the heritage that has a link with WWII. Although people in today’s Okinawa Prefecture and their homeland also suffered tremendously during WWII as battlefields, this chapter focuses on the war heritage related to the atomic bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki. That is because these tragic events killed a huge number of ordinary people instantly, diverse kinds of war heritage were impacted or created as a result of the bombings, and such war heritage has been functioning as main tourism resources of the destinations. Regarding war heritage in Hiroshima, Hiroshima City, Kure City, Etajima City and Okunoshima Island are explored as the destinations with key war heritage. Of these, Hiroshima City is the most established destination with a range of war heritage. The atomic bombing of Hiroshima on 6 August 1945 completely destroyed the cityscape and HPMP was built as part of the city’s post-war urban redevelopment plan. HPMP can be understood as tangible war heritage generated by war. HPMP is also home of other tangible war heritage generated by war (HPMM, CABV and HNPMH) and lies near tangible war heritage affected by war (Genbaku Dome). Genbaku Dome was inscribed by UNESCO as a cultural WHS in 1996. Today, WH status works as a credible marker of authenticity for visitors who have the viewpoint of modernists, realists and objectivists towards authenticity of cultural heritage. Actually, authenticity is a key concept for UNESCO when they assess OUV of properties nominated for cultural or mixed WHSs. Nowadays, WH status is also acknowledged as a strong brand in tourism marketing by both host and guest sides of tourism. HPMP is also a venue where HPMC is held annually. HPMC is understood as intangible war heritage, aiming to console the souls of the war dead and praying for the realisation of global peace. Considering the nature and purpose of HPMC, the authenticity of HPMC in the view of constructivists must be preserved and its sober atmosphere must be maintained during the ceremony. To this end, interpretation of HPMC available at its official website plays a crucial educational role. Interpretation is also a key for tangible war heritage such as Genbaku Dome and exhibits of HPMM. It is found that their approach to interpretation is somewhat different from the one taken by most visitor attractions. That is because their interpretation does not seem to include subjective narratives but rather adhere to telling visitors what actually occurred, citing particular cases, sites and citizens. This implies that each visitor would appreciate the exhibits and interpretation in his/her own way, which would lead to people’s awareness of the significance of world peace. The author believes that this style is reasonable and effective, considering the essence of the war heritage and relevant displays. Concerning Nagasaki Prefecture, Nagasaki City and Sasebo City are highlighted as the places with war heritage. Nagasaki City experienced

168  War and its heritage atomic bombing on 9 August 1945. Consequently, thousands of people’s lives were lost and the cityscape was utterly destroyed. Like Hiroshima City, NPP was built as part of urban redevelopment of the city after WWII. NPP hosts NABVMPPC, intangible war heritage, every year, and the mission of this ceremony is similar to HPMC. Thus, the authenticity from the viewpoint of constructivists must be sustained to respect the meaning of NABVMPPC. NPP also includes war heritage generated by war (Hypocenter Cenotaph, NABM and NNPMH) and is near to war heritage influenced by war (Urakami Cathedral). Unlike Genbaku Dome, none of them is inscribed as a cultural WHS, although Nagasaki City is proud to own several components of WHS Meiji (Gunkanjima Island and FGH) and WHS Nagasaki (Oura Church). Nagasaki City has two Catholic sites, Urakami Cathedral and Oura Church. Although both were harmed by the atomic bombing, they were different in the level of damage. Urakami Cathedral was completely broken and needed to be rebuilt, whilst the damage on Oura Church was rather limited. Consequently, the authenticity of Urakami Cathedral can be challenged from the stance of modernists, realists or objectivists, because the cathedral lost the original building materials. This would also be a reason why Oura Church is included in WHS Nagasaki but Urakami Cathedral is not. That is because UNESCO’s view towards the authenticity of cultural or mixed WHSs is close to the standpoint of modernists, realists or objectivists rather than that of constructivists. Lastly, the policy and direction of war heritage of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, especially those in HPMP and NPP, should be summarised. Due to their nature, war heritage and places encompassing war heritage are likely to be understood and examined as visitor attractions or tourist destinations of dark tourism. Nevertheless, the author is convinced through his studies on war heritage at HPMP and NPP that they do not adhere to presenting themselves as victims and suffers of the atomic bombings but are rather eager to promote themselves as focal points for people to think about the meaning of eternal world peace. In light of this, visits to these sites should be comprehended as peace-learning tourism rather than dark or peace tourism if educational experience is a main purpose of the visits.

References Blanchard, L. A. and Higgins-Desbiolles, F. (eds) (2013) Peace through Tourism: Promoting Human Security through International Citizenship. Abingdon: Routledge. Butler, R. and Suntikul, W. (eds) (2013) Tourism and War. Abingdon: Routledge. City of Hiroshima. (2020) Suikei Jinko (Estimated Population) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.city.hiroshima.lg.jp/site/toukei/12653.html (accessed 3 June 2020). City of Hiroshima. (n.d.a) Peace Memorial Ceremony. Available at: http://www.city. hiroshima.lg.jp/www/contents/1431582843811/index.html (accessed 12 May 2019).

War and its heritage 169 City of Hiroshima. (n.d.b) The form before bombing. Available at: http://honyaku.j-server.com/LUCHRSMC/ns/tl.cgi/http%3a//www.city.hiroshima.lg.jp/ www/dome/contents/1005000000001/index.html?SLANG=ja&TLANG=en&XMODE=0&XCHARSET=utf-8&XJSID=0 (accessed 13 May 2019). City of Hiroshima. (n.d.c) Shishasu ni tsuite (About the number of the dead) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://www.city.hiroshima.lg.jp/www/contents/ 1111638957650/index.html (accessed 13 May 2019). Daugbjerg, M. (2009) Pacifying war heritage: Patterns of cosmopolitan nationalism at a Danish battlefield site. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 15(5): 431–446. Farmaki, A. (2013) Dark tourism revisited: A supply/demand conceptualization. International Journal of Culture, Tourism and Hospitality Research, 7(3): 281–292. Foley, M. and Lennon, J. J. (1996) JFK and dark tourism: A fascination with assassination. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 2(4): 198–211. FSS. (2020) Kengaku Annai Otoiawase (Information for Visitors and Enquiries) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.mod.go.jp/msdf/onemss/kengaku/ (accessed 3 June 2020). Gegner, M. and Ziino, B. (eds) (2011) The Heritage of War. Abingdon: Routledge. Hashimoto, A. and Telfer, D. J. (2017) Transformation of Gunkanjima (Battleship Island): From a coalmine island to a modern industrial heritage tourism site in Japan. Journal of Heritage Tourism, 12(2): 107–124. Hiroshima Prefecture. (2010) Okunishima dokugasu-shogai shibotsusha ireishiki to ni tsuite (About Okunoshima Memorial Service) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.pref.hiroshima.lg.jp/uploaded/attachment/18332.pdf (accessed 3 June 2020). HNPMH. (2020) Home. Available at: https://www.hiro-tsuitokinenkan.go.jp/english/index.php (accessed 3 June 2020). Holtorf, C., Pantazatos, A. and Scarre, G. (eds) (2018) Cultural Heritage, Ethics and Contemporary Migrations. Abingdon: Routledge. Jimura, T. (2011) The impact of world heritage site designation on local communities – A case study of Ogimachi, Shirakawa-mura, Japan. Tourism Management, 32(2): 288–296. Jimura, T. (2012a) Genbaku Dome and Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park: A destination of peace learning tourism. In E. Christou, D. Chionis, D. Gursoy and M. Sigala (eds) Conference Proceedings: 2nd Advances in Hospitality and Tourism Marketing & Management Conference (CD-ROM). Corfu, Greece. 31 May–3 June 2012. ISBN: 978-960-287-139-3. Jimura, T. (2012b) The relationship between World Heritage sites and school trips in Japan. In: R. Amoeda, S. Lira and C. Pinheiro (eds) Heritage 2012: Heritage and Sustainable Development. Barcelos: Green Lines Institute, pp. 1611–1620, Porto, Portugal. 19-22 June 2012. Jimura, T. (2019) World Heritage Sites: Tourism, Local Communities and Conservation Activities. Wallingford: CABI. Kure City. (n.d.) Kure-shi no Tokusei (Characteristics of Kure City) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.city.kure.lg.jp/uploaded/attachment/2265.pdf (accessed 3 June 2020). Lennon, J. J. and Foley, M. (2000) Dark Tourism. London: Cengage Learning EMEA.

170  War and its heritage Nagasaki City. (2020a) Suikei Jinko (Estimated Population). [in Japanese]. Available at: http://www.city.nagasaki.lg.jp/syokai/750000/751000/p007001.html (accessed 3 June 2020). Nagasaki City. (2020b) Nagasaki Genbaku-giseisha Irei-heiwa-kinen shikiten (Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Victims Memorial Peace Prayer Ceremony) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.at-nagasaki.jp/event/50862/ (accessed 3 June 2020). Nakagoshi, N., Watanabe, S. and Kim, J. E. (2006) Recovery of greenery resources in Hiroshima City after World War II. Landscape and Ecological Engineering, 2(2): 111–118. Oura Church. (n.d.) History [in Japanese]. Available at: https://nagasaki-ourachurch.jp/history (accessed 3 June 2020). Sasebo City. (2019) Heisei 30 nen Saseboshi kankotokei sokatsuhyo (Summary of tourism statistics 2018) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.city.sasebo.lg.jp/ kankou/kankou/documents/h30kankotokei.pdf (accessed 3 June 2020). Seaton, A. V. (1996) Guided by the dark: From thanatopsis to thanatourism. International Journal of Heritage Studies, 2(4): 234–244. Smith, V. (1996) War and its tourist attractions. In: A. Pizam and Y. Mansfeld (eds) Tourism, Crime and International Security Issues. New York: Wiley, pp. 247–264. Sørensen, M. L. S. and Viejo-Rose, D. (eds) (2015) War and Cultural Heritage. New York: Cambridge University Press. Stone, P. R. (2006) A dark tourism spectrum: Towards a typology of death and macabre related tourist sites, attractions and exhibitions. Tourism: An Interdisciplinary. International Journal, 54(2): 145–160. Takehara City. (n.d.) Okunoshima Dokugasu Shiryokan Goannai (Okunoshima Poison Gas Museum Guidance) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://www.city.takehara.lg.jp/machitukuri/dokugasusiryokan.html (accessed 10 May 2019). The Chugoku Shimbun. (2011) Genbaku shibotsusha ireihi (Cenotaph for atomic bomb victims) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://www.hiroshimapeacemedia. jp/?signpost=20111116173117710_ja (accessed 3 June 2020). The Chugoku Shimbun. (2012a) Dokugasu shibotsusha no meifuku inoru – Takehara no Okunoshima de ireishiki (Consoling the souls of workers of poison gas factory – memorial ceremony was held at Okunoshima, Takehara City) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://www.hiroshimapeacemedia.jp/?p=7911 (accessed 3 June 2020). The Chugoku Shimbun. (2012b) Hibun ronso wo shitteimasuka (Do you know the dispute on the epigraph?) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://www.hiroshimapeacemedia.jp/?p=18205 (accessed 3 June 2020). Timothy, D. J. (2011) Cultural Heritage and Tourism: An Introduction. Bristol: Channel View Publications. van den Dungen, P. (2014) Peace tourism. In: C. Wolmuther and W. Wintersteiner (eds) International Handbook on Tourism and Peace. Austria: Klagenfurt University, pp. 62–77. Wu, C., Funck, C. and Hayashi, Y. (2014) The impact of host community on destination (re) branding: A case study of Hiroshima. International Journal of Tourism Research, 16(6): 546–555. Yoshida, K., Bui, H. T. and Lee, T. J. (2016) Does tourism illuminate the darkness of Hiroshima and Nagasaki? Journal of Destination Marketing & Management, 5(4): 333–340.

9

Urban heritage Coexistence of historic and contemporary cultural heritage – Kyoto, Yokohama and Kobe

9.1 Introduction Nowadays, urban areas, typically large cities have multiple functions as people’s places to live and work. Urban areas with established history often encompass diverse tangible cultural heritage. Some of them represent historic cultural heritage inherited from the past (e.g. old buildings), whilst others embody contemporary cultural heritage created by recent or ongoing regenerations (e.g. new shopping centres). Traditionally, capital cities, especially those in developed countries, have been functioning as extensive urban spaces. For example, London, the largest and capital city of England and the UK, holds various historic and contemporary cultural heritage as follows: Historic cultural heritage: • • • • • • • • •

Kensington Palace. Maritime Greenwich (World Heritage Site (WHS) listed in 1997). Palace of Westminster and Westminster Abbey including Saint Margaret’s Church (WHS inscribed in 1987). Royal Botanic Gardens, Kew (WHS designated in 2003). Tower of London (WHS listed in 1988). Trafalgar Square. historic bookshops (e.g. Henry Sotheran). historic pubs (e.g. The George Inn and The Mayflower). historic theatres (e.g. Theatre Royal Drury Lane).

Contemporary cultural heritage: • • • • • •

ExCeL London (exhibition centre). London Eye (observation wheel). London Stadium (former Olympic Stadium) (outdoor stadium). Mandarin Oriental Hyde Park (hotel). O2 Arena (indoor arena). One Canada Square (skyscraper).

172  Urban heritage • • •

Shard (skyscraper). Wembley Stadium (football stadium). Westfield London (shopping centre).

When metropolitan areas and their cultural heritage across the globe are examined, it is crucial to understand similarities and differences in urban planning and development amongst different regions of the world (e.g. European countries and Japan). According to Ashworth and Tunbridge (2000), European nations played a leading role in shaping or changing global culture, economics and politics over the last five centuries. Today, consequently, European cities with extended history and rich cultural resources are recognised as heritage by globally-widespread populations (Ashworth and Tunbridge, 2000). These European cities developed their own urban planning systems much earlier than cities in other regions of the world. Such urban planning and its implementation have contributed to the conservation and development of ‘historic centres’ in European cities (Jimura, 2019). ‘Historic centre’ is the term adopted by UNESCO when they describe the names of a certain type of cultural WHSs (e.g. Historic Centre of the City of Salzburg). These WHSs have been conserving their ‘old town’ districts, maintaining their authenticity and integrity. This means that the Outstanding Universal Value (OUV) of these WHSs has been sustained. In other regions of the world, by contrast, it is rather difficult to find districts that can be regarded as ‘historic centres’. For instance, it is hard to identify quarters corresponding to historic centres in Japan’s big cities. There are some non-European nations that possess WHSs inscribed as historic centres such as Brazil (e.g. Historic Centre of São Luís) and Mexico (e.g. Historic Centre of Puebla). Historically, however, the cultures of these countries had been influenced by European cultures chiefly owing to their history as colonies of European countries. Currently, many metropolitan areas are also popular places to visit for tourism purposes. In academia, ‘urban tourism’ has been one of the main research fields since the late 1980s (e.g. Ashworth, 1989; Law, 1993; Selby, 2003; Spirou, 2011), although Law (1993) stated that urban areas had been overlooked in most tourism studies as of the early 1990s. Mega cities are also one of the most significant types of tourist destinations around the world (Jimura, 2007). As large cities are likely to have sundry attraction factors and social amenities, they could meet various needs of day trippers and tourists (Law, 1993). Such fascinating elements of urban areas often comprise the aforesaid historic and contemporary cultural heritage. Here, it needs to be noted that an ideal balance between historic and contemporary cultural heritage differs by city. Furthermore, part of cultural heritage can be understood as a hybrid of historic and contemporary cultural heritage (e.g. St Pancras International Railway Station, London, UK). The next section outlines historic and contemporary cultural heritage in Japan’s urban areas.

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9.2  Japan’s urban heritage As stated in Section 9.1, many urban areas or big cities in Europe embrace ‘historic centres’ that contain an accumulation of ‘historic cultural heritage’ and have retained their authenticity and integrity for centuries. In Japan, on the contrary, it is challenging to locate a neighbourhood equivalent to a historic centre. There would be two major reasons for this. Firstly, different from most cities in Europe, those in Japan have been created along or around key transport infrastructures, including arterial roads (Nakano, 2002), main railway tracks or railway stations. Put differently, in Europe, usually cities had been constructed first and then transport infrastructures were created to connect different cities. In Japan, in contrast, generally transport facilities had been built first and then cities grew near or along such infrastructures. For example, Tokaido is a foremost road between Tokyo (Edo) and Kyoto (Kyo) established by Tokugawa shogunate at the beginning of the Edo era (1603–1868) and there were 53 post stations (shukuba), places where travellers could rest, along Tokaido. However, some people assert that Tokaido should be understood as a main road between Tokyo (Edo) and Osaka with 57 post stations. The establishment of these post stations led to the formation of post towns (shukuba-machi). Even today, many of former post towns perform as regional or local transport hubs (e.g. Hamamatsu-shuku (Hamamatsu City) in Shizuoka Prefecture). Secondly, the characteristics of Japan’s urban and city planning would also be another important factor that makes current cityscapes of Japan different from Europe’s. Toshi Keikaku-ho (City Planning Act) and Tochi Kukaku Seiri-ho (Land Readjustment Act) are two principal laws relevant to Japan’s urban and city planning. For the past around a century, these acts have worked as principles and guidelines for spatial transformation and regeneration of Japan’s urban areas, specifically those of cities damaged extensively by natural disasters (e.g. Great Kanto Earthquake in 1923) and great war (i.e. World War II (WWII) ended in 1945). Such natural calamities and bombings of cities killed countless Japanese people and people residing in Japan, and completely destroyed or severely damaged the cityscapes of many great cities. The country, however, recovered and achieved an economic miracle between 1955 and 1973 (Jimura, 2020). Urban areas of Japan altered their faces rapidly and extensively through this astounding economic development. Noticeable features of Japan’s urban areas today are: (1) ambiguity of boundaries between city centres and suburban areas and (2) hugely extended urban areas. These two make the structures of Japan’s urban areas different from those of Europe’s. Regarding (1), as represented by the presence of ‘historic centres’ in Europe, there are often clear boundaries between a city centre where the city originates from and a suburb that is developed later to accommodate diverse facilities and infrastructures required to satisfy the demands of increased number of dwellers living in and around the

174  Urban heritage city. The former has generally survived as a historic centre, conserving its historic cultural heritage, whilst the latter is likely to encompass contemporary cultural heritage such as newly-built houses, factories, retail spaces and shopping centres. In Japan’s urban districts, in contrast, historic cultural heritage such as ancient buildings are inclined to be scattered around the city and sometimes historic and contemporary cultural heritage, typically buildings, sits next to each other. Some visitors, particularly international visitors, may appreciate such an ‘aesthetic chaos’ as an individuality of Japan’s cityscapes, whilst others may criticise it as a lack of integrity and unity. Concerning (2), in Europe, people will see a countryside soon after they leave a large city by train. In Japan, on the contrary, people will realise that urban areas often extend over a stupendous extent when they travel by rail. Considering the abovementioned points, it is confirmed that urban and city planning and its results are different between Europe and Japan as epitomised by the presence or absence of historic centres. Such differences appear to have been triggered by two factors, (a) the cause-and-effect relationship between the emergence of metropolitan areas and key transport infrastructures and (b) the uniqueness of Japan’s urban and city planning and its outcomes. Japan experienced a highly successful recovery from the aftermath of WWII. Through this process, many cityscapes in Japan have changed because of spatial transformation and regeneration. Population of Japan had also increased since the end of WWII, reaching a peak of 127.84 million in 2004 (Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications, n.d.). Japan has been experiencing depopulation since 2005 and aging population in recent years, specifically in rural and remote areas. As of June 2020, Japan has 12 cities with a population of more than one million as follows: 1 Special Wards of Tokyo (SWT) (Tokyo Metropolitan Prefecture (TMP), Greater Tokyo Area (GTA), Kanto region) 2 Yokohama City (Kanagawa Prefecture, GTA, Kanto region) 3 Osaka City (Osaka Urban Prefecture (OUP), Kansai region) 4 Nagoya City (Aichi Prefecture, Chubu region) 5 Sapporo City (Hokkaido Prefecture) 6 Fukuoka City (Fukuoka Prefecture, Kyushu region) 7 Kawasaki City (Kanagawa Prefecture, GTA, Kanto region) 8 Kobe City (Hyogo Prefecture, Kansai region) 9 Kyoto City (Kyoto Urban Prefecture (KUP), Kansai region) 10 Saitama City (Saitama Prefecture, GTA, Kanto region) 11 Hiroshima City (Hiroshima Prefecture, Chugoku region) 12 Sendai City (Miyagi Prefecture, Tohoku region) Japan has also been undergoing the concentration of population in large cities; however, not all of the above-listed 12 cities have gone through a growth of population. For instance, the populations of sizeable cities in GTA (e.g.

Urban heritage 175 Yokohama City and Kawasaki City) have been increasing. In contrast, Kobe City, the second largest city in the Kansai region, has been suffering from a gradual decrease in its population. The situation of Kyoto City is slightly better than Kobe City but has not seen a large increase in population like SWT, Yokohama City or Kawasaki City. This means that the populations of big cities in GTA, particularly the population of SWT, have been increasing, whilst other regions of Japan have not been experiencing such an increase or even have been suffering from depopulation. All of the aforementioned 12 large cities contain both historic and contemporary cultural heritage embedded in their cityscapes. Of these, Section 9.3 examines Kyoto City as the most evident example of coexistence of historic ‘Japanese’ cultural heritage and contemporary cultural heritage. On the other hand, Section 9.4 investigates Yokohama City and Kobe City as the most prominent examples of coexistence of historic ‘foreign’ cultural heritage and contemporary cultural heritage.

9.3 Kyoto 9.3.1  Site description KUP is located in the Kansai region of Japan, a western part of the Honshu Island. Of 47 prefectures in Japan, KUP is the 13th largest; and of six prefectures in the Kansai region, it is the third biggest in terms of population (around 2.58 million as of June 2020). The capital city of KUP is Kyoto City, which has a population of around 1.46 million as of June 2020. The city is the ninth most populous city in Japan. It may sound strange but there are no Japanese laws that stipulate the capital city of today’s Japan. Thus, there are several different opinions about where Japan’s capital city is and how it has been changing throughout the history. Nevertheless, most Japanese people would see that Kyoto had been a capital city of Japan (Heian-kyo) for more than 1,000 years (between 794 and 1868 except temporal capital relocation to Fukuhara-kyo in 1180) until the capital city was moved to Tokyo in 1868 when the Meiji period began. Kyoto City is full of varied historic ‘Japanese’ cultural heritage thanks to the city’s extended history as the capital city and the city’s presence and role as Japan’s cultural capital for a long time. Such historic cultural heritage of Kyoto City consists of both tangible and intangible heritage. For example, tangible historic cultural heritage of Kyoto City includes the following sites/ properties: • • • •

Shinto shrines (e.g. Kamigamo Shrine and Shimogamo Shrine) (see Chapter 2 for details). Japanese Buddhist temples (e.g. Daigo-ji Temple and Rokuon-ji (Kinkaku-ji) Temple) (see Chapter 2 for details). Japanese castles (e.g. Nijo Castle (see Figure 9.1)). Japanese-style inns (e.g. Tawaraya, Hiiragiya and Sumiya) (see Chapter 5 for details).

176  Urban heritage

Figure 9.1  Nijo Castle (Source: Author)

Except Japanese-style inns, all of the above-listed specific examples of tangible historic cultural heritage are included in a cultural WHS, Historic Monuments of Ancient Kyoto (Kyoto, Uji and Otsu Cities) (WHS Kyoto), designated in 1994. Although it is not directly associated with the configuration of urban areas of Kyoto City, the city also has intangible historic cultural heritage as listed below: • • •

Japan’s traditional festivals (matsuri) (e.g. Aoi Matsuri, Gion Matsuri and Jidai Matsuri) (see Chapter 3 for details). Japanese cuisine and foods (e.g. Kyoto cuisine and Kyoto vegetables) (see also Chapter 4). Japanese traditional performing arts (e.g. noh performed at several noh stages situated in Kyoto City).

As described earlier, Kyoto City is an ancient capital of Japan; thus, it is understandable that the city has scores of historic ‘Japanese’ cultural heritage with wide variety. As the ninth largest city of Japan with a population of almost 1.5 million; however, Kyoto City also owns a range of ‘contemporary’ cultural heritage that can satisfy the needs of local people with diversified lifestyles and visitors with various interests. For instance, the city possesses tangible contemporary cultural heritage as follows: • • •

Transport structures with modern design (e.g. fourth-generation Kyoto Station Building completed in 1997 (see Figure 9.2)). Modern visitor attractions (e.g. Kyoto Tower built in 1964). Shopping buildings and malls with modern design (e.g. Kyoto BAL constructed in 1970, Kyoto Porta opened in 1980, LAQUE Shijo-Karasuma and Kyoto Yodobashi both erected in 2010).

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Figure 9.2  Fourth-generation Kyoto Station Building reflecting Kyoto Tower (Source: Author)

Besides, the city also possesses a range of intangible contemporary cultural heritage such as diverse events and festivals held across the city throughout the year. Thus, nowadays Kyoto City holds sundry ‘contemporary’ cultural heritage, although the city is the ancient capital of Japan full of historic ‘Japanese’ cultural heritage. In other words, Kyoto City as a whole can be comprehended as an extensive urban space which mirrors a distinctive example of coexistence of historic and contemporary cultural heritage of Japan. Next section (Section 9.3.2) provides a more in-depth look at this point. 9.3.2  Coexistence of historic and contemporary cultural heritage Since being granted city status in 1889, Kyoto City has continued to expand, synoecising nearby smaller municipalities. Today, the city has an area of 82,790 hectares (Kyoto City, n.d.a). Kyoto City is surrounded by mountains on three sides except the south and its main metropolitan area is formed on Kyoto Basin and Yamashina Basin. This metropolitan space occupies around 17% (14,000 hectares) of the city, and four wards of the city, Kamigyo, Nakagyo, Shimogyo and Higashiyama are seen as the oldest urban districts of the city where commercial and business zones and bases for traditional industries have existed (Kyoto City, n.d.a). The origin of today’s city centre area was built initially as Heian-kyo at the beginning of the Heian period (794–1185). Heian-kyo was constructed, modelled on the design of Chang’an, the capital city of the Tang Dynasty of China (618–907) (Guo et al., 2001), although the size of Heian-kyo was much smaller than Chang’an’s. Heian-kyo was formed based on the jobo system, a grid street plan, with its main avenue penetrating the centre of Heian-kyo from north

178  Urban heritage to south (Kyoto City, n.d.a). This main avenue was called Suzaku-oji and it divided Heian-kyo into Sakyo (left) and Ukyo (right) districts. Suzakuoji corresponds approximately to today’s Senbon-dori street. Nowadays, Senbon-dori is still one of the main streets in the city centre of Kyoto. Today, however, the city centre extends much further, and its core zone has shifted to the east, along and around five main north-south streets, namely from west to east Omiya-dori, Horikawa-dori, Karasuma-dori, Kawaramachidori and Higashioji-dori. Although traces of the jobo system still serve as part of the main foundations for the configuration of the current city centre, the city experienced some important changes in its urban design throughout its history. For instance, the Onin War between 1467 and 1477 was a major civil war that utterly destroyed the urban area of Kyoto, and triggered the emergence of two major merchant districts, Kaminokyo (north) and Shimonokyo (south), within the city centre (Kyoto City, n.d.a). At the end of the AzuchiMomoyama period (1568–1600), moreover, Hideyoshi Toyotomi, the most powerful samurai at that time, built a luxurious palace /castle ( jurakudai) in today’s Kamigyo ward. He also constructed earthworks that clearly separated the inside (rakuchu) and outside (rakugai) of Heian-kyo. Furthermore, he conducted re-allocations of lands, forcing Japanese Buddhist temples that once had been scattered across rakuchu to relocate into two areas along Teramachi-dori and Teranouchi-dori. This series of city planning, spatial transformation and regeneration works facilitated the redevelopment of the urban area of Kyoto as a castle town ( joka-machi) (Kyoto City, n.d.a). Joka-machi is characterised by the presence of defence facilities surrounding the city and the existence of several districts by occupation (e.g. merchants, monks and craftsmen). In addition to the structure based on the jobo system adopted by Heian-kyo, the formation of joka-machi also functions as a basis of the current city centre of Kyoto (Kyoto City, n.d.a). As stated in Section 9.2, Toshi Keikaku-ho (City Planning Act) and Tochi Kukaku Seiri-ho (Land Readjustment Act) are two main laws that regulate Japan’s urban and city planning. Besides, Kenchiku Kijun-ho (Building Standards Act) was also put into practice in 1950. Furthermore, Kyoto City has adopted and implemented a series of regulations and ordinances, aiming to conserve its historic cityscapes such as Kyoto Kokusai-bunka-kankotoshi Kensetsu-ho (Development of Kyoto as International Cultural Tourism City Act) enacted in 1950 and Kyoto-shi Shigaichi-keikan-jorei (Kyoto City Urban Landscape Ordinance) passed in 1972. The implementation of these regulatory frameworks is confirmed by the height, design and/or colouring of tangible contemporary cultural heritage situated in the city centre such as fast food restaurants (e.g. McDonald’s and Yoshinoya) and convenience stores (e.g. 7-Eleven and Lawson). Usually, they are characterised by brown and white colouring, Japanese lattice and/or a tiled roof. These practices are somewhat helpful for Kyoto’s tangible contemporary cultural heritage to visually harmonise with its historic and cultural surroundings, including

Urban heritage 179 Japanese Buddhist temples, Shinto shrines and/or kyo-machiya, the city’s traditional wooden townhouses. Nevertheless, Kyoto City still does not seem to maintain its integrity and unity as a whole cityscape. As raised in Section 9.2, historic ‘Japanese’ cultural heritage is scattered around the city. Thus, religious buildings (historic ‘Japanese’ cultural heritage) and fast food restaurants and convenience stores (contemporary cultural heritage) coexist in the same urban districts. Furthermore, these two types of tangible cultural heritage even stand close to each other in some cases. For instance, the Gion district in Higashiyama ward evidently illustrates coexistence of historic and contemporary cultural heritage. A number of shops, restaurants and cafés are located near a historic ‘Japanese’ cultural heritage site, Yasaka Shrine. Such a situation in Kyoto City may be censured as an absence of integrity or unity by some people. Moreover, the authenticity not as individual cultural heritage but as the whole of a cultural quarter can be challenged from the stance of modernists, realists and objectivists. Although some visitors, especially those from overseas, may find this state intriguing as it represents an ‘aesthetic chaos’, the prominent attribute of Japan’s cityscapes (see also Section 9.2), such a favourable view would be rather limited. This condition would also be a key reason why it is hard in Japan’s urban areas to find the districts equivalent to ‘historic centres’ in the West, even in Kyoto City, Japan’s ancient capital (see also Section 9.1). There are two major urban areas within Kyoto City. One extends over Higashiyama and Nakagyo wards (city centre area) and the other spreads over Shimogyo and Minami wards (Kyoto Station area). The city centre area has much longer history as Kyoto’s urban area than the Kyoto Station area; however, both are illustrative examples of coexistence of historic and contemporary cultural heritage. In the city centre area, Honno-ji Temple is located in the middle of the area, Yasaka Shrine is situated on the eastern edge of the area, and Nijo Castle, part of WHS Kyoto is near the northwest corner of the area. All of these, particularly Honno-ji Temple and Yasaka Shrine, stand in the vicinity of contemporary cultural heritage such as smallscale shops. On the other hand, the Kyoto Station area is the urban area dominated by contemporary cultural heritage, consisting of large shopping and entertainment facilities such as Porta, Kyoto Avanti, Japan Railway (JR) Kyoto Isetan department store, Hotel Granvia Kyoto, Kyoto Theatre, Kyoto Yodobashi and Kyoto Aeon Mall. Kyoto Station for JR lines and Kyoto Station for Kintetsu line are located next to each other as the nucleus of this urban area. JR West has been playing a leading role in the extensive development of this urban area. Nevertheless, this area also encompasses historic cultural heritage. For example, Nishi Hongan-ji Temple, an element of WHS Kyoto is located in the northwest of JR Kyoto Station, whilst another element of WHS Kyoto, Kyo-o-gokoku-ji (Toji) Temple is situated in the southwest of Kintetsu Kyoto Station. The next section examines these urban areas of Kyoto City as tourist destinations, referring to relevant examples.

180  Urban heritage 9.3.3  Urban areas as tourist destinations Kyoto City has an extended history as an established tourist destination and is the most popular tourist destination city in Japan (Emori et al., 2016). The images of Shinto shrines, Japanese Buddhist temples, Japanese gardens, Japanese cuisine, Japanese traditional arts and matsuri available in Kyoto City often symbolise historic and traditional aspects of Japan in tourism and destination marketing. By contrast, modern and contemporary dimensions of Kyoto City do not seem to have been actively utilised for marketing and promotional purposes, although historic and contemporary cultural heritage has coexisted within the city as discussed above. In recent years, the number of both same-day visitors and tourists to the city has increased rapidly and massively. In fact, the numbers of visitors and tourists were 40.51 million and 9.42 million respectively in 2000, but these numbers have increased to 52.75 million and 15.82 million respectively in 2018 (Kyoto City, n.d.b). Particularly notable is a huge increase in the number of international tourists, from 0.40 million in 2000 to 4.50 million in 2018 (Kyoto City, n.d.b). The amount of visitor spending has also risen considerably between 2000 (439.9 billion JPY) and 2018 (1.3082 trillion JPY) (Kyoto City, n.d.b). For these reasons, it is sure that Kyoto City has been experiencing inbound tourism boom in recent years as the whole of Japan has been (Jimura, 2019). The aforementioned surge has affected both supply and demand sides of tourism, generating diverse economic, socio-cultural and environmental impacts on the destination. Overall, however, negative socio-cultural and environmental impacts of such a fast and tremendous increase in visitor numbers on Kyoto City appear to have outweighed its positive economic impacts on the city. Concerning socio-cultural issues, Kyoto City is listed as one of tourist destinations that have been struggling with overtourism, along with Palma de Mallorca, Paris, Dubrovnik, Berlin, Bali and Reykjavik (Milano et al., 2018). For example, local bus services in Kyoto City cannot continue to cope with ever-rising demand and local residents often feel difficult to use the services in their daily lives (Jimura, 2019). This situation also causes delays in the services and heavier traffic congestion, principally in the city’s urban areas. An attribute of this ancient capital of Japan also contributes negatively to these problems: The width of roads tends to be narrower than other large cities with shorter history such as Nagoya. Overcrowding and traffic congestion within Kyoto City can not only worsen the quality of local inhabitants’ everyday lives but spoil visitor experience (du Cros, 2008). As for environmental impacts, a large amount of rubbish generated by the increased number of visitors is one of the most serious environmental concerns for popular tourist zones in Kyoto City (e.g. Arashiyama district). Interpretation obtainable on relevant websites and on site can be effective to alleviate growing litter problems, and more

Urban heritage 181 and more interpretation has become available in languages other than Japanese, specifically in English. For example, a web page of japan-guide. com (https://www.japan-guide.com/e/e2222.html) gives foreigners visiting and living in Japan the detailed guidance on Japan’s rubbish segregation and collection systems in an educational manner. As stated at the end of Section 9.2, a real picture of Kyoto City can be viewed as the most distinct example of synchronicity of historic ‘Japanese’ cultural heritage and contemporary cultural heritage. As a tourist destination, however, the city has usually been described and perceived as a ‘historic’ city by both supply and demand sides of tourism, especially by the former through various media such as websites of destination marketing organisations (DMOs) and guidebooks. Considering this, ‘authenticity’ of a historic city can be seen as one of the most significant factors that can influence visitor expectation (images) and experience (realities) (Lu et al., 2015). Concerning WHSs that satisfy the cultural criteria for World Heritage (WH) nomination, van Oers (2010) emphasises the magnitude of both ‘authenticity’ and ‘integrity’ in the management of WHSs that are valued as historic cities. Kyoto City encompasses 14 out of 17 properties that form WHS Kyoto. This implies that each of the 14 properties has both ‘authenticity’ and ‘integrity’ in the view of UNESCO and WH. Here, it should be noted that the authenticity in the context of WH is similar to the authenticity from the stance of modernists, realists and objectivists who believe that cultural heritage can be authentic in its own right (see Section 1.2.5 in Chapter 1). Thus, Shinto shrines, Japanese Buddhist temples and Japanese castle included in WHS Kyoto are authentic in their own right thanks to the quality and elements these components of WHS Kyoto possess. Nonetheless, WHS Kyoto is not inscribed as a cultural WHS that extends over a certain area where people live and work but as a cultural WHS that is regarded as an aggregation of separate heritage components. In fact, WHS Kyoto was inscribed through a serial nomination that ‘can be used to nominate many properties in the same thematic group or geological period in a single nomination dossier’ (World Heritage Centre, n.d.). These points link back to the features of urban and city planning of Japan and its outcomes (see Section 9.2): In Japan, it is difficult to identify quarters corresponding to historic centres in Europe. This signifies that Kyoto City does not own a district or zone that has both authenticity and integrity as a specific spatial area, although each component of WHS Kyoto has both. This is associated with the fact that both historic cultural heritage sites (e.g. the components of WHS Kyoto) and contemporary cultural heritage sites (e.g. retail stores) coexist in the same urban quarters within Kyoto City, including the aforementioned city centre area and Kyoto Station area, and they work as visitor attractions in a synergetic way.

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9.4  Yokohama and Kobe 9.4.1  Site description This section compares and contrasts Yokohama and Kobe as two outstanding examples of concomitance of historic ‘foreign’ cultural heritage and contemporary cultural heritage. Both cities are often labelled as port cities with influences of foreign cultures, chiefly Western ones, although they both have a Chinatown. Yokohama City is the prefectural capital of Kanagawa Prefecture in the Kanto region, an eastern part of the Honshu Island. Kanagawa Prefecture is the second largest prefecture in Japan as well as in the Kanto region in terms of population (around 9.20 million as of June 2020). Kanagawa Prefecture and Yokohama City can also be seen as part of GTA, and Yokohama City is the second most populous city in Japan after SWT. Overall, Yokohama City has been enjoying its prosperity after WWII as the second business and cultural hub in GTA and Kanto region. During the Heisei period (1989–2019), in fact, the city’s population has increased from around 3.16 million to 3.74 million (Yokohama City, 2020a). On the other hand, Kobe City is the prefectural seat of Hyogo Prefecture in the Kansai region to which KUP and Kyoto City also belong. Hyogo Prefecture is the second biggest prefecture in the Kansai region after OUP, and the seventh largest prefecture in Japan in terms of population (around 5.45 million as of June 2020). Like Yokohama City, Kobe City has also achieved its economic success after WWII. The population of the city increased from 1.47 million to 1.55 million between 1989 and 2011, but has decreased to 1.52 million in 2019 (Kobe City, 2020). In the 1980s, Kobe City was famous for its exceptional business sense as evidenced by the huge success of Portopia ‘81, a time-limited exhibition held by the city. The city used to be recognised as ‘Kobe City Business Company’ thanks to their excellent business skills. However, the increase in population and its growth rate of Kobe between 1989 and 2019 were much smaller than Yokohama. That is chiefly because of ever-accelerating overconcentration of every resource, industry and opportunity on GTA and TMP, specifically SWT, that has been promoted by bureaucrats, central government ministries and agencies, and politicians and Cabinets since the end of WWII, depreciating all areas other than TMP or GTA. It also needs to be remembered that the concentration of population has been occurring not only at a national level but at a regional level. This signifies that OUP, especially its capital city Osaka, has attracted a rising number and a wider variety of resources, industries, opportunities and people, particularly young people, from other municipalities in the Kansai region, including Kobe City. The author had lived in Kobe between 1990 and 1994 when the city’s population increased from 1.48 million to 1.52 million. The author remembers the bustling atmosphere of the city at the time. Sadly, however, the Great Hanshin Earthquake occurred on 17 January 1995 claimed lives of 4,564 Kobe citizens and totally

Urban heritage 183 destroyed the cityscapes of Kobe (Hyogo Prefecture, 2016). Consequently, the population dropped down to 1.42 million in 1995 (Kobe City, 2020). Every effort has been made to rebuild and revitalise the city since then. In the author’s view, however, Kobe City has not fully regained its prosperity, although more than a quarter century has passed since the Great Hanshin Earthquake. Both Yokohama and Kobe possess various historic cultural heritage (Western and Chinese) and contemporary cultural heritage, and these two kinds of cultural heritage live together within each city. The next section examines the two types of cultural heritage in detail. 9.4.2  Coexistence of historic and contemporary cultural heritage Like Kyoto City, Yokohama City was awarded city status in 1889 and has continued to multiply, absorbing neighbouring municipalities. As of June 2020, the city has an area of 43,738 hectares, consisting of 18 wards. The bulk of main cultural heritage of Yokohama are situated in five wards from north to south, namely Kohoku, Nishi, Naka, Minami and Kanazawa. Of these, Kohoku and Minami are inland wards, whilst Nishi, Naka and Kanazawa have a coastline. Sitting next to each other, Nishi, Naka and Minami wards were once one ward (old Naka ward) and have functioned as a historic core of Yokohama City. As suggested in Section 9.1, cultural heritage can be categorised into historic and contemporary cultural heritage. The list below presents emblematic examples of Yokohama City’s tangible historic and contemporary cultural heritage. Historic (Western or Chinese) cultural heritage: • • • •

Historic quarters (e.g. Kannai, Bashamichi and Chinatown in Naka ward (see Figure 9.3)). Parks (e.g. Yamate Park and Yokohama Park in Naka ward, and Yokohama Municipal Children’s Botanical Garden in Minami ward). Foreign cemeteries (e.g. Yokohama Foreign Cemetery in Naka ward). Historic buildings and museums (e.g. Yokohama Archives of History and Kanagawa Prefectural Museum of Cultural History in Naka ward, and Gumyo-ji Temple in Minami ward).

Contemporary cultural heritage: • •

Redeveloped (contemporary) quarters (e.g. Minato Mirai 21 in Nishi ward). Shopping and restaurant facilities (e.g. Queen’s Square and Yokohama Landmark Tower in Nishi ward, Marine and Walk Yokohama in Naka ward, and Yokohama Bay Side Marina in Kanazawa ward).

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Figure 9.3  Chinatown, Yokohama (Source: Author)

•

•

Venues for meetings, incentives, conferences (conventions) and exhibitions (events) (MICE), and music and sport events (e.g. Nissan Stadium and Yokohama Arena in Kohoku ward, Pacific Convention Plaza Yokohama (Pacifico Yokohama) in Nishi ward, and Yokohama Stadium in Naka ward). Modern monuments, museums and theme parks (e.g. Shin-Yokohama Ramen Museum in Kohoku ward, Inter Continental Yokohama Grand in Nishi ward, Yokohama Marine Tower in Naka ward, and Yokohama Hakkeijima Sea Paradise in Kanazawa ward).

In addition, Yokohama City also has intangible historic (e.g. Shibayama lacquerware) and contemporary (e.g. Yokohama Kaiko-sai (Yokohama Port Festival) in June) cultural heritage. As can be seen from the list given, Nishi and Naka wards have diverse tangible cultural heritage, and these two wards form Yokohama City’s extensive urban area along the bay. More precisely, Nishi ward is full of a range of ‘contemporary’ cultural heritage, whilst Naka ward encompasses diverse ‘historic’ cultural heritage. In Nishi ward, a cluster of contemporary cultural heritage is confirmed in its urban districts such as Minato Mirai 21. In Naka ward, by contrast, historic cultural heritage

Urban heritage 185 seems to be dotted all over the ward. There are some zones with historic and/or cultural atmosphere that feature a specific theme such as Chinatown, Kannai and Bashamichi. Nonetheless, the integrity and unity of these districts and their authenticity from the stance of modernists, realists and objectivists do not seem to have been maintained due to the advanced commercialisation of the districts for tourism purposes and a lack of successors of traditional local businesses. Consequently, the areas equivalent to ‘historic centres’ in Europe would not be found in Yokohama City. The origination of Kobe as a city and its history are similar to those of Kyoto and Yokohama. As of June 2020, the city has an area of 54,456 hectares. Kobe City comprises nine ward, seven of which (Higashinada, Nada, Chuo, Hyogo, Nagata, Suma and Tarumi) are surrounded by mountains and the sea, and the remaining two wards, Kita and Nishi are inland wards. Overall, the seven wards are seen as more historic areas than the two. The city has diverse historic and contemporary cultural heritage throughout; however, the majority of its key cultural heritage is located in Chuo ward. The area shaping current Chuo ward has developed as a political and commercial centre of the city since the Meiji period. The city’s seven wards facing the sea form a belt-like area with the following two geographical characteristics: • •

Long in east-west direction, whilst short in north-south direction. Slopes and hills throughout the wards.

For the aforementioned features, the metropolitan areas of Kobe City are more compact than Yokohama City’s. Similar to Yokohama, most of tangible cultural heritage properties, both historic and contemporary ones, lie in the bay areas, especially those in Chuo ward. Besides, the city has valuable cultural heritage also in its mountain areas, including Arima Onsen (hot-spring area) in Kita ward (see Chapter 5 for details of onsen). The following list shows renowned examples of city’s tangible cultural heritage. Historic (Western or Chinese) cultural heritage: • • • •

Historic quarters (e.g. Old Kobe Foreign Settlement, Chinatown, and Kitano-cho and Yamamoto-dori area in Chuo ward (see Figure 9.4)). Parks (e.g. Kobe East Park in Chuo ward). Foreign cemeteries (e.g. Kobe Foreign Cemetery in Kita ward). Historic buildings and museums (e.g. Sake breweries in Higashinada and Nada wards, former Rokkosan Hotel in the mountain area of Nada ward, former National City Bank Kobe branch and Kobe City Museum in Chuo ward, and Japanese-style inns in Arima Onsen in Kita ward (see Chapter 5 for details of Japanese-style inns)).

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Figure 9.4  Kazamidori no Yakata (Former Thomas Residence) in Kitano-cho and Yamamoto-dori area, Kobe (Source: Author)

Contemporary cultural heritage: • • • •

Redeveloped (contemporary) quarters (e.g. Rokko Island in Higashinada ward, and Port Island, Meriken Park, and Harbourland in Chuo ward). Shopping and restaurant facilities (e.g. umie, and Sannomiya Centregai Shopping Street in Chuo ward). Venues for MICE, and music and sport events (e.g. Kobe Convention Complex, and World Memorial Hall in Chuo ward). Modern monuments and museums (e.g. Kobe Port Tower, Fish Dance, Kobe Maritime Museum and UCC Coffee Museum in Chuo ward).

Like Yokohama City, furthermore, Kobe City also retains intangible historic (e.g. Japanised Western cuisine (yoshoku), and Arima Onsen in the mountain area) and contemporary (e.g. Kobe Matsuri held in May, and Kobe Luminarie staged in December) cultural heritage (see Chapter 3 for matsuri and Chapter 4 for Japanised international cuisines). As evidenced by various examples of cultural heritage listed earlier, Chuo ward is the area where the majority of historic and contemporary cultural heritage lies. Overall, the city’s historic cultural heritage is found in the mountain (e.g. Arima Onsen), city centre (e.g. Kitano-cho and Yamamoto-dori area)

Urban heritage 187 and bay area (e.g. Old Kobe Foreign Settlement) from north to south of the city. On the other hand, Kobe’s contemporary cultural heritage is concentrated in the city centre and bay area. The huge clusters of contemporary cultural heritage properties in the bay area, particularly in artificial islands (Rokko Island and Port Island), landfill land (Meriken Park) and redeveloped area (Harbourland) is a noteworthy phenomenon and should be noted as a key feature of the urban areas of Kobe City. It should also be remembered that most of Kobe’s urban areas, encompassing historic and contemporary cultural heritage, extends over Chuo ward. Overall, however, the integrity and coherence of each urban area of Kobe and its authenticity from the viewpoint of modernists, realists and objectivists do not appear to have been kept intact because of the Great Hanshin Earthquake and commercialisation of the city as a whole, especially its bay area. Like the case of Yokohama, it would be difficult to spot neighbourhoods corresponding to Europe’s ‘historic centres’ in Kobe City for the aforementioned factors. The next section explores the urban areas of Yokohama and Kobe as tourist destinations, citing relevant examples. 9.4.3  Urban areas as tourist destinations Japan’s recent inbound boom has led to an increase in the number of visitors to Yokohama City. The annual visitor numbers to the city surpassed 30 million (31.34 million) for the first time in 2013 and has increased further to 36.34 million in 2019 (Yokohama City, 2020b). Of these visitors, tourists accounted for around 15.0% (4.71 million) in 2013 and 15.6% (5.67 million) in 2019. Yokohama’s proportion of tourists was much lower than Kyoto City’s (around 30.0% in 2018), implying that many visitors to Yokohama would stay at a hotel in SWT or TMP rather than within Yokohama City. In fact, it takes just 30 to 40 minutes by JR train between Tokyo Station and Yokohama Station. The visitor spending in 2019 was 376.2 billion (Yokohama City, 2020b), which was less than 30% of that of Kyoto City in 2018. The year 2013 was also monumental for Kobe’s tourism. The annual visitor numbers to the city exceeded 20 million (22.87 million) for the first time in 2013 (Kobe City, 2014) and of these, 4.81 million (around 21.0%) stayed overnight in Kobe City. According to Kobe City (2019), it attracted 22.05 million visitors in 2018, 4.51 million (around 20.5%) of which were tourists. The visitor expenditure in 2018 was 347.1 billion (Kobe City, 2019). Of the three main cities in the Kansai region (called Kei-Han-Shin in Japanese), Osaka City is situated between Kobe and Kyoto, and the travel times by the fastest JR train to Kobe and Kyoto are around 20 and 30 minutes respectively. Hence, the geographical relation between Osaka City and Kobe City is similar to that of SWT and Yokohama City. Yokohama City has around 14 million more annual visitors than Kobe City but the difference in the numbers of annual tourists between Yokohama and Kobe is around one million. Consequently, there is not a large difference in visitor spending between these two cities.

188  Urban heritage Concerning the information supplied by the host side of tourism and used by the guest side of tourism, both Yokohama and Kobe seem to fully exploit their historic and contemporary cultural heritage for their destination marketing. This is evident, for instance, by their DMO websites, namely Yokohama Official Visitors’ Guide (http://www.yokohamajapan.com/) and Feel Kobe (http://plus.feel-kobe.jp/en/). Unlike Kyoto City, Yokohama City and Kobe City appear to value and feature the aforementioned two sorts of cultural heritage equally. By doing so, both destinations could attract a wider variety of visitors with diverse interests. In both cities, a lot of historic and contemporary cultural heritage acting as tourism resources is located in their bay areas. This inclination is more prominent in Yokohama than Kobe as the latter has diverse cultural heritage serving as visitor attractions (e.g. former Rokkosan Hotel and Kobe Municipal Rokkosan Pasture) and tourist destinations (e.g. Arima Onsen) also in its mountain areas. Regarding historic cultural heritage, for example, a Chinatown is the heritage both Yokohama City and Kobe City see as their key tourism resource. As Song (2015) summarises, there are some similarities and differences between Chinatowns in Yokohama and Kobe. Firstly, both Chinatowns have more than a 100-year history; however, Yokohama’s Chinatown has slightly longer history than Kobe’s. It is believed that the former was founded before 1868 and the latter was established before 1888 (Song, 2015). Secondly, Chinese people who developed Yokohama’s Chinatown lived in the foreign settlement of the city, whilst those who built Kobe’s Chinatown resided outside the foreign settlement of the city (Song, 2015). Thirdly, Yokohama’s Chinatown is much larger than Kobe’s in various dimensions such as area size, number of restaurants and shops, and number of members of Chinatown association (Song, 2015). Regarding tourism, it should be noted that both Chinatowns hold events associated with various Chinese rituals, vitalise Chinese traditional culture in Japan, and enhance their identity as Chinese, for the purposes of tourism marketing (Song, 2015). Generally, Chinatowns all over the world were created initially as places for Chinese community who migrated to a new country. As time passed by, however, non-Chinese local people and then visitors started visiting Chinatowns, and Chinatowns have become important visitor attractions. Compared with Chinatowns in other countries, however, those in Japan (Yokohama, Kobe and Nagasaki) seem to have become more touristy. Actually, this distinctive character of Japan’s Chinatowns as tourism resources is pointed out by Japanese and Chinese researchers (Yamashita, 1979; Zhang, 2013). The other significant feature of Japan’s Chinatowns would be adaptation to Japanese society and localisation for Japanese customers, because overall they seem to have set Japanese people as their main target. This can be confirmed from, for instance, the presence of a number of food stalls in front of restaurants and the provision of Japanised Chinese cuisine (see Chapter 4 for details). In both cities, Chinatowns are situated close to other types of historic tourism resources

Urban heritage 189 such as Kanagawa Prefectural Museum of Cultural History (Yokohama) and Old Kobe Foreign Settlement. Some of the places encompassing contemporary tourism resources such as Minato Mirai 21 (Yokohama) and Meriken Park (Kobe) also lie near the Chinatowns. These areas can be explored by walk and this way of sightseeing is recommended by Hamakore Yokohama (n.d.). Such agglomeration of historic and contemporary cultural heritage (also seen as tourism resources) in relatively small zones near the coast can be viewed as one of the main characteristics of Yokohama and Kobe as tourist destinations. The current cityscapes of these areas could also be understood as witnesses of historical spatial transformation of the cities, and consequences of both conservation and redevelopment activities.

9.5 Conclusion Nowadays, urban areas across the world have multiple functions such as places to live and work. Besides, these metropolitan regions also work as major tourist destinations with diverse cultural heritage that also acts as tourism resources. In the author’s opinion, cultural heritage that exists in urban areas comprises historic and contemporary cultural heritage. These two kinds of cultural heritage often cohabit in Japan’s urban areas. This would be one of the main reasons why the areas equivalent to ‘historic centres’ in Europe are difficult to spot in Japan. Some people may think that the non-existence of the districts corresponding to historic centres signifies an absence of integrity and unity as a whole area with a certain character and/ or a lack of harmony between historic cultural heritage and its surrounding environment. On the other hand, others may appreciate this condition as a distinctive feature of Japan’s cityscapes. Furthermore, it should be noted that Japan’s urban areas are also characterised by the vagueness of borders between city centres and suburban outskirts, and the considerably extended urban areas. This chapter examines Kyoto City as the most representative example of the metropolitan areas where historic Japanese cultural heritage and contemporary cultural heritage subsist together. Although Kyoto City had been a capital of Japan for more than a century and its main structure is still based on the jobo system, the city does not appear to have a district equivalent to a historic centre in the West. This is evidenced by the fact that not a specific geographical area by a single-site nomination but a group of independent properties through a serial nomination was designated as WHS Kyoto. Concerning tourism, Kyoto has a range of places of interest throughout the city, including two core metropolitan quarters, namely the city centre and Kyoto Station areas. Kyoto City’s visitor attraction portfolio includes both historic Japanese cultural heritage (e.g. Japanese Buddhist temples that are part of WHS Kyoto) and contemporary cultural heritage (e.g. the fourth-generation Kyoto Station Building). In recent years, however, Kyoto City has been struggling with the presence of too many visitors,

190  Urban heritage particularly those from other Asian countries, owing to its rich cultural heritage. This situation has already affected local residents’ daily lives negatively, causing overcrowding and traffic congestion. Not only local people living in Kyoto City but Japanese visitors seem to have been fed up with the excessive number of overseas visitors and in some cases their irresponsible behaviours. Actually, the number of Japanese tourists who stayed overnight in Kyoto City has decreased for four consecutive years between 2015 and 2018 (Business+IT, 2019). This is surprising as Kyoto has always been the most popular tourist destination for Japanese people and is a longestablished destination of Japanese school trips (Jimura, 2012). This chapter also examines Yokohama City and Kobe City as the most evident cases of coexistence of historic foreign cultural heritage and contemporary cultural heritage. Both cities have developed initially as port cities since the mid- or late 19th century, accepting foreign people and cultures. Most of their historic cultural heritage is Western-style buildings. Yokohama and Kobe have their own listing systems for the conservation of their valuable cultural properties, including Western-style structures. Furthermore, the two harbour cities also have a Chinatown in its city centre near the coast. The history of these Chinatowns commenced as communities and residential areas of Chinese people who migrated to the cities in the 19th century. However, Chinatowns in Yokohama and Kobe have also evolved as tourism resources, taking account of the preferences and tastes of Japanese customers. In addition to such historic cultural heritage, Yokohama and Kobe also retain contemporary cultural heritage and specific districts full of this type of heritage (e.g. Minato Mirai 21 in Yokohama and Meriken Park in Kobe). As these quarters lie near the areas having a range of historic cultural heritage, visitors could easily explore these different zones on foot. Yokohama City and Kobe City are also easy to access from their regional centres, SWT and Osaka City respectively. According to the latest data, Yokohama’s numbers of annual visitors and tourists are larger than Kobe’s. However, Kobe has a higher proportion of tourists than Yokohama. Thus, there is no big difference in visitor spending between the two cities. This is probably because; Kobe has historic cultural heritage sites in its mountain area as well as its city centre and bay areas; hence, on average, travellers to Kobe would stay longer than those to Yokohama. As the cases of the three cities demonstrate, Japan’s metropolises and their urban areas consist of a jumble of historic and contemporary cultural heritage. This condition can be blamed as a lack of integrity and coherence as an entire area with a specific theme and/or an absence of unity between historic and contemporary cultural heritage. Regarding tourism, however, such an attribute may work positively for some overseas visitors as they may value this unique feature of Japan’s urban areas and/or appreciate the fact that diverse types of cultural heritage coexist adjacent to each other in urban areas of Japan’s large cities.

Urban heritage 191

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192  Urban heritage Kyoto City. (n.d.a) Kyoto no toshi-keikaku-shi (History of Kyoto City planning) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.city.kyoto.lg.jp/tokei/cmsfiles/contents/ 0000142/142484/siryou3.pdf (accessed 4 June 2020). Kyoto City. (n.d.b) Kyoto kanko sogo chosa 2018 (Kyoto tourism survey 2018) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.city.kyoto.lg.jp/sankan/cmsfiles/contents/ 0000254/254268/30tyosa.pdf (accessed 4 June 2020). Law, C. M. (1993) Urban Tourism: Attracting Visitors to Large Cities. London: Mansell. Lu, L., Chi, C. G. and Liu, Y. (2015) Authenticity, involvement, and image: Evaluating tourist experiences at historic districts. Tourism Management, 50: 85–96. Milano, C., Cheer, J. M. and Novelli, M. (2018) Overtourism: A growing global problem. Available at: https://theconversation.com/overtourism-a-growing-globalproblem-100029 (accessed 4 June 2020). Ministry of Internal Affairs and Communications. (n.d.) Wagakuni ni okeru Sojinko no Choki-teki Suii (Japan’s Population by year) [in Japanese]. Available at: http://www.soumu.go.jp/main_content/000273900.pdf (accessed 4 June 2020). Nakano, S. (2002) A road adjustment of regional city before the Second World War – A case study of Noda City [in Japanese]. Toshikeikaku Robun-shu, 37: 535–540. Selby, M. (2003) Understanding Urban Tourism: Image, Culture and Experience. London: Bloomsbury Publishing. Song, C. (2015) The tactics of Nankin-machi as a China Town: An investigation of Nankin-machi shopping street development cooperation [in Japanese]. Kaiji Toshi Kenkyu, 10: 65–82. Spirou, C. (2011) Urban Tourism and Urban Change: Cities in a Global Economy. Abingdon: Routledge. van Oers, R. (2010) Managing cities and the historic urban landscape initiative – An introduction.  In: World Heritage Centre. (ed) Managing Historic Cities. Paris: UNESCO, pp. 7–17. World Heritage Centre. (n.d.) Guidelines for the Preparation of Serial Nominations to the World Heritage List. Available at: http://whc.unesco.org/archive/serial-noms.htm (accessed 4 June 2020). Yamashita, K. (1979) A study on Chinese way of life in Yokohama’s Chinatown [in Japanese]. Japanese Journal of Human Geography, 31(4): 321–348. Yokohama City. (2020a) Jinko to setaisu no suii (Population and the number of households by year) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.city.yokohama. lg.jp/city-info/yokohamashi/tokei-chosa/portal/opendata/jinko-setai-suii.html (accessed 4 June 2020). Yokohama City. (2020b) Open Yokohama (28 May 2020) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.city.yokohama.lg.jp/kanko-bunka/miryoku/data/chosa_gaiyo.files/ 2019chosa_press.pdf (accessed 4 June 2020). Zhang, Y. (2013) The Tourism in Chinatown and Chinese Culture to be Resource: With a view of the Reconstruction of Culture in the Community [in Japanese]. Abstracts of the Annual Meeting of the Japanese Society of Cultural Anthropology, 2013, 126.

10 Shoppers’ paradises Capitals of consumption – Tokyo and Osaka

10.1 Introduction People ‘consume’ intangible and tangible cultural heritage through their tourism activities. Around 25 years ago, Richards (1996) already pointed out a fast increase in the production and consumption of cultural heritage attractions in Europe. Nowadays, this phenomenon is confirmed across the globe, including Japan. The demand side of tourism such as leisure tourists consumes diverse services and/or goods available at retail shops, eateries, visitor attractions, accommodation facilities and transport providers, all of which can be valued as cultural heritage in terms of their function as creations of human beings, association with society, and/or relations with people’s identities. Of these sundry sorts of cultural heritage and tourism activities involving them, this chapter focuses on shopping and examines its quality as cultural heritage and tourism resources. Shopping spaces, traditions, styles and practices can be appreciated and explored as cultural heritage since they have been inherited from the forebears and passed on to current generations, establishing a close link with people and their society. The magnitude of shopping in the tourism context has been assessed differently by time and author. In the early 1990s, for instance, Jansen-Verbeke (1991) suggests that generally shopping is not a main reason why people visit a certain place. In the mid-1990s, however, Timothy and Butler (1995) note that shopping is becoming a quite important element of leisure tourism. Later, Timothy and Boyd (2003) further argue that shopping is one of the most significant tourism activities, particularly in terms of its economic influences on a tourist destination. The importance of shopping is also supported by Swarbrooke and Horner (2007), who advocate that shopping is currently adopted as a way to encourage people to come to a specific destination. More recently, Choi et al. (2016) state that current tourism studies demonstrate that shopping has become a main activity for both day-trippers and tourists. Given the findings from these studies, it is fair to say that the importance of shopping as a tourism activity and the significance of shopping facilities and opportunities as tourism resources have been increasingly recognised by tourism researchers. As shown in Chapter 4, foods and

194  Shoppers’ paradises drinks are vital cultural heritage that has been performing as crucial tourism resources. Dining out is also a central activity that visitors enjoy whilst they stay in a tourist destination. In fact, Sparks et al. (2003) assert that dining out opportunities and experiences can increase the level of visitor satisfaction and encourage their repeat visits. Regarding the supply side of shopping and dining out, there are countless places where visitors can go to enjoy these activities. Generally, certain sorts of visitors such as same-day visitors and cruise ship passengers explore only tourist honeypots or main visitor attractions in a tourist destination chiefly due to a lack of time. Nonetheless, it is sure that there are visitors who want to ‘experience’ a tourist destination as local residents do (Maci et al., 2018). Nowadays, consequently, the spots where visitors call in for ‘consumption’, typically shopping, have become quite diverse. These sites can be categorised into two groups: The first group comprises high street shops, supermarkets and farmers’ markets; and, the second group consists of department stores, shopping malls (North America)/shopping centres (Europe), outlet malls and visitor attractions. The places for consumption in the first group developed initially to meet local people’s needs. As the local area in which these places are located has advanced as a tourist destination; however, the places would be expected to satisfy visitors’ needs as well. On the contrary, the places for consumption in the second group can be comprehended as ‘cathedrals of consumption’, a concept advocated by Ritzer (1999). These places are clusters of product providers such as shops, eateries and entertainments that intend to lure more consumers, make them stay longer and encourage their purchase. They seem to have emerged first in North America but can be observed today in many nations in different regions of the world, including Japan. A typical example of visitor attractions that can be regarded as cathedrals of consumption is theme parks where a package of entertainment, wonder and excitement is offered to visitors to be consumed (see Chapter 12 for details). As examined in Chapter 7, many historic places in the world, including World Heritage Sites (WHSs), that were once utilised as places for production (e.g. factories and mines) have been converted to those for consumption (e.g. retail spaces and restaurants) to be sustainable in their own right to ‘survive’ today and in the future, meeting ever-changing needs of society. Nowadays, thus, many of such sites are open to the general public as visitor attractions. The next section highlights the historical development of Japan’s places for consumption.

10.2 Historical development of places for consumption in Japan In Japanese, ‘sakariba’ is the concept and term that has been traditionally employed to indicate a certain district where ordinary people gather together for amusement. What sakariba signifies can differ by person. Commonly, however, the word denotes a particular area comprising

Shoppers’ paradises 195 shopping streets/districts (shoten-gai or hanka-gai) and/or entertainment streets/districts (kanraku-gai). According to Hattori (1977), the spatial relationship between these two types of quarters has changed throughout Japan’s history. For example, these two had been built in separate areas during the Edo period (1603–1868) but began to coexist in the same zone after the Meiji Restoration in 1868 (Hattori, 1977). Hattori (1977) also suggests that city or town centres have started to have a character of sakariba since that time. Overall, this situation can still be observed throughout today’s Japan. Currently, as a result, it is not straightforward to distinguish between shopping streets/districts and entertainment streets/districts, although the character of some quarters is relatively easy to identify (e.g. Tenjinbashi-suji shopping street near Umeda, Osaka; and, Kabuki-cho entertainment district in Shinjuku, Tokyo). The origins of Japan’s shopping and entertainment locales can be traced back to the Edo period, but those in the current form emerged during the Meiji period (1868–1912). These districts have grown further after World War II (WWII) (1945) through Japan’s recovery process from the scars of defeat. Numerous shopping areas have been created in Japan through its regeneration process, aiming to improve economic, physical, social and environmental conditions of a city or town for people residing and/or working there (Roberts, 2017). This process usually involves spatial transformation of a certain area(s) in and around the city or town. Although some sakariba possess the nature of both shopping and entertainment quarters equally, especially when the locales are grasped as extensive spaces; many sakariba are either shopping-focused or entertainment-focused. It is generally agreed that shoten-gai is the most traditional shopping-focused street/district that is used every day by local people in the modern-day Japan. Shoten-gai is usually located in the city/town centre; and, broadly speaking, equivalent to a high street in the UK and a main street in the USA (Balsas, 2017). The author grew up in a small town, Adogawa, in Shiga Prefecture, which is next to Kyoto Urban Prefecture. Until a local branch of a regional supermarket chain (Heiwado) was opened in front of Adogawa railway station in October 1978, two main local shopping streets, a co-op supermarket, and a small shopping mall run by an association of local retailers (Aspee) had been the whole shopping world for the author’s family. Visiting these shopping areas, usually with his grandmother, was a weekly routine for the author and there were a multiple of local stores such as butchers, fishmongers, book shops, groceries, ironmongers and confectionary stores. The bulk of these stores were small family businesses, some of which were run by the families of the author’s childhood friends. Back then, there was surely a high level of community spirit and strong bond amongst local residents, and basically people knew each other. As the author’s childhood experience in Adogawa indicates, shoten-gai were everywhere across Japan, even in small towns, and played an indispensable role in local inhabitants’ daily lives.

196  Shoppers’ paradises Nevertheless, shoten-gai started to decline in the 1980s. In those days, many regional or nation-wide chain stores, typically supermarkets, whose store size and range of products were much larger and much more diverse than those of local shops on shoten-gai, were newly built along primary roads near city or town centres. This sort of stores tended to have a large number of parking spaces and, therefore, attracted more customers from far and wide than shoten-gai. This phenomenon is comprehended as a combination of urban sprawl and inner-city decline. In fact, many shoten-gai, particularly those in rural cities and towns, have been declining since that time. Currently, shoten-gai lined with many closed stores is called ‘shutter-gai’ because it is now lined with shopfront shutters. Today, shutter-gai are found not only in local cities (e.g. Wakayama City) but also in a megalopolis or metropolises (e.g. Special Wards of Tokyo (SWT)). In the case of Adogawa, Heiwado was not opened in its suburban area but in the town centre. As Heiwado was set to open just opposite to Aspee, they discussed the products lines they offer to avoid intense or unnecessary competitions (Kitayama, 2006). Consequently, these two stores could coexist, successfully bringing some advantages to local businesses owning their branches in Aspee at least at the beginning. That is because: (1) the local businesses could have a wider market area, (2) they could source 90% of their product lines locally, (3) the next generation became keener to take over their family businesses and (4) they would be able to increase their sales by 20% (Kitayama, 2006). Overall, however, such successful coexistence is rare. In the case of the author, by and large his family preferred Heiwado to shoten-gai and began shopping at Heiwado much more frequently than local stores on shoten-gai after this regional supermarket was opened. Probably, the second oldest type of shopping places for Japanese people would be department stores (hyakkaten), which could also be seen as the first example of ‘cathedrals of consumption’ in Japan. Literally, the word hyakkaten means the stores selling hundreds of various products. It is largely agreed that Japan’s first hyakkaten is Mitsukoshi Nihonbashi Main Store in Tokyo opened in 1904. Unlike local shops on shoten-gai or supermarkets, traditionally hyakkaten have not been recognised as places for daily shopping. In principle, goods and services sold at hyakkaten are more expensive and/or more prestigious than those available at small stores on shoten-gai or supermarkets. Furthermore, in many cases, only large cities, typically prefectural capitals, have hyakkaten. The majority of hyakkaten are located near a major railway station, chiefly because historically railway companies have developed residential areas and retail and entertainment facilities, including hyakkaten, along their railway lines or by their terminal stations. Representative examples of such hyakkaten are found in two key shoppers’ paradises in Japan, Tokyo and Osaka. In Tokyo, Shibuya is the terminal station for Tokyu and Tokyu’s Main Store is located in Shibuya. In Osaka, Umeda is the terminal station for Hankyu and Hankyu’s Main Store is situated in Umeda. For these reasons, conventionally hyakkaten

Shoppers’ paradises 197 have been the objects of longing for ordinary people (Ikeda, 2011), and visiting an urban area and enjoying shopping at hyakkaten have been a special occasion and leisure activity for these persons. Although hyakkaten still retain such an exalted status at least to some extent amongst the general public, hyakkaten appear to have been losing their prestigious position in recent years (Zhu, 2017). As discussed above, many cities and towns across Japan saw the growth of nation-wide (e.g. Ito-Yokado) and regional (e.g. Halows – western Japan) supermarkets in the 1980s. In the 1990s, moreover, Japan’s places for consumption experienced another new wave. This is the emergence of largescale shopping malls (or centres) and outlet malls, which can also be viewed as the examples of Japan’s cathedrals of consumption. Shopping centres in Japan can be divided into four groups, neighbourhood, community, regional and super-regional ones, in terms of size and facility. Of these, regional and super-regional ones can work for local people like small villages in terms of their scale and the variety of stores and are usually situated in a suburban area that can be easily accessed by car. A shopping mall can be defined as a collection of a range of retail shops and service providers (Yamamoto, n.d.) or an aggregate of businesses developed and planned according to a clear concept and managed as an integrated entity by a single managerial body (Japan Council of Shopping Centres, n.d.). The most notable example of Japan’s shopping malls is Aeon Mall. The first Aeon Mall, Aeon Mall Tsugaru Kashiwa in Aomori Prefecture, was opened in 1992 (Aeon Mall, 2020a). As of June 2020, there are 165 Aeon Malls all over Japan (Aeon Mall, 2020b). Some Aeon Malls even have extra entertainment facilities such as a movie theatre. Nowadays, Aeon Malls also serve as essential spaces for socialising for young people residing in suburban or rural areas. Japan has a few more kinds of shopping malls or equivalents such as underground shopping streets/areas (chika-gai) (e.g. Sapporo Chika-gai, Sapporo City, Hokkaido Prefecture; and, Crysta Nagahori, Osaka City), buildings packed with fashion-related stores ( fashion building in Japanese English) (e.g. Shopping Plaza Again, Nagano City; and, Sunmall, Hiroshima City), and (luxury) commercial complexes (e.g. Ginza Six, SWT; and, Canal City Hakata, Fukuoka City). Outlet malls are similar to shopping malls but sell more specific items than shopping malls. An outlet mall is defined as a large enclosed shopping space that has many outlet stores (Tamura, 2010). It appeared in the USA during the 1980s, and basically sells goods of famous fashion brands at a price lower than regular stores (Onuki, 2007). Outlet Mall Rism opened in 1993 in Saitama Prefecture is seen as Japan’s first outlet mall. However, Rism began to lose its popularity since around 2000 when larger outlet malls became much more dominant in Japan. Ishii and Kozu (2016) suggest that the history of Japan’s large outlet malls commenced when Tsurumi Lalaport Blossom (now Mitsui Outlet Park Osaka Tsurumi) was opened in March 1995, and the mall still runs its business as of writing.

198  Shoppers’ paradises As stated earlier, sakariba contains not only shopping streets/districts (shoten-gai or hanka-gai) but also entertainment streets/districts (kanraku-gai). Otsuki (1998) clearly differentiates kanraku-gai from shoten-gai or hanka-gai, and defines kanraku-gai as an urban space with diverse facilities such as theatres and cinemas that are devoted to offering comfort and amusement to people. Overall, the author agrees with this definition, but some more elements should be added to make the concept of kanraku-gai more comprehensive. To this end, places for socialising (e.g. cafés and karaoke), dining out (e.g. restaurants), drinking (e.g. izakaya and bars) and sexual services should also be understood as essential components to be recognised as kanraku-gai. Thus, flamboyant and licentious atmosphere, especially at night, should also be considered as a vital element of kanraku-gai. In fact, several kanraku-gai have a history as red-light districts and some of them still provide sexual services. Kanraku-gai are widely found across Japan, and those with a long history includes Susukino (Sapporo City), Kokubun-cho (Sendai City, Miyagi Prefecture), Kabuki-cho, Horinouchi (Kawasaki City, Kanagawa Prefecture), Nishiki (Nagoya City, Aichi Prefecture), Soemoncho (Osaka City), Nagarekawa (Hiroshima City) and Nakasu (Fukuoka City). Historically, kanraku-gai have been accepting foreigners, especially those from developing countries in Asia, as workers. However, there have been many issues such as illegal residency and poor work conditions. In recent years, more and more foreigners, particularly those from Western and Far Eastern countries, visit kanraku-gai in big cities. Such overseas visitors could bring additional economic benefits to kanraku-gai, although local businesses need to handle diverse problems that stem primarily from cultural differences between Japan and their home countries. As Ushida (2014) signifies through his examination of kanraku-gai in Hirosaki City, Aomori Prefecture; however, as a whole kanraku-gai in many local cities/ towns have been declining. The next two sections (Sections 10.3 and 10.4) examine Japan’s two major shoppers’ paradises, Tokyo and Osaka, as cultural heritage and tourism resources.

10.3 Tokyo 10.3.1  Site description Tokyo has been Japan’s capital since the Meiji Restoration (1868) and is internationally recognised today as a megalopolis. Japan consists of eight regions and 47 prefectures. Tokyo Metropolitan Prefecture (TMP) belongs to the Kanto region, which comprises seven prefectures and occupies an eastern part of the Honshu Island. TMP is surrounded by four prefectures, namely Saitama, Chiba, Kanagawa and Yamanashi, all of which except Yamanashi also belong to the Kanto region, forming the Greater Tokyo Area (GTA) together with TMP. TMP is the largest prefecture of Japan in terms of population and gross domestic product (GDP) (Jimura, 2020). As of

Shoppers’ paradises 199 May 2020, the population of TMP is almost 14 million (Tokyo Metropolitan Government, 2020). In 2016, the GDP of TMP accounted for around 19% of Japan’s GDP (Cabinet Office, 2019). Currently, TMP comprises SWT, 26 cities, five towns and eight villages. The SWT was once called ‘Tokyo City’ and has been the political and economic centre of Tokyo as well as Japan since 1868. In 2018, 45.6% of inbound tourists visited TMP during their stay in Japan (JNTO, 2019). Opinions about where TMP’s key shopping areas are would be somewhat different by person, but it is generally agreed that primary shopping zones exist within SWT. In academic research, for instance, Tamanaha and Hori (2009) look at bustling spaces in Tokyo, choosing eight quarters as main shopping districts within SWT, namely Harajuku, Asakusa, Shibuya, Shinjuku, Ikebukuro, Ueno, Ginza and Nihonbashi. On the other hand, the website of Go Tokyo, the official Tokyo travel guide, introduces seven quarters to domestic and international visitors as foremost shopping zones, and they are Ginza, Shinjuku, Shibuya, Harajuku, Aoyama, Akihabara and Asakusa (Go Tokyo, n.d.). In the author’s view, all of them could be acknowledged as core shopping quarters of Tokyo, but Asakusa, Ginza, Harajuku, Ikebukuro, Shibuya, Shinjuku and Ueno are particularly distinctive shopping areas. That is because the variety of shopping facilities available in Nihonbashi and Akihabara are rather limited; hyakkaten and shopping malls in the former and electronics stores and anime goods shops in the latter. Moreover, Aoyama is just a short distance away from Harajuku through the boulevard of Omotesando, although Aoyama’s target audience is different from Harajuku’s. Of the seven main shopping zones that the author suggests, Harajuku, Ikebukuro, Shibuya, Shinjuku and Ueno are situated along the Japan Railway (JR) Yamanote Line, a loop line in the central Tokyo. Although Asakusa and Ginza are not located along the JR Yamanote Line, they are still easy to access by public transport. It should also be noted that each of these central shopping areas has its uniqueness. Asakusa is a popular destination amongst overseas tourists that is full of typical ‘Japanese’ cultural heritage such as iconic Senso-ji Temple (Ito and Ogawa, 2017). Ueno has a rather similar profile to Asakusa as a place packed with cultural heritage and tourism resources as represented by museums, galleries and a zoo in Ueno Park as well as Ameyayokocho street, which originally emerged as a black market after WWII. On the contrary, Ginza has developed as a Western-style quarter since the Meiji era and is the most prestigious shopping area in TMP (see Figure 10.1). Shibuya has enjoyed its position as a heart of Tokyo’s youth culture as symbolised by Shibuya 109 fashion building but is now attracting adults as well thanks to relatively new commercial complexes such as Mark City and Hikarie. Harajuku seems to have the characters of both Shibuya and Ginza: Takeshita-dori street is a focal point of teenage fashion and ‘kawaii’ culture, whilst Omotesando is a boulevard lined with high-end and stylish boutiques. Ikebukuro and Shinjuku have terminal stations of several train

200  Shoppers’ paradises

Figure 10.1  Ginza, Tokyo (Source: Author)

and metro companies and serve as gateways to SWT, the former for people living in Saitama Prefecture and the latter for those residing in the western part of TMP and Kanagawa Prefecture. Ikebukuro can be divided into eastern and western quarters: The eastern district functions as an extensive hanka-gai with a range of retail, dining and amusement facilities, whilst the western district works as an academic and cultural district, encompassing the Ikebukuro campus of Rikkyo University and Tokyo Metropolitan Theatre. On the other hand, Shinjuku can be regarded as Tokyo’s foremost hanka-gai in terms of the number and diversity of places for consumption. Its shopping zones are highly developed in any direction from the stations. Given the aforementioned points, it could be safely stated that Tokyo is Japan’s number-one capital of consumption. 10.3.2 Discussion One of the essences of places for consumption across the world is their ever-changing nature. This implies that major places for consumption have kept evolving often with regeneration and spatial transformation. These characteristics are particularly noticeable in Japan’s places for consumption, including those in Tokyo. In Tokyo, overall, the pace of such evolutions is rapid and the degree of physical alterations is extensive. This is due to a variety of factors such as a belief of Japanese Buddhism that believes the continually-changing nature of our world, traditional building materials (i.e. timbers) that are easily burned or broken, and frequent natural disasters (e.g. earthquakes, typhoons and tsunami) (Jimura, 2007, 2019). Probably, however, the most influential factor that has been affecting the changes in

Shoppers’ paradises 201 Tokyo’s places for consumption would be what the supply and demand sides of services, including shopping, want; and, of course, their interests and preferences have also been shifting as time has gone by. Regarding the alterations driven by the supply side of services, for example, Tokyo Olympic and Paralympic Games 2020 triggered a huge amount of investments from public and private bodies, leading to diverse (re)development, regeneration and verticalisation of urban spaces in Tokyo, including its main shopping districts, between 2013 and 2020 (Jimura, 2020). Tokyo Skytree Town is another example of places for consumption whose development was led mainly by the supply side of services. Tokyo Skytree Town is a massive visitor attraction with its central attraction Tokyo Skytree, a broadcast and observation tower. Tokyo Skytree Town also encloses Tokyo Solamachi shopping centre, an aquarium and a planetarium. Concerning this project, key stakeholders on the supply side of services were Tobu Railway, which was considering an effective way to make the most of their old freight station site, broadcasters based in Tokyo that wanted to have a new broadcast tower, and the local government, which intended to revitalise their ward. With respect to the changes encouraged by the demand side of services, on the contrary, the construction and opening of Ginza Six, a luxury commercial complex, would be the most intriguing case in Tokyo. As mentioned in Section 10.2, hyakkaten have been losing their high status as places for consumption, signifying a decrease in the level of their popularity amongst shoppers. Opened in 1924, Matsuzakaya Ginza Store was the oldest hyakkaten in the Ginza district but closed in 2013. A decline in the popularity of hyakkaten as places for consumption and their decrepit buildings must have been main reasons why even such an established hyakkaten located in the most upmarket shopping quarter was closed down. Consequently, Ginza Six, a plush commercial complex, was built on the former location of the Matsuzakaya department store and started welcoming customers in 2017. Stamp (2017) describes Ginza Six as possibly the world’s coolest mall thanks to its chic and elegant design and interior and, of course, its esteemed location. This incident clearly shows the stagnation or fall of hyakkaten as a place for consumption and the rise of a new type of shopping venue. As seen above, Tokyo’s primary shopping districts have been changing their faces, reflecting the wants and needs of the demand and supply sides of services. Such incessant physical alterations can negatively affect the authenticity of Tokyo’s key shopping districts as cultural heritage from the standpoint of traditional Western approach; or, modernists, realists and objectivists (see Chapter 1) as their tangible genuineness have been harmed or even lost. Nevertheless, generally these quarters seem to retain their identity as reputable shopping areas in Tokyo. Of the aforementioned seven main shopping districts of Tokyo, Asakusa and Ginza appear to be particularly proud of their history and eager to maintain their presence as places where people gather together for enjoyment. For example, Ginza

202  Shoppers’ paradises established the All Ginza Association in 2001, an organisation consisting of the town assembly, commercial associations and other organisations. It is a decision-making body for the entire Ginza quarter that aims to realise a better future of Ginza for the supply and demand sides of services (Asahi Shimbun Media Business Division, 2013). Nowadays, moreover, three shopping districts (Akihabara, Ginza and Shinjuku) have a pedestrian-only zone on weekends or national holidays to invigorate the districts by magnetising more people and providing them with a safe, car-free urban environment (Jimura, 2020) (see Figure 10.1). Recently, key stakeholders on the supply side of tourism in Tokyo, particularly destination marketing organisations (DMOs), have further advanced their marketing and promotional tools, especially those targeting at inbound tourists. For instance, plenty of useful information is available at the website of Go Tokyo, although such resources are not always educational or thought-provoking enough to be recognised as effective interpretation in the tourism context. Go Tokyo recognises the magnitude of shopping as a tourism activity and provides information on their webpage (https://www.gotokyo. org/en/see-and-do/shopping/index.html) as confirmed in Section 10.3.1. Nowadays, besides, the majority of Tokyo’s hyakkaten (e.g. Takashimaya), shopping malls (e.g. Aeon Mall), nation-wide supermarket chains (e.g. Seijo Ishii) and major electronics stores (e.g. Yodobashi Camera) have tax-free counters for overseas visitors. This is another measure adopted by the supply side of services to encourage overseas visitors to come to Tokyo for shopping and spend more. Currently, the abovementioned leading shopping areas in Tokyo enjoy economic benefits of inbound tourism boom, but it needs to be remembered that a huge growth in the visitor number is a double-edged sword and may work harmfully for the demand side of tourism. As Alegre and Garau (2010) point out, for instance, many tourism studies assert that overcrowding is one of the main factors that can adversely affect the quality of visitor experiences. Of Tokyo’s seven key shopping zones the author suggests, Asakusa has already had issues of overcrowding (Jimura, 2020), and recent inbound tourism boom is a major cause of this problem. As a result, part of Japanese shoppers and visitors seem to have been unhappy with their shopping experience at Asakusa due to congestion, feeling that they are excluded from the main shopping zones of Asakusa because of the presence of too many international visitors.

10.4 Osaka 10.4.1  Site description During the Edo period, Osaka was called ‘tenka-no-daidokoro’, which means Japan’s centre of commerce and logistics. Since the Meiji period, Osaka Urban Prefecture (OUP), especially Osaka City, has been functioning

Shoppers’ paradises 203 as the central city of the Kansai region, which consists of Osaka and other five prefectures, situated in a western part of the Honshu Island. OUP is adjacent to four prefectures in Kansai, namely Kyoto, Hyogo, Nara and Wakayama. Osaka City is an internationally-acknowledged metropolis and one of the three major cities in Kansai that forms the Kei-Han-Shin association together with Kyoto City and Kobe City. ‘Kei-Han-Shin’ also refers to an extensive urban area that extends over the majority of Kansai. OUP is the third largest prefecture of Japan in terms of population (around 8.8 million as of 2017) (Statistics Bureau of Japan, 2018) and GDP (Cabinet Office, 2019). The prefecture is composed of 33 cities, nine towns and one village. Its capital city Osaka comprises 24 wards, serving as the political and commercial hub of OUP. In 2018, 36.6% of overseas tourists to Japan visited OUP (JNTO, 2019). Like the case of TMP, there is no agreement regarding where OUP’s main shopping areas are. Generally, however, Kita and Minami both located in Osaka City are recognised as OUP’s primary shopping areas. The word kita denotes ‘north’; thus, Kita indicates the shopping zone situated in the north of Osaka City. More precisely, Kita usually signifies the area around Umeda and Osaka Stations, which are the terminal/hub stations of six railway and metro lines. Usually, the area that Kita indicates is limited within the current Kita ward. There are a variety of places for consumption in Kita, including department stores (hyakkaten) (e.g. Hankyu Umeda Main Store and Hanshin Umeda Main Store), shopping malls (e.g. Grand Front Osaka (GFO)), extended and interconnected underground shopping areas (chika-gai) (e.g. Whity Umeda and Diamor Osaka), buildings packed with fashion-related stores ( fashion building) (e.g. HEP Five and LUCUA Osaka), luxury commercial complexes (e.g. HERBIS Osaka), and a major electronics store (i.e. Yodobashi-Umeda). In addition, there are some high-end supermarkets in the core of Kita; however, they tend to be part of a railway station, fashion building or chika-gai. As a whole, Kita is regarded as a stylish and sophisticated shopping area whose main target would be adults, families and elderly people rather than young people and students. In contrast, the word minami denotes ‘south’. The area called ‘Minami’ today used to be part of the Minami ward that is now part of the Chuo ward. More exactly, Minami commonly refers to the area that includes Shinsaibashi, Dotonbori and Namba. Several Osaka Metro stations are located within Minami and metro is the main public transport to access Minami. The area recognised as Minami is even larger than Kita; therefore, it is natural that this shopping zone also contains diverse places for consumption such as hyakkaten (e.g. Daimaru Shinsaibashi Main Store and Takashimaya Osaka Main Store), shopping malls (e.g. Namba Parks), chika-gai (e.g. Crysta Nagahori and Namba Walk), and fashion building (e.g. Shinsaibashi OPA and Namba Marui). Unlike Kita, however, Minami does not have a luxury commercial complex or major electronics store. Instead, the neighbourhood near the crossroad of Mido-suji boulevard and Nagahori

204  Shoppers’ paradises avenue in Shinsaibashi has developed as a luxury shopping district where a number of world-famous fashion brands (e.g. Luis Vuitton and Prada) have their flagship stores. Nipponbashi is a district located in the southeast of Namba. Part of Nipponbashi is called ‘Denden Town’, an established electronics quarter. Since Yodobashi-Umeda was opened in 2001 in Kita; however, Denden Town seems to have been declining as a place to purchase home electronics. Instead, one of the main streets in Denden Town has transformed into a major shopping street for otaku people and is now called ‘Nipponbashi Ota-Road’ where many shops selling a variety of anime-related products are available (see Chapter 11 for details). Overall, Minami is viewed as a lively and bustling shopping district that is highly appealing for young people, students and inbound tourists, particularly those from Asia. 10.4.2 Discussion The ever-changing nature of places for consumption noted in Tokyo is also well confirmed in Osaka, particularly Kita and Minami. Indeed, a variety of regeneration and spatial transformation have been occurring in key shopping quarters in Kita and Minami, notably those in Kita. In Osaka, especially in Kita, the speed of these evolutions has been very rapid and their scale has also been massive because of various factors, including a belief of Japanese Buddhism, conventional building materials and many natural disasters (see Section 10.3.2). They have been mainly spurred by the wants and needs of the supply and demand sides of services as discussed through the case of Tokyo. As for the changes driven by the supply side of services, the most significant urban regeneration project in the past 10–15 years is the redevelopment of the north of JR Osaka Station area (Umeda Kita Yard). Urban regeneration is usually seen as the process of renewal or redevelopment of spaces and places (Wise and Jimura, 2020). This project can be understood as such a process and originally emerged as a measure to reduce JR’s debt accumulated before it was privatised in 1987 by selling the premises of its Umeda freight station. This is an extensive urban redevelopment plan called ‘Umekita Project’ that covers an area of 24 hectares. The project implementing organisation is the Urban Renaissance Agency (URA), one of independent administrative institutions of Japan. According to URA (n.d.), ‘the project aims to form a city of intellectual creativity and high international competitive ability through industry-government-academia city planning’. In fact, enhancement of creativity and competitiveness is often a key objective of urban redevelopments (Bontje and Musterd, 2009). Umekita Project consists of two phases: The first phase was conducted between 2011 and 2013, which aimed to redevelop seven out of the 24 hectares to build GFO. In Section 10.4.1, GFO is listed as an example of shopping mall in Kita, a type of cathedral of consumption. GFO is promoted as one of the main shopping venues on the website of Osaka

Shoppers’ paradises 205

Figure 10.2  Sites for the second phase of Umekita Project (Source: Author)

Info (https://osaka-info.jp/en/page/grand-front-osaka), a DMO for Osaka Prefecture and City. In addition, GFO also contains a multipurpose venue, office spaces, facilities for intellectual activities, luxury hotel and apartments and a square. The second phase of Umekita Project started in 2020, aiming to redevelop the remaining 17 hectares (see Figure 10.2) whose core will be a forest-like urban park. Thus, places for consumption and shopping area in Umekita Yard will not be expanded dramatically through the second phase. Concerning the alterations triggered by the demand side of services, probably the most noteworthy phenomenon is changing faces of Shinsaibashi area in recent years. As the name of its main street ‘Shinsaibashi-suji shotengai’ implies, initially the street had developed to serve local residents’ daily uses. Mainly due to its great location, however, Shinsaibashi area began to attract customers from a wider market area, and the nature of Shinsaibashi turned into a shopping area primarily for young people from the 1980s onwards. Since that time, Shinsaibashi’s leading retailers have been fashion stores, including small-size independent ones. However, these fashion stores have been replaced with nation- or region-wide drugstores since around 2015 when the number of inbound tourists started increasing rapidly and massively. The drugstores chains with their store(s) in Shinsaibashi as of writing include Matsumotokiyoshi, Daikoku, Sundrug, cocokara fine, Kokumin, Kirindo and Tsuruha. It should be noted that the products the abovementioned drugstores sell are not only drugs but also toiletries, cosmetics, and even drinks and snacks. In addition, overall, their prices are often lower than those sold at hyakkaten or convenience stores. For these reasons, shopping at nation- or region-wide drugstores has been gaining

206  Shoppers’ paradises more and more popularity amongst inbound tourists as well as Japanese people. Such drugstores have been particularly well-liked by tourists from China (Park, 2017). Park (2017) also states that Chinese tourists are the highest spenders of all overseas tourists to Japan and drugstores are their primary shopping venues. When the author pops in such drugstores during his stay in Japan, he often feels that he is excluded or marginalised even though he is Japanese. That is mainly because the majority of both shop assistants and shoppers are Chinese people, and the store workers sometimes speak to him in Chinese. Such a situation may discourage Japanese customers to shop at these drugstores and to visit Shinsaibashi for shopping purposes. The exclusion of local people and/or Japanese visitors is also a concern for Asakusa, Tokyo. As discussed above, Japan’s shopping areas have a constantly-evolving nature. The services and goods they sell as well as their physical structures also keep changing. Thus, it would be hard to confirm the authenticity of Japan’s shopping areas as cultural heritage from the stance of modernists, realists and objectivists (see Section 1.2.5 of Chapter 1). If local people or Japanese customers feel less attachment to Shinsaibashi as a shopping area because of the current situation, its authenticity as Japan’s cultural heritage would be damaged from the standpoint of constructivists. Nonetheless, it needs to be noted that the current Shinsaibashi may be perceived as authentic cultural heritage of Japan by Chinese tourists whichever the view towards authenticity of cultural heritage they have. A typical example of demand-led change in services can also be found in Kita, the closure of JR Osaka Mitsukoshi Isetan. This hyakkaten was established jointly by JR West and Isetan Mitsukoshi Holdings. The department store was opened in 2011 but closed in 2015 without achieving a business success. Tokyo-based Isetan and Mitsukoshi merged in 2011 but had very different company cultures; therefore, many stakeholders were concerned about their business after the merger. As implied in Section 10.2, Mitsukoshi has the longest history as hyakkaten and their culture appears to be rather conservative, whilst Isetan seems to be edgy and proud of their clothing range selected by their fashion-conscious buyers. JR Osaka Mitsukoshi Isetan adopted Isetan’s way of purchase and display, but it was not welcomed by consumers in Osaka. This would be the main reason for their failure: They lacked understanding of the needs and preferences of consumers that can differ largely by locality. In fact, identifying local needs and responding to them is a key marketing activity for business success (Tuominen et al., 2006). Another main reason for the closure is on the supply side of services, a fierce competition amongst retailers in Kita since 2011. Plural hyakkaten in Kita had been expanding their shopping spaces and completed renovation works at almost the same time. Overall, Osaka City seems to be keen on advancing their places for consumption further in the future. For instance, Yumeshima, an artificial island located in the west of Osaka City, will be the venue for Expo 2025 Osaka. The island will also have an integrated resort (IR), a large resort complex that includes a hotel with

Shoppers’ paradises 207 a casino as well as conference facilities, retail stores, restaurants and more, if Osaka City is selected as one of the locations for Japan’s first IR development. The Japanese Government has been working to newly develop IRs in Japan, although some people are concerned about possible issues such as gambling addiction and a decrease in public safety. Opening an IR means the birth of a new gigantic place for consumption, and this will surely contain a variety of shopping places.

10.5 Conclusion Nowadays, shopping is one of the main consumer activities. Shopping places, conventions, ways and practices can be investigated as cultural heritage because they are legacies from the past and related to people and their society and culture. Today, shopping is also recognised as a key activity that visitors enjoy whilst they are in a tourist destination, and can even be their main motivation for visiting a certain tourist destination. Currently, places for consumption, including shopping, are quite diverse, some of which can be seen as ‘cathedrals of consumption’. This type of places for consumption comprises collections of various service suppliers, including retail stores, food and beverage, and entertainment that can enchant consumers, encouraging them to stay longer and spend more. In Japan, the most conventional shopping streets/areas are shoten-gai, which are corresponding to high streets in the UK or main streets in the USA. Various independent local stores such as butchers and fishmongers are available on shoten-gai to meet local residents’ daily needs. Traditionally, shoten-gai have been places for socialising as well as consumption, playing a vital role in fostering community spirit and ties amongst local people. In the 1980s, however, many cities and towns in Japan experienced the rise of supermarkets, typically with a large car park in suburban areas along main roads. Such supermarkets could attract consumers from a much wider market area than shoten-gai, resulting in the fall of shoten-gai. Hyakkaten, or department stores in Japan, is the second oldest type of shopping venues in Japan, whose history commenced in the early 20th century. Hyakkaten is understood as Japan’s first places for shopping that can be regarded as cathedrals of consumption. In many cases, hyakkaten were built by railway companies as part of their development projects, to be landmark facilities located near their terminal stations and/or along their railway lines. Normally, what hyakkaten offer is more expensive and luxurious than the products sold at stores on shoten-gai or supermarkets. Therefore, shopping at hyakkaten has been special occasions for the majority of Japanese people, although hyakkaten have started to lose popularity as Japan’s shopping trends and styles change. In the 1990s, Japan saw the rise of another shopping trend, shopping malls and outlet malls. In the Japanese retail scene, both are viewed as newer types of cathedrals of consumption than hyakkaten. Tokyo and Osaka are Japan’s two capitals of consumption where countless places for consumption exist. These places continue to change often

208  Shoppers’ paradises along with (re)development projects and spatial transformation, reflecting ever-changing needs of the demand and supply sides of services. Tokyo is Japan’s prime capital of consumption, with a large number of established shopping zones along/near JR Yamanote Line within SWT. In the author’s view, there are seven main shopping districts in TMP, each of which has unique characteristics. For instance, Asakusa well represents ‘Japaneseness’ mainly through its cultural heritage. Currently, its core shopping areas are packed with inbound tourists, and this may make local people and Japanese visitors feel ‘out of place’ or ‘like a fish out of water’. Unlike Asakusa, Shibuya has advanced as the centre of youth culture, particularly youth fashion. Ginza has been the most prestigious shopping district in TMP. After the oldest hyakkaten in Ginza, Matsuzakaya Ginza Store, was closed in 2013, Ginza Six, a lavish commercial complex, was constructed on the same site and opened in 2017. This incident clearly demonstrates a change driven by the demand side of services. Tokyo 2020 could further advance Tokyo’s urban regeneration, and, consequently, Tokyo may see the emergence of new places for consumption in the near future. Such a phenomenon can be understood as an alteration caused by the supply side of services. The other capital of consumption, Osaka, has two main shopping quarters, Kita and Minami, with both being located in Osaka City. The city has a higher level of concentration of shopping services and venues within rather limited areas than SWT of TMP as SWT has a larger number of key shopping zones than Osaka City. In Kita, the most extensive redevelopment project started in the past 10–15 years is Umekita Project in the north of JR Osaka Station. The project has already created a massive place for consumption, GFO, through its first phase. Unlike the first phase, the second phase focuses mainly on the creation of a forest-like urban park. In fact, currently Osaka City lacks such a large-scale green space in its city centre. This is a good example of the redevelopment triggered by the supply side of services. It also needs to be noted that an incident similar to the one that occurred in Ginza also happened in Kita. It is the closure of JR Osaka Mitsukoshi Isetan department store that was very short-lived. It could be stated that the decline of hyakkaten’s popularity as shopping places and their lowered status as places for consumption are major reasons for the incidents occurred in Ginza and Kita. In Minami, an intriguing occurrence that was instigated by Japan’s inbound tourism boom has been observed in recent years. Shinsaibashi had been famous for its diverse fashion stores for more than 30 years. Since around 2015, however, many fashion shops have been replaced with nation- or region-wide drugstore chains. That is mainly because these drugstores have been incredibly well-liked by Chinese tourists as the stores provide them with a huge range of products at prices cheaper than hyakkaten or convenience stores. Both the closure of JR Osaka Mitsukoshi Isetan and the success of drugstores in Shinsaibashi are the phenomena driven by specific and ever-changing needs of the demand side of services.

Shoppers’ paradises 209

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Shoppers’ paradises 211 URA. (n.d.) Case 06 - Umekita District Urban Redevelopment Project. Available at: https://www.ur-net.go.jp/overseas/achievements/umekita.html (accessed 6 June 2020). Ushida, T. (2014) The food and catering business in local places of tourism: Changes that need to be made: Study from Aomori case [in Japanese]. Proceedings of Hirosaki Junior College of Health and Welfare, 2(1): 1–8. Wise, N. and Jimura, T. (eds) (2020) Tourism, Cultural Heritage and Urban Regeneration - Changing Spaces in Historical Places. Cham: Springer. Yamamoto, K. (n.d.) Shopping centre ni okeru tenant mix wo kangaeru (Considering the variety of tenants in a shopping centre) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www. kochi-tech.ac.jp/library/ron/pdf/2015/03/14/a1160491.pdf (accessed 6 June 2020). Zhu, K. (2017) A Study of Department Store Reneisei in China [in Japanese]. Available at: https://core.ac.uk/download/pdf/80536533.pdf (accessed 6 June 2020).

11 Popular culture and media Films and television dramas, manga and anime, music, and computer games

11.1 Introduction This chapter discusses Japan’s popular culture as cultural heritage and how it attracts Japanese and overseas visitors. Different sorts of media report cultural and natural heritage of various countries across the world. The heritage exposed to the global viewers can motivate them to visit a certain place. It is fair to say that media plays a significant role in tourism and destination marketing and can influence people’s image of a tourist destination and their decision-making process. Generally, this type of tourism is called ‘media-induced tourism’, although there are some similar or relevant concepts such as ‘media-related tourism’ (Busby and Klug, 2001) and ‘mediatized tourism’ (Månsson, 2011). In the past around 25 years, the power of diverse media as a magnet to draw day-trippers and tourists to a specific destination has been examined considerably in tourism studies. In the early days of studies on media-induced tourism, Riley et al. (1998) explore what movies can offer to visitors as the objects and subjects of ‘the tourist gaze’ and examine movies as a lure that can entice visitors, referring to American movies and locations they were filmed. At that time, Riley et al. (1998) already predicted that media-induced tourism, including movie-induced one, would thrive in the near future, which later proved to be correct. Since that time, an increasing number of people have travelled to places with a link to a certain production delivered through diverse types of media. This phenomenon has been studied in many theoretical and/or practical tourism studies (e.g. Iwashita, 2003, 2006, 2008; Kim et al., 2007; Yamamura, 2015; Beeton, 2016; Seaton and Yamamura, 2018). In theory, whatever the things featured on media can be the objects of media-induced tourism. Usually, however, popular culture rather than high or traditional culture is more likely to be the objects of media-induced tourism. In recent years, tourism provision that fully utilises popular culture has become an increasingly significant part of the cultural tourism product (Richards, 2016). Thus, this chapter focuses on popular culture and contemporary media and their relationships with tourism. Considering these points, the type of tourism that this chapter highlights should be ‘popular

Popular culture and media 213 media-induced tourism’ (Iwashita, 2006, 2008; Yen and Teng, 2015). Popular media-induced tourism can be defined as tourism where people visit a specific destination/place which has close links with films and television programmes (Iwashita, 2008). In existing studies on popular media-induced tourism, however, a wider range of popular culture, not only films and television dramas but also other types of popular culture have been examined as shown below. • • • • •

Films (movies) (e.g. Busby and Klug, 2001; Beeton, 2016), Television dramas (e.g. Bolan et al., 2007; Seaton, 2015), Manga and/or anime (e.g. Yamamura, 2015; Seaton and Yamamura, 2018), Popular music (e.g. Oh et al., 2015), and Computer games (video games, mobile games, augmented reality (AR) games) (e.g. Zach and Tussyadiah, 2017).

Regarding films, for instance, New Zealand is a successful example whose tourism has flourished thanks to popular films that were shot in the country such as The Lord of the Rings Trilogy (2001–2003) and The Last Samurai (2003). Australia is another fruitful case whose inbound tourism has flourished thanks to well-liked movies, including Mad Max (1979) and Crocodile Dundee (1986). Winter Sonata, a South Korean television drama, was broadcasted in the country in 2002 and then in Japan between 2003 and 2004. Many Japanese fans of this drama and its leading actor and actress travelled to South Korea to visit the places where episodes of the drama were filmed (Kim et al., 2007). This is a representative example of popular media-induced tourism, although the visits to South Korea by Japanese tourists induced by this drama seem to have declined after several years since the drama was on air. Regarding the relations between popular music and tourism, Liverpool (UK) and Memphis (USA) are two most established destinations of popular music-induced tourism. Liverpool is the hometown of all four of the Beatles, namely John Lennon, Paul McCartney, George Harrison and Ringo Starr. The city is full of attractions associated with this legendary rock band such as the Cavern Club on Mathew Street and a statue of John Lennon, Hard Days Night Hotel, the Beatles Story, Strawberry Fields, Mendips (John Lennon’s childhood house) and 20 Forthlin Road (Paul McCartney’s childhood house). Some of them can be visited through Magical Mystery Tours run by local tour operators. These attractions and Liverpool as a whole can be seen as ‘music’s sacred sites’ for the Beatles fans, and their visits to these sites can be understood as ‘music pilgrimages’. These fanscapes also represent where visitors and fans can authenticate the meaning of Beatles spaces, places and landscapes (Wise et al., 2020). On the other hand, Memphis, particularly Graceland is music’s holy place for the fans of Elvis Presley. Beeton (2011) explores the relationship between tourism and moving images including computer games and their characters

214  Popular culture and media (e.g. Mario Bros), which can inspire some individuals to visit a place related to a certain video game and its characters. With regard to tourism marketing, this phenomenon can be understood as incidental tourism promotion (Beeton, 2011). In recent years, AR games, typically Pokémon Go, encourage persons to wander around different places, including unfamiliar places for them, to discover Pokémon they want to capture (Zach and Tussyadiah, 2017). The lure the above-mentioned diverse popular culture has as tourism resources is also confirmed in manga and anime that are quite popular amongst Japanese people regardless of age or gender. The next section outlines Japan’s popular culture, and its relation with various media.

11.2  Popular culture of Japan and its relationship with media This section examines the main popular culture of Japan, namely films, television dramas, manga, anime, music and computer games referring to their history and illustrative examples. Phillips and Stringer (2007) emphasise the magnitude and value of Japanese cinema and assert that these films and their directors have been appealing to both Japanese and international audiences. This statement can endorse the significance of Japanese films as both cultural heritage and tourism resources. The history of films in Japan commenced in 1896 when the Kinetoscope was imported to Kobe City and then a film was first screened using a cinematograph in Osaka City in 1897 for commercial purposes (Shochiku, n.d.). Bake Jizo (1898) and Shinin no Sosei (1898) were the very first films made by a Japanese director (Shochiku, n.d.). Yomota (2014) suggests that the history of Japanese movies between 1896 and 2011 can be divided into 10 different periods and regards the era between 1896 and 1918 as the earliest period of Japanese movie history that is characterised by the dominance of motion pictures (katsudo shashin). Phillips and Stringer also argue that ‘Today, it is widely recognised by scholars and critics that there is no such thing as “the Japanese” or indeed a single “Japanese cinema”’ (2007: 11). Indeed, it would be challenging to reach an agreement regarding what kinds of films should be called Japanese films. In the author’s opinion however, most of the films directed by Japanese directors and/or based on a story developed in Japan reflect some elements and/or a certain degree of ‘Japaneseness’ such as directors’ cultural roots and daily scenery of Japanese society on screen. Thus, such movies can be treated as ‘Japanese films’. In addition to films, television programmes are also a type of media that can show live actions to viewers. The history of Japan’s television dramas commenced around half a century later than Japanese films as most Japanese households could not afford to purchase a television until the late 1950s or the early 1960s. In 1940, a short drama, Yugemae was on air as an experimental broadcasting on television (Twu, 2004). Similar to television dramas in other nations, Japanese television dramas often mirror the generation and society of the day. This inclination is particularly prominent

Popular culture and media 215 amongst early dramas on television. For instance, the rise of television as a new type of media was the main topic of a television drama Mammoth Tower, which was broadcasted in 1958. Since around that time, television dramas began to establish their position as one of the most familiar pastimes for Japanese people. The history of manga can be dated back to the 12th and 13th centuries as Choju-jinbutsu-giga (picture scrolls of frolicking animals and humans), a National Treasure (Kokuho) originally housed in Kosan-ji Temple in Kyoto is often regarded as the origin of manga. British Museum (n.d.) also states that manga’s roots can be traced back as far as 1200; however, manga in today’s style first emerged from serialised cartoon strips in magazines and newspapers in the 1920s. This chapter focuses on such ‘current’ manga as this is the type of manga that is acknowledged today as Japan’s popular culture. Thus, today’s manga can be defined as ‘Japanese comic books or graphic novels with a twist, serialised in newspapers and magazines’ (British Museum, n.d.). In the 1980s when the author was a teenager, manga was already established as Japan’s popular culture amongst Japanese people regardless of age or gender. The 1980s can also be seen as the golden age of weekly and monthly shonen (young males) manga anthologies such as Weekly Shonen Jump and Weekly Shonen Sunday. In addition to those for young males, manga has different genres that can be categorised in many different ways. Some of them have clear target(s) such as young females (shojo manga), young adult men (seinen manga) and adults (seijin-muke manga). Nowadays, manga is popular amongst international readers as well as Japanese ones. Today, manga has a close relation with anime as many anime television series and films have been created based on manga. Poitras (2014) states that the term ‘anime’ means all animations irrespective of its production country for Japanese people or refers to Japanese animations only for non-Japanese people. This chapter follows the latter but it needs to be noted that ‘anime’ can also denote Japanese animations only for Japanese persons. During World War II (WWII), two monochrome anime films were created; however, they were generally seen as wartime propaganda films. The first colour anime film, Hakujaden (Panda and the Magic Serpent) was produced in 1958 and exported to overseas counties. On the other hand, the first anime television series was the first series of Tetsuwan Atomu (Astro Boy) broadcasted between 1963 and 1966. Yamasato (2009) states that the first anime boom occurred between the late 1970s and the early 1980s, with Space Battleship Yamato and Mobile Suit Gundam being at the centre of this boom. After they were broadcasted as anime television series, their film versions were created due to their popularity. This was the first time that anime was accepted as important Japanese popular culture by the majority of Japanese people (Yamasato, 2009). Since that time, numerous anime films and original video anime had been made by creators, including Studio Ghibli (Hayao Miyazaki and Isao Takahata), Katsuhiro Otomo, Mamoru

216  Popular culture and media Oshii and Hideaki Anno. Between the late 1980s and the mid-1990s, some anime films were accepted widely by global audiences, increasing the number of international anime fans and affecting the animation and film creators and industry across the world. Of such films, Akira (1988), directed by Katsuhiro Otomo, and Ghost in the Shell (1995), directed by Mamoru Oshii, both of which were initially manga, would be the two most significant anime films in terms of their influence at international level. Yamasato (2009) also suggests that increased global recognition and popularity of anime led to the second anime boom that commenced with the Neon Genesis Evangelion television series (1995–1996), directed by Hideaki Anno. Its first anime film was made in 1997, and its latest film, Evangelion: 3.0+1.0 Thrice Upon a Time, has been released in March 2021. Simultaneously, the popularity of Studio Ghibli’s anime increased further as represented by the huge commercial success of Princess Mononoke (1997) and Spirited Away (2001). Kikuchi (2008) states that, the history of Japanese popular music began during the Taisho period (1912–1926). Kachusha no Uta (Song of Headband) released in 1914 was one of the most well-known examples of early Japanese popular songs that many Japanese people of the day were familiar with. In those days, such popular songs were generally called ‘ryukoka’. During the Showa period (1926–1989) the popularity of Japanese popular songs had increased and those released during this period were usually called ‘kayokyoku’. During the reconstruction period after WWII (1939–1945), many people in rural areas, particularly those in the Tohoku region, moved to Tokyo Metropolitan Prefecture (TMP) to find a job and/or build a new life there. Back then, arriving at Ueno railway station meant the beginning of a new life for them. Ueno still works as a main gateway to TMP for the people coming from Tohoku. Such social backgrounds seem to have triggered the emergence of ‘enka’, a type of songs unique to Japan, which often has an association with a certain region/place (e.g. Tsugaru in Aomori Prefecture), conveying nostalgia and relationships between women and men. The influence of foreign music on Japanese popular songs also became noticeable after WWII. Of these, the impact of American and British rock, popular and folk music on Japanese popular songs was immense. This also led to the rise of various types of music and songs peculiar to Japan such as ‘new music’ in the 1970s and 1980s. J-Wave, a radio station based in TMP, created a well-known concept, ‘J-pop’, in the late 1980s (Ugaya, 2005). This notion does not signify a new kind of music; however, it gives a new name to a group of diverse Japanese popular music. The main media delivering music to people have also changed over time from records and cassette tapes to compact discs, and today the Internet (downloading and streaming) plays a dominant role. Japanese popular music is an indispensable element for the creation of other types of Japanese popular culture such as films, television dramas and anime chiefly as their title tunes. Japan’s computer games should also be appreciated as imperative Japanese popular culture. The history of video games in Japan commenced

Popular culture and media 217 in the early 1970s; however, these games imitated the original ones released earlier in the USA. Probably, Nintendo is the most important company when the history of Japan’s video game consoles and video games is reviewed. Nintendo’s handheld game consoles, Game and Watch Series became global hits and they reinvested the profits earned from this commercial success in the development of a revolutionary video game console, Family Computer, released in 1983. Family Computer and its video games such as Mario Bros. achieved a worldwide success and made a great contribution to the establishment of video games as a Japanese people’s leisure activity. Both video game consoles and video games have continuously advanced since that time. As of writing, PlayStation 4 and PlayStation 5 by Sony Interactive Entertainment and Nintendo Switch are three predominant video game consoles in Japan. Dymek (2012) argues that Japanese video game culture is much different from Western countries’ in terms of game genres popular amongst players. Hence, the majority of video games available in Japan are created only or primarily for the Japanese market (Dymek, 2012). For example, role-playing games, especially Dragon Quest Series, Final Fantasy Series and Persona Series have been fairly popular amongst Japanese video game players; whilst, this type of games does not appear to be well-liked by those in the West. Instead, sport simulation games (e.g. FIFA 21 and Madden NFL 21) and first-person shooter games (e.g. Call of Duty Series) have been very much liked by Western video gamers. Such a difference in the popularity can be confirmed by, for example, Amazon’s list of bestsellers by country. It should also be noted that the world of computer games has proceeded to the next level. This new level is featured by the emergence of and advancements in AR games (see Section 11.1). The release of Pokémon Go in several countries in July 2016 can be comprehended as a significant milestone in the history of computer games as a whole and AR games. Last but not least, it should also be remembered that the term ‘contents tourism’ is often used in Japan to refer to all different kinds of mediainducted tourism (Yamamura, 2015). The following sections look at the relationships between these diverse types of Japanese popular culture and tourism activities and practices in detail.

11.3  Films and television dramas and tourism in Japan From the viewpoint of the supply side of Japanese films and television dramas such as directors, producers and distributing agencies, the films and television dramas are in principle not created to promote the places where they are shot as tourist destinations. In reality, however, it is evident that movies and dramas have a potential to magnetise people on the demand side of tourism such as tourists to specific sites. Concerning Japanese visitors to overseas countries, Iwashita (2008) examines their actual practice of filmor drama-induced tourism, focusing on their visits to specific places in the UK whilst Kim et al. (2007) look at those coming to certain destinations

218  Popular culture and media in South Korea. As for Japanese people’s visits to places relevant to certain films/dramas within Japan, Mohri (2016) asserts that film- or dramainduced tourism is not a contemporary phenomenon and was already observed before (film-induced tourism) and after (drama-induced tourism) WWII. For example, films such as Konjiki Yasha (The Golden Demon) and Izu no Odoriko (The Dancing Girl of Izu) both based on existing popular novels were first screened in 1912 and 1933 respectively, and their television drama versions were first created in 1955 and 1961 respectively. These productions have motivated the Japanese to visit the places associated with the films and dramas – Atami for Konjiki Yasha and Izu for Izu no Odoriko, both are situated in Shizuoka Prefecture. Initially, destinations of Japanese film- or drama-induced tourism seemed to have rather passive attitudes towards tourism and just accepted people coming to their places. However, an increasing number of places associated with films/dramas have begun to make the most of their linkages with these productions for destination marketing purposes. For instance, Tanizawa (2007) points out that Wakimachi in Tokushima Prefecture has utilised the fact that a 1996 movie, Niji wo Tsukamu Otoko (Man who Holds a Rainbow), was filmed in Wakimachi to enhance the area’s recognition amongst Japanese people and to advance tourism. In addition, it is important that this fact also made local residents feel that Wakimachi is a great place to live (Tanizawa, 2007). Nowadays, many local governments endeavour to attract a movie or drama to be filmed within their territories. To cite a case, Fukui City has been eager to be a shooting place of a ‘taiga drama’ an established year-long historical drama series, exploiting the city’s strong link with the Echizen Asakura clan. In fact, a large signboard for this purpose was propped against a wall at the Ichijodani Asakura Clan Ruins when the author visited the site in December 2018. The ruins are currently open to the general public as a pay visitor attraction. For the aforementioned reasons, it is fair to say that advantages can be obtained by being a place for film/ drama shootings or having a solid association with a particular film/drama have been acknowledged well by stakeholders on the supply side of filmand drama-induced tourism. Japanese films and dramas would be the two most established types of Japanese popular culture that can draw people to tourist destinations due to their long history and high degree of penetration amongst Japanese people as pastimes and have been employed for destination marketing purposes. In this sense, films and dramas are somewhat different from other sorts of Japanese popular culture investigated in this chapter. In many cases, the ultimate goal of utilising films and dramas as tourism resources is to energise or revitalise cities, towns or villages by: • •

Increasing economic benefits for households and the municipality as a whole, Generating employment opportunities,

Popular culture and media 219 • • •

Increasing the level of local residents’ attachment to and pride in their place of residence, Encouraging young local inhabitants to continue to reside and work there, and/or Attracting new people and businesses from outside of the city, town or village.

In light of these points, films and dramas can also be valued as the most established kind of Japanese popular culture that has been used for muraokoshi, chiiki-kasseika or chiiki-shinko, which means ‘community revitalisation’ or ‘socio-cultural regeneration’. Such community revitalisation is crucial for the sustainable future of Japan’s rural and remote areas as many of them have been struggling with aging society, depopulation and decline of their traditional industry. The aforementioned case of Wakimachi is a good example of community revitalisation, exploiting their association with a specific film. Japanese films also have a power to trigger medium- or small-sized spatial transformation in destinations associated with a certain type of films/ dramas, or a specific film/drama, creating film sets and/or film theme parks. Toei Uzumasa Eigamura (Toei Kyoto Studio Park (TKSP)) describes itself as ‘the only jidaigeki theme park in Japan’ (TKSP, 2020). Jidaigeki are fictional historical dramas set in a period between the Heian (794–1185) and Meiji (1868–1912) periods. Of these, the Edo period (1603–1868) is the most popular setting. The uniqueness of TKSP is that part of the theme park is also used as a film set for jidaigeki and the theme park is next to Toei Kyoto Studio, the most famous jidaigeki studio in Japan. TKSP has also been a popular visitor attraction amongst Japanese visitors, particularly school children. Lately, TKSP has also been well visited by overseas tourists thanks to the recent inbound tourism boom. Niju-shi no Hitomi Eigamura (Twenty-four Eyes Movie Studio (TEMS)) is built on the Shodo Island in the Seto Inland Sea (see Figure 11.1). Twenty-four Eyes is a Japanese novel written by Sakae Tsuboi and was published in 1952. It was made into films in 1954 and 1987 and also dramatised several times between 1964 and 2013. Twenty-four Eyes is the story of a young female elementary school teacher and her 12 students during the wartime, between 1928 and 1946. TEMS is a film theme park that utilises the film set for the 1987 movie and has been serving as one of the main visitor attractions on the Shodo Island. Broadly speaking, films and dramas can be divided into two categories – some films are made using screenplays based on existing stories (e.g. novels) whilst others are created based on their own screenplays. According to Movie Walker (2013), 75% of Japanese films released between April and December 2013 were the former. This proportion is more than double of that of foreign films (36%) released during the same period of time (Movie Walker, 2013). In Japan, ‘seisaku-iinkai hoshiki’ has been a common way to attract investments from several different organisations to fund live-action

220  Popular culture and media

Figure 11.1  Twenty-four Eyes Movie Studio (Source: Author)

and anime films since the 1980s (Tanaka, 2009). This method is unique to Japan and an effective means to raise a large amount of money required for creating a film. These investors see making a film as a business; hence, they prefer creating a film based on existing stories mainly due to the high level of recognition and more possibility of commercial success. In relation to this, keen fans of the original stories may not be happy with their cinematisation. That is firstly because; the contents of the original stories are often more or less modified for some reason. For example, a typical running time of films is around two hours for financial and commercial reasons. However, fans of original stories may think that this approach damages the quality and/or flow of the original stories. The other danger in cinematisation is casting. It frequently happens that casting does not match the images of characters each fan has. This issue can be more serious in the case of live-action movies than anime movies as the original stories of live-action movies are often novels that do not usually express the appearance of characters visually. This means that readers of the novels can visualise their own images of characters in their minds, and this makes casting of live-action films challenging. In this sense, enthusiastic fans of the original stories may feel that the authenticity of the original stories have been harmed or even lost in their film versions, and that interpretations of the original stories adopted in the films are wrong, shallow and/or miss the point. The issues in altering the original stories and casting can also be confirmed in dramas based on existing stories. At least, some people who engage in film- or drama-inducted tourism activities would be fans of the original stories that have been cinematised or dramatised rather than the films or dramas themselves. Hence, films and dramas that cannot meet the expectations of the

Popular culture and media 221 fans of the existing stories might not be effective enough to make film- or drama-induced tourism flourish.

11.4  Manga and anime and tourism in Japan Of various types of media-induced tourism practised in Japan, mangaor anime-induced tourism is the most dominant one, especially animeinduced tourism. As explained in Section 11.2, ‘contents tourism’ is the term usually used to signify a wide range of media-inducted tourism in Japan (Yamamura, 2015). Therefore, it is fair to say that anime and manga are also key elements in contents tourism. As a whole, the interrelationships between many different stakeholders involved in the provision and reception of manga- and anime-induced tourism are similar to those in film- and drama-induced tourism. This implies that the supply side of manga- and anime-induced tourism is aware of the ability of these ‘contents’ that can motivate people to come over to the sites associated with a certain manga or anime. In fact, the demand side of manga and anime tourism, particularly devoted fans have been drawn to visit numerous places that have a strong connection with a specific production. Traditionally actions taken by people to visit a religious or other sacred site (e.g. Shinto shrines and holy mountains) have been called ‘seichi junrei’ in Japanese. ‘Seichi’ denotes sacred sites, and ‘junrei’ means pilgrimages. As Imai (2009) indicates, however, the use of the terms seichi and junrei has been highly secularised. In this secularisation process, Japanese popular culture and contents tourism have been playing a crucial role. As a result, nowadays the term seichi junrei is used extensively by the general public as well as academics to signify the visits to the places that have links to particular Japanese popular culture. Concerning what kinds of Japanese culture should be treated as the objects of seichi junrei, no strong consensus has been reached amongst researchers. For instance, Sakamoto et al. (2014) regard the sites related to computer games as well as anime and manga as the destinations of seichi junrei. On the other hand, Andrews (2014) suggests that a much wider range of sites can be understood as seichi such as maid cafés and districts such as Akihabara in TMP where many shops selling manga and anime goods are situated. Nipponbashi Ota-Road in Osaka City is also the district that is full of manga and anime shops (see Figure 11.2). In the author’s opinion, any types of Japanese popular culture can be treated and examined as the objects of seichi junrei. Given the key studies on seichi junrei (e.g. Andrews, 2014; Okamoto, 2015; Yamamura, 2015), however, primarily anime and secondarily manga should be comprehended as the main objects of seichi junrei. Anime and manga culture in Japan is also closely linked to the concept of ‘otaku’ that is embedded in the name of the aforementioned Nipponbashi Ota-Road. Otaku is originally a word to mention ‘you’ or ‘your home’ in a polite way. In the 1980s, the word began to have another meaning that

222  Popular culture and media

Figure 11.2  Nipponbashi Ota-Road (Source: Author)

indicates people who are passionate about or even devote themselves to Japanese popular culture, especially manga and anime (and in some cases computer games). At that point, the term has a rather negative nuance – gloomy and introversive. As time has gone by, however, both the concept of otaku and people seen as otaku have been socially accepted due to many interrelated factors in Japanese society, including a more established position of manga and anime as common hobbies. As stated earlier, generally otaku people tend to be seen as rather socially maladroit persons. However, the rise of manga- and anime-induced tourism and its practice, typically seichi junrei, seems to have taken otaku people out to the outside world. Like film- or drama-induced tourism (see Section 11.3), manga- and animeinduced tourism, especially the latter, could also have the potential to invigorate or rejuvenate the areas that have been suffering from various economic and social issues. Being a setting of popular manga and/or anime can be utilised as a great opportunity for the above-stated regions, particularly for those are not located in urban or near urban areas to revitalise the regions. Below is a list of representative examples of recent manga and/or anime and the destinations of seichi junrei. • • • • •

Bungo Stray Dogs (Literary Legends Stray Dogs) – Yokohama City, Kanagawa Prefecture. Girls und Panzer – Oarai Town, Ibaraki Prefecture. Love Live! Sunshine!! – Numazu City, Shizuoka Prefecture. Kimi no Na wa. (Your Name.) – Hida Furukawa railway station, Hida City, Gifu Prefecture. Raki Suta (Lucky Star) – Washinomiya Shrine, Kuki City, Saitama Prefecture.

Popular culture and media 223 Section 11.3 points out that issues in authenticity and interpretation may emerge when existing stories such as novels become films or dramas. The same problem can arise when anime films or dramas are created based on existing manga. In this case, for instance, differences in characters’ voices between those in fans’ minds and those actually spoken by voice actors may make the fans of existing manga feel that the authenticity of characters in the original manga is spoiled or even lost in its anime version, and/or that the anime version’s interpretation of manga characters misses the point. Regarding such concerns, a notion of media mix (Japanese English) is vital when the interrelationships amongst several different types of Japanese popular culture are explored; especially those involving manga and anime. Media mix is equivalent to a ‘multimedia franchise’ in English and means a group of interrelated media where many derivative productions are created based on an original production. As Bryce et al. (2010) claim, the history of media mix in Japan can be traced back to the post-WWII time when a derivative of classic manga, Tetsuwan Atomu (Astro Boy), originally released as serial manga in Monthly Shonen magazine between 1952 and 1968, was on air as television anime drama series between 1963 and 1966. A much more recent example of media mix is Meitantei Conan (Detective Conan or Case Closed). This production is one of the most noticeable examples of wider media mix than the traditional combination of manga and anime. Meitantei Conan was initially launched as one of the serial manga in Weekly Shonen Sunday in 1994. Thanks to its popularity, it was adapted into television anime drama series in 1996 and then the first anime film in 1997. It was also novelised and dramatised in 2005 and 2006, respectively. Besides, the first computer game featuring Meitantei Conan was released in 1996 for a handheld game console, Game Boy. Surprisingly, all of these media mix activities are still active, and a wide variety of derivatives of Meitantei Conan has been produced as various types of Japanese popular culture and delivered to consumers through multiple kinds of media. As the case of Meitantei Conan signifies, appreciated Japanese popular culture, especially manga and anime, has been fully exploited by many different stakeholders on the supply side of productions for commercial purposes. The demand side of manga and anime such as keen fans have also enjoyed their experience with media mix. Such a full utilisation of manga and anime would also be helpful to develop contents tourism in Japan, including seichi junrei, even further, although some devoted fans of original productions, typically of manga, may have mixed feelings towards diverse derivative productions, quintessentially towards anime, chiefly because of possible issues with authenticity and interpretation. Manga and anime have also been the core products of the Cool Japan initiative. This initiative was officially launched in 2010 when the Ministry of Economy, Trade and Industry established its Creative Industries Promotion Office (also called Cool Japan Office). A public-private fund, Cool Japan Fund Inc., was also set up in 2013 to advance the Cool Japan scheme and further promote a

224  Popular culture and media range of cultural products unique to or distinctive in Japan to international audiences. However, this initiative has been patchy and disjoined, and may not have yield expected returns (Kawashima, 2018), although a considerable amount of money has been invested in this scheme. This implies that the cost-effectiveness of the Cool Japan initiative is doubtful at least at the time of writing.

11.5  Music and computer games and tourism in Japan As discussed in Section 11.2, enka is an established genre in Japanese popular songs. One of the main features of enka is its connection with a specific location. Although some songs belonging to other genres of Japanese popular songs (e.g. J-pop) also have an association with a particular place, this inclination is most salient in enka. In many cases, the relation between such songs and certain sites can be confirmed in song titles, and such songs are known as ‘gotochi songs’. ‘Gotochi’ signifies locality in Japanese. Illustrative examples of gotochi songs with their release years are as follows: • • • • • • • • • • • •

Hakodate no hito (A woman from Hakodate) (1965). Erimo-misaki (Cape Erimo) (1974). Tsugaru-kaikyo fuyu-geshiki (Winter scenery of Tsugaru Strait) (1977). Blue light Yokohama (1968). Noto-hanto (Noto Peninsula) (1977). Yanagase blues (1966). Osaka de umareta onna (A woman born in Osaka) (1979). Soshite Kobe (And then, Kobe) (1972). Tottori-sakyu (Tottori Sand Dunes) (2003). Nangoku Tosa wo ato ni shite (Leaving Tosa) (1959 version sung by Peggy Hayama). Nagasaki wa kyo mo ame datta (Always raining in Nagasaki) (1969). Taketomi-jima de aimasho (Let’s meet in the Taketomi Island) (2000).

Kaori Mizumori is a female enka singer who released Tappi-misaki (Cape Tappi) in 1999 as her first gotochi song. She also released other gotochi songs, Onomichi-suido (Onomichi Channel) in 2000 and then Tojinbo (Tojinbo Cliffs) in 2002. The huge commercial success of her 2003 gotochi song, the above-listed Tottori-sakyu, made an important contribution to the establishment of her fame as a queen of gotochi songs. As names of particular places are usually embedded in the titles of gotochi songs, nowadays these songs are acknowledged and valued as tourism resources (Mizoo, 1999) by the supply and demand sides of tourism, especially by the former. Like other types of Japanese popular culture and tourism induced by them, gotochi songs may be useful for muraokoshi, chiikikasseika or chiiki-shinko of the places whose names are contained in the song titles. If the names of peculiar locations are not included in the titles of

Popular culture and media 225 gotochi songs, they are implied by the titles, or contained or signified in the lyrics. Today, local governments and destination marketing organisations are keen to create gotochi songs for their cities, towns or villages for destination marketing purposes, often working together with external stakeholders. For instance, in 2011, Miyama City in Fukuoka Prefecture encouraged the general public not limited to their citizens to submit their ideas on lyrics of a gotochi song for the city (Miyama City, 2011). Unfortunately, however, generally gotochi songs and Japanese popular songs having associations with certain locales do not seem to be effective enough to motivate Japanese persons to visit there. In other words, the power of these songs as tourism resources is weaker than that of other kinds of Japanese popular culture, typically anime and films. This also indicates that normally the demand side of tourism such as tourists do not think that gotochi songs or Japanese popular music are appealing enough to lure them into specific destinations. At least at the moment, thus, Japanese popular music should be utilised together with other type(s) of Japanese popular culture to be an effective tool for destination marketing. Like the cases of film- or anime-induced tourism, locations relevant to peculiar computer games can be the destinations of seichi junrei, although seichi junrei in computer game-induced tourism appears to be less mature than that in film- or anime-induced tourism. Nevertheless, there are still some examples that can show evident relationships between the sites associated with computer games and computer game-induced tourism. Higurashi no Naku Koro ni (When They Cry) is a PC game series created by a Japanese dojin (sharing a common interest) group, and the first game in the series was released in 2002. It is generally believed that the model of the setting for this game is Shirakawa Village in Gifu Prefecture, although the setting of the game is called Hinamizawa, a fictional village. The game series have created a certain degree of computer game-induced tourism in Shirakawa Village since 2002. Unlike most destinations of contents tourism, however, the supply side of tourism does not appear to be keen to exploit this opportunity to foster contents tourism or advance tourism development further (Ideguchi, 2009). It would be partly because Shirakawa Village has already experienced a rapid and extensive tourism development since 1995 (Jimura, 2011; 2019). The year 1995 is when the Ogimachi district of the village was inscribed as part of Historic Villages of Shirakawa-go and Gokayama, a cultural World Heritage Site (Jimura, 2011; 2019). A more recent example is Rewrite, which was originally created and released as a PC game in 2011 and then ported to the PlayStation consoles. The settings of Rewrite is less obvious than that of Higurashi no Naku Koro ni. Nevertheless, a certain degree of seichi junrei related to this game can be observed in some cities, including Sapporo, Osaka and Kobe. As shown in Section 11.4, media mix is an essential notion when the interrelationships amongst a range of Japanese popular culture are examined.

226  Popular culture and media In many cases, manga or anime productions serve as foundations for various derivatives. As demonstrated earlier, however, computer games could also work as prototypes that can stimulate the making of their derivatives. In fact, the PC game of Higurashi no Naku Koro ni was adapted for manga, anime, novel, live-action film and drama. As evidenced by the success of Pokémon Go, AR games have expanded new horizons of computer games. In Pokémon Go, however, diverse Pokémon can come up anywhere and gamers visit places where specific Pokémon are likely to appear. At the time of writing, therefore, AR games like Pokémon Go have not developed a solid association with any peculiar place.

11.6 Conclusion Popular culture of various countries has spread all over the world through diverse types of media. This trend has been prominent in recent years, mainly due to the advancements in Internet technologies, inspiring people to visit places that have connections with a certain type of popular culture or a specific production. In academia, this type of tourism is generally called ‘media-induced tourism’. Given the focus of this chapter, however, a type of tourism examined here should be called more precisely ‘popular media-induced tourism’. Films, television dramas, manga, anime, popular music and computer games are representative examples of popular culture that have been explored in relation to tourism. In Japan, all of the aforementioned six types of Japanese popular culture, i.e. films, television dramas, manga, anime, music and computer games, have developed well, although the lengths of their histories are diverse. Nowadays, all these six are more or less interrelated through multimedia franchise, or media mix in Japanese, a common strategy employed by the supply side of Japanese popular culture. Of various interrelationships amongst different kinds of Japanese popular culture and media, traditionally those between films and television dramas and those between manga and anime would be the most established mutual relations. Japanese films and television dramas have been entertaining the general public of Japan for a long period of time, showing live actions to audiences. They have been deeply rooted in the daily lives of ordinary people in Japan as usual leisure activities, particularly television dramas. The history of Japanese films commenced in the late 1890s whilst the history of Japanese television dramas started in around 1960. An increasing number of households had purchased a television between the late 1950s and the early 1960s, and television dramas had been thriving during this period. Although this chapter does not investigate novels as Japanese popular culture, they have often served as original stories for films, especially at the dawn of Japanese films. This approach was also adopted in the early days of Japan’s television dramas. Such production processes can be comprehended as a traditional type of media mix practised in Japan.

Popular culture and media 227 The birth of manga can be dated back to the 1100s and 1200s; however, the history of manga in the current style commenced in the 1920s. Initially, the main target of manga was young males, and once reading manga was seen as a somewhat childish hobby. As time went by, however, manga has established itself as a popular pastime amongst Japanese people regardless of their age or gender, cultivating new genres for different target segments (e.g. shojo manga for young females). Nowadays, manga is quite popular amongst foreigners as well as Japanese people. Manga often serve as the original stories of anime films and dramas. This is another example of conventional types of media mix adopted in Japan. Today, the term, anime, usually means Japan’s animations. Anime has been developing continuously since the late 1950s, creating countless masterpieces and great animators, increasing the number of anime fans domestically and internationally, and influencing the animation industry and creators across the globe. Japanese popular music and songs should also be appreciated as Japanese popular culture, and their roots can be dated back to the Taisho period. At that time, Japanese popular songs were called ryukoka, and then kayokyoku during the Showa period. Japanese popular music and songs underwent major changes after WWII. First, many people moved from rural areas to urban areas, and nostalgia for their hometowns was a key cause of the emergence of enka, which often shows an emotional link to a specific locale. Second, the influence of American and British popular music gave rise to new genres in Japanese popular music such as new music. Japan is also proud of computer games and consoles as their popular culture. The history of Japan’s computer games began in 1980 when Game and Watch Series were released by Nintendo and enjoyed international success. This triumph led to the development and release of a ground-breaking video game console, Family Computer which brought computer games to Japanese households. Compared to other types of Japanese popular culture investigated in this chapter, popular music and computer games, especially the former, do not seem to have been wholly utilised as original contents of their derivatives created through media mix. Overall, media mix has been widely employed across different types of Japanese popular culture and media. Media mix is an effective method for utilising the potential of original productions to maximise economic benefits that the supply side of media mix products could gain by generating a variety of derivatives. Simultaneously, however, media mix may also work negatively because derivatives made through media mix cannot always satisfy the expectations of the demand side, especially earnest fans of the original stories/productions. In Japan, the term ‘contents tourism’ is usually employed to indicate popular media-inducted tourism. Of various types of Japanese popular culture examined in this chapter, primarily anime and secondarily manga are most closely associated with contents tourism. Stated differently, places having associations with peculiar anime and/or manga are understood as the

228  Popular culture and media destinations of contents tourism. In Japanese, seichi denotes sacred sites and junrei signifies pilgrimages. However, the original meanings of seichi and junrei have been greatly secularised in the context of contents tourism. Today, therefore, visits to destinations related to specific Japanese popular culture productions, particularly manga and anime are called seichi junrei. Nowadays, ‘contents’ such as anime and manga have a high level of enticement as tourism resources for eager fans of these productions; and, in fact, have been encouraging these people to come to seichi of certain anime and/or manga. This phenomenon can also be well confirmed in the relationships between specific films and television dramas and seichi relevant to these productions. Not many but some computer games also have a capacity to inspire people to travel to seichi connected with the games. At present, however, the ability of Japanese popular songs to promote contents tourism seems to be rather limited, although many enka and gotochi songs show or imply connections between the songs and specific locations.

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12 Theme parks in Japan Tokyo Disney Resort, Universal Studios Japan, Parque España, and Huis Ten Bosch

12.1 Introduction There are multiple ways to classify cultural heritage such as tangible or intangible and historic or contemporary (see Chapter 9). Likewise, cultural heritage can also be categorised into three groups by its original purpose(s) and relationships with tourism. The first group consists of cultural heritage that did not initially intend to serve as visitor attractions or was not built for tourism purposes (e.g. Japanese castles). The second group comprises cultural heritage whose mission includes working as visitor attractions as well as working for other objectives such as conservation and education (e.g. museums). The third group is cultural heritage whose main aim is to provide its visitors with amusement, entertainment and leisure experiences. Nowadays, amusement (and leisure) parks and theme parks are key players in the third group. In tourism studies, how amusement parks and theme parks are differentiated is not always clear. For example, Inkson and Minnaert define amusement and leisure parks as ‘Parks constructed primarily for “white knuckle” rides (e.g. rollercoasters) and associated stalls and amusements’ (2018: 118), and theme parks as ‘Amusement and leisure parks that are based on a particular brand, character, historic period or site’ (2018: 117). Considering these definitions, it could be stated that ‘amusement parks’ is a broader concept than ‘theme parks’, and the former includes the latter. It is fair to say that the uniqueness of theme parks that distinguishes themselves from other types of amusement parks is a specific theme that governs every element of the parks and the parks as a whole. This chapter examines theme parks as its main topic. Of a variety of cultural heritage discussed in this monograph, theme parks are the only cultural heritage whose original and primary purpose is to serve as visitor attractions and to offer enjoyable experiences to their visitors. The UK and the USA are two important nations when the history of amusement parks, including theme parks, is reviewed. That is because; (travelling) funfairs in the UK and (travelling) carnivals in the USA are comprehended as amusement parks in a broad sense and as the origin of present-day amusement parks or theme parks. These funfairs and

232  Theme parks in Japan carnivals comprise various amusement and entertainment facilities such as amusement rides, toy retailers and food and beverage stalls. As their full names imply, the main feature of travelling funfairs/carnivals is that they move to a new fairground after running their business for a certain period of time. This means that travelling funfairs/carnivals are temporary events. In reality, however, usually they are recurring events typically held every year. For instance, Goose Fair in Nottingham, UK is an annual travelling funfair with an established history and is much-loved by local residents. Its fairground has been Forest Recreation Ground for around 100 years (BBC, 2008). This chapter particularises contemporary theme parks that differ from the above-explained traditional travelling funfairs/carnivals. As stated earlier, theme parks can be understood as a type of permanent fixed-site amusement parks. According to Adams-Volpe (1991), Sea Lion Park opened at Coney Island, Brooklyn in 1895 was the first permanent fixed-site amusement park in the USA that charged visitors for entering the park and enjoying amusement rides, although it was replaced by Luna Park within 10 years since its inauguration. In the UK, the history of permanent fixed-site amusement parks is related more to seaside resorts. Blackpool is a historic seaside resort situated in the northwest of England. Blackpool Pleasure Beach is a perpetual fixed-site amusement park opened in 1896 and has been active since then. These amusement parks can be regarded as prototypes of the current amusement parks that can be found across the world. It is fair to say that the prosperity of the current theme parks commenced with the opening of Disneyland (now ‘Disneyland Park’) in Anaheim, California, USA, in 1955. Since then, the owner, the Walt Disney Company (WDC) has opened several Disney’s theme parks not only in the USA (Anaheim and Orland) but also in Europe (Marne-la-Vallée near Paris) and Asia (Urayasu near Tokyo, Hong Kong and Shanghai). Needless to say, their main themes are the world of Disney and a variety of their lovable characters. These key themes have also been serving as the company’s established brands and vital business assets. This would be one of the main reasons why WDC has been dedicated to maintaining a high level of control over their businesses by solely owning their theme parks in the USA and jointly possessing those in France, Hong Kong and China with local enterprises. The only exception is Tokyo Disney Resort (TDR), which is owned and operated by a Japanese company, Oriental Land Company, with a licence from WDC (see Figure 12.1). Universal Studios is another representative example of contemporary theme parks. Their history originated when Universal Studios Hollywood was opened in 1964 as a theme park in California. Similar to Disney’s theme parks, Universal Studios are running their theme parks in different countries, including the USA (Universal City and Orland) and Asia (Osaka and Singapore). Their theme parks in the USA are possessed by Universal Parks & Resorts (UPR), whilst Universal Studios Japan (USJ) is owned and managed by their wholly owned subsidiary and

Theme parks in Japan 233

Figure 12.1  Tokyo Disney Resort (Source: Kazuya Yamamoto)

Universal Studios Singapore is owned and operated by Genting Group with a licence from UPR (see Figure 12.2). Similar to the case of Disney’s theme parks the main themes of Universal Studios are the world of Universal Pictures (Universal Studios) and the unique characters appearing in their movies. In addition to Disney and Universal Studios, Legoland is also international theme parks whose main theme is the world of Lego bricks. There are also other different theme parks around the world. For instance, the central

Figure 12.2  Universal Studios Japan (Source: Author)

234  Theme parks in Japan theme of Cité de l’espace located in the suburban area of Toulouse, France is space exploration. On the other hand, the main theme of Europa-Park situated in Rust, Germany is European countries. Europa-Park has 18 themed areas, most of which correspond to different nations in Europe. Utilising the background of theme parks discussed in this section as a basis, the next section overviews Japan’s theme parks.

12.2  Theme parks in Japan It depends on how amusement parks are defined but the history of amusement parks in Japan can be traced back to the middle of the 19th century when the first-generation Asakusa Hanayashiki in Tokyo Metropolitan Prefecture (TMP) was opened in 1853. Hanayashiki describes itself as ‘the oldest amusement park in Japan’ (Hanayashiki, n.d.), although its original structure was demolished during World War II (WWII) and then reopened after WWII with its new structure. In the 1910s, two amusement parks were opened in the Kansai region, Takarazuka Shin-Onsen (later called Takarazuka Familyland) in Hyogo Prefecture and Hirakata Park in Osaka Urban Prefecture (OUP), although the former was closed in 2003. By contrast, theme parks in Japan have much shorter history than amusement parks. The opening of Tokyo Disneyland (TDL) in 1983 can be viewed as the birth of the theme park industry in Japan. In fact, Onuki (2008) states that the history of TDL can be understood as the history of Japan’s theme parks. TDL was very much welcomed by Japanese people from the beginning, and overall, has always been highly successful since its opening. In 2001, a new theme park, Tokyo DisneySea (TDS) was opened next to TDL and has also been thriving since then. Today, TDL and TDS form TDR together with four Disney Hotels, the official Disney souvenir shop Bon Voyage and the shopping centre Ikspiari. Overall, the number of visitors to TDL (and TDS since 2001) has been increasing every year. In 2018, TDL and TDS together welcomed around 32.6 million visitors (OLC Group, 2019a). Together with Japan’s economic bubble (1986–1991) and the establishment of Sogo Hoyo Chiiki Seibi-ho (Development of Comprehensive Resort Areas Act (DCRAA)) in 1987, the huge commercial success of TDL triggered the construction and opening of numerous theme parks across Japan (Onuki, 2008). In many cases, however, their popularity and business success did not last for a long time (Fujii, 2014). Onuki (2008) asserts that TDR would be almost the only commercially successful theme park in Japan as of 2007. In fact, most of Japan’s theme parks were short-lived and closed in the past 20–25 years. According to Segawa et al. (2016), such theme parks include: • • • •

Canadian World Park (Hokkaido Prefecture): 1990–1997. Yamaguchi New Zealand Village (Yamaguchi Prefecture): 1990–2005. Kure Portpia Land (Hiroshima Prefecture): 1992–1998. NAMCO WonderEggs (TMP): 1992–2000.

Theme parks in Japan 235 • • • • • •

Asia Park (Kumamoto Prefecture): 1993–2000. Niigata Russia Village (Niigata Prefecture): 1993–2004. Kamakura Cinema World (Kanagawa Prefecture): 1995–1998. Ultraman Land (Kumamoto Prefecture): 1996–2013. Fuji Gulliver’s Kingdom (Yamanashi Prefecture): 1997–2001. Kurashiki Tivoli Park (Okayama Prefecture): 1997–2008.

It is interesting that most of the above-listed closed theme parks featured a peculiar foreign country or a certain region of the world, prominently Europe. This type of theme parks signifies a distinctiveness of Japan’s visitor attraction portfolio (Jimura, 2017) (see Section 12.4 for details). It should also be noted that not only theme parks in rural areas but those in and around urban areas could not survive a long period of time. Like tourist destinations, continuing to attract repeat visitors is essential for visitor attractions to be financially sustainable in the long term. However, most of Japan’s theme parks have failed to do so, although TDR is a rare successful example (Onuki, 2008). According to Onuki (2008), the secret of TDR’s triumph is their cashflow management as well as unstinted and constant investment in their facilities and services, particularly new attractions. TDR is examined more in detail in Section 12.3.1. As Onuki (2008) states, probably TDR has been the only theme park in Japan that achieved an extensive and stable commercial success by 2006. On the other hand, USJ should be acknowledged as Japan’s another theme park that could attain a huge business success but more recently. USJ opened in 2001 and had a very successful first year of business. Nevertheless, USJ started losing its popularity amongst visitors since 2002 (Suzuki and Takemura, 2013) partly due to a series of problems with their facilities and attractions. In 2006, however, USJ achieved a budget surplus and has been increasing its popularity amongst visitors since that time, although the theme park has not announced their visitor numbers since 2017. There are several factors behind their recovery; including the change of management style, improvement in marketing strategies and opening of new attractions (see Section 12.3.2 for details). In addition to USJ, Japan has some more theme parks that recovered from a serious financial problem or business failure. Huis Ten Bosch (HTB) in Nagasaki Prefecture is such a theme park. HTB opened in 1992 but went into administration in 2003. Thanks to the efforts such as the new management and a large amount of investment, HTB could recuperate from bankruptcy and is still running their business as of writing (see Section 12.4.2 for details). Reoma World in Kagawa Prefecture opened in 1991 but closed twice in its history. The theme park was re-opened twice under new management in 2004 and 2010, and is still running their business as New Reoma World at the time of writing. Another example is Parque España (PE) in Mie Prefecture (see Section 12.4.1 for details). PE started welcoming visitors in 1994; however, it has been struggling to attract visitors in recent years.

236  Theme parks in Japan In January 2019, PE posted how empty PE is on its official website. This message was interpreted by the general public as PE’s masochistic advertisement, resulting in an increase in the number of visitors at least temporarily (Asahi Shimbun, 2019). Of the theme parks that could not achieve commercial success and were closed down permanently, some were productively ‘reborn’ as facilities for other purposes. For instance, the above-listed Kure Portpia Land was closed in 1998 but reborn as a public park called Kure Portpia Park in 2000 and has been well visited by citizens of Kure City (Segawa et al., 2016). This is a good example of successful urban regeneration, because this conversion fully utilised the abandoned theme park’s extensive land and facilities without leaving the facilities as white elephants.

12.3  American-origin international theme parks and tourism Throughout its history, Japan has been continuously interacting with various countries, although such interactions were limited during the Edo period (1603–1868) because of the isolationist policy adopted by the Tokugawa shogunate. Japan has been interplaying with China and Korea since the ancient times and with European countries since the 16th century (Jimura, 2019). After WWII, the USA has been the most influential nation for Japan in many aspects, including Japan’s cultural heritage (Jimura, 2017). Davies and Ikeno (2002) assert that basically Japan has been accepting elements of foreign cultures without causing serious conflicts with existing Japanese culture. Japan kept absorbing overseas cultures, modifying them to fit into Japanese society (Jimura, 2019). Such process and practice well represent one of the distinctive features of Japanese people, society and culture, as illustrated through the case of Japanised international cuisines in Chapter 4. This characteristic can also be confirmed through the cases of Americanorigin international theme parks in Japan such as TDR (see Section 12.3.1) and USJ (see Section 12.3.2). At TDR and USJ, a certain degree of adaptation seems to have been made within the frameworks given by WDC and UPR respectively to be widely accepted by Japanese consumers. 12.3.1 Tokyo Disney Resort: Tokyo Disneyland and Tokyo DisneySea One of the main factors contributing to the outstanding success of TDR is its desirable location (Katsura, 1999) and great accessibility by public transport. TDR is located in Urayasu City in Chiba Prefecture, just outside TMP. The driving distance between Tokyo Station and TDR is around 15–20 km depending on the route, and it takes around 15–20 minutes if the traffic is smooth. It takes 16 minutes from Tokyo station to Maihama station (the gateway station to TDR) by train. During the 1960s, the fishing ground around the current TDR premises was damaged by water pollution. A huge development plan to landfill this fishing ground emerged at that time, and the plan was led by the governor of Chiba Prefecture. Although landfilling

Theme parks in Japan 237 can damage sea environment, fortunately the environmental condition of this sea zone has not been damaged by this landfilling project (Koarai and Nakano, 2013). TDR is built on part of the landfill, around 343 hectares in total purchased by Oriental Land. Oriental Land is a Japanese company that owns and operates TDR. As the site areas of TDL and TDS are around 51 and 49 hectares respectively, there is still a vast space for expansion of existing facilities and/or development of new facilities, although some have already been utilised for other facilities in TDR such as Disney Hotels, Bon Voyage and Ikspiari. The appearance of the extensive landfill site and development of TDR not only altered the coastline of Tokyo Bay belonging to Urayasu City but also prompted the development of transport infrastructure and services such as Japan Railway Maihama Station and the Disney Resort Line that connects key facilities within TDR. Furthermore, TDR and Narita International Airport are connected directly by airport limousine. TDR’s great accessibility by public transport and its prime location have maximised their synergy effects, making a great contribution to TDR’s exceptional success as a theme park. Great location and easy access by public transport is a central factor in the decision-making process of the demand side of tourism, especially prospective visitors. OLC Group (2019b) shows that the proportions of visitors from outside of the Kanto region where Chiba Prefecture belongs and from foreign countries have been increasing. In 2018, the proportions were 29.6% and 9.6% respectively. These figures indicate that accessibility by public transport is also significant for the supply side of tourism, i.e. TDR, especially in their marketing strategies. The location of and access to TDR is well illustrated on their official website in several foreign languages as well as in Japanese. For the demand side of tourism, traditionally, the key difference between people’s daily lives and tourism is ‘the distinction between the ordinary and the extraordinary’ (Gustafson, 2002: 900). However, Ebisawa (2001) suggests that tourism itself has become increasingly less extraordinary for Japanese people since the 1990s owing to the enhanced quality of people’s daily lives; the ever-increasing amount of tourism experiences that each person has; and the technological advancement, especially IT. Nevertheless, many researchers deem that the extraordinariness of TDR and visitor experience there are still intact, because almost all elements of people’s daily lives are removed in TDR (Takimoto, 2016). TDR adopts diverse measures to maintain their extraordinariness for their visitors. First, TDL describes itself as ‘the Kingdom of Dreams and Magic’, whilst TDS labels itself as ‘Where Adventure and Imagination Set Sail’. Second, their custodial cast members are trained to collect rubbish in TDR every 15 minutes (Nakanishi, 2011) and all the dustbins in TDR are decorated in a Disney style (Takimoto, 2016). Last but not least, TDR calls their service staff ‘casts’ and their visitors ‘guests’. The former signifies that TDR values the service staff and the quality of their service highly that goes the extra mile for customers, whilst the latter implies that TDR treats all visitors as VIPs (Nakanishi, 2012).

238  Theme parks in Japan As stated in Section 12.1, TDR is managed by Oriental Land, a Japanese enterprise, following the framework given by WDC in the USA through licensing. As discussed above, a certain level of adaptation has been considered and implemented mainly to attract Japanese guests. However, some keen fans of the original Disney’s theme parks in the USA may regard such adaptation as a lack of respect for the originals. These fans may also think that Oriental Land and Japanese guests interpret the world of Disney in their own ways. Stated differently, the world of Disney re-created in Japan and embodied as TDR may not be accepted as an authentic Disney’s theme park from the viewpoint of modernists, realists and objectivists, although TDR can be an authentic Disney’s theme park from the stance of constructivists, as it provides their guests with authentic Disney world experience (see Section 1.2.5 in Chapter 1). Concerning the distinctiveness of TDR, as explained in Section 12.1, TDR’s physical ownership by Oriental Land and management style given through licensing is one of the key features of TDR and would allow Oriental Land to have some degree of flexibility in the management of TDR. The existence of TDS also epitomises the uniqueness of TDR. TDS is the world’s only Disney’s theme park featuring sea, although its concept was not initially developed for Disney’s second theme park in Japan. The construction of TDS and continuous development of new attractions within TDL and TDS symbolise Walt Disney’s key concept for Disney’s theme parks, ‘never-completed theme parks’ (Nakanishi, 2012). 12.3.2  Universal Studios Japan Similar to TDR, the business of USJ also benefits from its good location and accessibility by public transport. These are positive factors for both the supply side of tourism (i.e. USJ) and demand side of tourism (i.e. visitors to USJ). The driving distance between Osaka Station and USJ is around 9–16 km depending on the route, and it takes about 15–20 minutes if the traffic is not heavy. USJ can also be accessed effortlessly by various modes of public transport, including train, coach and sea shuttle. The construction of USJ that commenced in 1998 physically and visually altered the landscape of the Konohana ward of Osaka City and coastline of Osaka Bay. More importantly, the development of USJ reflects a historical shift in the dominant industry of Japan from the secondary sector of industry (e.g. manufacturing and construction) to the tertiary sector of industry (e.g. retailing and services). The development of USJ was decided based on Osaka-wan Rinkai-chiiki Kaihatsu-seibi-ho (Osaka Bay Area Development Act) enacted in 1992. Following the establishment of this act, many ideas on how to develop the Osaka Bay area were suggested and the construction of USJ was one of the leading options. The site where USJ stands today had been utilised as a shipbuilding yard since the 19th century; however, the ship-building company did not need this facility any longer due to their shrinking business (Komatsubara, 2015). Thus, a best feasible way to make

Theme parks in Japan 239 the most of this extensive empty lot was explored and building of USJ was adopted. As USJ is a theme park that intends to provide visitors with enjoyable experience, products that USJ offers can be seen as services. In light of these points, it is concluded that the zone along Osaka Bay altered its quality from the place for production (ship-building yard) to the place for consumption (USJ). As the case of TDR suggests, USJ’s ideal location and excellent accessibility by public transport can encourage domestic and overseas visitors to come to the theme park. As stated in Section 12.2, USJ has not publicised their visitor numbers since 2017, and the figures in 2016 and earlier are also unavailable on USJ’s official website at the time of writing. According to CASTEL (2018), however, the annual number of visitors to USJ exceeded 10 million in 2013 and has been increasing every year until 2016. In 2016, USJ attracted around 14.6 million visitors (CASTEL, 2018) and this surpassed or was equivalent to the number of visitors coming to TDL or TDS. This is surprising as USJ has continued increasing its entrance fees annually in the past several years. These two facts imply that visitors think that USJ’s ever-increasing entrance fees are still value for money as the theme park has kept developing new attractions such as ‘Hollywood Dream – The Ride – Backdrop’ and ‘The Amazing Adventures of Spider-Man – The Ride 4K3D’ in 2013, ‘The Wizarding World of Harry Potter’ in 2014, and ‘Minion Park’ in 2017. Moreover, ‘Super Nintendo World’, featuring Nintendo’s popular characters such as Mario opened in March 2021. Such continuous and bold investments in creating new attractions or upgrading existing attractions are a business strategy adopted by TDR as well, and this strategy has been effective for the business success of both TDR and USJ. This also means that USJ has constantly been changing and this approach is similar to TDR that mirrors Disney’s key concept, ‘never-completed theme parks’ (see Section 12.3.1). USJ has another resemblance to TDR, their international visitor portfolio. According to CASTEL (2018), USJ welcomed around two million overseas visitors in 2017 that accounts for around 10% of all visitors to USJ. Although these figures are not USJ’s official ones, USJ’s proportion of overseas visitors is equivalent to or even slightly higher than TDR’s. In light of this, the great location and accessibility by public transportation are also vital for USJ’s further success in the future. Like TDR’s case, information about the access to USJ is available in several different languages on its official website. As confirmed above, USJ has many similarities to TDR. In addition, another similarity has just been confirmed due to a very recent change in TDR’s pricing policy for admission. USJ ended static pricing and introduced variable pricing in January 2019, utilising artificial intelligence (Okada, 2019). Variable pricing is a common strategy in entertainment industry (Maclean, 2017); however, it has not been employed widely in Japan. Thus, how visitors perceive USJ’s variable pricing strategy is still uncertain as of writing. According to USJ’s official website, for example,

240  Theme parks in Japan One Day Studio Pass cost 8,700 JPY/adult for Sunday 11 April 2021, whilst it cost 8,200 JPY/adult for Monday 12 April 2021. This strategy aims to mitigate the congestion level on peak days and to level the number of visitors throughout the year as much as possible. This is crucial as overcrowding can damage the quality of visitor experience (Garrod et al., 2002). If the level of congestion can be levelled throughout the year by this newly-introduced variable pricing system, this can also improve visitor experience at USJ and visitors would still feel this pricing strategy acceptable or even favourable. TDR also abolished static pricing and introduced variable pricing from 20 March 2021, although it is not sure to what extent the aforementioned USJ’s decision affected TDR’s choice. Nevertheless, there is a distinct difference between USJ and TDR. In recent years, USJ has been weakening its linkages with Universal Studios’ movies or even movies as a whole, which should be the main ‘theme’ for USJ as a theme park. This change was confirmed in 2010 and appears to have become increasingly evident year by year (Suzuki and Takemura, 2013). Currently, USJ has many attractions not related to their films or films generally such as ‘Space Fantasy – The Ride’ opened in 2010 and ‘Universal Wonderland’ opened in 2012. Moreover, Super Nintendo World features not the world of films but the world of computer games. Thus, it is fair to say that USJ has already compromised its adherence to its original main theme, Universal Studios’ films in exchange for its commercial success and increased number of visitors. This also implies that the authenticity of Universal Studios’ theme parks may have been damaged in USJ from the viewpoint of modernists, realists and objectivists towards the authenticity of cultural heritage.

12.4  Theme parks featuring Europe and tourism Japan and European countries have historical links for hundreds years mostly through trading and personnel exchanges. First, Japan’s interchanges with Portugal began in the 16th century followed by those with the Netherlands started in the 17th century (Jimura, 2017). The Tokugawa shogunate employed an isolationist policy during the Edo period; however, Japan’s interactions with these two European countries continued even during that time, using a small artificial island called Dejima situated at a bay area of today’s Nagasaki City in Nagasaki Prefecture. Japan was formally opened to the world after the Meiji Restoration in 1868 and keen to catch up with developed counties in the West, learning cutting-edge knowledge and technologies from these nations. To this end, the Meiji government invited foreign experts (oyatoi gaikokujin) in various fields from European countries and the USA (see Section 7.2 in Chapter 7). Today, most Japanese people are well-exposed to European cultures, including architecture, arts, music and literature, through a variety of media even if they have never been to Europe (Jimura, 2017).

Theme parks in Japan 241 Jimura (2017) suggests that Japan has two kinds of European-style buildings as visitor attractions (Categories A and B). Category A consists of historic European-style houses and cityscapes that were constructed initially as residences for foreigners such as oyatoi gaikokujin but were later converted to visitor attractions (e.g. the Ijinkan quarter in Kobe City and Former Glover House in Nagasaki City). On the other hand, Category B comprises theme parks featuring European-style buildings and cityscapes. Most structures belonging to Category A were built more than a hundred years ago, whilst the majority of those included in Category B have been constructed after the 1990s. Regarding the authenticity of cultural heritage, Jimura (2019) asserts that the West has more tendency to think that the conservation of tangible elements (e.g. building materials) is vital to maintain authenticity of cultural heritage than the East, whilst the East, including Japan, is likely to put more importance on intangible elements (e.g. spirit of place) than the West does. From the Western standpoint, Ashworth and Tunbridge (2000) criticise Japanese attitudes towards authenticity of cultural heritage as loose. They also assume that such views of authenticity are the reasons why Japanese people are eager to construct ‘replicas’ of European-style buildings. This implies that Ashworth and Tunbridge (2000) regard the above-mentioned buildings and cityscapes belonging to Category B as replicas. However, Jimura (2019) disagrees with Ashworth and Tunbridge (2000) and notes that the construction and existence of ‘replicas’ of European-style buildings and cityscapes do not mean that Japanese views of authenticity of cultural heritage is laxer than Western ones. Jimura (2019) also suggests that basically Japanese visitors recognise differences in the original purposes, history and authenticity between visitor attractions in Category A and those in Category B and visit both with different reasons and interests. Japan’s theme parks featuring a certain European country may be understood as replicas of European cityscapes and buildings, and, as Ashworth and Tunbridge (2000) argue, these replicas may represent an absence of respect for originality in the Western context (Jimura, 2019). Given the above-discussed Eastern and Japanese views towards authenticity; however, the presence of theme parks featuring a specific European nation (e.g. PE and HTB) mirrors Japanese people’s yearning for European culture and heritage that is also understood as a major reason why such theme parks have been created in Japan (Jimura, 2019). 12.4.1  Parque España (Shima Spain Village) As its another name, Shima Spain Village, indicates, the main theme of PE is Spain. Different from TDR or USJ, PE is a type of theme parks prominent in Japan. Unlike TDR or USJ, PE is located far from Japan’s megalopolis (TMP) and metropolis (e.g. OUP). Regarding Japan’s theme parks developed in local areas, the impact of DCRAA established in 1987 has been immense. That is because; the act worked as a principal driving force for the

242  Theme parks in Japan construction of numerous theme parks in the 1990s. The act has two main objectives: To satisfy Japanese people’s increased demands for resorts and to revitalise local communities in rural areas through the development of the tertiary sector of industry (Okada, 2010). Although Okada (2010) evaluates that the second objective is reasonable and matches Japan’s industrial shift from the secondary sector to the tertiary sector; generally, this act is considered to be a failure. Okada (2010) suggests that a chief reason for the fiasco is that the act requires the local government to work with a private business and a resort development plan submitted to the national government must be based on the ideas suggested by the private enterprise. Because of DCRAA, many resort developments have pursued financial benefits without a long-term vision, and do not appear to have considered the needs of local communities and have exploited local distinctiveness. PE is part of the Mie Sunbelt Zone initiative, one of the first three initiatives that DCRAA was applied in 1988 (Murata, 2002). A private business, Kintetsu Railway, played a leading role in developing PE with the support from Shima City in Mie Prefecture. Except Japan Railways Group, the successor of government-owned Japan National Railways, Kintetsu is the largest railway enterprise in Japan in terms of its railway networks. As discussed in Chapter 10, a common business expansion strategy that has been employed by Japan’s railway companies is to develop retail and entertainment facilities as well as residential districts along their railway lines and near their terminal stations. Such a series of extensive developments often involves regeneration and spatial transformation in urban and suburban areas. Kintetsu Group has also been changing landscapes along their railway networks that extend over five prefectures in the Chubu and Kansai regions. The development of PE is part of their large development plan for Shima Peninsula in Mie Prefecture, and PE started welcoming visitors in 1994. There are various views towards the reasons why ‘Spain’ was selected by the supply side of tourism as a key subject of Kintetsu’s theme park development plan. One of the rationales would be similarities between Spain and Mie because both are endowed with plenty of sunshine and beautiful coastlines. However, the level of associations between the theme (Spain) and location (Mie Prefecture) does not seem to be a major interest for the demand side of tourism (i.e. visitors to PE) or a key concern for the supply side of tourism (i.e. PE). Like most of Japan’s theme parks highlighting a peculiar country, PE was very popular amongst Japanese visitors immediately after its inauguration. No official data on visitor numbers are available as of writing; however, it is generally believed that PE accepted more than three million annual visitors in the first two to three years of their business. However, PE has had only between 1.1 and 1.5 million annual visitors after 2013 (Sogo Unicom, 2018). As stated in Section 12.2, in 2019, PE announced on their official website that the theme park was not congested at all, and this information led to a temporary increase in their visitor numbers.

Theme parks in Japan 243 PE has invested in developing new attractions, although the amount of their investments would be much smaller than TDR’s or USJ’s. In the long term, PE has been losing its popularity amongst visitors for the past around 25 years. The Ise-Shima area where PE is situated is full of cultural and natural tourism resources, including Ise Grand Shrine, Ise-Shima National Park and Toba Aquarium, all of which are within around a 30-minute drive from PE. This means that PE’s location is ideal in relation to other visitor attractions nearby. Nevertheless, PE’s main weakness would be its accessibility. Generally, it is time-consuming and bothersome to get to PE by public transport. It takes around two hours by train from Kintetsu Nagoya Station (Parque-net, n.d.). Nagoya is the largest city in the Chubu region located between the Kanto and Kansai regions. Travelling from the main railway stations in the Kansai region such as Kyoto and Osaka takes even longer, more than 2.5 hours (Parque-net, n.d.). As discussed earlier in Section 12.4, Japanese visitors to PE should recognise that the buildings and townscapes in PE are re-creations of Spain and they are replicas. Thus, these structures cannot be authentic as cultural heritage from the stance of modernists, realists and objectivists. Nevertheless, re-creations of Spain in PE can still be authentic as cultural heritage from the viewpoint of constructivists. That is because; in this view, cultural heritage cannot be authentic in its own right and can be authentic through visitors’ engagement with the cultural heritage. In this perspective, therefore, Spanish-style buildings in PE can still be authentic if these replicas can enable visitors to feel as if they were in Spain. Concerning this, interpretation of PE’s Spanish-style buildings and structures available on their website and on site is vital when visitors evaluate the authenticity of PE’s cultural heritage in terms of constructivists. Furthermore, the authenticity of PE’s Spanish-style buildings and complexes does not matter to visitors who have the attitude of postmodernists. What they care would be whether PE could give them an extraordinary experience. 12.4.2  Huis Ten Bosch The key theme of HTB is the Netherlands. HTB is named after Huis ten Bosch Palace, the residence of Beatrix of the Netherlands, located in Den Haag. HTB is situated in Sasebo City, Nagasaki Prefecture in the Kyushu region. As signified earlier in Section 12.4, Nagasaki Prefecture has long-standing relationships with Holland since the 17th century. This historical connection is a primary rationale for constructing a theme park featuring Dutch culture, Nagasaki Holland Village (NHV), in Saikai City. NHV started accepting visitors in 1983 but closed in 2001. However, NHV is recognised as a predecessor of HTB opened in Sasebo City in 1992. That is because; Holland is the main theme of both NHV and HTB, and the company operating NHV was also in charge of the management of HTB at the early stage of HTB business.

244  Theme parks in Japan HTB has a lot in common with PE. For instance both HTB and PE are the theme parks featuring a specific European country, and this kind of theme parks is a phenomenon pronounced in Japan. Compared with PE, HTB is even further from Japan’s megalopolis (TMP) or metropolis (e.g. OUP). HTB is located in an outlying part of Sasebo City. As outlined in Chapter 9, Fukuoka City is the only city in Kyushu with a population of more than one million. The travel distance from Hakata Station, one of the terminal stations in Fukuoka City, and HTB by car is more than 100 km, and the journey takes at least 1.5 hours. HTB is also not easy to get to by public transport. A train journey from Hakata Station takes around two hours and that from Nagasaki Station takes around 1.5 hours (HTB, n.d.). Similar to PE, the location and accessibility are the main weaknesses of HTB; however, these issues are more serious for HTB than PE. That is mainly because; HTB stands on the former paddy fields that were converted to an extensive landfill site to be utilised as an industrial park (Nonaka et al., 2003). Industrial parks are often constructed in an area far from urban areas, resulting in poor accessibility, especially by public transport. Like PE, DCRRA was applied to the development of HTB. The mission of HTB is to protect local ecosystems and enhance local economic activities at the same time (Nonaka et al., 2003). In fact, the development plan of HTB involves the improvement in local water and soil environments (Nonaka et al., 2003). This is noteworthy, because a large-scale development of tourism facilities tends to damage the natural environment surrounding the facilities rather than protect it (Zubair et al., 2011). As shown in Section 12.4.1, when DCRRA is applied the public sector needs to find a private enterprise to collaborative with, and the resort development plan they submit to the central government must be created based on the picture suggested by this private business. In the case of PE, the private company, Kintetsu Railway, rather than the public sector, Shima City, was keener to construct a theme park and took control of its planning and development processes. In the case of HTB, however, the public sector, Nagasaki Prefecture had been struggling to attract factories to the aforementioned industrial park; and the company managing NHV agreed to buy the premises, aiming to develop a new theme park to improve local natural environment and strengthen local economy through business development in an eco-friendly manner (Takada, 1990). The administrative district that encompasses HTB is the Huis Ten Bosch town, the official name of the quarter in Sasebo City. Several hotels are located in and around HTB, and groups of luxurious Dutch-style houses for sale are also situated within the HTB premises. This lavish residential quarter is called Huis Ten Bosch Wassenaar. Wassenaar is a small historic Dutch town located near Den Haag. For these reasons, the construction of HTB should be understood as the emergence of a new town in a once deserted area. Similar to PE, the inauguration of HTB in 1992 was very much welcomed by the guest side of tourism, most of which are Japanese visitors. As time

Theme parks in Japan 245 passed by, however, HTB’s visitor numbers started declining. The management company, Huis Ten Bosch Company was not successful as a key player on the supply side of tourism; and, in 2003, gave up running the business under the management by the then director general. After its bankruptcy, HTB was rescued by Nomura Principal Finance in 2004 (Reuters Japan, 2010), and then by H.I.S. in 2010 (Iwatani, 2014). Since then, HTB has been successfully administering their business but the visitor numbers started decreasing again in 2016 (Business Journal, 2018). HTB decided to increase the number of attractions that visitors can enjoy without paying extra fees (The Sankei News, 2019), aiming to attract around 3.1 million visitors per year, about the same as the 2015 figure. Business Journal (2018) also points out the problems that are within and beyond HTB’s control. For instance, the former includes a lack of amusement rides, shows, parades and unique fictional characters whilst the latter involves many rainy days in Nagasaki Prefecture. Generally, visitor numbers can decrease around 30% on rainy days compared with sunny or cloudy days (Business Journal, 2018). Last but not least, like the case of PE, Japanese people visiting HTB ought to acknowledge that the structures in HTB are re-creations of Holland. These complexes are not authentic in its own right from the view of modernists, realists and objectivists towards the authenticity of cultural heritage. If the viewpoint of constructivists is employed, these replicas can still be authentic depending on visitors’ engagement with these buildings. Like Spanish-style buildings in PE, in this perspective, Dutch-style structures in HTB can be seen as authentic cultural heritage if they could make visitors feel like they are exploring Holland. Therefore, interpretation of HTB’s Dutch-style complexes available on their website and on site is significant when visitors evaluate their authenticity in terms of constructivists. On the other hand, visitors with the stance of postmodernists would not mind whether HTB’s Dutch-style structures is authentic.

12.5 Conclusion Unlike other types of Japan’s cultural heritage examined in this monograph, amusement parks and theme parks are the cultural heritage that is created to provide people with entertainment and leisure experiences. Amusement parks and theme parks are similar. Generally, however, theme parks can be understood as a type of amusement parks. Concerning theme parks, a particular theme governs all components of a theme park and the theme park as a whole. This contributes to embodiment of the world filled with a specific theme that is totally different from people’s daily lives. The history of present-day theme parks commenced at the end of the 19th century in the USA and the UK. However, the prosperity of contemporary theme parks began when the world’s first Disney’s theme park, Disneyland (called Disneyland Park today) in Anaheim (USA), was opened in 1955. Nowadays, Disney’s theme parks are found in the USA, Europe and Asia. The other example

246  Theme parks in Japan of American-origin international theme parks is Universal Studios in the USA and Asia. At these American-origin theme parks, their world, images and brand have been carefully maintained through direct ownership of the owner enterprise, joint management with a local business or management by a local company through licensing. The ‘themes’ featured by theme parks are diverse; however, a specific country or region of the world is a popular theme selected by many theme parks in the world, and this tendency is particularly noticeable in Japan. Asakusa Hanayashiki opened in 1853 is considered to be Japan’s oldest amusement park. Intriguingly, however, the history of Japan’s theme parks did not really commence until TDL was opened in 1983. TDL achieved its commercial success immediately after its inauguration. The huge success of TDL, coupled with Japan’s economic bubble and the enactment of DCRAA in 1987, encouraged the construction of countless theme parks across Japan, often causing extensive spatial transformations. Consequently, many theme parks featuring a specific country or region of the world, particularly a European country or Europe, were built in Japan. Unfortunately, however, most of them could not survive for long and were closed after the middle of 1990s owing to their business failures. As DCRAA is intended to foster the service industry in Japan’s non-urban areas and revitalise local economy and communities, the majority of theme parks constructed based on DCRAA lay in rural areas or countryside. There would be several reasons why most of newly-developed theme parks were not financially successful in the end. One of the key reasons would be the rules stipulated by DCRAA, which obliges regional or local government to work with a private company and submit a business plan to the Japanese Government following the idea of the enterprise. However, such plans often do not consider the needs of local community and/or reflect local characters. These failed theme parks also could not invest enough financial resources timely to renovate their existing facilities or develop new attractions, resulting in a lack of repeat visitors. Furthermore, such theme parks tended to be located far from urban areas and difficult to access by public transport. Closed theme parks and their facilities can be white elephants and financial and/or environmental burdens for local government and communities. Such a tragedy can be avoided, for instance, by transforming an abandoned theme park into a public park as the case of Kure Portpia Land demonstrates. Such a conversion should be respected as a successful case of urban regeneration. Currently, Japan has two American-origin theme parks, TDR and USJ. At the time of writing, both are financially successful. One of the key strengths of TDR and USJ is their prime location with good access by public transport, which is a significant marketing element for the supply side of tourism and an important decision-making factor for the demand side of tourism. After WWII, the USA has been the most influential nation for Japan in many ways. Import of theme parks is one of post-WWII American impacts on Japan. Japan has accepted the theme parks originated in the USA, adjusting them

Theme parks in Japan 247 to suit Japanese society, culture and people. Examples of such adaptations are found in both TDR and USJ. For example, the development of TDS, a type of Disney’s theme parks existing only in Japan, seems to reflect Japan’s high level of acceptability of foreign culture as Japanese culture. On the other hand, USJ has been creating new attractions that are not associated with Universal Studios’ films or films generally to be a successful business. This approach may be accepted as necessary adaptations for the Japanese market but can also be criticised as damage to the authenticity of Universal Studios depending on people’s view towards the authenticity of cultural heritage. Theme parks highlighting a European country have been very popular in Japan. Japan’s historical connections with European countries commenced in the 16th century, and these interactions have a longer history than those between Japan and the USA. During the Meiji period, such cultural interchanges advanced because Japan was eager to become a developed country. To this end, Japan invited experts in diverse fields from Western nations, including the UK, the USA, Germany and France. Through this process, various Western cultures, particularly European ones were imported to Japan. Today, the majority of Japanese people are constantly exposed to European cultures in their daily lives via a variety of media, even if they have never travelled there. These social backgrounds of Japan should have worked as a driving force for the construction of theme parks featuring European-style buildings and cityscapes such as PE and HTB. From a Western perspective, such practices may be viewed as creation of replicas and can be blamed as a lack of respect for originals or representation of Japanese people’s lax attitudes towards the authenticity of cultural heritage. In the author’s opinion, however, the presence of these replicas does not indicate as such and rather embodies Japanese people’s longing for European cultures and heritage that must have been one of the main drivers for the rise of this kind of theme parks in Japan.

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13 Conclusion Reflections and futures

13.1  Revisiting conceptual framework At the beginning of this monograph, the introductory chapter (Chapter 1) presents the conceptual framework adopted throughout this book. The first part of this concluding chapter, Sections 13.1.1–1.5, revisit the key themes that form the conceptual framework, referring to Japan’s diverse cultural heritage, and tourism resources and practices explored in Chapters 2–12. 13.1.1  Cultural heritage: Concepts and meanings Culture (bunka) is a familiar concept but it is almost impossible to make a definition that can satisfy everybody. Considering many definitions of culture from several disciplines associated with cultural heritage and tourism, however, culture can be understood as what humankind has been creating and advancing as groups or members of society. Heritage (isan) is also a notion that can be comprehended differently by person. Nevertheless, there are some fundamental elements to be recognised and valued as heritage such as legacies from the past, usage of the past for current purposes, links to identities at different levels, and bridges between the past, present and future. Considering these points and its associations with tourism, the following definition of cultural heritage is suggested in Chapter 1: Any tangibles and intangibles inherited from the past and used for contemporary purposes, including tourism, that are associated with personal and/or collective identities and can be enhanced or damaged through engagement with host and guest sides of tourism. This definition of cultural heritage is corroborated by the discussions in Chapters 2–12, each of which focuses on a specific type(s) of Japan’s cultural heritage. These chapters also demonstrate that a wide range of heritage is included in the scope of Japan’s cultural heritage. Classifying cultural

Conclusion 251 heritage is useful to understand the overview of cultural heritage and similarities and differences between different types of cultural heritage. This is particularly helpful when a wide range of cultural heritage is explored like the case of this monograph. In total, four different kinds of categorisation of cultural heritage are suggested, explained and confirmed in this book. Firstly, various kinds of cultural heritage examined in Chapters 2–12 can be divided into three groups by their level of commonness amongst and familiarity to ordinary Japanese people. This grouping is explained in detail in Section 1.2.1 of Chapter 1. Secondly, they can also be categorised into tangible and intangible cultural heritage. This grouping is suggested by Timothy (2011), focusing on cultural heritage attractions (see Table 1.2 in Section 1.2.3 of Chapter 1), and supported by the arguments in Chapters 2–12 (see also Section 13.2.3 for details). Thirdly, they can also be classified into historic (traditional) and contemporary (modern) cultural heritage. This categorisation is confirmed in the discussions in Chapters 2–12; especially those in Chapter 9 (see Section 13.2.3 for details). Lastly, they can also be grouped into three clusters by its original purpose(s) and relations with tourism, namely ‘cultural heritage that was not initially created for tourism’, ‘cultural heritage whose mission includes tourism as well as other purposes’, and ‘cultural heritage that was made for tourism purposes’ (see Chapter 12). Intrinsic meanings of all varieties of cultural heritage, including Japan’s ones are acknowledged as manifestations of humankind’s thoughts and activities, and esteemed as creations of human beings as groups and members of civilised society. Besides, extrinsic meanings of every type of cultural heritage, including Japanese one are also confirmed through their values for diverse purposes and roles in diverse settings. For instance, many matsuri in Japan have been serving primarily for religious purposes and then also for local communities. Japan’s industrial sites such as factories and mines supported the development of Japan’s secondary industry and contributed to modernising the country and then have been utilised for the tertiary industry. Moreover, extrinsic meanings of Japan’s cultural heritage have also been appreciated in relation to tourism, especially as tourism resources. On the other hand, being exploited as tourism resources can cause positive and/or negative impacts on Japan’s cultural heritage (see Section 13.2.1 for details). 13.1.2  Demand and supply Most of Japan’s cultural heritage has already existed in a certain place before tourism happens there. In this monograph, the only exception is theme parks in Japan (Chapter 12). When these two cases are compared in terms of the development process of cultural heritage as tourism resources, demand comes first and then comes supply in the case of cultural heritage discussed in Chapters 2–11, whilst supply comes first and then comes demand in the case of cultural heritage examined in Chapter 12.

252  Conclusion Regarding the case ‘demand comes first and then comes supply’, Japan’s cultural heritage investigated in Chapters 2–11 was originally created for their own primary purposes and was not made to serve as tourism resources. For example, Shinto shrines are built for religious purposes, and manga are created to entertain people. At certain point, however, some persons start noticing the worth and appeals of Japan’s cultural heritage as tourism resources and begin to visit a particular place to see and experience it as same-day visitors or tourists. By being visited by these people, the sites having such cultural heritage start realising the value and attractiveness of their cultural heritage as tourism resources and commence to receive and welcome visitors. Stated differently, in many cases, first the guest side of tourism (e.g. tourists and excursionists) recognises the importance and lures of cultural heritage in a specific place, and then the supply side of tourism (e.g. local people and governments) appreciates such substance and enticement. For instance, local residents may cherish their gotochi gurume or local specialities more when many outsiders visit their area to enjoy it (see Chapter 4). This signifies that the supply side of tourism may re-discover the value of their cultural heritage and perceive its potential by being discovered and visited by the demand side of tourism (Jimura, 2015, 2016a, 2019a). Furthermore, recognition and endorsement given by external authorities such as the listing systems employed by the Japanese Government and UNESCO also have influences similar to the above. Visits by and popularity amongst external people and formal accreditations by relevant authorities can enhance the level of local people’s attachment to and pride in their places to live and can also contribute to shaping or enhancing local identity (Jimura, 2011, 2015, 2016a, 2016b, 2019a). In relation to this, destination marketing starts playing a vital role for a tourist destination with cultural heritage as soon as the destination recognises the potential of their cultural heritage and decides to develop or advance tourism, making the most of their cultural heritage. Concerning the case ‘supply comes first and then comes demand’, Japan’s theme parks discussed in Chapter 12 are fundamentally constructed to serve as tourism resources, motivating people to visit them to be amused and entertained. Providing their guests with enjoyable and memorable experience under particular themes is their mission. This is corroborated by, for instance, the highly successful business of Tokyo Disney Resort (TDR), an American-origin theme park, and the revival of Huis Ten Bosch (HTB) that features Dutch-style buildings and townscapes. Even in this case, destination marketing still plays a key role for the success and survival of such cultural heritage and a tourist destination with this type of cultural heritage. 13.1.3  Spatial transformation and regeneration Cultural heritage often works together with tourism in the process of spatial transformation and regeneration. This can be observed throughout Chapters 2–12 and is particularly noticeable in Chapters 5, 7–10 and 12.

Conclusion 253 As for Chapter 5, the usefulness of onsen for treatment and then relaxation has been widely acknowledged by local people and then visitors since the ancient times. As time goes by, onsen has become popular amongst visitors as well as local residents for recreation, too. This led to the emergence of present-day onsen-chi across Japan, creating many Japanese-style inns with onsen facilities. This altered the townscapes of onsen-chi, and Japanese-style inns and their onsen facilities have become key tourism resources of onsenchi that are usually located in remote or rural areas. Chapter 7 examines Japan’s industrial heritage. The vast majority of Japan’s industrial heritage sites have changed their nature from places for production to those for consumption, although their physical appearance has not usually altered much and some still serve their original purposes. This change also mirrors the historical shift in the main industry of Japan. As Chapter 8 demonstrates, Japan has two types of war heritage that are related with spatial transformation and regeneration of cities damaged by war (e.g. Hiroshima), namely ‘tangible war heritage affected by war’ (e.g. Genbaku Dome) and ‘tangible war heritage generated by war’ (e.g. Hypocenter Cenotaph in Nagasaki). These were conserved or newly built after the war as part of extensive redevelopment and urban regeneration plans. Such plans also triggered the rise of new urban spaces such as Hiroshima Peace Memorial Park. Urban spaces have developed all over Japan, especially in major cities. As shown in Chapter 9, coexistence of historic and contemporary cultural heritage is observed in these cities. Kyoto demonstrates coexistence of historic Japanese cultural heritage and contemporary cultural heritage in some districts within the city whilst some quarters in Yokohama and Kobe present coexistence of historic foreign cultural heritage and contemporary cultural heritage. Such coexistence of historic and contemporary cultural heritage is prominent in urban areas situated in Japan’s major cities. This feature also signifies that there are no districts equivalent to ‘historic centres’ in the West, representing the uniqueness of Japan’s urban planning and its implications. Japan’s urban areas are also the focus of Chapter 10 that examines retail and consumer cultures of Japan. Tokyo and Osaka are Japan’s capitals of consumption. Historically, these capitals have produced various ‘cathedrals of consumption’. To cite a case, hyakkaten is the first cathedrals of consumption that emerged in the Japanese consumer market in the early 20th century. Since that time, shopping centres and outlet malls have also appeared, altering cityscapes and generating new cathedrals of consumption near terminal stations and along railway lines or main roads. Moreover, continuously-changing trends in consumer demand in Japan have caused further changes, including the decline of hyakkaten and the emergence of luxurious commercial complexes or districts. The construction of theme parks, the key topic of Chapter 12, implies extensive spatial transformation and regeneration. An abandoned former factory site, an underused industrial estate and a landfill site have been utilised as premises for Japan’s key theme parks, Universal Studios Japan, HTB and TDR respectively.

254  Conclusion 13.1.4  Authenticity and interpretation Authenticity has been recognised as a key notion for cultural heritage by practitioners as well as academics. In the real world, for instance, to be listed as cultural or mixed World Heritage Sites (WHSs) nominated properties must meet the conditions of authenticity set by UNESCO. In heritage and tourism studies, authenticity of cultural heritage is also one of the main themes when cultural heritage is investigated as tourism resources. For example, it has been debated that how authenticity of cultural heritage should be judged and evaluated and how important authenticity of cultural heritage and having authentic experience are for visitors. Of diverse relevant studies, this monograph adopts a comprehensive summary of three key conceptual views towards the authenticity of cultural heritage suggested by Reisinger and Steiner (2006) and backed up by Timothy (2011) that comprises (1) modernists, realists and objectivists, (2) constructivists and (3) postmodernists. If day trippers/tourists have the standpoint of postmodernists, the authenticity of any kinds of Japan’s cultural heritage does not matter to them as their main interests are to see and experience something different from their daily lives. By contrast, if visitors have the stance of constructivists, any types of Japan’s cultural heritage can be authentic for them depending on their understanding of authenticity and engagement with cultural heritage, and can provide them with authentic experience. On the other hand, which cultural heritage is authentic can be judged in an objective manner from the standpoint of modernists, realists and objectivists, based on specific standards and criteria such as the originality of building materials and the design of historic structures. As Jimura (2019a) advocates through the case of Ise Jingu (Ise Grand Shrine) in Japan, UNESCO’s view towards the authenticity of prospective cultural or mixed WHSs is similar to the stance of modernists, realists and objectivists (see Chapter 8). As Japan’s most prestigious Shinto shrine, almost all Japanese people, including religious and secular visitors to the shrine, would appreciate the authenticity of Ise Jingu as Japan’s cultural heritage. Nonetheless, Ise Jingu’s authenticity can be challenged from the standpoint of modernists, realists and objectivists, mainly because its main structures have been rebuilt every 20 years for religious reasons. Consequently, Ise Jingu has not been listed as a WHS and is not even on Japan’s Tentative List for future nominations (UNESCO, n.d.). In tourism settings, interpretation plays a momentous role in enhancing visitors’ understanding of cultural heritage, including its authenticity. Interpretation is also expected to educate and inspire diverse visitors, including children and contribute to the creation of their memorable experiences. To cite a case, the authenticity of WHS Iwami as cultural heritage is assured by its WHS designation by UNESCO (see Chapter 7) and the interpretation of the WHS is available at the website of UNESCO World

Conclusion 255 Heritage Centre (https://whc.unesco.org/en/list/1246/). Besides, the Iwami Ginzan World Heritage Centre greatly contributes to the aforementioned purposes mainly through a variety of comprehensive interpretation available at the centre. As the case of onsen facilities and Japanese-style inns in Chapter 5 indicates, moreover, interpretation can not only improve visitors’ understanding of what natural onsen is but also explain onsen etiquette in an educational manner to overseas visitors. 13.1.5  Conservation and management A variety of international and Japanese schemes for the conservation of cultural heritage have been developed and implemented. At an international level, for instance, UNESCO employs three main initiatives for cultural heritage conservation, namely WHSs, Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) and Memory of the World (MoW) (Jimura, 2019a). At a domestic level, Japan has many listing systems for the recognition and conservation of cultural heritage such as Important Cultural Properties (see Chapters 2 and 7), National Treasures (see Chapters 2 and 11), Important Intangible Folk Cultural Properties (see Chapters 3 and 6), Registered Tangible Cultural Properties (see Chapter 5), Important Intangible Cultural Properties (see Chapter 6) and Heritage of Modernisation and Heritage of Industrial Modernisation (see Chapter 7). Regarding tangible cultural heritage, Section 1.2.7 of Chapter 1 shows the five representative methods for its conservation as follows: 1 2 3 4 5

Refurbishment. Renovation. Restoration. Reconstruction. Relocation.

In Japan, 1, 2 and 3 have been constantly adopted to maintain the buildings and premises of religious sites and their collections (Chapter 2), Japanesestyle inns (Chapter 5), former mills and mines (Chapter 7), and structures and properties damaged by war (Chapter 8). 4 is used for instance, for recently burned-down Shuri Castle (Chapter 6). 5 is confirmed for example, in the case of the historic buildings relocated to the Glover Garden (Chapter 8). All of these heritage properties are protected at a national level by Japan’s inscription schemes for the conservation of tangible cultural heritage (e.g. National Treasures). Some of the properties are also protected at a global level by the designation systems utilised by international organisations (e.g. UNESCO’s WHSs). Concerning the conservation of intangible cultural heritage, the aforementioned Important Intangible Folk Cultural Properties and Important Intangible Cultural Properties are typical listing systems for its conservation.

256  Conclusion In this book, for example, Aomori Nebuta Matsuri (Chapter 3) and traditional Ainu dance (Chapter 6) are registered as Important Intangible Folk Cultural Properties, whilst Uchinanchu dances (Chapter 6) are designated as Important Intangible Cultural Property. At a global level, 22 elements of Japan are on the List of ICH by UNESCO as of writing. Of these, the following ICH elements with their year of listing are discussed in this monograph: • • •

Yama, Hoko, Yatai, float festivals in Japan (2016) (Chapter 3). Washoku, traditional dietary cultures of the Japanese, notably for the celebration of New Year (2013) (Chapter 4). Traditional Ainu dance (2009), Kumiodori, traditional Okinawan musical theatre (2010), and Raiho-shin, ritual visits of deities in masks and costumes (2018) (Chapter 6).

Thus, it could be concluded that part of Japan’s intangible cultural heritage has been protected by both Japanese and international initiatives. Multiple examples of visitor management are also explored in Chapters  2–12. For instance, Chapter 2 indicates that most Japanese Buddhist temples do not allow visitors to video-record or take photographs of their main halls (hondo) with flash on for conservation and visitor management purposes. Eliminating such irresponsible behaviours is also effective to ensure fairness for all visitors and increase the level of visitor satisfaction. In some cases, practices of visitor management start even before visitors arrive at visitor attractions or tourist destinations. For example, the aforementioned onsen etiquette (see Section 13.1.4) is available not only on site but also on relevant websites. Such information and guidance can serve as both interpretation and visitor management tools (see Section 5.2.2 of Chapter 5). Such pre-arrival visitor management is also adopted for war memorial ceremonies such as Hiroshima Peace Memorial Ceremony by utilising its official website to maintain a solemn atmosphere of the ceremony on the day (see Section 8.3.2 of Chapter 8).

13.2  Further thoughts Revisiting each of the key themes in the conceptual framework for this book has inspired further thoughts. Consequently, the following points have emerged. 13.2.1  Mutual relationships between cultural heritage and tourism Nowadays, almost all examples of Japan’s cultural heritage explored in Chapters 2–12 are utilised as tourism resources such as visitor attractions or tourist destinations. As shown in Chapter 1, exploiting cultural heritage for

Conclusion 257 tourism purposes can be advantageous in terms of educational and leisure opportunities, awareness-raising, community engagement and financial benefits. Nonetheless, it should also be remembered that fundamentally the relations between heritage conservation and tourism are conflicting rather than harmonious. For instance, a growth in the number of paid visitors coming to appreciate cultural heritage means an increase in the amount of income for people, organisations or destinations that own, manage or conserve the cultural heritage. Simultaneously, however, such an increase may also cause negative impacts on the cultural heritage such as exclusion of local residents from city centres or tourist honeypots, vandalism, wear and tear and increased amount of rubbish. Thus, a best balance between heritage conservation and tourism must be explored continuously, considering the quality and features of each cultural heritage and ever-changing environments surrounding the heritage. In relation to this, thorough and efficient visitor management is essential to realise proper conservation of cultural heritage and provision of memorable visitor experience with a high level of visitor satisfaction concurrently. This is crucial for Japan’s visitor attractions and tourist destinations with cultural heritage, especially historic ones, because the number of inbound tourists has been increasing dramatically in recent years, although COVID-19 has been causing catastrophic damage to tourism industries across the globe and robbing people of tourism activities since early 2020. As signified before, tourism can work positively and/or negatively for the conservation of cultural heritage. For example, historic cultural heritage such as Japanese Buddhist temples can reinvest financial resources raised through the entrance fees in conservation works and personnel costs; although the larger number of visitors may lead to more damage on their cultural heritage (see Chapter 2). Raising the money for conservation costs by increasing guest numbers and/or average spend per guest, especially the latter, is also significant for the business of Japanese-style inns with onsen facilities (see Chapter 5). That is because; many of them can be regarded as historic cultural heritage and possess valuable buildings and/or properties safeguarded by a national scheme for cultural heritage conservation. On the other hand, conservation seems to be less important and/or demanding for contemporary cultural heritage than for historic cultural heritage. For instance, Japan’s cathedrals of consumption (see Chapter 10) and theme parks (see Chapter 12) never stop evolving. They continue to change as places for consumption, entertainment and enjoyment, improving their services and expanding their products. This implies that compared to historic cultural heritage, contemporary cultural heritage could focus more on providing their guests with best possible visitor experience and increasing the level of visitor satisfaction than maintaining and conserving themselves as heritage.

258  Conclusion 13.2.2  Interrelationships amongst key academic themes The previous section summarises the mutual relationships between the two pillars of this monograph, cultural heritage and tourism. Through the discussions about various kinds of Japan’s cultural heritage, referring to the key academic themes outlined in Chapter 1, it is also found that such interrelationships can also be confirmed amongst these themes. Firstly, it is obvious that demand and supply sides of cultural heritage and tourism are closely linked with each other as the heading of Section 13.1.2 signifies. The section reveals that demand comes first and then comes supply or vice versa, depending on the original purposes and key characteristics of the cultural heritage currently utilised for tourism purposes. Either demand or supply side of cultural heritage can affect physical appearance of cultural heritage and initiate spatial transformation and regeneration, frequently working together with tourism (Wise and Jimura, 2020) (see Section 13.1.3). Demand-led spatial transformation and regeneration have been creating or changing cultural heritage, especially historic one, and its surrounding environments. This is proved in Chapters 2–12 mainly through the emergence and development of tourism spaces and places such as Shinto shrines and secular facilities along their main approaches (Chapter 2), the formation of onsen-chi (Chapter 5), the transformation of industrial sites to museums, restaurant and café, or retail spaces (Chapter 7) and the addition of contemporary cultural heritage (e.g. souvenir shops) to the quarters encompassing historic cultural heritage (e.g. Japanese Buddhist temples) (Chapter 9). By contrast, supply-led spatial transformation and regeneration have been creating or altering cultural heritage, particularly contemporary one and its nearby environments as represented by the presence of American-origin theme parks and theme parks that feature European buildings and townscapes in Japan (Chapter 12). On the other hand, such themes as authenticity and interpretation of cultural heritage are related to intangible aspects of cultural heritage as well as its tangible aspects. These two themes are closely linked with each other in tourism settings. For instance, in principle matsuri are not primarily created to serve tourists but today many of them are more or less commercialised and function as tourism resources (Chapter 3). This implies that these matsuri may have been losing their original meanings and purposes, typically their role for a peculiar religion and/or bonds with local communities. Such issues in authenticity of Japan’s cultural heritage are also found in Japanised international cuisines (Chapter 4), Ainu language and Uchinayamatoguchi today (Chapter 6), rebuilt Hijiyama Army Cemetery (Chapter 8) and anime versions of manga (Chapter 11). The authenticity of these kinds of cultural heritage can be criticised from the viewpoint of modernists, realists and objectivists, although they can still be authentic from the standpoint of constructivists (see Section 13.1.4). Concerning the authenticity of cultural heritage in tourism settings, interpretation plays a central role for visitors who

Conclusion 259 have either of these two viewpoints towards authenticity of cultural heritage. That is because; effective interpretation enables visitors to comprehend the value and meaning of cultural heritage in its own right and in relation to each visitor in an educational and inspiring manner. Authenticity of cultural heritage needs to be maintained in its own right and also in its relationships with tourism for its proper conservation in the future. To this end, enlightening and stimulating interpretation is expected as it will be able to raise visitors’ awareness of cultural heritage and expand their knowledge on it. This can also lead to their support for the management and conservation of cultural heritage. For this purpose, personal and two-way interpretation methods (e.g. guided tours) should be more effective than non-personal and one-way interpretation methods (e.g. interpretation panels), although the former is often more expensive than the latter. In Japan, guided tours are available at many visitor attractions and tourist destinations possessing cultural heritage as the cases of WHS Iwami (Chapter 7) and Genbaku Dome (Chapter 8) demonstrate. Interpretation can also work as pre-arrival and on-site visitor management tools as the examples of onsen etiquette and war memorial ceremonies indicate (see Section 13.1.5). 13.2.3  Associations between different types of cultural heritage Each of Chapters 2–12 sheds light on a certain type(s) of Japan’s cultural heritage and its relations with tourism. Basically, these chapters are organised in a chronological order. This implies that historic cultural heritage is examined first followed by contemporary cultural heritage. Through a comprehensive review of these chapters, two kinds of associations amongst different types of Japan’s cultural heritage arise, and they are relevant to the second and third categorisations of cultural heritage discussed in Section 13.1.1. The first type of such associations is the ‘interrelationships between tangible and intangible cultural heritage of Japan’. From this perspective, the main subject(s) of each chapter can be summarised as below: • • • • • • • • • • •

Chapter 2: Religions (intangible); Religious sites, buildings and collections (tangible). Chapter 3: Matsuri (intangible). Chapter 4: Foods and drinks (intangible). Chapter 5: Onsen (intangible) and Japanese-style inns (tangible). Chapter 6: Cultures of indigenous peoples (tangible and intangible). Chapter 7: Industrial heritage sites and properties (tangible). Chapter 8: War heritage (tangible and intangible). Chapter 9: Urban heritage (tangible). Chapter 10: Capitals of consumption (tangible). Chapter 11: Popular culture (intangible). Chapter 12: Theme parks (tangible).

260  Conclusion Looking at the list, it is clear that the main subjects of some chapters cover both tangible and intangible cultural heritage. In fact, cultural heritage of indigenous people (Chapter 6) and war heritage (Chapter 8) are diverse and involve a wide variety of tangible and intangible cultural heritage. Here, it should be remembered that these two types of cultural heritage are often closely interrelated. For instance, intangible cultural heritage such as indigenous languages are visualised and can become tangible heritage such as exhibits of indigenous museums. Besides, war memory and prayers for peace are embodied as war memorials. Thus, the meanings and spirits of diverse intangible cultural heritage can be embedded in and symbolised as relevant tangible cultural heritage. The connections between religions and religious sites, buildings and collections (Chapter 2) also demonstrate such associations. Intangible cultural heritage such as the attributes of Japanese Buddhism sects and their interpretations of the world are represented by tangible cultural heritage such as the architectural styles of their temples and the designs of their Japanese gardens. Considering these points, it could be stated that the associations between tangible and intangible cultural heritage indicated in Chapters 2, 6 and 8 are particularly strong. In relation to tourism, tangible cultural heritage can be created and/or enhanced to make intangible cultural heritage accessible to visitors. This sort of connections is indicated in Chapter 5. Onsen is intangible cultural heritage that has been used and enjoyed widely by Japanese people for a long time. In early times, tangible cultural heritage such as kyodo-yu (communal bathes) were built to enable local residents to access onsen on a daily basis with no or low fees. As tourism advanced, however, kyodo-yu started receiving outsiders such as excursionists and tourists. Besides, more and more visitors began to come to or stay overnight at destinations famous for their onsen. To meet such an increasing demand, another kind of tangible cultural heritage, Japanese-style inns that usually have their own onsen facilities has been constructed and flourishing. The other type of such associations is the ‘relationships between historic and contemporary cultural heritage of Japan’. As most distinctively demonstrated in Chapter 9, coexistence of historic and contemporary cultural heritage can be confirmed in Japan’s urban areas, typically those in big cities. Kyoto encompasses the districts where historic Japanese cultural heritage sites (e.g. Shinto shrines) and contemporary cultural heritage sites (e.g. nationwide convenience stores) are located close to each other. In Yokohama and Kobe, such contemporary cultural heritage sites are situated near historic foreign cultural heritage sites (e.g. Chinatowns and old foreign settlements). This type of urban design and pattern is distinctive in Japanese cities and signifies an absence of the zones corresponding to historic centres that are well found in European countries and their former colonies. Therefore, some people may condemn this urban design and pattern as a dearth of integrity or unity and feel it cluttered, whilst others may respect and value it as individuality of Japan’s cultural heritage and urban spaces. Thus, even

Conclusion 261 if the authenticity of individual cultural heritage sites or properties situated in such urban spaces is accredited from the viewpoint of modernists, realists and objectivists; the authenticity of the whole of these urban spaces as cultural heritage quarters can still be questioned from this stance. With regard to tourism, however, such urban districts have been functioning as attractive tourist destinations for both Japanese and overseas visitors. That is probably because; these zones enable visitors to see, appreciate and experience diverse sorts of Japan’s cultural heritage within relatively small geographical areas in a short period of time. Besides, some overseas visitors may find such chaotic urban spaces intriguing or appealing. In addition to Kyoto, Yokohama and Kobe, coexistence of historic and contemporary cultural heritage can also be found in other large cities in Japan, especially in a megalopolis (i.e. Spatial Wards of Tokyo) and metropolis (e.g. Osaka City) (see Chapter 10).

13.3 Futures At an international level, the magnitude of cultural heritage has been increasingly recognised, frameworks for its conservation have been established and strengthened, and a growing number of countries have participated in such schemes. This is a desirable direction and should be enhanced further. The three initiatives employed by UNESCO (WHSs, ICH and MoW) are typical examples of the universal approaches for the conservation of various forms of cultural heritage (Jimura, 2019a). The number and variety of cultural heritage protected by these systems has also been increasing annually, although Jimura (2019a) asserts that MoW must be more complete and mature as a worldwide conservation initiative, improving several weaknesses the system currently has. Different sorts of Japan’s cultural heritage have been conserved through such international programmes and the number of cultural heritage of Japan preserved by these frameworks has also been growing. Considering the current situation of Japan, this trend will continue and even develop further in the future. In fact, the Japanese Government and other key stakeholders of cultural heritage have been particularly keen to nominate and inscribe their properties as WHSs, and they will keep doing so in the future. Such keenness is evidenced by the facts that there are six cultural properties on Japan’s Tentative List (UNESCO, n.d.) and further 27 cultural properties aim to be listed on the Tentative List (Agency for Cultural Affairs, n.d.), although Japan already has 23 WHS, 19 out of which are cultural WHSs. However, it is worrying that Japan’s supply side of tourism such as local businesses and government seems to focus much more on positive impacts of World Heritage listing on tourism than responsibilities they need to take after the listing. In addition to WHSs, ICH and MoW, UNESCO also adopts the Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict and the Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural

262  Conclusion Heritage (CPUCH) to lead and encourage the conservation of cultural heritage under challenging circumstances or water. Of these two, Japan has not ratified the latter as of writing for some reasons, including possible impacts of ratification on Japan’s exclusive economic zone and fishery. Even though, Japan still recognises the importance of its underwater cultural heritage and attempts to conserve it, applying relevant existing domestic schemes (Nakada, 2019). The aforementioned global initiatives for the conservation of cultural heritage are associated with many relevant domestic schemes (see Section 13.1.5). These national conservation systems cover many different types of Japan’s cultural heritage. For the future, however, probably Japan should further develop their approach to the conservation of their cultural heritage by formulating new schemes and enhancing or updating the existing systems, taking into account tourism impacts on the cultural heritage. For instance, Japan may newly establish a national initiative for the conservation of its underwater cultural heritage, considering CPUCH, relevant domestic laws and underwater tourism activities. Given the everincreasing popularity of manga and anime, moreover, Japan should keep updating and improving its Copyright Act (1970) and its associated regulations to protect the value of this intangible cultural heritage whose importance and popularity are acknowledged both domestically and internationally through a variety of activities, including internal and inbound tourism. These international and domestic schemes are useful to conserve Japan’s cultural heritage in a sustainable manner for future generations, although more could be done to this end. Regarding ‘hard’ factors for conservation of cultural heritage, probably the advancement in technologies such as the use of new building materials and development of exhaustive information database could help the conservation of tangible and intangible cultural heritage further. Such developments in hard factors can assist the improvement in ‘soft’ factors for conservation of cultural heritage. Here, the soft factors denote the knowledge, skills and experiences that stakeholders of certain cultural heritage have been accumulating for its conservation. Of the various stakeholders, heritage experts, conservation bodies, governments and ordinary people, particularly those at local level, should be appreciated and respected as key stakeholders of cultural heritage conservation and management. That is because; as Chapters 2–12 reveal, the knowledge, skills and experiences concerning certain cultural heritage have been and will be preserved and passed on to next generations mainly by these people and organisations. More precisely, for example, the knowledge, skills and experiences required to maintain and repair Japan’s religious buildings have been preserved by special construction carpenters called miyadaiku throughout the history, and also by the associations of miyadaiku at local, regional and national levels more recently (related to Chapter 2). In 2020, their importance is also acknowledged at international level by UNESCO through the listing of ‘Traditional skills, techniques and knowledge for the conservation

Conclusion 263 and transmission of wooden architecture in Japan’ as a new element of ICH (UNESCO, 2020). Likewise, expertise to make nebuta, the key attractions of Aomori Nebuta Matsuri, has been passed on from one generation to the next by local craftsmen called nebuta-shi (see Chapter 3). Such historical successions made chiefly by relevant experts and specialised associations are also vital for the conservation and management of washoku (Chapter 4); former factories and mines (Chapter 7); movies, television dramas, manga, anime, music and computer games (Chapter 11); and, American-origin theme parks (Chapter 12). On the other hand, local people and governments rather than experts have been playing a principal role in the conservation and management of kyodo-yu (Chapter 5), cultural heritage of Ainu and Uchinanchu peoples (Chapter 6), war heritage in Hiroshima and Nagasaki (Chapter 8), urban heritage (Chapter 9) and capitals of consumption (Chapter 10). Considering the fact that Japan needs to conserve and manage a wide range of cultural heritage, all of the aforementioned key stakeholders are expected to maintain and develop their knowledge, skills and experiences, and pass these invaluable assets on to their descendants for the sustainable future of Japan’s cultural heritage. The future of Japan’s cultural heritage needs to be considered in relation to domestic tourism of Japan. Domestic tourism comprises internal tourism and inbound tourism (Page and Connell, 2014). In other words, domestic tourism means tourism activities that occur within Japan. As signified in Section 13.2.1, a best balance between heritage conservation and tourism must be sought out constantly to make both cultural heritage and domestic tourism sustainable for the future. Japan used to be famous as a major tourist-generating country and received much fewer international visitors as a tourist destination country. At that time, the conservation and management of cultural heritage were not so complicated and/or demanding compared with today in relation to the impacts of domestic tourism on cultural heritage. That was because; most visitors coming to visitor attractions or tourist destinations with cultural heritage were Japanese people. In recent years, however, Japan has been enjoying inbound tourism boom. In fact, the number of inbound visitors to Japan has been exceeding that of outbound tourists visiting foreign countries since 2015. This suggests that the conservation and management of cultural heritage have become more complex and/or challenging than before. Needless to say, the best balance between heritage conservation and tourism differs by cultural heritage depending on the attributes of each heritage and the number of visitors to and their behaviour at each heritage site. In light of this point as well as the key themes examined across Chapters 2–12, interpretation and visitor management can play a pivotal role in achieving the best balance between conservation and tourism to protect cultural heritage and to practice tourism simultaneously in a sustainable way. To this end, interpretation and guidance available for visitors before their arrival should be fully utilised to control visitors’ actions and behaviour on site, especially overseas visitors’ (see Section 13.1.5). That is because; visitors, particularly

264  Conclusion international ones, should spend more time to search for relevant information before their arrival than during their stay at visitor attractions or tourist destinations with cultural heritage. Through this approach, places with cultural heritage in Japan could raise visitors’ awareness, enhance the level of their understanding, and educate them before they actually come to the sites. To achieve this, for example, the interpretation of Japan’s cultural heritage and information regarding expected visitor behaviour should be obtainable in several different languages through various media (e.g. paper and online). Although many places in Japan owning cultural heritage already do so, such efforts should be continued and enhanced even further to keep adapting to ever-changing environments that surround Japan’s cultural heritage and meeting diverse needs of the demand side of tourism. In relation to this point, one of the current trends in Japan’s domestic tourism should be noted. It is generally agreed that the main interest of Japanese visitors and overseas visitors to Japan has been shifting from purchasing products to having experiences. Visitor attractions and tourist destinations with cultural heritage have also been responding to such a change in demands. To cite a case, nowadays many Japanese Buddhist temples accept Japanese and international visitors who want to learn ascetic practices (shugyo) of Japanese Buddhism (Jimura, 2019b). Visitors can experience trial shugyo to achieve a spiritual state of nothingness, which is the core of zen practise (Jimura, 2019b). As described in Chapter 2, the author joined a two-day trial shugyo session at Eihei-ji Temple in December 2018 to be released temporarily from his daily worries and sufferings and to look into himself. Other participants, including those from foreign countries, had motivations that are similar to the author’s. The trial shugyo and preparation for it enabled the author to have very basic understanding of zen and the dogma of Sotoshu sect of Japanese Buddhism. Thus, it would be desirable for many places in Japan that have cultural heritage to arrange or expand opportunities that enable visitors to gain knowledge about the cultural heritage before their arrival and during their visit. This would be useful for achieving proper conservation of Japan’s diverse and invaluable cultural heritage and for creating memorable visitor experiences. Subsequently, this would lead to the identification and realisation of a best balance between the conservation of cultural heritage and the development of tourism. By doing so, Japan’s cultural heritage and tourism will be able to build and foster truly mutually beneficial relationships.

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Conclusion 265 Jimura, T. (2015) The relationship between world heritage designation and local identity. In: L. Bourdeau, M. Gravari-Barbas and M. Robinson (eds) World Heritage, Tourism and Identity: Inscription and Co-production. Farnham: Ashgate, pp. 81–91. Jimura, T. (2016a) Re-examination of the relationship between world heritage site designation and local identity. In: R. Amoeda, S. Lira and C. Pinheiro (eds) Heritage 2016: Heritage and Sustainable Development. Barcelos: Green Lines Institute, pp.283–290, Lisbon, Portugal. 12–15 July 2016. Jimura, T. (2016b) World heritage site management: A case study of sacred sites and pilgrimage routes in the Kii mountain range, Japan. Journal of Heritage Tourism, 11(4): 382–394. Jimura, T. (2019a) World Heritage Sites: Tourism, Local Communities, and Conservation Activities. Wallingford: CABI. Jimura, T. (2019b) Current tourism trends at religious sites in Japan. The 10th International Conference Sustainable Niche Tourism. Da Nang, Vietnam (26–28 June 2019). Nakada, T. (2019) Suichu-bunkaisan hogo-jyoyaku to maizo-bunkazai hogo-gyosei (Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage and Buried Cultural Property Protection Administration in Japan) [in Japanese]. Available at: https://www.spf.org/opri/newsletter/453_3.html?latest=1 (accessed 16 June 2020). Page, S. and Connell, J. (2014) Tourism: A Modern Synthesis, 4th edn. Andover: Cengage Learning EMEA. Reisinger, Y. and Steiner, C. J. (2006) Reconceptualizing object authenticity. Annals of Tourism Research, 33(1): 65–86. Timothy, D. J. (2011) Cultural Heritage and Tourism: An Introduction. Bristol: Channel View Publications. UNESCO. (2020) Traditional skills, techniques and knowledge for the conservation and transmission of wooden architecture in Japan. Available at: https://ich. unesco.org/en/RL/traditional-skills-techniques-and-knowledge-for-the-conservation-and-transmission-of-wooden-architecture-in-japan-01618 (accessed 29 December 2020). UNESCO. (n.d.) Tentative Lists: Japan. Available at: https://whc.unesco.org/en/tentativelists/state=jp (accessed 8 April 2021). Wise, N. and Jimura, T. (eds) (2020) Tourism, Cultural Heritage and Urban Regeneration - Changing Spaces in Historical Places. Cham: Springer.

Index

Note: Page numbers in italics indicate figures and bold indicates tables in the text. Abe, T. 142 academic themes 258–259 Adachi, Y. 122 Adams-Volpe, J. 232 Aeon Mall 10, 179, 197, 202 Agency for Cultural Affairs (ACA) 3, 25, 55, 111, 132–133 Ainu 110–117; Ainu language 114–115; culture 111–114; culture and tourism 116–117; history and habitation areas 110–111; religion and performances 115–116; songs, music, dances and storytelling 115–116 Ainu Bunka Shinko-ho (Act on the Promotion of Ainu Culture) 111 Ainu culture: association with identity 111–114; overview 111–114; and tourism 116–117 Ainu language 114–115 Ainu Minzoku Shien-ho (Act on the Promotion of Measures for the Realisation of Society Respecting the Pride of Ainu People) 111, 112 Akira 216 Alegre, J. 202 Alfrey, J. 129 American-origin international theme parks: Tokyo Disneyland 236–238; Tokyo Disney Resort 236–238; Tokyo DisneySea 236–238; and tourism 236–240; Universal Studios Japan 238–240 Anan, T. 55 Ancient Olympic Games 17 Andrews, D. K. 221 Anne Frank House 16–17 Anno, Hideaki 216

Arcodia, C. 47 Arlington National Cemetery (USA) 152, 160 Armed Forces of the Empire of Japan (AFEJ) 153 Asakusa Hanayashiki 234, 246 Asami, M. 97 Ashworth, G. J. 9, 172, 241 authenticity: cultural heritage 254–255; industrial heritage sites 143–145; onsen 91–94; supply and demand sides of 143–145; in tourism 10–11 Azuchi-Momoyama period (1568–1600) 178 Bacon, W. 89 Balsas, C. J. 195 Barong-dance performance 4 Battle of Okinawa 118, 125, 154 Battles of Khalkhyn Gol 153 BBC Travel 93 Beatles 213 Beeton, S. 212, 213, 214 Blanchard, L. A. 165 Bolan, P. 213 Bond, M. H. 29 Bontje, M. 204 Boyd, S. W. 2, 12, 193 Brulotte, R. L. 68 Bryce, M. 223 Buddhism 25; Japanese 19, 25–29, 36, 41–44, 50–51, 53, 63, 79, 90, 94, 100, 122, 200, 204, 260, 264; Pure Land 18 Busby, G. 212–213 Butler, R. 17, 152 Butler, R. W. 193 b-kyu gurume 69–70, 73, 75, 77, 82–83

Index 267 Calantone, R. J. 81 Caneen, J. M. 108 CASTEL 239 ‘cathedrals of consumption’ 10, 194, 196–197, 207, 253, 257 Çela, A. 55 Cenotaph for the Atomic Bomb Victims (CABV) 156, 160–161, 167 Chambers, J. K. 121 Chan, F. 58 Choi, M. J. 193 Christianity 17, 24–25, 30, 32–33, 48 classification: of industrial heritage sites (Japan) 134–135; of industrial World Heritage Sites (World) 131; religious sites 30 Collins-Kreiner, N. 23–24 computer games 213–214, 216–217, 222, 224–226 Confucianism 29 Connell, J. 87, 263 conservation: of cultural heritage 14–17, 255–256; of industrial heritage sites 136–139; of onsen 97–100; and tourism 14–17 constructivists 11, 29, 43, 59–60, 91–92, 113, 145, 157, 160, 163–164, 167–168, 206, 238, 243, 245, 254, 258 consumption: historical development of places for 194–198 contemporary cultural heritage 177–179, 183–187 Convention on the Protection of the Underwater Cultural Heritage (CPUCH) 261–262 COVID-19 111, 257 Crocodile Dundee 213 Cudny, W. 47 cultural heritage: associations between different types of 259–261; authenticity and interpretation 254–255; concepts and meanings of 3–4, 250–251; conservation of 14–17, 255–256; contemporary 177–179, 183–187; demand and supply 251–252; demand side of 4–6; historic 177–179, 183–187; international cuisines in Japan as 77–79; Japanese cuisine as 70–74; Japanese-style inns as 102–104; management of 14–17, 255–256; spatial transformation and regeneration 8–10, 252–253; supply side of 6–8; and tourism 256–257; in tourism 10–11, 12–14

cultural heritage attractions (CHAs) 6–7; classification of 7, 7; development and improvement of 9; and education 12; target market of 7 Cwiertka, K. J. 74 dances: Ainu 115–116; Ryukyu classical 123; Uchinanchu 122–123, 256 dark tourism and war heritage 165–166 Daugbjerg, M. 161 Davies, R. J. 28, 236 del Barrio, M. J. 47 demand side: of cultural heritage 4–6; of tourism 4–6 destination marketing organisations (DMOs) 6, 8, 181, 188, 202, 205 Di Giovine, M. A. 68 digital media 8 Dohi, M. 133 Dougherty, T. 114 du Cros, H. 180 Dragon Quest Series 217 Dymek, M. 217 Ebisawa, A. 237 Edo Period (era) (1603–1868) 18, 27, 42, 50–51, 54, 57, 60, 63, 68, 77–78, 90, 94–95, 100, 111–112, 118, 133, 141–142, 162, 173, 195, 202, 219, 236, 240 E-food Japan 77 Eigen-ji Temple, Shiga 35 Emori, N. 180 Endo, M. 112 Europe: ‘historic centres’ in 173, 181, 185, 189; religious and sacred sites in 24; spa/hot-spring culture and resorts in 88–89; theme parks featuring 240–245 European Route of Industrial Heritage (ERIH) 130 Evangelion: 3.0+1.0 Thrice Upon a Time 216 Facebook 8, 35, 41 Farmaki, A. 152 Farrer, J. 74 festivals: classification and examples (Japan) 52–53; classification and examples (World) 48–49; profiles of various types of 51–58 festivals in Japan: matsuri 58–63; overview 47–49; overview of matsuri and festivals in Japan 49–58; as tourism resources 58–63

268  Index films 217–221 Final Fantasy Series 217 financial issues and religious sites 30–33 First Slovak Republic 153 Foley, M. 152, 165 food and drink heritage: international cuisines in Japan 77–82; Japanese cuisine as cultural heritage 70–76; Japanese cuisine as tourism resources 70–76; overview 68–70 Former Shiroyama Elementary School (FSES) 154, 162 foodies 75, 79–80, 83 Foundation for Ainu Culture (FAC) 110 Fowler, M. 38 Frey, B. S. 47 Fuji Rock Festival (FRF) 52, 56 Fujii, S. 234 Fujita, S. 58 Game and Watch Series 217, 227 Garau, J. 202 Garrod, B. 240 Gegner, M. 151 Genbaku Dome 19, 154, 157–161, 164, 166–168, 253, 259 Genting Group 233 Getz, D. 47, 69, 75, 83 Ghost in the Shell 216 Glover, Thomas Blake 162 goshuin 41–42, 44 gotochi gurume 69–70, 73, 77, 82–83, 252 gotochi songs 224–225, 228 Grand Front Osaka (GFO) 203–205, 208 Graham, B. 8 Grapard, A. G. 29 Grappi, S. 47 ‘Great Era of International Trade’ 118 Great Hanshin Earthquake 55, 89, 182–183, 187 Great Kanto Earthquake 61, 173 Greenwood, D. J. 60 Gregory, J. 15 Gujo Odori 52–57 Gunn, C. 8 Guo, W. 177 Gurunavi 76–77 Gustafson, P. 237 hadaka-no-tsukiai 93–94, 104 Hague Convention for the Protection of Cultural Property in the Event of Armed Conflict 261

haibutsu-kishaku 51 haikan-kenkin 32 Hakodate Orthodox Church 32 Hall, C. M. 69 Harrison, George 213 Hashimoto, A. 55, 69, 162 Hattori, K. 195 Hayashi, H. 80 Hazuki, K. 112 health tourism 88 Heian period (era) (794–1185) 18, 57, 90, 100, 177 Heisei period (1989–2019) 182 heritage 1; consuming 9–10; delicate 14; Lowenthal on 1; universal 2; see also specific entries Hewison, R. 129 Hijiyama Army Cemetery 160, 258 Hindus 25 Hinze, A. 37 Hirai, I. 102 Hirano, S. 36 Hirose, T. 63 Hiroshima 154–162; intangible war heritage 156–157; site description 154–155; tangible war heritage affected by war 157–159; tangible war heritage generated by war 159–162 Hiroshima National Peace Memorial Hall for the Atomic Bomb Victims (HNPMH) 160–161, 167 Hiroshima Peace Memorial Ceremony (HPMC) 156–157, 163, 167–168 Hiroshima Peace Memorial Museum (HPMM) 7, 14, 156, 159–161, 166–167 historic cultural heritage 19, 171, 173–176, 179, 181, 183–184, 186, 188–190, 257–259 Historic England 130, 136, 146 Hofstede, G. 29 Hokkaido Kyu-dojin Hogo-ho (Protection of Ainu People in Hokkaido Act) 112 Holtorf, C. 161 Honda, T. 112 Hori, S. 199 Horner, S. 23, 193 Horng, J. S. 76 Hospers, G. J. 145 Hossoshu 28 Hot Pepper Gourmet 76–77 Hot Spring Act 92, 98 Huis Ten Bosch (HTB) 163, 235, 241, 243–245, 247, 252–253

Index 269 hyakkaten 196–197, 207–208 Hwang, S. N. 145 Ichigaya Kamegaoka Hachimangu 27 Ichikawa, K. 94 Ideguchi, A. 225 Ikeda, N. 197 Ikeno, O. 28, 236 Ikezoe, H. 54 Imai, M. 142 Imai, N. 221 Immaculate Conception Cathedral (Urakami Cathedral) 162, 164–166, 168 Imperial Japanese Naval Academy (IJNA) 155, 159 Imperial Japanese Navy (IJN) 155, 164 industrial heritage: authenticity and interpretation 143–145; conservation of industrial heritage sites 136–139; industrial heritage sites 139–143, 143–145; management of industrial heritage sites 136–139; overview 129–136; supply and demand sides of tourism 143–145 industrial heritage sites: authenticity and interpretation 143–145; conservation of 136–139; management of 136–139; overview 132–136; spatial transformation and regeneration 139–143; supply and demand sides of tourism 143–145 Industrial Revolution 17, 130, 142 Inkson, C. 16, 231 Instagram 8, 35, 41 Intangible Cultural Heritage (ICH) 1, 15–16, 53, 61, 64, 70–72, 83, 116, 123–124, 255–256, 261, 263 intangible cultures 122–123 intangible war heritage 151–152, 156–157, 162–163, 166–168 International Council of Monuments and Sites (ICOMOS) 15, 137, 145–146, 158 international cuisines: as cultural heritage 77–79; as tourism resources 79–82 International Spa Association (ISPA) 87 interpretation: cultural heritage 254–255; industrial heritage sites 143–145; onsen 91–94; religious sites 34; supply and demand sides of 143–145; in tourism 12–14

Ironbridge Gorge (UK) 130, 146 Ise Jingu (Ise Grand Shrine) 18, 29, 33, 42, 52, 54, 164, 254 Ishida, H. 115–116 Ishii, R. 197 Ito, A. 199 Iwasaki, M. 74 Iwashita, C. 212–213, 217 Iwatani, M. 245 Jansen-Verbeke, M. 193 Japan: classification of festivals and examples 52–53; classification of war heritage 154; films and television dramas and tourism in 217–221; historical development of places for consumption in 194–198; history of tourism in 17–19; manga and anime and tourism in 221–224; music and computer games and tourism in 224–226; religions and spiritual philosophies of 25–29; religious landscape of 23–44; theme parks in 234–236; top ten attractions by international travellers 2020 5; urban heritage 173–175; war and war heritage 153–154 Japanese Buddhism 19, 25–29; and dependent origination (engi) 28; shogyo-mujo 28–29, 43, 79; shugyo 264; traditional sects of 28; Zen branch of 36 Japanese Buddhist temples (tera) 30, 32–34, 36–37, 39–44, 51, 90, 100, 144, 175, 178–181, 189, 256–258, 264 Japanese cuisine: as cultural heritage 70–74; as tourism resources 74–76 Japanese people and onsen 89–91 Japanese popular songs 216, 224–225, 227–228 Japanese-style inns 100–104; as cultural heritage and tourism resources 102–104; history of 100; key elements of 102–104; ryokan and minshuku 101–102; Western-style inns and 100–101 Japan Heritage (JH) system 3 Japanised Chinese cuisine 11, 78–79, 188 Japanised French cuisine 78 Japanised Italian cuisine 78 Japan Maritime Self-Defence Force (JMSDF) 155, 159, 163–164 Japan National Railways 242

270  Index Japan National Tourism Organization (JNTO) 76, 83 Japan Railways Group 242 Japan Thoron Development Association (JTDA) 91 Jerusalem 24–25, 31 Jimura, T. 1–2, 4–6, 8–9, 11, 15–16, 26–30, 47, 68, 71–72, 75, 79, 88, 96, 100–102, 108, 112, 124, 129, 136–137, 139, 144–145, 156–158, 161, 164–166, 172–173, 180, 190, 198–202, 204, 225, 235–236, 240–241, 252, 254–255, 258, 261, 264 Jishu 28 Jodoshinshu 26, 28 Jodoshu 28, 94 Jonishi, E. 141–142 Judaism 24–25, 48 Kagoshima Spinning Factory 142 Kamakura period (1185–1333) 18 kanto 62–63 Kasamatsu, A. 36 Katsura, E. 236 Kanzaki, N. 9 Karimata, S. 121 Kariya, Y. 140 Kaspar, C. 88 Kaufmann, E. L. 88 Kawashima, N. 224 Kazui, T. 50 Kegonshu 28 Kentucky Fried Chicken 81 Kikuchi, K. 216 Kim, S. S. 212–213, 217 Kindaika Isan (Heritage of Modernisation) 132–136, 146 Kindaika Sangyo Isan (Heritage of Industrial Modernisation) 132–133, 134, 136, 146 Kintetsu Group 242 Kintetsu Railway 242, 244 Kira, Y. 122 Kishimojin-do, Tokyo 34 Kitayama, S. 196 Koarai, M. 237 Kobe: historic and contemporary cultural heritage 183–187; site description 182–183; urban areas as tourist destinations 187–189 Komatsubara, H. 238 Kono, S. 123 Koshamain’s Revolt 110–111 Kotera, A. 41 Kotler, P. 35

Kure Naval Arsenal (KNA) 155, 164 Kure Naval History Museum (KNHM) 155, 161 Kuroda, N. 15 Kyoto 175–181; historic and contemporary cultural heritage 177–179; site description 175–177; urban areas as tourist destinations 180–181 Laing, J. 92 language: Ainu 114–115; ‘the Uchinanchu’ 120–122 The Last Samurai 213 Law, C. M. 172 Leask, A. 6 Lee, I. 47 Lei, Q. 63 Lennon, J. J. 152, 165 Lennon, John 213 Li, M. 8 Linhart, S. 18 living cultures of Japan: Ainu 110–117; overview 108–110; Uchinanchu 117–124 Lo, I. S. 39 The Lord of the Rings Trilogy 213 Lowenthal, D. 1 Lu, L. 181 Luxembourg American Cemetery and Memorial 160 MacCannell, D. 10 Maci, S. 194 Maclean, K. 239 Mad Max 213 Mak, A. H. 87 management: cultural heritage 255–256; of cultural heritage and tourism 14–17; of industrial heritage sites 136–139; of onsen 97–100 manga and anime and tourism in Japan 221–224 Månsson, M. 212 marketing and religious sites 34–35 Martin, A. 7 Maruyama, H. 109 Maslow, A. H. 68, 82 Maslow’s hierarchy of needs 68, 82 mass media 121, 124 Masuko, Y. 79 Matsuda, T. 90 matsuri: conservation 61–63; history of 49–51; interpretation and regeneration 61–63; involvement,

Index 271 meanings, authenticity and commodification 58–61; management 61–63; overview of 49–58; profiles of various types of 51–58; as tourism resource 58–63 McCartney, Paul 213 McDonald’s 81–82, 178 media: digital 8; mass 121, 124; popular culture of Japan and 214–217 media-induced tourism 212–213, 221, 226 media-related tourism 212 mediatized tourism 212 Meiji government (1868–1912) 51, 112–114, 118, 133, 141, 147, 240 Meiji period (era) (1868–1912) 51, 94, 112–113, 121, 133, 142 –143, 155, 175, 185, 195, 199, 202, 247 Meiji Restoration 20, 133, 195, 198, 240 meiso 36–37, 43 Memory of the World (MoW) 15, 255, 261 Metropolitan Museum of Art, New York, USA 7 Michelin 80–81 Michelin Guides 80–81, 84 Middle Ages 17 Mie Sunbelt Zone initiative 242 Milano, C. 180 Minami, H. 77 Minnaert, L. 16, 231 minshuku 101–103, 105 Miyamoto, M. 142 Mizoo, Y. 224 Mizumori, Kaori 224 Mobile Suit Gundam 215 Modern Age 129, 132 modernists 11, 29, 59–60, 72–73, 75, 91–92, 104, 113, 147, 158, 160, 164, 167–168, 179, 181, 185, 187, 201, 206, 238, 240, 243, 245, 254, 258, 261 Mohri, Y. 218 momijigari 36, 39, 43 Montanari, F. 47 Monuments Protection Programme 136 Moon, O. 9 Moran, P. R. 56 Morishima, T. 133 Mueller, H. 88 muraokoshi activities 9, 58 Murata, H. 242 Muromachi period (1336–1573) 18 music: Ainu 115–116; in Japan 224–226 ‘music pilgrimages’ 213

Nagasaki 162–165; intangible war heritage 163; site description 162–163; tangible war heritage affected by war 164–165; tangible war heritage generated by war 165 Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Museum (NABM) 31, 154, 165–166, 168 Nagasaki Atomic Bomb Victims Memorial Peace Prayer Ceremony (NABVMPPC) 163, 165, 168 Nagasaki National Peace Memorial Hall for the Atomic Bomb Victims (NNPMH) 165, 168 Nagasaki Peace Park (NPP) 162–163, 165–166, 168 Nakada, T. 262 Nakanishi, S. 237–238 Nakano, S. 173 National Ainu Museum (NAM) 111, 113, 115, 116–117 National Ainu Museum and Park (NAMP) 111, 113, 116–117 National Ainu Park (NAP) 111, 117, 125 National Cultural Heritage Administration (China) 130 National Museum of Ethnology (NME) 78–79 National Sports Festival of Japan 53, 58 National Trust 7 Nazi Germany 153 Neon Genesis Evangelion television series 216 Nichirenshu 28 Nintendo 217, 227, 239 Nippan 114 Nishio, T. 144 Nolan, M. L. 24 Nolan, S. 24 Nonaka, Y. 244 Novelli, M. 38 Nuryanti, W. 38 Obakushu 28 objectivists 11, 29, 59–60, 72–73, 75, 91–92, 104, 113, 147, 158, 160, 164, 167–168, 179, 181, 185, 187, 201, 206, 238, 240, 243, 245, 254, 258, 261 ohanami 36, 39, 43 Oh, S. 213 Ohmann, S. 63 Okada, I. 242 Okada, T. 239 okage-mairi 18 Okamoto, T. 221

272  Index Okinawa folk songs 122 okonomiyaki in Osaka style 73, 74 Okunoshima Poison Gas Museum (OPGM) 155, 162 OLC Group 234, 237 Olsen, D. H. 30 Omori, I. 71 Onin War 178 onsen 87–106, 89–100; authenticity and interpretation 91–94; conservation and management 97–100; development and spatial transformation 94–97; history 89–91; and Japanese people 89–91; Japanese-style inns 100–104; meaning 89–91; and onsen-chi 89–100; and onsen-kyo 89–100; overview 87–89 onsen-chi 89–100 onsen-kyo 89–100 Onuki, M. 197, 234, 235 Orbasli, A. 9 Oriental Land 232, 237–238 Osaka City: as capital of consumption 207–208; discussion 204–207; site description 202–204 Osaka Cotton Spinning Company (OCSC) 142 Osaka-wan Rinkai-chiiki Kaihatsuseibi-ho (Osaka Bay Area Development Act) 238 Osechi-ryori 71–72 Oshii, Mamoru 215–216 Oshiro, T. 118 Otomo, Katsuhiro 215–216 Otsuki, Y. 198 Outstanding Universal Value of World Heritage Sites (WHSs) 2, 72, 137, 164, 172 Oxford Living Dictionaries 87 Oyakawa, S. 121 Paasi, A. 112 Page, S. 87, 89, 263 Park, J. 206 Parque España (Shima Spain Village) 235, 241–243 peace-learning tourism 152, 165–166, 168 Pedersen, J. S. 58 Persona Series 217 Phillips, A. 214 pilgrimage 23–25; contemporary 19, 42; Japanese 18; mountain 30; ‘music

pilgrimages’ 213; Shikoku Pilgrimage 40 Poitras, G. 215 Pokémon Go 214, 217, 226MoW popular culture and media 212–228; computer games and tourism in Japan 224–226; films and tourism in Japan 217–221; manga and anime and tourism in Japan 221–224; music and tourism in Japan 224–226; overview 212–214; television dramas and tourism in Japan 217–221 postmodernists 11, 59–60, 91–92, 243, 245, 254 Potsdam Declaration 153 power spots 41–42, 44 Presley, Elvis 213 Prideaux, B. 8 Pure Land Buddhism 18 Putnam, T. 129 realists 11, 29, 59–60, 72–73, 75, 91–92, 104, 113, 147, 158, 160, 164, 167–168, 179, 181, 185, 187, 201, 206, 238, 240, 243, 245, 254, 258, 261 Reisinger, Y. 10, 91, 254 religion(s): Ainu 115–116; Confucianism 29; Japanese Buddhism 19, 25–29; overview 25–26; Shintoism 26–27; and spiritual philosophies of Japan 25–29; ‘the Uchinanchu’ 122–123 religiosity and visitor groups 24 religious landscape of Japan 23–44; contemporary phenomena 41–42; overview 23–25; religions and spiritual philosophies 25–29; religious sites as tourist destinations 29–35; religious sites as visitor attractions 29–35; trial shugyo, power spots and goshuin 41–42; visits to religious sites 35–41 religious sites: classification 30; financial issues and site management 30–33; interpretation 34; marketing 34–35; motivations, purposes and experiences 35–41; motivations and purposes of visitors 35–39; overview 29–30; as tourist destinations 29–35; as visitor attractions 29–35; visitor experiences 39–41; visits to 35–41 Reuters Japan 26, 245 Richard Arkwright’s Cromford Mill 136 Richards, G. 193, 212 Riis, O. 23

Index 273 Riley, R. 212 Rinschede, G. 23 Rinzaishu 28 Risshu 28 Ritzer, G. 9, 194 Ro, K. 72 Roberts, P. 9, 195 Roman Empire 17 Rössler, M. 139 Rüling, C. C. 58 Russian Empire 113 ryokan 19–20, 71, 101–106 Ryukyu classical music 122 Ryukyu classical dances 123 Ryukyu Kingdom 117–120, 122, 125 sacred sites: classification of 31; for Hindus 25 Sakamoto, M. 221 Sakamoto, R. 74 sakariba 194–195, 198 Sakurai, H. 27 Sapporo Snow Festival (Hokkaido) 52, 55 Sawaguchi, K. 78 Seaton, A. V. 152 Seaton, P. 212–213 Segawa, A. 234, 236 seichi junrei 221–223, 225, 228 Sekimoto, Y. 58 Sekine, T. 111 Selby, M. 172 Sendai Tanabata (Miyagi) 53, 60–61 sendatsu 30 Serbulea, M. 91 Shackley, M. 16, 23, 30, 31, 39 Shakushain’s Revolt 111 Sharples, L. 69 Sharpley, R. 30, 35 Shibutani, T. 118 shikinen sengu 29 Shikoku Pilgrimage 40 Shimomura, A. 94–96 shinbutsu-bunri 27, 51 Shingonshu 28 Shintoism 19, 25, 26–29, 42–44, 50–51, 53–54, 63, 122 Shinto shrines (jinja) 18, 27, 30, 32–34, 36–37, 39–44, 50–51, 53–54, 57, 144, 175, 179–181, 221, 252, 258, 260 shogyo-mujo 28–29, 79 shoten-gai 195–196, 198, 207 Showa period (1926–1989) 94, 104, 216, 227

Shugendo 27, 30, 100 site management and religious sites 30–33 Smith, A. 63 Smith, V. 151 Smith, V. L. 24 Smoola 98 Sogo Hoyo Chiiki Seibi-ho (Development of Comprehensive Resort Areas Act (DCRAA)) 234, 241–242, 244, 246 Song, C. 188 songs: Ainu 115–116; gotochi 224–225, 228; Japanese popular 216, 224–225, 227–228; Okinawa folk 122; Yamato folk 116 Sonoda, H. 133 Sørensen, M. L. S. 151 Sotoshu 28, 264 Space Battleship Yamato 215 Sparks, B. 194 spas: defined 87; International Spa Association (ISPA) on 87 spatial transformation 252–253; industrial heritage sites 139–143; onsen 94–97 Spirou, C. 172 Splash Mountain (TDR) 17 Starr, Ringo 213 Steiner, C. J. 10, 91, 254 Stone, P. R. 152 storytelling 12; Ainu 115–116 Stringer, J. 214 Sugano, M. 115–116 Suzuki, T. 235, 240 Summer Sonic (SS) 52, 56 Swarbrooke, J. 23, 193 SWOT analysis 4–5 Tabelog 76, 77, 80, 84 Taisho period (1912–1926) 94, 104, 114, 216, 227 Takada, Y. 244 Takahashi, K. 91–92 Takahashi, T. 121 Takakura, S. 114–116 Takayanagi, T. 94–95 Takeda, Nobuhiro 111 Takimoto, M. 237 Tamanaha, A. 199 Tamura, A. 197 Tanaka, E. 220 Tang Dynasty of China 177 tangible cultures 122–123

274  Index tangible war heritage: affected by war 157–159, 164–165; generated by war 159–162, 165 Tanizawa, A. 218 television dramas 217–221 Telfer, D. J. 55, 69, 162 Tendaishu 26, 28 Teramae, S. 99–100 theme parks: American-origin international 236–240; featuring Europe and tourism 240–245; in Japan 234–236; overview 231–234 Tibetan Buddhists 25 Tibet Autonomous Region of China 25 Tilden, F. 7, 12, 62, 64, 76, 84, 117 Timothy, D. 1, 2, 4–5, 7, 10, 12, 24, 151, 193, 251, 254 Tofuku-ji Temple, Kyoto: Karesansui Garden at 38; leaflet of 41 Tohoku Earthquake and Tsunami 89 Tokyo: bombing of 153; as capital of consumption 207–208; discussion 200–202; Go Tokyo 202; interpretation panel at Kishimojin-do 34; Olympic and Paralympic Games 2020 201; site description 198–200; Special Wards of 77 Tokyo Disneyland (TDL) 3, 234, 236–238, 246 Tokyo Disney Resort (TDR) 17, 232, 236–238, 252 Tokyo DisneySea (TDS) 234, 236–238 Tokyo International Film Festival 53, 58 Tokyo Metropolitan Prefecture (TMP) 5, 10, 174, 182, 187, 198–200, 203, 208, 216, 221, 234, 236, 241, 244 Tokyo Skytree Town 201 Tomioka Silk Mill (TSM) 19, 134, 136, 139, 141–142, 144–145, 147 tourism: and Ainu culture 116–117; and American-origin international theme parks 236–240; authenticity in 10–11; conservation of 14–17; cultural heritage in 10–11, 12–14; dark 165–166; demand side of 4–6, 143–145; health 88; history of, in Japan 17–19; industrial heritage sites 143–145; interpretation in 12–14; in Japan 224–226; management of 14–17; media-induced 212–213, 221, 226; media-related 212; mediatized 212; peace-learning 165–166; relationships

between cultural heritage and 256–257; supply side of 6–8, 143–145; theme parks featuring 240–245; Uchinanchu culture and 123–124; wellness 88 tourism resources: international cuisines in Japan as 77–82, 79–82; Japanese cuisine as 74–76; Japanesestyle inns as 102–104; matsuri and festivals in Japan as 58–63 tourist destinations: religious sites as 29–35; urban areas as 180–181, 187–189 Traganou, J. 18 trial shugyo 41, 44, 264 Tripadvisor 4, 5, 6, 75–76, 96, 155 Trudgill, P. 121 Tsai, C. T. S. 76 Tsuda, M. 122 Tsuda, T. G. 108 Tsuhako, T. 121 Tsurunoyu Onsen 90, 91 Tunbridge, J. E. 9, 172, 241 Tuominen, P. 206 Twitter 8 Twu, M. H. A. 214 Tylor, E. B. 1 Uchida, S. 102 ‘the Uchinanchu’ 117–124; culture and tourism 123–124; history and habitation areas 117–119; language 120–122; religions and intangible and tangible cultures 122–123; Uchinanchu culture 119–120 Uchinanchu culture: association with identity 119–120; overview 119–120; and tourism 123–124 Uchinanchu dances 122–123, 256 Ugaya, H. 216 Umekita Project 204–205, 208 UN Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples 109 UNESCO 1–2, 3; General Conference in 2003 15; List of WH in Danger by 137; and ‘universal’ heritage 2 United Nations High Commissioner for Human Rights (OHCHR) 110 United States Armed Forces (USAF) 156, 157 Universal Parks & Resorts (UPR) 232–233, 236 Universal Studios 232–233, 247 Universal Studios Hollywood 232

Index 275 Universal Studios Japan (USJ) 8, 17, 232, 233, 235–236, 238–241, 243, 246–247 Universal Studios Singapore 233 urban areas as tourist destinations 180–181, 187–189 urban heritage: Japan’s 173–175; Kyoto 175–181; overview 171–172; Yokohama and Kobe 182–189 urban regeneration: defined 9; and spatial transformation 63–64, 242 Ushida, T. 198 van den Dungen, P. 165–166 van Oers, R. 181 visitor attractions: classification of 6; European-style buildings as 241; religious sites as 29–35 visitor groups and religiosity 24 visitors: experiences 39–41; motivations and purposes of 35–39 Walt Disney Company (WDC) 232, 236, 238 war 151–168; and dark tourism 165–166; Hiroshima 154–162; and Japan 153–154; Nagasaki 162–165; overview 151–152; and peace-learning tourism 165–166; tangible war heritage affected by 157–159, 164–165; tangible war heritage generated by 159–162, 165; war heritage 165–166; and war heritage 153–154 war heritage 153–154; classification of 152, 154; and dark tourism 165–166; intangible 156–157, 163; and peacelearning tourism 165–166; and war 153–154 Warschauer, M. 114, 121 washoku 68–73, 75, 77, 82–83, 102, 263 Watanabe, A. 60–61 Weiner, M. 108 wellness tourism 88 Western Roman Empire 17 Western-style inns (hotels) 99–101 Wieliczka and Bochnia Royal Salt Mines (Poland) 130, 146 Winter Sonata 213

Wizarding World of Harry Potter (USJ) 17, 239 Wise, N. 8, 47, 204, 213, 258 World Heritage (WH) 1, 157, 181 World Heritage Sites (WHSs) 5, 7, 15–16, 30, 72, 124, 129–133, 136–139, 144–148, 158, 164, 166–168, 172, 181, 194, 254–255, 261 World War II (WWII) 28, 51, 61, 78, 118, 121, 123, 125, 151, 153, 155, 157–162, 164–165, 167–168, 173–174, 182, 195, 199, 215–216, 218, 223, 227, 234, 236, 246 Wu, C. 165 Wu, H. 8 Xie, P. F. 145 Xing, H. B. 136 Yahata Imperial Steel Works 142–143, 145 Yamaguchi, Y. 100 Yamamoto, E. 39Yamamura, J. 94, 98–99 Yamamura, T. 212–213, 217, 221 Yamasato, Y. 215–216 Yamashita, K. 99, 188 Yamato folk songs 116 Yang, X. 145 Yen, C. H. 213 Yokohama and Kobe 182–189 Yokohama City: historic and contemporary cultural heritage 183–187; site description 182–183; urban areas as tourist destinations 187–189 Yomota, I. 214 Yoshida, K. 165 YouTube 8, 35 Yukawa, S. 36 Yuzunenbutsushu 28 Zach, F. J. 213–214 zazen 36–37, 41, 43 Zhang, M. 81 Zhang, Y. 188 Zhu, K. 197 Zubair, S. 244