Crime and Punishment in the Old French Romances 9780231880459

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CRIME AND PUNISHMENT IN T H E OLD FRENCH ROMANCES

CRIME AND

PUNISHMENT IN

THE

OLD F R E N C H ROMANCES BY F. CARL RIEDEL

AMS P R E S S , INC. NEW YORK 1966

Copyright 1938, Columbia University P r e s s , New York

Reprinted 1966 with permission of Columbia University P r e s s

AMS P R E S S , INC. New York, N . Y . 1 0 0 0 3

M a n u f a c t u r e d in t h e U n i t e d S t a t e s of A m e r i c a

To P. A. R.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I

O W E much to William W. Lawrence, Professor Emeritus of English, Columbia University. By a remark in one of his lectures he not only suggested the subject of this study to me, but he also guided the development of the work.in its formative stages. Professor Roger S. Loomis, also of Columbia University, has likewise given generously of his time and cr.ticism. My chief debt is to Professor Julius Goebel, Jr., of the Columbia School of Law, whose aid in questions of legal history has been invaluable, and in whose office I have spent many hours in going over material made available to me through the kindness of his assistant, Mr. Donald Tilton. Dr. Merriam Sherwood of Columbia University and Dr. Elmer Mantz of Cooper Union have offered many useful suggestions. I wish also to thank Professor William G. Crane of The College of the City of New York, Professor Floyd S. Lear of the Rice Institute, and Miss Matilda L. Berg of the editorial staff of the Columbia University Press. These people have all helped me in ways too numerous to mention. The following have kindly permitted me to quote copyrighted material: John Byrne & Co., publishers of Beames's translation of Glanvill's De legibus et consuetudinibus regni Angliae; E. P. Dutton & Co., Inc., publishers of Comfort's translation of the romances of Chrétien de Troyes and of Macdevitt's translation of Caesar's Commentaries; Harper & Brothers, publishers of Lea's History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages; Henry Holt & Co., publishers of Krehbiel's translation of Luchaire's Social France at the Time of Philip Augustus and of Dow's translation of Seignobos's The Feudal Regime; Lea Brothers & Co., publishers of Lea's Superstition and Force; Little, Brown fc Co., pub-

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

viii

lishers of Bell's translation of Bar's History of Continental Criminal Law and of Simpson's translation of Esmein's History of Continental Criminal Procedure; and the Macmillan Co., publishers of Lawrence's Shakespeare's Problem Comedies. F . CARL RIEDEL New York, N.Y. June ij,

igj8

CONTENTS I. II.

INTRODUCTION

3

CRIMINAL LAW IN THIRTEENTHCENTURY FRANCE

11

III.

CRIMINAL LAW IN T H E OLD FRENCH ROMANCES

44

IV.

MORAL L A W IN T H E OLD FRENCH ROMANCES

98

V.

LITERARY SIGNIFICANCE OF CRIME AND CRIMINALS IN T H E ROMANCES

VI.

SUMMARY

117 128

APPENDIX

133

NOTES

145

BIBLIOGRAPHY

181

INDEX

189

CRIME AND PUNISHMENT IN T H E OLD FRENCH ROMANCES

I INTRODUCTION Por remembrer des ancessours Li fez e Ii diz e li mours, Deit l'en Ii livres e li gestes E li estoires as festes, Li felonies de felons, E Ii barnages de barons. —Roman de Rou

I

N S P I T E of Wace's suggestion that in order to enrich our knowledge of the deeds and customs of our ancestors we ought to learn something of their crimes as well as their virtues, the subject of crime and punishment as represented in the O l d French romances is one that appears to have escaped the attention of most writers and commentators on medieval literature. Those who have written on it, like Pfeffer 1 and Foerster, 2 have concerned themselves chiefly with single forms of procedure or punishment, such as the judicial duel or death by fire as illustrated in the romances. A n d what Schultz has to say is buried in the bulk of his two-volume work, Das höfische Leben. Even Junge's dissertation, Über Gerichtsbeamte und Gerichtsverhältnisse in der Litteratur des alten Frankreichs, though useful because in some ways it is more comprehensive, refers to only two of the romances brought up for discussion in the following chapters. T h e present study, therefore, though not exhaustive, seems justified. From the romances read and recited to courtly audiences we can get not only an idea of the type of entertainment that lords and ladies enjoyed, but also a notion of what they considered right and wrong, just and unjust; we can learn something of the fascination that wickedness in literary form had for them, and even something of the tech-

4

INTRODUCTION

nique that poets exercised in handling crime and criminals. We should like to follow the course of high-handed villainy and its dire consequences with as much interest as our forebears had in it, but there are times when our ignorance of twelfth and thirteenth century life, customs, and laws is not entirely enlightened by these narrative poems. We must turn to actual histories and to the actual laws of the age in order to complete our knowledge of what a medieval audience understood or took for granted. In the following pages, therefore, after outlining the legal conditions of the period, we shall compare the romances with the actual law, and then proceed to a discussion of the social or moral aspect of the age, since moral and legal classifications are rarely identical. This will naturally lead to the question of literary influences, for there may be something of interest in learning whether the criminals of the romances conduct themselves morally as self-sufficient individuals independent of plot or whether they are merely disguised stock types borrowed from other literary forms. T h e chief principle that guides the selection of the twenty-odd romances to be examined is that of realismfidelity to the life of twelfth and thirteenth century France in general and, in particular, fidelity to the criminal law of the period. A number of romances have been rejected because, while they illustrate crime and punishment of various sorts, the treatment of this material is not legalistic and the material itself is either too fantastic for serious discussion here, or else prosaically duplicates some of the material already chosen. Although there is no special group of romances which may be labeled romances of crime, there is no valid reason why the principle of selection just mentioned should not cut across the lines of more or less recognized literary groupings. As a matter of fact, however, there is not a great degree of literary dissimilarity among the romances selected, for about two-thirds of them belong to

INTRODUCTION

5

what are called the society romances,8 and most of the rest to what are called romans d'aventure.* T h e romances to be examined—all of them characteristically representative of their time—are listed below in the order in which they are brought u p for discussion; in listing with them their approximate dates there has been no attempt to go beyond the limits already set by the editors and commentators. Durmart le galois. T h e editor says that the manuscript in which Durmart was found dates from the reign of Saint Louis; Faral (in Bédier and Hazard, Histoire de la littérature française illustrée, I, p. 38) narrows this down to the first third of the thirteenth century, but U. T . Holmes (A History of Old French Literature from the Origins to i}oo, p. 280) prefers the second quarter of the century. Le Roman de la violette (p. lvii), 1227-29. Floriant et Florete. T h e editor (p. ix) dates the poem in the fourteenth century, but Faral (in Bédier and Hazard, op. cit., p. 38) suggests the second half of the thirteenth century. Holmes does not appear to mention this romance. Le Roman du Comte d'Anjou (p. vi), 1316. Sone de Nansai. The editor says nothing of the date, and Langlois (La Vie en France au moyen âge, I, p. 286) merely calls it the most recent of the romans d'aventure. J. D. Bruce (The Evolution of Arthurian Romance, I, p. 350), however, suggests the latter part of the thirteenth century, and Holmes (op. cit., p. 276) the second half of the century. Meraugis de Portlesguez (p. lxv), c. 1215. Yder (p. ciii), 1223-25. Claris et Laris (p. 863), 1268. Blancandin. Foerster (in Richars li biaus, p. xxi) suggests the last quarter of the thirteenth century. Fergus. Holmes (op. cit., p. 279) suggests c. 1216. Richars li biaus (p. xxi), last quarter of the thirteenth century. La Manekine (p. xxi), 1270-80. Joufrois (p. iii), beginning of the thirteenth century. Holmes (op. cit., p. 274) puts it about the middle of the century. The Erie of Toulouse. A Middle English romance adapted (Hibbard, Medieval Romance in England, p. 36) from a lost French original probably of the late twelfth or early thirteenth century.

6

INTRODUCTION

Le Comte de Poitiers. Holmes (op. cit., p. 271) places it in the first quarter of the thirteenth century. Guillaume de Dole (p. lxxxvi), 1199-1201. Holmes (op. cit., p. 270) says 1210-14. Li Châtelain de Coucy. Langlois (op. cit., p. 227) suggests c. 1285. Cléomadés. Voretzsch (Introduction to the Study of Old French Literature, p. 399) puts it after 1275; Holmes (op. cit., p. 277) says 1274-82. Yvain (Foerster, 1906 ed., p. xiv), 1173. Holmes (op. cit., p. 168) cites F. E. Guyer, who sets the date at 1166-67. Rigomer. Neither the editor nor Holmes mentions the date, but it may be early thirteenth century. Gilles de Chin. Faral (in Bédier and Hazard, op. cit., p. 41) says that the poem is ordinarily dated about 1250 but that it may be a half century older. I lie et Galeron (p. xx), 1167. Guillaume de Palerne (p. xxii), late twelfth or early thirteenth century. NOTE: Whenever a romance is cited in this study, special care has been taken to see that the narrative situation is made clear at the point of reference. Often, however, a single incident or episode may be cited in various places for different purposes. T o keep the thread of narrative unbroken, those readers unfamiliar with the romances may therefore find helpful the few résumés in the Appendix following Chapter VI—résumés which to the advanced student of medieval literature may appear somewhat repetitious, especially since they retell the stories of some of the better known romances. T h e romances presented above are not arranged in the o r d e r of their importance to o u r study; some of them are to b e discussed repeatedly and at length, others are not; m o r e o v e r , there w i l l be references to a few romances not even listed. It so happens that only one verse is cited f r o m the earliest romance m e n t i o n e d , Ille et Galeron, 1167; o n the o t h e r h a n d , Le Comte d'Anjou, 1316, the latest, receives m u c h f u l l e r c o m m e n t . B e t w e e n 1167 and 1316 lies a period of nearly one h u n d r e d and fifty years, the greater part of w h i c h falls in the thirteenth century, when perhaps threequarters of these romances were b e i n g written.

INTRODUCTION

7

T h e thirteenth century saw also the compiling of local laws in the form of half a dozen important custumals, the first of which was the Très ancien coutumier de Normandie (1194-1204, 1218-23); then followed in order the Norman Summa de legibus (1254-58), Pierre de Fontaines' Conseil à un ami (1254), the Jostice et de plet of Orléans (1260), the Établissements de Saint Louis (1273), and Philippe de Beaumanoir's Coutumes de Beauvaisis (1280-83). If in the following pages Beaumanoir's Coutumes is referred to more often than the other custumals, it is not because there is a conscious attempt to minimize their value—it cannot be denied that the Très ancien coutumier de Normandie, for instance, representing one of the largest and most powerful feudatories of all France, is in its way as important as any. In Beaumanoir's work, however, one finds a wealth of illustrative material not always present in the other custumals. Beaumanoir himself, moreover, is interesting as one of the outstanding personalities of the thirteenth century; he has in fact been called the first great jurisconsult of France. 5 For these reasons, therefore, we may in a sense consider Beaumanoir our chief legal authority, just as Andreas Capellanus has often been regarded as the chief authority on the subject of courtly love. All the compilations mentioned, however, are extremely helpful not only to the legal historian but also to anyone who wishes to acquire a comprehensive background for a study of crime and punishment in the romances. Chapter II, while far from being a complete history of criminal law in twelfth and thirteenth century France, is an outline of legal conditions which stresses features especially significant for an understanding of the romances. In the account of organized justice or of the courts, of vengeance and private warfare, of criminal procedure, and of punishment, there is little material not available in any good legal history. Since in the romances the term treason conveys many different meanings, it has seemed advisable

8

INTRODUCTION

to include in the outline an attempted definition of the term together with its implications.® In spite of the repeated admonition that the romances to be discussed are for the most part realistic in tone, their treatment of crime and punishment may seem, even in the light of Chapter II, a little fantastic to the modern reader. This is only natural, not only because we are dealing with the literature of an age seven centuries removed from us in time, but also because the romances themselves are essentially fiction. Although the men who wrote these narrative poems were therefore under no compulsion to make them legally accurate, we shall find them adhering remarkably close to contemporary law. Chapter III, then, does not propose to furnish an exhaustive catalogue of crime and its concomitants in the romances so much as to illustrate and explain them by reference to custom and precedent, or to what at some former time had actually been custom and precedent, for some of the romances purport to be historical. The term contemporary is necessarily used here in its most elastic sense, for in paralleling the romances to the actual law, we shall find that while some aspects of custom and law undoubtedly changed from decade to decade, others remained practically the same as they had been in Carolingian or even Merovingian times. Such changes as took place probably left the basic principles of criminal law intact, at least for the romance writers, with the possible exception of one or two like Beaumanoir, who was jurist as well as poet. Thus it may become necessary, for instance, to explain similar features in two romances written perhaps a hundred years apart by referring to a contemporary custumal falling halfway between them in time. Conversely, it may also be necessary to refer to two custumals written three-quarters of a century apart to explain something in a romance lying between them in time. But

INTRODUCTION

9

occasionally it is impossible, even by the greatest stretch of the imagination, to regard a custom of the romances as contemporary with thirteenth century law. In such cases we can hardly deny medieval poets the privilege of conscious archaizing. It seems unnecessary, however, to go so far afield as to the Code of Hammurabi for a parallel to the romances, as Miss Matulka has done in her book on the novels of Juan de Flores.7 But it is not altogether inconceivable that romance writers like Adenet le Roi, for example, might utilize such custom as is described in Caesar's Commentaries, for it is known that medieval scholars, John of Salisbury among them, 8 read Caesar with considerable interest. In view of difficulties similar to those described above, we shall find it almost impossible, except in cases like Beaumanoir's, to establish as strictly and precisely contemporary the chronology of the romances and that of the custom-data they reveal. Likewise, except in rare instances, the futility of trying closely to associate custom and romance geographically is obvious, for there could have been little to prevent a poet from laying the scene of his romance in one country or part of a country and drawing his law and custom from another. 9 Even the custumals thejnselves were not mutually exclusive in respect to geographical limitations, for they not only stemmed from the same common Germanic source, the Salic Law,10 but they even borrowed from one another. As Vinogradoff points out, 11 Beaumanoir, who compiled the custom and usages of the county of Clermont in Beauvaisis, a tiny speck on the map of northern France, often took illustrative material from the customs of neighboring lordships or even from the common law of the kingdom of France. We cannot therefore expect the ordinary romancer, in his treatment of crime and punishment, to be any more exact geographically than he is chronologically. Taking fully into consideration the difficulties mentioned above,

INTRODUCTION

io

w e m a y restate the a i m of C h a p t e r I I I as f o l l o w s : to show that the roots of the law a n d custom i n the

fictitious

ro-

mances are, like a g o o d deal of all fiction, d e e p l y i m b e d d e d in the fertile soil of fact. W h a t has just b e e n said a b o u t time a n d p l a c e in regard to t h e material of C h a p t e r I I I applies also to C h a p t e r I V . B u t whereas C h a p t e r I I I is c o n c e r n e d m o r e specifically w i t h the legal side of c r i m e and p u n i s h m e n t in the romances, C h a p t e r I V , in illustrating f r o m these narrative p o e m s some of the differences b e t w e e n strict legality a n d the m o r a l standard of the age, shows also h o w , in the conf u s i o n r e s u l t i n g f r o m the conflict of legal a n d m o r a l criteria a n d obligations, the p r i n c i p l e of force, always an evil inf l u e n c e , actually

b e c a m e o n e of the most

outstanding

features of nearly all of the m o r e i m p o r t a n t f o r m s of h u m a n conduct. C h a p t e r V treats briefly of the literary aspect of c r i m e a n d c r i m i n a l s in the romances, t o u c h i n g u p o n the individuality

and the c o n v e n t i o n a l i t y of several

prominent

villains and also i n d i c a t i n g the literary f u n c t i o n of c r i m e i n the narrative structure of the romances. T h e present study, then, in b r i n g i n g t o g e t h e r a n d organizing in a n e w way some f a m i l i a r and some less w e l l - k n o w n m a t e r i a l f r o m the O l d F r e n c h romances, aims n o t only to b e of v a l u e to the student of medieval l i t e r a t u r e , b u t also to m a k e the s u b j e c t of crime and p u n i s h m e n t in the romances as interesting to the m o d e r n r e a d e r as it u n d o u b t edly was to the lords and ladies of t h i r t e e n t h France.

century

II C R I M I N A L L A W IN CENTURY

THIRTEENTHFRANCE

T

HE structure of medieval law in France was built u p chiefly on a foundation of vengeance. T h e system of the courts had developed partly from the attempt to control vengeance and to adjudicate breach of contract—contract which was formal or implicit. Through the passage of time organized justice gradually evolved legal concepts of what constituted the various forms of crime, outstanding among which was the concept of treason. Legal procedure had at first developed directly from the effort to regulate vengeance, though later it became characterized by a severely rigid formality. A n d punishment itself, which at first had been perhaps merely a legal sanction of private vengeance, became only rather late a matter of more general public concern.

In order to obtain a more adequate understanding of the complicated structure of twelfth and thirteenth century criminal law, we shall find it convenient first to describe the courts, for they not only represented organized justice, b u t they looked backward toward vengeance and the breach of contract, the effort to regulate which had been largely responsible for their existence; the courts, moreover, looked forward, from case to case and from precedent to precedent, toward the formulating of the legal concepts of crime, particularly the concept of treason, which, as we shall see, had much to do with the breach of contract just mentioned. From the courts as our central point, then, we may branch out to an explanation of vengeance and a definition of

12

CRIMINAL LAW IN THIRTEENTH CENTURY

treason, continuing with a discussion of criminal procedure and concluding with an account of punishment. ORGANIZATION OF J U S T I C E

D u r i n g the feudal age justice 1 was characterized by a confusion inherited f r o m the Frankish period, at the close of which there had been in existence six different kinds of jurisdictions which gradually decreased to f o u r in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries; these were the seignorial, the royal, the municipal, and the ecclesiastical jurisdictions. 2 Of these f o u r we need concern ourselves with really only one, the seignorial, for the seignorial and the royal were in many ways alike, the chief difference being perhaps one of degree rather than kind. A n additional reason for describing seignorial justice in some detail is that it was the most common and the most important since it was the justice of customary law. T h e seignorial court developed chiefly out of the Frankish mallum. U n d e r the Merovingians justice was rendered orally in public under the open sky, preferably upon an elevated place called the malberg, b u t later often at the gate of the chateau. T h e mall (52

NOTES FOR PAGES 31-36

judgments of God, lasted until the thirteenth century, when the Établissements de Saint Louis insisted upon the deposition of witnesses in place of the judicial duel (II, 8). According to Beaumanoir, however, this mode of proof had changed little and in fact retained nearly all of the features described above (1170ft. Also chap. xl). In most cases women and clerics were not allowed to testify because they could not have the wager of battle; bastards and serfs were heard only under limited conditions, while lepers and criminals were denied deposition altogether (1174-77, >'85, 212). A litigant who was in a position to accuse his opponent's witness of some crime profited therefore by at least a temporary advantage. On a debated question no pleader could have less than two witnesses or more than ten, and though a party proved his point with three witnesses, the opponent might win the decision if he proved his point with four witnesses (1257). 57. Proof by presumption was probably influenced considerably by canon law. Cf. Fournier, Les officialités du moyen âge, p. 200-201. In canon law there were four grades of presumption: temeraria, probabilis, violenta, and necessaria. 58. Op. cit., 1156. 59. Ibid., 1158. 60. Ibid., 948, 939. 6 1 . Ibid., 1815. 62. G. Baist, "Der gerichtliche Zweikampf, nach seinem Ursprung und im Rolandslied," Romanische Forschungen, V, pp. 444ft. See also Chénon, op. cit., I, 672. 63. Gregory of Tours, History of the Franks, II, 334-35. 64. Chap, lxxxiv, i. 65. Les Olim, II, 165 (arret de 1280). 66. Superstition and Force, p. 77. 67. Cf. Goebel, op. cit., p. 1 2 1 , n. 203. 68. Superstition and Force, p. 101-2. 6g. Chivalry, p. 34. 70. Lea (Superstition and Force, p. 137) gives the following reference: Innoc. PP. iii. Regest. V I 26 (c. 2 Extra, v. 35). 7 1 . Beaumanoir, op. cit., 1840. 72. Cf. ibid., 1721. 73. Établissements de Saint Louis, II. 323; cf. Beaumanoir, op. cit., 1810, 1795, 1796, 1800-1801. 74. Beaumanoir, op. cit., 1841. Cf. above, n. 48. 75. Ibid., 1721. 76. Lea, Superstition and Force, pp. 234-35. 77. See S. Grelewski, La Réaction contre les ordalies en France depuis le IX' siècle jusqu'au décret de Gratien. 78. Another reason for their use, the incredibility of the suspect's oath, is noted by Goebel, op. cit., p. 322, n. 1 2 1 . 79. Très ancien coutumier de Normandie, X X X I X and X X X I X bis. 80. Lea, Superstition and Force, p. 319.

NOTES FOR PAGES 36-41

»53

81. Ibid., p. :88. 82. Ibid., p. 408. Lea quotes t h e following prescription by Albertus Magnus: mallow and radish juice, white of egg, lime, and psillus seeds. 83. France, VI, 646-47. 84. K. von Amira, Die germanischen Todesstrafen, chap, ix, " D i e sakraler Charakter der öffentlichen Todesstrafe." His, Strafrecht bis zur Karolina, p. 5685. His, op. cit., p. 56. 86. Germania, 19. 87. His, op. cit., p. 141; Lex Visigothorum, III, 4, 2. 88. His, op. cit., p. 149; Lex Burgundionum, T i t . Iii. 89. His, op. cit., p. 141. 90. Ibid., pp. 74-75. 91. Ibid. 92. Ibid. 93. Ibid. 94. Bar, op. cit., p. 109. 95. Page 278. 96. Op. cit., 14: La tierce vertus que li baillis doit avoir, si est qu'il doit estre dous et debonaires, sans felonie et sans cruauté; et non pas debonaires entre les felons, n'envers les crueus, n'envers ceux q u i font les mesfès, car a teus maniérés de gens doit il moustrer semblant d e cruauté et de felonie et de force de justice, pour leur malice estre mendre. C a r tout aussi comme li mires qui le malade, pour pitié de sa maladie, lesse a ateindre la plaie de laquele il le doit garir, le met en peril de mort, tout aussi li baillis, q u i est debonaires vers les mesfesans de sa baillie, met ceus qui vuelent vivre en pes en peril de mort; ne nus plus grans biens, uns pour un, ne puet estre a baillif q u e d'essarter les mauvès hors des bons par radeur de justice. Donques ce q u e nous avons dit qu'il doit estre debonaires, nous l'entendons vers ceus qui bien vuelent et vers le commun pueple, et es cas qui avienent plus par mescheance q u e par malice. Et pour ce q u e nous avons dit q u e sapience est la souveraine vertus de celes qui doivent estre en baillif, l'en ne doit pas tenir le baillif pour sage qui vers tous est fel et crueus. Et souvent avient que les simples gent, qui ont bonnes quereles et loiaus, lessent perdre leur quereles pour ce qu'il ne les osent maintenir par devant teus baillis pour leur felonie, p o u r doute de plus perdre. 97. Les Olim, I, 135. J. R . Strayer, The Administration of Normandy, p. 23. Cf. also Langlois, Le Regne de Philippe III le Hardi, p. 30. 98. Op. cit., 16. 99. Beaumanoir, op. cit., 839, 840, 844, 865. Cf. also Goebel, op. cit., p. 241. 100. C . L . T a n o n , Histoire des justices, pp. 330, 332. T h e fact that death was often the punishment for a third offense may have accounted for the end of the man who stole the egg. 101. His, op. cit., p. 75. 102. Huizinga, The Waning of the Middle Ages, p. 16.

>54

N O T E S F O R PAGES 41-48

103. See above, n. 39 and 40. For an extended account of misericordia, see Goebel, op. cit., pp. 242fr. 104. Glasson, France, V, »74. 105. Although Beaumanoir was not favorable to the lex talionis (841), he did speak frequently of public vengeance or the vengeance of society (823IÎ.). 106. Glasson, France, V, 274. 107. Cf. Gelzer, in his edition of Yder, p. cii: "Philipp II Augustus kann auch nicht in Betracht kommen. E r hat sich in 1193 nach langer Witwerschaft mit Ingeborg von Dänemark verheiratet, verstiesse sie aber bald darauf und vermählte sich mit Agnes von Meran. Durch Intervention des Papstes Innocenz I I I wurde er gezwungen, seine Ehe mit Agnes für ungültig zu erklären, behielt sie aber als Geliebte bei. Erst lange nach ihrem T o d e nahm er 1 2 1 3 Ingeborg als Gemahlin a n . " 108. Chénon, op. cit., I, 278t.; Goebel, op. cit., p. 225, n. 73. 109. E. van Cauwenbergh, Les Pélèrinages expiatoires et judiciaires dans le droit communal de la Belgique au moyen âge, pp. 8, 23, 29, 30, 161. 110. See below, pp. 46, 49-50; also p. 91. CHAPTER I I I 1. Beaumanoir, Coutumes, 312. 2. Car ele est mescreans et foie, Mariage het et despise De deu ne vuet oir parole, Et sacrement de sainte glise. (11. 12885-88) 3. Se il nos dist menconge u voir. (1. 13978) 4. Por les mescreans justicier / Et por la loi deu avancier. (II. 14149-50) 5. "Sire," dist il, " d e voir sachies, Près sui de mostrer or endroit. Que tant est de mavaise loi C'on le doit essilier par droit, L a roine que je ci voi. Et puis c'om le set si meifaite, Qu'ele ne doit terre tenir . . . Elle doit estre arse . . ." (11. 14284-87) (11. 14299-302) Doi j e par jugement avoir . . . (1. 14292) 6. Ce sachent bien li archevesque / Et li abe et li evesque. . . (11. 14333-34)7. Et chevalier et clerc et lai (1. 14387). 8. Kate Norgate, England under the Angevin Kings, II, 96. 9. Ibid., II, 98. 10. Z. N. Brooke, The English Church and the Papacy, pp. 216-17. Stubbs, Constitutional History of England, I, 310, 503. Maitland, "Henry II and the Criminous Clerks," Collected Papers, II, pp. 233, 236. 1 1 . Goebel, Felony and Misdemeanor, p. 168. 12. Ibid., p. 310, n. 86; p. 3 1 7 . 13. Chronicle of the Crusades, translated by Marzials, pp. 1 5 1 , 305. Cf. Histoire de Saint Louis, de Wailly, X I I I and C X X X V , pp. 23, 241. 14. H. C. Lea, History of the Inquisition in the Middle Ages, I, 221, 325. 15. Ibid., I, 1 9 1 . 16. Beaumanoir, Coutumes, 341.

N O T E S FOR PAGES 48-50

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17. See below, pp. 71-7*. 18. Lines 5627s. 19. Lines 696-704. 20. Glasson, Angleterre, I, 258. 21. Esmein, Cours élémentaire d'histoire du droit français, p. 35g. 22. Introduction, pp. v-vi. 23. Lines 6794-95. 24. Line 6824. Although the term accort du roi as used here may mean simply the advice or consent of the king (cf. below, n. 191), there may be in it a reminiscence of the early Frankish term sermo regis, which implied special protection by the king (Goebel, op. cit., p. 49). T h e opposite term, extra sermonem regis, might possibly be applied to the wicked aunt, who refuses to come to the king's court when summoned, for Goebel (op. cit., p. 52) says: "In the Lex Salica itself, where the expression extra sermonem occurs it is a part of the final process against a defendant who refuses attendance at the king's court." It is probable that the term forbannitus is even more appropriate to the wicked aunt, for in Carolingian law the person against whom the foreban is directed may be seized by anyone; moreover, the foreban carries with it a ban upon property, the missio in bannum, which amounts to confiscation of property if, within a year and a day, it is not redeemed through fulfillment of the obligation previously refused (Goebel, op. cit., pp. 112-13). 25. Par raison et selonc droiture / Sanz peril et sanz forffecture (11. 682728). 26. Lines 6870-75. 27. Que le conte par son lignage, / Par sez homes et par sa force, / La praigne . . . (11. 6928-30). 28. Li roys a la forfecteure / De mon cors et toute ma terre (11. 7628-29). 29. Lines 6g28fï. 30. Grant conseil assemble / Et sez grans barons tous ensemble (11. 7713-4). The description of the king's court just given calls to mind a remark made by Gautier ("L'Idée politique dans les chansons de geste," Revue des questions historiques, VII, 95) concerning royal courts in the chansons de geste— a remark which may possibly assist the reader in forming a better picture of royal courts in the romances, particularly in Comte d'Anjou: Les trouvères écrivaient, après tout, dans un temps ou le Conseil du roi était véritablement organisé. Nos derniers poètes virent même cette révolution importante par laquelle les anciennes commissions provisoires du Conseil devinrent le Parlement et la chambre des comptes. Il n'est donc pas étonnant que le souvenir des anciennes Assemblées nationales se soit un peu mêlé et confondu dans leur esprit avec la notion du Conseil du roi, tel qu'il fonctionnait des les XII* et XIII* siècles. C'est dans nos plus vielles Chansons que l'on trouve la plus exacte de ressemblance entre les Conseils tenus par Charlemagne et les Champs de mai carolingiens. Dans les uns commes dans les autres, les conseillers n'ont

156

NOTES FOR PAGES 50-54

qu'une autorité toute consultative: non-seulement le pouvoir éxécutif, mais la decision elle-même appartient à l'Empereur. Although Maillart was well acquainted with the royal court as it was in 1316, when he wrote the Comte d'Anjou, there was nothing to prevent him, since he was writing fiction, from harking back to Carolingian times for a model. Yet his court is slightly different; the king, whose every decision is made only after advice from his counsellors, appears not quite so independent in action as the Carolingian emperor. 31. L i roys molt volentiers le gree Car il en est hoir par droiture, . . . Et li donne la forfecture, (II. 7750-52) 32. Lines 7773ft. 33. See p. 19. 34. Coutumes, 166g: li rois . . . puet contraindre les parties a fere pes ou a donner trives . . . et meismement quant guerre muet entre ceus qui sont du lignage, li sires doit metre mout grant peine a la guerre oster, car autrement puet estre li lignages destruis pour ce que chascuns en la guerre seroit par devers son plus prochien, dont il avient a la fois que li uns cousins tue l'autre. 35. Ibid., 85: il convient bien que li ajournés viegne a son ajournement, ou il seroit en defaute. Car puis qu'ajournemens es fes . . . les parties ne le pueent pas delessier sans la volenté du seigneur. Ainçois convient que cil qui a fet fere l'ajournement poursieve ce seur quoi il l'a fet ajourner; . . . Et s'il le poursuit et li ajournés se défaut, il doit estre justiciés pour les defautes; et s'il en i a .III., il est atains du fet seur lequel il fu ajournés. 36. Chénon op. cit., II, 225. 37. See p. 14. 38. Of the romances under discussion the Comte d'Anjou offers the nearest approach to an ecclesiastical court. When the Count of Bourges after a long search at last finds his wife and child, the almoner of the church where the countess has accepted charity informs the bishop in order that "leur afaire encerchera" (I. 5986). Since all cases pertaining to marriage came under the jurisdiction of the church courts (see Beaumanoir, Coutumes, 313), it is therefore within the bishop's province to investigate the relations between the young couple. But his inquiry seems to be an informal one, and there is no mention of court procedure or of other ecclesiastical officers, for " T o u t sa gent fet en suz traire, Lez deus retient tant seulement Et leur encerche doucement" (11. 6046-48). T h e informality of the inquiry is increased when the bishop discovers that the young countess is his niece (1. 6250). 39. II ot tray la gent (1. 20256). 40. Lines 20252-336. 4 1 . Perrot, Les Cas royaux, p. 27. 42. Henri qui voloit justichier (1. 20325). 43. Op. cit., p. 30. 44. Lines 4433-48. 45. Introduction, p. lxxiii.

NOTES FOR PAGES 54-57

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46. See Chapter II, n. 34, and Perrot, op. cit., p. 76, Bris d'asseurement royale. 47. Lines 5538-49. 48. T u en morras! Prenez le moi! (1. 5733). 49. T u me prendras? Mes je preng toi. / N'es tu mes hom? (1. 5734). 50. Donc t'apeau je de traïson! (1. 5736). 51. "Belchis, vos estes soz; Contre vos se meslee i sort. Contre lui a mout poi des voz Vos meïsmes en vostre cort Ceenz se traitor ne sont. Me feïstes le serement Bien sachent cil qui mesferont Jurer; sachiez certainement A mon seignor cui hom je sui, Que jel tendrai." Que mes pooirs est devers lui G1- 5747-57) 52. Lines 3797-579753. Chénon, op. cit., II, 147. 54. Gawain says: je jurrai ainz / Fëauté voianz toz sor sainz / Vos ederai contre toz homes (11. 5531-33). According to the Summa (XXVII) the oath is as follows: Ego devenio homo vester ad portandum vobis (idem contra omnes, salva fidelitate ducis Normannie. 55. Cf. Summa de legibus, XXVII, 5: Fit autem homagium quandoque de pace servanda, quod homagium de paga nominatur, eo quod fit in pagam concordie inter aliquos reformate, ut quando aliquis sequitur alium de aliqua actione criminali et pax inter ipsos reformatur, ita quod secutus facit homagium alteri de pace ilia conservanda; hujusmodi homagium recipitur in pagam concordie reformate. Cf. also R. His, "Totschlagsühne und Mannschaft," p. 366. See also Mitteis, Lehnrecht und Staatsgewalt, pp. 4 8 4 f. 56. Meraugis says: Qu'il n'est riens nee qui me plese / Fors li, ne terre ne avoir (1. 5780-81). T h e poet says: Meraugis a la d a m e , / M e s a la terre a il failli (11. 5796-97). 57. "Nos serions / Parjure se nos alion / Contre lui" (11. 5761-63). 58. Page 290. 59. Op. cit., 825. Simple homicide Beaumanoir describes as occurring when "aucuns tue autrui en chaude mellee, si comme il avient q u e tençons nest et de la tençon vient laide parole et de la laide parole la mellee par laquele aucuns reçoit mort souventes fois" (828). 60. I, 235f.; II, 37-38. 61. Line 222. 62. Lines 218-340. 63. Line 4009. 64. Lines 3994-4031. 65. Line 6342. 66. Lines 5725-68. 67. Line 2346. 68. Line 15928. 69. Line 531.

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NOTES FOR PAGES 57-64

70. L a l'ocistrent desloiaument, / Car traître sont desleaux / Et envers toz preudomes faux (11. 9841-43). 7 1 . ". . . l'autre jor ocist mon pere Pis m'est-il de sa deshonor Et puis après andeus mes freres; Que il ne soit de ma dolor. Si m'a trencié et char et cuir II est repus en .i. buisson; Et tant m'a (ait que je me muir. Si me feri en traïson, Par les plaies me saut l'alaine. Si que jou venir nel vi mie." Et avoec lue m'amie enmaine. (11. 221-31) 72. Op. cit., 327: Li secons cas de quoi sainte Eglise ne garantist pas celui qui en est coupables, si est de celi qui est notoirement roberes en chemins en aguet apensé; car quant il est suis de tel fet et il fuit a garant en lieu saint, li lieus ne garantist pas que la justice ne le puist prendre et justicier comme larron et traiteur. 73. Line 340a. 74. Lines 3254ff. 75. Line 3302. Cf. Luchaire, Social France, pp. 8ff. 76. Op. cit., 992: Et se vilains fes avint par la tricherie, pour lequel cas li feseur doivent recevoir mort, cil par qui tricherie ce fut fet, en doit porter autel peine comme cil qui le firent, car poi de disference a entre tricheeur et traiteur. Car li tricheres veut couvrir sa tricherie souvent avient par beles paroles et souvent avient qu'il la pourchace si traitrement et si malicieusement que l'en ne puet avoir tesmoins contre li. 77. Line 3214. 78. Line 3977. 79. Line 6987. 80. Line 13714. 81. Line 1370g. 82. Coutumes, 1099: Mes la ou tele fraude pourroit estre trouvee, li bareteeur qui font la fraude et tuit li consentant doivent estre pugni comme larron. In England, however, according to Glasson (Angleterre, III, 587 88) this crime would have been considered an indirect form of lese majesty. 83. Line 14635. 84. Line 261. 85. Lines 52off. 86. Line 412. 87. Cf. chap, ii, n. 53. 88. Line 960. 89. Coutumes, 934. 90. See below, n. 210. 91. Cf. chap, ii, n. 88. 92. Lines 3206-7. 93. J e l'ocirai a mes .ij. mains (1. 3825). 94. Line 3378. 95. Lear, Early History of Treason, p. 3. 96. Bar, op. cit., p. 102.

NOTES FOR PAGES 64-68

»59

97. H. Euler (Recht und Stoat in den Romanen von Christian von Troyes, p. 85) points out that adultery is regarded as treason in Charette, 1. 4874, Cligés, II. 6631t., and Erec, 1. 346g. 98. Lines 4402-11. 99. Coutumes, 925. 100. Lines 1603-6, 5653f. 101. "Frere," fet il, "trop grant otrage Et cruiaute et traison, Fait gentis hom de grant parage, Car feme ne se puet defendre. Qui fame esforce voirement; . . . Car par nature est mole et tendre (11. 24053-55) Et li hons fiers et durs et fors; . . . Car trop i a grant mesprison (11. 24059-63) 102. T a n o n , Histoire des justices, pp. 417-18, 426. Adultery in England was a form of petty treason. 103. Lines 23842-61. 104. Lines 9396-98. 105. Lines 705-9. 106. "Mais dites moi, ne vos anuit / U vos presistes ces deus des. . ." (11. 836-37)107. Dalton's translation, II, 387t. 108. Wort und Form im altfranzôsischen Process, pp. 674t. 109. Comfort's translation, p. 263; Foerster, Lôxuenritter, 11. 6384-98. 110. Cf. Beaumanoir, Coutumes, 1748: Il est mestiers a celui q u i veut apeler autrui ou pluseurs persones d'aucun vilain cas de crime qu'il se gart comment il apelera; car s'il en veut apeler .II. ou .III. ou plus, et il les veut tous metre en gages, il doit apeler l'un tant seulement en sa persone et doit avoir présentement de ses amis pour apeler les autres, si q u e chascuns en apeaut un; car s'il les apeloit tous en sa persone et il s'offroient tuit a defendre, il convenroit qu'il se combatist tous seus a tous ceus qu'il avroit a pelés, et de cel cas veismes nous ce qui ensuit en la court le roi. 111. Comfort, loc. cit., p. 228; Foerster, op. cit., 11. 3674-87. 112. T h e term avocat occurs once, without reference to any individual, in the Comte d'Anjou, 1. 3483. Delachenal ("De l'avocat dans la littérature du moyen âge") and Meynial ("Remarques sur la réaction populaire contre l'invasion du droit romain en France au XII* et au X I I I ' siècles") deal more with the satirical literature and sermons than with the romances. 113. Comfort, loc. cit., p. 332; Foerster, Der Karremitter: "Je sai d e causes et de lois / Et de plez et de jugemanz: / N e doit estre sanz seiremanz / Bataille de tel mescreance" (11. 4964-67). 114. Rigomer, 11. 1529-1808. Beaumanoir, Coutumes, 971: Une fame q u i tient en douaire, se l'en la despueille de son douaire, se puet bien plaindre de nouvele dessaisine, tout soit ce contre l'oir a qui la chose venroit se la fame estoit morte, car il n'i a riens tant comme elle vive. 115. From the reference in note 113 we have already seen that Lancelot is particular about the oath before battle. Likewise in the Erie of Toulouse, fearful of perjuring himself in the oath before battle, the earl "examyned hur wytterly" and found the queen "wythowte gylte" (II. io63f.).

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NOTES FOR PAGES 69-72

116. Line 886. 1 1 7 . Cf. Beaumanoir, Coutumes, 934, 1188, 1189, 1637. 118. L i n e 4522. 1 îg. Car mes sires le veult tuer (1. 4696). 120. Line 485. 1 2 1 . T o the one who has read both the Châtelain de Coucy and the Comte de Poitiers the evidence of marital infidelity in the former is more convincing than that in the latter. In Comte de Poitiers, however, the court accepts the false evidence (see p. 73 of this chapter) and puts the Duke of Normandy in the dangerous position of having admitted the equivalent of betraying the count's wife. Had the count in vengeance slain the duke, even as he had sought vengeance against his own wife, he might by a little cleverness have got off scot-free, for Beaumanoir (Coutumes, 932) tells of a like situation that occurrcd during the reign of Philip Augustus. A mail who had killed another because the latter had said, "You are cuckolded, and by me myself," put himself in the king's prison and confessed the deed, saying that in seeking justice he had killed the other as his enemy since the latter had proved himself one by taunting him of so great a shame. T h e man was freed by judgment of Philip and his counsellors. It appears then, in spite of what Beaumanoir has said elsewhere, that in a case of adultery the husband may in some circumstances kill a man not actually found in flagrant delinquency. Such a possibility, however, does not apply to the Sire de Fayel, for his retainer, Gobert, may act as a witness against him instead of for him. Fayel's caution is therefore completely justified. 122. "Jugement et loi li voel faire, / Sans jugement nel voel desfaire" (11. 5362-3). Cf. Beaumanoir, Coutumes, 46. 123. "Cele qui fu el fait trouvee Puis que trouvee est en tel ghise, Fu en tel point prise prouvée, Que cele ne 1'eiist occise? Que le coutiel encor tenoit, Li fais et la veiie prove Dont le puciele occise avoir, Que qui onques en tel point trove Et encor est teus li recors II n'i a bataille ne loy. Qu'ele avoit le coutel el cors, A cest parolle m'aloy Si que cele tenoit le manche; C'on le doit par droit jugement Et qui ne diroit par esmanche, Ardoir et livrer a torment; . . ." (11. 5388-5403) 124. " L i hom qui jugement emprent J e di, teus est mes escïens, Fait mal quant il i entreprent; Que, se cele l'eiist ferue, Que pechiés est de dire tort Ele s'en fust tantost courue. Ne de traitier nului a mort, Cuidiés qu'elle s'i endormist? S'on n'i set loiel ochoison. Certes, onques ne s'entremist Bien avés oï la raison De faire si grant hardement; Que dist li sires de Lansi, On peut savoir legierement Que elle fu trouvee ensi Que s'ele s'en fust entremise, Qu'encore tenoit le coutiel, Lués se fust a la voie mise; K'Ismayne avoit sos le forciel Mais elle fu dormant trouvee. Desci au manche enbatu ens. Sachiés, c'est vérités prouvee,

NOTES FOR PAGES 72-76

61

K'en dormant ne le feri mie; Que j'oï orains aatir. Et si sai bien, je ne doue mie, Prenge l'escu et le baston. Se feru l'eiist en villant, Car elle a ja son campion; J e m'alaisse molt mervillant. Et si me faich de chou confiés Se ne s'en fuïst orendroit. C'on devroit miex sor lui le fais Jouste la loy, si di le droit, Metre de ceste oevre, je cuit; C'on voist a li et demant on Et Dex la puciele en acuit. Se ele a fait cest murdre ou non. S'ele encoupee n'en doit estre." S'ele dist non, Melïatir, (11. 5426-64) One may readily believe that Sire d'Aspremont knows more of pleas and laws than any other knight in the world, for we may find interesting a comparison of parts of his speech with passages from Beaumanoir. Although Beaumanoir is speaking of rape and abduction while Sire d'Aspremont is concerned with a case of murder, the similarity in phrasing is indeed noteworthy. Compare lines 5426-30 with the following in the Coutumes (929): grant pechié fet la justice qui reçoit gages en cas ou il ne doivent pas estre, car il metent les parties en peril de perdre cors et avoir. And compare lines 5453-59 with the following, also in the Coutumes (929): Et s'il semble a la justice qu'ele responde assés as demandes qui li sont fetes et que ce puist bien estre voirs, li gage sont a recevoir. 125. Beaumanoir, Coutumes, 836. 126. In the treatment of the episode just discussed, Gerbert exhibits a greater knowledge of the law than the author of Florence de Rome, whose heroine, in a situation similar to Euriaut's, escapes death not through the clever argument of any judge, but through the boundless mercy of the man whose daughter she is suspected of having murdered (II, 196, 11. 477aff.). For other heroines in like predicaments see Schlauch, Chaucer's Constance and Accused Queens, p. 1 1 2 . 127. Cou dist Pépins: "Par St. Denise Cil vous déchut par legerie, J à n'en sera juise prise. S'ara Poitau et Normendie, Li Franc dient à recélée Et vous arés poverte et honte. Vos ensagnes vous ont p r o v é e ; . . . (11. 438-40) (H. 428-31) 128. Lines 972-977. 129. Lines 3575-5079. 130. Page xviii, n. 2. 1 3 1 . Si vos di, s'ele fust as lois J e ne sai por coi ne cornent V ans toz plains sanz removoir, Ele peiist plus belement Ce sachiez de fi et de voir. Son claim dire ne son afere.

(11. 4754-9) Beaumanoir says (Coutumes, 190) that a woman could not act as an avocat for payment, but without payment she could speak for herself, for her children, or for anyone of her kin, with the consent of her husband, if she had one. 132. Beaumanoir says (Coutumes, ggi): L'en ne doit pas oïr toutes persons en plet de tricherie. Car se li fius veut pledier a son pere ou a sa mere en

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NOTES FOR PAGES 76-77

aus metant sus tricherie; ou Ii serjans a son seigneur tant comme il est en son service; ou li hons de fief a celui a qui il est hons tant comme il est e n son homage; ou li sires contre le franc homme; ou li escommenié; ou li p a r j u r e , ou cil qui sont ataint de vilain cas de crime, tout soit ce qu'il en fissent pes, contre persones qui sont délivrés de tous teus cas; ou cil qui sont disfamé contre ceus qui sont de b o n n e renomee: toutes teus maniérés d e gens ne sont pas a oïr en plet de tricherie, li u n p o u r ce qu'il sont en si vilain point qu'il semble q u e il meisme soient en l'estat de tricherie, et li a u t r e p o u r les obeïssances qu'il doivent a leur peres et a leur meres et a leur seigneurs. T h e capitulary referred to is 1 Cap. 334 c. 8, cited in Goebel, op. cit., p. 260, n. 151: "in palatiis nostris ad accusandum et iudicandum et testim o n i u m faciendum non se exhibeant viles personae et infames, histriones scilicet nugatores, manzeres [de scorta nati] scurrae, concubinarii, neque e x t u r p i u m feminarum commixtione progeniti aut servi aut criminosi." 133. Cf. p. 32. 134. Paragraph 1, p. 37. »35. Paragraph s, p. 37. 136. A few examples of ordeals not occurring in the g r o u p of romances u n d e r discussion are as follows: In Tristan (Chap, xxiv, pp. 210-11) Ysolt, by means of the ambiguous oath, successfully performs the hot iron ordeal. T h e ordeal by fire occurs in the Middle English romance, Athelston (11. 568end): a whole family pass over the fire unscathed, b u t the false accuser collapses on the way over. In " G u t h r u n a r k v i t h a " III (Poetic Edda) G u t h r u n successfully performs the hot water ordeal, but her accuser does not. Similar ordeals occur in Caesarius of Heisterbach's The Dialogue on Miracles, I, 40; III, 16, 17; X, 35. Alwin Schultz (Das höfische Leben, II, 175) notes the occurrence of the bier-right in the romance Walewain, 11. 88s6f.; the dead man's wounds bleed afresh as the murderer draws near. Perhaps the earliest mention in the romances of this superstition appears in Chrétien's Yvain (11. 1175-85); under the cloak of invisibility Yvain causes the wounds of Laudine's husband, fatally i n j u r e d in the battle at the fountain, to bleed afresh. 137. Li ju'ises fu luès tot prest En l'eve qui estoit segniée, Au moustier mon segnor S. Pierre Lues droit plus tost q ' u n e Qui ert coverz de fuelle[s] d'ierre. coignée, T u i t i vienent, prince et demaine, S'en vet au fons trestoz li cors Et li seneschauls q'en amaine; Si q u e la bele Lienors Et la pucele vint ovoeques, Vit qu'il fu sauz, et tuit li autre Par le conseil des arcevesques, Qui furent d ' u n e part et d'autre Por veoir la bone droiture. Entor la cuve atropelé. A grant honte, par sa ceinture, Li clerc en ont mout Deu loé Fu li senescgaus esgardez. En lor chanz et en sains soner. Luès droit qu'il fu laienz entrez, (11. 4982-5001) 138. Fuller accounts of judicial duels in the romances will be found in

NOTES FOR PAGES 77-79

163

Pfeffer's "Die Formalitäten des gottesgerichtlichen Zweikampfs," Zeitschrift für romanischen Philologie, IX ( 1 8 8 5 ) , 1-74, a n d in G. Schoepperle's Tristan and Isolt, II, 338fr. 1 3 9 . Cf. O. Leibecke, Der verabredete Zweikampf, passim. A. Dickson (Valentine and Orson, p. 7 9 n.) adds to Leibecke's list. O t h e r forms of treachery a n d deceit in the judicial duel not in t h e romances discussed in t h e present study a r e as follows: In Parise la Duchesse (11. 2 7 6 - 6 0 2 ) a t r a i t o r offers to defend Parise a n d then, by previous a r r a n g e m e n t , yields himself recreant. In Amis et Amilun (11. 4 9 3 f t . ) , because of t h e resemblance between t h e two heroes, A m i l u n substitutes for Amis (who is involved in a suit), takes an ambiguous o a t h before battle, a n d defeats Amis's o p p o n e n t . Sometimes a p o w e r f u l champion disgraced t h e cause of righteousness; in Eustace le moine (II. 3 0 4 - 3 7 1 ) Hainfroi, over sixty years of age a n d accused of m u r d e r i n g Eustace's father, hires a great hardy vassal w h o in t h e d u e l immediately kills t h e young a n d inexperienced nephew of t h e m u r d e r e d man. 1 4 0 . Lines 2 5 4 f t . Cf. A. Coulin, Der gerichtliche Zweikampf. 1 4 1 . Cf. Joinville, "Everyman's," p. 2 6 3 (p. 1 8 2 in de Wailly). Cf. also Les Assises de Jerusalem, II, Chap, cxxv a n d cclxix. 1 4 2 . Lines 3 5 9 3 - 3 6 7 6 . 1 4 3 . See Beaumanoir, Coutumes, 8 2 4 , 8 3 0 , 8 3 1 , 8 3 2 , 8 3 3 , 8 3 4 ; Établissements de Saint Louis, II, 4 6 , 4 8 , 5 1 , 7 9 ; Jostice et de plet, p p . 2 7 9 f t . 1 4 4 . R . His, Das Strafrecht des deutschen Mittelalters (I, p. 4 9 5 , n. 6 ) : Die früheste Stelle in einem Gesetz ist soviel ich sehe, Keure des D o m ä n e n a m t s Antwerpen, 1 2 9 2 . A. Schultz, Höfisches Leben, II, p. 1 8 0 , n. 3 ; p. 1 8 2 , n. 1 ; p. 1 8 3 , n. 1. Miss K. Huganir ("Equine Quartering in The Owl and the Nightingale," PMLA, December, 1 9 3 7 , p p . 9 3 5 f t . ) implies not only t h a t e q u i n e q u a r t e r i n g was common in the twelfth century, b u t also t h a t at t h e same t i m e t h e infliction of this penalty for t h e crime of lese majesty was t h e "highest prerogative" (p. 9 4 4 ) of t h e king. If it was t h e highest prerogative of the king, it would hardly have been exercised in all " t h e law courts of t h e twelfth century" (p. 9 4 3 ) ; consequently t h e statement t h a t t h e Owl poet "must have known e q u i n e q u a r t e r i n g a t first h a n d " (p. 9 4 3 ) seems d o u b t f u l . Furthermore, if t h e infliction of e q u i n e q u a r t e r i n g was the highest prerogative of t h e king, we should suppose it to be imp o r t a n t enough to get into historical records, b u t Miss H u g a n i r cites none. In fact, in presenting historical examples of equine q u a r t e r i n g itself, she skips f r o m t h e Edonians to the seventeenth century, o m i t t i n g the twelfth century altogether, although Schultz (op. cit., II, 1 8 0 , n. 3 ) quotes Ordericus Vitalis (Lib. VIII, cap. xxii), who records an example of equine q u a r t e r i n g in Scotland in the year 1 1 2 5 . But even h e r e Prévost, editor of Orderic's work, points out (III, 4 0 3 , n. 1) that, t h o u g h there is little reason for disbelieving this account, it is not mentioned by any of t h e contemporary Scottish historians. 1 4 5 . Glasson, Angleterre, III, 6 0 0 . 1 4 6 . Glasson, France, VI, 6 9 5 . See below, n. 1 5 2 .

164

NOTES FOR PAGES 80-83

A on viers Rise a voie mis, Et li tiers en va a Brandis, Li quars en va en Lombardie. Or a Henris la car partie. La puet on exemple moustrer, Comment on doit des faus ouvrer. (11. 20325-36) 148. Baist, cited in W. Foerster's "Der Feuertod als Strafe," p. 181. 149. L. Gautier, Les Épopées françaises, I, 30. 150. J . Grimm, Deutsche Rechtsalterthümer, II, 272F., K. von Amira, Die germanischen Todesstrafen, pp. 131 f. 1 5 1 . Grimm, ibid. DuCange, Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis, V, 551. 152. Coutumes et institutions de l'Anjou et du Maine, II, 502. 153. Viollet, Établissements, I, 183. 154. Ibid., II, 46-47. 155. Le Foyer, op. cit., p. 183. 156. Lines 4528fr. 157. Jonas, li roi de Taubarie, Roi Natalons passa avant, S'est trais avant; premiers parla: Qui le cors avoit avenant: "Seignor, fet-il, entendez, çà. "Seignors, fet-il, entendez-moi; Voirs est Maragoz est outrez; J e dirai vérité . . . Mès il estoit rois couronnez. (11. 5644-74) N'est pas raisons que on l'ocie: Por tant lo bien laissier l'ester Rois ne doit pas perdre la vie. Rois Maragoz, par tel couvent Certes, se nous le jugions, Qu'il vous jurera erraument Grant vilonie ferions; Que jamais, tant com il vivra. Et si vous di bien vraiement, En ceste terre n'enterra." Chascuns ne set qu'à l'ueil li Rois Bande [ma] gus s'est dreciez, pent. Qui moult estoit bien enseigniez: "Biaus seignors, fet-il, entenTiex hons a jà jugié autrui, dez . . . Qui puis en ot honte et anui, (11. 5690-97) Qu'en tel fet méismes cheoit Maragoz ocit son seignor . . . Et ses jugemenz l'ocioit: Pour tant diroie, sanz fausser, (1- 5703) C'on le devroit laissier aler." . . . en traison; Rois Brangoire est avant passez: Si ot trop grande mesprison. "Seignors, fet-il, or m'entendez. Por tant loeroie endroit moi Dès que Maragoz est vaincuz, Que on l'ardist, foi que vous Et par sa bouche est connéuz doi." Li murdres qu'il méismes dist, Après parla li rois Turcanz, Que son lige seignor ocist, Qui hardis ert et combatanz: "Seignors, fet-il, or m'entendez, Roiauté n'i doit riens valoir. Li rois Maragoz est outrez En ma raison vos di por voir Et connoist bien la traïson; Que on li doit le chief coper; Mès ne me samble pas raison J e n'i puis autre riens trover." 147. Henris qui voloit justichier A (ait le baillieu depechier, En quatre quartiers fu partis. Atelés a .1111. ronchis. Li uns est a Trapes alés. Li uns des trois qui sont remés,

N O T E S FOR PAGES 83-84

»65

"Seignors . . . Qu'il soit ocis, au mien espoir. Rois ne doit pas mort recevoir (»• 5707-S6) Pour riens qu'il sache meserrer. Je n'i voi riens del esc ha per, Faisons-le em prison geter: S'el face-on au vent encroer." C'est li plus biaux, ce m'est Loth, li riches rois d'Orcanie, avis." . . . Qui onques n'ama vilonnie, Rois Uriens en piez se drece, Mesdisant ne losengeor, Qui moult ert plains de grant Ne desloial ne traitor, noblece: S'est maintenant dreciez em piez: "Seignors, fet-il, entendez çà: "Biaus seignors, fet-il, or m'oiez. Selonc mon avis vous dira. Maragoz son seignor ocist. Dès que Maragoz est outrez Dont trop grant desloiauté fist. Et par .j. chevalier matez, Et puis après déshérita Et il connoist la traïson, Sa dame, et après l'aseja N'i voi riens se de la mort non. En Monreal com traïtour; Or le faisons en mer geter. Puis ala à l'empereour, Une grante pierre au col noer; S'el fist venir en ceste terre. Em poi d'eure sera noiez: Bien sunt ocis de ceste guerre C'est li mieudres que vous .X. mil chevalier esprouvé: sachiez." Par lui seul sunt tuit decolé, Après parla rois Geremie, Quar par lui seul mut l'achoison. Qui estoit sires de Hongrie: (11. 5742-60) 158. Adonc fu Maragoz mandez. Et toutes en .j. moncel mises. Et par les .ii. piez acouplez; Li rois fist .j. gibet drecier; Parmi l'ost le vont traînant, Tantost fist, sanz plus atargier. Une ore arrier et autre avant, Les pieces pendte maintenant, Tant qu'il fu trestous despeciez. Ensi doit-on felon tirant .iiij. valiez fors et haitiez Destruire et mener à sa fin. Vont après, s'ont les pieces prises (11. 5796-5807) 159. von Amira, Die germanischen Todesstrafen, p. 190; beheading was the most honorable execution: see His, Deutsches Strafrecht, p. 82. Cf. CUomadés, 11. 3910-20: Par gentillece I don vous ruis, Ou s'il n'ont par trayson fait. C'est que vous pas ne me pendez Murdre ou autre vilain mesfait. Comme larron qui est prouvez; Et, puis c'ocire me voulez, Car les chevaliers ne doit on J' a ' m miex estre tous decoupez Pas pendre, s'il ne sont larron, D'espées et de dars molus K'estre comme larres pendus. The sentencing of King John is discussed in Powicke's The Loss of Normandy, Appendix I, pp. 453s. A more recent discussion appears in Mitteis's "Politische Prozesse des früheren Mittelalters," pp. 84ft. 160. Brunner. Rechtsgeschichte, II (1928 ed.), 818, 820; G. Waitz, Verfassungsgeschichte, VI, 482; His, Strafrecht, I, 537, 558. 161. Op. cit., p. 197, n. 1.

i66

NOTES FOR PAGES 84-89

162. Ibid., pp. 194, 142. 163. Melïatir fait atachier A la keue d'une jument,

Trahiner le fait molt vilment Dusch'a torches, puis pendirent. (11. 5639 42) 164. Glasson, France, I, 120; Chénon, op. cit., I, 6. 165. Mes l'en li met sus, qu'ele a mort Car il ert des meillors nais. Son mari, qu'a fame l'avoit, Quant ses freres sot la nouvele. Chevalerie assez avoit. Sachiez, ne li fu mie belel L'autrier la dame se leva. Forment le plaint et regreta Son mari lez soi mort trouva, Et puis sa femme en apela; Qui lez li gisoit en son lit, Sus li mist, qu'ele mort l'avoit. Dont au cuer ot pou de délit . . . Cele dist, que nianz estoit La nouvele fu tost alee, Et qu'onques pense ne l'avoit Que li chevaliers estoit m o n . Et qu'ele s'en defenderoit S'en fu molt granz li desconfors Par l'esfort d'un seul chevalier . . . Communément par le pais, (11. 9683-9704) 166. Pages 817, 820. Alton refers to 11. 37768!!. 167. "Everyman's," p. 1 2 1 . I have interpolated the word burn since the Latin (Lib. VI, X I X ) says: " . . . et si compertum est, igni atque omnibus tormentis excruciatas interficiunt." 168. Lines 6366-94. 169. Nul droit ne. 1 poet de mort defendre, / Que l'om deit bien traitor pendre; / Temoine i ont de plosors pars (11. 3137-39). 170. Cf. Les Olim, I, 41 (arret de 1258), 737 (arret de 1268), and 830 (arret de 1270). 1 7 1 . Lines 16052-85. 172. Lines 7 1 1 - 1 3 . 173. Line 352. 174. Cf. Luchaire, Social France, pp. 8fF. 175. Et li visquens est adrechiés / Vers lor maison, ardoir le fait / Et le mur ont par terre trait (11. 1042-44). 176. II, 38, 248; see also Delcourt, La Vengeance, passim. 177. Section 25, p. 280: Li avocaz qui par lor gloriose voiz relièvent les causes qui sunt abessies, se il font tricherie ès causes que il ont à mener, il soffreront poine de traïson. Cf. also loc. cit., 26: "Lit notenier, li taverner, li ostelier, se il ne gardent ce que il recevront en cez trois lieus, et il facent tricherie, il recevront paine de traitor." See loc. cit., 27. 178. Lines 14105-6. 179. Coutumes, 832. 180. Lines 4545-53. 1 8 1 . Social France, p. 356. 182. Lines 6132-59. 183. His, Strafrecht, I, 563; Grimm, Rechtsalterthûmer, II, 276. 184. A preliminary to the wicked aunt's final punishment is her ignominious ride from prison to the scene of the execution in a cart. In this connection one naturally recalls Lancelot's humiliation and what

NOTES FOR PAGE 89

167

Chrétien de Troyes has to say on the subject of carts: " I n those days such a cart served the same purpose as does a pillory now; . . . and this, like our pillories, had to do service for all those who commit murder or treason, and those who are guilty of any delinquency, and for thieves who have stolen others' property or have forcibly seized it on the roads. Whoever was convicted of any crime was placed upon a cart and dragged through all the streets, and he lost henceforth all his legal rights, and was never afterward heard, honored, or welcomed in any court." (Comfort, loc. cit., p. 274; 11. 323-340.) That Chrétien was speaking of a contemporary rather than an ancient custom as far as the cart itself was concerned may be verified from an incident which, according to Luchaire (Social France, pp. 303-04), occurred about the year 1204: "Peter of Courçon . . . was detested by the clergy, because they knew it was he who had advised and incited the Count [Peter of Courtenay] in the war he had waged against the church. For a long time Hugh of Noyers [the bishop] could not injure this man, because he was protected by the favor of his master. But there came a day when Peter of Courçon fell into disgrace, and the bishop of Auxerre hastened to profit by it. He had him arrested, put him in a cart with four wheels, and had him conveyed chained and bareheaded (he was absolutely bald) through all the streets and squares of Auxerre; he was followed by a hooting crowd." 185. Li un jugent q u e toute vive Sous le gibet et amener Soit escorchie la chetive Des espines a grant foison: Huy ung membre, l'autre deSi li brûlerons sa toison main, Et li ferons ardoir en cendre!" Tant qu'il n'y ait ne pié ne main A la prison vont sanz actendre. Qu'escorchié ne soit salé; Hors la traient par l'eschelete; Et puis le corps soit avalé Mise l'ont en unne charete. En une orde privee obscure: Au feu s'en vont droite la voie C'est a luy digne sepulture. Mez criature qui la voie Les autres dïent que l'en l'arde, Ne la plaint ne pitié n'en a Mes tout avant que l'en la larde T a n t mal en son temps se mena De goûtes de sain ardant. Vers ceus qui souzgis li estoient Li tiers dient . . . (11. 7779-90)

Face la a cevaus detraire Et tous lez membres du cors traire, Et puis la lesse au chienz mengier: Et dit li dus . . . "Fac'en li quens ce qu'il voudra, Car d'une mort seule mourra." Dit li quens, fectes la mener

(11. 7793-7817)

La fist li quens u feu geter; Et elle fu estroit lïee, Si fu tantost toute embrasee, Car li feus estoit grans et fors. Au desreignier par grant esfors Geta un bret let et orrible; Deable . . . L'ame de li en enfer portent. (11. 7848-56)

i68

N O T E S FOR PAGES 90-92

186. See p. 37. 187. Godefroy de Paris, Chronique métrique, 11. 6222ff. Por leur traison et péchié, Aux chiens et aux bestes jetée, Qu'il furent vif escorchié; Et puis traîné et pendu. Puis fu lor nature copée, (II. 6292-96) 188. Cf. Perrot, op. cit., p. 27. 189. His, Strafrecht, I, p. 50s. von Amira, op. cit., p. 196. 190. Line 575. 191. Coutumes. 1718, 1846. 192. Ibid., 1718. 193. For early times see H. Wegele, Zur Geschichte der falschen Anschuldigung, p. 15; cf. Delattre, Recherches sur le droit pénal à Cambrai, p. 137. For the 14th century see Glasson, France, VI, 675. 194. See above, pp. 29. 35. 195. Comfort, p. «39; Foerster, 11. 4570-75. Cf. Thomas Aquinas, Summa theologica, Part II (Second Part, second number) Q. 68, Art. 4. 196. Lines 1128-30. 197. Comte de Poitiers, 1. 1219; Violette, 11. 6560-63. 198. Lines 5569(1. Similarly in La Châtelaine de Vergi, the duke, who kills his wife because in breaking a promise she has disobeyed him, takes the Cross and joins the Knights Templar, never again to return to his own land. Cf. van Cauwenbergh, op. cit., p. 25: In 1264 four murderers agreed to go to the holy land to fight in the crusades and never return unless authorized to do so by the victims' families. Cf. also the penance incurred by Robert in Robert le Diable (11. 839-907), who after having committed such crimes as arson, rape, and murder, repents, makes a pilgrimage to Rome, and learns from a holy man designated by the pope that, until directed otherwise, he must simulate a fool, must not utter a word, and must eat nothing except what he takes from a dog's mouth. We may find a rough parallel to this penance in Luchaire's Social France, p. 305: "In 1219, Gilles, lord of Saint-Michel in Laon, rid himself in the same way of the abbot of Saint-Michel, with whom he was at war. The murder was committed in the very cloister, and he who had planned it was barely fifteen years old. He promised, first, to go and fight the Albigenses; then to make a pilgrimage to Rome, where the pope would inflict penance upon him; every Friday, for fourteen years, he was to eat nothing but bread and water; he was to support three paupers, if he could not fast; three times a year, on a day of solemn procession, he was to discipline himself publicly; and he was to establish in perpetuity in the abbey of Saint-Michel a priest to pray for the soul of his victim." 199. Beaumanoir, Coutumes, 824, 926; Assises de Jerusalem, II, ch. cxxxiv, cxxxv; His, Deutsches Strafrecht, p. 145; His, Strafrecht, p. 494, n. 9. soo. Brunner, Rechtsgeschichte (1928) II, 859; Mayer-Homberg, Die fränkischen Volksrechte im Mittelalter, I, 308; 308, n. 48. 201. Lines 292-95, 352. Car il voloit sa volenté/Faire de Ii . . . (II. 292-3).

N O T E S FOR PAGES 93-94 so*. Qui cuidoit bien pierdre la uie/V la tieste avoir rouengnie (11. 409.0). 203. Lines 5653d. Crompart dies in prison because, upon alighting near Salerno with Clarmondine in order to rest, he refuses to answer questions put to him by King Meniadus, who is very fond of news from the outside world, and who Lors jura sa loi erranment Li fera, et enprisonner. Que, se tost et apertement Et telement enchaienner, N'e dit ce que il li demande, Que à tart s'en repentiroit Que soufrir angoisse très grande Se il de lui plus se mokoit. (11. 6987-94) Such a curious law as this, though perhaps Celtic, scarcely belongs to the Middle Ages. It is possible, however, that like the author of Claris et Laris, Adenet le Roi was also a close reader of the De bello Gallico, for Caesar describes as follows a custom prevalent among the Gauls; "it is the custom of that people to compel travelers to stop, even against their inclination, and inquire what they may have heard, or may know, respecting any matter. . . ." ("Everyman's," p. 67; Lib. IV, V). 204. See 11. 4388-4428, 8002-30. Although it is doubtful whether according to Adenet a man's own country would be likely to punish him for treason he committed in another land, the details given about the exile are generally correct, particularly those concerning the formalities required at the criminal's return, for van Cauwenbergh says (op. cit., p. 166): Avant de réadmettre le condamné dans la commune, les autorités voulaient avoir de sérieuses guaranties au sujet de l'accomplissement de la peine imposée; elles exigeaient qu'il vint presenter le certificat de voyage et faire le serment de l'authenticité de cet acte comme de l'observation complet des points stipulés dans sa condemnation. Si la voyage avait été prononcé en faveur d'une partie lésée, le tribunal convoquait en même temps celle-ci pour lui déclarer que le condamné ayant satisfait à ses obligations, la paix était retablié antre eux. Si la partie adverse ne comparaissait pas, les juges proclamaient néanmoins le condamné "en paix dele voye." 205. According to von Amira (op. cit., p. 191), stoning was chiefly a punishment for theft. 206. I.es Olim, I, 815. In Tournai the seven-year exile was imposed for the abduction of a married woman—an offense similar to Crompart's: Quicumque uxorem alicujus hominis infra civitatem manentis abduxerit, inbannitus civitatem per septem annos relinquat; si postea reconciliatus redeat, res illius hominis quas cum muliere asportavit, ex integro ei restituât (Usus & consuetudinis Tornacensis [year 1187], III, 552. in J. L. d'Achery, Spicilegium). 207. On le devroit delivrement/Descirer a .1111. chevaux/Et par les monz et par les vaux (11. 24056-8). 208. Glasson, France, VI, 662. 209. See the closing episode of Joufrois, beginning about 1. 4000.

170

NOTES FOR PAGES 94-96

210. Cf. p. 63 of this chapter; Brunner, Rechtsgeschichte (1928) II, 850, 851, n. 6. s u . Lines 3952-54. 212. In early times adulteresses had their hair cut off (Grimm, op. cit., II, 287). DuCange (op. cit., II, 137) quotes a mid-fourteenth century source to show that the shorn head indicates a fool. But in Meraugis de Fortiesguez, written not long before 1215, the heroine does not at first recognize Meraugis, who is convalescing incognito at the castle of Belchis, because his head is shorn: Il ne li faut fors la maçue/A sembler fol le plus a droit /Dou mont (11. 4946-48). And in Amadas et Ydoine the hero, temporarily deranged, in poor garments and with hair cut, is hooted at by the mob in the city of Lucca (11. 2724-28). 213. II, 24-25. 214. Lines 514-15. 215. Lines 6564-71. Grimm (op. cit., II, 285) points out that this punishment was considered a "turpe supplicium." 216. Lines 1220-24. 217. His, Deutsches Strafrecht, p. 152, and His, Strafrecht, I, 520. 218. Viollet, Établissements, I, 243; II, 48. 219. See above, p. 38. 220. Vous estes repris à ambler,/Vassal, l'oreille avez perdue (1. 5399t.). 221. Gautier d'Arras: Las! ques peciés m'a ecombré (1. 1713). T h e word peciés could very well be translated here as misfortune or calamity, as it is in the Chanson de Roland, 11. 15 and 3646. But Marsile, the Saracen king, in uttering the expression, "Quels pecchiez nos encombret!" refers to the invasion of the Christian hosts under Charlemagne, not to the loss of a part of his anatomy. While Ille certainly may be said to consider himself unfortunate in losing an eye, he may also have in mind the idea of sin, for according to an early capitulary (see above, n. 218) the loss of an eye branded a man as a thief. Cf. also n. 220. 222. History of English Law, II, 498. In early times what was almost as bad as the loss of an eye or an ear was the cutting off of the hair or beard (cf. above, n. 212 and Grimm, op. cit., II, 285). Like Ille in Ille et Galeron, the seneschal in the chanson de geste Floovant suffers an accident (11. 638.), but one which in this day of clean-shaven faces seems more amusing than serious. T h e king's son, young Floovant, has just peeled himself an apple, and with the paring knife he thoughtlessly cuts off the old seneschal's long white beard while the noble is enjoying an after-dinner nap in the garden. Only the greatest self-control prevents the seneschal from taking the boy's life then and there, and it is only through the intercession of the queen that King Clovis exiles Floovant for seven years instead of having him put to death. Out of deference to the seneschal and to mitigate his disgrace, Clovis and all his barons shave off their beards. Cf. also Gui de Bourgogne, 11. 14-51. 223. See Établissements,

II, 498.

NOTES FOR PAGES

96-100

171

224. Qui n'ait tous ses membres (1. 798). 225. Espoir qu'ele a la main colpee Seule par mer sans compaignie. Par son mesfait, est envoie Par son mesfet? Ce ne peut estre. 0>- 1550-53) 226. "une esgaree,/Une chaitive, une avolee,/Une femme o tout une main" (11. 2059-61). 227. "Espoir que on li a retrait/La ou il est, dont ele est nee,/Et pour coi eut la main colpee" (11. 3536-8). CHAPTER

1. 2. 3. 4. 5-

G. B. Fundenberg, Feudal France in See above, p. 16. The Feudal Regime, p. 65. See chap. ii. n. 16. La s'assist par desous un orme Li rois, entour lui ot maint homme. La commenchent a recorder Se il poroient acorder Les deus barons sans cop ferir . . . "Che ne sera mie conqueste Au roi, tres bein le vous créant, Se l'uns fait l'autre récréant; Mais qui poroit biele pais faire Et ceste bataille desfaire. Che seroit la plus biele fins." Ensi va disant li daufins. "Par foi.dist li quens deBouloigne, Tel parole n'est fors aloigne, Que il n'i a nule raison. Cist l'apiele de trahison. Et chascuns a oï l'apiel. J e n'iere ja par mon chapiel, En liu que jou puisse savoir, Pour pramesse ne pour avoir La ou trahisons soit couverte,

IV

the French Epie, p. 85.

Ains ert seüe et aouverte; Que li escripture tiesmoigne. Si le nous dïent clerc et moigne Que chou est li plus lais pechiés Dont nus hom puist estre entechiés, Que de demener trahison. Or entendés autre raison Que la divinités recorde: Ki orendroit feroit l'acorde Et Gerart sa terre rendroit, Si vous di jou trestout por droit Que pour chou ne seroit estainte La renomee dont atainte Fu Eurïaus et decaüe; Et si rest bien chose seüe: Qui de trahison est retés Que puis en est tous jors doutés. Par cest point ne puis jou savoir Que nus i puist hounour avoir, Se il font pais, se Dex me sait!" (11. 6305-47)

6. It is not likely that the Vulgate uses the word treason in the sense meant by the Count of Boulogne (Cf. Michael Bechis, Repertorium Biblicum Totius Sacrae Scripturae Concordantiae, under proditio and traditio); nor so far as I have been able to discover does what the Count of Boulogne say about the making of peace and about Euriaut's ill fame correspond to anything in Thomas Aquinas's Summa. 7. But had Girart in the beginning been less thoughtful of his own honor, he might have saved Euriaut considerable humiliation. Professor W. W.

17«

N O T E S FOR PAGES 100-102

Lawrence (Shakespeare's Problem Comedies, p. 191) remarks: "It is noteworthy that the King does not attempt to dissuade the hero from accepting the wager, since he could not in honor refuse to take it up. Instead, the king endeavors to influence the villain Lisiars not to press it. But Girars, the perfect knight and lover, cannot allow any suspicion of faithlessness to rest upon his lady, and calls for the immediate binding of the contract." Girart's initial attitude and his subsequent stubbornness therefore seem to corroborate Briffault's remark (see n. 8, below) that honor "contained nothing that was inconsistent with . . . what we should account a degrading lack of self respect"; in Girart's case at least it was consistent with what we should call little or no respect for Euriaut. 8. The Mothers, III, 399. For other conceptions of honor see R . P. Kettner, Der Ehrbegriff. Cf. also Goebel, op. cit., p. 151. 9. Social France, p. 366. 10. Mais bien te di, gariz seroit/Li leirres qui enbler l'en poroit (11.

8*6-27).

11. "Wherefore the husband who exercises this kind of control over his wife may not kill her, but he may accuse or chastise her in some other way" (Summa theologica, Part III, Supplement, p. 284, Q. 60, Art. 1, Reply Obj. 4). T h e index to Albertus Magnus's Liber de mulieri forte (p. 218) suggests beating: "Poenae sive flagella dantur a Deo docem modis, et non sunt simpliciter malum." T h e chapter referred to (III, 1) does not, however, use the word flagella at all. i i . Coutumes, 1631: car il loit bien a 1'homme a batre sa fame sans mort et sans mehaing, quant ele le mesfet, si comme quant ele est en voie de fere folie de son cors, ou quant ele desment son mari ou maudit, ou quant ele ne veut obei'r a ses resnables commandemens que preudefame doit fere. . . . 13. Philippe de Mousket, Chronique rimie, 11. i6900f. Quoted in Fundenberg, op. cit., p. 39. 14. Nevertheless one example occurs in the High History of the Holy Grail (Perlesvaus, "Everyman's,," p. 49; Nitze and Jenkins, I, 76): He mounteth his horse and taketh his shield and his spear, and maketh the lady to be taken of the dwarf by her tresses and maketh her to be led before him into the forest. And he bideth above a pool where was a spring, and maketh her enter into the water that flowed forth full cold, and gathereth saplings in the forest for rods and beginneth to smite and beat her across upon her back and her breast in such sort that the stream from the spring was all bloody therewithal. [Later (p. 50) the jealous husband kills his wife by running a spear through her.] 15. Lines 302ff. 16. Car li trahitres l'ot jus mise Trestoute nue en sa chemise L'ot fate Ii fel despoillier Si le tiennent troi chevalier Par les bras molt estroitement,

Et il molt angoussousement Le batoit d'un rain d'aiglentier Si qu'il ne laissoit entier Cuir sour le char se molt poi non. (11. 4485-93)

NOTES FOR PAGES ios-4 17. Li Castelains en fu irés, De ses gans le fiert sor le nés:

m

Sa bouce et ses mentons rougi Del sane qui jus en respandi.

(11- 990-3) Cf. Chrétien's Erec (Comfort's translation) pp. 14, 63. 18. Je suis une foie esgaree Et il m'amoit au mien samblant Essillie et mal eiiree . . . Plus q u e nule autre creature, . . . se vous saviés mon afaire. T a n t qu'il avint par aventure Anchois me feriiés desfaire. Q u e ceste robe q u e j'ai chi Enfouir ou ardoit en f u ; . . . Embla l'autre soir a Couchi. Il ot trois ans en cest esté Porsivi fumes longhement. Q u e j e devine femme legiere, T a n t q u e par un espiement Et sui apielee Ligiere, Fu pris, et je sui eschappee. Et sui fille a un caretier; Ki bien deiisse estre encoupee. Encor servi d'autre mestier, N'avés de tel femme mestier. Car un larron fossier sivoie, Recommenchier voel mon mesQui de vair, de gris et de soie tier. M e vestoit, k'il aloit enblant; (11. 1161-1216) ig. Coutumes, 226. 20. Summa theologica, Part II, Q. 10, Art. 4, p. 96. A lie which in its very nature is hardly jocose but nevertheless not contrary to charity, and in which the good of one's neighbor is the apparent intention occurs in Amadas et Ydoine, 11. 5116ft. Ydoine, though married to a man she cannot love, has kept herself virgin for Amadas, whom she does love. H a v i n g come under a magic spell and believing herself about to die, she tries to prevent Amadas from suffering grief at her death by telling him that she is not only not a virgin, but that she has had of her three cousins three infants, all of whom she has murdered with her own hands. 21. Summa theologica, Part II, Q. 10, Art. 4, p. 96. 22. Par Diu, ma dame, Jou reubrai l'autr'ier u n e fame Qui de grant avoir estoit riche; Baron avoit eiit trop niche, Un thevalier riche et escars. Son avoir ne traisist un cars,

Que la dame u n e nuit ravi Pour l'avoir q u e j o u encovi. A moillier le pris et a per. Quant ele me pot eschaper, A la justiche se clama; Ensi la terre tolu m'a.

K'il avoit ensamble aiiné. Poi sui poissans n'i os aler. Molt cuidai bien avoir finé, (11. 3274-87) Cf. Beaumanoir, Coutumes, 926: mes s'ele disoit que force li fust fete et disoit la force fete et comment, et que pour paour de mort ele obeï a sa volenté et, si tost comme ele peut, ele se mist hors de son pouoir p o u r estre a sauveté, adonques i seroient li gage pour la reson du rat. Cf. also ibid., 929: Mes s'ele dit: . . . "Il amena un prestre en secré lieu qui m'espousa et je ne l'osai veer qu'il ne m'ocisist," elle respont assés q u a n t a cele demande. 23. Coutumes, 956: Pour ce, se je tieng la chose ou vueil esploitier de laquele j'avrai esté an et jour en saisine pesiblement, et on la m'oste de ma main ou de la main a mon commandement, ou l'en me veut oster la chose

»74

NOTES FOR PAGES 104-7

a grant plenté de gent ou a armes, si q u e je n'i ose estre pour p a o u r de mort, en tel cas ai je bonne action de moi plaindre de force et de nouvele dessaisine. Vous poués veoir que nule tele force n'est sans nouvele dessaisine, mais nouvele dessaisine est bien sans force, si comme il est dit dessus. L e fil a mon cousin germain 24. " V o s me rendrés cel cheval noir. Et se li trencastes le main. C a r a mon frere le reubastes Pruec vos apiel de felonie." Et en mëisme le navrastes . . . (11. 4880 85) S'il est qui les gages prende, 25. "Vassal," fait il, " p a r mesprison T o u t ensi con cil juceront M'avés reté de traison; Qui a jucier nos averont." Mais près sui q u e jou m e des(11. 4893 98) fenge, 26. Coutumes, 985: Maie chose seroit, se l'en me toloit mon cheval ou vouloit l o l i i , et je avoie pouoir du rescourre, se j e ne le pouoie rescourre sans estre justiciés de la justice. Mes se la force n'est pas moie, si qu'il m'est tolus et en est li tolères en saisine, je ne le doi pas aler retolir, mes arester le puis fere par justice et moi plaindre de la toute. Et se li chevaus est conneus a miens, il me doit estre rendus,—ou se je le preuve,—ne l'en ne doit nus gages recevoir en tel cas, car se li toleur et li robeur pouoient venir a gages de leur mesfés, il s'ameroient mieus a combatre qu'a estre pendu sans bataille, pour esperance d'eschaper; et maie chose seroit qu'il me convenist combatre p o u r mon cheval qu'il m'avroit esté tolus et q u e l'en savroit communément q u ' i l seroit miens. Nepourquant cil a qui je metroie sus la toute pourroit alliguier tel cause et estre de si bonne renomee que, seur la preuve de la cause qu'il alligueroit, pourroient cheoir li gage: si comme s'il me metoit sus q u e je li eusse vendu ou donné pour son service ou presté, et j e ne pouoie la toute prouver et j e li nioie le don, le prest ou la vente, bien en pourroit venir a gages. Et tout autel q u e nous avons dit du cheval entendons nous des outres choses tolues ou esforcies. 27. " S i r e , " fait il, " l e jucement Vos dirai jou assés briément: Il en sera faite une jouste, C a r j e ne voel que il plus coste. 28. Op. cit., p. 216. 29. Ibid., pp. 142-43. 30. G'iere dame d'une abaie Qu'ore est durement esbahie, C a r uns chevaliers destruit l'a Et dit, que ses aieus y a Donne du sien si largement, Qu'encor l'en est pis voirement; 3 1 . Cf. also 11. 26985-89.

S'il vos abat del cheval noir, Il le devra q u i t e ravoir, Et se vos del sien l'abatés. L e noir tout cuite retenés." (11. 4901-8)

Si veut prendre ses mengeries, Ses séjours et ses beveries; L i chevaliers est forment riches, Mes trop par est avers et chiches Et de l'autrui terre prenanz Et vers toutes genz mesprenanz." (11. 27004-15)

NOTES FOR PAGES 107-10

•75

32. "hault baron de sa terre/Qui plus obaïr ne vouloit/A li, si con faire souloit" (11. 3094-96). 33. Circa 11. ìoooff. 34. Op. cit., pp. 4, 260, 286, 290. Cf. also Delcourt, La Vengeance. 35. Lors est en I pais entres Sor le chemin sanglens et mors, U il a devant lui trovees Trestot nu gisoient li cors, Les viles arses et gastees, Si n'estoient pas mis en terre; Fortereces voit abatues Bien senbloit, qu'iluec eust Et glises arses et fondues, guerre. Les molins trueve depecies L i pais ert si destorbes Et les jardins tos essilies. Et si malement desertes. Qu'en vint liues en I tenant N'ot home ne famé manant. Mais tôt ainsi cum il erra (11. 10414-34) Plus de V I I C homes trova T h e fact that the bodies were naked is evidence of the plundering that usually went on after a battle. 36. For an account of ambush, see Les Olim, I, 41; for breaking of assecuracionem and for beating (eum verberavit), see ibid., I, 450, IX, and also 737, 830. 37-Viollet in Établissements, I, 232-33. 38. "Ueber absichtlose Missethat," p. 488. 39. Coutumes, 887: Nepourquant l'en puet bien metre a mort autrui en tel maniéré que l'en n'en pert ne vie ne membre ne le sien, en deux maniérés: la premiere si est quant guerre est aouverte entre gentius hommes et aucuns ocist son anemi hors de trives et d'assurement; la seconde maniéré si est de tuer autrui seur soi defendant. 40. Jean Boca, La Justice criminelle, p. 268, cites the Livre Rouge as follows: En l'an de grace mil CCC L X X IIII, le X X I V jour de juillet, environ heure de vespres sonnant à Saint Ulfran, advint que un nommé Robert d'Espaigne, sueur, ala assalir asses près de le Bare as quevaulx u quemin, Nicaise Thibergue, un coutel tout nu en se main. Li quels Nicaise saca se badelaire et se mist à deffence et navra ledit Robert telement que mort s'en ensievy incontinent en la pièche si comme par boins tesmoins fut sceu, et ossi confessa ledit Nicaise, en présence du maïeur et eschevins, le X X V e jour dudit mois, après che que le mort li fu monstré, que che que ledit Robert avoit, che avoit esté par li, et que che li avoit il fait sans che que se femme lui fust en riens aidans ne confortans à che faire; et pour che, par le maire et eschevins fu ledit Nicaise jugié à rechepvoir mort; est assavoir de estre traînés et pendus; et fu ledit jour exécuté as fourques de le ville d'Abbeville. 41. "Vassal, vassal, ja comperrés/Le damage que fait m'avés/De mon neveu que avés mort" (11. 2237-39). 42. "Vos avés tort/Assés aim mix, foi que vos doi,/Que je l'aie mort que il moi,/Et sor moi deffendant le fis" (11. 2240-43).

176

NOTES FOR PAGES 110-12

Les mains loiies li avoient 43. Regardé ont vers un pendant; Et ambesdex bendés les iex. Mener l'en voient tot batant: (11. 2277-81) Comme larron l'en amenoient 44. Compare this question with the question King Arthur asks of the cruel damsel who has disinherited her sister (p. 67). "Pour loy prendre l'amenay chi. 45. Au mestre dit: "Vous renderes Or en faites la loy jugier Le mal mourdrier que vous aves. Con de haut homme saudoijer." L e roy no signour nous mourdri. Dist li baillieus: "Or le wardes, Car en trayson le feri." Les pers dou castiel ay mandés. Dist li templiers: " C e ne savons. Le matin par loy le menrrons, Un chevalier chaijens avons. Apriés si le traynerons." Toutes les coses nous rendres (11. 6048-84) Et apriés par loy le menrres." L i pers dou castiel sont venu (11. 6019 26) Et au temple sont descendu. . . . si l'a aresnié: "Leres qui mon signour mour(11. 6087-8) dristes L i haus baillieus mout haut parla. Et en trayson le feristes, . . . Voyant tous Sone demanda: Vous seres demain traînés, "Mourdreres, en aves mourdri Comme mourdreres fel prouvés." L e bon roy cui tierre ch'est ci?" Dist Sones: "Vous aves menti, Dist Sones: " J e n'en mourdri mie, Ains lui ne autrui ne traï. Con preudon li toli la vie Che sache Dieus, se je l'ocis. Pour mi et mon signour sauver, Sour mon cors defendant le fis. Cui il venoit desireter; Au roy de Noreweghe estoie Si l'ochis en son paveillon Et con saudoijers le siervoie. A plain jour devant maint baron. Il vint et sour lui et sour mi, Et bien l'offre a moustrer du cors. A mon pooir nous deffendi. Mourdre et trayson par est fors." Autrui vint grever pour conA tant va son gage baillier, querre. Selonc ce rouva il jugier. Et si vint sour nous sa mort L i uns pers l'autre a regardé, querre. Li baillieus lor a commandé Et je l'ocis comme preudom, Que il le mourdrëur jugaissent, Et si eut bonne raison. Par jugement lui delivraissent. Ne mais mourdreres chilz serait L i per dïent qu'il jugeront Qui pour ce fait mal me feroit. Selonc droit, ja tort n'i feront. Et sachies bien tout entresait, Dist li baillieus: "Vous jugeres, Se vous nul mal m'en avies fait, S'escouterai que vous dires." Que chialz qui sont enprisonné A tant en une cambre en vont Averies a leur mort mené." Chil ki de fief jugëour sont, Et dist li baillieus: "Fel boisiere. S'ont ensanle mout devisé Prouvé est que t'es mourdrissiere. Et de maint jugement parlé. Bien sachies que vous en morres Mais ains n'i ot .1. si félon Se vous par loy n'en escapes." C'a Sone tournast trayson. Li mestres templiers respondi: Jugement ne pueent trouver,

NOTES FOR PAGES 112-14

177

Dont par droit le puissent grever. Nous avons ensanle parlé. En Noruëghe ont leur amis Chilz hons a no signour tué. Qu'en maint lieu an en prison Si disommes no jugement. mis. S'il avoit tant de hardement Se il faus jugement faisoient. Qu'il se vosist a .II. combatre. Tout lor ami pis aroient. Se vaintre les puet et abatre. Et dist li uns: "Car en alons Tous sains et saus il s'en ira Et sauf jugement li portons." Et tout chil qu'jl amené a. Li pers dîent: "Dont li portes Et conduis lui sera livrés, Mout volontiers, se vous voles." T a n t qu'a bon port soit arrivés. Chieus dist qui pour yalz doit Traynés seroit et pendus, parler: Se par ces .II. estoit vaincus. . ." "Sire, or nous faites escouter. (11. 6093-6144) ) 46. Although the episode in question takes place in Ireland, the legal background is probably not Irish but French, for, with the exception of what appears to be Norwegian non-legal custom in Sone de Nansai, Nyrop ("Sone de Nansai et la Norvege," Romania, X X X V , 555) says of French romances in general: "Les us et coutumes, les villes et leur population, les châteaux et les bourgs, la vie publique et familiale, la nature et les paysages tout est français. . . . " And in speaking of the chansons de geste Gautier ("L'Idée politique dans les chansons de geste," p. 100) criticizes the poets for making the Saracen institutions and customs too much like those of the French. 47. By way of contrast the chanson de geste Floovant presents a situation turning upon a law like that of Abbeville, for even the man who kills in self-defense admits his error. T h e squire Richier, attacked by three brothers, kills the youngest. At night he stays at the home of Emelon, father of the three knights. When the host learns that the guest has killed his son, against all rules of hospitality he attacks Richier, who, reminding him of his indiscretion, admits the killing, asserting, however, that the son had struck the first blow, and suggesting in view of the unusual circumstances a combat with Emelon to decide the question at stake. In Richier's prayer before the combat, one utterance is significant. He says. "Bien sai que je ai tort, certes et il ai droit" (1. 1129). And even the poet in his solicitude wishes that "Dex ai't Richier, car Emelons ai droit" (1. 1172). 48. Mar vëistes la mort mon frere, Car vos li tolistes la vie A l tournoi de Roche Florie. Or vos ferai mout de mal traire, A chevaus deronpre et detraire;

Longement girés en prison. . . Et quant je vos arrai detrait, Dont serés ars sans nul retrait, Après ert ventee la poire; . . . (11. 7396-7419)

49. Coutumes, 1957: Aucune fois avient il que jeus est commenciés si comme pour behourder, ou pour çouler, ou pour jouer as barres, ou pour autres jeus, et avient qu'aucuns est tués ou afolés pour le jeu par ce qu'il

i78

NOTES FOR PAGES

114-26

est encontrés contre le cuer, ou q u e la lance le tue, et en aucune a u t r e maniéré. Et q u a n t tele chose avient, l'en n'en doit riens demander a celi qui le fist, car jeu qui est commenciés p o u r jouer sans malveillance et il mesavient d u jeu par mescheance, nule justice n'en doit estre prise. Mes autrement iroit s'il se courouçoient en jouant, si que li fes fust fes par le courous, car en tel cas cil seroit justiciés qui le feroit, pour le mesfet; car si tost comme li courous vient, li jeus faut. 50. Lines 21797ft. 5 1 . Lines 51-60. 5«. Li cuers de joie li sautele,/C'or pense acomplir son desir/De son seignor qu'il veut murdrir (11. 218-20). 53. Araors fet mainte chose f e r e / Q u i t o m e à mal et contrere;/Nus ne puet vers li contrester; . . . (11. 5687-89). 54. For example, Chrétien's Charette (11. 2793-2953), in which a knight begs Lancelot for his life while a damsel demands his death. In order to satisfy both, Lancelot grants the vanquished his life, but makes him fight a second time. Lancelot easily conquers the man again, this time, however, beheading him to please the damsel. CHAPTER V

1. Cf. M. Schlauch, Chaucer's Constance and Accused Queens, pp. 5, 6, 9, 1 1 , 13, 20, 25, 26, 29, 30, 32, 33, 34, 46, 60, 61, 62, 63, 76!!., 86ff„ xoo, 103, 107 n. 1 1 3 . 2. Ibid., p. 98ff. 3. "L'Idée politique dans les chansons de geste," p. 100. 4. " T h e Character Types in the Old French Chansons de Geste," PMLA, XXI, 341, 345. 5. Comfort implies something of this idea when he says ( " T h e Essential Difference between a Chanson de Geste a n d a Roman d'Aventure," PMLA, XIX, p. 70): " T h e traitor, as an active personage, is foreign to the romances and is a conventional and persistent type of an historical original, preserved only in the chansons de geste." Miss Barrow ( T h e Medieval Society Romances, p. 85t.) although stressing conventionality of character in t h e romances, notes also that, on the whole, action in the romances is adequately motivated (p. 68). 6. Cf. G. Paris, "Le Roman du Comte de Toulouse," Annales du Midi, XII, 12, n. 1. 7. Souniou Breiz-Izel, II, 203ft. 8. Méon, Nouveau recueil de fabliaux et contes, I, 192ft. 9. The Medieval Society Romances, pp. 68-69. 10. Miss Barrow's note (op. cit., p. 70, n. 1) is as follows: " T h e Joufrois and Gawain and the Green Knight, though society romances by virtue of their attention to social setting and their aristocratic appeal, are not sufficiently concerned with fine amor to show the common formula."

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Erlangen,

INDEX

INDEX Abbeville, magistrates' decision on killing in self-defense, log, n o , 112, 175 Abduction, as treason, 65, 93; L u chaire quoted on, 100-101; exile for, 169; see also R a p e Accort du roy (or rot), 49, 50, 155 Adenet le Roi, literary use of ancient custom, 9; CUomadds, 6, 65, 93, 169, 120-121, 124, 136 Adrian IV, Pope, and Henry II, 46 Adultery, evidence of, 30-31; punishment for, 38, go, 94, 101, 145, 160, 170; exile as penance for, 42; false accusation of, 61-64; as treason, 64-65, 94; torture as punishment for, 90; Beaumanoir on, 160; shearing of hair for, 170 Agobard, opposition to judicial duel, 34; opposition to ordeal as proof, 35 Aguet-apensi (term), 57-58 Albertus Magnus, prescription, 153 Alton, 85 Amadas et Ydoine, shorn hair in, 170; lying in, 173 Ambush, as treason, 56-58, 86-87; aguet-apensi, 57-58 Amira, Karl von, o n punishment, 84 Amis et Amilum, judicial duel in, 163 Aquinas, T h o m a s , on punishment, 101; quoted on lying, 103 Aristotle, on hero in tragedy, 124 Arthur, King, 83; heresy trial in Durmart, 45-46; in Fergus, 66-67; in Yvain, 67-68 Arthur of Brittany, 83 Assecuracionem (term), 175 Asseurement (term), 18-19, 54, 80,

99 Associations of Peace, 18, 87 Athelston, ordeal by fire, 162 Avant-parlier (term), 28, 68

Avocat,

28, 68, 159; w o m a n as, 161

Bailiff, duties of, 39-40; wicked, in Sorte, 52-53, 60, 79-80, 88 Baist, G., 80 Bar, L u d w i g , quoted, on procedure, 28; on punishment, 38 Barrow, Sarah F., 126; quoted o n society romances, 178 Bartolists, 151 Beating, 101, 102; in Perlesvaus, 172; see also W h i p p i n g Beaumanoir, Philippe de R e m i , Sire de, first great jurisconsult of France, 7; jurist and poet, 8; sources of his custumal, 9; o n private warfare, 16-17, 50; on quarantaine-le-roi and private warfare, 18-19; quoted on treason, 23, 59-60; o n treason, 24-25, 61, 62, 64, 12g, 147-148, 149, 150; on procedure, 28, 50-51; on proof, 30; quoted on proof by presumption, 31-32; on judicial duel, 33, 35; quoted on duties of the bailiff, 39-40; on truce-breaking, 54; o n murder, 56; quoted o n highway robbery, 58; on punishment for fornication, 63; on abduction, 65; on flagrant delinquency, 70; on tricherie, 75, 87; on sanctions against property of defeated combatant in duel, 91; o n rape, 92; o n theft, 95; on asseurement, 99; on oath of v e r a d t y , 103; on novel disseizin, 104; on repossessing stolen property, 105-106; o n death penalty, 10g, 112; o n accidental killing, 114; on seizure of property, 128; quoted on homicide, 157; o n adultery, 160; Manekine, 5, 60, 88, 96-97, 122-123, 124, 127, 139; Coutumes, 7, 23, 33, 36, 54. 60

INDEX Becket, Thomas à, 47 Bédier and Hazard, 5, 6 Beheading. 37, 66, 82, 83, 86-87, 92. 93; as the most honorable execution, 165 Blancandin, 57-58; date of, 5; ambush in, 86-87; abduction in, 92-93 Blinding, see Eye, loss of Boca, J e a n , citation from the Livre Rouge, 175 Boccaccio, 75 Boiling, as punishment, 38, 95 Bourges, Council of, 18, 49-50, 51 Breach of faith, as treason, 20-22, 24; défi féodal, 22, 81; in Meraugis, 54-55, as felony, 150 Briffault, Robert, quoted on force, 100; on honor, 172 Brigandage, see Highway robbery Britton, on treason, 149 Bruce, James D., 5; on Sorte de Nansai, 145 Brunner, Heinrich, 109; citation of Yvain, 67-68 Burgundian law, punishment in, 38, 63 Burning, as punishment, 38, 46, 79, 82, 84-86, 90, 91 Caesar, Julius, read by medieval scholars, 9; De bello Gallico, 85, 169 Canon law, influence on custumals, 24; and redemption of the criminal, 40; and penances, 41-43; and heresy, 45, 6 1 ; and definition of treason, 129; influence of, 146; influence on presumptive proof, 152; see also Ecclesiastical courts Canterbury pilgrims, types, 123 Capellanus, Andreas, authority on courtly love, 7 Capetian court, 14 Carolingian period, custom and law stemming from, 8; jurisdiction in, 13; decline of royal authority in, 16; lese majesty in, 24, 84; ecclesiastical justice in, 146; proof by witness in, 1 5 1 ; sanctions against property in, 155; royal court in, 156

Cart, symbol of humiliation, 102103; riding in, as humiliating punishment, 89, 166-167 Cauwenbergh, Étienne van, on exile, 168, quoted, 169 Chanson de Roland, 80, 170 Chansons de geste, 1 1 5 , 177; force in politics in, 107; stock types in, 1 1 7 ; villains in, 123-124, 125, 126, 128; Gautier on, 123, 129, 155-156; royal court in, 155-156; character drawing in, 178 Charette, Chevalier de la (Chrétien de Troyes), 88, 159, 178 Character drawing, 117-127, 128 Charlemagne, judicial reforms of, 13; statutes against vengeance, 16; on judicial combat, 33 Charles V, suppression of payment of money compositions, 19 Châtelain de Coucy, Li, date of, 6; adultery in, 64-65, 160; flagrant delinquency in, 69-70; courtly love in, 126 Châtelaine de Vergi, 168 Chaucer, Nun's Priest Tale, 31 Chénon, Êmile, quoted, 145 Cherbourg, canons of, 40 Chilperic, procedure under, 27 Chivalry, 98, 100 Chrétien de Troyes, on adultery as treason, 64; on carts, 167; Charette, 88, 159, 178; Yvain, 6, 67-68, 91, 162 Church, The, opposition to the law of vengeance, 15; restriction of private warfare, 17-18; excommunication, 18, 42, 47; judgments of God, 29, 30, 77, 152; supervision of ordeals, 36, 48; penances, 41-43, 92; redemption of criminal, 41, 42, 43; courts, heresy trials in, 45-48; opposition to death penalty, 101; jurisdiction of, 146, 156; see also Canon law; Ecclesiastical courts; Ordeals; Penances Circumstantial evidence, as proof, 30 3 1 . 7 ' Clameur de haro (term), 31 Claris et Laris, date of, 5; ambush

INDEX in, 57; abduction in, 65; procedure in, 66; burning in, 84-85; punishment for rape, 94; seizure of property in, 107; tournament in, 114-115; synopsis, 133-135 Cléomadés (Adenet le Roi), date of, 6; abduction in, 65, 93, 169; character drawing in, 120-121, 124; synopsis, 136 Clerc et son frere laboures, 126 Clermont in Beauvaisis, Beaumanoir's custumal of, 9; criminal cases in, 50 Code of Hammurabi, 9, 145 Cold water ordeal, 36, 75, 76, 77 Combat, ordeal by, 77-78; see also Judicial duel Comfort, William W., 123-124; quoted on chansons de geste, 178 Comilatus (term), 20 Compurgation, 32; of Queen Fredegond, 33; in Guillaume de Dole, 77 Comte d'Anjou, Le Roman du (Maillart), date of, 5; procedure in, 49-52; forgery in, 60; counsellors in, 68; punishment in, 8890; force in, 107 Comte de Poitiers, Le, date of, 6; false accusation in, 62, 92; proof by presumption, 73-74; procuring in, 95; brutality in, 102; characterization in, 118; synopsis, 137; adultery in, 160 Confrérie de la Paix de Notre Dame, 18 Conseil à un ami (Pierre de Fontaines), 7 Council of Bourges, 18, 49-50, 51 Counsel and counsellor, duties of, 28, 68 Courtly love, 98, 125, 126, 100, 116; Capellanus an authority on, 7 Courts, development of, 11-43; and private warfare, 17; in thirteenthcentury France, 12-15, procedure, 26-36; in the romances, 44-52, procedure, 66-79; a n d the law of vengeance, 108-115; see also Ecclesiastical courts; Royal courts; Seignorial courts

>9»

Coutumes de Beauvaisis (Beaumanoir), importance of, 7; definition of treason, 23; compurgation omitted in, 33; ordeals not mentioned in, 36; on grant traison, 54; forgery as treason not mentioned in, 60; see also Beaumanoir Cowardice, 118-120; as treason, 20 Crimen lesae regiae majestatis (term), 148 Custumals, 7, 8, 9; on treason, ss, 23, 55-56, 150; on lese majesty, 24, 149; on punishment, 79-80; basis of criminal law in, 12g; influence of Roman law, 146 Dapifer (term), 14 Death penalty, for treason, 23, 148; imposition in Frankish law, 2627; for flagrant delinquency, 31; compurgation and, 33; for heresy, 45-46; execution of, 66; for a king, 83; mitigations, 84, 88; for forgery, 90; for adultery, 101, 145; Beaumanoir on, 109; for third offense, 153 De bello Gallico quoted, 85; on questioning travelers, 169 Défi féodal (term), 22, 52, 54-55, 81 Depechier (term), 80 Dermod, 46 Disfiance (term), 22 Détraire (term), 80 Diraisnia (term), 33 Double standard, 125 Drawing, as punishment, 79, 88, 89-90; for murder, 81, 83; for escharpelerie, 87; for abduction, 98 Drowning, as punishment, 37; for murder, 82, 84 DuCange, on quartering, 80 Durmart le galois, date of, 5; heresy trial in, 45-46, 47, 48; highway robbery in, 58; false accusation in, 61, 91; war in, 108; cowardice in, 91, 119-120; character drawing in, 124 Ear, loss of, as punishment, 38, 40, 95- 96

»9*

INDEX

Écarteler (term), 90 Ecclesiastical courts, 146, 156; heresy trial in Durmart, 45-48 Echevin (term), 13, 27, 28, 70 Eleanor of Aquitaine, imprisoned by Henry II, 88 Emasculation, 92 Erie of Toulouse, The, date of, 5; false accusation in, 61-62, 91-92; flagrant delinquency in, 69, 70; synopsis, 137; oath before battle, »59 Escharpelerie (term), 87 Esmein, Adhémar, on procedure, 28; quoted, 29; on the twelve peers of France, 49 Établissements de Saint Louis, 7; on loss of fief, 21; on treason, 25; on false accusation, 29; compurgation omitted in, 33; ordeals not mentioned in, 36; on grant traison, 54; o n murder, 56; on brigandage, 87; on fornication, 94; on mutilation as punishment, 95; on proof by witness, 152 Étampes, 88 Eustace le moine, judicial duel, 163 Evidence, 29, 30-31; see also Proof Excommunication, for disregarding the T r u c e of God, 18; severest form of penance, 42; Très ancien coutumier on, 47 Exile, 42, 93, 121; mitigation of the death penalty to, 83-84; for false accusation, 91; in Cléomadés, 93, 169 Exposure, public, of executed criminals, 26, 66-67 Eye, loss of, as punishment, 38, 95, for theft, 170; in tournament, 96 Fabliaux, 126, 128 Faida (term), 16 Faith, breach of, see Breach of faith False accusation, 29, 64; as treason, 59, 61-63; punishment for, 87, 90-92 Faral, Edmond, 5, 6; quoted, 145 Felony, 145, 150; in Rigomer, 105 Fergus, date of, 5; theft in, 58-59; procedure in, 66-67

Feud, traditional among Germanic peoples, 16 Fief, 21, 22, 51; loss of, and défi féodal, 81 Fines, 40, 41, 43 Fire, death by: 3, 38, 60, 79, 82, 84, 89, 97; for heresy, 46; for murder, 85; for forgery, 90; for false accusation, 91-92; for adultery, 145; ordeal by: 77, 162 Flagella (term), 172 Flagrant delinquency, 31, 160; punishment for, 66; as proof, 69-73 Flamenca, 125 Flight, law of, 72 Floovant, shorn beard in, 170; killing in self-defense, 177 Florence de Rome, 161 Flores, Juan de, 9 Floriant et Florete, date of, 5; royal court in, 48, 81-84, 89; murder in ambush in, 56, 57; mutilation in, 95; conflict of love and duty, 116; characterization in, 117; cowardice, 119 Foerster, Wendelin, 3, 5, 6 Foi mentie (term), 52 Fontaines, Pierre de. Conseil à un ami, 7, 150 Forbannitus (term), 155 Force, principle of, outstanding feature of conduct, 10, 98-116; vengeance and, 98; seizure of property, 104-107; in politics, 107-108 Forgery, punishment for, 38, 8790; as treason, 59-60; death by fire for, 90; in Manekine, 122; in Comte d'Anjou, 123 Fornication, punishment for, 63, 94 Frankish period, jurisdiction in, 12; judgment by peers originating in, 13; legal procedure, 26; secular and ecclesiastical sanctions in, 47 Frederick II, Emperor, 47; conflict with Innocent IV, 146 Fundenberg, George B., quoted on force, 98 Gascony, compurgation in, 33 Gautier, Léon, quoted on the judicial duel, 34; on the chansons de

INDEX geste, i*s, 129, quoted, 155-156 Gelzer, Heinrich, quoted on Philip Augustus, 154 Gerbert de Montreuil, 54; Le Roman de la Violette, 5, 23, 48, 5354. 56> 57' 5 8 - 6*-®S. 69. 7°'74> 81, 84. 94*95' 99* , 0 °. 102-104, 117, 118, 141-142 Germanic law, principle of vengeance in, 15-16; concept of treason in, 20, 21; lese majesty in, 24; punishment for fornication in, 63; quartering not mentioned in, 80; see also Burgundian law; Frankish law; Salic law Germany, imprisonment as punishment in, 88 Ghent, ordinance against procuring, 95 Gilles de Chin, date of, 6; ordeal in, 78-79

Glanvill, Ranulf de, quoted on lese majesty, 148 Glasson, Ernest, on punishment, 37 Goebel, Julius, Jr., quoted on the royal court, 155 Grand seneschal, see Seneschal Grant traison (term), 25, 54, 57, 60 Gregory of Tours, 67; History of the Franks quoted, 151 Grimm, Jacob, on quartering, 80; on shorn hair, 170; on boiling, 170 Guillaume de Dole, date of, 6; wicked seneschal, 63-64; presumption of guilt as proof, 74-77; cold water ordeal, 75, 76, 77; punishment in, 92; fornication in, 94; jealousy in, 118; characterization in, 124-125, 127 Guillaume de Palerne, 107-108, 112; date of, 6; killing in self-defense in, 109-110; political ambition in, >>5 F. E „ 6 Guyer, Hair, shorn, for adultery, 38; degradation by, 94, 170 Hand, loss of, as punishment, 35, 78, 86, 95; self-inflicted, 96, 122; in combat, 105

•93

Hanging, most disgraceful death, 37, 81; for truce-breaking, 79-80; for murder, 81-84; f ° r brigandage, 87; for theft, 88; for treason, 86, 92 Henry II, of England, invasion of Ireland, 46-47; imprisonment of Eleanor, 88 Heresy, trial in Durmart, 45-46, 47, 48; Lea quoted, 48; false accusation of, 61 Hibbard, Laura A., 5 Highway robbery, 16; as treason, 58-95; punishment for, 37-38, 87 Hincmar, believer in the ordeal as proof, 35 Hochverrat (term), 21 Holmes, Urban T., 6; on the date of Durmart, 5 Homagium pacis (term), 55 Homicide, in private warfare, 17; and murder, 56, 57; Beaumanoir quoted on, 157 Honor, 171-172; vengeance for insult to, 16, 65; an incitement to acts of force, 99-100 Home, Andrew, quoted on lese majesty, 148-149 Hot iron ordeal, 36 Hot water ordeal, 162 Huganir, Kathryn, on quartering, 163 Huizinga, Johan, on 40, quoted, 41

punishment,

Ille et Galeron, date of, 6; mutilation in, 96 Imprisonment, 75, 82, 83, 88, 93, 95, 108, 111, 114; of accuser and accused, 29; and law of flight, 72 Inamicitiam, in (term), 147-148 Inferiority complex, 120 Ingeborg of Denmark, 154; imprisoned by Philip Augustus, 88 Innocent III, Pope, 154; on judicial combat, 34 Innocent IV, Pope, and ecclesiastical justice, 146 Interlocutory judgment, 28, 48 Invidiam, per (term), 147-148 Ireland, invasion of Henry II, 46-47

'94

INDEX

Ivo of Chartres, opposition Co ordeal as proof, 35 John Lackland, 83 John of Salisbury, g Joinville, Jean, Sire de, 47 Jostice et de plet, 7; on treason, 23-24, 58, 147; quoted, 22; classification of punishment, 39; on murder, 56; on tricherie, 87 Joufrois, 101; date of, 5; false accusation in, 61; wicked seneschal, 90-91; adultery in, 94; judicial duel in, 78; character drawing in, 125-126; synopsis, 137-138; Barrow quoted on, 178 Judex publicus (term), 12 Judgments of God, 30, 77, 152; as proof, 29 Judicial duel, 3, 15, 77-78, 90-91, 96, 151-152; as proof, 33, 34, 35; in Violette, 72-73; in Joufrois, 78; in Yder, 86; treachery and deceit in, 163 Junge, Adolf, 3 Justice, Organized, see Courts Killing, in self-defense, 109-113, 177; accidental, 113-114 Knights Templars, in Sone, 110-112 Lancelot, 115 Langlois, Charles V., 5, 6; on Sone de Nansai, 145 Lawrence, William W., quoted on Violette, 172 Lea, Henry C., on compurgation, 33; quoted on the judicial duel, 34; on heresy, 47; quoted, 48 Lese majesty, 148-150; offenses designated as treason, 20, 24, 25, 52-54; and Hochverrat, 21; quartering as punishment for, 79-80, 163; in Carolingian times, 84; rape as, 94; Glanvill quoted on, 148; in England, 158 Ldvitt, Albert, quoted on treason, 148 Lex talionis (term), 154 Livre Rouge, Boca's from, 175

quotation

Louis, Saint, private warfare interdicted by, 19; prohibition of judicial duel, 35, 96; and excommunication, 47; procedure under, 49; punishment for truce-breaking, 81; Établissements, 7, 21, 25, 29, 33- 36, 54. 5 6 - 8 7. 94. 95. »5* Luchaire, Achille, quoted, on abduction, 100-101; on seizure of property, 106-107; o n w a r > 108; o n riding in a cart as punishment, 167; on pilgrimage as punishment, 168 Lying, 102-104; in Amadas et Ydoine, 173; see also False accusation Macaire, 125 Maillart, Jehan, 49, 156; Comte d'Anjou, 5, 49-52, 60, 68, 88-90, 107 Maitland, Frederic, 96 Malberg (term), 12 Malice aforethought, 23, 60, 61, 147-148, 150 Mall (term), 12 Malum ingenium, per (term), 147148 Manekine, La (Beaumanoir), 88, 127; date of, 5; forgery in, 60; self-mutilation in, 96-97; character drawing in, 122-124; synopsis, •39 Matulka, Barbara, 9, 145 Mens rea (term), 148 Meraugis de Portlesguez, date of, 5; défi féodal, breach of faith in, 54-55, 81; shorn hair, 170 Merci (term), 41 Mercy, 40, 41, 43, 161 Merovingian period, custom and law stemming from, 8; jurisdiction in, 12-13, 16; law of vengeance in, 16, 99; lese majesty in, 24; proof by witness in, 151 Misericordia curiae (term), 28, 41 Missio in bannum (term), 155 Moral law, 98-116 Mother-in-law, wicked, stock type, 122-123, 124 Motives for crime, 117-125

INDEX M u r d e r , as t r e a s o n , 25, B e a u m a n o i r o n , 23; exile p u n i s h m e n t s f o r , 83-86 M u t i l a t i o n , as p u n i s h m e n t , 79, 95-97; of a criminal's 67; self-inflicted, 96-97

56, 57, for, 42; 38, 40, corpse,

N o r m a n d y , law of vengeance in, 17; c o n c e p t of treason in, 22; j u d g m e n by o r d e a l in, 36; i n a p p r o p r i a t e p u n i s h m e n t in, 40; p e n a l t y f o r t r u c e - b r e a k i n g in, 81 Novel disseizin (term), 104-105, 107 N y r o p , Kr., q u o t e d , 177 O a t h , of fidelity, 2 1 ; of innocence as p r o o f , 32-33, 77; c o m p u r g a t i o n , 32, 33, 77; in judicial d u e l , 34, 35; homagium pads, 55; b e f o r e b a t t l e , 68, 159; of veracity, 103 O r d e a l s , 162; cold water, 36, 77; h o t iron, 36; supervised by t h e C h u r c h , 36, 48; boiling lead, 73; fire, 77; c o m b a t , 77-78 O r g a n i z e d justice, see C o u r t s Orgierville, N o r m a n d', 27-28 Parise la Duchesse, judicial d u e l in, 163 Peace, B e a u m a n o i r on, 91 Peace, Associations of, 18, 87 Peace of t h e D u k e , 17 Peace of G o d , 17 Pedes (term), 170 Peers, d e f e n d a n t ' s r i g h t of trial by his, 13, 48; twelve peers of France, 49 Penances, 41-42, 92 Perceval, 85 Perjury, 151; purgatorial oath and, 33; o a t h b e f o r e battle, 34, 68, 159; p u n i s h m e n t for, 38 Pfeffer, M.. 3 P h i l i p I, conflicts w i t h g r a n d seneschal, 15 P h i l i p Augustus, 17, ig, 54, 160; i m p r i s o n m e n t of Ingeborg, 88; e n c o u r a g e m e n t of legal truce, 99; Gelzer q u o t e d o n , 154 P h i l i p t h e Bold, c o m p u r g a t i o n suppressed by, 33

»95

P h i l i p t h e Fair, 33, 4g, 90 Pilgrimage, as p u n i s h m e n t , 42-43, 92, 168 Pledged faith, see B r e a c h of f a i t h Poetic Edda, h o t w a t e r o r d e a l in, 162 Pollock, Frederick, 96 P r e s u m p t i o n of g u i l t as p r o o f , 29, 7 1 - 7 7 ; B e a u m a n o i r o n , 31-32; in Violette, 71-74; in Comte de Poitiers, 73-74; c a n o n law a n d , >5« P r i v a t e warfare, see W a r f a r e , private P r o c e d u r e , 26-36, 66-79; B e a u m a n o i r on, 28, 50-51; in Comte d'Anjou, 49-52; in R o m a n law, 151 P r o c u r i n g , p u n i s h m e n t f o r , 95 Proditio (term), 22, 24, 1 7 1 Proof, 29-36, 69-79; B e a u m a n o i r o n , 30, 31-32; by c i r c u m s t a n t i a l evidence, 30-31; by witness, 3 1 , 69, 1 5 1 - 1 5 2 ; in Violette, 48; flagrant delinquency as, 69-73; p r e s u m p tion of guilt as, 7 1 - 7 7 , 152; by judicial d u e l , 78; B e a u m a n o i r on, 33 Property, sanctions against, 43, 4546, 47- 49-50. 91, 93, 94, 155; forcible seizure of, 104-107, 128 P u n i s h m e n t , 37-43, 79-97; a r b i t r a r i ness in, 37, 40, 90; cruelty in, 37-38, 79, 85, 90, 128; a p p r o p r i a t e ness of, 38, 39, 89; classification in Jostice, 39; secular a n d ecclesiastical theories of, 40-42 Quarantaine-le-roi (term), 18-19, 54 Q u a r t e r i n g , 79-80; in Sone de Nansai, 53; for r a p e , 94; H u g a n i r on, 163 Rabelais, François, 1 5 1 Rachitnbourg, 12, 27 R a p e , i n c i t e m e n t to law of vengeance, 16; p u n i s h m e n t for, 42; as treason, 64, p u n i s h m e n t for, 92-94; accusation of, in Guillaume de Dole, 74-76; B e a u m a n o i r on, 92; see also A b d u c t i o n R a p e t t i , Luigi N., 147

196

INDEX

Razing, 87 Registre criminel de Saint-Mauredes-Fossis, 40, 65 Renart, Jehan, 63 Richard III, quoted, 121 Richars li baus, 5g; date of, 5; rape in. 93 Rigomer, 10g, 113-114; date of, 6; brigandage in, 87; counsellor in, 68; robbery in, 104-106; synopsis, 139-140 Robbery, see Highway robbery; Theft Robert le Diable, pilgrimage as punishment in, 168 Roland, Chanson de, see Chanson de Roland Romans d'aventure, 5, 178 Roman law, 15, 24, 26, 12g; influence on the custumals, 15, 24, 26; on lese majesty, 26; basis of canon law, 146; procedure, 151 Royal court, 14-15, 25, 44, 48, 51, 81; and private warfare 18-ig; in Floriant, 48, 81-84, 8g: ¡ n Comte d'Anjou, 4g-50, 156; Beaumanoir on, g i ; heresy trials in, 146; Goebel on, 155; Gautier on, i55->56

Sagibaron (term), 12 Salic Law, 148; a source of medieval custumals, g; and vengeance, 16; public exposure of executed criminals, 26; punishment in, 38 Scabini (term), 13 Schultz, Alwin, 3, 162 Seignobos, Charles, quoted, on the fief, 21-22; on honor, 9g Seignorial court, 12-14, 44, 48, 51; structure of, 14; procedure in, 27; role of bishops and clergy, 48; predomination of, 51 Seizure of property, 104-107 Self-defense, lying in, 103; killing in, iog-113, 177 Self-mutilation, ¿6-97 Seneschal, grand: importance in royal court, 14; loss of power, 15; wicked: 118; in Guillaume, 63-64;

in Joufrois, go-gi; a topical villain, 123, 124 Sermo regis (term), 155 Sermonem regis, extra (terra), 155 Society romances, 5; ploi formula, 126; characterization in. 178 Shorn hair, see Hair, shorn Sone de Nansai, date of, 5; lese majesty in, 52-53; forgery in, 60, 88; quartering in, 7g-8o; killing in self-defense in, 110-112: synopsis, 140-141; classification of. 145; legal background, 177 Stock characters in the romances, 117, 128; see also Bailiff; Motherin-law; Seneschal Stoning, gs; for theft, 169 Suicide, 96 Summa de legibus, 7, 55 Switzerland, imprisonment as punishment in, 88 Tacitus, 21; on punishment for adultery, 38 Theft, 32; in Fergus, 58-59; hanging for, 40, 95; stoning for, i6g Thomas 4 Becket, 47 Thomas Aquinas, see Aquinas, Thomas Thunginus (term), 12 Torture, 38, 85, 8g, go Tournai, exile as punishment in, i6g Tournament, 114-115 Tradere (term), 23 Traditio (term), 22, 24, 171 Traiteur, 25 Treason, and private warfare, 1617; concepts of, ig-26, 52-65, i2g, 147-148, in England, 150; and lese majesty, 20; cowardice as, 20, 118-120; Hochverrat, 21; secret attack and injury fundamental to, 22-25, 105; Beaumanoir on, 23-25, 59, 62, 64. 129, 147-148, 149, 150; death penalty for, 23, 146; offenses listed as, 25; false accusation, 59, 61-64; murder as, 56; ambush as, 57-58; forgery as, 59-61; adultery as, 64-65, 94; rape as, 64; abduction as, 65, 93; truce-breaking as,

INDEX 80-81; punishment for, 83, 93, 93, 94, 148; and tricherie, 87; Britton quoted on, 149 Tris ancien coutumier de Normandie, importance of, 7: lese majesty and, 24; procedure in, 27; on excommunication, 47; on rape, 76; on seizure of property, 128 Tricheeur (term), 25, 59 Tricherie (term), 25, 59, 75-76, 87, >50 Tristram, 115 Trubert, 126 Truce, in private warfare, 17, 19; in judicial duel, 99-100; see also Asseurement Truce-breaking, as treason, 25, 5354, 86; Beaumanoir on, 54; hanging for, 80-81 Truce of God, 16, 17-18 Twelve peers of France, 49 Vassal, court service of, 13; service in private warfare, 17; and fief, ai-as; in seignorial court, 27 Vengeance, law of, 15-19, as a chief source of medieval law, 15; crimes invoking the, 16; private vengeance supplanted by public, 19; crimes invoking the, 20; and concept of treason, 26; and proof, 30; and the judicial duel, 33; basis of punishment, 37-38; procedure and, 66; and rape, 92; application of force, 98; for insult to family honor, 99; conflict with organized justice, 108-115; motive for crime, 118; see also, Warfare, private Vengeance, public, 19, 41, 154 Vicarii (term), 12

»97

Villains, in chansons de geste, 123124, 125, 126 Vinogradoff, Paul, on Beaumanoir's sources, 9 Violette, Le Roman de la, 54, 57, 58, 94-95; date of, 5; truce-breaking in, 53-54, 81; seignorial court in, 48; murder in, 56, 84; false accusation in, 62-63, 92; flagrant delinquency in, 70-73; presumption of guilt in, 71-74; drawing and hanging in, 84; honor in, 99-100; beating in, 102; lying in, 102104; villain in, 117, 118; synopsis, 141-142 Viollet, Paul, on treason, 22-23 Voretzsch, Karl, 5 Wace, 3 War, 107; in reign of Philip Augustus, Luchaire on, 108 Warfare, private, Beaumanoir on, 16-17, '8-19, 50; causes for invoking, 16-17; restrictions by the church, 17-18, by the royal court, 18-19; interdicted by Saint Louis, 19; damage caused by, 107 Wergeld (term), 16 Whipping, for adultery, 38, 101 William of Normandy, 101 William the Conqueror, 17 Witness, proof by, 31, 69, 151-152 Yder, date of, 5; murder in, 56-57; treason in, 86; brutality in, 102 Yvain (Chrétien de Troyes), date of, 6; legal pitfalls for the ignorant, 67-68; false accusation in, 91; bleeding of dead man's wounds, 162