Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

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Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience Siraj

Foreword It is more than a quarter century since the CPI(M) led "Left" Front assumed power in West Bengal. In the late 1950s the government of EMS Namboodiripad in Kerala was prominently projected as a model by the revisionist leadership of the united CPI to be followed after the Telengana model of establishing parallel power in villages, uprooting the feudal lords and their agents, was feared, hated and consigned to the back burner. The rise of Khruschevite revisionism preaching the possibility of socio-economic change through peacefully winning majority in Parliament was not only hailed by the U.S. imperialism, it tremendously emboldened the Indian revisionists. The CPI was split and the CPI(M) formed cleverly retaining the Khruschevite model in the Programme with left phrase-mongering. The present CPI (M) with Namboodiripad and a host of revolution-fearing political careerists, the upholders of the Kerala model with left verbiage, bared their fangs by expelling the real communists from the party after the glorious volcanic peasant upsurge in Naxalbari in 1967 forcefully reviving the Telengana model of armed power capture pursuing the Maoist path. The United Front with the CPI (M) as the major constituent despatched state armed forces to crush the peasant struggle in Naxalbari. This was a watershade in the Marxist movement in India. Revisionists in India once decisively changed position to join the state power structure by soaking their hands with the blood of peasants, workers and other sections pitted against the very system of exploitation itself. The present "Left" Front is the culmination of this journey down to hell. Marxism in the hands of these reactionary revisionists has been distortingly reduced to a state-friendly ism. Such pro-rich, pro-imperialist distorted Marxism fits easily in the existing setup. If the state resorts to brutal coercive measures, it also elicites censent of the people in favour of this rotten system. The CPI (M), CPI, and also the so-called parliamentary Naxalites too help the state in wining people’s support as well as neutralising their militancy against this order. This booklet is meant for the people and the activists who want a radical change of this existing system. The alternative revolutionary model of Naxalbari has been increasingly developing in many states like Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh, Chhattisgarh, Maharashtra, Orissa,

Jharkhand, Tamil Nadu, etc. over the past decades. In West Bengal this revolutionary Maoist model has been locked in a real battle against the armed forces of CPI(M)-led "Left" Front Government and the CPI(M) gangsters. Through this prolonged ideological and military battles against the state and its agents, the Maoist model is sure to replace the existing state system by ultimately setting up a socialist system in India. The future of India lies with the dedicated Maoist revolutionaries, not the hypocrat, rotten and careerist CPI(M) type revisionists. Siraj 15 August, 2003

INDEX 1-7 Accommodative "Left" 8-11 CPI Split — A Charade 12-15 Naxalbari and the CPM 16-21 Economism and Electoral Politics 22-34 Opportunism and Ruling Class Politics Fight Against US intelligence units CIA and FBI dropped: The Perceived 35-36 Enemy ofRuling Classes Becomes Revisionists’ Enemy 37-39 Degenerated Stand ofCPM on Nationalities 40-50 Mesmerism on Forms ofstruggle 51-54 West Bengal Government’s Capitulation To Imperialism 55-59 Propaganda of"Alternative Policies" by CPM is Nothing but a Hoax 60-65 Revisionism never places the proletariat in a vanguard role Call for anti-privatization struggle is a underhand deal for privatization! 66-73 74-83 Land Reforms Permitted by the Class State: Results The Growing Agrarian Crisis And New Agricultural Policy Ofthe ‘Left’ 84-95 96-105 Panchayat System: Spreading corruption and illusion to grass roots 106-112 Atrocities On Women 113-117 Education in "Left" Rule in West Bengal 118-120 The Representative ofthe ruling classes 121-127 State and the parliamentarism ofthe CPM and CPI 128 The CPI(M) Sings the BJP Tune 129 On BJP – CPM collaboration 130 TMC actress Mamata enters the blind alley 131-134 Lessons from European Social Democracy Conclusion 135-139 Notes 140-148

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Accommodative "Left" The state is a special organization of force; it is an organization of violence for the suppression of some classes. The question of the state and its overarching roles in the present stage of world capitalism are crucial questions of Indian revolution. Lenin castigated the people and the parties swearing by Marxism but always evasive of the character of the state in real life. He wrote disgustingly. "This (Marxian) definition ofthe state has

never been explained in the prevailing propaganda and agitation literature of the official Social-Democratic parties. More than that, it has been deliberately ignored, for it is irreconcilable with reformism, and is a slap in the face for the common opportunist prejudices and philistine illusions about the "peaceful development ofdemocracy". 1

The rise of capitalism and the capitalist system soon after bestowed upon the state the power of sole monopolizer of coercive sanctions and physical and human resources. The constitution making exercise gave the state two fundamental rights of eminent domain and police power. For the struggle for democracy as well as the felt-need of a safety-valve to diffuse the tensions the state arranged out-doors and windows as elbow-room for individual in the Lockean sense. Here lies the difference between the modern state and the states in the earlier stage. The acceptance of groups, classes, communities, etc. as legitimate entities within the national boundaries is symptomatic of leaving a space for contest in various forms but the state as such was projected as incontestable. The so-called society – centred state policy approach as made by Mill and later pluralists, emphasized the need and scope of free competition of groups and classes without endangering the state itself. The so-called view of the welfare state preferred in the 1930s and particularly in the post World War II, conceded the primitive role of the state as dispenser of justice, relief and for the betterment of the masses along side its regulative role over the people. Maintenance of this regulative role implies the power over family, trade union, revolting classes, ethnic groups, etc. simultaneously with the savage power of marshalling of armaments, weaponry and armed forces. 1

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Revisionism Revisionism in India has assumed dangerous dimension. The CPI(M) the main culprit in the game of electoral polities and grabbing the springheads of money has turned into social fascists. Its polities of compromise with the ruling classes and bowing to the MNCs, World Bank and other foreign agencies along with ruthlessness to put down any voice of protest with the barrel of guns smacks of its naked character of social fascism. It officially uses the name of Marx and Lenin who fought for the emancipation of the proletariat and other deprived sections in the world, and thus tarnishes the image of those great thinkers and dedicated practitioners. The whole party machinery is devoted to creating an illusion that the existing system can be used to serve the deprived masses in India. Its role as a social fascist has been exposed like daylight when its cadres accompanied the paramilitary forces to torture, to arrest, to spy on the revolutionary peasants and even molest the peasant women in Midnapur, Bankura, and Hoogly in 2002-2003. The recent panchayat polls and the ghastliness of terror creating, murderous gangs of the CPM not even sparing the ‘Left’ Front partners, the RSP and Forward Block, have actually established the fact that instead of decentralization of powers, panchayats can be the most suitable means of the state to spread corruption at grassroots. The villages are the arenas of class struggle and revolutionaries concentrate on developing bases there. The fascist fangs of the CPM are not only poised against revolutionaries and would be revolutionaries, such fangs are simultaneously poised for grabbing money pouring in from various national and international sources in order to buy up criminals and others for the smooth running of the party machinery. The decades of revisionists’ taste for power in the class society rotten to the roots and the shameless propagation of using India’s parliamentary "democracy" for facilitating movements of the people prove it beyond an iota of doubt that parliamentary revisionism using Marx’s name is the main danger for the revolutionary movement in India. It is ludicrous to preach the polities of using this parliamentary machinery when polling figure itself, even if rigging and all such measures are taken into account, shows a steady downturn for the lack of interest of a big chunk of electorates in the very casting of votes. And one can perceive the disillusionment of general masses with the existing parties, yet 2

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

many of them cast their votes for the absence of powerful alternative. We have to establish this alternative to the people by developing resistaince movement and revolutionary power centers.

Added to this material arrangement, the state develops and strengthens its ideological apparatus concealing the hidden aspects behind all constitutional rights of freedom and equality. The ideology of the state and its organic intellectuals play a profound role in stabilizing the existing system through multifarious ways in order to diffuse the tensions and win the support of the masses. So along with the overt threat of coercion and actual coercion the modern state has been greatly successful in winning the consent of the people through its vast ideological arrangements, institutions like legislative bodies, judicial system, educational institutions, media, political parties, etc. And when the powerful political parties with communist party signboards plunge into the accommodative process of diffusing the discontent of the masses with semblance of protestations on this or that issue the state becomes the actual gainer as its legitimacy stands vindicated: as if allgrievances, problems, discontents, revolting tendencies can be solved within the boundaries of the existing state. This cushioning effect is eminently materialized by the social–democratic parties in the modern states. The CPI and then the CPI(M) are credited with this tremendous task in this sub-continent called India. In the Communist Manifesto Marx and Engles boldly referred to the spectre of communism reigning in Europe. After so many years of this famous optimism the CPI, CPI(M) like parties can justly claim with profuse pride: we have cast communism into a mould which is capitalist and feudalfriendly. We can help crush revolts of the masses standing faithfully by the side of the state and we can also proudly hijack the programme of the militant struggles to the safe corridors of legislative assemblies and the parliament. 3

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

To trek down the path of history, in England the Social Democratic Federation started in 1885 by mostly defection of men and women of the earlier Socialist League who threw themselves into the fray of parliamentary action. It also had its object of collective ownership of the means of production, distribution and exchange managed by a democratic state. They also wanted palliative or temporary reforms of the ills of the existing society. In the same line Fabian societies emerged after 1882 and they developed a good following against Marxism. George Bernard Shaw became one of its key figures. Such societies preaching Fabian socialism were basically meant for legislative or administrative measures in favour of collectivist theory of state and municipal action for social reforms. Like the Social Democratic parties the Fabian socialists too believed in the path of gradualism towards a socialist system using the existing Parliamentary democracy2. The present Labour Party of England is also a successor to this Fabian society. The dangerous culmination of this so-called socialist party is reflected in the warmonger’s role of Tony Blair as the Labour Party Prime Minister in the recent Iraq aggression. Accommodative "Left" A revisionist approach, or in other words evading any revolutionary struggle, was the hallmark of the CPI. The First Party Congress held in Bombay in 1943 declared, "the supreme task before our people is the defence of the motherland" in the "closest co-operation with the people ofthe

United kingdom defending their independence and freedom against the fascist axis … "3 It is curious to note that the CPI in the whole period before the

Transfer of Power since the outbreak of — World War II accused the bureaucracy of all wrongdoings and cleverly evaded the colonial power as such. It even invoked the Party cadres to ensure British victory: "In the threatened areas, communists must offer organized co-operation of the people through their mass organization and party units to the British or Indian troops for offensive as well as defensive preparation."4 This avoidance of attacking the

colonial state and even holding out unstinted support to the British army 4

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

stemmed from the pure social democratic position of rejecting the struggle for smashing the state machinery and setting up of a revolutionary state. The Tebhaga Struggle in Bengal and the Great Telengana struggle broke out rejecting the right opportunist positions of many in the CPI leadership. The withdrawal of particularly the Telengana armed peasant struggle brought to the limelight the topsy-turvy of most of the CPI leaders. It should however be mentioned here that despite the extreme adventurist position of the Randive-led CPI in the second Party Congress in 1948 voices were raised for "complete severance from the British empire and full and real independence," "self determination to nationalities including the right to secessaion. A voluntary Indian Union, autonomous linguistic provinces" "abolitions of princedom, landlordism without compensation," etc. 5 The Randive line ended in Randive’s ouster from the post of General Secretary of the CPI and ultimately the leadership of the party was grabbed by the people more interested in parliamentary politics. rightist revisionist policy in later days. The withdrawal of the Telengana struggle relieved the CPI leadership from the trauma of armed struggle. A.K. Gopalan, who later became a brain behind the CPI(M) programme and decision-making ordered the "fighting partisans to stop all partisan action to mobilize the entire people for an effective participation in the ensuing election to rout the Congress at the polls."6 It is

noteworthy that the CPI leadership, despite plunging into electoral politics, did not altogether stop raising some of the genuine demands of the people. But the earlier bold announcements were steadily climbing down with the acceptance of parliamentary politics.

The prospect of winning elections so much obsessed the CPI that since the first general elections it increasingly put in all efforts at parliamentary politics. The extended plenum of the C.C of the CPI held from 30 Dec.1952 to 10 January 1953 boastfully declared, "The entire party went into election campaign" immediately after the all-India party conference 5

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

held in October 1951 and " Not only party members but tens ofthousands of supporters and sympathizers plunged into the election campaign … "7 In the same Plenum reference was made to the colossal burdens on all sections of the people "including industrialists and merchants and other class of common people. " 8 The above clearly included all the industrialists among the people, and thus the CPI leadership’s sliding down with greater involvement in parliamentary politics paved the way for its extremely rightist revisionist policy in later days. The Soviet Communist Party’s topsy-turvy after the death of comrade Stalin in 1953 provided the handle to the majority in the CPI leadership who had already done the necessary spade work for parliamentary politics. The 3 rd Party Congress held at Madurai in 1953-54 acclaimed the "significant" role played by the Indian government "In a number ofimportant international issues."9 As is common place in parliamentary politics it also eulogized that government on certain other policies. After the 20th Congress of the CPSU the revisionist leadership of the CPI got emboldened by Khrushchev’s political thesis of "fundamental social change" in a number of "capitalist and former colonial countries" through "winning a stable parliamentary majority backed by a mass revolutionary movement" of the proletariat and other working people. 10 It is worthy of

mention that one third of the delegates in the Palghat Congress was in favour of ‘general united front with the Congress.’ The CPI by then was apparently divided into three main factions, the rightists, leftists and centrists with the rightists predominating. The Telengana model of parallel power established through protracted armed struggle was by then an event of the past and consigned to the back burner. The Namboodripad led ministry in Kerala in 1959 provided the alternative model of peaceful transition to socialism endorsed at the 1958 Amritsar Party Congress. It is an irony ofhistory that many ofthe present CPI(M) leaders criticized the Kerala model at that time. 6

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

If the 4th Party Congress decisively changed the course of CPI history by its overtly pro-government slant, the 5 th Congress in 1958 showed the complete metamorphosis of the CPI leadership shedding all overtly antistate, anti-government policies of the 1946-50 period. The CPI led Kerala Government under Namboodiripad’s leadership was projected as "the single biggest event in our national political life." The assumption of power through elections by the CPI ministry in Kerala appeared as a model and justification of the revisionist stand of the Amritsar Party Congress policy, about the possibility of peaceful transition to socialism.

7

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

CPI Split — A Charade The international Communist movement was by then split into the revisionist CPSU line and the revolutionary position taken by the CPC led by Comrade Mao Tse-Tung. The rightists in the CPI leadership thoroughly accepted the CPSU line of peaceful transition to socialism. The broadly leftist leaders showed some inclination to the Chinese position. By this time India attacked China, and the centrists in the CPI like EMS Namboodiripad, Jyoti Basu and Bhupesh Gupta expressed their own centrist viewpoints. Namboodiripad, while not categorically condemning China, admitted that Chinese actions were tantamount to aggression. 11 Jyoti Basu, the leading centrist, stated in the West Bengal Assembly that the CPI "will do its duty for the defence and integrity of India … "12 What is interesting that the "leftist" faction after coming out of the CPI not only distanced themselves from the Maoist comrades like Charu Mazumdar and others, they declared that, "it would be unreal to state that democracy is totally abandoned or semi-fascist or fascist conditions have been created"13

It is necessary to make it clear that the CPI split was concerned with the defining of the classes, which could be allies of a democratic revolution. In practical terms if the ruling Congress party could qualify for a role in the people’s movement, the question of parliamentary path or of forming ministries in the existing set-up did not arise as a major point of debate between the right and the ‘left’ followers. A more intresting aspect is that the ‘left’ camp needed the powerful support of the centrists like Namboodiripad and Jyoti Basu. Thus what came as the CPI(M) programme and policy was a diluted patch-up understanding based on the compromise between ‘leftist’ and ‘Centrist’.

The new party CPI(M) retained the basic roots of revisionism that the Rightist CPI leaders vociferously preached and practiced over the years. After the split the ‘leftist and centrist leaders held a convention at Tenali in 8

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Andhra Pradesh in July 1964. The debate on the parliamentary path to socialism was set at rest, without clinching the crucial question. It was stated that, "The Convention accepted the suggestion made by Com. EMS that

those issues which are of immediate bearing on our political and ideological work like the forms oftransition and peaceful co-existence should be discussed and clinched along with the Draft programme."14 It is in order to reiterate

that those postponed issues remained postponed even in the founding Congress of the CPI(M). 15

The ideological patch-up expresses itself in the CPI(M) programme passed in its first Congress. On the one hand it stated that, "the present Indian State

is the organ of the class rule of the bourgeoisie and landlord, led bythe big bourgeoisie who are increasingly collaborating with foreign finance capital."16

This is then contradicted in order to keep room for an alliance by stating that, "contradiction and conflict exist between the Indian bourgeoisie including the big bourgeoisie and foreign imperialists."17 And "this stratum of the bourgeoisie will be compelled to come into opposition with state power and can find a place in the people’s democratic front."18

Thus, like the openly revisionist position of the CPI, this CPI(M) left open the back door for making alliances with the class representative parties of the bourgeoisie and landlords like the Congress. It is also significant that this new party in the leftist garb left open all opportunities of following the Kerala model of forming ministries in the existing setup. The programme stated " The Party will utilize all the opportunities that present themselves of bringing into existence government pledged to carry out a modest programme of giving immediate reliefto the people.."19

Thus the new party, the CPI(M), did not show any fundamental difference with the Rightist CPI. The earlier draft signed by Basava Punnaiah, P. Rammurti and H.K.S. Surjeet on 15 Feb. 1964 had clearly accepted the position of the People’s Republic of China in the forefront of struggle for socialism. 20 But the CPM Congress virtually led by EMS Namboodiripad, 9

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Jyoti Basu, etc. declared a policy of equidistance from the politics of both China and the Soviet Union. It was a turbulent period with a food crisis and the spirited movements of the people. Elections were round the corner and both the CPI and the CPI(M) plunged into the fray. The Election manifesto of the CPI brought out in December 1966 announced that, "the mood of the masses is unmistakably in favour of radical change."21 It is notable that in the atmosphere of anti-Congress mood of the people the CPI(M), a hotch potch embodiment of pro-right, centrist and ‘leftist’ leadership resorted to attacking the right CPI and, till then, the degeneration of the Party had not reached its nadir. E. M. S attacked the CPI leadership on the question of the unity of India. He stated that the bourgeois approach "would consider the ‘unity of India’ as ‘good’ and the ‘fissiparous forces’ (such as the caste, the religions community, the tribe, the language and the religion) as ‘evil. It would therefore give a stirring call to the people to oppose and defeat the fissiparous forces and strengthen the forces ofUnity."22

It is notable that in course of time such a view was abandoned by the CPI(M) for sticking to power. The CPI had long since rejected the right of secession of the nationalities in India and the CPI(M) too followed suit from its very advent. The Election Manifesto of the CPI(M) for the 4th General elections spoke much against foreign capital, landlords, Indian capitalists, with antiCongress thunder and onslaught against other parties like the Jana Sangh and Swatantra. It demanded, "immediate distribution ofthe hundred million

acres of uncultivated land among the agricultural workers and poor peasants and their distribution gratis among agricultural workers and peasants… "23 In

the revolutionary situation the revisionist CPI(M) instead of leading revolutionary struggles held out the programme of formation of NonCongress Ministries. A.K. Gopalan, and Jagjit Singh Lyallpuri, president and general secretary respectively of the peasant front AIKS, issued the 10

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

AIKS, issued the statement asking the Non-Congress Ministries formed after the elections "to redress the grievances ofthe peasants."24 It is curious to note that in this crisis situation the World Bank dictated and the then Prime Minister dished out the policy of the Green Revolution. In similar fashion the Indian revisionists the CPI, CPI(M), etc. gave a call for non-Congress ministries as vehicles of redressing the pent-up grievances of the Indian people against the system controlled by the landlords, comprador big bourgeoisie and their henchmen. True to its party programme, the CPI(M) leadership while using jargons like preparation for partisan war, militant struggle, etc. tried to put in all its efforts to stem the tide of mass upsurge, and to chanellise it towards establishing non-Congress ministries. The united fronts with the CPI(M) as a major force in West Bengal and Kerala soon set the example of providing "relief" within the man-eating state system. This was the line of Khrushchev in the USSR and various hues of social democrats deceiving the people with the programme of gradual change, utilizing the state machinery.

11

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Naxalbari and the CPM The Naxalbari upsurge of thousands of peasants with the support of tea garden workers remains as a thunderous blow to the revisionist model of the parliamentary way to solving the burning issues of the people and gradually moving peacefully towards a socialist system. The Naxalbari upsurge burst forth when Mr. Jyoti Basu was the Dy. Chief minister of the West Bengal United Front government. The CPI(M) and the CPI in the ministry cast aside the veil of Marxism by sending troops to put down the militant peasants and killed many women and children. The Naxalbari struggles emerged on the Indian political scene as an alternative path to the revisionist United Front Government. Let us refer to the jitters of the CPI(M) and the CPI soon after the Naxalbari upheaval. Immediately after the Naxalbari incident the West Bengal State Committee tried to pacify the discontent of the party members with the following statement: People’s Democracy editorial commented on June 4, 1967 that, "....As West Bengal State Committee’s Statement points out, the question at Naxalbari was not a law and order question, it was a question oftaking away the lands illegally occupied by jotedars and distributing them among the land hungry peasants..."

Again the People’s Democracy on June 25, 1967 published the indignant expression of the Polit Bureau of the CPI(M). It said, "The Polit Bureau

resolution at the same time sharply attacks the other deviations. Left sectazrian adventurist deviation – which in places like West Bengal is playing into the hands ofextreme reactionaries who seek to disrupt the united front and restore Congress rule over the State… "

The haunting fear of the CPI(M) leadership to dismiss any struggle with the refrain that this might dislodge the UF or LF government has been heard since it assumed power in some states since 1967. It is note worthy that 12

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

landlords and jotedars."

What a bizarre argument to bail out the CPI(M), a direct party in the butchery of the struggling peasants of Naxalbari! Then the CPI(M) top gun, B. T. Randive trotted out his die-hard revisionist argument to justify, in an exaggerated way, the power of the state and the poor condition of the people to go in for any revolutionary struggle. Randive announced: "… The election results have shown the growing shift ofthe masses as well as the fact that in spite of its defeat, except in Kerala and Tamilnadu, the Congress continues to be the biggest single party. Besides, our dissidents at least are aware that a substantial part ofthe anti-Congress vote — vote ofpartics ofthe Right as well as some ofthe so-called Left parties — PSP, SSP, etc. is not a vote against the Congress Government … Therefore, notwithstanding the big mass battles before the elections, especially in West Bengal, the influence of the classes controlling the State, and parties representing the classes is considerable."24a

What a dangerous revisionist argument solely considering the vote earned by Randive’s so-called left parties to reject outright the scope for launching armed peasant struggle in India. Thus Randive squarely accepted the fact and which the CPI(M) like revisionists learnt from Khrushchev – that gaining a majority in the parliament or legislative bodies will automatically bring about a revolutionary situation for the change of the system. What a dangerous revisionist argument solely considering the vote earned by Randive’s so-called left parties to reject outright the scope for launching armed peasant struggle in India. Thus Randive squarely accepted the fact and which the CPI(M) like revisionists learnt from Khrushchev – that gaining a majority in the parliament or legislative bodies will automatically bring about a revolutionary situation for the change of the system. Panchayat is at best carrier of bureaucracy. Through his practical experience 13 panchayats since 1978 CPM leader Mantu Sheikh thinks "Initially we 13

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

had no power, yet the people in government administration were afraid of us. Now panchayats have possessed much power, but the administration no longer fears the elected panchayat candidates. As a result the village development and the whole activity of leading Panchayats is tied to the government red tape." He cited examples of the visit of District Magistrate and other high officials and many a good proposal coming from them. But nothing useful came up. If anything is stated they suggest writing applications. Once Birbhum emerged prominently for ‘operation barga’..... But now examples of failure are on the increase. Now for the failure to provide the expenses many of them mortgage bargadari to turn into wage labourers. The condition is same for many landless who received patta for lands during ‘Left’ rule. In the name of land reforms, in order to please so many people the CPM distributed khas lands to the landless, 10-12 cottah per head. The land distribution per head is so meagre, as also thinks the state Land Revenue Minister Rejjak Mollah, that on many plots ploughing is tough. Many of the patta recipients are mortgaging their pattas. It is illegal so it is not found in government documents." The CPM leader Mantu Sheikh himself said, that in the villages the Advisis could not retain the pattas they received" (Anand Bazar Patrika, 11 May 2003)

The experience since 1967 is a telling commentary on the waning of genuine mass base of the CPI(M) even for militant economic struggle in West Bengal, Tripura, etc. but this party retained its ministry more than 25 years in West Bengal utilizing all anti-Marxist, unethical means as well as by capitalizing on the rivalry between the ruling class parties. And, a more important reason, is that the ruling classes allow the CPI(M) to rule undisturbed, to serve their best interests. 14

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Now we refer to the rightist CPI position on the Naxalbari struggle: In a statement Bhowani Sen, secretary of the CPI, West Bengal state Council demanded a judicial enquiry into the event. In a diluted criticism he added:

"But unfortunately excess sometimes committed by those who have been conducting the movement is also doing more harm than good to the sharecroppers who have legitimate grievances. All the parties of the United Front generally admit this. The most deplorable aspect ofthe movement is the conflict between landless sharecroppers and honest small owners. Such a conflict is against the interest ofthe Kisan movement as whole."25

The tune of the CPI(M) and the CPI in decrying the militancy of the peasant and their revolutionary leaders was perfectly concordant. Rather what came prominently in the minds of the CPI(M) leaders was a deep fear of losing their legislative power in the growing tide of peasant militancy. Revisionists turned into reactionary killers after the Naxalbari uprising in India.

15

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Economism and Electoral Politics When the tide of the food movement swept the entire country and the wrath of the people was bursting out, the new party, CPI(M), tactfully channelised people’s discontent by placing the path of forming nonCongress governments in the states. There was no dearth of choicest words against the right revisionists or the Congress to project the CPI(M) as the leader of militancy. E.M.S. Namboodiripad as general secretary of the new party issued a statement in Trivandrum on 23 rd December 1965. He appealed to all ‘Left opposition’ parties for united action "despite their differences on questions ofbasic ideology." The common denominator for such action, Nambaoodiripad declared, was that they all believed that the Congress Government was "Championing the interests of, and strengthening, the big landlords and monopoly capitalists … "26

The 4th General Election was round the corner and so the CPI(M) Central Committee oriented its entire thrust "On the General election." It took the resolution, pretty obviously not for boycotting it or weakening the state. The call was: "The reduction of the Congress party into a minority and the formation ofalternative governments wherever possible" and "adjustment with

opposition parties, so that the opposition votes may not get split and the defeat of the Congress party may be ensured in the maximum number ofconstituencies."27

It was a journey to the morass of parliamentarism that started particularly after the withdrawal of the Telengana uprising.

Yet one will find many elements of left verbiage in the articulations of the CPI(M). E.M.S. Namboodiripad, the centrist having already tasted legislative power in Kerala tried to blow-up the differences with the CPI. He announced simultaneously to put to shame the rightist CPI and appease the leftist sections. Pointing an accusing finger to the right CPI programme and its resolutions he stated that, "their approach to the problem ofnational unity and democracy is nothing but tailism to the bourgeoisie."28 16

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

The Election Manifesto of the CPI(M) for the 4th general election declared about Jana Sangh and Swatantra that, "though they thunder against Congress misrule, essentially represent the same class interests as the Congress" 29 Yet, in

"Tasks of the Alternative Government: proposals by the United Left Front Of West Bengal" such a non-Congress government was projected as an

alternative for the people, actually a safety valve against the massive discontent assuming a volcanic eruption everywhere. This right revisionist CPI(M) document announced: "Only such a Government representing the

united will ofthe people, pledged to fulfill the urgent demands ofthe life ofthe people, can provide a way out of the prevailing crisis, anarchy and degeneration."30 In a similar fashion Namboodiripad defined the role of the

United Front Government in Kerala. 31

The monopoly power of the Congress party for the first time since 1947 met with tremendous disillusionment and opposition. And in 9 states the Congress was dislodged from legislative power. The CPI(M) like all other revisionist and reactionary parties with all left phrase-mongering joined the chorus of the non-Congress ministry as the alternative model for the people. Comrade Stalin said that a communist party "cannot be a real party if it limits itselfto registering what the masses ofthe working class feel and think, ifit drags at the tail of the spontaneous movement, if it is unable to overcome the inertia and political indifference ofthe spontaneous movement, ifit is unable to rise above the momentary interests ofthe proletariat, ifit is unable to raise the masses to the level of understanding the class interests of the proletariat. The Party must stand at the head ofthe working class; it must see farther than the working class, it must lead the proletariat, and not drag at the tail of the spontaneous movement… … ."32

What we found in India was how the left phrase-mongering leaders utilized the fight against clearly right revisionism and how the new party, the CPI(M) basically remained within the boundaries set by Khruchevite revisionism after the death of comrade Stalin. With the prospect of power in legislatures, the CPI(M) Polit Bureau scaled down further from their 17

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

policies, and got ready to court all political parties irrespective of their representation of the landlord big-bourgeois classes. The Polit Bureau statements let out their policies in an abominable fashion, betraying the revolutionary masses in India. Apart from the West Bengal and Kerala United Front governments, for all non-Congress governments the PB decision was such as under. "We Marxists cannot but feel concerned that in some States the people in their anti-Congress hatred have voted for alternative parties of the same vested interests. Even in these States, we are supporting these non-Congress Governments, so as to prevent Congress Governments being formed and to give these sections a chance to carry out their promises to the people, but have refused to join their Governments." 33 The CPI held out the model of the Kerala Government of 1958 as the alternative to the model established by the bold Marxist fighters of Telengana in more than 2000 villages. The CPI(M), camouflaged as a leftist, pursued the same model, further abandoning all questions of class as basic to Marxism. This decay and degradation was allowed to move further towards complete institutionalizations of a parliamentary CPI(M). It is necessary here to state that in the late 60s India was thrust into a varitable crisis on all fronts. The Green Revolution, Garibi Hatao policy of Indira Gandhi and all such measures were to stem the tide of popular discontent by addressing the issues of pent-up anger by calculated measures through a constitutional process of accommodation. In 1969 the central Home Ministry diagnosed the non-delivery of promised services and reforms, especially the failure of land redistribution, as an underlying cause not only of the land-grab movements, but also of the Maoist Naxalbari uprising 34 The politics of buying support with patronage and of accommodating the conflicting demands of a large and heterogeneous interests through bringing all such interests to fall in line with mainstream politics was skillfully taken up by the central Government and the CPI(M) led state governments tried their best to pursue that policy 18

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

through reform measures. A few words are necessary to understand the temporary shift in the right CPI policy of collaboration with the Congress. It was the massive food movement targeting the Congress regime and the demands of Soviet foreign policy induced the CPI to cooperate with the CPI(M). The first United Front in West Bengal in 1967 was a hotchpotch of power-hungry political parties with Ajoy Mukherjee, the Bangla Congress leader as Chief Minister. It is in order to state that this Bangla Congress, a conspicuous representative of the jotedars having polled 10.4 percent of the votes against the CPI(M)’s 17.74% and CPI’s 6.32%, was given the post of Chief Minister. It is a shame that the United Front in West Bengal in 1967 was inclusive of two M.L.As, one of the Jan Sangh and the other of the Swatantra Party. The CPI(M) Central Committee announced that, "The UF Governments that we have now are to be treated and understood as instruments ofstruggle in the hands of our people, more than as a Government that actually possess adequate power, that can materially and substantially give relief to the people… "35

The struggling peasants of Naxalbari witnessed how much the U.F Governments could be the instruments of struggle when the armed police fell on them and killed 7 peasants including women and children. Actually speaking, it was a cogent proof of Lenin’s warning that the socialist ministers turn into pawns of the ruling classes. With the passage of time the CPI(M) ministries cogently proved how befittingly those can appear as instruments of repression and checking struggles in the name of saving such ministries. In any case, the first U.F govt. fell within months and the " Conspiracy Theory" was propagated to play into the minds of the electorate. It should be reiterated here that people’s grievances found an outlet with industrial disputes rising from 99 in the last quarter of 1967 to 182 in the first quarter of 1968. The stir among the peasants increased manifold and the CPI(M) tried to implement the land reform measures as far as the law permitted. 19

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

There appeared a clear rapport between the United Front and the Indira Gandhi government " based on appreciation of each other’s difficulties and confrontation yielded place to collaboration"36 This rapprochement was facilitated by the projection of Indira Gandhi as "progressive" against the Congress (syndicate). Jyoti Basu shrugged off left vocabulary and encouraged private investment, addressed the Chambers of Commerce and had a close-door meeting with Birla, to the discontent of many left forces. While now the CPI leaders preached to discard "the crude and mechanical anti-Congress line", the CPI(M) could not then openly follow the proCongress stance. It is to be reminded here that during the trial of strength between the Indira Gandhi led Congress and the Syndicate Congress over the presidential candidate it was the CPI(M)’s votes that cleared the path of Indira Gandhi by electing her candidate V.V. Giri against Sanjiva Reddy. Prof. Ajit Narayan Bose studied economic reviews of different years made by West Bengal Government and was driven to the conclusion that _ In this 10-year period from 1991-92 to 2000-01 the discrepancy between wages including food received by the agricultural labourers and the state Government determined daily wages stands out to the tune of at least Rs. 3.32 and at worst Rs. 8.63. The government source also display, Prof Bose adds, that in 10-year period the loss incurred by agricultural labourers in respect of wages is a staggering Rs. 7,052 crore. (Ajit Narayan Bose, Krishi o krishak, In Majhi, (a Bengali journal), August-December, 2002, p.52)

The CPI(M) Central Committee went on record that "Under the changed political situation since the latter half of 1969, our Party, while not compromising the role ofour party as a party ofrevolutionary opposition, has been lending certain amount ofsupport to the Central Government run by the anti-Syndicate wing ofthe Congress party, in order to defeat the determined efforts ofthe Syndicate Swatantra-Jana Sangh combine and thus ward offthe 20

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

grave danger of this combine taking over the Central Government."37 Saroj Chakraborty in his book written through personal experience at the corridors of power goes on record about that situation: "The Marxists were

extending their support to Mrs. Gandhi in parliament which was crucial for the survival of her government during that period. Both the leaders reportedly secured a promise from the Prime Minister and other Central leaders that the ruling Congress had no intention to seek the displacement of the U.F Government in West Bengal."38

21

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Opportunism and Ruling Class Politics The first U.F. Govt. in West Bengal fell through intra-party squabbles and the second U.F in 1969 like the first one was too heterogenous and shortlived. By this time the CPI(M) had learnt how to manage the government in a reactionary state system. Yet it should be mentioned here that many an effort was made by the militant peasants to implement the government land reform decisions. Against the rising tide of Naxalbari politics it was necessary to implement many old and new policies to avert a peasant upsurge. What the Congress leaders with the domination of landlords at every step failed to translate the Govt. policies taken to avoid a red revolution, the CPI(M) middle ranking leaders at that stage could implement them with some success. It must be stated the measures were not against the state itself. The CPI(M) leader Hare Krishna Konar writes about the second U.F Government that, "… The Land Revenue and the Home

Departments with their mutual cooperation have undoubtedly played an important role. But it was the unprecedented upsurge ofthe poor peasants, their broad imitative and active performance which formed the real basis."39 We

have already noted the alarm sounded by the Central Home Department about the need for the implementation of land reform measures. Indira Gandhi emerged with a big roar in 1971 with her so-called "Garibi Hatao" programme, of which the very important element was the redistribution of farmland held in excess of the prescribed ceilings to tillers of substandard holdings. She set up the Central Land Reforms Committee to adopt a ceiling on land holding, tougher than the past ones, i.e. twentyseven acres for a family of five on land irrigated for a single crop. But she failed for the big land owner party leaders. The actual transfers were even more miniscule than before: 25,000 hectares nation-wide from 1972 to 1975. 40 What the CPM did was to implement the that policy in a situation when the restless peasants themselves were participating in their thousands, when the possibility to go the Naxalbari way was very much in the air. The CPI(M) documents of that tumultuous period record the fear and the 22

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

need for "disciplined" movement with all its legality. Bhabadeb Mondal, a peasant leader of the Debra peasant struggle in Midnapore reminisces how on the request of Chief Minister the then state leaders shot off directives against the peasant movements getting increasingly militant. Bhabadeb and two other leaders were called for explanation at the district party office and then came the diktat: "Halt this movement. The land seizure shall be done by

the administration; no type ofblockade shall be allowed anywhere. Even for the moment stop all street meetings. Because, by this time the atmosphere ofterror that has been created, the activities that have been performed by gheraoing police station, B.D.O and J.L.R.O offices and the barns ofjotedars have tarnished the tradition of our party, particularly the prestige of the United Front Government."41

What the district CPI(M) leaders emphatically sounded was on the maintaining of the legality of the movement and the positive role of the state administration. The gains that came to the peasants were through their struggles, and the CPI(M) played the twin role of activising the administration (where the Congress failed) and of disciplining the peasants’ and workers’ struggle within the limits of law. The CPI(M) documents of this whole period (1967-70) are replete with the call to "Defend Parliamentary Democracy" and save the U.F governments. The All India Kisan Sabha in its 19th session at Madurai in January 1968 tried to alleviate the fear of the reactionary forces with such lamentations: "They are dubbing every struggle ofthe peasants for even partial economic demands as Naxalbari liberation struggle." (Resolution of the 19th Session of the AIKS, supplement

to People’s Democracy, Feb. 11, 1968. p. vi) The CPI(M) from the early 1970s concentrated all fire against the CPI (ML), killing and handing over to the police hundreds of its dedicated activists. It made a clandestine understanding with the Congress butchers aided by the C.R.P and Calcutta Police forces to brutally kill hundreds of activists, sympathizers and their family members in Kashipur – Burranagar in Calcutta in 1971. The CPI(M) help was not necessary by the year 1972 to stem the people’s movement directly and the reign of white terror that was unleashed 23

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

particularly in West Bengal by the Congress regime did not even spare some of the militants in the CPI(M).

1972 1977 1982 1987 1991 1996 1998 1999 2000 2003

People killed in elections in West Bengal Assembly 5 deaths Assembly 1 death Assembly 1 death Assembly 0 death Assembly 1 death Assembly 1 death Panchayat 6 death Parliament 2 death Assembly 7 deaths Panchayat 47+20= 67 deaths (official figure) unofficial more than 150 (Anand Bazar Patrika, 12 May, 2003)

The accommodative politics of the CPI(M) with ‘left’ speechifying yielded place to direct attacks like any ruling class party. The CPI under the directive of Moscow already started eulogizing the Indira Gandhi govt. as an ally of the Soviet Union. Some prominent CPI people directly joined the Congress led by Indira Gandhi. Mohan Kumarmangalam received the plum post of the Union Minister for planning, K.R. Ganesh, Union Minister of State for Revenue and Expenditure, Nurul Hasan, Union Minister of State for Education and Social Service and so on. The CPI(M) lost a rigged 24

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

election in 1972 in West Bengal and the timidty of its leadership was all too evident when it preferred to remain in political wilderness till the next election in 1977. Its militant cadres too were not spared, yet there was no resistance, no struggle of any significance was made against the white terror. The Internal Emergency declared by Indira Gandhi in 1975 betrayed the supine position of the entire CPI(M) leadership. And as a prize the cruel S.S Ray ministry in West Bengal "did not take action against the ageing leadership of the State cadre"42 The CPI Central Executive Committee Resolution captioned " National Emergency And Our Party’s Tasks" gave unstinted support to the repressive measures with despicable political statement that,

"… the Central Executive Committee ofthe Communist Party ofIndia is ofthe firm opinion that the swift and stern measures taken by the Prime Minister and the Government ofIndia against the right reactionary and counter revolutionary forces were necessary and justified."43 This was

from the clearly revisionist CPI directly echoing the revisionist masters in the social imperialist Soviet Union. And what did the cunning as well as timid CPI(M) leaders do?

In their inter-party squabbles the CPI leader Mohit Sen lambasted the hypocritical left phrase-mongering CPI(M). We quote below the clear charges. "Where were the struggles against the Emergency and action calling it to be lifted by CPM? What and where did it do anything against sterilization and the savage demolition operations aimed at the urban poor? What did it do to battle against the caucus and the repulsive Sanjay built-up campaign? What is its answer to P.C. Sen’s public statement that the CPM turned down his proposal to launch a Satyagraha against the Emergency in West Bengal?… "44

The period 1972-1974 at least gave the right lesson to the CPI(M) that it should gradually shed much of its militant phrase-mongering, it had better forget all possibility of militant resistance, even economic ones under its parliamentary organizational set-up and it was pragmatic enough to appease and welcome the big bourgeoisie, MNCs, IMF, land owning sections with the discreet policy of "Live and let live." 25

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

The 1977 electoral victory, absolutely unexpected even to the CPI(M), which was in a state of disarray and decay, in West Bengal and Kerala, and then in Tripura riding on the crest of a wave of massive discontent through the rejection of the Indira regime and its repressive politics, provided a new beginning for open and repressive revisionist parliamentarism in Indian politics in the name of Marxism. The Marxist dictum that the state is an organ of class rule has been rejected completely in favour of maintaining ‘law and order’ to perpetuate and legalize the oppression by imperialist powers and their allies, the comprador big bourgeoisie and landlords. What E.M.S. Nambordiripad told at a press conference in 1968 as to how to combat revolutionaries wedded to Naxalbari polities has been faithfully followed by the CPI(M) bosses in West Bengal in the post-1977 period. The Blitz editorially commented on December 14, 1968 that he spoke like a social fascist: "It is gratifying to see agreement on this basic point in quarters which

otherwise are wide apart. At his Trivandrum Press conference Mr. E.M.S. Namboodiripad, ChiefMinister oftroubled Kerala clearly reaffirmed the need for a combination of police and political measures. Two days later, Mr. Y.B. Chavan told the Home Ministry’s Informal Parliamentary Consultative Committee that the extremists could not be tackled by police action alone."45

Such unity of thought and action with the twin policy of killing revolutionaries as well as doling out so-called welfare measures or carrying out so-called political struggle was found in Namboodiripad, Y.V. Chavan and now heard in the fascist voices of L.K. Advani, Chandrababu Naidu and Buddhadeb Bhattacharyee. It is downright revisionism and accommodative mainstream politics in the Marxist movement in India that has led to this disastrous end. The Indian revolution has to fight this dangerous parliamentarism, standing in the way of people’s democratic revolution in India. The post-1997 insitutionalized revisionist politics after the exit of the Indira 26

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

regime at the Centre and the whole of north and east India through a massive madate against the terror raj, the subdued and thoroughly inactive CPI(M) jumped onto the band wagon of the anti-Indira Janata Party for an alliance. It was like a period of a sweeping wind against the Indira regime. The Janata Party was a hotch-potch combination of extreme right bourgeois landlords with the reactionary Jan Sangha (now BJP) a prominent constituent. Home Minister L. K. Advani informed Parliament that some officials had sought to advise him before J and K assembly poll last October to take steps to "direct the result in a certain manner". This is the most authoritative acknowledgement yet that the rigging of elections had become a common feature of politics in that sensitive state…. Not unexpectedly, national interest has been cited as the reason for using the democratic instrument of elections as a plaything. (Editorial, Hindustan Times, April 25, 2003) It is true the basically pro-Russian regime of Indira cracked down on the pro-U.S constituents of the Janata Party while the CPI(M) leaders chose to avert jail life or any trial of strength to the satisfaction of the Congress Governments in the Centre and states. It is an utter lie when the CPI(M) leaders cry hoarse that it had faced repression during the Emergency period. It was a sheer windfall or in other words, peoples’ desperation that clicked and CPI(M) led "Left Front" was voted to power in the 1977 general elections in West Bengal.

In the words of the CPI(M) C.C. member Benoy Konar: "The left approached the Janata Party for unity. They even offered to be a junior partner. But the Janata declined … " 46 The CPI(M) leaders had not without reason preferred to be a junior partner. The organization was in complete disarray with desertion of many of the middle level leaders and activists, and reduced to a totally inactive, non-functioning state of its grass-roots organizations. 27

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

The Janata Party, on the other hand, misread the West Bengal people’s disgust with the erstwhile Congress, P.S.P, and such reactionary leaders without grassroots base among the deprived people. It was the demand for ‘political prisoners’ release’ that became a rallying cry in West Bengal as in many other states. It goes without saying that predominantly Naxalites in their thousands bore the brunt of repression, murder and regular torture in all the jails of West Bengal. A small number of CPM militant cadres were also put behind the bars.The CPI(M) Election Manifesto while making false promises on checking MNCs, World Bank, punishing the guilty of torturing people in the Indira regime, etc. incorporated in it the people’s demand for the release of political prisoners as it was the vocal demand of the people. In any case, the CPI which wholeheartedly supported the Emergency and all other draconian measures of the Congress regime suddenly did a topsy-turvy and expelled its Chairman, the wretched revisionist S.A. Dange, for his pro-Congress position while maintaining in the CPI National Council a fourth of his pro-Congress (I) supporters. 47 The CPM led so-called left parties were voted to power, the CPM alone unexpectedly secured 178 out of the 294 seats. From then on the Left Front in West Bengal has been highlighted as a model, an alternative to the class rule of capitalists and landlords. The CPM Finance Minister Ashok Mitra, who served Indira Gandhi as advisor a few years ago, wrote glowingly that the "communist experience" in West Bengal "Would act as a great pursuader;

by example, it would captivate the imagination ofthe millions who constitute India’s exploited majority and pulsate them into an all encompassing drive for social revolution. " 48 And this revisionist anti-Leninist model supposing to be

the driving force for social revolution is like the magic lamp of Aladin.

The pragmatic CPM leadership did three major things to stay put in power after the stagnation of even economic movements through trade unions and peasant front. First it released political prisoners, second it betrayed the repressed people’s anger against the culprits of white terror by gradually chanellising their pent-up indignation through the ballots of Panchayats 28

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

and other such constitutional ways. Third the vocal sections were mellowed by economic rewards in various ways. On the other hand the henchmen of the Congress regime were rendered practical assistance by cunningly evading any measure against them for their crimes. Rather notorious police officers like Runu Guha Niyogi got promoted in the police department. Instead of a ‘Social revolution’, in the early days of the Left Front, people’s militant mood was watered down giving a call for discipline and saving the Left Front from the allegations of inspiring militancy. With all such measures the power-hungry CPM in no time used the administration, and rural rich, job opportunities to create a cadre of thousands of disgruntled, careerist people to save and propagate the revisionism of the CPM. This created a modest earning middle class party elite in the villages and cities engaged in blunting the militant edge of any movement. The third thing it did, learning from the inactivity and failure of the earlier Congress regime, was to implement land reform measures as per the Land Reform Acts of 1955 and the amendments made in 1971 by the Congress Chief minister S.S. Ray’s government. In the Words of Benoy Konar "In

1978 ‘operation Barga’ started, by which administrative measures and initiatives for recording the rights of the share-croppers were coordinated with the peasant movement. This was initiated by Com. Benoy Chowdhury, the then Land Reforms Minister, and Land Reforms Commissioner Sri. D. Bandhopadyay. To begin with, land revenue officers went to selected villages on a pre-fixed date after Kisan Sabha workers had conducted a campaign among the share-croppers to assemble there, and their barga rights were recorded on the spot. Earlier a share cropper had to prove that be was a bargadar; now the onus ofdisproving one’s claim as a bargadar was laid upon the owner. At the next stage, the share-croppers themselves went to the land revenue officer in an organized way to record their rights… "49

In any case it must be stated that the Indira regime or the Nehru regime 29

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

could not effectively put into practice the legally accepted measures adopted to avert a Red Revolution in India or, at least, the massive anti-landlord outburst in some parts of the country. The CPI or the CPM with their long history of presence in the villages with movements on various types of economic demands against the landowning sections could use the administration and peasants’ participation for implementing, to an extent, the land reform acts within the constitutional framework. And it must be added here it had twin results: spreading its mass base, projecting the L.F. Governments as an alternative model and second, undermining the revolutionary spirit for making thorough land reforms through the efforts of establishing parallel Soviet type administrations through a violent class war. It should be added here that when the zamindari abolition demand in the post 47 period spread throughout India, it was the Nehru-led Congress Government which perceived the threat from the tenants to go in for at least doing away with the big zamindari estates. It is the tragic history of Indian revisionism that except in Telengana and in certain pockets under the Tebhaga struggle the CPI did not resort to any direct action for striking at the zamindars. The U.P zamindari Abolition Committee pointed to the age long simmering discontent of the tenants everywhere that might "develop into revolt and our social security may be threatened by the out-break of violence." 50 What the non-Marxists feared and what they suggested as constitutional measures to direct the discontents captivated the revisionist leaders from E.M.S Namboodiripad to the JyotiBuddha opportunists, who chose the cosy way of avoiding the hardships in the tortuous path of revolution by Fabian type social reformism. It is obviously not our argument that all movements even within the constitutional boundaries are revisionism. What is wrong with revisionists like Bernstein, Khruschev variety and their Indian followers is to project the exploitative class state and its administration as serving the have nots in our society averting the bloody path of revolution. No state or central government with even real Marxists’ participation can be projected as an alternative as the CPI/CPM and such revisionists do in India expecting a 30

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

peaceful change. Before coming to what the CPI(M) Polit Bureau member Anil Biswas glorified as "West Bengal: Towards an Alternative Form ofGovernance in the Indian Union" in The Marxist, the CPM theoretical journal, 51 celebrating its 25 years’ stint in state power, we take a look at the worst type of parliamentarism at the national level in this period. From a three-state organization in electoral politics and the taste of legislative power, the CPM, and in a smaller way the CPI, have been opting for central seats of power, shedding all past tall talks against bourgeois landlord parties, and shifting from this or that boat of reactionaries, out of sheer opportunism, the hallmark of parliamentary power politics. A few examples, we think, will suffice to grasp the basic intention and trend of current revisionist parliamentarism. The CPM supported the Janata Government, a hotch potch combination from the present BJP to the Lok Dal. Again an election came through which Indira rose to power again in 1980. The CPI in 1978 was found attacking both the Janata Party and the Congress (I). It also vehemently criticized the CPM for pulling down the CPI-led government in Kerala. 52 During this mud-slinging the CPI leader Bhupesh Gupta reminisced in an angry mood the blatant fact that if the CPI(M) would not stand by Indira Gandhi’s minority government, it would not have survived the crucial one and half year after the first split of the Congress in 1969. 53 However, differences were only skin deep. The CPI National Council wanted a so-called left and democratic unity stressing "our party and the CPI(M) as a nucleas for a left front." 54 Like the CPI(M), the CPI National Council too in that meeting declared that "The CPI will support whatever progressive steps this government (Indira-led government) might take… "55 This die-hard revisionist policy of criticizing the "utterly

reactionary" government, with a simultaneous eagerness to discover and lend support to its "progressive steps" in order to appease it has always remained the crude form of capitulation to the comprador bourgeoisie and landlords and their political representatives in India. 31

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

It is necessary to remind here that when the Dalit peasants had consistently burst into revolts in united Bihar since 1973-74 under the CPI (ML) groups both the CPI and the CPI(M) painted the massive repression on them and murdering of Dalits as a consequence of Dalit awakening and simultaneously vented all their ire against the Naxalites. This duality is a part and parcel of revisionist vote-bank politics. As the CPI National council strongly criticized Naxalite elements in Bihar, who were charged with utilizing the deep discontent among " the poorest and the downtrodden". 56 When Indira Gandhi was assassinated in 1984 both the CPI and the CPI(M) went into mourning. The CPI(M) Polit Bureau considered Indira’s assassination was "part ofa … dismemberment plan" of the imperialist agents and other reactionary forces. 57 The CPI had long abandoned the rightful demands of various nationalities in India, so also did the CPI(M). We have referred to the CPMs founder leader Namboodiripad’s early ‘left’ retort against the CPI’s stress for national unity. With maturity in Paliamentary constitutional politics the CPI(M) too joined the chorus for national unity. In its prepared statement before the meeting of opposition parties in Srinagar in September 1983 it oozed out its nationalistie sentiments like the Congress (I) or the BJP. It announced

"Our Party stands for the unity of the country and fights all forces of disintegration; we definitely stand for an effective and efficient Centre capable of defending the country, organizing and consolidating its economic life, and adequately armed with powers to discharge its other jobs like foreign policy, communication, foreign trade etc."58

With all this stress on national unity, the common refrain of all bourgeois parties, while rejecting the question of self determination of nations, the above statement has been calculatedly moderated by vague utterances, that without the sense of equality and autonomy in the state sphere, "Indian Unity will not be strong and the feeling ofbeing ofone people and one 32

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

people and one country will be weakened… … ."59 When Rajiv Gandhi

assumed prime ministership after a favourable mandate the CPI(M) ideologue B.T. Randive analysed the Victory with the same perspective in mind regarding Rajiv’s victory as "concern for National Unity (that) swayed the electorate."60

Comrade Lenin reminded us that the Marxist definition of the state as an organ of class oppression "has never been explained in the prevailing propaganda and agitation literature of the official Social-Democratic parties. More than that, it has been deliberately ignored, for it is absolutely irreconcilable with reformism, and is a slap in the face for the common opportunist prejudices and philistine illusions about the ‘peaceful development ofdemocracy’. 61

The Indian revisionists perfectly toe what their forefathers in the official Social Democratic Parties did in Lenin’s time. After Rajiv Gandhi’s Victory in the election matching Randive’s pro-statist analysis in that years’ May Day appeal to the workers, the CITU too brazenly reasoned out that "Had the

organized trade Union movement unitedly taken the question of defending national unity, had it with one voice exposed imperialist plots and simultaneously thrown all its weight to defend the economic interests of the workers, the election would have shown better results for the country and the people."62 What a piece of argument to mislead the workers in favour of

joining with the state power more unitedly and devotedly to strengthen the state unity. It should be added here that the CPI and the CPM during the tenure of Indira Gandhi as prime minister even in the dark days of the Emergency and later eulogized her as a stubborn fighter against imperialism on the national and international fronts through her supposed role in the unity of India against imperialist efforts at provoking and abeting forces of instability and secessation from the Indian Union some parts of India. Lenin wrote in a crystal clear way about the modern state. He rebuffed the revisionist constitutional ‘Marxists’ to drive this Marxist concept home that "The centralized state power that is peculiar to bourgeois society…….. 33

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Two institutions most characteristic of this state machine are the bureaucracy and the standing army. In their works Marx and Engles repeatedly show that the bourgeoisie are connected with these institutions by thousands of threads……… From its own bitter experience, the working class learns to recognise this connection. That is why it so easily grasps and so firmly learns the doctrine….." a doctrine which the pettybourgeois democrats ignorantly and flippantly deny, or still more flippantly admit "in general" while forgetting to draw appropriate practical conclusions."63

34

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Fight Against US intelligence units CIA and FBI dropped: The Perceived Enemy ofRuling Classes Becomes Revisionists’ Enemy Our Indian revisionists with prying eyes kept on the seats of power admit "in general" the Marxist doctrine on class, but can never expose and fight the reactionary bourgeois ideology of strengthening the centralized state power trampling underfoot the aspirations of the rising nationalities in India and maintaining the extremely inequeal social-economic system retained in the interests of imperialist masters and their Indian agents. In all the party congresses of the CPI and the CPI(M) the refrain is heard that threats to national unity emanates "from the secessionist forces that are operating from across the border backed by imperialism."

The traditional voice against the C.I.A. operating on Indian soil has been replaced by the target against the I.S.I. of Pakistan as has been perceived by the Congress (I) or B.J.P. government in the Centre in the recent period. The revisionists are not vocal against the deadly American security agency F.B.I. operating legally in India. It is not our contention that the Pakistani secret service agency has not been operating in India. We simultaneously admit the spying and provocative activities of the RAW, the secret agency of India, in Pakistan too. What the revisionist leadership of the CPI and CPI(M) preaches and practises is the continuation of the ehauvinistic jingoism of the revisionist Second International’s so-called socialist parties which sided with their respective state powers during the World War-I on the nefarious ground: "My country, right or wrong." The CPI and CPI(M) revisionists prefer to maintain a convenient silence over the Indian State’s subversive and bigbrotherly attitude towards the neighbouring countries. The Congress (I), the BJP and such partiers pursue the same policy. It should be emphatically stated that this attitude, particnlarly the calculated antiPakistan phobia is being aggressively kicked off to build up jingoism as ifPakistan were the root cause ofIndia’s basic problems. 35

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Simultaneously, this joining the chorus of the BJP witch-hunt targeting Pakistan and its I.S.I. without stressing the need for peaceful coexistence of neighbours has been in, effect, strengthening the antiMuslim Hindutva programme ofthe communalists. Revisionists in India also skirt the question of the role and master plan of uncle Sam in keeping alive the hostility between the two states and its role as so-called mediator in the name of diffusing tensions between the two countries. This present Bush administration’s Deputy secretary of state Richard Armitage has been currently engaged in such big brother’s role with huge economic, political and military leverage over both India and Pakistan.

36

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Degenerated Stand ofCPM on Nationalities The Political Resolution of the 8th Party Congress of the CPI(M) only casually mentioned the nationalist aspirations of the "border nationalities and tribal people" requiring "a just and democratic solution" keeping mum over the very question of the right to self-determination of nationalities. 64 The 11th Congress of the CPI(M) charged the missionaries working in the "Adivasi areas" propagating separation, particularly in the North-East region of India. 65 So also perturbed by the concern for national unity the 12th Party Congress of the CPI(M) expressed its chauvinistic bias stating that "The entire north-eastern region is full of discontent, insurgency and secessionist challenges" and lamented that the backwardness of the region was being fanned by " Reactionaries, Christian missions and foreign agencies."66 How reactionary anti-nationality bias and communalistic trend are buttressed by the revisionist CPM and CPI, rejecting the aspirations of the nationalities to determine their own fate and branding all leadership of those nationalitists as mere tools in the hands of imperialism or reactionaries, is pure and simple worship of the powerful Indian state imposing its class rule of oppression and exploitation on those nationalities. This refrain of fighting against the "divisive and separatist forces" is heard in all the later party Congresses in order to strengthen the role of the Indian state machinery. The CPI(M) dismissed the independent aspirations of the Kashmiri people to determine their own fate and has consistenly remained silent or ambiguous like all present and past central governments. The parliamentary revisionists ignore the massive blood-shed of the Kashmiri people for the right of self-determination, the enormous presence of the military over years, the "disappearance" of 3,734 Kashmiris67 since 2000, the manufactured story by the BJP Government about the large-scale massacre of peace-loving Sikhs in Kasmir during the U.S President Clinton’s visit to India and such brutalities perpetrated on the Kashmiris. 37

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Both the BJP and the CPI(M) prefer only to see the subversive acts of Pakistan and fall in line to rope in by any means, the Kashmiri people in the mainstream of parliamentary politics abandoning their aspirations for freedom from India or Pakistan. A sham election was foisted on the Kashmiri people in Sepetember 1996 and the CPI(M) hailed it as an "important stage in the struggle against the secessionist forces backed by Pakistan." This particular election held literally against the aspirations of

decision from democratic minded people and media was glorified in the same CPI(M) Party Congress document shamelessly singing the CongressBJP tune: "The initiative taken to hold the elections at the appropriate time with about 50 percent of the voters participating, was an achievement of the United Front government."68 Even most of the media people confirmed that

only a miniscule percentage of people really cast their votes.

CPM documents also confirm the failure of the ‘Left Front’ to implement the Government stipulated wages. Then where has gone all the euphoria about providing "relief" to the common people through such CPM led government ? Is there any basic difference between the performance of such government and the governments run by the Congress(I) or the BJP in other states ? One can not afford to ignore the thorny and bitter reality. Both the CPM and the CPI, like all reactionary parties, simply ignore to listen to the voice of the Kashmiris. Nor do they believe that all Kashmiris are not Islamic fundamentalists inviting Pakistan as saviour. It is the extreme brutality on the people, which makes room for negative forces to divert any movement in the absence of a sufficiently powerful revolutionary party. But what the revisionists are at is to derail the Kashmiri people’s growing aspirations for freedom in order to force them to rest satisfied with autonomy "within the framework ofthe Indian Union."69 Not being satisfied with this prescription the 16th Party Congress provided a lot of satisfaction and elation to the Indian ruling classes by dishing out the policy of inciting the Indian people against the Kashmiri fighters. It gave the inflammatory call: "There has to be a massive campaign in Kashmir and the rest ofthe country 38

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

to explain how the extremist activities have disrupted the economic and social life in the valley and to rally the people for the defence ofsecularism and national unity."70

This is the culmination of parliamentary revisionism in India, which has long officially abandoned the policy of propagating the need for armed revolution in India and the solution to nationality problems as per people’s demands in the Leninist way. The present revisionist call for national unity reminds us of the CPI CC led by the die-hand revisionist leader P.C. Joshi’s line in the British colonial period with surging waves of people’s struggle. It rejected the minority trend in the CPI which relied on armed struggle Joshi argued, "on the elemental upsurge", a "narrow strategy, ofclass Vs class and Left

Vs Right instead of the correct strategy of national unity Vs national disruption. " 71 While emphatically dismissing that trend the then CPI CC

did not, however, shirk its duty like the present CPI and the CPI(M) to appease the discontented activists by voicing against the tendency towards imminent electoral politics.

39

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Mesmerism on Forms ofstruggle It is worth while to mention that plunging into electoral politics was a later phenomenon and Kruschev was yet to emerge with his dirty politics of the parliamentary way to socialism. What is our contention is that from P.C Joshi to Namboodiripad and the Jyoti Basu clique, all revisionist leaders of the CPI, CPM, etc. have been gripped by a pathological fear about heightened class Vs class struggle considering it as a disruptive policy and as a remedy all they cry for is "national unity" or strengthening the unity and integrity of the Indian state. Yet it should be added that the pressure of the leftist forces in India and Comrade Stalin’s international leadership induced the CPI leadership to declare the right of Indian nationalities including the right to secede in the 50s. The 20th Congress of the CPSU formulated the dangerous theory of the possibility of "fundamental changes in a more or less peaceful way", "even in a country like India or Indonesia"72 This inspired the revisionist leaders in the CPI to readily accept this line, and since then the positive role of the Government in Delhi both in national and international spheres comes to be magnified and eulogised. National unity too replaced right to self-determination of nations, the parliamentary way or in the name of scope of so-called parliamentary struggles, struggle and organization building for revolutionary change of this system was bidden farewell in the name of creative Marxism by our revisionist leaders. What led to such degeneration? This degeneration started early and its monstrous images that we come across in theory and practice emanate from distortions of Marxism, failure to chalk out a revolutionary programme with an iron determination and revolutionary courage to go in for the revolutionary change of our society. It is scandalous that for many decades the CPI had no programme at all. In 1950 the Telengana path of people’s democratic revolution got official recognition when C. Rajeswara Rao became CPI General Secretary. It is an irony of history that Rajeswara Rao gave the call to follow the Chinese path for Indian revolution. In the very next year in 1951 the supposed revolutionary programme, statement of Policy and Tactical Line were finalized by the CPI with Rao’s replacement 40

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

and the crowning of Ajay Ghosh as general secretary. This very programme – even it was not practised – was the compromise document of various trends in the CPI. The 1951 documents affirmed the concept of the twostage revolution, partisan warfare as in the ease of the Chinese revolution, semi-colonial state with Nehru serving the interests of big bourgeoisie landlords and imperialism. The Palghat Congress of the undivided CPI in 1956 toeing the Kruschevite prescription of peaceful struggle and co-operation with the progressive policies of Nehru totally rejected the 1951 programme. And the left phrase mongering CPI(M) in 1964 in the name of following the 1951 programme abandoned certain basics in respect of the reactionary role of the big bourgeoisie depending on imperialism, the sham independence, etc. The CPI in its programme is frankly revisionist glorifying India’s independence, progressive role of the Indian government, the need for gearing the programme towards the efforts of the national bourgeoisie carrying on the so-called democratic revolution and the peaceful parliamentary way to overthrow the reactionary classes. 73 Flashes of the revisionist CPM programme have been placed above. We here concentrate on the cunning opportunist utterances in the 1964 programme to go the parliamentary way while talking of revolution, though in a meaner way, to snub the CPI leadership and to comfort its militant activists. In the 1964 programme we find paras alive with anti-imperialist, anti-big bourgeoisie, anti-landlords pro-toilers verbiages and also the tasks of the imagined ‘People’s Democratic India’ After stating so many things about crisis-ridden India the Programme in chapter VIII captioned "Building ofPeople’s Democratic Front" ended in para 113 with the same perfidious Kruschevite line: "The Communist party of India strives to achieve the establishment of people’s democracy and socialist transformation through peaceful means. By developing a powerful mass revolutionary movement by combining parliamentary 41

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

and extra-parliamentary forms of struggle, the working class and its allies will try their utmost to overcome the resistance of the force of reaction and to bring about these transformations…" This is what our ruling classes expected and to ward off their fear the above was programmed. And then after prioritizing this peaceful transformation through the parliamentary way, a cunning trick was played to satisfy the militants in the following sentences in the same para. It read "However, it needs to be borne in mind that the ruling classes never relinquish their power voluntarity. They seek to defy the will ofthe people and seek to reverse it by lawlessness and violence. It is, therefore necessary for the revolutionary forces to be vigilant and so orient their work that they can face to all contingencies, to any twist and turn in the political life ofthe country."74 In retrospect, taking a look at years of CPI(M) practice even any die-hard CPM worker shall not believe that the party has in any sense prepared itself for the attacks of the ruling classes. However, this is not our issue. The centrally important question, which comes to the fore as to why after citing in page after page instances of extreme economic crisis of the

imperialist world and the Indian ruling classes the monumental loads of burden on the Indian people and the consistent perpetration of violence on the movements of the deprived Indians at all levels, the CPM Programme had to elaborately affirm its abiding faith in peaceful parliamentary change of this highly powerful state system. The answer partly lies in the role of centrists who joined the CPI(M) and got their view inserted so clearly. But it was mainly and basically for the CPI(M) leaders who had no fundamental difference at that moment with the parliamentanism of the CPI. The differences were on this or that point, on the question of the extent of India’s big capitalists’ compromise with imperialism and so on. History is a living witness to substantially prove it. The so-called up-dated programme of the CPM by the Special Conference of the CPI(M) held at Thiruvananthapuram on 20-23 October, 2000 42

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

repeats the above after a gap of 36 years sinking further into the worst type of parliamentarism. If one could find elements of militancy, even militant economism, in the early years of the CPM one is required to take the help of a magnifying glass to search for this in the CPM published huge literature in the past three decades. The CPM too must fail in projecting any substantial proof. It is better to take a look at what the so-called updated CPM programme in 2000 preaches and its sacred commitment. It declared solemnly "… … … … universal adult franchise and parliament and state legislatures can serve as instruments of the people in their struggle for democracy, for defence of their interests. When there have been attacks on parliamentary democracy, such as the internal emergency, the people have opposed such authoritarian measures. Although a firm class rule of the bourgeoisie, India’s present parliamentary system also embodies an advance for the people. It affords certain opportunities for them to defend their interests, intervene in the affairs ofthe State to a certain extent and mobilize them to carry forward the struggle for democracy and social progress."75 One can find similar type of bourgeois arguments in the Janata Party or many world-wide Kruschevite parties’ documents. An utterly revisionist party alone can be enchanted by the positive role of Indian parliamentary "democracy". Mrs. Nazma Heptullah said: Mrs. Nazma Heptullah the Rajyasabha Dy. Chairperson and INC M.P. spilled the beans on 27 Feb, 2003 that two top INC leaders along with two Left representatives became party to a "collective" Parliamentary Committee decisin to put up the Savarkar Portrait in the Central Hall of Parliament. (Statesman 28 Feb, 2003)

Mr. Rabi Ray, former Loksabha speaker disclosed:

"The protrait of Shyama Prasad Mookheriee was installed in the Central Hall. This decision was taken unanimously by an all-party committee of which the speaker was the chairman. Was not the CPI(M) or the CPI members on the all-party committee?" (It appeared in letter column of Hindustan Times on 30th March 2003) 43

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

The entire updated programme of the CPI(M) never elucidates or spells out forms of extra parliamentary militant struggles necessary to resist the repression of the state, and no successive Central governments, either of the Indira Congress or the present BJP, have ever accused the CPI(M) of making secret preparation for higher forms of class battles to destroy the system itself. There are however allegations and counter allegations over allowing or disallowing electoral candidates to file nomination, rigged elections, etc. These are matters of electoral politics in India. What is notable is that the CPM is more concerned about instilling into the minds of the people about the purity of parliamentary politics, and the immense importance of sticking to this parliamentary path. Comrade Lenin while placing the needs for participation in parliamentary politics in a different context, categorically emphasized that such participation was necessary to expose before the people the very parliamentary politics itself and unmask the real face of such bourgeois democracy. Comrade Lenin castigated liquidationism of Plekhanov who declared "The

transformation ofthe Social-Democratic Party into a self-governing organization … can be effected only in so far as the Social-Democratic organization takes shape in the course of drawing the masses of the workers into open social and political activities in all their manifestations". Lenin pointed to the notion of

"transformation" as pure and simple liquidationist. Lenin caught the real motive of the liquidators willing for the "only" course for the "transformation." Lenin called such liquidationists as " timid and defend themselves by eloquence."76 Lenin wrote, it in 1912. The actual revolution took place in 1917. What the revolutionary Marxist Lenin stressed to focus and keep in mind was that "….. the revolution is necessary and is coming."77

Lenin said that the revisionists make Marxism as something harmless and our revistonists CPI, CPM, etc. do the same by eloquence and deception. Instead of fighting against the illusion — and it must be reiterated nearly 44

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

50% of the voters in the country refrain from casting their votes out of natural disillusionment and disgust — the revisionists shamelessly lend support to the Indian states effort at pursuading the people to strengthen parliamentary "democracy." To end this section, it is relevant to shed some more light on the latest bursting out and later official approval of the desire of revisionists to join the central government. Mr. Jyoti Basu was thunder struck when despite the offer of some bourgeois-landlord parties asking him to assume primeministership slipped out of hand. A shocked Mr. Basu termed it as a ‘historic blunder’ to miss the lucrative post. The 1964 programme of the CPM in Para 112 after much talk over the negative features of "bourgeoislandlord" rule stated like the social democrats of Russia that "… .. Even while

keeping before the people the task of dislodging the present ruling classes and establishing a new democratic state and government based on the firm alliance of the working class and peasantry, the party will utilize all the opportunities that present themselves ofbringing into existence governments pledged to carry out a modest programme ofgiving immediate reliefto the people. The formation ofsuch governments will give great fillip to the revolutionary movement ofthe working people and thus help the process ofbuilding the democratic front… "

With all such excessive dose of sedative parliamentary way for providing "immediate relief" to the working people, in a clever way it added as if to be absolved itself of the grave revisionist sin that such state governments would not, however, "solve the basic problems in any fundamental manner." This is the CPM way of parliamentarism that had to practise social fascism in order to tenaciously cling to power by arresting the growth of militant movements, using police force against revolutionary peasants and workers, strengthening the state machinery, even killing the militant working people and most of all diffusing the tensions against the ruling classes by a wellsynchronised policy of spreading the illusory image of democracy, legislative bodies, bureaucracy and the police. All such acts of driving the knife into 45

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

the revolutionary edifice of Marxism are resorted to in order to save such socalled left governments. Now listen to the voice of Mr. Jyoti Basu, Harkisen Sing Surjeet and other polit Bureau and CC members jointly pleading for participation in the Central government too in the 16th Congress of the CPM in 1998 after that afore-said ‘historic blunder’. As quite lengthy and monotonous, bordering on breaking the readers’, patience for despicable revisionism we quote the relevant portions with some paraphrasing of a few sentences, to comprehend their greed for power in a semi-feudal, semi-colonial state. All emphases are ours. (1) "So long the CPM had been making and unmaking many sorts ofalliances

with all types ofparties. "The character ofthe bourgeois parties was also known. Most ofthe parties with whom we had been co-operating at the regional central level have been pursuing the World Bank / IMFdictated policies ofliberalization and are in no way different from the Congress or the BJP in this respect. … We have been opposing them in the states on issues concerning liberalization but at the same time at the crucial time ofelection battle, which is the biggest political battle, we cooperate with them… "78 (2) In 1989 "Our Party took the initiative in bringing into existence the National Front government, which was simultaneously supported by the BJP from outside… . This government again was brought down by the BJP on the one side and the Congress on the other." Again "that Para 112 ofthe Party Programme does not envisage the formation ofa government at the Centre. … But ifwe go into history ofPara 112 one will find that the original draft does not contain this para at all. This para was incorporated on the basis ofan amendment proposed by Com. EMS Namboodiripad … … "79 (3) "… Practice shows that formation ofsuch (state) governments had helped the development ofour movement and we were able to gather more and more strength… 46

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

When the (1964) programme was being drafted, we had not visualized that events will take such a turn where we will have to support a government pursuing policies favouring the bourgeois – landlord classes, or even participate or head such a government at the Centre. … … Even after the 1998 elections when the BJP could not muster a majority of its own until the TDP deserted the UF, the CC did not find it improper to state that we will support a Congress government from outside, ifit came into being… ."80 (4) "With the outside support ofthe Congress"We had not any illusion to "really carry on for long" such a government without participation at the Centre." Again "… … Parliamentary deviations must be shunned. At the same time along with struggles on various issues affecting the people we must take up measures to participate in the electoral process. Where as intensifying class struggle is necessary for the growth ofthe movement, drawing in all sections of the common people into electoral battles also enables us to politicize them. This would enable them to understand the difference between us and the other parties ofthe bourgeois – landlord classes with regard to our approach and solutions to various issues."81 (5) "… . In West Bengal too our influence was confined to five districts as far as the peasant movement is concerned. It is the combination ofparliamentary and extra parliamentary activities which brought the Communist Party in the fore and after joining the government in 1967 with flexible tactics with the same approach ofunleashing mass movements as well as skillfully making use ofthe parliamentary forum we succeeded in expanding our base throughout Bengal… "82

The above arguments and the conspicuous presentation of the unsullied advocacy of parliamentarism are self-explanatory. We easily realize the stepby-step downward journey of the CPM since 1964 into the morass of 47

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

parliamentary liquidationism. This clear-cut argument shedding the mask of pretention which made an artificial, seemingly fundamental difference between the CPM’s joining the State governments and Central government is the expected end of the cancerous cells in the body of the CPM. And this position of joining the central government is now enshrined in the so-called updated Programme of March 2000 in Para 7.17. Yet one would find no dearth of left-phrases and vain-glorious attempts to justify anti-Marxist positions. To end this section, we refer to the bizarre logic of the 17th Congress of the CPI(M) held in 2000 vis a vis so-called updating the programme of 1964. It states that, "The Programme has been updated keeping in mind the changed world situation, after the setbacks to socialism, the change in the international correlation offorces and the new offensive ofimperialism… "83 Citing its gains

in electoral politics and some other activities since its 10th Congress, it iterates in a mood of lamentation: "Notwithstanding these gains, the question

which must be sharply posed is why the Party has not grown commensurably as a political force with a substantilly increased mass influence at the all-India level?… "84 Again "The stark fact is that despite our pre-occupation with parliamentary and electoral work there is not a single parliamentary constituency out side the three strong states where we can win on our strength. Further, we can not claim that we can win a single assembly seat on our own strength (with two or three exceptions) in the entire country outside these three states. " 85

It reiterates from its 14th Congress political organizational report quite frankly about its unity with bourgeois – landlord parties: "… We tone down

our differences in the name ofunity. We also become victims ofparlimentarism under one pretext or other. In our anxiety to win some seats in the regions where we are weak we completely surrender our masses to these parties even at a time when elections enable us to propagate our views and policy issues can be posed very clearly… "86 And we have to quote once again as this is also relevant.

The 17th CPM Congress document cites from the CC decision of 1998, 48

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

which stated "For the past two decades since 1977, the situation

necessitated a tactical line ofalliance with bourgeois parties particularly electoral alliance. This has led to the possibility (read reality) for the penetration ofbourgeois style offunctioning into our party. Our cadres can get (read have got) influenced by the type ofmoney power and other bourgeois vices followed by these parties."87 We will simply add here that

money, corruption, careerism, nepotism, womanizing and all such vices are rampant particularly in West Bengal followed by Kerala and Tripura where the CPM joined ministries and the longer it stayed in power the more degeneration gripped its leaders and cadres absolutely unavoidedly.

In any case, the quotes after quotes we had to cite from the last Party Congress document to understand the logic of the CPM leadership behind joining, not only the state, but also the Central seats of power. If the acute offensive of imperialism and enemy classes from within and without being a grave threat, if the militancy of the 1960s in West Bengal and elsewhere and the reverses in socialism, as the CPM documents repeats, being the main current, as far as CPM analysis goes, then what necessitated it to advocate so much of Indian democracy and the positive role of parliament and the need for joining the central government? If one goes through the paras of the 1964 Programme, despite the above mentioned revisionist utterances and wrong assessment of Indian state, classes, etc. one finds sentence after sentence on the doomsday of capitalism, volcanic national situation, the violence of the state on the working people and their determination for bitter struggles, and so on and so forth. In such circumstances of worldwide movements for socialism and Indian People’s bursting out into mass militancy the 1964 Programme announced the prescription of joining state governments. What is ridiculous but mature revisionism is the decision to join not only the state but also the central governments in a period of all-out aggression of imperialism and its financial institutions on the world obviously including India with the chronic crisis of the economy and people’s disgust and hatred 49

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

against reactionary parties and routine elections for looting the people. Even if the CPM’s analysis of the economic crisis and IMF / WB pressures are admitted, the Marxist – Leninist method cannot be for greater and still greater participation in the parliamentary process, not to speak of joining governments in the existing set-up but to develop firmly and determinedly class battles for a new society. It is the turning of a full circle as an inevitable process set off by the Indian "left" phrase-mongering CPM. The CPI general secretary had already received the plum post of Home Minister in the UF government in 1996. It has lost much of its earlier followers, considerably eroded its influence on the working people for its perfidious role in the dark days of Emergency and has little attraction for the masses. In its last party Congress in March 2002 it claimed even being steeped in the crisis of political credibility and isolation that "The Communist Party is a party of militant action. It has to

draw the millions of workers, kisan, agricultural workers, students and youth, middle class and progressive intellectuals – men and women, into action on urgent problems affecting them and the nation. It must seize every opportunity to participate in and initiate action on people’s issues, involving broad sections, and create a vibrant political, social and cultural environment. There can be no advance without action and struggle."88 But in the past one year the CPI

practically registered no advance; through electoral practice and participation in the ‘Left’ Front in West Bengal it meekly surrenders to the big-brother attitude of the CPM. The same party Congress admitted sorrowfully that, "The party suffers seriously from the disease of "nonimplementation of decisions taken". 89 This is the pathetic state of pure parliamentarism. The CPM still barks in three states, particularly in West Bengal but as the adage goes ‘A barking dog seldom bites’, the CPM too never intends to bite its avowed "enemies." But when the barking CPM occupies the seats of legislative power it gets emboldened to snap at the forces fighting against its masters.

50

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

West Bengal Government’s Capitulation To Imperialism Introducing "More improved Left Front, Our Thinking" the big boss of the CPM Central body and West Bengal State Secretary Mr. Biman Bose goes ecstatic and extols the "Left" Front in West Bengal. He claims with pride. "The Left Front of West Bengal has created a new history in the world of politics" and that, "The Left Front Government has set unprecedented example ofworking in the people’s interest."90

Mr. Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, the Bengal baboo chief Minister, went a step further, reminding, lest the critics and people with love and respect for Marxism-Leninism accuse him of practising unsullied parliamentarism, that

"Have we not developed class struggle, people’s struggle in West Bengal in the whole ofWest Bengal in the past twenty five years? The correlation ofclass forces in the village areas that we have altered; the development ofworking people in the cities, that are the results, of class struggles, placing the government in the front, using the government as provider ofassistance. That is the way we like to move on… . We have progressed with that aim in view and we have been able to sharpen and spread our class power in these twenty five years."91

Such heroics and lofty views poured out from Mr. Bhattacharya’s mouth. He also reminded like a good actor that it is their ultimate aim to attain People’s Democracy but did not forget to repeat like a clown in a tear-jerking drama his new mantra for a ‘more-advanced Left Front government’ necessitating some unintentional compromises on all fronts to match the present situation. Actually it is palpaply-nauseating revisionism coming out from the CPM press to halt class struggle, to accept the back-breaking economic policies in the higher interest of saving the Left Front and also chant the names of Lenin and Deng Tsiao Ping conjointly as the situation demands. We take up the grave reality under the rule of the ‘Left" Front in a nut shell 51

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

to show where this CPM led government is at, and the growing burden of the financial crisis the people have been facing along with the chiselled revisionist policy of stabbing people’s movement openly under the shining sun and bringing about demoralization, degeneration and sedating the.Bengal people known for perpetual militancy. Who gains In the process? Pretty obviously the state of the ruling classes and the World Bank, IMF and other MNCs. Credit goes to Jyoti-Buddha and their accomplices in killing the revolutionaries, in firing on the agitating workers and peasants, in assisting the Central Governments of the Congress and the BJP in exchanging information on the Marxist rebels in India, Nepal, etc. in order to crush them, and most of all, through political prostitution and treachery pushing a good number of workers, peasants and also middle class people to commit suicide due to excruciating financial burdens, and also a good number of our young women to resort to selling their flesh out of extreme economic distress — all in twenty six years of misrule and oppression by a rotten CPI(M)-led governament in West Bengal. Privatization and corporatisation are a well-thought-out policy to capture the market of the developing countries by the sick G-8 countries. The New Economic Policy adopted in consonance with imperialist globalization, has been incorporated in the W.B govt.’s new industrial policy. The closures or sickness of the industries one after another, and the appropriation of Provident Fund and E.S.I. funds, are now well known in W.B. Many of the prominent factories on Hyde Road, Gardenreach, Barrackpore, Durgapur, and Assansol etc. are either closed or sick. Tea, cotton, Jute and engineering factories are in permanent crisis. The ‘Left’ Front wants to wriggle out of this crisis by means of stretching its hands to the MNCs or big industries. The Buddhadeb ministry is now all set to massively develop information technology while the industrial scenario as such gets increasingly dismal. This ministry thinks that the jute industry is obsolete, while lakhs of workers in the jute industries are living a life in chronic destitution and with 15 lakh of W.B peasants cultivating jute. One example will suffice to show what is 52

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

happening in the trade union front. On 5th January 2002 a tripartite agreement had been reached with the CITU, AITUC, INTUC, and the Left Front government. This agreement not only lent legitimacy to all the illegal acts of the mill owners, it has thoroughly destroyed the wage structure of the jute mills. Section iii and iv of the agreement were as under : iii) ‘That the question of productivity-linked wages has been discussed with the parties in detail. After discussion it is however agreed that for this purpose 33.33% of the total wages payable in a month will be linked to production which may be adjusted proportionately for non-fulfilment of the prevailing agreed norms of production in each mill. iv) That the wages of new entrants, such as workmen who are paid through vouchers, and popularly known as zero number, other than retired person or who are paid less wages than the rate payable as per industry-wise wage settlement, etc. and whose names are not borne on the master rolls of workers of mills, will get a sum of Rs. 100.00 per day as wages plus usual fringe benefit, thereon." 91a The ‘Left’ Front has now adopted the new agricultural policy after additions and alteraterations of three earlier drafts after protests from different quarters. This policy is endorsed by the government having its orientation to commercialization of agriculture instead of productivity. It is interesting to note the discrepancy in date on several issues. In the first and third draft it was stated that between 1999 and 2000 the total food production was 148.46 lakh ton i.e. there was a deficit of 7.30 lakh ton while in the accepted policy paper it was declared that by 2001-2002 there is a surplus of 8 lakh ton. It is clear misrepresentation of facts to force a switch over to exportable crops. In the whole of 25 years of ‘Left’ Front rule production of food increased by 91 lakh ton and now the govt. would have us belive that 18% of that amount was increased in only one year. Regarding fertiliser the finance minister stated that its use per hectre in West Bengal will be more than 150 kg. by 2002-2003. But in the first, second and third drafts of the agricultural policy this amount was shown as 134, 129 and 145 kg per hectre. 53

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

In the second draft it was stated that for the cultivation of 1 kg. Boro paddy 3800 liter of water is required. So in one hectre land the required water for boro cultivation can fulfil the water needs of 6700 people in a village. In the new agricultural policy as accepted there is no precautionary measures suggested against the emerging serious problem from the lowering of water level. Following Mckensey the new agricultural policy document has declared that in 17 lakh hectre of the cultivable land commercial crops would be grown. Besides that it is stated that 10% of the cultivable land will be transformed into ponds or such water bodies. So, the above two decisions, they claim, will transform the character of West Bengal rural land. The shortage of essential foods or in other words the steady need for food crops produced outside the land earmarked for commercial crops and water bodies shall automatically be forced to depend of HYV, pesticides, and other implements of ‘Green Revolution’. This agricultural policy deliberately ignored the fact that about 15 lakh peasants grow jute on 6 lakh hectre land. And that the survival of 2 lakh workers in 59 jute factories in West Bengal depends on that jute. Already the jute industry is crippling and this new agricultural policy must have serious adverse effects on the jute workers’ survival. (Kalyan Rudra’s artice in Ananda Bazar Patrika 29 April, 2003)

It is notable that in the jute industry in West Bengal workers are forced to work at the rate of Rs. 40.00 to Rs. 100.00 per day. This is practised through various evil ways, categorizing the workers as ‘bhaga’, ‘voucher’, ‘zero number’, ‘temporary’, etc. The normal wage of a permanent jute worker is now above Rs. 200 per day. Through such dishonest means workers remain perpetually at the receiving end through underpayment. The above tripartite agreement clearly and unequivocally legalizes such maneuvers. The CPM – led Govt. completely toes the dictates of the WTO by abolishing the system of permanent workers, introducing contract service, reduction in wages, etc.

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Propaganda of"Alternative Policies" by CPM is Nothing but a Hoax From the year 2000, after "updating" the Party Programme the earlier projection of the ‘left’ government as provider of "immediate relief", now, under the CPM leaders’ aforesaid perceived change in the situation, they talk about "providing relief to the people and strive to project and implement alternative policies"92 Prakash Karat in the above mentioned article in ‘The Marxist’, April-June 2002 states that "here the struggle for alternative policies have to be conducted in West Bengal as part ofthe all-India movement… "93 In the industrial sector the CPI(M) – led Government with all such relief giving and alternative policies in mind the CPM even unmasked itself further while shedding crocodile’s tears for the working class. Mr. Karat without any shamelessness referred to the CPM CC’s December 1994 resolution on the "Role of the West Bengal Left Front government in the context of the new economic policies" for revising the earlier stated positions only for pragmatism’s sake. The resolution stated: "Unilike in

1985, when the struggle was against the discrimination ofthe Centre … … . It is upto the Left Front government to initiate steps to attract capital investment in West Bengal. This can be done only by allowing greater investment of private capital in various sectors. This is the basis on which the Left Front government has to adjust its policies in West Bengal to meet the new situation brought about by the Centre’s policy ofliberalization… "94

Anil Biswas in the same issue of "The Marxist" in the article captioned "West

Bengal: Towards an Alternative form of Governence in the Indian Union"

admitted with pride that under the leadership of Jyoti Basu the Left Front government welcomed both private and foreign investment. 95 And with such investment, Mr. Biswas would have us believe, industrial production recorded growth and "The fact that in 2001, although a year of national recession, West Bengal attracted an investment of Rs. 2194.54 crore is ample testimony to the level of industrial growth in the state."96 At the same time,

while reeling out statistics they never fail to add foreign investors can not 55

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

dictate terms to the ‘Left’ Front Government as well as to mention the ‘limitations’ of such government under the existing system, particularly in the stressful situation of globalisation and liberalization. Can any honest Marxist believe this dirty lie that, foreign investors, MNCs, World Bank, etc. do not and cannot dicatate terms particularly when the CM runs a state government under the prevailing semi-colonial conditions. Buddhadeb, the timid small fry with some familiarity with the world of drama, raises his voice to a high pitch in a ridiculous fashion to declare: "Various state governments in India have struck direct agreements with the World Bank, Asian Development Bank to secure money, conceding condition, like Chandra babu Naidu. We here till date shall not enter into any conditional agreement with the World Bank or the Asian Development Bank, even with the Indian Government…."97

Dear Readers! Don’t laugh. Pity this clown. However, we can resist our hatred at least for his frank confession: "We are taking money from Asian Development Bank."98 Buddhadeb receives our compassion for clarifying the quintessence of CPI(M)’s Industrial Policy adopted in 1994. In his own Words " … What is the crux ofthat Industrial Policy? In a word we are inviting here private capital. We are saying that as there lies the necessity ofthe state sector there is similar importance of the non-government sector, we are saying this openly and emphatically… ."99

This fact was not so openly and shamelessly disclosed. This process is unavoidable. Jyoti Basu grew angry with reporters way back in 1967 when they asked him what urgency he fell to talk to Mr. Birla in a tete-a-tete in Kolkata and what they talked about. The intensity of the revisionist grip tears off the veil. The current call to "Boycott American-British goods" given by CPI(ML) People’s War and some other organizations, to the anger and psychological jilt, forcing stoic silence of the CPI(M) when American-British planes kept 56

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

bombarding Iraq nakedly exposed the tall talk of Mr. Buddhadeb and his accomplices. This deafening silence amidst world-wide hatred against the fascist alliance of the US-UK tellingly brings to the fore the extent of submission of the "Left" Front to the conditionalities voluntarily accepted during striking inequal agreements with the MNCs and international organisations. Any Tom, Dick and Harry in the third world knows the fundamentals of American or other capitalist states’ and their business magnates’ basic conditions: safety of their Capital, ensuring peaceful state conditions and potentials for whopping profits. So-called Aid is nothing but imperialism’s unchecked exploitation for super-profits. So also the West Bengal government, in an economically poor province of India, having allowed the pumping in of investments by imperialist props like the World Bank, MNCs etc. with obvious conditionalities, can at best make some mellowed criticisms of the U.S and the U.K – and they also thus far look the other way – but can it tolerate boycott of US or U.K goods? The red carpet has been permanently laid out for American and British officials and business magnates even in the CPM headquarters on Alimuddin street since its assumption of office in 1977. We simply quote below portions of a Times of India (April 18, 2003) news item during the boycott call, satirically captioned "Uncle Sam’s bucks keep Leftists mum" written by Mr. Biswajit Roy to shed light on the flooding of foreign funds in the so-called Left Front rule: "American companies top the list of foreign direct investment in West Bengal. This seems to be the major reason behind the state CPM leadership’s reluctance to call for a boycott of American and British products to protest the invasion of Iraq… . "According to government sources, the state received FDI approvals worth Rs. 2,399.55 crore involving American companies out ofa total Rs. 8,906.86 crore foreign investment in the state between August 1991 and October 2002. 57

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

"More than 32 percent ofthe FDI involves American companies. The investment included both technical know-how and financial involvement in IT and other sectors including commercial exploration of natural gas like coal-bed methane" said an official. "However, British investment was meagre at Rs. 145.22 crore during the same period. But NRIs, mostly from the US and the UK, have investment approvals of Rs 441.09 crore… . "The official maintained that out of the FDI projects involving financial investment, 141 had already been implemented, another 114, were in various stages ofimplementation. While US giants like Pricewater House Coopers, IBM, Morgan Stanley and Research Engineers Corporations, are involved in IT and ITES sectors, Caltex, Mckinsey, Methane Corporation, ONDEO-NALCO Chemical, Delta Corpn and Trans-America Corparation are among the big names in oil and gas exploration sector. "US oil major UNOCAL is also courting Writers’ Buildings with an eye on Bangladeshi gas. Talks with Cola-giant Pepsi is in an "advanced stage" in the field offood and fruit processing as well as bottling ofgreen coconut water for airline passengers, while HLL and Cargill are interested in commercial farming and export ofBengal variety ofaromatic rice and better processing oftrash fish and shrimps, according to officials."

When the media and even the lower level cadres of the CPM kept pointing their accusing fingers at the criminal indifference, rather opposition to the boycott call for US – UK goods, Buddhadeb tried to dramatically wriggle out of this uneasy state. He referred to the American war on Iraq at the meeting of the Confederation of Indian Industries in the presence of British deputy high commissioner and U.S consul-general. They left the meeting. But this apparently bubbling ‘protest’ of Buddhadev was burst by the senior CPM leader Somenath Chatterjee, the investment scout, who assured the media men on that very day: "I don’t see any problem in seeking investments 58

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

from the US or the UK while boycotting an odd programme." 100 This is also part of the standard revisionist drama laced with elements of humour to ward offmonotony. The World Bank, IMF, ADB, MNCs must have grown a deep love and acceptance of this harmless Marxism of the CPM, voicing on paper or in processions against imperialism and MNCs but simultaneously courting them obligingly. The hypocrisy is intolerable when the last party Congress of the CPM in 2002 still sang the refrain: "The CPI(M) will resolutely fight the growing US imperialist influence by mobilizing all patriotic and anti-imperialist sections ofthe people. The Party will struggle with redoubled vigour against the policies of liberalization and privatization and for alternative economic policies… ."101

Through this process of blatant hypocrisy, falsehood, service to their imperialist masters and their native class agents, through the process of mingling with the state mechinery, as its trusted political arm by unhesitatingly killing, repressing the workers and peasants in militant movents, the CPM has now turned into social fascist in its 25 years of rule in West Bengal.

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Revisionism never places the proletariat in a vanguard role Let us now take a look at the real state of West Bengal under the L.F Government. Industrial stagnation and rather deindustrialisation have gripped the state. The trend of migration shows that the number of agricultural workers has increased, and the working people from industries are increasingly crowding the agricultural sector. From 1980-81 to 1998-99 the number of factories was reduced by 13.15 percent, the number of workers reduced by 27.12 percent, the number of workers on a factory basis has come down by 15.97 percent, total employment slid downwards to 28.02 percent. In the organized sector (from 1991 to 2001) the working population has come down by 3.98%, 21.62% and 9.42% in the primary, secondary and tertiary sector respectively. (Labour in West Bengal 1991, 2001) The total registered unemployed in West Bengal was 50.81 lakh in 1991 and increased to 62.13 lakh according to the Economic Survey 2001-02 of the West Bengal Govt. A good number of workers committed suicide in West Bengal owing to the large-scale closure of factories. The L.F is eloquent about increasing small scale industries with investment within one crore rupees. Though legal sanction was approved for a large number, however, there is no visible existence of 75% of such industries. Upto last March 31 sanction was accorded to about 3 lakh and 15 thousand out of which 75% have not been set up; and those started are about to wind up. 102 Upto July 2002 the number of closed and sick industrial units stood at 55/56 thousand pushing to the brink of death thousands of workers. 103 The State Government has miserably failed to clear money for the Providend Fund and gratuity of workers, teachers and government staff 104 Pollution level in cities is rising alarmingly. Kolkata itself is choking under the collective smog of 15,000 potentially polluting industrial units, according to KMDA report. 105 60

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

From the comparison of Annual Survey of Industries it is clearly found that between 1980-81 and 1998-99 the industrial position in the L.F-ruled West Bengal in comparison to India has dropped: the number of factories as a percentage of the total has dropped from 6.6% to 4.2%, the fixed capital dropped from 7.17% to 2.1%; total invested capital dropped from 8.9% to 3.2%... This comparitive picture glaringly points to the downward journey of West Bengal’s industrial sector vis a vis the country as a whole. If India as a whole itself presents a dismal picture, West Bengal provides a glaring downturn with every passing year. 106 With the excruciating burden on the working people, what the CPM policy makers of the so-called More improved "Left" Front Government state may be cited here. At the 20th State Conference of the CPM in February 2002 came out the policy "Left Front Government and our Task". In point 12 it is directed in clear terms: "… The movement for safeguarding the rights ofthe working class will be an indulgence to weaving out a dream ifwithin the present structure we do not lay sufficient stress to industrial expansion in our state. That the contradiction between our call for countrywide struggle against liberalism and the flexible position in setting up industries in our state stems from the uneven development ofworkers’ and democratic movements. With this understanding the party has to get united… . " 107

What a puzzling logic! In other states where the CPM led workers’ movement is weak the party will fight rigid movements against liberalization, and in the ‘advanced’ state of the workers’ movement under the "More-improved Left Front Government" the workers have to have the CPM prescribed "flexible" position. In other words workers have to willingly accept liberalization or feeble "protest" as MNCs pour into the state, and the World Bank, IMF imposed liberalization policies play havoc with the lives of the workers and other toiling people. The prominent policy maker and CC member Mr. Nirupam Sen imparted this lesson to the workers at that conference: "…. We have to resort to various measures to attract capital. It is not possible to set aside from our discussion what industrialists 61

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

demand. Why should the industrialists be eager to invest in this state if it is not known what they demand and if some measures are not taken accordingly…." 108[emphasis ours] When the anti-war protesters welded to Naxalbari politics attacked the US-brand outlets in Kolkata policemen in plain cloths were assigned the job to save the American-brand showrooms. The Hindustan Times reporter writes "… some showrooms (very few of them, in fact), didn’t have any security at all. It wasn’t bravado. A little digging revealed that all such showrooms came under CPI(M) areas and the owners believe, a word to the local councilor was better security than the armed guards of the Kolkata Police." (Saptarshi Banerjee, Kolkata April 3, Business as usual, watched over by cops, Hindustan Times, 4 April, 2003) This is the way how the CPM has been the trusted agent of imperialism through its socalled Left rule in West Bengal. Already the CPI(M) general secretary Harkishen Singh Surjeet had given thumbs up to Coca-Cola. While inaugurating a hospital he said with reference to Coca-Cola that he was not against MNCs coming with investment." (Hindustan Times, February 10, 2003)

Mr. Satyabrata Sen, another leader, assailed the people stressing working class militancy with such a threatening voice: "this notion that under the Left Front this state has no place for mass movement is wrong. Demonstration over scarcity and complaints shall exist and that should be given organized form as part ofa country-wide class struggle. On the other hand, what happens is to try to kick offmovements over some demands ofthe middle class only to strike at the Left Front… ."109

What in the first part Mr. Sen suggests is the earlier call and goes directly against the bewildering argument of the above-mentioned CPM state conference selling the pretentious theory of "unevenness". The second part is the rejection of any struggle in the name of middle class outburst against the "Left" Front or branding all just struggles of the people in West Bengal as a 62

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subversive effort against such model government. Now let us hear the voice of ‘Marxist’ bhadralok C.M. ofWest Bengal, Mr. Bhattacharya. He raised the rod of office in that CPM policy making 20th state conference against trade union militancy. He said threateningly: "I do clearly say one or two words on the question which has come up (I have heard it in the past as well) over what do we mean by militant movement? We think in our vocabulary, in our language ofthe communists the words militant movement comes as positive words. Militant movement. A member ofour party is militant … … .. But what is the meaning of militant movement, etc. What Jyoti babu is saying. In no circumstances workers shall let go out oftheir hands this right… … .. But when just in a similar fashion Jyoti babu says, keep it in mind that we resorted to gheraoing during 67-69, we made a mistake. The path ofgherao is not the path ofworking class movement. I am also saying this. This gherao can not be the path ofthe working class movement. So also fisticuffs can not be the path. However, democratic trade union movement – demonstrations, processions, gatherings, strikes – is a just right. Who can take away that right?… "110

Buddhadeb like Jyoti Babu and other power hungry CPM leaders has gone crazy. In order to discipline, or in other words, to police the trade union movement in the CPM-ruled West Bengal not only do they condemn the weapon of ‘gherao’ which grew out of the workers’ militant movement in West Bengal during the first United Front government, they actually try to turn the workers’ movement into something toothless, strictly within the bounds of legalism. They cannot just erase the much-used words ‘militant movement’ but stubbornly try and practise to make the words appear capitalist-friendly, giving assuring signals to the MNCs and Indian bigbourgeoisie to do business in West Bengal smoothly and comfortably. ‘Labour problem’, the clitched words had deeply entered into the psyche of the industrialists in reference to the glorious struggles of the workers in Bengal and the then West Bengal. Now the CPM-led govt. of Buddhavev 63

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

has been overactive to exorcise the industrialists of the "bogey" of labour militancy in West Bengal. The hypocrat anti-Marxist CPM has for so many years now remained busy with dispelling the fear of the capitalists about the workers over here. Simultaneously like the Labour Party of England or such other social democratic party the CPM sermonizes the workers to be strictly non-violent, within the very limited perspective taking care of labour discipline and obviously "productivity" 111 One should not be oblivious of the stark fact that the CPM emerged to the center stage of West Bengal politics capitalizing on the bursting forth of militant struggles of the workers and other toiling people. The above sermons of the aristrocratic, careerist, double-dealing CPM leaders speak volumes against the Left-Front role vis a vis the working class movements. Sjt. babu Satyabrata Sen makes himself ludicrous, like all other CPM leaders, when he announces a brazen dirty lie that under Left Front rule, "As a whole the political consciousness of the toiling classes has boosted up a lot. As a consequence the number of party cadres, the membership of the mass organization of workers, peasants, students, youth, women workers, etc. have gone up…." 112 Even the CPM 17th Party Congress in 2002 admitted "… . A considerable number ofParty members do not carry out the basic tasks expected from them.", "they will go to the masses when there is an important activity or election", "The recruitment process is liberal and sometimes anarchic … . The new recruits are not given elementary education in Party organization, Party programme and Party policies. Due to this, their political organizational level is very low" etc. 113

It is daydreaming to imagine that the CPM party or trade union leaders will lead and fight even against the growing attacks of capital. All talk of progress on the labour front in 26 years of ‘Left’ Front rule is nonsense. Hard facts exist of CITU leaders being discarded with hatred by the workers in one 64

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factory after another like IISCO, Hind Motors, Texmaco, Dunlop and so on for their opportunism and role as capitalists’ men obviously in the ‘noble’ interest of saving capital and the Left Front.

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Call for anti-privatization struggle is a underhand deal for privatization! The 1994 industrial policy adopted by the then Jyoti Basu government clearly endorsed foreign capital and technology on a mutual benefit basis; welcomed private investment in the generation of electricity, etc. It is notable that the 1994 industrial policy is at once an extension of the 1977 policy and it is conspicuously pro-privatisation and foreign capital investment oriented. However, it must be admitted that even one tenth of the MOUs signed by the W.B government and the prospective foreign investors could not see the light of day. The CPM M.P Mr. Somnath Chatterjee, only since 1996, flew to the West as many as 7 times and got signed 53 MOUs, of which 3 could only materialize. On 13 December 2002, the ‘Left’ Front Chief Minister really won the hearts of capitalist masters, when in the presence of as many as 80 top industries of India, he categorically said that the state government shall resort to lathis if workers’ movement cross the limits. The industrialists present applauded the "Marxist" Chief Minister clapping hands. The I.T.C Chairman Yogesh Chandra Debeswar even commented at that meeting that the productivity and workers’ discipline in his factories can be compared with that ofthe best in the world. 114(Emphases ours) In its way to privatization the ‘Left’ Front moves gradually, with tact and cunningness. In many organizations like municipalities, colleges, hospitals, other government institutions privatization has been on course for more than a decade. While the Vajpayee Government at the Centre is all set to table the Contract Labour Bill soon, the West Bengal Government has already introduced contract service not only for college teachers but also for other toiling sections. Vajpayee’s effort was part of structural reforms in the laws governing the market and in the vast range of services. The CPM’s laws "also enables export industries, including enterprises set up in the export promotion zones, to hire extra workers to meet seasonal demands for exports legally." 115 At the Centre a similar 66

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Bill is expected to receive the stamp of approval from Parliament, but already there is one in the CPM ruled states on the pretext of saving such ‘great government’, and it is, as they preach, due to ‘unevenness’ of development in working class consciousness, as referred to above. A few instances of privatization under the fostering care of the CPM government in West Bengal may be seen at random. The West Bengal scooter (Digjivay Brand), an ororganisation under the West Bengal government was handed over to an industrialist in the early 1980s. Its new name was Arbind and it is under closure now for years. The 15 units of Webel, which were earning profits, were first turned into joint ventures with private owners like Webel Carbon & Metals Film Resistors; Webel Sen Capacitors, Webel Nicco Electronics, Webel Communication, etc. And then some of such profits – making units were sold out to individual capitalists as Webel Telematics. Way back in 1992 it was a joint sector profitable concern and in 1994 it was sold off to the MNC Siemens. The Webel VDO concern has been handed over to Philips. Instances are many. Ritz Continental Hotel was given over to Peerless after buying it. The profit earning Great Eastern Hotel, which has suffered a loss only in 1994, is going to be sold to some foreign investor. The recent (31 March, 2003) demonstration of 110 contract workers at the P.G. Hospital and the consequent police atrocity on them, at the only referral hospital in Kolkata, for continuation of their contract, ripped apart the mask of the ‘Left’ Front government. With the termination of service on a contract basis the health department decided on 8 April, 2003 that the "excess of group-D staff from different hospitals" be sent to SSKM hospital. 116 The very question of "excess" group-D staff raised a storm in the hospitals in Kolkata since lack of adequate number of staff without fresh recruitment has been already causing problems elsewhere. Actually speaking, in the name of welfare, smooth administration, etc. as the World Bank/IMF prescribes the basic rights of the workers are trampled under feet by the 67

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

state government. In the year 2001 the West Bengal Health and Family planning Department in an audacious display of autocratic power issued a circular 117 which blatantly stated that "the post of health Assistants (male) and heath Assistants (Female) be designated as Health Assistant (Male/Female) and Ex-officio Gram Panchayat Health Assistant (Male/Female)". In a great role reversal, many of the panchayats are busy giving no objection certificates to land transfers, circumventing legal provisions. The SUCI pradhan of Ichhapur gram panchayat Prabhabati Goswami confirmed this. She told The Times of India "Bargadars are striking deals with land owner to sell his plot. In exchange, he takes part of he sale proceeds". A sub-divisional revenue official in that area popped the question "What can we do if an elected representative gives a certificate that the plot is not tilled by a bargadar ? Legal loopholes are explored to justify a transfer, like a plot kept fallow for 3 consecutive years or put to use other than cultivation. The increasing cost of cultivation a poor bargadar can not afford. And this forces him to sell his title to land. The new buzzword being industrialization, bargadars are compelled to quit at many places for industrial units. (The Times of India, April 26, 2003)

It further stated that on the basis certificates "issued by the Pradhan of the Gram Panchayat concerned or any other official of the Gram Panchayat", the salary/honorium/wages of the official concerned will be drawn." 118 What a regime, which can with a few strokes of the pen, transform health assistants into assistants under the panchayat. The same thing happened during the Emergency. The rights of government staff are dismissed and deliberately pressed to serve under semi-government organizations. If the working people oppose such moves the lathi and gun wielding police are there to break their heads. The CPM government in West Bengal, while now faces challenges everywhere, uses police to crush them. Even the government employees called for mass leave and sit in demonstration at Writers Building, on 24th April, 2003 for 14% D.A. arrears, bonus, etc. were not spared. Here too the police resorted to a lathi charge. 68

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

The blanket ban on the sale of land along the six National Highways is being lifted for private investors ready to splurge on the through fares in the name of industrialization and development. Hoteliers and oil majors are being preferred as potential investors. The ‘Left’ Front’s topsy-turvy came in the wake of the proposals from Indian Oil Limited, Indian Oxygen Company and the Reliance Group. 119 Foreign investment too comes in the form of building roads, bridge projects, for some of which the Japan Bank for International Corporation (JBIC) has financed. Earlier, the ‘Left’ Front Government had borrowed money from JBIC for the Bakreswar Power plant. 120 This is the way foreign direct investment or IMF / World Bank or JBIC penetrate easily into West Bengal, while the so-called Left-Front cries hoarse that Bakreswar or such projects were built as symbols of advance. Under the CPM misrule, there is a clear nexus between promoters and administration and CPM leaders, with land sharks in every city and its outskirts roaming about with a hunger for lands. One honest and brave doctor of Ranaghat hospital in Nadia district Dr. Chandan Sen lost his life in mysterious circumstances when he had protested against the CPM-led Co-ordination Committee leader Mr. Sunil Gangopadhaya for embezzlement of lakhs of World Bank money meant for "hospital development" in early 2003. (Ananda Bazar Partrika, 10 May 2003)

The worst nexus was seen when at the Chandmoni tea garden near Siliguri was forcibly handed over to a promoter – businessman like Harsh Newatia, an agent of Bengal Ambuja, operating under the patronage of the ‘Left’ Front Government’s Urban Development Minister. On 26 June 2002 when workers put up stiff resistance two of them were gunned down and many were critically injured. The "Marxist" government was determined to set up hotels and tourist spots on that land at the cost of workers’ lives. Similar incidents of nexus between the extortionist CITU leaders and police was witnessed in the Changmari tea gardens when 9 workers refused to part with a sum of Rs 20 as ‘donation’ (originally a coupon of Rs 10 denomination was given in each case) every week. The CITU leaders took 69

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

to their heels and took shelter in the CPM office at the Luksan Bazar. Then the "Marxist" gangsters backed by huge posse of policemen appeared on the scene. The police firing snatched the lives of 3 workers and injured many. This is only a tip of the iceberg about the extent to which the CPM can reach. As a part of this privatization and unabashed surrender to the foreign and Indian big bourgeoisie, the CPM-led government in West Bengal was geared up to destroy the shanties/ jhupries of the very poor families. In Kolkata the police swung into action to clean the long stretch along the Beliaghata canal recently uprooting the poor dwellers, and even burning their hutments. Even during the emergency period those people did not face such large numbers of police to destroy their life, already in dire poverty. Instead of giving them money granted by the A.D.B. for removing those shanties, in order to attract the rich investors and receive praise from by the World Bank, IMF, etc.,they reaily burnt and destroyed the hutments. The trade union movement under ‘Left’ Front rule has been a big sufferer. The call for ‘production increase’, ‘disciplined’ activities and all such fatwas from the CPM bosses expose the dirty game of parliamentarism which has been strengthening the state machinery more and more. Yet those reactionaries cannot rest peacefully. Now leaders of the CITU have started occupying the chairs of various concerns. Rajdeo Goala, an M.L.A and president of the CITU – affiliated Calcutta Tramways Employees’ and Workers’ Union, has been made chairman of the Calcutta Tramways Company (CTC). He refused to quit arguing "As far as I am concerned, my trade union role is the real thing."121 So also Mr. B.K. Chakraborty, veteran trade unionist from Durgapur is simultaneously the chairman of the West Bengal Small Industries Corporation. Mr. Dilip Mazumdar, another CITU leader and former M.L.A. is Chairman of the West Bengal Industrial Infrastructure development Corporation. But what is novel in Mr. Goala’s case is that while TU leaders occupy top posts of their employers company, the CTC has defaulted on its provident fund obiligations. 122 This is clearly 70

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

the naked role and direct mingling of the CPM with the ruling classes, hoodwinking the people in the name of ‘Left’ Front as an instrument of people’s power.

All over West Bengal, the workers in office and factories, etc. have been witnessing the process of privatization, going on at their cost, under ‘Left’ Front rule. In West Bengal the "Left" Front Government has appointed teachers, doctors, librarians and fourth-class staff in various government departments on a contract basis. Such contract-based appointment is clearly a violation of existing labour Laws. (Ananda Bazar Patrika, 10 May 2003) It is clear from various government and other sources that the number of workers being driven out of service in West Bengal each year far surpasses the number of workers appointed in industrial units. The Table(1) is selfexplanatory. Table 1 Year New Workers New Closed Workers Workers: Factories of New Factory factories of closedclosed Factories wise (for lock factories factory(Thousan workers out or (thousand wise d) strikes) ) 220 10.9 1985 205 149.4 732 50 1990 7.3 252 195 631 29 123 1995 9.5 308.5 1825 169 49 194 31 128.2 796 1996 161 342 10.4 1997 190 225 6.1 97.6 514 27 1999 297 8.2 28 298 1587 473 2000 39 313 9.63 371.86 1188 249 2001 325 16.29 40 412 148.32 456 71

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(Source : Labour In West Bengal and West Bengal, Anya Chokhe In Prasanga Shramik, Nagarik Manch, 2003, p.28) Buddhadev Bhattacharya, the CPM Polit Bureau member and Chief Minister of West Bengal, has outranked the earlier Congress or CPM chief minister in his uncanny capacity to woo the industrial barons, native and foreign, for investment in West Bengal yet the industrial scenario rather looks dismal. And even as investments pour in, it does not enhance the recruitment of new workers, let alone the very pertinent question of squeezing out greater profits by industrialists with the "Marxists" voulntarily lending them a free hand in various ways in this task of labour exploitation. The glaring picture is further evident in the nature of increased investment, that reduces the work force in West Bengal. The data as presented Table(2) tell this telling fact. Table 2 Year

Investment in Employment in Employment Industries (Lakh Industries potential per Rs) (number) each lakh Rs 417741

950026

2.28

1985-86

637831

806434

1.26

1990-91

1251767

740980

0.59

1995-96

3087549

825154

0.27

1998-99

1721524

685108

0.16

1980-81

72

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It is abundantly clear that with the passage of time, against each lakh rupee of investment in industries, the rate of workers’ appointment has been sliding downward. The CPM ideologue and CC member Mr. Nirupam Sen stated in 2002 ".... one of the main aims of liberalisation is jobless growth."(Nirupam Sen,Prastaber Pariprekshit, In Unnatatar Bamfront Aamader Bahbna, More Improved Left Front And Our Thinking, National Book Agency Pvt. Ltd, 2002, p.34) Does not the trend as shown above bear out the fact that the liberalisation policy in West Bengal, as part of the World Bank programme is eroding and withering the employment prospect as a whole ? However, this does not bother the CPM-led Government who is in a desperate mood to servilely invite the industrialists without caring a hang for the common people who suffer all the travails of the class society, and whose soil and natural resources are left open for loot by the MNCs and native captains of industries, for wining their favour and substantially proving an industry-friendly image of the "Left" Front.

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Land Reforms Permitted by the Class State: Results Way back in the early 1950s Prof. Prasanta Mahalanabis estimated about 18% of the total cultivated land [1.3 million acres] might be obtained as above celling surplus as fixed by the then Land Reforms Act. However, as per the latest amendments in 2000, to the W.B. Land Reforms Act 1955, the ceilling surplus land stood at … percent of the total cultivable area in West Bengal. As a result of the explosive Tebhaga Movement in the 1940s the 1955 Act in chapter III dealt with Bargadars (share-cropper) in Article 15 regarding "Certain safeguards for land cultivated by bargadars." Under Rule 2a of the West Bengal Land Reforms (Bargardari) Rules, 1956 provides that heirs of a deceased bargadar should determine as to who amongst the said heirs of a deceased bargadar will continue as bargadar within 30 days of the death of the original bargadar. Article 16 of the 1955 Act legalized the produce of land cultivated by a bargadar, to be divided between the bargadar and land owner in the proportion of 50:50 "in case where plough, cattle, manure and seeds" are supplied by the person owning the land, and "in the proportion of 75:25 in all other cases". Article 17 added some safeguards regarding "Termination ofcultivation by bargadar." In any case, the land reform measures as per the 1955 Act moved on slowly depending on the initiatives of the bureacrats. The United Front governments under the CPM leadership in 1967 and 1969 were voted to power through mass discont against Congress rule and its pro-jotedar bias. The peasants themselves went in for seizing vested lands. The Naxalbari uprising and its consequence spurred both the Indira led Congress regime at the Centre and the state U.F government further to implement the unfinished job of the earlier governments in respect of land reforms. At the outset we have referred to the decision of the Indira regime to avert agrarian conflicts in India. What is notable is that in her image – building for herself Indira raised some pro-people slogans at that time. So even after the exit of the U.F government, the notorious S.S. Ray 74

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government in West Bengal did not generally dare to reverse the process by forcibly taking away the lands occupied by the peasants, instead the Congress government in West Bengal reduced the family based ceiling level to 52 bigha or 17.29 acre from 25 acres. It is also notable that the S.S. Ray government in the face of steady demands from the bargadars conceded even a little more than two thirds of the produce to bargadars, if bargadars bear all the expenses for cultivation. Despite such legal moves, the S.S. Ray government never tried to seriously bring into force the new enactments. Rice Short-fall by 2007 Bengal is moving from being the rice bowl to the begging bowl. West Bengal is likely to move from still surplus rice production to not being self-sufficient in rice production by 2007 if it continues its current rate of agricultural growth. It has been highlighted in a paper for the State Development Report, commissioned by and since submitted to — the Planning Commission. The research suggests that India’s largest rice producing state will fail by 2007 (rice accounts for 95 percent of the state’s food grain production) because of the slump in agricultural growth in the past decade. The findings of the report – Agriculture in West Bengal: Current Trends and Directions for Future Growth – which studies states’ agricultural pattern from 1951 onwards are that the rate of production of food grain fell from 5.15 percent in the 1980s to 2.39 percent in the 90’s while rice production slumped from 6.28 percent to 2.19 percent over the same period. (The Sunday Statesman, 18 May 2003)

The assumption of office by the Left Front in 1977 like an unexpected windfall led the CPM leadership to think over the prospect of winning the poor peasants in favour of the party, taking recourse to constitutional measures. In the first flush of enthusiasm, the ‘Left’ Front in 1977, started implementing the old land reform acts including the amended parts under the S.S. Ray ministry. What was new was the acceptance of fact that henceforth the bargadar shall not be required to prove himself as a bargadar, instead the landowner whose land the bargadar cultivates has to prove his/her raiyati right on the land. This helped check the ejection of bargadars 75

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

at will. Later the ‘Left’ Front further lowered the land ceiling but this could not alter the situation in any considerable way. Even the Supreme Court in one case observed that the ceiling could be still rationally changed and more ceiling surplus land could be detected. It should be mentioned here that even in the high sounding ‘Operation Barga’ the ‘bargadars’ did not become rightful owners of land by destroying the feudal system. In the early years of the ‘Left’ Front, between 1978 and 1981, ‘operation Barga’ was started with much fanfare. The victory in the general elections in 1982 and the victory in the Panchayat elections in 1983 saw the steady ebbing of interest in Barga and waste–land distribution. Firstly, under ‘Operation Barga’ they registered about 14 lakh bargadars cultivating only 8% of the land in West Bengal. (Economic Survey 2002-03) For argument’s sake, if unregistered bargadars too enjoy some sort of stability and constitute another 14 lakh peasants, then the impact of ‘Operation Barga’ is found only in 16% of the land. It is learnt from various researches that in no case was sharecropping in more than 20% of the land. Naturally, 80% of the West Bengal land is free from the impact of Operation Barga. It must be added here that ‘Operation Barga’ has not dislodged the landowners or stripped them of their ownership title to their lands. Instead, avoiding all risks and production cost they enjoy at least 25% of the produce in the semi-feudal pattern by virtue of being landowners as a parasitic class. It is learnt from various studies that sharecropping is basically limited to paddy cultivation and a bargadar earns in a month as much as a contract labourer in a factory; the only difference being that such factory labourer works as an individual while the labour of a sharecropper is family-based. More than that it is an irony on the peasant front where 3.02 percent bargadars have been forced to part with their rights i.e. they got ejected from the land. Now take a look at the CPM peasant front’s dictate to its cadres in its 32nd session in 2003 : "… . Is highly important to initiate movement among 76

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

bargadars against the opportunist tendency prevailing among bargadars about not to cultivate properly or not to part with the share of the owners of the lands… "123 This warning against so-called dereliction of duty, avoidance of

looking after the interests of the owners and productivity, etc., in all sectors characterizes the so-called More-improved Left-Front functioning.

The ‘Left’ Front could not produce any real alternative, but ensured, in reality, as in the rest of India, the retention of an increasing number of landless or bargadars alongside the land owning sections. In West Bengal from 1971 to 1981 and from 1981 to 1991 (covering both the period of Congress and ‘Left’ Front rules) the rate of increase of the number of landless peasants surpassed the landowning peasants. In this period small land owners have increasingly been dispossessed of their lands. On the other hand while the percentage of marginal peasants has increased, the middle and small peasants have come down in number. (Subhendn Dasgupta, Sarkari Krisiniti: Aamader Bhabna, In Paschimbanger Krisiniti, Mrittlika, Jan. 2003 Kolkata, pp. 50-51) Even the 32nd session of the CPM led peasants’ front Paschim Banga Pradeshik Krishak Sabha held on January 23-26, 2003 admitted this crucial reality. It stated that in West Bengal "… capitalist relations are developing steadily, but have not completely developed …… replacing the big jotedars and Zamindars, owners of small plots within ceiling have come up who have grown as owners of so many things like water, manure and agricultural implements. A section of them has also turned into usurers (Mahajan) ....." 124 In reality the agrarian sector in West Bengal provides a dismal picture with the landless peasants having no job as agricultural labourers throughout the year in addition to non-receiving of just wages; the marginal, small, and middle peasants keep losing out for want of remunerative price and storing of the produce, the problem of escalating agricultural expenses, the chronic problem of obtaining loans for poor peasants, etc. It goes without saying that one of the major reasons for those problems lies in the crucial 77

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emergence of the new jotedar usurer class which control and exercise power in rural Bengal. It is a fact that the old type of jotedars or landlords are very few now-a-days, but this does not mean the poor and landless peasants have been liberated from feudal type control, extra-economic exploitation and coercion. It is also a fact that in respect of land possession the new rich do not match the earlier landlords, yet this new class does not till the land on its own, and they continue in tandem, both in the supervision of cultivation and various types of business. They are the suppliers of pump sets, tractors on hire, they deal in seeds, manures, pesticides, etc., they own the husking machines and control the wholesale market of rice and other produce from land. Most of them are close to the parties in power, many have also turned into leaders of the CPM. What is notable is that instead of eliminating feudalism, this new rural rich retain the features of feudalism. The deception of the poor peasants, through under-payment of wages; the colossal presence of agricultural labourers without jobs for half of the year; the leasing out of land or giving out in barga; forcible sale of produce by the peasants much below the market price; the widespread tentacles of usurers charging high interest rates; the strong correlation between poverty level of manual labour on the one hand and the caste status; etc. — are all pointers to the distorted capitalist penetration retaining semi-feudal relations. This apart, in West Bengal like other states in India, exploitation through semi-feudal and distorted capitalist cultural exploitation is sustained on the basis of domination by the priesthood, the dominant cultural elite orienting the consciousness of the peasantry towards fatalism, superstition, obscurantism, casteism, fundamentalism, etc. The ‘Left’ Front rule in its compromise with imperialism, semi-feudalism and the Indian big bourgeois class has in every way retained the feudal cultural practices. Its cultural elite have displayed all pretence, particularly in cities as carriers of progressive 78

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culture, but those opportunists and careerists themselves preach and nurture orthodoxies, Brahmanism etc. in order to save the ‘Left’ Front and themselves. Let us set down a few facts about land reforms in West Bengal. Way back in September 1970, the Chief Ministers’ Conference noted with concern the all India struggles for land occupation. The Central Government called it the land grab movement and called for remedial measures to check the situation. The conference was inaugurated by Indira Gandhi and presided over by Babu Jagjivan Ram. It formulated the guidelines by making the family as the unit comprising 5 members for the distribution purposes. Ceiling limits were reduced to between 18 and 54 acres in irrigated and non-irrigated lands respectively. The Naxalbari struggle and its increasing impact turned out to be the most compelling reason behind legal measures or guidelines for official land reforms. With total support of the Indira Congress, the CPI – led Achutha Menon government in Kerala went in for a constitutional way of land reforms. The earlier CPI General Secretary C. Rajeswara Rao observed about the success in this regard expressing pride in this way in December 1988:

"This type of thing was done, and I am proud, under Achuta Menon’s government. The Congress Party also had to agree and could not object. So, thorough-going reforms were implemented in Kerala… . Now the same thing is being done in West Bengal by the Left-Front government ofJyoti Basu… ."125

Before certifying the West Bengal ‘Left’ Front’s land-reform measures Rajeswara Rao referred to the wrongs done by militant peasants in the 1970s: "… . Groups ofpersons taking the law into their own hands and forcibly

occupying what they considered to be land wrongfully held by rich or absentee landlords or owned by the government. State governments as well as the government of India understandably disapproved of such movements based on forcible occupation ofland. State governments took action to suppress it… ."126 79

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It makes it abundantly clear that Jyoti Bassu’s government received the accolade from the staunch supporter of the Indira Govt. imposed Internal Emergency in 1975 and the then top most leader of the CPI, dismissing the efforts of the peasants forcibly seizing lands beyond ceiling going out of the tame constitutional legal way. The CPM in West Bengal after assumption of power in 1977 became double cautious about the seizure of lands by peasants. On the occasion of the West Bengal ‘Left’ Front government’s stepping into 26 years, Buddhadeb Bhattacharya as C.M. and CPM Polit Bureau member went into his dramatic best. In an ebullient mood he asserted "… .The most distinct picture of our success lies is the fact that in our State 72 percent cultivable land is in the hands of poor and marginal peasants … 15 lakh bargadars have been recorded! It is a fundamental matter. After coming to power we have rescued 11 lakh acres ofland and got it distributed … This ownership character ofcultivable land, what we call land reforms – within this structure, it is this which stands out as the most important aspect ofour political programme in the 25 years."127

This is the demagogy of a leader continuously floundering into the swampy land of parliamentarism. One can easily match such propagandist claims with similar endeavours of Central and State governments run by other political parties. Facts, reality in the fields do not substantiate the tall claims. The World Bank, other international bodies, non-Marxist economists and such other people having unflinching faith in constitutional, legal reform measures have patted the ‘Left’ Front government on its back as a model to avert agrarian revolution. Sunil Sengupta and Haris Gazdar128 discovered that out of the total cultivable land in West Bengal, the Khas or vested land has not crossed even 10 percent till 1977. The Agricultural Minister Mr. Kamal Guha, a Forward Block MLA, himself criticised the Big Brother CPI(M) against the forcible realisation of land tax. He said the prolonged movement of the peasants forced the government to waive such tax and now 80

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

they are forced to pay through their nose. He also assailed at the new agricultural policy geared to bring about variation in agricultural crops. (Sanbad Pratidin, 6 July, 2003)

As the tempo of land acquisition has distinctly ebbed since 1977 some people like to think that there is not enough land for further acquisition. Upto June 1986 the vested land distributed in West Bengal was to the tune of 8.28 lakh acres and out of that only 2.02 lakh acres was distributed since the ‘Left’ Front came to power in 1977. The Recorded barga land of about 8 lakh acres and the distributed 2.02 lakh acres under the ‘Left’ Front i.e. about 10 lakh acres provided some incentive to the poor peasants in West Bengal. What is notable is that this total land constitutes nearly 7% of the net cultivable land in West Bengal. Even upto September 2001 the total vested land distributed in West Bengal was 10.58 lakh acres and the bargadars registered were on 11.08 lakh acres. They together constitute only 15.5% of the net cultivable land. The rest 85.5% land ownership, remained outside this process. Thus, it is the glaring fact that the much-touted land reforms in West Bengal have touched around only 15% of the land; the rest 85% land ownership remained outside the land-reform measures. This is a fact about the land reforms in West Bengal, dependent on the state bureaucrats. 129 More than that what puts to shame the parliamentary Marxists is the unsavoury fact that out of the 10.73 lakh acres distributed vested land around 60% i.e. 6.28 lakh acres was distributed during the earlier Congress regime even before the Left Front’s Land reform programme was kick started. According to the West Bengal government data in the ‘Left’ Front period the number of landless agricultural workers between 1981 and 1991 rose from 45.9% to 46.4%. In the whole of the 1970s their number increased by 6 lakh while in the decade 1980 it jumped twice that number i.e. 12 lakh. It shows clearly that the lands owned by peasants through vest land acquisition is much less than the dispossessed lands of the peasants who sold out their 81

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

lands being thrust into economic distress. 130 Ajit Narayan Bose found that in the last 30 years in West Bengal the number of land owners and share croppers have increased by 16.58 lakh. And many of the owners themselves do not till land, they supervise the agricultural activities. Such supervising families are basically engaged as teachers or in services in the government or private sector. 131 It should be mentioned here that the above rural elite class is the main beneficiary of the ‘Left’ Front largess. This opportunist section is the prop of the ruling parties in rural West Bengal. The ‘Left’ Front is now the protagonist of market-assisted land reform. The landless peasants who were given land now face dispossession. In 1995 when the director of Agriculture of Burdwan district was asked about the status of the peasants who were distributed lands he quipped that in that district 60% i.e. 2,24,051 of them, who owned 80 thousand hectare land, were being compelled by economic pressure to sell out those lands. And in most cases the purchasers were big landowners or the nouveau riche in West Bengal. 132 In another study it was found in 2002 that for various reasons 13 percent of the Pattadars who obtained pattas from the government lost their lands. 133 According to the latest National Sample Survey in 1992, while 58.3% rural poor families, comprising mainly the families of agricultural workers or sharecroppers, owned only 6% of the land in India. In West Bengal the poor peasants families comprising 55.4% owned only 3.9% land. In "Marxist"ruled West Bengal in 1992 38.2% agricultural families had no land. The same survey states that the all India figure of the landless peasants was 34.1% in that year. 134 This clearly proves that the land control and ownership pattern in Left Front’s rule in West Bengal is not significantly different from India as a whole. In addition to that the major failure of the West Bengal Government lies in non-implementation of minimum wages ofthe agricultural workers. The steady increase in the agricultural workers, who do not get work many 82

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

months in a years, the rise in the new rich, continuous increase in dispossession of land, etc. belie the claim of the massive change in West Bengal under ‘Left’ Front rule.

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The Growing Agrarian Crisis And New Agricultural Policy Ofthe ‘Left’ The ‘Left’ Front journey to the nadir of betrayal and degeneration with the CPI(M) at the helm is a history worth going through as a precaution against parliamentary politics. The quarter century rule in West Bengal has pushed the CPM to the bosom of imperialism. Most of the so-called development projects undertaken by this government are funded by World Bank, I.D.A, Asian Development Bank, Ford foundation, etc. The CPM party bosses frequent the western countries for wooing the MNCs to set foot on the soil of West Bengal and the consequence of this kowtowing is bitterly borne by the masses of West Bengal, the poor in particular. In order to tighten the noose of imperialism around the necks of the peasants, the so-called Left Front, or in other Words, the shameless CPM leaders, have even imposed the new agrarian policy in April 2003. There is still the web of argument to justify the new policy. This is CPM type of revisionism, never forgetting to refurbish its ‘left’ image while at every step betraying the masses and surrendering to imperialism and all reactionaries. The CPI can be identified for its brazen advocacy of pro-bourgeois position, overt parliamentarism and clamouring for Congress – Communist unity for achieving socialism in India. There is no left verbiage like that of the CPM. From the mid sixties the ruling classes in India under pressure from the World Bank and other international agencies like Ford Foundation and Rockefeller Foundation opted for seed fertilizer technology the agricultural development in the well endowed regions having a higher percentage of irrigated areas and other infrastructure facilities like Punjab and Haryana. The motive behind this shift was firstly to impose ‘Green Revolution’ as an alternative to ‘Red Revolution’. Secondly, to create a big market for multinationals and agri-business and also to facilitate their steady entrance into the country’s economy. Thirdly, this way of developing capitalism in 84

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agriculture was motivated by integrating it with the world capitalist system. With the same aim as stated above it has reorganized the credit structure and nationalized scheduled commercial banks and expanded credit cooperatives, marketing federations, etc. This imperialist dictated and presided agrarian policy in the name of modernization through using machines, HYV seeds, chemical fertilizers, pesticides, etc, keeping the unequal land relations, have, after some years of production growth, developed not only extreme inequality, and regressive features prominently come up like huge burdens of foreign ‘loan’ diminishing productivity of land, destruction of nature and most of all increased dependence on imperialist countries and institutions. The CPM for an improved ‘Left’ Front in the world of economic restructuring now proves itself an equivalent of the Congress Party whose government had struck an agreement with the U.S government in 1965 for launching the ‘Green Revolution’ programme in India. The CPM even while maintained a pretense of criticism of globalisation, arrogated to itself the incontestable power to seek ‘advice’ from McKinsey Global Institute, a U.S based top global consultancy organization. Its advice is now as to how to get along the stream in the world of so-called globalization. In 2001 McKinsey placed a survey report with recommendations on the fields ranging from milk production and processing to software and telecommunication. It certainly does compel one to wonder as to why the so-called Marxists had to call at the doors of McKinsey. The McKinsey Report, submitted to the West Bengal Government, has basically discussed three topics: viz, the non-government initative in agriculture, contract based cultivation between peasants and MNCs and creation of variety in agrarian produce. In this report West Bengal has been divided into four regions for great change in the agrarian sector. It has been advised that production of paddy should be increased in the districts of 85

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Burdhaman, Birbhum, Medinipur and Bankura from the aggregate total from 2.65 ton to 3.61 ton per hectare resulting in an expected increase of 33.50 percent. Most important is that the states 55 percent paddy should be grown in those four districts. Secondly, McKinsey has heaped its advice on the ‘Left’ Front government to convert the districts like 24-Parganas (North), Hoogly, Nadia, Murshidabad and Malda into a different agrarian region. Here, it has advised, 25 percent agricultural land has to be earmarked for commercial crops from the existing paddy cultivation. In North Bengal in 15 percent land of the district of Darjeeling, Jalpaiguri and Dinajpur at least 15 percent paddy land should be changed for the cultivation of pineapple, spices, vegetables and oil seeds. Mckinsey, however, advised continuation of cultivation as before in 24 Parganas(South), Purulia, Coochbehar and some other districts. Doling out such pieces of advice for the ever willing ‘Left’ poised to go the capitalist way retaining semi-feudal features Mckinsey ultimately preferred contract- cultivation. The contract shall be struck between the peasant and multi-national organizations. The global consultant Mckinsey is the policy maker for the CPI(M)-led government in West Bengal. It observed in its report that fragmentation of land was a major impediment to foreign investment in agriculture. Obviously contract with so many peasants was found to be a problem. The CPI(M) state secretariat in a meeting in July 2003 decided to introduce a Bill immediately to allow overturning the Front’s earlier land reform policy. The Bill will allow merging of separate pieces of land into a single plot. "It will also allow several plot holders to form a company and enter into agreements with potential investors in food processing and agribusiness – the latest thrust area of Buddhadeb Bhattacharjee government. Interestingly, if the Bill is enacted, widows of present patta holders will not be allowed to sell the land to their relatives. Instead, such land will be taken over by the government for consolidation."(The Times of India, June 28, 2003) Any serious observer can find the pace of degradation of the CPI(M) which even outpaces the earlier Congress governments by its anti-people policies. The CPI State Secretary Mr. Manju Majumdar 86

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was rather candid in his criticism of such pro-rich policies. He said "In all… crops, including wheat, cereals, potato and oil seeds, a serious deficit in production is in the offing. What is the hurry in consolidation of land in order to promote fruit and flower production now?"(Ibid) Readers will find many more changes in the interest of the MNCs and the rich people in India. And they will be thrust on the people on the pretext of saving and carrying on this so-called Marxist government in the period of globalisation.

McKinsey considers, as is expected from such multinational concerns, that a new system will emerge through the integration of land and labour of the peasants and multi-national capital and technical knowledge. The Mckinesy ‘advice’, however, emphasises, lest one should think otherwise, that there shall be no land transfer, nor shall peasants lose their rights. In addition to all these, McKinsey’s sermon states that a super-modern trading system will emerge in ‘cooperation with 11 multi-national companies". Many trading centers will come up in the state. Rice will be exported to Africa and Bangaladesh; jam jelly and fruit juice to Europe and America. Thus, through McKinsey’s advice from production to distribution, the MNCs will spread their tentacles throughout the state, by carrying to the state the structural adjustment policy of the central government under the liberalization process. The McKinsey Report has been in the midst of a controversy and criticism, even by some parties in the "Left" front. Credit here too goes to the CPM, to unflinchingly advocate the McKinsey proposed vast changes through compelling the West Bengal peasants to be direct subjects of the MNCs. Mr.Nirupam Sen, the CPM ideologue in recent decades, barks like a disturbed animal: "Complaints are raised against us that we are moving through double-dealing. It is voiced that we are opposing globalization, while certain decisions that we have taken in the realm of running the state go to strengthen the basis ofglobalization… ". 135 87

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Mr. Sen bemoaned such charges and after rambling from one subject to another to somehow exonerate the ‘Left’ Front from such charges, pityingly concludes in respect of agriculture: "… various states are considering corporate farming … we have said ‘no’. This cannot be in our state. Then we have to provide the marginal peasants, poor peasants, middle peasants with technology. With the ensuring of improved technology, high quality seeds, etc. we have to find a way out for more income and arrange employment."(Ibid. p. 29) Mr. Sen. prescribed those remedies in September 2001 and in it they contained certain basics of the Mckinsey Report. We have already referred to the implications of harmful recourse to World Bank, Ford and Rockefeller induced prescription of Green Revolution through HYV seeds, technology, and other measures in India. In West Bengal itself the rate of increase in production in agriculture has significantly come down in the 1990s compared to that of the 1980s. In the 1980s foodgrain production increased at the rate of 6.9% in West Bengal. In the 1990s its yearly increase was recorded at 2.5%. In the later half of the 1990s the situation further worsened. Between 1995-96 and 1999-2000 the annual rate of increase in food crops in West Bengal had come down to 2.3%. The annual rate of increase in the production of paddy in this period was a yearly 2.4%. 136 What led to such fall in agricultural production that registered some increase in the 1980s? In this period, there was a steady rise in the consumption of pesticides, in the use of shallow tube wells, chemical fertilizers, etc. The answer lies, among some other factors, in the very agricultural operation in the line of so-called Green Revolution, destroying the fertility of land, developing resistance in insects, killing of beneficial insects, etc. Secondly, the continuous price rise of those essentials for cultivation in that way of "Green-Revolution" with no corresponding rise in agricultural produce forced the peasants to continue with old pesticides requiring change after some reasonable period. The water level increasingly lowered and agricultural implements became costlier making it impossible for peasants to increase production. 88

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According to one study published in 1995, the significant growth in the production of paddy in the 1980s is accountable to Boro cultivation (40% of the cause) and high degree of the use of High-yielding variety seeds (35% of the cause for increase). In both cases it was required to provide huge quantity of water and this problem was resolved by way of thousands of shallows run by 5 horse-power motor and deep tube wells, and submersible pump. This has led to continuous lowering of the water level and in its wake the high incidence of arsenic related disease in many parts of rural West Bengal. Once the U.S president and the Indian compradore bourgeois class and new kulaks were so much moved by the growth in production under the ‘Green Revolution’ that they glorified it as a blessing for the Indian peasants. It is noteworthy that before the assumption of power by the ‘Left’ Front in West Bengal in 1977 the use of fertilizer per acre was below the all-India level. But by 1980-81 under the parliamentary Marxists’ rule this rate outstripped the all-India level by using 10% more fertilizer per acre land. In that year the Indian average was 14.23 kg per acre while in West Bengal it was 15.65 kg per acre. And by 1995-96 while the all India average in this regard was 33.86kg per acre, in the ‘Marxist" ruled West Bengal it was as much as 45.95 kg i.e. 35% more than the all-India level. By 2000-2001, the over-all use of the fertilizer got reduced in India but still West Bengal recorded 31% more than all-India level. In India it was 42.67 kg but in West Bengal 55.87 kg. (Ajit Narayan Bosu, Paschimbanger Arthaniti Rajniti, Ibid. p. 129) In the same way, the use of HYV seeds provides a similar picture. In 198081 in 30.2% of the cultivable land in India the HYV seeds was used but in West Bengal its ratio was 33.6%. In 1995-96 such seed were put under 54.1% land area in India but in "Marxist" West Bengal it soared to 74.6% of the cultivable area. But in 2000-01 the area under HYV seeds use was reduced in West Bengal. 137 Ajit Narayan Bose shows from various govt. published sources that between 89

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1980-81 and 2000-01 the area for the cultivation of pulse and other cereals (the poor people eat them for the low price) has reduced by 48% and 52%. On the other hand excessive increase (more than 4 times) has been recorded by the cultivation of boro paddy in West Bengal. [Ibid. p. 130] West Bengal’s pride in the increased production in paddy is actually based on the increased production of boro. This apparent increase in production through cultivation of boro is disastrous for the future for its excessive consumption of water (48 inch per acre for boro cultivation, 12 inch per acre for wheat and 10 inch per acre for oil seeds) . This clearly proves the disastrous path taken up by the "Left" Front government in the interest of profits of the MNCs and the native rich. To understand the Left Front agricultural policy one should go back to the liberalization policy of the Central government. By the end of the last millennium when the then agricultural minister Nitish Kumar stressed that the new agrarian policy was to fulfill the "accountability" to the World Trade Organization. In 1997 Mr. Jyoti Basu, the then C.M in West Bengal, declared that the possibility opened by the free economy should be thoroughly taken advantage of. 138 As part and parcel of the new economic policy and so-called globalization process the "Marxists" in West Bengal jumped into the bandwagon of the liberalisation policy and more or less accepted the recommendations of Mckinsey. Bengal had experienced the ravages caused by contract-based cultivation of indigo and the massive protest movements under British rule. According to the CPI(M) led provincial peasant committee in West Bengal smallholdings predominate, constituting 71% of the land. 139 This journal of the West Bengal Krisak Sabha categorically dismissed the possibility of cooperative based cultivation.(p.8) The Mckinsey report too stated that as a result of increased wages the owners, multi-nationals tend to shift from the policy of large-sized farming to contract based cultivation. In the words of Mckinsey "With the increase ofLabour costs, these companies 90

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are moving away from managing captive forms to models like contract forming, where they work closely with contract formers." In this system the

multinationals need not pump in money for the wages as the small peasants will themselves do the cultivation. The MNCs will thus be assured of their marketable commodities. Secondly, under this system the MNCs will reserve the right to revoke the contracts. It is clear that extracting the super profits within the shortest period, with the diminishing productivity of the land, the MNCs will terminate the contracts leaving the land in a barren state. Mckinsey even recommended the names of eleven MNCs to develop the ultra modern agri-business centers with their branches throughout the state. The West Bengal parliamentary Marxist government is not unaware of the state of affairs after 25 years of rule. The CPI(M) state conference in February 2002 prescribed in clichéd capitalist productive force theory to tackle emerging problems. It stated bluntly that, "…. It is also essential to adopt modern technology for bringing about change in the crop pattern towards production of cash crops and increase in agricultural production . It is not also possible to tackle the situation unless the poor and marginal farmers have their access over irrigation, fertilizers, improved seeds, agricultural implements etc…" 140 We have already referred to the soaring prices of seeds, water and other implements of production. When Mr. Buddhadeb Bhattacharya insists that the Mckinsey report must be accepted and when the CPI(M) documents push forth the Mckinsey recommended proposals one can imagine how the tentacles of the MNCs will spread far and wide at the grass roots. One can also imagine the imminent loss of fertility of the land following the Mckinsey recommended and Left Front accepted new agricultural policy. The so-called Marxists are determined to toe the liberalization policy, even though various states like Andhra Pradesh, Maharashtra, M.P. Rajastan etc. have been experiencing the devastating impact of this policy, compelling many peasants to commit suicide. Only in Karnataka, between 1996 and 2000, 10,959 peasants have 91

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ended their lives. According to one study the cause of such deaths is that "The village as an institution has crumbled under the pressure of commercialization." (Economic and Political Weekly, 29.6.2002, cited in Shankar Ghosh, Rajya Sarkarer Naya Krishiniti: Sarbanasher Nil Naksha, in Paschimnbangar Krishiniti, Ibid. p. 90) Already a number of potato cultivators in West Bengal have been pushed to the brink of committing suicide and some have even committed suicide. The Mckinsey Report is actually the policy framework in tune with the liberalization policy of the central government dictated by the WTO, W.B. and the MNCs. The Report of the working council of the CPI(M) projects the new agricultural policy as an alternative policy. It claims that the main slogan of this alternative policy is "development of agriculture and the processing and commercialization ofagricultural commodities."141

This commercialization process has now been accepted as a part of the international market. In the last budget the ‘Marxist’ Finance minister of West Bengal proudly stated (para 4.7) the need for increased irrigation facility, improved seeds and fertilizer. The irrigation is actually based on ground-water extraction i.e. extracting water from the earth. This rampant extracting of water resources and use of HYV seeds, fertilser, insecticides, etc. for commercialization of agriculture in a state of diminishing productivity, will have a fatal impact on agriculture in West Bengal. Already land alienation and the rise of a neo-rich class poses a real threat to the poor peasants. The continuous increase in the number of landless wage labourers forces them to work below the wage fixed by the government, keeping those peasants under the vice like grip of the usurers and other rich sections. The aforesaid Working Council Report of the West Bengal peasant front of the CPI(M) itself admitted "… . The net ofloan giving usurers is spreading. A new

well offsection has come into being in the rural areas. As a supplier ofcapital and other necessary implements, they are imposing new burdens on the already 92

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burdened peasantry… "142

Now the CPM, in its worst capitulation to the MNCs, WB and other international organizations ensures the ravage of the West Bengal peasants for the insatiable greed for staying in the reactionary path of parliamentarism. The West Bengal Chief Minister and his associates to this master plan are engaged in selling the dangerous policy that commercialization of agricultural will ensure a fair price for agricultural produce in the international market and that West Bengal agriculture will progress by leaps and bounds. The world has witnessed enough of the devastating policy of the commercialization of agriculture, introducing the process of the MNCs looting the peasants. The experiences of Mexico, Honduras, Argentina and many third World countries provide glaring examples of such a destructive role of the MNCs in the agrarian field and the consequent ruination of the peasantry. The euphoria of ‘Green Revolution’ in Punjab, Haryana and other areas has already run out of steam, but the ‘Marxist’ ‘Left’ Front has faithfully practisced the policy of ‘Green Revolution’ and now wants to mortgage the lives of the West Bengal peasants to the MNCs. There are several implications of the new agricultural policy. Firstly, in West Bengal the land used for producing rice, wheat, etc. is declining. This has serious consequences as regards the supply of the main food crops. The increasing polarisation between the increasing number of wage labours and the landless on the one hand and the landowning sections on the other makes it burdensome for the poorer section to provide for HYV, ferlilisers, etc. The commercialization of agriculture under ‘Left’ Front rule will further the alienation of land from the hands of the poor and marginal peasants. The contract-based cultivation spells doom for the peasantry in West Bengal. Under the new system peasants will have to switch over to export–oriented crops instead of fundamentally producing 93

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paddy, wheat, pulse, etc. indispensable for the consumption of the native people. And, in case of crops’ failure, the peasants have to bear the expenses and it will be near impossible for them to revert to the cultivation of earlier food crops so easily. As export takes precedence in the new agricultural policy of the hypocrat ‘Marxist’ government one can expect deficit in staples like paddy in the near future with the increasing infertility of land, further lowening of the water table pushing the landless, poor and marginal peasants to the brink of disaster. 143 The euphoria over the ‘Green Revolution’ in Punjab, Haryana and other areas has already run out of steam, but the ‘Marxist’ ‘Left’ Front has faithfully practiced the policy of ‘Green Revolution’ and now wants to mortgage the lives of the West Bengal peasants to the MNCs. To conclude this section, we cite what the Green Revolution Father, M.S. Swaminathan, sermonized to the C.M. Buddhadeb, who listened to with rapt attention. The Telegraph correspondent writes, "M.S.Swaminathan, whose expertise was

generally tapped by Buddhadeb Bhattacharja’s government in framing the new agricultural policy, said the rural infrastructure of Bengal needed an urgent revamp. … . He had a long meeting with Bhattacharja yesterday on the imperatives ofagriculture in Bengal … . Swaminathan, who has gone through the state’s new farm policy and thinks that the government has provided enough safeguards to farmers, explained Bhattacharja the importance of precision farming, the need to prevent glut in potato production … and strengthen the agro industry. The agricultural policy, formulated with recommendations of global consultant Mckinsey in mind, aims at a shift offocus from agriculture to agri-business… . Swaminathan said the potential has to be translated into production to suit the market. He added that the chiefminister was enthusiastic about the six agro-export zones coming up in the state."

Further that Swaminathan sang the tune of Mackinsey stating, "What Bengal lacks is investment, but, the role ofprivate investors is to help the farmers and any kind of contract cultivation should be mutually beneficial and not 94

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exploitative. There is no question of a farmer losing his land to private companies. So, we should look for partnerships that will help farmers."144 We

can only add that all this trash is also propagated by the ‘Left’ Front to swindle the peasants ofWest Bengal.

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Panchayat System: Spreading corruption and illusion to grass roots Mr. Anil Biswas, the State Secretary of the CPI(M), writes like an obstinate reformist, after 25 years of the ‘Left’ front that: "A fundamental transformation in the agrarian sector is not possible without the extension ofdemocracy to the grassroots through the Panchayati Raj. With its three tiers – Gram Panchayat at the village level, Panchayat Samiti at the block level, and Zilla Parishad at the district level – the Panchayat system has become the main agent ofthe state government budget, … "145 By this time the

sixth Panchayat elections are over, leaving behind a trail of barbarity, bloods and gagging all voices of the opposition to the CPI(M) within and without the ‘Left’ Front. The parliamentarism of the CPI(M) held high hopes of spreading to the grass roots through all conceivable means in order to solidify its base and control the rural administration by way of projecting the panchayats as an extension of democracy. What the victory in the legislative assemblies could not perfectly do has been brought about through the Panchayats in West Bengal.

The dirty parliamentarism, expressed by Mr. Anil Biswas as, "A fundamental transformation in the agrarian sector" has been materialized by setting the illusion of people’s panchayats as centers of alternative power, by making panchayats become the centers of distribution of small money, odd jobs, contracts and sundry other favours to consolidate the power base of the CPM and other parties at the grass roots. Under British rule, Lord Ripon toyed with the idea of so-called decentralization in 1892. In the post 1947 period, under the auspices of American advisors, some development programmes were initiated in India. In West Bengal the first Panchayat Act in 1956 endorsed a two-tier panchayat. In 1973 when the S. S. Ray ministry was in power the current 96

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Panchayat Act came into force and it prescribed the current 3-tier Panchayat system. When in June 1978 the elections for the Panchayats were held, the then CPM leader and ‘Left’ Front Chairman Mr. Pramode Dasgupta formulated four basic policies (1) Develop Panchayats into a political organization (2) Panchayat should be the arena of struggle against vested interests (3) Dwarf the power of rural bureaucrats (4) Change the existing class relations. 146 Now after 26 years of ‘Left’ experience in the Panchayat, what we encounter in the real life experience is just the reverse of the avowed policies in the most naked form. The first flush of enthusiasm over the Panchayat system, with the participation of a section of peasantry and the ‘Operation barga’ programme, along with some localized development programmes fizzled out with the unfolding years. The Panchayats turned out to be the center of vested interests. The ‘Left’ Front uninterruptedly preaches that the twin impact of land reforms and panchayats has caused a great leap in the production of food crops. But various studies have clearly shown that it is inputs like HYV seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, tractors, shallow (mini pumps), submersible pumps, i.e. the implementation of ‘Green Revolution’ policy, that has been the major cause for the temporary rise in food crops. Panchayats are highlighted as institutions of participatory democracy. In reality panchayats now function in an obviously bureaucratic fashion. It is in the Act that gram sansads must meet every November and May to recommend action plans and scrutinize the work done. "Ten percent ofall villagers must be present at these meetings to form the quorum, but this is seldom achieved," says Ichhapur Gram Panchayat pradhan Prabhati

Goswami. 147

Corruption and Panchayats Soon after the Panchayat elections stung by bitter criticism and exposure of corruption by the media and other political parties, the CPM ultimately called a two97

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day state committee meeting in end May 2003 regarding monitoring of panchayat funds. The CPM state committee emphasized the need to enforce discipline among panchayat functionaries belonging to the CPM.(The Statesman, 31st May, 2003) But how can the CPM check the rot of plunging into the sea of corruption while being a major party in the corruption breeding institutions?

Apathy or indifference is the major reason why the rural people generally stay away from gram sansad and gram sabha meetings. A BDO in Bishnupur subdivision says that mass participation is lacking in the panchayats because of political squabbling at the village level. 148 CPM General Secretary Harkishan Singh Surjeet deftly claimed that "This participatory democracy involving the entire rural masses ofWest Bengal has shaken the vested interests to the core and instilled fear in them … "149 This is

nothing but pure and simple distortion of facts. As the CPI(M) has been controlling an overwhelming majority in the Panchayats as well as state legislative assembly, it is naturally the main villain.

In fact all political parties including the TMC, BJP, Congress (I) try to run the Panchayats as their fiefdoms, riding roughshod over the people and their opponents. "This distancing of the people from the panchayats is why

meetings ofthe gram sabha and the gram sansad rarely have quorums even after they were made mandatory in an amendment to the panchayat Act in 2001. This is why the panchayat bodies get away with not submitting accounts or utilization certificates year after year. With declining people’s involvement, it becomes easier for corrupt pradhans to carry on, ifthey enjoy the confidence of the majority party."150 In Fact the panchayat raj is the other name of CPM

raj. People’s participation in the panchayat functioning is nominal.

The village people considerd the panchayats as local offices of the state governments. In the Gram Sabha meetings people seldom attend. "In the

month ofNovember 2002 the total participation ofthe voters in gram sansad meetings was a meager 11 percent in West Bengal. This proves that out ofeach 10 voters 9 do not bother about budget ofthe village panchayat, audit report, 98

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development plans. They do not consider that their presence will at all influence the functioning ofthe panchayat."151

In most cases the decisions of the party are passed through the panchayats and thus panchayats have turned into centers of basically CPM bureaucrats. For the illusion that panchayats can alter the landscape of rural West Bengal many people knock at the doors of the panchayat for economic gains. The CPM cries hoarse that it has ensured 33% participation of women in the panchayats. The indifference of women voters to the gram sansad meetings belies the claim of rising political consciousness of the rural women. In November 2002 at the gram sansad meetings only 2% women could be present. 152 This dismisses the claim that women are proactive in the grassroots ‘democracy’ in rural Bengal. Surya Kanta Mishra, the minister for panchayat and village development as well as CPM C.C. member gave the fantastic call "It is imperative to make the meetings of gram sansad as the centers ofclass struggle oftwo sides."153

What has actually turned out is the reverse. Panchayats are now the centers of looting money and corrupting people at the grassroots. The CPI(M) literature also casually admits that "There is no room for complacency despite

the fact that the meetings ofgram sansad are going well. Still now most ofthe members’ participation cannot be ensured. It is a failure for not involving the people ofall walks oflife. In some places the escape route from the legal way of quorum is taken recourse to by conducting ‘adjourned’ meetings due to nonmaterialization of quorum. In many meetings there is absence of vibrancy… "154

In fact, like the parliament or legislative assembly, the panchayats are meant for crushing class struggle. The state government juggled statistics to show that decentralization has indeed been carried out at the grass roots level and the poor man was empowered. A survey conducted in 6,019 villages in Midnapore and Burdwan districts – the strongholds of the CPI(M) – reveals that 53.8 percent of the panchayat members are landowners owning 99

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in excess of six acres of land, or teachers and ‘social workers’. Farm labourers constitute only 8.3 percent of the members. The same scenario emerges from Hooghly and Bankura. Poor panchayat members with primary level education constitute just 5 percent. 154a The unprecedented rise in CPM terror and clashes leading to a good number of deaths, apparently for democracy through panchayats do not stem from any clash of principles or class struggle. This current panchayat elections have shattered the illusion of democracy. The number of seats won uncontested by the ‘Left’ Front was 338 in 1978, 332 in 1983 and 1,716 in 1993. It had risen to 4,200 in 1988 but dipped to 600 in 1998 but jumped to 6,800 in 2003. The ‘Marxist’ CM Buddhadeb Bhattacharja also had to ask in writing to his "party men to abide by democratic norms and not to prevent opposition candidates from filing nominations for panchayat polls."155

This was a clear proof that the CPI(M) was in an obstinate mood to win panchayat polls by hook or by crook. The CPM itself won uncontested in 31 Zilla Parishad seats, which never happened in the past. The opposition, on the last days of withdrawal, claimed that at least in 832 places the CPM made forced withdrawals. 156 The Left Front constituent, the R.S.P., too claimed CPM high handedness, and their two ministers were manhandled by CPM goons just before the polls. The R.S.P. alone was locked in a straight fights with the Big Brother CPI(M) in 4,500 seats, so also Forward Block, another L.F. partner entered into straight fights with the CPI(M) in as many as 1,000 seats. The CPI too could not reach a deal on about 150 seats. 157 More than that, upto the poll date at least 47 people were murdered in inter-party clashes. 158 The trail of murder continued even after the polls. The relevant and crucial question is why the CPM had to resort to such fascist tactics of terrorizing even the ‘Left’ Front partners leading to such an unprecedented blood bath in rural West Bengal? The ‘Left’ Front Election Manifesto issued on 11 100

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May, 2003 boastfully stated that "West Bengal has played the role of an

advanced bastion for protest, resistance and democracy uninterruptedly for 26 years amidst this countrywide crisis and encountering danger to democracy and secularism… . The wheel of ‘Left’ Front’s victory is on course basing on the struggles for land and democracy… "159

Through huge bloodshed, terrorization, looting and destruction of property, rape of women etc, what West Bengal witnessed during the Panchayat polls is in no sense related to the just struggle for ‘land and democracy’, let alone the tall claim that the ‘Left’ Front has played the pivotal role in protest and other resistance movements of the common people. There is the steady erosion of the CPM vote bank. In 1978, the CPM had captured 61.03 percent and in the last elections to the panchayats the percentage was 49.72. 160 This sounded alarm for the CPI(M). Even if we leave apart the mastery of the CPM leadership in the art of rigging, this erosion of vote bank has signalled something that obviously spurred the CPM on to the path of violence in order to cling to power by using muscle power with the assistance of the administration. It is a stark reality that in West Bengal, any movement for land or any other just demands of the rural poor by the CPM is clearly non-existent. The CPM is now more interested, as its documents prove, in the implementation of a new agricultural policy oriented to market. What emphatically comes to the fore is the pertinent question, the key to the treasury’s locker. Panchayats are no longer looked upon merely as a means to lay new roads, dig ponds, create man days, unearth surplus land for distribution among the landless or record the names of bargadars. They have turned into moneymaking machines. The state government spends 50 percent of its budget allocation through the panchayats. Uday Basu questions in the Statesman. 161 "Who can resist the lure of lucre, especially, when the bait is being dangled before men who have spent their livelihood in poverty and hunger?" 101

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What we add is that when politicization in the truly Marxist orientation is non-existent, when electoral politics is the major concern and when militant peasant struggle is dismissed by the CPM bosses, the CPM panchayat leaders and their near ones automatically jump to the bait of money. So in the panchayat poll campaigns defalcation of funds by panchayat members at all stages remain the crucial charge against each other cc Rs. 50,000. Multiply it by five. This is a huge lot of money in any village in West Bengal. And that is up for grabs." writes one journal. 162 In the villages, the pradhan and the upa-pradhan decide which road is to be built, which health center needs repair, how many tube wells are to be sunk and more importantly which contractors are to be entrusted with these jobs. The CPI state secretary Manju Mazumdar said just before the recent panchayat polls: "The Zilla parishads handle anything between Rs. 200 and Rs. 400 cores a year. For the panchayat samitis it is around 50 lakhs each year. More than a political fight, the panchayat polls are turning out to be violent battles for money."163

Not only the CPM all the parliamentary political parties are involved in this game of money and power. Even rivalry over money sources is evident in the CPM factions. Sasan in Barasat in the 24 Parganas (North) is a case in point. Sasan in Barasat II block is dominated by the faction led by Mr. Amitabha Nandy, a member of the CPM district committee, opponent of the state transport minister, Mr. Subhas Chakraborty. There are several fisheries in the area and who can wrest control of the fisheries will be in power in Sasan, Kaifhul and Kirtipur villages. 164 Corruption in panchayat functioning has been the order of the day. When it comes to paying income tax, the states 3-tier panchayati raj has proved to be habitual defaulters in depositing amounts accrued from tax deducted at source of the employees. 165 In any ease this greed for money led to factional fights in the CPM too, during elections. Parliamentarism, specially the projection of panchayats as the repository of people’s power has been 102

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deliberately and diabolically placed before the people to divert them from the path of establishing real alternative power centers smashing the class rule of power holders in the villages. The overwhelming greed for power, money and the artificially created illusion that parliament, assembly or panchayat will help solve the gigantic problems in an unequal society are all the offshoots of rabid parliamentarism of the revisionist CPM, CPI and other parties. Even person like Prabhat Dutta, the CPM’s propagandist, singing the glory of the panchayat system in West Bengal tacitly admitted, "There is an increasing trend ofbureaucratization in the panchayats. Panchayat offices with the passage oftime are turning into government offices… . Like in the cities, in the villages also self-centeredness is sprouting. All this cannot be put to a stop. The village people have the right to watch the T.V. The problem is emerging when the colour ofconsciousness is undergoing a change."

Buddhadeb held out the threat "Iftrouble is created, I shall crush the heads" during the panchayat polls.166 And what we witnessed during the panchayat polls, was the crushing of all democratic norms and the ugly head of social-fascism. Fuming at the incident of the heckling of Mr. Biswanth Chowdhury, an RSP minister of the "Left" Front by the CPM cadres just before an election meeting at Hilli in South Dinajpur on 26 April, 2003, the RSP state secretary MR. Debabrata Bandyopadhyay told "It is incredible that CPI(M) cadre are not even sparing a minister, belonging to our party…"167

Mr. Bandyopadhyay cited examples of CPI(M)’s "coercion against his partymen" who were forced to withdraw from the contest at several gram panchayats in several districts. Smarting under the humiliation at the hands of CPM goon’s the RSP leader Biswanath Chowdhury even toyed with the idea of boycotting the Panchayat polls.(Times of India, 27 April, 2003) The State PWD minister Mr. Amar Chowdhury even wrote to the Chief Minister on 12 May, 2003, narrating his case of heckling by CPM-backed 103

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goons that "This incident shows that there is death of democracy in the state."168

The relations between the CPM, the Big Brother and the RSP like constituents nosedived but as those small parties had sensed the losing of opportunities of parliamentary power and the attendant benefits, they declared trouce even after so much humiliation and started licking their wounds.

A.K Gopalan’s initial fear about the Trap of Corruption in Parliamentary politics and the present whole-sale corruption Mr. A.K.Gopalan, the founder member of the CPI(M),the leader of the opposition in Parliament in 1952, stated as initial fear "I found myself in an environment calculated to ruin a man. First class travel, comfortable chambers in parliament, surfeit of money, magnificent quarters, and a life free of heavy responsibility. All circumstances favorable to a life of pleasure. Is anything more necessary to turn a man’s head? …… Communists like me who had suffered for want of shelter for a night’s sleep, for want of money to pay for our tea and bus fare, and who were scoffed at by the elite of society, were particularly liable to be spoilt by this sudden onset of luxury." (A.K.Gopalan, In the Cause of the People, Sangam Books, Orient Longman, 1973, New Delhi, pp 181-82) The irony of histoy is that Mr. A.K.Gopalan, with the passage of time, got habituated with the luxaries of parliamentarism and became the leader of the gang of hypocrats, using the names of Marx and Lenin in the Parliamentary arena. The post 1977 period confirmed the extent of corruption that engulfed the whole CPM structure. Nepotism, elite privilege, taking lump sum money from land sharks, realtors, privileged life-style of the party leaders and placements of their kins in lucrative jobs, defalcation of millions of rupees 104

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allocated for various projects at various levels, etc. perfectly ensure the moral standards of this parliamentary ruling class party on a par with the Congress and such other rotton reactionary parties. Mr. Jyoti Basu’s own son Chandan Basu skyrocketed to a millionaire in the last two decades from a petty staffer of a company earning a few hundred per month. Mr. Jyoti Basu, the CPM PB member and CM of West Bengal had to send an SOS in order to save his son Chandan "to the BJP prime minister’s son-inlaw to halt the raid on his office and which request was prombly acted upon…"(Editor, in the Letter column, The Statesman, 6 March 2003) This is the way how the Income Tax Department was prevented by the nexus of the CPM and BJP to save the great "Marxist’s" son! One after another scandal involved this corrupt Left Front government. The illegal transfer of Waqf property has risen three times between 1977 and 1995. While between 1947 and 1976 such illegal transfers were recorded at 159 cases, under the "Left" Front in the above-mentioned period it stood at a staggering 495 cases and the so-called commission comprising three top CPM leaders inclusive of CPM minister for Waqf property has already gathered dust allowing the land sharks to do roaring business with impunity.(Sambad Pratidin, 28 April, 2003) All such instances cited above are a tip of an iceberg. Unchecked parliamentarism begets corruption and corruption sustains such despicable parliamentarism having, the sole motto of clinging to power as a ruling class party. Social fascism is a natural result of this degeneration.

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Atrocities On Women

The report prepared by the National Commission for Women after visiting Goaltore in Midnapore where five minor tribal girls were gang-raped on 26th April gives the lie to the tall claim that West Bengal under the L.F rule is a safe place for women. The NWC has expressed "serious concern" over successive cases of rape of the helpless, poverty-stricken women in the state and has come down heavily on the state police to suppress evidence. NWC team saw the "fear of the police" to silence the eye-witnesses and victims. Almost identical was the Nadia Police role to shield the CPM criminals who committed gang-rape. 169 A 20 years old tribal housewife Champa Hansda, lodged a complaint with the Budbud P.S. of Burdwan district that two locals, SK.Jakir, a CPM cadre, brother of SK.Mofirul Hossen, a newly elected panchat member of the CPM, along with another CPM supporter, raped her. 170 Women in West Bengal are not inheriting land that their fathers were given under the "Operation Barga". A US- based Rural Development Institute after its survey in various districts found it that there is decline in the past three decades in landholding (for which patta was given) by women to only 4.81 lakh hectares from 22 lakh hectares. The survey team which went to various districts found as much as 64.8 percent people saying that daughters "never" or "rarely" inherited land. (Sunday Times of India, July 6, 2003)

Intimidation and threats are supplemented by murders, burning of properties and also rape have characterized the social-fascist CPM’s way of functioning in West Bengal, particularly manifest in the most naked way during the recently-held panchayat elections. The CPM goons now exploit the biological vulnerability of women and Buddhadev Bhattacharya was compelled by circumstances to admit to criminals’ entry into the CPI(M). Half truths are also lies. Lumpenisation is never a recent phenomenon. 106

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

This Buddhadev in the late 1980s considered the period of Jyoti Basu rule as ‘Dushhomoy’ (Worst of Times) and resigned from the ministry branding it "choreder cabinet" (cabinet of thieves). As he had nowhere else to go immediately for meeting his insatiable hunger for more power he rejoined the gang of thieves. The CPM mouthpiece Ganashakti dated 6 May, 2001 carried a report of the National Bureau of Crimes, fed by inputs of the West Bengal Government, to claim that the record of crimes against women in West Bengal (757 rape cases) is less than many other states. It is the way of presentation in which the comparison is not made with states lagging behind in such cases like Orissa, Assam, Tamilnadu, etc. What it suppressed is that the "ratio ofthe crimes against women to the total cognizable crimes is the highest, namely 9.9 percent for West Bengal."171 In any case, the pride taken in ‘only’ 757 rape cases under West Bengal "Left" rule is the galling argument of the degenerate CPM. "Women also face shrinking work opportunities in agricultural development. for example, a single power tiller in one eight hour shift displaces 15-20 workers. In North 24 – Parganas, huge areas of paddy are being converted into brackish water prawn fisheries for export, a low employment activity.... in government programmes designed to create employment, the mumber of person days created per agricultural labour has more than halved from 10.22 to 4.79 from 1990-91 to 1999-2000. Also the number of people benefiting from the government’s income generating schemes like Integrated Rural Development Programme (IRDP) and, in its newest form, Swarna Jyayanti Grameen Swarozgar Yojna (SGSY), have declined by 38 percent from 1990-91 to 1999-2000 (govt. of West Bengal 2001) Fators such as low levels of education lack of land ownership and skill have all worked against these women, benefiting from government programme.

In the run-up to the recently held panchayat elections, the skeleton burst out from the cupboard. At Dhantala, in Nadia, a known local CPM leader and his followers were involved in dacoity and gang rape of women of a marriage party early this year, raising a huge storm in West Bengal. In 107

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

March 2003, at Ghokasdanga in Cooch Behar, a CPM women’s wing member was gang-raped. When the reporters asked the CPM Zonal Committee secretary of Matha Bhanga – Ghokasdanga of CoochBehar district about Samiruddin whose name figured as the main accused in the rape charge, the CPM leader unashamedly said that "Samiruddin is our asset" 172 Samiruddin is the CPM local committee member of Shidanga. In March 2003 itself the RSP leaders of 24 Parganas (South) accused that the CPM hordes had barged into the house of its one village panchayat member as well as member of its primary teachers’ organization and looted the movable properties and his wife was "gang-raped by CPM cadres".173 Mrs. Geeta Sengupta, general Secretary, All India Mahila Sangha, an RSP women’s organization, charged that " the series of rapes and molestations

during the past few weeks have only confirmed its suspicion that the CPI(M) is now unable to control the lumpen elements, who joined the party to get police protection for their crimes."174

The CPI, was the first L.F. Party to voice its concern about the involvement of Front cadres in the Dhantala and Ghoksadanga incidents and the state government’s "indifference". The CPI state Secretary Manju Kumar Mazumdar had this to comment "The alleged involvement ofL.F workers in incidents ofrape is a matter ofgrave concern to us."175

It is an incontrovertible fact that the Congress Party culture became synonymous with molestation of women, fraud and all such criminal acts. Besides other reactionary party leaders and activists, the CPM in West Bengal can justly claim that alongside pursuance of other policies of the earlier Congress governments, it has imbibed the Congress culture of exploiting the vulnerability of women even by raping them in the "Left" Front rule.

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Women Suffer Under the "Left" Front Misrule "West Bengal also shows one of the lowest female work participation rates in India as shown by census reports ... Women also face shrinking work opportunities in agricultural development. For example, a single power tiller in one eight-hour shift displaces 15-20 workers. In North 24-Parganas, huge areas of paddy are being converted into brackish water prawn fisheries for export, a low employment activity …. In government programmes designed to create employment, the number of person days created per agricultural labourer has more than halved from 10.22 to 4.79 from 1990-91 to 1999-2000. Also the number of people benefiting from the government’s income generating schemes like Integrated Rural Development Programmed (IRDP) and, in its newest form, Swarna Jyayanti Grameem Swarozgar Yojana (SGSY), have declined by 38 percent from 1990-91 to 1999-2000.(Govt. of West Bengal 2001) Women’s share in poverty alleviation programmes has been low. The 2000-2001 economic review of the government of West Bengal shows that in 1999-2000, 21 percent of the employment generated under the Jawahar Grameen Samriddhi Yojana (JGSY) 29 percent of the employment generated under EAS were provided to women, while 32 percent of the beneficiaries under SGSY were women. This is inspite of the fact that there is a government order which says 33 percent of the work under JRY (now known as JGSY) should be provided to women only,…… Factors such as low levels of education, lack of land ownership and skills, have all worked against these women benefiting from government programmes. Women have also not benefited from the much-vaunted land reform programme of the Left Front. According to Jayati Gupta, (2000; Women, Land and Law: Dispute Resolutions at the Village Level, Sachenta Information Center, Kolkata, July) by 1988, land redistribution was almost complete and ‘patta’ (titles) had been issued. This was done according to provisions of orders passed in 1979. These orders however had no provision for women to be included in the general category of either the landless or the bargadars (share croppers). If it is assumed that the government’s claims of 109

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

distributing land to some women at least are true, still the figures are not very impressive. According to one of their ministers, Chhaya Bera, in an article on June 20, 1997 in Deshttitaishee, 9.7 lakh acres of land had been distributed to 23.48 lakh beneficiaries, with 0.44 lakhs being distributed to women. This forms only 5 Percent of the total number of beneficiaries. (pp. 1666-1667) "Studies show that women get married when they are minors. Dowry is a very big problem and there are a large number of bigamy cases…."p. 1667 "Figures at both the national and West Bengal level show the increasing reportage of crimes against women….. A report placed by the home minister in West Bengal Bidhan Shbha showed that though there has been a decline in crimes on the whole, crimes against women have increased from 3,947 in 1990 to 7,489 in 1998. In 19992000, the Bidhan Sabha’s estimates committee for police matters reported that in the preceding eight years, reports of dowry death and cruelty by husband and relatives had increased a great deal, especially in village areas…."p. 1668 (Shalihi in West Bengal A community-Based Response Shramajibee Mahila Samity EPW – April 26- My 2, 2003)

There was a spate of atrocities against women centering on the recent panchayat polls. The state commission of women had been alarmed at the menacing situation in West Bengal and convened a meeting of all political parties and social organizations by the end of June 2003. A Commission member put into words the present trend thus: "Common crimes are taking an ugly turn with petty politicians using criminals to settle scores. And women being most vulnerable are being targeted to teach the opponents a lesson."176

At Basanti in 24 Parganas (South), yet another CPM activist was accused of raping a minor girl after the panchayat poll, the same newspaper report added. It is noteworthy that such degeneration is the natural culmination of abandoning the principles of a communist and following criminal policy of control by money-power and the vulgar culture that spreads like never 110

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

before in rural Bengal.

The CPM is the main culprit in cases of violating the chastity of women in West Bengal by raising its goons and giving them a free hand. In all such cases of outrageous molestation of women the CPM puts in all energy to hush up such incidents and even accuses the victim, not the rapists. The W.B. "Marxist" chief minister disclosed the political colours of the Dhantala rapists only after much storm in the media and other circles. It was known that out of 22 men held, 7 had clear CPM connections. 177 After the CoochBehar rape case with the CPM’s involvement, the state secretary of the Party, Mr. Anil Biswas shot his mouth off by casting aspersions on the victim’s character, suggesting that it was not so much the rapists but the poor victim who was at fault. 178 The CPM top clearly showed it that his sympathy lay with the rapists. This disclosed the mindset of the top CPM leaders and one can guess the substance of CPM politics with its dire need to carry on its rule dishonouring and trampling on the revolutionary Marxist-Leninist heritage built up through dedications and sacrifices of thousands of people in India. The stink of parliamentarism is all too evident in the abominable practices of the so-called Marxists in Bengal under the "More improved Left-Front". Even parliamentary Marxists used to chastise the Congress leaders in the past for molesting women. Kolkata the headquarters of the CPM led Left Front Govt, a hub of trafficking in girls "Kolkata houses around 40,000 child prostitutes who are ‘highly priced’ as they rarely have any disease." Writes Shilpika Das in the Calcutta Times, The Times of India, 24 April 2003. The "Left" Front smacks of its criminal indulgence or total neglect for the growing number of prostitutes. Mrs. Das writes that targets of such exploitation are children from poor families living in rural or semi-urban areas. They are trapped into prostitution either with the lure of "jobs" or "marriage" and then sold to madames and brothel-owners in red light areas

Now the TMC and Congress project the incidents of the CPM leaders’ and 111

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

cadres’ ugly role vis a vis women, and thus the current generation of the youth mistakenly begin to believe in the anti-Marxist’ false propaganda blitz against immorality of the Marxists in general. Cultural decay has already set in and it has now assumed alarming dimension. The CPM minister Subhas Charkraborty sponsored, and Jyoti Basu lent his immoral support by his conspicuous presence at the huge musical soiree at Salt Lake Stadium in 1986. Bollywood stars held sway over all acceptable cultural norms with obscene songs and filmi dances. The votaries of vulgarity in culture were emboldened further with the no-holds barred penetration of western pornographic titillating films and songs with the state "Left" Front administration looking the other way. The growing attraction of the people towards making fortune by using red threads, stones, state-sponsored lottery tickets, by buying shares, etc. in the past few decades alongside the developing indifference of the youth and students to socio-political responsibilities getting disgusted with the practices of immoral parliamentary political leaders is the clear cause and consequence of the more than a quarter century of "Left" Front practices in West Bengal. And Mr. Asim Dasgupta, the LF finance minister, in this year’s budget speech said that "the state government would encourage setting up of new liquor shops in a bid to increase state revenue… by introducing a simplified licensing system for new liquor shops in the current financial year". 179

This much can be said that it is also a part of "giving relief through the Left Front government. It goes without saying many a Bengali youth will now take to alcohol in a bid to temporarily sink into the illusory world, as a relief of sorts for getting out of the menacing reality all around under the "Left"Front misrule in West Bengal.

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Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Education in "Left" Rule in West Bengal Education is the privilege of the moneyed people under the ‘Left’ Front. Upto March 2000 the number of primary schools was 52,385 in West Bengal. According to a government report for1999 for bringing all the probable students under primary schooling, West Bengal needed 58,261 primary schools. But, this has not materialised and as a result about 50%, or even less than that number of primary schools are in existence for providing primary education. 180 In West Bengal the literacy rate in 1991-92 was 57.72% — a little better than all India level and it was highlighted by the Left Front Govt. The SFI leadership in its Draft for the national Conference suggested deletion of socialism in favour of the words "People’s Democratic transformation." The draft also stated that the SFI was not totally opposed to private enterprise in education. (Telegraph, 22 Feb. 2003)

However, the rate of increase in literacy in 1981-91 in India as a whole was recorded at 19.6%, while in this decade that rate for West Bengal stood at 18.7%. It is a fact that literacy rate increased in West Bengal from 33.2% in 1971 to 40.94% in 1981, but by this time, West Bengal’s position slid down to the 9th position from the 6th, in respect of India as a whole. The recent survey conducted jointly by the Indian Statistical Institute and State Council of Educational Research And Training highlighted the fact that students from the SCs and STs fare worse than high caste students at the primary levels and this trend is most likely to continue in future in West Bengal. 181 Most of all there has been a mushroom growth of English medium schools in West Bengal in the "Left" Front period which puts to shame even the earlier Congress governments. The Front cries too much on the liberating force of education but in its rule the number of drop-out students of the age 113

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

group between 11 and 14 is more that 48% of the national level. 182 Aggrieved teachers belonging to the Bengal Primary Teachers’ Association, an organization of the pro-CPM teachers, has recently complained to the C.M about the squalid state of primary education in West Bengal. It wrote in the letter to the C.M. "There are 2000 villages in the state which do not have primary schools, 55 years after independence". Further it added that, "Leave alone ensuring free and compulsory education to all children up to class VIII, the state school education department has not yet been able to do this for all children upto class IV."183 Already post-school level education fees have

been increased manifold, dashing the hopes of many a poor student for higher education. Private players have already made substantial inroads into the educational sector of West Bengal. Obviously the Marxist "government has abandoned the earlier slogans of free education facilities for higher education, etc. for the deprived sections. It has now come round to the view that the earlier policy of education subsidies is a nuisance when teachers are becoming increasingly restive about irregular payment of salaries. Education For The Rich There are other unflattering revelations : of the 2.6 million children admitted to class I, almost half drop out in class II. The constitutional declaration of compulsory education upto class VIII is an illusion in West Bengal.(The Statesman, 27 May 2003) Poverty and a tendency to engage children in petty jobs are some of the reasons why West Bengal ranks high among the number of primary school drop-outs, stated a study.(Hindustan Times, March 26, 2003) The scheme of contract service-based teachers’ appointment for a pittance has now been extended from college to schools. On 1st June 22, 2003 Mr. Anil Biswas state secretary of the CPM clearly declared, "As per the advertisement that has been given by the School Service Commission alongside the general recruitment, some contractbased recruitments too will be made."(Ananda Bazar Patrika, 2 June. 2003) At the schools meant for small children the "Left" Front government has already 114

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

started recruiting teachers on a contract basis [Ibid]. In a back-gear movement the CPM state-secretary has now signalled, "introducing tuition and other school fees at the school level" The party education czar in Bengal said, "We are trying to figure out from which class of the school system, fees will be charged."(The Telegraph, 2 June 2003)

In December 2002 Writers’ Building announced that fee for MBBS students would be raised from Rs 12 to a whopping Rs 1,000 a month. And now by the end of May 2003 the "Left" Front has declared capitation fee for 15% MBBS seats on the lines of Karnataka and Andhra Pradesh.184 This way of mopping up resources will further lessen the chances of common people’s sons and daughters to become doctors through the so-long prevailing merit test for the very small number (250 at present) of seats in West Bengal. Already the monthly-enhanced fees of Rs. 1000 crushed the dreams of many good students of middle and lower-middle class, not to speak of the poor families. To add to their woes, the sale of seats to the affluent sections’ wards as a "Left" Front policy will virtually thrust the economically unsound but meritorious students almost nowhere near snatching a seat in the medical colleges. Now for school leaving exam, college and university exams many students are even forced to move the courts for reassessment of faulty marks on the marksheets. Degeneration of the Student Front In the worst height of degeneration, the student wing of the CPI(M), the SFI now preaches the students to opt for career in bureaucracy as a "viable alternative". The SFI president Mr. Sudip Sengupta told the reporters "The academic environment of this state is such that almost all brilliant students leaving schools vouch for engineering and medical subjects. There is hardly any interest to serve the bureaucracy. We have asked the government to take steps to plug the loophole so that a majority of the top 20 school leaving students go in for the national level administrative and police services. Our organisation, too, would start spreading awareness on this matter."(The 115

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Statesman, 18 July, 2003) It is like listening to the voice of a British official in the colonial period genuinely feeling the need for strengthening the state machinery with the best brains of the soil! What a slide-down from the SFI declared ideals of Marx and Lenin ! However, the positive side of such utterances is the self un-masking of the hyprocritical, satanic face of the SFI deceiving the students. Genuine Marxists have always appealed to the students to think about the socio-economic problems and the exploited masses and to uproot this system for ushering in a new society. But the SFI has now come out in the open to strengthen bureaucracy and the police department, the main props of the existing state in India.

The Capitation fee has been introduced in West Bengal for engineering and medical students after enhancing the fees many many times for all college and university level students. Education is now a profitable business under the L.F. rule. Putting an end to its traditional demand for " free and subsidised education at all levels". The CPI(M) student wing SFI now says that "it has no objection if the state government is required to hike fees in medical, engineering institutions, against the payment of a capitation fee". (The Telegraph, 30 May 2003)

The West Bengal CPM-led government’s degradation is all too evident in its double-dealing policy. When Rajiv Gandhi had put forth the concept of elite breeding Navodaya Vidyalaya, the CPM stood at the forefront against such boarding schools arguing that they would surely increase class division and discrimination. The same policy has now been endorsed by this double-faced government. A model school, the brainchild of Rajiv Gandhi, is now coming up first at Banipur in Habra of 24 Parganas (North). (Desh, a Bengali journal, 18 April, 2003, editorial) This hypocrisy was crystal clear when it consigned to the back burner all opposition to computerization, privatisation, entry of the MNCs, etc. and kept the door ajar for their smooth entry into West Bengal. Instead of widening the scope of education the fake Marxist-led government is now 116

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

engaged in expanding the scope of education for the affluent section of society.

117

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

The Representative ofthe ruling classes Budedhadeb eminently proved how the government led by mainly his party mastered the art of oiling the business barons unconditionally by himself meeting them in Mumbai on 2 June, 2003. The line-up included Ratan Tata, Adi Godrej of Godrej Industries, Anand Mahindra of Mahindra and Mahindra, Ajoy Piramal of Nicholas Piramal, M.K.Sharma, the vicechairman of Hindustan Lever and Dominic Crice of J.P. Morgan. The meeting with the domestic and foreign business magnates was followed by the CM’s tour of Italy to attract Italian majors in leather, fruit processing industries, together with a high-level business entourage comprising RPG Group head R.P.Goenka, Bengal Ambuja Chief Harsh Neotia, ITC Chief Y.C. Deveshwar, CII Eastern Indian Chairman Sanjoy Budhia, Indian Chamber of Commerce leader C.K.Dhanuka, jute baron S.K.Bajoria and S.S.Kumar of the Indian Leather Exporters Association. 185 From the head of the West-Bengal chapter of the CII to the industrial secretary of West Bengal, Mr. Abhijit Sen, could not recall any previous matching campaign on such a scale in the past taken up by the "Left" Front government. 186 The jamboree, involving 150 top industrial magnates and their representatives, and "Marxist" ChiefMinister Buddhadev as the key star, was held in no other better place than the Tajmahal Hotel in Mumbai.

Parliamentary Marxist’s rule in West Bengal and the steady increase in Hindutva forces The "Left" Front led by the CPM spits threats to the CPI(ML) People’s War and the MCCI that in West Bengal they shall be sternly punished, and acts with savage attacks on them bringing to recollection the dark days of Congress rule here. But the CPM government which is now working with the best of cordial relations with the BJP government at the Center provides enormous scope to the RSS, VHP, sister organizations of the BJP, to turn West Bengal into a veritable breeding ground of communalism. 118

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

The following figures speak volumes of the situation:

Member of the Sangh family in India and West Bengal 1990 1985 1994-95 1999-2000 In India as a6 lakh whole In West10000 Bengal

17 lakh

22 lakh

1 lakh

1 lakh 55 3 lakh thousand

Members ofViswa Hindu Parishad 1990 1985 1995 In India as a 3 lakh whole In West 4000 Bengal

38 lakh

2000

8 lakh

12 lakh

16 lakh

15000

25000

55000

Attacks perpetrated by the Sangh family 1990-91 1992-93 1994-95 1999-2000 In India as a395 whole West Bengal 24

282

185

177

18

11

13

The meeting led by the Sangh family for propagating Sangh politics 1990-91 1992-93 1999-2000 1994-95 In India as a395 whole West Bengal 16

492

232

880

58

13

150

119

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

(Source: Ebong Anyakatha, September 2002, pp. 23-24) Budahadev stooped as low as possible to hug the industrial barons by promises of reining in the militant working class of West Bengal. At the ballroom of the posh hotel the head of Boston Consulting Group, Mr. Arun Maitra popped the question "Are you satisfied with the law and order situation". The Telegraph report of 3 June 2003 stated that the question was related to "law and order and labour militancy" and the humble Buddhadev responded appealingly "Things are not that bad." What a humiliating surrender! Labour militancy was projected as something bad before the captains of industries. The hypocrite C.M unmasked himself and the CPMled government by answering to a straight question of Pallabi Jha, representative of a splinter Walchand group : "Though Left, we know the

reality and we invite investment from various parts ofthe country and the world."187

Mr. Ratan Tata certified the "Marxist" CM, the Polit Bureau member of the CPM, heaping all praises on him with the words: "West Bengal needs promotion and I think he is the chief minister who will make it happen."(Ibid) Citing examples of ITC, Videocon, Mitsubishi and Siemens in West Bengal the CM said that "the ground situation was vastly different from what it is perceived to be." He also said that the state was in the process of setting up five agri-export zones as well as special economic zones for gem and jewellery industries. 188 The pertinent question is through such so-called promotion of West Bengal with the ‘Marxist’ CM at the head who is actually being promoted? Which classes are to gain economically through the exploitation of labour power of the toiling masses and will the commodities thus produced be generally consumed by the common masses ofIndia?

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State and the parliamentarism ofthe CPM and CPI The enormous police net-work to crush all oppositions to ‘Left’ Front misrule and the CPM’s fascist ways of functioning actually go to strengthen the state and its armed instruments of coercion. The CPM Chief Minister and his party bosses insisted on passing the preventive detention act POKA on the lines of the BJP Government’s Prevention of Terrorism Act, 2000. The clauses contained in the proposed POKA clearly declared the perceived threat to the security and integrity of the state necessitating such extraordinarily stringent Act. Legal experts and political analysists found POTA and POKA as two sides of a same coin. Buddhadeb and his company tried their level best to frame such an Act in 2002. When the peasants in some pockets of Midnapur, Bankura and Hooghly under the leadership of the People’s War and MCCI started militant movements against all oppressors facing the huge police and paramilitary forces and the CPM armed gangs. The CPM beat a retreat when protests from various quarters against such proposed criminal acts had reached the boiling point. These hypocrites know too well that the people over here have had the bitter experiences of the PD Act, P.V Act, MISA, etc. basically used against the struggling people. In the worst height of deception they now raise their hypocritic voice against POTA and even try to come out clean by declaring to the panchayat voters in 2003 that "It is West Bengal, the only state in the whole of India where not a single person has been remanded without trial in the past 26years." 189 Those double-dealers pose themselves as if they were against such detention. The large number of people killed in police lock-ups, the imposition of the Disturbed Area Act in some parts of Tripura by the CPM Government there, the dirty tricks of release from jail and rearrest on various pretexts of the CPI (ML) PW and MCCI activists as did the earlier S.S. Ray government in West Bengal are all a testimony to the immense service of parliamentary Marxists to strengthen the state and its police department. 121

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

Religion flourishes under the Left Front rule while factories close down It is the clear symbol of decay and degeneration of the parliamentary CPM in particular when people find the CPM leaders at various levels are directly involved in the big-budget religious celebrations, Durga Puja in particular. They are theists at heart, greedy for the huge money involved particularly in the Pujas and try to marry religion with parliamentary Marxism. There has been a huge spurt in shrines in the "Left" Front ruled West Bengal between 1990 and 2000. "More than 78,000 places of worship have come up across the state in that 10 year period. The number of factories, worksheds in the meantime, has fallen from "2.9 lakh to 1.77 lakh", according to the director of Census Operation, West Bengal Vikram Sen. According to the director there is a growing religious bent of mind against a growing number of closed factories, lockouts and strikes. The number of, units closed downs in Howrah has been put at 19453, rendering thousands jobless. North 24 Parganas close behind with 17,207 units and Burdwan with 15,420 units. (Hindustan Times, Kolkata. April 4, 2003) The district wise break-up of increase in number of shrines in W.B. between 19902000

Dist Places of worship 1990-2000 11,783 South 24 Parganas 10,270 North 24 Parganas Midnapur (East and West) 10,372 6,954 Burdwan 54,442 Nadia 4,250 Hoogly 2,945 Bankura 2,225 Howrah 2,035 Murshidabad 390 Purulia 1,618 Birbhum 1,658 Kolkata 122

(Hindustan Times, Kolkata, April 4, 2003)

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

The revisionist CPM, which has turned into a ruling class party is showing its fascist fangs. It has been surrendering to the World Bank, IMF and MNCs by inviting them to "develop" West Bengal under ‘Left’ Front rule. For all the so-called development projects the huge debt imposed on the people and the tightening noose round their necks by imperialism shall strengthen imperialism’s control over the Indian State machinery. Right now India’s foreign loan stands at a whopping 10197 crore US dollar, according to Finance Minister Yashwant Singh. 190 The parliamentary Marxists contribute handsomely for this imperialist stranglehold. As the CPM has now changed its earlier slogan from "LeftFront as instrument of struggle" to "Left-Front as people’s government" so also its earlier wall writings on the huge dimension of foreign debt on each and every Indian have been erased by the new call for "Unnayan" (development). And this Unnayan by courtesy of imperialist ‘aid’! One must not be oblivious of another consequence of this so-called development money pouring into the state. When honesty and basic principles of political life have been bidden farewell, the money is being squandered at all levels, as frequent media reports point to. A Transparency International survey 2002 says that India stands out as one among the 30 most corrupt countries in the world.(Felix Raj, Development Issues, Corruption Remains The Major Hurdle, The Statesman 10th May, 2003) With the rampant corruption spilling even over to the grassroots via panchayats, the Indian State with its ruling classes finds a sort of way out of the simmering discontent of the deprived people. Social Fascism and the CPM Buddhadeb himself admitted to harboring goons by the CPM in the aftermath of the massive violence which accompanied the recent panchayat polls in West Bengal. The assault, murders, rape, destruction of property, booth capturing, etc. have forced Buddhadev on 19 May to admit that criminals have entered the CPM, (The Statesman, Ganashakti, 20 May, 2003) The state secretary of the CPM, Mr. Anil Biswas too, 123

Conversion of Parliamentarism to Social Fascism: An Indian Experience

disclosed under massive pressure from particularly the Left Front partners and media that "The chief minister iterated what the party had been saying for the past 10 years. (The Statesman, 21 May 2003) "The CPI(M) has worked overtime to ensure that opposition is extinguished in the running of panchayats which are dens of political corruption and control substantial amounts of Central funds unaccounted for during the last 25 years ……. There is every need to make the point that this panchayat poll was something of a joke in the sense that about 20000 seats went uncontested and large number of villagers watched helplessly as cadres ran amok….."(Ibid)

The reactionary power-hungry parties know very well that the West Bengal people like the Indian common people are not by nature corrupt. A reputed global magazine conducted a survey of levels of integrity in several countries by dropping at several public places equivalent sums of money in small packets containing addresses. It found that about 85 percent of the Indians – mostly of the poor, hard working labourers — returned the money to the addressed. 191 The state and the parties, the parliamentary Marxists like the CPM in particular, have been diabolically engaged in corrupting as many people as possible with numberless baits, real or illusory. Efforts are on in West Bengal, the hotbed of revolutionary movements, to transform it by the parliamentary Marxists and others into a place where alongside the use of the armed forces and illusory politics of submission and elections, a network of corruption has been consciously undertaken as in the other states of India. This vitiates the atmosphere and provides a cushion to the Indian state; despotic and rotton to the core. The CPI(M)-led government has already been crowned with great success in increasing the number of police stations and forces in the last 26 years. The Chief Minister Buddhadev, while laying 124

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the foundation stone of a new police station in East Jadavpur in Kolkata on 25th December, 2000, declared the need "to shoot" the people creating law and order problem. 192 He even did not care a hang for the strictures against police, say, by the state human rights commission. The "Left" Front in West Bengal sent a good number of police officers to Andhra Pradesh in 2002 for training in anti-guerrilla Warfare on the lines of the notorious Grey Hound there: "The first 1,000 officers and personnel of the India Reserve Battalion from West Bengal began their rigorous 18month training from June 1. Approval is waited for one more battalion of equal strength, to be headquartered in North Bengal. Once both the elite battalions are raised, the state will not have to ask for Central assistance frequently to augment its police force writes Jayanta Gupta in the Times of India, 24 May, 2003. He further adds that "According to senior police officials, the IRB will conduct operations similar to the Central Reserve Police Force. It may participate in combing operations to flush out People’s War, Maoist Communist Centre and Kamtapur Liberation Organisation activities in various districts."(Ibid) The DIG (HQ) Narayan Ghosh said that Andhra Pradesh has such 10 battallions; Assam and Tripura have two each while Manipur has four. And that "All expenses will be borne by the state where they are posted" Ghosh added. The fake Marxist Buddhadeb has now gone wild to strengthen the state machinery perceiving the burgeoning Maoists led peasant movements in West Bengal. And who is to bear the burden of raising and posting such butchers’ gangs in West Bengal to be engaged against the struggling people? The onerous burden will have to be borne by the West Bengal people themselves for the perfidious policy of the hypocritic, fascist ways of the CPM-led government. In early 2002, the CPM boss in West Bengal, Mr. Biman Bose, raised the "terrorist" bogey echoing the Central Government and the US imperialists, 125

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and asked the people everywhere in West Bengal to engage them in surveillance activity in order to trace out I.S.I agents. In April, 2003 the "Marxist" led state government and the State Intelligence Branch have worked out a plan to overhaul the DIB to cope with the changing pattern of crime". On the lines of Mr. Biman Bose, in order to curb the spurt in "terrorist activities and other crimes" "the top brass have decided to revamp the intelligence network to strengthen information gathering at grass roots" 193 The same report elaborates that "The police have to depend on the SIB, subsidiary intelligence branch and the RAW for inputs……The SPs of various districts urged the SIB to take a fresh look at the DIB to upgrade coordination". The CPM-led government has now busied itself to heavily guard the state machinery taking advantage of the state-of-the art technology. The CPM mouthpiece carried a report (Ganashakti, 9 April, 2003) on how the state government "has decided to arrange the wide-area network throughout the state. This work started in April 2000. Through this arrangement the Writers’ Building will be directly connected with all the district centres. …. ‘ I-T enabled governance’ was first initiated in North America in the 1960." The writer of the report, Mr. Prabhat Dutta, identified the areas where the latest information-technology would be made recording complaints, ensuring social security, etc. Mr Dutta added that with the help of famous national and international companies like IBM, Global Service and others in the second phase of this scheme all Blocks in the districts of West Bengal would be connected. Apparently innocuous, the massive use of IT may appear but this American model will be pressed into service basically for the state’s surveilance activity with a computerised feed-back mechanism. The system will eminently help in the name of what Dutta claimed "Good-Value Governance" eliciting consent of the people through various means to the state and the govt. 126

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policies while simultaneously sharpening the coercive instruments of the state. What we emphasize is that, the CPM-led "Left" Front can outsmart the earlier Congress governments by virtue of its grass roots, local contacts. And with the presence of a vast network of the state bodies like panchayats, the revamp of the police department, a must for putting down any voice of protest and maintaining the interests of the imperialists and native class enemies at all levels in this crisis situation through thousands of tentacles with the clear and open support of this government will make the state power so enormously powerful. The hegemony of the state power over societal aspects will also eat into the vitals of the social fabric, the peaceful existence of various religious communities in West Bengal is at peril thanks to the inroads of communal fascist gangs in West Bengal and "Left" government’s utter surrender to the communal central government. The looming presence of the state machinery is aided and strengthened by the social democratic CPM like forces as a part and parcel of the Centre’s massive efforts at beefing up security in the name of fighting terrorism. And what the CPM like degenerate forces are engaged in by getting institutionalised and representing the ruling classes is nothing but paving the way for unremitting policing actions of the state’s armed forces and bureaucratic highhandedness even against the voice for democratic rights, let alone any higher form of mass movements.

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The CPI(M) Sings the BJP Tune Politics in West Bengal, in other words parliamentary monkey dance in West Bengal has been a recipe for gossiping and laughing to any interested person . The stage is now set for the roles of hypocrats, swindlers, prowling hunters, demagogues and others and what is notable is that everybody shows his/her acumen in changing roles. Among the actors/actresses Buddhadev towers over all with his CPM brand of cunningness, appeasement and flirt with ruling classes. Mr. Bhattacharya had to slip into suit shirking Bengaliness he is so much proud of to be the guest in honouramong the industrial barons in Mumbai Taj Mahal hotel and then in Italy. Such unabashed entreaties to the captains of industries for business venture in West Bengal were even naggingly nauseating to the journalists accompanying him. Now a past muster in stooping too low, Mr. Bhattacharya’s uninterrupted assurance about tamed working class under the "Left" Front rule fell on the deaf ears of captains of industries, who have grown an obstinate fear and disgust for the workers in West Bengal. In a role change, this "sorry sir" C.M. has developed a profound love for Advani. Bhattacharya is ever ready to pose as Advani’s trusted man on the question of Madrasas as supposedly breeding ground of Islamic terrorism; on the migration of Muslims to West Bengal from Bangladesh, on the ISI sponsored terrorism and what not . After his one-to-one meeting with Advani, Buddadev Bhattacharya joined the BJP chorus against the cliched and baised propaganda of Bangladeshi Muslims entering India. The top brass of the CPI(M) Mr. Anil Biswas lent his whole hearted support to the C.M. shamelessly stating "we are always against infiltration."

(Sanbad Pratidin, 12 July, 2003)

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On BJP – CPM collaboration The All India BJP President Venkaiah Naidu held a brief for Mr. Buddhadeb Bhattacharya in an interview during the recent disturbance before the panchayat polls in West Bengal. In reply to the reporters, question Mr. Naidu told "Buddhadeb babu is a cultured person. But does his writ run in the party ? Who does not know his opinion on POTA ? But could he implement it in his state ? He is quite aware of the fact that subversive acts are being carried on in many illegal Mardrasas, and he wants to take stern steps in this regard." (Ananda Bazar Patrika, 24 April, 2003) Already in 2002 Buddhadeb roared against Madrashas and insisted on enforcing POTA like draconian measures in West Bengal. For all such acts he received kudos from the BJP Government at the Centre. Tathagata Roy, the WB State chief of BJP told a television channel on 31 May that Advani’s "close relationship" with W.B. Chief Minister Buddhadeb Bhattachrya had become embarrassing for the state BJP leadership. (The Telegraph, 2 June, 2003) Buddha calls up Advani, says sorry for attack by CPM activists on Tapan Siddar ,Union Minister of the BJP, on 6th May, 2003. Last month too Buddhadev dialed to Advani expressing concern over pre-Panchayat violence. (May 7, 2003, Hindustan Times) More than that Mr.Tapan Sikdar the very next day, from a Nursing Home where he was admitted "praised Bhattacharja’s and CPM state leadership’s post attack respons as well as their efforts at fixing responsibility for that incident." Sikdar said, "I am extremely happy at Buddhababu’s expression of concern and the way he has gone about ordering stern measures against the culprits." Further that, "I have collected the names of a few attackers which I shall pass on to him and (State CPM secretary) Anil Biswas. I have no doubt that they will take proper action…"(The Telegraph, 7 May, 2003) 129

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TMC actress Mamata enters the blind alley Ms. Mamta Bannerjee, the most unpredictable volatile player on the arena, now seems to be ageing quickly and her high-pitched warning against the CPM waning day by day. She appeared on the West Bengal scene from nowhere backed by a section of media and rich class considering hers as a firebrand anti-CPM voice inside the Congress(I). With no programme or worked-out policy of any substace her roars have now become mellowed. She married her Trinamul Congress with the BJP with an insatiable hunger to ensure a berth at the Central ministry. The marriage proved to be a boon for the communalist BJP to make easy inroads into West Bengal, but a bane to Ms. Banerjee for the unwelcome treatment by the BJP top guns who have even helped trigger a schism in the TMC ranks. Ms. Banerjee’s patience is now running out for the long wait for winning Vajpayeiji’s mind to secure a berth in his ministry. The other day Ms. Banerjee was the champion of protest against the CPM high-handedness in Midnapore and the adjoining districts. Her howling turned into damp squib when she discovered, to her terror, that the CPI(ML) People’s War had made inroads into those areas and was setting glowing examples of heroism for a parallel, non-parliamentary power in villages. Her enthusiasm for even the people of Midnapore was quashed and she beat a retreat. (Sanbad Pratidin, 12 July, 2003)

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Lessons from European Social Democracy To conclude, the literature and activities of the CPM, CPI and other parliamentary Marxists in India, remind us of the disastrous role of the Austrian Social Democratic Party led by Bauer in 1933. In Austria, the Social Democratic Party of Bauer had a considerable following among workers and the other toiling classes. This party even controlled the Vienna municipality and sent a good number of its member to parliament.. In March 1933 when the reactionary government of Dollfus unleashed its armed attacks on the social democratic party, the workers and other toiling people, the social democratic party, pinning faith on the parliamentary system betrayed the fighting workers who offered resistance. The reactionary government attack ultimately caught or sent to the gallows many of its leaders. The revisionist leader Bauer, who was spared, wrote later: "But we shrank back dismayed from the battle. We still believed that we should be able to reach a peaceful settlement by negotiation". However, the Indian parliamentary Marxists like the CPM, CPI, etc. are far worse than the Austrian social democrats. While a section of the Austrian leaders of middle ranks thought of resistance, Indian ‘Marxists’ of the parliamentary fold have made ‘resistance’ a taboo word, ‘militant movement’ an unspeakable adventurous saying. The people who avoid the responsibility of arming the masses in an excellent revolutionary situation born out of the country’s acute economic crisis and the consequent passing the excruciating burdens onto the backs of the masses, are in fact misleading the revolutionary toilers in India. They actually create a smokescreen losing faith in the monumental potentials of resistance and thus become protagonists of spontaneity crying a halt to conscious leadership committed to developing resistance struggles. In what follows is an excerpt from John Gunther’s book Inside Europe Today198 "As the Nazis in Germany tried to foist on the world the notion that they saved 131

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the country from Marxism, so did Dollfuss Heimwelr- clerical apologists announc that they used field artillery to kill women and children in residential buildings in order to crush ‘Bolshevik insurrection’ on 12 February. The reality was a cold-blooded Fascist Coup d’etat. The government charged Dr. Otto Bauer and Col. Julius Deutch, the two leading socialists, with being Bolsheviks. The fact was that their brand ofsocial democracy saved Austria from Bolshevism in 1919 … . The government alleged that members of the Socialist Schutzbund possess arms. They did indeed – arms which the government itselfgave them… . as a defensive measure against Yugoslavia during a frontier crisis in 1920. … .. The socialists wrote their doom, not by aggression, but by temporasing, by seeking compromise… . The battle in Vienna lasted four days, and in the provinces five or six. Almost a thousand men, women, and children were killed. Nine Socialist leaders, including one man seriously wounded, and dragged to the gallows from a stretcher, were hanged. Otto Bauer was the brains ofthe social democratic party. Socialism lost out in Austria because ofits decency. The socialists hated bloodshed and violence, they could not believe that their enemies were capable of ruthlessness and treachery… .. As democrats, they believed in the tolerant rule of the majority … … Orthodox Second International Socialism was, in 1934, as old-fashioned as horse-cars. Flattened between the opposites ofFascism and communism, the socialists became, instead ofa revolutionary party, a party ofthe middle. They represented workers in work; and after some years of comfortable, almost bourgeois living in the Engels Hofthey lost a good deal ofrevolutionary fervour; they were not so anxious as before to man the barricades… . Back in 1919 they had a chance to acquire the Alpine Montangesells chaft, the pivot ofAustrian industry; they let it go, and instead built lovely swimming-pools and gardens for Vienna kiddies. The socialists-led Vienna municipality owned about thirty-five percent ofthe land ofVienna; it employed fifty-four thousand people and was by far the largest enterprise in Central Europe; from 1923 to 1929 it spent about £ 22,000,000 on housing and similar projects… . It collected above £ 50,000,000 in taxes per year, and it owned the municipal gas works, the electrical plant, the 132

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street-cars and sub-ways and omnibuses, the slaughter-houses and the public baths, a cemetery, a brewery, a bakery, and a big department store. All this went into government hands, once Fascism struck arresting and retrenching thousands. Finally the socialists announced the four things which would cause a general strike: (1) imposition on Austria of a Fascist constitution, (2) installation of a government commissioner in Vienna, (3) dissolution of the social democratic party, (4) dissolution ofthe trade unions. What happened then was one ofthe ghastliest muddles in revolutionary history. A vote to call a general strike was carried by a majority ofonly one. Meanwhile, the workers in the powerful electrical union, inflamed, infuriated, preferring death by slow suffocation, had without orders- already struck. But no contact had been established between the electrical workers and the building, where the committee met. The call for general strike was never promulgated. The government did what any hard-boiled government would do. Conveniently the whole leadership ofthe party, Bauer and Deutsch excepted, were in the lion’s den and the authorities simply arrested the lot. Anticipating this the party had appointed second and third men for each post; they were all arrested too. The fighting that followed was heartbreaking. The lack of organization was pitiful. Bauer, a stern disciplinarian, had ossified the party, so that young men eager to go on the streets obediently waited all day Monday and till Tuesday expecting orders to fight. The orders never came; the young men then began shooting and were slaughtered… . Most ofthe workers did not know where their arms were hidden. One band ofthree hundred Schulzunders never received arms because the second-in-command refused to disclose their location without orders from above. One can say what one likes about the leadership of the party. But about the valiant courage of the men there can be no doubt. It took a modern army of nineteen thousand field artillery, four whole days to crush the resistance of perhaps thousand forlorn and desperate Schuzbunders, their backs to the wall or their necks in the noose. It was a hopeless fight, but it was magnificent. The 133

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workers of the world will never forget the February heroism of the Vienna proletariat."

(Sanbad Pratidin, 12 July, 2003)

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CONCLUSION The CPM re-established party-to-party relations with the Chinese Party after the E.M.S. Nambordiripad-led delegation reached Peking in April 1983 when de-Maoisation in China was almost complete and capitalist roaders led by Deng Ziao-Ping clique usurped power in China. It was the natural marriage of two reactionary parties pursuing the capitalist path behind the formal signboard of communist party. During the split in the CPI, the centrist position was theoretically represented by E.M.S Nambordiripad, who said that the big bourgeoisie could not be left out of the people’s democratic revolution. The present CPI(M) position to woo even the big bourgeoisie is actually the continuation of the Nambordiripad line, which had won out during the very formation of the CPM. Nambordiripad in his, ‘A Brief Critical Note’ on the Party Programme Drafts in 1964 unambiguously stated that "No class or stratum as a class is kept out of the front". Bhupesh Gupta who joined the right CPI commented: "Strange as it may appear, Comrade EMS has already in his Note included even the big bourgeoisie within the category of ‘revolutionary class’, by implication, if not directly… His approach here is patently a non-class one and is difficult to reconcile with the Marxist-Leninist standpoint. After reading comrade EMS’s Note, one will be left wondering if the present stage of Indian revolution is going to be directed at all against any class or social group? According to Comrade EMS’s thesis it all seems to be individual desertions from the ranks for Indian revolution. Against whom the agrarian revolution will be directed? Is it only against some unpatriotic landlords and not the landlord class? … 194! The CPM under Jyoti Basu and Buddhadev Bhattacharya has actually applied the EMS line in West Bengal. The CPI(M) in 1977 started as a peti-bourgeois social democratic party (revisionist) and through the politics of moderation and unashamed compromise with the ruling classes, the downward journey over years has 135

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transformed it into a party of the Indian ruling classes. In a report published in the CPM mouthpiece Ganashakti it was recorded by Jyoti Basu cheerfully stated that before the elections, out of the 28 industrialists, 22 who said that the Left Front would win, "I told, you all are BJP’s supporters elsewhere but we want Left Front in West Bengal. Because we are in peace here….." Disgraceful Opportunism : CPI(M) openly leans on the shoulders of Congress(I) In their calculated bet the CPI(M) leaders now consider an allliance with the Congress(I) as the best bet to win some seats in the ensuing elections. Mr. Jyoti Basu recently declared at a commemorative meeting for Murzaffar Ahmad that "his party has no hesitation in supporting the Congress in the non-left ruled states....". The CPM will now play a second fiddle to the Congress(I) in Rajasthan, MP, Chhattisgarh and Delhi in the coming elections in the name of keeping out the BJP. (The Statesman, 13 August, 2003)

The message is self-explanatory. The "Left" Front has not only spread the red carpet to the MNCs and Indian compradore big bourgeoisie for investment in West Bengal, the Front cabinet has decided to allow private purses for infrastuctural development.196 And now, at the end of May 2003, R.P.Goenka and other captains of big industries in India accompany CPM chief Minister Buddhadeb to Italy to convince the industrialists over there to set foot on West Bengal, a happy hunting ground for extracting surplus.197 For ruling class parties all such endeavours are quite natural. The foregoing criticism and exposure of the parliamentary Marxists is never the end of this survey. If there is the monstrous fascist fang of the CPI(M) ruled "Left" Front there is also an increasingly powerful force on the Indian map clinging to the revolutionary ideals of Marxism to make history, a history against parliamentarism and institutionalization by establishing a revolutionary alternative power. It is the Maoist path of People’s war, a protracted war against this semi-colonial, semi-feudal system. The Naxalbari 136

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uprising in 1967 forcefully brought forward the alternative revolutionary model against the so-called ‘Left’ Front model highlighted by the CPI(M), CPI and such revisionist parties. The CPI(ML)(People’s War) now stands at the forefront of a resistance movement in Andhra Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Bihar, Jharkhand and many other states. The People’s Gurrilla Army has come up. In the areas where people’s power has been established, new production relations also have come into being through genuine land reforms. The alternative power for which thousands of Marxists in India sacrificed their lives has been developing against the stiff armed opposition of this existing state. Thousands of precious lives of dedicated communists have been lost in the battles for the red power on India. The revisionists like the CPM, have now turned social fascist. In West Bengal, the CPI(M) led government has now unleashed a reign of terror on the struggling peasant masses in parts of Bankura, Midnapur, Hooghly and some other districts. Even while letting loose such brutal repression, the CPI(M) never forgets to project the parliamentary path of providing "relief to the people" and the so-called mainstream politics. The CPI(ML)(PW) boycotts elections, prepares the masses for the revolutionary path, rectifies its mistakes, readies itself more vigorously in a planned way to cope with the powerful armed state machinery and its illusory image of a democratic state based on electoral politics. The CPI(M)(PW) has been carrying on an unremitting struggle against the distortion of Marxism by the parties like CPI(M), CPI, etc. It exposed the reactionary character of the CPI(M) which has now turned into a social-fascist organization through its prolonged stay in the government, pursuing the policy of trampling democratic rights of the people, throttling all the militant voices against this reactionary government, through shameless capitulation to the MNCs, World Bank, Comporadore bourgeoise, big land owning sections, etc. through putting the revolutionary activists behind the bars, by resorting to frequent gunning down of workers and other protesting people. This CPI(M) cannot even tolerate the opposition of the "Left" Front partners like the CPI, RSP, FB, etc. The last Panchayat elections clearly showed how a revisionist party, distorting Marxism, could be so violent and what social fascism is all about. Social 137

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fascists target their attacks basically on revolutionary Marxism, they can not even tolerate the mild opposition of the forces in their own stream. This institutionalised Marxism of the CPI(M), CPI, etc. in the post-1947 period has shown no qualms in collaborating with the Congress Party of Nehru, Indira and now Sonia Gandhi in the name of opposing right reaction. With their blatant shamelessness they also joined directly and indirectly with the BJP and its earlier version Jan-Sangha creating the same smokescreen of a mock-fight with the Congress misrule. For the unsullied love of parliamentary politics, on the occasion of each and every election at the state or the central level such social democrats plunge into the fray with the same old argument that defeating their electoral adversary(ies) can alone save the nation. Enough is enough. The common people have been largely disillusioned with the actual motives of such parties under the Marxian signboard. They cry for the alternative and the growing alternative model of an armed red power in various parts of India will ultimately uproot the monstrous monument of sham represented by the reactionary central and state governments in India. The 26 years of the ‘Left’ Front has dragged the CPI(M) to duck in the filth of massive corruption, consumerism, nepotism, womanising, moneyminting, hobnobbing with industrialists, landlords, contractors, promoters and what not. The CPI(M) leaders at different levels can not be distinguished from the functionaries of the Congress(I), TMC. BJP etc. For its nefarious acts of swimming in the cosy parliamentary politics and carrying on the so-called "Left" Front Government the CPI(M) has been degrading and degrading with increasingly clearer face of a social fascist. Such social fascism has now positioned itself to drown people’s militant movement to change this system in blood bath. Such social fascists have proved their skill to the Indian state during the Naxalbari upsurge and now in the blazing fields of Midnapur, Bankura, Hooghly etc. The flourishing new model shall gradually throw it off into the dustbin of history. 138

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This booklet is actually an endeavour in a small way to refute the tall claims of the CPI(M) and its allies projecting the "Left" Front as people’s government. No government in India under any sign board can ensure basic needs of the people functioning in an acutely crisis ridden situation. The path of Naxalbari is the only path to build up a new India free from exploitation and plunder of imperialism, comprador big bourgeosie, landlords and other exploiters. Long Live Naxalbari ! Long Live Marxism-Leninism-Maoism !

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NOTES 1. V. I. Lenin, The State and Revolution, chapter II, In Marx Engels Lenin, On the dictatorship of the proletariat, progress Publishers, Moscow, 1984, P. 202. 2. M. Beer, The History of British Socialism, George Allen is Unwin Ltd, London 1953. 3. Unity in Action for National Government, Political Resolution adopted in the First party congress of the Communist Movement in India, Vol-IV (1939-43), National Book Agency Private Limited, Calcutta, 1997, p- 586. 4. Ibid-P. 600 5. Political Thesis adopted at the second Party congress of the CPI, In M. B. Rao (edited) Documents of the History of the Communist Party of India, Vol III, 1948-50, People’s Publishing House, 1976, pp 85-87. 6. Crossroads, 26 October, 1951, In Mohit Sen (ed) documents of the History of the Communist Party of India, Vol III, 1951-56, People’s Publishing House, 1977, New Delhi, pp 59-60 7. The Extended Plenum of the Central Committee (It was held in Calcutta from 30 Dec. 1952 to 10 January 1953) In Mohit Sen (ed). Documents, Ibid- p. 199 8. Ibid, p. 201. 9. Political Resolution of the Communist Party of India, Adopted by the Third Party Congress, Madurai, 27 Dec. 1953 to 4 Jan. In Ibid p, 295. 10. Quoted in the Report of CPSU. The fourth party Congress Documents In Ibid p. 505 11. Ouseph Varkey, At the Crossroads: Sino-Indian Border Dispute and the Communist Party of India, 1959-63, Minerva Associates, 1974, p. 198 12. Amrita Bazaar Patrika 5 November 1962 13. Communist Party of India Resolution on Splitters, National council, New Delhi, New Age Press, April, 1965, p. 46 14. Communist Party of India (Marxist), Resolution of The Tenali Convention of the Communist Party of India (New Delhi, Central Organizing Committee, 1964, pp. 4-5 15. E. M. S. Namboodiripad, The Programme explained, Communist party of India (Marxist), Calcutta, pp. 1-2 16. Communist Party of India (Marxist), Programme, 1964, art 56 140

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17. Ibid, art. 108 18. Ibid, art. 106 19. Ibid. Art. 112 20. M. Basavpunniah, p. Rammurthy and H. S. Surjeet, The Draft Programme of the Communist party of India, the National Marxist Association,New Delhi, 1965, p. 19 21. Election Manifesto of the CPI, Appended to New Age, Dec. 11, 1966 22. E. M. S. Namboodiripad, The Revisionists On The National Question, People’s Democracy- July 10, 1966. 23. Election Manifesto of the CPI(M), supplement to People’s Democracy, Nov. 20, 1966 24. People’s Democracy-April, 12, 1967. 24a B.T.Randive, Logic of Anti-Leninism Peoples’s Democracy, July 9, 1967. 25. New Age, June 11, 1967. 26. People’s Democracy Vol, 2, No. 1. January 2, 1966. 27. People’s Democracy, First Anniversary Number, June 26, 1966. 28. People’s Democracy, July 10, 1966. 29. Election Manifesto of the CPI(M), People’s Democracy, November 20, 1966. 30. People’s Democracy, January 22, 1967. 31. People’s Democracy, March 19, 1967. 32. J. V. Stalin, Foundations of Leninism, In Problems of Leninism, Peking, 1976, p.99. 33. People’s Democracy, April 6, 1967. 34. India, Home Ministry, Research and Policy Division. "The Causes and Nature of Current Agrarian Tensions" New Delhi, 1969, (unpublished), Cited in Henry C. Hart, Political Leadership in India in Atul Kohli (ed) India’s Democracy, Orient Longman, 1991, p.32. 35. Communist Party of India (Marxist), Central Committee Political Report, 10–16 April 1967, New Situation and Party’s Tasks, p.70. 36. Sankar Ghosh, The Disinherited state: a Study of West Bengal 1967-70, orient Long man, 1971, p.225. 37. Communist Party of India (Marxist), Central Committee report adopted at Calcutta, 2-7 Feb. 1970, present political situation, pp. 6. 38. Saroj Chakraborty, With West Bengal Chief Ministers: Memoirs 1962-1977, Orient 141

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Longman, Calcutta, 1978, pp. 347-348. 39. Hare Krishna Konar, Agrarian Problems of India, Ganashakti Publication, Calcutta, 1977, pp. 64-65. 40. Henry C. Hart, Political Leadership in India, Ibid. p. 33. 41. Aneek, September – October 1992, p. 16. 42. Saroj Chakraborty, with West Bengal Chief Ministers, Ibid p. 483. 43. Stress in original, New Age, July 6, 1975. 44. Mohit Sen and Bhupesh Gupta, CPM’s politics X–Rayed, Communist party of India, New Delhi, 1978, p. 8. 45. Quoted by Partha Choudhury, Phrases And Facts: a bout Kerala, Liberation, January 1969. 46. Benoy Konar, peasant movement, Land Reforms and the Left Front: An Outline of Growth in The Marxist, April – June 2002, p. 46. 47. The Times of India, 5 September 1978. 48. Social Scientist, January / February 1978, p. 9. 49. Benoy Konar, Ibid pp 47 50. "Report of Zamindari Abolition Committee, U.P", Vol. I, p. 358, quoted in Communist, Vol. II, No. 3, March – April 1949, p.3. 51. April – June 2002 52. New Age, January 8, 1978. 53. New Age, January 28, 1978. 54. Reports and Resolutions by the National council of the Communist Party of India, New Delhi, 12-15 of July, 1980 p.13. 55. Ibid p.37. 56. Review of Political Development and Party Activities since 11th Party Congress (draft for the 12th Party Congress adopted by the National council), 16 to 19 December 1981, p. 10 57. People’s Democracy, November 11, 1984. 58. People’s Democracy, September 4, 1983. 59. Ibid. 60. People’s Democracy, February 3, 1985 61. V.I. Lenin, "The State And Revolution", In Marx Engels Lenin, On Historical Materialism, Progress Publishers, 1984, p. 539. 142

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62. People’s Democracy, April 21, 1985. 63. V.I. Lenin, The State And Revolution, Ibid, p. 543. 64. People’s Democracy, October 27, 1968, p. 18. 65. Documents of the Eleventh Congress of the CPI(M), Vijayawada, January 26-31, 1982 p. 53. 66. Political Resolution of the Twelfth Congress of the Communist Party of India (Marxist), December 25-30, 1985, pp. 45-49. 67. Hindustan Times, April 24, 2003 68. Communist Party of India (Marxist), Draft Political Resolution, 16th Party Congress, Calcutta, October 5-11, 1998, p. 26 69. Ibid . p. 27. 70. CPI(M), Political Organisational Report, Adopted By 16th Congress of CPI(M), 511 October 1998, Calcutta, p. 34. 71. The New situation And Our Tasks, Resolution of the Central Committee of the CPI (passed by session of the Central Committee on 16.12.’45), CPI Publication, 1945, pp 3-4. 72. Quoted in the Report of Ajoy Ghosh in "The Palghat Congress of 20th Congress of CPSU", The 4th Party Congress Documents, in Mohit Sen (ed) Documents of the History of CPI, Vol. III, 1951 – 56, p.505 73. Documents Adopted by the Eight Congress of the CPI New Delhi 1968. 74. Communist Party of India (Marxist). Programme Adopted at the Seventh Congress of the Communist Party of India at Calcutta, October 31 to November 7, 1964. 75. Communist Party of India, Programme, Updated by the Special Conference held at Thiruvanantha puram, October 20-23, 2002, Chapter V, Para 5.22. 76. V.I. Lenin, "The Illegal party And Legal Work." In Lenin, Against Liquidationism, progress publishers, Moscow, 1988, pp 206-207, 3 stress in original. 77. Ibid p. 210 78. Communist Party of India (Marxist), Political Organisational Report, Adopted By 16th Congress of CPI(M) 5-11 October 1998, Calcutta, p. 41 79. Ibid. pp. 42-43 80. Ibid. pp. 43-44 81. Ibid. pp. 45-46 143

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82. Ibid P. 47 83. Communist Party of India (Marxist), Political Organisational Report, Adopted at the 17th Congress, Hyderabad, March 19-24, 2002, p. 36. 84. Ibid. p. 41. 85. Bold words in original, Ibid. p. 43 86. Ibid. p. 50 87. Ibid. p. 51 88. Message of the 18th Congress, CPI publication, April 2002, p. 64, stress in original. 89. Bold in Original, Ibid p. 72. 90. Anil Biswas, Introduction, written on 24, April, 2002, Unnatataro Bamfront Aamader Bhabna More Advanced Left Front Our Thinking, National Book Agency Private Limited, May 2002, p. 5 91. Buddhadeb Bhattacharyee’s speech at the Party’s 20th State Conference on "Left Front Government and Our Task, In Ibid. p. 43 91a. Kushal Debnath, West Bengal: The Neo-Liberal Offensive In Industry And The Workers’ Resistance, In Revolutionary Democracy, April 2003, p. 33 92. Programme, Ibid. 7.17. 93. Prakash Karat, Left Front Government: Bastion of Left Democratic Force, The Marxist, April-June 2002, p. 10. 94. Ibid p. 10 95. Ibid pp. 22-23. 96. Ibid. p. 23 97. Buddhadeb Bhattacharyee, Rananiti, Ranakaushal. Bamfront Sarkar, In Saral Bisewas (ed) partir Rananiti, Ranakaushal Ebong Banfront sarkar (Strategy Tactics of the Party And Left Front Government), National Book Agency Private Limited, 2002, p. 23, stress is ours. 98. Ibid. p. 23. 99. Ibid. p. 24 100. The Telegraph, 10 April, 2003. 100a. Ananda Bazar Patrika, 24 April, 2003 101. Political Resolution, Adopted at the 17th Congress, Hyderabad, March, 19-24, 2002 p. 40. 102. Ananda Bazar Patrika, March 10, 2003. 144

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103. Sanbad Pratidin June, 21, 2002 and July 5, 2002. 104. Sanbad Pratidin, June 6, 2002. 105. Hindustan Times, April 4, 2003. 106. Source: Paschim Banga Anya Chokhe (Bengali), Nagarik Manch, p. 62 107. In More improved Left front and our thinking, Ibid. p. 19. 108. Nirupam Sen, Prastaber pariprekhit" (The perspective Behind Proposal) In Ibid. p. 28. 109. Satyabrata Sen, Duti Lekha (Two writings) National Book Agency, April 1999. p. 15. 110. Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, "Sanmelane Alochonar Prekhhite Amader Siddhanta", Our Decision in the light of Deliberations in the Conference In More improved Left Front and Our Thinking, Ibid. p. 50 111. Ibid. p. 54 112. Satyabrata Sen, Ibid. p. 15] 113. Communist Party of India (Marxist) Political Organisational Report, Adopted at the 17th Congress, Hydrabad, March 19 – 24, 2002, pp. 71-72. 114. Ananda Bazar Patrika, December 14, 2002. 115. Hindustan Times, April 26, 2003. 116. The Statesman, April, 2003. 117. Dated 28 August 2001, No HP&B 413/ 2B – 51/2001 118. Source Andoloner Disha, 19 December, 2001- 2 January 2002. 119. Hindustan Times, Kolkata, February 3, 2003. 120. The Statesman, 8 April, 2003. 121. Hindustan Times, April 10, 2003. 122. Hindustan Times, April 30, 2003. 123. Paschimbanga Pradeshik Krishak Sabha, 32nd session, January 23-26, 2003, p. 15 124. Paschimbanga Pradeshik Krishak Sabha, 32nd Rajya Sammelan, January 23-26, 2003 p. 68 125. C. Rajeswara Rao, Inaugural speech, Y. V. Krishna Rao (ed), Trends In Agrarian Economy, People’s Publishing House, 1989, p. 5 126. Ibid P.4 127. Buddhadeb Bhattacharya, Rananiti- Ranakaushal, Bam front Sarkar, Ibid p. 18 128. Agrarian Politics and Rural Development in West Bengal, In Dreze and Sen (eds) 145

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1977 129. Ajit Narayan Bosu, Paschim banger Arthaniti o Rajniti, Prakashak Nagarik Manch, Kolkata, 2003, pp. 121-122 130. Ibid. p. 123 131. Ajit Narayan Bose, Pasachimbanger Khetmajor : Samasya nasanpat? (West Bengal’s agricultural workers: Problem or asset?) In Paschimbanger Krishiniti, Krishaker Bhabisyat, Mrittika, Kolkata, Jan. 2003, p. 59 132. The Statesman, Feb. 25, 1995 133. Times of India, August 23, 2002 134. Ajit Narayan Bosu, Paschimbanglar Arthaniti o Rajniti, Ibid. p. 123 135. Nirupam Sen, Biswayan o Panshimbanga, In Ajker Biswayan Bharat o Paschimbanga, National Book Agency, Kolkata, April 2002, p. 22 136. Ratan Khasnabish, Pashimbanger Krishi Ar- thanit, In Paschimbanger Krishini, Krishaker Bhabisy at, Mrittika, Ibid, p. 31 137. Ibid. p. 129 138. Anandbazar Patrika 11.5.1997 139. Editorial, Krisak Sangram, July, August September 2002, p. 4 140. Left Front Government our Tasks, Resolution adopted by the West Bengal state conference of the CPI(M) February 2002, point 11, p. 80, In the Marxist, April-June 2002 141. Report of Working Council, January 23-26, 2003, In Paschimbanga Pradeshik Krishak Sabha, p. 22 142. Ibid. p. 23 143. Subhendu Dasgupta, Sarkari Krisiniti: Amader Bhabna, In Paschimbanger Krishiniti, Mrittika, pp. 50-56 144. The Telegraph 7 May, 2003 145. Anil Biswas, West Bengal Towards an Alternative Form of Governance in the Indian Union, The Marxist, April – June 2002, p. 22 146. Cited in Prabhat Dutta, Grame Khamatar bikendrikaran: Paschimbanger Abhigyyata In Marxbadi Path, February 2003, p. 8 147. The Times of India, April 128, 2003 148. Ibid 149. Harkishan Sing Surjeet, Panchayat Polls In Bengal, People’s Democracy, April 28146

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- May 4, 2003 150. The Telegraph, 7 May 2003 151. Mansendu Kundu, Panchayati Raj na Parti Raj, Desh, 4 May, 2003, p. 32. 152. Mansendu Kundu, Ibid. p. 34 153. Quoted in Prabhat Dutta, Ibid. p. 14 154. Prabhat Dutta, Ibid p. 15 154a. Raghab Bandyopadhyay, Agrarian Backdrop of Bengal Violence, Economic and Political Weekly, February 3-10, 2001. 155. The Statesman, 16 April 2003 156. Ananda Bazar Patrika, 24 April, 2003 157. The Telegraph, 11 May 2003 158. The Statesman, May 12, 2003 159. Nirbachani Istahar, Paschimbanga Panchayat nirbachan (Election Manifesto, West Bengal 6th Panchayat election), Bamfront Committee, West Bengal, p. 7. 160. Raghab Bandyopadhya, Agrarian Blackdrop. Ibid. p. 440 161 The Statesman, 11 May, 2003 162. Aloke Banerjee, Money makes the votes go round, Times of India, 11 May 2003 163. Aloke Banejee, Ibid 164. The Statesman, 8 May 2003 165. The Statesman 8 May, 2003 166. Sambad Pratidin, 27 April 2003 167. The Sunday Statesman, 27 April 2003 168. The Statesman, 13 May, 2003 169. The Statesman, 23 May, 2003 170. The Statesman, 25 May, 2003 171. The Statesman, 23 May, 2003 172. Ananda Bazar Partika, 13 March 173. Ananda Bazar Patrika, 13 March, 2003 174. The Statesman, March 18, 2003 175. The Statesman, March 16, 2003 176. The Times of India, Kolkata, May23, 2003 177. Hindustan Times, March 17, 2003 147

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178. Hindustan Times, March 17, 2003 179. The Times of India, April 8, 2003 180. West Bengal, Anya Chokhe, Nagarik Manch, Kolkata 2002, p.53 181. Siksha, Sunanda Sanyal, In Majhi, (a Bengali journal) Kolkata, August-December 2002, p.109 182. Ananda Bazar Patrika, 15 April 2003 183 The Times of India, Kolkata, May 23, 2003 184. The Statesman, 28 May 2003 185. The Times of India, May 31, 2003 186. Ananda Bazar Partika, 1 June, 2003 187. The Telegraph, 3 June, 2003 188. Hindustan Times, 3 June, 2003 189. Nirbachani Istehar, Bamfront Committee, West Bengal, 9th April 2003; p.8 190. Sambad Pratidin, 10th May, 2003 191. Sunday Times of India, May 18,2003 192. The Statesman, December 26, 2000 193. Hindustan Times, Kolkata, April 8, 2003 194 & 195 were not displayed in the website Taken from: http://www.bannedthought.net/India/PeoplesMarch/PM19992006/publications/social-fascism/contents.htm

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