Contributions to Sino-Tibetan Studies 9004078509, 9789004078505

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CONTRIBUTIONS TO SINO-TIBETAN STUDIES

CORNELL LINGUISTIC CONTRIBUTIONS EDITED BY

FRANS VAN COETSEM Cornell University

LINDA R. WAUGH Cornell University VOLUME V

LEI DEN

E. J. BRILL 1986

CONTRIBUTIONS TO SINO-TIBETAN STUDIES EDITED BY

JOHN McCOY Cornell University

TIMOTHY LIGHT The Ohio State University

LEIDEN

E. J. BRILL 1986

ISBN 90 04 07850 9

Copyright 1986 by E. J. Brill, Leiden, The Netherlands All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reproduced or translated in any form, by print, photoprint, microfilm, microfiche or any other means without written permission from the publisher P1UNTED IN THE NETHERLANDS BY E. 1. IIlULL

CONTENTS

Dedication and Preface I.

GENERAL COMPILATION AND ANALYSIS

The Languages and Dialects of Tibeto-Burman James A. Matisoff The Altaicization of Northern Chinese Mantaro J. Hashimoto II.

3

76

SOUTHEAST ASIAN LANGUAGES

Some Hitherto Unpublished Material on Northern (Megyaw) Hpun ...................................... Eugenie J. A. Henderson

101

Pitch Register Languages ............................. Robert B. Jones

135

Speculations on Early Tai Tones ....................... William J. Gedney

144

Little Claus in Akhaland . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . S~ren Egerod

157

Morphological Structure of the Pronominal and Verb Systems in Two Pronominalized Himalayan Languages ... Michael Sherard III.

vii

172

EARLY RECORDED FORMS OF CHINESE

Notes on the Grammar of the Oracular Inscriptions of Shang............................................... Paul L-M Serruys Old Chinese *-u and *-iw in the Shi-jing William H. Baxter III

203

258

vi

IV .

CONTENTS

The Finals of the Shiming Language . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . W. South Coblin

283

Dentilabialization in Middle Chinese .................... E. G. Pulleyblank

345

EARLY RECONSTRUCTED FORMS OF CHINESE

Modern Suprasegmental Evidence for Consonant Clusters in Proto- Yue ......................................... John McCoy The Origin of the Proto-Min Softened Stops ............. Jerry Norman Hunan Reflexes in Ch'ieh-yiin Voiced-Stop and Affricate Initials .............................................. Kun Chang V.

367 375

385

MODERN CHINESE DIALECTS

Historical Significance of Certain Distinct Grammatical Features in Taiwanese ................................ Y. C. Li

393

Toishan Affixal Aspects ...............................

415

Timothy Light

The Taishun Phonological System: A Descriptive Study of a Northeastern Min Dialect . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . A. Ronald Walton

426

DEDICATION AND PREFACE

This volume on Sino-Tibetan studies is respectfully dedicated to our teacher, colleague, and friend, Professor Emeritus of Linguistics Nicholas Cleaveland Bodman. It will be clear to all who know him that the contents of this book define in most appropriate fashion the linguistic and geographic boundaries of Professor Bodman's prime research interests over the past several decades. He has expressed these interests in his close association from the beginning with the International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics, in his courses on Sino-Tibetan linguistics and Chinese linguistics given at Cornell University, and in his research and publications. He has worked to make a more coherent unity out of the extremely numerous and diverse materials that constitute the Sino-Tibetan field. He has encouraged Sino-Tibetanists to go beyond the Worter-und-Sacher phase and to deal with their field in a more holistic and coherent manner, reminding us that the tenets of modern historical linguistics require attention to families and related groups of words rather than only to isolated individual correspondences which may not necessarily demonstrate a genetic relationship. Through his own work and that of several of his students, he has led a rigorous reanalysis of the earlier forms of Chinese. This means that in the Sino-Tibetan field, Chinese, with the oldest and most complete records, has continually improved as a base for contrasts and comparisons. Professor Bodman's own field work in modern Chinese dialects and other Sino-Tibetan languages fostered an interest at Cornell in doing the hunting and gathering of the field linguist, in collecting the living language data that make up the building blocks of historical method. In the textual reconstructions based on the Chinese rime books, in the linguistic reconstructions based on dialect data, and in the comparative work in the nonChinese languages of our field, Professor Bodman's work has thus directed attention to both the scope and the methodology of Sino-Tibetan studies. The papers collected in this volume are presented both as a greeting to Professor Bodman and as a statement of the vigor and growth seen in Sino-Tibetan studies in recent years. The authors here represent five who studied under Professor Bodman and others who were drawn together with him to the natural forum formed by the International Conference of

viii

DEDICATION AND PREFACE

Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics. This congruence of people and ideas is a product of academic critical mass, a natural phenomenon whose time had come. We hereby acknowledge Professor Bodman's role in these developments. The articles are separated by category and sequenced as follows: general compilation and analysis, South and Southeast Asian languages, early recorded forms of Chinese, early reconstructed forms of Chinese, and modern Chinese dialect descriptions. We, the editors, wish to thank the various contributors for their efforts and their patience as this volume came slowly to completion. Our editorial goal was not in any way to make the papers uniform in style and phrasing, but simply to work for a unified layout and a standardized format for the bibliography. We are indebted to the Hull Memorial Publication Fund, the Provost, the Department of Asian Studies, the Department of Modern Languages and Linguistics, and the China-Japan Program, all of Cornell University, for the financial support necessary to publish this collection. We also wish to offer our sincere thanks to Sally Serafim, who provided the final editing of the volume under great pressure at the last minute, and to the staff of the Composing Room of Michigan, Inc., who managed the production of this very complicated volume with good humor and an extraordinary degree of accuracy. THE EDITORS John McCoy Cornell University Timothy Light The Ohio State University

I. GENERAL COMPILATION AND ANALYSIS

THE LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS OF TIBETO-BURMAN: AN ALPHABETIC/GENETIC LISTING, WITH SOME PREFACTORY REMARKS ON ETHNONYMIC AND GLOSSONYMIC COMPLICATIONSl JAMES

A.

MATISOFF

University of California Berkeley

1.0 Nomenclatural complexity One of the richest sources consulted for this revised version is Marrison 1967,who lists 263 items under 'Directory of Naga tribes, sub-tribes and alternative names' (pp. 377-401). What he says about the complexity of Naga names is applicable to the whole Tibeto-Burman [TB] family: The nomenclature ofthe Naga tribes is complex. The tribes themselves are much sub-divided; but apart from this, in many cases there are alternative names, as well as alternative spellings of the same name. When the Nagas were first described, it was usually an outsider's name for a particular tribe which was used; the tribe's own name for itself often was not known until later. In reference to language, especially in the reports made in the 19th century, it is often the name of the village, rather than that of the tribe or sub-tribe, which is given. This arose from a need to provide some means 'The first version of this list was circulated in dittographed form (41 pp.) in July, 1974. Since then, several scholars have been kind enough to provide me with encouragement and feedback of various kinds. I would particularly like to thank Robert Austerlitz, Paul K. Benedict, James Bosson, Robbins Burling, G~rard Diftloth, Austin Hale, Jimmy G. Harris, Andre-Georges Haudricourt, Eug~nie J. A. HenderSon, Shree Krishan, F. K. Lehman, Lorenz G. LOffier, Martine Mazaudon, and Boyd Michailovsky. Special thanks are due to Professor Henderson, who took the trouble to send me a long letter (September, 1974) full of valuable information on Chin and Naga languages, including the material by A. Bareigts and J. H. Mills [see Bibliography]. It is a pleasure to dedicate this revised list to Professor Nicholas C. Bodman, one of the first American sinologists to do fieldwork on Tibeto-Burman languages, and a mainstay of our modem "Sino-Tibetan movement."

4

JAMES A. MATISOFF of identification; but it may be justified by the fact that nearly every village has its own variety of speech. Different names have been applied to the same tribes or other groups at different times ... (p. 377)

Let us briefly discuss the points Marrison raises, and attempt to 'clarify' matters by introducing some new terminology. 1.1. Ethnonyms and glossonyms

Usually the same name is used both for a group of people and the language they speak - i.e. most of the ETHNONYMS 'people-names' on our list are GLOSSONYMS 'language-names' as well. Laitong refers both to a tribe of Tripura and to the dialect of Tripuri that they speak (Karapurkar 1972). But sometimes the correspondence is not one-to-one. The name Kham refers to a language of Nepal spoken by Magars of the Bhuda, Gharti, Pun, and Rokha subtribes (Watters 1975).

1.2.

Allonyms and allograms

Rampant polynymy prevails in the TB family. Rare is the language that is not known by more than one name. It is useful to distinguish between genuinely different names for the same people/language, i.e. allonyms, and merely different spellings or pronunciations of the same name, i.e. allograms. True allonyms need have no graphic or phonological relationship to each other. Thus, a certain extinct language is known as Hsi-hsia by Chinese and Japanese scholars,2 while Russian writers use a different allonym, Tangut. On the other hand, Kheja, Kheza, and Khezha are co-allograms of a single name referring to a certain Naga group. Often the co-allograms can be identified with each other in a simple and mechanical way. Thus, in Shafer 1966-7, the pedantic practice was adopted of using the symbols /s its di/ instead of the simpler and more typable Ish zh ch j/. We have systematically reconverted all of these to the latter type (which was Shafer's original policy in 195711963). If a user of this list runs across a name like Tsairel, he should look under Chairel, for Asau, see Ashau, etc. 2Though of course the Japanese pronounce it sei-ka. Seika and Hsi-hsia are 'allograms' in our terminology.

THE LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS OF TIBETO-BuRMAN

5

Similarly, aspiration is sometimes indicated by a preposed rather than a postposed -h-: Hkang = Khang; Hlota = Lhota. 3 Some spellings reflect orthographic conventions of a Westerner's native language. French authors have used spellings like Phounoy and Gni for Phunoi and Nyi. Older English-speaking writers, untroubled by considerations of phonemic consistency, have comitted atrocities like Garrow for Garo (Chuckerbutty 1867), Kutcha for Kachcha,4 Dophla for Datla. In the Bodish area of TB, mild confusion sometimes results from coallograms one of which transcribes the Written Tibetan spelling, while the other reflects a modern colloquial pronunciation: Stod-skad = Toke; mGo-log = Golok. The most difficult cases involve sets of similar-looking names where we cannot tell prima facie whether we are dealing with different names for the same dialect (allonyms), or variant spellings of the same name for the same dialect (allograms}-or different (though related) dialects altogether! Thus we have sets like Nasu:Nosu:Noso (Loloish), Khimi:Khami:Khumi (Chin), Zo:Yo:Sho:Cho (Chin), Kyo:Kyon:Kyong:Kyou (Lotha Naga), Chakrima:Chokri:Chekrama:Chakrii:Chakroma (Angami N aga) , Tsoghami, Tsugumi, Tsungiimi (Angami Naga), etc. It is hoped that this list will help to resolve some of these puzzles. 1.3. Autonyms and exonyms One of the most fertile sources for allonymy is the fact that a group's name for itself is usually not the same as the name(s) that other groups use for it. Put more simply, the autonym 'self-name' for a given group is apt to be totally different from the exonyms 'outsiders' names' that others use for them.s Why is this so? The question merits a full-scale study by anthropologists and sociolinguists, but we can perhaps identify a few of the factors at work. A group's autonym is often egocentric, equating the name of the people with 'mankind in general,' or the name of the language with 'human speech.' The tribes of Tripura refer to their language as Kokborok, literally 'speech of men. '6 Such egocentric names are hardly likely to be adopted exonymically by neighboring groups. J Actually the new spelling Lotha is more accurate than either of these! 4Short lal was in fact frequently rendered by u in early British transcriptions of exotic names, many of which have stuck (e.g., Punjab). sI am endebted to Gerard Dimoth for suggesting the term exonym to me. To be symmetrical, one should probably use endonym as the correlative term, though I prefer autonym as being more immediately understandable. 6An exonymic name for the Kok-borok dialects is Tripuri, which is of course a loconym (below 1.4).

6

JAMES

A.

MATISOFF

Human nature being what it is, exonyms are liable to be pejorative rather than complimentary, especially where there is a real or fancied difference in cultural level between the ingroup and the outgroup. Sometimes the same pejorative exonym is applied to different peoples, providing clues to the inter-ethnic pecking-order in a certain region. The Shan and Palaung name for the Jinghpaw is Khang, originally 'an opprobrious term indicating mixed race or parentage' (Hanson 1913, p. 19); while the Jinghpaw use this same name to refer to the Chin (Hanson 1906, p. 294). Similarly, the former Chinese name for the Jinghpaw, Yeh Jen 'ItA.... lit. 'wild men', was used by both the Jinghpaw and the Burmese to refer to the Lisu. 7 The Thai formerly used the name Lawa (which properly refers to a Mon-Khmer group) as a contemptuous designation for any backward hilltribe. A Loloish group known in the literature as the Kanburi Lawa (Kerr 1927, Benedict 1975) were recently rediscovered in Kanchanaburi Province, and found to have the autonym Ugong (Bradley 1978). Exonymic as symmetry can prevail even between dialects of the same language, where each group wants to use the same prestigious term as its autonym. Two Lahu groups in Thailand each claim to be the 'genuine' Black Lahu (= Lahuna), and exonymically call each other Lahu Shehleh and Pali, respectively. A group's autonym is a precious possession, the essence of its cultural identity. To reveal one's true name might make one vulnerable to outside pressure to change. It might be more expedient to keep a low profile and accept an exonym, however pejorative, than to insist that other groups call you what you call yourself. 8 As Marrison observes, an outsider's name for a given tribe was often learned by Westerners long before the tribe's autonym came to light. ("What do you call those people on the other side of the river?") These exonyms became entrenched in the literature, and are being displaced only gradually and sporadically.9 Thus, the commonly used name Sangtam is a Chang exonym for the group that calls itself Pirr (= Northern Sangtam) or Isachanure (= Southern Sangtam). If a group is in close contact with several different outgroups, more ?The Chinese writing system provided unique opportunities for graphic pejoratives. The 'beast-radical' ~ used to appear in the characters for the names of lesser peoples (e.g., ~i1'Yao'), though now the 'person-radical' 1 has been substituted ( See, e.g., Anonymous 1972, and note 17, below. 8In cases like this, we could speak of cryptonyms 'hidden names'. A notable instance is the Iberian Jews of the late Middle Ages who were forcibly converted to Christianity, but often continued to adhere to Judaism in secret. They were called Marranos (i.e. 'pigs'), from their aversion to eating pork. 9See the section on neonyms, below 1.5.

14f1 ).

THE LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS OF TIBETO-BuRMAN

7

than one exonym may be encountered. The Lotha Nagas are called Chizima, Choimi, and Miklai by the Angami, Sema, and Assamese, respectively. 10 1.4 Loconyms A great many ethno-and glossonyms are primarily or originally names of places (toponyms). I would like to introduce the term [oconym to refer specifically to 'a place-name that has been extended to serve as the name of a language or dialect.' II In particular, most names for a language's subdialects are loconymic. These may range from sizeable towns or cities (e.g. the Kathmandu dialect of Newari, Rangoon dialect of Burmese, Bhamo dialect of Jinghpaw) to tiny villages. In the case of smaller ethnic groups, even the name of a relatively small (though economically or geographically important) village may be applied exonymically to a whole people or language. A certain Naga group call themselves and their language Memi (autonym), and their chief village they call Sopvoma, but other groups use Mao for this village or its people, and either Mao or Sopvoma for their language: 12 people village language people village language

/ auto/ auto/ auto/ exo/ exo/ exo-

/ / / / / /

autoethnonym autoloconym autoglossonym exoethnonym exoloconym exoglossonym

/ / / / / /

Memi Sopvoma Memi Mao Mao Mao - Sopvoma.

As Marrison observes, 'nearly every village has its own variety of speech.' But this list is not a gazetteer, and I have not tried to list every village-name in the Tibeto-Burman world. I have had to be selective, including especially those village-dialects which have been the object of special linguistic study (e.g. the Khastap dialect of Khaling, the Risiangku dialect of Tamang). I have also included in the list a few important toponyms that have IOMiklai is actually a loconymic exonym, from the name ofthe Lotha village nearest to the plains, where Assamese is spoken. II'Loconym' is mixed Latin and Greek, but the all-Greek 'toponym' already exists in the sense of 'place-name in general.' Topog[ossonym is too long, and chthononym is too ugly. It is interesting to note that place-names may also be extended to serve as names of periods of history, as the 'Heian Period' of Japan, or geological epochs like Jurassic, Devonian, etc. We might call these topochrononyms. 12There also exists an older term Imemai, which refers to the same people and bears a phonological resemblance to Memi.

8

JAMES

A.

MATISOFF

never been used as glossonyms, such as the names for the five administrative districts of Arunachal Pradesh, which are also the names of the five principal rivers of the region (Kameng, Siang, Subansiri, Lohit, Tirap).13 Note that not allioconyms in our list are indicated as such. 1.5 Paleonyms and neonyms The synchronic nomenclatural scene is labyrinthine enough, but there is also a diachronic dimension which further complicates matters. Many TB peoples have changed their names within the last generation or two. This has happened both to auto- and to exonyms. Whatever the reasons for these changes may be, 14 they have rendered many old names obsolete or obsolescent. The Linguistic Survey of India (1903-8) lists languages like Empeo, Kabui, Kwoireng, Tamlu. These paleonyms have since been replaced by the neonyms Zeme, Nruanghmei, Liangmai, and Phom,15 respectively. Even such well-established names as Lushai are on the way out. This important group now prefers to call itself Mizo. Loconyms are as subject to desuetude as any other names. 16 In particular, the Assamese exonyms for TB languages that were derived from place-names by the suffix -ia, are no longer current. Hatigoria « Hatigarh) is no longer used for Ao Naga, and Jaipuria « Jaipur) and Namsangia « Namsang) have been superseded by Nocte. As indicated above, Chinese nomenclatural practice is changing with respect to minority peoples. Where the Lahu were once called Lo-hei, with the pejorative character ~_ 'black' as second element, they are now called La-hu, with the honorific character ~;t 'favor or protection of heaven' as second element. 17 A new and confusing trend in neonyms is to combine two or three individual names into composite names or acronyms, in order to designate higher-order politico-linguistic groupings of closely related peoples. \3Names of rivers are sometimes applied to ethnic/linguistic groups in Southeast Asia, e.g. the Hka-hku or 'up-river' Jinghpaw of the upper Irrawaddy Valley. We may call such names potamonyms. (See also Glover's Maiwa River branch of the Limbu subfamily 1974, p. 1 I.) 14They must involve changing perceptions of the honorific/pejorative value of the names, reawakening of ethnic pride, etc. 15The Phom used to call themselves Chingmengnu (paleoautonym), while others called them Tamlu (paleoexonym). 16()f course this also applies to place-names that are not used as language-names. The Northeast Frontier Agency is now Arunachal Pradesh. Ciudad Trujillo has become Santo Domingo, and Saigon is Ho Chi Minh City. 17Even with the former term Lo-hei, there was an ameliorative movement in the radical of the first character, from ~ in the earliest texts to or 1t. in later ones. See note 7.

It

THE LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS OF TIBETO-BuRMAN

9

Thus, Chakhesang has come into use as a cover-term for ChakrO, Kheza, and Sangtam taken collectively. Similarly, Zeliang is used for Zeme and Liangmai considered as a single group; and 'efforts are now being made to merge the Zeliangs with the Rongmeis to form a new community known as Zeliangrong' (Sreedhar 1974, p. 14).18 1.6 Variable scope of glossonyms Still another complication resides in the fact that ethno-glossonyms are not all of the same level of generality. Some are used as higher-order taxonomic terms, or loosely for a whole group of culturally and/or genetically close languages. These are marked with a cross-hatch in our list, e.g. #Bhotia, #Chin, #Lolo, #Naga, #Rai, #Yi. The reasons for the success of such names are probably of two sorts. Either outgroup people can't be bothered to make fine distinctions among different groups perceived to be interchangeable in their inferiority (e.g. the Chinese usage of Yi for various Loloish groups of China); or else a certain name has gained more prestige than others in its region, so that smaller or more marginal groups are pleased to be called by the more general name. Thus two Old Kuki tribes, the Lamkang and the Moyon-Monshang, call themselves Nagas to outsiders who ask (Marrison 1967, pp. 387, 392). The members of the Bhuda, Gharti, Pun, and Rokha subtribes, who speak Kham (above I. I), call themselves Magars. 19 The Maru, Atsi, and Lashi consider themselves to be Kachin in the broad sense, and in this the Jinghpaw themselves seem to agree (Hanson 1913). Some names are used both in a broader and a narrower sense, both for a specific language and for a group of related languages. Such names appear twice in our list, once with a cross-hatch and once without: Lakher = Mara #Lakher a branch of Kukish. 1.7 Variable referent of glossonyms Sometimes, either through accidental homophony or through semantic 'metastasis' ,20 the same name gets applied to two totally different 1SOne is reminded of the acronymic neologism Pakistan, composed of Punjab, Afghan Frontier, Kashmir, Sind, and Baluchistan. 19'The Magars are a tribe of recognized ancient standing in West Nepal, and their name was adopted not only by Kham speakers, but also by other ethnic communities in the west whose languages are obviously of the Gurung Branch (e.g. the Chantel Magars and the Tarali Magars)'. Watters 1975, p. 72. 20See Matisoff 1978a, pp. 173-229.

10

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A.

MATISOFF

groups.21 The TB Nung have nothing to do with the Tai group of the same name. Mon is the name of an illustrious Mon-Khmer people; but it is also one of the 7 administrative districts of Nagaland (toponym); an allonym for the Manipur tribe otherwise called Moyon-Monshang; the Ao exonym for the Rengma; and a large Konyak village and important dialect of Konyak (loconym). Kang means either Jinghpaw or Chin, depending on who is talking (above 1.3). In our list, the relationship between homophonous but distinct names is symbolized by a crossed equal-sign, meaning 'not the same as': Kham, Khams dial. of Tibetan; Rong dial. of Ladakhi;

=Ie=Ie-

Kham of Nepal Rong = Lepcha.

2.0 Scope and mechanics of this list Like the 1974 version, this list includes all languages and dialects mentioned in Shafer's Bibliography (1957!I963) and his Introduction to SinoTibetan (1966-67). In addition, many hundreds of new names and variants have now been included, both from post-1974 sources and from older sources that came to my attention after 1974. If the item appears in Shafer and/or Benedict 1972 we give its subgroup designation after the initial of those authors. Thus, S:WH-NW means Shafer: B:Him-Knr means Benedict:

Northwest section of West Himalayish branch (of Bodie) Kanauri subgroup of Himalayish.

The abbreviations for these genetic groupings (which differ sharply on certain points between the two authors) are given below in sections 3-4. In spite of all efforts for completeness, the coverage of the different areas of the family remains somewhat uneven. The data are richest for regions like Nagaland (thanks to sources like Marrison, Sreedhar, etc.), Nepal (thanks to the SIL), Arunachal Pradesh (thanks to Das Gupta, Simon, and their associates), and Tibet. Areas like the Naga country of Burma still remain largely unsurveyed. Tibeto-Burman is the largest and most complex language family of Southeast Asia. It is my hope that other workers in this field will continue 21This is different from the previous case (variable scope), where both the broader and the narrower sense comprise the same core group (e.g. the Jinghpaw are 'Kachin' both in the broader and in the narrower sense).

THE LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS OF TIBETO-BuRMAN

II

to give me the benefit of their wisdom, experience, and specialized knowledge, so that future recensions of this list may be as complete and accurate as possible. For any errors and gaps which remain in this version, I alone am responsible. 2.1

*

Symbols An asterisk before a language name means the language is extinct: *Chairel *Pyu.

?

A question-mark before a subgroup symbol means that the language's genetic affiliation is in doubt: Taman ?Bmc (i.e., maybe Burmic) Minchia? (classification totally in doubt).

=

An equal-sign indicates that different names have the same referent (i.e., are allonyms or allograms): Karenni Thaadou Mao

cf.

= Red

Karen = Thado = Sopvoma = Memi.

The symbol cf. means that the names to be compared refer to similar languages or dialects: Moso cf. Nakhi Khami cf. Khumi. A crossed equal-sign means that similar or identical names have totally different referents (above I. 7): Lipha Maru Mon (dial. of Konyak)

#

oF Lippa oF Mru oF Mon (Austroasiatic).

A cross-hatch means a name is used as a higher-order designation for a group of related languages (above 1.6): #Rai #Lolo.

Chinese names and places are transcribed in the Wade-Giles system, and the characters are also given wherever possible.

12

JAMES

A.

MATISOFF

3.0 Abbreviations for Shafer's genetic groupings Shafer's taxonomie units, from high to low, are as follows: family / division / section / branch / unit / language / dialect. We do not always give the most detailed sUbgroupings to be found in Shafer. Thus, Banjogi S: Kuk-C. The fact that Banjogi is further classifiable into the Haka Unit of the Central Kukish Branch must be ferreted out of the BSTIIST. To avoid needless repetition, we sometimes give only a lower taxonomic label, since the higher-order classifications are deducible from the lower ones. Thus if a language is marked WH (West Himalayish) it follows automatically that it is Bdc (Bodic).

3.1

Divisions of Tibeto-Burman (TB): Bdc Bmc Brc Knc

3.2

Sections of Bodie: Bd WH WCH EH

3.3

Bodish West Himalayish West Central Himalayish East Himalayish

Branches of Bodish section: Bd Tsg Rgy Gur

3.4

Bodie Burmic Baric Karenic

Bodish Tsangla Rgyarong Gurung

Units of Bodish branch: Bd-W Bd-C Bd-S Bd-E

West Bodish Central Bodish South Bodish East Bodish

THE LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS OF TIBETO-BuRMAN

3.5

Branches of WH section: WH-NNW WH-NW WH-Alm WH-J WH-E

3.6

Branches of EH: EH-W EH-E

3.7

Burmish Mruish Nungish Kachinish Chairelish Luish Kukish

Branches of Burmish: Bm Bm-S Bm-N Lo Lo-S Lo-C Lo-N Lo-Ton Lo-? Hor Hshs

3·9

Western East Himalayish Eastern East Himalayish

Sections of Burmic: Bm Mr Nung Kc Chr Lu Kuk

3·8

North Northwest West Himalayish Northwest West Himalayish Almora branch of WH Jangyali branch of WH Eastern West Himalayish

Burma Branch Southern Unit of Bm Branch Northern Unit of Bm Branch Lolo Branch Southern Unit of Lolo Central Lolo Northern Lolo Lolo of Tonkin Unclassified Lolo Hor Branch of Burmish Hsi-hsia Branch of Burmish

Branches of Kukish: Kuk-S Kuk-Lak

Southern Kukish Lakher Branch

13

JAMES A. MATISOFF

14

Kuk-O Kuk-C Kuk-N Kuk-Luh Kuk-W Kuk-NNg Kuk-E Kuk-? 3.10

'Old Kuki' Central Kukish Northern Kukish Luhupa Branch of Kukish Western Kukish Northern Naga Branch Eastern Kukish Unclassified Kukish

Sections of Baric: Br Ng

Barish Nagish

3.11 Branches of Barish: Br-NC Br-Jal Br-SC Br-W Br-E

North Central Jalpaiguri Branch South Central Western Eastern

3.12

Some languages are classed by Shafer as 'possibly Burmic but probably Bodic.' These are labeled with the symbol ?Bdc/Bmc: Newari ?Bdc/6mc

4.0

Abbreviations for Benedict's genetic groupings.

4.1

Principal nuclei of Tibeto-Burman: TK BV AMD Kc BL

Tibeto-Kanauri [alternate name: Bahing-Vayu [alternate name: Abor-Miri-Dafla [alternate name: Kachinish Burmese-Lolo [alternate name:

BH

Bodish-Hamalayish]

Kir

Kiranti]

Mir

Mirish]

LB

Lolo-Burmese]

THE LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS OF TIBETO-BuRMAN

BG KN Kn

15

Bodo-Garo [alternate name: Bar Barish] Kuki-Naga [alternate name: KCN Kuki-Chin-Naga] Karen (considered by Benedict to be outside 'TB proper')

4.2 Subgroups of Tibeto-Kanauri: TK-Bd TK-Him Him-Knr Him-AIm 4.3

Bodish Himalayish Kanauri subgroup of Himalayish AImora subgroup of Himalayish

Subgroups of Bahing-Vayu: BV-Kir Kir-Bh Kir-Kmb BV-Vy

Kiranti Bahing subgroup of Kiranti Khambu subgroup of Kiranti Vayu-Chepang

4.4 Possible affiliate of Kachinish: Kc-Lu 4.5

Luish [former name:

Kadu-Andro-Sengmai]

Subgroups of Burmese-Lolo: BL-Bm

Lo-S Lo-N Lo-? *Lo

Burmish-Maru Southern. Lolo Northern Lolo 'residual subtypes' of Loloish extinct Loloish

4.6 Subgroups of Bodo-Garo: BG-Bodo BG-Garo A BG-Garo B Kyk

Bodo branch of Bodo-Garo one Garo branch of Bodo-Garo the other branch of Bodo-Garo Konyak group ('related to the Barish nucleus, but not part of it') [former name: Naked Naga]

16

JAMES

A.

MATISOFF

4.7 Subgroups of Kuki-Naga: Kuk-C Kuk-N Kuk-O Kuk-S Kuk-W Kuk-Ng Ng-N Ng-S

Central Kukish Northern Kukish 'Old Kuki' Southern Kukish Western Kukish Naga branch of Kuki-Naga Northern Naga Southern Naga

ALPHABETICAL LIST OF TB LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS

A Aba Abeng Abhaypurya Abor #Abor-Miri Achang Achi Achik, Achikku Adi #Adi

Agartala

Ahi Ahraing Ahsi ~;r.tf1 Aiang Aimol Aka Akha Akhampa Ako, Aka A-li-k'o "1 J1 L

S:Bd-C = Bat(h)ang S:Br-NC, B:Garo-B dial. of Garo cf. Banpara, Wancho S:?Bdc/Bmc, B:AMD paleonym for Adi sometimes used to refer to the closely related Abor and Miri languages taken together S:Bm-N, B:BL-Bm = Ngachang; cf. Maingtha = Atsi = Tsaiwa S:Br-NC, B:Garo-B standard dial. of Garo; cf. Momin K. W. English-Achikku Dictionary neonym for Abor; cf. Miri general name for several groups of Siang and Subansiri Districts, Arunachal Pradesh, including: Ashing, Bokar, Bori, Gallong, Milang, Minyong, Padam, Pailibo, Pangi, Pasi, Ramo, Shimong, Tangam (Das Gupta, Res. 3.3, p. 31) [loconym] one of the towns where the Debbarma dial. of Tripuri is spoken (Karapurkar 1972) S:Lo-C, B:Lo-N = Ahi Lolo = Ahsi = Asi '" Atsi; cf. TSR S:Kuk-S dial. of Khami Chinese name for Ahi a dial. of Tripuri (Karapurkar 1972) S,B:Kuk-O 'a N. Chin group' (Bareigts 1969) S:?Bdc/Bmc, B:AMD = Angka = Hruso = Tenae '" Akha; a tribe of Kameng District, Arunachal S,B:Lo-S = Kaw = lkaw = Tawkaw; cf. TSR and Bradley 1977 a tribe that submitted to the Ahom Raja Susenpha (reigned 1439-88); Gait 1926, cited in M:378. S:Lo-S dial. of Akha? subdialect of Amdo Tibetan spoken in Tsinghai

THE LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS OF TIBETO-BuRMAN

Amdo Amri

*J

Anal Andro Angami, Angami Naga

Angka Angphang Angsa Angwanku, Angwangku Anong Anshuenkuan Antzut'ou

1::+ jJl.

Anu A-nung Anyo Ao, Ao Naga

Aopao Aorr Aoshed(d) Apa Tanang Apatani, Apa Tani Arakanese #Areng Arleng Arung Asak Ashing

17

Province, China (Nishida 1970, p. 165); cf. Huangchung S:Bd-C dial. of Tibetan; = Ngamdo dial. of Mikir (LSI Vol. III.2, p. 380; Griissner 1978 calls Amri the 'W. group of standard Mikir') 'a N. Chin group' (Bareigts 11)69); 'an S,B:Kuk-O Old Kuki tribe of SE Manipur, said to have declared themselves Nagas in 11)63' (M:379) S:Bmc-Lu, B:Kc-Lu cf. Kadu, Sengmai S:Kuk-E, B:Ng-S 'There are 4 main divisions of the Angami: Tengima to the W., Chakrima or Chekrama to the E., Memi to the S., and Kezama between the Chekrama and Memi.' (J.P.Mills) cf. Chakrima, Chakroma, Chakrii, Dzuna, Gnamei, Kehena, Kezami, Kezhama, Khonoma, Kohima, Mirna, Monr, Mozome, Nali, Ngami, Tengima, Tsangho, Tsoghami, Tsugumi, Tsungiimi = Aka dial. of Konyak (M:379) = Intha given by LSI as autonym for the Tableng (= Wakching) Nagas, i.e. standard Konyak; see M:379; S:BrcNg, B:Kyk a Nungish dialect described in Desgodins 1873 (STL Vol. 7); = A-nung = Nganshuenkuan S:Bd-C as. Ch'iang dialect of the Waszu group (Wen 1943a; Chang 11)67) a S. Chin dialect (LSI; not in Shafer or Bareigts) = Anong autonym for the E. Rengma of Meluri (M:379); this group was formerly known as the 'Naked Rengma' to outsiders (M:358; Sreedhar 1974, p. 16) S:Kuk-NNg, B:Ng-N cf. Aorr, Changki, Cholimi, Chungli, Dopdor, Dupdoria, Haimong, Hatigoria, Khari, Longla, Mongsen, Nowgong, Paimi, Tengsa, Uri, Yacham, Zungi dial of Konyak (M:379) Sangtam exonym for Ao (M:379) Chang exonym for Kalyokengnyu (Hutton, p. 383) S:?Bdc/Bmc prob. = Apatani Ig. related to Dafla and Adi, spoken in the S. Central part of Subansiri District, Arunachal, see Simon 1972; prob. = Apa Tanang S:Bm-S, B:BL-Bm dial. of Burmese; = Marma cover-term used by Loffier 1960 to designate the 'Khumi branch' of 'KhamilKhumi'; cf. Awa autonym for Mikir, see Griissner 1978 paleonym for Zeme; cf. Empeo, Empui, Kachcha Naga (M:380; Sreedhar 1974, p. 14) 'alternate name for Kadu' (Hale 1980, citing Voegelin and Voegelin 1977; but cf. Sak) a subtribe and dialect of Adi (Res. 4.2, p. I)

18

JAMES

Asho, Asho, Ashau Asi Asong Assiringia, Asuring Athpate, Athpahare Ating, Atong Atsi

#Awa

Awe Azonyu

A.

MATISOFF

S:Kuk-S 'a S. Chin group' (Bareigts 1969); = Sho; cf. Saingbaung Chin = Ahi = Ahsi; oF Atsi S:Lo-S [Ioconym] an isolated Phom village in the Ao country (M:380); = Merinokpo a Rai Ig. of Nepal; a SIL loo-word list exists; see also Michailovsky 1975 S:Br-SC, B:BG-Garo A = Kuchu S:Bm-N, B:BL-Bm 'a group that arose by intermarriage between the Maru and the Lahpai clan of Jinghpaw' (Hanson 1913, p. 21); = Achi = Szi = Tsaiwa; oF Ahsi cover-term used by Loffier 1960 to designate the 'Khami' branch of 'Khami/Khumi'; Awa thus conceived includes Khami, Khimi, and perhaps Rengmitca; cf. Areng S:Br-NC, B:BG-Garo B a subdialect of the S. Rengma of Tseminyu (Sreedhar 1974, p. 16); cf. Keteneneyu

B Babang Badupui Bahing #Bahing Bai (;:) Baing Balai, Balali Balti Banag, Banang Banchang Banferia Naga Bangni Bangru Baqjogi, Banjogyi Banmanus Banpara Bansang Bantawa Banyang

a dial. of Kham (Glover 1974, p. 12); cf. Maikot, Takashera Lushai exonym for Matu (F. K. Lehman 1967); cf. Ngala S:EH-W. B:Kir-Bh one of the two subdivisions of the Kiranti branch of Bahing-Vayu (Benedict 1972) Chinese exonym for Minchia; = Pai (spelling used in Glover 1974, p. 10) = Bahing classified as a 'Khambu dialect' in LSI (S:EH-E. B:Kir-Kmb); = Lohorong S:Bd-W. B:TK-Bd dial. of Tibetan; = Sbalti S:Bd-C. B:TK-Bd = sBa-nag; prob. = Panag(s); Hale 1980 uses the spelling 'Banang'; oF Panakha = Bansang pre-British administration paleonym for Wancho S:?Bdc/Bmc, B:AMD a tribe of the #Nishi group, Kameng District, Arunachal; cf. Bangru a tribe of the #Nishi group; cf. Bangni S:Kuk-C Bengali exonym for Bawm (Loffier 1979); 'a N. group ofC. Chin' (Bareigts); = Banzogi = Bunjogi [lit. 'men of the forest'] paleonym for Raute (q. v.) S:Brc-Ng, B:Kyk paleonym for Wancho (M:380); cf. Abhaypurya = Banchang; 'perhaps same as Namsang?' (Gait, pp. 99. 152. cited in M:380) = Bontawa S,B:Karenic cf. Zayein

THE LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS OF TIBETO-BuRMAN

Banzogi

Bara, Bara #Baric, #Barish Barpak Bassein Pho, B. Pwo Bassein Sgaw _ .~t Batang, Ba-thang

t..

Bawm, Bawm-zo(u) Bete Bghai, Bghe, Bghwe Bhadgaon Bhaktapur Bhamo

Bhoi #Bhoti, #Bhotia Bhotia of Bhutan Bhotia of Sikkim Bhramu Bhuda Bhutanese #Bhutia Biate Bilichi Biseka Bisu Black Lolo Blimaw #Bodic, #Bodish Bodo #Bodo-Garo Bokar Bom

19

= Banjogi S:Br-W, B:BG-Bodo = Boro = Bodo; the variant Bara has given its name to the #Barish group S:Brc, Br = #Bodo-Garo a dial. of Ghale; cf. Uiya S,B:Karenic see Jones 1961 S,B:Karenic see Jones 1961 =

Aba

S:Kuk-C 'the Bawm regard themselves (correctly) as a subgroup of the Lai-zou' (Loffier); = Banjogi; ¥Bom = Biate S,B:Kuk-O S,B:Karenic = Bwe [Ioconym] a dial. of Newari; = Bhaktapur = Bhadgaon a large town in Kachin State, center of Bhamo D~s­ trict; Bhamo speech is considered the most prestigious Jinghpaw dialect (Maran, Preface to Revised Jinghpaw Dictionary); cf. Katha, Mogaung, Myitkyina a dialect closely related to but mutually unintelligible with standard Mikir (Griissner 1978, p. 7); see LSI m.2, p. 380 old-fashioned cover-term for various Himalayish Igs. like Lhoke, Sikkimese, Sherpa, Spiti, Tamang (Murmil, etc.; = #Bhutia = I;>ukpa = Lhoka = Lhoke = S:Bd-C, B:TK-BD Lhoskad = Bhutanese = Danjongka = Sikkim Bhutia S:Bd-S, B:TK-Bd = Bramu S:WH-E a Kham-speaking subtribe of 'Magars' (Watters 1975); cf. #Magar = Lhoskad = #Bhoti(a) 'a N. Chin group' (Bareigts 1969); = S,B:Kuk-O Bete S,B:Karenic cf. Mopwa a small TB group in NW Hunan near the border of Szechwan (Bruk 1959) as. Loloish Ig. closely related to Phunoi, Pyen, and Mpi; see Nishida 11}66, 11}66/67; cf. TSR; = Mbisu = Misu S:Lo-Ton, B:Lo-S cf.Mung; ¥- Black Lahu (Lahuna) designation used in Luce 1959 for Western Bwe S:Bdc, Bd the division and section of TB that include Tibetan; ¥- Bodo = Bara = Boro = Plains S:Br-W, B:BG-Bodo Kachari . Benedict's name for one of the principal nuclei ofTB; = #Barish a subtribe and dialect of Adi name used in Shafer 11}66 for what Loffier now calls Paangkhua (pers. comm. and Loffier 1979); ¥- Bawm

20

JAMES

#Bontawa Bor Abor Bor-duor, Borduria Bori Boro Braginyaw Bramu Bre, Bre' Brec, Brek bTsan-lha Budhi Bugun Bumthang Bunan Buqjogi Bunzoo Burig Burmese Bils, Bushi But-pa Bwe

Bwel Byangsi

A.

MATISOFF

S:a unit of EH-E = Bantawa; cf. Lambichong, Lohorong, Rodong, Waling paleonym for an Adi subgroup (Res. 3.3, p. S) an Assamese loconym for the 19. of Bordur village; paleonym for Nocte, the Nagas of Namsang (M:380); cf. Mohongia a subtribe and dialect of Adi; prob. = Bor Abor;, see K. Kumar, The Boris. = Bodo; see Bhat 11)68 paleonym for the Karen tribes (Hanson 1913, p. 19) = Bhramu = Bwe = Brec S,B:Karenic = Bwe = Bre dial. ofrGyarong [data collected by Y. Nagano] S:Bd-W = Ladakhi = Ladwags exonym for the Khoa tribe of Arunachal (Simon 1976) a C. Bhutanese dialect (Weidert 1980) S:WH-NNW, B:Him-Knr = Baqjogi old English exonym for Paang and/or Bawm (Laffler 1979) S:Bd-W, B:TK-Bd dial. of Tibetan; = Purik S:Bm-S, B:BL-Bm the TB 19. with the largest number of speakers a Loloish 19. described in Shirokogoroff 1930 a 19. of Arunachal, very close to Lish-pa and rather close to Khoa (Simon 1976) S,B:Karenic = Bghai = Bre = Brec; cf. Blimaw; 'the Pakii Sgaw name for the Kekhu; Sgaw name for most "central Karen" (Bre, Kayah, Yangtaiai, Oeba)' (Lehman 1967, pp. 66, 68); Lehman's 'central Karen' = Luce's 'western Karen' a C. Chin dialect (Voegelin and Voegelin 1977, quoted in Hale 1980) S:WH-Alm, B:Him-Alm cf. Chaudangsi

CH (C) Note: Names spelled with "n" in Shafer 1966-7 are here spelled with Ch-. It is no more motivated to spell Chairel as "nairel" than it would be to spell Chinese as "ninese." C;ak Chab-mdo ·Chairel #Chairelish Chakhesang

Chakpa

(spelling of L. Bernot 1966) = Sak; cf. Chakpa = Chamdo S:Bmc, B:BO? an extinct Ig. of Manipur S:Chr a section of Burmic [acronym] a new composite term from Chakrii, Kheza, and Sangtam-Pochury (qq.v.), the 'Chokri dialect' of which is recorded in an NBP dictionary; see Sreedhar 1974, p. 12 a Luish language of Manipur (pers. comm., P. C. Thoudam 1979); cf. Andro, Phayeng, Sekmai (Sengmai); = Sak?

THE LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS OF TIBETO-BuRMAN

Chakrima

Chakroma Chakrii Chamba, Chamba Lahuli Chambling Chamdo ~"r

Chamling, Chamling Rai

Champhung Chang (Limbu) Chang, Chang Naga Changaya Changi

Changjan Changki

Changlo Changnoi Changnyu Changpa Changyanguh Chantel Magar Chaokik Chaudangsi Chaungtha Chaurasya Chaw Chawte Chekrama Chen Chepang Chhingta~

Ch'iang

~

21

Angami name for the Chokri, or Eastern Angami (M:381, Sreedhar 1974, p. 16); = Chekrama = Chakrii; "" Chakroma; cf. Ozuna, Kehena, Mirna; see Chakhesang; S:Kuk-E, B:Ng-S Western Angami (M:380); "" Chakrima = Chokri = Chakrima; see Chakhesang S:WH-NW, B:Him-Knr cf. Manchati = Chamling 'a dialect of the E. (Hsi-k'ang) branch of NE Tibetan' (Miller 11)69); 'a dialect of ElSE Tibet' (Rarich 1931); 'a SE Tibetan dialect' (Nishida 1970) all cited in Hale 1980; = Chab-mdo; cf. Derge S:EH-E a 19. of Jemire, Sankhuwa Shabha District, Kosi Zone, E. Nepal; a Swadesh list was collected by O. Vesalainen 1973; = Chamling = Rodong; cf. Bontawa a Tangkhul group of NE Manipur; S:Kuk-Luh = Limbu (Hale 1980); "" Chang Naga; see Changi "" Chang (Limbu); cf. ChangS:Br-Ng, B:Kyk yanguh, Machongrr, Mochumi, Mochungrr, Mojung a dial. of Konyak (Sreedhar 1974, p. 10) part of the Limbu subfamily of E. Himalayish (Glover 1974, p. II); this name should be adopted instead of 'Chang (Limbu)' in order to avoid confusion with Chang Naga one of the two main groups Van) of the Wancho, which traces its origin to a place called Changnu (Res. 3.4, p. 6); cf. Tangjan 'a western form of Mongsen Ao' S:Kuk-NNg (M:380); 'a minor dialect of Mongsen spoken in the SW part of the Ao area' (Sreedhar 1974, p. 18); = Ao Changki cf. Tsangla a Wancho group (M:381) dial. of Konyak; 'the mother village of the Konyaks' (Hutton 1921, p. 383; M:381) a dial. ofW. Central Tibet (Nishida 1970, fold-out map after p. 338) a western Chang group (M:38I) a Gurung group of W. Nepal (Watters 1975, p. 72) 'the Chang name for the Konyaks bordering them to the North' (J. P. Mills) S:WH-Alm, B:Him-Alm cf. Byangsi a dial. of Burmese (Voegelin and Voegelin 1977) S:EH-W = Chourasya S,B:Kuk-O 'a N. Chin group' (Bareigts, 1969) = Kyau = Kyaw; "" Cho B:Kuk see STC, p. 48; = Chaw? = Chakrima a dial. of Konyak (M:38I) S:WCH, B:BV (close to Kiranti nucleus) = Chingtang S:?Bdc/Bmc cf. Dzorgaish; Wen 1941 is a classification of 18 dialects of NW Szechwan; the Institute of

22

JAMES

Chima #Chin

Chin Special Division Chinbok Chin bon Chingkao Chinglang Chingmengnu Chingpaw Chingtang Chinme Chin-pong, Chinpung Chirr Chiru

Chisholirni Chitkhuli Chittagong Sho Chiu-tzu Chiutzuchai Ju -}Chiutzu Ying !u Chizemi Chizima Cho Choha Choimi Choka Choko, Choko Chokri

'-*

-1- !g

A.

MATIS OFF

Nationalities, Academia Sinica 1962 distinguishes between 'Northern' vs. 'Southern' dialects (Chang 1967, p. 423, Nishida 1970, pp. 167-8): see Luhua, Mawo, Tz'umulin, Weiku, Vatu [Northern), and Heihu, Lung-hsi, Miench'ih, Tach'ishan, T'aop'ing [Southern); Chang 11)67 selects 6 S. Ch'iang dialects for comparison: see Waszu, Lopu Chai, T'aop'ing Hsiang, Tsengt'ou Hsiachai, Chiutzu Ying, Jota Chai = Sima S,B:Kuk-N a loose exonymic designation for many Northern Kukish Igs. and peoples; see Bareigts 1969; cf. Siyin, Teizang, Tiddim, Zo, etc. see Falam, Haka, Matupi, Mindat, Paletwa, Tiddim S,B:Kuk-S according to F. K. Lehman, = Cho; cf. Yawdwin S:Kuk-S cf. Sho a dial. of Konyak (M:38I) a dial. of Konyak (M:38I) former autonym for Tamlu (LSI); cf. Phom; S:Br-Ng, B:Kyk = Jinghpaw = Chhingtang; cf. Bontawa, S:EH-E, B:Kir-Kmb Khambu, Larnbichong a S. Chin dialect (LSI; not in Shafer or Bareigts 11)69) 'a S. Chin group' (Bareigts 11)69); Jordan 1971 uses the spelling Chin-pong a southern form of Yimchungrii (M:381) 'a N. Chin group' (Bareigts 11)69); 'the Chiru stand entirely alone . . . in Manipur in the hills W. of the Logtak lake ... they are few and scattered' (J. P. Mills); = Kuki-Chiru [IoconymJ dial. of Serna (Sreedhar 1974, p. 19) S:WH-NW, B:Him-Knr cf. Kanauri S:Kuk-S cf. Sho general Chinese exonym for Nungish groups (also transcribed Kiu-tzu) = Lu-tzu = Nu-tzu a Ch'iang dialect of 'Group V' (Wen 1941); apparently this same dialect was later referred to as Chiutzu Ying as. Ch'iang dialect (Wen 1950; Chang 1967) 'the Eastern Serna spoken in Chizemi village within the Khezha area' (Sreedhar, p. 19); shows Khezha and Angami influence Angami name for Lotha (M:381) = Mindat Chin = Hko = Ng'men; ¥< Chaw; cf. Sho, Zo; also see Chinbok a dial. of Konyak (M:38I); spelled Choka in Sreedhar 1974, p. 20 Serna exonym for Lotha (M:38I) see Choha S:Lo-C, B:Lo-N 'an E. Angami tribe with its own dialect' (M:38I); a part of the Chakhesang group; = Chakrima = Chekrama = Chakrii

THE LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS OF TIBETO-BuRMAN

Cholimi Chone, Choni Chorei Chos-kia

:¥- f(J

Chourasya Chowte Chulikata, Chulikotta

Chumbi Chungli Chutiya Cooch Behar Coong

23

Serna exonym for Ao (M:382) S:Bd-C a W. Kuku-Chin Ig. of Tripura (M:408, 4(9) a dial. of rGyarong (J. H. Edgar 1932, "An EnglishGiarung vocabulary," JWCBRS #5 suppl.; see Nagano 1978) S:EH-W - Chaurasya; cf. Thulung a Ig. of Manipur studied by Shree Krishan; prob. = Chawte S:?Bdc/Bmc exonym of plainsdwellers for the Idu = Midu, 'so called for their custom of cropping the hair in front'; cf. Digaro = To-mo 'largest group of the Ao and the dominant dialect; east of the Mongsen' (M:382) S:Br-E, B:BG (separate branch) a moribund Ig. of N. Assam; = Deori Chutiya S:Br-SC cf. Koch, Konch Vietnamese name for the Phunoi; = Khong (LefevrePontalis 1892)

D Dacca Garo Dafla, Daphla #Dafla

Dahula Dai Daignet Dajonka Dalong Danau Danjonk-ka, Danjongka Danu Danuwar Rai Darlong Darmiya Dartsemdo Daru Darung

::f.r 1ij

*'-

S:Br-NC S:?Bdc/Bmc, B:AMD = Nyising term formerly used as a supergroup name for certain Igs. of NEFA (now Arunachal Pradesh); now supplanted as a superordinate term by #Nishi or #Nishang; cf. #Abor-Miri-Dafla (= #Mirish), one of Benedict's principal nuclei of TB a tribe of Tripura and a dial. of Tripuri (Karapurkar 1972) 'a S. Chin group' (Bareigts 11)69; Jordan 1971); cf. Nitu, Nedu Ig. grouped with Chairel in Voegelin and Voegelin 1977 (cited in Hale 1980) = Danjongka a dial. of Tripuri (Karapurkar 1972); = Darlong called a 'hybro-Burmese' Ig. in LSI; perhaps Danaw, a No. Mon-Khmer Ig. studied by Luce 11)65 S:Bd-S = Denjonke = Dzongkha = Bhotia of Sikkim = Sikkim Bhutia = Dajonka S:Bm-S a Ig. of E. Central Nepal spoken in Hatidhunga (S. of Kathmandu), worked on by Klaus and Doris Kiigler (SIL) a C. Kuki-Chin Ig. of Tripura (M:408-9); = Dalong S:WH-Alm, B:Him-Alm cf. Rangkas S:Bd-C = K'ang-ting = Tatsienlu a 'prob. divergent' Nungish Ig. (Benedict); ¥- Dru; also listed in Nishida 1970, p. 168 a Singpho group long under Shan domination, whose dialect underwent heavy Shan influence; 'their dialect is largely a Shan patois' (Hanson 1913, p. 12)

24

JAMES

Dawansa Dawe Dayang, Dayong

Dbus, Dbus-skad Debbarma Deka Haimong Denjong, Denjong-skad Denjonka, Denjonke Deori Chutiya Derge tt.~ Dermuha Dewri Dhimal #Dhimalish Dhoba Miri Digaro, Digaru Dim Dimasa Dion Dirang dKar-mjes Dolpa Dopdarya, Dopdor Dophla dPaI-ri, Dpa-ri, dPa-rus Dru Duleng Duampu pukpa Dulien Dumi Dungmali Dupdoria Dwags Dzongkha Dzorgai #Dzorgaish

=

A.

MATISOFF

Angami

= Tavoy

'a name sometimes applied to the W. Serna who live by the Dayang River' (M:382); 'former name for the W. Serna spoken in and around Lazemi (or Lezemi?) village on the Dayang River' (Sreedhar 1974, p. 19) (potamonym); S:Kuk-E; cf. Simi, Zumomi S:Bd-C the standard or Lhasa dialect of Tibetan;

=0

the dialect of Tripuri described in Karapurkar 1972 cf. Ao So. dialect of Tibetan (Nishida 1970, p. 165); = Danjongka, etc. id. = Chutiya an E. Tibetan dialect of the same group as Chamdo (q.v.); = sDe-dge S,B:Karenic cf. Mopwa a 'non-Arunachal tribe' some of whose members live in Arunachal (Res. 4.2, p. I); = Deori (Chutiya)? S:?Bdc/Bmc, B:AMD (divergent) cf. Toto 'A small group of Himalayish Tibetic Igs. comprising only Dhimal and Toto.' (STL, Vol. 10) apparently a loconym for a Miri dialect (Res. 3.3, p. 2) S:?Bdc/Bmc, B:AMD (Mishmi) = Taraon = Taying; cf. Miju, Mishmi 'a N. Chin group' (Bareigts 1969) S:Br-W, B:BG-Bodo branch = Hills Kachari S:Lo-? cf. Moso [Ioconym] Central Monpa = Kantzu a branch of the Tibetan family of Bodish (Glover 1974, p. 13); cf. Tichurong S:Kuk-NNg = Dupdoria (q.v.) = Dafla 'a dialect of the N. (Amdo) branch of NE Tibetan' (Miller 1969); 'a NE Tibetan dialect' (Uray 1955) both cited in Hale (1980) S:Bd-C "" Daru a dial. of Jinghpaw spoken to the N. of the Mali-kha and Shang-kha Rivers (Nishida 1970, p. 168) S:Lo-? = Bhotia of Bhutan = Lhoskad S:Bd-C S,B:Kuk-C the standard dialect of Lushai S:EH-W, B:Kir-Bhsp cf. KhaIing S:EH-E cf. Bontawa, Waling [Ioconym] 'an old name for Yacham, an eastern dialect of Ao' (M:382); = Dopdarya = Dopdor S:Bd-E = Takpa; "" Ladwags = Danjongka (pers. comm., Gabrielle Yablonsky) S:?Bdc/Bmc cf. Ch'iang; = Outer Man-tze 'A new group of TB Igs. forming one of the connecting links between Tibetic and Burmic . . . The Dzorgaish

THE LANGUAGES AND DIALECTS OF TIBETO-BuRMAN

25

peoples occupy at least a portion of the Sifan plateau and probably form the NE 'most outpost ofthe TB 19s.' (STL, Vol. 8); cf. Kortse, Outer Mantze, Pingfang, Sotati-po, Thotcu S:Kuk-E 'similar to the Angami of Kohima' (M:382); 'a dial. of E. Angami' (Sreedhar 1974, p. 26) Ifor Shafer's Di-, see J-I

Dzuna

Dz-

E Elekidoria Embo, Empeo, Empui Erh-shan ~.l.! Erhshui Chai .:::- "I' Eryuan

1-.

alternate spelling for Gelekidoria, a Konyak dialect (Sreedhar 1974, p. 20) S,B:Kuk-W paleonym for Zeme (M:382), perhaps loconymic for the village of Impoi; cf. Arung, Kachcha a dial. of Woni (Yiian 1947) aN. Ch'iang dialect spoken along the lower course of the Heishui River (Wen 1941), pronounced Tsor-frizi in Ch'iang; cf. Hniksw a Minchia dialect, prob. a Yunnan loconym (Voegelin and Voegelin 1977); cf. Hoking, Tali

F Fagurai

Fahlam, Falam

Fanai Fedopia

a member of the #Limbu branch of the E. Nepal subgroup of the 'Gyarung-Mishmi' family (Voegelin and Voegelin 11}64-5, cited in CSDPN IV, p. 8); cf. Fedopia, Tamarkholea, Yakthungba one of the 6 administrative subdivisions of the Chin Special Division, Union of Burma. The others are Haka, Matupi, Mindat, Paletwa, Tiddim; the 'official dialect' of Falam subdivision is Sim = Laizo; "" Hallam 'a Northern group of Central Chin' (Bareigts 1969) a member of the #Limbu branch of the E. Nepal subgroup of the 'Gyarung-Mishmi' family (Voegelin and Voegelin 11}64-5, cited in CSDPN IV, p. 8); cf. Fagurai, Tamarkholea, Yakthungba

G Gahri Gaikho Galawn Galo Galong, Gallong Ganan, Gl'man

S:WH-NNW = Bunan = Geko, Gekho, Gheko, Kekhu S,B:Karenic 'a clan of the Haimi tribe' (M:382) autonym for a subgroup of Adi; = Gal(l)ong (q.v.) Minyong exonym for Galo, a subtribe and dialect of Adi spoken in the area of Along, Siang District, Arunachal, see Das Gupta 11}63 'a 19. grouped by Luce with his "Sak group" , (pers. comm., E. J. A. Henderson 1974); 'a Kadu dialect' (L. Bernot 1966, citing Brown 1920); cf. Mawteik

26

JAMES

Ganeung [g;ln! a 1J;l Ie e naa 18. 60, a M tsM m~ ja tjiq ph6 dza mai, thi va i rna sjha a, a dja ni a Ie 19. aa t6q e tM e n~, t6q tha e, tshS M rna djS naa dza Ifl, t6q e d:lq lalJ tha lJa Ie a 20. j:> dtq Ifl th:l, ady ne d:lq lalJ tha a, dza naa n~q :l a bS tsM m~ th:l va 21. rna baq xh66 a, rna tha Ie lJa a Ie t6q e nt lJa dje, a dja ni va 22. Ie bi baq rna a dja ni a, bi baq rna, a g:l ga x~ql baq S bi f rna 23. lJaq:l a bS tsM m~ mai, n~q :l ja tjiq ph6 dza mai Ie t6q e e nt naa 24. ilq tjiq sha (- sha) valJ ValJ la naa, atjM jilq xaq djf naa, a dja ni aj~q ne dl seq lJiI dje, ja tjiq phB 25. ja tjiq ph6 di stq S, rna dIh thi Ii Ii sjhi laq leq S ne a 26. b:> U V:l Itq V:l va tha S bi djaq na dje 27- laq leq laq va S, naa ja tjiq ph5 mS do mS a bi dze bjoq 5 28. naa ilq bja bja la naa, tho rna 1J;l lJa Iii Ie, lJaq :l ja tjiq ph5 rna dza e :l me

29.

n~q a b5 tsh5 m~ dza lJaa, n~q :l a bS tsM m~ rna baq :l rna tM rna lJa a Ie t6q e e naa 30. baq ~ baq ~ Ie e 5 ne a, bi baq 5 baq naa ga dj~ alJ a gaq a sjhi sjhi lJa dje

31. a gaq b:> duq duq rna alJ, a gaq b:> duq alJ baq daq tM :5 bi djaq S

159

I'll catch it and give it to you", the man said and caught that rooster for him. Adjani spent the night at somebody else's house. It so happened that at the time he was staying there, an old man in the house had died. He had gone to spend the night in a house where they had just made a coffin and placed the body in it. So [he said,) "Oh, I am afraid this old man of yours will eat my rooster", (he said). "If the old man eats your rooster, Adjani!", they said, "[you might as well say) that there will be no more poor people in this world". "Don't talk like that, don't talk like that! If there were nobody here he would eat it. You keep him encoffined like this, but he is still alive, this body which we keep encoffined. If this old man of yours eats [my rooster), then I shall not give up my claim till I have carried him away with me!", Adjani said. "All right, I will let you take him with you, Adjani, I will let you take him with you, wherever you go I will let you take him with you, if myoid man eats your rooster", [the host) said to Adjani. Then at midnight when the others were all asleep, Adjani himself killed the rooster.

He killed the rooster and rubbed its blood on the full length of the coffin, and pulled out the intestines and rubbed them on the coffin and left them there. When he had rubbed it all over the coffin, he threw the body of the rooster away, and when it dawned [he said): "Wasn't it right what I said? You said he wouldn't eat my rooster. Your old man did eat it. I'll not be satisfied if I don't carry him away with me!", he said. "Take him, take him!" [the host) said and let him take the body. As he was carrying him away he [came upon) some agaq fruits by the path. There was a big agaq tree, and he carried [the dead man) over to the tree and left him there [in the tree).

160

S~REN EOEROD

32. a dja nl ya ga dj~ ag dj5 5 a gaq a sjhl dza dza t dj5 ga dje 33. htt, a g~ ga ~ a gaq a sjhl dza lilq Ie, adjanlolt naa, tht th~ ga, gaq ~ a b5 tsM m~ bi Ic)q rna, a gaq b:> duq It 35. b:> thau b:> thau It khU naa, pjaq kha I~q mt na b~ hlh na b~ a tht, gaq ~ a b5 tsM m~ a 36. aa, t6q t mal, ga a tjyq bi pjaq kha I~q pha a nja, a dja nl a 37. xhO ga ayM dj~ gaq ~ yhag ~ d~

34.

t

38. rna dja

au

sj~

mit la gaq gaq la nja Ie

39. xh6 naa, qjm ~~ ne b:> thau b:> thau Y~ i ge a, njl sjhl shm sjhi pjaq kha I~q ga dje 40. a mjag i ~q la 5 ne ga Ie ~ a ne, xhO a a khagja IH 41. xh6 naa, h~ mjaq sjhl rna tshe, bi pjaq kha I~q m~q 5 nja, a dja nl a 42. rna pjaq kha I~q ga It t naa, na b~ a na b~, j:> xaq xaq t rna gt1 naa rna gil nja It 43. njm j:> xaq xaq t Y~ 5, gaq ~ a b:S tsM m~ bi ga stq I~ aa 44. n~q ylq mjtq th~ tsMg ~ b~ Ie dji dji i 45. htt, h~ ga Y~ ga ga stq mal bi tshag rna a dja nl a, ylq mjtq h~ mjaq m5 nea,lttnt~mdjelt

46. xhO naa, a dja nl xh6 16q t t naa j:> xaq xaq

t gt1 gil t

Y~ ga dje, xh6 a

47. b:> thau b:> thau It, nji poq shih poq Y~ nja It a, rna dlh ga paq naa

48.

I~q

ga dje

gaq ~ a b5 tsM m~ ga stq mt It, tjiq mjtq rna tshag ~ a, rna tha rna Itt 5 49. b:> gaq ~ ylq mjtq xh6 mil pM tsMg naa ~~,

n~q ~

Adjani remained on the path eating agaq fruits. "Say, where did you get those agaq fruits you are eating? Adjani!", [somebody] said. "Over there, I let myoid man keep watch up in the agaq tree", [Adjani said]. "If you callout 'old man, old man' he will pick some for you. Only he is deaf, that old man of mine". "Oh, if that's so, I think I will let him pick just a few, Adjani!". At that point some people who were travelling as merchants [storyteller feeling insecure:] I am not telling it fluently, I feel as if I am stuttering! Well, then, when Adjani [called] "old man, old man" and went and pulled [at the tree] two or three fruits came falling down. Anyway, because they were ripe they were loose and fell easily from the stem. Then [the man said] "I want him to pick more fruits than this for me, Adjani! He isn'~ picking for me". [Adjani said] "He is deaf. If you don't scream hard he can't hear you. 3 But if you pull too hard and myoid man falls down and dies, I will take those goats of yours with me, all of them" . "Oh, if he falls down and is killed, just because I pull here, rlliet you take them, Adjani, as many goats as there are", he said to him. Then, after Adjani [and the other man] had said like that, that fellow shouted loud and pulled. "Old man, old man", [he said] and just pulled two or three times. To his surprise the coffin fell down and broke [should be: The old man fell down and died] and so [Adjani said,] "Oh, myoid man has fallen down and died. Unless I take your goats along I shall not have received my due". He took with him that tradesman's goats.

3Little Claus performs this trick with his own grandmother who had died in the night. He props her up dressed in her Sunday best and tells the innkeeper that she is as deaf as a post. The innkeeper finally flies into such a rage that he throws a glass of mead in her face. He thinks he has killed her and pays Little Claus a bushel of money (Hersholt 1942, pp. 14-15).

LITILE CLAUS IN AKHALAND

50.

f ~ ne, jaq ga tsM hi ~ a, m:l ne b:l gaq ntq t jaq ga tsha hi ga dje

aj~

t jaq ga tsha la naa, aa, nji no n~q ::I m:l ne ba maq th::l njrfl. gaq ::I tjlq mjtq dza ::I b:l a ga::l It t nt ga dje a dja nl ya 52. a 160 h6 e, m:l ne tjlq mjtq za dza mal a It, gaq ::I m:l ne ml1 lag i tshag nt nja a dja nl iliff nt ga dje 53. naa xh{) d~, htt ma b i bi tsbag nt ::I b::l It, gaq ::I tjlq mjtq dza naa 51. m:l ne b:l gaq ntq

54. dza rfI. n~~, m:l ne ba maq gm Ie naa, t6q t rna t qja rfI. It t nt ga dje, a dja

nla

55. It dza mal, tshag nt ma, tsbag nt ma It t ~, jilq ~ jilq ~ jilq xaq djf naa

56. tjlq mjtq thl

m~ dl stq ~, m:l ne j~ m~ naqilq mt bi> ag lilq sjhlltq ~ 57. b:l 11 Y::I lag tha ga dje naa, a dja ni tjiq mjtq m~ do Y::I bjoq a

58. xh6 naa ilq bja bja la naa, thO gaq ::I tjlq mjtq thi m~ ma djf ga 59. ht, ma dji gaa, h5 sjha e sjba e, tjhe tjhe t dza ~ It a, j:l de de t, j:l I~ I~ t gaa

60. m:l ne j~ m~ naq ~ mt bi>, sjba e sjhi

ttq ga, thi m~ thf m~ k:lq k:lq t tjhe ~ It 61. xh6 16q t t nt naa, m:l ne xhO maq pba dja za, m:l ne xhO maq dja za naa 62. dja i pha tjhag f a tjh~ a njo tshag ~ tjhag ::I pba phil Ie 63. aa, n~q ::I a njo ba maq th::l a njrfl. gaq ::I m~ ne za dza ::I b:l a ga::l It pha t nt 64. aa, gaq ::I a qjo m:l ne za dza mal, thi Ya 1 ma sjha a a dja nl a

65. a njo ba maq maq lag ni, tshag nt qja thl m~ dza gaa It pha t nt ga dje a dja ni ag 66. cia, t6q t tM t n~, ba maq gm Ie naa, dza rfI., j~ djt naq uq thl djt ag dl1 ::I b::l, It

67. j:l be gaq ::I tjlq mjtq m:l ne ne dza dj( ::Imt I~:llt

161

He went on his way, and when time had come to stop for the night he happened to be together with a cattle trader. When he stopped for the nIght together with the cattle trader Adjani said to him "I'm afraid that in a little while your herd of cows will eat my goats". "What! If the cows eat the kids, I will let you have all my cows, Adjani!", he said to him. So [Adjani said to the cattle trader,] "I will certainly make you give them to me if they eat my goats. Probably the cows will eat them when they [the cows] are all gathered together. You can't talk the way you do", (Adjani said). "If they eat them, I'll give them to you, I'll give them to you", the man said and went to sleep. While he was asleep, Adjani killed one goat and smeared its blood all over the mouths of every cow and wrapped intestines [around their mouths], and then he hid away the goat's body. So when it dawned, [Adjani said] "One of my goats is missing. See there, one is missing, there, look, look! They have fought about their food. Some places are smooth, some are all scuffed. Look at the mouths of all the cows, nothing but blood! They have bitten and fought each other." He said like that and talked till he got that herd of cows. And having talked till he got that herd of cows, he went on his way again and met a man who herded buffaloes. "I'm afraid that buffalo herd of yours will eat my calves", he said to him. "Oh, if my buffaloes eat your calves, [you might as well say] there will be no more poor people in this world, Adjani! I will give you the whole buffalo herd if they eat a single cow", he said to Adjani. "Oh, don't talk like that, if they are together in a flock, they are able to eat them. Each time it's the same story over again. Earlier my goats were all eaten up by cows".

162

Sf6REN EGEROD

68. t nt mia, atjM pM juq xaq dji, mia m:l n~ m5 za thl m5 dl stq 5 69. m:l n~ za thl m5 dl stq 5 ne ;), a njo mt b6 j:'J m5 naq i sjhl laq Icq 5 70. m:l n~ ;) b:l 11 laq lau 5 bi djaq 5, m bja bja la naa, aj:'Jq a m:l n~ gy h:l f Ua dj~

71. a dja nl aj:'Jq a m:l n~ gy h:l ue a, ma o It, tho n:l maq It, a njo a m:l n~ ma dzamtamtlt 72. ma dza ua la It, Uaq a m:l n~ za, a tjyq hy la ;), thl m5 ma dji ua 73. a njo e (= ne) dza dji uaa 74. h5 h:l :'J 15:l, a njo j:'J m5 naquq mt bi> au luq h:l :'J sjhlltq ga It t6q t t nt 5, a njo xhii ml1 ve tsMu 75. m:l n~ xh5 ml1 ve tshliij 5 pM Ie, atjh:'J mau b:l gaq pha thau phil Ie Ua dj~ naa 76. mau b:l gaq, mau b:l gaq thau phu Ie ue dj5 a, a j:'Jq thl ga jaq ga tsha la 5 ne zaq I~;) 77. aa, It njm n:'Jq mau a uaq a a njo za dza a b:l a u~a It pha t nt Ua dj~ xh6 g5 ve 78. aa, mau a, a njo za dza mal, thl va ma pha sjha a a dja nl a It 79. uaq a mau ha, n:'Jq a a njo za dza

mal, ua ma tsMu xoq n:'J au tsMu nt ma It t ua dj~ 80. ht m, ja tsMu nt m n:'J, ja tsMu nt, dza m ba maq gm I~ naa, t6q t ma t nja m It t a dja nl va 81. j:l gau mie, tht naa, uq tjlq tjlq i 5 atjh:'J juq xaq dji naa 82. a njo za thl m5 dl stq 5, mau au mt bi> j:'J m5 naq au luq sjhl laq Itq 5 83. a njo b:l 11 va lau bjau 5 bi djaq mm dj~

84. naa uq bja bja la 5, aj:lq a a njo za au gy h:l ue a, aj:'Jq a a njo ma dji 85. tho, dza m It t naa, ma djau ~ mt n:l maq, uflQ a a njo thl m5 dza dji naa It 86. h:l:'J 15 It, a njo pjht za j:l gaq gaq t djaq uaa It, a njo k:'Jq stq a tjhe ;) It

He said so and then, when everybody had gone to sleep, he killed one calf, smeared the mouths of all the buffaloes with its blood, and wrapped the calfs intestines [around their mouths], and when it dawned he went to count his cows. When Adjani had counted his cows, [he said] "Oh, what is this! You said that buffaloes don't eat cows. Have they not done it? One of my calves which had already gotten a little bigger, is missing. The buffaloes have eaten it all up. See there! Blood is smeared on the mouths of all the buffaloes". He told him so and lead the buffalo herd away. Next he met a horse dealer. The horse dealer happened to be spending the night at the same place, and when he was going to sleep, Adjani said to him, "Oh, I'm afraid your horses will eat my buffalo calf!" [The horse dealer said,] "Oh, if the horses eat the buffalo calf [you might as well say] there will be no more poor people in this world, Adjani! If my horses eat your buffalo calf I won't take them back with me but I will let you have them!", he said. "Well, you will have to let me take them. They will eat it when they are together in a flock, you can't talk the way you do", Adjani said, because he was clever. When night came and they were all asleep, he killed one buffalo calf, smeared the mouths of all the horses with its blood, and pulled the buffalo's intestines out and wrapped them around [the horses' mouths] and left them there. When it dawned and he counted his buffalo calves, his buffaloes were not all there. "I told you they would eat them, but you wouldn't believe me!", he said, "one of my buffaloes has been eaten all up. Look, there are many buffalo footprints there. They have fought and bitten the buffalo to death.

LITTLE CLAUS IN AKHALAND

87. mal) pjhe za j;) gaq gaq njo k:,q seq ;) tjhc ;, It

t

djaq I)aa, a

88. th1 m:5 thf m:5 k:,q k:,q t k:,q seq :5, dza djf;) oa 89. ha It mal) j:, m:5 naqiIq me btl a njo ;) sjhl teq I)a It, ja tshaO I)aa It t :5 90. xhii mu t;)q i tshal) :5 oq Ie ;, mdje a dja nll{a 91. a dja nl oq Ie naa, aa, a dja n1 a, a dzt dZ;l la nja, dja mj:,q mj:,q ;) It 92. tha naq naq t mj:,q nja mal, I)a dj:5 ga mj:,q Ie t I:', shal) pha tsaq daq laq I)a dje naa 93. shal) pM a dja n1 ao dja mj:,q mj:,q Ie It, tha naq naq t mj:,q nja mal 94. oa al) mj:,q djal) nja I:' aa, I);l oa a It h;) ma the It

95. I)a al) ma mj:,q djal) nja I:' aa, ha ga

tsaq Ie ;l d;, dja mj:,q bi g;,q ma t Ihm dje 96. xhii naa, njl nao shih nao kha f naa, iIq djf sjha a l{aO tjhc seq ;)q ;)q tcq tcq tha Ie Ihm dje 97. a dja n1 a, seq ;)q ;)q tcq tcq tha Ie naa, aj:,q a m:5 do f :5 98. aa, sMI) pM 60 It, n:,q hy ma tsM l{C ;l thl l{a 0 :5 dj:5 oa g:5 uq djf sM al) 99. uq du thaI) tMI) t mal) uq du nc dzl :5 h'l It a ;) lJa n:, al) It 100. n:,q a hy ma tsM ao a 0 ;, e dje aj:,q a It 101. t6q t t I)a It 0 e aj:,q It, shal) pM al) mj:,q f I)a dje, a dja nl

xh6 poq a, a dja nl sMI) pM al) mj:,q f naa shal) pM a, mal) tshal) :5 nc Ie I)a dje 103. mal) tshal) :5 Ie naa, she l{;)q al) Ie kaq Oc a, a dja n1 juq 104. Ie a dja nl 60, shal) pM a ga dj:5 la It t naa, hct oa ma 1:5 oa 102.

n:, al) dja mj:,q mj:,q Ie It, tsaq daq laq I)a It 106. mj:,q Ie ;, ma e, ja xha ma dja nja i, oq f I)a dje naa shal) pha 105.

163

[The storyteller corrects herself] There are many hoofprints there, the horses have fought and bitten the buffalo to death. Every horse has been biting, biting the calf to death, eaten it all up. Here, every horse's mouth is all smeared with buffalo blood. I will have to take them away", he said. "I will lead that whole herd home with me", Adjani said. When Adjani had returned home, [the king said) "Adjani has been telling too many lies. If he is so good at lying, he should come to where I live and tell lies!". The king ordered him to come up and see him and sent words to Adjani, "If you can tell lies that well, if you can lie to me so I believe you, then I will see it is true [what people have been telling me). If you can't lie to me so I believe you, then those who came and told me will be made out to be liars", he said. Then two or three days passed and Adjani made a small shelter in the middle of the thatch grass field. After that Adjani went by himself to the king [and said,) "Dh king! A [king) greater than you has arrived and is now in the thatch grass field. He says for you to come on horseback and bow down before him. He says [to let you know) that he, the one who is greater than you, has arrived." Adjani had gone to cheat the king by pretending that [a great king) had arrived and talked like that. So when Adjani told his lie to the king, the king fetched a horse and went on his way, and when he arrived at the shelter, Adjani was asleep. "Where is he, Adjani, where is the [other) king?", he said. "Here, it's me" [Adjani said). "I came to lie to you. You told me to come, and I came in order to lie to you". The king could not charge him with any wrongdoing, when he returned home.

164

SjilREN EOEROD

ICY].

shag phaja xha ma dja nja i oq I:S nc

loS.

thl phu shl YC :S nc a dja nllaq scq nja mal laq scq ~ It

109.

shag pha a d~ t6q t pha gil la naa, ~a, a dja ni dl scq ~ It a b5 uq du ag paq t~q I~ ga dj~ naa, ga dj~ lig lag lag ma ag thl1 puq ~ It

110.

III.

112.

113.

114.

115.

lag lag ma lig thl1 puq ~ It, a b5 b:S rna uq du xaq kha uht nc paq t~q I~ naa laq by mjaq n~ thl ya 0 ga dj~ naa, xh6 ga mag tshlig :S nc a laq by mjaq n~ mag tshlig :S nc 0 gaa a ga I a 0 I~ shahM 60 It gil UM ga dj~ naa, a b5 uq du atjM c paq t~ tM a het, dj~ gaq { a ma I:S~, n:S adjc YC ~ daq I~ :S nc dj:S Ie a dja nl 0, a b5 uq du t naa hct, mc nyq na nja It, Uhuu tjhu saq saql~abl1

116.

mc nyq na a y~ mjlig mla It tjhuu Uhu saq saq I~ a b 11

117.

njril a a tjyq tha I~ mia, hct ma b i tM I~ mla 160 It t naa ma b i tM I~ mla It t nc ga dj~ laq by xhO Yll lig aa ma b i tha I~ mal, ga YC saq la pha a nja It gil nc ga dj~ laq by xhO ya saq la mlil, saq la ~ I:S:), phy la ~ hc It paq t~ la ~ It, ni sjh:S phc aj~q pha phy kha I~ ma It t nc ga dj~a dja nl

118. 119. 120.

121. 122. 123. 124.

125.

xh6 naa, t6q t t :S, laq by xho ya daq I~ :Sa dja ni phy :S laq by tsM m~ xhi> ya j:) my t a dja nl nc paq t~q jaq :S a dja nl a mag tshag :S tjcq bjoq a mag tshag :S tjcq bjoq :S nc a, a kha thl1 { a It, thl1 I ga dj~ naa laq by

d~

baq thl sjaq tcq t dc a ril

dj~ naa, laq by tsM m~ xh6 ya 126.

a 160 a dja nl thl1 puq a kaq la nja It a

So, when he had returned without being able to charge him with any wrongdoing, [the king said], "If (anybody in) the (whole) village can kill Adjani, just kill him!" When they heard the king's words people said: "Oh, we shall kill Adjani!". They tied him to a tree top on the road by the big lake and planned to fell the tree and let him drown. When they had tied him to the top of a big tree in a worn-out woven basket a red-eyed [sick] Chinese came by leading a horse. He happened to come by there leading a horse. "Where are you going, friend", shouted Adjani, who had been tied up in a tree top by the villagers. "Eh? I am going to trade. What are you doing climbing up there in a tree top, Adjani?", he said. "Oh, I feel pain in my eyes and have come up here to bathe them in [the hot steam oil the wet earth. I have felt sick in my eyes for a long time and I came up here to cure them with [the hot steam oil the wet earth. Now I feel a little bit better". "Oh, really. do you feel better?". [the Chinese) said. "Yes, I really feel better". he said to that Chinese. "If you really are better I also want to be cured". that Chinese shouted to him. "If you want to be cured. come and get cured, come and untie me. And then let me tie you instead". he said. In a few days he would come and untie him, Adjani said to him. Then. after these words, that Chinese climbed up and untied Adjani. and the old Chinese was tied up securely by Adjani, whereupon Adjani took the horse and hurried away. After Adjani had taken the horse and hurried away, the Akhas came to fell the tree, and that old Chinese fellow was cursing them in Chinese only. "Oh, it seems to be high time for cutting down the tree and drowning Adjani!

LITTLE CLAUS IN AKHALAND d~ j:l j5 t njaa qja 6 e, laq by baq thi kaq teq t j:l j5 t nja hi nja 60 e a dja ni a It thl1 thl1 t thl1 puq 5

127. laq by a d~

128. laq by tsM

m~ tha 1I"a thl1 puq :" nji nau shm nau X:lq la naa, a dja nl Oq doq I~ mril dj~ 129. rna 0, a dja ni lau lau rna au thl1 puq seq a 1I"a oq doq la ua h5 It t mril dj~

130. mm, n:l maq 01: thl1 puq seq nja rna ua a, pjhU b~ sjhy b~q au i :, 131. sjhy dm ph:' sjhy dm rna djaq ga, d~ dau au tjhi uhU paq t~q b nril a 132. mau tshau 5 01: rna pha oq la 1I"a ua a, n:l maq xaq kha paq t~q neq laq mit 133. mau u:,qfi rna tshau nja a mia ha, de gil j:l dy t djaq ga i :, ba ua a 134. j~ 1I"a naquq Ie hm 5 dzo ~ ni sjh~ d~ dau au Uhi tjhl1 paq t~q paq t~q t t mril dj~ 135. naa, d~ dau au tjhi tjhl1 paq t~ paq t~q t i 5, xha i :, 1I"a, xha ga puq 136. ga puq m~, d~

t ga puq dji naa, a b5 tsM dau au tjhi tjhl1 paq

t~q

5 01:

137. she da djeq a t;)Q a rna ua phil ua Ie a dja nl tha a, sjh( I~ a pha ua It t, t dj5 mril dj~ xhO 1I"a 138. rna i 11 ph:' t, het, auM djeq dj( I ua a 15:l, adje t sjha sjhil t dj5 e n5 1I"a It 139. de puq Ua dj~, xh6 thi 1I"a teq t dj5 a a dja ni e 140. a dja ni ne de puq naa, j:l kh5 kM t sjha n5q n:lq ~ n:l maq bjeq pjhl1 bjeq n~ n~

t

141. a khy a zaq seq seq t It t mril dj~, t naa a zaq seq 5, shil bjeq bjeq 5 142. gy 111 111 5 ne, ga pht sjha tha i, dza la uaa la, a dja nl 0 It t naa 143. dza la uM It, a dja ni ne ga dj:l dj:l 5 dza dji a, dza i pha bjeq tha i

165

He seems to be very clever at speaking Chinese, Adjani's Chinese has become much better", they said and cut the tree down so that he fell into the water and drowned. Two or three days after the old Chinese man had been drowned by their felling the tree Adjani returned. "Damn it!" [the villagersl said "Adjani whom we drowned in the big lake by felling the tree has come back, look there!" "Ha! So you thought you could kill me! I went to silver mines and gold mines where there are nuggets and bars of gold. If you had tied a jar to my buttocks, I would not have come back with just a horse. Because you tied me to a woven basket [with holes in itl I could only take a horse, but I went to a place with many rupees. Everybody prepare to go tomorrow, and tie jars to your buttocks!", he said. So they tied jars to their buttocks and went along, and everybody fell into the water and drowned. When they had all fallen into the water and drowned one old man, who had tied a jar to his buttocks [saidl, "I think they are not squirming like that in order to pick up money, Adjani!, it is because they are dying" , and so he didn't dare to go into the water. "Oh, they have almost taken it all! Why do you hesitate?" Adjani said, and pushed him in so he drowned - the only one who was left. When Adjani had pushed him in [he said to the wivesl, "Hurry up and give each one some food, you should prepare chopped meat [as for an offering to the spiritsl, so kill a dog and a pig!" Then they killed [a dog andl a pig and chopped the meat, and fried it and put it out to them by the road. "Will they come and eat it? Adjani!", they asked. "They have already come to eat it", he said. Adjani had gone all the way around the village and eaten it all up. So they chopped some more.

166

S,sREN EGEROD

144. i nag i nag pha bjeq tba f, dzA hi gM la a dja ni 0 Ie, dzA la gM If f 145. a dja ni e dzA djf a, dje i ma oq doq la ;l, g~ ~ ga a dja n18 sjhf ;l, g~ ~ ga If fnaa 146. sjhf mia If ma ja f a If, j:'J ha njm j:'J ha laq tjhO koq koq f pjaq la I:'J aa 147. j:'J ha ~ xha dze zA pjaq la ~ ma If j:l my pba f na ha tha If f mm dje 148. xh6 ge nag a, a kha njeq 5 zA 10 yoq f ga dje naa, a dja ni 149. zA 10 ;l xh6 taq a kha paq t:'Jq paq t:'Jq f j:'J njm naq luq j:'J njm naq i 150. njm laq tjh6 zA 10 thi hm a kha thi m5 If paq t:'Jq bjag 151. uq giq giq f naa, ma i sjhf mia a dja ni 0 If, gaq njm ye koq mfa, gaq njm koq, gaq njm koq If

152. d:'J t:lq i a dja ni khag tjeq u dji ga dje naa, a dja ni khag tjeq u dji naa 153. a dja ni khag juq ;l k:lq la, gaq khag ma bi juq m bi juq, n:l maq ;l za tjhe tjbe ;l b:l m f mm dje 154. gaq;l za ma khe, gaq ;l za ma khe dee f ga dje 155. juq ;l k:lq la ge a, njm ma khe f khe ge dj5 a, d:'J t:lquq gaq ;l mi za g~ ma la 156. gaq;l mi zA bi g~q e, n:l maq ;l za khe kbel:'Jaafmmdje 157. gaq;l zA khe I:'J a a, n:'Jq mi zA g~q ma dee, gaq zA khe I:'J a a n:'Jq ;l mi zA g~q ma de If f mm dje 158. j:'J Y8 naq i t6q f f naa, juq xaq djf naa, de ma yoq naq m ga dje naa 159. a dja ni a de ma yoq naq m :'J, h:'J tsuq tsuq za zA 5 ne 160. zA j:'J ya naq i d:'J bzo ag de ma yoq naq M tsuq de tshm ne 5 161. xhO naa uq sjM ph:l uq thU thU 5 ne h:l ge a, ma e, gaq za ye khe gM

"What we chopped the second time today, have they come to eat it? Adjani!", they asked. "They came to eat it", Adjani said. It was Adjani who ate it all. "They haven't come home at all, Adjani! It looks as if they are dead!", they said. "You should not say that you think they are dead. But if you hear a sound of scratching at the [outside] comer of your house it will be your husbands who have come to scratch there [because they are dead]. Be sure to listen very well!", he said. That day Adjani caught crabs and picked up bamboo peels. By each and every house he tied a crab on top of the bamboo peels, everywhere he tied one crab and one bamboo peel at the comer of the house. When night had fallen [a woman said], "Oh, they are dead, Adjani! I can hear a sound ofscratching in my house". - [One by one the wives said,] "There is a scratching sound in my house" - "There is a scratching sound in my house". They all fled to Adjani's house, but when time had come for them to sleep in Adjani's house, he said: "I will not let you sleep in my house, I'm afraid your children will shit". "My children don't shit, my children don't shit", they said. When time had come to sleep [Adjani said], "Now you say that they don't shit. But if they do shit, will all of you become my wives? I will make you my wives if your children shit", he said. "If our children shit we will become your wives, if our children shit we will become your wives", they said. Everybody spoke like that. When they were all asleep he steamed some black rice. Then after he had steamed the black rice Adjani formed it into small rice balls, and he stuck some black rice balls into the anus of all the children. Then in the morning when they got up the women looked [and said], "Oh! our children have shit!

LITILE CLAUS IN AKHALAND

za ye khe gM, gaq za ye kM gM, j~ ya naq liiq kM gM e :) ne a 163. a dja nl a ml za gaq dji rna dje naa xho, de rna yoq naq m:) ne h~ tsuq tsuq a, a dja nl ;) ga bq me th;) 164. dji ne naa, a dja nl ;) ga k:lQ ye y~ mja djt djaq ~ b;), phli bi dja sjhli e 162. gaq

167

Our children have shit, our children have shit, everyone has shit" (they said). They all became Adjani's wives then. This is the story of how Adjani cooked black rice and made rice balls. It's finished. There are several stories about Adjani. Let [the tape recorder] talk, please [I want to hear it]!

END Vocabulary a - aa non-sensorial sentence particle: non-expected, non-past, positive context, in statements (non-first person), questions (non-second person), indirect reference (non-third person)1 I a - aa exclamationl I a dzt morel I a dzt dza exceedingly, more than enough/! a kha crab/! a khau stalk, stem/! a 160 - a 160 h6 oh! exclamation I I a mjag how much, how manyI I a sjhl - a shl fruitl I !.!jyg a little I I ~ sandhi form of a (sentence particle)1 I ~ non-sensorial sentence particle: nonexpected, non-past, negative context, in statements (non-first person), questions (non-second person), indirect reference (non-third person) I I a b:) treel I ~ nonsensorial sentence particle: non-expected, past, in statements (non-first person), questions (non-second person), indirect reference (non-third person) I I ~ noun particle: exposure (topic)1 I a b:) old manl I a dia nl Adjani (PN)I I a dit what, whyl I ~ where, whereverl I ~ kind of bushI I ~ where I I a kby sandhi form of a khy/! a kbV - ag khy dog/! a mjau - a mjau 1 always, anyhow/! a njo buffalo/! ~ ~ pigl I MY we (inclusive), used of larger groups (e.g. we Akhas)!! aj~g he, she; used of person known to the speaker!! akha Akha!! illl to have!! illl noun particle: subjugation, direction towards (direction, position, goal, affected object)!! illl to sell!! atjh~ 3rd person pronoun, singular and plural (person or persons unknown to the speaker)/! ba mag group, herd/! ~ to carry/! bc first, before/! b:) final particle, used in certain statementsl! bi to distribute!! sandhi form of bill bi bag let take!! bi gag to be made to be! I bi i let gol! bi to throwaway!! b:) a I fear, that's what I fear!! b:) dug a bush!! ~ tradesman!! b:) thau old man (Shan)!! b:) ti intestines!! ~ ore mine!! ~ full, to the full!! bjcg to chop up (meat)!! bicg ne chopped meat (blood added)!! bjcg pjhU chopped meat (no blood added)!! bjcg pjhU bjcg ne chopped meat!! bjcg pjhU bjcg ne ne to prepare chopped meat (for an offering)!! bjog to disappear, to be all gone, away!! ~ to climb up; up; south!! de - dee final particle!! dc ma field, wet field!! dc ma 1(09 nag black rice!! dt scold, curse; push/! dt ga rupee/! Qfg alive/! d:) strong/! da some/! ~ to cut/! di to beat/! di stg to beat to death, to kill/! dIh classifier, log, beam, bar/! ddt ma log, bar!! dIh pM disintegrated pieces, nuggets!! QQg to come out, go out, out!! d~ word, speech/! d~ bag language/! d~ bjo anus/! d~ bzo = d~ bio/! d~ dag buttocks!! d~ t:)g i everyone, all! I d~ t:)gug - d~ t:)g lug everyone, all!! dti alike, likely!! dja i = dza ill ~ to tell!! dja mj~g to tell a lief I djag to believe!! djag to have, to harbor (bad feelings), (bad things) to happen!! ~ particle indicating what another person has said!! dje gag to trade!! ~ at all (negative context)!! gjf kind,

m

168

St1lREN EGEROD

sort; see also a djcl I djeg scrape, scrape upl I !!if complete, completely, all I I !M to stay, to live, to havel I dza i to do it againl I dza to eatl I dze away I I dza to go pastl I dzi to ridell dZQ to set out (on an expedition)1I ~ non-sensorial sentence particle: non-expected, non-past, positive context, in statements (first person), questions (second person), indirect reference (third person)1 I ~ sandhi form of el I ~ nonsensorial sentence particle: non-expected, past, positive context, in statements (first person), questions (second person), indirect reference (third person)1 I ~ final particle II f to tell, sayll f adverbial particle II e = ne noun particle II ~ verb particle: adjugation and nominalization, non-pastl I ~ sandhi form of a or MI ~ verb particle: adjugation and nominalization, past tensel I ~ noun particle: adjugation (possessive, genitive, modificationl I ~ exclamation; yesl I a;) exclamationl I ~ place, at; case, instance I I ga dj::> the path around the village I I ga dj::> dj::> to follow the path around the villagel I ga dj:; main path, much traveled pathl I ga k::>g about, concerning; story I I ~ to fall! I ~ on the road I I ~ to hearl I ~ place, time, time when (cf. ga and gaa)1 I gM case (item, phenomenon), in case, if (cf. gaa and ga)1I ~ to trade II ~ to use, take, accept; to be, to become I I gm together, in a groupl I ~ there I I g!! to cry, call outl I gu tjh:; to callout in response or in order to make contactl I gy to count, recite I I gy dry I I &Y..N to fry without water, to make a curry I I \"a all overl I \"a to finish, all the way, to the endl I \"a person, classifier for persons I I ~ mid, middlel I \"an tjhe in the middle I I \"e to dol I \"e thenl I \"e particle I I \"e \"a to do something till one has finished, to do to the endl I \";) to pulll I !QQ. to pick up, take I I !QQ. paddy I I \":; mja many I I \":; mjan a long timel I h;} this I I h;} ga herell ha mjag this much, this many/! he - het exclamation/! hID classifier/! h::> to try, to see/! h:'l rice, meal/! h5 [the only word with this vowel] there! look there!1 I hY bigl I! to gol I i khan housel I i - i = nil I i nan today I I .ill to loosen, get loose/! ja xha accusation, case, charge/! must/! ja tjig chicken/! ja tjig ph6 cock, roosterl l.@g to stay overnight, spend the night in somebody else's house, to keep in a placel I ~ prefix for adjectivesl I j:> be first, beforel I j:> de de e smooth, undisturbedll j::> dcg alive II E..Q.Y very, much, many II ~ clever/! j::> gag gag t plenty of, in plenty I I j::> jS t very muchl I j::> kha fast I I j::> I:; I:; t disturbed, scuffed I I j::> my good, well/! j::> xag much, loud, strongl I j::> xag xag t strongly, violently, loudl I ~ every I I j:; djc nagug every case I I j:'l ... nag i every onel I j:; ... nagug every oneIl j:; ha own I I ,mg to lie down I I jug xag to lie down to sleep, to sleep I I ~ sound, kind of sound (not an Akha word)1 I ~ to reach I I ~ dry, dried; sound of scratching, knockingl I !Qg to bitel I kha downl I kha i to go by I I khag - i khag housel I kbe to shitl I khu call, shoutl I!! to cornel I!! non-sensorial sentence particle, excluding one explicit assumption, non-past, in statements (non-first person), questions (non-second person), indirect reference (non-third person)1 I!! tongue I I la gag gag to stutterl I !!!I wrap, encoffinl I !ill1 a lakel I lag ni - lag i all! I ~ to do, make, cause to bel I lag d;) act violently, pretend to be strong, play toughl I ~ indicates direction towards speaker; oncel I lag bY Chinese I I lag tjhO outside comer of housel I ~ to gol I ~ non-sensorial sentence particle, excluding one explicit assumption, non-past, in statements (first person), questions (second person), indirect reference (third person)1 I ~ sandhi form of lei I ~ to come, enterl I ~ non-sensorial sentence particle, excluding one explicit assumption, past, in statements (first person), questions (second person), indirect reference (third person)1 I ~ to cornel I !f particle for quotation; all rightl I !f. here, that thing here, let me have this thing (that thing close by); cfthel I!f. wherel I lc hID to make

.rn

LnTLE CLAUS IN AKHALAND

169

preparations, to get ready II !fg to rub, smearll 160 exclamationll !Qg like, as, thusl I 16g t - 16 t like, as, thusl I !QQ. to guard, to watchl I 15 - 15:> - 15:' final particle I 112 sandhi form ofl:)! I I:> DIn a if, in case, in such a casel I ~ final particle I I hi to fryll !Yg continue, ... -ing; alill m to do; to cook (rice)1I m non-sensorial sentence particle, non-first person prime mover: ought to, mustl I m short form of rna 'not'll ill the skyll m bja bja hi to dawnll rna non-sensorial sentence particle: expected, non-past, in statements (first person), questions (second person), indirect reference (third person)1I rna dm coffinll rna e exclamation; oh!1I rna i exclamation; oh!1I mal if, as forll rna b i truly, certainlyll rna 0 exclamation; damn it!1 I rna sandhi form of mat I rna bigl I rna notl I rna non-sensorial sentence particle: expected, past, in statements (first person), questions (second person), indirect reference (third person) I I rna dji not complete, all gonel I rna tshe more than I I ~ horse I I maD ug du ne on horsebackl I mag group, flockl I mt non-sensorial sentence particle: expected, non-past, in statements (non-first person), questions (non-second person), indirect reference (non-third person)1 I me sandhi form of mtl I me nyg = mjag nyg eye I I mt non-sensorial sentence particle: expected, past, in statements (non-first person), questions (non-second person), indirect reference (non-third person)1 I mt bi> mouth, snoutl I mia sensorial sentence particle, expected, direct, non-visuall I mla sensorial sentence particle, indirect, nonvisuall I mie because (non-past)1 I mit because (past)1 I ml za wifel I mm exclamation; yes!1I mm exclamation; ha!/I mm = ~ m noun particle plus sentence particlel I m5 piece, individual, classifierl I m5 do body, selfl I m:> ne cowl I m:> ne m5 za calfl I m:, old, not youngl I mu group, flockl I m:,g to want toll mjag eyel I mjag amount, see a mjaq and ha mjaql I mj:,g to cheatl I na sickl I na ha to listenl I na bt snotl I na bt na kog dried snotl I na b:) earl I na b:, deaf ear, deafl I naa when, ifl I .!!ruJ. dayll MQ blackll MQ that much, that many, all; see tha naq naq til nag i that many, each, every II nagug - nag lug each, every II ne redll ne noun particle: subjugation, direction from (origin, instrument, agent); also used after verb particle 5 with sense of 'after', 'when' I I ne sandhi form of ntl I nt to, for; to cause, to give (away from speaker)1 I ~ to, for; to cause, give (towards speaker; established fact)1 I ~ together withl I ni adverbial particle I I ni sjh:, tomorrow I I ni sjb:) ~ day after tomorrow, two days later, a few days later, in a few daysl I n:, thou, you (singular)1 I n:> mag you (plural) I I n:, in n:, ag 'thee, you, to you etc.' I I n:, final particle, often imperative I I n5:, final particle, more likely than notl I n5g n:>g to keep on doing something, one after the otherl I ~ thy, your (singular), also n:,q ~ - (more commonly) n:, MI non-sensorial sentence particle: first person prime mover: shaU, willI I ~ can, able tol I ~ sensorial sentence particle: non-expected, direct, non-visual I I sensorial sentence particle: non-expected, indirect, non-visualll njaa sandhi form of nja 'able to' II njtg to catch, grabll !ill little II nji no in a little while II !ill twoll !lim nowll njm housell !l! 1st person pronoun, '1'1 I !l! sensorial sentence particle: non-expected, direct, visual I I ~ sandhi form of gat I !l! 1st person pronoun in ga ag, 'me, to me, etc.' II !l! sensorial sentence particle: non-expected, indirect, visuall I ~ sensorial sentence particle: expected, direct, visual II !l.aA sandhi form of gil 'sentence particle'll !1M sensorial sentence particle: expected, indirect, visuall I ~ 1st person pronoun 'my', also gaq ~ - (more commonly) ga ~I I ~ to be stuckI I ge - ge I when, at the time to forgetl I ~ sandhiform of ~I I gagi - g~gfi to not be so, unlessl I .Q whenl I - 60 exclamationl I Q sandhi form of 61 I og - og Ie to returnl I Q. to cornel I ~ verb

nrn nrn

ni

170

SjilREN EGEROD

particle: subjugation Goining verb to verb)/! 5 ne after, whenl I ~ final particle for imperative I I :,g hi ripe, ripenl I ~ to breakl I ~ to tie, hold I I ~ to tie upl I .QQg time, occasion I I ~ to put into water, to drownl I PM also, again, necessaryll .I!M ought to, should, would like to; perhapsll phM sandhi form of pha/I ~ to darel I ~ disintegrated, scattered I I Ph!! village I I ~ to meetll PM to untiell ~ to pick (fruit); to scratchll pjhe za - phe za footprintll pjM silver; whitel I ~ steam, to steamll ~ to killl I seg :>g = she '1(:>gl I sha bjeg - sjha bjeg chopped meatl I sM bjeg bjeg to chop meatl I sMMi friendl I shan pM ruler, kingll sM jewel, amuletl I she da satang, moneyl I she '1(:>g a shelter/! shl see sjhll I shtfi threel I shIh sandhi form of shtfi before high and middle tonesl I sjag sound, kind of sound (not an Akha word)1 I ~ fluent, fluently I I sjha to feed I I sjha to lookl I sjha to try, ask for: pleasel I sjM to be in trouble, hard up, poor, to be in seven minds/! .ill!! to diel I ~ sandhi form of sjhll I sjhi - shi round object; cf a sjhll I .ill!! blood I I .ill!! time(s)1 I sjh-y gold; yellowl I ill9. sidell !f.9...!fg small (? the text may be wrong)1 I !fg only, simply, nothing butt I ~ to squirm, toss and tum I I t6g - t6g t like this, like that, thusl I t6g 16g - tog 16g thus I I !Qg to peckl I t:>g i all of theml I ~ to fastenll tha don'tl I tM to keep, to have on hand; on handl I tM to let off, to free from a debtl I tM Ie to get better, to recoverl I tMg to hit, to pound, to bump intol I tMn phil to meetl I the there, that thing there; cf Itl I tha that, that there I I tha ga therell tha nag nag t that much, up to that pointl I thi dje repetition form of thi djel I thi m5 repetition form of thi mSI I thi onel I thi dje one thing, anythingl I thl li Ii the whole lengthl I thl mS one individual! I thl phu shl the whole village I I thO to have said so, just as I said, just as you saidl I tM to cut down a treel I tM pug to cut down so it falls into the waterll !kg to runll tjig mjtg goatl I tjhag to walkl I tjM tjhe shit I I !iM dilapidated, worn-out I I ~ fight, in competition I I tjhl tjM metal pot,jarl I ~ to urge, appeal I I tjhil- tjhilu tjhil- tjhil a tjhil hot spring, wet earth/! tsag to order, let know, send wordsl I tsag to pluck, to pickl I tsug to wad, make rice into ballsl I tshit right, correctl I tshag to lead an animal, to take an animal with you, to take, it away I I tsM see ma tsMI I tshIh stuckI I tsM hit people, personl I tsM m:, old person/! !! to enter, put intol I !! final particle for what is considered a good ideal I ilg bja bja la to dawn I I ilg du sandhi form of ilq dill I !!g dil head, topl I ilg dil tMn to bow down, kowtow, salute I I ilg dji sjM - sM thatch grass field I I ilg sjM ph:> in the morning I I ilg thu tM to get up early, to be up at dawnl I !!9...!i!g night I I ilg tUg sha '1(ag midnightl I ilg tilg tjlg i night fallsl I ~ see j:> xaqll xag kha woven baskett I !Qg return, backl I x:>g la (for time) to passl I x:,gl also, even if, orl I xha all! I xM dze za husbandl I xh6 that, yonl I xh6 d~ some (people) there/! xh6 ga therel I xh6 g5 over therel I xh6 '1(e thenl I xh6i69 e like that I I xh6 naa thenll xh6 ne at that timell xh6 ge nan a that dayl I xh06 stillll xhM-xh061 I y to assemble, gatherl I za - ja to getll za child, young one; smalill zit Ie) - ja Ie) - zag Ie) the peels at the bottom of bamboo plantsll zag = jagl I

Bibliography Brun, Viggo (1976). Sug, the Trickster who Fooled the Monk. Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies Monograph 27. Egerod, S~ren and Inga-Lill Hansson. (1974). An Akha conversation on death and funeral. Acta Orientalia 36, 225-284.

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- - . (1976). Aspects of Akha grammar. Lampang Reports, Scandinavian Institute of Asian Studies Special Publication 5, 231-243. Matisoff, James A. (1979). Trickster and the Village Women. Paper presented at the International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Linguistics, Paris.

MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE OF THE PRONOMINAL AND VERB SYSTEMS IN TWO PRONOMINALIZED HIMALAYAN LANGUAGES MICHAEL SHERARD

Doshisha University Kyoto, Japan

The majority of the Tibeto-Burman languages are characterized by a predomination of monosyllabic morphemes and a lack of complex morphological structuring. The typical word order in these languages is SUBJECT + OBJECT + VERB. On the other hand, within the domain of what is usually considered the Tibeto-Burman area, there exists a substantial group of languages with a complex morphology markedly different from that usually associated with the Tibeto-Burman or Sino-Tibetan groups. These languages, which are found in profusion in Nepal and the central Himalayas, are traditionally termed pronominalized languages. This term refers to the direct fusion to the verb form itself of the various subject and object pronouns-a phenomenon typical of the group. Roughly this block of pronominalized languages can be divided into two groups, the Eastern and Western strains. The Eastern pronominalized languages include the minor Khambu group (Thulung, Dumi, Limbu, Yakha, etc.), Bahing, Vayu, and others. Kanawari, Bunan, Janggali, and the like are members of the Western pronominalized group. If we put aside the question of the deviant morphology of the various pronominalized languages and concentrate solely on the phonological aspects, quite a good case can be made for establishing a genetic relationship between these languages and other non-pronominalized languages of the Tibeto-Burman family. In other words it is possible to compile lists of cognates such that one is able-and not too unconvincingly-to posit an underlying structure that hints at a common parent tongue for both the pronominalized and the non-pronominalized languages. However, the striking differences in morphological structure could as easily lead one to believe that these pronominalized languages are an

MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

173

outgrowth of substrata entirely different from those upon which the surrounding non-pronominalized Tibeto-Burman languages are apparently based. One ideal solution to this problem would of course be a detailed comparative study of both the pronominalized and non-pronominalized morphological systems leading to a reconstruction of a common morphological structure for a hypothetical proto-language. Unfortunately a real lack both of data and rigorous comparative phonological work on these languages makes it premature to attempt a formal study in comparative mOl1?hology. This paper is thus a contrastive study of the salient aspects of two Eastern pronominalized languages, Vayu and Bahing. There are a number of reasons behind the choice of these two particular languages of the Eastern group for a study such as this. First and most important is the available data source. Hodgson (1880) Miscellaneous Essays Relating to Indian Subjects (especially Volume One) is a valuable source of information on the Vayu and Bahing verb and pronoun systems. The Hodgson material is not especially well organized from the contemporary theoretical point of view, and for the most part it is presented in the form of traditional European verb conjugations where the Bahing and Vayu forms are predictably shuffled and sorted so as best to correspond with classical Latin paradigms. Even so it remains one of the best extant collections of original data available on the pronominalized Himalayan languages.· Practically all of the material on these two languages in Grierson's Linguistic Survey of India, for example, is taken directly from Hodgson. The second reason for focusing on these two languages is the interesting situation that, even though at first glance Bahing and Vayu appear to have much in common in their morphological systems, a phonological investigation of the two languages does not lead one to the conclusion that they are even somewhat closely related. From the Hodgson data I was able to compile a working data set composed of approximately two-thirds of the items on the standard 100 word Swadesh list. I supplemented this with a list of other "common" or "basic" items not traditionally included in the standard list. The result was disappointing: only a very small number of immediately identifiable cognates. In fact, from this information alone, and in spite of the fact that the two languages are physically in close proximity to each other in the central Himalayas, I would be less tempted to relate Bahing and Vayu to each other than each of them in turn to other more geographically distant ·See especially section II "On Himalayan Ethnology" which includes: "Comparative Vocabulary of the Tribes of Nepal" • "Vocabulary ofthe Dialects ofthe Kiranti Language", "Grammatical Analysis of the Vayu Language". and "Analysis ofthe 8ahing Dialect of the Kiranti Language".

174

MICHAEL SHERARD

Tibeto-Burman languages. Bahing-Sunwar, for instance, seems a more apt comparison than Bahing-Vayu. So, although I am by no means proposing to attempt a reconstruction here, it is interesting to point out the very marked similarities in morphology in these two languages which do not seem to correspond particularly well in phonological terms. Vayu and Bahing, as all the pronominalized languages, are characterized by a wealth of complex morphological formations. It is not feasible to present an exhaustive treatment of all the important aspects of the morphology of the two languages in a short paper such as this; for this reason and because of the nature of the Hodgson data I have chosen to limit the investigation at this stage to the structure of the verb and pronoun in Bahing and Vayu. This is not entirely unmotivated, however, as the analysis of the verb often seems to be the logical place to start in the analysis of any language. My main concern in this study has been to point out the similarities and differences in morphological structure as opposed to contrasting specific morphological types within the two languages. That is, I have concentrated on the contrasts in order of the slots and not especially on the differences or similarities in the various slot ftIlers. It is interesting to note, however, that the two languages appear to divide up the world of experience in very similar ways: both languages make the distinctions singular:dual:plural subject; inclusive :exclusive first person plural; singular:dual:plural object; they both have basically the same time framework: no distinction made between present and future; and so on, even though the final surface output in the one language may bear no apparent phonological resemblance to that in the other. I shall point out the more obvious similarities as they come up, but a full treatment of comparisons of this sort would be better handled in a discussion of the semantic structure and would require at the least a degree of practical control of these languages before speculating seriously about their ultimate relationships based only on morphological data. Both Bahing and Vayu verbs and pronouns are typically a base form modified by mUltiple affixation, usually suffixation. Discussion will center around the classification of base forms and analysis of the type and position of the inflectional affixes. A. Personal Pronouns Bahing There are two parallel sets of personal pronouns in Bahing, both fully inflected. One set (A) functions both as subject and object pronouns (I:me, he:him, etc.). Evidently these pronouns can be modified only by a

175

MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

very few instrumental affixes, yielding forms such as 'with me', 'by me' and the like. The second set (B), roughly dative, in its unmodified form corresponds to English possessive personal pronouns (my, his, etc.). The forms in this group may have appended to them any of a more extensive set of affixes roughly directional in nature, resulting in such forms as 'in me' or 'from me'. Both sets of pronouns are inflected for person (1st exclusive, 1st inclusive, 2nd, 3rd) and number (singular, dual, plural). Bahing personal pronouns are outlined below. 2 Chart I Bahing Personal Pronouns3 1st/singular

A go

'1', 'me'

B

wa

'my'

+nung 'with me' +mi 'by me'

--+

+ke'mine' +kegaware 'in me' +kedi 'into me' +keding 'from me' +kela 'towards me' + kelang 'from towards me' +ketaure '(behave) towards me' + kenung 'with me' +pumdi 'near me'

NOTE: These resemble first plural forms. 1st/dual

{ si (incl.) } 'we 2' go- suku (excl.) 'us 2' ,

--+

+nung +mi +taure

{

Hincl.)}. -SI wa- (excl.)

'our 2'

+ke +kegaware +kedi +keding +kela +kelang +pumdi (continued)

21t is difficult to determine from the data whether some of these affixes (e.g., the directionals and instrumentals) are true bound affixes or function otherwise as more movable particles. In any event with the exception of nung and taure (which appear "unbound") the attachment of these forms is morphologically determined by the pronoun class. 3The transcription used here is not phonemic; I have faithfully represented all forms as they appear in Hodgson except that (I) I have left out all the accent marks (" ''') since Hodgson's marking of them is apparently internally inconsistent and in any event is of no help in the morphophonemic solution, and (2) I have assumed that his "abrupt tone" (" ''') is phonetically [?] and that his initial "gn" is [I)].

176

MICHAEL SHERARD

Chart I (Continued) 1st/plural

P

(in) } 'we all' go- ku (ex) 'us all' '

{

i- (in)} k wa- (ex) - e

'our all'

-+ +ke (=ikke, wakke)

+nung +mi

+gware +di +ding +Ia + lang +taure +pumdi NOTE: -ke on suffix lost except for ikke, wakke. The -ke plural marker makes these forms look like 2nd singular.

2nd/singular

'you'

ga

i 'your'

+nung +mi

+ke +kegware +kedi +keding +kela +kelang +ketaure +pumdi

2nd/dual

ga-si

'you 2'

i-si

'your 2' +ke + (ke)gware +kedi(ng) +kela(ng) + (ke)taure +pumdi

+nung +mi

2nd/plural

ga-ni

'you all'

+nung +mi

i-ni

'your all' +ke +gware +kedi(ng) +kela(ng) +taure +pumdi

MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

177

Chart I (Continued) 3rdlsingular

harem 'he, she, it', 'him, her'

a

'his, hers, its'

+nung +mi

+ke + (ke)gware +kedi(ng) +kela(ng) +ketaure +pumdi (or all with harem+ke, etc. A:B distinction breaking down in 3rd person)

3rdldual

harem dau-si 'they 2, etc.' 'them 2, etc.'

a-si

'their 2' +ke + (ke)gware +kedi(ng) +kela(ng) +ketaure +pumdi

+nung +mi

(or all with harem dausi+ke, etc.) 3rdlplural

harem dau +nung +mi

'they all, etc.' 'them all, etc.'

a-ni

'their all' +ke + (ke)gware +kedi(ng) +kela(ng) +taure +pumdi

(or all with harem dau+ke, etc.)

Note that what may have well been earlier distinctions are now lost in Bahing as recorded by Hodgson. The dative marker -ke has the same shape as one ofthe plural markers -ke; this results in a concommitant loss in distinction between most of the I st person singular (B) forms and the first person plural exclusive (B) forms. For the same reason many of the 2nd person singular (B) forms are indistinct from the 1st person plural

176

MICHAEL SHERARD

inclusive (B) forms. Similarly the 1st person dual (B) forms are identical with the 2nd person dual (B) forms. From the nature of the data it would not be unreasonable to suspect that distinctions may well be maintained by contrastive tones. The forms go, gosoku, goku (1st person singular/dual/plural-exclusive) and harem, harem dausi, harem dau (3rd person singular/dual/plural) indicate to me that Bahing number seems to split first into singular and nOll-singular. Of the two, singular is the marked state. Non-singular is then divided into a specific non-singular dual, which is the marked member of the pair of non-singular states, and an unspecific, unmarked nonsingular plural. This can be seen more easily from the combined BahingVayu chart below (Chart III). Here -si:-s- is clearly the dual marker, but aside from this categorization it appears fruitless to assign underlying values or glosses to all the other inflectional affixes and then derive the surface forms through some morphophonemic process. A simple formula for Bahing personal pronouns would be something like the following. { STEM A} STEM B a

+ INFLECTIONAL AFFIX + {INSTRUMENTAL} (number & person)

DIRECTIONAL

a

The a indicates that if STEM A is chosen in a single pass through the rule only INSTRUMENTAL will be generated as a suffix, and so forth. Vayu Vayu also has two parallel sets of personal pronouns which are completely analogous to those in Bahing. These sets encompass the same semantic distinctions. Set A: l:me, he:him, etc., and set B: my, his, etc. parallel Bahing. The only affix other than inflectional affixes that is associated with set B is -ha the instrumental 'by me', etc. Here Vayu does differ noticeably'from Bahing in that the affix -nung 'with me', etc., which has the same phonetic shape in both languages, is associated with set B rather than set A in Bahing. Both sets of pronouns are inflected for the same categories of persons and numbers as in Bahing: 1st exclusive/inclusive, 2nd, 3rd, singular, dual, plural. As opposed to Bahing, however, it appears that all these grammatical distinctions are rigidly maintained b}' phonological contrasts in Vayu. Vayu makes gender distinctions in the 3rd person dual forms (masculine: feminine:neuter); these have no counterpart in Bahing. The Vayu forms are given in Chart II.

179

MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

Chart II

1st/singular B

A

go '1', 'me'

ang

'my' +mu'mine' +be 'in(to)/at me' + khen 'from me' +nung 'with me'

+ha 'by me' g'ha

Ist/duaf4 go-nakpu

'we 2' 'us 2'

(ex.) { ang- } (in.) ung- -chi

+ha

'our 2'

+mu +be +khen +nung

1st/plural go-khata 'we all' 'us all'

(~x.) { ang(m.) ung-

}-ki

'our all'

+mu +be +khen +nung

+ha

2nd/singular gon 'you'

ung

+ha

'your' +mu +be +khen +nung

2nd/dual gon-chhe +ha

'you 2'

ung-chhi 'your 2' +mu +be +khen +nung

(continued) 4The dual marker is a variant of the Vayu form for 'two'; this is a fairly widespread phenomenon in Tibeto-Burman languages.

180

MICHAEL SHERARD

Chart II (Continued) 2nd/plural

NOTE: Hodgson lists no 2nd person plural forms in his paradigms; this must be a mistake. He gives the form gonekhata for 'you plural' elsewhere in his vocabulary lists. This resembles the 1st person plural. 3rd/singular

wathi

'he, she, it' 'him, her'

+ha

wathim

'his, hers, its'

+mu +be +khen +nung

3rd/dual

fnakPu (m)} wathi- -nangmi (0 'they 2' -nayung (n) +ha GENDER

rnakPum (m)} wathim- -nangmim (0 'their 2' -nayung (n) +mu +be +khen (m + m- m) +nung

3rd/plural

wathi-khata +ha

'they all'

wathim-katham

'their all'

I:::"

+khen +nung

Note that the 1St person singular forms in both languages (set B) resemble the 1st person exclusive forms in dual and plural. One might expect just the opposite. It is interesting that only pronouns of set B in Vayu make this inclusive:exclusive distinction. A formula for Vayu personal pronoun structure would look much the same as that for Bahing, with two differences: the instrumental:directional distinction is not so neat in Vayu, and it is necessary to include the gender distinctions. The similarity between the final forms of both the stems and affixes in these two languages is striking, particularly since set B looks as if it may be phonologically related to set A, differing by only a factor of an initial velar element in both languages.

MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

{ STEM A} + INFLECTIONAL AFFIX + STEM B a (number & person)

181

INSTRUMENTAL (-ha) DIRECTIONAL (-mu, -be, -khen, -nung) a

(with the further restriction) MASC.} 3rd:Dual- 3rd:Duai + { FEM. NEUT. B. Other Pronominal Classes There are two additional sets of pronouns which are entirely parallel in both languages: I) the demonstrative pronouns (this, that, etc.) and 2) the set of interrogative/distributive pronouns which function as 'who': 'anyone': 'someone', depending on context. Vayu Demonstrative Pronouns Vayu Demonstrative pronouns are divided into near and remote and distinguish three numbers: singular, dual, and plural. As with the personal pronouns, there is the A:B distinction ('this': 'of this', etc.); the same affixes may be attached to each group: -ha to A, -mu, -be, -khen, -nung to B. Also paralleling the personal pronouns, a threeway gender distinction is maintained for the dual forms only. Bahing Demonstrative Pronouns The demonstrative pronouns in Bahing parallel those in Vayu in every respect except: I) there is no A:B distinction in Bahing here; all the instrumental and directional affixes attach to one set of pronouns, and 2) as before, with the personal pronouns, there is no gender distinction anywhere. Singular:dual:pluralin both near and remote are distinguished. Interrogative & Distributive Pronouns Both languages have two types: human and non-human. Singular:dual:plural distinctions are maintained in both sets in both languages; Vayu again maintains a gender distinction (two-way here) in the dual

i

-

a

-

ga

harem

1st INCL

2nd

3rd

Near

yam

wa

go

1st EXCL

DEMONSTRATIVE

B

A

PERSONAL

SINGULAR

a-si

haremdau-si

yam-dau-si

i-si

i-si

wa-si

B

ga-si

go-si

go-suku

A

DUAL

Bahing

yam-dau

a-ni

i-ni

ga-ni haremdau

i-ke

wa-ke

B

go-i

go-ku

A

PLURAL

i

{

i + -nakpu. } -nangml -nayang

-nangmim -nayang

r~}

-nangmlm -nayang

-nakPu~} inung

{

wathim +

wathi + { -nakpu (m)} -nangmi (f) -nayang (n)

wathi

wathim

ang-chi

B

ung-chhi

ung-chi

go-nakpu

A

DUAL

Vayu

gon-chhe

ung

-

ang

B

gon

go

A

SINGULAR

Chart III

B ang-ki

i-khata

wathikhata

inungkhatam

wathimkhatam

(gone-khata)

ung-ki

go-khata

A

PLURAL

I r

N

00

-

A

+nung + mi

B

+dau-si

+dau

mara-dau

su-dau

myam-dau

+ke + (ke )gware + (ke)di(ng) +kela(ng) + (ke)taure +pumdi

mara-dau-si

su-dau-si

myam-dau-si

If no A:B distinction all pronouns take entire set of affixes.

Bahing

+0

NOUNS

Pronouns:

mara

su

myam

Non-human

INTERROGATIVE & DISTRIBUTIVE Human

Remote

su

A

+0 +ha

minung

mische

Vayu

mi

B

{

}

mi + { -nakPUm} -nangmim -nayang

+mu +be +khen +nung

+nayung

mische-nayung

su(na) + {nakPu .} nangml

mi + -nakpu -nangmi -nayang

minungkhatam

+khata

mische-khata

su(na)-khata

mi-khata

I

IN

00

....

~ ~

en

I

184

MICHAEL SHERARD

human forms. There is no A:B distinction in either language: all affixes attach to each pronoun. Note the similarity of shapes of these pronouns in Bahing and Vayu: Chart III on pgs. 182 and 183. C. Nouns Nouns are inflected for singular:dual:plural in both languages paralleling the pronouns. There is no gender distinction in either language. Bahing

N +

Vayu N +

{SING}

{0}

{SING}

{0}

DUAL -+ N + PL a

DUAL -+ N + PL a

dausi dau

a

nakpo khata a

D. Verbs Bahing Bahing verb stems are separated into morphologically determined classes, and each morphological class can be categorized into different phonologically determined sets, as shown in the outline on pgs. 185-188. From the examples shown in the outline and additional information from Hodgson, the following general statements can be made about Bahing verbs: I.

Tense/Mood A. Present and future tense are not distinguished. B. Past and present are distinguished in all cases (see, for example, 'come' and 'eat'). C. There is a distinct class of imperatives inflected for number (sing:dual:plural) of both agent and object-all combinations are possible. (see 'eat') D. A highly complex tense/mood structure is maintained by regular affixation (usually suffixation); included in this system are: infinitive, participles, gerund, reflexives, passive, SUbjunctive, and causal.

184

MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

Outline of Bahing Verb Stem Classes A.

Transitive (No phonological conditioning)

Features in citation form 5 which govern phonologically determined sub-classes.

B.

Examples

AI.

-w-

blawo 'take', mewo 'vomit', jawo 'eat'6

A2.

-1)-

kwongo 'see', songo 'tell'

A3·

Stop (p, t, k, d)

pokko 'raise', bippo 'suck', breto 'summon'

A4.

Sonorant (m, n, r, I)

pherro 'sew', lammo 'search', punno 'beg for'

Intransitive BI.

-s-

niso 'sit', riso 'laugh'

B2. B3·

-t-

ngito 'afraid', jito 'torn'

B3·

-1)-

glwaungo 'win', lengo 'return'

B4·

(anything else)

bokko 'get up', piwo 'come' ( continued)

5Hodgson gives the imperative form as the citation form corresponding to English infinitives. 6Underlined forms have partial paradigms shown following this section.

186

MICHAEL SHERARD

Outline of Bahing Verb Stem Classes (Continued) jawo 'eat' Trans PRESENT:Future

SING

DUAL

PLURAL

jasa jasuku

jaya jaka

Agent: Object

janga~

jasa~

jaka~

jangami

jasami

jakami

2

sg. duo pI.

jayi jayasi jayami

jasi jasisi jasimi

jani janisi janimi

3 3 3

sg. duo pI.

jawa jawasi jawami

jase jasesi jasemi

jame jamesi jamemi

-

in ex

I I

2 2

PAST

jatong jatongsi jatongmi

jatasa jatasuku jatasasi jatasami

jantayo jantako jantakosi jantakomi

japteu japteusi japteumi

jata~

2

s d p

jatasisi jatasimi

jantani jantanisi jantanimi

3 3 3

s d p

japta japtasi japtami

jatase jatasesi jatasemi

jamtame jamtamesi jamtamemi

jawo jawosi jawomi

jase jasesi jasemi

jane janesi janemi

I I I

2 2

object s d p

janga

s s d p

I

IMPERATIVE

-

sg. sg. duo pI.

I I

in x

agent

Outline of Bahing Verb Stem Classes (Continued) kwongo 'see it' Trans. sg:sg PRES I

2

3

kwongu kwongi kwo

pokko 'raise' Trans sg:sg I

2

3

PRES pogu pogi poga

lammo 'search for' Trans sg:sg PRES I

2

3

lamu lami lam

niso 'sit' Intrans sg

PRES I

2

3

nisinga nise mse -

ngito 'afraid' Intrans sg I

2

3

PRES

nginga ngine ngi

glwaungo 'win' Intrans sg PRES g1waunga 2 glwaunge 3 glwau I

187

PAST kwotong kwoteu kwota

PAST poktong pokteu pokta

PAST lamtong lamteu lamta

PAST nisti niste nista

PAST ngiti ngite ngita

PAST g1wauti glwaute glwauta

( continued)

188

MICHAEL SHERARD

Outline of Bahing Verb Stem Classes (Continued) piwo 'come' Intransitive

INDICATIVE PRESENT:Future

SING

lin IX 2

3

PAST

IX

3

PLURAL

pinga piye pi

pisa pisuku pisi pise

piya pika pini pime

piti pite pita

pitasa pitasuku pitasi pitase

pintayo piktako pintani pimtame

pinga khedda piye khedda pi khedda

pisa khedda pisuku khedda pisi khedda pise khedda

piya khedda pika khedda pini khedda pime khedda

pingawa khedda piyewa khedda piwa khedda

pisawa khedda pisukuwa khedda pisiwa khedda pisewa khedda

piyawa khedda pikawa khedda piniwa khedda pimewa khedda

botu boti bota

botisa botisuku botisi botise

botiya botika botini botime

botti botte botta

bottasa bottasuku bottasi bottase

bottayo bottako bottani bottame

lin 2

DUAL

SUBJUNCTIVE PRESENT:Future

lin IX 2

3

PAST

lin IX 2

3

boto 'flower' Intrans (acts like Trans)

INDICATIVE PRESENT:Future

lin IX 2

3

PAST

lin IX 2

3

189

MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

2. Person & number Person (1st incl., 1st excl., 2nd and 3rd) and number (sing:dual:plural) distinction is maintained strictly throughout all tenses and conjugations for the agent. Number of object (sing:dual:plural) distinctions is maintained for agents of all number; there are regular suffixes with no suppletion. 3. Auxiliary verbs and compound tenses are common in Bahing. Auxiliary verbs are suffixed to the main verb and each stem in the resulting compound verb is affected by the inflectional affixes; e.g. the verb 'to arrive' below: jwakko 'arrive' + piwo 'come'

I in

IX

2 3 PAST

jwagpiwo 'arrive'

SING

IMPERATIVE

PRESENT

~

DUAL

PLURAL

jwagpiwo

jwagpise

jwagpine

jwangngapinga jwangngepiye jwangnipi

jwaksapisa jwaksupisuku jwaksipisi jwakspise

jwangypiya jwakkapika jwangnipini jwangmepime

jwaktsapitasa jwaktsupitasuku jwaktsipitasi jwaktsepitase

jwaktayopintayo jwaktakopintako jwaktanipintani jwaktamepimtame

lin IX jwaktipiti 2 jwaktepite 3 jwaktapita

4. Suppletion For the most part, the verb stems and inflectional affixes are regular. If we had a larger corpus, it appears that it would be a simple matter to work out the verbal morphophonemics of Bahing. It is possible with this data to work out a positional formula for the

structure of the elements in Bahing verb forms (see pages 190 and 191). Vayu Vayu verbs are also conjugated contrastively depending on whether they are transitive or intransitive. The Vayu intransitive verbs, unlike those in Bahing, are further divided into two classes: reflexives (called intransitive by Hodgson) and intransitives (Hodgson's neuters). Morphologically determined stem classes are the major division with phonologically determined sub-classes (see pages 192-196).

190

MICHAEL SHERARD

NEG + VERB STEM + TENSE + NO (AGT) + PERS + TENSE I 2 3 4 5 6

+ NO (OBJ) + MOOD + Q 7

8

9

e.g.

ma- ja-

-ta-

-s-

-a- 0

neg. eat past dualIst (in)

-si-

0

-nga

dual indo question = 'Didn't we two eat them two?'

This formula is applied below to two Bahing verbs, 'to come' and 'to flower' .

NEG VSTEM (SCM)?

0

{TENSE-NO(AGT)PERS-TENSE} -u 'sing I' -I 'sin22' -a 'sing 3'

bot'flower' -l-

}

present unmarked

NO (OBJ) MOOD

0

Indic. 0 mood unmarked

'lin' -a present -s- -uku 'IX' '2' unmarked 'dual' -i -e '3' -va '01 lin' -ka 'pi IX'

}

present unmarked -i '2' -e '3'

-n- 'PI' -m- 'PI' Etc. (t ~

ti/_C; C

~

Q

t)

7Stem Class Marker, a slot with low contrastive load which is not filled for all verbs.

MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

NEG VSTEM

0 ~

>

{TENSE-NO(AGT)PERS-TENSE}

(R)8

-nga 'sing -ye 'sing

pi'come'

-0

I'

2'

} present unmarked

T/NOIPERS unmarked 'lin' -a -s- -uku 'IX' '2' 'dual' -i -e '3' -ya 'pI lin' present -ka 'pI IX' unmarked -i '2' -n- 'pI'

~

u

S

S -z z >

u

'sing 3'

NO (OBJ) MOOD

0

0 Indie. mood unmarked

}

-e '3'

-m- 'pI'

> u

S>

-zS -z

191

u

n k n m

-t-

-i 'sing

I'

'past'

-e 'sing

2'

-ta

(sing 3 unmarked)

'past'

'lin' -a -s- -uku 'IX' '2' 'dual' -i -e '3' -yo 'pI lin' -ko 'pI IX' -i '2' -n-)Jl'

> -s'dual'

u

S

z

-e '3'

m-'pl'

-a -uku -I

-eEtc.

8Redundant person marker.

-wa 'past'

khedda 'subj'

Q

0

MICHAEL SHERARD

192

Outline of Vayu Verb Stem CLasses A.

Transitive (No phonological conditioning)

Distinctive phonological subfeatures V

stop nasal

AI.

c.

hato 'give? phimto 'depress', pelto 'extract juice'

A2.

fricative + t

sisto 'kill', chusto 'bring'

A3·

-p-

tOEEo 'strike', pi'po 'suck'

A4. nasal +

B.

+t

Examples

{~}

hompo 'taste', nampo 'smell'

A5.

-k-

jako 'eat', duko 'dig'

A6.

-'k-

pho'ko 'give birth'

A7·

(irregulars)

la 'go', no 'be'

Intransitive BI.

{ open SYll.} -n, -I)

Ehi 'come', go 'live'

B2.

-k-

dak' 'desire'

B3·

-labial

dam 'full', yep 'sharp'

B4.

-t

but' 'flower'

Reflexive

(no phonological sub-classes; all reflexive verbs conjugate alike) im 'sleeE', chik 'remember', man 'forget', lis 'learn', Ii 'grow' 9Underlined forms have partial paradigms shown in the following sections.

193

MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

Outline of Vayu Verb Stem Classes (Continued)

hato 'give' Trans.

PAST = PRESENT

IMPERATIVE

hatungmi hatungchhem hatungmem

'1 give to sing.' 'I give to dual' 'I give to pI.'

hatum hatochhem hatomem

'you give to sing.' 'you give to dual' 'you give to pI.'

hatum hatochhem hatomem

'he gives to sing.' 'he gives to dual' 'he gives to pl.'

SING obj

DUAL

PLURAL

agt

sing dual pI.

hato hatochhe hatome

hachhe hachhechhe hachheme

hane hanechhe haneme

sisto 'kill' Trans. SING PRESENT

agt:obj IX s lin s sinmi d sinchhem p sinmem I 2

s d

2

P

3 3 3

s d

2

PAST

p

IX s lin s

DUAL

PLURAL

sischhokmi sischhikmi

sitkokmi sitkem

sinmem

sitnem

sinmem

sinmem (looks like 2nd person)

sischhongmi sischhingmi

sistikongmi sistikengmi

sinmem sitmem sinmem sinmem sistungmi

(continued)

MICHAEL SHERARD

194

Outline of Vayu Verb Stem Classes (Continued) sisto 'kill' Trans. SING PAST

DUAL

PLURAL

I I

d p

sistungchhem sistungmem

2

sistum sistochhem sistomem

sischhem

2

s d p

3 3 3

s d p

sistum sistochhem sistomem

sistochhem

sistochhem

IX lin I I

s s d p

to'mi tomchhem tomem

topchhokmi topchhikmi

to'popmi to'pem

2

to'mi topchhikmi to'mem

topchhikmi

topnem

2

s d p

3 3 3

s d p

to'mi topchhikmi to'mem

topchhikmi topchhikmi

to'pungmi

topchhongmi topchhingmi

to'pikongmi to'pikingmi

tomnem

2

sitnem (sing. forms look alike)

toppo 'strike' Trans. PRESENT

2

PAST

IX S lin s I d I p

to 'pungchhem to'pungmem to'pum to'pochhem to'pomem

topchhem

2

s d p

3 3 3

s d p

to'pum to'pochhem to'pomem

to'pochhem topchhikmi topchhikmi

2 2

195

MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

Outline of Vayu Verb Stem Classes (Continued) phi 'come' Intrans.

INDICATIVE

SING

DUAL

PLURAL

agt PRESENT: Future

IX 2

PAST

phingom

lin 3

phinem phimem

IX

phichhikmi

phikokmi phikem phinem phimem

phinem phimem

dakchhongmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi

phikikongmi dakchhongmi phikikengmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi

3

phingo {nam} sa phinem phimem

phichhoknam phichhiknam phichhiknam phichhiknam

dakchhongmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi

IX

phisungphen

dakchhongmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi

lin 2

3

SUBJUNCTIVE PRESENT: IX Future lin 2

PAST

phichhokmi phichhikmi phichhikmi phichhikmi

lin 2

3

phinem phimem

dakchhongmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi

dak' 'desire'Intrans. PRESENT: Future

IX

lin 2

PAST

dakngom

3

phinem phimem

IX

daksungmi

lin 2

3

phinem phimem

dakchhokmi dakchhikmi dakchhikmi dakchhikmi dakchhongmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi

dakchhongmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi dakchhongmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi dakchhingmi (continued)

MICHAEL SHERARD

194

Outline of Vayu Verb Stem CLasses (Continued) dam 'full' Intrans. SING PRESENT

IX lin 2

3 PAST

dammum

r:J dami

damchhokmi damchhikmi damchhikmi damchhikmi

PLURAL damchhokmi damchhikmi damchhikmi damchhikmi

damchhongmi damchhingmi damchhem damchhem

damchhokmi damchhikmi damchhikmi damchhikmi

dam

damchhe

damne

IX lin

imchungmi

2

damchhem damchhem

imnachhokmi imnachhikmi imnachikmi imnachikmi

imchikokmi imchikem damchhem damchhem

same as present

damchhokmi damchhikmi damchhikmi imnachhem damchhikmi

damchhokmi damchhikmi damchhikmi damchhikmi

imche

imnachhe

IX lin 2

3 IMPERATIVE

damsungmi

DUAL

Idami dami

I

im 'sleep' Reflexive PRESENT

3

PAST

IX lin 2

3 IMPERATIVE

imchine

Characteristics of Vayu Verb Forms I. Tense/Mood A. Present and future tense are not distinguished. B. Past tense is very imperfectly distinguished. C. There is a distinct class of imperatives inflected for number of both object and agent (sing:dual:plural). D. A highly complex tense/mood structure involving infinitive,

MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

197

gerund, participle, causal, potential, continuative, and subjunctive forms is maintained by more or less regular affixation. 2. Person & Number Person and number distinctions are imperfectly maintained (see 'kill' and 'give') for both agent and object. Note that number distinction for the object appears only with singular agent (except in the imperative forms). Note also the similarity between the object number markers and the agent number markers in both languages (see especially the imperative forms). Singular agent is unmarked in both languages. 3. Compound tenses and auxiliary verbs are uncommon compared with Bahing .. 4. Suppletion There are many irregularities in Vayu verb forms. Distinctions between many categories is blurred by suppletion and fusion of many affixes. As a result, Vayu cannot be so well analyzed as Bahing by a linear (tagmemic) description. However, it is possible to apply to Vayu verbs virtually the same structural formula as we used for Bahing, although the suppletive nature of Vayu verb formation makes it less susceptible to an analysis of this sort. NEG + VERB STEM + TENSE + NO (AGT) + PERS + TENSE I 2 3 4 5 6

+ NO (OBJ) + MOOD + Q 7

8

9

e.g.:

ma-

ja-

-wo

-mt

neg.

eat

sing. (agt) IMPTV

pI. obj.

'Don't you (sing.) eat them (pl.).'

This formula is shown appied to one of the same verbs in Vayu as we used in Bahing, Qh! 'to come', below.

198

MICHAEL SHERARD

NEG VSTEM TENSE NO (AGT)-PERS-TENSE NO (OBJ) 0

-ngo- 'sing 1 PRES'

phi'come'

-0 'sing 2, 3, PRES' (tense unmarked) -chh- 'dual'

-0'IX'

I---

0

MOOD

-m 'ind', -nam 0 -sa 'subj' -mi 'ind', -namsa 'subj'

-k'PRES' -mi 'ind', -nam 'subj'

-l-

'lin' '2'

'3' -k- 'pI'

-0'IX'

-e'lin'

0

-m 'ind', -nam 'subj'

'PRES'

-ne- 'pi 2' -me- 'pi 3' -su- 'sing

I'

-ng 'PAST'

-mi 'ind', -phen 'subj'

-0 'sing 2, 3, PAST' (tense unmarked) -ng -chh- 'dual' -0'IX' 'PAST' I--

-i'lin' -e'2'

0 'PAST'

'3' -ki'past'

-k- 'pi'

-0'IX'

I---

-ng 'PAST'

-e'lin'

-ne- 'pi '2' -me- 'pi '3'

0 'PAST'

Q

-m 'ind', -phen 'subj'

MORPHOLOGICAL STRUCTURE

199

Although we have been able to construct a formula that works in both the analysis of Vayu and Bahing verbs, the data make it clear that this equation is more applicable to the Bahing forms where the linear order of the elements is less disturbed. This could lead one to the conclusion that Bahing is more conservative than Vayu in its morphology, and, if the two did indeed have a common parent, that Vayu at an earlier stage reflected the formula's linear implication much more than it does now. However, it must be pointed out that the situation is just the reverse in the case of the pronouns. True, linear segmentation is well-preserved in both languages, but here it is Vayu which consistently maintains the distinctions in person and number that are realized only hypothetically in Bahing. Thus one might say that Vayu is more conservative in its pronoun structure while Bahing is the more conservative in regard to the verb forms. While the type of information gained from an analysis of this sort is more difficult to interpret than that gained from a phonological study, it does hint at the relationship of the two languages from an entirely different direction than does a study of cognates. The relation revealed here between Bahing and Vayu is reminiscent of that existing between Japanese and Korean. The number of easily discernable Japanese/Korean cognates is small, yet the ease with which one can make interlinear Japanese-Korean translations and the great similarity between Japanese and Korean morphological structure is remarkable. A reasonable conclusion to draw from this phenomenon would be that morphological structure is less susceptible to change than phonological structure. In fact, if data were available, a preliminary morphological comparison of two supposedly related languages could well determine whether or not a phonological comparison would be fruitful; i.e. a lack of common morphological structure would imply the same lack in the phonology, since the phonology changes at a faster rate. The converse would not apply, but one would normally expect a degree of morphological similarity where phonological correspondence is found. In any event, the two types of analysis complement each other, and both should be attempted where the data are available.

III. EARL Y RECORDED FORMS OF CHINESE

NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE ORACULAR INSCRIPTIONS OF SHANG PAUL

L-M

SERRUYS

University of Washington

The language of the oracular inscriptions of Shang has received more and more attention, mostly since the publication and availability of rubbings, transcriptions and commentaries of major collections, dictionaries, indexes and general introductory studies. The details of the grammar of the language of these inscriptions, as they step by step are being unravelled and clarified, allow us to have a better understanding of the content of the inscriptions. Without proper grammatical framework, often nothing more than the general gist of the message can be obtained; often we can make no more than a guess. In many cases the formal grammatical structure of certain sentences remains unclear because of two main reasons. One is the fragmentary nature of certain inscribed pieces. For this reason, I have limited myself to the inscriptions as they have been reconstructed and reassembled in complete turtoise shells (as far as that was possible) in the volumes of Archaeologia Sinica, NO.2, Hsiao-t'un (The Yin-Shang Site at Anyang, Honan), Volume II: Inscriptions, Fascicle 3: Inksqueezes of the Restored Specimens of Inscribed Tortoise Shells with Annotations, by Chang Ping-ch'Oan. (pt. 1-3, 1957-1972. Institute ofHistory and Philology, Academia Sinica. Taipei, Taiwan.) It contains 632 plates of rubbings of front- and backside inscriptions ofthe tortoise shells; a small number of them are reassembled into more complete or more accurate sets in later rubbings. They are with few exceptions dating from one period of time (the reign of King Wu Ting) and present us with textual contexts and sets of contrasted affirmative and negative formulas of divinatory propositions dealing with the concerns of the diviners and kings of Shang. In no other collection of Shang oracular inscriptions do we possess such complete or near complete sets of related contextual sentences. Only in some cases will the texts of other collections be quoted for comparison. Another reason for the difficulties encountered in studying the Shang inscriptions is the uncertainty in identifying certain graphs occurring in

204

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SERRUYS

these texts, in terms of graphic structure or concrete graphic representation as well as in terms of usage, meaning and identification with later graphs and words, found in Chou bronze inscriptions and traditional classical texts. In some cases the original shapes of the graphs will be given when useful or necessary. While the original graphic forms may appear on the oracular pieces in different sequential directions (downward, right to left or left to right, small columns of two or three characters or more) they will be copied in linear sequence from left to right. In this we follow, in most all cases, the transcriptions provided by Chang Ping-ch'iian. Such a transcription already involves a number of decisions (what graph belongs to what sentence and in what context), but we shall limit ourselves to the study of the sentences themselves. Some graphs have been supplemented (copied in brackets), where because of the fragmentary nature of the pieces, a graph is missing in the original. This filling in of missing graphs is based on the comparison of the contrastive, paralleled nature of a set of statements which the diviners made concerning the reactions they sought from the spirits. These examples (selected from a complete translation on which I have been working for some time, but specially during a sabbatical 1978-79, supported by a grant of the National Endowment for the Humanities) do not touch on all the problems that need to be settled for a descriptive grammar of the Shang texts. They represent some cumulative examples grouped around two topics-the use of the so-called particle ch'i and the pronouns in the Shang texts. Many of these cases I have discussed before in my "Studies in the Language of the Shang Oracle Inscriptions" (T'oung Pao, vol. 60, 1974, pp. 12-120); frequently different readings and solution are presented here without explicit reference to this previous study. All the quotes are arranged in groups under bracketed numbers; the other numbers refer to the plastrons and the lines as they are found in the Academia Sinica volumes. I. The Use and Meaning of Ch'i In the earlier Chou inscriptions ch'i appears exclusively as a grammatical word or particle, expressing an optative mood; this usage continues in later inscriptions of Chou and the classical texts but with further semantic extension indicating, besides the optative, a probability mood. The usage of ch'; as a pronoun starts in the next level of development, seen in the Chou bronzes as well as the Shu and Shih. In the bone inscriptions, however, the occurrence of sentences with ch'i in contrast with opposite sentences without ch';, in either affirmative and negative alternatives of the same foreseen action or event, always shows the ch'i

NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE ORACULAR INSCRIPTIONS

205

marking the sentence expressing the Least desirabLe alternative. This phenomenon makes it difficult to explain why the same particle should develop later to express onLy the optative mood or a probability (i.e. a weakened optative). Furthermore the various positions which ch'i occupies in the word order of the sentence, seems to indicate that ch' i is not a particle with the sense of 'perhaps' or 'if it must be (but we hope rather not)', but a verb with a basic meaning of 'to anticipate, to expect'. Where ch'i occurs only in one of the contrasted alternatives, it indicates the least desirable alternative, and 'to anticipate' is then understood in the sense of 'to be ready for' or 'to take in consideration', 'to allow for (a possibly less desirable outcome),. Where ch'i occurs in non-contrasted sentences, or in both alternative sentences, it imparts a sense of uncertainty and indicates a weakening of the statement or a mere probability. Here follow examples with different types of verbs:

A. Ch'i with yu and wang I.

The envoys who are in the North will have (occasion) to capture Ch'iang (men).!/ As to the envoys who are in the North, (one) does not have (reason, chance) to anticipate (they) will capture Ch'iang. 32.24-25

2.

3.

4. 5.

6.

7.

The king prognosticating says (hereafter: Kps): As to Feng, we shall anticipate that to come out, he will make it a ting day. If on a ting day, he does not come out, Feng is expected to have sickness, and one should not expect (him) to remove (it). 29.2 Kps: it is auspicious. It (is=) means we should anticipate not to have (occasion) to an attack; if we have a (food) offering ritual, we shall (make it =) assume to anticipate to make a visitation (instead of an attack). 77.2 Our envoys will not have (cause) to anticipate to be successful.! / Our envoys will have (cause) to be successful. 78.9-10 We shall anticipate to have (the risk) to (raise =) cause for Lady Tzu (some possible) disaster./ / We will not have (any risk) to cause for Lady Tzu (any) disaster. 139.3-4 On the present day ping-hsu, if we bum at the stake (as sacrificial victim) Tsai, there will be subsequent rain.! / With Tsai (as sacrificial victim) there is no (chance) to anticipate subsequent rain. 157.1-2 The bovine (victim) will be auspicious (= bring luck)(?)/ / As to the bovine (sacrifice) one has no cause to anticipate it will be auspicious. 180·7-8

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8. Chou being corrected, there will be no disaster'! / Chou being corrected, we shall anticipate there may be disaster. 172.10-11 9. Lady Tzu will not continue to have sickness'! / We shall anticipate she will continue to have sickness. 190.1-2 10. Chih Hua of Ch'a will not have misfortune in (harmonizing with =) cooperating well in the affairs of the king.!/ As to Chih Hua ofCh'a we shall anticipate he may have misfortune'! / The king entering will have no misfortune'! / We shall anticipate (he may) have misfortune. 269.5-8 I I. Prince XX will not die.! / As to Prince X, we shall anticipate he (may) die.! / We shall anticipate he will improve.! / We shall anticipate there is (chance) he will come.! / We have no (reason) to expect him to come. 296.1-2,4-6 12. Prince Mu will not have sickness./ / As to Prince Mu, we shall anticipate he may have sickness. 392.12-13 13. If we call upon Mu at Ho (river area), there is (chance) he will come.! / There is no (cause) to anticipate he will come. 503.5-6 14. We anticipate there will be (someone, or occasion that someone) may bring (teeth =) ivory.! / We anticipate there will not be (anyone to) bring ivory. 47.7-8 15. Anticipate there will be (occasion) that X (Shen ? Ch'ing ?) will obtain ... (no contrasted line) 141. IO 16. We shall anticipate to have cause to order P'an.! / One should not order (him). 160.1-2 17. The king shall anticipate there may be occasion to use (as sacrificial victims) the (caught animals =) the game that was brought in.!/ The king ought not to use (them). 183.4-5 18. As to Lady Ching, we anticipate that she will have offspring.! / As to Lady Ching, she ought not to be expected to have offspring. 190.5-6 19. On the 8th day, day keng-shen, indeed, when having drum rolling (ritual) a thousand (victims?) will be used.! / Kps: we shall have drum rolling. We shall anticipate to have drum rolling (ritual) on day hsin. 200.6 20. Kps: we will make a wine libation. It is that there is (a chance) for harm; we shall anticipate to have a drum rolling (ritual). 207.3 21. We shall anticipate it will be favorable (or; he will improve; same context as ex. II).! / There will be bad influences'! / It should not be expected that (it) will continue to have bad influence. 297.1-3 22. Kps: it is auspicious. We shall use (the course of action suggested.)/ / We shall anticipate there may be (a chance) that imminent trouble will originate in the West.! / Kps: we should anticipate that imminent trouble may originate in the West. 348.2-4

NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE ORACULAR INSCRIPTIONS

207

23. As to Yii (or Yi?), anticipate to have .... the king ... / / As to Hsia Yi, we shall anticipate to sacrifice (to him) and to tripod (Le. offer tripod cooked meat). (or: As to Hsia Yi, we shall anticipate that to bring him a sacrifice is a settled thing). 562,3; 563.1 24. We shall anticipate, if it is a day wu that we have thunder, it will not be auspicious.! / Kps; we shall not anticipate to have thunder. 17,9-10 25. On day ling-ch' ou, if we should expect to have thunder, it will not be auspicious. If we anticipate it be a hsin day that we have thunder, equally, it will not be auspicious. 19.9 26. If we burn (a human victim) at the stake, there will be rain.! / If we do not offer a burning sacrifice at the stake, there is no (chance) to anticipate any rain. 469. 1-2 Note: wu chiao, lit. 'do not burn at the stake,' is a case of the imperative (in negative) used for a conditional: 'if we do not ... '

In these examples we see instances where ch'i is found only in one of the contrasted sentence, and always marking the undesired outcome (examples 1,5 etc.). Note also the free position of ch'i sometimes before wang, sometimes after (examples 1,3,14,26, etc.). B. Ch'i used with wei 'to be' 27. Kps: as to God, it is that the present second month, (he) will command hail (sleet?). Anticipate that if it is a ping-day, it will not be commanded to snow. If it is a keng day, we may anticipate it to be auspicious. 66.5 28. Kps: Anticipate, if it is a chia day that she gives birth, it will be auspicious, and we shall call out (to perform a ritual?)/ / If, we have seen (Le. let pass) a keng day, we may anticipate it will be a ling day (that she gives birth) and it will increase the good fortune. 97.12-13 Note: chia day is day I, keng is day 7, ling day is 13. Also note that final hu, coming at the end of the king's prognostication, which is always an affirmative statement, cannot be taken as a final interrogative particle. Such a particle is nonexistent in the bone texts. 29. Kps: we may anticipate that if it is ... it will be auspicious. She will be fortunate (Le. have a male child) 244.3; also 246. I 30. Kps: we shall anticipate to make an exorcist ritual ... anticipate it will change to sunny (weather). 244.4 31. Lady Tzu, giving birth, will be fortunate. Kps: anticipating that it be a ling day, on which she gives birth, she will be fortunate. Anticipating that it be a keng day, on which she gives birth, it will increase the

208

32.

33.

34.

35. 36.

37. 38.

39. 40.

41.

42.

PAUL

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SERRUYS

good luck. After 31 days (lit. three lo-day cycles having in addition one day), on day chia~yin, she gave birth, it was not fortunate; it was a girI.! / As to Lady Tzu, giving birth, it is not expected she will be fortunate. After 31 days on chia-yin day, giving birth, the pregnancy was not fortunate. It was a girl. 247.1-2 Kps: anticipating that it be a ling day, giving birth will be fortunate; we shall anticipate that a keng day will increase the good luck. Anticipating it will be a day jen-hsii, it will not be auspicious. 248.7 As to Huan, it will not tum out that it (is that =) happens that he be (shackled =) taken prisoner. (Desirable)/ / As to Huan, anticipate that it may tum out that he happens to be taken prisoner. (Ch'i, undesirable alternative). 304.12-13 Next day yi-hai, Prince T'ai is expected to come.! / As to Prince T'ai, it is expected it will be a chia day on which he will come./ / We shall anticipate that making a punitive attack, we will destroy (the enemy). 309.7-8,10 Kps: it is auspicious. We shall anticipate ... / / As to X, anticipate it will be ... 320.1-2 Kps: anticipating that it be a chia day, that she gives birth, she will be fortunate. Anticipating that it be a yi day, there will be harmful influences. Anticipating it be a day ping-yin, it will not be auspicious, but day yi-mao will be auspicious. 348.1 It should not be expected that it be a yi sacrifice (i.e. a general, all purpose sacrifice). 349.6 Kps: we ought not to (make it =) assumes it will rain, but it (is =) means that we shall anticipate it be windy.! / Kps: if it is a yi day that we must expect it to rain ... (it will be auspicious). 350 .2 & 7 Kps: it means that we may anticipate (some) harmful events. It means we may expect to proceed to X (place). 397.2 (The child) which Princess Mu further will beget, will be a minister (or: an official).! / As to the child which Princess Mu further will beget, it is not expected to be a minister./ / Kps: it is auspicious. We shall anticipate he will be a minister. 459.1-2; 460.1. Also 615.1-2; 616·3 What the king dreamt is auspicious. We can anticipate that it be a keng day which is auspicious.! / The king's dream was a kuei day; we may anticipate that the day wu-shen will be auspicious. 516.10-11 Note: what Chang Ping-ch'iian transcribes as one graph, I read as two: wei kuei. The king offering (in sacrifice) the many sets (of offerings?) has nothing to do with (lit. is not located in; or, has no importance for)

NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE ORACULAR INSCRIPTIONS

209

being agreeable to the (spirits) high and low.! / The present 10th month, it will rain.! / The present 10th month it should not be expected to rain.! / We may anticipate there is an imminent hurricane.! / There is no imminent hurricane'! / Kps: We ought not to (make it =) consider it pleasing (to the spirits high and low).! / Kps: it is auspicious; anticipate that the rain will be (on) a keng day. If we anticipate that it will be on a hsin day that it will rain, it will increase the good luck. 523.5-6; 524.1-4 C. Examples related to weather

43. During the present evening, it will rain./ / During the present evening, it is not expected (to rain) 3.15-16 Compare 87.6-7 (rain not desired): Today (lit. Present time/day/) we must anticipate it will rain.!/ Today it will not rain. 151.1-2: Starting from today down until day keng-shen we shall anticipate it will rain.! / ... it will not rain. 306.8-9: From today until day yich' ou, anticipate it may rain. On day jen-hsii, it did rain; on yi-ch' ou day, it was overcast, but it did not rain./ / From today until yi-ch' ou day, it will not rain. Note: after the first alternative, the result is given, followed by the 2nd alternative. Usually, the prognostication and results are given after the line expressing the desired alternative. Cases where rain is the desired alternative: 155.6; 235.1-2. We shall not expect it will rain.! / Kps: anticipate that rain will be on day jen. On day jen it did indeed rain. 304.1-2: Nextyi-mao day it will rain. Onyi-mao day it did indeed rain.! / Next yi-mao day we should not expect it will rain. Note: some cases have ch'i in both alternatives indicating a general uncertainty: Today we shall anticipate rain.! / It is not expected to rain. 533. I is incomplete: Kps. on ting day it is anticipated it will rain. On the 9th day, ting-yu, it did indeed rain. 44. Kps: there is evil influence ... it is not expected to rain. On the 6th day chia-wu, evening, the moon will have (occasion) to be (eaten =) eclipsed. On day yi-wei, having made a wine libation, the many artisans following (or: being led) will be ... dispatched. 57. I 45. On the next day chia-shen, it will change to sunny weather./ / On the next day chia-shen, it is not expected to change to sunny weather. 59·1-2; 3-4 (chi-hai). Compare 219.5 46. The present day we shall anticipate rain./ / The present day it is not anticipated to rain.! / On the next yi-ssu day, we can anticipate

210

47.

48.

49.

50. 51.

52.

53.

54.

55.

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rain.! / On the next day yi-ssu, it is not anticipated to rain. 63.3-6; 7-8 God will command rain.!/ (On x-day), God is not expected to command rain.! / Kps: it is auspicious; we shall anticipate to callout (to perform a ritual?)// (Reaching the present 2nd month =) Before this 2nd month is over, it will hail (or, sleet).!/ Kps: it is auspicious; we shall anticipate sleet. 65.1 & 4. 66.1-2,4,6 Compare 144.4-5: It (is =) means one shall go to call upon the ch'iian ... At this (time, place?) go to attack.! / Kps: it is auspicious; we shall anticipate to call upon them. Also, 390.3-4: Before this 4th month is over, it will rain.! / We shall not anticipate that reaching the present 4th month the rain is expected. Next yi-hai day it will (open =) clear up.! / Next yi-hai day it is not anticipated to clear up.! / Kps: as to wind, it is anticipated we make offerings at (to ?) Hsieh. It is on hsin day that (God) will command (it, i.e. the wind). 96.13-14; 22 Next kuei-mao day, as to God, it will not be commanded to be windy. In the evening, it was overcast.! / Next day kuei-mao, God is expected to command wind. 117.21-22 Truly, we may anticipate, it will clear up at Ho.! / It is not anticipated it will clear up at Ho. 259.24-25 The present 11th month, God will command rain.! / The present 11th month, God is not expected to command rain.! / It will continue to rain.!/ It is not anticipated it will continue to rain. 149.11-12; 21-22. 381.7-8; 529 We shall anticipate that by the evening it will rain, but by planting (time ?) it will be clear.! / Kps: on a kuei day we shall anticipate rain. On the 3d day kuei-ch'ou it did indeed rain. 154·1 & 3 The present month, having had rain (or, with rain), we may anticipate snow. On the next day ling, it (i.e. the weather ?) will get rid of the snow.! / Kps: it is auspicious; the misfortune will be removed. 335. 17- 19 The coming yi-hai day, it will change to sunny (weather).! / Kps: it is auspicious; moving to this (place ?) it will change to sunny weather. On yi-hai day, ... it was overcast, but it did not rain. It (went to say =) the divination answer happened to say: it will rain.! / The coming yi-hai day, it is not expected to change to sunny (weather). 400.10-12 Next ling-wei day, as to Prince X, anticipating that he will make a meat offering (to the ancestral shrine), it will change to sunny weath-

NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE ORACULAR INSCRIPTIONS

211

er./ / On next ting-wei day, it is not expected it will change to sunny weather. 405.1-2 56. On next keng-tzu day we should not anticipate it will be changing to sunny weather. On day keng-tzu it cleared up, (but going to =) by the evening it rained. 477.2 57. God is expected to increasingly command hail (sleet ?).II God is not expected to increasingly command hail (sleet). 5115.1-2 Compare 66.4: We shall not anticipate, for the present 2nd month, (any) hail (sleet). 58. Next yi-yu day we may anticipate it to be windy.1I ... we should not anticipate it to be windy. 538.1-2 D. Examples of ch'i in lines related to war, expeditions, hunt, etc. 59. Starting from the present 5th day, we will destroy Chou'! / Starting from the 5th day we will not anticipate to destroy Chou'! / Kps: if (or: since) on day ting-ssu, for us, it ought not to be anticipated we destroy (them), (going to =) by day chia-tzu, we will destroy (them).! / Our envoy(s) will destroy the Fou (tribe).! / As to our envoy(s), it ought not to be expected they will destroy the Fou.! / On next day yi-ch'ou, as to the many officials, we shall not anticipate they will destroy the Fou. 1.1-3; 13-16 60. Chih attacking Hsieh, will destroy (them).! / We shall not anticipate that he (Chih) will destroy (them). 41.4-5 61. Chih Hua ofCh'a will destroy the Chiieh./ / As to Chih Hua ofCh'a, we shall not anticipate (him) to destroy the Chiieh. 67.5-6, 69.1-2 Compo 134.5-6: Hua Chih of Ch'a will destroy the Ts'ai, Chiieh and Wei.ll As to Hua Chih of Ch'a, we shall not anticipate he will destroy (them). 62. The Fang are expected to destroy our envoys.! / The Fang will not destroy our envoys.! / As to our envoys, we shall anticipate they will destroy the Fang.! / As to our envoys, we shall anticipate they will destroy the Fang. (76.3-4 with ch'i in the undesired alternative only; in 5-6, in both alternative.) Also 78.7-8; 386.5-6,7-8 63. Chih will destroy Chao who has Ku (i.e. chief of Ku)./ / As to Chih, we shall not anticipate he will destroy Chao, chief of Ku.! / Chih Hua of Ch'a will destroy (the enemy). 83.3-6 Compo 317.9-10 where one alternative has 'to attack', the other, less desirable, has 'to destroy'.

212

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64. If we [verb] (invade a fortress?), the Chou will be destroyed.! / If we should anticipate to call upon (someone), the Chou will be destroyed. 124.11-12 65. As to Huan, we indeed should anticipate that he will destroy the Ku'!/ Huan will not destroy the Ku. 177.1-2,3-4 Note: Huan is usually portrayed as an ally ofthe Shang, but not all their actions were approved. 66. Calling upon the fuel gatherers of the Chien, Ch'ien and X, we shall not anticipate they will net (any game).! / Call upon the fuel gatherers of Chien, Ch'ien and X to catch (game) with nets. 126.5-6 67. (Do not =) If we do not call upon the Ch'iieh and the Ko to attack Huan, we shall not expect to destroy (them). 249.5 68. We shall not anticipate to destroy the T'an, or anticipate to kill (them) off.! / We shall destroy and kill (them) off.! / We shall not anticipate to destroy and kill off (the enemy).! / We shall anticipate to advance and prolong (the attack).! / Anticipate to have the Ya take the lead.! / Anticipating to have the Ch'iieh take the lead, they will destroy (the enemy). 259. 13-15;18-20 69. Today, as to Prince Shang, we shall anticipate that he will [verb] (,to spear'(?), i.e. attack) the Chi country and the Fou, and destroy (them).! / Today, as to Prince Shang, though we may anticipate he will attack the Chi country and the Fou, we shall not anticipate he will destroy (them).! / From the present day jen-yin till day chiach'en (Le. during the interval of these dates), Prince Shang will destroy the Chi country.! / Id .... we shall not anticipate he will destroy the Chi country. (undesirable alternative.) 302. 1-6 70. P'i will destroy the T'an.! / As to P'i, we shall not anticipate he will destroy the T'an. 304.8-9 71. Huan and Huo (tribes) are expected to destroy us.! / Huan and Huo will not destroy us. 306.10-11 Note: the negation with transitive verbs is normally fu, but with a personal pronoun, object of the preceding verb we have pu. 72. We shall anticipate to make a punitive attack and destroy (the enemy). 309.10 73. They will capture the Fou.! / As to the Ch'iieh, we shall not anticipate they will capture the Fou.! / As to Prince Shang, we shall not anticipate he will capture Hsien. 1.9,17 74. The king will capture the chih (animal). Indeed, he captured (it).! / It is not expected he will capture (it).! / As to the king, we shall not anticipate he will capture the rhino'! / The king will capture the rhino. 86.4-5;9-10

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213

75. Tsu will capture Ch'iang (men).!/ Tsu is not expected to capture (any) Ch'iang.!/ As to the king, it is anticipated he will, chasing the rhino, capture (it). Though he will not [verb] (make it enter a stockade?) the pigs he will capture will amount to two.! / We may not anticipate he will capture the rhino. 120.12-13; 15-16 76. The king being expected to proceed to chase mi-deer at Kuei, we shall anticipate he will capture (them). 216.G5 77. We shall anticipate that chasing the chih (animal), we will capture (some). Indeed we captured ten.! / The king is not expected to capture the chih.! / As it is not expected he will capture the chih, he will not proceed to hunt.! / We shall not anticipate that he will capture the rhino which is at Chu.! / As to the king, it is expected (however) that he pursue the Chih. 323.1-2; II. Also 6.7.19; 17-18 Compo 291.1: We shall anticipate that chasing the mi-deer, he will capture (them). 78. The king proceeding to hunt will [verb] (trap ?) the chih. / / He will not trap (?) them. 179.1-2 Also 265.1-2: The king is expected, when chasing the chih, to trap(?) them.! / ... ought not (make it =) consider to anticipate to chase the chih. 290.1: It is not expected to be trapped (?) 429.3-5: Prince Shang will capture the chih./ / He is not expected to capture the chih.! / It will not be trapped (?) 43.2-3: He is not expected to trap (?) (them).! / (But) the many princes will chase and trap (them). 79. Kps: It is expected that he (make them come =) bring them.! / Kps: he is not expected to capture (them). 418. 1-2 80. If (we) call upon Ya, the pigs will be caught.!/ As to Ya, it is not expected he will catch the pigs. 485.15-16 81. We anticipate to sacrifice (by dismemberment) the Ch'iang.!/ We shall sacrifice (by dismembering) the Ch'iang.! / On keng-shen day we will sacrifice (by beheading) the Ch'iang. 7.1; 3-4 82. During the present spring(time), the king following Wang Ch'eng to attack the Hsia-wei (-hsi ?) will receive abundant assistance.! / The present spring time, we shall not anticipate that he will receive abundant assistance. 12.1-2, also 313.6 83. Ifthe king instructs the masses to make an attack in the Wan country, he will receive abundant assistance.! / The king (ought not =) if he does not instruct the masses about (attacking) the Wan country, we shall not anticipate he will receive abundant assistance. (22.5-6). Compo 76.1-2: Chih Hua of Ch'a will receive assistance'! / As to

214

84.

85.

86. 87.

88.

89.

90.

91.

92.

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SERRUYS

Chih Hua ofCh'a, we shall not anticipate he will receive assistance. 78.1-2; 386.1-2 id. The king shall anticipate that the attack will be approved.! / On yich' ou day, indeed we shall attack. 153.10 & 12 Compo 142.3 "Kps: we shall anticipate that the attack should be on a ling day. The present spring (time) the king shall anticipate he will (walk =) take steps to attack the Jen.! / The present spring time the king ought not consider taking steps to attack the Jen.! / Kps: It is auspicious. We shall (make it =) call upon Chi; whether we anticipate to attack, or anticipate not to attack, it will not be auspicious. 276.3 & 277.4 Kps: it is auspicious. God is expected to give me assistance. 410.1 We shall receive a (good) millet harvest.! / We should not anticipate a (good) harvest. 8.1-2 Compo 1.1-2; 55.5-6; 96.9-10; 169.5-6; 513.1-2 If the king will supervise the millet (planting), we will receive a (good) harvest.! / If the king does not supervise the millet (planting), we shall not anticipate to receive a (good) harvest. 81.1-2 At the present coming (cut grain =) harvest season, we shall not anticipate to receive a (good) harvest. 169.5-6 Also 167.7-10; 11-12; 278.5-6, 7-8; 381.3-4; 373.1-2; 311.20; 278.1-2; 332.1-2,3-4 We shall call upon the She (or: bowmen ?) to punish the Ch'iang.! / Huan will capture (them).! / Huo will (reach =) be in time to receive (them).! / We shall not anticipate that they will be in time to receive (them. or; hand them over ?). 259.27-30 Compo 306.18-19: The Wo and Ma tribes will overtake the Huo.// We shall not anticipate that they will overtake the Huo. 414.14: Kps: we shall not anticipate that they will reach (i.e. be in time) to trap (?) (them). 498.1-2: Calling upon the Ma (tribesmen) to chase, we shall reach the next yi-yu day (i.e. catch up with said date = before that day is over).! / We shall not anticipate it will reach that date. (i.e. it will be before that date.) We will receive the harvest which Fu cultivated and which is at Tzu.! / We shall not anticipate we will receive the harvest which is at Tzu, and which Fu cultivated.! / The king prognosticating the divinatory (answer) says: we shall anticipate to hunt(?) (in the fields) of the harvest situated in Tzu, and which Fu cultivated. 381.5-6; 382.3 As to the king, if it is a keng day, he ought not to have any worship activities. If it is a keng day, as to the 50 (victims), it is expected not to be auspicious; but if it is a worshipping (ritual), it will be aus-

NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE ORACULAR INSCRIPTIONS

93.

94.

95.

96.

97.

98.

215

picious.! / Kps: it will be auspicious. As to the 50, it is expected they will not enter (i.e. be part in) to worship. 228.1-3 Compo 398.1-2: The fuel gatherers which Chi brought in are expected to be 500 or to be six (hundred).! / The fuel gatherers which Chi brought in are not expected to be five or six (hundred). Kps: Yii being expected to go out (on an expedition), if one makes it a keng day, we shall anticipate to make Yii precede (us) to arrive. 29·1 Compo 399.1: Call upon someone that the selected bovine, being a hundred, be brought along. Kps: it is auspicious; what they bring along, we shall expect they will make it arrive. 415.7-8: Chii, having captured 4 Ch'iang men, is expected to make them arrive at Li. The Ch 'Oeh shall vanquish and enter the settlement of Chih.! / As to the Ch'iieh, we shall not anticipate that they will vanquish and enter. 259.22-23, also 622.15-16 On the present day X, it is not expected he will come.! / When returning, in spring (he ought not =) if he would not come, I (the king) shall anticipate to follow (him). 25.3,5 We shall let Ch'ien procrastinate.! / Ch'ien will come.! / (Ch'ien) is not expected to come.! / Kps: we shall anticipate that, starting from the East, there is (a chance) he will come. 33.1-3,13; also 28.1-2 As to Tso it is anticipated he will come. This is found favorable and right. 40.1 Compo 66.2,7,9; Kps: it is auspicious. We shall anticipate to call upon (him).! / Calling upon Ch'ao, the king ought not to come./ / The king ought not to anticipate to proceed and, following, go forth. The Wo tribe indeed are expected to bring (lit. make come) (them)./ / The Wo brought thirty. 42.2,6 Compo 81.5-6: As to Hua, they will bring bovines.! / As to Hua, we shall not anticipate they will bring bovines. 157.11-12: The Hsi people will bring white horses. Kps: it is auspicious. They are expected to come.! / The Hsi people are not expected to come, but the white horses will (amount to) five. (or: are not expected to bring white horses, which (should amount) to five). 227.3-4: X (people) are expected to bring fifty Ch 'iang.! / X-people are not expected to bring 50 Ch'iang. 342.2-6: The Tun (Chung?) will bring dogs.!/ The Tung (Chung?) are not expected to bring dogs.! / The Tun will bring horses'! / The Tun are not expected to bring horses./ / As to X, we shall call upon him to select white horses and bring them along.! / X is expected to come (or: bring them). 379.3-4: Pi will bring boats./ / Pi is not expected to bring boats.

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99. The Fou are anticipated to come and visit the king.! I The Fou are not expected to come and visit the king. 124.15-16 100. We shall anticipate to call upon Mai-shih to follow the northern (side, route). I I The king returning, having offered (in exorcism) stringed pearls, shall anticipate to attack. 141.5-6 Compo 235.10-11,13: We shall command that he follow Kung.11 When, ordering (him) we shall not anticipate him to follow Kung. 101. The many officers of the West who have gone forward are anticipated to bring along human victims. 78. II Compo 85. I -2: The Ku will bring along X (Chin ?)I I The Ku are not expected to bring along (Chin ?). 149.1-2,5; 343.12-13: T'o will bring along the shaman.! I T'o is not expected to bring along the shaman. I I Kps: it is not auspicious. It is expected he may bring along Ch'ih (?). 172.8-9: The Pei people will bring along (or: will be brought along ?)I I As to the Pei people, it is expected they will be brought along. 102. Kps: we shall anticipate, we ought not bring (it) along.! I Call upon (someone) that (reaching =) he be in time to bring (it) along.! I The king (himself), bringing it along, will go. 144. II; 6-7 Compo 185.1-2: As to Ch'ien, we shall not anticipate (them) to bring along the fuel gatherers of Tzu(?). I I The Ch'ien shall bring along the fuel gatherers of Tzu. 201.3-6: Pi will bring Ta.! I As to Pi, we shall not anticipate he will bring Ta.! I We shall command X (Ling ?) to select the Ta and bring them. 103. Even if we will not have (chance) to receive what they brought along, we shall anticipate to follow ... (?). 290.3 Compo 3°4.17-18: The Ch'iieh will bring along Hsien./I The Ch'iieh are not expected to bring along Hsien. 342.3,12-13: He is not expected to bring (it).! I T'o will bring it.! I We shall not expect (him) to bring it. 104. Chih Hua of Ch'a will bring along the king's prisoners. I I As to Chih Hua of Ch'a, we shall not anticipate that he will bring along the king's prisoners.! I Kps: it is auspicious. He will bring (them) along. 354. 1- 2 ; 355. 1 Compo 366.3-4: Lu will bring along the daughter (or woman) of Ch'iieh.! I As to Lu, we shall not anticipate him to bring along the daughter (or: woman) of Ch'iieh. 500.1-2; 501.1: Hsing will bring along the chief of the army and of the city. (lit. he who has the army .. .)11 As to Hsing, we shall not anticipate him to bring along the chief of the army and the city.! I Kps: we shall anticipate he will

NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE ORACULAR INSCRIPTIONS

I05.

106.

107.

I08.

109. 1 IO.

217

bring in the chief of the army and the city.! / 502.4-6 He will bring along the fuel gatherers of Wu (or: arms carrying fuel gatherers).! / We shall not anticipate them to bring along the fuel gatherers of Wu.! / Kps: we shall anticipate he will bring the fuel gatherers ofWu. 557.3-4: Hua (?) will bring along the chief of the Ch'u.! / As to Hua (?) we shall not anticipate him to bring along the chief of the Ch'u. Also 570.1- 2; 574.3-4 We shall call upon Ch'u, that making wine libation and a dismembering sacrifice, the Jen and Fu be brought along./ / We shall not anticipate (of Ch'u) that the Jen and Fu, he will bring (them) along. 546.1-2 There is (chance) that they will come from the South to bring tortoises.! / It is not anticipated they bring (any). Compo 491.1-2 On the present day we ought not to call upon the Ch 'ueh to walk to =) take steps to .. .! / We shall anticipate that we ought not command (them) to bring .... 328.5-6; 329.7: Command Chu returning to kill the Wo (tribesmen)/ / We ought not to command Chu (returning) ... / / Kps: it is auspicious. We shall anticipate to give the command. As to P'u (or: Shu?) we shall anticipate to reward him.!/ As to P'u (Shu ?) we shall not anticipate to reward him. 351.3-4 Note: the filled in character fu instead of pu 'not' is uncertain, because of lack of parallel sentences. When sacrificing by dismembering the Ch'iang (victims), we shall start with Ancestress Keng (as recipient of the sacrifice)/ / ... (same) the High Ancestress Chi.! / Kps: we shall anticipate to start with the High Ancestress Chi. 360.1 -2; 361. 1 We shall anticipate to [verb] (attack ?) the Huan. 485.8 As to the king ... we shall anticipate (him) to (see =) wait till day chiao 516

E. Examples related to sickness, exorcisms, evil influences, etc. III.

Having a toothache (lit. having as sickness the teeth), he will get well.!/ He is not expected to get well. 12.9-10 Compo I06. 18-19: The king is expected to have eye sickness'! / The king shall not have eye sickness. 295.1-2: As to any kind of sickness he may have, he will recover'! / Whatever sickness he may have will not get well. 447.1-2: Calling upon (someone), Prince Fan will get well.! / He is not expected to get well. 513.6-7: Lady Tzu

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113.

114. 115.

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will get well.!/ She is not expected to get well. 502.13-14: The king is expected to be sick in the eyes.! / As to the king (it will not afllict =) nothing will bother the eyes. Kps: As to Feng, we shall anticipate that in going out he will make it (on) a ling day. If on a ling day he does not go out, Feng is expected to have sickness and one does not anticipate that he will (be able) to remove it (i.e. recover from it). 29.2 Compo 156.7-8: Being afllicted by disaster (or: passing through, overcoming, surviving it) he will recover from any sickness he may have.! / One shall not anticipate that being in disaster he will recover. (or: surviving he will recover). 212.1: As to CM, we shall not expect that (passing through =) surviving he will remove any sickness he may have. 311.16-17: Prince X, surviving, will recover from any sickness he may have.! / As Prince X, we shall not anticipate he will recover. 334.4-7: As to Lady Tzu we shall not anticipate that surviving she will recover from the sickness she may have.! / Lady Tzu survivingt will recover from the sickness she may have.! / The (said) lady will get well.! / She is not expected to get well. 420.7: As to Yii we shall not anticipate that he will survive and recover from whatever sickness he has. 549.1-2, same as 334.4-7 The Small Servant will be fortunate.! / The Small Servant is not expected to be fortunate. From day kuei-yu all through the night till day chiahsil, it ought not be considered that she will be fortunate. 90.10-11 Compo 96.5,16-17: The king is expected to be sick in the bones (?)./ / Lady Kuo, when giving birth, will be fortunate./ / Lady Kuo when giving birth, is not expected to be fortunate.! / Having sickness in the (pregnant) body, she is not expected to get well. 245.1-2 (249,3.id.): Lady Tzu, giving birth, will be fortunate. On day pingtzu in the evening till day ting-ch' ou, giving birth, she will be fortunate.!/ Lady Tzu is expected not to be fortunate. 347.1-2; 506.2-3 id. X (Li ?) will bring disaster on Yiian Chih.! / As to Li (?) we shall not anticipate he will bring disaster on Yiian Chih. 174.1-2 X shall use (or: shall be used ?).! / As to Father Chia, we shall not expect he will use the king.! / The present day, J u is not expected to give birth. 393.9-10; II Compo 613.1-2: As to Ju, any sickness she may have, by the present second month, we will not bathe (her) in water (?)/ / As to any sickness she may have, we shall expect that Ju will bathe in water. (Uncertain as to context and meaning)

NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE ORACULAR INSCRIPTIONS

219

II6. Older Brother Ting will hinder (or: impede) Huan.! / Older Brother Ting will not hinder Huan 177.7-8 Note: no ch'i in either alternative: same in 338.9-10: Father Yi will be made guest in (sacrifices made to) Ancestor Yi./ / Father Yi will not be made guest . . . Compo 332.11-13: Ancestor Yi is expected to hinder the king.!/ As to Ancestor Yi, we ought not to (make it =) assume he will hinder the king. 117. X will not die.!/ X is expected to die. 205.9-10 118. The king having occasion to make sacrifices to the side tablets\ will shoot wild boars'! / It is not anticipated that he will shoot wild boars. 195·1-2 Also 288.1-2: Chiu of Ho ... and 57.3-6: We will attack (or: correct) T'ang.! / We shall not anticipate to correct T'ang.! / We will shoot wild boars'! / We shall not anticipate to shoot wild boars. II9. On the coming day chia-tzu, to make wine libation to perform the jung ritual (repeating previous sacrifices), will be correct.! / On the coming day chia-tzu, as to making wine libations to perform thejung ritual, we shall not anticipate it to be correct. 219.1-2 Compo 311.6: The king is expected to ... sacrificing, make announcement to (his) father; it will be correct. 471.1-2: The king shall anticipate to call upon (someone) to contribute the bovines which the Elder (chief) of Yuan has (made go out =) sent off. It will indeed be correct.! / He ought not to call upon (some one) to contribute the bovines which Elder of Yuan had sent off; it is not expected to be correct. 120. The king's bone (ache) will get better./ / The king's bone ache is expected not to be better. 83.7-8 Also 363.5-6: King's elbow will be better.// King's elbow is not expected to get better. 142.1-2: Mu is expected to be afflicted with sickness (lit. have as affliction ... )/ / Mu will not be afflicted by sickness. 311.14-15: Prince Ts'ai will survive and recover (from sickness).! / As to Prince Ts'ai, we shall not expect him to recover. 364.1-4: We shall go (as far as) anticipate he will remove (the sickness).! / It is not expected he will remove (it).! / It (is =) means that we shall go (as far as) anticipate he will remove (it).! / It does not mean we shall go to anticipate he will recover (it). 121. We shall anticipate that to enter, sacrificing, to make offerings to the side altars will be approved./ / We ought not, sacrificing, to make offerings to the side shrines. 396.9-10 Compo 540-4: The king shall anticipate he may offer drinks. 100.8-

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123.

124.

125.

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9: The king shall anticipate that performing a dance will be approved.! / The king ought not (make it =) have them perform a dance. 132.3,7: P'an does not have (cause) not to be approved (by the spirits). He will not fall prisoner to the Ch'iang.! / P'an might be expected to fall prisoner to the Ch'iang. As to us, anticipate that, making a town, God will not assist nor approve.! / (Ought not =) If we do not make a town, God will approve. 147.1-2 will not aftlict the settlement ofT'ang. 71.1-2,3-4: As to God, it is that we shall anticipate He may finish (bring to end) this settlement.! / God will not bring to end this settlement. 67.7-8 As to God, we shall anticipate He may send us difficulties.! / God will not send down on us any difficulties. 370.1-2: It is expected we will be in difficulty.! / We will not be in difficulty. The king said: Ming will have (opportunity) to catch (game).! / (The king ought not (make it say =) suppose it (the divination answer) says: As to Ming, we shall not anticipate him to catch (game). 42 4. 2 -3 425.11-2: X will [verb] (bring ?) an elephant.!/ X is not expected to ... 44213-14: Chou, in catching dogs, will continue along the shore.! / As to Chou, we shall not anticipate him to catch any. 289.66 id. 514.2: It is auspicious; we shall expect to shoot (animals) (for sacrifice?).! / It is auspicious: it is found to be favored. 170.1-2: We shall shoot elephants.! / Kps: it is auspicious. We shall anticipate [to shoot] elephants. 80.1-2: We shall anticipate that driving (them) into a pitfall, we will catch (them).! I We shall not anticipate to catch (anything). 86.6-7: We will catch mi-deer. We shall not anticipate catching mi-deer. 102.1-2: On next day kuei-mao we shall expect when burning (the fields) to catch (game).! / On next day kuei-mao, we ought not (make it =) plan to bum (the fields). Kps: we shall anticipate to make a holocaust sacrifice to Shang Chiao 408.12 Compo 112.1-2: While making a holocaust sacrifice to Wang Hai, it is expected to offer jade (?).! / We ought not to bringjade offerings. The X (tribe) will harmonize (i.e. act in accordance with) the king's affairs'! / The king says: the X (tribe) will come.! / Kps: It is auspicious. We shall anticipate that (the devination) says: the X-tribe will come. 583.1-2; 584 Compo 1.19: As to Ta, we shall not anticipate he will harmonize (cooperate) in the kings affairs. 269.5-6: Hua Chih of Ch'a, not having misfortune, will harmonize (cooperate in) the King's af-

NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE ORACULAR INSCRIPTIONS

126.

127.

128.

129.

130.

131.

132.

221

fairs'! I As to Chih Hua of Ch'a, we shall anticipate we may have (such) misfortune. Kps: we ought not anticipate to make an exorcist ritual. 499.3 Compo 513.IO-ll: We shall anticipate to have X perform an exorcist ritual.! I X is not expected to perform an exorcist ritual. The fuel gatherers that are proceeding will defeat (the enemy).! I It is not expected they will defeat (him). Kps: It is auspicious; they will defeat (the enemy). 560.1-2 Compo 119.3-4: The Ch'Oeh will defeat the Huan and Wo.! I As to the Ch'Oeh, we shall not anticipate them to defeat the Huan and WOo 243.2,4: The servant will be defeated. Kps: we shall expect, that being defeated, it will be on a day chia or yi. On chia-hsii day the servant made the boat cross over; (while) he continues to [verb], we shall not announce (it).! I He is not expected to be defeated. In disaster (i.e. forseeing disaster), truly one shall anticipate (one) must select a woman (as sacrificial victim) 289.4; 442.12 id. 306.12-13: As to YO, we shall anticipate (he) will select.! I ... he will not select. The king will [verb] to Father Yi a guest.! I He ought not to [verb] to Father Yi a guest.! I He will [verb] to Ancestress Chi a guest.! I Kps: It is auspicious. We shall anticipate to [verb]. 349.26-28; 350.18 Huan will shackle (i.e. take prisoner) X.! I As to Huan, we shall not anticipate he will imprison X. 75.3-4 Compo 304.22-23: Huan will be taken prisoner. I I Huan is not expected to be taken prisoner. Ancestor Yi will [verb] the king.11 As to Ancestor Yi, we shall not anticipate he will [verb] the king. 41.12-13 Compo 64.1-2: We shall sacrifice to Ancestor Yi.! I We shall anticipate that when sacrificing to Ancestor Yi (at the side tablet), it will not mean any disaster. Kps: it is auspicious. We shall anticipate it may bring down a disaster. 62.1 Compo 124.7-8; 13-14: We shall send down and put on record (as victims offered) a thousand bovines.! I It is not expected that we send down and put on record a thousand bovines and a thousand men. (Note: Terms for 'sacrifice' usually express upward motion 'ascend, send up' etc. Here 'send down' used with 'making records' of victims, not necessarily actual offerings, but rather promises, is exceptional.)1 I The Fou are expected to (verb: contribute?) to us cohorts (of men).! I The Fou will not (verb: contribute?) cohorts to us. 122.1-2

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133. We shall anticipate to stay at Tzu.! / We ought not (make it) at Tzu. 122.1-2. 193.1-2. We shall anticipate that (the divination answer) says: go.! / It does not say: go. 330.2-4.: It is expected to .. .! / Call upon ploughers to go.! / They are not expected to go.

II. The Pronouns in the Shang Inscriptions The terse, compact style of the Shang oracular inscriptions is probably the reason why only a limited number of pronouns seem to occur. We can so far only show examples of personal pronouns and possessive pronouns referring to the first person, but none for the second or the third persons. This is because the oracular texts are statements made by the kings or other persons near them, referring to their own concerns, in general terms 'we shall ... ' or when the king speaks directly 'I shall ... ' Most times 'we' is simply understood, less often it is made explicit. The only demonstrative pronoun found in Shang texts is tz'u 'this', used with nouns following, but also without. The functions and meaning of chih considered by some authors as either demonstrative pronoun 'this' or third person pronoun, objective case 'it, him, them, etc.' , and the meaning and functions of yu 'to have' explained by some as possessive pronoun 'his, her, their, etc.' will need close study before any certain pronominal role can be established. A. Personal and possessive pronouns (first person) wo, yil, chen Wang Hai will harm us.! / Wang Hai will not harm us.! / We shall anticipate to have a calamity.!/ We shall have no calamity.!/ We shall, going to Chih, enter the camp. 3.1-2,11-12,19 2. On next day yi-mao we will make wine libations in our palace.! / We oUght not to make wine libations in our palace. 47.1-2 3. We will perform a dance for rain. (or: If we perform a dance, it will rain.) 4. As to what the king had (occasion) to dream about, it is not that (we) shall call upon Yii (1) to make an exorcism over the bone sickness.! / The king is expected to have bone sickness'! / Our bone sickness ... ')6.4-5; 97·10 Compo 103.9: What the king dreamt about was our ancestress (or: That the king dreamt was because of our ancestress.) 5. Announce that we shall have side-shrine sacrifices at X (place 1).! / Having one penned sheep (as sacrificial victim) to Shang Chia, announce we shall have a side-shrine sacrifice at X. 114.8-9 I.

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Ta Ting will not be impeding us.! / Ta Ting (will impede us). 245-8 We will use prisoners from X (place). 197.1 8. If we set up the arrows we have (Le. all the arrows), God will (assist and approve.) 200.2 9. We will not have any difficulties reaching (us now). 291.5 10. We shall provide men.!/ We ought not make it twenty men. 299.1-2 I I. If we make it seven chih animals, which we pursue, the seven chih will not [verb].! / We will make it thirty chih which we pursue. 6.

7.

323·3-4 12. 13.

We will not have (occasion) to be [verb]. 326.3 While making exorcism we will perform the jung ritual for (any) affairs which we have. 611.2

There are a number of cases where Wo stands for the name of a tribe or country in the Shang neighbourhood and a number of cases where the decision between pronoun or Wo (tribe) is difficult to make. 14.

15.

16. 17. 18.

On ling day they will not gather fuel in Wo (country).! / But at X, shall they gather fuel. 612.12-13 Note that 'not gather fuel for us' would be 'pu wo ch'u'. If the king calls upon (someone) to take our X (men) in the towns situated in Tun, it will agreeable to X (spirit of lightning?).! / If we call upon (someone) to take our X men in the towns situated in Tun, it will not be agreeable to X (spirit of lightning). 605.1-2). (The negative alternative has wo 'we' contrasting with 'king' in the affirmative.) Compo 201.10-11: Our horses having tigers (lurking in the neighborhood) it means disaster/ / Our horses having tigers (---), it does not spell disaster. 177.10-11: Call upon our men to go ahead (take the lead) to HuLl / We ought not to call upon our men to go ahead to Hui. (or: Call upon the men of Wo ... ) 135.3: Our Nil (ally) will come. 306.18-19: The Wo and Ma tribes will (reach =) catch up with the Huo.! / We ought not anticipate they will catch up with the Huo. 117.8: When making wine libations to the Ho (river God), there will be 30 bovines (as sacrificial victims), and we will bring along our daughters (women?; better perhaps: ... we shall bring along women of the Wo tribe.) The king tested (the proposition): I shall attack the Pu.! / I ought not to attack the Pu. 1.5-6,7-8 I, the king, being sick, as to Ancestor X (exercising a harmful influence), the pigs (used for) exorcism will amount to ten. 52.14 At the divination of day ting-ssu, the king (tested the proposition): I ought not to consider it adverse to perform ajung ritual. 90.1-2

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19. Kps: it is auspicious. We .. .! / Kps: I will not have anything that is not approved. We will not go to Chih. 97.17-18 20. Ancestor Yi will hinder the king.! / Ancestor Yi will not impede the King.! / Kps: it is auspicious. We ought not (take it) he will hinder me. 176.1-3 21. The king tested: I should not at all cost (want) to catch the T'an (men). 306.1 Also 307.6: The king tested: I shall make a punishing expedition against the T'an. 22. If the Hsing country (men) come, it (is that =) means that being affiicted, I will be stuck in calamities./ / If the Hsing country (men) come, it does not mean that being affiicted, I will be stuck in calamities. 317.1-2 23. There is (someone, something) hindering.! / There is nothing hindering.! / Kps: it is Chia (ancestor) who is hindering me. 350.3-5 Also 523.7: Kps: it is auspicious. As to the Chu people we ought not (make it =) consider they will impede me. 410.1: Kps: it is auspicious. God, we may anticipate, will give me help. 409. I. If Chih YO opening (the attack), the king shall follow, God will approve and give us help. 24. Kps: if ancestor Yi does not approve, I shall not anticipate to ... 428.2 Other examples of personal pronouns can be found in previous listed examples: 4, 59,62,64,68, 72,87, 89,91,98, 106, 109, 122, 123, 127, 133, etc. Examples of Demonstrative Pronoun tz'u 25. This continuous drizzle (?) does not mean (God) will send down calamities. 61.3 Compo 99.9 Kps: this divination about ghosts is ... 26. The king (ought not =) if he does not make a settlement and stay at this (place), God will approve./ / If the king makes a settlement, God will approve.! / If the king does not make a settlement God will approve. 93.4-5,7 Also 147.3: If the king dwells in this settlement and Ta (Chia) is made guest (in sacrifices) God will approve.! / God will not approve. 326.4-5: This settlement may be expected to have (cause) to bring down calamities'! / This settlement does not have (cause) to bring down calamities.

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27. Kps: as to Yii, it will not be auspicious to be at this (place). 582 Also 606.6-7: Prince T'ai chasing the chih animal, will catch (it).! I Kps: at this (place) he will catch (it). 276.2; 277.2: If Yii stays at this (place) the (spirit of the ancestral) altar will approve. 294.4-5: If the king stays at this (place), the great (spirit) will assist.! I ... will not assist. 28. If the king brings forward (as a gift) this string of jades, Hsien will assist. I I If the king brings forward this string of jades, Hsien will not assist. 139.1-2 29. It is that we shall go to call upon the Ch'iian ... this (place) to X (?). 144·4 30. Kps: it is auspicious: This (divination) says: pursue Kuang. 421.3 B. Meaning and Function of Chih The word chih has often been explained by scholars as a demonstrative pronoun 'this'. There are, of course, examples of chih in this sense in classical literature. The problem with the Shang inscriptions is that though there are instances where chih 'this' yields a contextually reasonable sense, there are also a number of cases where this sense cannot apply. Another meaning of chih, which is closer to the graphic representation, and may perhaps fit all the occurrences in the Shang texts is 'to go'. 31. (Going to evening =) By the evening and (through the night) till (next day) chia-tzu, indeed they were destroyed. 1.3 Also 60. I: By the evening the moon was eclipsed (lit. had occasion to be eaten). 59.1: Next day chia-shen it (the weather) changed to sunny weather. By the evening, the moon was eclipsed. On chia day it was overcast but it did not rain. 534. I: By the evening, it did indeed rain. 32. On the next yi-wei day we will use Ch'iang (men, as victims in sacrifice). We did use (them) so, and (going to the day =) by said day, it was overcast. 106.1; 502 Also: 273.5: Kps: it is auspicious. We will destroy (them). By (said) day, we did indeed destroy the Ts'ai country. 33. On the next day hsin-hai the king will go out.11 On the.next day jenwu we will by burning (the fields) catch (game). We shall hunt at Kuei and catch (game). By the (said) day, we hunted ... 284.4 34. Going to the fifth month (i.e. by the fifth month), Yin will arrive. 98.7 Also 312.4-5: As we are going to come to the seventh month, making a sacrifice and wine libation we will have (or: make it be) five

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human victims (to be beheaded.! I By the seventh month, we ought not to make sacrifices or wine libations, or have human sacrifices. To smear with blood (the altars) will be correct. The king ... 485.14: As we are going to come to the first month, we shall (walk =) step out. 515.1-2 Going to the first month, God is expected to increasingly command sleet (hail ?).! I Going to the first month God is not expected to increasingly command sleet. All these examples clearly refer to immediately or closely following dates and it is quite possible that the pronominal usage 'this' was derived from this usage and it may already simply stand for the sense of 'this'. 35. If the prayer man taking along (the offered things) goes, as to the afflicted tooth, one may consider it as settled (that it) will get better.! I The toothache he suffers-will get better.! I We shall not anticipate it will get better. 12.8-10 36. The king will sacrifice to the side shrine at Mieh. It is that, going, he will have (cause) to sacrifice meat (on the altar). 139.5 Compo 317. 37. It is that (Le. means that) she will give birth to a (normal Le. full grown) human being.! I It is not that she will give birth to a (normal) human being.! lit is that it will (go to =) grow to be a human being.! I It is not that ... 191.1-4 38. We shall anticipate it (Le. the divination) to say: it will (go to =) turn out to be so.lllt does not say: it will turn out to be so. 193.1-2 Compo 239.1-2: It means it will turn out to be that way.lllt does not mean it will turn out to be that way. 287: Kps: (it goes to =) it will turn out that he will have occasion to catch chih, amounting to one, and pig, amounting to one. (or: ... the chih he had occasion to catch was one, the pig (also) was one.) 305.4: Starting, it will turn out that way (Le. from the beginning, it ... ) 39. Father Yi will go to be guest (at the rituals of other ancestors) starting from Ch'iang Chia down to Father Hsin. 227.1 Compo 253.1-2: Lady Tzu, her son will get weiLl I The (said) Lady, though following (Le. going along on the planned trip), it will go to (i.e. it will tum out that) he will get well. 321.1-2: If the king making a settlement, God approves, we (our men) following will go to T'ang.! I If the king makes the settlement, God will not approve. 40. When Chih Yii is opening up (invading ?) the Pa country, the king ought not to make it to go and follow (i.e. assume that he should go .. .)11 When Chih Yii is opening up the Pa country, the king shall (make it =) assume he will go along and follow. 276.5-6

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Compo The king, proceeding, will follow and go.! I The king ought not to proceed to the camp .... 312.13: Having occasion to return the Prince of the left (assisting on the left ?), the king, while making a visit and proceeding to Yi, will be approved. 300. I -2: Having made a dismembering sacrifice, if the king visiting is about to go, it will be approved.! I We ought not (i.e. if we do not) make a dismemberment sacrifice, it will not be approved. 364. 1-4: (lit.: go to/anticipateiremove =) It will turn out that we can anticipate (he) will recover (from sickness).! I We shall not anticipate (he) will recover. I I It (is =) means that it will turn out that we may anticipate h~ will recover'! I It does not mean ... 330.2-4; 331: Anticipate .. .! I Calling upon (them) to plough, they will go.! I We shall not expect they will go.! I Kps: on day ping we may anticipate that it will rain and they will go. C. Use and Meanings of Yu in the Shang texts Among the words interpreted as pronouns or at least as being equivalent to pronouns is the word yu; this has been argued by Professor Nivison, in Early China (3. Fall 1977.1-17), The Pronomial Use of the Verb Yu in Early Archaic Chinese. It is important to view this theory in the light of the other meanings ofyu in the Shang texts. One meaning is 'to sacrifice' in a generic sense, as opposed to more specific types of sacrifices, indicating various ways in which the sacrifice could be performed. This usage is most frequent in all kinds of divinatory texts: 41. When sacrificing slaves to Ancestress Keng, we will have a shaman dance. 47.23 Compo 53.1-2: If the king sacrifices slaves (?), it will be approved.! I ... it will not be approved. 157.5-6: Have a shaman dance at Yiieh and sacrifice. (or: we should have shaman dances [at the sacrifices] to Yiieh (mountain spirit.). 202.5: If we do not sacrifice to the spirits below and above at Lung, it is (means) that there will be (occasion) that (someone, something) will hinder. 206.3: Kps: we shall sacrifice to the harm causing Chia (ancestor or day). 237.5: We shall call upon (someone) to follow and come to select (victims ?) and sacrifice to Older Brother what they have brought. (or: sacrifice what Older Brother has brought.) The term yu 'to sacrifice' is often used together with other terms for sacrifices of more specific nature, or with other terms of different ritual activities:

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42. Sacrificing, offer (lit. make ascend) to Father Keng penned sheep. 360.9 Also 613.3: Sacrificing, kill (victims) to the two altars, Father Ping and (Father) Wu. 614.1-2: Sacrificing kill for Yi (some) bovines.! / ... I, sacrificing, shall kill for Ancestor Wu three bovines. This combination of yu with other sacrificial terms, as shown in many examples, is often difficult to distinguish from the case where yu is used in the sense 'to have'. The latter sense can be ascertained only where the line is contrasted by negative statements with wang or where the context clearly indicates that no reference to sacrifices is intended: 43. We have (the chance) that someone will protect from death. (or: We have the chance he may be protected from death)./ / Having no chance to be protected, we should anticipate that he will die. 305.2-3; 171.5-6 id. Compo 104.3-4: We (or: The Wo) will have occasion to cause calamity.!/ ... will have no occasion to cause calamity. 139.3-4: We shall anticipate that there is chance to (raise =) build up harmful effects to Lady Tzu.! / There is no occasion that one may cause harmful effects to Lady Tzu. 183.4-5: The king shall anticipate that sacrificing he shall use (the victims) they have brought in. (or: ... anticipate to have occasion to use (as sacrificial victims) ... / / (The king) ought not to use them. Nivison (op. cit. p. 4, par. 4.4) comments on the pattern yu+ verb, meaning 'have [cause, opportunity, etc.] to do (something)' and states this applies to intransitive verbs only, but that when the verb is transitive, 'the reference is to an implicit object.' (yu ch'iu: seek something.) However there are as many cases where the object is explicitly stated: 'have occasion to start (i.e.) cause disaster.' 165.6-7 Yu 'to have' is used in a special sense 'to have in addition' and hence is used with numerals for 'and': yi-pai yu chiu-shih, 'one hundred and ninety' literally should be understood as: /(with) one hundred (or: being one hundred)/ have in addition)/ ninety. This explains why the noun qualified by the numeral in English, follows the numeral 'hundred' and precedes the rest of the numeral: '199 Ch'iang men' is yi-pai Ch'iang yu chiu-shih, and 'twelve days' a ten-day weekly cycle (hsun) and two days, is formulated as hsiin yu erh jih, lit./with a complete ten-day cycle/ have (in addition)/ two days. The graph yu 'to sacrifice' later replaced by the graph representing the

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'hand' is one striking example where the meaning of the graph is conclusively established, yet has not so far been explained in terms of its graphic representation. That it was later replaced by yu 'the hand' indicates that it probably was pronounced that same as yu 'to have' (have in hand), but this conclusion is not certain, for it is possible that one graph has two readings for 'to sacrifice' and 'to have' respectively, and when yu 'the hand' replaces the old graph for 'to sacrifice' there was at the same time replacement of one word by a new word for 'to sacrifice'. But if we can explain the graphic representation intended by the early graph for 'to sacrifice', this complicated possibility need not be considered. What we like to suggest is that the early graph of 'to sacrifice' is the graphic representation of a slice of meat (the square like form, sometimes with lines on top closing in, being a reduction of the round shaped element in chi 'meat sacrifice'). When shown together with the element (vertical line on horizontal line), a graph used for 'ancestral altar' or 'tablet', we have a representation of sacrificial meat lying on or around the sacrificial altar. As in other cases, the early scribe had difficulty with the technical aspect of drawing the object with proper consideration of the perspective needed in the picture. The graph then represents 'a bloody ritual' (meat put at the altar or tablet), yet soon the word was used in a general meaning of 'sacrifice'. In such a generic sense 'sacrifice', we can explain the word as a causative verb 'to cause (the spirits) to have', and this would parallel other words of 'offering' such as teng and sheng 'to ascend', used in Shang texts in a causative sense 'to make ascend' i.e. 'to offer'. This can explain how the early graphic representation could be replaced by a new graph yu 'the hand' to mean 'cause to have, let have', and how the graph 'to have' still carried in later times the association with the early meaning 'sacrifice' and was therefore further elaborated by adding the element 'meat'. The cases which are quoted in support ofyu, possessive pronoun, are in fact all cases of yu 'to have' followed by a noun. This structure yu + N can be taken as a nominal unit with two meanings: 'he who has X' and 'X which one has' or 'X which is there'. Since yu Chou 'have Chou' i.e. 'they who have Chou, the rulers of Chou, the Chou Dynasty' can be simply replaced by Chou without changing the general sense of the texts, yu has often been explained by commentators of Classics and modern scholars as a 'meaningless particle'. The yu + N structure, when analyzed as 'N which one has', 'N which is there' allows for more than one translation, such as 'all' as in modern Chinese so-yu-ti jen 'all men', or 'some' as in modern Chinese yu-tijen, etc. The occurrences ofyu + N in the Shang texts must be viewed within the spectrum of these two analy-

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ses. A priori, when a Shang divinatory text relates the concern whether 'the king shall make a sacrifice to his ancestor', it is not necessary to specify 'his ancestor X', and indeed the text simply has 'yu (sacrifice')ju Chia (to Father Chia) , ' etc. If yu is preceding a noun, expressing a kinship relationship, the reason is to stress something different than 'his' or 'her'. Examples: 44. Call upon Price Pin, (that he), while make an exorcist ritual over (lit. the mothers that are there, i.e.) all the female members of mother's generation to Father Yi, should sacrifice (in form of chopped meat) penned sheep (number unspecified) and put on record (as offerings to be made) slave(s) (number unspecified), three shamans, five penned sheep.! I Call upon Prince Pin to sacrifice to all ancestors penned sheep.!1 We ought not to call upon Price Pin ... 182.1,7-8 45. (In sacrifice) to Father Yi, we shall destroy 'the harmful influences that are there' (i.e. all harmful influences there may be).! I We ought not (make it =) consider that (in sacrifices) to Father Yi we will destroy all harmful influences. 51.6-7 Compo 33.5: Call upon Prince Shang to offer cups (of wine) to all the ancestors (lit. the ancestors that are there. This may be meant as 'the appropriate ancestors'). 86.11: We will make burning sacrifices to all the Earth altars (or: the appropriate altars). 184.9-10: Sacrifice to all the altars (of the ancestors) (or: appropriate altars).!1 We ought not to sacrifice (to them at all). 46. Nivison: We should say: Tzu-shang on next ling-day should make a fire attack; (if he does so) he will harm them.!/ We should not say. 302.11-12 This line is preceded by 302.10 and followed by 13: It (the divinatory answer) says: Prince Shang on day yi will strike (the enemy).! I It says: Prince Shang, by the time that one reaches the day ling which is there (i.e. day ling which is in that month), will by causing a fire, destroy (the enemy)'!1 We ought not (make it =) consider it to say: Prince Shang .. .! I At divination of day chia-ch' en, Chiieh tested: on next day yi-ssu it will say: Prince Shang, battling the (enemy), by the time we reach day ling-wei, will destroy them. 47. Having (occasion) that (something, someone) will afflict the (pregnant) body, it is (means) that there is (someone) impeding, (or: there is a hindering influence).! I As to the king, we shall anticipate he may inflict calamity. II As to the king, we shall not anticipate he will inflict calamity. Kps: we ought not (make it =) consider (him) to inflict (any calamity).! I As to Lady Tzu, we shall not anticipate that surviving

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she will recover from any illness she may have. (Nivison: Lady Hao will successfully recover from her illness)./ / Lady Tzu will surviving recover from any illness she may have. 334.1-5 Note: if yu were to refer to 'her' it would not be necessary to have this explicitly stated as in so many other cases of sentences of this kind. 48. Next day hsin-yu, to all ancestors (or: to the appropriate ancestors) penned sheep will be used (as victims). 197.10 Note: we could also read 'When sacrificing to the ancestors, penned sheep will used. Compo 467.3: When making an exorcist ritual to ancestress Chi, we will sacrifice slaves (unspecified amount); or: Offer in the exorcist ritual to Ancestress Chi, the slaves that are there i.e. any kind of slaves we have. 49. Hsing will bring along the chief of the army (lit. he who has the army) and (the chief of) the city. 500. I Compo 597.1-2: Order the Chief of Wan to go out.! / We ought not to order ... 557.3-4: Hua (?) will bring the chief of Ch'ii.// As to Hua, we shall not expect he will bring the Chief of Ch'ii. 601.2 id. Cf. also yu Ku Chao i.e. Chao, head of Ku (country). 14I.II-12 Besides some of the occurrences from the Academia Sinica collection, Nivison also cites a number of examples taken from other collections. Some of them are merely cited as parallel lines without any translation. Some of them are so short and fragmentary, lacking all kind of context, that indeed any translation would have to remain speculative, and they can in no way be taken as conclusive proof of the theory. I will here comment on some of these quotes: Ching 714. Nivison: We should have Prince Tzu-N make an offering to his grandfather Ting. Note: ifTing is his grandfather, there is no need to specify this in contrast with other cases where we see no yu preceding the names of the ancestors: We shall call upon Prince X (Fa, Ta ?) to sacrifice to the appropriate Ancestor Ting (i.e. Anc. Ting, who is appropriate for the case). Hsii 3.47.7,N. Having successfully recovered, Prince Tzu-yii will make a thank offering to his grandfather Wu. Note: pin cannot, strictly speaking, be the same as 'make a thank offering': Prince Yii, the calamity being removed (or having survived and recovered) will treat as guest and sacrifice to Ancestor Wu. Ts'un 2.220 and Ch'ien 6.20.3. Not translated by N. Without context the meaning is uncertain, but as it stands: Put on record (as promised sacrifices) to the appropriate ancestor. (or: Put on record (the promise) of

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sacrificing to Ancestor . . .1/ Perform an exorcist ritual (over someone) to all ancestral mothers. (or: to the appropriate Ancestress). Ch'eng 271, N. We should yu-supplicate for Tzu-an to his (her) Grand mother. Note: fu is not 'supplicate' but 'expel' (evil), exorcise'. In the bone texts, the person over whom the exorcism is done is treated as a direct object (lit. make X the object of the exorcism), and the ancestor to whom the exorcism is made has the preposition yu: Make an exorcist ritual over Prince Pin (An?) to the appropriate Ancestress. Ho 170. N. translates in part: We should have Tzu-an make afu-offering to his (her) grandmother. The full text: Calling upon Prince X to make a burning sacrifice to the appropriate ancestress, we make it a certainty there will be improvement.! / We ought not to call upon Prince X. Ho 323, N. We should have him come with us and bring his elder brother with him. Note: this is 237.5, example 41. Also Ho 245 is 184.9-10. See example 45. Ts'un 2.195, N. He should not present a food offering at his altar stand. Note: Kung yu may well go together as two sacrificial terms: We ought not, providing (food), make a sacrifice to the altars and give a banquet. Chia 2689, N. The king should make a wine offering to K'uei at his temple, (if he does so) there will be big rain. Note: yu tsung 'the shrine(s) which he has' or 'the shrine(s) that are there': The king shall anticipate he may offer wine libations to K'uei at the appropriate temples (or: all the temples). There will be great rain. Compo Ts'ui 16 where Kuo Mo-jo explains yu tsung as 'shrine of the right' which is equivalent to Ch'ien 4.18.1 and T'ung tsuan 592 'shrine of the West': Offer grain to the shrine of the right; there will be rain. Ch'u Wan-Ii (Chia pien 1259) follows this solution, yet Hu Hou-hsuan identifies 'right' with the East. Kaizuka, Iimbun 1943,5 also takes it as 'shrine of the right', but Ch'en Meng-chia takes yu-tsung to refer to the six shrines of the God of the Yellow river: If we do not make a burning sacrifice but offer grain to the shrines which are there (i.e. all the shrines; or: to the shrine ofthe right ?) there will be great ram. Hou, hsia 8.17, N. following Shima's transcription, reads: Perform a sweeping rite at his temple, there may be rain. But Ikeda reads differently, only the second part is sufficiently complete to yield some sense: If returning, we go to sacrifice in the shrine, we shall anticipate to have rain. The Shang texts have an expression often recurring, yu yu, which Nivison explains as 'help of this' meaning 'assistance in this matter', by comparing it with the line shou t'u-fang yu, 'grant aid against T'u-fang'. But T' u-fang yu still represents a regular pattern of qualifying term plus

NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE ORACULAR INSCRIPTIONS

233

qualified term, which can mean 'aid of the T'u-fang' when the context is appropriate, and in other contexts 'aid against the T'u-fang', in the same way as the genetive structure gives cases such as amor matris 'love of the mother' and amor patriae 'love for the country'. The phrase shou wo yu 'grant us aid' (where wo is indirect object) and the putative phrase * Ti yu (not found in Shang texts) are irrelevant in this problem. To determine the meaning of yu yu 'x-like assistance' there is at least one case where the graphs are inverted and inadvertently listed by Shima together with the other examples. It is found in Ts'ui 1298: We ... not let them enter the Shang (city). Our assistance (i.e. the assistance granted to us) will be plentiful. This meaning is not unusual as we find in Shih ching, Ode 170.3: 'Chiin-tzu yu chiu, chih ch'ieh yu: The princely man has wine, it is both sweet and plentiful.' We can therefore conclude that shou yu yu is 'to receive (or: to grant) abundant assistance.' When inverted, yu yu is 'the assistance is abundant.' In the same way, yu nien should be understood as 'abundant harvest' and not with Nivison 'the harvest there'; in many occurrences there is no mention of any place, as for instance 9.1: Kps:it is auspicious. We will receive an abundant crop. Nor should we translate 'the harvest of it' , presumably referring back to the front side inscription of the plastron 8.1-2: We will receive a (good) millet harvest.// We shall not anticipate to receive a (good) millet crop. The specification is not needed, as the connection of the two sides of the plastron inscriptions is obvious and clear. In support of the theory that yu functions as a pronoun, some passages have been cited from the Classics. Among the passages chosen, Nivison does not always offer a translation, but refers either to Legge or Karlgren or rejects either one, if they do not fit in the hypothesis he defends.

Kao Yao Mo 3. N. 'you should both practice the Nine Virtues and also speak of others having virtue, saying: you serve me (well) in this and in that .. .' (or, perhaps: saying 'your service is very fine.') N. points out that Karlgren and Legge did not do justice to the repeated yi ... yi ... , but on the other hand fails to see that yi yen ... is also paralleled by nai yen. N. intends to show that here yu + N in its pronominal usage has 'indefinite reference', rendered in English by 'the'. This is not necessary: As, when putting in practice, there are nine virtues, so also if we speak of a certain man (that) he has virtue, then speaking (of him) we say: what he starts (to do) is of manifold variety. Kao Yao Mo 4. 'If one daily displays three virtues [so that] from morning till night he be wise and enlightened, he will possess a family fief. If one earnestly and respectfully attends to six virtues, [so as to] brilliantly

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conduct the affairs, he will possess a state.' Legge takes yu chia and yu pang as objects of the preceding verbs. N. follows him and translates as 'their state', 'their family'. Kao Yao Mo 5. N. 'Let (the ruler) not teach hisstate(s) ease and indulgence.' Karlgren: "You should not (teach =) set an example of laziness or desires to the possessors of states (the feudatories).' In his Glosses K. considered the other interpretation "to the states they possess' as grammatically possible, but argues that in view of the context yu pang should be understood as 'feudatories.' Kao Yao Mo 6. K. 'Heaven arranges the existing rules ... Heaven regulates the existing rites.' Legge contrasts t'ien hsii and t'ien chih with ch'ih wo and tzu wo, which in a more literal translation would read: 'By Heaven's arrangement, there are the rules, (but) once imposed on us, with the fixed five rules, there are five modes. By Heaven's regulation, there are rites, (but) from us, with the five rites, there are five norms (of practice).' In this view, which seems definitely better, there is no need for yu in any pronominal sense. Yi Chi 4. K. 'My ministers constitute my legs and arms, ears and eyes. I wish to help and support my people." We should note that literally we have: The ministers ... I wish (them) to assist and help the existing people (lit. the people that are there, i.e. all the people.) Since in the same line we have chen ku hung er mu ... 'my legs ... ' it seems curious that we should not have chen min, if the sense intended were 'my people.' Obviously yu min should imply something different: all the people. In Shu ching, the earliest possessive pronoun is chileh and wherever we have yu + N we should expect a different meaning than that expressed by chileh + N. Thus in Kao Yao Mo 4. and 5. even if we understood yu chia and yu pang as 'the family they have, the state they have' it does not mean 'their family, their state' but 'any family or whatever family they may have.' P' an Keng I. K. 'P'an Keng moved to Yin; the people would not go and have a dwelling there.' Legge: ... 'go to dwell there.' N. gives no translation but thinks we should read as in * pu shih yii yu chil. Karlgren pointed out that we cannot understand 'its dwellings' (the dwelling that Yin had) for there were no dwellings yet in Yin. We therefore suggest: When P'an Keng moved to Yin, the people did not find convenient whatever (Yin) possessed for dwelling.' P' an Keng 18. N. refers to Karlgren and Legge but does not explain how he understands the passage. Karlgren and Legge punctuate differently. The crucial point is the sense of yu chung. We should notice that twice the word min is opposed to yu chung: 'Then lecturing those of the people who did not follow, grandly making announcements, he used (the

NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE ORACULAR INSCRIPTIONS

235

opportunity) to make sincere those who were leaders of the masses (lit. of them/those who possessed the masses). When they all went and carelessly/casually stood in the king's hall, P'an Keng then mounted and brought his people forward and said . . .' P'an Keng 35. Karlgren: 'He tranquilized and encouraged his multitude (Legge: the multitudes). He said: do not play and neglect the people, exert yourselves in firmly establishing the Great Mandate.' Again yu chung is in contrast with min, a word which K. restored in the text on the basis ofthe Stone Classics of 175 A.D.: 'He tranquilized and encouraged the leaders (those who have the multitudes) saying: do not ... the people.' Tang Shih 2. Karlgren: 'Now, you multitude there, you say .. .' This phrase yu chung occurs in the same paragraph with erh chung shu in: 'Come, you multitudes, all listen to my words.' The two expressions are to be distinguished: chung shu refers to the multitudes of the people in general, but in the next line, the king addresses the leaders: 'you leaders (lit. those who have the multitudes), you say ... ' and discusses the reason why they are relucatnt to join him against Hsia. Tang Shih 3. Karlgren: 'The multitudes are slack and disaffected; they say ... ' Legge: 'His people have all become idle (in his service) and will not assist him; they are saying ... ' Again, the preceding line: Hsia wang shuai 0 chung Ii 'The king of Hsia in all ways obstructs the efforts of the multitude ... ' shows a contrast of chung with yu chung: the first refers to the masses of the people in general, the second to the leaders (those who have the multitudes). The argument ofT'ang to the leaders reads: Now as to what you might say: the crimes of Hsia are what? The Hsia king obstructs the efforts of the multitudes (i.e. the people in general), he injures the cities of Hsia (so that even) the leaders (those who have the multitudes) are all slack and disaffected, saying ... ' Shao Kao 13. Karlgren: 'Oh, though the present king is small, he is the principal son.' Legge: 'Oh! although the king is young .. .' yu wang clearly stands for 'the king we have (now).' Lo Kao 10. Karlgren: '(Take the officers that are in Chou) ... make them turn to their colleagues there.' Legge: 'make them there join their (old) associates.' yu liao is for yu liao, a binom for 'colleagues': 'cause them to turn and go to the colleagues.' To Fang 15. Karlgren: 'Heaven sent down that ruin and a feudal prince (possessor of state) superseded him.' Legge: ... the chief of your state entered into the line of his succession.' Both authors are basically in agreement. Nivison does not offer a translation. To Fang 24, Karlgren: 'Oh! I will discourse and tell you, many officers of the extant states ... ' Legge: 'You many officers of the various states.'

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yu fang 'the states that are, the states one has' can stand for 'all the states', 'the various states'. It is however distinguished from to fang 'Many States' referring to the states as a group, while yufang refers to all the states as separate entities; the same distinction may apply to the Shang phrases to mu 'the Many Mothers' as a group and yu mu 'all the mothers' where each is viewed individually among the whole. Shih ching 116.3 Karlgren: 'I have heard your summons; I dare not tell people about it.' Literally: 'Though I heard there was a summons ... ' This is certainly the way Cheng Hsiian, though applying it in a political sense, understood the grammatical structure: 'I heard about Ch'ii-wo having decrees of a good government, but I dare not tell anyone.' Shih Ching 200.6. Yu pei 'the Lord of the North'. Nivison relies on Wang Yin-chih who argues that yu is merely 'a particle'. In grammar even particles have a definite function and it is not correct to assume that yu pei is the same as pd. The analysis 'have the North i.e. Lord of the North' is the only proper explanation. Shih Ching 236.4 Karlgren: 'Heaven looked down upon the world below, and its appointment lighted (on him). When Wen Wang started his (initiative =) action, Heaven made for him a mate ... ' This translation does not account for chi: 'When heaven looked down upon (all that) was below, yu ming whatever charge (Heaven had for him) already alighted (on him); even when King Wen started, heaven made for him a mate .. .' This describes King Wen's future rise, even when he merely started. Ibid. 6 Karlgren: 'The appointment came from heaven; it gave the appointment to this Wen Wang.' Again yu ming is not exactly the same as ming: 'All mandate (or: whatever mandate there may be) comes from heaven; (heaven) charged this Wen Wang ... ' Yi Chou Shu 43. Nivison: 'The king said: Oh! I have now fully declared to you Heaven's Mandate; and now that we have gained Heaven's grace on our Chou, our state will not be casual about this mandate.' There is no proof that huo would have an exclamatory sense. I suggest it stands for huo 'to possess exclusively' and as causative 'give in exclusive possession': 'The heavenly mandate, exclusively given to me, (wei =) is what already I (hsien =) made fully yours. If you are able to (ch' eng =) respond to the favours heaven made to us, rulers of Chou (lit. who have Chou), (ssu) then, the little states will not be slighting towards (yu ming =) any command there may be (from us). Yi Chou Shu 44. Nivison translates only two lines: 'As I look back, my eye passes by the River; my wandering gaze follows the winding of the I and the Lo.' Seen in the whole context yu ho is not' the River': 'When I gaze southward, (my view) goes beyond the San T'u mountain; when I

NOTES ON THE GRAMMAR OF THE ORACULAR INSCRIPTIONS

237

gaze northward, it goes beyond the border (areas) of the Yiieh mountain; when I look back, it goes beyond (lit. what has the Ho river =) the areas where the Ho river flows; winding I gaze, continuing along the Yi and the Lo rivers, at the Hall of Heaven (which has no distance =) not too far away. If one would name (it), this (chapter) would be called: Surveying the Cities.' We must conclude that, neither in the Shang nor in the Chou texts, does yu have a pronominal function or meaning. In the Shang texts, the terseness, the set formulaic pattern of the language is probably the reason that we find no examples of personal pronouns following a verb as direct object (it, them), or any possessive pronouns (his, her, their) preceding nouns. If other Shang texts of different content and style will sometime be discovered, this picture of the Shang language may perhaps be changed and completed.

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OLD CHINESE *-u AND *-iw IN THE SRI-liNG WILLIAM

H.

BAXTER

III

The University of Michigan

I.

Introduction

In my dissertation (Baxter 1977; see also Baxter 1980), I developed a reconstruction system for Old Chinese finals in which the traditional .NJ, You rhyme category of Old Chinese (reconstructed by Karlgren with *:Qg) includes words with finals in both *-u and *-iw. 1 Since *-u and *-iw cannot rhyme in the usual sense of the word, this proposal appears to conflict with the traditional analysis of Old Chinese rhyming, and suggests that the'" You category should be split in two. The present study is an attempt to determine whether or not the rhyme evidence from the Shi-jing supports this hypothesis. Before presenting the analysis of the data (section 4), I will discuss the nature of the traditional analysis of Old Chinese rhyming (section 2) and summarize the assumptions which underlie the proposed reconstruction (section 3). Some seemingly irregular rhymes are discussed in section 5; conclusions and implications will be presented in section 6. 2.

The nature of the traditional analysis

By the 'traditional analysis' of Old Chinese rhyming, I mean the set of rhyme categories developed by Chinese scholars of the Qing dynasty, culminating in the work of Wang Niansiin (1744-1832) and Jiang Yougao (died 1851). This traditional analysis has been recognized by modern scholars as being basically correct, although it has undergone some revision in the present century, especially through the work of Wang Li (1937) and Dong Tongbe (1948). These revisions do not affect the rhyme group discussed in this paper, however. I An earlier version of this paper was presented to the Eleventh International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Linguistics, Tucson, October 20-22, 1978. This paper does not deal with the words reconstructed by Karlgren with • -6k, which are sometimes included in the ~ You group.

OLD CHINESE *-U AND *-iw IN THE

SHi-JiNG

259

The Qing scholars did a brilliant job of analyzing the rhyme categories; however, since I am going to disagree with the traditional analysis on some points, it is appropriate to discuss briefly some of the problems which arise in analyzing rhyme evidence from poetry written in a nonphonetic script. A Chinese reader of the Shl-jing will immediately notice cases in which words apparently intended to rhyme do not rhyme in contemporary pronunciation. Take, for example, stanza 3 of Ode 28: .AI: ,,1 ,~ ~-

-f

11

4J'

~-

1-.&.~-t

Yan yan yu fei, xia shang qi yin.

Jf

~1i 1'.fJ

~ 1.. -+ ~

-1 ~ ~ .~'

- TSj*Tr(j)- > TG>*TSrG) > TSG>(I also follow Pulleyblank in assuming that MC TSj- initials sometimes reflect other sources, including *Kj-; the development of so-called 'yodized' allophones of certain Middle Chinese initials can also be attributed to the influence of a following medial *j.) Now certain Middle Chinese finals-the division I and 'pure' division IV finals-never occur with these derived initials. It is logical to conclude that syllables with these finals had no medial elements at the Old Chinese stage, and that any distinctions among such syllables which cannot be attributed to initial or final consonants must be attributed to the main vowel. Taking syllables in final -n as an example, the following finals occur only with 'simple' initials: I

-!n -u!n -:m

IV

-uan -ien -iwen

In the case of -an/-uan and -ien/-iwen, the distinction between kiikou and bekou (absence or presence of a rounded medial) is limited to velar and

OLD CHINESE *-U AND *-iw IN THE

SHi-JiNG

263

laryngeal initials, and can be accounted for by assuming a series of labiovelar and labiolaryngeal initials (as in Pulleyblank 1961-62:95-6). The finals -an and -uan, however, contrast after other kinds of initials. Thus the phonological pattern of Middle Chinese suggests that different vowels should be reconstructed for each of the following four finals: I

-an -uan

IV

-ien

-(u)~n

The traditional analysis of Old Chinese rhymes suggests that additional vowel distinctions are necessary, however, for the words in Middle Chinese -ien are distributed among three different rhyme groups: the -iLl Yuan group, the -i...- Wen group, and the J- Zhen group. Thus in order to account for both the Middle Chinese finals and the rhyming distinctions ofthe traditional analysis, we need six vowels, one for each of the following correspondences: MC I.

2.

3·

4· 5· 6.

DC rhyme group

-an -uan

~

-(u)~n

~

-ien -ien -ien

L

ILl

~

~

Yuan Yuan Wen Yuan Wen Zhen

A six-vowel system such as that suggested by Bodman (1971) will accomplish this nicely (I use *j for Bodman's *~): *i *e

*i

*u *0

*a Such a system can be analyzed as being determined by the three features [± back], [± high], and [± round], with back vowels redundantly round. (For further discussion see Baxter 1977, 1979, and 1980.) The !!-final syllables without medials are accounted for as follows:

264

WILLIAM H. BAXTER III

OC rhyme group *-in

.A-

*-in

~

*-un *-en *-an *-on

-(...

1l.. ~

1L

MC

Zben -ien W' { -ien (after acute initials) en -an (after grave initials)3 Wen -uan Yuan -ien Ymin -an Ymin -uan

The same six-vowel system appears to be capable of accounting for all the necessary distinctions in other kinds of syllables as well, not just those ending in -no Thus the system is a little tighter than Li's, which assumes seven different main vowel types (*!!, *~, *i, *,!!, *ia, *ia, and *ua; for a comparison of the two vowel systems, and further arguments, see Baxter 1980). In general, the division I finals of Middle Chinese are reconstructed with back vowels, while the division IV finals are reconstructed with nonback vowels, although there are some exceptions to this pattern. It will be observed that the reconstructed system, although it accounts for all the distinctions of the traditional analysis of Old Chinese rhyming, also appears to conflict with that analysis. Syllables ending in *-en, *-an, and *-on cannot be rhymes; yet all three types occur within the single Old Chinese rhyme group iL Yuan. Similarly, syllables in *-in and *-un cannot have rhymed, yet these two syllable types both occur in the Z Wen rhyme group. There are many other such apparent conflicts between the proposed reconstruction system and the traditional analysis, because several of the traditional rhyme groups contain both division I and division IV finals of Middle Chinese, for which the proposed reconstruction usually uses different vowels. Of course, since the system reflected in the proposed reconstruction may well represent a stage earlier than the Shl-jlng, discrepancies between the reconstruction and the traditional analysis of Shl-jlng rhyming could be accounted for by assuming sound changes which modified the rhyme pattern by the time ofthe Shl-jlng. To explain why the reconstructed finals *-en and *-on are in the same rhyme group with *-an, for exam3E.g., ~ *sin > sien, but ~ *kin > k:m. (The terms grave and acute, taken from Jakobson's feature system, are convenient terms for natural classes of consonants in Chinese. Velar, laryngeal, and labial initials are grave; all others are acute.) This method of reconstructing *-in differs from my earlier reconstruction, which *-in > -ien everywhere, and *-un > -;:10 or -U;ln according to initial; the modification is supported by rhyme evidence, discussed in Baxter 1979, section 3 (p. 16-17).

OLD CHINESE *-U AND *-iw IN THE SHI-JING

265

pie, we could assume diphthongizations *-en > *-ian and *-on > *-uan; similarly, to explain why the finals *-un and *-in are in the same rhyme group, we could assume a diphthongization *-un > *-uin. The system resulting from these diphthongizations would closely resemble F. K. Li's reconstruction (1971). Another possibility, however, is that the evidence from the phonological pattern of Middle Chinese has revealed distinctions which the traditional analysis simply overlooked. The discussion in section 2 has shown how this is possible and has occurred in the past. As a matter of fact, Jaxontov, who first argued that certain hek6u words of the Yuan rhyme group should be reconstructed with *-on, also argued that the words so reconstructed still constitute a separate rhyme category in the Shi-jing (Jaxontov 1959-60). Whether there are any traces of a rhyming distinction between *-en and *-an remains to be investigated. With this background in mind, let us now turn to the You group and see how the assumptions of the proposed reconstruction apply to it. According to the traditional analysis (as presented in Lu6 and ZhOu 1958:19), this group includes words with the following Middle Chinese finals: I.

2.

3· 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Some words in -~u (also from the '( Xiao group) Some words in -au (also from the 'it Xiao group) Some words in -ieu (also from the ''( Xiao group) All words in -j~u except a few words from the z Zhi group All words in -jeu A few words in -~u A few words in -jau A few words in -jwi3.

Following the same line of reasoning as illustrated above in the !!-final syllables, we can use the division I and division IV finals as a clue to the basic vowel types to be reconstructed for this group. For the division I final-au, I reconstruct *-u (as in Pulleyblank 1961-62 and, recently, Wang Li 1978).4 For the division IV final -ieu, I reconstruct *-iw. The other division I final, -::m, is so rare in this rhyme group that I will treat it as exceptional, as did Li (1971:31).5 When preceding medial elements are 4Another possibility would be to reconstruct *~, which does not otherwise exist in my system (see, for example, Bodman 1980, section 6.1). As the system now stands, a labial segment never follows a rounded vowel. sit is possible that a third type of final, *-iw, should be reconstructed in this group. There is no such final at present, and this represents a gap in the system.

266

WILLIAM

H.

BAXTER

III

added, the Middle Chinese finals of this rhyme group are accounted for as follows:

oe

Me

oe

*-u > -au *-ru > -au *-(r)ju > -j;}U (but *Kwrju > Kjwi3)

*-iw *-riw *.. -(r)Jlw

Me > -ieu > -au ..j-jeu (grave initials) . . . t-j;}U (acute initials)

(For fuller discussion, see Baxter 1977, 1980.) The words in -jau are very few, and I regard them as exceptional developments. If we assume that all the words in this rhyme group interrhymed freely, as implied by the traditional analysis, then we must assume intervening developments between the reconstructed stage and the dialect of the Shijfng in order to explain how words in *-u and *-iw came to interrhyme. One way to do this would be to assume diphthongizations *-u > *-iw and *-iw > *-iiw. (The result would be a system for this rhyme group only superficially different from Li's reconstruction, where *-;}gw corresponds to my *-u and *-i;}gw corresponds for the most part to my *-iw.) But in light of the foregoing discussion of the traditional analysis of Old Chinese rhyming, we should investigate the possibility that a rhyming distinction between original *-u and *-iw did survive in the Shf-jfng, and was simply overlooked in the traditional analysis. If such a rhyming distinction can be found, it will of course also provide additional support for the proposed reconstruction system. 4. Rhyme analysis In order to use Shf-jfng rhymes to test the hypothesis that *-u and *-iw rhyme separately, we must decide which words of the traditional ~ You group to reconstruct with *-u and which with *-iw. If we used rhyme evidence to help draw this boundary, we would run the danger of circularity; instead, we will identify the *-u and *-iw words on the basis of Middle Chinese readings and xiesheng evidence alone. Since some Middle Chinese finals come only from *-u (e.g. -au, -jwi3' and, after grave initials, -j;}u), while others come only from *-iw (e.g. -ieu and -jeu), Middle Chinese readings alone sometimes force the choice of *-u or *-iw. But there are many cases in which the Middle Chinese reading could come from either *-u or *-iw: words in -au, for example « *-ru or *-riw), and acute-initial words in -j;}U « *:i!! or *-jiw). In such cases, we can often reconstruct a word on the basis of the Middle Chinese

OLD CHINESE *-U AND *-iw IN THE

SHi-JiNG

267

readings of other words in the same phonetic series. For example, the MC kau(:) (GSR 1069) includes many words with phonetic series of readings in Middle Chinese -ieu and -jeu, and only a single word with a division I final (namely 1069r, ~ MC lau 'spirits with sediment (Lie)'). On this basis, I reconstruct as *kriw rather than *kru. By similar reasoning, I reconstruct words from the following phonetic series with *: iw vocalism: 1028 ~ , 1031::k., 1064 ~ (also 1103, 1139), 1069 1077 '\.J:.... , 1079 Ii} , 1083 Ji] , 1092 it. There are still other cases in which the phonetic series offers no help, because all of the words of the series (at least those listed in GSR) have ambiguous finals in Middle Chinese. Examples are GSR 1095 ~ and 1096 I~ • In general, for purposes of this study, I have reconstructed words with *-iw only when there was some specific reason to do so; all other words in the ~ You group are provisionally reconstructed with *-u. 6 The rhyme words of the ~ You group are listed by phonetic series in appendix I, and identified there as either *-u or *-iw, as their Middle Chinese readings and xiesheng connections seem to indicate. The list is based on the list in Zhou Zum6 1966b , with some minor changes (including some emendations proposed in Karlgren 1950). The Shf-jlng rhyme sequences involving ~ You group words were identified with the help of the Mdo-shl YIn-de, Karlgren 1950, and Lit Zhiwei 1948, and form the corpus of this study. Irregular rhyme sequences in which a single ~ You group word rhymes with words of other rhyme groups are excluded. (In rhyme sequences where some rhymes are within the ~ You group and others are not, the rhyme 'pairs' consisting of only ~ You group words were included in the corpus, while the irregular rhyme pairs were excluded. See the discussion of the rhyme pair as a unit of rhyming, below.) Rhyme sequences within the ~ You group which include more than one Middle Chinese tone category are not treated as irregular, since Old Chinese tone categories may have been different. Different investigators rarely agree completely on which words are intended as rhymes and whether a given sequence should be divided into two or more sequences; I will not attempt to justify my decision on each such doubtful point. The rhyme sequences included in the corpus are listed in appendix 2. It will be seen from appendix 2 that there are 105 rhyme sequences which involve only *-u words, 10 which involve only *-iw words, and 10

Af

11f

f '

6As noted above, there may be a further distinction between *-u and *-iw, indicated by the contrast between Me -au and -;m. Assuming that the *-iw words have been correctly picked, however, the question of this further distinction should not affect the results of this study.

268

WILLIAM

H.

BAXTER

III

which involve both, for a total of 125. Further analysis is necessary, however, in order to interpret this information, for the following reasons: (I) the 'rhyme sequence' is not a good unit to use for counting rhymes, since rhyme sequences vary in length; and (2) we must develop criteria for deciding whether the observed distribution of rhymes does or does not support the hypothesis. We will take up this second problem first. There is a statistical procedure known as the chi-square analysis which can be used to determine if a given distribution of events differs significantly from the distribution predicted by a given hypothesis. To begin with a simple example, consider the tossing of a coin. If a 'fair' coin is tossed a hundred times, the most likely distribution of heads and tails is fifty heads and fifty tails. That is to say, if the test is repeated a great many times, this is the distribution of heads and tails which will occur most often. However, even a fair coin will not necessarily come up heads exactly 50% of the time in any given trial; a toss of 51 heads and 49 tails, for example, is only slightly less probable than a toss of 50 heads and 50 tails. On the other hand, if a coin comes up heads 100 times in a row, most people would conclude that the coin is not fair. But how can we decide whether a given distribution of heads and tails-say, 70 heads and 30 tails-is 'off' enough to indicate that the coin is not fair? Such questions can be answered by using the chi-square procedure. The number x2 is calculated by comparing the observed frequencies of certain events with the frequencies predicted by some hypothesis. The greater the discrepancy between the observed frequencies and the expected frequencies, the greater the value of X2 • From the size of the number X2 , we can determine from statistical tables the probability that the observed frequencies could have occurred by chance. To take an example, if a coin turns up heads in 70 out of 100 tosses, then X2 is computed as in Table I. The first column of table I lists the observed frequencies (fo) namely, 70 heads and 30 tails. The second column lists the expected frequencies (fe), namely, 50 heads and 50 tails, based on the hypothesis that the coin is fair. The third column is the difference between the first two (fo - fe)' These values are squared in the fourth column. The Table I (j" -

heads tails

fo

fe

70

50 50

2Q 100

fo - f,

(fo - f,)2

20 -20

400 400

100

Significant at .001 level of confidence.

f.,p

fe

8 8 x2 = 16

OLD CHINESE

*-U

AND

*-iw

IN THE SHi-JiNG

269

number X2 itself is computed in the fifth column: for each of the possibilities, heads and tails, the square of the difference between the observed and expected frequency is divided by the expected frequency. The sum of this column is the number X2. In this case it will be seen that X2 = 16. Reference to a table of critical values of X2 (such as that in Senter 1969:501 or any other elementary statistics textbook) will show that for an example such as this (which has one 'degree of freedom'7), any value of X2 exceeding 10.827 is significant at the .001 level of confidence. This means that the probability that such a great discrepancy between the observed and expected frequencies would occur by chance is less than .001, i.e. less than 1 in 1000. It is customary in statistics to reject a hypothesis when the expected frequencies predicted by the hypothesis differ from the observed frequencies enough to produce a confidence level less than .05, or 1 in 20. Thus the chi-square procedure tells us that it is extremely unlikely that a fair coin would behave as this coin did, and we can reasonably reject the hypothesis that the coin was fair. (The foregoing discussion of chi-square is based largely on Senter 1969:345-62.) In the coin example, we were really trying to choose between two hypotheses: (I) that the coin was fair, and (2) that the coin was not fair. It was the first hypothesis that was tested in the chi-square analysis, because this hypothesis makes specific predictions about expected frequencies. The second hypothesis is not specific enough to predict any particular distribution of heads and tails. Similarly, we can use the chi-square procedure to test the hypothesis that words in *-u and *-iw form separate rhyme categories by testing the 'null' hypothesis that the words of these two categories interrhyme freely.s The events whose expected and observed frequencies will be compared will be types of rhymes among ~ --You-group words: the number which involve only *-u - words, the number which involve only *-iw words, and the number which involve words of both types. To calculate expected frequencies for these events, however, we must look very closely at exactly what we mean by 'interrhyme freely', and we must develop a unit for counting these events which is more uniform than the 'rhyme sequence'. I interpret 'interrhyme freely' to mean that once a poet has chosen a 7This means that only one of the frequencies, heads or tails, can vary independently of the other for a given number of trials; if 70 heads occur in 100 trials, then the number of tails has to be 30. 8If, instead, we tried to test directly the hypothesis that *-u and *-iw do not interrhyme, we would not be able to allow for the possibility of irregularrhymes-:-Mathematically what would happen is that the expected frequency (fe) of rhymes between *-u and *-iw words would be zero; but we must divide by fe in order to calculate X2 , and diVISIon by zero is not allowed. If we attempted to solve this problem by predicting a small but non-zero number of irregular rhymes between the two categories, we would face the problem of deciding how many irregular rhymes to predict.

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given rhyme category, his choice of words within that category is unrestricted. This is not to say that all words in the category are equally likely to be chosen as rhyme words, because some words are more likely to occur than others, irrespective of their rhymes. But after one rhyme word of a given category has been chosen, the likelihood of any other given word being chosen to complete the rhyme should be proportional to that word's overall frequency of occurrence. To take a hypothetical example, suppose that words A, B, and C are assumed to interrhyme freely, and that, in a large corpus, B is used as a rhyme word twice as often as C. If the words actually interrhyme freely, then we would expect A to rhyme with B about twice as often as it rhymes with C. If A rhymes only rarely with B but frequently with C, even though B occurs more often than C in the corpus, then we should conclude that A and B do not interrhyme freely. Thus, in order to calculate expected frequencies of the three types of rhymes (all *-u, all *-iw, and mixed), we must consider the frequency of occurrence ofthe rhyme words. We must also decide how to count rhyme sequences of different lengths. It is clear that a rhyme sequence of ten *-iw words would be much stronger evidence for the reality of the *-iw category than a rhyme sequence of only two *-iw words. However, it is difficult to incorporate rhyme sequences of varying lengths into a model of rhyming behavior unless certain simplifying assumptions are made. I will deal with this problem by assuming, in effect, that sequences of rhymes are chosen pairwise; that is, that a poet chooses each rhyme word to rhyme with the immediately preceding rhyme word only, without reference to earlier words in the sequence. Under this assumption, then, a three-word rhyme sequence ABC can be analyzed as two successive pairs: AB and BC. (In effect, this treats rhyme sequences as Markov chains.) While rhyming behavior is surely much more complex than this, this assumption provides a unit of uniform size for counting rhymes of different kinds, and I do not believe that it is biased either for or against my hypothesis. Henceforth in this study, then, we will speak not of rhyme sequences but of rhyme pairs. This procedure affects both the method of counting regular and irregular rhymes and the method of calculating the frequency of a given rhyme word. For example, a rhyme sequence *ku *liw *tu is analyzed as two rhyme pairs: *ku *liw and *liw *tu. Both pairs cross the boundary between the *-u and *-iw categories, and thus both are counted as irregular. Moreover, the word *liw is counted as occurring twice, because it occurs in two different pairs, while *ku and *tu are each counted only once. However, if the order had been *ku *tu *liw, then this

OLD CHINESE *-U AND *-iw IN THE

SHi-JiNG

271

sequence would be counted as one regular pair (*ku *tu) and one irregular pair (*tu *liw); and in this case it is *tu which would be counted as occurring twice. Thus this second sequence is treated as half as irregular as the first one, because the boundary between the * -u and * -iw groups is crossed only once rather than twice. I am sure that other models of rhyming behavior are possible, but this is as satisfactory as any I have been able to devise. When this concept of rhyming pair is applied to the rhyme sequences listed in Appendix 2, we find that the 125 rhyme sequences consist of 228 rhyming pairs, of which 201 pairs consists of *-u words only, 12 pairs consist of *-iw words only, and 15 pairs mix *-u and *-iw words. (1 will give in section 5 what I believe is an adequate explanation for these exceptional rhymes, but at this point I will make no attempt to explain them away.) The frequency of occurrence of *-u and *-iw words can be calculated as follows: Since there are two rhyme words in every rhyme pair, the total number of occurrences of rhyme words in this corpus is simply 2 x 228 = 456 occurrences. Ofthese 456 occurrences, 417 (91.45%) are *-u words; 39 (8·55%) are *-iw words. To calculate the expected frequencies of the different kinds of rhyme pairs, we can think of this set of 456 occurrences as an urn containing 456 balls, each with a Chinese character written on it; for every word in the ~ You group, there are as many balls in the urn as that word's number of occurrences in this corpus. Additionally, we may assume that each ball is labeled as either * -u or * -iw, according to my proposed reconstruction. Ifa single ball is drawn from the urn, the probability that it will be an *-u ball is 91.45% or .9145; the probability that it will be an *-iw ball is 8.55% or .0855. 9 That is, if we draw a single ball out of the urn many times (replacing the ball after each trial), the percentage of * -u balls drawn will approach 91.45% and the percentage of *-iw balls drawn will approach 8·55%· We can calculate the expected frequencies under the hypothesis that *-u and *-iw interrhyme freely by considering what happens if we draw two balls from the urn in succession. (I will assume that the first ball is replaced before the second ball is drawn; here again, other models are possible.) The probability that both the first and the second ball will be *-u balls is .9145 x .9145 = .8363. Similarly, the probability that both the first and the second balls will be *-iw balls is .0855 x .0855 = .0073. A 91 do not claim that these percentages are accurate to four significant digits; but it is convenient to use .9145 rather than .915 or .92 because it makes it easier to get expected frequencies which add up to exactly 228.

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mixed pair can be drawn in two ways: either by drawing a *-u ball first and then an * -iw ball (probability .9145 x .0855 = .0782), or by drawing a * -iw ball first and then a * -u ball (probability .0855 x .9145 = .0782). The probability of drawing a mixed pair by either method is .0782 + .0782 = .1564. We can obtain the expected frequencies of each kind of rhyme pair in a corpus of 228 pairs simply by multiplying each of these probabilities by 228. The observed and expected frequencies are tabulated, and X2 calculated, in Table 2 below. Table /I (fa - f~)2

*-u pairs mixed pairs *-iw pairs

fo

fe

fa - fe

(fa - feF

201 15

190.68 35.66

10.32 -20.66 10.34

106.50 426.84 106.92

-1£ 228

~

228.00

f~

)(2

.56 11.97 64.41 = 76.94

Significant at .001 level of confidence.

The value for X2 thus calculated is 76.94. For a problem such as this, which has two degrees of freedom, any value of x2 exceeding 13.82 is significant at the .001 level; that is, the probability is less than I in 1000 that such a large variation from the expected frequencies could have occurred by chance. In plain language, there are too many rhymes involving only *-iw words and too few rhymes mixing *-u and *-iw to be consistent with the hypothesis that *-u and *-iw interrhyme freely; some other hypothesis must be developed to explain the observed rhyme pattern. 5. Accounting for the mixed rhyme pairs Although the chi-square test enables us to reject the 'null' hypothesis that *-u and *-iw interrhyme freely, it cannot tell us what hypothesis to substitute for it. In particular, although it confirms that not all the words of the You category interrhyme freely, the chi-square test cannot tell us exactly how to divide the group. The boundary between the *-u and *-iw groups was drawn on the basis of the Middle Chinese readings and the xiesheng connections of the words involved. So far, the boundary thus drawn does not seem to be a particularly good way of accounting for the Shi-jing rhymes, since, statistics or no statistics, there are more cases of mixed rhyme pairs than of *-iw rhymes.

OLD CHINESE *-U AND *-iw IN THE SHi-JiNG

273

Incidentally, the number of mixed rhyme pairs could have been reduced, and the proposed reconstruction made to fit better, if rhyme evidence as well as xiesheng evidence had been used to determine the reconstruction of words whose Middle Chinese finals were ambiguous. The words J~ , i·i, , 1l, , ~-b , .t~ , and"liJ all had MC -j;}U, which can come from either *.:.i!! or *-jiw. They were ail assigned to the *-iw group because they are in phonetic series with words in MC -ieu or -iek; but none of these words ever rhymes with words whose Middle Chinese finals unambiguously indicate * -iw. If we had reconstructed these words with *.:.i!! on the basis of Shl-jlng rhymes, simply regarding their xiesheng series as irregular, we could have eliminated 13 of the 15 mixed rhyming pairs. However, this procedure strikes me as circular; it seems preferable to examine evidence of xiesheng evidence and Shl-jlng rhymes separately first, and then to compare the implications of the two kinds of evidence. In the present case, the apparent contradiction between xiesheng evidence and Shi-jlng rhyme evidence can be resolved by assuming that the Shl-jlng rhymes sometimes reflect developments later than the stage represented in the xiesheng series. The crucial fact about the rhymes which mix *-u words with *-iw words is that, without exception, the * -iw words in such rhymes have the Middle Chinese final -j;}u. Karlgren's ~ in this final is intended to represent 'a very short and subordinated element' (1954:268); in fact, the ~ found in some dialect reflexes of this final probably developed after the Qie-yun period, and we should probably write simply .:.i!! for the Early Middle Chinese stage (cf. Pulleyblank 1961-62:85). Thus all the interrhymes between *-iw and *-u in the Shi-jlng can be accounted for by assuming that in some dialects, *-jiw had already changed to *.:.i!! after acute initials. This change must be assumed in any case to account for Middle Chinese reflexes, since -jeu < * -jiw is limited to grave initials. There may be some indications of the geographical extent of this change in the distribution of mixed rhymes in the Guo-feng section of the Shi-jing. This distribution may indicate that the change took place in the north-central and northwestern areas. Mixed rhymes occur in ~ rtJ Shtw-min (2I.2B), 1tf ~1. Bei-feng (39.4), ~~ Yong-feng (54.1), tfrJiL Wei-feng (59-4), Ip ~eng-feng (79·3), j~ >iL Tangfeng (II6.2, 123.2), and ~ (I28.I)-mostly areas of the North and West. Words in *-jiw still rhyme with other words in *-iw in 1-i.L Wang-feng (69.2, 72.2) and t~ Cao-feng (153.2), indicating that there were areas where * -jiw remained after acute initials. There is some evidence that *-jiw after acute initials may have per-

*->iu

274

WILLIAM

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III

sisted in some dialects as late as the Yu-pidn (A.D. 543), although it has become *.:J!! in the Qie-yun. Zhou Zum6, in his study of the fangie of the original Yu-pidn preserved in the Bansyoo myoogi of Kuukai (Zhou Zum6 I966a), notes that some words in Middle Chinese -jeu have fangie final spellers in -j~u. (See Table 3) He concludes that the two finals were probably not distinguished in the dialect of the yu-pidn. However, with only one exception, the words in -j~u used as spellers for words in -jeu are to be reconstructed with *-jiw. Thus these Yu-pidn spellings may reflect a dialect in which * -jiw (MC -jeu) remained after acute as well as grave initials. lo There are also indications in the Shi-jing of a general lowering of * -iw to * -ew in some dialects. This development could explain the occasional occurrence of MC -jau < *-jiw in ~ You group words (including the rhyme words 1k. MC tsjau and ~ MC gjau4 .) (Not all cases of MC -jau in the ~ You group occur in *-iw words, however.) Rhymes mixing *-iw and *-ew are found in 1t~ Chen-feng (143.1 *'t~ ,~ a circle indicates an *-iw word) and in ~ IlL BIn-feng (154.4 .t~ and 155·4 -jfJ..,1/r- • .4..t). Lu6 and Zhou (1958: 19) indicate that rhymes of this type are not uncommon in the Hfm period, although the ~ You and Xiao categories are generally kept separate. --

«:.

;

'if

6. Conclusions and implications The statistical examination of Shl-jlng rhymes of the traditional ~ You rhyme group has, I believe, demonstrated that it is valid to divide this group into a *-u group and a *-iw group. Although there are a few cases of interrhyming between *-u and *-iw words, all such cases are accounted for by a sound change which must be assumed for independent reasons, namely, a change of *-jiw to *.:J!! after acute initials. It is to be hoped that the distinction between *-u and *-iw may prove useful in investigating early Chinese dialects and in comparing Chinese with Tibeto-Burman languages. The use of statistical techniques in studying rhyme patterns also seems to me a promising area for further research. The statistical techniques used here could be applied to other hypotheses about Old Chinese rhyming; possibly more refined techniques can be developed. In this way the traditional analysis of Old Chinese rhymes can be confirmed where it is

,¥

IOThe exception is the spelling -1f-. ;t.u ·jwo + .!E!! for Me~; in this case note that the Guiing-yun also has a reading ~ for and that the Shuo-wen uses ~~ as a Perhaps the reading~ for 'ijO. results from a confusion of these two words. gloss for

'I¥ .

'I¥ .

275

OLD CHINESE *-U AND *-iw IN THE SHi-JiNG

Table III Hmqie Spellings of Me -jeu in the Original Yil-pifm (from ZhOu Ziim6 1966a:38l)

Words

t-

Spellings kjeu

fo~!,

kjwo

+ d~j;}u
L ,~ -4t -if ~~

103 1

~

*-iw

1039

('he.l'en. See Campbell 1959: 128-9. lilt

('eO.l'lIn

OLD CHINESE *-U AND *-iw IN THE SHi-JiNG

277

APPENDIX I ( Continued) GSR Number

1047

1048 1049

Rhy"me Words

1iJ ..tiJ

(cf. 1059

Jii

• 1113

-'

)

ll.

(cf. 1102

:f

€L

1051

~ (cf. 1039 .%

1054 1055

t

-:t. ~

1056 1057 1058 1059

*-u

*-u *-u

t

t

• 1107

.1144

11

1050 1053

'.

Reconstruction

*-u )

~t

*-u *-u *-u

(cf. 1041

• 1168

~

*-u

)

Jf

*-u

i;f. .

*-u

-k.

*-u

-.

(cf. 1047

~

iJ • 1113 11

.t

)

.1107

*-u

• 1144

1060

,,-1"~

1062

-17

*-u

1063

JI:L ,if ltJ.... ~

*-u

1065 1066

!I.l ~l(t~~~~~

*-u

1067

i

*-u

1068

If

1064. 1103. 1139

*-u

~1

*-iw

iit

*-u *-u (continued)

278

H.

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APPENDIX I ( Continued) Rhyme Words

GSR Number

Reconstruction

1069

*-iw

1070

*-u

1071 1076 1077 1078

*-1!

*-u

:fa... ~b1~1t~ ./., , ?

.(,:,u

.....3 'l'U

1':,

*-u *-iw

,(101

*-u

"tU IfU

-t-b

1079

~

1080

~·4

*-u

1083

Jij

~,tl

*-iw

1084

~

~

*-u

*-iw

1085

*-u

1086

~

*-u

1087 1088

~,

*-u

~,

*-u

1089

~

1090 1091

~ ~ ~. 1Wt1-

1092

:fk..

*-iw

1093

:ft~

1094

lil

*-u

(cf.

1096

tfJ

tir i\ ~

*-u *-u *-u

*-u

1096

~'-~ 5~" .It ~

1097

~4t.

*-u

1099

~

*-u

-f-

*-u

1095

IIOI II 02

it

(cf. 1048

*-u *-u

Jt. )

*-u

OLD CHINESE *-U AND *-iw IN THE SHi-JiNG

279

APPENDIX I ( Continued) GSR Number

Rhyme Words

>1t. see

II 03

* .~

II 04

:inU

II 05

-*

II 07

~

Reconstruction

1064

~U

*-u

~t. (cf.

;f

II 0 9

(cf. 1047

t)

, 1059

'&

, IIl3

*-u *-u

, 1144

$;

~

II 08 II 09

~

i

*-u

~

Jl

(cf. II05

*-u

)

h

lIIO

-'r

*-u

IIl2

4..~,¥-

*-u

III3

eL

-t --tt

(cf. 1047 II 07

.J.f;

~ :K/!J ~

~

, 1059

, II44

4r

*-u

'*

)

~F ~f ~ ~ ~ f~ WJ

*"u

~

*-iw

~

*-iw

1116

,f~

*-iw

II 39

~

IIl4

but: II 15

II 68

4

see 1064 (cf. 1041

~

, 1055

*-u

~

1230

it

12 3 1

~

1233

~

1244

I~

*-u

~

:f. 7f

*-u *-u *-u

280

WILLIAM

H.

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APPENDIX

III

2

I!f., You Group Rhyme Sequences Numbers represent odes and stanzas. Capital letters B, C, etc. indicate the second or third rhyme of a stanza, following Lli Zhlwei 1948. *-u rhyme seguences (105)

1.1 1.2 7· 2B 9·1 23· I B 26.1 29·2 31.4B 34·2 35·4 35·5 45. 1-2 46.1 64· IB-2B-3B 65. I C-2C-3C 67.2 70.2 75. 2 77·2 78 .3 81.2

82.2B 82·3C 97·2 114·3 B II5·2 120.2 127·1 128.2 133·IB 135·2 136.3 143·2 154· 6B 154·7D 154.8B 157·3 164·2B 165.4 166.6B 167·2B 170.1-2-3

172·4 174·2 175·3 176 .4 178.4 179·2 180.1 189·IB 191.8 193. 1 193· 8B 194·5B 195·3 197.2 197·7 200·5 200.6C 205.6 209.6C 210·5 212.2 215·4

*-iw rhyme seguences (10) 69·2 72.2 90.2 117· IB-2B 137·3

153·2B 228·3 264·ID 289B 29 1 .5

217·3 221.IB 223.8 224·1,2 229·2 231.2-3-4 231.4 233·3 234.4B 235·7 B 243. 2 244·3 B 245·5 245·7 25 0 ·4 B 252.2 253·2 255·3C 256.6B 257. 1 257.6D 259.5 B

260.3 261.IB 262.1 262.6 26 3·3 B 263.5 264.6B 276B 282.2 282.4 283. 2 286.1 291·5 292B 298.2 299·3 299·5 299·7 304.4

OLD CHINESE *-U AND *-iw IN THE SHi-JiNG

281

APPENDIX 2 ( Continued)

mixed rhyme sequences (10) 2I.2B 39·4B 54.IB 59·4 79·3

116.2 123·2 128.1 208·3 287

Abbreviations for References BlHP BMFEA CHHP YCHP

Bulletin of the Institute of History and Philology Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities Ch'ing-hua Hsueh-pao Yen-ching Hsueh-pao

References Baxter, William H. III. (1977). Old Chinese ongms of the Middle Chinese cMngniu doublets: a study using multiple character readings. Doctoral dissertation, Cornell University. - - . (1979). Studies in Old Chinese rhyming: some further results. Paper presented to the Twelfth International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics, Paris, October 19-21. - - . (1980). Some proposals on Old Chinese phonology. In Contributions to historical linguistics: issues and materials. Frans Van Coetsem and Linda Waugh, eds. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Bodman, Nicholas C. (1971). A phonological interpretation for Old Chinese. Paper presented for the Chinese Linguistics Project, Princeton. - - . (1975). Tibeto-Burman correspondences to the Chinese teng (divisions I, 2, 3,4) and the concept of 'primary yod' in Sino-Tibetan. Paper presented to the Eighth International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics. Berkeley, October 24-26. - - . (1980). Proto-Chinese and Sino-Tibetan: data towards establishing the nature of the relationship. In Contributions to historical linguistics: issues and materials. Frans Van Coetsem and Linda Waugh, eds. Leiden: E. J. Brill. Campbell. A. (1959). Old English grammar. Oxford: Clarendon Press. Dong T6nghe. (1948). SMnggu yinyun biao gao. BIHP 18.1-249. Jaxontov, S. E. (1959-60). Fonetika kitajskogo jazyka I tysjaceletija do n. e. Problemy Vostokovedenija 2.137-47, 6.102-15. Karlgren, Bernhard. (1950). The book of odes: Chinese text, transcription and translation. Stockholm: Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities.

278

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H.

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III

- - . (1954). Compendium of phonetics in Ancient and Archaic Chinese. BMFEA 26.211-367. - - . (1957). Grammata serica recensa. BMFEA 29.1-332. Li, Fang-kuei. (1971). Shanggu yin yanjiu. CHHP, n. s. 9.1-61. Lil Zhiwei. (1948). Shi yiln-pu. YCHP Monograph 21. Lu6 Changpei and Zhau Zum6. (1958). Han Wei nn Nan-bei-chao yiln-bil y{mbian yanjiu, I. Beijing: Kexue ChOMnshe. Mao-shi yIn-de. (1962). Tokyo: Toyo Bunko. (Reprint of 1934 edition.) Pulleyblank, E. G. (1961-62). The consonantal system of Old Chinese. Asia Major 9.58-144, 206-265· - - . (1970-71). Late Middle Chinese. Asia Major 15.197-239, 16.121-68. Senter, R. J. (1969). Analysis of data: introductory statistics for the behavioral sciences. Glenview, Ill.: Scott, Foresman. Wang Li. (1935). Zhanggu6 yinyilnxue. Shanghai: Shiingwil Ylnshiiguan. (Reprinted as Han yu yinyilnxue, Beijing: Zhanghua Shiijl1, 1956.) - . (1937). Shanggu yilnmu xit6ng yanjiu. CHHP 12.473-540. - - . (1978). T6ng-yuan zi liln. ZhOnggu6 Yuwen 144.28-33. ZhOu Zum6. (1966a). Bansyoo myoogi zhOng zhi yuan-ben Yu-piiin yin-xl. Wenxue ji, 270-404. - - . (1966b). Shi-jing yiln-zi biao. Wen-xueji, 218-269.

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE W.

SOUTH COBLIN

University of Iowa

Abbreviations and Signs

*

BHTY EH FY GS GSR

GY

Shiwen

SM SW SWGL

T.

WJ

a

Reconstructed Archaic Chinese Forms Baihu tongyi (;:) ~ Eastern Han (A.D. 25-220) Fangyan ~ -1; Grammata Serica (Karlgren, 1940) Grammata Serica Recensa (Karlgren, 1964) Guangyun i~ Jingdian shiwen Jt. ~ sC..... (edition: Yiwen yinshuguan, no date) _ Shiming ~ Shuowen jiezi ~ --1.- ~ ~ Shuowen jiezi gulin ~ -i:... ill U, ~ TaishO Tripitaka 'I Wei-Jin it~

t'w

.i:

-1

1 . _ '

_

*

I. Introduction 1.1 The fact that the paranomastic glosses in SM can throw considerable light on the phonology of the EH period was admirably demonstrated by Professor N. C. Bodman in his well known 1954 monograph, A Linguistic Study of the Shih Ming.1 In this work Bodman restricted himself to consideration of the initials ofthe SM language, but he was quick to point out (p. 3) that the data he had assembled could be used to provide information on the finals as well. Several years later Luo and Zhou (1958: 104-1 12) laid the foundations for the study of the SM finals by assigning all the glosses in the text to rime categories and briefly summarizing the information revealed by intercategory contacts in the data. The purpose of the present study is to attempt a phonological reconstruction of the final system of the SM language. lit is a pleasure for me to acknowledge my gratitude to Professor Bodman, mentor and friend, who first suggested that I study SM and who has continued to encourage me in my work on it.

W. SOUTH COBLIN

278

1.2 The studies of Bodman (1954:1-19) and Luo and Zhou (1958:104-1(>7) provide a thorough review of all relevant information regarding the nature and contents of the SM text, its date and authorship, and the various extant editions of it. 2 Our remarks on these points may therefore be kept to a minimum. To begin, we should note that the author of SM can be confidently identified as Liu Xi ~~... (fl. 200 A.D.), who was a native of Beihai ~~ (on the Shantung peninSUla, approximately 160 kilometers northwest of modem Tsingtao). According to the Han dialect classification suggested by Serruys (1959:85-100) the speech of this area would have belonged to the Qi branch of the eastern dialects. As Bodman (1954:9) has shown, there can be no doubt that Liu Xi was familiar with the dialects of his native area and its neighboring regions, for he makes frequent reference to them using such terms as Qi, Lu Qi-Lu, and However, to what extent the eastern dialects form the Qing-xu basis for the sound glosses of SM is a difficult problem. In a number of cases it can, we feel, be clearly demonstrated that the major language underlying the SM data was not an eastern dialect (see, for example, sections 2.7 and 2.24 below). It is possible that this non-eastern dialect was the EH scholarly language or 'received official standard' whose existence has been suggested by Bodman (1954:9). At other points the SM language seems to be at variance with what we know of a number of EH dialects but nevertheless resembles the language of Zheng Xuan -i. (127-200 A.D.), who was a native of Gaomi ~ ~ in Qi (about 100 kilometers from Beihai) and thus an older compatriot of Liu Xi. Hence it is in our opinion entirely possible that the SM language (as opposed to Liu Xi's native dialect) was phonologically a mixture of features derived from more than one EH dialect. Bodman (1954:7-8 and 9) has pointed out that in compiling SM Liu Xi borrowed sound glosses from earlier sources such as BHTY, SW, and the commentaries of Zheng Xuan; but he has nonetheless made the following assumption (1954:8):

'*

-**" .

-t- ,

Jp

Although Liu Hsi could naturally not fail to be influenced by already existing sound glosses any more than his thought could by current patterns of thought and scholarship of his day. I believe his sound glosses reflect his own personal beliefs as to correct pronunciation.

2For an interesting discussion of the nature of paranomastic glosses and their position within the Chinese philological tradition, see also Miller (1975:1224-5).

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

278

In the present study we differ with Bodman on this point, for we suspect that Liu Xi may have felt free to adopt from revered earlier sources paranomastic glosses based on sound systems which differed in various ways from that of the SM language. Such an assumption allows us to account for a number of otherwise unexplainable contradictions in the data. The entire corpus of SM glosses has been indexed by Bodman in his study (1954:9-121), where he has assigned each entry a number. In the present paper we shall adopt his numbering system and also his practice of referring to the glossed and glossing items in an equation as elements a and b respectively. Following his index Bodman has added an extensive body of philological notes, the numbers of which coincide with those appearing in the index. In the present study we too have made a number of notes of this type which are included in an appendix. In some cases these merely supplement Bodman's material, while in others they present interpretations which differ from his. 1.3 Ancient Chinese (sixth and early seventh century A.D.) reconstructions cited in this study follow Karlgren's system (as reconstructed in GSR) except where modified by Li (1971:4-7). Reconstruction WJ finals (ca. 300 A.D.) are given according to Ting (1975) with several minor exceptions. Where Ting has not distinguished between Ancient labialized (i.e. hekou ~a ) and non-labialized (i.e. kaikou I"Jf.J a ) syllables, the labialized syllables will be marked with medial -w- in the WJ reconstruction.3 Ting's medial -u- will also be transcribed as -w-// here. Ting's WJ -jieng yields both Ancient -jl'lng/ -jwl'lng and Ancient -jang/ -jwang for unspecified reasons. We prefer to derive Ancient -jl'lng and -jwl'lng from WJ -jeng and -jweng and Ancient -jang and -jwang from WJ -jieng and jiweng respectively. WJ initials are reconstructed according to Coblin (1974-5). Archaic Chinese (900-600 B.C.) reconstructions are given according to Li (1971) except where modified in Li (1976). The EH forms reconstructed below are considered to be projections backward indirectly from Ancient Chinese and directly from Ting's WJ system, except where otherwise noted. For the purpose of presentation they will, where possible, be treated as developments from Li's Archaic Chinese. From the data to be discussed here it is not possible, in our opinion, to determine the nature of the EH features from which the An3We have argued elsewhere for the distinctiveness ofhekou in the rimes of the WJ period. See Coblin (1974-5:297-301). --

286

W.

SOUTH COBLIN

cient Chinese tones derived. Where necessary the Ancient tonal categories of the reconstructed EH forms given below will be,marked according to the system used by Li (1971) in his Archaic reconstructions, i.e.

-t

J:...

-x

unmarked

-J:.

.A...

-h

unmarked

II. The Finals of the SM Language 2.1 Ancient -k, :Q, and -t are projected back to the WJ period by Ting (1975). In the present paper we shall assume that they can be reconstructed for Liu Xi's language as well. In so doing we must note the following cases which are not explainable in terms of this assumption: 212

At.

*gjiak(?) >

~

780 ;~

*kiat > kiet

819 ti!:.

*phjit > ph jet

.If.

*!Q:ili: >

~

*khrakw > khiik

"t

854

it

*tjuadh > tsjwiii

1J

1176

5f;.

*kwjap(?) >

~

1182

~t

*~

~

> tsj:lP

,~

-;f

~

*phiik > phjiik *~

> tsjwok

*eii:lk > ~ *thidh > thiei

1262 ~ ~ *mrik trik > mwck ~

~~

1264 ~ ~ *phigh ~ > phiei ngiei

;f.i:rt *pjidh ngiat > .Iili ngiet

1266 tJ...1~ *tjuat.!l.i.!!g > tsjwiitMi!!

1i-1$

*kwit trik > kiwet ~

*!i.!!g niug > .W!! Mi!!

Examples 1262, 1264, and 1266 belong to a class of nine glosses which Bodman (1954:120 and 140) calls 'alliterative binomes' and which he believes may pair items which were not phonetically identical. Perhaps the glosses in question were indeed constructed on the basis of initial similarity alone. In taking note of these exceptional cases it is necessary to consider the possibility that they may represent a dialect in which final -k, :Q, and :! had undergone mergers of some sort or had even been lost entirely, Karlsuspected that gren (1932: 180), in studying the rimes of the Yilin ~ this text might represent a Han dialect in which certain final stops had become weakened, and Luo and Zhou (1958:64) suggested that in some EH dialects -k, :Q and:! might have been lost or merged into a glottal stop. However, in our opinion the paucity of examples in our data does

#-... ,

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

278

not allow us to draw such conclusions for the major dialect underlying the SM glosses. Ancient -m is reconstructed by Ting as WJ -m and we shall assume that it can be projected back to the SM language as well. One gloss cannot be explained in terms of this assumption: 2.2 well.

gloss

well. One gloss cannot be

2.2 A number of Ancient and WJ open final syllables are reconstructed in Archaic Chinese by Li (1971) with final voiced velar and labiovelar stops. Finals of this type belong to the following Archaic rime categories: (*-agw), hou 1/. (*.:!!8) , zhi L. (*~), you ~ (*-agw), xiao ~ .~_ (* ~), ~ 11_ (* .:lg). Contacts in our data among these finals in their three different tones, i.e. l!!!!g ,shang .J:. ,and ~ J;. ,and between them and finals ending in EH -k (i.e. rusheng A ~ finals) yield information about their values in the SM language. We shall now examine these contacts in detail:

'1

t

I.

qusheng/rusheng contacts 45

:t *~>~

127 ~ *~,.:!! > ~wo 182

.t. *'ak > 'ak

'*

~

,t

*prak >

~

*sak> sak

~ *'ragh >

~

*sak > sak

i

*sagh > suo

*phrak > ph1!k

~

*pragh > ill!

234 ,

*sik> siek

~

*ri&!! >

242 "

*hn:lk > th:lk

186 210

~

'" 4

g

*hn:lgh >

.!l:!!i

•

*hm:lgh >

~

*hm:lgh >

~

1-

*'j:lgh >.:.i!

-:k.. *hd:lkw > ~

.y

*hdagwh >

287 . . *ej:lkw > ejuk

'I

*PEs!! > ~

292 . . *gliakw > Iiek

f1

247 ~1-- *m:lk> m:lk 248

:1._ *hm:lk >

x:lk

250 .~*~>~ 281

Note that 292b has a pingsheng reading.

iiill!

*liagw, -h> lieu

288

W.

SOUTH COBLIN

312

~

*muk > muk

1{

*magwh > mau

336

jt.~

*~>sjwo

4t.

*tjiak > tsjiik

339

-(

*tjiagh >

~

*tjiak > tsjiik

359

~

*lli&!!. >

376

1J:.. 4-

*khagh >

391

517 ~. 545

~ :4(

~

M

*·jagh >

id +1

!!!!i

i!

~t

*sjakw >

~

*dragwh >

~

~fl

*drakw >

~

*dragwh >

~

*sjakw > ~

577

·sugh > S3U

~

1260

*~>~

~

568 ~~

...

*khak > khak

*sjagwh >

•

546

*lik > liek

~

til. *gljugx sljugx,-h > .8i!! ~

*drakw > @

*tshjuk > tshjwok

"'~

*tshjagwh > tshiiiu

IJ~

*~

stiakw > gjwok sjuk

Note that the second syllable of 1260a has a shangsheng reading.

•

2. pingsheng/rusheng contacts 82 ~ *tshag > tshuo 113

1;

t

*htiag > sjwo

• tshak > tshak *ttiagh, ttiak > tjwo,

~

Note that 1I3b has a qusheng reading. 127 160

• ~

*~,:h *~

>

*

> §iwo

d~u

*sak > sak

~

*duk > duk

*srak > ~

....

*~>~

*dtiakw > d.juk

:fh

*~>thj~u

280

J,1 :fd, Iq

283

~

*tsjakw > tsjuk

187 273

*

*nstiakw > nzjuk

*~>nzj~u

.i( *~, ~ > tSj3U, d~~u

4Karlgren (OS and OSR 1119(:') lists an Ancient reading .§il!!!' for this word, which he 1J~ • However, upon ~onsulting Shiwen 9.24b we find that attributes to Lu Deming Lu actually says ~'l is to be read 'as usual' ( 4.-a ~ ), i.e. !i!! and then comments a $lossist of the Eastern Jin period (A.D. further that it was read.§il!!!' by Li Gui 317-420). It is thus clear that.§il!!!' was not a current reading for the word in Lu Deming's language.

1.!: tt.

t flu '

289

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

290

~

292 •

*hakw > xuok

~

*gliakw> liek

~ *liagw.:h > lieu

*hagw > xiiu

Note that 292b has a gusheng reading. 317 . . *tduk > tiwok

--- *!!:i!!g >

318 \~ *~ > Ijwok

71~ *Ij;)gw.~ >

li!! M!!

Note that 31Sb has a shangsheng reading. 486 487 5 16

Jr

*si;)gw> sieu

~

14-

552 ~

~

*sj;)kw >

~

*si;)gw > sieu

~

**kw>~

*~>~

\~

*sJj;)kw >

* ·jiagw > ·jiiiu

\~~

*'jakw >

~

~

559

4

*thdagw > thjiiu

t

*trakw > ~

563

~

*sjagw >

~

~~

*sjakw >

~

*sjagw >

~

~~

*sjakw >

~

'f~

*grigx.:h duk >

566 1259

7~ 1;" ~fl

1263

4-

*S!!g!!!!B > ~ d~u

1~ *.PEg tsjak > ~ tsjiik

~~

*~~>~~ *B!!~>.P.i.!!~

Note that the first syllable of I263b has a gushing reading. 3· shangsheng/rusheng contacts . . . *~>Iiik

41 ~ ngragx > ~ 188 ~

*srak >

~

-4

208 1£1

*prak >

~

;f!J *pragx > ~

272 _

*khj;)kw > khjuk

318 ,~*~ > Ijwok

g

*hd;)gx >

*5

*hj;)gwx >

;~~

*Ij;)gw.~

~

>

M!!

~

Note that 31Sb has a pingsheng reading. 375 405

1-

4-

418 A.~

>.::@

~

*gr;)k >

*dJj;)gx >.s!J

~

*~

g

~

*~

*hJj;)gx >

:till duk

> dij;)k

*~>~

290 452

"f

512 i~ 575 576 1260

*bj:lgwx >

W.

SOUTH COBLIN

M!!

"Il 1k

*tsj:lgwX > tsj;)U

~ *sugx > S;)U ~ *sugx> S;)U j. it *~ sljugx,:!! > 1ill! ID!

*~

> bjuk

*tsj:lkW > tsjuk

,*ll

*sd:lkw >

~

\~

*sd:lkw >

~

,~~

*~

Sd:lkW > gjwok ~

Note that the second syllable of I260a is a qusheng reading. 4· pingsheng/ shangsheng contacts 48

-f

*khdiagx > tShja

%

*hdiagx >

l±.. ~

*dagx > duo

~

*~

70

i£

*~

> duo

77

~

*~

> luo

~

*ffig > luo

103

-It.... *ngjagx > ngjwo

106

+

*mjagx > njwo

-9:.t:1 *!li.!!g > nijwo

III

;t

•

*tjagx > tsjwo

~

125

~

*tsdag > t§jwo

136

~

*hwjagx >

141

ifl'

*~

121

*.@g,:!! >

~

*~

> ngjwo

> !.§ill

t

*kjagx > kjwo

;td-

*tsdagx > lsjwo

ii,

*hmag > xuo

*--

*B >

Note that I2Ia has a qusheng reading.

>

&!!

Ill!!

145 . . . *phjagx > phju 147

;i,

~

Jili!

*~>

phju

*mjagx > ..!!Ji.!1

'r.@~ *hmag> xuo

338

,if-

*tsragx > 1§

a

*tsdag > tsjwo

340

~

*grjg >:@

~

*krigx > kai

372

..,.

*~>~

403.4- *!!!Eg > Q! 4 13

~

*~

414

it

*nj:lgx > nil

> nil

Note that 4I4b has a qusheng reading.

,At

~

*lilig >

~

~

*dd:lgx >

it

*nj:lgx > nil

~

.2f

*!!@g, n:lgh> nil!!ID

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

428

-1-

*tsjagx > tSI

~

*tsjag > tSI

llJ

~*

*tstiagx >

433 ,~ *~>

438 ~ *kwjiagx > ~ 449 .$... *khwjag > khj:'u

llJ

~ *kwjig > kjwie

1f- *dzjugx.:!! > !!?i!!

Note that 449b has a gusheng reading. 489

j!o *gwjagw > ~

507 ~

*htiagwx > ~

533 ~ *sagwx.!! > sau

1-...... *kjagwx > ~ ,~ *~>~

-J$.., *tsjagw >

tsjiiu

Note that 533a has a gusheng reading. 540

~

*kragwx > kau

~

*kragw > kau

1~

*·jagwx >

ili

1;

*dtiagw >

~

*phiiagwx> phjiiu

~

*phiiagw > phjiiu

*tsiigx >

~

*dzjig >

ili

551 ~

*·jagw >

557

*dtiagwx >

At

571

,4-

883

t

~

~

1259 1~ ~ *~!!!!S > ~ d:'u .....

~

Af;( *grigx.:!! duk > .:W duk

Note that the first syllable of 1259b has a gusheng reading.

5· pingsheng/ gusheng contacts 52 ~~

*~>~

..:L

53 SJ'~

*~>~

j.l... *~ >.1!!2

56 --i~

*~

> kuo

*~>~

.sJ:...

*kagh > kuo

:fir

*~

> nguo

+t

*ngagh > nguo

664.!

*~

> nguo

'~t

*ngagh > nguo

63

69

;i-

*~

> duo

i.... *dagh > duo

71

1'1

*~

> duo

t..

80 A'il *dzag > dzuo 83

1

*tshag.~

> tshuo

*dagh > duo

~f *dzagh > dzuo

~

*tshagh > tshuo

291

W.

292

SOUTH COBLIN

:iii. *kagh > kuo

87 ~\. *kwag > kuo

'"

*~

> buo

~' *bagh > buo

91~

*~

> .Q!!Q

...fi

g6~

*!ii!!g > kjwo

89

4i

112 113

)1. -t 4-

*~

*!.i!s!! > kjwo

~ *kjagh> kjwo

97 ~ *!ii!!g > kjwo 107

*bagh > buo

"-lr_

> fuyQ

*!!!Es > sjwo

t

*!!!Es > sjwo

*Ijagh >

rn

*hdagh > sjwo *tdagh, tdak > tjwo,

Note that II3b has a rusheng reading. 122 ~ *snjagh > sjwo

Note that

122b

137

·R..

143

~ *~ > .P.i!! Jt *~ > phju

155 164

.-t It-

*~>!?i!!

*!illg >

,~

k~u

.lsi!!

*kljugh >

166 ~ *!!!.S > 170

ili!

177 178 179 335

AI.

387 390

*dzdagh > 4zjwo

1.f *bjagh > !?i!! *I2!B!! > E!!2

~ *~ > P.i!!

. . *kugh > k~u

.(iQ

*!ili!g >

.lsi!!

~:..... *sti!!s.!! >

ili!

:It.. *!!:i!!g > .ill!

.!ill!!

~ *!!i!!g >

*tshrjug >

t~hju

-*J:..

Mi!!

*phjugh > phju

!- *sj:lgwh > ~

~

*§i!!g >

-*'*

*!!i!!S > !?i!!

At *phjugh > phju

*kjagh > kjwo

~

~

~ *gi!!S > !?i!!

,

358 ..If( *tdigh > 373

,

M

!i.!!

*tdugh >

174 ~ *njugh > 175

tjwo,

has a shangsheng reading.

123 ~ *dzdag > dzjwo

144

*tdagh,

~

4-

*tills!! >

1{ *Pi!!Sh >

.P.i!!

*!ii!!g > kjwo

~

~a *!!i!g > ~

.rug

~

*Jilig >

.rug

*khw:lg > khufii

*kw:lgh >

~

If~

*hm:lgh >

~

~ *hw:lg>~

~

293

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

396 408

..t.

1f

4 151Jt

*!

.!si!

*dj;)gh >

if

*nj;)gh> nZI

420 ~ *!Eg > ~ 427

,~

*dzj;)g > dZI

434

~

*~>.w

44 1

'L

442

1'1..... *mr;)g> mlii

446

*mr;)g> mlii

1ft *kj;)gwh > !sE!!

449 .5L *khwj;)g> khj;\u

4.. *kjagh > kjwo

4-

*~>if

,(p

*!!Eg> IlZl

~

*!Es!! >

.

*dzj;)gh > dZI

4-

*m;)gh. hm;)gh >

Jq

*kwj;)gw >

* j'J

!l

*tshrj;)gh > *hm;)gh >

~

~

~. ~

!sE!!

1K. *dzjugx.:h > ~

Note that 449b has a shangsheng reading. 45 0 467 483 500

~ *!?Eg >

-14

'«

~

*l *bj;)gwh > ~

*d;)gwh > dau

~

*d;)gw > dau

*phr;)gw> phau

At

*phjugh> phju

i'u

*lj;)gw >

*lj;)gwh >

.!E!!

~

~

502 ~... ~

*tj;)gw > tsj;\u

.... *dzjugx.:h >

'"1

*tj;)gw > tSj;\u

~i.. *tjugh. tdugh > !§i!!.

*nj;)gwh > nzj;\u

~

*d;)gwh

,1] *r;)gw >.M!!

503 506

#..

509 ~~ 515

~

521

~

522 523

1t

*r;)gw

>~

>~

*mj;)gw> mj;\u

'~ *m;)gwh > mau

*mj;)gw > mj;\u

l'

*m;)gwh > mau

f

*m;)gwh > mau

*mj;)gw,.!!!!!.8 > mj;\u. m;\u

527

~L

*dagw> dau

528

'rf

*dagwh > dau

!l

~

..:.s-

-:t

533

*sj;)gwh >

*phj;)gwh > phj;\u

524

529 f)

~

* nj;)gw > nzj;\u

*tagw > tau *sagwx,:h > sau

~

-4

*Phi!!g > phju

*d;)gwh > dau

.l1.. *dagw > dau ~~ *tagwh > tau

:J.l. . *tsjagw > tsjau

Note that 533a has a shangsheng reading.

li!!

294

W.

SOUTH COBLIN

535 ~

*magw> mflU

~

*magwh > mau

~

*magw > mau

1f

*magwh > mau

~

*sJjagwh >

2

~-

*tshragw >

~

536

565 5~

*sjagw >

567

'i...

*sjagwh >

574

~

*tsugh > ts:lu

1259

,

~ ~

-1$, ~ *S!!8!!!!g >

~

*tsJjagw > tsj:lu

~ ~* *~.:!! duk > :@ duk

d:lu

Note that the first syllable of I259b has a shangsheng reading . Note that the first syllable of

• d-

*~~>@~ *~ ~ > .P.i!! ~

Note that the first sylable of I263b has a rusheng reading.

6. shangsheng/ qusheng contacts 54 57

t

At

--'! 74 -t 72

78

if·

*~

>.:t!!Q

*kwagx > kuo

.

IlJ "ft

*illS!! > tuo

*~

> luo

*tshag.~

> tshuo

*phagx > phuo

*kagh > kuo *tdagx > tjwo

"- *glagh > luo

Note that 83a has a pingsheng reading . 85

*gwagh > .:t!!Q

~ *nagh > nuo

*nagx> nuo

81 ~ *tsagx > tsuo

83~

.. +f.

• t

*dzagh > dzuo

*tshagh > tshuo

*~

> Q!!Q

It]

*ngjagx > ngjwo

At

108

J.l

*ljagh >

~ *ljagx > ~

109

t

119

"'JL

102

~

*djagh > zjwo *dzjagx > dzjwo

121 ., . , *rng..:!! >~

t Ii-

*ngjagh > ngjwo

*ragx

>~

*dzjiagh >

~

~ *kjagx > kjwo

Note that I2Ia has a pingsheng reading.

THE FINALS OF THE SHIM/NG LANGUAGE

122

-'l

*snjagh > sjwo

-+ *~d>sjwo

Note that 122b has a pingsheng reading. 140 411'

if

*~>.P.i!!

A...

167 ~

.!ll!!

~ *ngjugh > .!!8i!!

159 ~ *ngugx > ng:lu 163

*bjagh >

*~>ts:lu

It-

*~>.ill!

~ *R!:i!!8!! > .ill!

*tsugh > ts:lu

168

iL

*ddugx >

175

.it

*tshdug > tshju

At *phjugh > phju

211

jp

*~>gjwo

1-

377

a

386 ~a:

*h~gx

>

.slli!

4 41k

~

>

*hm~gx

1i.. *ddugh >

~

388

1''fL

*b~gh

389

;,f

*~. b~gh

>

~

395 'l,~ *~ >

>

~~ ~

BIT

1-lr ,~

*~

.slli!

> gjwo

*hm~gh >

2ffiii

*hm~gh >

2ffiii

*b~gx

>

~

*b~gx>~

>

*~

BIT

398 ,~d

*kj~gx

>.M

~U *kj~gh > .M

399

-1(j

*kj~gh

>.M

,.0 *kj~gx > .M

414

it

*nj~gx

> nil

"

*n~gh. ~

>

!!!!. nil

Note that 414b has a pingsheng reading. 416 432

fit t

447 ~

*nj~gh

> nil

*dzd~gx

>

.!k!

*kwj~gh

>

~

it

1+

> nil

*nj~gx

*tsd ~gh > lli

~

*kwj~gx

.!?e!!

+~

*~

*d~gwx

> diu

iftf

*d~gwh

> diu

>

~

465

~ ~

466

Jl

*d~gwx

> diu

*d~gwh

> diu

468

'Iff

Sf-

*d~gwh

> diu

~

*d~gwx

> diu

451

470 ~ 484 494

tJr

41

*bj~gx

*t~gwx

>

> tau

*mr~gwx

> mau

*tJj~gwx

>

.lE!!

f.J

>.P!!!j

*t~gwh

> tiu > mau

1/

*m~gwh

~L

*tjugh. !.ti!!rn > !.§i\!. 1i!!

295

296

W. 501

SOUTH COBLIN

"-

~ *djagwh > ~

505 ~ *thjagwx > tshjau

*kjagwx >

~

~ *khdagwh > tshjau

510 -;f,tJ

*rjagwh >

~

,t.

4

*hragwh >

~

-4 *hagwx > xau

544

578 ~

*mugx > mau

'i

*djagwx >

~

*magwh > mau

In examining these examples we notice that ri!:!.g, shang, and ~ tone words in the *~, *-~gw, *~, and *:!!8 groups and ri!:!.g and ~ tone words in the *-agw group all have rusheng contacts, indicating that final velar occlusion of some sort probably existed in these words. For shangsheng words of the *-agw group we find no shang/ru contacts, but finals of this type do have several contacts with finals of the *-~gw group, suggesting that perhaps *-agw group words also had final occlusion in shangsheng. Contacts among ri!:!.g, shang, and ~ tone syllables are very common and generally outnumber those between these syllables and rusheng words. This would seem to indicate that ri!:!.g, shang, and ~ tone finals were more similar to each other than any of them were to the rusheng finals. Ping and shang words of the *:ig category have no rusheng contacts. Qusheng words of this group have rusheng contacts in examples 234 and 359. Example 234 reads as follows in the SM text: ~,~,

/fIJ. 'lJ1f!.J.

~~4-1t.~1i~.

'Xicui ('a thin, smooth, hempen mourning garment'). Xi (*sik > siek) means y! (*righ > .i.@ "easy". It is (because) one works the hemp and causes it to be smooth and (easy =) pliable.'

This is almost certainly a direct quote from Zheng Xuan's commentary on Yili, Sang/'u 1~?t. t.14(. : ~. ~.L"'~~ ~J..~. ~L~ ~ ~ . Now it is our believe that Zheng Xuan's dialect had findl velar occlusion in Archaic *:ig group words (Coblin, Ms. c, section 2.2), and this gloss would consequently be regular to his language. On the other hand, if it has been borrowed into SM from Zheng's commentary, then we need not assume at the outset that it reflects the situation in the SM language. Example 359 occurs together with example 360 in the SM text: (359) .t. &~ ... (3 60) ~"i.i!J 1 *ljigh > ~ ~ *lik > Iiek -;If- *ljiar > ~ Gloss 359 appears to be based on a language such as that of Zheng Xuan where final velar occlusion was present in *:ig group words, but gloss 360

THE FINALS OF THE SHIM/NG LANGUAGE

297

would not seem to be explainable in this way. (In fact, we hold that *-ar group finals were open in the SM language; see section 2.4 below.) It is our belief that passages in SM which give alternate paranomastic glosses for the same word may be based on different sources and consequently on different dialects. Thus, gloss 359 seems to represent a 'Zheng Xuantype' dialect, whereas gloss 360 may reflect a language where there was no velar occlusion in *:!g group words. If we suppose that gloss 360 represents the SM dialect, then we may conclude that there is no evidence for the presence of final velars in *:!g group syllables in this language. 2.3 Ancient finals belonging to the Archaic,i! • (*-ad), wei ..... (*-:}d), and zhi ~ (* -id) categories are reconstructed with Archaic final *-d by Li (1971). In the Ancient period all of the finals in these Archaic categories were open, but for the WJ period Ting (1975:210-213) reconstructs final -d for Archaic *-ad group words and for certain *-:}d and *-id group words in the.9!! tone. We shall now examine contacts in our data among these finals in the E!!!g, shang, and .9!! tones and between them and the rusheng (i.e. EH :!) finals:

I.

gusheng/rusheng contacts 775 ~ *kwat> kuit 789 800

,v.

800 • 802

"iIJ

822 )~

*§i!! *griat>!iM > .lM *griat > *~ > *~

1"

*gwadh >

~~

*tjadh > !§ill!

~

~ *gadh > lID

.lM

:.i!!!

i~ *ngidh > ngiei

> sjui!t

_L 1·1 1L

*thuadh > thuai

837

~ *gadh > lID

842

L

*duadh > duili

844

.Jt 1(

*kwradh> kwai

.,~

*kwiat> kiwet

*khiadh > khiei

'j'~

*kat > kat

846

847 . . . *tiadh > tiei

856 860

i ~ ~

*ruat> jiwat

(sense of 'to gulp') *tJjuat > tjwat

.!i!i

jlJ

*si.i!! >

.Bi!i

~

*phjiat > phjat

*skwjadh > sjwiii

~

*gwjat > jWllt

*Bjadh > BiW1!i

~

*b:lt > bU:lt

848 ~IJ *kjiadh > 853

."a.

*kat > kat

*pjiadh >

.s®

298

W. SOUTH COBLIN

Ill.. *mjiadh > .!!ill 876 ,tf- *pji:ldh > .Bi.i

...

*!!ili! >

.;

*~ > bju:lt

966 . .

~ *~ > ywit

872

*gwtiad, sgwjiadh >~, zwi

~

'tl ,

Note that 966a has a pingsheng reading. The Ancient reading zwi' for this word is attested in Chuxueji as noted by Bodman (1954: 137)·

",0 •

2.

pingsheng/rusheng contacts 797

'i"

*sjuat > sjwiit

934 ~ *§fu! > ~

966 . .

,~

*snjad > swi

. . *skwjit> sjuet

*gwtiad, sgwjiadh > ~, zwi

'lit

*gwrnt > ywat

Note that 966a has a gusheng reading. 3. shangsheng/rusheng contacts 919 ~ *ttiidx >

li

925 .(~ *tjidx > tsi

,;i:.. *!!!:i!! > ~ ,

*tsit > tsiet

•

*njidx>~

Ao

*didx.:!! > diei

4. pingsheng/shangsheng contacts 900

Jh

*nid> niei

9 15

-Ilk..

*rid >

.i!

Note that 915b has a gusheng reading. 924 ~ *kIjid > tsi 948

~ *Iadh, Ij:ldh > !!!i~ ~

959

1L

960 -jfL

*mjadx > mjwei *gwr:ld > ywii

963 ~ *gfu! > gj!

~ *tjidx > tsi

.trL

«.. III

*thad, thjad > [email protected]. tshwi *mj:ld > mjwei *8\\:i:ldx.:h >

~

..d'~ *kIjidx > tsi

5. pingsheng/gusheng contacts 829

If!.

*thjadh > tshwi

(sense of 'bring out, take out')

4--

*thad. thj:ld > thu¥. tshwi

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

-::k

i:.

*;}dh > .:!i

905 ~ *dzid > dziei

~

*dzidh > dziei

906

~ *tsidh > tsiei

889

*·;}d > ~

fr *tsid > tsiei

~

915 ~ *rid > jj

299

*didx.:h > diei

Note that 9ISb has a shang sheng reading. *!fu! > .ill

{.J

*ljidh >

~

*mjid > mjwi

4i

*mjidh > mjwi

940

Jl,.,

*'wj;}d > ·jwei

941

1¥1

*gwj;}d

~ If! 4.-

*gwjadh

>~

*gwj;}dh

>~

t1

*!fu! > .ill

~

*p;}dh >

111

*gwj;}dx.:h >

11 938 920

944 948 950

11L

*' /i/L

~

*lj;}dx, l;}dh > *~

*- *'wj;}dh > ·jwei

>~

*gwji;}d(?) >

ill

fu0,

~

> tswi

95 8 4.Ll *phj;}d > phjwei

ywai

*th;}d, thj;}d > ~. tshwi

.P!:!!i ~

Note that 960b has a shangsheng reading. Note that 960b has

+~ *kjidh (or: kji;}dh ?) > .!ili

6. shangsheng/gusheng contacts 899 ~ *hlidx > thiei 907 ~ *tsidx > tsiei

*tsidh tsiei - - > -*tsidh tsiei - - > --

In examining these examples we note at the outset that finals of the * -ad group have numerous contacts with EH .:!' suggesting that words in this group had final dental stops in the SM language. Since Ting reconstructs Archaic * -ad group words with WJ final -d, we may project this consonant back to the EH period. 5 Rusheng contacts with pingsheng and gusheng finals of the * -;}d and *-id groups appear in the data but are rather rare in comparison with 5The following gloss is not explainable in terms of this assumption and must be considered exceptional:

343

1- *gwrigh > ywai'

1- *gwrigh > ywai'

300

W.

SOUTH COBLIN

those attested for the * -ad group. Strictly speaking, on the basis of these examples and further interlocking contacts among words of the * -id and *-~d categories, final -d can be reconstructed for many (-id and *-~d group finals in the Iili!g, shang, and 9.!! tones. However, as we shall see presently (section 2.6 below), further evidence of a different type forces us to reconsider this conclusion.

B. Final Consonants-Specific Observations

2-4 Words ending in Archaic *-r had open finals in the WJ period. In the SM glosses they have several contacts with EH ..:! and one with EH -d: I.

pingsheng/rusheng (or EH -d) contacts 31 J~ *ngwjar> ngwje

~~ *ngwat. ngw;xl > ~. nguai

Note that 31b has a pingsheng reading (see appendix, note 31). Note that 31b has a pingsheng reading (see appendix, note Note that 881b has a shangsheng reading (see appendix, note 901). 1191

1.

*kadh > kai

1258h~*mar sar> mua sua 2.

/Jo *-krar > -ka 1258h~*mar sar> mua sua

shangsheng/rusheng contacts 830 ~t *bljat > ljuet

sar> mua sua

Note that 830b has a qusheng reading. 881

l«J

*njirx > ~

1258h~*mar sar> mua sua

Note that 881b has a rusheng reading. 3. gusheng/rusheng contacts 777 ~ *~ > puat

. . *parh > ~

830

t

.tt

*bljat > ljuet

Note that 830b has a shangsheng reading.

*ljarx.-h > ~

THE FINALS OF THE SHIM/NG LANGUAGE

30 1

We may begin by noting that there are in our data no conclusive rusheng contacts with shangsheng *-r final words, for examples 830 and 881 both involve words with alternate readings. Among our pingsheng/ rusheng contacts we find that examples 31 and 901 also involve alternate readings and therefore are inconclusive. Gloss 1258 seems to be a c1earcut example of contacts between words having Archaic *-r and EH:!. However this is one of Bodman's 'alliterative binoms' and it is possible that it was constructed on the basis of initial similarity alone. Example 1191 involves a contact between an * -r final syllable and a word having EH -d; and, if we assume with Li (1971) that *-r was a dental flap of some type, then this example would seem to justify the reconstruction of EH -r for 1191b. However, before taking this step we must recall that Luo and Zhou (1958) found no poetic rime contacts between Iili!g and shang tone * -r final words and syllables for which we posit -t or -d, and also that examples of this sort do not occur in the glosses of Xu Shen tA- and Zheng Xuan (Coblin Ms. b, section 2.4; Ms. c, section 2.4). Thus, in positing -r for a single pingsheng final in the SM language we would be attributing to this relatively late EH dialect an asymmetrically distributed and extremely archaic feature which is not known from other EH materials. In our opinion such a step is not justifiable on the basis of a single example, and we therefore prefer to view gloss 1191 as an exceptional case. Moving now to qusheng words with rusheng contacts we may note that Luo and Zhou (1958) found no cases of this type in their EH data and that we have found none in Zheng Xuan's glosses (Coblin Ms. c, section 2.4). glosses we find a number of examHowever, in Xu Shen's duruo ..;:~ ples of this type which have led us to reconstruct EH final -r in qusheng finals in Xu's language (Coblin Ms. b, section 2.4). In the SM materials we find first of all gloss 777, which involves an EH -t contact with Ancient final -ua « *-arh). This would seem to allow us to reconstruct EH -r for this final, but before doing so we should note that it has a number of contacts with Iili!g and shang tone finals of the * -ar group, and this fact would force us to posit EH -r in these finals as well. A possible solution to this dilemma is offered by the fact, noted by Bodman (1954:134), that in the Wu critical edition of the SM text gloss 777 is combined with gloss 806 to read as follows: (806) .:6:,:Ii: «!J ... (777) 4-1;4 ~ i:- *pjat > pjWlJt 1ft *~ > puat 4- *parh > pua If this version is correct then examples 806 and 777 are really alternate glosses on the same word and (as mentioned in section 2.2 above) may represent different dialects and/or exegetical traditions. We may therefore guess that gloss 777 reflects a dialect like that of Xu Shen which had

il

i

W.

302

SOUTH COBLIN

preserved EH -r in gusheng finals and which may have differed from the SM language on this point. Gloss 830 involves an EH -t contact with Ancient final -jwe « *-j~rx, -h). In the gusheng this final has no contacts with any others in our data and can therefore be reconstructed with EH -r for the SM language without fear of internal contradictions. Here again, however, we must object that the distribution of this consonant would be extremely restricted. We might explain it as a last residue or survival in a process wherein -r was being lost in the SM language, but it is equally possible in our opinion that it represents a borrowing or intrusion into the data from a 'Xu Shen type' dialect which preserved EH -r in the .9.!! tone. Indeed, it seems quite possible that the SM language, like Zheng Xuan's dialect, had no -r at all.

2.5 Finals which had Archaic *-r have a number of contacts with words belonging to the Archaic *.:!g category: 14 15

4

lJ!

~

*'jarx >

*gjiar > B@

22 JeJ *diarh > 23 . . *lliill: > 349

.!!!

M

-tt *!!!g > diei

-It

t.

~

~

*~>~

*ktiig >

*!!8!!

~

> tiei

*.liB!! > Iiei

ft!J *diarh >

.!!!

354 ~ *!!gh > liei

10ft-

*lli!!: >

365 ,~ *ktiigx > ~

~

*~>~

370 885

~ fl

*Jilig >

~

*snjirx >

~

. . *bjiar >

4(.

~ ~

*sjigx > ~

We have concluded that there is no evidence for the presence of final velars in *:!g category words and very little evidence for final dentals in *-r final syllables in our data. The eight examples cited above suggest that it would in fact be best to assume that both categories had open finals in the SM language. Open final words of this type have several contacts with syllables which we have suspected had final velars in the SM language: 2

-;-..r *Sill: > l!

10

~ *hwar> xuil

40

~ *!!8!!B! > ~

"'F

*

~

*gragx.:!! > ~ *khwragh > khwa *ngjar >

~

THE FINALS OF THE SHIM/NG LANGUAGE

44 47

:f!J

*brag > ba

!- *kwragx > kwa

440 jU

*kwji~gwx

>

*kwji~g

>

~

~

*parh >

1f.

*gwlarx > lua

303

~

1~ *kwjarx > kjwi!

These examples raise the question of the phonetic nature of our supposed EH final velars. Since it seems unlikely that they could have been stops, we suggest that they may have been voiced fricatives. 6 We suspect that a final voiced continuant consonant such as ::t might have permitted sporadic interchanges with open finals while not precluding occasional contacts with final -k. The reconstruction of final ::t here might also explain the following examples: 158 767

I'J *khugx > EH:::J. > kh1lu

14 *krung > kilng

'!f:..

*khung > khung

~~ *!!!g> EH:::J. > kau

Here again we suppose that a voiced velar continuant, ::t, might have been close enough to :!!8 to allow occasional contacts in the SM glosses. 2.6 In section 2.3 above we noted that a number of Archaic *-d finals in ~, shang, and gusheng have contacts with EH :! in our data, and such evidence would seem to justify the reconstruction of EH -d in these finals. However, we must now consider certain other factors which tend to cast doubt on this assumption. Beginning with finals of the Archaic *-id category, we found in section 2.3 that in gloss 934 Ancient :i « *:ili!) has a contact with EH :!. However, in examining our data further we note that this same final has several contacts with words for which we have either assumed open finals or EH final ::t for the SM language: 926

f

*hrjid >

928

~

*dzjid > dzi

932

-4>

~

*!§ill! > tsi

1t

*h.!:@g > sjwo

~*

*dzjigh >

~

*tsjigh >

~ ~

6Here we should note that five out of the six examples cited above involve Archaic *~ group words whose finals belong to the Ancient rna (~ < *:@8; ~ < *~-) rime. Luo and Zhou (1958:5) concluded that finals of this type had merged with Archaic *-ar group finals in EH times; and Ting (1975:254) consequently suggested that they should bereconstructed as open finals for this period. However, this solution is unsatisfactory for the SM language because, as we have seen in section 2.2 above, Ancient rna rime words derived from Archaic *:@8 and *~ have contacts with EH ~ in our data; cf. glosses 41,45, 182,

A

208, 210, 339.

W.

304

SOUTH COBLIN

In view of this counterevidence it would seem wisest to assume that the final in question was open in the SM language and consider gloss 934 to be exceptional. Glosses 919 and 925 reveal EH:! contacts with Ancient:i « *-jidx) and gloss 802 involves a:! contact with :i « *-jidh). Here again. however. these have contacts with words for which we assume EH open finals:

a. *-jidx/*:ig group contacts 366

~)', *ktiigx > ~

923 ~ *gtiidx > ~ 935

;lJ

*sjidx >

~

965 J'L, *kjidx >..!ili

t~

*ktiidx > tsi

~

*djigx >

~

~

*sjigh >

~

~

*gdidh > ~

~

*gtiidh > ~

.(~ *kwjigx> kjwe

b. *-jidh/*:ig group contacts 361 362

Jt

*djigx > ~

;l *sti!s!! > ~

1264 ~ ~ *phigh.!!S!B > phiei ngiei

:1;)., M,

*Biidh ngiat > .Pii~

These examples lead us to conclude that *-jidx and *-iidh should be considered open in the SM language and that glosses 919. 925. and 802 should be set aside as exceptional. Moving now to finals ofthe Archaic *-~d group we find that in gloss 797 Ancient -wi « *-j~d) has a contact with EH :!. In our data this final in turn has a contact with Ancient -jwe « *-j~rx) which we suspect of having been open in the SM language: 951

,!l *~ > nzwi

,"

'f,:

*nj:Jrx > nzjwe

In addition. it also interchanges with Ancient:.li « *-jidh): 950

~ *~ > tswi

> tswi

and, as we have seen above. this latter final has three contacts with words of the *:ig group which we believe had open finals in the SM language. At this point we should also note that Luo and Zhou (1958) found no poetic rime contacts between pingsheng words of the *-~d group and finals where we reconstruct EH:! and -d. and contacts of this type do not occur

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

30 5

in the phonological glosses of Xu Shen and Zheng Xuan either (Coblin Ms. b, section 2.3; Ms. c, section 2.3). Thus, if the SM language had -d in Ancient final -wi « *-j;;,d) words in pingsheng, it must have been extremely conservative on this point. In view of the counterevidence just examined we are hesitant to draw this conclusion on the basis of a single example and consequently prefer to consider gloss 797 exceptional. 7 Proceeding to the gusheng we find that Ancient:!!!! « *-;;,dh) has a contact with an EH -d word in gloss 845: ~1t *bradh > bwai 5~ *gw;;,dh > 'Yw~i. Since this final has no contacts with words which we have reconstructed as open or ending in EH :::J. we could restore EH -d here. However, -u~i « *-;;,dh) does have contacts with other finals which in turn have interlocking contacts with EH open finals. For example, it has the following contact with Ancient -jwei « -j;;,dh): *djiadh > dzi

871

*djiadh > dzi

871

Ancient -jwei « *-j;;,dh) then has a contact with ~ « *-jiar) which we suspect was open: *djiadh > dzi

871

*djiadh > dzi

871

Interlocking contacts of this type make us wary of reconstructing final -d for -u~ « *-ooh), and we prefer for the nonce to leave it open and consider gloss 845 to be exceptional. Finally we come to Ancient final -j(w)i « *-ji;;,dh) which has three contacts with EH.:! (glosses 872, 876, and 966) and several with EH -d: 871 1272

~ *djiadh > dzi

~ *radh

~

,a..

*bjiadh > ..llli

>.illii

*hwiadh > xiwei

This final has no contacts in the data which would preclude the reconstruction of EH -d for it in the SM language. Furthermore, there is also 7At this point we should mention the following gloss which appears to represent a contact between Ancient final-jwei « *:EQ) and a final for which we would posit EH :!!:

941

,., *gwjad >

~

tiS

,*, tlr

*gwjadh >

~

We should note here that the original SM gloss read - 'a-nan T. 14, 241.3 ~~ ----- > WJ 'a-nan ------Skt. Ananda; Gandhari (a)Qano 11 T. 150, 880.2 5~ ~~ *sjug-dar-gwan> WJ sjuo-da-ywan> sju-da-yuan Skt. srotapanna 12 T. 150, 880.2 5~ ~~ *nid-gwan> WJ ni:li-ywan > niei-yuan Skt. nirvaQa; Gandhari nivaQa 13 *'an-pan> WJ .an-pan > ·an-puan T. 602, 163.3 ~ ~ Skt. anapana T. 607, 232.3 --t.tt fi.. *tjan-dan > WJ t§jan-dan > tsjan-dan Skt. candana; Gandhari canana 14 T. 13, 236.3

~y ~1

#-

In these examples we see that foreign!! or !! is regularly rendered by Ancient and WJ on, and this may indicate that final-n was preserved in the Luoyang dialect oflate EH times. Now if we suppose that the language of 8Ziircher (1977: 179) carefully outlines the numerous problems involved in the use of such transcriptions, e.g. our ignorance of the original languages being transcribed, the possible phonological distortions introduced by foreign missionary translators, and our uncertainty about the standards used in rendering the foreign sounds in Chinese. He points out that transcriptional materials should be used only as secondary tools for the reconstruction of early Chinese phonology, and it is in the spirit of his injunction that we introduce transcriptional evidence here. 9Brough 1962:309. Pulleyblank (1962; 1973) has discussed the possibility, already mentioned by Bailey (1946) and Brough (1962), that the Middle Indian dialect of the Gandhara region may have been a major medium for the transmission of Buddhism into Central Asia and ultimately to China. With this point in mind we shall. where possible. cite Gandhiiri forms here. lOB rough 1962:300. "Brough 1962:294. 121n connection with this word it is noteworthy that Gandari s- sometimes corresponds to SkI. sr-, e.g. Gandhari sodu, SkI. srotah (Brough 1962: 104). Brough (ibid., p. 87) states that intervocalic :Q: regularly became -v- in Gandhiiri, e.g. Gandhari avajdai. SkI. apadyate. With this in mind it is interesting to note that Chinese 1!!: « WJ 1!!: < *~) may have been used to render foreign v-like sounds in this period (cf. the transcription of nirvana below), a fact already pointed out by Pulleyblank (1962:87). I3Brough 1962:302. 14Brough 1962:299.

194

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

the capital area was a prestige dialect in Liu Xi's time, then this could explain why Liu might have chosen readings retaining final -n over those of the Qing-Xu area when compiling SM. 2.8 Ancient and WJ .:!!S can in general be projected back to the SM language unchanged. IS However, finals belonging to the Archaic ~ (*-ing) category have contacts with both EH.:!!S and -n final words in the data:

-#

A. Contacts with .:!!S

~ ~

600

651

¥

675

* ·jang > ·jang

~

*bjiangh > bjwllng

~.i.. *bingx > bieng

* ·jing > 'jiing

fl.t

681 ~ *khjing > khjang

* 'j;)ng > 'j;)ng

~ *hd;)ng > sj;)ng

~ *mjing> mjang

700

*·jing > 'jiing

~l'J *mjiang> mjwllng

15The following gloss is not explainable in terms of this assumption and must be considered exceptional:

,i-ft- *phj;)nx >

1151

,i-ft- *phj;)nx >

phju;)n

phju;)n

Four other glosses of this type also occur in other early texts and may have been borrowed by Liu Xi when he compiled SM: 1151

,i-ft- *phj;)nx >

*ts;)n > tsu;)n

phju;)n

This gloss occurs in Erya, Shigu

,iJ~, ~ ~ (IA.8).

717 ~,*ts;)ngw > tsuong ~ *ts;)n > tsu;)n 1151 *phj;)nx > phju;)n This passage occurs in Zheng Xuan's commentary to Liji, Tangong A

,i-ft-

~w JSWGL 32_63a) ~,~.f.a~ ~ ;1" ~ttl, ~ ~ .

...I:- . cr. also emends to read

Liishi chungiu. Yinlii

*.

This passage occurs in Gao You's

iJ ~:t.~k.. 1151

J

--!

,i-ft- *phj;)nx >

>ft~u 4 ~

which Duan Yucai

jtL:~

Liishi chungiu. Yinlii

~~

commentary to Liishi chungiu. Yinlii

SP phju;)n

This gloss occurs in Erya, Shigu (IA.2).

1151

,i-ft- *phj;)nx >

phju;)n

W.

310

SOUTH COBLIN

B. Contacts with -n 673 997

JL

*g> sieng

:f.\. *dzrianh > dzan

1007 ~lL *hianx > xien 1008

it. *sianh > sien

J4l.

*sanx.:!!

> san

~

*dzjingx

> dzjiing

,~i. *king > kieng

!.

*g> sieng

Besides these cases we also find one contact with an EH open final word: 374

iji

*khwjigx > khjwie

374

iji

*khwjigx > khjwie

These disparate contacts might best be reconciled by reconstructing open nasalized finals for Archaic *-ing group words in the SM language. Such finals might have admitted contacts with both -n and :!!8 final syllables while not precluding an occasional interchange with an open final word. If we are correct in this assumption then we must suppose that the SM language differed here from the EH predecessor(s) of Ancient Chinese, which has:!!8 in Archaic *-ing category words. C. Vocalism-Rime Categories In considering the vocalism of the SM language we shall, where feasible, discuss the various finals according to the SM rime categories established by Luo and Zhou (1958). 2.9 The Wu &. Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: (I) -uk < WJ -uk, (2) -ak < WC -ruk, (3) -jwok < WJ -juk Finals of this category have the vowel-u- in the WJ reconstruction and are also reconstructed with -u- by Li for the Archaic period. Hence we suspect that they had this vowel in the SM language as well. The WJ medials and -r- are also present in the Archaic reconstruction and can be assumed for the EH period. Thus we reconstruct the following finals for the SM language: (I) -uk, (2) -ruk, (3) -juk

±

The Hou 1~ Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: (I) -~u < WJ -ou, (2) i!:! < WJ -jwo 2.10

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

3 11

These finals have several contacts with wu category words: 160 ~~ *~ > d(,)u 317 ~ *tJjuk > ljwok 577

"fZ

* sugh > s(')u

::,f]

*duk > duk

1Z

*tshjuk > tshjwok

i*-- *!rl!!g > !i!!

Further examples: 1259, 1260. These contacts suggest that this group had -u- vocalism in the SM language. We may therefore reconstruct the following EH forms for the hou category: 494

"Jt

*tJ:j;)gwx >

2.11 The You ~ Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: A. (I) -au < WJ -au, (2) -au < WJ -rau, (3) -ieu < WJ -iau B. W -j:}u < WJ -jou, (5) -ji:}u < -jiou Finals of type B had -ou diphthongs in the WJ period. Final (4) has a number of contacts with the hou category in our data: I77 494 499

tA

*§.i!!g > §i!!

"Jt

*tJ:j;)gwx >

{qr

~

*Ij;)gwx > ~

i

*sj;)gwh >

31...

*trjugh >

!i!!

it

*~ >

li!!

~

Other examples: 493, 502, 503, 507, 520, 521, 574, 1265 If we suppose that type B finals had -ou- vocalism in the SM language, then it seems possible that final (4) -jouy might have had occasional contacts with EH -juy.

Finals of type A had WJ -au diphthongs but they have a number of contacts with the hou group: 481

J!!@J. *br;)gwx

578 ~-

> bau

* mugx > m(')u

~

*bjugx >

'~

*m;)gwh > mau

.!W:!

Other examples: 473, 483, 580 These examples suggest that finals (I) and (2) had -ou- in the SM language, and the following contact between finals (I) and (3) indicates that the latter also had -ou- vocalism: 459 ~ *kh;)gw> khiiu

'~

*m;)gwh > mau

W.

312

SOUTH COBLIN

The fact that finals of types A and B were similar in this dialect is indicated by contacts between the two (glosses 472, 496, 522, 523, 524). By reconstructing EH -ou- for the you category we can also account for the following contacts with the wu (EH -uk) group: 312 ~ *muk > muk

\~

318 ,~ *~ > Iiwok

*magwh > mau

~~J *Ijagw.~ > ~

The vowel-i- in the WJ finals is also present in the Archaic reconstruction, and we shall consequently retain it for the EH period. With this in mind we may reconstruct the following EH forms for the hou category: A. (I) -ouy, (2) -rouy, (3) -iouy B. (4) -jouy, (5) -jiouy

2.12 The Wo ~*'- Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: (I) -uok < WJ -ok, (2) -ak < WJ -rok, (3) -juk < WJ -jok, (4) -iek < WJ -iok Finals of this group had -0- vocalism in the WJ period. They have contacts with the wu (EH -uk), hou (EH :.!!}'), and you (EH -ouy) groups in our data: A. Wu group contacts 271

-ti:)

JZJ

*kjakw > kjuk

*si.!!! > gjwok

275 ~b *Ijakw > ~

-;tt.

*Iuk > luk

277 ;flu *tjakw > tsjuk

~

*~

> tsjwok

Other examples: 303, 307, 308, 309, 321

B. Hou group contacts 575 576 1260

1l *sugx > sau

E1t *sugx > sau

t ~ *~

sliugx,:h >

gil!.ili!

\~

*sriakw > ~

,i~

*sriakw > ~

I~,~ *si.!!! sriakw > gjwok ~

C. You group contacts 575

1l *sugx > sau

575

1l *sugx > sau

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

273

f,b

*dQakw > Qjuk

280 IfJ * ngQakw > nijuk

:tr!J

-t

313

*thQagw > thj;)U *njagw > nij;)u

Other examples: 283,482,486,487,512,516,517 We can account for contacts of this type by projecting WJ -0- back to the EH period and reconstructing the following finals for the SM language: (I) -ok, (2) -rok, (3) -jok, (4) -iok 2.12 The Xiao 'jJ Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: (I) -au < -au, (2) -au < WJ -rau, (3) -jau < WJ -jau, (4) -jiau < -jiau, (5) --ieu < WJ --iau Finals of this category all had -au diphthongs in the WJ period. They have many contacts with the you (EH -ouy) group and one with the wo (EH -ok) group: A. You group contacts 461

45

*khagwx > khfm

469 ~ *tagw> tau

485 J¢ * ·jiagwh > -jiasu

{~

* khagwx < kbau

~g *tiagw > tieu ~g *tiagw > tieu

Other examples: 462, 471, 525, 527, 532, 535, 536, 549, 550, 565 B. W0 group contact {~

* khagwx < kbau

*tiagw kbau tieu {~~g* khagwx

These contacts suggest that the finals of the xiao group must have been quite similar to those of the you category. But there must have been some difference between them because, while the latter have contacts with the hou (EH :!:!}') group, the former do not. We suggest that the xiao group may have had a diphthong such as [~u], which would have been close to the -ou- vocalism of the you group. Phonemically we may write this diphthong as -au- and reconstruct the following EH finals for this group: (I) -auy, (2) -rauy, (3) -jauy, (4) -jiauy, (5) -iauy 2.14 The Yao ~ Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals:

W.

3 14

SOUTH COBLIN

(I) -ak, uok, -uk < WJ -ak; (2) -ak < WJ -rak;16 (3) -jak < WJ -jak; (4): iek < WJ -iak Finals of this group all ended in -ak in the WJ period, but they have no contacts with the duo ~ (EH -ak) category in our data. 17 On the contrary, they have a number of contacts with finals of the xiao group:

~

290 ~ *hakw > xuok

*hagw > xfiu

292 ~ *gliakw > Iiek

'9"

545 ~t *dragwh > ~

~R *drakw > ~

*Iiagw,.:.!! > lieu

Other examples: 546, 552, 559, 563, 566, 568 This suggests that these finals had -au- vocalism in the SM language. This conclusion might also explain the following contact with the wo (EH -ok) group: 301

lJ~ *njakw > nzjak

301

lJ~ *njakw > nzjak

In conclusion, we reconstruct the following finals for this category: (I) -auk, (2) -rauk, (3) -jauk, (4) -iauk

2.15 The ZhiZ Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: A. (I):!i., (2) ~ < WJ -;)1, -W;)I; (3) -ai, (4) -wai < WJ -r;)l, -rw;)l; (5) -WI < WJ :EI; (6) :.ii, (7) -jwi < WJ -ji;)l, -jiW;)1 B. (8) -j~u < WJ -jou Finals of type A all had the main vowel -;)- in the WJ and Archaic periods, and we may therefore guess that they had -;)- in the SM language as well. WJ final:! can be considered a reflex of EH -:::.t as reconstruc~.;:d in section 2.5. We shall project the WJ labial medial -w- back to the EH period. Final (8), which ended in the WJ diphthong -ou, has contacts with the you (EH -ouy), wo (EH -ok), and hou (EH :!!y) categories in our data: A. You category contacts 445

i:ii

*gwj;!gh >

2

301

lJ~ *njakw > nzjak

16We should note that Ting's WJ -rak yields both Ancient -ak (*-rakw) and -~k « *-rak). In a personal communication Professor Ting indicates that the reasons for this two-fold development are unclear. 170n the reconstruction of the duo category finals see section 2.17 below.

THE FINALS

OF

THE

SHIMING

LANGUAGE

tl

*bj:lgwh >

At..

~

*phj:lgwh > phjau

'~

*~>~

khj;lu

~

*khjug > khju

*khwj:lg > khj;lu

~

*dzjugx.:!:! >

450

~

454

~~ *phj:lgh > phj;lu

*~>~

315

.I?B!!

B. Wo category contact k:

287 ~~ *pj:lkw > pjuk

C. Hou category contacts 448

..tt- *khwj:lg >

449

.JL.

~

Final (8) had actually coalesced with final (4) of the you group (EH -jouy > WJ -jou) by the WJ period. and the evidence just cited seems to indicate that this merger had already occurred in the SM language. An example which is not explained by this assumption is the following: 451

jj

"

*bj:lgx >

.I?B!!

451

jj

"

*bj:lgx >

.I?B!!

However, this passage is almost certainly a quote from Zheng Xuan's i... 1;, ~~ ~ ) and may commentary on Liji, Mingtangwei IOI"J 1: 1.i. not reflect the sound system of the SM language. This seems particularly likely in view of the fact that final (8) probably had -~- vocalism in Zheng Xuan's language (Coblin Ms. c, section 2.9). Final (5) has one irregular contact with the you category:

(M

508

it

*hJjagwx >

~

451

jj

"

*bj:lgx >

.I?B!!

This gloss also occurs in Erya, Shigu (IA. I) and has probably been quoted from there by Liu Xi. It may reflect a language much earlier than that underlying the SM glosses. In conclusion we reconstruct the following EH finals for this category: A. (I) ~, (2) -w~y, (3) -r~y, (4) -rw~y, (5) -j~y, (6) -ji~y, (7) -jiw~y B. (8) -jouy (you group) 2.16 The Zhi ~ Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: A. (I) -~k, (2) -w~k < WJ -~k, -w~k; (3) -ek, (4) -uek < WJ -r~k, -rw~k; (5) -j~k < WJ -j~k, -ji~k; (6) -jw~k < -jiw~k B. (7) -juk < WJ -jok Finals of type A had the vowel -~- in Ancient. WJ, and Archaic Chi-

W. SOUTH COBLIN

316

nese; and we may guess that they had it in the SM language as well. This is confirmed by contacts between them and the zhi L (EH~) category: 242 250

!t *hn:lk > th:lk +t *~>~

242 250

!t *hn:lk > th:lk +t *~>~

Other examples: 247, 248, 375, 376, 391,40 5,418 Final (7) had -0- in the WJ period. In our data it has no contacts with finals of type A, but it interchanges with finals of the wu (EH -uk) and you (EH -ouy) groups:

!t 452 ' *bj:lgwx >~ 250.....+t *~>~ 311~, *~>~ 242 *hn:lk > th:lk

> bjuk !t *~ *hn:lk > th:lk Si.... *~ > bjuk 250 +t *~>~ 4J( 242

These examples suggest that WJ -0- can be projected back to the EH period for final (7). Final (I) has one irregular contact with the wo group: 242

!t

*hn:lk > th:lk

242

!t

*hn:lk > th:lk

In summary, we reconstruct the following finals for the zhi category: A. (I) -~k, (2) -w~k, (3) -r~k, (4) -rw~k, (5) -j~k, -ji~k, (6) -jiw~k B. (7) -jok (wo group)

1l

2.17 The Duo Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: (I) -ak, (2) -wak < WJ -ak, -wak; (3) -~k, (4) -w~k < WJ -rak, -rwak; (5) -jak, (6) -jwak < WJ -jak, -jwak; (7) -jak, (8) -j~k < WJ -jiak These finals are reconstructed with -a- vocalism for the WJ and Archaic periods, and we may suspect that they had -a- in the SM language as well. Final (I) has the following contact with the wu (EH -uk) category: 242

!t

*hn:lk > th:lk

242

!t

*hn:lk > th:lk

This is one of Bodman's alliterative binoms and may represent a pairing of initials rather than finals. We reconstruct the following EH finals for this group: (I) -ak; (2) -wak; (3) -rak; (4) -rwak; (5) -jak; (6) -jak, -jwak; (7) and (8) -jiak

THE FINALS OF THE SHIM/NG LANGUAGE

3 17

2.18 The Yu ,~, Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: A. (I) -uo < WJ -0; (2) -jwo, :i!! < WJ :iQ; (3) :i!! < WJ -jwo B. (4) -a, (5) -wa < WJ -ra, -rwa; (6) ~ < WJ ~ Finals oftype B had -a- vocalism in Ancient, WJ, and Archaic Chinese. In our data they have contacts with the duo (EH -ak) category: 41 ~ *ngragx > ~

JfL

*~> Iftk

45

i.!.

*prak > ~

:t *rnragh > rna

Other examples: 182, 208, 210, 339 Final (3) and a portion of final (2) have -0- vocalism in the WJ reconstruction and became Ancient:i!!. Words with these finals have contacts with the you (EH -ouy) and hou (EH .::!!y) categories in our data: 134 ~ *khwjagx > khju

1-5

180 ~~ *phjugx > phju

;f~, *~ > phju

491 1263

~ *khj::lgwx > khj;)u

~.... 1% *~

tsjak >

~

*hj::lgwx > ~

~ *khwjagx > khju tsjak

~ ~*~~>P.i!!~

These contacts suggest that the finals in question may have had back rounded vowels in the SM language, and we shall consequently project their WJ values, :i..Q: and -jwo- back to the EH period. Final (I) and that portion of final (2) which yielded Ancient -jwo have contacts both with finals of type B (EH -a-) and with finals of the duo (EH -ak) category:

Jl- *khagh > khuo 82 A *tshag > tshuo 61

III

*

*tjagx > tsjwo

119 \~ *dzjagx > dzjwo

124 12 7

~ *dzdagh > slzjwo

J1.u *~,.:!! > iijwo

1861: *sak> sftk 187

~~

*srak(?) >

~

1;-

*hdiagh >

~

*tshak > tshftk

~

*ili!g > !§ffi

4

t ~

t

,~

*dzjiagh >

~

~

*dzragh > dza *sak> sftk *sagh> suo *~

> suo

318

W. 336 338

j!..... *hriagh >

sjwo

!'f.. *tsragx > ~

SOUTH COBLIN

~ *tjiak > tsjiik ~ *tsriag> t1sjwo

These examples would seem to suggest that the finals in question had -a- vocalism in the SM language. However, these same finals also have contacts with final (3) and that portion of final (2) for which we have posited EH -0- vocalism and also with finals of the you (EH -ouy), xiao (EH -auy), and hou (EH j!l) groups: 90 94 128

"j. 5"1'

*~ > buo

rl!- *~ > gjwo

ftL *g@g.:!! > §jwo

136 ~ *hwjagx > 143

lili!

)~ *~>~

~ *~>phju ~~ *kwjagx >.!s.i!! ' " *gli:lgw> lieu

,u:. r,"!!'...,

t

*hmag > xuo

*~>~

147

Ji. . *mjagx > ~

~...... *hmag > xuo

154

1,J, *S!!S!! > :@

~

457 1193

\t *gagwh > lill!

.1t *khjagx > khjwo

-t

*gwagh > .l!!2

*~.:!! >

!!!Q

~ *khwjagx > khju

In examining these two groups of examples we note that those cases where the finals in question have contacts with syllables possessing -avocalism involve primarily words with Ancient dental, palatal, or retroflex initials (gloss 61 is exceptional), while glosses showing pairings with EH -0-, -ou-, -U-, and -au- syllables are generally limited to words having Ancient velar and labial initials (gloss 128 is exceptional). In reconstructing our problematical finals we may, on the basis of these observations, project WJ -0- back to the EH period in labial and velar initial syllables and derive it from EH -a- elsewhere. Historically, if we assume with Li (1971) that the finals in question all had Archaic *-a- vocalism, then we may formulate a rule that in these finals Archaic *-a- became EH -0- in velar and labial initial words and remained unchanged elsewhere. In addition to glosses 61 and 128 the following examples are not explainable in terms of this assumption and must be considered exceptional: 461f *gwrag >

~

50 _,~ *~ > 'uo

1d

--it

*khwag > khuo *hriag> sjwo

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

60 IOI

-%

*khagx > khuo

./~ *ngjagx > ngjwo

",.L.

3 19

*thagx,:h > thuo

~*~>zjwo

It is possible that these glosses reflect Han dialects where Archaic *-ahad not shifted to -0-. Xu Shen's language may be considered representative of a dialect of this type (Coblin Ms. b, section 2.14). Finally we should note that final (2) has one irregular contact with the zhi (EH ~) category in our data: ~*~>zjwo

~*~>zjwo

We may now reconstruct the following finals for the SM language: A. (1)~, (2) .:kt (1) -:2::i, (2) -joy, -jwoy, (3) -jwoy B. (4) -ray, (5) -rway, (6) -jiay 2.19 The Yue J:] Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: (1) -at, (2) -mit < WJ -at, -wat; (3) -at, (4) -wat < WJ -rat, -rwat; (5) -at, (6) :-wat < WJ -riat, -rwiat; (7) ~, j!! < WJ ~; (8) -jw~t < WJ -jwat; (9) j!!, (10) -jwat < WJ -jiat, -jiwat; (II) -iet, (12) -iwet < WJ -iat, -iwat These finals all ended in -at in the WJ and Archaic periods, and we may suppose that this was the case in the SM language as well. Hence we reconstruct the following EH forms for this category: (I) -at, (2) -wat, (3) -rat, (4) -rwat, (5) -riat, (6) -rwiat, (7) ~, (8) -jwat, (9) -jiat, (10) -jiwat, (11) -iat, (12) -iwat

The Ii Ii:- Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: (I) -ai, (2) -wai < WJ -ad, -wad; (3) -ai, (4) -wai < WJ -rad, -rwad; (5) -ai, (6) -wai < WJ -riad, -rwiad; (7) ~, (8) -jw~i < WJ -jad, -jwad; (9) :-.ilii < WJ -jad, -jiad; (10) -jwai < WJ -jwad, -jiwad; (I I) -iei, (12) -iuei < WJ: iad, iwad These finals all ended in -ad in both WJ and Archaic Chinese, and we may suspect that they had -ad in the SM language as well. This conclusion is supported by eleven contacts with the yue category which have already been cited in section 2.3 above. We reconstruct the following finals for this category: (I) -ad; (2) -wad; (3) -rad; (4) -rwad; (5) -riad; (6) -rwiad; (7) -jad; (8) -jwad; (9) -jad, -jiad; (10) -jwad, -jiwad; (II) -iad; (12) -iwad 2.20

W.

320

SOUTH COBLIN

2.21 The Zhi ~~ Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: A. (I) -;}t, (2) -W;}t < WJ -;}t, -W;}t; (3) ~, (4) -jU;}t < WJ ~, -jW;}t B. (5):-ill, (6) -jiet < WJ -ji;}t; (7) -juet < WJ -jW;}t, -jiW;}t; (8) -jiuet < WJ -jiW;}t C. (9) -at, (10) -wat < WJ -riat, -rwiat; (I I) -iet, (12) -iwet < WJ -iat, -iwat D. :if! < WJ ? Finals of type A had -;}- vocalism in WJ and Archaic Chinese, and we may suppose that they had -;}- in the SM language as well. Finals of type B had -;}- in the WJ period but derive from the Archaic wei .tJkt (*-;}t) and zhi ~ (*-it) rime categories. Luo and Zhou (1958:42) found that by the Han period these two Archaic categories had coalesced, and the following contacts between the two types suggest that this merger had indeed occurred in the SM language: 821 )~ *smj;)t > sjuet 831

~ *~ > pjU;)t

836

51~

*gwrjit > jiuet

.~ *skwjit > sjuet

if

*Iili! > ~

*~t

*~

> dijuet

Finals of type Chad WJ -a-, but they have the following contacts with finals of types A and B in our data: 81 5

.:II( *thrjit >

thjet

*thit > thiet

82 3

-t

~

*kw;)t > ku;)t

-

~

*gwr;)t > ywat

834

Z-.J

*~>~

*Ls

*'r;)t > 'at

-

These examples suggest that the finals in question had -;}- rather than -a- vocalism in the SM language. However, before reaching this conclusion we should take note of the following counterexamples: 781

!!-

*khiat > khiet

808 '~ *!!8i!(?) > ngiet

J6

i

*kit > kiet *ngiat > ngiet

These glosses would seem to suggest -a- vocalism for type C finals. But here we must note that numerous contacts exist between finals of types A and B and finals of the yue (EH -at) and.i! (EH -ad) categories: 808 '~ *!!8i!(?) > ngiet

808 '~ *!!8i!(?) > ngiet

THE FINALS OF THE SHlMING LANGUAGE

795 822

-1l. *hduat > sjwat l-'i. *smj;)t > sjuet

J.L

J!t

*~ >

321

dzjuet

*thuadh > thuai

Other examples: 798, 801, 825, 828, 832, 833, 860 Interchanges of this type might be explained in terms of phonetic similarity between EH -a- and -;)- in these finals. Perhaps one or the other was phonetically [~]. Glosses 781 and 808 should probably be taken as further examples of this -a-/-;)- interchange. Finally we must consider final (13), for which Ting (1975) reconstructs no WJ form. This final has contacts exclusively with the yue (EH -at) group in our data: 779

{u

*tsriat >

ll!!

799 .~ *sduat > ~jwat

.~

!L

*tsdit > !.§iE!

*gill > §.k!

Li (1971) reconstructs this final as Archaic *-rjit. If we assume that Archaic *-i- broke to EH -ia- here, then we can reconstruct EH -rjiat for the SM language. This final should then be considered part of the yue group. In summary, we reconstruct the following finals for the zhi category: A. (I) -;)t, (2) -W;)t, (3) -j;)t, , (4) -jW;)t B. (5) and (6) -ji;)t; (7) -jW;)t, -jiw;)t; (8) -jiw;)t C. (9) -ri;)t, (10) -rwi;)t, (I I) -i;)t, (12) -iw;)t D. (13) -rjiat (yue category)

2.22 The Zhi ,~~ Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: A. (I)~, (2) :!!!! < WJ -;)i, -w;)i; (3) :i!! < WJ :Ei, EQ; (4) -jwei < WJ -jw;)i, -jw;)d B. (5) -ai, (6) -wai < WJ -r;)i, -rw;)i; (7):ill! < WJ -ji;)i, -ji;)d; (8) -U)wi < WJ -jw;)i, -jw;)d, -jiw;)i, -jiw;)d; (9) -iei, -iwei < WJ -i;)i, -iw;)i Finals of type A had -;)- vocalism in the WJ and Archaic periods, and we may suspect that they had -;)- in the SM language as well. Finals of type B had -;)- in the WJ period but derive from both the Archaic wei (*-;)d) and zhi (*-id) rime categories. Luo and Zhou (1958:30) found that by the Western Han period these two categories had for the most part coalesced, and the fact that this merger had indeed occurred in the SM language is indicated by the following contacts:

'J:..L

*-;)dh >

.i!

'J:..L

*-;)dh >

.i!

W.

322

SOUTH COB LIN

918 ~ *dr:jid > ~

~

*d:xi >

~

950 .... *!E!! > tswi

4~1

*ljidh >

.ill

In section 2.5 we concluded that the EH reflex of Archaic *-ji~dh had final-d in the SM language. We suspect that all other finals in the EH zhi category were open in this dialect. For the most part these open finals have final diphthongs ending in :! in Ting's WJ reconstruction. IS However, they have the following contacts with finals of the zhi L (EH~) and .y!! (EH ~) categories in our data: 382

~ *~

926

f

947 1270

. 4-... J,G

>

.!!i

~

*·ad >..:!!

!i

~

*~>sjwo

*hr:jid >

*Ij:xix, l:xih > ~,~ *khjagx >

.!illi!

~

*~

16

*bjiadx >

> j!i ~

Contacts of this type make it seem unlikely that the zhi ~~ category finals here in question could have ended in a high front vowel in the SM language. However, if we assume that WJ:! in these words derived from an EH high mid or back unrounded vowel, :!, then the resulting -~i diphthongs might plausably have had occasional contacts with EH ~ and ~ group finals We may suppose that our EH:! was a reflex of Archaic *-d here and that by WJ times it had been fronted to :!. Phonemically :! can be considered an allophone of EH -i-, which we do not reconstruct in syllable final position; but in the present paper we shall continue to write:! as a reminder notation. Final (7) has the following contact with the l! (EH -ad) group: 1272

_~

*bjiadh >

.!ill

1272

_~

*bjiadh >

.!ill

This can be attributed to the similarity of the vowels -~- and -a- in this dialect. We reconstruct the following EH finais for this category: A. (I) -~i, (2) -w~i, (3).:.E!, (4) -jw~i B. (5) -r~i; (6) -rw~i; (7) -ji~i, -x, -ji~dh; (8) -jw~i, -jiw~i; (9) -i~i 2.23 The Ge cient finals:

-* Category. This category contains the following An-

18As pointed out in section 2.6 Ting (1975:21 I) posits WJ final::!! for fl!! tone words having finals (3), (4), and (8). We can only suppose that the SM language differed on this point from the EH predecessors of the dialects on which Ting's reconstruction is based.

323

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

(I) -a, (2) -ua < WJ -a, -wa; (3) -a, (4) -wa

-

-

--

-

-

< WJ -ra,-rwa; - (5) ~ < WJ

~ These finals had -a- vocalism IN WJ and Archaic Chinese, and we may suppose that they had -a- in the SM language as well. This is borne out by the following contacts with the 1!! (EH ~) group: 2 10

;0-J- *~ > ~

l

~o

~

*hwar > xuA

44k. *brag > ba 47 "-- *kwragx > kwa

4t1-f..

*~,-h>~

*khwragh> khwa *parh >

~

*gwlarx > luA

The following gloss suggests that Archaic * -::>r had joined the in the SM dialect: /'W *hngwrarh > xwa

~

group

/'W *hngwrarh > xwa

We may now reconstruct the following EH forms for this category: (I) -a, (2) -wa, (3) -ra, (4) -rwa, (5) ~ 2.24 The Zhi ~ Category. This category contains the following Ancient

finals: (I) -ai', (2) -wai' < WJ -riei, -rwiei; (3) ~, (4) .:M < WJ ~, -jiei; (5) -jwe, (6) -jwie < -jwei, -jiwei; (7) -iei, (8) -iwei < -iei, -iwei These finals, which have -ei diphthongs in the WJ reconstruction, de(*.:ig) caterive from the Archaic ~ (*-ar), zhi A~ (*-id),19 and~ gories. That these Archaic final types had merged in the SM language is indicated by the following glosses: 14, 15. 22. 23. 349. 354. 365. 370, 885 (cited in full in section 2.5 above). As has been noted by Luo and Zhou (1958: I 12) contacts between this category and the zhi Jl~ (EH -::>i) group are very numerous. e.g.

it

21 f~ *diarh > .Qi 31 348

/~J *ngwjar > ngwe

M'u *!!!g > diei

916 ;I~ *rid >

.i!

~

*tidx > tiei

1Jl1

*ngwad > ngu3i

2

)~

*tidx > tiei

1J

*thjiarx > tshje

19Li (1971) does not reconstruct Archaic *-ir type finals in the zhi (*-id) category, but elsewhere (Li Ms., p. 123) he suggests Archaic *:ik as a possible origin of Ancient ~ in the *-id group.

W.

324

SOUTH COBLIN

Other examples: 33,34,351,361,362,365,366,861,862,864,870,882, 893, 894, 909, 910, 912, 913, 923, 928, 932, 935, 956, 965, 1264 These examples suggest that the zhi and zhi A~ groups must have been phonetically very similar, if in fact they had not merged entirely in the SM dialect.20 If we assume with Luo and Zhou that they remained distinct, then we may guess that the main vowel of the zhi .~ group was a rather back variety of ~ or ~, which we can transcribe as EH ~. Finals of this group end in WJ .:1, but they have several contacts with syllables ending in EH ::.:1 in our data:

:l

400

k

*khj;}gx >

!illi!

438 ~ *kwji;}gx > ~ 440

\fG

.~

*khigx > khiei

*-t.

*kwjig > Isiwi~

1L *kwjarx > kjw~

*kwji;}gwx> *kwji;}gx > ~

These examples suggest that WJ .:1 should be derived from EH .:.! in these finals. The following glosses can be taken as evidence that Archaic * -jar had joined the zhi ~ category in the SM language: -~ *Ijuar > ~

~

*!E!: > ~

946 ~ *Ij:xix > ~

i~

*Ij;}rx >

32

t

!t- *~ > nzwi

951 ...

*nj;}rx>

~

ntjw~

However, we are unable to explain the following example in terms of our reconstruction: 12

k. .

~ *hmj;}rx > EH -jwei> xjw~

*hm;}rx > EH -wa > xUIl

This gloss should be considered together with gloss I I (already cited in section 2.23), for the two occur as part of the same SM passage: (II)

1 EH -ak > ·ak

*ngragx >

>

On the basis of this scant bit of evidence we may speculate that the main vowel of the xi category was -a- in the SM language. Thus we may tenatively posit the following EH forms for the finals of this group: (I) -riak, (2) -rwiak, (3) -jiak, (4) -jiwak, (5) -iak, (6) -iwak Here we should point out that finals (I), (2), (4), (5), and (6) all neatly fill lacunae in the duo (EH -ak) category. Final (3) would merge with final (8) (EH -jiak) of the duo category to yield Ancient -jak. (In effect, then, the 22This same dialect note appears in Shiwen (s.sa-b) which probably bases itself on Guo's original EY commentary.

326

W.

-Z

SOUTH COBLIN

zhi and duo groups would have coalesced in the SM language.) However, we must note that in the WJ reconstruction the two finals in question remain separate, i.e. *-jiak ----------------~

*-jiak

*-jiak

*-jiak

------

:::::; -jak

For this reason we must assume that the SM dialect merged these finals earlier than the language underlying Ting's WJ reconstruction. Here we may note that Ting (1975:226) found 32 rime contacts between his WJ xi (WJ -iek) and yao (WJ -ak) rime categories, and quite a few of the xi category words involved in these contacts have the WJ final -jiek « *-jik) (cf. Ting 1975:183 and 185). Thus there may well have been WJ dialects which agreed with the SM language in merging the reflexes of Archaic * -jiak and * -jik.

1P

Jtt

2.25 The Yuan lu Category. This category contains the following finals: (I) -an, (2) -uan < WJ -an, -wan; (3) -an, (4) -wan < WJ -ran, -rwan; (5) -an, (6) -wan < WJ -rian, -rwian; (7) -jun, (8) -jwun < WJ -jan, -jwan; (9) -jan, (10) -jwan < WJ -jian, -jiwan; (I I) -ien, (12) -iwen < WJ -ian, -iwan These finals all had -a- vocalism in WJ and Archaic Chinese, and we suspect that they had -a- in the SM language as well. Finals of this group have the following irregular contacts with the yue (EH -at) category: 772 1271

~ *'at > 'at .f~ *sriat >

1M

~ *'an> 'an ~ *tshuanh > tshuan

We reconstruct the following forms for the yuan category: (I) -an, (2) -wan, (3) -ran, (4) -rwan, (5) -rian, (6) -rwian, (7) -jan, (8) -jwan, (9) -jian, (10) -jiwan, (I I) -ian, (12) -iwan

J.-

2.26 The Zhen Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: A. (I) -an, (2) -uan < WJ -an, -wan; (3) -jan, (4) -juan < WJ -jan, -jwan B. (5) -jen < WJ -jian; (6) -juen, -jiuen < WJ -jiwan; (7) -jen < WJ -dian

THE FINALS OF THE SHiMING LANGUAGE

327

C. (8) -an, (9) -wan < WJ -rian, -rwian; (10) -ien, (I I) -iwen < WJ -ian, -iwan Finals oftype A had -:)- vocalism in Ancient, WJ, and Archaic Chinese; and we suspect that they had -:)- vocalism in the SM language as well. Finals of type B had -:)- in the WJ period but derive from both the Archaic zhen (*-in)-;nd ~ (*-:)n) categories. Luo and Zhou (1958:36) found that these two Archaic rime categories had coalesced by Western Han times, and the fact that this merger had indeed occurred in the SM language is indicated by the following examples:

it

1084

1~

*!ill!! > nzjen

tb

*nji:mx > nzjen

1093

11.)

*sjinh >

~

*sj:mh > sjuen

11

*hrjin >

1124

~

4'- *dji:m > ~

~

Finals of type C had the vowel -a- in the WJ period. In our data they have a number of contacts with finals of types A and B: 1069 1101 1118

;A

*thinh > thien

~ *k;mh > k:m

~'I

*kwi:m> kiwen

~ *trjinh > ~

,

1~ *gr;)nx > ~ >lrl.l *dj;)nx > dijuen

Other examples: 1070, 1106, 1116, 1117, 1154, 1156 These glosses suggest that finals of type Chad -:)- vocalism in the SM language. On the other hand, we also find in our data six contacts between finals of type C and the yuan (EH -an) group, which would seem to suggest -a- vocalism for type C words, e.g. 1034

1062

,~~ *kwjianh > kjwan

A *kian > kien

,~!- *kin > kien

~ *kin > kien

Other examples: 1068, 1072, 1073, 1074 However, before reaching such a conclusion we must note that in fact contacts with the yuan group are also very common among finals of type A and B, e.g. d.

987 ~ *suan > suan 1023

~ *tsjanx > tsjan

i1!:..

1046

,~ *srian > ~

.?~ *srji;)n > ~

I 140

~ *s!.E!!. tj;)nx > ijuen. tsjuen

l!j

*tsjinh > tsjen

*duan > duan

328

W.

SOUTH COBLIN

Other examples: 989, 1024, 1031, 1041, 1079, 1081, 1l02, 1l03, 1l04, 1I09, IllO, lIll, lII2, 1I22, 1I26, 1I27, ll29, ll33, ll4I, ll46, 1I52, ll58 In view of this fact it would seem wisest to assume that finals of types A, B, and C all had -~- vocalism. We can then guess that the vowels -~­ and -a- in the SM language were similar in the finals in question. Finally we should note the following irregular contact between final (5) and the zhi (EH -~t) category:

1j

*mang > mwAng

1j

*mang > mwAng

In summary we reconstruct the following EH finals for this category: A. (I) -;:m; (2) -w~n; (3) -i~n; (4) -j~n, -jw~n B. (5) -ii~n, (6) -jiw:m, (7) -rji~n C. (8) -ri~n, (9) -rwi~n, (10) -i~n, (II) iw~n 2.27 The Yang 1~ Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: A. (I) -fmg, (2) -wang < WJ -ang, -wang; (3) -jang, (4) -jwang < WJ -jang, -jwang B. (5) -eng, (6) -weng < WJ -reng, -rweng Finals of type A had -a- vocalism in Ancient, WJ, and Archaic Chinese, and we suspect that they had -a- in the SM language as well. Finals of type B had *-a- in Archaic Chinese and ~ in the WJ period. Finals (5) and (6) have a number of contacts with finals of type A: 592 596 643

;t , , *gwang > yWlmg ~ .;f';u

*kwang> kwfmg *grang > 1!ill8

{~

*gwrang > yweng

~

*gwrang > yweng

-t! >{

*khangh > khAng

646

~..L

*krang > keng

*'wang> 'wAng

648

"i

f..

~u

* mrang > meng

1j

*mang > mwAng

These examples suggest that the finals in question had -a- vocalism in the SM language. Final (3) has the following irregular contact with the yao (EH -auk) group in our data:

1j

*mang > mwAng

1j

*mang > mwAng

We reconstruct the following finals for this group in the SM language:

THE FINALS OF THE SHiMING LANGUAGE

329

A. (I) -ans, (2) -wang, (3) -jang, (4) -jwang B. (5) -rang, (6) -rwang 2.28 The Dong

t. Category. This category contains the following An-

cient finals: (I) -ung < WJ -ung, (2) -ling < WJ -rung, (3) -jwong < WJ -jung These finals had -u- vocalism in WJ and Archaic Chinese, and we may suspect that they had -u- in the SM language as well. This is supported by the following contacts with the hou (EH -uy) and wu (EH -uk) categories: 158

':J

764

Al *&!:!!!!& > ~

*khugx > kh;)su

*~ > M!!B

767 •

~ *khung > khung

j~ *&!!!! > ~

:/.If

*!9!s > k~u

Final (I) has the following irregular contacts with the category:

~

;~

*·ungx> ·ung

;~

*·ungx> ·ung

,~

"'kwangx> kwing

,~

"'kwangx> kwing

(EH -ang)

We reconstruct the following EH forms for this category: (I) -ung, (2) -rung, (3) -iung

2.29 The Dong ~ Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: (I) -uong < WJ -ong, (2) -ang < -rong, (3) -jung < WJ -jong These finals have the following contacts with the dong (EH -ung) category: 716 718

t. *'-

*n;)ngw > nuong *s;)ngwh > suong

.Jil.

*mjung njwong

Ji.. *sungh > sung

723 ~ *sj;)ngw > sjung

~ *sjungx > sjwong

725 ,~ *kr:mgwh> king

..1-.. *kung > kung

72 7

,b- *S!!.!!S > l!!!!8

735

~

*tungh > tung

,~

f

*kr;)ngwh> kang *tti;)ngw >

li!!!!s

*-

Since the finals of the dong ~ group have only three intracategory contacts as opposed to six interchanges with the dong category, Luo

W.

330

SOUTH COBLIN

and Zhou (1958:112) assume that the two groups had coalesced in the SM language. Such a merger is clearly a possibility, but it seems equally plausible that the unusually small number of syllables in the dong~ group may have exercised a distorting influence on the statistics here. For this reason we prefer to retain the dong ~ category as a separate rime group in the present study. In parallel with our reconstructions for the wo (EH -ok) category we can account for contacts with the ~ category by projecting WJ -0- back to the SM language in finals of the dong group. Final (3) has the following irregular contact with the ~ (EH -ang) category:

t.

+

720 ~

*r:mgw > jiung

720 ~

*r:mgw > jiung

We should note here that, as pointed out by Bodman (1954: 134), it is questionable whether 720a and b are really the paired items in this SM gloss. We reconstruct the following finals for this group: (I) -ong, (2) .::!Q!!B, (3) -jong 2.30 The Zheng ~ Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: A. (I) -ang, (2) -wang < WJ -ang, -wang; (3) -jang < WJ -jang, -jiang B. (4) -eng, (5) -weng < WJ -reng, -rweng C. (6) -jung < WJ -jong Finals of type A had -a- vocalism in Ancient, WJ, and Archaic Chinese; and we suppose that they had -a- in the SM language as well. Finals of type B have the vowel -e- in the WJ reconstruction. Final (4) has one contact with final (I) suggesting that type B finals may have had -avocalism in the SM language: 720 ~

720 ~

*r:mgw > jiung

*r:mgw > jiung

By the WJ period Archaic Chinese * -jang in labial and labiovelar initial words had become WJ -iong. The following example suggests that this *~ > .Q vowel change had already occurred in the SM language: 7 19

-g

*kj;)ngw > EH -jong >

.!si!mB

~ *khwj;)ng> WJ -jong> khjung

Finals of type C would therefore have belonged to the dong in the SM language.

k

group

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

331

Finals of the zheng category have three irregular contacts with the dong A- and dong ~ groups: 706

,i~ * 'j~ng > 'j~ng

711

t

713

;tl *Ij~ng > Ij~ng

*mr~ng > mwcng

.iii *'jung> ·jwong 7J::

1t- *glj~ngw > Ijung ~ *mung> mung

We reconstruct the following finals for the zheng category: A. (I) -;mg; (2) -w;mg; (3) -j:mg, -ji~ng; B. (4) -r~ng, (5) -rw~ng C. (6) -jong (dong .~ group)

J1

2.31 The Geng Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: (I) -eng, (2) -weng < WJ -rieng, -rwieng; (3) -jeng, (4) -jweng < WJ -jeng, -jweng; (5) -jang, (6) -jwang < WJ -jieng, -jiweng; (7) -ieng, (8) -iweng < WJ -ieng, -iweng These finals have the vowel -e- in the WJ reconstruction. They have several contacts with the yuan (EH -an) group and one contact with the ~ (EH -ang) group in our data: 600 ~" *'jang > ·jang 673 997 100']

1008

i. *~ > sieng

:ft *dzrianh > Qzan ~ ..... *hianx > xien

::i... *sianh > sien

~ * 'jing > ·jang

y~ *sanx,-h > san

~

*dzjingx > dzjang

,~'i.. *.hl.!!g > kieng

L

*~> sieng

These examples suggest that the finals in question had -a- vocalism in the SM language. Final (5) has two contacts with the zheng (EH -~ng) group which may be attributed to the similarity between EH ~ and ~ in the SM language: 675 681

.i.

.!l! *·jing > ·jang *khjing > khjang

f.~ * 'j~ng

>

'j~ng

~ *hr:j~ng > sj~ng

Finals (3) and (4) descend from the Archaic ~ (* -ang) category. In our data their contacts are with the ~ category rather than with the ~ group:

W.

332

j.i.

.'1

*~ > biengx *mjiang

> mjwllng

SOUTH COB LIN

j.i.

.'1

*~ > biengx *mjiang

> mjwllng

Final (5) has the following irregular contacts with the zhi categories: 374 690

tfl. *khwjigx > khjwie 1r.l. *thding > thjiing

1~

-t,

~

and duo

*khwjing > khjwiing *khdiak > tshjiik

We reconstruct the following EH finals for the ~ category: :.ili, (4) -jwa, (5) .:ili:, (6) -jiwa, (7) -ia, (8) -iwa

(I) -ria, (2) -rwia, (3)

2.32 The Tan -1~ Category. This category contains the following An-

cient finals: (I) -am < WJ -am; (2) -am < WJ -ram; (3) -am < WJ -riam; (4) -j~m, -jam < WJ -jam; (5) -jam < WJ -jiam; (6) -jw~m < WJ -jwam, (7) -iem < WJ -iam These finals had -a- vocalism in WJ and Archaic Chinese, and we suspect that they had -a- in the SM language as well. We reconstruct them as follows: (I) -am, (2) -ram, (3) -riam, (4) -jam, (5) -jiam, (6) -jwam, (7) -iam 2.33 The Oin -1.a:..Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: A. (I).:!!!! < WJ -~m; (2) -am < WJ -r~m; (3) -j~m < WJ -j~m, -ji~m; (4) -iem < WJ -i~m B. (5) -jung < WJ -jong Finals of type A had -~- vocalism in WJ and Archaic Chinese, and we suppose that they had -~- in the SM language as well. Final (5) is reconstructed by Ting (1975) as WJ -jong, but derives from Archaic Chinese *-i~m. It occurs in two SM glosses:

L"

l~ ~ ~.#!. \~ /$ ~ ~ i..... I~, ;e.. ~ 'As to the word "wind", in Van, Yu, Si, and Ji (i.e. an area encompassing modern Henan, Shanxi, and parts of Anhui, Shanxi, and Hebei), they say it with lateral (i.e. laterally extended) mouth and closed lips." l'iL *Qj~m >.Iili!!!g -;e,. *bjam « *gwjam ?) > bjwBm 1256

1257

~ ¢-1i l~ ~ \~ ~;1 ~ -11!.-i, 1..._ 4t, ~~_

'When they say "wind" in Qing and Xu (modern Shandong and part of Jiangsu) they say it with tensed mouth, open lips, and an expUlsion of breath.' ~ *Qjangh > Qjwang

THE FINALS OF THE SHlM1NG LANGUAGE

333

As has been pointed out by Luo and Zhou (1958:74 and Il2) and others (e.g. Serruys 1961 :408; Pulleyblank 1962:235) these glosses seem to indicate that in late EH times final (5) had final -m in central and western dialects, while in the eastern dialects of Liu Xi's native area it had final :!!S. Which type should be taken as representative of the SM language is uncertain. We may guess that the central and western dialect form was simply EH -j;}m. The WJ form could be tentatively projected back to the EH period to represent the eastern dialect pronunciation, but its -0- vocalism would not agree well with that of 1257b (i.e. EH -a-). A possible solution to this problem would be to reconstruct final (5) as EH -j;}ng and assume that it merged with -jong « * -j;}ng) only in WJ times. The eastern dialect development of these finals could then be represented as follows: *-j;}ng ~ EH -jong }

~ WJ

-jong _ _ -jung

*-j;}m ~ EH -j;}ng Finals of the g!!! group have many contacts with the tan category, e.g. 111)6 1197

-1t

1it

*kam > kam

111)6

*tam > tam

1197

-1t

1it

*kam > kam *tam > tam

Other examples: 1205, 12Il, 12I4, 1218, 1219, 1224, 1226, 1229, 1237, 1238, 1240, 1241, 1244, 1249, 1250, 1251, 1254 These examples may be attributed to the similarity between -a- and -;}in the SM dialect. Final (3) has the following irregular contact: 1252

Jl *bljamx > ~

~- *kjang(?) • .&fu}(?) > kjang, ~

SW (SWGL 6395b) identifies /'7- (*kj;}m> kj;}m) as phonetic in 1252b, though this has been disputed by Duan Yucai (SWGL 6396a-b), who believes that /:; should be emended to /.f (*ljing,-h> ljang). Luo and Zhou (1958:Il2, note 2) point out that 1252b rimes with IS (*sj;}m > sj;}m) in one Western Han poem and suggest that it actually belonged to the ~ rime category in some Han dialects. We construct the following forms for the finals of this category: A. (I) -;}m; (2) -r;}m; (3) -j;}m, -ji;}m; (4) -i;}m B. (5) -j;}m (western and central dialects), -j;}ng (eastern dialects) 2.34 The Ye finals:

4, Category. This category contains the following Ancient

W.

334

SOUTH COBLIN

(I) -Ap < WJ ,:M!; (2) -ap < WJ -rap; (3) :!Q < WJ -riap; (4) -jiip, -jup < WJ -jap; (5) -jwup < WJ -jwap; (6) -iep < WJ -iap These finals have -a- vocalism in WJ and Archaic Chinese, and we assume that they had -a- in the SM language as well. They have two irregular contacts with the tan (EH -am) category: 1172

\~ *:.i!!J:? > ..:i!!P

1206

fI,

/~

4

*!!!!!! > ~

*gljamx.-h >

!iill!!

*tsjap > tsjap

We reconstruct the following forms for the finals of this category: (I) ,:M!, (2) -rap, (3) -riap, (4) -jap, (5) -jwap, (6) -iap

2.35 The Q! ,~~ Category. This category contains the following Ancient finals: (I) ~ < ~, (2) ,:M! < WJ -r~p, (3) -j~p < WJ -j~p, (4) -iep < WJ -i~p These finals have the vowel -~- in WJ and Archaic Chinese, and we suspect that they had -~- in the SM language as well. They have two contacts with the ~ (EH ,:M!) category:

l

)1, *~ > diep 1183 iIo *~ > tsjap 1166

.4t

*~>~ *hnjap > .§i!Q

These can be attributed to the similarity between the vowels ~ and ~ in the SM language. Finals of this group also have the following irregular contacts with the g!!! (EH -~m) category: 1179

.J- *s!EP > !i2P

ms ..-ii

~~ *gljam>e ~*~>m

*J2!!! > ~

We reconstruct the following EH finals for the g! category:

(I) ~, (2) -r~p, (3) B, (4) -i~p

III. Summary 3.1 In this paper the following system of final consonants, vowels, and medials has been reconstructed for the SM language: A.

Consonants Velars Dentals Labials

k t

I!

'1 d

!!S n m

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

B.

335

Vowels

i

ill

u

0

;)

0

~,

it

The vowels! and! are allophones of the same phoneme. C.

Medials

-j-

-w-

-r-

The following table summarizes the development of our reconstructed EH finals from their Archaic origins through the WJ period to Ancient Chinese. Where we do not necessarily consider the EH finals to be ancestral to the later forms this fact is indicated by the absence of derivational arrows. Archaic Chinese

Z

EH

Category

--2:1

*-~ *-~

*-~

*-ji;}g

~

-W;)y

-

-!2:1

- -12:1

- -ji;}y '" -jiw;)y

~

Category

*-;)k

-

*-r;)k *-ill *-ji;}k

Ancient Chinese

WJ

--

-;)1

---

-W;)I

-r;)1 -~ -~

-jiw;)l

---

-!! -!!!!

--

-ai

-ill! -l!

-~

-;)k -w;)k - -r;)k ~ -rw;)k

-

-;)k -w;)k -r;)k -rw;)k

-

-;)k -w;)k -ek -uek

-

-

-ill -ji;)k -jiw;)k

-

-ill -ji;)k -jw;)k

-

-;)ng -w;)ng

-

-;)ng -w;)ng

-ill -ji;)k -jiw;)k

1:. Category *-~

-

-;}ng -w;)ng

(continued)

W.

336 Archaic Chinese *-r~ng

SOUTH COBLIN

EH

Ancient Chinese

WJ

~ -r~ng

~ -r~ng

~

\& -rw~ng

~ -rw~ng

~

*-j~ng

~ -j~ng

~ -j~ng

*ji~ng

~ -ji~ng

~ -ji~ng

*-j~m

~ -j~ng

A~

(eastern dialects)

~

}

-jong

-eng -weng

~ -j~ng ~

-jung

Category

*-rid *-rid

\& -w~i

~ -~i

~-~

~ -w~i

~-~

~ -r~i

~ -r~i

~

-ai

~ -rw~i

~ -rw~1

~

-wai

~-m

~ -~,

~ -~i

.I' -rw~i -rw~i

\& -jw~i

-!, -ji~dh -jiw~i, -!, -jiw~dh

-.EQ

~

~ -~, -ji~d

~

*-ji~d

~ -~,

*-fu!

~-~

~ -~, -ji~d

\&

~ -jiw~i, -jiW~dl

*-EQ *-id

J-

~ -iw~i'

~ -jiw~i, -jiw~d ~

~

~ -i~i

..

-IW~I ~

\& -iw~i

~

~

-ili

-jwei

-!ill

-G>wi

-!ill

(nUl;

~-~

-lei

~

-lei

-lwei

~

-lwei

Category

*-~n

*-rin *-E!!

*-ji~n *-rji~n

*-i~n }

~

-~n

~ -~n

-w~n

~

-w~n

~ -u~n

-ri~n

~

-rian -rwian -E!!

~ -~n

\&

*-r~n } / '

*-in

-jiw~i

~

~ -jw~i, -jw~d

""» -rwi~n

~

-E!!

\& -jw~n

~

~

~

~

~

-an -wan -E!!

~ -jw~n

~ -jw~n

~ -ji~n

\& -jiw~n

~

~ -jiw~n

~

~ -rji~n

~ -rji~n

~

-ian -iwan

~

~ -ji~n

....."

-i~n

~

~

-iw~n

~

~

-ili!

-juen, -jiuen

-k!!

-ien -iwen

337

THE FINALS OF THE SHIMING LANGUAGE

Archaic Chinese

~

Ancient Chinese

WJ

Category

*-~t

~ -~t

*-r~t }

~ -~t

~ -~t

-w~t

~ -w~t

~ -w~t

-ri~t

~

-rwi~t

~

\i

*-rit *-E!

~

-

*~

*-it }

~

~

-at -wat -E!

~

~ -jw~t

~ -ju~t

~ -jiw~t

~ -jiw~t

~

~-~

~-~

~

"II

~

*-i~t

-riat -rwiat -E!

-E! \i -jw~t

~

*-ill

..J~

EH

..

-i~t

~

-iw~t

~

-iat -iwat

~

~ ~

-juet, -jiuet -ill, -,@ -iet -iwet

Category

*-~

~-~

~-~

~-~

*-~

~-~

~-~

~-~

*-~

~-~

~-~

~-~

*-~

~-~

~-~

~-~

-'\t. Category *-~m

~ -~m

~

-~m

~-~

*-r~m

~ -r~m

~

-r~m

~

*-j;)m

~

*-ji~m

~

*-j;)m

~ -j~m

~

*-i~m

~ -i~m

~ -i~m

-j;)m -ji;)m (central and western dialects)

~ -j;)m } ~

-ji;)m -jong

-am

~ -j~m ~

-jung

~

-iem

-a

~

-a

-wa -fa -rwa

~

-ua

~ Category *-ar} *-~r

*-uar *-rar *-ruar *-E!

~

-a

~

"II

-wa -fa ">l ~ -rwa ~

~

~

~

~-~

~

~-,@

~

~

-a -wa

~-~ (continued)

W. SOUTH COB LIN

33 8 Archaic Chinese

!f::-

EH

Category

*-ad *-uad *-rad *-ruad *-riad

-~ -ad - -wad -~-rad - -rwad - -riad ~ -rwiad

-

*-~

*-juad *-jiad

~-~ - -jwad - -jiwad ~ -jiad

-

*-~

--~

--~

*-iad

-

~

A

Ancient Chinese

WJ

-iad -iwad

-ad -wad -rad -rwad -riad -rwiad

--~

-jwad -jiwad -jiad}

-

-ai -wai -ai -wai -iii -wiii

-

-jwBi -jwiii

--i!:i --jill

-

-iad -iwad

-

-iei -iuei

-

-at -wat -rat -rwat -riat -rwiat -.@! -jwat

-

-at -uat -at -wat

-

-wiit -~. -ill -jWBt

Category

*-at *-uat *-rat *-ruat *-riat *-.@! *-juat *-~

*-jiuat *-!i!! *-iat

"..i

-~ -

~

-at -wat -rat -rwat -riat -rwiat

-~. -.@! - -Jwat

--~ ~ ..

-

~

-)lwat -diat -iat -iwat

--at

-

--~

- -ill

-?

- -if!

-

-jiwat

-

-iat -iwat

-

-iet -iwet

-

-an -wan -ran -rwan

-

-an -ucin -an -wan

-

-jwiit

lu Category *-an *-uan *-ran *-ruan

-~ -an - -wan ~ -ran - -rwan

339

THE FINALS OF THE SHiMING LANGUAGE

Archaic Chinese *-rian

- -rian -\.. -rwJan

*-~

~-~

*-juan *-jian *-ian

) andf< p' respectively, might at first sight seem to contradict this assumption. It is clear, however, that this was an artificial distinction based on the fanqie of the Qieyun and had no basis in the current spoken language. We can see this from the Dunhuang fragment attributed to Shouwen ~ 3i.. (P.2012, see Pan 1973:71 ff.), which is our earliest evidence for rhyme table phonology. One of the sections of that manuscript is entitled "To distinguish cases where sound (Le. initial) and rhyme are alike but the assigned place [in the rhyme table] is different" ( ~_-i4JMI~~. ~ At1'~ ). The paragraph that follows is divided into two parts, one headed by the character -1. . , standing for initial p, the other headed by the character standing for p'. Under each heading are sets of homophonous characters followed by afanqie reading.

It,

4,

E. G.

350

PULLEYBLANK

All the words begin with LMC f and the homophone sets in the list are in corresponding order. Thus the first list begins with £ LMC fuwIJ < EMC pUWIJ and its homophones and continues with LMC fuawIJ < EMC puawIJ, ~ LMC fji < EMC puj, etc. The second list begins with LMC fUWIJ < EMC p'uwIJ and continues with LMC fuawIJ < EMC p 'uawIJ, ~ LMCfji < EMC p 'uj, etc. The two lists are completely parallel except that the first contains three homophone sets with f < p which lack correspondents in f < p'. Though the system of thirty initials used in the Shouwen manuscript, like the one implied by the arrangement of the Yunjing, still combined labial fricatives and stops, it is clear that they must have been distinct in pronunciation and f < P and f < p' had merged, so that the spoken language was not a sufficient basis on which to separate them into their original classes. The corresponding voiced initial, derived from EMC b, was still distinct. I reconstruct it as ffi (Pulleyblank 1970-71). This corresponds to Karlgren's v'. Although it still had voice aspiration, which is shown by its effects on the development of the tones, the onset was already devoiced, as we can see from Kan'on and other Tang evidence. Karlgren's formulation of the development of the nasal phoneme is less satisfactory than his theory for the stops. The hypothetical intermediate stage IlJ provides for the presumed shift from bilabial to labiodental but does not show the frication which must have been the more essential part of the process. It also leaves the subsequent denasalization quite unaccounted for. It is more likely that, under conditions for dentilabialization, m first became a nasalized approximant u, which differed fromffi in being fully voiced and unaspirated, as well as in being nasalized. Loss of nasalization, giving u, probably occurred quite early, though it is hard to pinpoint it exactly. Sino-Vietnamese has v for this initial, which certainly shows that frication had occured but does not prove the loss of nasalization. The use of this initial to represent Sanskrit v, which can be dated from the beginning ofthe eighth century (Pulleyblank 1970-71 :217) is also not conclusive on this point, since, even if it were still nasalized, would probably have the closest equivalent available. Tibetan transcriptions of the Tang period may provide a clearer indication that a transition from nasalized to plain u was taking place. Tibetan regularly represents Chinese prenasalized stops (as nasal phonemes were realized in the Tang dialect) by fi + voiced stop: fib = mb, etc. In some texts LMC u is represented as Jib, in the same way as unfricated m. This need not indicate that frication had not taken place in the Chinese dialect being transcribed, since Tibetan had no labial fricative. In at least one text, however, we regularly find u written simply as b, in contrast to fib for m (See Luo 1933).

*

it

t

u

u

35 1

DENTILABIALIZATION IN MIDDLE CHINESE

The process of frication: py ---+ pjy ---+ jjyThe fact that y was eliminated after labial fricatives very early in the history of LMC has helped to obscure the dentilabilization process. In most cases all trace of a high front vowel has been lost in modern dialects. The only exception is in words from the wei __ and jei rhymes, which have forms in -i in some dialects. This is not found in Pekingese Mandarin but as a feature of Henanese dialects and is also found in literary readings in Wu dialects and in Fuzhou. E.g.:

*-

•...

Peking Kaifeng

,j~ je; je; wei

Suzhou

Fuzhou

fi fi

fi fi

vi

vi

xi xie mi

The Kaifeng forms are taken from Karlgren 1915-26, ch. 18 "Dictionnaire". For other Henanese dialects see Zhao 1958, Gu 1958, Li 1958, Huang 1959. Though such syllables have now diphthongized in Pekingese, there is good reason to believe that Early Mandarin of the Yuan period still had -i. The Zhongyuan yinyun, which lacks janqie spellings, does not provide any evidence on this point and Stimson reconstructs [ii, vii, implying something like the modern Pekingese forms. hP'ags-pa, on the other hand, has fl, wi. This contrasts with the hekou ending -ue, which I interpret as -uj, found in words like ~ LMC puiij E. Man. puj, spelt hue, Pekingese hei; and also with the kaikou final-hiy, which I interpret as -'Jj, found for former rusheng words like ~ LMC t'Jdk E. Man. t'Jj, spelt dhiy, Pekingese dei. That these syllables werefl, vi in Early Mandarin, rather thanj'Jj, v;:)i, or juj, vuj, takes on added significance when we compare this with the Early Mandarin values of syllables with labial stop and nasal initials from other rhymes in the zhi rhyme group. This is one of the few cases in which Mandarin reflects the distinction between the so-called chongniu syllables in Grades III and IV in the rhyme tables. Grade III syllables, such as ~ LMC pi, J, LMC mi', are spelled with the final -ue in hP'ags-pa. That is, they had merged with Grade I words like ~ LMC puiij, E. Man. puj, ~ LMC muaj', E. Man. mUf. Grade IV words, like ttJ LMC pji', jlj LMC mji, on the other hand, are spelled hi, mi, etc. The Zhongyuan yinyun does not give any direct phonetic information but confirms (with a few exceptions) the separation of Grade III from Grade IV and its merger with Grade I. This pattern is still reflected in modern Pekingese, which has -i corresponding to E. Man. -i and -ei corresponding to E. Man. -uj,

352

E. G.

PULLEYBLANK

though there are more exceptions than in the Zhongyuan yinyun, that is, cases where Grade III words end in -i or Grade IV words end in -ei. But this can be explained by the mixed nature of present day Pekingese, which has absorbed many other influences apart from its basic inheritance from the dialect spoken at the Yuan capital (Pulleyblank 1978b). The Grade III words in question are the ones in which Karlgren postulated "secondary hekou". There is, however, no real evidence of hekou within the Middle Chinese period either in the Quieyun or the rhyme tables. The real difference is one of Grade, that is, between forms with no palatal glide between the initial and the vowel and those with such a glide. This contrast is still preserved in its original form after velar initials in hP'ags-pa spelling (though lost in the Zhongyuan yinyun). e.g.: g. LMC kT, spelled k'i (Grade III), and LMC k'ji (Grade IV), spelled k'ii (Pulleyblank 1970 and 1970-71). The spellings bi, mi, etc., show that thej glide must have been lost after labials before the Mongol period, but, before this happened, the inherent rounding associated with labial initials had evidently given rise to an intrusive u vowel in syllables where there was originally noj glide, so that the distinction between Grade III and IV syllables was preserved (though Grade III merged with Grade I): Thus there were two successive rules, both conditioned by a preceding labial segment: (a) i ~ uj, (b)ji ~ i. The rather numerous cases in Pekingese in which Grade III words have -i rather than the expected -ei show the influence of a dialect in which rule (a) did not operate. Conversely there are a few Grade IV words that have E. Man. -uj, Pekingese -ei, showing that rule (b) must have preceded rule (a). In general, however, the pattern is well maintained. This implies that E. Man. ft, vi should go back to earlier fji, vji; that is, that they were Grade IV type words rather than Grade III. Direct support for such an assumption comes from the Huangji jingshi of Shao Yong. This eleventh century skeletal rhyme table departs from the standard pattern in a number of respects which evidently reflect the current pronunciation of Northern Song. The light labial initials are no longer placed in Grade III, as in the Yunjing and other tables of that tradition, but are distributed between Grades I, II and IV. Four words from thefei and wei rhymes are given as examples of initials f and v, upper and lower registers, in Grade IV (Li 1954: 166). How are we to account for the presence of this j glide infji, vji, etc.? I reconstruct the EMC hekou final in the wei rhyme as -uj. By the high vowel fronting rule this would have become -yj. The kaikou forms in -i must have come about through the unrounding of -yi to -ij. The subsequent loss of the final glide is parallel to what must have happened to the

-t

DENTlLABIALIZATION IN MIDDLE CHINESE

353

corresponding kaikou final -\j, which fronted to -ij and then merged with the other -i rhymes, e.g. ~ EMC k\j LMC ki, merging with }lL EMC ki, EMC kid and ~ EMC ki. There is no obvious reason why unrounding of y to i should in itself have given rise to a prevocalic j glide. It is therefore more natural to assume that the glide was already present: -jyj -+ -jij -+ -ji. As already suggested above, it is very natural to suppose that the development of a glide between the initial and the following vowel would have been a first step in the frication process: pu- -+ py- -+ pjy- -+ j]y- (perhaps with an intermediate stage of affrication pj]y-, even though this remains unattested). The instrumentality of aj glide in causing frication is easy to show from the history of palatalization in various language. In Sino-Vietnamese /g- (Grade II) was palatalized and now appears as gi- (Hanoi [z], southern ul, going back to 17th century [d~] in both cases), while ki(Grade III) was not affected. Also in Sino-Vietnamese, pj(l)- (Grade IV) appears as t-, which otherwise stands for Chinese ts- or S-, while p(i)(Grade III) appears as b- [6]. Evidently in Grade IV p was subject to frication, becoming [ts]. In some Tibetan dialects p'j- has palatalized, giving tf'-, while p'i- has been unaffected. If EMC puj gave j]yj, rather than fyj, it also helps to explain the unrounding of y. A similar unrounding of y to i occurred after back initials in a number of other cases in Grade IV words between LMC and E. Man. In the geng rhyme group such unrounding was systematic after the zero initial and frequent in other cases also, e.g. LMCjydjlJ E. ManjilJ, in contrast to ~ LMC ydjlJ E. Man. YIJ > JUIJ. SO also 1~ LMC k 'jydjlJ E. Man. k'ig. A similar development is found more sporadically in the zhi, zhen and shan rhyme groups: ~ LMC kjyj' E. Man. ki' Pek. ji, LMCjyj E. Man. i', Pek. yi, .~Qr LMCjydn E. Man. idn, Pek. yan, ~t LMCjydn', E. Man. idn Pek. ydn, ... LMCxhjyan', E. Man. xidn', Pek. xian, .fiL LMC xjydt, E. Man. xid v , Pek. xie, as well as xue, ,.,. LMC jyn', E. Man. in', Pek. y,n, etc. There are actually more examples in the Early Mandarin of the Zhongyuan yinyun than in modern Pekingese, which, as in the case of the reading pronunciation for the word for "blood", has sometimes acquired forms that preserve the hekou pronunciation. If we assume that the production of a glide after the initial was an essential part of the frication process, it must have been present in all finals. There is not much evidence of this but such an assumption is quite consistent with what evidence there is. There are forms in Sino-Vietnamese, Sino-Korean and Kan'on that evidently derive from a stage before the palatal medial was eliminated after labial fricatives, e.g. Sino-

t

,i

1i..

v

,

354

E. G.

PULLEYBLANK

Vietnamese ~1...- phiern, ' - phien, ~l1 phi~t, in contrast to pharn, phan, phat in other tones: Sino-Korean 'N.) porn, ~!. pop, pon (where 01 was earlier pronounced e). Standard Kan'on hasan, -atu, -0 (spelt -afu in kana) in such words, like Grades IIII, but the customery reading of ~ is hen, instead of han. Moreover the homophonous character ~ is used at this period as a Manyogana speller for the syllable he l • Since the phonetic value of he l was probably [pje], this shows not only the palatal medial but also the j glide of Grade IV. In the dang rhyme group Sino-Vietnamese has forms in -u'o'ng, -u'o'c, as if for Grade III kaikou, LMC iog, -iok, as opposed to the more usual-ong, ~j\ p h" -oc, e.g ... ./.:; n Ph' u 0 '-1: ng, J.,./ p h u J"', 0 ng, "~ u Q c, PhQC. (Compare ~l LMC kiog, Sino-Vietnamese cu'o'ng.) Note that all these foreign borrowings imply kaikou forms in Chinese. Though hardly conclusive in view of the problems that might have existed in adapting forms like JJyiin, jjyog, etc., to foreign phonemic systems, this does suggest that the unrounding of jy to ji after labial fricatives was a general rule in all environments and not only in rhymes with final-j. As we shall see below, such an assumption provides the simplest set of rules for the overall history of syllables with labial fricative initials. An obvious difficulty that is raised by the hypothesis that there was aj glide after labial fricative initials when they first developed in LMC is the fact that they are placed in Grade III, and not Grade IV, in the Yunjing and other rhyme tables of that tradition. This can, however, be explained by the fact that such words are linked by their Qieyun rhymes andfanqie to Grade III hekou words with velar initials. It seems clear that the basic framework of the four grades was set by words with velar initials and that the placing of words, with other initials was determined, in part, by analogies based on the Qieyun rhyme in which they occurred and the fanqie. This assumption requires some small modifications in the reconstruction of LMC put forward in my 1970-71 article but a detailed exposition must be left for another occasion.

i

The EMC finals -uw, -uwg, -uwk As mentioned above, one of the major difficulties in Karlgren's theory of dentilabialization is the fact that it occurred in the you rhyme, which he reconstructed as -i;:)u and which therefore did not meet the conditions for dentilabialization. This difficulty is resolved if we reconstruct the EMC final as -uw. This would have given -yw by the fronting rule. We must further assume that after initials of all kinds, -yw became -iw by labial EMC guw > dissimilation between the vowel and the final glide, e.g.

t

DENTILABIALIZATION IN MIDDLE CHINESE

355

lJyw > lJiw. The final was thus kaikou in LMC, as the rhyme tables correctly indicate, but it had been hekou at the relevant period and so had provided the necessary condition for dentilabialization. A further point worth noting is that the value -uw agrees much better than Karlgren's -i:}u with the value of this final in transcription in the preTang period, when it is a normal equivalent for foreign -u syllables. Thus or 1~ , EMC ?UW, are the normal equivalents for Sanskrit u or u at this time, a usage which naturally enough, disappears during Tang, when the pronunciation would have shifted to LMC ?iw. Like rhyme you, the Grade III part of the dong rhyme, reconstructed as -iung by Karlgren, and the corresponding rusheng, which he reconstructed as -iuk, are called kaikou in the Yungjing and this is confirmed by the Huangji jingshi. The designation is changed to hekou in later Song rhyme tables but this is no doubt the result of a later phonetic change. The parallel with the you rhyme can be accounted for if we reconstruct EMC UWIJ, -uwk, changing to LMC -iwlJ, -iwk. This is a modification of my previous LMC reconstruction and its full implications must be left for discussion elsewhere. I assume that labialized velar endings in the tong rhyme group, like the palatalized endings of the geng group, were survivals from Old Chinese which had had both labial-velars and palatals as distinct classes of consonants initially and finally. The Grade I part of the dong ~ rhyme is parallel to the hou rhyme which I reconstruct as EMC -ow, LMC -:}W. I therefore reconstruct EMC -owlJ, LMC -:}WIJ and EMC -owk, LMC -:}wk. The other rhymes of the tong rhyme group, dong ~ (Karlgren -uong) and zhong (Karlgren -iwong) were originally lower counterparts of -OWIJ and -UWIJ. I reconstruct them as EMC -awlJ and udwlJ. There is no evidence that the two Grade I rhymes were ever distinct in the LMC period and I assume that by that time -awlJ had closed up to -:}WIJ. The Grade III rhyme, which would have become -yawlJ by the fronting rule, remained distinct from -iwlJ for some time, however. The distinction is clearly shown in Sino-Korean and in Kan'on and, even in Northern Song, Shao Yong distinguishes rhyme zhong as hekou from rhyme dongm as kaikou. A distinction between -iwlJ and -YWIJ is not doubt theoretically possible but it would have been difficult to maintain and there are other reasons as well (see below) for thinking that, even though it could freely interrhyme with -iwlJ, the hekou final maintained a lower vowel for some time. I therefore reconstruct it as LMC ydwlJ. Similarly I reconstruct the rusheng finals ;K.... EMC -awk, LMC -:}wk and :Jlj EMC -udwk, LMC

1:

*-

1t

-ydwk.

A further point in common between rhyme you and rhyme dong m is

E. G.

356

PULLEYBLANK

that in both types of final dentilabialization took place only for oral stops and not for m. Thus ~, EMC muw (Karlgren mi:lu) remains its nasal initial in all dialects. The same is true of . , EMC muwij (Karlgren miung) and ~ EMC muwk (Karlgren miuk). The explanation must be that in the relevant Middle Chinese dialect, u was lost by dissimilation between m and w, being replaced bY:l: muw > m:lW, muwij > m:lwij, muwk > m:lwk. The resulting forms coincided with Grade I and were not subject to the fronting rule. Hence they did not provide the condition for dentilabialization. The shift of such words from Grade III to Grade I is not shown in the Yunjing or other rhyme tables, which were, no doubt, influenced by the fanqie of the Qieyun. It shows up very clearly, however in Kan'on and Sino-Korean. Thus is Kan'on b6 (spelt bo-u), Sino-Korean mo, like EMC mow? LMC m:lW (Grade I) and in contrast to 1i Kan'on fu, Sino-Korean pu or hl Kan'on kyil (ki-u) , Sino-Korean ku (GradeIII). Similarly is Kan'on b6 (bo-u), Sino-Korean mOij, like EMC mowij, LMC m:lwij (Grade I)and unlike £ Kan'on fii (ju-u) , SinoKorean p'uij (Grade III); ~ is Kan'on boku, Sino-Korean mok, like JfEMC mowk, LMC m'Jwk and unlike ~ Kan'onfuku (Grade III). (SinoKorean has pok in Grade III as well as Grade I.)

"*

1. . .

f

i-

Vietnamese evidence for EMC -uA full presentation of the evidence for the theory of three high vowels,

i,

t, u, in EMC, replacing Karlgren's yod, would take up too much space.

Of particular relevance to the matter under discussion, however, are the following early Vietnamese loans from Chinese which show unfricated labial initials and also have, in each case, either u or the diphthong uo-/ua [u'J] as the vowel. These seem to give direct support to the theory here proposed regarding the phonetic condition for dentilabialization.

EMC

Vietnamese

LMC

Sino- Vietnamese ?

hila "axe "

:.i:--

1"

pui'"

fjya' > fua'

phli

hila "tally"

-11'

Fk

bua

ffijya > ffiua

pllli

hlln . :flour"

~

pun"'

fjyn' > fun'

phan

ffijyt > ffiut

ph4t

hl.lt "Buddha "

1;

but

hl(()n "trade"

~

+tL

puan h

fjyan' > faan'

phdn

buam

ffijyam > ffiaam

phiJm

-tIz

pUUl)h

fjyol)' > fOI)'

hl(()111 "sail" h{(on~

"release"

pl1()n~

DENTILABIALIZATION IN MIDDLE CHINESE Vietnamese

EMC

LMC

357 Sino- Vietnamese

vuong "square "

-15

pUOI)

fjyol) > fOI)

buong "room"

~

buol)

ffijyol) > ffiol)

p/lllng

,~f

buok

ffljyok > fflok

phu'q'c, phqc

ffijya > ffiua

p/lI.1

chQ'btia "market place"

buah ~ ~l1 -pua"

-fjya' - > -fua'

-p/lIi

goablJa "widow"

~1Lf

-buw"

ffijyw' > -ffiuw'

-phil

mui "taste"

,.~

mujh

muon "ten thousand"

.~

muan h

mua "dance"

~

mua"

lJjya' > lJua'

PI;

mua "strive for"

~

muah

lJjya' > lJua'

\'Il

mu "fog"

~

muah

lJjya' > lJua'

\'Il

bUQc "bind" vua "adhere to"

lJjyj' > lJji' lJjyan' > lJaan'

p/1II'o'ng

"

vi I'll n,

\'l.l1l

Depalatalization of finals with labial fricative initials As already noted, the palatal vowel that is implied by the fanqie and that we assume to have been responsible for the frication of labial initials was eliminated quite early in the history of LMC, except in the wei andjei rhymes. The results of this process can be inferred from later developments. They are shown by examples for each final in the following table. Qieyun rhyme

A.

EMC

LMC

E.Man.

Finals in -i ~t(

wei

.,.~

jei

B. Finals with

{ L

yu

i. Jl

puj puajh

-u- as main vowel Je... pua

fjyj > fji fjyaj' > fjiaj' > fji'

fl fl'

fjya> fua

fu

you

;}

pfiuw

ffijyw > ffiuw

fu'

dong

pUWI)

fjywl) > fuwl)

fUI)

!i

~

wu

;f~1

puwk

fjywk> fuwk

fu·

Z

wen

;;r

pun

fjyn> fun

fun

~Io

wu

~

put

fjyt> fut

fu·

.1-

(continued)

E. G.

358 Qieyun rhyme

C.

PULLEYBLANK

EMC

Finals with a low vowel buo h ~ ge

1t

Jt

,?f

yang yao

~

,!f

LMC

E.Man.

ffijyo' > ffio'

fua'

pUOI)

fjyol) > fOI)

fOI)

buok

ffijyok > ffiok

faw'

Jt

zh{mg

1?

puawl)

fjyawl) > fuawl)

fUI)

lu

yuan

~

puan'~

fjyan' > faan'

fan'

fJ

YUl!

puit

fjyit> faat

faa

It.

Jan

JL

buim

ffijyam > ffiaam

fan'

Jei

~

puap

fjyap> faap

faa

(;

~

a

y

y

At first sight this presents a somewhat complicated picture. It can, however, be reduced to a few general rules. (I) It is simplest to assume, as suggested above, that y unrounded to i in all cases. This means that the change of -jyj to -ji (with loss of final -j by a rule which applied to other types of syllable as well, see p. 12 above), which affected the wei rhyme, was not a special development but part of a general process. We should in any case expect y to have become i before w in the you, dong and wu rhymes, since this was a rule applying to these finals generally. The subsequent deletion of the palatal glide and vowel (see (3) below) is more simply stated if only ji was involved and not bothji andjy. (2) The merger of -jiiij « -jyiij) with -ji in rhyme jei came about through a general raising of -iiij to -ij < -i that occurred before the eleventh century and brought about the merger of Grades IIIIIV of the xie rhyme group with the corresponding grades of the zhi group, e.g. LMC kjiiij > kji, LMC siiij > si. This change is attested for Northern Song by the Huangjijingshi and is found throughout Mandarin, as well as the literary forms of many southern dialects. It affected Grade III hekou also, so that it is not necessary to assume that y had already unrounded to i after labial fricatives, but it seems most likely that it had. A possible alternative development of the jei rhyme that may have affected some varieties of LMC is discussed below. (3) All the other finals can be accounted for if we assume that there was a general rule deleting ji after labial fricatives except when there was no other consonant or glide following. This deletion was necessarily followed by certain consequential changes to preserve syllabicity.

*'

J1L

DENTILABIALIZATION IN MIDDLE CHINESE

359

(a) When the deleted vowel was followed only by a single glide or consonant, or by the clusters -Wij, -wk, syllabicity was restored by the insertion of schwa ::l. There was, however, a general rule of Glide Strengthening in LMC by which a high glide,j or w, followed by a short vowel, ::l or a, became syllabic, replacing a following::l or reducing a to a glide d. This applied not only to segmental glides after initials of all kinds but also to the automatic rounding that accompanied all initial labial consonants, so that, for instance, in Grade I not only did ,,' kwan become kudn and it. tW::ln become tun, but ~ p"'an became pudn and 1~"1 m2 einn became mun. This rule would have applied to the formsf::ld,f::lw, f::lwij,f::lwk,f::ln,f::lt, converting them tofud,fuw,fuwij,fuwk,fun,fut, as found in the above table. Schwa insertion and Glide Strengthening had the effect of restoring the vowels of EMC but this was not the reversal of a completed phonetic change. It was the accidental result of a quite different process. (b) Before the naturally long vowel Q (which I analyze as ad, see Pulleyblank 1981, forthcoming), the deletion ofji had no effect on syllabicity and Q simply remained as the vowel. (c) Whenji was followed by non-final d, d became syllabic. This would have been subject to the Glide Strengthening rule. Except when followed by the cluster -Wij, however, there was compensatory lengthening, giving -aan, -aat, -aam, -aap, which prevented Glide Strengthening. It is necessary to assume this lengthening to account for the fact that such forms merged with Grade II, rather than Grade I, after the loss of the palatal medial. The merger with Grade II is explicitly attested in the Huangji jingshi and there are traces of it already in Huilin's fanqie. It is further proved by the development of these finals in dialects which preserve the Grade I1Grade II distinction. Thus we have in Cantonese 1~ fa:n, like ?Ii- pa:n (Grade II) and unlike ~ pu:n < LMC pudn (Grade I). In Mandarin this shows up in former rush eng words, e.g. 11;: fa < faat, like /"-. ba < paat, in contrast to ~l bo (Le. Ipudl) < pudt. (It should be noted that the reconstruction of long aa in Grade II, and the Glide Strengthening rule, are modifications of my previously published reconstruction of LMC. It is hoped to publish a full account of this as soon as possible.) (d) Before the cluster ending -Wij (-wk did not occur), there was no compensatory lengthening. This is certain, since it would have led to merger with the Grade II rhyme jiang ~J- , which did not occur. We should therefore expect that Glide Strengthening applied, converting -awij to -udwij. (A similar Glide Strengthening operated on Grade II words of the geng rhyme group, after the Grade II long vowel had short-

360

E. G.

PULLEYBLANK

ened under the influence of the cluster ending -jIJ: -jaajIJ > -jajIJ > -jiiijIJ. This brought about a merger of Grade II and IV after back initials which is attested in hP'ags-pa and has left traces in colloquial forms in Pekingese jing < E. Man. kiIJ < kjiIJ (hP'ags-pa) < LMC kjaajIJ. The alterlike native Pekingese reading geng comes from another variety of LMC in which kjaajIJ lost its first glide by dissimilation, giving kaajIJ, and so was not subject to glide strengthening when the vowel shortened.) Though direct evidence to prove the presumed phonetic value fuiiwIJ of such a word as ~ is hard to find, it agrees quite well with such evidence as exists. Thus Kan'on h6 (ho-u) and Sino-Korean POIJ agree is showing a lower vowel than for ~ fuwlJ, Kan' on fll ifu-u), Sino-Korean p •UIJ. The reconstruction -uiiwIJ also accounts very well for the ultimate merger with -UWIJ, yielding E. Man. -UIJ. If rule (3), deleting -ji-, had applied to jJiiij before this merged with jJi, we should expect it to have givenfaaj, merging with Grade II by rule (3c). Kan'on hai for such words may have been based on a variety of LMC in which this happened. We should expect jJiiij to have given Kan' on hei. Compare LMC pjiiij', Kan'on hei. As far as I can discover, there is no other evidence either in early foreign loans or in modem Chinese dialects, for such a development. Cantonese JQ: fti, in contrast to ~~ fei, simply reflects the fact that in Cantonese, unlike Mandarin, when -iiij closed up to -ij, the final glide was not lost, so that there was no merger with existing -i. Instead the vowel i was deleted and replaced by ~, later lowering to short a (phonetically [e)), as also happened in other LMC finals with the vowel i: -in - -;m - -an [en], -iw - -~w - -aw [ew], etc. Compare Cantonese lad, tsei for .:J.1L LMC kjiiij', if.:- LMC tsiiij', etc. It should be noted that in the finals -~W, -;}WIJ, -;}wk, no doubt because of the dissimilatory effect of the following labial glide, w insertion after labial initials, followed by Glide Strengthening, appears to have at first been restricted to labial fricatives and to have not applied to the stops and nasal. Such an assumption is necessary to account for the fact that words with initials p, p', pli, m in these rhymes show the same finals in Kan'on and Sino-Korean as other Grade I words (see p. 16 above), rather than the finals reflecting the vowel u that are found for words with initialsfandjfi. At a later date, however, it would appear that this restriction no longer applied, at least for the final-;}w. hP'ags-pa has -uw for Grade I words, as well as Grade III words, of this rhyme group. The Zhongyuan yinyun fluctuates between -u, -~W, and -aw for all such words, regardless of whether the initial is a stop, a fricative or m. This is most easily explained if we assume that at one stage the final was -uw after labials of all kinds and that later, when the Glide Strengthening rule was no longer operative, -uw was subject to dissimilation, giving either -u or -;}W (which sometimes

41

Jl

360

DENTILABIALIZATION IN MIDDLE CHINESE

further lowered to -aw). This Early Mandarin vacillation is still reflected in modern Pekingese. The rules set out in this section may be summed up as follows. (I) y ~ il[ + labial] - j (Ia)j~ 0 Ii - # (2) ii ~ 0 I i - j (followed, except in Cantonese, by a repetition of (Ia» (3) ji ~ 0 I[ + labial, +continuant] - [+segment] followed, where necessary, by the following rules to restore syllabicity: (a) 0 ~ ~ 1- (w)[ + segment] # (b) ii ~ a 1- w [+segment] # (c) ii ~ aa 1- [+segment] # (Note that, where ii ends the syllable, rule (a) and not (c) applies.) (4) 0 ~ w ~ u I[ + labial] - {~}, followed by automatic deletion of ~ and reduction of a to the glide ii. The rules for restoring of syllabicity after vowel deletion are like those proposed in Pulleyblank 1981 to account for such phenomena as the reduction of palatal vowels after retroflex initials between Early Mandarin and Pekingese, retroflex suffixation in Pekingese, etc. It is suggested that they have very general applicability, not only in Chinese.

Mandarin bu Apart from words with initial m in the you and dong finals, which can be accounted for by a systematic rule, there is only one word, the negative particle bu /,)-- , that fits the structural description for dentilabialization in the Qieyun and fails to show it in Mandarin. In the Guangyun 1, has three readings, EMC puw, puw? and put. The second reading, also associated with the enlarged character ~ ,has developed regularly to fou in Mandarin. The first, which probably represents the original pronunciation of the character except before pause, has not survived in modern usage. It was probably already obsolete in colloquial speech in Middle Chinese. The third pronunciation, which properly belongs to the character ~ ,was not found for -1'- in the Qieyun but was added in the Guangyun. It is the source, not only of Mandarin bu, but also of the readings of the character in other modern dialects. It seems clear that the more emphatic negative put had replaced puw in colloquial speech as early as the Han period, but the character 4- had been transferred to the new pronunciation because of its much greater frequency than in previous written usage (Pulleyblank 1978a). The fact that was a taboo character for a time because of its occurrence in the personal name of the Han emperor Zhao (86-74 B.C.) no doubt also played a part. The reading pronunciation of the character Mandarin fa, shows

Jt

t'

t

360

E. G.

PULLEYBLANK

the expected change of bilabial stop to fricative but this evidently did not affect the particle in colloquial speech. It is thus one of a very few common words, mostly grammatical particles, that have developed irregularly in Mandarin in such a way as to preserve features of their Middle Chinese pronunciation (see Demieville 1950). In the case of -1- , the irregularity can probably be attributed to the existence in Middle Chinese of an unstressed form p~t, not attested in dictionaries. See Csongor 1959 for evidence regarding the pronunciation of the word in the Tang period. The spread of dentilabialization in Chinese dialects Outside the Mandarin area, modern Chinese dialects often show vestiges of unfricated labials in at least a few lexical items, showing that dentilabialization spread as a borrowing from the north rather than as an active process of sound change. In spite of this, it is only in colloquial Min and, to a lesser extent, Hakka, that we find such items in large numbers, a proof of the pervasiveness of the influence of the standard language. An apparent exception to this is Cantonese, which regularly has m for LMC u. Forrest concluded that frication of m was later and less widespread than that of the oral stops (1965:220). Cantonese m may, however, be a secondary change of LMC v back to m, rather than a direct continuation of EMC m. In support of this hypothesis we may note that (a) there is no distinction between the colloquial and literary layers. If Cantonese had had m corresponding to LMC u at the time when literary readings were introduced from the north, we should expect that LMC \) would have been represented by Cantonese w. (b) Sino-Vietnamese, which in other respects shows peculiarities that suggest that it was based on a southern form of LMC related to proto-Cantonese, has v for LMC u. (c) Where Cantonese m corresponds to LMC v, the finals are simplified in exactly the same way as for syllables in LMC f. Karlgren himself made the suggestion: "Toutefois, il faut se rappeler encore a possibilite que ces m du Cantonais etc. correspondant au OJ du chinois moyen soient des restitutions recentes OJ> m" (1915-26: 577). It is worth nothing that the literary layer of the Fuzhou dialect also contains some cases of m for LMC u which must represent a change of v to m within the Fuzhou dialect, e.g . .;il mi. This is proved by the fact that Fuzhou also has m in .JfL mi (LMC jYJ) and h~ mik (LMC ydk) which never had EMC m. Conventions and Abbreviations Standard orthographies in roman script (e.g. pinyin and quoc-ngu') and roman transcriptions of standard orthographies (Korean, Japanese,

360

DENTILABIALIZATION IN MIDDLE CHINESE

hP'ags-pa) are given in italics. Reconstructed forms and phonetic values in modern Chinese dialects other than Pekingese are given in symbols of the International Phonetic alphabet. E. Man.: Early Mandarin of the Yuan period EMC: Early Middle Chinese (Qieyun) LMC: Late Middle Chinese (Yunjing)

References Benguerel, A-P., and H. A. Cowan. (1974). Coarticulation of upper lip protrusion in French, Phonetica 30: 41-55. Catford, J. C. (1977). Fundamental problems in phonetics. Bloomington, Ind. Chao, Yuenren. (1941). Distinctions within Ancient Chinese, Harvard Journal of Asiatic Studies 5: 203-233. Csongor, Barnabas. (1959). A contribution to the history of the ch'ingyin ~-t Acta Orientalia Hungarica 9: 75-83· Demieville, Paul. (1950). Archaismes de pronunciation en chinois vulgaire, T'oung Pao 40: I-59. Fant, Gunnar. (1973). Speech sounds and features. Cambridge, Mass. Forrest, R. A. D. (1965). The Chinese language, 2nd rev. ed. London.

'

Gu Benzheng ~-f..jL. (1958). "Shi tan Henan Xiangcheng fangyin he Beijing yuyin de chayi; ~~)~~"$..~~-t;fo Fangyan yu putonghuajikan 3: 1-13.

Huang Peixu

, see Zhou Zumo )'1 ~.s...

*' .

Guangyun ~ ~1l. king, 1960.

~"

'

~bi. ~i1-'9l~

Guangyun jiaoben

~i-. Pe-

(1959). Henan sheng Suixian yuyin he Beijing yuyin de

bijiao. Fangyan yu putonghuajikan 6: 62-67. Huilin

kao

i.4., see Huang Cuibo ~ ~ 1€1 . (1931). Huilin Yiqiejing yinyifanqie

~t4---o/J,~~~~-ltJ)~ . Peking.

Karlgren, Bernard. (1915-26). Etudes sur la phonologie chinoise. Leiden, Stockholm and Gothenburg. Ladefoged, Peter. (1971). Preliminaries to linguistic phonetics. Chicago.

.t4-~. (1958). Henan )~~ ~~ J) .JtJ../.t!·.:fpg ~~~

Li Cunju Li Rong

tt .

Luo Changpei Shanghai.

.

(1952). Qieyun yinxi

J"~~

fangyin yu Beijing yuyin de bijiao ,Fangyan yu putonghuajikan

¥-if.! -t..¥.. . Peking.

(1933). Tang wudaixibeifangyin

2:

34.

~ 1L.~~ ft~lr

Malmberg, BertH. (1956). Distinctive features of Swedish vowels: some instrumental and structural data, in M. Halle, et aI., eds., For Roman Jakobson. The Hague. pp. 316-321.

E. G.

360 Pan Zhongguei

PULLEYBLANK

Mt-t . (1973). Yingyai Dunhuang yunji bielu ~~j..1tJ:t

.:f+ .Hong Kong.

Pulleyblank, E. G. (1970). Notes on the fiP'ags-pa alphabet for Chinese, in M. Boyce and I. Gershevitch, eds., W. B. Henning memorial volume. London. pp. 35 8-375. - - . (1970-71). Late Middle Chinese, Asia Major, 15: 197-239, 16: 121-168. - - . (1978a). Emphatic negatives in Classical Chinese, in David T. Roy and Tsuen-hsuin Tsien, eds., Ancient China: studies in early civilization. Hong Kong. pp. 115-136. - - . (1978b). Abruptness and gradualness in phonological change, in M. A. Jazayery et aI., eds., Linguistic and literary studies in honor of Archibald A. Hill, vol. 3. - - . (1981). Distinctive features of vowels and the phonology of Pekingese in historical perspective, to be published in the proceedings of the International Conference on Sinology, held in Taipei in August, 1980. Qieyun

~-i~ , see Liu Fu ~I ~t.. , Shiyun huibian

Taipei, 1963. Shao Yong ~fJ-

. Huangjijingshi

{:i1l. t. ~ . Reprinted,

.t.~,~-t!t. See Li Rong 1952.

Stimson, Hugh M. (1966). The Jongyuan in yunn: a guide to Old Mandarin pronunciation. New Haven. Yunjing

~-1t

Taipei, 1969.

. See Long Yuchun .:it~Jt , Yunjing jiaozhu -*~1t1t..ii ,

Ml..ftlNt.

Zhao Yuepeng (1958). Luoyang hua jianshuo Fangyan yll plitonghua jikan 2:35.

~~1~~~.

IV. EARLY RECONSTRUCTED FORMS OF CHINESE

MODERN SUPRASEGMENTAL EVIDENCE FOR CONSONANT CLUSTERS IN PROTO-YUEI JOHN MCCOY

Cornell University

The reconstruction of earlier phonological systems for Chinese is typically carried out in the domain of the monosyllabic form most often represented by the reading of a single character. Under these conditions tone will generally be uniquely determined and other suprasegmental data can be ignored for each syllable. When polysyllabic constructions are considered, modern spoken Chinese of course exhibits such additional suprasegmental phenomena as stress, intonation, atonic syllables, tone sandhi, and various related features. In this paper I raise the proposition that under certain conditions these phenomena suggest reconstructions which differ significantly from those done with monosyllabic data. The conclusions reached here suggest that there are some untapped sources of data in Chinese which could lead us to new findings and to confirmation of reconstructions reached by other techniques. The specific data referred to in this paper are found in a very small subset of the Standard Cantonese (SCan) lexicon where an atypical stress

and tonic pattern pertains. Contrary to the rules of most Chinese dialects studied to date, the great majority of SCan syllables are always tonic both in isolation and in all environments of the natural flow of speech. This is true to such an extent that the dialect is usually analyzed as containing no atonic syllables of any kind 2 and few authors refer to the small number of exceptions forming the core of my discussion here. In my own study IWith some revisions and additions, this is a paper presented to the First Conference on Sino-Tibetan Reconstruction held at Yale University in October 1968. As this volume was being prepared for press I received a copy of a paper Initial Consonant Clusters in Old Chinese: Some Lexical Eviden('e from the Zhon/?slwn Diale('t by Marjorie K. M. Chan, presented at the 13th International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics, October 1980. Ms. Chan has added much useful and interesting detail to the area covered in my present paper. 2See Hockett (1955, pp. 59-60). Hashimoto (1972, p. 101) postulates a neutral stress that 'falls generally on particles, which may become atonic.'

368

JOHN MCCOY

(McCoy 1966, p. 185, note 27) I mention the occurence of such forms but state that they were so few in number that they would not affect my analysis of the modern phonological structure. In the present paper I want to return to those exceptional atonic forms in SCan and pursue a hypothesis based on the fact that these exceptions to the rule form a subgroup exhibiting several common features. These features in tum suggest that this subgroup is in effect a collection of phonological fossils telling us something about the earlier stages of Vue (ie. the Cantonese family of dialects). These fossils lend themselves to a type of internal reconstruction developing new information about proto-Vue and, in turn, protoChinese. In his Compendium of Phonetics in Ancient and Archaic Chinese Karlgren states that his Middle Chinese 3 forms represent a koine which developed in the Tang dynasty and became the ancestor of nearly all the present dialects, with the possible exception of the Min dialects of Fukien Province and adjacent regions. By insisting quite rigidly on the validity of this statement and the homogeneity of Middle Chinese implied by this parental role, Karlgren has generated some disagreement over the exact nature of his reconstructions. A number of students of Chinese have taken the view that the textual material of the Qie fun and other riming dictionaries can at best give us only a partial picture of early forms of Chinese, and that Karlgren's Middle Chinese based on these riming dictionaries must be contrasted with forms derived by the comparative method of modern linguistics (see McCoy 1969 pp. 101-2 and 1980). Here I will use the term proto-Chinese to designate such a linguistic reconstruction and contrast it with textual re-constructions such as Karlgren's Middle Chinese. Proto-Chinese is here visualized as the second stage of a series of linguistic reconstructions beginning with proto-Mandarin, proto-Vue, proto-Wu, etc. Vis-a-vis Middle Chines~, the concept of proto-Chinese has obvious merit above and beyond the process of comparing results of different approaches in working similar sets of data. Of primary importance is the fact that proto-Chinese gives us access to various categories of data which could not be effectively studied in earlier texts. As an example, in this paper I am concerned specifically with some purely colloquial phenomena of a type never found in the riming dictionaries. Relying solely on Middle Chinese one would find no evidence or explanation for numerous lexical items, grammatical functors, or suprasegmental data as used here. In 3More modem usage, for several reasons, prefers the terms Old and Middle Chinese rather than Karlgren's corresponding Archaic and Ancient. Here I use the more recent terms.

SUPRASEGMENTAL EVIDENCE FOR CONSONANT CLUSTERS

369

short. the comparative method. by moving away from the restricted corpus of characters and fixed rime groups of the older dictionaries, opens up some new possibilities in the course of attempting to explain any and all of the features of modern spoken forms. In dealing with these modern forms one has access to linguistic details not recorded in any earlier texts and thus only rarely and indirectly inferred for antecedent forms of Chinese. This paper is concerned with features reconstructable for proto-Chinese by carrying certain suprasegmental details through the comparative material. 1 use only three firm examples here; three more are given as possible but not fully reliable forms. There are probably others in SCan but 1 have not discovered them. Since it is almost impossible to solicit such items on request, they must with some serendipity be discovered in the flow of speech. Their rarity makes it unlikely that any easy collection can be made. They are given below in phonetic transcription with [£S, 1.2,3,4,5, 6, 7] representing the atonic and the seven tones of SCan4 and [-] representing close juncture. The characters given here are traditional but not necessarily the only acceptable possibilities in every case; they seem to consist of some semantically appropriate forms combined with others serving a purely phonetic function. As a matter of fact. in all cases if the characters associated with the compounds are read in their isolation forms, the pronunciations of these compounds would differ considerably from what one hears in the natural flow of speech. For example. 1,2. and 3 below give the reading pronunciations. glosses, and characters for three compounds, while la, 2a. and 3a give the more common pronunciations heard in conversation. Reading Pronunciation 1.

[h::lm7 paIJ 7 lalJ7]

'all, completely'

2.

[kok6 lok 5 (thau 3 )]

'corner'

3. [kak6 lak 5 t::lP] or [kak6 l::lk 5 t::l13]

'armpit'

In 2 [tha~3] is an optional noun building suffix. In 3, [t~P] seems to be a noun building suffix but is not optional. Various dictionaries give other forms for 'armpit' with final p as in Huang (1970) [kap61~p5 t~i3]. Sometimes [kat6 l~t5 t~j3] is heard. The dialect or idiolect factors in these differences have not been studied. 41 = high falling, 2 level, 7 = low level.

= low falling,

3

= high

rising, 4

= low rising, 5 = high level, 6 = mid

370

JOHN MCCOY

Spoken Pronunciation la. [h:lm7 b;,ll-laIJ7] 2a. [k;,ll-lok 5 (thaI,!3)] 3a. [k;,ll-lak 5 t:lP] or [k;,ll-I:lk 5 t:lP]

In la, 2a, and 3a four significant features show themselves which are not part of the regular phonological patterns of SCan. First, there is a voiced stop initial in [b~0], possibly conditioned by the preceeding voiced bilabial. However, as we shall see below, it is also possible to correlate this form with a Middle Chinese voiced initial. Second, there is an atonic syllable in each of these compounds. Third, in each case there is an unusual close juncture. Fourth, there are three cases of open syllable pure vowel [~]. All four of these phenomena are rare in SCan and, with the exception of sentence final particles, they may well be limited to compounds such as those listed above. These four phenomena can be thought of as combining to form the atypical suprasegmental feature distinguishing I, 2, and 3 from the rest of the SCan lexicon. In the reading pronunciations above we find riming binoms with the second syllable in initial !. In the spoken forms of each of these compounds the atonic syllable drops any final consonant and is in close juncture with the following syllable in initial!. When these details are viewed in conjunction with the pattern irregularities noted above, it is tempting to consider the likelihood that these all represent reflexes of earlier initial clusters with -1- as the second element. If this assumption is made then it is a fairly simple step to correlate a semantically appropriate character with the bisyllabic element from each compound term. In fact, in two cases these would be the same characters appearing as part of the popular written compounds. The most obvious suggestions for these characters are given here with Karlgren's Old and Middle Chinese reconstructions and the modern SCan pronunciation: lb. 2b. 3b.

*b'iwam/b'iwom *kl1k1kiik *klaklkak

SCan fan 2 kok6 kak 6

Reconstructing solely on the basis of monosyllabic SCan and other Vue dialect evidence, I would derive proto-Vue forms as follows: IC. 2C. 3c.

*fon *kok *kak

SUPRASEGMENTAL EVIDENCE FOR CONSONANT CLUSTERS

371

We do not have final proto-Wu and proto-Min reconstructions available for all these forms. However, extrapolating from work done so far it is certain that if we work with monosyllabic data there will be no evidence for consonant cluster initials in our proto-Chinese. For example, we might have for 2b:

Proto- Wu

Proto- Yue

Proto-Min

Proto-Chinese

*kuk

*kok

*kuk

*kVk

with -V-representing a back rounded vowel. If, on the other hand, I reconstruct these forms using the suprasegmental and bisyllabic data from SCan, the proto-Vue initials must all be clusters of consonant plus -1-: Id. 2d. 3d.

*blol) (or *plol) depending on interpretation of [b;}0])5 *klok *klak

Following this development to its logical conclusion it would seem necessary to take these clusters into consideration for any reconstruction of proto-Chinese as well. There are various bits of supporting data which make these reconstructions seem even more realistic. If Id. is further reconstructed to protoChinese *blom to preserve the final-m suggested from other evidence, we are led to extend this form to other characters using the same phonetic element. Thus, the modern Mandarin fan 'Sanskrit', from brahma, seems much more appropriate if derived from *blom rather than from lb. Karlgren's *b·iwiim/b'iwom. 6 To support *klok for 2d. we find a rare reading for the character as Mandarin Iii with the fan-qie spelling of Mandarin lli kil attested in the riming dictionary Zhi Yun. Chou Fa-kao (1973) in fact reconstructs a

il

5This reasoning leads me to posit an initial *bl- cluster in Proto-Yue preserved after bilabial dissimilation had triggered a change in the syllable final consonant of -m > :!l. If the initial cluster had earlier broken into two syllables, the typical Chinese dissimilation rule (prohibiting, in simple terms, bilabial consonants in both initial and final positions of a given syllable) would no longer apply, and we might have expected a form for Id. such as *b;}-Iom or *b-Iom. Karlgren's Middle Chinese form b'iwom suggests that in Qie Yun Chinese the opposite sequence is indicated, ie. the cluster disappeared before dissimilation occurred. Note also that here the dissimilation takes the form -m > -!l rather than the -m > -n attested in other Yue forms, ego SCan ~ ~ 'sail' from Karlgren's Old and Middle Chinese 'b 'iwam/b 'iwom. 6Pelliot (1928) writes " .... Ie mot ( ~ ) n'existe pratiquement, en Chine com me au Japon, qu'avec sa valeur bouddhique, comme transcription de Brahma .... "

..u

372

JOHN MCCOY

medial-r- with krewk in his Old Chinese for this character. This suggests that the phonetic element in 2b. can occur in forms with initial b and thus could be traced to an initial cluster in *kl-. Because of the same sort of double development with reflexes in initial k- and b the phonetic element in 3b. has led Karlgren and Chou to reconstruct medial -1- and -r- respectively in their Old Chinese forms containing this element. This then is the only one of my three examples which Karlgren also constructs with an initial cluster. And his reconstruction is the result of a different approach, viz. the analysis of various characters containing elements in the same phonetic series. The fact that Old Chinese reconstructions by Karlgren and Chou, among others, show medial -1- or -r- in some of these forms serves to support the suggestions of my paper, and of particular interest is the point that their conclusions were based on quite different data than mine. It is significant that initial clusters in proto-Yue forms for the first three examples, Id, 2d, and 3d, do not match Karlgren's Middle Chinese at any point; neither he nor Chou would propose initial clusters until their earlier, Old Chinese forms. However, by incorporating the suprasegmental evidence proposed in this paper, the consonant clusters must appear in the first stage of our reconstructions, ie. proto-Yue. This makes it difficult to follow Karlgren in visualizing Middle Chinese. in which initial clusters have disappeared, as being directly antecedent to proto-Yue in which these clusters still exist. Of course. three examples are not all one 'Would want for a convincing case for the hypothesis. Still. it is exactly the fact that these forms are rare yet patterned phenomena which pointed up their significance for this paper. If they were within the usual phonological patterns of SCan there would have been little to draw our attention to them. Their rarity in turn makes it a difficult and slow job to collect a satisfactory number for supporting evidence. I do in fact have three additional examples. In these I was not able to make a morpheme identification of the type needed to select characters for checking against Karlgren' s reconstructions. The three are: Proposed Proto- Yue

SCan

ta",,3]

4· 5·

[k~II-lan I

6.

[kh~I:J-luk I]

[kh~II-lak I]

'a somersault' 'make a mark or band around something' 'a pulley, wheel'

*klan *khlak *khluk

~~

Note alternate SCan forms 4. [kuan l ta",,3] or [kan l ta",,3] and 5. [khu5 1uk5 ] or [khu5 luk7 ].

SUPRASEGMENTAL EVIDENCE FOR CONSONANT CLUSTERS

373

Wulff (1934), Karlgren (1954), Yang (1972), and others have used various types of evidence from spoken dialects and from written characters to propose the reconstruction of initial clusters in earlier forms of Chinese. Wulff does this by accumulating lists of modern doublets having shared meanings and rimes but with different initials. He then assumes that these doublets are both reflexes of a single form with an initial cluster reconstructed by combining the separate initials of the modern doublets. Karlgren, as noted above, reconstructs his consonant clusters in Old Chinese on the basis of phonetic elements shared in characters having different initial consonants in the modern readings. Yang collects binoms of which the first syllable in k~- is assumed to be a reflect of an earlier productive prefix; Old Chinese clusters in k- are seen as remnants of this protoChinese prefix. Here I am proposing an additional method for similar reconstructions and offering some examples which do not always turn up if only these other approaches are used. I am also reinforcing my point made elsewhere (see McCoy 1969 and 1980) that Middle Chinese based on a textual reconstruction can only peripherally be considered to be direc~ly ancestral to modern dialects and that the forms derived from a linguistic (ie, a comparative) reconstruction suggest divergent tracks for Middle Chinese and most modern dialects. Bibliography Chou, Fa-kao, chief editor (1973). A Pronouncing Dictionary of Chinese Characters. Hong Kong. Hashimoto, Oi-kan Vue (1972). Studies in Vue Dialects I: Phonology of Cantonese. Cambridge, England. Hockett, Charles F. (1955). A Manual of Phonology. Bloomington, Indiana. International Journal of American Linguistics Memoir II. Huang, Parker, Po-fei (1970). Cantonese Dictionary, New Haven. Karlgren, Bernhard (1954). Compendium of Phonetics in Ancient and Archaic Chinese. Bulletin of the Museum of Far Eastern Antiquities, No. 26. Stockholm. McCoy, John (1966). Szeyap Data for a First Approximation of Proto-Cantonese. Unpublished Doctoral Dissertation, Cornell University. - - . (1969). The Linguistic and Literary Value of the Ming Dynasty "Mountain Songs". Journal ofthe Hong Kong Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society, Volume 9. - - . (1980). The Reconstruction of Upper Register Nasals and Laterals in ProtoCantonese. In Van Coetsem and Waugh (eds.). Contributions to Historical Linguistics: Issues and Materials. Cornell Linguistic Contributions Vol. III. Leiden. Pelliot, Paul. (1928). Review of "10,000 Chinese-Japanese Characters", par J. L. Pierson, Jnr, T'oung-pao 25.

374

JOHN MCCOY

Van Coetsem, Frans and Linda R. Waugh, eds. (1980). Contributions to Historical Linguistics: Issues and Materials. Cornell Linguistic Contributions, Vol. III. Leiden. Wulff, Kurt. (1934). Chinesisch und Tai. Danske Videnskabernes Selskab, Historisk-filologisk Meddelelser 20, NO.3. Yang, Paul Fu-mien. (1972). Prefix K;;)- in Modern Chinese Dialects and ProtoChinese. Unpublished paper presented at the Fifth International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Language and Linguistic Studies.

THE ORIGIN OF THE PROTO-MIN SOFTENED STOPS JERRY NORMAN

The University of Washington

I have proposed elsewhere that Proto-Min had a more complicated manner distinction in its stops and affricates than Middle Chinese did (Norman 1973). Table I illustrates the stops and affricates reconstructed for Proto-Min (PM). Table J Proto-Min Stops and A.fJi·kates I. 3.

p ph -p

I Ih -I

Is Ish -Is

IS ISh -IS

k kh -k

4. 5. 6.

b bh -b

d dh -d

dz dzh -dz

di dzh -dz

g gh -g

2.

Series one. two. and three generally condition upper register tones in the modern dialects. while series four. five. and six generally give rise to lower register tones. The distinction between aspirated and unaspirated stops and affricates in both the voiced and voiceless series is preserved throughout all the Min dialects and is one of their most distinguishing features. Evidence for the distinctiveness of series three and six. however. is limited to certain dialects of northwestern Fukien. In my earlier work I called these 'softened stops' because of the way they have evolved in the Kienyang dialect. At the same time I expressed a certain perplexity about what the phonetic nature of these two series might have been in Proto-Min. In this paper I would like to propose that the two series in question were mostly prenasalized; the evidence for this claim is based on related words in the Miao-Yao languages. Before examining the evidence for prenasalization in Proto-Min. I

360

JERRY NORMAN

would like to review and augment the Min evidence for positing the two series being discussed here. In the dialects of the old Kienchow prefecture in Fukien, the aspirated and unaspirated stops and affricates of both the voiceless and voiced series condition identical tonal reflexes; in the case of these dialects the distinction between *p and *ph, and *b and *bh is reflected only by the presence or absence of aspiration in the modern forms (Norman 1973: 224-225). After working out the basic scheme of Proto-Min initials, I had an opportunity to record two additional dialects from this area of FukienChungan in the extreme northwestern corner of the area and Chengho from the northeastern part of the same region.· Chungan in general behaves more like Kienyang and Chengho more like Kienow in regard to these initials. The initial correspondences for all the initials in question are given in Tables II and III for these four dialects as well as for Shaowu and Tsianglo which will also be discussed where relevant. Table II Proto-Min Voiceless Stops and Affricates ·PM p t ts tS

k ph th tsh tSh kh -p -t -ts -t§ -k

Ko

Ky

Ch

Ca

p

p

p

p

ts ts k ph th tsh tsh kh P. 'Q.

ts ts k ph th tsh tsh kh p. 'Q.

ts ts 'Q.

ts ts h

ts ts k ph h th, tsh tho tsh kh v. 'Q. I I 'Q. 'Q.. h

ts ts k h h tho tsh tho tsh kh W. 'Q.2. I I 'Q. 'Q..w

Sw

TI

p t ts

ts

tS

tS

k ph th th t§h kh ph th tsh t§ k

k ph th tsh t§h kh ph th tsh t§ k. h

P

PM = Proto-Min; Ko = Kienow; Ch = Chengho; Ky = Kienyang; Ca = Chungan; Sw = Shaowu; TI = Tsianglo.

I All Western Min forms in this paper are cited from my field notes. This field work was supported by a grant from the American Council of Learned Societies. financed in part by the National Endowment for the Humanities. The findings and conclusions presented here do not necessarily represent the views of the donors. 2PM *-p becomes II (zero) before a few Proto-Min finals; for details see Norman 1973.

THE ORIGIN OF THE PROTO-MIN SOFTENED STOPS

377

In both Kienyang and Chungan th and tsh are actually in complementary distribution, the second variant occurring only before high front vowels and the first variant elsewhere. There is only one rather marginal example of *t8, so the correspondences given may be questionable. For reasons unclear to me, the reflexes of *-k are quite erratic. Table 1II Proto-Min Voiced Stops and Affricates *PM

Ko

Ch

b d dz df g bh dh dzh dfh gh -b -d -dz -df -g

p

p

p

p

ts ts k ph th tsh s kh p t ts 'Q. k

ts ts k ph th tsh s kh p t ts 'Q. k

ts ts k ph h th, tsh s kh v I I 'Q. k, 'Q.

ts ts k h h th, tsh s kh

Ky

Sw

Ca

w

I I 'Q. h,j

TI

ph th tsh

ph th tsh

§

§

kh ph th tsh

kh ph th tsh

§

§

kh ph th tsh

kh ph th tsh

§

§

kh, h

kh, h

Reflexes of *-g are a bit complicated; in the Kienyang dialect which I first recorded (Hsi-hsiang), in a number of forms originating from this PM initial! alternates with 0 in free variation. In 1977 and 1978 I recorded a considerable body of lexical material from a speaker of the Pei-hsiang dialect of Kienyang county; in his dialect forms from PM· *-g generally had Y-, a phoneme absent in the Hsi-hsiang inventory. In Chungan, the rule is that .i: is found where a high-front vowel occurs in the modern forms and h- elsewhere. In Shaowu and Tsianglo, kh- occurs before modern high-front vowels, h- in other environments. The different manners of articulation also affect tonal development. In the northwestern dialects (Kienow, Chengho, Kienyang, Chungan), series one and two on the one hand. and four and five on the other cause the same tonal reflexes. In Shaowu and Tsianglo the same is true of the voiceless initials, but in the voiced set series four and six behave identically in tonal development while series five shows a different type of development. Tables IV-IX show the influence of the different initial

360

JERRY NORMAN

types on the development of tonal categories in the dialects under consideration here. The PM tonal categories are termed A (£.illg) B (shang), C (~), and D (ril). Tones in the dialects are given in a conventional numbering scheme: I (yinping), 2 (yangping), 3 (yinshang), 4 (yangshang), 5 (yinqil), 6 (yanggil), 7 (yinril), 8 (yangril); 9 is used for tonal categories which are of a heterogeneous origin. Table IV gives the pitch values of these categories: 3 Table IV Pitch Values of Tonal Categories Tone

Ko

Ch

Ky

Ca

Sw

TI

I

54

52 33 12

53 33 2t?

53 334 31

33 55

II

44 13

31 45

21 43 35 43? 31

22 55 24 53?

2 3 4 5 6 7 8

2t? 42? 22 44

35

9

2t?

24 35 51

31

24 52 54? 2t?

Tables V through IX show the tonal development conditioned by the various sets of initials in the six northwestern Min dialects used in this paper. Table V Tonal Development with Series One and Two Initials (p, ph, etc.) A

Kienow Chengho Kienyang Chungan Shaowu Tsianglo

B

C

3 3 3 3 3 3

5 5

5 5 5 5

D

7

2

7 7 7

3/9

3Tonal values are given in Y. R. Chao's well-known system of numerical notation. A glottal stop following the numerical notation shows that that particular tone is short and glottalized.

THE ORIGIN OF THE PROTO-MIN SOFTENED STOPS

379

The Tsianglo tonal split found in PM category D is unconditioned, with about seventy-five percent of the words going to category 3. Table VI Tonal Development lI'ith Series Three Initials (*-p. *-t. etc.)

Kienow Chengho Kienyang Chungan Shaowu Tsianglo

A

B

3 5

9

C

3

9 I 3

3 3 3

9

9

D

3 5

3

9

9 5 5(?) 6

3 3 3

9

The tonal correspondences for PM tone C are based on a single example ('drunk'); since The Shaowu form does not show the regular initial reflex for this word (tsh- would be expected), the tone is doubtful. Table Vll Tonal Development with Series FOllr Initials (*b. *d. etc.)

Kienow Chengho Kienyang Chungan Shaowu Tsianglo

A

B

C

D

5

6 6

6 6 6

6 6 8

2 2

5

2

6

6

8

2 2

3

6 6

6 8

9

Table VIIl Tonal Del'elopment with Series FiI'e Initials (*bh. *dh. etc.)

Kienow Chengho Kienyang Chungan Shaowu Tsianglo

A

B

C

D

5

6 6

6 6 6 6

6 6 8 8 7 5

2 2 2

5

6

7

3

9

9

5 5

380

JERRY NORMAN

Table IX Tonal Development with Series Six Initials (*-b. *-d. etc.J

Kienow Chengho Kienyang Chungan Shaowu Tsianglo

A

B

C

D

3

4 5 5 5 3 9

6 9 6 6 6 6

4 5

9 9 5

2 2

8 8 6 8

Examples of all the Proto-Min stops and affricates are given below: *p 'eight': Ko pai1, Ch pai 2, Ky pai1, Ca pai1, Sw pie7, TI pa9 ~"­ *ph 'break, broken': Ko phm: 5, Ch phuai5, Ky phoi5, Ca huai 5, Sw phais , TI phai 5 ' " *-p 'fly v.': Ko yc 3, Ch yes, Ky ye 9, Ca yl, Sw phei3, TI phj219 ~ *b 'level': Ko pialJ5, Ch pialJ2, Ky pialJ 2, Ca pialJ 2, Sw phialJ2, TI phiaIJ2

t

*bh 'nose': Ko phi 6, Ch phi6, Ky phoi6 - hoi 6, Ca hei 6, Sw phi 5, TI phiS

*-~thin':

Ko p;)4, Ch p05, Ky V;)t!, Ca wot!, Sw ph06, TI ph08 ___ *t 'short': Ko t0 3, Ch tue 3, Ky tuP, Ca tuP, Sw ton 3, TI tu;1P ~ * th 'charcoal': Ko thueIJ5, Ch thuailJs, Ky huelJS, Ca huaiIJ5, Sw than5, TI thiii 5 *-t 'turn, return': Ko tyeIJ3, Ch telJ9, Ky lyeIJ3, Ca lyiIJ3, Sw thien3, TI th~9 . . /. *d 'heavy': Ko tOIJ 6, Ch tOIJ 6, Ky tOIJ 5, Ca t~1J6, Sw thUIJ3, TI thUIJ9 ,,:: *dh 'head': Ko the 5, Ch theu 2 , Ky heu 2, Ca hieu 2, Sw th~u7, TI theu9

at.

~

*-d 'long': Ko tOIJ3, Ch tauIJ9, Ky bIJ9, Ca 101J 5, Sw thOIJ2, TI thOIJ2 ~ *ts 'elder sister': Ko tsi 3, Ch tsi 3, Ky tsoi 3, Ca tsej3, Sw tsi3, TI tsi3 *tsh 'awake': Ko tshaIJ3, Ch tshiaIJ3, Ky thaIJ3, Ca thaIJ 3, Sw tshalJ3, TI tshiaIJ3 *-ts 'insipid': Ko tsiaIJ 3, Ch tsiaIJ 9, Ky liaIJ 3 , Ca liaIJ 3 , Sw tshien 3, TI tshialJ9.t *dz 'clear (weather)': Ko tsaIJ5, Ch tsaIJ2, Ky tsaIJ2, Ca tsaIJ2, Sw tshalJ2, TI tshiaIJ2 ~ *dzh 'field': Ko tshaiIJ5, Ch tshaiIJ2, Ky thaiIJ2, Ca thaiIJ2, Sw tsh~m7, TI tshiii 9 YfJ

4

fI-

THE ORIGIN OF THE PROTO-MIN SOFTENED STOPS

381

*-dz 'cockroach': Ko tsue4 , Ch tsuai 5, Ky lue 8 , Ca luai 8 , Sw tshai 6, TI tsha8 *tS 'paper': Ko tsye 3, Ch tsye3, Ky tsye 3, Ca tsyai3, Sw tSj3, TI tSe 3

0

,~

*tSh 'house': Ko tshb 5, Ch tshi05, Ky tshi05, Ca tshi05, Sw t8h0 5, TI tSh0 5 A *-tS 'finger': Ko j3, Ch j3, Ky j3, Ca j3, Sw tSj3, TI tSj3. .-t~ This is the only example of this initial. *dz 'stone': Ko tsb 6 , Ch tsi0 6 , Ky tsi0 8 , Ca tsi0 8 , Sw 806, TI 808 ..fJ *dzh 'mat': Ko sb6 , Ch si06, Ky si08 , Ca si08 , Sw 807 , TI 805 ft!J *-dz 'boat': Ko yeIJ3, Ch yeIJ9, Ky yeIJ9, CajyiIJ5, Sw 8en2, TI 8~2 ~ *k 'branch': Ko kil, Ch kil, Ky kil, Ca kil, Sw kil, TI kil *kh 'pig': Ko khy3, Ch khuj3, Ky khy3, Ca khou 3, Sw - - -, TI khy3 0 *-k 'dog': Ko e 3, Ch hli9, Ky eu3, heu 3, Ca wu 3, Sw k:m 3, TI keu 3 ~ *g 'old': Ko kiu 6 , Ch kiu 6, Ky kiu 6 , Ca kiu6 , Sw khy6, TI khiu 6 ' *gh 'mortar': Ko khiu 6 , Ch khiu 6 , Ky khiu 5, Ca khiu6, Sw khy3, TI khy9

R

0J

*-g 'thick': Ko ke4 , Ch keu 5, Ky eu5, Cajieu5, Sw h~u6, TI heu9 .4When I first reconstructed the stops and affricates of series three and six on the basis of the data sketched above, I was uncertain about their phonetic nature in Proto-Min. I have since discovered evidence which suggests that they were mostly prenasalized stops. A significant number of Min words which can be reconstructed with these initials have cognates in Yao with forms that must go back to Proto-Miao-Yao prenasalized stops and affricates. I assume that such cognates are early loan words into Yao from some southern Chinese dialect with close affinity to the ancestor.of present day Min. First let us examine the Miao-Yao evidence. The present voiced stops of Yao apparently derive from earlier prenasalized stops (Haudricourt 1950, Purnell 1970, Downer 1973, Chang 1976). A number of Miao dialects still preserve such stops. Table X illustrates the development of such initials in two representative dialects. 4 If we find words in Proto-Min having one of the 'softened' initials cognate with a Yao word beginning with a voiced initial, we have evidence that the Min form in question had a prenasalized initial; in some cases this is confirmed by forms having prenasalized initials in Miao. The list given below is an inventory of the Min forms with 'softened' initials

4Data are taken from Purnell 1970. The Yao form for 'narrow' is from the Haininh dialect.

360

JERRY NORMAN

Table X Proto-Miao- Yao Prena.wlized Initials

name herd cloth weave lay eggs bathe salt narrow

Miao (Petchabun)

Yao (ChienRrai)

Proto-Millo- Yaa

npe 4 np02 ntau l nt0 5 nte 6 ntsua 3 ntse 3 nqaF

bua 5 bom4 dial dat 3 dau 6 dzaau 5 dzaau 3 (gep5)

*np*nb*nt*nt*nd*nts*n15*nG-

for which 1 have found either a Miao or Yao cognate implying a prenasalized initial. 5 Y. baalJl 'collapse, fall over': PM *-p: Ko pailJ3, Ky vailJ9, TI phiii 9 'id.'. ~ 2. Y. bia3 'patch, repair'. M. (Hua-yuan) npa 3 'id.' PM *-p: Ko pb 3, Ky vi03, Ca wi03, Sw phy3, TI phy9 'id.'. tf,t' 3. Y. bwei 5 'boil'; M. npau 4 'id'. PM *-p: Ky y9 (* vy9), 'id.'. j~ 4. Y. bia6 'step, stride'. PM *-b: Ko pu 6 , Ch pu 9, Ky v0 6 , Ca wu 6 , Sw phu6 , TI phu6 'id.' . ., 5. Y. bwaIJ4 'daughter-in-law'. PM *-b: Ko py4, Ch mu 5 , Ky mo 5 , Ca wou5 , Sw phy3, TI phy9 'id.' .11n Min dialects this morpheme always occurs after *sin 'new'; the initial m in the Chengho and Kienyang forms can be explained as due to assimilation from the final nasal of the preceding syllable. 6. Y. byou 2 'float', PM *-b: Ko iu 3, Ch pu9, Ky iu9, Ca wius 'float'. l.

*

7. Y. dou 3 'bet, wager'. PM *-t: Ko tu 3 , Ch tu 3 , Ky 103, Ca lu 3. ~ 8. Y. daam l 'carryon the shoulder'. PM *-t: Ko talJ3, Ky lalJ9, Ca lalJI, TI thaIJ9.4l 9. Y. dzwon 5 'return'. PM *-t: Ko tyelJ3, Ch telJ9, Ky lyelJ3, Ca lyilJ3, Sw thien 3, TI th~9. Note the tonal discrepancy between the Y. and the Min forms; the Chinese etymon has two tones, shang and ~, both of which still survive in the standard language. The Y. form derives from the ~ reading, the Min forms from the shang reading. 10. Y. dzyou 3 'early'. M. nts0 3 'id.'. PM *-ts: Ko tsau 3, Ch ts09, Ky lau 3, Ca lau 3, Sw tshau 3, TI tsh0 9.

ft

*

:+

5Yao forms are taken from Lombard and Purnell 1968. Miao forms are quoted from Purnell 1970.

THE ORIGIN OF THE PROTO-MIN SOFTENED STOPS II.

lei 6.

383

Y. dzaaIJ6 'letter, character'. PM *-dz: Ko tsi 6, Ch tsiJf;","a , 'things' are the original NP topics and are used as noun heads in the nominalizations. In addition, the two de's at the end are normally omitted in Mandarin. Notice from (58) that Mandarin seems to avoid using VP's as head of a nominalized topic, which is often practiced in classical Chinese for a special purpose. If (58) is taken as a Taiwanese sentence, then, it is also quite natural to have this kind of verbal topic. (59) indicates that Mandarin is different from Taiwanese and Archaic Chinese in another respect. The head of a nominalized topic in Mandarin may be preposed or deleted with the de dangling at the end as in (59). Both Taiwanese and Archaic Chinese will either keep the noun head at the end, or not nominalize the sentence. As was mentioned at the beginning of this section, nominalization as a syntactic process does not seem to be as productive in classical Chinese and Taiwanese. It is also found that nominalization of a VP in the two speech forms is also done for the purpose of topicalizing a whole sentence.

:1' «-

8. USE OF SPECIAL VERBS IN TAIWANESE AND ARCHAIC CHINESE Because of the limited scope of this study, only preliminary findings on you ~ , 'to have', are reported here. Phrases such as you Xl 7'f-j -% , 'to have (something), to be happy about, be pregnant'; You Qi6ng Shi ~~ ~ , 'the You Qiong Family'; you xing ii ~ , 'to have the fortune'; you lao ~fi, ,'to owe one gratitude for certain effort'; you shang/ci -If-j''f\ I ~~ , 'to grant a reward'; etc., which are found in classical texts, are no longer productive in modern Mandarin. Based upon the pattern of you + VIN, Mandarin has

Y. C. LI

412

created a new class of adjectives quite often modified by hen *tl , 'very': you xiao ~f"~ , 'to be effective'; you xinggu 1j~~~'to be interested in'; you yi ij:t ' 'to have intent, be interested'; you gilin ~1\ ' 'to be rich'; etc. These Mandarin VO compounds are grammatically used as single adjectives. However, similar Taiwanese constructions more closely parallel those of Archaic Chinese. The Taiwanese construction are also not normally modified by intensifiers such as tsin (whichfollows ii if used) 'very'; and ii + V are still taken as two units: ii hoahf -1if*:..1- , 'to be happy'; 0 iaukfn -1f 'to be important'; ii (oan) tsoan ~ ( 1:'- , 'to be com-= plete'; ii tse t,Gj 'to be many'; ii kau 1f.j ~ , 'to be sufficient'; etc. One can also say ii tse lang ~ fA.. , 'to have many people'; and .Q tsiok/kau lang 1ij~ I ~ J...... , 'to have enough people'; in colloquial Taiwanese, which sound exactly like their counterparts in Archaic Chinese. In Mandarin, the present patterns for these are in the form of: you hen duo(de) ren, 'to have many people', and you zugoude ren, 'to have enough people', where de or hen is a necessity, except for duo and sMo. Regular Taiwanese use of.Q J(ij in V C ii(-V2) and ii-V\(-V2 ) was discussed in previous sections. As is known, .Q is also used regularly as a counterpart of bo in depicting the 'perfective' aspect ofthe verb, such as in ii yong ~ "f1~'have used'; and bo yong ~Al , 'have not used'. Mandarin utilizes Ie J , 'finished', after the verb and mei(you) ;t~ , 'have not', before the verb, as counterparts of Taiwanese (for a detailed discussion, see William Wang, 1965). Other things such as you in he yan zhI you -1 'ftf( z. ~ , 'what dislike is there?' in classical Chinese should be further studied in order to compare them with Mandarin and Taiwanese. Comparative usage of other special verbs such as zai l~ , 'to be at'; llii 'to come'; 9i! -1; , 'to go'; etc., may also prove to be fruitful and interesting in the historical and comparative study of the Chinese languages in the future.

t-t '

y,

t)

*-,

REFERENCES Chafe, Wallace, (1970). Meaning and the Structure of Language. Chicago University Press. Chao, Yuen Ren. (1968). A Grammar of Spoken Chinese. University of California Press. Cheng, Robert. (1974). Causatives in Taiwanese. Journal of Chinese Linguistics, 2·3·

Chu, Chauncy. (1973). The Passive Construction: Chinese and English. Journal of Chinese Linguistics, 1.3. Dobson, W. A. C. H. (1959). Late Archaic Chinese. University of Toronto Press.

GRAMMATICAL FEATURES IN TAIWANESE

413

- - . (1962). Early Archaic Chinese. University of Toronto Press. - - . (1964). Late Han Chinese. University of Toronto Press. - - . (1968). The Language of the Book of Songs. University of Toronto Press. Embree. Bernard L. M. (1973). A Dictionary of Southern Min. Hong Kong. Fillmore, Charles. (1968a). The Case for Case. In Universals in Linguistic Theory. ed. by Bach and Harms. 1968. Holt. Rinehart. and Winston. - - . (1968b). Lexical Entries of Verbs. Foundations of Language. 4-4. Hashimoto, Anne. (1964). Resultative Verbs and Other Problems. POLA 8. - - . (1966). Embedding Structures in Mandarin. POLA 1.12. - - . (1971). Mandarin Syntactic Structures. Unicorn 8. Hou. John. (1973). Constraints on the Verb-in-Series Construction. Paper presented at the 6th International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Language and Linguistics Studies. Kuo. Hua. (1974). Causatives in Chinese. University of Hawaii. Unpublished paper. Lee, Yih-jen. (1974). Resultative Compounds in Taiwanese and Mandarin. University of Hawaii. Unpublished paper. Li. Charles N .• and Thompson. Sandra A. (1974a). Interaction of Diachronic Processes in Syntax: Development ofthe Causative in Mandarin Chinese. University of Indiana Press. - - . (1974b). Historical Change of Word Order: A Case Study in Chinese and Its Implications. Distributed. Li, David C. C. (1974). A Contrastive Analysis of Modals between Taiwanese and English. University of Hawaii. Unpublished paper. Li. Paul Jen-kuei. (1973). Two Negative Markers in Taiwanese. Monumenta Serica. Li, Ying-che. (1972). Sentences with Be, Exist. and Have in Chinese. Language 48.3. - - . (1974). What Does 'Disposal' Mean?-Features of the Verb and Noun in Chinese. Journal of Chinese Linguistics. 2.2. - - . (1976). Order of Semantic Units in Chinese. Journal of Chinese Language Teachers Association, I I. I. - - . (1978a). The Verb-Object Relationship and its Historical Development in Chinese. Proceedings of the 1977 LSA Symposium on Chinese Linguistics. - - . (1978b). Historical Development of Existential Verbs in Chinese. Presented at I Ith International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Languages and Linguistics. - - . (1980). Historical Development of the Coverb and the Coverbial Phrase in Chinese. Journal of Chinese Linguistics. 8.2. Li, Ying-che, & Moira Yip. (1979). The Ba-Construction and Ergativity in Chinese. In Ergativity. Franz Plank, ed. Academic Press, Inc. Pp. 103-114. Lin, Shuang-fu. (1974). Reduction in Taiwanese A-Not-A Questions. Journal of Chinese LinguistiCs, 2.1. 37-78. Lo, Shen-ju. (1963). Guoyu Cidian. Nangguo Shuju. Taiwan. Lu. Fei-ma. (1971). Ci Hai. Zhonghua Shuju. Taiwan. Lu. John H-T. (1973). The Verb-Verb Construction with A Directional Complement in Mandarin. Journal of Chinese Linguistics. 1.2. Shibatani. Masayoshi. ed. (1976). The Grammar of Causative Constructions. University of Southern California Press.

414

Y. C. LI

Tai, James, and Jane Yang Chou. (1974). On the Center of Predication in Chinese Resultative Verb Compounds. Unpublished paper. Teng, Shou-hsin. (1975). A Semantic Study of Transitivity Relations in Chinese. University of California Press. Thompson, Sandra. (I973a). Resultative Verb Compounds in Mandarin Chinese: A Case for Lexical Rules. Language, 49.2. - - . (1973b). Transitivity and Some Problems with the Ba Construction. Journal of Chinese Linguistics, 1.2. Wang, Li. (1958). Hanyu Shigao. Kexue Chubanshe. Wang, William S-Y. (1965). Two Aspect Markers in Mandarin. Language, 41.457-71. - - . (1969). Competing Change as a Cause of Residue. Language, 45.9-25. Yang, Jian-guo. (1959). Buyushi Fazhan Shitan (A Tentative Study of the Development of the Resultative Construction). Yufa Lunji, 29-48.

TOISHAN AFFIXAL ASPECTS I TIMOTHY LIGHT

The Ohio State University

I.

Chinese Aspectual Systems

Chinese aspect systems employ three main types of tokens: I) 'affixes,'2 2) sentence-final particles, 3) resultative verbs. 3 There is much overlap in function among the three types of tokens. Nevertheless, a rough semantic function can be assigned to each type so long as it is understood that this assignment is not intended to imply exclusivity. In general, verbal affixes in Chinese relate the verbal action or state to other actions or states in the stream of discourse with specific reference to sequences and duration, that is to points and lengths of time. Sentencefinal particles (FP) in general relate the whole sentence (not just the verbal action or state-an important difference from affixal particles) to the discourse and its context, with particular reference to the speaker's point of view, desires, knowledge, etc. Resultative verbs give specific semantic II have been helped by a number of people in preparing this paper. I would particularly like to thank John McCoy. whose own work and whose constant instruction and encouragement have been the mainstay of my attempts to work with Toishan. I would like also to thank my teachers of Toishan: W. A. Wong. S. H. Lee. N. C. Wong Miu. S. F. Lee. Jimmy Gin. Mrs. Lee Fau. and C. G. Liu. Conversations with Yat-shing Cheung and Chin-an Miao have been most helpful. The errors are all my own. During the preparation of this paper. the author was partially supported by a grant from the National Endowment for the Humanities and by a consultantship from the Chinese University of Hong Kong. Sincere thanks for this support are extended. A version of this paper was given at the Xllth Meeting of the International Conference on Sino-Tibetan Linguistics (Paris. 1979). 2'Affixes' is given in quotation marks because there is no phonological justification for calling the Toishan equivalents of the Mandarin affixal aspects affixes. With the exception of ~, which actually cliticizes or elides with the verb to which it belongs, the markers to be discussed here all carry full tone and are thus distinct syllables. The use of the term affIX will be continued here, however, because the function of these markers is analogous to the Mandarin ones, which are already known as affixes, and distinct from sentence-final particles and resultative verbs. 30ne could add to this list such 'adverbs' as de 'then, thereupon' yisih 'thereupon' yehnhauh 'afterwards', etc., and time words such as d{}hmdhn 'yesterday', hehnd6 'tomorrow morning', etc. However, the interlocking system that forms aspects proper is limited to affixes, FP, and resultative verbs, and to extend the list much further carries the risk of including the whole language under 'aspect' (Cf. Comrie 1976).

416

TIMOTHY LIGHT

content to the results of a necessarily implied initiation of a given action. There is much overlap among the three types of aspectual tokens. All, for example, may indicate the completion of an action. All three or combinations of two may be used together, and in some cases, a member of one type may substitute for a member of another type. Because of the overlap in the general pan-Chinese system, there is considerable room for variation among the dialects. So far as I know, all dialects use all three systems, but some place more emphasis on one of the types of token than on another. For the Yue dialects, the FP system is particularly crucial. With extremely rich final particles, the affixal system may be less used on occasion than is the case in Mandarin. There is also the possibility for a restructuring of the affixal system. The present essay concerns the Toishan affixal aspect system, in which the fundamental structural principle turns out to be different from both Mandarin and Cantonese. 2.

Toishan Aspectual Affixes

The major tokens in the Toishan affixal aspect system are given below. The English glosses are superficial and will be commented on subsequently. -a -go -gin mou(yiu-)

completed/initiated action4 experimental and completed action continuous action neg. past marker (noncompleted/noninitiated action) affirmative past marker/completed action 5

::~ng- ~ negative past marker (noncompleted/noninitiated action)

mihehn~temporarilY noninitiated action (,not yet'), implying possible subsequent initiation of action.

4What is usually called 'completed' action in Chinese linguistics is sometimes mislabelled. Wo zhiiole ta henjioule. 'I've looked for him for a long time.' contains -Ie the 'completed action suffix of Mandarin. However, nothing is completed in this sentence. The logical completions of seeking are either discovery or a decision to stop seeking. Neither is implied in the above sentence. Discovery must be indicated in a resultative verb, and the decision to discontinue by a negative+ -Ie Wo buzhaole. 'I won't look anymore.' In contrast, motion verbs which semantically imply completion or noncompletion clearly indicate completion with the addition of -Ie: diiole 'arrived'. In the case of verbs where the core semantic content does not force a choice between completion and noncompletion, -Ie simply indicates initiation of action. 5Yiu- lit. 'to have' is given in parentheses because, as in Cantonese, it occurs only in the context of mou-, either in the V-neg-V pattern yiu-mou or as an answer to a question using that pattern or a question based on mou- alone.

417

TOISHAN AFFIXAL ASPECTS

Table I Toishan and Cantonese Affvcal Aspects Cantonese

Toishan

Completive

-j6

-a

Experiential

-gwo

-go

Continuous action

-gan

-gin

Neg. past marker

m6uh-

mou-

Affirmative past

(yauh-)

(yiu-)

N~VO_I Temporarily noninitiated

J

meimehngmeih( chahng)-

mihehng-

To readers who know Cantonese, the above list will appear familiar. As Table One shows, superficially there is a strong correspondence between the Toishan and the Cantonese affixal aspect systems. In actual speech, however, only Toishan -gin, mou-, and (yiu-) are used in a manner totally analogous to their Cantonese cognates. The following all have exact Cantonese counterparts: (I) Kui koihSih ukgin si.

(2)

(3)

(4)

(5)

he this-time read-cont. book He's studying now. Wohng Yekhohn yendoi 0 Hengkong kilhngben hekgin fan. Wong Yekhon now at Hong Kong that side eat-cont. rice Wong Yekhon is now on Hong Kong side eating. Ngoi dohmahn mou loih yinwaih yiu nai til. I yesterday neg-past come because have pI. affair I didn't come yesterday because I was busy. Kehk kilhngsih mou dil sangyih they that-time neg-past make business They weren't in business at that time. Ni dohmahn yiu mou poih bakmoilh hui ngahnhong? you yesterday affirmative-negative past accompany aunty go bank Did you accompany your mother to the bank yesterday?

418

TIMOTHY LIGHT

(6) Yiu. Ngoi yiu huhngmoih kui yittai hui 10. affirmative-past I affirmative-past with-together she together go FP. Yes. I went with her. For the remaining markers, there are substantial differences between Toishan and Cantonese usage. These differences, when added together, suggest that Toishan has a rather different aspectual system from Cantonese, even though both are Yue dialects. 3. Special Characters of Toishan Aspectual Affixes -a has been glossed as a 'completed/initiated action' marker because the following active verbs+ -a are all attested: heka fan 'have eaten, ate' Uma 'broken, broke' udieha 'have thanked, thanked, loiha 'have come, came' gonga 'have spoken, spoke' getafun 'married, have married, is married', dua ~ 'have worked, worked' fana gung 'returned to work, have returned to work'. But the following stative verbs suffixed with -a are unacceptable to native speakers: *gaua 'grown tall' *Iaua 'grown old' *haua 'improved' *gaua 'become tired' nuta 'become afraid'. Like its Mandarin counterpart -Ie, Cantonese :lQ is best classed as a change marker which, when affixed to active verbs, indicates change by indicating the initiation or completion of an otherwise noninitiated or noncompleted action. Clearly, the Toishan -a does not have this privilege. Furthermore, -a is not used with verbs of cognition such as eitui 'know' heu 'know how to' yehn set 'recognize', though all of these uses are possible with :lQ in Cantonese, where the affix implies discovery. Likewise, Cantonese has certain fixed phrases or idioms in which :lQ is a frozen member: gaau dihmj6 'It's all fixed up.' dakj6 'It's OK.' diiij6 'Behave crazily.' These are absent from Toishan except that they are sometimes used in their Cantonese form by bidialectal speakers who are otherwise speaking entirely in Toishan. Phonologically, -a has more complex realizations than :lQ. Attested forms include [a c e ~]. In other words, -a is subject to a familiar process of reduction. Factors which influence the form in which -a actually occurs in a given utterance are : a) Length of the verb phrase which directly includes -a. The longer the including verb phrase, the less likely there is to be an audible aspect marker suffixed to the principal verb. b) Nature of the phonological final to which -a is suffixed. Nasal endings tend towards [a] realization, stop endings towards [c] or [;,)] realization, vocalic endings tend towards [0]' and verbs consisting of a plain vowel such as ~ 'strike' and ou 'arrive' seem to resist any audible affix. c) Distance in time and/or

TOISHAN AFFIXAL ASPECTS

419

space from Toishan City. In general, speakers whose native place is somewhat distant from Toishan City and whose residence elsewhere has been long tend to use fewer -a's than those who have resided entirely in Toishan City. Furthermore, the latter type of speaker exhibits a greater percentage of -a's realized as [a] or [a] than the former. Where -a does not occur in the discourse of one speaker in a position that it might be required by another speaker, it is substituted for by a resultative verb or a FP. d) Speed of speech. The faster the rate of speech, the more likely -a is to be reduced to [~] or [0]. Some illustrative examples are given below. Ni 0 Hengk6ng jiha gi giu a? you at Hong Kong reside-a how long FP How long have you lived in Hong Kong? (8) Ngoi uka leng nehn aihohk lao Wahn yiu yitnehn de bitngep 10k. I study-~ two year university FP Still have one-year then graduate FP I've studied in university for two years. After one year more. I'll graduate. (7)

(7) and (8) were both spoken by a speaker who had resided virtually his whole life in Toishan City prior to coming to Hong Kong two weeks before the sentences were recorded. In both -a was realized as la]. (9) Wohng Lensang haimhhal dohmahn hui (a) ailuhk? Wong mr. be-neg-be yesterday go (-a) mainland Did Mr. Wong go into the Mainland yesterday? (10) Wohng Lensang dohmahn loih Qu. Wong mr. yesterday come arrive. Mr. Wong arrived yesterday. (9) and (10) were spoken by the same person as (7) and (8), except that (7) and (8) were fairly careful translations and spoken slowly, while (9) and (10) were spoken at normal rapid speech. The initial rendering of (9) had no -a substitute; on questioning, the -a was accounted allowable. In (10) oil 'arrive' is a resultative ending that can be affixed to motion verbs in place of or together with the aspectual suffix. The speaker of (10) judged -a unacceptable here even though other speakers have accepted it or used it. (Il)

Ni 0 naih sitlc]? you at where lose-~ Where did you lose it?

420

TIMOTHY LIGHT

(12) Wei, Lau Li, heka fan mei a?

hey, Old Li eat-~ food neg-past FP Hey, Li, y'eaten yet? (13) Kui dbhmahn yehhak de kolh jenglin. he yesterday night write this clf. letter. He wrote this letter last night. (11-13) are from speakers whose native village is other than Toishan City or immediate environs and who have been away from Toishan some length of time. For any speaker, the variations in (14-15) would be possible: (14)

Increasej in speed

Kehk get-a-fun hau giulo. [e] [a]

They have been married for a long time.

[0]

[ke? fun]

1

(IS)

Increase in speed

Kehk leimhhui san-a ai muhnlo! Those little monsters [a] have shut the main gate! [0]

The present essay is not concerned with designing a sociological rule or a fast speech rule. However, it is clear from the above examples that a thorough study of the variational factors in the use of -a would be illuminating. It is also clear that the frequent absence of -a should lead towards increased use of other aspect markers as substitutes for -a. The most frequently used alternatives to -a are FP 10 'change/completion' and yohn, a resultative verb meaning 'finish'. In addition,:8Q ('experiential' marker) is also used. :8Q indicates the condition of having experienced the action to which :8Q is suffixed, as the counterparts -guo and -gwo do in Mandarin and Cantonese. (16)

(17)

Ngoi koihgiu mehng hekgo yiaili tan. I so-long neg-past eat-SQ Italian meal I've never eaten an Italian meal. Niii hoksang mou huigo Mihgok. pI. student neg-past gO-iQ America. The students have never been to America.

However, :8Q is also used to indicate the completion of an action.

TOISHAN AFFIXAL ASPECTS

421

(18) Kehk huigo niu Yek Fau.

They go:SQ New York City They went to New York City. (19) Kui dohmahn mahnhak huhng nei gong go mehng a? he yesterday evening with you speak:SQ neg-past FP? Did he speak with you yesterday evening? It should be noted that (18-19) are initially ambiguous in appearance. Both could occur with the meaning of 'have done X at some point within a given period of time', which is the basic meaning of the experiential marker in Mandarin and Cantonese. Repeated questioning of the informant indicated, however, that (18-19) were the respective equivalents of Kehk huia Niu Yek Fau. and Kui dohmahn mahnhak yiumouhhuhng nei gong a?, which shows that the proper English translation of both is simple past and not a compound tense. This expansion of the semantic range of:SQ is not as great as might first appear. Although the experiential marker and the completive marker are kept quite distinct in Mandarin and Cantonese, there is the superficially anomolous case of Mandarin Chiguole 'I've eaten' to the question Chifanie meiyou? 'Have you eaten (yet)?' The response, of course, is predicated on an assumption of a given period of time within which the question is intended to apply. The question itself is used as a greeting (equal to How are you?), but is appropriate only around meal times; the further one gets from mealtime, the less suitable this question is as a greeting and the more likely another greeting form will be used. Since the experiential marker indicates the performance of an action within a specified period of time, it is not difficult to conceive of an increased use wherever time can be conceived of as a period, particularly where there is little 'competition' from the nonperiodized completion marker. Apparently, this semantic conceptualization lies behind the expansion of :SQ, and in discussions of the use of:SQ native speakers confirm this process. Note again, however, that there is a social dimension to the use of:SQ, just as there is to the use of -a. Two informants doubted the acceptability of (18-19). One is from Toishan City; the other was raised in Hong Kong, speaking Toishan as her chronologically first language, but now speaking Cantonese as her favored language. (18-19) are favored sentences among some American-resident informants whose Cantonese is not totally fluent. Again, the distance from Toishan City is a governing factor. So, also, may be the English environment of the United States. Again, the material is ripe for sociolinguistic analysis. What remains important for all speakers of Toishan is that the affixal system allows this kind of variation.

422

TIMOTHY LIGHT

mei- mehng- mihehng- Of these three markers, the only one with an unambiguous use congruent with a Cantonese counterpart is mihehng 'not yet'. (20) Alim wahn mihehng dau.

auntie still not-yet leave Auntie hasn't left yet. The other two markers are dissimilar to their apparent Cantonese counterparts. Cantonese meih-, meihchMmg-, meihytlhn- all mean 'not yet'. All three may be preceded by juhng 'still'. All three are clearly distinct from m6uh- (neg. past), which is not preceded by juhng. M6u- implies nothing about the expected initiation of the action of the verb. mei-, meihchtlhng-, and meihytlhn- all imply that the action may yet occur, as does Toishan mihehng-. Examples of Toishan mei- and mehng- in their simple past use are (21-22), and in their anticipatory 'not yet' use are (2324): (21) Kui dohmahn mehng 0 kuhng.

he yesterday mehng at there He wasn't there yesterday. (22) Kehk yitgiutitluhk nehn mehng yiu che. they 1976 year mehng have car They didn't have a car in 1979. (Note that the speaker of these two sentences said that mou- would be an acceptable equivalent for mehng-; hence, a reading of 'not yet', while both logically and grammatically possible, was not intended.) (23) Ngoih seng goi nguht mehng huhng Jeng Lensang gonggo wah.

we all clf. month mehng with Cheung Mr. We haven't spoken with Mr. Cheung all month. (24) Ni gengo Carter mehng a? you see:8Q Carter mehng FP Have you seen Carter?

speak talk

Both common sense and speakers' testimonies suggest that mehng- is a fast-speech historical derivative of mihehng-. Presumably it is because of this origin that speakers closer to Toishan in time ,and space tend to use mehng- less for past and more for an equivalent of mihehng-. Once again, the social factor is crucial in usage, with those further from Toishan City

TOISHAN AFFIXAL ASPECTS

42 3

using mei- and mehng- as rather full equivalents of both mou- and mihehng- and those closer to Toishan City maintaining some distinctions (not always the same) among these affixes. The role of mou- is parallel to that of -a; the role of mei- and mehng- is parallel to that of :gQ. 4. Reanalyzing the System Given the above description, it is clear that the Toishan suffixal system requires a recategorization which is simpler than that given in Table One, which is based on Cantonese. Table Two offers such a recategorization. A system with these components is helpfully analyzed with a featuremarkedness analysis. The governing concept in the markedness of Toishan aspectual affixes is the undertaking of action. Subsidiary concepts are the completion of action and time period. Plain verbs are unmarked for any of these features, which means that plain verbs mayor may not carry any of them. Those marked with a given token necessarily carry the feature represented by that token. Table Three offers an assignment of marked features for the aspectual affixes of Toishan. It is to be expected that overlap will occur among those tokens whose markedness imply no contradictoriness, but which instead have a similarity in meaning. Thus, it is to be expected that:gQ would tend to replace -a among speakers who use -a rather infrequently. It is expected that there should be overlap between action not undertaken and action not undertaken within a specific period of time (leaving room for subsequent undertaking). It is expected that ongoing action would be indicated only by -gin Table /I Toishan A/fixal Aspects Completive/initiative

-a

Experiential

-go

Negative past

moume imehng-

Temporary incompleteness

mihehng-

Affirmative past

(yiu-)

Continuous action

-gin

424

TIMOTHY LIGHT

Table 11/ Markedne.vs Features of Toishan Affixal A.fpects action undertaken (action completed)*

-a

action undertaken at some point within a period of time

-go

action not undertaken**

mou-

action not undertaken within a period of time

mihehng-

action undertaken and ongoing

-gin

mei-

mehng-

*Whether 'completion' is implied or not depends on the semantic characteristics of the verb itself. duua 'left, has left' indicates a kind of completeness; Mill 'looked for, has looked for' does not. **Stated this way, the role of period of time is left open, which allows for mei- and mehng- to alternate between simple undertaking and nonundertaking within a period of time.

among the affixes because the other affixes all contain contradictory features. As we have seen. all these expectations are indeed realized. It was noted above that Mandarin -Ie and Cantonese .:i.Q are principally markers of change and by implication markers of initiation/completion of action. Indeed. the governing principle of the affixal aspects in those languages is change vs. nonchange, and completion/noncompletion and time relationships are subsidiary features. The Toishan affixal aspects represent a simplification in comparison with Mandarin and Cantonese. The feature of change is carried entirely by the FP system, which is itself correspondingly more complex in Toishan than in either Cantonese or Mandarin. 5. The Social Factors The system outlined above represents the composite speech of several speakers whose native language is based in different villages of Toishan County and whose linguistic experience includes different periods away from Toishan and exposure to different linguistic influences. What has been described can be considered the pan-Toishan affixal system. In its basic features. it is standard in the sense that the markers used by all the speakers carry the features given in Table Three. It is variable in the sense that. within the limits provided by the features. individual and group

TOISHAN AFFIXAL ASPECTS

425

behavior differs noticeably. Certainly, a full description of the Toishan affixal aspect system requires an accounting of that variation. It is hoped that the present study will provide the basis for such a variational study. Note on Romanization The romanization reflects as much as possible the speech of Toishan City. The distinctions reflected in the romanization are based on those analyzed in McCoy (1'}66), particularly in the tones and initials (finals vary at some points among speakers, and I have chosen the simplest form where there is a choice). The symbols themselves are based on the Yale Cantonese alphabet in order to make transcribing and reading easier. The one symbol not included in the Yale alphabet is!: which represents the aspirated lateral, McCoy's lh. References Comrie, Bernard. 1976. Aspect. Cambridge University Press. McCoy. William John. Jr. 1966. Szeyap Data for a First Approximation of ProtoCantonese. Unpublished Cornell University Dissertation.

THE TAISHUN PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM: A DESCRIPTIVE STUDY OF A NORTHEASTERN MIN DIALECT A.

RONALD WALTON

University of Maryland

1. Introduction I

U )

Taishun ( is a dialect of Northeastern Min, or as it is often termed, Mindung ( ~). According to Norman (1977-78), the Mindung area covers seven counties of Fujian ( ~ ) Province, stretching from the Zhejiang ( 1"Vl ) border sou.th to the county of Ningde ( ~) and from the coast to the Jiufeng ( mountain range. Taishun actually lies within Zhejiang Province, just across the north-central border of Fujian. It is approximately ninety kilometers inland from the coast. Norman (1977-1978) has presented descriptions of four Mindung diand Fuan alects: Fuding ( 1iJ~), Ningde ( ~ ) Zheyang ( -!6 i (~~). In addition, he has included data for Fuzhou (~), the prestige dialect of the northeastern region. Taishun is located fifty to sixty kilometers northeast of Fuding and approximately forty kilometers northnorthwest of Fuan. Taishun may be the most northern Mindung dialect studied to date. To my knowledge, it has not been previously described. This study presents a general outline of the Taishun phonological system and provides a rather extensive list offorms (Appendix I) that can be readily compared with those given by Norman for the five Mindung dialects mentioned above. Comparison with these dialects reveals that Taishun seems rather closely related to the Fuding dialect.

1t

+)

f ),

II wish to express my gratitude to Professor N. C. Bodman for encouraging me to r::port my fieldwork findings on this dialect and for his advice and helpful suggestions in preparing earlier drafts of this study. His knowledge of the Min language was particularly invaluable in this endeavor since my earlier research is primarily in the Wu rather than Min language. Likewise. I am extremely indebted to Professor John McCoy for discussing problem areas in the field data and for his many insightful recommendations. Finally. I am grateful to Professor Jerry Norman for taking an interest in this study during the field-stage. for allowing me to use his Min vocabulary questionnaire as a part ofthe field study and for permitting me to use his data categories in Appendix I of this paper.

427

THE T AISHUN PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM

My primary area of interest in Chinese dialectology concerns the sound systems of Southern Wu dialects, that geographic area just north of the Mindung region. This study of Taishun was undertaken partially as a search for possible Southern Wu-Northern Min transition dialects. Various phonological features clearly reveal that Taishun is a Min, rather than a Wu, dialect. Data which I collected on Pingyang ( -l~p a town in southern Zhejiang only sixty-five kilometers northeast of Futing and approximately eighty kilometers west of Taishun, show that this dialect, on the other hand, belongs to the Wu language group. It may well be that such Wu-Min transition dialects simply do not exist. 2 However, future research may reveal that northern coastal Min and southern coastal Wu share certain typological features. The same sort of feature sharing may also hold for inland Northern Min and inland Southern Wu. For example, available data suggest that northern coastal Min and southern coastal Wu are characterized by complex tone sandhi systems not found in their inland counterparts.

),

2.

The Data Base

The data were collected in Taibei, Taiwan, in the Spring of 1971 with some additional work in July, 1974. The informant was born and raised in the town of Taishun, attended school for some time in Fuzhou and moved to Taibei in the early 1950'S. He is in his early fifties. While he does not speak his native tongue with his wife, he does maintain contacts, by his account, with people from his home county. While Taishun is linguistically a Northern Min dialect, the town and county are geographically located in southern Zhejiang. As a consequence of its location, Taishun is grouped with Southern Wu counties in the Wenzhou ( -;~1 County Club in Taibei. The informant, as well as many other Taishun speakers, belong to this club even though, based on my first-hand obsertions, most members of the club speak various Southern Wu dialects. The primary sources of the data collected consist of character readings of about 1,200 items selected from the Fang Yan Diao Cha Zi Biao (-1J

)

~Several Pingyang speakers have reported to me that in their home towns and villages. Min speakers and Wu speakers live side-by-side but that the two languages are kept distinct and the two groups of speakers are somewhat differentiated socially. One such person maintained that in his area Min speakers are likely to be more conversant in Wu than Wu speakers in Min. This sort of situation may hold generally in Wu-Min dialect borders and. in fact. family. lineage, and social factors could perhaps account for the lack of true 'transition" dialects where Wu and Min features emerge in mixed phonological systems. A fuller understanding of Wu-Min transition dialects or the lack thereof awaits further research.

407

A.

RONALD WALTON

ill! *k )

1; and pronunciations of about 2,000 items contained in a vocabulary questionnaire similar to the Han Yu Fang Yan Ci Hui ( ~~ft ~ i; .s{ tL. ). 3 In addition, several hundred sentences, designed to reveal syntactic features, were transcribed as was a special list offunction words (pronouns, question words, demonstratives, etc.). Three spontaneous monologues were tape recorded and transcribed. Towards the end of the study, examples of all initials, finals and tones, as well as examples of two-syllable tone sandhi, were taped for later reference. These tapes also include examples of minimal contrasts with respect to initials, finals, tones and tone sandhi forms. A comprehensive syllabary was prepared to show the alignment of particular initials with particular finals. When recording the pronunciations of isolation characters. the informant was asked to say the item within the context of a compound or short phrase as well as in isolation. This procedure was employed for three reasons: (I) to insure that the informant did indeed recognize the item, (2) to ascertain whether or not a particular item had both a literary and colloquial pronunciation (or whether or not a colloquial synonym was used in place of a given character in speech) and (3) to discover whether an item had different pronunciations in different compounds or in different grammatical usages (e.g. verb as opposed to noun).4 3. Syllable Structure

The canonical shape of the Taishun syllable can be described as follows: TONE The shortest syllable consists The shortest syllable consists of a vowel only. Tripthongs can occur only in open syllables. In closed syllables, only single vowels and dipthongs occur. Thus. the longest syllables can have the following shapes: CVV?, CVVNG, CVVV. There are also two syllabic nasals in the language: $ III $ and $ ?g $. 3This questionnaire was prepared by Jerry Norman for use in studying Min dialects. 4The literary/colloquial distinction is discussed later in this paper.

429

THE TAISHUN PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM

4. Tone System 4.1. Tones of Isolation Syllables The phonetic values of isolation syllables. are given below in terms of Middle Chinese (ca. 600 A.D.) tone categories. s The underlined tones are extremely short. All Tone IV syllables end in glottal stop. 1I SHANG

I PING

({ A YIN (

n---)

B YANG (

rJ

)

)

(

.J:.

III

QU

i

)

IV

RU

) ( >-.....

35

55

21

5 (4)

33

31

31

5

)

Below, the Taishun (TS) isolation tones are compared with the four dialects described in Norman (1977-1978) and noted in Section 1 above. TS IA 35 IB 33 lIA 55 lIB 31 lIlA 21 6. lIIB 31 7· IVA .1-(4) 8. IVB .1 1.

2. 3· 4· 5·

FD

ZY

FA

NT

55 21 52

43

43

33

11

11

11

41 41 lacking 35 35 13 13

41

.14

33. .1

24 12 .1 ~

21

.14 21

35 41

Taishun syllables occurring in isolation Tone IlIA (phonetically low falling and rather short) are characterized by considerable glottic tension in the final. This glottic tension approaches, but does not quite reach, a final glottal stop. That a glottal stop is not present is evident in that the 51 make use of Middle Chinese tone categories as a reference point for Taishun tone categories and in arranging some modern Taishun segmental reflexes in Appendix I. There is no doubt that Middle Chinese is an inadequate historical reference point for modern Min. However, until a more complete reconstruction of Proto-Northeastern Min and Proto-Min emerges, I have sometimes had to rely on Middle Chinese distinctions with the knowledge that Min specialists can reinterpret the data presented here in terms of their ongoing research on earlier stages of Min.

A.

430

RONALD WALTON

informant can prolong the final just a bit. In this exaggerated pronunciation a glottal stop does not materialize but rather the informant reaches the bottom of tone scale and simply runs out of tonal space. Syllables occurring in this tone as the first syllable in two syllable compounds lose the glottic constriction but the constriction remains in such compounds when the Tone IlIA syllable is in second position. Norman (1978) has noted that reflexes of Tone IlB have largely merged with Tone IlIB in Fuding, Zheyang, and Fuan. This merger also holds for Ningde but the distinction, according to Norman, is preserved in tone sandhi. This merger also holds for Taishun and no distinction is preserved in tone sandhi. The Taishun reflexes of traditional tone categories IV A and IVB present a complex picture. All reflexes of category IVB manifest a high, short tone symbolized phonetically as.5.. Most reflexes of category IV A manifest this same phonetic value. However, with the finals (described below) -a?, -ie?, -i?, -e?, and -ua? there are a few instances of a slightly lower variant, phonetically symbolized here as 4. This lower variant seems to be in free variation with the higher pitched variant: the informant made the distinction when pressed with minimal pair contrasts or when asked for slow, careful pronunciation but in other cases normally gave only the higher pitched variant. In addition, while the evidence is not yet totally conclusive, it seems that only the higher pitched variant occurs in two-syllable tone sandhi. 6 The lower reflex of Tone IV A occurs only with the finals listed below. With all other finals only the higher value (.5.) of Tone IV A occurs. The following examples of the lower pitched variant are exhaustive with respect to the data collected.

Final : -a? Tone Tone IVE Value

Tone Tone IVA Value ~ 'build'

'f

'armor'

ta?

4 or 5

~ 'step on'

ta?

5 only

fa?

4 or 5

If.

fa?

5 only

'a box'

For the following items, there were no minimal IV A-IVB pairs. Interestingly, all reflexes of tone category IV A with this final in the data exhibit the 4-5 alternation. 6A lower pitched short tone, 4. does occur in some cases in the second syllable of two syllable compounds as revealed in the tone sandhi chart in Section 8 below. However. this tone value. in these contexts. is not restricted to the finals noted just above in the text.

THE T AISHUN PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM ~ 'pagoda'

t'a?

4 or 5

liJ

~ 'insert'

ts'a?

4 or 5

~ 'rub'

ts'a?

4 or 5

~ 'pigeon'

ka?

4 or 5

43 1

k'a?

4 or 5

~'fit'

ha?

'f.t

4 or 5

a?

4 or 5

'press down' a?

4 or 5

Jt

'thirsty' 'duck'

Final: -ie?

* -ii-

Tone IVA 'stumble' tie? tsie?

'join'

Tone Value

~~

4 or 5

'plate'

~ 'cut off

4 or 5

Tone IVB

Tone Value

tie?

5 only

tsie?

5 only

Aside from the two examples of Tone IV A above, all other reflexes in this category with this final have merged with category IVB (phonetically 5) and do not exhibit the 4-5 alternation. Some examples are: Tone IVA

Phonetic: Value

"%Ij 'other'

pie?

5 only

1fX.

'iron'

t'ie?

5 only

'festival'

tsie?

5 only

,~t 'to knot'

kie?

5 only

",A-

ly

Final: -i?

-1 'pen' ....t'

'seven'

--t 'lucky'

Tone IVA

Phonetic Value

pi?

4 or 5

ts'i?

4 or 5

ki?

4 or 5

Other instances of Tone IV A with this final in the data have merged with Tone IVB and do not show the alternation. Some examples are: Tone IVA

Phonetic Value

Ij; 'necessary'

pi?

5 only

t

ki?

5 only

'urgent'

A.

432

RONALD WALTON

Final,' -ua?

~ 'include'

Tone IVA

Phonetic Value

kua?

4 or 5

This is the only item in the data which manifests the alternation in this final. Other reflexes of Tone IV A have merged with IVB:

~ 'scrape'

j'E.! 'dig'

Tone IVA

Phonetic Value

kua?

5 only

ua?

5 only

However, two reflexes of tone category IVB show the 4-5 alternation in this final:

Tone IVB

Phonetic Value

ua?

4 or 5

54; 'to live, alive' ua?

4 or 5

~ 'slippery'

Final,' -e?

/'- 'eight'

Tone IVA

Phonetic Value

pe?

4 or 5

This is the only item in the data with an alternation in this final. All other items in Tone IV A with this final have merged with category IVB and have a phonetic value of 5 only. As noted above, the 4-5 alternates of tone category IV A are restricted to the finals -a?, -ie?, -e?, -p, and -ua? These particular finals in Taishun derive variously from earlier syllables ending in :E, :!' -k. It is interesting to note, however, that the phonetic tone variation 4-5 of Tone IVA occurs only in reflexes having an earlier :E or :! final but never occurs in reflexes having an earlier -k final stop. The 4-5 alternation of Tone IV A could be the result of dialect interference since the informant was educated for some time in Fuzhou and since he lives in Taiwan and is exposed to varieties of Southern Min. On the other hand, the lower variant, 4, could reflect a sound change in progress where such forms are the residue of an earlier stage in the language. The fact that the informant seems to regard this alternation as a

433

THE T AISHUN PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM

case of free variation strengthens the argument that the distinction is fading and that the 4 variant is slowly merging with the Tone IVB reflex,

5· 5. The Initial System The initial system is outlined below. The symbols given in brackets reflect a rather narrow phonetic transcription and the unbracketed symbols, which are used in the transcription throughout this study, present a quasi-phonemic analysis.

Unasp. stops Asp. stops Sonorants Fricatives

Labials

Alveolars

p p' m h []

t t' nil

Alveolar sibilants

Prepalatal sibilants

ts [ts] ts' [ts']

ts [t~] ts' [tc']

s [6]

h

[~]

Velars

Glottals

k k' ng [IJ] h [h)

The following observations are necessary to give a fuller explanation of the initial system. (1) In a phonemic analysis, [], [~] and h [h) could be considered al-

lophones of one phoneme since they do not contrast. The distribution is as follows: [] occurs before: -u, -ua, -uai, -ui, ue, -ung, -uang, -uong [h) occurs before: -i, -e, -a, -0, -ie, -eu, -ai, -au, -uo, -ang, -eng, -ing, -ong and -yng [~] occurs before: -y, -yeng, -iong As a general rule, it would be possible to state that!! is realized as [] before!:! except for one example in the data: [huo 33] 'peace'. The initial [~] cannot be considered an allophone of ~ because of contrasts such as: j. 'book' sy 35 versus 'empty' ~y 35 In considering the initials [], [~], and [h) it would seem that no simple rule using distinctive features or vowel qualities can be formulated. Yet, the distribution is clearly non-contrastive with regard to finals. In the transcription all three sounds are represented with the symbol.!! as the chart above indicates. (2) The initials [t~] and [t~'] are in complimentary distribution with [ts] and [ts '] respectively. The former occur only before ! and 1::

A

A.

434

RONALD WALTON

(whether these vowels are nuclear or onglides in dipthongs). Therefore, only the symbols ts and ts' are used in the transcription. (3) The sound represented by the symbol ~ is quite forward and approximates an interdental fricative, [9]. To the ear, this sound is, in fact, indistinguishable from an interdental. However, close observation of the informant's articulation reveals that the tongue does not actually protrude from behind the upper teeth, although the tip does come to rest against the lower portion of the upper teeth. (4) There is often a light glottal stop in syllables having no initial consonant. However, there is no phonemic distinction between glottal stop onset and smooth onset and thus the initial glottal stop is not indicated in the transcription. Likewise, i, l'. and!! in syllable initial position, followed by another vowel, have a slight glide quality but there is no phonemic distinction between, say, a ~ onset and a !! glide onset and thus symbols such as j or w have not been posited for such initial vowels. (5) The initial !! is lightly palatalized before -iu, -ieng, -io, -iong and -iau. 6. The Final System The system of finals is outlined below. A rather narrow phonetic rendering is given in brackets in those cases where the unbracketed symbols require elaboration or explanation. The unbracketed symbols are. again. quasi-phonemic but they also reflect a compromise between phonetic accuracy and the realities of the typewriter. The unbracketed symbols are used to represent finals throughout this study. Finals7 a [A], 0 [~], e lei], y, u, i, (::1)8 ia [iA], ie liE), iu [iu ua [uA], uo [u~], ue [ueil ai, oi [~i], ui, uai au [Au], eu [eu iau [iAu ye [Y::1] ang [Ag], ong [~g], eng [eig], ing [ig], yng [yg], yeng [Y::1g], oeng [o>g] iang [iAg], iong [bg]. ieng [ieig] V

V

],

]

V

]

7( have followed the format in Norman (1978) in presenting these finals so as to facilitate easy comparison. HThe final!! occurs only once in the data: ·comb·. colloquial E 35. literary su 33. The informant insisted. however. that the colloquial rendering is indeed correct.

THE T AISHUN PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM

435

uang [uAIJ]' uong [u;:>lJ] a? [A?], o? [;:>?], e? [£?], ;)?, y?, u?, i? ia? [iA?], io? [b?], ie? lie?] ua? [uA?], uo? [u;,?], ye? [y;)?] The following observations serve to provide a more detailed description of some of these finals: (I) With e [ei], ue [uei], eng [eilJ], and ieng [ieilJ]' the i off-glide is very

slight, but nevertheless perceptible. (2) The off-glide u [u in iu, eu and iau is so low that it approaches but does not quite reach an [0]. (3) The front rounded y of ~ [y;)], and ye? [y;)?] is most noticeable after the prepalatal sibilant initials; in other cases it approximates a front rounded vowel with an j quality. (4) The symbol combination oe [6>] in oeng is meant to describe an almost central rounded vowel, a sound approximating a rounded schwa. Y

]

7. Syllabic Nasals Only two syllabic nasals were uncovered in the investigation: (I) Qg [IJ] 31: a negative marker, alternating with "me 31" as in 'is not'

Qg 31 si 31 (2) III 33: a negative marker used in only one compound: III 33-mai 21

'don't want, not necessary, don't!' Both nasals are actually atonic in rapid speech; the tone values above represent isolation pronunciations or pronunciations which are exaggeratedly slow. The bilabial nasal could be analyzed as an allophone of the velar nasal occurring before a following bilabial nasal. 8. Two Syllable Tone Sandhi'} 8. I. General Description Only two-syllable tone sandhi was studied in detail in this investigation. Random examples of three (and more) syllable tone sandhi suggest that '!'fo my knowledge. there has been little description of inland Northeastern Min tone sandhi and Norman (1978) did not include such data for the four dialects described in that study.

436

A.

RONALD WALTON

such changes are based on two-syllable sandhi patterns. In sentences and phrases. two-syllable sandhi in compound words follows consistent rules but obviously tempo. sentence stress. intonation. breath groups and syntactic grouping to have effects on tone sandhi in general and probably on compound word sandhi as well. Even with two-syllable tone sandhi in isolated compound words it is difficult to factor out such factors as stress and tempo. Perceptually, stress seems to co-occur with the highest toned of two syllables. In cases where both syllables have exactly the same tone, both syllables seem equally stressed. In all cases of two-syllable sandhi in Taishun, the articulation of the first syllable. including the tone. is somewhat shorter than its pronunciation in isolation. This may account for the fact that in sandhi groups. all original contour tones for first syllable items are heard as level. This is in marked contrast to the tone sandhi systems of neighboring Southern Wu, where contour tones are quite obvious in the first position in two syllable compounds. On the other hand, the second syllable of compounds in Taishun approximate the length of their isolation pronunciation and contour tones persist rather than change to level. The syntactic composition of compounds (such as Noun - Noun. Adjective - Noun. Verb - Noun etc.) apparently has no effect on sandhi: tone sandhi for compounds seems to be purely phonologically conditioned (various syntactic patterns of compounds are apparent in the examples given later in this section). In investigating and recording Taishun tone sandhi. identical morphemes or segmentally identical syllables were used. whenever possible. in first position so that the changed tones could be compared to one another easily. The same procedure was used for comparing the changed tones of second syllables. Assuming, from comparative evidence, that Tone lIB has merged with Tone lIIB (and not the other way around), these two categories can be grouped under the Tone lllB category.'o As noted earlier. Tone IV A has largely merged with IVB. phonetically. 5.. Even in those few cases where the reflex of IVA has a lower alternate. 4. the alternate never seems to occur in sandhi (in either first or second syllable position). Therefore. for IOSeveral examples of Tone lIB reflexes in the first syllable position in sandhi did show variation with Tone IIIB reflexes in this same position in compounds-suggesting some residual retention of the older distinction. However these few examples followed no consistent tone sandhi pattern. The problem is further complicated in that a great many commonly used items with sonorant initials in Tone lIB have shifted to Tone IlA (e.g. 55, 'beautiful';

-a- ,~55. 'speech';

e~ ,ngeng 55, 'eye';

j . mi

;+. ~ 55, 'cold') and

cannot be utilized in investigating the behavior of Tone lIB in tone sandhi.

THE T AISHUN PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM

437

sandhi pUJ;poses Tone IV A can be assumed to have merged with lVB. Given these observations, the Taishun two-syllable tone sandhi system can be presented below where the column of tone categories and values on the left represent the isolation form of the first syllable, the row of tone categories and values across the top represents the isolation form of the second syllable and the intersection of a given row with a given column yields the sandhi values of the first and second syllables respectively.

Two Syllable Tone Sandhi

IA

35

IB

33

IlA

55

IliA

21 IIlB

31

IVB

5

IA

IB

IIA

IlIA

IIIB

lVB

35

33

55

55

31

5

44-35

44-33 44-55

44-21

44-31

44-5

33-35

22-33

33-21

33-31

33-4

55-44 55-33

55-55 55-21

55-31

55-4

55-44 55-33

55-55 55-21

55-3 1

55-5

44-35

44-33

44-55

44-21

44-31

44-5

5-35

5-33

4-55

5-21

5-31

5-5

33-55

Many of the changes are simply minor phonetic modifications, arising no doubt from linking, tempo, stress, etc. Considering first the changes of tone in the second syllable, it is clear that. quite unlike the situation in nearby Southern Wu, the tones of these syllables persistently maintain their isolation tone values. The only notable change involves Tone IA after Tones IlA and IliA where lA, phonetically 35, becomes M. Coming down the chart row by row. the most notable changes involving the first syllable are confined to Tones lA, IlIA. and IIIB. lA. 35. becomes everywhere level, 44. Tone llA, ~, which has considerable glottal constriction in isolation syllables, loses the constriction, and becomes a high level tone identical to original Tone IlA, which itself does not change in compounds. Tone IIlB, 3!, also becomes level, but the pitch is slightly lower, 44, than the changed IliA tone and, in fact. is identical to the changed tone value of IA. In sum, the tones of second syllables are practically identical to their isolation values, but the six distinctive isolation tones manifest only four

438

A.

RONALD WALTON

tone values in first syllable position and all original contour tones in first syllable position become level. 8.2. Examples of Tone Sandhi Below, an example of each two-syllable tone combination is presented. The order of presentation follows the chart above, column by column. I.

2. 3· 4. 5· 6. 7· 8. 9· 10. II.

12. 13· 14· 15. 16.

IA + IA: t'ieng 35 + k'oeng 35 - - 44 + 35 "~ 'sky' IB + IA: sang 33 + t'ieng 35 - - 33 + 35 'clear sky' llA + IA: teu 55 + k'uo 35 - - 55 + 35 !J 'bird nest' lIlA + IA: kye 21 + hua 35 - - 55 + 44 ~ 'laurel' IIlB + IA: iau 31 + pieng 35 - - 44 + 35 jQ 'right (side)' IVB + IA: pe? 5 + huang 35 - - 5 + 35 ~ -;6 'north' IA + IB: t'ieng 35 + tong 33 - - 44 + 33 K. 'paradise' IB + IB: huo 33 + ping 33 - - 22 + 33 ~. 'peace' llA + IB: pau 55 + tsi 33 - - 55 + 33 ~-1 1~ 'to maintain' lIlA + IB: t'ai 21 + ping 33 - - 55 + 33 'pacific' IIIB + IB: ti 31 + kiu 33 - - 44 + 33 M:.l ~ 'the earth, the globe' IVB + IB: nguo? .5 + t'ai 33 - - 5 + 33 .A ~ 'platform' IA + llA: tsu 35 + puong 55 - - 35 + 55 'capital' IB + llA: muong 33 + k'eu 55 - - 33 + 55 ':J 'doorway' llA + llA: ts'iong 55 + tsiang 55 - - 55 + 55 ~ f 51tsye

10

'eggplant'

kia 35 /k ye 33

-k

'go

I~

'skin'

~

'cat'

.t-

'to lose'

teu 35ltiu 35

~

'hoe'

tsu 3 I It'y 33

4-

,

,

'shatter'

ts'u 35 /ts 'ye 35 tsu 35 /tsye 35 ts 'ui 35/tsye 35

21

k'y 2I/k'ye 21 p'i 33 / p'ue 33 miau 33/ma 33 or mi 21

tsue 2 I Itsoi 2 I

;~

'die'

su 55 /si 55

~t

'tree'

sy 3I/tS'iu 31

1\-

~ 9·2.2

RONALD

'outside' 'fly'

nguai 3 I Inia 3 I hui 35/pue 35

Nasal Finals (a)

/~ 'bread, cake'

't

It

'life' 'fixed'

-~ .fj;(:" 'hear'

)~~ 'to lead'

(b)

--t-\ "',

'invite'

~ lJK

'sound; voice' 'thread'

)~ 'fan' (c)

AJ

'sick'

ping 55/piang 55 ming 31/miang 31 ting 31/tiang 31 t'ing 35/t'iang 35 ling 55/liang 55 ts'ing 55/ t s'iang 55 sing 35/siang 35 sieng 21/siang 21 sieng 21/ siang 21 ping 31/pang 31

THE T AISHUN PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM

~

-*r

'clear weather'

(d)

ts'ing 35lts'ang 35

iflL 'wake up'

sing 55/tsang 55

-i~ -1~r

(e)11

(g)

'allow'

niang 31/niong 31

'look up'

niang 55/niong 55

~f 'future'

tsiang 35/tsiong 21

J>t 'wait'

teng 55 lting 55

~

i

(f)

'willing'

pang 55/peng 55

'ft.'slow'

mang 31/meng 31

;~ 'freeze'

tung 21/toeng 21

-f/7

tung 31/toeng 31

~t

'move' 'cage'

1

-'t 'do, fix' V7 :£- 'empty'

,H.. 'red'

Ik)

'connection'

;-~ 'rice, food'

(i)

k'eng 55/k 'ing 55

;f~ 'board'

-tt 'dragon'

(h)

tsing 33/sang 33

'raw'

-€}

1- 'life' ~ 'face'

;fK.

'root'

,oj:

lung 33/10eng 33 lung 33/10eng 33 lung 33/10eng 33 k'ung 35/koeng 35 ung 33 /0eng 33 kuang 35/kuang 35 huang 31/puong 31 seng 35/sang 35 mieng 21/ming 21 keng 35 /kyng 35

-l1:. 'far'

yeng 55/huong 31

JlG

hieng 31 Ihang 31

'fall into'

~~ 'meal' >.

1r:fl 'pain' ~ 'hard'

4: .z:;; 'cloud'

443

tung 21/tyng 21 t'ong 21/t'iang 21 noeng 31/nang 31 yng 33/hung 33

II Bodman (personal communication) suggests that the first forms here are more likely colloquial and the second forms literary.

444

A.

9·2·3 Stop Finals (a)

i

RONALD WALTON

'fall, drop off'

4~ 'shell' (b)

_\~

/~

-1,

k'o? 5/k';}? 5

'muddy'

tsio? 5/t;}? 5

'ink'

me? 5/mu? 5

)~ 'push down'

~

lo? 5/1;}? 5

'fold'

a? 4 or 5/ia? 5 t'e? 5/t'ie? 4 or 5

9.3 Doublets Which Differ in Tone The only consistent case of double pronunciations involving tone is restricted to the reflexes of Middle Chinese Tone IV, that is, syllables which historically ended in a stop consonant. It is interesting that, with one exception (in the data, at least) all these doublets involve syllables which ended in an earlier -k final stop. The one exception is i.:L 'to pull' la? 5. / la 35 which is normally reconstructed with an earlier:£ final. In all these cases, the colloquial form of a given item loses the final glottal stop and exhibits a full contour tone rather than the very short tone of the literary pronunciation of the item. At the same time, these doublets often differ in the vocalic portion of the final. While the number of items exhibiting this type of literary colloquial distinction is too small to make a definitive statement, it would appear that syllables having a literary reading in Tone IV A which derive historically from a final -k ending tend to have colloquial equivalents in Tone lIlA (along with a change in the final). Consider the following examples:

Literary-Tone IVA

Colloquial-Tone IlIA

tio? 5

to

21

~ 'angle; horn' k;}? 5

ko

21

f

tse? 5

tsa

21

~~ 'partition'

ke? 5

ka

Z

'foot'

ts'i? 5

tsye

{.~ 'to pluck'

tse? 5

tia

-!

'table' 'narrow'

21 21

21

This literary/colloquial distinction may be part of a more general shift of items from tone category IV A (deriving from a -~ final historically) to tone

THE TAISHUN PHONOLOGICAL SYSTEM

445

category lIlA. For example, the following items were not distinguished as to literary versus colloquial but they all manifest Tone IlIA rather than the expected Tone IV A: ~ 'cypress, cedar' --{ 'one hundred'

pa

21

pa

21

~ 'to clap, strike'

p'a

~Il!

ie

'leak out'

"il 'one of a pair'

21

21

tsia

21

All other items in the data is this particular historical category have the expected stopped final and the high short tone, 5. Likewise, several items having Tone IVB in the literary rendering (and having this tone historically) have colloquial equivalents in Tone IA: Literary-Tone fVB

Colloquial-Tone fA

'feel, rub'

mo? 5

muo 35

'medicine'

ia? 5

ye 35

~

'white'

pe? 5

pa 35

~

'to eat'

si? 5

sia 35

-tt l!

Again, several items not distinguished as to literary versus colloquial also have Tone IA where one would expect, based on historical categories and the reflexes of other items in this category, Tone IVB:

11