Consonant-induced sound changes in stressed vowels in Romance: Assimilatory, dissimilatory and diphthongization processes 9783110990805, 9783111000459

Citation preview

Daniel Recasens Consonant-induced sound changes in stressed vowels in Romance

Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie

Herausgegeben von Éva Buchi, Claudia Polzin-Haumann, Elton Prifti und Wolfgang Schweickard

Band 477

Daniel Recasens

Consonant-induced sound changes in stressed vowels in Romance Assimilatory, dissimilatory and diphthongization processes

This book has received funding from the research project PGC2018-096877-B-I00 from the Ministry of Science, Innovation and Universities of Spain.

ISBN 978-3-11-100045-9 e-ISBN (PDF) 978-3-11-099080-5 e-ISBN (EPUB) 978-3-11-099094-2 ISSN 0084-5396 Library of Congress Control Number: 2022948645 Bibliographic information published by the Deutsche Nationalbibliothek The Deutsche Nationalbibliothek lists this publication in the Deutsche Nationalbibliografie; detailed bibliographic data are available on the internet at http://dnb.dnb.de. © 2023 Walter de Gruyter GmbH, Berlin/Boston Typesetting: Integra Software Services Pvt. Ltd. Printing and binding: CPI books GmbH, Leck www.degruyter.com

Preface The present book is a thorough investigation of phonetic changes in stressed vowels triggered by contextual consonants, most especially (alveolo)palatals, which have taken place in a selected set of Romance languages since Early Romance. Special attention is paid to the phonetic causes and phonetic outcomes of mid low vowel diphthongization before the (alveolo)palatal consonants of interest and also to assimilatory phenomena which have been exerted by these consonants and consonants of other places of articulation on mid and low vowels. Only those dialect domains which have been especially productive regarding these sound change processes are subjected to study in the present book in the following order: Ibero-Romance (Spanish, Asturleonese, Aragonese, Portuguese); Catalan, Occitan; Rhaeto-Romance (Ladin, Romansh); and Gallo-Romance (Northern Italian, Francoprovençal, Standard French and French dialects). As revealed by the bibliographical references listed at the end of the book, a vast amount of research has been carried out on these issues since the last third of the 19th century. Here, basing ourselves on a careful analysis of dialect data taken from monographs and linguistic atlases, we will reformulate several explanatory hypotheses about vowel diphthongization and assimilation processes triggered by contextual consonants taking into account, among other things, the current state of knowledge about the articulation, acoustics and perception of vowels, consonants and segmental sequences. This research has been funded by projects PGC2018-096877-B-I00 from the Spanish Government’s Ministry of Science and 2017SGR-34 from the Catalan Government. I would like to thank the editors of the Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, Éva Buchi, Claudia Polzin-Haumann, Elton Prifti and Wolfgang Schweickard, as well as Fernando Sánchez Miret, for their remarks on several aspects of the manuscript, and the Interlibrary Loan Service of the Universitat Autònoma de Barcelona, which proved to be highly efficient at providing books and journal articles from other universities. I am also thankful to Gabrielle Cornefert, project editor of De Gruyter, for assistance with the publication process, and to Michael Kennedy for proofreading the book manuscript. Other scholars have helped with specific aspects of the text, particularly Amália Andrade, Silvia Calamai, Aitor Carrera, Luis Jesus, Raphael Sichel-Bazin, Stephan Schmid and Marina Vigário. This book is dedicated to my former mentor Ignatius Mattingly from whom I learnt not to consider a scientific manuscript in its final form until it could be read easily and be perfectly understood, even regarding the tiniest details, by its author.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-202

Contents Preface

V

List of abbreviations

XV

1 Introduction 1 1.1 (Alveolo)palatal and palatalized consonants 1.1.1 Articulatory characteristics 2 1.1.2 Consonant formation 3 1.1.2.1 Gestural blending 3 1.1.2.2 Palatalization 4 1.1.2.3 Reinforcement 4 1.2 Stressed vowel changes 5 1.2.1 Explanatory hypotheses 6 1.2.1.1 Syllable type 6 1.2.1.2 Diphthongization 9 1.2.1.3 Off-glide insertion in non-Romance languages 1.3 Our approach and research goals 16 1.3.1 Vowel raising 17 1.3.1.1 Front and low vowels 17 1.3.1.2 Back rounded vowels 18 1.3.2 Diphthongization 19 1.3.3 Diphthongization and metaphony 21 1.4 Other issues 24 1.4.1 High vowel outcomes 24 1.4.2 Assimilatory mechanisms 25 1.4.3 Progressive vs. regressive processes 26 1.4.4 Dissimilatory changes 27 1.4.5 Prothesis 27 1.5 Goals of the study and methodology 28 2 Spanish 31 2.1 General development 31 2.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants 2.2.1 Yod groupings 32 2.2.1.1 1st yod 33 2.2.1.2 2nd yod 34

32

2

14

VIII

2.2.1.3 2.2.1.4 2.2.2 2.2.3 2.3

Contents

3rd yod 38 4th yod 39 Recapitulation 41 Other cases 47 Contextual labiovelar consonant

48

3 3.1 3.1.1 3.1.2 3.1.3 3.2

Asturleonese, Aragonese 49 Asturleonese 49 High, mid high and low vowels 49 Mid low vowels 50 Mid low vowels before velars and [w] Aragonese 56

4

Portuguese

5 5.1 5.2 5.2.1 5.2.2 5.2.3

Catalan 69 General developments 69 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants Mid high vowels 71 Low vowel 72 Mid low vowels 74

55

61

70

6 6.1 6.2 6.2.1 6.2.2 6.2.3 6.3

Occitan 85 Preliminaries 85 Off-gliding 86 Front vowels 87 Back rounded vowels 89 Recapitulation 90 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (general tendencies) 90 6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects) 6.4.1 Mid high vowels 99 6.4.2 Low vowel 101 6.4.3 Mid low front vowel 102 6.4.3.1 Phonetic developments and dialectal distribution of forms 102 6.4.3.2 High vowel outcomes 108 6.4.4 Mid low back vowel 113 6.4.4.1 Phonetic developments and dialectal distribution of forms 113

99

IX

Contents

6.4.4.2 6.4.4.3 6.5 6.5.1 6.5.1.1 6.5.1.2 6.5.2 6.5.3 6.6

High vowel outcomes and prevocalic consonants 121 Falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus 129 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants 131 Postvocalic labiovelar and labial 132 Front vowels 132 Mid low back vowel 133 Postvocalic velar 134 High vocalic outcome 136 Summary and discussion 138

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian 145 7.1 Tuscan 145 7.2 Northern Italian 150 7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals 7.3.1 Mid high front vowel 155 7.3.2 Mid high back vowel 156 7.3.3 Low vowel 157 7.3.4 Mid low front vowel 158 7.3.4.1 General developments 158 7.3.4.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants 160 7.3.5 Mid low back vowel 165 7.3.5.1 General developments 165 7.3.5.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants 166 7.4 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants 188 7.5 Summary and discussion 189 8 Ladin 193 8.1 Preliminaries 193 8.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals 8.2.1 Mid high vowels 196 8.2.1.1 Mid high front 196 8.2.1.2 Mid high back 197 8.2.2 Low vowel 198 8.2.2.1 After (alveolo)palatals 198 8.2.2.2 Before (alveolo)palatals 199 8.2.3 Mid low front vowel 200 8.2.4 Mid low back vowel 203 8.3 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants 215 8.4 Summary and discussion 215

155

196

X

Contents

9 Romansh 219 9.1 Preliminaries 219 9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals 9.2.1 High vowels 221 9.2.1.1 High front 221 9.2.1.2 High back 222 9.2.2 Mid high front vowel 223 9.2.3 Mid high back vowel 226 9.2.4 Low vowel 229 9.2.5 Mid low front vowel 231 9.2.5.1 General development 231 9.2.5.2 Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant 233 9.2.6 Mid low back vowel 237 9.2.6.1 General development 237 9.2.6.2 Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant 238 9.3 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants 258 9.3.1 Labiovelar 258 9.3.2 Velar 259 9.4 Summary and discussion 260 10 Francoprovençal 267 10.1 Preliminaries 267 10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals 10.2.1 High vowels 269 10.2.2 Mid high front vowel 269 10.2.3 Mid high back vowel 273 10.2.4 Low vowel 278 10.2.4.1 After (alveolo)palatals 278 10.2.4.2 Before (alveolo)palatals 280 10.2.5 Mid low front vowel 285 10.2.5.1 General development 285 10.2.5.2 Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant 288 10.2.6 Mid low back vowel 294 10.2.6.1 General development 294 10.2.6.2 Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant 297 10.3 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants 339 10.3.1 Labiovelar 339 10.3.1.1 Mid low front vowel 339 10.3.1.2 Mid back vowel 340

221

269

Contents

10.3.2 10.4

Velar 341 Summary and discussion

341

11 French 347 11.1 Standard French 350 11.1.1 General vowel developments 350 11.1.2 After an (alveolo)palatal consonant 351 11.1.3 Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant 352 11.1.4 Before labiovelar and velar consonants 354 11.2 Eastern French dialects 361 11.2.1 High vowels 361 11.2.2 Mid high front vowel 362 11.2.3 Mid high back vowel 364 11.2.4 Low vowel 365 11.2.5 Mid low front vowel 367 11.2.6 Mid low back vowel 372 11.2.7 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants 377 11.2.7.1 Labiovelar glide 377 11.2.7.2 Velar stop 397 11.3 Northern French dialects 398 11.3.1 High vowels 398 11.3.2 Mid high front vowel 399 11.3.3 Mid high back vowel 401 11.3.4 Low vowel 402 11.3.5 Mid low front vowel 403 11.3.6 Mid low back vowel 405 11.3.7 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants 410 11.3.7.1 Labiovelar glide 410 11.3.7.2 Velar stop 418 11.4 Western French dialects 419 11.4.1 High front and back vowels 419 11.4.2 Mid high front vowel 419 11.4.3 Mid high back vowel 421 11.4.4 Low vowel 423 11.4.5 Mid low front vowel 424 11.4.6 Mid low back vowel 428 11.4.7 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants 450 11.4.7.1 Labiovelar glide 450 11.4.7.2 Velar stop 451

XI

XII

11.5 11.5.1 11.5.2 11.5.3

Contents

Summary and discussion 452 Open and checked syllables 452 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants Contextual labiovelar and velars 457

454

12 12.1

General summary and discussion 459 Effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on preceding stressed vowels 459 12.1.1 Mid high vowels 462 12.1.2 Low vowel 465 12.1.3 Mid low vowels 466 12.1.3.1 Spanish, Portuguese 467 12.1.3.2 Occitan, Catalan, Asturleonese/Aragonese 467 12.1.3.3 Tuscan 468 12.1.3.4 N. Italy, Ladin, Romansh 468 12.1.3.5 Francoprovençal, French 470 12.1.3.6 Summary 471 12.1.4 The role of (alveolo)palatal consonants on vowel diphthongization and closing 472 12.2 Rationale for the mid low vowel diphthongization process 475 12.2.1 From glide insertion to the formation of rising diphthongs 475 12.2.1.1 Back consonants 476 12.2.1.2 (Alveolo)palatal and front lingual consonants 477 12.2.1.3 Summary 478 12.2.2 Vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatals 479 12.2.3 Diphthongization before labiovelar and velar consonants 12.2.3.1 Sequences with [w] 481 482 12.2.3.2 Words ending in -OCU 12.2.4 Fake diphthongization 483 12.3 Raising to a high vowel as a function of contextual glides 12.3.1 Mid front vowel 484 12.3.1.1 Sequences iei, ie, ei 484 12.3.1.2 Sequences ieu, eu 486 12.3.1.3 Sequences uei, ue 487 12.3.2 Mid back vowel 488 12.3.2.1 Sequences uou, uo, ou 488 12.3.2.2 Sequences uoi, oi 488 12.3.2.3 Sequences iou, io 489

481

484

Contents

12.3.3 12.3.4 12.4 12.4.1 12.4.2 12.4.3 12.5 12.5.1 12.5.2 12.5.3 12.5.4 12.5.5 12.6 12.6.1 12.6.1.1 12.6.1.2 12.6.1.3 12.6.2 12.7 12.7.1 12.7.2 12.7.2.1 12.7.2.2 12.7.3 13

Sequences of high vocalic segments 489 Summary 490 Other vowel assimilations 491 Dentals and alveolars 491 Labials and labiovelar 493 (Alveolo)palatals 493 Dissimilatory effects 494 High vowels 494 Mid high front vowel 494 Mid high back vowel 495 Mid low vowels 496 Summary 497 Simplification of vocalic sequences 498 Phonetic affinity 498 [j] deletion next to a mid front vowel 498 [w] (or [ɥ]) deletion next to a mid back or front rounded vowel 498 [j], [w] (or [ɥ]) deletion next to a high vowel 498 Other cases 499 Prevocalic consonant 499 Vowel raising 499 On-glide integrity 500 Gestural antagonism 500 Gestural compatibility 501 Prothetic consonants 503

Conclusions

References

509

505

XIII

List of abbreviations c. C. ca. Cat. dial. E. e.g. Fr. Frank. Friul. Gaul. Germ. i.e. ind. IPA It. lab. N. NE. NW. Occ. part. perf. pers. pl. Port. pres. sg. S. SE. Sp. Tusc. vs. W.

century Central circa Catalan dialectal Eastern for example French Frankish Friulian Gaulish Germanic that is indicative International Phonetic Association Italian labial Northern Northeastern Northwestern Occitan participle perfect person plural Portuguese present tense singular Southern Southeastern Spanish Tuscan versus Western

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-204

1 Introduction This book analyzes various sound changes undergone by stressed vowels, mostly vowel assimilations and diphthongizations, as a function of the adjacent consonants in CV and VC sequences in a selected set of Romance languages and dialects. The rationale behind this research is that these phonetic changes are closely related to the coarticulatory effects exerted by consonants on vowels, such that the more salient these effects, the higher the chances that vowel assimilations and other processes such as glide insertions that can occur at the boundary between a vowel and a consonant will take place. It is believed that in order to understand the nature of such sound changes, careful attention needs to be paid to phonetic detail and, in particular, to the articulatory, aerodynamic and acoustic properties of the consonants and vowels involved and to the production mechanisms that speakers use when uttering words and sentences in running speech. Of special concern is the role that contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants play in the assimilation and diphthongization of mid vowels, as seen for example in the raising of Vulgar Latin stressed /e/ to [i] in the form [aˈvija] APICULA to be found in Northern Italian in which [j] derives from the former alveolopalatal lateral [ʎ], or the diphthongization of Vulgar Latin /ɔ/ before the same consonant in Occitan lexical forms like [ˈfɥɛʎɔ] FOLIA. These sound changes have been triggered by a series of (alveolo)palatal consonants which did not exist in Latin but were introduced in Early Romance and persist today. In this respect, a major goal of the present study is to uncover the phonetic causes of stressed mid vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal consonants in the Romance languages. In this introductory chapter we first characterize (alveolo)palatals articulatorily as well as those production mechanisms which gave rise to these consonants in Late Latin and/or Early Romance (section 1.1). Then, we review critically the explanatory hypotheses which have been proposed in order to account for the stressed vowel changes of interest in Romance and discuss our personal approach to the problem (sections 1.2 and 1.3). Section 1.4 deals with specific aspects of the vowel changes under scrutiny while section 1.5 defines the goals of the study and describes the methodology applied.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-001

2

1 Introduction

1.1 (Alveolo)palatal and palatalized consonants 1.1.1 Articulatory characteristics It is first important to distinguish between the articulatory characteristics of, on the one hand, (alveolo)palatal consonants, and, on the other, palatalized consonants whether labial, labiodental, dentoalveolar, alveolar or velar. (Alveolo)palatal consonants are produced with a single articulatory gesture which may involve the tongue blade and different portions of the dorsum of the tongue. Based on the lingual articulator involved and on closure or constriction location, these consonants may be subdivided into more to less anterior as follows (see Recasens 2013b for more detailed information on this issue): (a) The postalveolar or palatoalveolar fricatives [ʃ] and [ʒ]. (b) The lateral [ʎ], which may be articulated at the alveolar or alveolopalatal zone but not at the palatal zone exclusively due to its specific manner of articulation requirements, namely the need to lower the tongue sides for the passage of airflow through lateral channels. (c) The nasal stop [ɲ], which may be either alveolopalatal or palatal, the former realization being the most frequent in Romance and other language families. (d) The alveolopalatal or palatal oral stops [c] and [ ], whose closure may be located somewhat more posteriorly than that for [ɲ]. (e) The approximant [j], which is more often palatal than alveolopalatal. f

In light of these articulatory characteristics, we will use throughout the book the term ‘(alveolo)palatal’ to name these consonants as a group and more specific terms to refer to the different consonantal subgroups: palatoalveolar ([ʃ], [ʒ]); alveolopalatal ([ʎ], [ɲ]); (alveolo)palatal ([c], [ ]); and palatal ([j]). Palatalized consonants differ from plain (alveolo)palatals in that they are true complex segments produced by means of two quasi-simultaneous lingual gestures, lips and tongue dorsum in the case of palatalized labials and tongue blade and tongue dorsum for palatalized dentoalveolars and alveolars. Regarding the latter consonants, the fact that the secondary tongue dorsum gesture is often somewhat delayed with respect to the primary front lingual gesture renders the tongue-to-palate contact area less broad than what occurs in their (alveolo)palatal cognates, such as in the case of [nj] compared to [ɲ]. Moreover, palatalized (dento)alveolars differ among themselves in the size of the dorsopalatal contact area and the degree of temporal independence between the front lingual and dorsal gestures. In principle, the two dimensions should be inversely related, that is, dorsopalatal contact size should vary inversely with the degree of independence between the two lingual articulators involved in the f

1.1 (Alveolo)palatal and palatalized consonants

3

production of these consonants. Thus, it makes sense to assume that gestural independence decreases in the progression [ɾj] > [sj zj] > [tj dj] given that the tongue dorsum is raised to a larger extent for the more laminal than the more apical consonant articulations and, therefore, for the stops [tj dj] than for the fricatives [sj zj] and the rhotic [ɾj]. A high degree of gestural independence is also expected to hold for the palatalized labials ([pj bj]), which are produced with two independent articulators, the primary lip articulator and the secondary tongue dorsum articulator. Of considerable relevance to research on sound change is the fact that the more independent the two articulators of a palatalized consonant, the easier it is for an [j]-like segment to be heard at the onset of the consonant. Consequently, there is a higher chance that [ɾj] is heard as /jɾ/ than that [tj] is heard as /jt/. As pointed out later in the book, the insertion of [j] before the consonant took place in several /Cj/ sequences in Early Romance because the consonant must have been palatalized rather than because the palatal glide changed from the postconsonantal to the preconsonantal position through metathesis. Thus, it is more likely that the yod segment which triggered the raising of /a/ to [e] in [mezɔ̃] Fr. maison MANSIONE was segregated from [zj] than that it came to exist through the reversal [zj] > [jz].

1.1.2 Consonant formation A major difference between the consonant inventories of Latin and the Romance languages lies in the number of (alveolo)palatal consonants: while there was a single palatal in Latin, [j] ([ˈmaju] MAIU), Romance languages possess several more. Three main articulatory mechanisms characterized in some detail below appear to have been involved in the formation of Romance (alveolo)palatals, namely gestural blending, palatalization and reinforcement. 1.1.2.1 Gestural blending Gestural blending causes two consecutive phonetic segments which are articulated relatively close to each other to be implemented as a single articulation which is either intermediate between the two of them or encompasses the two. In Late Latin or Early Romance, blending operated in sequences made up of a dentoalveolar, alveolar or velar consonant and one of the vocalic segments /i e j/, and yielded an intermediate realization whose closure or constriction location was (alveolo)palatal and thus more posterior than (dento)alveolars and more anterior than velars. The phonetic outcomes [ʎ ɲ ʃ ʒ c ] derived from the following wordmedial intervocalic segmental sequences composed of /l n s z t d/ and /k g/, and a f

4

1 Introduction

front vocoid: /lj/ ([ʎ], as in Catalan [aʎ] ALLIU); /nj/ ([ɲ], as in Catalan [munˈtaɲə] ✶ MONTANEA); /ssj/ ([ʃ], as in Catalan [bəˈʃa] BASSIARE); and /sj/ ([ʒ], as in Portuguese [ˈbɐjʒu] BASIU); /ttj/, /kj/ ([c]); /tj/, /dj/, /ke ki/, /ge gi gj/ ([ ]). These newly created consonants could shift to glides ([ʎ], [ ] > [j]) or to affricates, which could later develop into fricatives ([c ] > [tʃ dʒ], [ts dz] > [ʃ ʒ], [s z], as exemplified by Catalan [əməˈnasə] MINACIA, [ˈplasə] ✶PLATTEA, [məˈlɛzə] MALITIA, [rəˈʒa] RADIARE, [ʎəˈʒi] LEGERE, [ˈfuʒu] FUGIO. It should be noted that the stop closure of /tj/ and /kj/ must have been more or less long when the consonant did not voice intervocalically (compare for example, Catalan [məˈlɛzə] MALITIA with /tj/ and [ˈplasə] ✶PLATTEA with /ttj/). Moreover, gestural blending could also operate progressively whenever the first segment was a glide and the second a dentoalveolar or an alveolar, as in the case of [jt] derived from /kt/ which must have gone through an [jc] stage before yielding [tʃ] in Spanish ([ˈetʃo] FACTU), and also [js] derived from /ks/ which has become [(j)ʃ] in Catalan ([e(j)ʃ] AXE). Gestural blending also operated on sequences made up of front and back lingual consonants through aggregation of the lingual contact area at the place of articulation for the two consonants. It can be argued that blending yielded [ʎ], [ɲ] and [ʃ] out of [l kl gl], [n ŋn] and [sc], respectively (Catalan [kuˈʎi] COLLIGERE, [uʎ] OCULU, [ˈreʎə] REGULA, [muɲ] MUNGIT, [puɲ] PUGNU, [kuˈnɛʃə] COGNOSCERE). f

f

f

f

f

1.1.2.2 Palatalization The gestural blending process did not apply whenever the two consecutive consonants were not adjacent in articulatory space or else the target consonant could not undergo a change in constriction location due to manner of articulation requirements. In both cases, palatalized consonants, but not (alveolo)palatals, could be generated. The former option corresponds to palatalized labials and labiodentals ([pj bj], [fj vj]) and the latter to the palatalized alveolar rhotic ([ɾj]). In addition, in Old French, other dentoalveolar and alveolar consonants appear to have stayed palatalized instead of shifting to (alveolo)palatal (see chapter 11). These palatalized consonants could be recategorized as /jC/ sequences, as exemplified by the French word maison referred to above and by Portuguese [ˈʁajvɐ] RABIA. 1.1.2.3 Reinforcement (Alveolo)palatal consonants may also emerge through articulatory strengthening, in other words, an increase in tongue-to-palate contact in front of and/or behind closure or constriction location in prominent positions such as wordinitially and postconsonantally. Word-initial /l n j/ may have shifted to the (alveolo)palatals [ʎ ɲ ] (Catalan [ʎas] LAQUEU, Asturian [ˈɲuðo] ✶NUDU < NODU, f

1.2 Stressed vowel changes

5

Spanish [ˈ uɣo] IUGU), and in this and other word positions /k/ and /g/ may have been replaced by [c] and [ ] before the, perhaps fronted, low vowel /a/ (Marebbano [car] CARRU, [ˈcazə] CASA). In labial + /j/ sequences, on the other hand, the glide could be reinforced into a stop which later developed into a palatoalveolar affricate or fricative through pathways such as [b ] > [bdʒ] > [(d)ʒ] (French [raʒ] RABIA, [saʃ] SAPIAM). Other sound changes may have also resulted from articulatory strengthening in prominent positions such as the affrication of postconsonantal [ʃ] through stop epenthesis, as exemplified by the form [ˈpantʃə] PANTICE, with a palatalized nasal, instead of the also available variant [ˈpanʃə] in the C. Catalan dialect. Articulatory reinforcement may also account for the replacement of intervocalic geminate alveolars by (alveolo)palatal consonants, as exemplified by /nn/ > [ɲ] (Spanish [ˈaɲo] ANNU and also [esˈkaɲo] SCAMNU where the sequence /mn/ must have been assimilated into [nn] before yielding [ɲ]), and by /ll/ > [ʎ] (Catalan [baʎ] VALLE). f

f

f

1.2 Stressed vowel changes The most common Early Romance vowel system had the following seven vowels in stressed position: [i] (Ī), [e] (Ĭ, Ē), [ɛ] (Ĕ), [a] (Ā, Ă), [ɔ] (Ǒ), [o] (Ō, Ǔ), [u] (Ū). Changes in vowel quality as a function of contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants involved most typically the raising of /a/ to a mid front vowel (as in Catalan [fet] < ✶[ˈfajto] FACTU), /e/ to [i] (Tuscan Italian [ˈtʃiʎ:o] CILIA) and /o/ to [u] (Tuscan [ˈsuɲ:a] AXUNGIA), and also /ɛ/ to [e] (Spanish [sejs] SEX) and /ɔ/ to [o] (Spanish [ˈoxa] FOLIA where [x] derives from earlier [ʎ]). In addition, when followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant, /ɛ/ could diphthongize into [jɛ] and /ɔ/ into [wɔ], which could later develop into diphthongs with a mid front vowel nucleus such as [wɛ]/[ɥɛ] and [we]/[ɥe] (Occitan [sjɛjs] SEX, [nɥɛjt], [nɥɛtʃ] NOCTE). Other phonetic outcomes in the same consonantal context have been falling diphthongs with a higher vowel nucleus than the off-glide such as [ˈiə̯ ] and [ˈuə̯ ], also referred to as non-canonical falling diphthongs throughout the book and possibly realized as hiatuses as well (e.g., [ˈkya̯ tʃ] COCTU, [ˈkya̯ r] CORIU in the Occitanspeaking valleys of Piedmont). A look at the Romance languages under analysis in the present study shows that the diphthongization of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ into ie and uo may be specific to the (alveolo)palatal context condition, and also that it may operate independently of the rising diphthongization process of the same vowels in open syllables. In particular, French, Francoprovençal, Ladin, Romansh and Northern Italian show rising diphthongs for Late Latin /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ in open syllables and before (aveolo)palatals, Tuscan only in open syllables, Spanish in open

6

1 Introduction

and closed syllables but apparently not before (alveolo)palatals, and Occitan essentially before (alveolo)palatals alone. Two aspects deserve special mention at this stage. On the one hand, the final phonetic outcome of the vowel assimilation and diphthongization processes before (alveolo)palatal consonants may depend on the manner and articulatory characteristics of the specific (alveolo)palatal consonant taken into consideration. Thus, for example, while the final end product of /ɔ/ diphthongization is essentially the same before all (alveolo)palatal consonants in Occitan, French has [œ] before early [ʎ] and [ɥi] before [j] ([fœj] FOLIA, [ɥit] OCTO), and Spanish may show a diphthong before [ʎ] and [ɲ] but not before coda and onset yod ([ˈlweɲe] LONGE, [ˈotʃo] < ✶[ˈojto] OCTO). On the other hand, given that (alveolo)palatals exert prominent coarticulatory effects in tongue body raising and fronting on vowels, vowel raising should be the natural outcome of the corresponding vowel assimilatory processes and it is thus by no means clear why /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have diphthongized in this contextual condition. Several hypotheses have been put forth to account for vowel raising and diphthongization as a function of a following (alveolo)palatal consonant in Romance, and it is to them that we will turn our attention in the next section 1.2.1.

1.2.1 Explanatory hypotheses 1.2.1.1 Syllable type There has been a tendency among Romance philologists and linguists to consider that vowels were located in a checked syllable when undergoing changes triggered by a following (alveolo)palatal consonant (see, for example, Rohlfs 1966). Under this assumption, a vowel occurring before [jt] derived from Latin /kt/ should be treated the same in terms of syllable type as a vowel occurring before [ʎ] derived from /lj/ in spite of the fact that nowadays the vowel occurs in a checked syllable in the former case and in an open syllable in the latter (Portuguese [ˈfɐjtu] FACTU, [ˈoʎu] OCULU). The following three lines of arguments (a), (b) and (c) have been put forward to account for the necessary presence of vowels in a checked syllable when followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. (a) Historically, stressed mid and low vowels behaved in certain ways before (alveolo)palatal consonants since these consonants were preceded by a palatal glide, often called yod, which occurred in coda position in the same syllable as the vowel. According to this view, a change from /ɔ/ to a rising diphthong or a noncanonical falling diphthong before [ʎ] in a word like OCULU must have taken place while the alveolopalatal lateral was preceded by the palatal glide in question and

1.2 Stressed vowel changes

7

therefore this word was articulated as something like [ˈɔjʎo] (see Fouché 1969, 289–292). Along these lines, whether the stressed vowel assimilated to specific (alveolo)palatal consonants rather than to others should be attributed to the fact that yod was preserved for a longer period of time in the former consonantal context than in the latter. Thus, it has been assumed for Old Spanish that the palatal glide must have been present not only in sequences such as [ajt] derived from /akt/ but also in VC sequences with single consonants like [ʎ] or [ɲ] (i.e., [aʎ], [aɲ] must have been articulated as [ajʎ], [ajɲ]), and that vowel assimilation was more prone to apply whenever the glide persisted for a relatively long time, as in [ˈletʃe] LACTE, than when it was absorbed early by the following (alveolo)palatal, as in [ˈpaʎa] 13 PALEA, which later developed into [ˈpaxa] (see Menéndez Pidal 1968, 44–50 and Alarcos Llorach 1965). There have been more recent attempts to account for why vowel assimilation applied or failed to apply based on the same principle, namely the presence vs. absence of [j] before (alveolo)palatals depending on whether there was a single consonant (as in the case of [ʎ]) or a consonant sequence (as in [jt] derived from /kt/) (Barbato 2013). A problem with this hypothesis is that there is no clear reason why yod should have preceded necessarily consonants such as [ʎ], [ɲ] and [c ] in Late Latin or Early Romance. Regarding the changes /lj/ > [ʎ] and /nj/ > [ɲ], once the two alveolopalatals were generated through blending between the lingual gestures for /l/ or /n/ and following /j/, traces of yod must have ceased to exist. On-gliding, that is, the insertion of [j] at the onset of [ʎ] and [ɲ], may have occurred occasionally as a later process when listeners categorized the VC formant transitions as an independent segment thus perceiving sequences like [aʎ] and [aɲ] as /ajʎ/ and /ajɲ/ (see sections 3.1.2 and 4 for examples of [j] insertion before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Asturleonese and Portuguese dialects). f

(b) Without assuming the necessary presence of yod before (alveolo)palatals, other scholars (see Loporcaro 2011, 99–105) argue that stressed vowels occurred in checked syllables when followed by (alveolo)palatal consonants in Early Romance because, in parallel to present-day Tuscan Italian ([ˈmoʎ:e] MULIERE, [ˈsoɲ:o] SOMNIU), those consonants must have been geminate, not simple, segments. This possibility does not seem to be afforded by speech production data. According to Loporcaro, gemination follows from the fact that (alveolo)palatal consonants could derive from heterosyllabic consonant sequences, as exemplified by the changes /nn/, /mn/, /nge ngi/ > [ɲ] (Catalan [aɲ] ANNU, [daɲ] DAMNU, [rəˈɲi] RINGERE), and also by glide hardening in labial + /j/ sequences (Romansh [ˈsapcə] SAPIAM). Thus, given the syllable affiliation of those consonantal sequences, other sequences which yielded (alveolo)palatal consonants such as /lj/

8

1 Introduction

and /nj/ must have been heterosyllabic as well. However, the fact that certain (alveolo)palatal consonants may be traced back to a sequence of two heterosyllabic consonants does not imply that all resulting (alveolo)palatals should necessarily be long and that all word-medial consonant sequences evolving into an (alveolo)palatal consonant must have been heterosyllabic. As pointed out earlier, rather than being associated with syllable affiliation, the formation of (alveolo)palatal consonants ought to be related to the presence of a large contact area at closure location and behind it if the Latin source is a geminate in cases like /nn/ > [ɲ], or else to gestural blending between two heterorganic phonetic segments produced with front and back lingual gestures in other sound changes like /nj/, /nge ngi/ > [ɲ]. Likewise, syllable affiliation need not be primarily responsible for the fact that /kj/ has yielded a voiceless instead of a voiced affricate or fricative (Catalan [əməˈnasə] MINACIA) and that the glide of the sequence /pj/ was strengthened into an (alveolo)palatal stop which later became [tʃ] (Old Occitan sapcha SAPIAM were pch was pronounced [ptʃ]): irrespective of the syllabification factor, the two phonetic outcomes result primarily from an increase in intraoral pressure associated with glide constriction narrowing after a voiceless oral stop, which may occur in favourable conditions such as in the adjacency of stress (Ohala/Solé 2010). In sum, in many respects, syllables should not be taken as given but rather as subsequent to production mechanisms and detectable changes in the acoustic signal (Ohala/Kawasaki-Fukumori 1997). Moreover, had (alveolo)palatal consonants been long in Early Romance it is doubtful that preceding /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ would have been long enough to diphthongize; indeed, it is a well known fact that vowels are shorter before geminates than before non-geminates (Maddieson 1985). Regarding Latin intervocalic /j/, as in PEIUS, consonant gemination and thus a realization [j:] may be dispensed with if we assume that at some stage the consonant may have been realized as the (alveolo)palatal stop [ ]. f

(c) It has also been proposed that vowels were located in checked syllables whenever followed by (alveolo)palatal consonants such as [ʎ], [ɲ] and [c ] not because there was a yod segment preposed to them but because they were particularly long and forceful (Straka 1965, and also La Chaussée 1982, 38: «la palatale, à elle seule, tant par sa durée que par sa force, constitue une entrave»). While (alveolo)palatal consonants tend to be longer than their alveolar cognates (for example, [ɲ] is longer than [n] and [ʎ] is longer than clear /l/), one problem with this proposal is that the notion articulatory force awaits demonstration and another is that, as referred to in point (b) above, preceding vowels would be expected to shorten or at least not to lengthen significantly in these circumstances. f

1.2 Stressed vowel changes

9

1.2.1.2 Diphthongization A traditional and useful subdivision has been established between spontaneous diphthongization and conditioned diphthongization in Romance, the former process being typically associated with open syllables where vowels should be longer than in syllables checked by one or more consonants and thus more prone to diphthongize. In particular, due to the differences in oral opening involved, there is an unconditioned tendency for lengthened /e/ and /o/ to shift to the falling diphthongs [ej] and [ow] and for lengthened /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ to split into the rising diphthongs [jɛ] and [wɔ]. Thus, in Livinallonghese Ladin those four diphthongs occur in open syllables, as expected: [nej] NIVE (/e/), [mjel] MEL (/ɛ/), [moˈɾows] AMOROSU (/o/), [nwof] NOVU (/ɔ/) (Pellegrini 1954–1955). On the other hand, conditioned diphthongization occurs when the replacement of a stressed vowel by a diphthong is associated with the following consonant most of the time or with the preceding consonant in some cases. Conditioned diphthongization may be exemplified with non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus and a more or less open off-glide such as [ˈua̯], [ˈuo̯] derived from /ɔ/ before a coda rhotic through an intermediate sequence oa (Francoprovençal from Ain [ˈfua̯rca] FURCA, [ˈtuo̯r] TURRE; Duraffour 1932, 44) or with a canonical falling diphthong with a high off-glide derived from /e/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant (European Portuguese from Baixo-Minho [ɐˈbejʎɐ] APICULA, [iˈgɾejʒɐ] ECLESIA; Leite de Vasconcellos 1901, 91–92). As to the origin of the diphthongization process, it has been argued that rising diphthongs generated from /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ ought to be originally lowering, that is, [ɛɛ̯ ]/[ɛə̯ ] and [ɔɔ̯ ]/[ɔə̯ ], from which [jɛ] and [wɔ] may have later arisen through a change in prominence site and a greater differentiation between the two consecutive vocalic segments (Labov 1994, 253–254). Non-canonical falling diphthongs may shift to rising due to the fact that the off-glide is more open and sonorous than the vowel nucleus (see La Chaussée 1982, 30–32 for a review, and Sánchez Miret 1997; 1998). Moreover, vowel duration should play an important role in this diphthongization process, which explains why vowels are especially prone to undergo the breaking process in open syllables and most especially if word final (Ain [ˈpia̯ ] PEDE, [ˈnua̯ va] NOVA; Duraffour 1932, 38), while a subsequent change from falling to rising is prone to occur as the diphthong shortens when produced in less prominent word and syllable positions (and thus, word-medially and in closed syllables), with an increase in the number of syllables in the word (as in proparoxytones) and at faster speech rates. Analogously to the open syllable condition, diphthongs in conditioned environments should be falling and centralizing to begin with and may turn into rising through a shift in stress placement. The reason why these diphthongs are formed most often before coda consonants such as [l s r], as in Walloon [mwar] MORTUU and [kwɛs], [kwas] COSTA, may be

10

1 Introduction

taken as proof that vowel duration, which ought to be greater before sonorants than before obstruents mostly if voiceless and greater before fricatives than before stops, favours vowel diphthongization (Sánchez Miret 1998, 141–144). As stated in section 1.3.2, an alternative or, more precisely, a complementary interpretation appears to be needed. Turning now to mid low vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal consonants, several explanatory hypotheses have been proposed in the literature, which are reviewed next. (a) According to authors as early as Grandgent (1905, 19), the process of interest ought to be assimilatory: in Early Romance, an anticipatory tongue dorsum raising effect triggered by the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal caused the initial portion of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ to raise to a higher vocalic segment, which resulted over the long run in the sequences [jɛ] and [wɔ]. The problem with this explanation is that, as shown by coarticulation studies, anticipatory effects become weaker the farther we depart from the triggering segment (i.e., the (alveolo)palatal consonant in this case) and therefore should not be perceptible enough at the onset of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ to be categorized as an independent on-glide by listeners. Even if, as reported in some cases (Fowler/Saltzman 1993; Recasens 2002), consonant-dependent anticipatory effects during the preceding vowel may be discontinuous and occur at vowel onset rather than at vowel offset, in principle these effects are too weak at the onset of the vowel to bring about a rising diphthong. In sum, if there is a close relationship between coarticulation and sound change, one would expect the anticipation of the fronting and raising tongue dorsum gesture for an (alveolo)palatal consonant to cause the preceding mid low vowel to raise to a higher vowel but not to diphthongize. (b) Another proposal is that mid low vowels may diphthongize before (alveolo)palatal consonants because, analogously to open syllables or syllables checked by specific sonorants, they happen to be especially long in this particular context (Sanchez Miret 1997; 1998). As argued below, vowel lengthening in this case is expected to be tied to the placement of the stressed vowel in the wordfinal syllable or in a monosyllabic word but less so to the contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant alone. Some data on vowel duration as a function of the following consonant are given next in order to elicit whether vowels are likely to be longer before (alveolo)palatals than before consonants of other places of articulation, and also before consonants of different voicing and manner of articulation characteristics and before single consonants vs. heterosyllabic consonant sequences. They have been taken from CVC sequence material reported in studies on French (Delattre 1940, 1962; Belasco 1953), English (House/Fairbanks 1953; Peterson/Lehiste

1.2 Stressed vowel changes

11

1960), Catalan (Recasens 1986) and Spanish (Navarro Tomás 1916). These data ought to be useful for ascertaining in which contextual conditions vowels are more prone to show an off-glide and thus to break into a non-canonical falling diphthong (which may later turn into a rising diphthong), the rationale being that the longer the vowel is, the higher the chances that the off-glide in question will be heard by listeners. All these studies show a robust tendency for vowel duration to vary with the voicing and manner of articulation characteristics of the following consonant in the progression voiced fricatives (longest vowel) > voiced stops > nasals > voiceless fricatives > voiceless stops (shortest vowel). Moreover, in Spanish and Catalan, the approximants [β ð ɣ] are equivalent to voiced fricatives in terms of preconsonantal vowel duration (and thus cause the preceding vowel to be maximally long), and voiceless affricates are equivalent to voiceless stops (and thus cause vowels to be maximally short). Of special interest to the present study, data for French taken from Belasco (1953) reveal that vowels may be relatively long when they occur before [j], though not as long as they are before voiced fricatives. A motivating factor for these vowel duration differences is to be sought in the gradual constriction formation characteristic of approximants and fricatives vs. the abrupt closing gesture for stops; moreover, aerodynamic factors and the relative timing between the activity of the supraglottal and glottal articulators account for why voicing plays an important role as well (Kohler 1984). As to the contextual liquids, vowels turn out to be relatively long before the French uvular fricative or approximant [ʁ] and the very short Spanish alveolar tap [ɾ], and very short before the long Spanish alveolar trill [r], while showing intermediate durations before laterals, which in the case of /l/ happen to be greater if the alveolar lateral is dark than if it is clear. Regarding the effect of place of articulation, which is of special concern to the present investigation, the principle that vowel duration increases as the consonant constriction location shifts back (Lehiste 1970) does not hold across the board: it generally applies to fricatives but only to some extent to nasals. Regarding consonants of the former manner of articulation, vowels turn out to be longer before [ʃ] than before [s] and shortest before [f] and thus their duration decreases with the following consonant in the progression [ʃ] > [s] > [f] (Peterson/Lehiste 1960), and also in the progression [ʃ s] > [f] (Belasco 1953). As to the nasal context condition, differences in vowel duration vary with the following consonant in the progression [ɲ] > [m n] (Belasco 1953), [ɲ n] > [m] (Recasens 1986) and [n] > [m] > [ɲ] (Navarro Tomás 1916). While two of the studies under consideration show that vowel duration may increase before (alveolo)palatal consonants vis-à-vis consonants of other places of articulation, there appears to be some evidence pointing to the contrary: stressed /e/ has shifted to a shorter mid central vowel (schwa)

12

1 Introduction

before [ʎ] or [ɲ] mostly in conditions favouring vowel shortening such as in paroxytones ending in -A in several Francoprovençal dialects (Certoux [fəʎ] FILIA, [θaˈɾəɲ] ✶CARONEA; Keller 1919, 26, 81), or just before [j] irrespective of other factors in Sursilvan from Disentis ([nəjf] NIVE, [səjt] SITE; Huonder 1900, 468, 486). Duration data for vowels before the heterosyllabic clusters /rC/ and /sC/ are also of special concern since mid low vowel diphthongization may take place in syllables followed by these consonantal sequences. In this connection, data for French (Delattre 1940) and Spanish (Navarro Tomás 1916) reveal that vowels are longer when the second consonant of these sequences is voiced than when it is voiceless and when it is a fricative or an approximant than when it is a stop and thus, for example, vowels are longer before [rd] and [rs] than before [rt]. As expected, vowels tend to be shorter when followed by these and other consonantal sequences in checked syllables than when they occur in open syllables. (c) A third explanatory proposal which has been put forth in order to account for why stressed mid low vowels may diphthongize before (alveolo)palatal consonants, and which will be described in more detail in section 6.6, is based on a dissimilatory or articulatory relaxation effect occurring at the boundary between the vowel and the consonant in VC sequences with those characteristics. According to this hypothesis, when followed by a palatal consonant, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ may become especially low instead of raising to a high vocalic segment, as would be expected, during their second half, which could cause, as a reaction, some closing at the onset of those mid low vowels, as exemplified by the pathway [eæ̯ ] (/ɛ/) > [iɛ̯ ] > [jɛ] (Millardet 1910a, 214). A similar interpretation, to wit, that the emerging diphthong involves a gain in contrast with respect to the following (alveolo)palatal consonant, may be found in later studies (Duraffour 1932, 164–165). Therefore, while this diphthongization mechanism would be essentially the same as the one which operates spontaneously in open syllables, a dissimilatory aspect should be added to it. This being said, it is not straightforward to see how this dissimilatory effect would work at the offset of the vowel, whether by lowering the tongue body intentionally, which would indeed involve some sort of dissimilatory action, or else by relaxing the articulators and thus postponing the initiation of the tongue body raising and fronting gesture for the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant. Moreover, it may also be hypothesized that, in CVC sequences with a postvocalic (alveolo)palatal, the consonant preceding the stressed vowel may have intervened in its diphthongization, most plausibly in CV sequences composed of an (alveolo)palatal or a (dento)alveolar followed by /ɛ/ (which ought to be particularly favourable for the insertion of the palatal glide at the onset of the vowel) and of a labial or a velar followed by /ɔ/ (which ought to favour the insertion of an [w]-like on-glide).

1.2 Stressed vowel changes

13

In connection with Millardet’s account and as advocated throughout this book (see section 1.3.2), our belief is that, in addition to vowel duration, a major factor involved in the contextually conditioned diphthongization of mid low vowels is the prominence of the acoustic vowel formant transitions. We call formant transitions the period of continuous formant movement during the vowel which corresponds to the continuous motion of the articulators as they proceed from the articulatory state of the consonant to that of the vowel (the CV transitions) or from the vowel to the consonant (the VC transitions). The acoustic prominence and thus the perceptual salience of these transitions, most clearly the second formant (F2) transitions, is directly associated with their duration and frequency range, and thus with the extent of the articulatory movement involved and the time that it takes for the articulators to travel from one segmental target to the other. Therefore, the VC transitions will be of little salience in VC sequences like [eɲ] and also [ow], [ɔr] with an alveolar trill and [ɔl] with dark /l/ since in all these cases the two consecutive segments exhibit a similar tongue body configuration (analogously to back rounded vowels, dark /l/ and the alveolar trill [r] are generally articulated with some tongue dorsum backing in addition to the formation of the apicoalveolar constriction). On the other hand, in view of the large articulatory distance available between the vowel and the consonant, the F2 transitions will be much more prominent in sequences like [aɲ], [oɲ] and [iw], [ew], and also [ir], [er] and [il], [el] again with an alveolar trill and dark /l/, respectively. Given these two sets of VC sequences exhibiting less vs. more prominent vowel transitions, off-glides are expected to be inserted in sequences of the latter set rather than in those of the former one. A relevant point to be made is that the prominence of the VC transitions in question does not seem to depend as much on consonant-dependent differences in vowel duration as on whether the transitions start earlier or later during the vowel. Thus, while vowels may not be especially long before certain liquids and (alveolo)palatal consonants (see above), it happens to be always the case that the F2 transitions in VC sequences with front vowels and certain liquids and with low and back rounded vowels and (alveolo)palatal consonants start quite early in time. For example, according to data for Catalan reported in Recasens (2013a), the F2 transition starts at about 40% of the vowel duration in VC sequences with /i/ followed by either dark /l/ or the alveolar trill. In sum, it is contended that off-glide insertion in VC sequences ought to depend more on the prominence of the F2 vowel transitions than on vowel duration, as implied by the fact that those transitions may be more or less salient largely independent of whether the vowel happens to be longer or shorter. Another relevant issue is the vocalic quality of the inserted off-glide, which ought to be associated with whether the F2 transitions rise or fall: if the F2

14

1 Introduction

transitions rise, the off-glide should be [j]-like or [e]-like, while if the F2 transitions fall the off-glide should either be schwa-like, exhibit a lower quality than the vowel nucleus or else have a back quality if the vowel is front, and show a higher back quality than the vowel nucleus if the vowel is back rounded. The rising or falling direction of the F2 vowel transitions depends on the so called consonantal ‘locus’, which turns out to be associated with whether the tongue body configuration for the consonant is high and front (high locus) or low and more or less retracted (lower locus). Given that vowels have a particular F2 frequency (see section 1.3.1), the rising or falling direction of the F2 vowel transitions will be conditioned by whether the frequency difference between the vowel and the consonantal locus is positive or negative. Thus, for example, the F2 transition rises in the case of the sequence [aɲ] since the F2 frequency for /a/ is about 1200–1500 Hz and the locus for (alveolo)palatal consonants is about 2000 Hz; this being so, the expected off-glide should be [j]-like or [e]-like as proven by the Portuguese form [ɐˈbejʎɐ] APICULA referred to above. On the other hand, sequences like [ir] with an alveolar trill and [ɛw] have falling F2 transitions since F2 is about 2000 Hz for /i/ and 1600 Hz for /ɛ/ while the locus for the trill is about 1200 Hz and that for [w] is about 800–1000 Hz. The corresponding off-glides should share a low vocalic quality, as exemplified by Occitan [ˈtɛa̯ra] TERRA and the assumed intermediate forms [bea̯ w], [be̯ aw] BELLU between [bɛw] BELLU and the French outcome [bo] Fr. beau. 1.2.1.3 Off-glide insertion in non-Romance languages Data from languages which do not belong to the Romance language family reported in this section conform to the general predictions formulated in the preceding sections about the role that prominent VC transitions should play in off-glide insertion and, therefore, to our interpretation of the contextually conditioned vowel diphthongization data for the Romance languages under analysis in the present study. As exemplified below, in Germanic and Celtic languages glide insertion occurs or has taken place, preferentially before sonorants, that is, nasals, laterals or an approximant alveolar rhotic, and voiced obstruents, and whenever the target syllable is especially long, as in monosyllables. (Alveolo)palatal consonants take an i-like glide and back consonants (whether they are actually back or else alveolars involving some tongue body retraction) take schwa or an u-like glide most of the time, and there tends to be a preference for the off-glide insertion process to occur whenever the vowel and the consonant differ in fronting and thus in VC sequences made up of front vowels and back lingual consonants or of low and back vowels and front lingual consonants. In partial contrast with Romance, in

1.2 Stressed vowel changes

15

Germanic and Celtic languages schwa or a low or back vocalic segment is unlikely to be inserted at vowel offset in VC sequences with (alveolo)palatal consonants and it is therefore unlikey for a rising diphthong to arise in these circumstances though it should be recalled that, among the non-Romance languages taken into consideration, the alveolopalatals [ʎ] and [ɲ] occur only in Irish where, in addition, consonants are either palatalized or velarized. In Irish dialects, off-glide insertion may occur before nasals, laterals or rhotics: i may be inserted before palatalized and (alveolo)palatal consonants and ə, u before velarized ones, when the vowel and the consonant differ in fronting in ways specified above and often in monosyllabic words (Quiggin 1906, 55–64; Sommerfelt 1924–1927, 206; Sjoestedt 1931, 55–56, 70, 84; Hickey 2011, 263–265). As to English, three main glide insertion processes have taken place in the course of its history: in Old English, a low or back vocalic glide was inserted at the offset of front vowels before [lC], [rC], [x(C)] and [w] (eahta ‘eight’, earm ‘arm’, eald ‘old’); and in Middle English, an u- like glide was appended at vowel offset in the sequence [ox] where [x] was a true velar, and an i-like glide at the VC boundary in the sequence [eg] where the postvocalic velar must have been articulated at the palatal zone (douʒter ‘daughter’, feiʒten ‘fight’); and in Modern English, ə was inserted in VC sequences with a rhotic, which could later be deleted (Hogg 1992, 101–105; Lass 1992, 50; 1999, 108–113). Relevant data for contemporary English taken from Wells (1982, vol. 1, 213–222, vol. 2, 305, 315–317, vol. 3, 485–487, 504–505, 516, 525, 535–536, 548) reveal the following tendencies. As to the dialects spoken in England, ə or u may be appended before coda /l/ and i at the offset of [æ] before a voiced consonant, mostly [d] ([fiə̯ ld] field, [səʊ̯ lv] solve, [beid] bed). Regarding American English dialects, on the other hand, ə may occur before a coda rhotic, /l/ and voiced stops (also before dentals and labials), and i before [ʃ], [(d)ʒ], [d] and also before velars which should count as palatal since off-glide insertion occurs at the offset of [ɛ æ] in this case; moreover, the perceptibility of the glide often obeys the principle of articulatory contrast between the vowel and the following consonant referred to above ([nɔə̯ θ] north, [fiə̯ l] feel, [gʊə̯ d] good, [pʊɪ̯ ʃ] push, [ɛɪ̯g] egg). Of relevance to the off-gliding scenario in Romansh (see chapter 9) is a vowel breaking into an [Və̯ ] sequence in E. Swiss German (see, among other references, Vetsch 1910, 87–89, 101–103, Berger 1913, 70–76, Weber 1923, 67). In dialects of this provenance, non-canonical falling diphthongs happen to be quite frequent and schwa may be inserted at vowel offset before several consonants. High and mid vowels, often long, may break before a syllable-onset or syllable-coda rhotic, which may be deleted afterwards, yielding [iə̯ ] (/i/), [uə̯ ] (/u/), [yə̯ ] (/y/), [iə̯ ]/[eə̯ ]/[ɛa̯ ] (/e/), [oə̯ ]/[ɔə̯ ] (/ɔ/) and [œə̯ ] (/ø/); vowel breaking may also operate on /i y/ before [x] giving rise to the same results ([wiə̯rt] Germ.

16

1 Introduction

Wirt, [liə̯xt] Germ. leicht). More exceptionally, the insertion of a grave off-glide may take place before coda /l/ (/e o ø/ > [ɛa̯ ow øw], as in [wɔwl] Germ. wohl, with dark /l/), and [j] may be appended at the offset of a mid front vowel before a (palato)alveolar consonant ([ˈwɛjɾə] Germ. wehren, [ɛjʃ] Germ. Esche, [ ̍ gɾɛjdər] Germ. gerade). Other off-glide insertion cases taken from Old Frisian and Yiddish may also be mentioned. In Old Frisian, there has been i insertion yielding ei before [ʒ] and u insertion at the offset of front vowels before coda [x] (wein < ✶wæʒn ‘cart’, siuchst < ✶sixst, ‘to see’, fiuchta < ✶fextan ‘to fight’; Fulk 2018, 75). As to Yiddish, ə insertion takes place at the offset of long high vowels if front before a coda uvular or rhotic and if back before a coda coronal ([ˈbiː(ə̯ )χ] ‘book’, [ˈʃuː(ə̯ )d] ‘shame’; Garellek 2020). Instances of off-gliding triggered by a contextual consonant may be also found in Slavic languages. Thus, [j] may be inserted at vowel offset before palatalized or soft consonants in Sorbian ([tejʃ] tež ‘also’, [ˈzejmja] zemja ‘land’, [dʒejn] dźeń ‘day’; Stone 1993, 604) and at least before palatalized /n/ and velars in modern western Macedonian (Koneski 1983, 93). Most typically, however, the insertion of an on-glide takes place after a consonant and thus at the onset of the vowel, which matches analogous scenarios occurring in Romance and described in the chapters of the present book. Thus, in northwestern Slovak, /e/ shifted to [je] after palatals and /o/ to [wo] after labials and velars about the 13th–16th centuries (Krajčovič 1975, 101). In contemporary Kashubian dialects, on the other hand, mid back rounded vowels may take an [w] on-glide and be realized as uo also after labials and velars ([pwɔt] ✶pot ‘sweat’), and the labiovelar glide may have been deleted after the same consonants mostly if followed by a back rounded vowel ([xop] < [xwop] ‘man, husband’) (Topolińska 1974, 73, 105–106, 118, 132–135).

1.3 Our approach and research goals In light of the articulatory and acoustic information adduced so far, this section formulates some specific hypotheses about stressed vowel assimilation and diphthongization as a function of adjacent (alveolo)palatals and other consonants in Romance. The section closes with some considerations about the relationship between those sound change processes and metaphonic changes triggered by posttonic high vowels.

1.3 Our approach and research goals

17

1.3.1 Vowel raising Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants may cause [e ɛ a] to raise to a higher front vowel and [ɔ o] to raise to a higher back vowel. Moreover, these assimilations should depend on the prominence of the anticipatory tongue dorsum raising and fronting effects exerted by the consonant on the vowel: the greater the anticipatory effects in question, the higher the chances that the coarticulated vowel is miscategorized as a higher vowel by the listener. As examined for different sequences of vowels and consonants next, the outcome of the vowel raising assimilations of interest ought to depend on the articulatory relationship between the tongue gestures for the vowel and for the consonant, and also on whether the (alveolo)palatal consonant occurs syllable-initially or syllable-finally. 1.3.1.1 Front and low vowels Regarding mid front and low vowels, the chances that vowel raising assimilation applies ought to increase with the degree of tongue dorsum raising for the consonant and the associated changes in F2 frequency during the vowel. These spectral changes lead towards a higher vowel realization, which should be [ɛ e] for /a/, [e] for /ɛ/ and [i] for /e/. This ought to be the case since raising and fronting the tongue body during mid front and low vowels involves an increase in the F2 frequency (Fant 1960), which is in accordance with the F2 locus for (alveolo)palatal consonants (at about 2000 Hz) being as high as F2 for [i] (also at ca. 2000 Hz) and higher than F2 for mid high [e] (at ca. 1800 Hz), mid low [ɛ] (at ca. 1600 Hz) and the low pharyngeal vowel [a] (at 1200–1500 Hz). Consequently, if when faced with a mid front or low vowel coarticulated with an (alveolo)palatal consonant listeners do not factor out the change in F2 frequency associated with the contextual consonant, it is likely that they will hear those vowels as being higher than they are intended by the speaker. This, however, does not explain why some vowels should assimilate more than others and, in particular, why, as will be shown throughout the book, when followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant, [a] assimilates more frequently than [e]. A relevant factor which ought to be taken into consideration in this respect is the degree of coarticulatory resistance, that is, the reluctance on the part of a given vowel to undergo context-dependent articulatory changes, which, in the case of front vowels, is expected to increase as the vowel becomes higher and more anterior and hence to be greater for [i] and [e] than for [ɛ] and [a]. Thus, even though the articulatory distance between the vowel and the consonant may be not too different for [e] and [ɛ], the former vowel ought to adapt to the contextual segments less than the latter due to the coarticulatory resistance factor.

18

1 Introduction

Regarding the role of different (alveolo)palatal consonants in the implementation of the vowel assimilatory process, data reported in Recasens (2016) show that, in the case of [a], F2 becomes higher: before coda [j] than before syllable-onset (alveolo)palatals, which follows from a greater gestural overlap between the lingual gestures for the vowel and the consonant in the former context vs. the latter; before [jɾ] than before [jt jz] and often before [jz] than before [jt], which, as claimed above (see section 1.1.1), appears to be associated with different degrees of gestural independence between C1=[j] and C2. Regarding simple (alveolo)palatals, on the other hand, F2 for [a] turned out to be higher before consonants showing more dorsopalatal contact ([c ], [ɲ], [j]) than before consonants exhibiting less contact ([ʎ], [ʃ]). In light of these acoustic data, the following hypothesis was postulated: the likelihood that [a] shifts to mid front should increase with a gain in tongue-to-palate contact for the postvocalic single (alveolo)palatal and with the degree of gestural independence between the two successive consonants of an [jC] sequence. It is this hypothesis that will be tested in the present study against a substantial body of dialect data. f

1.3.1.2 Back rounded vowels An important question is whether mid high [e] and [o] ought to be equally resistant to changes in vowel quality exerted by contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants. The obvious answer is that there ought to be much more room for change in the case of [o] (and thus for Latin /o/ to raise to [u]) than in the case of [e] (and thus for Latin /e/ to become [i]) since the articulatory and spectral distance between the vowel and the (alveolo)palatal consonant happens to be much greater in CV or VC sequences with the mid high back vowel than in those with the mid high front one. Given that [o] allows for larger coarticulatory effects than [e], which result in a more anterior lingual configuration, it should also be more prone to assimilate to the contextual (alveolo)palatals. A second issue related to the assimilation of mid back vowels to (alveolo)palatal consonants needs to be addressed. Back rounded vowels are articulated with a postdorsal constriction at the upper pharynx ([ɔ o]) and at the velar zone ([u]), and with a lowered predorsum and lip rounding. At the acoustic level, their F2 varies in the progression [ɔ] (ca. 1200 Hz) > [o] (ca. 1000 Hz) > [u] (ca. 800 Hz). The issue is how these articulatory and acoustic characteristics can be reconciled with the tendency for /o/ to raise to [u] (Portuguese [gorˈguʎu] GURGŬLIU) and for /ɔ/ to raise to [o] (Portuguese [ˈoʒɨ] HŎDIE) in the vicinity of (alveolo)palatal consonants. When adjacent to (aveolo)palatal consonants, mid back vowels and mostly [o] are expected to show some tongue body movement though not directed towards the upper pharynx or towards the velar region, which is where [u]

1.3 Our approach and research goals

19

is articulated, but rather towards the palatal zone, which ought to result in a high central, [ɯ]-like realization endowed with a somewhat higher, not lower F2 than the canonical F2 frequency for mid back vowels (Fant 1960). As suggested in Recasens (2016), it may be hypothesized that the change /o/ > [u] in these circumstances occurs because the [ɯ]-like realization in question is categorized as /u/ by speakers of languages where this vowel has no phonemic status. As to the (alveolo)palatal consonants which are most likely to cause this /o/ raising assimilation to occur, the best candidates should be those whose production involves maximal tongue-to-palate contact extending towards the postpalate, hence the single palatals [ɲ] and [c ] and also [jt] among the [jC] sequences. f

1.3.2 Diphthongization It has been assumed that, whenever contextually determined, the rising diphthongization of mid low vowels in VC sequences ought to be preceded by the insertion of a vowel off-glide and therefore that rising diphthongs should originate from non-canonical falling diphthongs exhibiting a high vowel nucleus. In accordance with the vowel duration data presented in section 1.2.1.2 and as already mentioned in that section, contextually conditioned off-glide insertion appears to be more dependent on the prominence of the vowel transitions than on vowel duration. Thus, for example, while vowels do not seem to be especially long before (dento)alveolar consonants in general, off-glide insertion occurs quite frequently before alveolar liquids presumably because the vowel transitions happen to be quite prominent in this case. It has also been stated that the VC formant transitions are more prone to be categorized as a glide by listeners, the longer and more spectrally prominent they become as the articulatory distance between the vowel and the consonant increases. Thus, for instance, the duration and frequency range of the vowel transitions in VC sequences with front vowels should increase before alveolars articulated with a more or less retracted tongue body (dark /l/, the alveolar trill) for the production of which the body of the tongue starts moving before the primary tongue front articulator during the preceding vowel. Keeping all this in mind, off-glide categorization is expected to take place relatively often in VC sequences composed of the following phonetic segments: (a) Front vowels, and consonants exhibiting a relatively low F2 locus associated with a lowered tongue predorsum and a more or less retracted tongue body and thus corresponding not only to velars and [w] but also to several alveolars such as the trill or trill-like [r], dark /l/ and even [s] and dentals (ultrasound data for Catalan confirming this tongue configuration for the three alveolars may be found in Recasens/Rodríguez 2017).

20

1 Introduction

(b) Back rounded and low vowels, and consonants articulated with a relatively raised and fronted tongue body, namely (alveolo)palatals and clear /l/ and the alveolar tap. Glide insertion is also likely to occur in VC sequences with back and low vowels and at least some of the dental and alveolar consonants referred to in point (a) such as /s/ in so far as some tongue body raising movement during the vowel is expected to occur as the tongue front is being raised for closure or constriction formation. The prominence of the vowel transitions also depends inversely on the speed of the closing or constriction gesture, which proceeds faster for obstruents than for sonorants, for stops than for fricatives and for voiceless than for voiced consonants of the same manner of articulation characteristics. Spectrograms show that the formation of a full closure for stops and affricates causes an early interruption of the VC transitions, thus rendering them shorter and less perceptually salient than in VC sequences with sonorants and fricatives. Also regarding VCCV sequences (and thus sequences with heterosyllabic clusters such as /rC/ and /sC/), the VC transitions should be more salient before coda sonorants and voiced fricatives than before coda voiceless obstruents, all the more so if, as often occurs, the former consonants have become sharply reduced. The dialect data reported in the book reveal indeed a clear tendency for vowel off-glides to appear before consonants of the former vs. latter group. A problem arises with VC sequences involving (alveolo)palatal consonants since, given that the F2 vowel transitions are now directed towards a 2000 Hz locus, they ought to be categorized as a /j/-like segment instead of a schwa-like or a low or back quality glide, which is required for a rising diphthong to eventually be formed. In fact, the relatively large frequency distance between F2 for the vowel and the F2 transition locus for (alveolo)palatal consonants ensures that, with the exception of [e], the rising F2 transitions in question should be quite prominent in VC sequences with mid and low vowels. Why is it then that /ɛ/ may break into ie and /ɔ/ into uo when followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant? This is where, as pointed out in section 1.2.1.2 (c), an explanation based on a dissimilatory effect or articulatory relaxation could come into play. In support of this possibility, data from Romansh dialects (Surmiran and to a lesser extent Sutselvan), W. Norman and E. Occitan presented in different chapters of the present book reveal that, instead of the predicted insertion of an [j]like glide, a schwa-like, low or back quality glide may be inserted in VC sequences with (alveolo)palatal consonants and mostly mid back rounded vowels. Also consistent with this explanatory approach, a considerable number of dissimilatory vowel lowering cases will be reported in VC sequences made up of mid high vowels and (alveolo)palatal consonants (and thus changes like /e/ >

1.3 Our approach and research goals

21

[ɛ], [a]), whose purpose could very well be to prevent the vowel from becoming higher and thus to keep its acoustic quality unmodified (see section 1.4.4). The book will also deal with mid low vowel diphthongization before other consonant triggers, namely [w] and velar consonants (Occitan [djɛw] DEUS, [fɥɔ(k)], [fɥɛk] FOCU). As argued above, an interpretation of this particular instance of diphthongization based on off-glide insertion is quite straightforward. Thus, the breaking of [ɛw] into ieu may be easily accounted for by assuming an intermediate eau stage, which may have monophthongized into [o] (as in French [bo] Fr. beau BELLU) or undergone other changes. The VC formant transitions in sequences with velars may also be integrated as /w/ thus yielding forms like ✶fougo FOCU provided that those consonants occur before back vowels since only in this particular vowel context do they happen to be articulated at the velar zone proper and their F2 locus approaches the F2 frequency for the labiovelar glide (i.e., back velars have a low F2 locus at essentially the same frequency as other back articulations, while velars before front vowels or [j], which are articulated at the back palate, have a higher locus which is analogous to that for (alveolo)palatal consonants). If this hypothesis is correct and much the same as in the case of the sound change [ɛw] > [jɛw] referred to above, the off-glide [w] would have caused /ɔ/ to diphthongize.

1.3.3 Diphthongization and metaphony In dialects where stressed vowels are subject to the metaphonic effect exerted by word-final high vowels, an interaction may occur between changes in mid low vowels induced by a postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant and through metaphony. This interaction is most apparent in Romansh (see sections 9.2.5 and 9.2.6). Let us consider here briefly the different hypotheses which have been put forth to account for the interaction under consideration. According to Schürr (1970), an anticipatory tongue dorsum raising effect occurring at the onset of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ in open syllables caused these vowels to diphthongize in Early Romance in words with a postvocalic high phonetic segment, mostly a word-final high vowel but also an (alveolo)palatal or a (labio)velar consonant. At a later stage, these rising diphthongs were generalized to open syllables (as in French) or to open and closed syllables (as in Spanish) in non-metaphonic environments, and could also monophthongize before (alveolo)palatal consonants, which would account for why Spanish has no diphthong in [ˈotʃo] OCTO and [ˈoxa] FOLIA and presumed remnants of the earlier diphthongs in forms like [ˈlweɲe] LONGE. A slightly modified version of Schürr’s interpretation may be found particularly for ItaloRomance in Maiden (1988; 2016). According to Maiden, mid low vowel diphthongization originated in open syllables in words ending in [i] and, less so, in

22

1 Introduction

[u], while failing to occur whenever the stressed vowel was not long enough in words ending in lower vowels, mostly [a], and in proparoxytones. Later in time, these diphthongs were able to spread to other contexts in open syllables, as well as to closed syllables, beginning with those lexical items in which the stressed vowel was followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant, which should also favour vowel diphthongization. Other scholars believe that the mid low vowel diphthongization process may have been triggered at the same time by a following high vowel and a following (alveolo)palatal consonant quite irrespective of syllable type (Sanga 1984, 149). Another view holds that stressed mid low vowels could diphthongize spontaneously due to a compensatory lengthening effect occurring in words ending in (shorter) high vs. (longer) lower vowels and also in shorter vs. longer lexical items, and that word-final non-high vowels ought to block these lengthening and diphthongization processes (Sánchez Miret 1998, and also Russo/Sánchez Miret 2009 which focuses on dialect data from S. Italy). This explanatory hypothesis also claims that vowel diphthongization is prone to operate not only in open syllables but also in syllables checked by [l s r] since vowels should be relatively long in this case, and that the reason why mid low vowels may diphthongize before (alveolo)palatal consonants lies in an increase in vowel duration rather than in the consonant’s articulatory characteristics. Based mostly on Italo-Romance data, other scholars deny a metaphony-based origin of mid low vowel diphthongization whether involving a change in tongue body position or compensatory lengthening, while arguing, in agreement with a well-established view among Romance scholars, that contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants have been active diphthongization triggers in other dialect domains of Romance (Loporcaro 2011; 2016; Barbato 2013). In line with evidence from Occitan and other Romance languages, we believe that contextual (alveolo)palatals have been involved in the generation of rising diphthongs out of mid low vowels. Moreover, while not being particularly concerned with the relationship between metaphonic diphthongization (if it truly exists) and diphthongization triggered by (alveolo)palatal consonants, we sympathize with the proposal that the two contextual effects may have acted independently (and concomitantly in some instances) and may have yielded analogous results. The reason for this proposal is twofold: metaphony must have a cognitive component since long-distance coarticulatory effects are usually too small to cause changes in vowel quality to occur, and this cognitive component is not likely to be involved in vowel changes triggered by an immediately following (alveolo)palatal consonant. In any case, experimental evidence shows that listeners may use long-range vowel-to-vowel coarticulatory effects of relatively little salience to guess the vowel nucleus of the adjacent syllable (Martin/Bunnell 1981), which means that even when small those effects could cause a mid vowel

1.3 Our approach and research goals

23

to raise in the context of a high vowel. Moreover, data for Yoruba dialects where vowel harmony occurs show a good correlation between the direction (regressive, progressive) of vowel harmony processes, on the one hand, and the direction and size of vowel-to-vowel coarticulation effects in non-harmonic context conditions, on the other (Przezdziecki 2000). Some evidence in support of a relationship between the direction of coarticulation and vowel harmony has also been found to hold in the Wolof and Pulaar languages of Senegal (Dye 2015). The assumption that (alveolo)palatal consonants have played an active role in rising diphthongization does not rely exclusively on vowel duration since, as pointed out in section 1.2.1.2, it is not necessarily the case that vowels happen to be especially long before (alveolo)palatal consonants. Though context-dependent differences in vowel duration appear not to be primarily involved in this diphthongization process, vowel lengthening in specific phrase and word positions (i.e., at the end of phrases, in monosyllables and in paroxytones not ending in a low vowel) may certainly contribute to this sound change. As discussed in sections 1.3.1 and 1.3.2 and other sections of the book, a crucial factor involved in vowel diphthongization appears to be an increase in prominence of the VC transitions, which may be categorized as off-glides by listeners. The active role of the vowel transitions appears to be especially relevant before coda [l s r] where vowels are not especially long and may lengthen whenever the consonant is reduced. Regarding VC sequences with (alveolo)palatal consonants, we assume that the transitions in question should also play a relevant role in vowel diphthongization and, moreover, that a dissimilatory mechanism or some sort of articulatory relaxation ought to occur for certain off-glides to be inserted. It is possible that a combination of those factors, that is, long-range vowel coarticulatory effects, the prominence of the VC transitions in specific consonantal contexts and perhaps the contribution of the prevocalic consonant, could account for why stressed vowels may be replaced by rising diphthongs in metaphonic environments. Thus, while in principle metaphonic effects should induce only quality changes in the target vowel (such as, for example, /e/ and /o/ raising in words ending in a high vowel), this combination of factors may give the illusion that metaphony alone triggers stressed vowel diphthongization. An interesting case, as we will see in sections 9.2.5 and 9.2.6, is that of Romansh dialects where metaphonic effects and off-gliding before specific consonants operate jointly on stressed mid vowels. In light of all these considerations, the following chapters will look into whether mid low vowel diphthongization in Romance has taken place before some (alveolo)palatal consonants rather than others, and also into later changes in the resulting diphthongs or triphthongs which may have been brought about

24

1 Introduction

by the place and manner of articulation characteristics of the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant. We will also try to ascertain the causes of mid low vowel diphthongization in this contextual condition and more specifically whether, similarly to vowel diphthongization in other consonant environments, rising diphthongs before (alveolo)palatals may originate through off-glide insertion.

1.4 Other issues Other issues related to the assimilation and diphthongization of stressed vowels in the context of mostly but not only (alveolo)palatal consonants will be also dealt with in the book, to wit, the raising of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ to a high vowel (section 1.4.1), fine-grained vowel assimilatory mechanisms in several contextual consonant conditions (section 1.4.2), the progressive diphthongization and raising of /a/ (section 1.4.3) and the dissimilatory lowering of mid and high vowels (section 1.4.4). The insertion of prothetic consonants before the on-glides [w] and [ɥ] of rising diphthongs issued from /ɔ/ will also be subjected to analysis (section 1.4.5).

1.4.1 High vowel outcomes The replacement of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ by a high vowel (mostly [i] and [u], respectively) when they occur next to (alveolo)palatal consonants implies a two-stage change, raising from a mid low to a mid high vowel and then raising from a mid high vowel to a high one. An open issue is whether, as assumed by many Romance scholars, this double change must have taken place only in triphthongs or in rising diphthongs (e.g., /ɛ/ > [jɛ(j)] > [je(j)] > [i], as presumably in the case of French [sis] SEX, [li] LECTU; Fouché 1969, 326) or may have also operated on canonical falling diphthongs (e.g, /ɛ/ > [ɛj] > [ej] > [i]). The former option is consistent with the strength of the carryover coarticulatory effects in tongue dorsum raising and fronting exerted by (alveolo)palatal consonants on the following phonetic segment, which finds support in experimental data (see, for example, Recasens 2014). In order to explore this research topic, the contextual conditions under which /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ may raise to a high vowel will be looked into across dialect domains, not only for the contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants but also for the prevocalic or postvocalic glides [w], [ɥ], which may behave like [j] regarding the sound change in question. Moreover, we will examine whether this vowel raising process has applied not only to triphthongs and rising diphthongs such as ie(i), ieu, ue(i), uo(i) and uou but also to canonical falling diphthongs like ei, eu, oi,

1.4 Other issues

25

ou. A special case is that of Catalan where /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have shifted to [i] and [u] when followed by (alveolo)palatal consonants (the Catalan words for SEX and LECTU are [sis] and [ʎit] much like in French), and there are no forms with those rising or falling diphthongs in medieval documents and the present-day dialects which could furnish some information about the intermediate phonetic stages involved. A related research topic is whether diphthongs should be rising or noncanonical falling with a high vocalic nucleus for the high vowel outcome to be generated and, therefore, whether [i] would be more likely to derive from [je] or from [ˈiə̯ ], [ˈie̯ ] (and thus [pi] PEDE to emerge from [pje] or from [ˈpie̯ ]). It should be noted in this respect that the change [ˈie̯ ], [ˈiə̯ ] > [i] may be achieved through extreme reduction of the off-glide followed by its deletion rather than or in addition to progressive assimilatory raising, which would cause the off-glide to shift to a higher vocalic segment. Dialect data will also be analyzed in order to find out whether, as hypothesized by several scholars (see for example section 6.4.4.2), the high vowel outcome [u] of /ɔ/ diphthongization before an (alveolo)palatal consonant is likely to have been generated from both intermediate sequences [wej] and [woj], the triphthong [wej] being derived from [woj] through vowel fronting, or else, as phonetic naturalness would predict, the outcome [u] would come from [woj] rather than from [wej], which ought to yield [wi] instead (just as [ɥej] > [ɥi]). Those sound changes which may occur in sequences of two high vocalic segments will also be looked into, the possible options being a change from a falling to a rising diphthong ([uj] > [wi]; [yj] > [ɥi]), metathesis ([yj] > [jy]) or the blending of two vocalic segments into a single vowel ([ɥi] > [y]).

1.4.2 Assimilatory mechanisms An investigation of the effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on stressed vowels, whether it yields changes in vowel quality or vowel diphthongization, goes hand in hand with an analysis of analogous consonant-to-vowel effects exerted by non-palatal consonants. Along these lines, instances of off-gliding induced by non-palatal consonants will be analyzed in order to explore how frequent and robust the insertion of glides at the VC boundary happens to be and also to corroborate that the replacement of mid low vowels by rising diphthongs in VC sequences with (alveolo)palatals may proceed through off-glide insertion. In conjunction with data on the phonetic outcomes of stressed vowels in open syllables, changes in vowel fronting, raising and rounding occurring in syllables checked by consonants will also be subjected to scrutiny. Regarding this issue, it is predicted that (alveolo)palatal consonants ought to cause back vowels to front

26

1 Introduction

and (mid) low vowels to raise, labial consonants should induce labialization in front vowels, and back consonants such as velars and alveolars produced with a relatively lowered and retracted tongue body such as dark /l/ and the alveolar trill ought to contribute to front vowel lowering and also backing as well as to changes along the height dimension in back rounded vowels. Of particular interest are those assimilatory effects exerted by (alveolo)palatal consonants which are hard to account for on articulatory grounds and, in particular, the tendency for mid back rounded vowels to shift to mid front rounded, whether after diphthongization has taken place or not, when followed by the alveolopalatals [ʎ] and [ɲ] (French [fœj] FOLIA, Northern Italian dialects [ʒøˈnøtʃ] GENUCULU).

1.4.3 Progressive vs. regressive processes Given that coarticulatory effects on vowels can be anticipatory (right-to-left) and carryover (left-to-right), the extent to which carryover effects exerted by (alveolo)palatal consonants may cause the following stressed vowel to raise or diphthongize will also be examined. Data for French show that, historically, when preceded by an (alveolo)palatal stop /a/ shifted to the diphthong ie which was later simplified into e after the stop turned into an affricate ([ʃɛʁ] CARU but [ʃjɛ̃] CANE). Analogously to the VC scenario, also here rising diphthongization started out as a case of glide insertion triggered by the preceding consonant followed by a greater differentiation between the two vocalic segments in succession (/a/ > [e̯ a] > [ja], [jɛ]). Throughout the present book, we will investigate whether changes in the low vowel induced by (alveolo)palatal consonants occur more often at the progressive than at the regressive level in specific dialect domains and whether the corresponding sound change outcomes are rising or non-canonical falling diphthongs or else the simple vowels e and i. Attention will also be paid to the ways in which other prevocalic consonants may have prompted mid low and low vowels to break into a rising diphthong, or prevented rising diphthongs from occurring whether by disallowing the diphthongization process or by causing the diphthong on-glide to be deleted. Certain predictions may be made in this respect. Articulatory compatibility between the articulatory gestures for the consonant and those for the following vocalic segment could account for why /ɔ/ is likely to diphthongize into [wɔ] in words starting with a labial or a velar consonant (as in FOCU vs. IOCU; see section 6.5.2), since the vowel constriction is narrowed just after the release of the labial or dorsovelar constriction, and also why the on-glide [w] or [ɥ] may be deleted after those same consonants, the reason now being perceptual, that is, listeners may be unable to differentiate the consonant from the glide. The rationale for on-glide

1.4 Other issues

27

elision may also be sought in the articulatory antagonism involved in the production of successive segmental gestures, such as in Occitan forms like [nwe(j)] NOCTE which may reduce to [ne(j)] due to the difficulty in passing from the front lingual configuration for [n] to the back lingual constriction for [w] in the first place and then back to the front lingual configuration for the following front vowel [e]. Onglide deletion may also be attributed to the need to simplify a three-consonant sequence when the glide is preceded by tautosyllabic consonant clusters such as [pl] and [tɾ] (Occitan [ˈplɥɛjo] > [ˈplɛjo] ✶PLOIA).

1.4.4 Dissimilatory changes The dissimilatory lowering of high and mid vowels before an (alveolo)palatal consonant may be regarded as the reverse of raising assimilation. The data presented in this book reveal a substantial number of dissimilatory lowering cases of this sort, particularly in VC sequences with mid high vowels, which are likely to stay mid rather than raising to a high vowel when followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. This phenomenon, which has been extensively documented in other language families (see the analysis of the English Great Vowel Shift in Labov 1994), may reflect a tendency to preserve the degree of vowel opening and is most likely to take place before (alveolo)palatals produced with much tongue-to-palate contact and thus prone to cause the preceding vowel to raise, such as the voiceless obstruents [c ] which, in addition, do not facilitate offglide insertion and vowel diphthongization since they feature relatively short and abrupt vowel transitions. In sum, there appears to be a tendency for these (alveolo)palatal consonants to cause specific vowels to dissimilate into lower realizations instead of diphthongizing or assimilating into higher and/or more anterior vowel productions. f

1.4.5 Prothesis An analysis of the prothetic consonants commonly inserted before word-initial labial on-glides which have emerged through /ɔ/ diphthongization may help us to ascertain whether diphthongization has actually taken place or not, as in the case, for instance, of lexical forms where the glide has been deleted after the insertion of the prothetic consonant. A good example from Lengadocian Occitan is the insertion of a labial in front of the outcome [wV] of /ɔ/ diphthongization before (alveolo)palatals in the case of the word OCTO, which exhibits forms with either the prothetic consonant and a following on-glide ([(b)wɛjt]) or no

28

1 Introduction

on-glide ([bɛjt]), depending on the geographical location. In support of the vowel diphthongization process in the latter form (and thus of the assumption that [bɛjt] comes from [bwɛjt]), there is the fact that consonantal prothesis is more prone to occur before a glide than before a vowel of the same articulatory characteristics due to the differences in the degree of lingual and/or labial constriction involved. This issue is of particular relevance to Catalan where it is impossible to infer from medieval and dialectal evidence whether or not the present-day lexical variants [vujt] and [bujt] of OCTO emerged through diphthongization triggered by the postvocalic palatal glide.

1.5 Goals of the study and methodology A summary of the research topics which have been sketched out in the previous sections and will be explored in greater depth in the next chapters follows. First, differences in the degree of vowel adaptability to contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants will be analyzed. In particular, we will look into the diphthongization patterns for /ɛ/ and /ɔ/, and into the following vowel-dependent assimilatory tendencies: whether [e] is more resistant to assimilation than [o], the extent to which /a/ is prone to raise to a mid vowel mostly as a function of coda yod and (alveolo)palatal consonants articulated with a high degree of tongue-to-palate contact, and whether /o/ raising is likely to take place before (alveolo)palatal consonants of the latter group. Data will be presented and analyzed for those Romance languages – Occitan, Northern Italian, Ladin, Romansh, Francoprovençal, and Standard French and French dialects – which exhibit relevant changes in stressed vowels and, in particular, mid low vowel diphthongization as a function of immediately following (alveolo)palatal consonants. Comparable data for Spanish, Portuguese, Catalan and Tuscan Italian will also be examined. A relevant topic is the extent to which mid low vowels diphthongize before some (alveolo)palatal consonants rather than others and the sound changes which may have taken place after the diphthongization process. Thus, for example, why is it that in Spanish postvocalic yod appears to have blocked mid low vowel diphthongization from occurring ([ˈotʃo] < oito OCTO) while rising diphthongs may be found before the more anterior alveolopalatals [ʎ] and [ɲ] ([ˈbjexo] VECLU)? And why do we so often find a front rounded vowel end product of /ɔ/ diphthongization before the alveolopalatal lateral [ʎ] in Romance (French [fœj] FOLIA)? Another related research topic is whether the presence of rising diphthongs for /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before (alveolo)palatal consonants can be accounted for by off-glide insertion and if a dissimilatory effect must be called forth in order to explain why the corresponding off-glides have a low or back vocalic quality. In

1.5 Goals of the study and methodology

29

order to explore these research issues special attention will be paid to off-glide insertion data in this and other consonantal context conditions, such as before consonants produced with a lowered and retracted tongue body, and to instances of dissimilatory lowering in VC sequences made up of (mid) high vowels and (alveolo)palatal consonants. Special attention will also be paid to the raising of mid low vowels to a high vowel and also to whether this two-stage raising process has been induced by a preceding and/or a following (alveolo)palatal consonant including the palatal glide [j]. Data on this particular sound change will also be presented for vocalic sequences with rounded glides ([w], [ɥ]), mostly in combination with [j], since, in so far as they are produced with a raised tongue body and a relatively closed vocal tract, those glides should also cause mid low vowels to raise. Finally, an analysis of the insertion of prothetic consonants should be of help to confirm the contextual origin of mid low vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal consonants, most especially in the case of dialectal scenarios in which there exists too little evidence to prove this. Data on the stressed mid and low vowel outcomes in open and checked syllables in the Romance languages under investigation will also be provided so as to evaluate whether those vowels behave differently or in similar ways before (alveolo)palatal consonants and as a function of syllable type. As referred to earlier, we will avoid as much as possible drawing on syllable affiliation in order to account for sound changes undergone by stressed vowels before (alveolo)palatal consonants since, among other things, it is utterly impossible to know whether the vowels of interest were located in open or closed syllables at the time when those changes occurred. No data will be reported on changes in vowel quality as a function of contextual nasals (with the exception of the alveolopalatal nasal [ɲ]) since the effect of nasalization is substantially different from that exerted by oral consonants in that it modifies the vowel spectra in very complex ways. A note about the methodological criteria which will be used for the phonetic transcription of the dialectal material is in order. The phonetic forms reported throughout the book come from a large number of sources published since the last third of the 19th century, meaning that the phonetic notation systems used in them vary considerably. In order to cope with this problem we have adapted the large variety of phonetic symbols from those sources to the phonetic symbols prescribed by the International Phonetic Association (IPA). Phonetic features specific to a particular language are referred to only for that language in the appropriate section (see, for example, sections 9.1 and 10.1 for Romansh and Francoprovençal, respectively). Non-canonical falling diphthongs with a higher-quality vowel nucleus followed by a lower-quality off-glide, which

30

1 Introduction

may be realized as hiatuses as well, are transcribed by adding the appropriate IPA diacritic to the diphthong off-glide (e.g., W. Norman [ˈtʃyə̯ s] COXA, [ˈtʃyə̯ r] COCERE ). This diacritic is usually absent from vocalic sequences in which the second segment is shorter than the vowel nucleus while not qualifying necessarily as an off-glide.

2 Spanish 2.1 General development Spanish is spoken in most of the Iberian Peninsula (in the regions of Castilla, Navarra, La Rioja, Extremadura, Murcia, Andalucía and parts of Aragón and Valencia), on the Canary Islands and most of Central and Southern America. Peninsular Spanish borders the Aragonese- and Catalan-speaking domains to the east and the Asturleonese- and Portuguese-speaking areas (including Galician) to the west. Several major reference works have been used for the preparation of this chapter: Millardet (1912), Schürr (1951), Alarcos (1965), Malkiel (1976; 1984), Craddock (1980; 1983), Lloyd (1993), and Penny (22006). In Spanish, Latin /e/ (Ĭ, Ē) and /o/ (Ō, Ǔ) have stayed mid high while /ɛ/ (Ĕ) and /ɔ/ (Ǒ) have diphthongized into [je] and [we], respectively, in both open and closed syllables (/ɛ/: [bjen] BENE, [ˈpjerðe] PERDIT; /ɔ/: [ˈbweno] BONU, [ˈpwente] PONTE). The diphthong [we] represents the final stage of a development /ɔ/ > [wo] > [we], which is also found in other Romance languages (see, for example, the diachronic data for Occitan in section 6.4.4). Compared to the Vulgar Latin vowel system, Spanish has lost the phonological contrast between mid high and mid low vowels in benefit of [e] and [o], which accords with the presence of a mid high, not a mid low vowel realization, in the diphthongal outcomes [je] and [we] of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/. Analogously to other Romance languages, these rising diphthongs may have deleted the on-glide after specific syllable-onset consonants and consonant clusters: [je] may have been simplified into [e] after a palatoalveolar or an (alveolo)palatal due to articulatory similarity between the consonant and the glide, as exemplified by the replacement of [ʃje], [ʒje] by [xe] ([diˈxeɾon] Old Sp. dixieron ‘they said’, [muˈxer] Old Sp. mugier ‘woman’); [we] may have shifted to [e] after [Cɾ] and [Cl] so as to avoid the production of an articulatorily complex threeconsonantal sequence ([ˈfɾente] Old Sp. fruente FRONTE, [ˈfleko] Old Sp. flueco FLOCCU); a change [we] > [e] may also have taken place after [l] perhaps in order to avoid reverse articulatory movements in succession, namely tongue backing and lip rounding as we proceed from [l] to [w] and tongue fronting and lip unrounding from [w] to [e] ([kuˈleβɾa] Old Sp. culuebra ✶COLŎBRA). Moreover, as will also be shown for other Romance languages, in Old Spanish the palatal glide of the diphthong [je] deriving from /ɛ/ may have caused a preceding alveolar to become (alveolo)palatal or palatoalveolar before being effaced ([ˈʎeβa] Old Sp. lieva LEVAT).

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-002

32

2 Spanish

2.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants In Old Spanish, the anticipatory vowel closing effect exerted by (alveolo)palatal consonants could cause /e/ and /o/ to raise to [i] and [u] ([ˈtiɲa] TINEA, [ˈkuɲo] CUNEU), and /a/ to raise to [e] ([aˈθeɾo] ACIARIU). As to mid low vowels, with some exceptions to be discussed later in this section, (alveolo)palatals prevented /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ from diphthongizing into ie and uo, as exemplified by the words [pɾoˈβetʃo] PROFECTU and [ˈotʃo] OCTO, where the sequence /kt/ must have been realized as [jt] or [jtj], [jc] in Old Spanish (Penny 2 2006, 65–66). This behaviour contrasts sharply with other Romance languages such as Occitan, French, Francoprovençal, Ladin, Romansh and Northern Italian, where mid low vowels shifted to rising diphthongs (or to falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus such as [ˈie̯ ]) when followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. Several explanatory hypotheses have been proposed to account for this lack of parallelism. According to Malkiel (1984), at least for /ɛ/, the failure of mid low vowels to diphthongize before (alveolo)palatal consonants was associated with an analogy-based closing effect by which, for example, words with the medial Latin sequences -ĔCUL- and -ĔCT-, such as SPECULU and LECTU, ended up changing Ĕ ([ɛ]) to Ē ([e]). Acording to Schürr, on the other hand, in Old Spanish, word-final high vowels and postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonants triggered /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ diphthongization, after which the resulting rising diphthongs spread to other environments in open and closed syllables and were simplified into [e] and [o] when occurring before (alveolo)palatals except for lexical forms like [ˈbjexo] VECLU and [ˈkweɾo] CORIU (Schürr 1951 and see section 1.3.3). According to a more straightforward account advocated in the present study, contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants caused /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ to become too close articulatorily (and thus [e]- and [o]-like) to undergo the diphthongization process. Under this assumption, a consideration of the fine-grained articulatory characteristics of those individual (alveolo)palatals which may occur postvocalically should shed new light on why Late Latin stressed mid low vowels diphthongized or failed to do so in VC sequences with those consonants in Old Spanish.

2.2.1 Yod groupings The point of departure for our analysis is Menéndez Pidal’s highly influential account of the subject (see Menéndez Pidal 131968 and also Penny 22006). A central feature of this approach is the presence of the (alveolo)palatal approximant [j], also called yod, which in Menéndez Pidal’s opinion was invariably available after the stressed vowel in the following cases: syllable-initially, whether by itself as

2.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

33

in [ˈmajo] MAIU or after a C(C) sequence as in [ˈruβjo] RUBEU; syllable-finally before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, so that a word like [aˈɾaɲa] ARANEA would have been realized as [aˈɾajɲa]; and syllable-finally before consonants of other places of articulation or word finally, as in the case of the sequence [jt] of the assumed Old Spanish form feito FACTU, which corresponds to present-day [ˈetʃo]. Menéndez Pidal argued that the extent to which a stressed vowel assimilated in tongue height to a following (alveolo)palatal consonant, and thus was raised to a higher vowel instead of diphthongizing as in open and closed syllables, was motivated by whether the yod segment was available or had extinguished completely. Thus, the sooner yod was absorbed by the (alveolo)palatal consonant that it helped to create ([ˈpaʎa] < ✶[ˈpajʎa] PALEA), the less time there would have been for the vowel to undergo the raising assimilation process. Moreover, vowel raising assimilation to yod would have operated independently of a comparable sound change triggered by a word-final high vowel, which is commonly referred to as metaphonic and occurred mostly in the context of /i/ in Old Spanish: /e/ > [i], as in [ˈiθe] FECI, [ti] TIBI; /o/ > [u], as in [ˈpuðe] POTUI; and /ɛ/ > [e], as in [ben] VENI, [aˈjer] HERI. As acknowledged by other scholars, a major objection to Menéndez Pidal’s analysis already noted here in the Introduction is that phonetic and phonological factors and not just chronological ones had to have played a major role in the development of stressed vowels followed by (alveolo)palatal consonants not only in Spanish but in other Romance languages as well. Moreover, there is no obvious reason why yod had to be necessarily present before any (alveolo)palatal consonant in Old Spanish. Instead, whether vowel assimilation operated or not could be related to both [j] – whether available syllable-finally (and thus in the same syllable as the target vowel) or syllable-initially (and therefore in the following syllable) – and also to the articulatory characteristics of other contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants such as [ʎ] and [ɲ] placed syllable-initially. Menéndez Pidal’s analysis was carried out after sorting the etymological consonants and consonant sequences which have given rise to (alveolo)palatal consonants into four groups, which he called 1st yod, 2nd yod, 3rd yod and 4th yod, with the chances of the yod being maintained, and thus the strength of the assimilatory action on the preceding vowel, increasing in ascending order. Next, in sections 2.2.1.1 through 2.2.1.4, we will describe the behaviour of mid and low vowels in the context of each of these yod groups with reference to the data presented in Table 1. 2.2.1.1 1st yod As shown by the examples included in the topmost row of Table 1, the 1st yod group includes the alveolar affricates [dz] derived from /tj/ and [ts] derived from

34

2 Spanish

/kj/. These two consonants merged into a single alveolar affricate lacking the voicing characteristic, which later gave rise to the dental fricative [θ] ([ˈpoθo] PUTEU, [ameˈnaθa] MINACIA). We also include in this group the front variety of /k/, that is, /k/ before the front vowels /i e/ and the sequences /ske ski skj/, which also yielded [θ] through analogous phonetic developments ([djeθ] DECEM, [ˈkweθe] COCIT, [ˈnaθe] NASCIT, [koˈnoθe] COGNOSCIT, [ˈaθa] FASCIA). The alveolar affricates in question must have emerged from a palatalized or (alveolo)palatal stop, which came into existence through either the blending of the front lingual gesture for the dentoalveolar stop with the dorsal gesture for the palatal glide (/tj/) or else the dorsal gestures for /k/ and the following vocoid (/ke ki kj/). (Words like [ˈθjerθo] CERCIU and [ˈfwerθa] FORTIA have been included in the table in spite of our attempts to avoid heterosyllabic two-consonant sequences for reasons pointed out in section 2.2.1.3.) As the examples in the topmost row of Table 1 show, in the 1st yod group the quality of the stressed vowel was not affected by the consonant: /e o a/ stayed the same instead of raising to a higher vowel ([peˈɾeθa] PIGRITIA, [boθ] VOCE, [ˈplaθa] ✶ PLATTEA), and /ɛ ɔ/ diphthongized into [je we] instead of shifting to [e o] ([djeθ] DECEM, [ˈkweθe] COCIT). This scenario suggests that at the time when vowels assimilated to a following (alveolo)palatal consonant, the sequences /tj/, /kj/ and /ke ki/ could not exert a closing effect on them because they were implemented as an alveolar affricate instead of as an (alveolo)palatal or a palatoalveolar. 2.2.1.2 2nd yod Menéndez Pidal’s 2nd yod group includes the two alveolopalatal consonants [ʎ] and [ɲ] (see the lexical items under rows 2 and 3 in Table 1). In Spanish, [ʎ] has been derived from Latin /lj/, /kl gl/ and /lge lgi/ (ALLIU, OCULU, REGULA, COLLIGIT), and [ɲ] from /nj/, /gn/, /nge ngi/ and /ndj/ (CUNEU, PUGNU, MUNGIT, VERECUNDIA). As described in section 1.1.2, gestural blending involving the superposition of the closure or constriction areas for consecutive alveolar and (alveolo)palatal, and alveolar and velar, consonants accounts for the palatalization of /l/ and /n/ in all the following etymological segmental sequences: /l n/ before /j/; the onset clusters /kl gl/, through the developments /kl/ > [kʎ] > [ɣʎ] > [ʎ] and /gl/ > [ɣʎ] > [ʎ] (Repetti/Tuttle 1987); /lg ng/ before a front vowel and also /ndj/, which must have been realized initially as [l ] and [n ]; and /gn/, which was probably pronounced [ŋn] rather than as [gn] in Late Latin before shifting to the alveolopalatal nasal [ɲ] (Baglioni 2014). In contrast with Menéndez Pidal’s view, there is then no need to assume that /kl/ must have been replaced by [jl] for the alveolopalatal [ʎ] to be generated, the reason being that, as shown by articulatory data (Recasens/Pallarès 2001), the velar consonant of this cluster is prone to stay f

f

2.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

35

velar and therefore is produced too far back to shift to a palatal glide. It should also be noted that, while [ɲ] has remained unmodified over the centuries, [ʎ] derived from /lj/, /kl gl/ and /lge lgi/ has undergone several changes in Spanish, in the sequence [ʎ] > [ʒ] > [ʃ] > [x], the replacement of [ʃ] by [x] occurring in about the 16th century ([ˈpaxa] PALEA, [ˈrexa] REGULA, [ˈkoxe] COLLIGIT). As revealed by the data presented in Table 1, vowels have assimilated more often to consonant sequences of the 2nd yod group than to those of the 1st yod group. Regarding mid back vowels, vowel raising has operated on [ɔʎ oɲ] but not on [oʎ ɔɲ]. As to the two former VC sequences, the vowel of [ɔʎ] closed to [o] instead of diphthongizing ([ˈoxa] FOLIA) while that of [oɲ] could remain unmodified but also raise to [u] ([eskaˈloɲa] ASCALONIA, [teˈruɲo] ✶TERRONEU, [ˈpuɲo] PUGNU). The stressed vowel of the sequences [oʎ ɔɲ], on the other hand, does not seem to have been affected by the contextual (alveolo)palatal: /o/ stayed mid high ([kosˈkoxo] CUSCULIU) while /ɔ/ changed into a diphthong ([ˈlweɲe] LONGE). Vowel changes associated with the following (alveolo)palatal consonant also occurred, albeit less clearly, in the case of the mid front vowel cognates: /ɛ/ before [ʎ] and [ɲ] raised to [e] instead of diphthongizing in [esˈpexo] SPECULU and also in the case of the Old Spanish form engeño INGENIU, which was presumably realized as [enˈʒeɲo], though there is [ˈbjexo] VECLU with a diphthong; and /e/ followed by [ʎ ɲ] shows a high vowel in some cases ([ˈmixo] MILIU, [ˈtiɲa] TINEA) but not in others ([ˈθexa] CILIA, [ˈleɲa] LIGNA). As to the low vowel /a/, no instances of vowel raising may be found ([ˈpaxa] PALEA, [aˈɾaɲa] ARANEA). Some of these lexical variants require specific comments. Regarding the words originally containing [ʎ], it may be that the stressed vowel of [esˈpexo] did not diphthongize because it came from Ĭ (SPĬCULU, not SPĔCULU), though this alternative etymological origin is hard to accept in light of the available forms for this lexical item in other Romance languages (Meyer-Lübke 1911; von Wartburg 1922–2002; Corominas/Pascual 1980–1991). As to [ˈbjexo] VECLU < VETULU, several hypotheses have been formulated to justify why /ɛ/ was replaced by a diphthong instead of by [e]. According to one interpretation, this must have been due to the fact that /kl/ palatalized later than /lj/ at a time when the stressed vowel was already pronounced ie, which would also explain the outcome [e] instead of [i] of the same word in Catalan and [ɛ] instead of [e] or [ɐ] in Portuguese (Corominas/ Pascual 1980–1991, and see chapters 4 and 5). According to another explanatory hypothesis, the diphthong of [ˈbjexo] VECLU has come about because of that of the lexical cognate viedro VETERE which also existed in Old Spanish (Craddock 1980, Gulsoy 1997). In view of the phonetic variants for VECLU available in other Romance languages and mentioned later in the book, there is another possible interpretation based on a dissimilatory lowering effect exerted by the (alveolo)palatal consonant on /ɛ/ and seeking to maintain the mid low quality of the

36

2 Spanish

stressed vowel of this very frequent word unmodified; if so, /ɛ/ would have stayed mid low instead of closing to [e] and was later subjected to unconditioned diphthongization. With respect to the lexical forms with [ɲ], several of those included in the table are problematic. This is the case for Old Spanish [enˈʒeɲo] INGENIU for which the presence of [e] instead of [je] may be attributed not to the closing action of the alveolopalatal nasal but to the following sequence of events: first, /ɛ/ diphthongized; next, the on-glide of the resulting diphthong [je] caused front /g/ to palatalize into [ʒ]; and finally [j] was deleted due to its articulatory affinity with the palatoalveolar consonant which it helped to create (Alarcos 1965). On the other hand, it may very well be that [ˈpuɲo], [ˈkuɲa] and [ˈtiɲa] exhibit [u] and [i] because their Latin cognates had /u/ (Ū) and /i/ (Ī) instead of /ʊ/ (Ŭ) and /ɪ/ (Ĭ), respectively, or else – at least in the case of the first two words – because the closing effect of [ɲ] caused /ʊ/ to stay high instead of lowering to mid high (Coromines 1980–2001; Wireback 2019). These etymologically-based or articulatory explanations (which could also account for the presence of [i] instead of [e] in [ˈmixo] MILIU) are all the more feasible since, as will be shown elsewhere, the same words happen to have a high instead of a mid high vowel in other Romance languages besides Spanish. Several words with [we] deriving from /o/ before [ɲ], namely [θiˈgweɲa] CICO✶ NIA, [riˈsweɲo] RISONEU and Old Spanish vergueña ([berˈgweɲa]) VERECUNDIA, are largely unexpected in so far as stressed /o/ has neither stayed unmodified (lack of assimilation) nor raised to [u] (assimilation). The rising diphthong in this case may have emerged from [oj] after the palatal glide was segregated from the alveolopalatal nasal much like in the case of [ˈkweɾo] < ✶[kojɾo] CORIU (see below and also Wireback 2019). This on-glide segregation process can certainly occur whenever the F2 vowel transitions are long and exhibit a large frequency range, as turns out to be the case for [oɲ] rather than for [oʎ] since [ɲ] happens to be produced with greater tongue-to-palate contact than [ʎ] (see section 1.1.1 and other examples in Recasens, 2014). The change from [oj] to [we] may have taken place through the intermediate stages [oe̯ ] and [ue̯ ] ([oj] > [oe̯ ] > [ue̯ ] > [we]), or else through /o/ closing followed by the insertion of a linking glide between [u] and [j] ([oj] > [uj] > [ue̯ j] > [we]). There is however a problem with this account: had an on-glide been appended to [ɲ], /a/ would probably have been raised to e before this consonant since /a/ raising before coda yod was the rule in Old Spanish (see section 2.2.1.4); instead, /a/ stayed low without exception when followed by [ʎ] and [ɲ] in this language. Another way to handle the rising diphthong of [θiˈgweɲa] and [riˈsweɲo], which would avoid the problem with the /a/ raising process just referred to, is to assume that while the intermediate stages [oe̯ ] and [ue̯ ] indeed occurred, it was the off-glide [e̯ ], not [j], that was issued through the categorization

2.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

37

of the VC transitions for [oɲ] as an independent segment (i.e., [oɲ] > [oe̯ ɲ] > [ue̯ ɲ] > [weɲ]), as has also happened in other languages like Romansh (section 9.2.3). In the spirit of the claim made at the beginning of section 2.2.1, an advantage of this proposal is that one need not take for granted the presence of [j] before (alveolo)palatal consonants. Other factors could have been responsible for the availability of rising diphthongs in the words just mentioned such as the high frequency of occurrence of the sequence [weɲ], mostly in lexical endings (Gascueña, Catalueña). To conclude, in Spanish, mid vowel raising has taken place for [ɔʎ] but not for [oʎ ɔɲ] and the two options, assimilation and lack of assimilation, appear to have been at work in the case of [oɲ]. On the other hand, the front vowels /e/ and /ɛ/ exhibit some raising instances in the adjacency of those two alveolopalatal consonants, albeit of doubtful validity. Before turning to the 3rd yod group, a word needs to be said about several lexical items which have been left out of Table 1. In spite of having [ʎ] in presentday Spanish, words which had the geminate /ll/ have been excluded from consideration. These include, for example, [ˈbaʎe] VALLE, and the words with /ɛ/ [ˈbeʎo] BELLU and Old Spanish castiello CASTELLU without and with a rising diphthong, respectively. It appears that geminate /ll/ evolved differently from /lj/ not only in Spanish but also in Asturleonese and certain Catalan dialects, given that there is [x] for /lj/ and [ʎ] for /ll/ in the former language and [j] vs. [ʎ] in the two latter ones. The reason why /ɛ/ could diphthongize when followed by [ʎ] derived from /ll/ rather than before [ʎ] derived from /lj/ has been traditionally attributed to the presence of yod before the alveolopalatal lateral in the latter vs. former case. According to an alternative explanation, which we tend to endorse, by the time vowels were being assimilated to a following (alveolo)palatal consonant, /ll/ was still being produced as a long (perhaps retroflex) alveolar lateral while /lj/ had already reached the [ʎ] stage (see Coromines 1976–1977, vol. 1, 41–42, for a similar explanation for the Catalan case). A similar argument could be used to account for the lack of vowel assimilation before [ɲ] derived from [nn] whether coming from /nn/ or from /mn/ (/o/, [oˈtoɲo] AUTUMNU; /a/, [ˈdaɲo] DAMNU; /ɔ/, [ˈdweɲo] DOMINU). The form [ˈsweɲo], which has been included in Table 1, differs from these lexical items in that its etymon could be SOMNIU with [j] (see Lloyd 1993, 319 about a possible etymon SOMNU for this word). Other lexical forms have also been excluded from consideration: [ˈbeŋgo] and [ˈteŋgo] (VĚNIO, TĚNEO) with no postvocalic alveolopalatal consonant and a mid high vowel realization, which could correspond to the earlier forms veño, teño with [eɲ] available in Old Spanish (Lloyd 1993, 268–272); the more learned words [kaˈloɲa] CALUMNIA and [θamˈpoɲa] SYMPHONIA (Alarcos 1965); and verbal forms with /e/ followed by the outcome [ɲ] of /nge/ such as [ˈtiɲo], [tiɲes] and [ˈtiɲe] (TĬNGERE, 1st, 2nd and 3rd pers. sg. pres.

38

2 Spanish

ind.) whose vowel [i] might be due to the closing action of the alveolopalatal nasal, or to analogy, or to both factors (see on this issue Pensado 1984, 274 and Cano 1986). 2.2.1.3 3rd yod As to the lexical items falling under the 3rd yod group (see the contextual condition 4 in Table 1), the vowel was originally followed by the outcome [ ] of Latin /dj/, /ge gi gj/ and /j/, which gave rise to syllable-onset [j] in Spanish ([ˈrajo] RADIU, [ˈmajo] MAIU). The voiced (alveolo)palatal stop was generated through the blending of the front lingual gesture for C1 with the dorsal gesture for C2 in the case of /dj/ (just as for /nj lj/; see section 2.2.1.2), or else the blending of the more retracted dorsal gesture for the front velar with the more anterior predorsal gesture for the palatal vocoid in the case of /ge gi gj/. Moreover, when appearing next to a front vowel word-medially, [j] was deleted ([deˈseo] DESIDIU, [koˈrea] CORRIGIA), while word-final [j] in [gɾej] GREGE (also in [rej] REGE and [lej] LEGE) could have originated through the phonetic developments gre[ ]e > gre[j]e > gre[j] or gre[ ]e > gre[ʝ]e > gree > gre[j] (see Lloyd 1993, 317 about the first of these evolutions; Menéndez Pidal 131968, 79 about the second). The 3rd yod group also includes etymological sequences made up of a voiced labial or labiodental consonant and [j] (see 5 in Table 1), which may have persisted as such or have been replaced by syllable-onset [j] after glide reinforcement and thus the development /bj/ > [b ] > [ ] > [j], as exemplified by the doublet [ˈruβjo]/[ˈrojo] RUBEU. Moreover, as the forms [ˈkepo] CAPIO and [ˈsepa] SAPIAM reveal, in sequences with a voiceless bilabial stop a glide must have been inserted at the offset of the preceding vowel presumably at the time when the consonant was realized as a palatalized bilabial ([ˈkepo] < [ˈkajpo] < [ˈkajpjo] < [ˈkapjo]). It should be noted that Menéndez Pidal included /bj mj/ and /pj/ in different yod groups, with /bj mj/ in the 3rd yod group (FOVEA, RUBEU, LABIU, VINDEMIA) and /pj/ in the 4th yod group (SAPIAM, CAPIAT), mainly because in Old Spanish on-gliding took place before voiceless labials but not before their voiced cognates. Based on the articulatory characteristics of the consonants involved – they were all labial and possibly palatalized at the time when vowel assimilation occurred – this distinction has not been made here. According to Table 1, there has been systematic assimilation of /ɛ ɔ/ yielding [e o] in this contextual scenario ([ˈsea] SEDEAT, [ˈpojo] PODIU, [ˈpɾemja] ✶PREMIA, [ˈoja] FOVEA), and, with regard to the other three vowels /e a o/, essentially no assimilation before [j] derived from [ ] ([deˈseo] DESIDIU, [reˈpojo] REPUDIU, [enˈsajo] EXAGIU) and both possibilities, assimilatory raising and maintenance of the vowel, before a labial + [j] sequence ([ˈʎuβja] PLUVIA, [ˈrojo] RUBEU). To summarize, in f

f

f

f

f

f

2.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

39

comparison with the data for the 1st and 2nd yod groups, the data for the 3rd group reveal the existence of a larger number of vowel assimilations. A few comments on specific lexical items and consonantal sequences need to be added. Regarding those words in which [j] derives from [ ], [naˈβio] NAVĬGIU may be treated as an assimilation case, but not [asˈtio], which, contrary to Menéndez Pidal’s opinion, has been excluded from consideration because its Latin etymon FASTĪDIU has /i/. On the other hand, just as for other verbs ending in -IRE, the high vowel of the form [ˈujo] FUGIO included in Table 1 could be either attributed to the effect of the contextual (alveolo)palatal or influenced by other forms of the same verbal paradigm such as [uˈir] (infinitive), [uˈimos] and [uˈistejs] (1st and 2nd pers. pl. pres. ind.) in which vowel raising appears to be metaphonic and thus associated with the following high vowel. Menéndez Pidal (131968) also regards as belonging to the 3rd yod group /VCCj/ sequences and certain /VCj/ sequences devoid of a labial consonant. These sequences have not been included in Table 1 since the action of the palatal glide may be considered metaphonic, that is, an effect at a distance, the reason being twofold: yod does not come immediately after the stressed vowel in /VCCj/ sequences; and in /VCj/ sequences with no labial consonant, yod did not merge with the preceding consonant into a palatalized realization. Analogously to the metaphonic raising of mid vowels in words ending in unstressed /i/ (Ī), yod in these /VCCj/ and /VCj/ sequences has been quite effective in so far as it has prevented /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ from diphthongizing and has caused /e/ and /o/ to raise to [i] and [u] in quite a systematic fashion: /ɛ/, [ˈnerβjo] NERVIU, [soˈβerβja] SUPERBIA; /ɔ/, [ˈostɾa] OSTREA; /e/, [ˈlimpjo] LIMPIDU, [ˈbiðɾjo] VITREU, [ˈniðjo] NITIDU (though [ˈberθa] VIRDIA); /o/, [ˈturβjo] TURBIDU, [ˈruθjo] ROSCIDU. Vowel raising has also occurred in verbal forms such as [ˈmiðo] ✶MĒTIO and [ˈbisto] VĚSTIO in which /tj/ was not replaced by an alveolar affricate, though the high front vowel of these two words could also be the simplified outcome of the rising diphthong ie (Old Spanish miedan, vieste(n); Lloyd 1993, 466). f

2.2.1.4 4th yod The 4th yod group includes words in which the stressed vowel is followed by syllable-final yod from different origins. In group 6 of Table 1 there are lexical items with the sequence [jt] derived from /kt/ which has yielded [tʃ] in present-day Spanish ([ˈotʃo] OCTO) and with [jʃ] derived from /ks/ and /ssj/ which has shifted to [x] ([ˈexe] AXE, [ˈroxo] RUSSEU). The developmental path for /kt/ involved the progressive palatalization of the dentoalveolar stop ([jt] > [jc] > [(j)tʃ]), another possibility being that [jt] and [tʃ] arose independently from a common [c]-like realization originating from the

40

2 Spanish

blending of the dorsal and front lingual gestures for /k/ and /t/, respectively. Gestural blending must also have taken place between the two consonants of the sequence /ks/, yielding something like [çs], after which there may have been, in this order, C1 vocalization, C2 palatalization and retraction of [ʃ] into [x], which is the realization that we find today ([js] > [(j)ʃ] > [x]). The sequence /ssj/ underwent the same blending process as other sequences consisting of a dentoalveolar or alveolar consonant and a following glide, and highly specific phonetic pathways need to be postulated for other words included in group 6 of Table 1: in [ˈpejne] PECTINE and [ˈkujða] COGITAT, [jn] and [jð] may have emerged from [ n] and [ d] through C1 vocalization after vowel syncope; in [ˈmutʃo] MULTU and [ˈbujtɾe] VULTURE, coda /l/ vocalized into [j] after which /t/ shifted to [tj] or [c], and this palatalized or (alveolo)palatal stop was later affricated into [tʃ] (mucho) or there was no affrication but depalatalization due to the following rhotic (buitre); regarding the development of /ls/ in [emˈpuxa] IMPULSAT, /l/ became [j] and the palatal glide triggered /s/ palatalization into [ʃ], which was later replaced by [x], as expected (/ls/ > [js] > [(j)ʃ] > [x]); and finally, there has been no /s/ palatalization in [sejs] SEX and [ˈfresno] FRAXINU, most probably because the fricative was syllable final to begin with in the former word (seis) and became syllable final after vowel syncope in the latter (fresno) (Menéndez Pidal 131968, 144). In words placed in group 7 of Table 1, vowel quality changes must have been induced by coda yod in the sequences [jz] and [jɾ]. The sequence [jz] derives from /sj/ (nowadays implemented as [s] and [θ], as in [ˈbeso] BASIU and [θeˈɾeθa] CERESIA), while the sequence [jɾ], nowadays implemented as [ɾ], has emerged both from /ɾj/ ([pɾiˈmeɾo] PRIMARIU) and from the syllable-onset clusters /dɾ gɾ/ through vocalization of a lenited C1 realization ([kaˈðeɾa] CATHEDRA, [enˈteɾo] INTEGRU). It may very well be that the changes /ɾj/ > [jɾ] and /sj/ > [zj] > [jz] proceeded not through metathesis, and thus a categorical switch in the placement of yod, but rather through the segregation of an on-glide out of the palatalized realizations [ɾj] and [zj] (e.g., /ɾj/ > [ɾj] > [jɾj] > [jɾ]). Group 8 consists of lexical items in which [j] corresponds to Latin /j/ ([e] ✶AYO < HABEO) or to a high front vowel which became a glide in the postvocalic position after the fall of an intervocalic consonant ([pɾoˈβe] PROBAVI, [sarˈten] SARTAGINE). The general scenario for groups 6, 7 and 8 is vowel assimilation before coda yod across the board in the case of /ɛ/, /ɔ/ and /a/, which raised to [e], [o] and [e], respectively ([enˈteɾo] INTEGRU, [ˈotʃo] OCTO, [ˈletʃe] LACTE, [ˈexe] AXE). Regarding /o/, the phonetic outcome appears to depend on the contextual consonantal sequence available in Old Spanish: there has been raising into [u] before [jt] (/kt lt/), [jð] and also [jʃ] derived from /ls/ ([ˈdutʃo] DUCTU, [ˈbujtɾe] VULTURE, [ˈkujða] COGITAT, [emˈpuxa] IMPULSAT), while the vowel has survived as [o] whenever placed before f

f

2.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

41

[jʃ] derived from /ssj/ and /ks/ ([ˈroxo] RUSSEU, [ˈfloxo] FLUXU). The scenario for /e/ is less clear: there are no changes before /kt/ ([ˈtetʃo] TECTU), and either raising or no raising to [i] before a palatalized consonant deriving from /ɾj/ and /sj/ ([ˈθiɾjo] CEREU, [θerˈβeθa] CERVESIA). A few remarks should be made about some lexical forms which have been either included in or excluded from Table 1. It may be assumed that the rising diphthong [we] of the words [aˈɣweɾo] AUGURIU, [ˈdweɾo] Sp. Duero DORIU and [salˈmweɾa] SALMURIA came into existence after [j] was preposed to the palatalized alveolar rhotic though the pathways [oj] > [oe̯ ] > [we] or [oj] > [uj] > [ue̯ j] > [we] (see Pensado 1984, 463 for the former option, Rohlfs 1970, 123 for the latter and also section 2.2.1.2). In parallel to [ˈpuɲo] PUGNU and [ˈkuɲo] CUNEU, it is unclear whether there has been vowel raising induced by the (alveolo)palatal consonant in [ˈlutʃa] LUCTA and [ˈtɾutʃa] TRUCTA, whose [u] could derive from /u/ or correspond to a raised realization of etymological /ʊ/ (Ŭ) induced by the closing action of the following yod (Corominas/Pascual 1980–1991), and also in the case of the participle [ˈdutʃo] DUCTU, whose high vowel could have been influenced by that of other forms of the same verbal paradigm (Pensado 1984, 489). The stressed vowel of FERIA may be regarded as an instance of /e/ in Spanish and /ɛ/ in other Romance languages, while the stressed vowel of ECLESIA appears to have been /ɛ/ instead of /e/, which was the vowel quality of the Classical Latin cognate ECCLESIA (Corominas/Pascual 1980–1991). Finally, [kaˈmisa] CAMISIA has not been included in Table 1 since, except for Ladin, Romansh, Friulian, Romanian and probably the eastern dialects of N. Italy, its etymon must have had Ī instead of Ĭ in the remainder of the Romance-speaking world (Rohlfs 1966, 56; Pensado 1984, 498).

2.2.2 Recapitulation Table 2 summarizes the findings reported in section 2.2.1. Cells have been left white when there is no assimilation, shaded dark grey if there is consistent assimilation and shaded light grey whenever there are instances of assimilation and no assimilation. Several tendencies can be observed in Table 2. First of all, there is no vowel assimilation before primitive alveolar affricates. Secondly, /a/ only assimilates consistently to coda [j], as already pointed out by Millardet (1912). Thirdly, /ɛ ɔ/ rather than /e o/ assimilate not only to coda [j] but also to onset [j] whether derived from [ ] or from labial + /j/ sequences. Fourthly, /e/ is more reluctant to assimilate than all the other mid vowels. Moreover, as observed by Menéndez Pidal (also Craddock 1980), assuming that /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ were not affected by the contextual (alveolo)palatals if diphthongized, the table reveals that mid low f

ˈbjexo

VECLU

REGULA

ˈtexa TEGULA

ˈmoxa

MOLLIAT

GENUCULU

iˈnoxo

GURGULIO

ˈrexa

gorˈɣoxo

CONCILIU

CUSCULIU

kosˈkoxo

konˈsexo

CILIA

ˈθexa

COLLIGIT

MILIU

ˈkoxe

DESPOLIARE

desˈpoxo from

FOLIA

URCEU

SPECULU

ˈorθa

VOCE

boθ

PUTEU

ˈpoθo

No change

CERCIU

Change

o

ˈθjerθo ˈmixo

COCIT

DECEM

ˈoxa

beθ

ˈkweθe

djeθ VICE

PIGRITIA

✶

peˈɾeθa

No change

FORTIA

Change

ˈfwerθa

No change

e

PETTIA

Change

ɔ

ˈpjeθa

No change

 esˈpexo



Change

ɛ

f

Change

a

PLATTEA

COAGULU

ˈkwaxo

NOVACULA

naˈβaxa

GRACULA

ˈgɾaxa

PALEA

ˈpaxa

MINACIA

ameˈnaθa

✶

ˈplaθa

No change

Table 1: Phonetic outcomes of stressed /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Spanish. The numbering in the leftmost column corresponds to the following modern and earlier consonant realizations, the latter being enclosed within parentheses when available: (1) [θ] ([ts]); (2) [x] ([ʎ]); (3) [ɲ]; (4) [j] ([ ]); (5) [j], labial + [j] (labial + /j/); (6) [x] ([jʃ]), [tʃ] ([jt]); (7) [s], [θ] ([zj]), [ɾ] ([ɾj]); 8 [j]. For each stressed vowel, lexical variants are presented in two columns according to whether they have undergone a consonant-conditioned change or not.

42 2 Spanish

SIGNA

SOMNIU

ˈpojo

PODIU

ˈtɾoja

TROIA

poˈleo

PULEGIU

gɾej

GREGE

CORRIGIA

koˈrea

VIDEAT

MODIU

MEDIU

ˈbea

ˈmojo

Old Sp. me(y)o

DESIDIU

deˈseo

ˈseɲa

ˈsweɲo

NAVIGIU

LIGNA

naˈβio

ˈleɲa

LONGE

STAMINEA

TERRONEU

RISONEU

CALUMNIA

UNGULA

FUGIO

ˈujo

kaˈloɲa

ˈuɲa

ARRUGIA

aˈrojo

REPUDIU

Old Sp. repoyo

VERECUNDIA

Old Sp. vergüeña

CICONIA

θiˈɣweɲa

ASCALONIA

eskaˈloɲa

✶

riˈsweɲo

PUGNU

ˈpuɲo

CUNEU

ˈkuɲo

✶

estaˈmeɲa teˈruɲo

HODIE

oj

TINEA

ˈlweɲe

GASCONIA

gasˈkweɲa ˈtiɲa

AURICULA

OCULU

SEDEAT

 ˈsea

INGENIU

 Old Sp. engeño

oˈɾexa

ˈoxo

(continued)

MAIU

ˈmajo

EXAGIU

enˈsajo

FAGEA

ˈaja

RADIU

ˈrajo

TANGIT

ˈtaɲe

MAGNU

TAM

taˈmaɲo

STAGNU

esˈtaɲo

ARANEA

aˈɾaɲa

2.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

43

ˈoja

FOVEA

ˈkoxo

PREMIA

 Old Sp. exe

ˈtetʃo

ˈnotʃe

NOCTE

biθˈkotʃo BIS-COCTU

pɾoˈβetʃo

PROFECTU

desˈpetʃo

ˈmutʃo MULTU

LACTE

ˈletʃe

VERVACTU

PECTINE

barˈβetʃo COGITAT

ˈexe

FRAXINU

ˈfɾesno

MATAXA

maˈðexa

TAXU

ˈtexo

CAPIAT

ˈkepa

Change

ˈkujða

BUXU

box

FLUXU

ˈfloxo

RUSSEU

ˈroxo

RUBEU

ˈrojo

No change

AXE

o

TRUCTA

ˈtɾutʃa

DUCTU

ˈdutʃo

VULTURE

ˈbujtɾe

IMPULSAT

emˈpuxa

RUBEU

ˈruβjo

PLUVIA

ˈʎuβja

Change

ˈpejne

SUSPECTARE

sosˈpetʃa from

DESPECTU

DIRECTU

OCTO

TECTU

deˈɾetʃo

ˈotʃo

SEX

esˈtɾetʃo

SEPIA

seˈpja

No change

sejs

VINDEMIA

benˈdimja

SEPIA

ˈxiβja

Change

STRICTU

No change

e

COXU

ɔ

EXIT

✶

ˈpɾemja

ˈnoβjo

Change

NOVIU

No change

TEPIDU

 ˈtiβjo

Change

ɛ

Table 1 (continued) a

RABIA

ˈraβja

LABIU

ˈlaβjo

No change

44 2 Spanish



DORIU

MATERIA

RIPARIA

Old Sp. eɾo AGRU

INTEGRU

kaˈðeɾa

CATHEDRA

AYO

FAIRE

LAICU

ˈleɣo

PLANTAGINE

ʎanˈten

✶

Old Sp. fer

PROBAVI

pɾoˈβe

✶

e

riˈβeɾa

enˈteɾo

AREA

ˈeɾa

ˈdweɾo

maˈðeɾa

ˈbeso BASIU

FERIA

CASEU

ˈkeso

SALMURIA

salˈmweɾa

ˈfeɾja

aˈɣweɾo

ECLESIA

θerˈβeθa

Old Sp. eglisa

CEREU

ˈθiɾjo AUGURIU

CORIU

ˈkweɾo CERVESIA

CERESIA

 θeˈɾeθa

2.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

45

46

2 Spanish

Table 2: Phonetic outcomes of stressed mid and low vowels before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Spanish. The leftmost column shows the modern consonant realizations followed by their phonetic source within parentheses. Cells are shaded dark or light grey depending on the frequency of assimilation and left white if there is no assimilation. Empty cells indicate the absence of data. /ɛ/

/ɔ/

/e/

/o/

/a/

. θ (ts)

je

we

e

o

a

. x (ʎ)

e

o

e

o

a

. ɲ

e

we

e

u

a

. j ( )

e

o

e

u

a

. j, lab + j (lab + j)

e

o

i

u

a

. x (jʃ ); tʃ (jt)

e

o

e (jt)

u

e

. s (zj); ɾ (ɾj)

e

we (ɾj)

i

we

e

f

. j

e

vowel assimilation is more likely to operate before [j] in coda or onset position than before [ʎ] and [ɲ]. As to the role of [ʎ] and [ɲ], the assimilation process appears to have taken place robustly for [ɔʎ] and only to some extent for [oɲ] but not at all for [ɔɲ oʎ], while the sequences with front vowels [eʎ eɲ ɛʎ ɛɲ] may have undergone vowel assimilation occasionally. Menéndez Pidal proposed some articulation-based explanations for why some Old Spanish vowels proved to be more prone to assimilation than others: /a/ was too far articulatorily from yod to assimilate to it as frequently as /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ did; the mid high vowels /e/ and, less so, /o/ tended to remain unaffected because they were too similar to yod and therefore subject to some sort of dissimilatory effect; and finally, in so far as they were successful assimilation targets, the mid low vowels /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ became more similar to yod in degree of height. This interpretation will be reconsidered in some detail in chapter 12 in the light of the relevant data for other Romance languages. For the moment, it seems obvious that, given the existence of a considerably higher number of assimilations for /o/ than for /e/, an account of vowel assimilation degree based simply on vowel height will not do. In particular, the reason why /e/ has been largely unaffected may be related not only to the need to keep the vowel and the (alveolo)palatal consonant different enough from each other, but also to the high degree of resistance to coarticulatory effects exhibited by vowels such as /i/ and /e/ which are articulated with a narrow tongue dorsum constriction

2.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

47

at the palatal zone. Differences in degree of articulatory constraint among the contextual consonants may be also called forth in order to explain why /o/ has turned out to be particularly sensitive to the closing effect exerted by (alveolo)palatals produced with considerable tongue-to-palate contact such as [ɲ] and possibly [ ]. In order to explain this latter case it has been hypothesized that a gain in dorsopalatal contact during the production of /o/ gives rise to an [ɯ]-like realization which may be categorized as /u/ by listeners of languages where this vowel has no phonemic status (see section 1.3.1.2). The low vowel appears to work out somewhat differently: what seems to count most here is gestural overlap in VC sequences where yod occupies the coda position in the same syllable as the vowel. The most intriguing aspect of the behaviour of mid vowels before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Spanish is the fact that /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have been raised to [e] and [o] before onset and coda yod but not always in VC sequences with [ʎ] and [ɲ], where in some instances a rising diphthong occurs. While a more thorough interpretation of this contrasting behaviour will be proposed later in this book, it may be hypothesized for now that /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ failed to diphthongize or underwent diphthongization depending on whether the following (alveolo)palatal consonant caused those vowels to become too close or not, which implies that onset [j] and coda [j] before certain consonants must have been more constricted in Old Spanish than they are today. f

2.2.3 Other cases Other changes induced by (alveolo)palatal consonants on /ɛ/ should be kept separate from those referred to in section 2.2.1 probably because, at least in some cases, they operated after the mid low front vowel diphthongized into [je]. This is so for the simplification of [je] into [i] before /ll/ whether before or after the aveolar lateral geminate shifted to [ʎ] ([kasˈtiʎo] < Old Sp. castiello CASTELLU, [ˈsiʎa] SELLA), and also before /sC/ in the lexical items [aˈβispa] VESPA, [ˈnispeɾo] MESPILU, [ˈpɾisa] PRESSA as well as [ˈbispeɾa] VESPERA, [ˈristɾa] RESTE and [ˈpɾisko] PERSICU, which were realized with a rising diphthong and thus as viéspera, riestra and priesco in Old Spanish. In these circumstances, the change ie > i was achieved through vowel raising assimilation acting at the progressive level and more clearly before /sC/ than before /ll/ whatever its phonetic outcome may have been (see section 2.2.1.2 in this connection).

48

2 Spanish

2.3 Contextual labiovelar consonant The sequence [jo] in words with primitive [ɛw] such as [djos] DEUS, [jo] EGO and Old Spanish [mjo] MEU may have emerged from ieo (Dieos, ieo, mieo) and thus after /ɛ/ diphthongized into ie (Menéndez Pidal 131968, 57). This hypothesis would be supported by forms such as Dieus in Old Aragonese and mieu, miou MEU and ieu, iou EGO in W. Asturleonese (see section 3.1.3). Assuming that, in the above words, the last vocalic segment was pronounced originally as [w], the corresponding phonetic development could have been [ɛw] > [jew] > [jow] > [jo] (see Craddock 1983), and the change from [ɛw] to [jew] could have taken place through off-glide insertion and thus pathways such as [ɛw] > [ɛə̯w] > [jew] (see section 11.1.4 for similar developments in French). Some scholars believe, however, that this is not a case of vowel diphthongization but rather a direct replacement of eo by [jo] (Malkiel 1976). Regarding the present-day Spanish form [ˈmio] MEU, Menéndez Pidal proposed that it came from mieo and Malkiel from [mjo] through a backward stress shift perhaps under the influence of the stress pattern for the feminine cognate [ˈmia] MEA.

3 Asturleonese, Aragonese Asturleonese and Aragonese are analyzed separately from Castilian Spanish in view of significant differences in the treatment of stressed mid low vowels before (alveolo)palatal consonants. A summary of the relevant phonetic data for Asturleonese and Aragonese may be found in Zamora Vicente (21989). The Asturleonese-speaking domain borders with Galician and Portuguese to the west, and with Castillian Spanish to the east and south. It may be subdivided into three dialects: Western, which is spoken in W. Asturias (Luarca, Cangas de Narcea, Teberga, Somiedo), W. León (Babia, Laciana, Bierzo, La Cepeda, Astorga, La Cabrera), W. Zamora (Sanabria), and also Miranda do Douro and Sendim in Portugal; Central, spoken in C. Asturias (Oviedo, Lena) and the Los Argüellos region in León; and Eastern, spoken in E. Asturias (Cangas de Onís) and northeastern León (Oseja de Sajambre). Data from Asturleonese have been taken mainly from Leite de Vasconcellos (1900), Krüger (1923; 1965), Alonso Garrote (1947), Casado Lobato (1948), Catalán/Galmés (1954), Rodríguez Castellano (1954), López Santos (1960), Menéndez Pidal (1962), Cano González (1977), Pensado (1989), García Arias (2003) and Sánchez Miret (2012). Aragonese is spoken in the province of Huesca located in northeastern Spain, and borders the Pyrenees to the north, the Catalan-speaking domain to the east, the Castilian Spanish-speaking territories of Navarra and Castile to the west, and the Aragonese province of Zaragoza to the south. It is traditionally divided into four dialects: Western (Jaca, Echo), Central (Panticosa, Bielsa, Aínsa), Southern (Ayerbe, Somontano, Sobrarbe) and Eastern (Ribagorza). Data for Aragonese reported in this chapter comes from Kuhn (1935), Rohlfs (1938), Alvar (1953), Umphrey (1987), Vàrvaro (1991) and Nagore (2002).

3.1 Asturleonese 3.1.1 High, mid high and low vowels Asturleonese resembles Castilian Spanish in terms of the effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on stressed low and mid high vowels. Low /a/ has raised to a mid front vowel before coda yod including the sequence [jʃ], the final phonetic outcome being generally [e] ([ˈbejsu], [ˈbejʃu], [ˈbesu] BASIU, [ˈfejtu], [ˈfetʃu] FACTU, [ˈejʃe] AXE, [ˈfejʃe] FASCE, [kanˈtej] CANTAVI, [ej] ✶ AYO) and [ɛ] in La Cabrera Alta ([ˈfɛjto], [ˈɛjʃe], [ɛj], [ˈɛjɾo] -ARIU; Casado Lobato 1948). Moreover, the metaphonic action from a word-final high vowel may have https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-003

50

3 Asturleonese, Aragonese

caused the mid front outcome [e] of the /a/ raising process before coda yod to raise to [i] ([ˈfitʃu] FACTU, [ˈʎitʃi] LACTE), which parallels the closing of the mid high vowels /e o/ to [i u] in the same contextual condition ([ˈpilu] PĬLU, [ˈtsuβu] LŬPU; see also section 3.1.2). The suffix -ARIU/-ARIA is implemented in four different ways depending on geographical location: -eiru (masc.) / -iera (fem.), -eiru/eira, -eiru/-era and -eru/-era, as exemplified by the forms [kalˈdejɾu], [kalˈdeɾu] for CALDARIU and [kalˈdjeɾa], [kalˈdejɾa], [kalˈdeɾa] for CALDARIA. Two different hypotheses have been proposed to account for the rising diphthong of -iera ARIA: either it took place at the same time as /ɛ/ diphthongization in open and closed syllables and thus after /a/ raised to [ɛ] before coda yod (-iera < -ieira < -eira < -aira < -aria); or it derived from -eira through transposition of the two segments of the falling diphthong (-iera < -eira < -aira < -aria), an interpretation which would match the absence of the rising diphthong in the masculine forms (Zamora Vicente 21989, 101–103; García Arias 2003, 58, 94–95). As a general rule, the mid high front vowel /e/ did not raise to [i] before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Asturleonese: [ˈθeja], [ˈθejtʃa] CILIA, [ˈʎeɲa] LIGNA, [koˈrea] CORRIGIA, [ˈbejo] VIDEO, [esˈtɾejtu], [esˈtɾetʃu] STRICTU. There are some exceptions: the stressed vowel /e/ of [ˈʎiɲu] LIGNU and also that of [esˈpitʃu] SPECULU, whose Vulgar Latin cognate is uncertain, appears to have raised to [i] under the action of the following (alveolo)palatal consonant and/or the word-final high vowel (see García Arias 2003, 59 and section 3.1.2). It is also worth mentioning instances of the dissimilatory lowering process [ej] > [aj] in Sanabria ([kuˈraja] CORRIGIA, [owˈvaja] OVICULA, [aˈβaja] APICULA; Krüger 1965). On the other hand, /o/ is prone to assimilate to [ɲ] and to coda yod, as proven by the forms with the high back vowel [ˈuɲa] UNGULA, [ˈtɾutʃa] TRUCTA and [ˈbuʃu] BUXU as opposed to [ˈpoθu] PUTEU, [ʃiˈnoju] GENUCULU and [ˈroʃu] RUSSEU which have kept /o/ unmodified. A noteworthy sound change process in W. Asturleonese is glide epenthesis by which the sequences [iw] and [uj] composed of two high vocalic segments differing in fronting have become [ˈie̯ w], [ˈue̯ j] initially and the corresponding triphthongs [jew], [wej] later on ([ˈrue̯ jðo], [ˈrwejðo] from former [ˈruiðo] RUGITU, La Cabrera [rjew] RIVU, [ˈtɾwɛjta] TRUCTA; Krüger 1923, 44–50; Casado 1948, 47–48; García Arias 2003, 64–65, 133).

3.1.2 Mid low vowels Just as in Spanish, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ in Asturleonese have yielded rising diphthongs in free and checked syllables. In this case, the corresponding phonetic outcomes have become [je] and [ja] for /ɛ/ ([pje] PEDE, [djeθ] DECEM) and [wo], [we] and [wa], and also [wø], which is represented graphically by uö, for /ɔ/ ([ˈpworta], [ˈpwerta],

3.1 Asturleonese

51

[ˈpwarta], [ˈpwørta] PORTA, [ˈbwøna] BONA, [ˈtʃwoβe] PLOVIT). Regarding the developmental stages involved, they are [je] > [ja] in the case of /ɛ/ and [wo] > [we], [wø] in the case of /ɔ/. Of the three end products for /ɔ/, [we] is the most innovative, while [wø] may be considered an intermediate realization between [wo] and [we] (Catalán/Galmés 1954). In view of their unstressed character, it remains unclear whether the forms [je], [ja] EST, [ja] ET and [ˈjeɾa], [ˈjaɾa] ERAT have been generated through /ɛ/ diphthongization or else through [j] prothesis whether via agglutination or via epenthesis seeking to break a hiatus whenever those words came after the final vowel of the preceding word. In present-day W. Asturleonese, ia and ie may be pronounced as the falling diphthongs [ˈie̯ ], [ˈia̯ ] ([ˈpie̯ ], [ˈpia̯ ] PEDE, [ˈdie̯ θ], [ˈdia̯ θ] DECEM) or as a hiatus mostly in strong positions such as word-finally, in monosyllables and in words uttered in isolation, and the same applies to the realizations [ˈuo̯ ], [ˈue̯ ], [ˈuə̯ ] of uo, ue derived from /ɔ/ ([ˈpuo̯ rta] PORTA, [ˈluə̯ ɣu] LOCU, [kuˈluə̯ βɾa] ✶COLŎBRA, as well as [ˈnue̯ θ] ✶NŎCE). It has been contended that these non-canonical falling diphthongs come from [jV] and [wV], not the other way around (Krüger 1923, 25–26; Catalán/Galmés 1954, 141–142). As to the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant condition, both Old Asturleonese documents and present-day dialects show frequent instances of /ɛ/ diphthongization before non-palatal consonants and, differently from the Spanish outcome [o], of /ɔ/ diphthongization before (alveolo)palatals, as can be seen in Table 3 (López Santos 1960; Menéndez Pidal 1962). Regarding the case of /ɔ/, triphthongs or rising diphthongs occur depending on whether the target vowel is followed, respectively, by coda yod or by onset yod or another (alveolo)palatal consonant, and non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus may also be found in the Western dialect ([ˈfue̯ ʎa] FOLIA, [ˈnua̯ jte] NOCTE, [ˈgue̯ j] HODIE; Rodríguez Castellano 1954, 70; Krüger, 1965, 281). Since in Asturleonese (also in Aragonese; see section 3.2) /ɔ/ has diphthongized in open and closed syllables, the presence of rising diphthongs before (alveolo)palatals could be seen just as an extension of the diphthongization process in those two syllable type conditions. In agreement with this possibility, Menéndez Pidal’s belief was that yod was actively involved in /ɔ/ raising in the case of, for example, Spanish [oj] HODIE but not in /ɔ/ diphthongization for the Asturleonese and Aragonese cognate [wej] (Menéndez Pidal 131968, 63). The alternative view referred to explicitely below is that in Asturleonese contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants played an active role in the diphthongization of etymological /ɔ/. Regarding /ɛ/, analogously to Spanish, Asturleonese has e, not ie, in lexical items in which the stressed vowel has been followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant at some stage of the derivation ([ˈpetʃu] PECTU, [mew] MEDIU, [sejs], [ses] SEX, [enˈteɾu] INTEGRU). Asturleonese also resembles Spanish in showing [je] (/ɛ/) before [ʎ] generated both from /ll/ ([aˈnjeʎu] ANELLU, [kuˈtʃjeʎu] CULTELLU; section

52

3 Asturleonese, Aragonese

2.2.3 and García Arias 2003, 71) and from /kl/ in the case of [ˈbjetʃu], [ˈbjeju] VECLU. Verbal forms such as [ˈbjeŋgu] VENIO and [ˈtjeŋgu] TENEO are exceptional in that their rising diphthong does not appear to be related to the postvocalic consonant (which happens not to be [ɲ] derived from /nj/) but may have resulted from the regularization of other indicative present forms whose root has ie in stressed position; if so, the diphthong of [ˈtjeŋgo] would have been induced by that of tienes, tiene, tienen (Pensado 1984, 517; 1989). The examples in Table 3 indicate that /ɔ/ diphthongization has applied in front of [ʎ] from different etymological origins (FOLIA, OCULU, COLLIGIT) and is also available before the other phonetic outcomes [j], [tʃ], [ɖ ] ([ˈfwoʎa], [ˈfwoja], [ˈfwetʃa], [ˈfweɖa]). Vowel diphthongization has also taken place before [j] derived from [ ] ([wej] HODIE, [ˈfweju] ✶FOVEU), and before [jɾ] derived from /ɾj/ ([ˈkwejɾu] CORIU) and also before /kt/, which has yielded not only [jt] but also [tʃ] in Asturleonese ([ˈnwejte], [ˈnwetʃe] NOCTE). There is also [ˈkweʃu] COXU (/ks/) which is in contrast with the regular form [ˈkoʃu], and no diphthong in the present-day forms for OCTO ([ˈojtu], [ˈotʃu]) which nevertheless, as the table shows, appears to have had a diphthong in Old Leonese (uuocho, (v)uecho). The reluctance on the part of the stressed vowel of OCTO to diphthongize in this and other Romance languages may be associated with the relatively lack of stress whenever the numeral occupies a proclitic position in front of a noun. The lexical variants [ˈdwotʃo], [ˈdwejtu] and [ˈdwetʃo] have not been included in Table 3 since it remains unclear whether they come from DǓCTU (Pensado 1989) or from DŎCTU (Catalán/Galmés 1954; Menéndez Pidal 1962). The occurrence of the glide [j] before (alveolo)palatal consonants in presentday W. Asturleonese (W. Asturias, Cabrera and Sanabria regions, Mirandese) suggests that at least in this particular dialect region this segment may have been the actual vowel diphthongization trigger, though it should be noted that this transitional glide occurs most often or exclusively only after /e/ ([ˈθejtʃa] CILIA, [ˈrejtʃa], [ˈrɛjʃa] REGULA, [aˈβejtʃa] APICULA, [ˈʎejɲa] LIGNA, [deˈɾejtʃa] DIRECTA , [puˈkejɲu] Sp. pequeño, [ˈbejja] VIDEAM; Krüger 1923, 36–38; Casado 1948, 45; García Arias 2003, 59, 231). In contrast with Catalan (see chapter 5), the vowel nucleus of the diphthongs and triphthongs of interest did not raise to a high vowel except for the cases referred to in points (a) and (b) below. f

(a) In a C. Asturias area including Lena, Aller, Mieres and Langreo where metaphony triggered by a word-final high vowel causes stressed /a/, /e/ (also [e] derived from /a/; see section 3.1.1) and /o/ to raise, respectively, to [e], [i] and [u], mid vowel raising may also operate on rising diphthongs deriving from /ɛ/ and /ɔ/, whether before an (alveolo)palatal consonant or not. Therefore, we have [je] >

3.1 Asturleonese

53

[i] (/ɛ/) in [ˈtimpu] TEMPU and in forms with a postvocalic (alveolo)palatal such as [buˈtiʎu] BOTELLU, and [we] > [wi] (/ɔ/) in [ˈfwiβu] FOCU and [ˈmwirtu] MORTUU as well as in lexical items with a postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant such as [ˈnwitʃi] NOCTE and also [ˈgwiju]/[ˈbwiju] which occur in addition to [ˈgweju] OCULU (Catalan & Galmés 1954, 116–117). Other relevant forms occurring in the same dialect region are [ˈkuʃu] COXU and [ˈkujɾu] CORIU (García Arias 2002–2004). (b) In the Portuguese village of Sendim located to the west of Zamora, which lacks metaphony, [je] (/ɛ/) and [wo] (/ɔ/) have shifted to [i] and [u] systematically and independently of segmental context, as exemplified by [ˈfiro] FERRU and [ˈfista] FESTA, which correspond to the regular Mirandese forms fierro and fiesta, and also [mil] MEL, [ˈbuno] BONU, [ˈnuso] NOSTRU, [ˈuʎo] OCULU, [ˈkujɾo] CORIU and [ˈnujte] NOCTE (Leite de Vasconcellos 1900, 219, 226–229). In the southwestern León and northwestern Zamora region, on the other hand, high vowels appear to have emerged from falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus. Thus, a change [ˈue̯ ] > [uj] has been reported to occur in La Maragatería ([ˈlue̯ ɣo]/[ˈlujɣo], [ˈbue̯ no]/[ˈbujno]; Alonso Garrote 1947, 46–47), and in Sanabria, whether implemented as triphthongs or non-canonical vocalic sequences, uoi and uei derived from /ɔ/ followed by yod co-occur with ui ([desˈpwojs], [desˈpwejs], [desˈpujs] DE-EX-POST, [gwoj], [gwej]/[ˈgue̯ j], [g(w)uj] HODIE; Krüger 1965, 281). Alongside these dialect data, it has been claimed that Old Leonese forms with a single high vowel could arise from non-canonical falling diphthongs, hence cilo, firro, custa, pusto with [i], [u] from cielo, fierro, cuesta, puesto with [ˈie̯ ], [ˈue̯ ] (López Santos 1960, 287–288). Judging from the examples presented in Table 3, the on-glide [w] of rising diphthongs may be reinforced with a prothetic voiced velar consonant and less so with a prothetic voiced bilabial. In particular, the reinforcement with [g] occurs in the case of OCULU ([ˈgweju]) and HODIE ([gwej]), and the two prothetic consonants may be found in lexical items with a diphthong derived from /ɔ/ not followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant ([ˈgwertu]/[ˈbwertu] HORTU, [ˈgweβu]/ [ˈbweβu] OVU; García Arias 2003, 87). It has been contended that /ɔ/ diphthongization before yod need not be assumed to explain the Asturleonese data reviewed so far. According to Pensado (1989), final [j] in forms like [gwej] HODIE would come from paragogic e such that in these and analogous phonetic variants [oj] would have diphthongized into [we] through the intermediate sequence [oe̯ ], e would then have been inserted at the end of the word, and finally the resulting sequence [wee̯ ] would have been dissimilated into [wej] (i.e., [oj] > [oe̯ ] > [we] > [wee̯ ] > [wej]). As to the word-medial position, variants such as [ˈkwejɾo] would have been created from

54

3 Asturleonese, Aragonese

cuero under the influence of other falling diphthong/single vowel alternations such as Asturleonese peito/Castilian Spanish pecho, while mirroring triphthongs which also happen to be available in words with /o/ in W. Asturleonese such as [fwej] FUIT, [salˈmwejɾa] SALMURIA and [ˈtɾwejta] TRUCTA. In support of the vowel diphthongization hypothesis, the co-occurrence of forms with the earlier and later outcomes uo and ue (nuoite, nueite) and the simplification of uei into ue after changes in the following consonant (nueite, nueche) suggest that yod is not extraneous or analogical in Asturleonese. On the other hand, as argued for in section 12.2, the reason why rising diphthongs before (alveolo)-

Table 3: Instances of /ɔ/ diphthongization before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Asturleonese. Old Asturleonese forms are given in italics. wo

we

wø

FOLIA

ˈfwoʎ/ja

ˈfwe(ʎ/j)a, ˈfwetʃa, ˈfweɖa

ˈfwøja, ˈfwøtʃa

COLLIGIT

ˈkwoje

ˈkweʎ/je, kwej, ˈkwetʃi cueya (COLLIGAT)

ˈkwøji, ˈkwøtʃi

MOLLIAT

ˈmwoja

ˈmweja, ˈmwetʃa mueyo (MOLLIO)

ˈmwøja, ˈmwøtʃa

OCULU

ˈwoʎ/jo, ˈgwoju

ˈweʎu/o, ˈ(g)weju/o, ˈ(g)wetʃu uueyo, ueyo

ˈwøju, ˈwøtʃu

HODIE

(g)woj (u)uoy

(g)wej (u)ue, uuey, vue(y)

wøj

PODIU

ˈpweʃu

MODIU

ˈmwejo mueyo

TRIMODIA

tɾiˈmwoja

ˈtɾimweja

INTROEO

anˈtɾwejo/u, anˈtɾwetʃu

✶

ˈfweju

FOVEU

COXU

ˈkweʃu

ˈkwøʃu ˈnwøjti, ˈnwøtʃi

NOCTE

ˈnwojte/i

ˈnwejte/i, ˈnwetʃe/i nueche

OCTO

uuocho

(v)uecho ˈkwetʃu

COCTU CORIU

ˈkwojɾu/o

ˈkwejɾu/o cueyro

ˈkwøɾu

3.1 Asturleonese

55

palatals have emerged from /ɔ/ rather than from /ɛ/ may be indicative that rising diphthongization in this contextual condition has taken place through offglide insertion.

3.1.3 Mid low vowels before velars and [w] Of some interest is the presence in Asturleonese of rising diphthongs derived from /ɔ/ before velars and /ɛ/ before [w]. Regarding words ending in -OCU, Asturleonese has [fwew], [fwow], [fwøw] FOCU and [ʎwew], [ʎwow] LOCU, which may have emerged through /ɔ/ diphthongization while the vowel was in an open syllable followed by deletion of an approximant realization of the intervocalic stop, an interpretation which appears to be in accordance with the existence of the more basic forms [ˈfwoɣu] FOCU, [ˈʎwoɣu] [ˈʎweɣu] LOCU (see Catalán/Galmés 1954). Moreover, in addition to variants such as [ˈfweβu], [ˈfwiβu] FOCU generated through [β] epenthesis, the forms [fow] and [ʎow] of the same two words in Asturias may be accounted for assuming that the on-glide has been deleted in [fwow] due to articulatory similarity between [w] and the preceding labiodental (fuou > fou) and also in [ʎwow] due to articulatory antagonism between [w] and the preceding alveolopalatal (lluou > llou) (for a slightly different interpretation, see García Arias 2003, 85, 173). As to the sequence [ɛw], lexical variants with ieu, iau and iou are available in W. Asturleonese at present and in earlier times: [djews], [djows] though not Diaus for DEUS; [jew], [jaw], [jow] EGO; [mjew], [ˈmie̯ w], [mjow] but not miau MEU (Pensado 1989; García Arias 2003, 78). As pointed out in section 2.3, it has been hypothesized that a simplification process iou > io yielded the Spanish forms [djos] Dios, [jo] yo and [ˈmio] mío. The origin of these triphthongs has been the subject of some debate. They may have arisen through the diphthongization of /ɛ/ into ie in open syllables yielding ieu or else through off-glide insertion and thus an intermediate sequence eau coming from [ɛw] in a fashion similar to the pathway for [bo] BELLU in French (see sections 2.3 and 11.1.4). Based on data from the Sanabria region located in northwestern Zamora, Krüger (1923, 46–50) proposed instead that the triphthongs in question came into existence through a glide insertion mechanism causing [iw] (which would have arisen from eu through vowel closing assimilation) to change to [ˈie̯ w] and later to [jew], the variants [jaw] and [jow] resulting from [jew] through dissimilatory lowering and assimilatory rounding, respectively. According to this hypothesis then [miw] MEU (Sanabria, Maragatería) and also [diws] DEUS (Mirandese) would not be simplified versions of mieu and Dieu but rather the basic forms from which the latter and other forms would have derived. A radically different interpretation

56

3 Asturleonese, Aragonese

based on Malkiel’s reconstruction for Castilian Spanish (section 2.3) may be found in Pensado (1989): [ɛw] yielded [jo] through the successive changes [eo̯ ] > [e̯ o] > [jo] ([jo] EGO, [mjo] MEU]), after which [jo] could become [jow] ([jow], [mjow]) under the influence of other lexical forms ending in -ou (posessives tou, sou, present tense forms estou, sou), and resulting lexical variants such as miou, Dious were later replaced by mieu, Dieus.

3.2 Aragonese In parallel to Asturleonese and Castilian Spanish, mid low vowels in Aragonese have diphthongized in open and checked syllables (Umphrey 1987; Zamora Vicente 21989; Nagore 2002). On the one hand, /ɛ/ became [je], [ja], as in [ˈfjero] FERRU, [ˈtjampo] TEMPU, [ˈdjanda] DENTE, [jes], [jas] ES and [ˈjeɾa], [ˈjaɾa] ERAT, and also before /sC/ as in [ˈbjespɾa] VESPERA and [aˈɾjesta] ✶ARESTA. On the other hand, /ɔ/ shifted to [we], [wa] and much less so [wo], as in [pwen] PONTE, [ˈbwano] BONU, [ˈkwaʎu] COLLU. In Old Aragonese, the outcomes ia and ua were more frequent than they are today, and there appears to have been a metaphonic effect by which words ending in /a/ favoured the presence of those two vocalic sequences (siarra, cuantra, and the present-day lexical remnants [ˈmjarla] ME✶ RULA, [ˈljastɾa] ARESTA) while words ending in /e/ and /o/ typically had ie and ue instead (Vázquez Obrador, 2000, Nagore 2002). Regarding the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition, the situation is similar to that which exists in Asturleonese. The low vowel remains unchanged before syllable-onset alveolopalatals ([ˈpaʎa] PALEA, [ˈgɾaʎa] GRACULA) and raises to mid front before coda [j] though not if followed by [ ʃ ]. Thus, there is vowel raising in [ˈfejto], [ˈfet(o)] FACTU, [lej], [let] LACTE, [ˈeɾa] AREA and [ˈeɾo]/ [ˈeɾa] -ARIU/-ARIA, but not in [fɾaˈʃin(o)], [ˈfrasno] FRAXINU, [ˈfaʃa]/[ˈfaxa] FASCIA, [ˈtaʃo] TAXU, [ˈfaʃo]/[ˈfaxo] FASCE, [ˈkaʃa] CAPSA and [maˈðaʃa] MATAXA. On the other hand, mid high front /e/ is preserved intact ([ˈθeʎa] CILIA, [ˈteʎa] TEGULA, [ˈleɲa] LIGNA, [koˈreja] CORRIGIA, [ˈseja] SEDEAM, [ˈdɾe(j)to], [ˈdɾetʃo] DIRECTU, [ˈestɾejto] STRICTU), while mid high back /o/ has undergone assimilatory raising into [u] before (alveolo)palatals in a subset of contextual conditions including [jt] and excluding [ʎ]: (with vowel raising) [ˈpuθo] PUTEU, [ˈbuʃo] BUXU, [ˈruʃo] RUSSEU, [ˈtɾujta] TRUCTA, [ˈlu(j)ta] LUCTA, [ˈmujto] MULTU; (without vowel raising) [feˈnoʎo] FENUCULU, [tʃiˈnoʎo] GENUCULU, [ˈrojo] RUBEU. Moreover, the falling diphthong ei which results from the assimilation of /a/ to coda yod may have been simplified into [e], [i], while ui derived from [oj] may have changed to [u]: 11th c. peto 10 PACTU, freto FRACTU (Menéndez Pidal 1986, 81); [ˈfejto] FACTU (Bolea, Torla), and

3.2 Aragonese

57

the derived forms [ˈfeto] (Torla, Ansó, Bielsa, Gistaín) and [ˈfito] (Bolea); [ˈbutɾe] VULTURE, and [ˈkutɾe] (Campo de Jaca), old cuytre CULTER. The sequence [oj] could also be replaced by [wej] which later became [we] whenever yod merged with the following consonant into some other articulation: [ˈdwetʃo], old adueyto DǓCTU, [ˈbwejtɾe], [ˈgwejtɾe] VULTURE, [ˈgwejtɾe] CULTER. These forms may be handled assuming a change [uj] > [wej] achieved through glide epenthesis, or else may be attributed to hypercorrection on the part of the listener by which the treatment of /ɔ/ before yod referred to below was extended to words which had /o/ such as the ones provided above and even /u/ as exemplified by the Old Aragonese variant frueytos FRŪCTUS (pl.) (Kuhn 1935, 26–27; Rohlfs 1938; Vàrvaro 1991, 264). How the 13th c. form orgüello ✶URGŌLI came about is less clear (Alvar 1953, 153). As shown by the examples presented in Table 4 and analogously to Asturleonese, mid low vowel diphthongization before an (alveolo)palatal consonant has left traces essentially for /ɔ/, the diphthongization of /ɛ/ occurring not only in VECLU (as in Asturleonese) but also in SPECULU and in words ending in -ELLU/ -ELLA ([beˈðjeʎo], [beˈtjeʎo] VITELLU, [kaˈpjeʎu] CAPELLU, [kuˈtʃjeʎo] CULTELLU). There are no instances of /ɛ/ diphthongization before yod, as demonstrated by [ˈpejto] PECTU, [ˈmejo], Old Aragonese meyo, meo MEDIU, and also [ˈlejto] LECTU, although, according to Menéndez Pidal (101986, 158), there is the diphthongized form lieto in 11th c. documents. The old and present-day Aragonese forms viengo, tiengo as well as [ˈgwerðjo] HORDEU have not been included in the table for the same reasons as those given in connection with Spanish and Asturleonese in sections 2.2.1.2 and 3.1.2. As to the diphthongization of /ɔ/, whereas there are no traces of [wo], [we] occurs before [ʎ], onset [j] derived from [ ] (/dj/) and coda [j] derived from /kt/, but not in [ˈkoʃo] COXU. The form [ˈfweβa] FOVEA has not been included in Table 4 because it is not immediately apparent whether its diphthong should be associated with a postvocalic (alveolo)palatal or not, and also because it coexists with lexical variants with no diphthong both of the same word ([ˈfoja], [ˈfoβa], [ˈfoβja] FOVEA) and of other words exhibiting the same contextual environment ([ˈrojo] RUBEU) (Alvar 1953, 196). It is also worth referring to Old Aragonese forms with the high back vowel [u], which must have been generated through raising of the vowel nucleus of a triphthong or rising diphthong (see Table 4): Old Aragonese buito, bueyto VOCITU, puio, pueyo PODIU, nui/yt ([nwit] in present-day Aragonese from Hecho; Kuhn 1935, 14), nueyt NOCTE, the 14th c. variant vuyt OCTO, which has been attributed to Catalan influence (Alvar 1953, 210), and the 19th c. form fulla FOLIA (Umphrey 1987, 170). It should be noted that most of these words have a prevocalic labial or labiodental which may have contributed to the simplification of the diphthong perhaps before uo was fronted to ue (uo > u). In contrast with f

58

3 Asturleonese, Aragonese

Asturleonese, Aragonese has no forms with [wi] for [we] induced by the metaphonic action from a word-final high vowel. According to the data presented in Table 4, the back rounded on-glide of rising diphthongs arising from /ɔ/ has been reinforced with [g] in [ˈgweʎo] OCULU, [ˈgwejto] OCTO and [gwe] HODIE. The same prothetic consonant has been inserted before ue in words in which /ɔ/ was not originally followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant, as exemplified by [ˈgwerto] HORTU, [ˈgweɣo] OVU, [ˈgweso] OSSU and also [ˈgweʎa] OVICULA where ue derives from oe (Kuhn 1935, 92). Table 4: Instances of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ diphthongization before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Aragonese. Old Aragonese forms are given in italics. SPECULU

esˈpjeʎo spiello

VECLU

ˈbjeʎo, ˈbjaʎo viello

FOLIA

ˈfweʎa fuella

SPOLIA

spuella, spulla

LOLIU

ˈlweʎo

OCULU

ˈ(g)weʎo (v)uellos, huello, guellyos

ROTULU

ˈrweʎo

PODIU

ˈpwejo puey(o), puio

HODIE

wej, (g)we huoy, huey, guey

INODIU

enueyo

NOCTE

ˈnwejt(e), nwej, nwet, nwit nueyt(e), nuet, nuyt

OCTO

ˈwejt(o), ˈgwejt, gwej hueyt(o), ueito, veyto, gueyto

COCTU

ˈkwejto, ˈkwet(o) cueyto

VOCITU

ˈbwejto bueyto, buito

3.2 Aragonese

59

A comment should be added about the Aragonese scenario, which could perhaps be extended to Asturleonese: the fact that rising diphthongs derived from /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ occur in open and checked syllables does not allow us to immediately rule out a contextually conditioned account of stressed mid low vowel breaking before (alveolo)palatal consonants. In fact, according to Rohlfs (1932; 1938), the diphthongization of /ɔ/ and to a lesser extent /ɛ/ before (alveolo)palatals in Aragonese should be linked to the presence of rising diphthongs for these two vowels in the same consonantal context, though not in open and closed syllables, in the neighbouring southwestern Basses-Pyrénées region of France, where Occitan is spoken ([sjes] SEX, [ʎɛjt], [ljɛjt] LECTU, [wɛj], [gwej] HODIE, [nwɛjt], [nwet] NOCTE). According to this view, /ɛ/ diphthongization would have operated before yod in words like PECTU in Old Aragonese after which a number of the diphthongized forms underwent a monophthongization process. This would account for the present-day situation (e.g., present-day Aragonese [ˈpejto] < Old Aragonese ✶pieito PECTU).

4 Portuguese Portuguese is spoken in Portugal and from the 16th century onwards in Brazil as well as in Angola and Mozambique. Two major dialectal areas may be distinguished in the European Portuguese-speaking territory, i.e., Northern (Minhoto, Transmontano) and Central-Southern (Beirão, Alentejano, Algarvio). The diachronic data adduced in this chapter have been taken mostly from Williams (1938), and information about matters of orthographic representation and phonetic transcription, from the Dicionário da língua portuguesa contemporânea (Academia das Ciências de Lisboa 2001). Differently from Spanish, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ in Portuguese have not undergone spontaneous diphthongization. In addition to various vowel changes triggered by postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonants reviewed below, several instances of metaphony are noteworthy: mid vowel raising induced by word-final /i/ (Ī) (/e/, [fiʃ] FECI, [ˈvĩtɨ] VIGINTI; /ɛ/, Old Portuguese eire HERI; /o/, [ˈpudɨ] POTUI, [fuj] FUI) and by penult [ɪ] (Ĭ) in proparoxytones (dízimo DECIMU, dívida DEBITA, lídimo LEGITIMU); /ɛ/, /ɔ/ and /o/ raising to [e], [o] and [u], respectively, before wordfinal /o/ (Ŭ) ([ˈmedu] METU, [ˈfogu] FOCU, [ˈtudu] TOTU); and /e/ and /o/ lowering to [ɛ] and [ɔ] before a word-final low vowel ([ˈtɛlɐ] TELA, [ˈɔɾɐ] HORA). Moreover, there are instances of /e/ lowering to [ɛ] before dark /l/ ([kɾuˈɛl] CRUDELE) and of /ɛ/ closing to [e] before [w] in forms such as [dewʃ] DEUS, [ew] EGO, [ʒuˈdew] IUDAEU and [mew] MEU (Williams 1938, 32). Examples of vowel rising assimilation before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Portuguese are shown in Table 5. The phonetic transcription of the lexical variants included in the table corresponds to Lisbon Portuguese where, unlike in other Portuguese dialects, stressed /e/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal is often realized not as [e] but as [ɐ] (Mateus/d’Andrade 2000, 19). Several observations about the historical development of consonants in Portuguese are in order at this stage. Regarding group 1 in the table, /tj/ and /ke ki/ yielded [z] for the most part and /kj/ and /ttj/ (also postconsonantal /tj/) the voiceless outcome [s] through intermediate alveolar affricates; and word-finally, voiced obstruents devoice ([vɔʃ] VOCE). The alveolopalatals [ʎ] and [ɲ] (groups 2 and 3) emerged from the same consonant sequences as in Spanish, and /nn/ and /ll/ were degeminated instead of being replaced by alveolopalatals (cutelo CULTELLU, ano ANNU). In contrast with Spanish, the verbal forms [ˈvɐɲu] VENIO and [ˈtɐɲu] TENEO have been included in Table 5 since they show a postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant. On the other hand, onset [ ] derived from /j/, /dj/ and /ge gi gj/ (group 4) has yielded mostly [ʒ] ([ˈaʒɐ] ✶AYAM < HABEAM, [ˈoʒɨ] HODIE, [ˈfuʒu] FUGIO) though also [j] in some cases ([ẽˈsaju] EXAGIU, [ˈfajɐ] FAGEA). Groups 5 through 8 include f

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-004

62

4 Portuguese

instances of coda [j] exclusively. Lexical items with an early labial + /j/ sequence which ended up having a glide in the same syllable as the target vowel may be found in group 5 ([ˈnojvu], [ˈsajbɐ]); glide transposition may be taken as proof that the labial was palatalized in Old Portuguese. Group 6 includes words with [jʃ] derived from /ks/, /ske ski skj/ and /ssj/, which are pronounced as such nowadays except after a mid back rounded vowel, where [ʃ] occurs ([ˈejʃu] AXE, [ˈkoʃɐ] COXA, [ˈbajʃu] ✶BASSIU), and also lexical items with [jt] derived from /kt/ and /lt/ through vocalization of the syllable-final consonant ([ˈlɐjtɨ] LACTE, [ˈmũjtu] MULTU). Group 7 includes words with [jɾ] coming from /ɾj/ and other lexical items with [jʒ] arising from /sj/ through progressive palatalization of the alveolar fricative ([ˈkojɾu] CORIU, [ˈbɐjʒu] BASIU). The sequence ai in words of group 8 originated in the same way as the 4th yod cases in Spanish (see section 2.2.1.4). A relevant phonetic characteristic of northern Portuguese is off-glide insertion in VC sequences with a mid high vowel and a palatoalveolar or alveolopalatal consonant such as [eʒ], [oʒ] (bejo, hoje), [eʃ] (peixe), [eɲ] (lenha) and [eʎ] (abelha), which are pronounced [ejʒ ojʒ ejʃ ejɲ ejʎ] in this dialect region (Leite de Vasconcelos 1901, 91–92, 95). The opposite change accounts for instances of [uj] simplification into [u] in the standard language ([ˈʃuvɐ] PLUVIA). A few comments are in order here regarding several lexical forms that appear in the table and other forms excluded from it. Following Williams (1938) and Corominas/Pascual (1980–1991), FERIA and MONASTERIU have been included as instances of /e/ and ECLESIA as an instance of /ɛ/. As for Spanish, lexical items which have undergone mid vowel raising before yod whenever [j] is separated by two consonants from the target stressed vowel are considered to be metaphonic and, after triggering vowel closing, the palatal glide has been deleted from them: /ɛ/ > [e] ([ˈnervu] NERVIU, [suˈberbɐ] SUPERBIA, [ˈtermu] TERMINU); /ɔ/ > [o] ([ˈoʃtɾɐ] OSTREA); /e/ > [i] ([ˈlĩpu] LIMPIDU); and /o/ > [u] ([ˈturvu] TURBIDU). We have also excluded from consideration learned words, whether their stressed mid high vowel has been raised before yod or not (/e/, mistério, nédio NITIDU, justiça, justeza IUSTITIA, viço, vezo VITIU; /o/, cerimónia, gloria, testemónio), and also hiatuses which came into existence through consonant deletion in late Portuguese ([tajʃ] TALES, [ɐˈmajʃ] AMATIS) (see Williams 1938, 29, 34, 38). The data in Table 5 reveal the following vowel assimilation scenario, which has been summarized in Table 6. Regarding group 1 and analogously to Spanish, as a general rule vowels have not undergone change: /ɛ/, [dɛʃ] DECEM; /ɔ/, [kɔz] COCIT; /e/, [ˈvezu] VITIU; /o/, [ˈposu] PUTEU; /a/, [ɐˈmjasɐ] MINACIA. However, we have [ˈforsɐ] FORTIA and [ˈpɾesu] PRETIU, the latter form being regarded as learned also in Spanish ([ˈpɾeθjo]). As to group 2, the vowel assimilation pattern before [ʎ] resembles that for Spanish: there has been assimilatory raising of mid low vowels in the case of [ɔʎ] ([ˈfoʎɐ] FOLIA) and also for [ɛʎ] in SPECULU ([ɨʃˈpɐʎu],

63

4 Portuguese

provided that the stressed vowel of this word does not come from Ĭ) but not in VECLU ([ˈvɛʎu]); /e a/ do not assimilate and /o/ may raise to [u] ([ˈsɐʎɐ] CILIA, [ˈpaʎɐ] PALEA, [gorˈguʎu] GURGULIU). Regarding [ɲ] (group 3), on the other hand, Portuguese differs from Spanish in favouring the systematic raising of not only /ɛ/ but also /ɔ/, while /o/ may or may not raise to [u] and /a/ and generally /e/ stay unmodified ([ˈtɐɲu] TENEO, [ˈsoɲu] SOMNIU, and see section 2.2.1.2 for possible accounts of /o/ raising in the forms for CUNEU and PUGNU). The behaviour of stressed vowels in conditions 4 through 8 parallels that for Spanish in many respects: (a) /e/ only assimilates in the labial + yod condition ([ˈsibɐ] SEPIA vs. [diˈɾɐjtu] DIRECTU). (b) /o/ has raised before [jt], moderately before [ʒ] derived from onset [ ] and a labial + /j/ sequence, and not at all before [jɾ] ([ˈtɾutɐ] TRUCTA, [ˈfuʒu] FUGIO, [ˈʃuvɐ] PLUVIA vs. [ɨʃˈtoʒu] STUDIU, [ˈfoʒu] ✶FOVEU, [ɐˈgojɾu] AUGURIU). (c) /a/ assimilates to coda [j] including words with Latin /ks/ ([ˈejʃu] AXE, [mɐˈdɐjʃɐ] MATAXA and also [ˈfɾɐjʃu] FRAXINU), but does not change before a labial + yod sequence ([ˈʁajvɐ] RABIA). (d) As a general rule, there has been raising assimilation of /ɛ ɔ/ ([ˈlɐjtu] LECTU, [mɐˈdɐjɾɐ] MATERIA, [ˈojtu] OCTO, [ˈkojɾu] CORIU). f

Two other dialectal characteristics worth mentioning are the dissimilatory lowering of /e/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant ([eʎ eɲ] > [aʎ aɲ], as in ubailha for ovelha OVICULA and lanha for lenha LIGNA in the Beira province) and the assimilatory fronting of [oj] into [ej] (neite for noite NOCTE in the C. Transmontano dialect) (Leite de Vasconcelos 1901, 91; Paiva Boléo/Santos Silva 1961, 330, 333). The vowel assimilation scenario for Galician Portuguese is very similar to the one just described (Mariño Paz 2017).

ˈvɛʎu

VECLU

SPECULU

kõˈsɐʎu CONCILIU

ˈʁɐʎɐ REGULA

uˈɾɐʎɐ AURICULA

ˈkoʎu

COLLIGO

ˈoʎu

OCULU

CILIA

ˈsɐʎɐ gorˈguʎu GURGULIU

PEDUCULU

ˈpjoʎu

GENUCULU

Old Port. geollo

COAGULU

ˈkwaʎu

NOVACULA

nɐˈvaʎɐ

ALLIU

ˈaʎu

PALEA

ˈpaʎɐ

MINACIA

PACE

ɐˈmjasɐ

MOLLIAT

MILIU

PLATTEA

paʃ

✶

ˈpɾasɐ

No change

VICE

Change

a

veʃ

ˈmɔʎɐ

FOLIA

ˈfoʎɐ

IUSTITIA

VOCE

vɔʃ

ʒuʃˈtezɐ

DECEM

ˈposu

No change

dɛʃ

ˈmiʎu

Change

o

PUTEU

ˈvezu

No change

e

VITIU

FORTIA

COCIT

kɔz

PETTIA

ˈforsɐ

ˈpɛsɐ

✶

No Change change

ɔ

No Change change

 ɨʃˈpɐʎu

TERTIU

 ˈtersu

Change

ɛ

f

Table 5: Phonetic outcomes of stressed /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Portuguese. The numbering in the leftmost column corresponds to the following modern and earlier consonant realizations, the latter being enclosed within parentheses when available: (1) [z] ([dz]), [s] ([ts]); (2) [ʎ]; (3) [ɲ]; (4) [ʒ], [j] ([ ]); (5) [ʒ], [j]+ labial (labial +/j/); (6) [ʃ] ([jʃ]), [jt]; (7) [ʒ] ([zj]), [jɾ] ([ɾj]); 8 [j]. For each stressed vowel, lexical variants are presented in two columns according to whether they have undergone a consonant-conditioned change or not.

64 4 Portuguese

SOMNIU

VENIO

ʁɐj

SEPIA

vĩˈdimɐ VINDEMIA

ˈmoju

MODIU

ˈpoʒu

PODIU

ˈnojvu

NOVIU

Old Port. coimo

COMEDO

dɨˈzɐʒu

DESIDIU

ˈpweʒu

PULEGIU

 ˈpɾemju

PRAEMIU

CORRIGIA

kuˈʁɐjɐ

REGE

VIDEO

ˈvɐʒu

IMPIGNU

✶

ẽˈpɐɲu

LIGNA

ˈlɐɲɐ

STAMINEA

ɨʃtɐˈmɐɲɐ

HODIE

ˈsibɐ

TINEA

ˈtiɲɐ

SEDEAM

 ˈsɐʒɐ

TENEO

ˈoʒɨ

ˈsoɲu

ˈvɐɲu

ˈtɐɲu

SAXONIA

Old Port. Sansonha

INGENIU

 ẽˈʒɐɲu

RISONEU

CAVEA

(continued)

ˈgajvɐ

RABIA

ˈʁajvɐ

COPHIA

FOVEU

SAPIAM

ˈsajbɐ

FAGEA

ˈfajɐ

EXAGIU

ẽˈsaju

MAIU

ˈmaju

RADIU

ˈʁaju

ARANEA

ɐˈɾɐɲɐ

BANEU

ˈbaɲu

ˈkojfɐ

✶

ˈfoʒu

ˈʃuvɐ PLUVIA

GUBIA

ˈgojvɐ

STUDIU

ɨʃˈtoʒu

VERECUNDIA

vɨrˈgoɲɐ

✶

ʁiˈzoɲu

CICONIA

sɨˈgoɲɐ

RUBEU

ˈʁujvu

FUGIO

ˈfuʒu

UNGULA

ˈuɲɐ

PUGNU

ˈpuɲu

TESTIMONIU

tɨʃtɨˈmuɲu

CUNEU

ˈkuɲu

4 Portuguese

65

ECLESIA

MORIO

✶

Old Port. moiro

OCTO

iˈgɾɐʒɐ

ˈojtu

CORIU

DIRECTU

NOCTE

LECTU

ˈkojɾu

diˈɾɐjtu

ˈnojtɨ

ˈlɐjtu

CERESIA

STRICTU

COXA

DESPECTU

 sɨˈɾɐʒɐ

ˈpɐjʃɨ

ˈkoʃɐ

dɨʃˈpɐjtu

TONSORIA

tɨˈzojɾɐ

FERIA

ˈfɐjɾɐ

BASIU

ˈbɐjʒu

CASEU

ˈkɐjʒu

FACTU

VULTURE

AUGURIU

ˈfɐjtu

ɐˈbutɾɨ

ˈlɐjtɨ

MATAXA

mɐˈdɐjʃɐ

FASCE

ˈfɐjʃɨ

AXE

ˈejʃu

Change

LACTE

ɐˈgojɾu

RUSSEU

ˈʁoʃu

CALUMNIA

ˈkojmɐ

No change

MULTU

ˈmũjtu

COGITO

ˈkujdu

TRUCTA

ˈtɾutɐ

LUCTA

ˈlutɐ

Change

o

CERVESIA

sɨrˈvɐʒɐ

iʃˈtɾɐjtu

PISCE

CRESCIT

ˈkɾɛʃ

COXU

No change

ˈkoʃu

No Change change

e

SEX

No Change change

ɔ

 sɐjʃ

Change

ɛ

Table 5 (continued) a

CAPSA

ˈkajʃɐ

No change

66 4 Portuguese



MONASTERIU

CATHEDRA

INTEGRU

ĩˈtɐjɾu

mɐˈdɐjɾɐ MATERIA

muʃˈtɐjɾu

kɐˈdɐjɾɐ SALMURIA

salˈmojɾɐ

AYO

MAGICU

ˈmɐjgu

LAICU

ˈlɐjgu

AMAVI

ɐˈmɐj

✶

ej

PRIMARIU

pɾiˈmɐjɾu

AREA

ˈejɾɐ

MAGIS

majʃ

4 Portuguese

67

68

4 Portuguese

Table 6: Phonetic outcomes of mid and low vowels before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Portuguese. The leftmost column shows the modern consonant realizations followed by their phonetic source within parentheses. Cells are shaded dark or light grey depending on the frequency of assimilation and left white if there is no assimilation. Empty cells indicate the absence of data. /ɛ/

/ɔ/

/e/

/o/

/a/

. z (dz); s (ts)

ɛ

ɔ

e

o

a

. ʎ

e

o

e

u

a

. ɲ

e

o

e

u

a

. ʒ, j ( )

e

o

e

u

a

. ʒ, j + lab (lab + j)

ɛ

o

i

u

a

 [ʃ] ([jʃ]); jt

e

o

e

u (jt)

e

. ʒ (zj); jɾ (ɾj)

e

o

e

o

e

f

. j

e

5 Catalan The Catalan language, spoken for the most part in eastern Spain, has six main dialects located in the regions referred to next: Central, spoken in the provinces of Girona, Barcelona and the eastern half of the province of Tarragona; Northwestern, spoken in the province of Lleida and the western half of the province of Tarragona; Valencian, in the provinces of Castelló, València and Alacant located to the south of Catalonia along the Mediterranean coast; and Balearic, spoken on the islands of Mallorca, Menorca and Eivissa. Central and Northwestern Catalan are referred to, respectively, as Eastern and Western Catalan with regard to sound change processes which took place during the Middle Ages. Two other Catalan dialects may be found outside Spain: Roussillonese, spoken in the Roussillon region of southeastern France; and Algherese, spoken in the northern Sardinian town of L’Alguer. The historical and dialect data which have been used for the preparation of this chapter may be found in Fouché (1925), Badia (1951), Coromines (1974), Batlle (1996), Sánchez Miret (2004) and Recasens (2017). Unless specified otherwise, the lexical forms referred to here are transcribed phonetically according to the pronunciation of contemporary speakers of the C. Catalan dialect. Analogously to Spanish and Portuguese, syllable structure (i.e., whether vowels occur in open or checked syllables) has not played a significant role in the historical development of Catalan stressed vowels. Moreover, as in Portuguese, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ did not undergo spontaneous diphthongization; instead, in parallel to Occitan, there are reasons to suppose that they diphthongized when followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant.

5.1 General developments The general evolution of stressed mid and low vowels in Catalan may be summarized as follows. With regard to front vowels, /e/ shifted to [ɛ] apparently after becoming [ə] in the Eastern dialect (i.e., /e/ > [ə] > [ɛ]), the intermediate stage [ə] being still available in the Balearic Islands which were conquered from the Moorish rulers in the 13th century by Catalans coming from eastern Catalonia and Roussillon. The change /e/ > [ə] must also have occurred in Roussillonese, where nowadays the corresponding vowel is realized as mid front and unspecified for opening. In NW. Catalan and Valencian, on the other hand, stressed /e/ has remained unchanged and is thus realized as [e]. Consequently, depending on dialect, the word caseta CASA+ITTA ‘little house’ may be pronounced [kəˈzɛtə] (C. Catalan), https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-005

70

5 Catalan

[kəˈzətə] (Balearic) or [kaˈzeta] (NW. Catalan, Valencian). As to the mid low vowel /ɛ/, it has raised to [e] in most of the Catalan-speaking domain ([be] BENE, [tems] TEMPUS) except for the most part when followed by consonants produced with a lowered and retracted tongue body configuration, namely dark /l/ ([sɛl] CAELU), a prevocalic trill and /rC/ sequences with a non-labial C2 ([ˈfɛru] FERRU, [iˈβɛrn] HIBERNU but [serp] SERPE), [w] derived from the outcome [ð] of /d/, /tj/ and /ke ki/ in syllable-final position ([pɛw] PEDE, [pɾɛw] PRETIU, [dɛw] DECEM), the sequence [nr] derived through vowel syncope ([ˈtɛnrə] TENERU, which is nowadays pronounced [ˈtɛndɾə]), and the word [sɛt] SEPTEM. It is likely that the change /ɛ/ > [e] occurred after /e/ shifted to [ə] in order to fill the gap left by the mid high front vowel (Recasens 2019). As a general rule, mid back /o ɔ/ and low /a/ have held onto their etymological quality in all dialects.

5.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants Data on vowel assimilation before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Catalan are presented in Table 7 and summarized in Table 8. Before proceeding with their description, several observations about the historical evolution of (alveolo)palatals in this language should be made. Catalan behaves more like Occitan and Portuguese than Spanish in this respect. Group 1 in Table 7 includes lexical items in which the stressed vowel is followed by /ttj/ and /kj/, which have yielded [s] through the intermediate voiceless alveolar affricate [ts] ([ˈpesə] ✶PETTIA, [əməˈnasə] MINACIA). Other postvocalic sequences in group 1 are /tj/ and /ke ki/ which developed initially into [dz] and, then, together with intervocalic /d/, shifted to a dental fricative which dropped before stress and was reinforced into [z] after stress ([rəˈo] RATIONE, [məˈlɛzə] MALITIA); as noted above, after unstressed vowel syncope, this same consonantal realization vocalized into [w] when occurring syllable-finally. The phonetic source of [ʎ] and [ɲ] in groups 2 and 3 is the same as in Spanish and Portuguese. As to group 4, the present-day outcomes of syllableonset [ ] are [dʒ] and [ʒ], and the voiceless affricate [tʃ ] in word-final position where [j] may also occur ([ˈmidʒə] MEDIA, [kuˈrɛdʒə] CORRIGIA, [ˈfuʒu] FUGIO, [ˈbɛʒi] VIDEAM, [bɛtʃ] VIDEO, [matʃ] MAIU, [əˈβuj] HODIE, [rej] REGE). On the other hand, labial + /j/ sequences (group 5) can either remain unchanged or yield a palatoalveolar affricate or fricative, presumably through a phonetic pathway analogous to that described for Occitan in section 6.3 ([ˈsepjə] SEPIA, [rɔtʃ ] RUBEU/[ˈrɔʒə] RUBEA). Groups 6, 7 and 8 include contextual sequences which had yod in coda position: [jt] derived from /kt/, which has been simplified into [t] after a front vowel; [jʃ ] derived from the sequences /ks ssj ske ski skj stj/, which has been maintained as [jʃ] in NW. Catalan/Valencian but has been simplified into [ʃ ] in f

5.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

71

C. Catalan/Balearic; [jz] (nowadays [z]) derived from /sj/, and [jɾ] (nowadays [(j)ɾ]) derived from /ɾj/ and from the onset clusters /dɾ gɾ/ through C1 vocalization; and the sequence ai with coda [j], which originated through the same sound changes as in Portuguese and Spanish. The table does not include lexical items which have been analyzed for Spanish and/or Portuguese but show no signs of a postvocalic (alveolo)palatal in Catalan ([sɔn] SOMNU, [ˈuŋglə] UNGULA) nor other words with a distant high vocalic segment which may have raised the stressed front vowel to [i] due to metaphony (raising: [ˈbiðɾə] VĬTREU; no raising: [ˈnɛrβi] NĔRVIU, [ˈtɛβi] TĔPIDU). As in Spanish and Portuguese, metaphony associated with a high front vowel has caused stressed mid vowels to raise to [i] or [u] in the case of the following lexical items: (etymological /e/) [mi] MIHI, [i] IBI, [bin] VIGINTI, [ˈsiɾi] CEREU and the Old Catalan past verbal forms fiu FECI, mis MISSI; (/ɛ/) [əˈi] HERI, [ˈbinə] VENI; and (/ɔ) [ˈnuβi] NOVIU, Old Catalan fur FORI.

5.2.1 Mid high vowels If assimilated to a following (alveolo)palatal consonant, mid high vowels are expected to have raised to [i] (/e/) and [u] (/o/) in Catalan. Data from Table 7 reviewed next reveal that /e/ is more reluctant to undergo this assimilation process than /o/. Beginning with the vowel /o/, the outcome [u] occurs mostly before [ɲ], voiced affricates and fricatives derived from syllable-onset [ ], and [jt] derived from /kt/. Doublets such as [əsˈtɔtʃ]/[əsˈtutʃ] STUDIU may be found and, as pointed out in sections 2.2.1.2 and 2.2.1.4, there are other alternative accounts for [puɲ] PUGNU, [kuɲ] CUNEU, [ˈʎujtə] LUCTA and [ˈtɾujtə] TRUCTA. The mid high back vowel has stayed mid high before [ʎ] and [jʃ ] and most of the time before [jɾ] as well ([poʎ] PEDUCULU, [boʃ] BUXU, [bulˈto] VULTURIU). In practically all (alveolo)palatal consonant environments, /e/ may be realized as [e] or as [ɛ] but not as [i] ([uˈɾɛʎə] AURICULA, [ˈʎeɲə] LIGNA, [rej] REGE, [kuˈrɛdʒə] CORRIGIA, [peʃ ] PISCE, [dɾɛt] DIRECTU). Since the unconditioned outcome of /e/ is expected to be [ɛ] in C. Catalan, one may suppose that those forms which show [e] like [ˈʎeɲə] and [peʃ] did not undergo the string of changes /e/ > [ə] > [ɛ] due the closing influence of the contextual (alveolo)palatal; thus, contextual (alveolo)palatals were able to prevent the mid high front vowel of those lexical items from becoming [ə]. Moreover, depending on the geographical provenance of C. Catalan speakers, other lexical items with /e/ are pronounced today with either [e] or [ɛ] in this dialect: speakers coming from geographical areas located near the NW. Catalan-speaking domain where /e/ has stayed fixedly as f

72

5 Catalan

[e] produce those words with [e] ([ˈseʎə] CILIA, [ˈreʎə] REGULA) while speakers from other areas have [ɛ] instead ([ˈsɛjə], [ˈrɛjə]). Along the lines of what has been said for [ˈʎeɲə] LIGNA and [peʃ ] PISCE above, it may very well be that a number of words which are now pronounced with [e] in the former areas did not take part in the development /e/ > [ə] > [ɛ] because the mid high front vowel happened to be too close articulatorily when followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant.

5.2.2 Low vowel According to the data presented in Table 7, the scenario for /a/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant does not differ substantially from that observed in Spanish and Portuguese: the low vowel has raised to mid front only before [j] in coda position and thus in those lexical items included in groups 6, 7 and 8. Low vowel raising to [e], as exemplified by [mes] MAGIS, which is how this word is realized practically everywhere in present-day Catalan, could have occurred while the vowel was realized as [ɛ] ([mɛs]) at the same time that /ɛ/ raised to [e] and thus a word like [tɛms] TEMPUS shifted to [tems]. In support of this assumption, in the Pallars region situated in the northwestern corner of Catalonia, where, in contrast with all the other dialect regions, /ɛ/ has not raised to [e] ([tɛms]), the /a/ of MAGIS is also pronounced [ɛ] ([mɛs]). Moreover, as pointed out in section 5.1, the change [ɛ] > [e] in words with /ɛ/ or /a/ before coda yod must have applied after /e/ switched to [ə] since otherwise [mes] MAGIS would be pronounced [mɛs] in present-day C. Catalan and [məs] in Balearic Catalan. Table 7 and the forms given below also show that, analogously to Aragonese and Gascon (sections 3.2 and 6.4.2), while /a/ raising to [e] has taken place quite systematically before [jt] derived from /kt/ and before coda yod in groups 7 and 8 ([fet] FACTU, [ˈeɾə] AREA, [e] ✶AYO), both vowel outcomes [a] and [e] may be found when the low vowel occurred before [jʃ ] derived from /ks ssj ske ski skj stj/: ([a]) [ˈfaʃə] FASCIA, Old Catalan gɾaixa ✶CRASSIA, [ˈkaʃə] CAPSA, [baʃ ] ✶BASSIU, [ˈaʃə] ASCIA, dialectal [aʃ ] AXE. ([e]) [ˈfɾeʃə] FRAXINU, [feʃ ] FASCE, [ˈfeʃə] FASCIA, [ˈgɾeʃ ] ✶CRASSEU, [ˈkeʃ ] ✶CAPSEU, [eʃ ] AXE, [teʃ ] TAXU, [məˈdeʃə] MATAXA. Verbal forms have not been included in this list since they may have been subjected to analogical effects. Thus, the neutralization of the contrast between the low and mid front vowel phonemes in favour of schwa in unstressed position in C. Catalan could account for why speakers of this dialect have replaced /a/ by

5.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

73

[e] in the infinitive [ˈneʃə] NASCERE, which is still realized as [ˈnajʃe] in NW. Catalan where that vowel neutralization process has not taken place. The motivation for the double solution [a] and [e] before [jʃ ], which happens to contrast with the single outcome [e] before [jt], is unclear. A chronological explanation has been advocated by Pensado (1984, 511–512) whereby the sequence [js] underwent progressive palatalization, thus becoming [jʃ], and since yod was absorbed early by the palatoalveolar fricative it did not have enough time to trigger the raising of /a/ to mid front in all lexical items of the language; on the other hand, vowel raising was possible before [jt] since in this case there was no progressive palatalization and yod could stay unmodified for a long period of time. However, this explanation is not consistent with the fact that, while the behaviour of /a/ in groups 6, 7 and 8 of Table 7 is the same for C. Catalan and NW. Catalan, the palatoalveolar fricative is realized nowadays as [jʃ] intervocalically and in the postvocalic word-final position in the latter dialect and as [ʃ] in the former (e.g., NW. Catalan [ˈfajʃa] FASCIA /[fejʃ] FASCE, C. Catalan [ˈfaʃə]/[feʃ]), while the sequence [jt] derived from /kt/ has been simplified into [t] in both dialects ([fet] FACTU). As proposed by Séguy (1954b) for Gascon, a possible reason why /a/ has behaved differently before [jʃ] and [jt] is articulatory: the sequence [jt] may have exerted a stronger closing action on /a/ than [jʃ] because it was articulated with more tongue-to-palate contact. In line with what we noted in section 1.3.1, this might imply that [jt] approached a [c]-like realization, and the two segments of the sequence [jʃ ] may not have been too independent temporally since otherwise – as occurred for /a/ before [jɾ] (see group 7 in Table 7) – there would have been a considerable overlap between the glide and preceding /a/ and thus high chances that the low vowel would have raised to mid front systematically. According to a third explanation (Coromines 1974, 250), the reason why some words with postvocalic [jʃ] have [a] and others have [e] is the metaphonic action exerted by the word-final low vowel. Thus, as the following doublets reveal, the stressed vowel would have stayed low in words ending in /a/ and raised to [e] in words ending in another vowel: [ˈfaʃə] FASCIA /[feʃ] FASCE, [ˈkaʃə] CAPSA /[keʃ] ✶ ✶ ✶ CAPSEU, Old Catalan gɾaixa CRASSIA/[gɾeʃ] CRASSEU. While this hypothesis appears to be consistent with data from other Romance languages such as Romansh (section 9.2.4), it has some exceptions, namely words with stressed [e] ending in a low vowel and with [a] ending in a non-low vowel ([ˈfeʃə] FASCIA, [məˈðeʃə] MATAXA, [baʃ] ✶BASSIU, [aʃ] AXE).

74

5 Catalan

5.2.3 Mid low vowels The lexical forms provided in Table 7 indicate that /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ shifted to [i] and [u] quite systematically before the following (alveolo)palatal consonants in Old Catalan: [ʎ] ([əsˈpiʎ] SPECULU, [ˈfuʎə] FOLIA, [uʎ] OCULU); [ɲ] ([ənˈʒiɲ] INGENIU, [ʎuɲ] LONGE); palatoalveolars and [j] derived from [ ] ([mitʃ ] MEDIU, [əˈβuj] HODIE, [ˈtɾuʒə] TROIA); and coda [j] ([ʎit] LECTU, [sis] SEX, [ˈfiɾə] FERIA, [bujt] OCTO, [ˈkuʃə] COXA, [ˈkujɾu] CORIU), though there is [o] in [koʃ ] COXU. There are exceptions to the raising process of /ɛ ɔ/ to [i u]. Vowel raising has not taken place before an alveolar affricate in words of group 1 ([ˈpesə] ✶PETTIA) and in a few words with mid low vowels and [ʎ] mentioned next. There is [beʎ] VECLU with [e] instead of [i], though, just as for [əsˈpiʎ] SPECULU, the predicted form vill was available in Old Catalan. Several hypotheses have been proposed to account for the mid vowel of [beʎ] VECLU. It may be that, in parallel to phonetic developments which took place in Occitan (see Tables 11 and 12), the diphthongized form viell was replaced by both vell and vill through the simplification processes ie > e and ie > i, respectively, and only the former variant has survived until today. According to another explanatory hypothesis, /ɛ/ failed to diphthongize under the influence of the coexisting and closely related lexical item vedre VETERE (see Gulsoy 1997), and later raised to [e] as in [tems] < [tɛms] TEMPUS (section 5.1). Other possible causes involved in the historical development of the stressed vowel of VECLU may be found in section 2.2.1.2. The mid low front vowel /ɛ/ also failed to diphthongize and later raised to [e] when followed by [ʎ] derived from /ll/ in words such as [peʎ] PELLE, [kəsˈteʎ] CASTELLU and [əˈneʎ] ANELLU perhaps because, as argued for Spanish (section 2.2.3), the change /ll/ > [ʎ] took place after /ɛ/ diphthongization (analogously to Spanish, /lj kl/ and /ll/ have yielded different realizations in a large C. Catalan-speaking area, namely, [j] and [ʎ]). Another relevant case is that of ROTULU, which has given rise to two different lexical forms in Catalan: [ruʎ] which, like [uʎ] OC(U)LU, ought to come from ROCLU; and [ˈrɔʎ:u] which, like [əsˈpaʎ:ə] SPAT(U)LA, should derive from ROT(U)LU and has preserved [ɔ] intact presumably because /ɔ/ diphthongization took place prior to the palatalization of /tl/ into [ʎ:] (Coromines 1980–2001). An open issue is whether, in parallel to Occitan and French, the high vowel outcomes [i] and [u] emerged from rising diphthongs or triphthongs after /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ shifted to [jɛ] and [wɔ] (Fouché 1925; Coromines 1974; Recasens 2017, and see chapter 6), or else through regressive assimilation from the canonical falling diphthongs [ɛj] and [ɔj] (Krüger 1911–1913; Badia 1951; Batlle 1996; Sánchez Miret 1998, 236). This question is all the more relevant since words with /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant show no traces of triphthongs or rising diphthongs but only high vowels in the earliest written documents: lito LECTU, puio f

5.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

75

in 10th c. texts; menestirs MINISTERIU (pl.), nuit NOCTE, ix EXIT, desigs DESIDIU (pl.), pux POSTEA, uls OCULU (pl.) in the late 12th c. or early 13th c. manuscript Les Homilies d’Organyà (Coromines 1980–2001). In the event that mid low vowels diphthongized before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, whether it be yod or not, the corresponding phonetic developments would have been [jɛ] > [je] > [i] and [wɔ] > [wo] > [u] (e.g., [ʎjejt] > [ʎit] LECTU, [woʎ] > [uʎ] OCULU, [vwojt] > [bujt] VOCITU), while in the absence of the diphthongization process the mid low vowels /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ would have raised to [i] and [u], necessarily if followed by coda iod, through the pathways [ɛj] > [ej] > [i] and [ɔj] > [oj] > [u(j)] (e.g., [ʎejt] LECTU > [ʎit], [ojʎ] OCULU > [uʎ], [vojt] VOCITU > [bujt]). The five arguments spelled out next appear to support the mid low vowel diphthongization hypothesis and thus the replacement of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ by high vowels through intermediate rising diphthongs or triphthongs instead of through canonical falling diphthongs. These arguments will be complemented with additional data in chapter 12 after we have dealt with the diachronic development of the two mid low vowels in the same contextual condition in other Romance languages. PODIU

(a) Mid low vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatals has taken place in the two neighbouring languages Occitan and Aragonese. Moreover, while forms with a rising diphthong or triphthong have left no trace in Catalan, the same remark may be said about canonical falling diphthongs such as ei and oi, which are also completely absent from Old Catalan documents and present-day Catalan dialects where, as pointed out above, only forms with i and u occur. In comparison to Old French, the fact that forms with diphthongs and triphthongs derived from /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before (alveolo)palatals appear rather late in Old Occitan documents – sporadically during the 12th century and more often in later centuries – does not necessarily mean that those vocalic sequences were completely absent from the oral productions of Occitan speakers before that date (see section 6.3 for some evidence supporting this claim). All this suggests that mid low vowels diphthongized before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Catalan and that, given that this sound change achieved the most extreme phonetic outcome in this language, a high vowel, practically without contextual and lexical exceptions, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ were replaced by rising diphthongs or by a high vowel earlier than in Occitan (see also Menéndez Pidal 101986, 140). (b) The raising of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ to a high vowel has occurred in other Romance languages in which mid low vowels diphthongized before (alveolo)palatals, namely French and Francoprovençal and, in a more restricted way, the geographically closer Occitan and Aragonese. In Occitan, the high vowel end products of the diphthongization process are found fairly often for the two mid low

76

5 Catalan

vowels in a Landais Gascon area and in E. Provence and the Occitan-speaking valleys of Piedmont (see sections 6.4.3.2 and 6.4.4.2), while in Aragonese they occur occasionally in the case of /ɔ/ (Old Aragonese buito VOCITU, puio PODIU, vuyt OCTO, nui/yt NOCTE; see section 3.2). Moreover, as argued for Gascon, the outcome [uj] of /ɔ/ before yod, as in Catalan [bujt] VOCITU and OCTO, is likely to have emerged from the triphthong [wɔj]. A distinctive characteristic of Catalan, which holds in a few other Romance languages (i.e., in Francoprovençal and French dialects but not in Standard French), is that the high vowel outcome of /ɛ ɔ/ occurs before any possible (alveolo)palatal consonant and therefore not only before coda yod but also before [ʎ], [ɲ] and consonants derived from onset [ ] which probably had no yod preposed to them. This may be problematic for the hypothesis that mid low vowels before (alveolo)palatals raised to a high vowel through regressive assimilation and not diphthongization since it assumes that for this to happen a yod segment would have to be preposed to all (alveolo)palatals, which, as discussed in section 1.2.1.1, is not likely to have been the case. If there was no yod before [ʎ] and [ɲ] at the time that vowel raising assimilation occurred, it is unclear why these alveolopalatal consonants should have exerted the same raising effect on preceding /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ as yod did, as proven by the fact that /a/ raising to a mid front vowel took place before yod but not before [ʎ] and [ɲ] in Catalan (see section 5.2.2). f

(c) If /ɛ/ followed by yod had closed to [i] through an [ej] stage (i.e., [ɛj] > [ej] > [i]), it seems quite obvious that [ej] derived from /e/ before yod would have undergone the same change (see Thomsen 1876, 74 for a similar argument for Old French). Consequently, Old Catalan forms like dreit DIRECTU and peix PISCE would have yielded ✶[dɾit] and ✶[piʃ ], like [ʎit] LECTU, instead of [dɾɛt] (C. Catalan)/[dɾet] (NW. Catalan) and [peʃ ] (C. Catalan)/[pejʃ ] (NW. Catalan). It has been claimed that this argument is not conclusive proof since lexical variants with [e] derived from /ɛ/ (e.g., ʎeit LECTU) and from /e/ (e.g., dreit DIRECTU) could have remained distinct as near-mergers; thus, even though the spectral distance between the phonetic end products of etymological /e/ and /ɛ/ would have been very small, speakers would have been able to tell them apart (Sánchez Miret 2004). The fact is, however, that the usual situation in Romance is for two vowels which happen to be contiguous in the vowel space to either remain contrastive or to merge completely, as shown by several vowel merging processes induced by (alveolo)palatal consonants which occurred in Old Occitan and are referred to in sections 6.3 and 6.4.2. The expected behaviour is then for near-mergers to become full mergers given the non-lasting situation of a near-merging scenario in which two vowels which are spectrally very close to each other are perceived as the same but produced in a slightly different way.

5.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

77

Moreover, regarding the Catalan case, the hypothesis stating that /ɛ/ and /e/ before yod could not merge completely is hard to reconcile with the fact that, in the long run, the vowel of ʎeit LECTU, which must have been the more open of the two, raised to [i] while that of dreit DIRECTU, which was the less open, did not. A similar objection could be made regarding the mid back rounded vowel situation: had the outcome [u] of /ɔ/ arisen through the pathway /ɔj/ > [oj] > [u], words like [boʃ ] BŬXU, [moʃ ] MŬSTEU and [əŋˈgoʃə] ANGŬSTIA would probably be pronounced with a stressed high back vowel in present-day Catalan. (d) Another possible piece of evidence in support of mid low vowel diphthongization in Old Catalan is the prothesis of [v] in the forms for HODIE and OCTO, which are produced [əˈvuj] and [vujt] in Balearic Catalan and [əˈβuj] and [bujt] in C./NW. Catalan. As to OCULU, the present-day form [uʎ] has no prevocalic consonant though lexical variants with prothetic [v] appear to have been available in Old Catalan (vuyl, vuyll, vuls, vulls; Coromines 1980–2001). As confirmed by other Romance languages where /ɔ/ has diphthongized before (alveolo)palatal consonants, [v] prothesis must have applied while the word-initial segment was a rounded glide (e.g., in Francoprovençal, OCTO has yielded [(v)wɛt], [vwɛjt] in Valdôtain and [ɥi(t)], [wi(t)], [vy], [vɥi] in Dauphinois). In fact, phonetic variants with word-initial [w] and with word-initial [b] not followed by [w] co-occur in neighbouring Occitan-speaking regions north of the Pyrenees, which may indicate that, probably just like in Old Catalan, the labiovelar glide was deleted after the prothetic consonant was inserted before it (Aude [bɛjt] OCTO, [bɛj] HODIE, Ariège [wɛjt] OCTO, [aˈbɛj], [aˈwɛjt], [bɛj] HODIE; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 72, 703). Moreover, prothetic [g] has been appended before word-initial [w] in the same three lexical items in Aragonese and Gascon (section 3.2). (e) The Catalan form [nit] for NOCTE, which co-occurred with the earlier variant nuit in Old Catalan, is likely to have emerged from uoi rather than from uei and, thus, through the pathway [nwojt] > [nujt] > [nwit] > [nit]. The same replacement of [uj] by [wi], which is assumed to have occurred in this Old Catalan derivation must have been available in other lexical items as suggested by the extensive occurrence of [wi] for [uj] in Valencian; thus, there is [əˈβuj] for HODIE and [bujt] for OCTO in C./NW. Catalan and [wi] and [wit] in Valencian (among other cases, Valencian also has [ˈkwina] COQUINA for [ˈkujnə] and [ˈfɾwita] FRUCTA for [ˈfɾujta]). The simplification of [nwit] into [nit] is likely to have been motivated by the articulatory factors described in section 6.4.4.2.1 (see also Coromines 1974, 250). As shown in other sections of this book, analogous forms for NOCTE with no glide and the vowel nucleus [i] (also [y]) occur in Romance languages or dialects where /ɔ/ diphthongized before (alveolo)palatal consonants, namely Auvergnat Occitan ([ny], [ɲy]), Francoprovençal ([ni(t)]) and W. Norman ([n(j)i], [ˈniə̯], [ˈɲiə̯]).

78

5 Catalan

Simplified variants with no glide and e, which, at least in some cases, ought to come from uei (< uoi), may also be found (Gascon [net], [nɛj(t)], Francoprovençal [net], [ne(j)], Franc-Comtois [ne(j)]). In Catalan, the replacement of [wi] by [i] accounts not only for [nit] NOCTE but also for [giʃ] GYPSU (✶[guiʃ] > ✶[gwiʃ] > [giʃ]), as well as for [ˈfɾita] (< [ˈfɾwita]) FRUCTA and [kit] ( < [kwit]) from ✶COCTARE ‘to hurry’ in the Valencian dialect. It may be that, in contrast with other Catalan dialects, a prothetic consonant was never inserted at the beginning of the word in the Valencian forms [wi] HODIE and [wit] OCTO, or else that those forms arose through deletion of the prothetic consonant in an analogous fashion to the deletion of the word-initial consonant in other words available in the same dialect such as [osˈte] derived from ✶VOSTRU ‘you’, [want] Frankish WANT ‘glove’ and [ˈwalla] QUACCOLA vis-à-vis the C. Catalan cognates [busˈtɛ], [gwan] and [ˈgwaʎʎə]. As to the relative chronology with respect to other sound changes, there are reasons to suppose that /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ diphthongization in front of an (alveolo)palatal consonant occurred prior to the closing to [ɛ] of /a/ before coda yod ([pɾiˈme] PRIMARIU, [mes] MAGIS, [ˈpeðɾə] PETRA). Otherwise, at least in Pallars where /a/ raising before [j] has stopped at the [ɛ] stage ([pɾiˈmɛ], [mɛs], [ˈpɛðɾa]), the resulting forms for these three words would have been [pɾiˈmi], [mis] and [ˈpiðɾa] (and see section 8.2.2.2 for an analogous situation in Ladin).

AURICULA

COLLIGO

OCULU

uʎ

uˈɾɛʎə

ˈkuʎu

PEDUCULU

poʎ

REGULA

DESPOLIAT

VECLU

ˈreʎə, ˈrɛʎə

dəsˈpuʎə

Old Cat. vill

kusˈkoʎ

GENUCULU

ʒəˈnoʎ

VOCE

bɛw

PUTEU

pow

No change

CUSCULIU

Change

o

CONCILIU

MOLLIAT

kunˈseʎ, kunˈsɛʎ

CILIA

ˈseʎə, ˈsɛjə

ˈmuʎə

FOLIA

SPECULU

ˈfuʎə

VECLU

COCIT

beʎ

kɔw

DECEM

PIGRITIA

pəˈɾɛzə

ˈfɔrsə FORTIA

No change

e No Change change

dɛw

PETTIA

✶

ˈpesə

No Change change

ɔ

əsˈpiʎ

MELIUS

 Old Cat. mills



Change

ɛ

f

Change

a

(continued)

GRACULA

ˈgɾaʎə

PALEA

ˈpaʎə

MINACIA

əməˈnasə

PLATTEA

✶

ˈplasə

No change

Table 7: Phonetic outcomes of stressed /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Catalan (Central dialect). The numbering in the leftmost column corresponds to the following modern and earlier consonant realizations, the latter being enclosed within parentheses when available: (1) [z] ([dz]), [s] ([ts]); (2) [ʎ]; (3) [ɲ]; (4) [(d)ʒ], [j] ([ ]); (5) [ʒ], labial +[j] (labial + /j/); (6) [ʃ ] ([jʃ ]), [(j)t]; (7) [z] ([zj]), [(j)ɾ] ([ɾj]); (8) [j]. For each stressed vowel, lexical variants are presented in two columns according to whether they have undergone a consonant-conditioned change or not.

5.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

79

BAPTIDIO

rej REGE

kuˈrɛdʒə CORRIGIA

PODIU

əˈnutʃ

INODIU

tɾəˈmuʒə

TRIMODIA

DESIDIU

Old Cat. llig

LEGIT

bəˈtɛʒu

putʃ

dəˈzitʃ

VIDEAT

ˈbɛʒi

HODIE

əˈβuj

MEDIU

 mitʃ

SIGNA

LIGNA

ˈʎeɲə

No change

ˈsɛɲə

TINEA

ˈtiɲə

No Change change

e

LONGE

CATALONIA

ɔ

ʎuɲ

kətəˈluɲə

INGENIU

TORCULU

tɾuʎ

No Change change

 ənˈʒiɲ

Change

ɛ

Table 7 (continued)

VERECUNDIA

MUNGIT

FUGIO

ˈfuʒu

STUDIU

Old Cat. estuig

REPUDIU

STUDIU

əsˈtɔtʃ

bərˈɣoɲə

muɲ

rəˈβutʃ

COTONEU

kuˈðoɲ

CICONIA

siˈɣoɲə

No change

PUGNU

puɲ

CUNEU

kuɲ

Change

o Change

a

MAIU

matʃ

FAGEU

fatʃ

EXAGIU

əˈsatʃ

STAGNU

əsˈtaɲ

ARANEA

əˈɾaɲə

No change

80 5 Catalan

gɾuʃ

Old Cat. ix

kujt

ˈʒitə

eʃ

ʎet

bujt

OCTO

ʎit

LECTU

LACTE

FASCE

feʃ

NOCTE

NASCERE

ˈneʃə

MATAXA

məˈðeʃə

FRAXINU

ˈfɾeʃə

AXE

nit

COGITAT

ˈkujðə

STRICTU

əsˈtɾɛt

ANGUSTIA

əŋˈgoʃə

ˈtɾujtə TRUCTA

BUXU

boʃ

LUCTA

ˈʎujtə

DIRECTU

dɾɛt

PISCE

peʃ

PROFECTU

COXU

koʃ

RUBEU

rɔtʃ

LABIU

ˈʎaβi

(continued)

(st pers. pres. ind.)

IMPACTARE

✶

əmˈpajtu

BASSIU

✶

baʃ

NASCERE

dial. Cat. ˈnaʃe

FASCIA

ˈfaʃə

CAPSA

ˈkaʃə

CAVEA

PLOIA

ˈgaβjə

✶

ˈpluʒə

SEPIA

VINDEMIA

VINDEMIA

ˈsepjə

bəˈɾɛmə

Old Cat. venimia

pɾuˈfit

IECTAT

COCTU

VOCITU

TEXIT

✶

bujt

Old Cat. tix

GROSSIU

✶

COXA

SEX

EXIT

ˈkuʃə

 sis



TROIA

ˈtɾuʒə

MODIU

mutʃ

5.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

81



SALMURIA

salˈmorə

TONSORIAS

tiˈzoɾəs

No change

VULTURIU

AUGURIU

Old Cat. avuir

Change

bulˈto

ECLESIA

əzˈɣlezjə

CERVESIA

sərˈβɛzə

No change

o

FERIA

No Change change

e

ˈfiɾə

MORIO

✶

Old Cat. muir

kəˈðiɾə

CATHEDRA

CORIU

ˈkujɾu

No Change change

ɔ

INTEGRU

 ənˈtir

Change

ɛ

Table 7 (continued)

AYO

FAIRE

LAICU

ʎek

✶

fe

Old Cat. canté CANTAVI

✶

e

RIPARIA

riˈβeɾə

AREA

ˈeɾə

BASIU

bɛs

FACTU

fet

Change

a No change

82 5 Catalan

5.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants

Table 8: Phonetic outcomes of mid and low vowels before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Catalan (Central dialect). The leftmost column shows the modern consonant realizations followed by their phonetic source within parentheses. Cells are shaded dark or light grey depending on the frequency of assimilation and left white if there is no assimilation. Empty cells indicate the absence of data. /ɛ/

/ɔ/

/e/

/o/

/a/

. z (dz); s (ts)

e

ɔ

ɛ

o

a

. ʎ

i

u

e, ɛ

o

a

. ɲ

i

u

e, ɛ

u

a

. (d)ʒ, j ( )

i

u

e, ɛ

u

a

e, ɛ

u

a

f

. ʒ, lab+ j (lab +j) . ʃ (jʃ); (j)t

i

u

e, ɛ

u (jt)

e

. z (zj); (j)ɾ (ɾj)

i

u

e, ɛ

o

e

. j

e

83

6 Occitan 6.1 Preliminaries Occitan, which is spoken in southern France, has been traditionally subdivided into six main dialects. Their names are listed below together with the French administrative départements where they are spoken and the bibliographical references from which the corresponding dialect data have been taken. Gascon (Pyrénées-Atlantiques, Hautes-Pyrénées, Landes, Gers, and part of Gironde, Lot-et-Garonne, Tarn-et-Garonne, Haute-Garonne and Ariège). Monographs: Zauner (1898), Sarrieu (1902–1906), Millardet (1910a; 1910b; 1918), Séguy (1954–1973), Bec (1968), Rohlfs (1970), Lartigue (2004). Lengadocian (Tarn, Aveyron, Lozère, Hérault, Aude, Lot, and part of Tarn-etGaronne, Ariège, Haute-Garonne, Gard, Dordogne, Gironde, Lot-et-Garonne, Cantal and Ardèche). Monographs: Aymeric (1879), Anglade (1897), Zaun (1915), Hallig (1952), Camproux (1962). Limousin (Haute-Vienne, and part of Corrèze, Charente, Creuse and Dordogne). Monographs: Rousselot (1891), Pignon (1960). Auvergnat (Puy-de-Dôme, Haute-Loire, and part of Corrèze, Cantal, Creuse and Allier). Monographs: Dauzat (1897, 1938), Gardette (1941), Nauton (1974), Reichel (1991). Provençal (Drôme, Trièves in Isère, Hautes-Alpes, Alpes-de-Haute-Provence, N./S. Alpes-Maritimes, Vaucluse, Bouches-du-Rhône, Var and several Piedmontese valleys, and part of Gard and Ardèche). Monographs: Morosi (1890), Ettmayer (1905), Salvioni (1907), Talmon (1914), Arnaud/Morin (1920), Schroeder (1932), Tausch (1954), Bouvier (1976), Dalbera (1994), Quint (1998), Zörner (2008). Much of the dialect data reported in this chapter and in particular those presented in the tables come also from works which cover the entire Occitan-speaking domain, namely Gilliéron/Edmont (1902–1910), von Wartburg (1922–2002) and Ronjat (1930–1941). The data from Old Occitan have been taken from some of the works listed above as well as from Voretzsch (1900), Grandgent (1905), Levy (1909), Appel (1918), Anglade (1921), Grafström (1958) and Kalman (1974). Moreover, Alibèrt (1966) and the online dictionary Lo Congrès (https://locongres.org/fr) have been checked for the orthographic representation of the lexical forms cited throughout the chapter. Occitan is unique among Romance languages in that /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have remained unmodified ([pɛ] PEDE, [fɛr] FERU, [ˈɔme] HOMINE, [ˈrɔdo] ROTA) except before an (alveolo)palatal consonant and, to a lesser extent, [w] and velars where the two vowels diphthongized initially into [jɛ] (/ɛ/) and [wɔ] (/ɔ/) irrespective of https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-006

86

6 Occitan

syllable structure. As described in the following sections, the phonetic end product of this diphthongization process varies a great deal depending on the dialect area under consideration. Regarding the other stressed vowels, /e/ and /a/ have not undergone major changes except for some assimilatory cases involving the lowering of /e/ to [ɛ] before [r l w] ([bɛrt], [bert] VIRIDE, [dɛw] DEBET, [nɛw] NIVE; Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 135–136) and the raising of the two vowels before (alveolo)palatal consonants, which will be referred to in the following sections. Assimilatory raising before (alveolo)palatals may also apply to /o/ in ways which, as discussed in section 6.3, appear to be intimately linked to a chain shift by which /o/ raised to [u] and /u/ fronted to [y] in Old Occitan. Analogously to the previous chapters dealing with Spanish, Portuguese and Catalan, the purpose of the present chapter is to investigate those sound changes which operated on stressed vowels when followed by (alveolo)palatal consonants in Occitan. General and specific aspects of the development of mid and low vowels and their phonetic outcomes in this contextual condition will be reviewed in sections 6.3 and 6.4. Section 6.2 is about off-gliding and section 6.5 about mid low vowel diphthongization before contextual labiovelar and velar consonants.

6.2 Off-gliding Before looking into the effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on stressed vowels in Occitan, attention must be paid to another sound change of likely relevance for understanding the phonetic causes underlying the diphthongization of mid low vowels before (alveolo)palatal consonants in general: this is the breaking of stressed mid vowels into non-canonical falling diphthongs through insertion of an off-glide before a large array of consonants differing in place and manner of articulation. Considerable information about this issue may be found in Ronjat (1930–1941) and Schroeder (1932), among other sources. As revealed by some of the data reported below, albeit only to a moderate extent, this off-glide insertion mechanism has also taken place before (alveolo)palatal consonants and appears to have contributed in the long run to the generation of rising diphthongs out of mid low vowels in this consonantal context. Glide insertion in VC combinations with nasal consonants other than [ɲ] will not be taken into consideration for reasons pointed out in section 1.5.

6.2 Off-gliding

87

6.2.1 Front vowels In Occitan, glide epenthesis at the offset of a front vowel is most likely to occur before consonants articulated with a greater or lesser degree of predorsum lowering and tongue body backing – in other words, /l/ (mostly if dark), an alveolar rhotic (mostly if realized as a trill), [w] and velars – and involves the addition of a schwa-like glide or a front glide endowed with a lower quality than the vowel nucleus followed possibly by the generation of a rising diphthong through a shift in stress location. The same glide insertion process may also take place before dentals ([t]) and the fricative alveolar ([s]), which – though to a lesser extent than dark /l/, [r], [w] and velars – may show signs of the same overall tongue body configuration (see section 1.3.2). A front vocalic segment lower than the vowel nucleus, [a̯ ] or [ə̯ ] may be inserted at the offset of the front vowels i and e before [l r] ([ˈfiə̯ l], [ˈfia̯ l] FĪLU, [ˈpeə̯ l], [ˈpeɛ̯ l] PĬLU, [ˈte̯ alo] TĒLA, [ˈbɛa̯ l] BĔLLU, [ˈtɛa̯ ra] TĔRRA, [ˈmea̯ l] MĔL, [iˈvea̯ r] HIBĔRNU). At a later stage, rising diphthongs such as [ja] may be formed from which [jo] may result through regressive assimilation induced by [l] ([ˈpjalo] PĪLA, [fjol] FĪLU). As referred to in points (a) and (b) below, the sequences [iw] and [ew]/[ɛw], in which the labiovelar glide may come from Latin /u/ or is the vocalized outcome of another consonant, may be replaced by triphthongs after undergoing glide epenthesis. (a) There is the pathway [iw] > [ˈiə̯ w] > [jew], from which the vocalic sequences [iw], [ew]/[eɥ], [jaw], [jow], [jɔw] and [jœw]/[jœɥ], and the simplified realizations [i] of [iw], [jø]/[jy] of [jœɥ] and [jo]/[jɔ] of [jow]/[jɔw] may have arisen. Here are some examples exhibiting a subset of these possible variants: Old Occitan rieu RIVU, sutieu SUBTILE, estieu AESTIVU, caitieu CAPTIVU, fieu FILU, lieura, liaura, lioura LIBRA, escrieure, escrioure SCRIBERE, viaure, vioure VIVERE, present-day Périgordian ri, reu RIVU, vi, veu VIVU, abri, abreu, abriau APRILE, Auvergnat [fjɔ] FILU, [rjœw] RIVU, Plan-du-Var [esˈtie̯ w] (Dauzat 1897, 72–73; 1938, 91–92; Anglade 1921, 71; Schroeder 1932, 221–222). To these examples we may add sieure, siure SŪBER and tieure, tiure TŪBER, in which ieu derives from the variant [iw] of [yw] ([yw] > [iw] > [jew]) and [w] has arisen through vocalization of the labial consonant (Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 131). (b) The diphthongs [ew], [ɛw] may have evolved analogously to [iw] through the pathway eu > [ea̯ w] > [jaw] > [jow], [jɔ]. This phonetic development has yielded [pjaw], [pjɔ] PILU, [fjɔ] FEL, [mjɔ] MEL (Dauzat 1897, 66–67, 70) and other forms mentioned in section 6.5.1. The words CULU and MULU, with stressed [y], need to be analyzed separately (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 372, 889; Anglade 1921, 83; Ronjat 1930–1941,

88

6 Occitan

vol. 1, 129–131; Schroeder 1932, 202; Nauton 1974, 194). Regarding CULU, there are the forms [ˈkyə̯ l], [ˈkyo̯ l] and, after vocalization of the alveolar lateral, the later variants [ˈkyo̯ w] and [kjɔw], [kjo]. Other sound changes involve vowel nucleus fronting and possibly rounding followed by raising and simplification of the resulting vocalic sequences, as the forms [kɥew] (also [kjew], [kjœɥ]), [køw], [kyw]/[kiw], [kju] and [ky] demonstrate. Analogous variants may be found for MULU: [ˈmyə̯ l]/[ˈmyə̯ w], [ˈmya̯ l], [ˈmyo̯ l], [mjɔl]/[mjɔw], [mjo(w)], [mjew], [mjøw], [mew], [myw]/[miw]. The insertion of the off-glides [a̯ ] and [o̯ ] may also take place before a dental stop in the case of the sequence [et] to yield [ea̯ t], [eo̯ t] (Landais Gascon [serˈbeo̯ t] CEREBELLU; Millardet 1910a, 197), which appears to be in accordance with the tongue body configuration for dentals described above. Likewise, in Auvergnat, /ɛ/ may take a lower off-glide and thus be realized as [eɛ̯ ] and later on as [jɛ], [je] when followed by a weakened realization [ç] of preconsonantal /s/, which may later be deleted ([ˈtjɛto], [ˈtjeto], [ˈtitɔ] TESTA; Dauzat 1938, 108). On the other hand, the labiovelar [w] may be appended at vowel offset before a velar stop derived from the corresponding geminate ([bɛwk] BECCU ‘rose thorn’, [ˈmɛwko] ✶ MECCA Fr. mèche and other meanings; Séguy 1954a). The palatal glide [j] may be inserted at the offset of front vowels before coda [s]. In Limousin, the forms espeis SPISSU, meys MENSE and ceis CENSU may be found in early written documents while the fricative is absent in the corresponding present-day dialectal variants (pei PEDES, prei PRESSU, peitre PRESBYTER; Chabaneau 1876, 27–28). Similar forms occur in Puy-de-Dôme such as [ˈbe(j)tjo] co-occurring with [ˈbɛtjo] and rarely with [ˈbitjo] BESTIA, [e(j)ˈpej], [ejˈpaj] SPISSU, [tɾej], [tɾaj], [tɾi] TRES (Reichel 1990, 17, 19). In addition to exemplifying a change ei > i, these data and those reported above reveal that, in contrast with [r] and [l], the alveolar fricative may exhibit a dual behaviour in that it may trigger the insertion of glides characterized by a tongue body configuration that is either lower or higher than the vowel nucleus. This may be so since the tongue body placement for [s] happens to be at the same time higher and more anterior than that for the two liquids and lower and more retracted than the one for other front lingual consonants like [t] and [n]. This particular case may also be taken to indicate that it is not just vowel lengthening but also (or mainly) the vowel formant transitions which are reponsible for glide insertion and, consequently, stressed vowel diphthongization.

6.2 Off-gliding

89

6.2.2 Back rounded vowels Before [l] and [r], [o̯ ɔ̯ a̯ æ̯ ə̯ ] may be inserted after what were originally mid back rounded vowels ([ˈuo̯ lm] ŬLMU, [ˈsoæ̯ l] SǑLU ‘floor’, [ˈfuo̯ rn], [ˈfua̯ rn] FŬRNU, Valle Po [ˈpyə̯ rk] PǑRCU, [ˈfuə̯ rn] FŬRNU; Zörner 2008, 55–56). The resulting non-canonical falling diphthongs (which probably alternate with hiatuses and may be transcribed as such in the available sources) may then change to [wa wɔ] through a shift in stress position. Before [s], the same glides [o̯ ɔ̯ a̯ ə̯ ] may be added at mid back vowel offset after which [wo wɔ wa we] may be generated and [s] may remain or be deleted (E. Provence [ˈbua̯ sk], [ˈbuɔ̯ sk] Germ. ✶BOSK, [ˈnuə̯ stɾe], [ˈnuo̯ stɾe] NOSTRU, Basse-Auvergne [ˈkwotɔ], [ˈkɔtɔ]/[ˈkotɔ] COSTA, [bwɔ], [bo] Germ. ✶BOSK; Schroeder 1932, 210; Dauzat 1938, 112). In some of these forms a prevocalic labial consonants (and perhaps prevocalic velars too) may have contributed to the diphthongization process. The insertion of [ə̯ ] and [a̯ ] has operated more rarely before [tʃ] and before the dental stop [t], as in the case of the ending -ot (Pietraporzio [piˈtʃua̯ t] Occ. pichòt ‘child’, [ˈrua̯ tʃo] ✶ROCCA, Verdon-Bléonetal [eskaˈbuə̯ ] Occ. escabòt ‘herd of sheep’; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1338, point 878; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, map 43, point 170; Schroeder 1932, 224). Glide epenthesis in VC sequences with back rounded vowels may also involve the formation of a canonical falling diphthong with [w]. The insertion of the labiovelar glide may occur at the offset of o before [s], as in Auvergnat where the sequences [ɔw]/[ow], [œɥ] and the raised outcomes [u], [y] happen to be available in this contextual condition: [bɔw] Germ. ✶BOSK, [gɾœɥ] GROSSU, as well as [ˈkowto], [ˈkœɥta], [ˈkyta] COSTA and analogous variants for CRUSTA (Dauzat 1897, 76, 81; 1938, 112–114). In principle, the same mechanism of falling diphthong formation should take place before labials and velars, as suggested by the form [ˈsawpɾe] SAPERE (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1200). In Gascon and mostly in the Landes region, a mid front glide may have been inserted at vowel offset in the case of the sequence [oʎ] after which the resulting falling diphthong has changed to a rising diphthong (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 638, 1119; Millardet 1910a, 86; Palay 1932; Séguy 1954–1973, map 1239; Rohlfs 1970, 122): [ˈkwɛʎə], [ˈkwøʎə], coélh, coégn CONUCULA, [juˈnwœʎ] GENUCULU. As to other lexical variants for GENUCULU such as [ʒuˈeʎ], [juˈeʎ], [ʒweʎ], [ʒuˈœʎ], [juˈœʎ], [juˈwœʎ] and [jiˈwœʎ] (some of which may also be pronounced with [ɲ] instead of with [ʎ]), Millardet assumes that they emerged from the non-existent form [jeˈuʎ] through metathesis rather than from the widespread end products [juʎ] and [ʒuʎ] of [jeˈuʎ] through off-glide insertion. As an example of off-glide insertion before [ ɲ], Gascon cigoégne CICONIA and perhaps cigouegno may be mentioned (Palay 1932; Rohlfs 1970, 122). Judging from all these examples, glide insertion appears to be more prone to occur before [ʎ] than before other (alveolo)palatal consonants

90

6 Occitan

presumably because the alveolopalatal lateral involves comparatively less tongueto-palate contact and a more anterior lingual constriction. Like what occurs with [iw], the sequence [uj] may shift to uei through the insertion of a linking mid high front vocalic segment and [ˈue̯ j] may then evolve into the triphthong [wej]: Gascon [rwejˈnat] from RUINA (Millardet 1910a, 54), [ˈkwejno] ✶CUTINA, [ˈtɾwejto] TRUCTA (Sarrieu 1902–1906, vol. 6, 341–342; Rohlfs 1970, 122), [aˈrwejt] RUGITU, [ˈhwejte] ✶FUGITA (Zauner 1898, 7), [ˈkwejɾe] CUPRU (Bec 1968, 106); Auvergnat from Vinzelles [fəˈnɥɛj] FENUCULU (Dauzat 1897, 81); Provençal [rwe(j)ˈɣa] ✶RODICARE, and also [ˈkwɛjdzo] COLLOCAT in Drôme (Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 385; Bouvier 1976, 350–351).

6.2.3 Recapitulation Schwa or a glide with a lower quality than the vowel nucleus may be inserted at the offset of a front vowel before coda [l r w] and more occasionally before [t s] (also an [o]-like glide may be appended before the dental consonant in this vowel condition), and in most cases the off-glides in question may undergo later quality changes and the falling diphthong may shift to rising. As to sequences with back rounded vowels, there may be insertion of schwa or a low or back glide before [l s r], of schwa and [a̯ ] before [t tʃ], and of a mid front glide whether rounded or unrounded before [ʎ] (and perhaps of e before [ɲ]). In addition, canonical falling diphthongs may be generated through the insertion of [w] and [j] at the offset of e before a velar stop and [s], respectively, and through [w] insertion at the offset of o before coda [s] and perhaps before velars and labials as well. Moreover, an elike linking glide may be appended between the two vocalic segments of the sequences [iw] and [uj]. Two important conclusions about off-glide insertion before (alveolo)palatals may be extracted from these data: it operates on back rounded vowels rather than on front or low vowels; and it may involve the insertion of schwa or a mid front or low glide (and thus not necessarily of an [j]-like segment), which renders possible the formation of a rising diphthong through a shift in stress placement from the vowel nucleus to the inserted glide.

6.3 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (general tendencies) A characteristic feature of Occitan is the rising diphthongization of stressed /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before (alveolo)palatal consonants and before [w] and velars. Though documentation of this diphthongization process is scanty until the 13th and 14th

6.3 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (general tendencies)

91

centuries, the fact that the corresponding rising diphthongs (perhaps realized as non-canonical diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus) show up in 12th c. documents suggests that they were available earlier in the spoken language (Grafström 1958, 58, 77–80; Kalman 1974, 45–46). Moreover, it appears that this sound change proceeded at different speeds depending on dialect, with the resulting diphthongs shifting more or less often to a high vowel in southern Lengadocian zones closer to the Catalan-speaking domain while remaining as ie, uo/ue in other, apparently more conservative, areas such as Auvergne and Rouergue: Pug vs. Puez PODIU, mugs vs. muog, muetz MODIU, mils vs. miels MELIUS, demig vs. demie ✶DIMEDIU (Pfister 1970). Some supporting evidence for an early diphthongization of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ in Occitan may be sought in the relative chronology of several sound changes. According to Grandgent (1905, 19), the fact that mid low vowels are realized as such instead of as diphthongs before (alveolo)palatal consonants and [w] emerged from the sound changes referred to in points (a) through (c) below reveals that mid low vowel diphthongization must have occurred at earlier times and thus between the 7th and 10th centuries. In other words, by the time those sound changes took place, mid low vowel diphthongization triggered by (alveolo)palatals and presumably by velars and [w] was no longer active since otherwise /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ would have diphthongized in the lexical items listed next. (a) The vocalization of coda /l/ into [w], as in Old Occitan beus BELLUS, and also the Gascon forms [mɛw] MEL, [hɛw] FEL, [dɔw] DOLU, [ɛskiˈɾɔw] ✶SCURIOLU, [linˈsɔw] LINTEOLU and the corresponding simplified variants ending in [o], [ɔ] and no postvocalic [w] (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 395, 426, 450, 852, 1566; Rohlfs 1970, 152). (b) The vocalization into [j] of C1 of the syllable-onset clusters /tɾ/ and /dɾ/, as exemplified by [ˈpɛjɾo] PETRA, [ˈrɛjɾe] RETRO and [ˈsɛjɾe] SEDERE. However, a diphthongized vowel is available for CATHEDRA ([kaˈðjɛɾo], old cadie(i)ra) and HEDERA ([ˈj/ʒɛjɾo]), and also for INTEGRU, which has /gɾ/ ([enˈtje], old entie(i)r). (c) The replacement of a dental + velar sequence by a voiced palatoalveolar affricate, as in [ˈmɛdʒe] MEDICU. There is further evidence of an early implementation of the mid low vowel diphthongization process. A possible supporting case is the metaphonic origin of the diphthong in lexical variants ending in /i/ such as Old Occitan miei MEI and vendiei ✶VENDEDI, 1st pers. perf. of VENDERE (Voretzsch 1900, 601; Appel 1918, 35), as well as Old Occitan ier for HERI and the corresponding present-day dialectal forms [jɛr], as well as [jɛj], [je], [jœj] in Gascon, [iˈjɛr], [iˈje] in E. Provence and [ˈie̯ r], [ˈia̯ r], [ir], [jir] in Piedmont (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 695; Schroeder 1932, 173). However, there may be other reasons why HERI exhibits a rising diphthong in the

92

6 Occitan

lexical variants mentioned above such as the presence of a postvocalic rhotic, which could certainly have contributed to glide epenthesis at the VC boundary and the formation of a rising diphthong at a later date (Sánchez Miret 1998, 233). The antiquity of mid low vowel diphthongization is also consistent with data from Landes and Pyrénées-Atlantiques showing that rising diphthongs already existed when /e/ was labialized into [œ] in a part of those dialect domains since, as the following forms reveal, the outcomes [je] of /ɛ/ and [we] of /ɔ/ are pronounced here as [jœ] and [wœ]: [ ʃœjs] SEX and [ˈplœjo] ✶PLOIA derived from ✶[sjœjs] and ✶ [ˈplwœjo], and [wœj] HODIE and [lwœɲ] LONGE (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 780, 1039; Millardet 1918, and see section 6.4.1). Analogously to the situation in the Romance languages analyzed so far, mid high and low vowels are predicted to raise when assimilated to a following (alveolo)palatal consonant in Occitan. In particular, /a/ ought to raise to mid front and /e/ to [i]. Things are more complex in the case of /o/ due to a chain shift which took place in Old Occitan and involved the fronting of /u/ to [y], just as in French ([ˈlyno] LUNA, [myr] MURU), followed by the raising of /o/ to [u] in order to fill the gap that had been left by the high back vowel ([tut] TOTTU, [ˈpumo] POMA). Crucially for our analysis, the first of these two sound changes (/u/ > [y]) operated not only on words which had /u/ in Late Latin but also on those lexical items whose stressed vowel /o/ had been raised to [u] by a following (alveolo)palatal consonant at an earlier date. Words whose /o/ had not been raised by a following (alveolo)palatal underwent the second change /o/ > [u] and are nowadays pronounced with [u]. In light of this sound change scenario, we will assume that a raising assimilation triggered by the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant has applied in words whose /o/ has yielded [y] but not in those other lexical items in which the etymological mid high back vowel is realized as [u]. A relevant issue in this connection is the presence of doublets with the non-assimilated and assimilated outcomes [u] and [y] of /o/ occurring in different geographical areas: [puts]/ [pyts] PUTEU, [kuɲ]/[kyɲ] CUNEU, [puɲ]/[pyɲ] PUGNU, [ˈʒuɲe]/[ˈʒyɲe] UNGERE, [ˈlujɾo]/ [ˈlyjɾo] ✶LUTRIA, [ˈluto]/[ˈlyto] LUCTA, [ˈtɾujto], [ˈtɾutʃo]/[ˈtɾyjto] TRUCTA (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 308, 1046, 1104; Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 131, 147). Just to complicate things further, it may be that some of these words exhibit two different vowel realizations due not to whether the vowel assimilated to the (alveolo)palatal consonant or not but rather to the vowel source from which they came from, that is, /o/ (Ŭ) if the final outcome has been [u], as in [ˈluto] LUCTA, and /u/ (Ū) if it has been [y], as in the alternative form [ˈlyto]. To these cases we can add instances of /e/ and /o/ raising triggered by the metaphonic action of word-final /i/ in Old Occitan most of which are also found in Catalan: /e/> [i] (cil ✶ECCE ILLI, cist ✶ECCE ✶ ✶ ISTI, vint VIGINTI, past tenses pris PRESI, fiz FECI, vinc VENUI) and /o/> [y] (tuit ✶ TOTTI).

6.3 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (general tendencies)

93

The lexical variants appearing in Table 9 coming for the most part from the Lengadocian variety will be used for the analysis of mid low vowel diphthongization and mid high and low vowel raising in the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition in Occitan. In the table, the rising diphthongs derived from /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ are transcribed as [jɛ] and [ɥɛ], respectively, which is the standard Occitan pronunciation. Before proceeding with the data analysis, several observations about the historical evolution of consonants in Occitan should be made. In parallel to Catalan, the sequences /tj/ and /ke ki kj/ under group 1 have given rise to alveolar affricates, which later shifted to fricatives in the intervocalic word-medial position and to voiceless affricates word-finally after the fall of word-final unstressed vowels ([pyts], [puts] PUTEU, [buts] VOCE). The sequences /lj/ and /kl gl/ have yielded [ʎ] in the lexical items of group 2, while [ɲ] is the natural outcome of /nj/, /gn/, /nge ngi/ and /ndj/ in words of group 3. Group 4 includes words with a voiced palatoalveolar fricative derived from the end product [dʒ] ( < [ ]) of /dj/, front /g/ (/ge gi gj/) and /j/; the presence of [tʃ] in the word-final position as in [mutʃ] MODIU (also of [j], as in [rej] REGE) reveals that [dʒ] had not weakened into a voiced fricative before word-final unstressed vowels were effaced. The labial + /j/ sequences of group 5 either remained intact ([ˈgaβjo] CAVEA) or else strengthened the glide into an affricate after which the preceding stop was weakened and either deleted or vocalized ([ˈrutʃ] RUBEU, [ˈrawʒo] RABIA). The table is completed with the lexical forms listed under groups 6, 7 and 8 whose target vowel is followed by coda yod from the same origins as in the Catalan lexical items included in Table 7. In Occitan, the sequence [jt] derived from /kt/ has remained as such or has been replaced by [tʃ] as in Spanish ([ɥɛjt], [ɥɛtʃ] OCTO), while [js] derived from /ks ssj ske ski skj stj/ must be traced back to [sj] or [jʃ], the variant [ʃ] being still present in Gascon and other Occitan varieties (Appel 1918, 36 and section 6.4.2). The following words have been excluded from the table for specific reasons: Old Occitan espelh SPECULU whose stressed vowel source may have been [ɪ] (Ǐ); lexical items with no postvocalic yod or any other (alveolo)palatal consonant in Old Occitan (somi SOMNIU, ongla UNGULA, net NITIDU, tebe TEPIDU, nèrvi NERVIU and also òli OLEU, òrdi HORDEU); words whose mid low front vowel did not diphthongize due to the late presence of yod (pèira PETRA, rèire RETRO, and see above in this section); words ending in -ètge, where tg stands for [dʒ] and show no rising diphthong whether because of their learned character or because the palatoalveolar affricate was generated after mid low vowels diphthongized before an (alveolo)palatal consonant (mètge MEDICU, erètge HERETICU, domètge DOMESTICU; Appel 1918, 36, 50; Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 277, and see above in this section); and learned words with stressed [ɪ] (Ĭ) which are pronounced with [i] instead of with [e] such as Old Occitan vici VITIU (see Grandgent 1905, 16). The diphthongized vowel of f

94

6 Occitan

[ˈfjɛɾo] FERIA explains why, in contrast with Spanish and Portuguese, this word has been included as a case of /ɛ/ in Table 9. According to the data presented in Table 9 and summarized in Table 10, mid low vowels have yielded a rising diphthong in all (alveolo)palatal consonant environments except when followed by /tj/ and in the case of the sequence /ɛɲ/ ([eɲ]) and partially /ɔɲ/ ([oɲ]). The presence of [ɛ] before /tj/ ([ˈpɛso] ✶PETTIA) suggests that this consonantal sequence was not implemented as a true (alveolo)palatal consonant at the time that vowel diphthongization occurred. Regarding /ɛɲ/, the fact that TENEAM, VENIAM and GENIU and INGENIU have [e] suggests that /ɛ/ did not diphthongize because it was too close whether due to the high degree of palatality of the alveolopalatal nasal or to vowel nasalization (/ɛ/ has shifted to [e] before a coda nasal in Occitan, as revealed by present-day forms for GENERU, GENTE and PREHENDERE available in Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 634, 639, 1089). The same remark may be applied to those lexical forms in which /ɔ/ followed by [ɲ] raised to [o] instead of shifting to a rising diphthong (Old Occitan l[o]nh LONGE, s[o]nh SOMNIU). Moreover, the simultaneous presence of a preceding and a following (alveolo)palatal consonant may account for the outcome [i] of /ɛ/ in the case of [enˈdʒin] INGENIU and Old Occitan ginh GENIU. Data from the table also show that, unlike what we see in Catalan, the vowel of VECLU has diphthongized in Occitan ([bjɛʎ]). As to the mid high vowels, the data presented in Table 9 reveal that, analogously to other western Romance languages, vowel assimilation to a following (alveolo)palatal consonant has operated more often on /o/ (yielding [y]) than on /e/ (yielding [i]). Thus, assimilated forms are found for /o/ but not for /e/ before primitive onset [ ] (group 4) and before [jt js] (group 6) ([esˈtyjt] STUDIU, [ˈlyto] LUCTA). The coexistence of the variants [miʎ] and [meʎ] of MILIU in Old Occitan and the present-day language (Levy 1909; von Wartburg 1922–2002) suggests that, unlike other Romance languages, the stressed vowel of this word derives from /ɪ/ (Ĭ). In contrast with other Romance languages, /a/ has been strongly reluctant to assimilate to a following (alveolo)palatal consonant in Occitan, even if it occurs before coda [j]. An exception is the ending -ARIU/-ARIA, which is implemented regularly as [je]/[ˈjɛɾo] in the standard language and for which, as noted in section 6.4.2, a change /a/ > [ɛ] prior to /ɛ/ diphthongization before (alveolo)palatals must be assumed ([pɾyˈmje] PRIMARIU, [ˈjɛɾo] AREA, [kaˈrjɛɾo] CARRARIA). f

MILIU

ruˈβiʎ RUBICULU

ɥɛl

OCULU

ˈreʎo REGULA

TROCULU

APICULA

aˈβeʎo

CONSILIU

kunˈseʎ

TILIU

teʎ

PIGRITIA

piˈɣɾezo

No change

e

tɾɥɛl

miʎ

Old Occ. cuelh COLLIGO

VECLU

CILIA

ˈsiʎo

bjɛl

FORTIA

Change

FOLIA

ˈfɔrso

NOPTIA

✶

ˈnɔso

No change

DECEM

ˈfɥɛʎo

Change

dɛts

PETTIA

✶

ˈpɛso

No change

ɔ

MELIUS

 mjɛls



Change

ɛ

f

PUTEU

pyts

PEDUCULU

peˈzuʎ

(continued)

ALLIU

aʎ

ʒeˈnuʎ GENUCULU

PALEA

ˈpaʎo

MINACIA

meˈnaso

PLATTEA

✶

ˈplaso

Change No change

a

CUSCULIU

kusˈkuʎo

VOCE

buts

PUTEU

puts

Change No change

o

Table 9: Representative phonetic outcomes of stressed /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Occitan. The numbering in the leftmost column corresponds to the following modern and earlier consonant realizations, the latter being enclosed within parentheses when available: (1) [z] ([dz]), [s] ([ts]); (2) [ʎ]; (3) [ ɲ]; (4) [(d)ʒ], [j] ([ ]); (5) [ʒ], labial +[j] (labial + /j/); (6) [js] ([jʃ ]), [jt], [tʃ ] ([jt]); (7) [(j)z] ([zj]), [(j)ɾ] ([ɾj]); 8 [j]. For each stressed vowel, lexical variants are presented in two columns according to whether they have undergone a consonant-conditioned change or not. The data for the vowel /a/ do not include examples from Gascon. In line with other Occitan data available throughout the chapter, final o has been transcribed as [o] (as in [ˈluto] LUCTA) even though many scholars use [ɔ] instead.

6.3 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (general tendencies)

95

Old Occ. suenh, s[o]nh

SOMNIU

Old Occ. t[e]nha

TENEAM

MEDIU

 mjɛtʃ

VENIAM

emˈbeʒo INVIDIA

pɥɛtʃ

PODIU

ˈbeʒa

DIGNU

Old Occ. d[e]nh

SIGNU

Old Occ. s[e]nh

LIGNA

ˈleɲo

No change

VIDEAM

SOMNIU

Old Occ. s[ɔ]nh

TINEA

ˈtiɲo

Change

e

HODIE

ɥɛj

LONGE

LONGE

Old Occ. v[e]nha

Old Occ. l[ɔ]nh

COGNITA

lɥɛn Old Occ. l[o]nh

Old Occ. c[ɔ]inda

No change

Old Occ. g[e]nh, ginh GENIU

Old Occ. cuenhda

Change

COGNITA

No change

ɔ

INGENIU

 enˈdʒe/in

Change

ɛ

Table 9 (continued)

FUGIT

fytʃ

STUDIU

esˈtyjt

COTONEU

VERECUNDIA

berˈɣuɲo

IUNGERE

ˈʒuɲe

PUGNU

puɲ

kuˈðuɲ

IUNGERE

CUNEU

ˈʒyɲe

kuɲ

PUGNU

CICONIA

siˈɣuɲo

pyɲ

CUNEU

kyɲ

Change No change

o

MAIU

maj

EXAGIU

aˈsatʃ

ARANEA

aˈɾaɲo

EXTRANEU

esˈtɾaɲ

Change No change

a

96 6 Occitan

PISCE

esˈtɾejto STRICTA

ˈdɾejto DIRECTA

PROXIMU

ˈkɥɛjto

COCTA

nɥɛjt

NOCTE

EXIT

ljɛtʃ

LECTU

ˈlyto

FASCIA

(continued)

FACTU

fajt

LACTE

lajt

ˈfajso

NASCERE

ˈnajse

FRAXINU

ˈfɾajse

AXE

ajs

CAPSA

ˈkajso

OCTO

LUCTA

ˈluto

ANGUSTIA

aŋˈgujso

ˈkyʒo COGITAT

BUXU

bujs

LUCTA

RABIA

ˈrawʒo

CAVEA

ˈgaβjo

FAGEU

fatʃ, faw

ɥɛjt

pejs

Old Occ. pruesme

Old Occ. ieis

CRESCERE

ˈkɾejse

RUBEU

VINDEMIA

COXA

ˈkɥɛjso

rutʃ

benˈdemjo

CORRIGIA

SEX

 sjɛjs



REGE

TROIA

kuˈreʒo

rej

ˈtɾɥɛʒo

6.3 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (general tendencies)

97



FERIA

ˈfjɛɾo

CATHEDRA

kaˈðjɛɾo

MORIO

Old Occ. muer

enˈtjɛɾo

✶

CORIU

INTEGRA

kɥɛr

Change

CERESIA

No change

 seˈɾjɛɾo

Change

ɛ

Table 9 (continued) ɔ No change

Change

LUTRIA

✶

ˈlujɾo

ˈglɛjzo ECLESIA

DORMITORIU

durmiˈðu

Change No change

o

CERVESIA

serˈβezo

No change

e

AREA

ˈajɾo

MAGIS

maj

FAIRE

✶

ˈfajɾe

AYO

✶

aj

CARRARIA GLAREA

ˈkarjɛɾo ˈglajɾo

AREA

ˈjɛro

Change No change

a

98 6 Occitan

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

99

Table 10: Phonetic outcomes of mid and low vowels before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Occitan. The leftmost column shows the modern consonant realizations followed by their phonetic source within parentheses. Cells are shaded dark or light grey depending on the frequency of assimilation and diphthongization, and left white if there is no assimilation. Empty cells indicate the absence of data. /ɛ/

/ɔ/

/e/

/o/

/a/

. z (dz); s (ts)

ɛ

ɔ

e

y

a

. ʎ

jɛ

ɥɛ

i

u

a

. ɲ

e

ɥɛ

i

y

a

. (d)ʒ, j ( )

jɛ

ɥɛ

e

y

a

e

u

a

f

. ʒ, lab+j (lab+j) . js (jʃ); jt, tʃ (jt)

jɛ

ɥɛ

e

y

a

. (j)z (zj); (j)ɾ (ɾj)

jɛ

ɥɛ (ɾj)

e

u (ɾj)

ɛ (ɾj)

. j

a

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects) This section deals in detail with specific sound change processes, mostly but not only assimilatory raising and diphthongization, undergone by stressed vowels in Occitan as a function of contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants using data from Old Occitan texts and present-day Occitan dialects. Efforts will be made to reconstruct the intermediate stages of the evolutionary pathways connecting the primitive vowel sources and their present-day phonetic outcomes, and to determine the phonetic motivation for these changes and the contextual factors involved in their implementation.

6.4.1 Mid high vowels In addition to the examples of /e/ raising before [ʎ] and [ɲ] included in Table 9, other instances of the change /e/ > [i] before [ʎ] (nowadays [j]) in AlpesMaritimes may be mentioned ([aˈbijo] APICULA, [awˈɾija] AURICULA; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 1, 946; Dalbera 1994, 348). Another option is for [e] derived from either /e/ or /ɛ/ to shift to [i] before [j] in Vinzelles (Puy-de-Dôme) and probably other localities in Basse-Auvergne where /ɛ/ merged with /e/ in

100

6 Occitan

order to occupy the space left by the centralization of stressed /e/ ([pe] PĔDE, [ˈsəða] SĒTA, [ˈsitaə] SĔCTAT, [ˈpiðaə] PĔTRA, [ˈdɾitaə] DIRĒCTA, and see section 6.4.3.2 (b); Dauzat 1897, 65; Recasens 2019). Two other sound changes operating on the mid high front vowel before yod deserve some comments. On the one hand, the falling diphthong [ej] could monophthongize into [e], as exemplified by the Gascon forms [dɾet] DIRECTU and [tet] TECTU (Bec 1968, 105, and see section 5.2 for the same change in Catalan). On the other, in Landais Gascon, /ɛ/ (Ĕ) followed by [j] raised to [e] before /e/ changed to [œ] ([aˈrœj] RES, [tœjt] TECTU), as exemplified by words in which the glide derives from [ ɲ] ([taˈβœj] TAM BENE) and from the first consonant of the onset clusters /dr gr/ (Labouheire [ənˈtœj] INTEGRU, [kaˈðœjɾə] CATHEDRA) (see Millardet 1918, 1910b, map 502 and Rohlfs 1970, 117). Attention should also be paid to instances of the dissimilatory lowering process /e/ > [ɛ] before yod and other (alveolo)palatal consonants, as revealed by the following forms which are present to varying degrees throughout the Occitan-speaking domain: [rɛj] REGE, [lɛj] LEGE, [pɛjs], [pɛʃ ] PISCE, [ˈbɛjɾe] VITRU, VIDERE (Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 136–137); Gascon [tɛjt], [tɛt], [tet] TECTU, [pɛʃ ], [peʃ ] (Rohlfs 1970, 119); N. Haute-Loire [dɾɛj] DIRECTU, [iˈtɾɛj] STRICTU (Nauton 1974, 99); Auvergnat from Vinzelles [nɛj] NIGRU, [tɾɛj] TRES, [kɾɛj] CRESCIT, [iˈpɛj] SPISSU (Dauzat 1897, 69); Roaschia [fɾɛjt] FRIGIDU, [nɛj] NIGRU, [tɾɛj] TRES (Salvioni 1907a, 526); Prali [tɾɛj], [tɛjt], [dɾɛjt], [ˈkɾɛjɾe] CREDERE (Morosi 1890, 331). Shifting now to the mid high back rounded vowel /o/, the effect of a following (alveolo)palatal consonant may account for the fronting of its expected outcome [u] to [y] in dialect areas such as Gascony (see section 6.3). In BasseAuvergne and to a large extent in northern Haute-Loire, the same change has taken place in the context of (alveolo)palatals and several (dento)alveolars in complex ways involving the effect of the prevocalic and postvocalic consonants, while contextual labials, velars and /l r/ may have prevented the change in question from applying ([ˈɲyla] MEDULLA, [ˈdzyʎa] ✶IUGULA; Dauzat 1897, 79; 1938, 58–59; Nauton 1974, 41–42). As to the sequence composed of /o/ followed by yod, which has changed to [uj] in Occitan, the word stress may have been transferred from the first to the second vocalic segment, and the same stress shift may have operated on [iw]. Thus, in Haute-Loire, [ˈfujɾa] FORIA may have been replaced by [ˈfwiɾa] and [ˈliwɾa] LIBRA by [ˈljuɾa], and we find [ˈdzɥinə] IUVENE in Auvergnat in the place of the Provençal form [ˈdʒujne] (Dauzat 1897, 80; Nauton 1974, 101). An alternative outcome involves the insertion of a glide between the two high vocalic segments (see section 6.2.2). In Landais Gascon, on the other hand, the change /e/ > [œ] applied after [oj] was dissimilated into ei in the case of the ending -ORIU/-ORIA ([labœˈðœj] LAVATORIU; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 755).

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

101

6.4.2 Low vowel Regarding /a/, the most striking exception to the lack of vowel quality changes induced by a following (alveolo)palatal consonant in Occitan occurs in the case of the ending -ARIU/-ARIA, whose low vowel may exhibit a rising diphthong (Aude [pryˈmjɛ] PRIMARIU, [kawˈðjɛɾo] CALDARIA and also [ˈjɛɾo] AREA; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 20, 255, 1088 and see section 6.3). The most widespread variants -ier (masc.)/ -ièra, -ièro (fem.) emerged through diphthongization not of /a/ but of the raised outcome [ɛ] triggered by [j], which must have been preposed to the alveolar rhotic at some stage of the derivation; therefore, the phonetic development /ajr/ > [ɛɾj] > [ɛjɾj] > [jɛjɾ] > [jɛɾ] must be assumed. It thus turns out that /a/ followed by yod raised to [ɛ] before /ɛ/ diphthongized into [jɛ] when followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant such that all instances of [ɛ], that is, those coming from /ɛ/ and those coming from /a/ + yod, underwent the same diphthongization process. This analysis appears to be consistent with the chronological order of appearance of several Old Occitan variants whereby -er/-e(i)ra preceded -ier/-ie(i)ra (Grandgent 1905, 14; Grafström 1958, 40–44; Kalman 1974, 28–29). The triphthong was still available for -ARIA at the beginning of the 20th century, as reported for Rouergat (premiè/premièiro PRIMARIU/PRIMARIA, rebiéido RIPARIA; Staaf 1896, 116; Aymeric 1897, 27), Limousin (tsodiéiro, tsodiéro CALDARIA; Gilliéron/ Edmont 1902–1910, map 255), and Provençal from Hautes-Alpes (Aiguilles [je]/[ˈjejɾo] -ARIU/-ARIA; Schroeder 1932, 168). The diphthongal sequence derived from the earlier triphthong has often been simplified into e, as revealed by the scenario in the Drôme where [e]/[ˈeɾo] occurs in the north, [je]/[ˈjɛɾo] in the south and [je]/[ˈɛɾo] in a central area (Bouvier 1976, 320–321). In E. Provence, Trièves and the Occitan-speaking valleys of Piedmont, on the other hand, there are forms with a hiatus or a non-canonical falling diphthong with a high vowel nucleus and an off-glide of variable quality, such as [ˈiɛ̯ ]/[ˈiɛ̯ ɾə], [ˈie̯ ]/[ˈie̯ ɾa], [ˈiə̯ ]/[ˈiə̯ ɾə] and [ˈia̯ r]/[ˈia̯ ɾa], and also the simplified doublet [i]/[ˈiɾa] in Bobbio Pellice and the mixed doublet [ˈie̯ ]/[ˈjɛɾo], [ˈjeɾa] (Schroeder 1932, 166–168; Tausch 1954, 41). These latter phonetic variants suggest that off-glide epenthesis is at the origin of /ɛ/ diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal consonants in ways which parallel other cases described in section 6.2.1. The presence of the outcome [ɛj] of -ARIU without traces of the rising diphthong in certain Occitan-speaking zones suggests that diphthongization has not taken place here and, therefore, that there has not been a joint evolution of [ɛ] derived from /ɛ/ and from /a/ perhaps because /a/ had not raised to a mid vowel by the time /ɛ/ shifted to ie (see also chapter 5 for Catalan). Another possibility is that [ɛj] was achieved through simplification of an earlier triphthong

102

6 Occitan

and therefore through the developments ieir > eir > èi for -ARIU and ieiro > èiro for -ARIA (Camproux 1962; 77). The area of interest includes Basse-Auvergne and part of Haute-Loire, which have the patterns [ɛj]/[ˈɛjɾa], [ˈejɾa] or else [e]/[ˈejɾa] ([pɾuˈmɛj] PRIMARIU, [pɾuˈmɛjɾa], [pɾuˈmejɾa] PRIMARIA; Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 199; Dauzat 1938, 97–98; Nauton 1974, 123–129). Another relevant area is Gascony (Gers, Hautes-Pyrenées, Pyrenées-Atlantiques, Landes, Haute-Garonne) where analogous doublets for -ARIU/-ARIA may be found: [ɛ(j)]/[ˈɛjɾə], [e(j)]/[ˈejɾə], [e]/[ˈeɾo] and [ɛ]/[ˈɛɾə], [ˈɛɾo], as exemplified by the lexical doublets [pɾyˈmɛ]/ [pɾyˈmɛɾo] and [pɾiˈmɛ]/[pɾiˈmɛ(j)ɾə] for PRIMARIU/PRIMARIA and also by [ˈɛjɾə], [ˈɛɾo] AREA (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 20, 1088; Sarrieu 1902–1906, vol. 6, 324; Bec 1968, 140–145). It should also be noted that in areas of the Landes where /e/ has changed to [œ], the stressed vowel of -ARIU/-ARIA is [e], not [œ] ([ej]/[ˈejɾə]), which means that the vowel must have been lower than [e] at the time that /e/ labialization occurred (Millardet 1918, 83; Bec 1968, 141). In addition to -ARIU and differently from other Occitan dialects, in Gascon, /a/ has raised generally to [ɛ] before coda yod issued from /kt/ and /ks ssj ske ski skj stj/ (nowadays implemented as [(j)t] and [ ʃ ] derived from earlier [jʃ ], respectively), as well as in those lexical items included in group 8 in Table 9. Here are some examples of this low vowel raising process: [hɛjt], [hɛt] FACTU, [lɛjt], [lɛt] LACTE, [ɛʃ ] AXE (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 484, 533, 746); [hɛʃ ] FASCE, [ˈpɛʃe] PASCERE, [ˈnɛʃe] NASCERE, [ɛj], [ɛ] ✶AYO, [kanˈtɛ] CANTAVI (Bec 1968, 109–113). Moreover, in Pyéenées-Atlantiques and S. Landes, in addition to [ɛ], the low vowel realization is often available mostly before the palatoalveolar fricative just as in Aragonese and Catalan (see sections 3.2 and 5.2.2): [ta(t)ʃ ], [tɛʃ] TAXU, [aʃ], [ɛʃ] AXE, [haʃ], [hɛʃ] FASCE, [ˈraʃu], [ˈrɛʃ(u)] FRAXINU, [ˈpaʃə], [ˈpɛʃə] ✶ PASCERE, [ha], [hɛ] FAIRE < FACERE (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 529, 611, 1653; Rohlfs 1970, 116). The raising of /a/ to [ɛ] before coda [j], which may have been deleted afterwards, has also occurred in Auvergnat ([fa], [fɛ] FACTU, [ˈpɛjɾə] PATRE, [aˈɾajɾə], [aˈɾɛjɾə] ARATRU, [ˈfɾɛs(ə)] FRAXINU, [ma], [mɛ] MAGIS, [fa(ə)r], [f(w)ɛr] ✶FAIRE; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 529, 533, 611, 799; Dauzat 1938, 95–96).

6.4.3 Mid low front vowel 6.4.3.1 Phonetic developments and dialectal distribution of forms In Occitan, /ɛ/ diphthongized into [jɛ] before syllable-onset yod or any other (alveolo)palatal consonant, and also before yod in coda position yielding [jɛj]. As pointed out below, several phonetic outcomes may have emerged from the

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

103

rising diphthong and triphthong in question such as the falling diphthong ei and the single vowels e, i. In order to investigate the intermediate stages and phonetic outcomes of this sound change it is worth looking into how /ɛ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant was represented in Old Occitan texts. The data presented in Table 11 from Old Occitan, mostly from the 12th–14th centuries, are representative though by no means exhaustive, and have been taken essentially from Voretzsch (1900), Grandgent (1905), Appel (1918), Anglade (1921), Schroeder (1932), Grafström (1958) and Kalman (1974). In the table, separate columns have been assigned to written forms with a rising diphthong followed by coda [j] (iei condition) or by an onset (alveolo)palatal consonant (ie condition), a falling diphthong (ei) and a single vowel whether mid or high (e, i). The grapheme-sound correspondence for the consonants in this table and Table 14 displayed in section 6.4.4.1 are as follows (Grandgent 1905, 7; Appel 1918, 35–36): lh, il, yl, ll, ill, l stand for [ʎ]; nh, n for [ɲ]; ch, as in chiys SEX, for [ʃ]; word-final (i)g, (i)ch for a palatoalveolar affricate; wordfinal tz, gz, z for an alveolar affricate, and itz for [tsj] and thus a palatalized alveolar affricate; and intervocalic j, i, g for [ʒ] or [dʒ], while i may also correspond to word-final and intervocalic [j]. Based on the historical data presented in Table 11 and the present-day dialect data for VECLU, MEDIA, LECTU and SEX, we have reconstructed in Table 12 the phonetic pathways linking earlier forms (appearing towards the left of the derivations) to more recent ones (appearing towards the right), such as [vjɛʎ] > [vjɛj] > [vɛj]. In these derivations, final [j] in VECLU and final [tʃ ], [ts] in LECTU come respectively from [ʎ] and [jt] (or more precisely [jc]) while, in the case of MEDIU, intervocalic [ ] (/dj/) has yielded [j], [ʒ] and [dz] independently. Data from the two tables reveal that, both for LECTU and SEX, the initial alveolar consonant may have been palatalized by the on-glide of the triphthong or rising diphthong after which the glide in question has been absorbed by the (alveolo)palatal consonant that it helped to create (lheyt, chiys). Phonetic variants with a rising diphthong derived from /ɛ/ involving the strengthening of absolute word-initial yod may also be found in presentday Gascon, as in [ˈʒɛjɾo] < ✶[ˈjɛjɾo] HEDERA and [ʒew] < ✶[jew] EBULU (Sarrieu 1902–1906, vol. 6, 335). In Occitan, two essential sound change processes appear to have operated on [jɛ(j)] derived from /ɛ/: (a) Absorption of the prevocalic or postvocalic glide by the vowel nucleus whenever the two consecutive segments shared basic articulatory characteristics ([jɛj]/[jej] > [ɛj]/[ej], [jɛ]/[je] > [ɛ]/[e]). The effacement of the on-glide may also have occurred through merging with the preceding alveolar into an (alveolo)palatal or palatoalveolar consonant, as referred to above. These on-glide and f

104

6 Occitan

off-glide effacement processes account for the co-occurrence of forms with iei and with ie and/or ei in Old Occitan for most of the lexical items included in Table 11. (b) Assimilatory vowel raising whether operating in a triphthong or a rising diphthong through the derivations [jɛj] > [jej] > [i] and [jɛ] > [je] > [i], respectively (Old Occitan miei > mi MEDIU, vielh > vilh VECLU). This vowel raising process will be analyzed in detail in section 6.4.3.2. Table 11: Old Occitan lexical variants for words with /ɛ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. See the body of the text for the grapheme-to-sound correspondence and other details. iei

ie

ei

e

i

MELIUS

mielhs, mieils/z, miels/z

melhs, mels/z, meils/z

milz

MELIOR

mieller

melher

milher

VECLU

vielh, vieil

velh, veill

vilh

(IN)GENIU

engien, (en)gienh

(en)genh

ginh

MEDIA

mieia, mieja

meia

mija

meg

mi, (de)mig

✶

DIMEDIU

PEIUS

miei

mieg

mei

pieitz, pieis, pieigz

pietz, piegz

peitz, peis

pieier, piej/ger

PEIOR

peier, pejer lire

LEGERE SEX

sieis

sies

seis

chiys

iesca

EXEAT EXIT

ieis

LECTU

lieit

lieg, liet

PROFECTU

profieyt

DESPECTU

hisque eis leit, lheyt

lech

lhit

profieg

profeich

profich

despieit

despieg, despiet

despech

DELECTU

delieit

delieg/ch, delietz

deleit

deleig

PECTU

pieitz

pietz

pei(t)z

pechs

pytz

105

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

Table 11 (continued) iei

ie

ei

ECLESIA

glieisa

gliei/ya, glies/za, gliesia

gleis/za, gleya

FERIA

fieira

fiera

feira

INTEGRU

entieir

entier

CATHEDRA

cadieira

cadiera

cadeyra

enquieira

enquiera

queira

✶

(IN)QUAERIAT

e

i glise/i, glizie

fera entiir

enquera

Table 12: Reconstructed phonetic developments for /ɛ/ in the words VECLU, MEDIA, LECTU and SEX in Occitan dialects. The phonetic pathways link earlier forms (appearing towards the left of the derivations) to more recent ones (appearing towards the right). VECLU

vjɛ/eʎ, bjɛ/eʎ

vɛʎ, bɛʎ vjɛ/ej

vje, vɛ/ej

MEDIA

ˈmjɛ/eʒo ˈmjɛ/edzo ˈmjɛ/ejo

ˈmɛ/eʒo, ˈmiʒə ˈmɛdzo, ˈmetso ˈmijə

LECTU

ljɛjt

ljɛ/e lɛ/ejt ʎjejt ʎɛjtʃ, ʎɛjts

lɛ/e(t) ʎɛ/ejt ʎi(t) ʎɛts, lɛts

sjɛ/e sɛj(s), sej ʃɛ/ejs

ʃjɛ sɛ/e ʃɛ(s)

ʎɛ/e(t)

SEX

sjɛ/ejs

ʃɛ

In order to better understand the phonetic pathways sketched out in Table 12 we need to look at the geographical distribution of forms in the contemporary dialects of Occitan. According to the dialect data taken from monographs and

106

6 Occitan

from Gilliéron/Edmont (1902–1910), the geographical distribution of the main phonetic outcomes of /ɛ/ before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Occitan is as follows (those cases where falling diphthongs of the ei type or a simple vowel e result from the palatalization of the prevocalic consonant and later on-glide absorption will be regarded as instances of the triphthong iei or the rising diphthong ie, respectively). (a) Rising diphthongs and triphthongs and thus forms with ie and iei occur to the exclusion of other realizations in W. Gascon (Pyrénées-Atlantiques, HautesPyrénées, Landes), most of Provence (except for Drôme) and E. Lengadocian (Aveyron, Lozère, Hérault, Aude, Gard). This scenario may be exemplified with [sjɛjs] SEX, [mjej] MEDIA and [vjej], [bjɛʎ] VECLU, and also with [mjɛtʃ] MEDIU, [ljɛtʃ] LECTU and [pruˈfjɛtʃ] PROFECTU in Lozère (Camproux 1962, 83). (b) Rising diphthongs and triphthongs co-occur with forms with the simplified realization e in the NE. Gascon/NW. Lengadocian zone (Gers, Lot-et-Garonne, Lot, Tarn-et-Garonne), and in Limousin, Drôme and Ardèche. Lexical variants such as [sje], [sɛ] SEX and [ˈmjetso], [ˈmetso] MEDIU may thus be found in these dialect areas. In Drôme, [sjɛj] SEX, [mjɛj], [mje] MELIUS occur in the south and [sje], [me] in the north (Bouvier 1976, 319–321). (c) Rising diphthongs and triphthongs occur together with ei, e in SE. Gascon (Haute-Garonne, Ariège), Gironde, Tarn, and also Auvergnat (Haute-Loire, Puy-de-Dôme and also E. Cantal and N. Lozère). It is therefore possible for [sjɛjs], [sej], [se] SEX and for [ʎɛjt], [lɛjt], [le] LECTU to coexist in the same dialect domain. More specific examples are [ljet], [lɛjt] LECTU, [pjet] PECTU in Comminges and Couserans (Bec 1968, 105–106). It may be concluded from these dialect data that in Occitan a change from a triphthong to a rising diphthong must have taken place much more often than a change from a triphthong to a falling diphthong, a tendency which could be related to the fact that glides which appear in coda position (off-glides) are articulatorily more reduced than those that are found syllable-initially (on-glides). In a few geographical areas cited next, however, the frequent presence of ei in the place of rising diphthongs or triphthongs in words such as PECTU and LECTU with an etymological velar which was replaced by [j] and other lexical items has called into question the notion that this falling diphthong derives from iei: the Narbonne-Béziers-Carcasonne-Castelnaudary-Pays de Foix region, also extending up to Albi; the Auvergnat dialect domain including the Velai area in Haute-Loire (Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 154; Bec 1968, 107); and N. Lozère ([sɛjs] SEX, [mɛjt] MEDIU, [lɛj] LECTU, [pɾuˈfɛjt] PROFECTU; Camproux 1962, 83). In any case, as shown next (and also referred to in point (c) above), evidence for

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

107

the presence of triphthongs or rising diphthongs in these and neighbouring regions may also be adduced here, which lends support to /ɛ/ diphthongization. (a) In the area including Haute-Garonne, Ariège, Aude and Hérault, there is [ˈmjɛʒo] ([ˈmjɛdʒɔ] in Hérault), [bjeʎ] VECLU, [sjɛjs] SEX and also [ʎɛjt] which implies the existence of the previous form [ljɛjt] LECTU. Moreover, /ɔ/ has diphthongized here too (section 6.4.4.1): the prevailing outcome of /ɔ/ at least for some lexical items is [ɛ(j)] ([kɛjt], [kwɛjt] COCTU, [ˈfɛʎo] FOLIA) and the forms [bɛjt] OCTO and [bɛj] HODIE must have originated through consonantal prothesis before a rounded glide, as confirmed by their co-occurrence with [wɛjt] OCTO, [awɛj(t)] HODIE. (b) In Haute-Loire, in addition to the main outcome ei ([lej], [lɛj] LECTU, [sej], [sɛj] SEX, [ˈfɛjra] FERIA, [pej] PECTU, [ˈveja] VECLA), there is a rising diphthong in the case of -ARIU/-ARIA in most of the region, [ˈbjeja] VECLA in Pradelles and Saugues and analogous diphthongized forms for VECLU/VECLA in other localities, and lexical variants with triphthongs and rising diphthongs in the neighbouring Lozère département (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 1390, 1398; Nauton 1974, 96–98, 125–128). Moreover, data taken from Nauton (1974) and Gilliéron/Edmont (1902–1910) reveal that /ɔ/ has diphthongized before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Haute-Loire ([nœj] NOCTE, [ˈfœja]/ [ˈføja] FOLIA, [ˈkœjsa], [ˈkwɛso] COXA, [cɥɛr], [cœr] CORIU, [ˈplœja] PLOIA). (c) In Basse-Auvergne (which corresponds basically to the Puy-de-Dôme département), /ɛj/ has merged with /ej/ into different outcomes, [ɛj], or else [ej], which can be simplified into [i], depending on the area ([lɛ(j)], [le] LECTU, [sɛ(j)], [se] SEX, [pɛj], [pej] PECTU; Dauzat 1897, 65, 69). It may be hypothesized that the mid low vowel has been maintained in forms like [lɛj] and [sɛj] due to a dissimilation effect which runs in parallel to the dissimilated realization [ɛj] of /ej/ referred to for the same region in section 6.4.1. While some scholars believe that there has been no /ɛ/ diphthongization in Basse-Auvergne (see Dauzat 1938, 96, and also Gardette 1941, 242 regarding the Auvergnat-speaking area of the Loire département), others hold the opposite opinion in light of supporting evidence from Puy-de-Dôme ([vjej] VECLU, [sje] SEX) and nearby geographical areas such as Cantal ([sjɛj] SEX, [ʎe], [ʎɛt] LECTU, [ˈfjɛjrɔ] FERIA), Haute-Loire and Lozère (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 587, 778, 1235, 1389; Camproux 1962, 83–84; Nauton 1974, 96–98). Also in support of the /ɛ/ diphthongization process, the diphthongization of /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant has been at work throughout the entire dialect domain of interest, as proven by the presence of forms with a rising diphthong and a front rounded vowel in Puy-de-Dôme ([y], [ø] z OCULU, [v ɥe], [vy], [vø], [jɥe]/[jɥɛ] OCTO; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 703, 932) and W. Loire ([kwe] COCTU, [nø] NOCTE; Gardette 1941, 243).

108

6 Occitan

These data reveal that traces of the diphthongization process are apparent in a clearer fashion for /ɔ/ than for /ɛ/. Consistently with data for Asturleonese and Aragonese, they suggest then that rising diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal consonants may have operated on /ɔ/ rather than on /ɛ/. Other diphthongization outcomes deserve close attention. As a general rule, localities of E. Provence (Barcelonnette, Menton) and the Occitan-speaking valleys of Piedmont (Maïsette di Faetto, Maddalena, Bobbio, Prali, Vinadio) exhibit typically non-canonical falling diphthongs characterized by a high front vowel nucleus and a more open off-glide: Prali ntíer INTEGRU, fíero FERIA, meitíe MINISTERIU (Morosi 1890, 332); Pietraporzio [ˈvia̯ jo] VECLU (Schroeder 1932, 163); Vinadio víei, líet, ntíer (Ettmayer 1905, 219); Valle Po [ˈvie̯ ʎ]/[ˈvie̯ j] VECLU, [ˈliə̯ tʃ ] LECTU, [ˈgiə̯ zo] ECLESIA (Zörner 2008, 49). Canonical falling diphthongs prevail however in Valle Gesso (Roaschia [ənˈtɛj] INTEGRU, [sɛjs] SEX, [lɛjt] LECTU; Salvioni 1907a, 527, 533). Falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus may be found in other Occitan-speaking zones such as Charente where, as reported by Rousselot (1891, 267) and pointed out in section 1.2.1.2 and other sections of the book, [ˈie̯ ] occurs absolute word-finally ([ˈlie̯ ] LECTU, and also [ˈdie̯ ] DECEM, [ˈpie̯ ] PEDE) and [je] in other positions ([sjes] SEX), thus suggesting that the two sequences may alternate depending on positional prominence in the word and phrase. A dissimilatory action accounts for the existence of a low or mid back rounded vowel nucleus instead of e, as exemplified by data from Hautes-Alpes (Monêtier [maj] MEDIU, [sajs] SEX, Gap [ˈlia̯ ts] LECTU, Pietraporzio [ˈvia̯ jo] VECLU; Schroeder 1932, 161–164) and Haute-Loire ([laj], [loj] LECTU, [ˈfajða], [ˈfojɾa] FERIA, [poj] PECTU; Nauton 1974, 96–97). Moreover, there may be assimilatory labialization of /ɛ/ into [œ] next to a labial consonant or glide (Drôme [sjɛj], [sɥœj], [sœj] SEX, Haute-Loire [vej], [vœj] VECLU; Nauton 1974, 98; Bouvier 1976, 319). 6.4.3.2 High vowel outcomes The conditions under which /ɛ/ flanked by one or two (alveolo)palatal consonants may reach the [i] stage in Occitan requires justification. A good reason for this analysis is to find out whether vowel raising assimilation is preferentially progressive or regressive, and therefore is induced by the preceding or the following (alveolo)palatal consonantal segment, or else must be triggered by the two flanking (alveolo)palatals simultaneously. An answer to this question may also help to elucidate whether the high front vowel outcomes of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Catalan emerged from the rising diphthong or triphthong end products of the mid low vowel diphthongization process or else from a canonical falling diphthong of the ei type (see chapter 5).

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

109

Regarding the Old Occitan data presented in Table 11, it often happens to be the case that the vowel nucleus of those forms which co-occur with the lexical variants with i is at the same time preceded by yod and followed by yod or another (alveolo)palatal consonant such as [ʎ], [ ɲ] or [tʃ ]: milz/mielhs; milher/ mieller; vilh/ vielh; ginh/(en)gienh; mi/miei, mieg; lhit/lieit, lheyt, lieg; profich/ profieyt, profieg; pytz/pieitz; chiys/sieis; entiir/entieir. The form hisque EXEAT, which is found in addition to iesca, is probably not exceptional if we assume that its [s] comes from a palatoalveolar fricative (see section 6.3); on the other hand, the high vowel of milz may have been influenced by that of the form milher, and that of mig may be attributed to the proclitic nature of this word (Grafström 1958, 58, 77). Another relevant aspect about Table 11 is the relative frequency of occurrence of rising and canonical falling diphthongs. Only 11 out of the 22 lexical items presented in the table have falling diphthongs and for all these forms there are also lexical variants with rising diphthongs and/or triphthongs (miei, mieg, mei; lieit, liet, leit). Moreover, there are forms with a rising diphthong and no falling diphthong (entier, iesca) but no forms with a falling diphthong alone. The patterns of lexical co-occurrence just mentioned suggest that the vowel raising process /ɛ/ > [i] is much more likely to have been triggered by two flanking (alveolo)palatals (whether occurring in the triphthong iei or in a sequence ie + (alveolo)palatal consonant other than yod), or perhaps by the preceding glide of a rising diphthong alone in particular instances, rather than by the following glide of a canonical falling diphthong. This finding is in accordance with the tendency for coarticulatory effects exerted by (alveolo)palatal consonants on vowels to be more prominent at the carryover than at the anticipatory level. In view of this Old Occitan scenario, it is most likely that the outcome [i] of /ɛ/ in Catalan was achieved through rising diphthongization. Regarding present-day Occitan, dialect data taken mainly from Gilliéron/ Edmont (1902–1910), Millardet (1910b), Ronjat (1930–1941, vol. 1, 154) and Séguy (1954–1973) and presented in Table 13 reveal the presence of forms with [i] mostly in the Landes-Biarritz-S. Gironde area (see point (a) below), Auvergne (see point (b)) and E. Provence and the Piedmontese valleys (see point (c)). Several aspects of these forms deserve some specific comments, in addition to the observation that the open or closed quality of their mid front vowel realizations is not always consistent across the bibliographical sources which have been consulted. (a) In agreement with the Old Occitan data reported above, in Gascon, the lexical variants with [i] may co-occur with other variants exhibiting an (alveolo)palatal segment (a glide or another consonant) either preceding or preceding and

110

6 Occitan

following the target vowel. Consequently, the high front vowel outcome of those variants may be considered to derive from iei or from ie before an (alveolo)palatal consonant other than yod. Forms featuring two flanking (alveolo)palatal consonants are found in the case of VECLU and MELIOR (not listed in Table 13) whose stressed vowel is followed by [ʎ] or its vocalized outcome [j]. As to VECLU, Old Landais Gascon b/vilh complies with the present-day forms [bjɛʎ]/[bjeʎ], [bjœʎ] and [bjɛj] occurring in this same dialect region (Millardet 1910a, 199). Moreover, the widespread Gascon form [ˈmiʎu] MELIOR co-occurs with lexical variants with two contextual (alveolo)palatals, [ˈmjɛʎə] (Basses-Pyrénées, Landes) and [ˈmjeʎu] (Gers, Haute-Garonne) (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 854). Also relevant for our purposes are [ ʃis] for SEX and [ʎit] for LECTU (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 778, 1235, and Table 13), which in addition to a palatal off-glide must have had a palatal on-glide which caused the preceding alveolars /l/ and /s/ to shift to [ʎ] and [ ʃ ] before fading away. In other cases included in Table 13, lexical forms with a high vowel often co-occur with forms with a triphthong or with a rising diphthong, and whenever variants with e followed but not preceded by an (alveolo)palatal occur one or the two other options (triphthong or rising diphthong) may also be found. This scenario applies to a large extent to CATHEDRA and INTEGRA (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 222, 468) whose mid low front vowel must have been followed in early times by the vocalized outcome [j] of C1 of the onset clusters /dɾ/ and /gɾ/. Indeed, as shown in Table 13, in the Landes-Basses-Pyrénées zone [kaˈðiɾə] and [ãnˈtiɾə]/[ẽnˈtiɾə] co-occur for the most part with variants with a rising diphthong, and sometimes with forms with a triphthong or a canonical falling diphthong. According to the table and Gilliéron/Edmont (1902–1910, maps 388, 989), a similar situation holds for MEDIA and PECTINE. Regarding MEDIA, in addition to forms with a falling diphthong such as [mej], there is [ˈmiʒə] in Landes, Gironde and Lot-et-Garonne and also [mjɛj], [mjœj] and [ˈmjɛʒə]/[ˈmjɛjə] in Landes and [ˈmjɛʒo] in Lot-et-Garonne. As to PECTINE, lexical variants with a single high vowel in Basses-Pyrenées ([ˈpĩɲti]) and other regions such as Aveyron ([ˈpĩntʃje]), Gers ([ˈpĩntu]), Haute-Loire ([ˈpĩntse]) and Provençal ([ˈpiɲo]) coexist with other variants featuring a rising diphthong from which the single high vowel must have derived (Gascon [ˈpjœ͂ntə], [ˈpje͂ntə], Gers [ˈpjẽntu], Cantal [ˈpje͂ntse]) and also with forms with e (Cantal [ˈpẽntʃe], Lot-et-Garonne [ˈpeɲe]). Other lexical items allowing for the presence of the outcome [i] and not included in Table 13 should also be mentioned. First there is [seˈɾizo] and similar variants occurring all over the Gascon-speaking domain, which derive from the existing form [seˈɾjɛ(j)zo] CERESIA (Langedocien [seˈɾjɛ(j)ɾo]) and appear to be

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

111

quite widespread in other varieties of Occitan: [seˈziɾo] (Haute-Garonne), [sˈɾizo] (Puy-de-Dôme), [seˈɾizo] (S. Haute-Vienne), [ ʃiˈɾidzɔ] (Corrèze) (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 217); [seˈɾizɔ]/[sœˈɾizɔ] (Haute-Loire; Nauton 1974, 96). The high front vowel nucleus of several other lexical items should also be traced back to a rising diphthong or triphthong: [litʃ] LEGIT ‘(s)he reads’ in HauteGaronne, which co-occurs with [ˈliɛʃ ], [ˈliœʃ ] in Landes and [lɛtʃ ] in Ariège (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 774); [kuˈfit] CONFECTU and [pɾuˈfit] PROFECTU in the Rouergat dialect (Aymeric 1879, 23), which coexisted with lexical variants featuring triphthongs and rising diphthongs in Old Occitan (see Table 11 regarding PROFECTU); and finally [mesˈti] MINISTERIU (Landes; Millardet 1910a, 201) and [mesˈtjɛ] (Lezignan; Anglade 1897, 27) as well as Old Occitan mestier and mesteir (Voretzsch 1900, 611; Grandgent 1905, 18; Millardet 1910a, 199). FERIA and ECLESIA are more problematic. As to FERIA (see Table 13 and Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 587), [ˈfiɾo] (Ariège) and [ˈfjɛjɾo] (Ariège, HauteGaronne, Aude) can be found alongside forms with rising and falling diphthongs in the same dialect region. In fact, [ˈfjɛjɾo], [ˈfɛjɾo]/[ˈhɛjɾo] and [ˈfjɛɾo] are the most common forms in Occitan. While ie clearly derives from iei in this case, it is unclear whether this must always be the case for ei and e. Thus, it has been suggested that [ˈhɛjɾo] (a form available throughout the entire Gascon-speaking territory), [ˈhɛɾo] (Basses-Pyrénées), [ˈhɛɾe], [ˈhe(j)ɾe] (Béarnais) and [ˈfɛjɾə], [ˈfœjɾə]/ [ˈhœjɾə] (Landais) could come from FĒRIA instead of FĔRIA (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 587; Bec 1968, 144). In the Drôme, on the other hand, the analogous variant [ˈfeɾo] appears to have resulted from a triphthong, fero < fiero < fieiro, given that [ˈfjeɾo] and [ˈfjɛjɾo] may also be found in other areas of the region (Bouvier 1976, 322). Finally, ECLESIA shows the regular Occitan form [ˈglɛjzo] originating apparently from an etymon with /e/ and, in addition, forms with [i] such as [(e)ˈglizə], [ˈglizi] and [ˈgliʒi] in W. Gascon (Basses-Pyrénées, Landes) which could derive from an etymon with /ɛ/ as confirmed by the Old Occitan variants eiglieiza, eglieija (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 453; Millardet 1910a, 201; Bec 1968, 110). (b) In Auvergnat, [i] derived from /ɛ/ may co-occur with [ɛj] or a single mid front vowel but not with rising diphthongs: [deˈmji], [djiˈmi] MEDIA, [li], [lɛ(j)] LECTU, [si], [sɛ(j)], [se] SEX, [ɛ̃ˈtiɾɔ], [ẽˈtiða], [e͂ˈtɛjɾɔ] INTEGRA, [ˈfiɾɔ], [ˈfɛ(j)ɾɔ] FERIA, [tsaˈdiɾɔ], [tsaˈdiða], [tsaˈdɛɾɔ] CATHEDRA, [ˈʎ/jizɔ], [ˈʎɛjzɔ] ECLESIA (Dauzat 1897, 65; Gilliéron/ Edmont 1902–1910, maps 222, 388, 453, 468, 587, 778, 1235). Moreover, in BasseAuvergne, assimilatory raising yielding [i] has also operated on /e/ (and on /a/ in a few cases) before [j] ([ˈkɾisə] CRESCERE, [ˈdɾitaə] DIRECTA, [ˈkitaə] ECCU ISTA, [ˈkɾitaə] CRISTA, [aˈɾiɾə] ARATRU; Dauzat 1897, 69–70; 1938, 96, and see section 6.4.1). This scenario is indicative that the outcome [i] of /ɛ/ was achieved not before the mid

112

6 Occitan

Table 13: Phonetic forms for several words with /ɛ/ in southwestern Occitan. Forms with [i] are marked in boldface. S. Gironde

Landes

BassesPyrénées

Hautes Pyrénées

Haute Garonne

Ariège

Aude

PECTINE

ˈpjẽntə ˈpeɲə

ˈpjẽnti/ə ˈpjœ̃nti/ə pø̃ɲ

ˈpjẽnt/di ˈpĩɲti

ˈpjẽntu ˈpẽnti/e

ˈpjẽnti/e ˈpẽntje ˈpẽntse

ˈpẽntʃe

ˈpẽntʃ(j)e

MEDIA

ˈmiʒə

mjɛ/œj mœj ˈmjɛʒ/jə ˈmiʒə

ˈmjɛj(o) mjej ˈmjɛʒo

ˈmjɛjo ˈmɛjo mej ˈmɛʒo

ˈmjɛ/eʒo

ˈmjɛ/eʒo

ˈmjɛ/eʒo

SEX

ʃœjs ʃɛ(j)s si

ʃɛ/œjs

ʃɛjs ʃis

ʃɛjs sjes ˈsies ʃɛs

sjɛs ˈsiɛjs ˈsiɛs

sjɛjs sjɛs ˈsiɛs

sjɛjs ˈsiɛ̯ js sjɛs ˈsiɛs

LECTU

lɛjt li(t)

lɛ/œjt ʎɛ/œjt ʎit

lɛjt ʎɛjt ʎet ʎit

ʎɛjt ʎɛt ʎet

lɛjt ʎɛjt ʎet

lɛ/ejt ʎɛjt(ʃ)

lɛjt ʎɛjt

FERIA

ˈfɛjɾə ˈhɛjɾə fjɛr

ˈf/hɛjɾə ˈf/hœjɾə

ˈhɛjɾə ˈhɛɾo/ə ˈfœjɾə

ˈhɛjɾo ˈhɛɾa ˈheɾo

ˈfjɛjɾo ˈfjɛɾo ˈhɛjɾo

ˈfjɛjɾo ˈfjɛɾo ˈf/hɛjɾo ˈfiɾo

ˈfjɛjɾo ˈfjɛɾo

INTEGRA

ẽnˈtjɛɾə ãˈtjer ẽnˈtɛjɾə

ã/ẽnˈtjɛjɾə ã/ẽnˈtjɛɾə œ̃nˈtɛɾə ẽnˈtjœjɾə œ̃nˈtɛ/œjɾə ãnˈtiɾə

ẽ/ãnˈtjɛɾo ãnˈteɾə ẽnˈtiɾə

ẽnˈtjɛɾo

ẽnˈtjɛjɾo ẽ/ãnˈtjɛɾo

ẽnˈtjɛɾo

ẽnˈtjɛjɾo ẽnˈtjɛ/eɾo

CATHEDRA

ˈʃɛjɾə

kaˈðɛ/œjɾə kaˈðiɾə

kaˈðjɛɾo kaˈðiɾə

kaˈðjɛɾo

kaˈɾjɛjɾo kaˈð/ɾjɛɾo

kaˈðjɛɾo

kaˈðjɛjɾo kaˈðjɛɾo

low front vowel raised to [e] across the board and thus the two etymological vowels merged into a single phoneme /e/. Moreover, according to data from Vinzelles and other places in the region, the change ei > i in question tends to occur wordinternally rather than word-finally, which suggests that it has arisen through deletion of a reduced realization of the vowel nucleus of the falling diphthong ei rather than through application of a regressive assimilation process.

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

113

(c) In Occitan-speaking localities of E. Provence and Piedmont where the diphthongization of /ɛ/ followed by [j] or another (alveolo)palatal consonant has yielded [ˈiV̯ ] sequences (Vinadio [nˈtie̯ r] INTEGRU, [tʃiˈie̯ ɾo] CATHEDRA, [ˈlie̯ t] LECTU), an outcome [i] is also possible. It is unclear whether the change [ˈiV̯ ] > [i] has been achieved through progressive assimilation, extreme reduction and deletion of the off-glide, or both actions operating at the same time. Exemplifying forms of this sound change taken from various sources may be cited (Ettmayer 1905, 219–220; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 286, 976, 1282 and points 152, 160, 161, 170, 181; Schroeder 1932; Zôrner 2008, 49): VECLA (Valle Po [ˈviʎo], [ˈvie̯ ʎo]); SEX (Vinadio [ʃiʃ], Pietraporzio [sis], Maddalena [ˈsie̯ js], Barcelonnette [ˈsie̯ j]); CERESIA (Vinadio, Pietraporzio [ ʃiˈɾiʒo], Pontechianale [sɛˈɾjejzə]); ECLESIA ([ˈgiza], [ˈgiə̯ za] in Valle Po); FERIA (Bobbio [ˈfijɾa], Maïsette [ˈfiɾə], Prali, Vinadio [ˈfie̯ ɾo], E. Provence [ˈfjɛɾa]/[ˈfjɛɾɔ]); AREA (Barcelonnette region [ˈjiɾa], [ˈjɛɾa]/[ˈjɛɾo], [ˈie̯ ɾo]); suffix -ARIU/-ARIA (Bobbio [i(j)]/[ˈiɾa]). Also the forms [ir], [jir] of HERI from Bobbio and Maïsette co-occur with lexical variants with [ˈiV] and [jV] in Piedmont and E. Provence ([ˈijer], [ˈiɛ̯ r], [ˈia̯ r] and [jer], [jar]). Regarding ECLESIA, in parallel to Gascon and Auvergnat, lexical variants with [i] may be found together with variants exhibiting a falling diphthong of the ei type in Provençal ([eˈglizo], [ˈglɛjzo], [ˈglɛjo]/ [̍glɛja]; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 453; Schroeder 1932, 162).

6.4.4 Mid low back vowel 6.4.4.1 Phonetic developments and dialectal distribution of forms Data for /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Occitan are presented in Tables 14 and 15, the former table providing Old Occitan written variants and the latter, diachronic pathways. The phonetic value of the orthographic symbols in Table 14, the bibliographical sources where the data have been taken from and the approximate dating of the textual sources coincide with those mentioned in section 6.4.3.1. Also regarding Table 14, the digraphs uo, ue in the two left columns correspond to vocalic sequences with the on-glides [ɥ] and [w] and a palatal off-glide or another postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant, the options o, e in the next two columns stand for the simplified versions of those vocalic sequences, and u in the forms listed in the rightmost column may have been realized as [u] or [y] in Old Occitan. Some scholars believe, however, that u corresponds not to a high vowel but to the diphthongs uo, ue (see Kalman 1974, 42 for a review of the opinions in favour of the single vowel and diphthong options). As to the reconstructed phonetic derivations presented in Table 15, a given cell may contain two or more forms which may be related chronologically among themselves. Thus, for example, among the forms [ɥit], [vɥy], [vy(t)], [yj(t)]

114

6 Occitan

and [jy] of OCTO included in the same cell, while some may have occurred earlier in time than others, it is not easy to determine what the course of events may have been. Several other observations about the phonetic variants displayed in the two tables are in order. On the one hand, the on-glide [ɥ] may have caused preceding /n/ and /l/ to shift to [ ɲ] and [ʎ] (see the forms [ ɲɥe], [ ɲ(ɥ)ø] NOCTE, [ʎɛŋk] LONGE in Table 15). On the other hand, the postvocalic consonant may have undergone one or more changes: [ʎ] derived from /lj/ and /kl/ may have been vocalized into [j], depalatalized into [l] or replaced by an affricate (uelh, el, ueg OCULU, [ˈfɥɛʎo], [ˈfɥɛjo] FOLIA); the final alveolopalatal nasal [ ɲ] of LONGE may have been depalatalized and changed into a velar ([len], [leŋk]); progressive palatalization accounts for the change [jt] > [tʃ ], [ts] in OCTO (ueit, ueg, [ɥɛts]), COCTU and NOCTE; and the word CORIU exhibits forms with e followed by final r or by final [j], which both derive from [jɾ] (it has been argued that the two phonetic outcomes may be due to the sequence eir being hard to produce; Nauton 1974, 92). In line with these phonetic realization possibilities, Table 15 may show two parallel phonetic derivations exhibiting different variants for a given primitive postvocalic consonant, such as [js] and [jʃ] for COXA ([ˈkwejso], [ˈkwe(j)ʃo]), and an affricate or a fricative and [j] in the case of ✶PLOIA, PODIU and TROIA ([pwetʃ ], [pwej] PODIU, [ˈtɾuʒo], [ˈtɾujə] TROIA). Table 14: Old Occitan written variants for words with /ɔ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. See the body of the text for the grapheme-to-sound correspondence and other details. uo(i)

ue(i), oue(i)

o(i)

e(i)

u(i)

FOLIA

fuolha

fuelha

folha

fulha

COLLIGIT

acuoill, cuolh

(a)cuelh

(a)colh

acuil

VOLEO

vuolh

vuelh

volh

vulh

OCULU

uolh

(v)uelh, ue(i)l, ueg, oueilh

olh

el

ulh, uyl

LONGE

luenh, luen

lonh

lenh, len

lunh

COGNITU/

cuenhda, cuende

conha

COGNITA PODIU

puoch, puoi(g)

puei, puech/pueg

po(i)g, poi

HODIE

uoi

uei, ouey

oi

puy, pug

115

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

Table 14 (continued) uo(i) INODIU MODIU

muoi, muoch/g

✶

PLOIA

TROIA

ue(i), oue(i)

o(i)

enueit, enue(i)g

enoi

enu(i)g

mueg/ch, mueit

moi, mog

mug

plueia, plueja

ploia

pluja, pluia

trueia, truej/ga

troia, troja

COXA

cuoissa

cueissa, cueicha

coissa

NOCTE

nuoit, nuo(i)ch, nuog

nueit, nuech/g

noit, noch, noig

OCTO

uoit, uoch

ueit, ue(i)ch, ueg, vuech, vueg

och, oit

COCTU

cuoit, cuoch

cueit, cue(i)ch, cueg

coit

vuech, boueit

voig

engrueissa

engroissa

engueissa

engoissa

VOCITU/VOCITA ✶

INGROSSIAT

engruoissa

ANGUSTIA

e(i)

u(i)

cuisa neit, nech

nui/yt, nuch

vuch, huch

buyte

POSTEA

puois

pue(i)s, pueish

pois, pos

pui/ys, pus

CORIU

cuor

cuer

cor

cuir, cur

muoir, muor

muer

mor

✶

MORIO

Data reported in the two tables allow us to draw certain conclusions about the sound changes which have taken place in the course of the phonetic derivations. The starting point are forms with uo, which appear in Old Occitan texts and may be followed by forms with ue. Data from Table 15 reveal that, in Gascon, where the rising diphthongs often have a high back rounded on-glide, the vowel nucleus of the sequence [we(j)] may round or raise to [u], [y] ([nwejt] > [nwœjt] NOCTE, [weʎ] > [yʎ] OCULU, [kujt] COCTU), and the on-glide and also the off-glide may drop if available ([nwɛjt] > [nwɛt], [wœʎ] > [œʎ]; see Millardet 1910a, 204 and Bec 1968, 105). As shown in Table 14, forms with the single vowels u and e arising through simplification of a diphthong or triphthong occurred already in Old Occitan. Glide effacement may be associated with the degree of phonetic similarity between the glide and the vowel nucleus, and, in the case of on-glides, with articulatory antagonism or articulatory similarity between the glide and the preceding consonant in ways which will be analyzed in section 6.4.4.2.1. As to the vowel nucleus raising process, it will be shown in the

116

6 Occitan

Table 15: Reconstructed phonetic developments for various words with /ɔ/ in Occitan dialects. The phonetic pathways link earlier forms (appearing towards the left of the derivations) to more recent ones (appearing towards the right). COCTU

kwojt kwɛ/ej(t), kɛ/œj(t), kwit, kyjt, kujt kwœj(t) kwɛ/e(t) ✶

kɛ, ke(t)

kɥɛ/ejt

kɥɛ/e ✶

kwɛts

k(j)e, kjɥɛ, kɥi, kjy

kɥœ/øjt, kɥœ/ø kjœ/ø, kœjt

kɥɛts, kɥɛ/etʃ

kjɛtʃ, kɛjts, kɛjtʃ, kɥitʃ kɥøtʃ

✶

kɥɔjt

kɔ/ojt ✶

kœ/ø

kœ(j)tʃ

kɔ/o

✶

✶

kɥɔ, kɥɔtʃ, kɥɔts

kjɔ, kjɔtʃ, kjots

CORIU ✶

kwɔjr

kwɛr, kwɛ/e, kwɛ/ej

kɛ/er, kɛ/ej, kyj

✶

kwœj

kwoj

kɥɛ/er

kjɛr, kjɥɛr, kɛr, ke, kɥir, kyr kɥœ/ør

✶

kɥɔr

kjœr, kœ/ør, kœj

kjɔr

COXA

ˈkwojso

ˈkwɛ/ejso

ˈkɛ/ejso ˈkwɛ/eso ✶

ˈkwœjs(o)

ˈkɥɛ/ejso

✶

ˈkjɔjso

ˈkwɛ/e(j)ʃo

ˈkɛjʃo, ˈkyʃə

ˈkɥɔjso

✶

ˈkwɔjʃo

ˈkysa, ˈkjuso køs ˈkɥɛ/eso

ˈkɥiso

ˈkjɛ/ejso, ˈkɛ/ejso

ˈkɛ/eso

ˈkɥœ/øjso, ˈkjœjso

ˈkjœ/øso, ˈkœ/øjso

ˈkøso

117

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

Table 15 (continued) ˈkœ(j)ʃə

kwœʃ ˈkɥɛjʃa

ˈkɛjʃo, ˈkɥiʃo ✶

ˈkɥœ/ø(j)ʃo

ˈkœjʃo, ˈkøʃo

FOLIA ✶

ˈfwɔʎo, ˈhwoʎə

ˈfwɛʎo, ˈhwɛ/eʎo

ˈf/hɛʎo, ˈfyʎo ˈhɥɛ/eʎə, ˈhɥœʎə ˈfɥɛ/eʎo, ˈfɥɛjo

ˈhyʎə ˈfjɛ/eʎo, ˈfjɛjo, ˈfɛ/eʎo, ˈfyʎo ✶

ˈfɥœ/øʎo

✶

ˈfɥoʎo

ˈfœ/øʎo, ˈfjœjo

ˈfjɔʎo, ˈfɔ/oʎo

HODIE ✶

wɔj

wɛ/ej, bɛj, gwɛj

wɛ/e, gwe, wœj ɥɛ/ej

jɥɛj, jɛj, ɥɛ/e, jɥɛ, jɥi, vɥi ✶

✶

ɥɔ/oj

ɥœ/øj

jœj, vœj

jɔ/oj

LONGE

lweɲ

lwœɲ, le/ɛn, lu/yɲ, luj, lyn lɥẽ/ɛ̃, lɥen, ʎɥɛ̃/ẽ(ɲ), ʎɥẽŋk

jɥen, jɥɛ̃ lɛɲ, lɛ/eŋk, len, ʎɛ/eŋk lɥœ, lɥø̃n, ʎɥø(ŋk)

lœ̃, lœ/øɲ, jœŋ, jø

NOCTE ✶

nwɔjt

nwɛ/ejt, nwœjt

nɛj(t), nœjt, nyjt nwɛ/et

nɛ/e(t)

nɥɛ/ej(t)

n/ɲɥɛ(t), n/ɲɥe, njɥɛ nej, n/ɲe

njɛ/e(t), n/ɲy, njy

118

6 Occitan

Table 15 (continued) ✶

nɥœ/øjt, n/ɲɥø

ɲœ, n/ɲø

njœ/ø, nœ/øj(t)

nɥɛts, n/ɲɥɛtʃ, n/ɲɥetʃ

njɛtʃ, nɛts, nɥitʃ nɥœs, ɲɥøtʃ

✶

✶

nɥɔ/ojt

nɥo

nœtʃ

njo, nɔ/o

✶

nɥɔts, nɥɔtʃ

ɲɔts, ɲɔtʃ, njotʃ

OCULU

woʎ

wɛ/eʎ, gwɛʎ

✶

ɥoʎ

ɛʎ, yʎ wœ/øʎ

œ/øʎ

ɥɛ/ej, ɥɛ/el

ɥi ɥe, ɛ/el, ɛ/ej

ɛ, e

jɛ/el, jɥɛl

jɛ, jɥɛ

jɥi, jy

ɥœ/øʎ, ɥœ/øj

jœ/ø, jøl, œʎ/j, øʎ/j

œ, ø

jɔ/ol, jɔʎ, ɔj

OCTO

wojt

wɛ/ejt, bɛjt

wɛ/et, wit, ujt wœjt

wojt

ɥɛ/ej(t)

jɛj ɥɛ, ɥe(t), vɥe

jɛ, jɥe, jɥɛ(t), ɥit, vɥy, vy(t), yj(t), jy

✶

jœ/ø, vjø, œjt, vøj

ɥɛts, ɥɛ/etʃ, vɥɛts

jɛtʃ, jɥɛtʃ

ɥœ/øjt, jœ/øj

ɥœ/øtʃ, ɥœts ✶

ɥojt

jɔts/tʃ

œ/øt, (v)ø

jøts, œ/øtʃ

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

119

Table 15 (continued) ✶

PLOIA

✶

ˈplwɔjo

ˈplɔ/ojo, ˈplujo, ˈplyjə ✶

ˈplwɛ/ejo

ˈplɛ/ejo ✶

ˈplwœ/øjo

ˈplœ/øjo

ˈplɥɛ/ejo

ˈplɛ/ejo, ˈplyjo, ˈplɥijo ✶

ˈplɥœ/øjo

✶

ˈplwɔ(d)ʒo

ˈplœ/øjo, ˈpløja

ˈploʒo, ˈplu/yʒə ˈplweʒo

ˈplɥɛ/eʒo

ˈplɛ/eʒo, ˈplyʒo ✶

ˈplɥœ/øʒo

✶

ˈpjɔdʒa, ˈplɔtʃo

pwej

pej, pu/yj

ˈplɥɔdʒo

ˈplœ/øʒo

PODIU ✶

pwɔj

✶

pɥej

pje, pɛ/e ✶

pɥœj

✶

pɥɔ/oj

✶

pwɔtʃ

pœ(j), pø

pjɔ, poj

pwɛ/etʃ

pɥɛ/etʃ, pɥɛt

✶

pɥɔtʃ

pɛ/etʃ, pytʃ

pjɔ/otʃ

TROIA

ˈtɾwɔjo

ˈtɾu/yjə ✶

ˈtɾwɛjo

ˈtɾɛjo ✶

ˈtɾwøjo

ˈtɾɥɛ/ejo

tɾø ˈtɾɛjo, ˈtɾyjo, tɾɥi ˈtɾɥœjo

✶ ✶

ˈtɾwɔ(d)ʒo

ˈtɾɥɔjo

ˈtɾœ/øjo

ˈtrɔ/ojo

ˈtɾu/yʒo ✶

ˈtɾwɛʒo

ˈtɾɥɛʒo

ˈtɾɛʒo, ˈtɾyʒo ✶

✶

ˈtɾɥɔʒo

ˈtɾjoʒo

ˈtɾɥœ/ødʒo

ˈtɾœdʒo, ˈtɾiœ̯ dʒo

120

6 Occitan

same section that, contrary to the view advocated by several scholars, the outcome u is more likely to have emerged from uo(i) than from ue(i). It should also be noted that the labial vowel of forms such as [nwœjt] from the BassesPyrénées-Landes-S. Gironde region should be considered not necessarily the end product of an assimilation induced by [w] but rather the natural outcome of stressed /e/, which proves that the rising diphthong already existed at the time that /e/ shifted to [œ] in this dialect area (see section 6.3). In dialect areas other than the Gascon-speaking domain, the development of the vocalic sequences of interest has been complicated by the fact that the [w] on-glide was fronted to [ɥ]. The vocalic sequences with [ɥ] may arise from [wo] or from [we]. In the former event, the off-glide may drop (✶[ɥojt] > [jɔtʃ] OCTO), and the on-glide [ɥ] may vocalize into [j] (✶[ˈkɥɔjso] COXA > [ˈkjɔjso]) or drop (✶[nɥo] > [no], ✶[nɥɔtʃ] NOCTE > [ɲɔtʃ]). With regard to the second option, the two flanking glides may drop (✶[nɥejt] > [nej]; [ˈkɥejso] > [ˈkɥeso], [ˈkejso]), the on-glide may vocalize into [j] ([ˈkɥejso] > [ˈkjejso]) and the vowel nucleus may assimilate to the preceding on-glide [ɥ] into a front rounded vowel realization ([ˈkɥejso] > [ˈkɥøjso]). Further changes may also have taken place: raising of the vowel nucleus of rising diphthongs ([ˈkɥeso] > [ˈkɥiso]); deletion of the off-glide of canonical falling diphthongs ([ej] > [e] OCULU, [nej], [ne] NOCTE); and on-glide vocalization and deletion of the flanking glides in the case of [ɥœj] (✶[kɥœjt] COCTU > [kɥœ], [kjœ], [kœjt]). Data from several bibliographical sources may be mentioned in support of these sound changes: ✶[ˈkwɛjsa] COXA > [ˈkɥɛjso] > [ˈkɥœjso] > [ˈkøso], [ˈkjøso] (Drôme; Bouvier 1976, 325); ✶[ˈplɥeja] ✶PLOIA > [ˈplœjo], [ˈplɛjo] and [ˈkɥɛjso] > [ˈkjejso] (Gévaudan; Camproux 1962, 125, 127); [kɥɛr] CORIU > [kør] and [ˈkɥɛso] > [køs] (Limousin; Pignon 1960, 153). It is hard to ascertain whether the simplification of vocalic sequences with a front vowel nucleus should take place in forms with [ɥ] or in those with [j] given that the two glides are phonetically similar, and also whether, when yielding a single vowel, this simplification process is more likely to have operated on canonical falling diphthongs, as assumed here, or on rising diphthongs (e.g., [kœ] COCTU could derive from either [kjœ] or [kœjt]). Regarding the first issue, both options appear to be feasible: simplified forms may derive either from [jVj] ([nɥɛjt] > [nɥœjt] > [njœjt] > [njœ], [nœj]; [nɥɛjt] > [njejt] > [nje], [nej]; Nauton 1974, 90) or from [ɥV(j)] ([nwojt] > [nɥojt] > [nɥejt] > [nej] > [ne]; Dauzat 1938, 98, and see data for Limousin above). Another relevant remark about the forms available in Table 15 is that, due to their inherent instability, sequences made up of two high front vocalic segments can undergo several changes, which we will exemplify with forms for OCTO next: a stress shift to the right causing a falling diphthong to become rising ([yjt] > [ɥit]); off-glide deletion or

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

121

merging between the two segments of the diphthong into a single vowel ([yjt] > [vy(t)]); metathesis ([yj] > [jy]) or segmental decomposition ([y] > [jy]). As we saw for /ɛ/ (section 6.4.3.1), information about the geographical distribution of phonetic variants will contribute to our understanding of the reconstructed phonetic pathways presented in Table 15 (see in this connection Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 171–178). Considered to be the earliest diphthong realizations, rising diphthongs with [w] occur in the southwestern Occitan-speaking area (Basses-Pyrénées, Hautes-Pyrénées, Gers, Landes, Haute-Garonne, Lot-et-Garonne, Arìège), this being essentially the case for [we], which may co-occur with diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus and also with single vowels devoid of the onglide. In other Occitan-speaking regions, [w] has been replaced by [ɥ] which in its turn can be delabialized into [j] ([ɥɔ] > [jɔ] in Hérault) or else deleted after assimilating the vowel nucleus in one way or another. The following geographical distribution of phonetic outcomes generally applies in the latter dialect domain: (a) [e(j)] and [ɛ(j)] in Tarn, Tarn-et-Garonne, Aude, Lot and Dordogne ([ɛl], [ɛ] OCULU, [nɛ], [ne], [nɛ(j)t] NOCTE). (b) [ø(j)] and [œ(j)], in addition to the vowel outcomes referred to in point (a), in Creuse, Corrèze, Puy-de-Dôme, Haute-Loire, Cantal, Haute-Vienne and Gironde ([œ(j)], [ø(j)] OCULU, [nœ], [nø], [nœj(t)] NOCTE). (c) [ɥɛ]/[ɥe], [jɛ]/[je], [ɥø]/[jø] and the corresponding simplified forms in eastern Occitan-speaking départements such as Aveyron, Lozère, Gard, Bouches-duRhône, Var, Alpes-Maritimes, Vaucluse, Basses-Alpes and Hautes-Alpes, Drôme and Ardèche ([ɥe(j)], [jø], [ø] OCULU, [nɥɛ]/[nɥe], [nɥø], [ɲø] NOCTE). Some specific phonetic realizations require an additional explanation. In Landais Gascon, the vowel nucleus of [wej] (or [wœj] in the westermost area) may assimilate to the labiovelar glide [w], thus causing this sequence to regress, as it were, to the initial stage [woj] ([wojt] OCTO, [kwoj] CORIU, Millardet 1910a, 204; 1918, 76). On the other hand, there are Auvergnat forms with [œɥ] derived from /ɔ/ followed by yod such as [vœɥ(t)] OCTO and [kœɥ] CORIU, COCTU, which have not been included in Table 15 and may have been generated through the pathway [ɥoj] > [ɥej] > [ɥœj] > [ɥœɥ] > [œɥ] (Dauzat 1938, 98). 6.4.4.2 High vowel outcomes and prevocalic consonants 6.4.4.2.1 Rising diphthongs with the on-glide [w] As shown by the sample of lexical forms presented in Table 16 (eight leftmost columns), /ɔ/ diphthongization in Gascon may have yielded a high vowel whether it be [u] or [y]. Data for this part of the table come mostly from Gilliéron/

122

6 Occitan

Edmont (1902–1910), Millardet (1910b) and Séguy (1954–1973). Several aspects deserve specific comments (see (a) through (e) below), besides the general observation that the open or closed quality of the mid vowel realizations is not reported very consistently across bibliographical sources. (a) Analogously to /ɛ/ (see section 6.4.3.2), in order for /ɔ/ to become a high vowel the action of two high contextual segments, preceding [w] and a following (alveolo)palatal consonant in syllable-onset or syllable-coda position, is generally needed. This joint contextual action may be inferred from the cooccurrence within the same dialect region of forms with a high vowel and forms with a triphthong or rising diphthong followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant, as exemplified by the doublets [ˈkyʃə]/[ˈkwɛ(j)ʃə] COXA and [ˈhyʎə]/ [ˈhweʎə], [ˈhwɛʎə] FOLIA (Landes) and data from some of the derivations presented in Table 15. The Old Occitan data in Table 14 show a similar scenario, namely the forms with u displayed in the righmost column (also Gaul. bruil ✶ BROGILOS) co-occur with those with ue and uo and a postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant listed in the two leftmost columns, though also with the forms with o followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant in the third column. (b) The consonant preceding the vocalic sequence can play an active role in its phonetic implementation either by favouring the presence of the on-glide or its absence (in all cases referred to below, the vowel u may stand for [u] or [y] and e for [e] or [ø]/[œ]). There is no on-glide in the forms for TORCULU, ✶PLOIA and TROIA and in most geographical areas in those for NOCTE as well, which allows us to conclude that onset clusters with C2= [l ɾ] and front lingual consonants such as [n] may disfavour the presence of following [w]. These words generally show the vowel nucleus immediately after [pl tɾ n] whether it be u or e (✶PLOIA, TORCULU, TROIA) or mostly e (NOCTE). On the other hand, velars and labials or labiodentals appear to favour the diphthong ue and, to a lesser extent, velars also favour e with no on-glide (CORIU, COXA, COCTU) and uo and o (COCTU), and labials the vowel u without an on-glide (FOLIA, VOCITU, and VOLEO invariably). Moreover, the change ue > e in the case of OCULU ([ɛl], [ɛʎ/j]) has resulted presumably from the frequent use of this word in plural form after the article (Fr. les yeux), and those lexical items with /ɔ/ in absolute word-initial position may (OCULU, OCTO) or may not (HODIE) exhibit a high vowel nucleus. Articulatory arguments may be adduced in order to account for some of these data. The sequence ue is disfavoured by consonant clusters due to the articulatory complexity involved in the production of three successive consonantal gestures, and by preceding [n] due to gestural antagonism between the articulatory movements in succession, the tongue body being required to travel backwards for nu and then frontwards for ue. Articulatory compatibility between the preceding

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

123

consonant and [w] could account for the ambiguous behaviour of sequences with velars and labials: the glide may be either maintained or deleted since velars and [w] share a dorsal constriction, and labials and [w], a labial constriction. (c) Table 16 shows that vowel nucleus raising to the high vowels [u], [y] occurs most often in Gironde and Landes, as proven by phonetic variants with postvocalic [ʎ] ([ˈhyʎə] FOLIA, and also the forms [ˈkyʎə], [ˈkyʎi] COLLIGERE which coexist with [ˈkwœʎə], [ˈkwɛʎə], [ˈkøʎə] and [ˈkɛʎə]), [ ɲ] (LONGE), [ʒ] or [j] derived from [ ] (TROIA), and [j] followed by [ ʃ ] (COXA), [t] (COCTU) and a rhotic (CORIU). The outcome [y] is found essentially in S. Gironde and, less so, in Landes where ✶ PLOIA, TROIA and LONGE are produced with [y] mostly in the northwest and with [u] in the southeast (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910; Millardet 1910a, 205). Though not completely absent, high vowel outcomes are more exceptional in the remaining southwestern Occitan regions: one occasionally finds [u] for VOLEO, ✶ LONGE, PLOIA, TROIA, COXA, COCTU and VOCITU, [y] for FOLIA and [u] and [y] for TORCULU. Another relevant lexical item not included in Table 16 is PODIU, which may be realized as [pwɛtʃ ] (Gironde), the simplified variants [petʃ ] (Aude, Toulouse) and [pɛ] (Lot), and the forms with a high vowel pug, puy (Old Occitan; see Table 14) and [pyj] (Bagnères-de-Luchon; von Wartburg 1922–2002). Based on some of these data and those reported in point (b), it appears that labials (VOLEO, FOLIA, VOCITU) and [l] (✶PLOIA, LONGE) may favour the presence of a high rounded vowel in forms with no prevocalic glide; moreover, in addition to the effect of context, forms for PODIU with a high vowel may also be ascribed to the proclitic nature of this word. f

(d) An interesting research issue is the pathway from uo to a high vowel. According to some bibliographical sources, o raised to a high vowel after being fronted to e, and not only when preceded by [ɥ] as in other Occitan-speaking territories but after [w] as well: [wej] > [yj] and [wej] > [wœj] > [yj] (Millardet 1910a, 204); [we(j)] > [u(j)], [y(j)], as in [ˈtɾwejto] > [ˈtɾujto] TRUCTA (Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 177; Bec 1968, 106). This is precisely the string of changes which may be found for all relevant lexical items in Table 15. Moreover, it has also been proposed that in W. Gascon the outcome [y] has emerged not from [wœj] but from [œj] (see Lartigue 2004, 53). In contrast with this line of thinking and as also argued for Catalan (see chapter 5), there are reasons to believe that, at least for those regions where stressed /e/ has not been replaced by [œ], vowel raising was not preceded by fronting and therefore that a development [wɔ] > [(w)u] > [u] may have taken place instead (see also Fouché 1925, 16 and Coromines 1974, 249). In the first place, a change [we] > [wu] seems more feasible when the consonant following the vowel nucleus is a pure palatal ([j]) than when it is more anterior and thus

124

6 Occitan

alveolopalatal (e.g., [ʎ], [ ɲ], as in FOLIA, LONGE). Another problem with the vowel fronting hypothesis comes from ✶PLOIA, TROIA and TORCULU, whose outcomes [u], [y] seem to derive not from [we] but rather from uo through glide deletion for articulatory reasons referred to in point (b) above. The expected outcomes should then be [(w)u] for [wo] and [wi] for [we]. Also in support of the sound change [wo] > [(w)u], diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus generated through /ɔ/ diphthongization appear to have been falling initially and could later shift to rising through a change in stress position, as proven by the Gascon data presented in Table 16 showing forms with a falling diphthong alone ([bujt] VOCITU, [buj] VOLEO and also [puj] PODIU) or with both falling and rising diphthongs ([kujt], [kwit] COCTU) but not with a rising diphthong alone. On the other hand, lexical variants with [y(j)] in Gironde and N. Landes ([yjt] OCTO, [kyjt] COCTU, [ˈkyʃə] COXA, [ˈhyʎə] FOLIA, [pyj] PODIU) must have been generated from [u(j)] at the time that [u] fronted to [y] across the board, and the co-occurrence of forms with [yj] and [ɥi] for some of these words in the same dialect domain (see data for CORIU and OCTO in the table) may be accounted for through a change [yj] > [ɥi]. It may very well be that some of these lexical variants with [ɥi] are of French provenance. (e) Analogously to Aragonese, in Gascon, [g] may be preposed to the glide in and HODIE: [(g)wojt], [(g)wɛjt]/[(g)wejt], [(g)wœjt] OCTO, [(g)woʎ], [(g)weʎ], [(g)wœʎ] OCULU, [(g)wɛj], [(g)we] HODIE (Millardet 1918, 76; Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 2, 447; Rohlfs 1970, 120–121). It may be that the insertion of a prothetic consonant took place in order to facilitate the raising of word-initial o to [u], [y], which is more likely to operate postconsonantally than absolute word-initially, as we see in Gascon, where there is [yʎ] OCULU but not [yj] HODIE. These examples reveal that, as claimed for Catalan (see chapter 5), a prothetic velar or labial consonant is more prone to insertion before [w] (as also in [gwɛw]/[gwew] OVU, [ˈvweʎo] OVICULA) than before a back labial vowel (as in [ˈvuɲe] UNGERE) (Millardet 1910a, 185–186; Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 2, 119, 446). In Lengadocian-speaking areas there are lexical forms with prothetic [b] and no glide, such as [aˈbɛj], [bɛj] HODIE (Aude, Ariège, Haute-Garonne, Hérault, Tarn), [bɛjt] OCTO (Aude, Tarn) (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 72, 703). In order to account for these forms, it seems reasonable to suppose that the labial consonant was inserted before the glide and the glide was deleted afterwards rather than that there was a direct replacement of the glide by the labial consonant (i.e., w > b). In support of this explanation [aˈbwɛj], [aˈwɛj(t)], [wɛj] (HODIE) and [bwɛjt], [wɛjt] OCTO happen to be widespread throughout some of these and adjacent départements. A related phenomenon, exemplified by the forms [gwojt], [gwœjt] of VOCITU, is the replacement of a labial by a velar before a mid back rounded vowel or else, as hypothesized elsewhere (Millardet 1910a, 186), the insertion of a prothetic OCTO, OCULU

tɾœʎ tɾu/yʎ

gwɛʎ (g)weʎ (g)woʎ (g)wœʎ yʎ

tɾøʎ/l tɾyʎ/l tɾy

ɛj øʎ/j yʎ/j, yl

TORCULU

OCULU

bɥœj bu/yj

wɛ/eʎ wej

tɾu/yʎ

tɾu/yʎ

wɛ/eʎ wœʎ

bɔj buj

buj vyj

ˈhwɛ/eʎo

wɛ/eʎ gweʎ ɛl

tɾu/yʎ

bɔj ˈbɔli buj

ˈhwɛ/eʎo ˈfɛʎo

weʎ/l gweʎ ɛl

ɛʎ/l

tɾeʎ tɾœl tɾyʎ

ˈbɔli

ˈbɔli

tɾɛʎ tɾu/yʎ

ˈfɛ/eʎo ˈfyʎo

Aude

ˈfwɛʎo ˈhweʎo ˈfɛ/eʎo

B.Pyrénées H. Pyrénées H. Garonne Ariège

ˈhwɛ/eʎə ˈhwɛʎə ˈhwoʎə ˈhwe/ɛʎo ˈh(w)œʎə ˈhwœʎə ˈhyʎə

bœ/øj buj vu

ˈhøʎə ˈhyʎə

VOLEO

FOLIA

S.Gironde Landes

wɛ/eʎ

tɾuʎ

bɔj ˈbɔli buj

ˈhwɛ/eʎo

Gers

ø/e y

tɾel tɾø

vɔ/ol vu

ˈføjɔ ˈføʎo ˈfeʎɔ

ɥe jɥɛ we ɛ/œ

tɾɔj tɾœʎ tɾøj tɾuj

vol vul

ˈføʎo føj ˈfyʎɔ

B. Auvergne Limousin

(continued)

ɥɛ/ej ɥɛ/e jy ɥi

tɾɥɛ/ej tɾœj tɾyj

ˈvɔli ˈvwaɾi vœj

ˈfɔ/oʎo ˈfɥɛ/ejo ˈfyjo

Provence

Table 16: Lexical variants showing a high vowel outcome (in boldface) for /ɔ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Occitan. Forms with the on-glide [w] are presented in the eight left-hand columns and those with [w] and [ɥ] in the three right-hand columns. Lexical variants with non-canonical falling diphthongs from Provençal Occitan are provided in section 6.4.4.3.

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

125

wɛ/ej wœj

ˈplujo/ə

ˈtɾujə/o

ˈkwɛʃ(ə/o) ˈkweʃə/o kwœʃ

wɛj wœj

ˈplœjə ˈplu/yʒə ˈplu/yjə

ˈtɾœjə ˈtɾyʒ/jə ˈtɾujə

ˈkwɛ(j)ʃə ˈkwœʃə ˈkyʃə

plœj ˈplyʒ/zə

tɾøj ˈtɾyʒə

kœs ˈkyʃə

✶

TROIA

COXA

PLOIA

lɔɲ lwɛ̃ lu͂ɲ ly͂n/ɲ

HODIE

LONGE

lwe͂/œ͂ɲ lwɛ̃j

ˈkwɛʃ(ə/o) ˈkweʃə/o ˈkuʃa

ˈtɾujə/o ˈtɾuʒo

ˈplɔjo ˈplujo/ə

wɛj wɛ/e

lwe͂ɲ luj

ˈkwɛ/eʃo ˈkwɛjʃo ˈkɛjs/ʃo ˈkuʃo

ˈtɾɛ/eʒo ˈtɾɛtso ˈtɾuʒo

ˈplɛʒo ˈplɛtso ˈpluʒo

aˈwɛj(t) aˈbɛj aˈwe

lwɛ̃n lẽn(k) ˈlue͂n luɲ/j (a)ˈwɛj aˈwej

lwɛ̃n luj

Gers

ˈtɾɛ/eʒo

ˈkwɛ/eʃo

ˈtɾuʒo

ˈplɛ/eʒo ˈpluʒo

bɛj

lɛ̃/ẽnk ʎẽnk

Aude

ˈkwɛjʃo ˈkɛjs/ʃo ˈkwe(j)ʃo ˈkɛjs/ʃo

ˈtɾɛ/eʒo ˈtɾuʒo

ˈplɛʒo ˈpluʒo

aˈwɛjt aˈwe(j) (a)ˈbɛj

lwẽn/ɲ lẽn lɛ͂ɲ

B.Pyrénées H. Pyrénées H. Garonne Ariège

lwe͂/œ͂ɲ lu͂ɲ, luj ly͂ɲ

S.Gironde Landes

Table 16 (continued)

ˈkøso ˈkysa/ɔ

ˈtɾɔjo ˈtɾwœjɔ ˈtɾydzɔ

ˈplɔjo ˈplœ/øjɔ ˈplyja

lwɛ͂ ʎɥɛ͂

ˈkwɛ/eso ˈkœ/øso ˈkɛjso

ˈtɾwɔjo ˈtɾœ/øjɔ ˈtɾyjɔ

ˈplɛjo ˈplœj/zo

lwɛ͂ ly͂ lũn

B. Auvergne Limousin

ˈkw/ɥɛjso ˈkwiso ˈkɥiso

ˈtɾɥɛjo ˈtɾœjɔ ˈtɾyjo

ˈplw/ɥɛjo ˈplœdzo ˈplɥijo ˈplyjo

(v)ɥe vwej v/jɥi

lɥɛ͂/e͂ lɥœ͂ lɥɛɲ

Provence

126 6 Occitan

kwɛ(j)t kwɔjt kwœjt kyjt kwit

nwɛjt nɛjt nœjt nyjt

(g)wɛjt gwojt (g)wœjt

(b)wɛjt b/gwojt b/gwœjt bu/yjt

kwɛ/e(j) kwoj kwœ(j) kyj

kɔjt kwɛjt kœjt kœ kyjt

nɛjt nœjt nyjt

w/ɥɛjt (v)œɥt œjt yjt ɥit

bwɛjt ˈbyjtə ˈbujt(ə)

kwɛ/ej kœj kyj kɥir

COCTU

NOCTE

OCTO

VOCITU

CORIU

kwɛj kwœj kwe kue

bwɛjt bœjt ˈbujtə

wɛjt we(j)t

nwɛ/œjt nwe(j)t

kwɛjt kwe(j)t

kwe(j) kwer

bwɛjt bwɛ/et

wɛjt we(j)t

nɛ/ej net

kwɛjt kwe(j)t

kwɛr kwe kɛr

bwɛjt bujt by/iðe

wɛjt (g)wejt

nɛjt nɛ/et

kɔjt kwɛjt kɛjt kwet

kwɛ/er kɛr

bwɛjt bwɛtʃ bujt

wɛjt wet

nɛjt net

kɔjt kwɛjt kwet kujt kwit

wɛ/ejt

bwɛjt bujt

kwe ˈkue

biðe

ˈkiɛr kɛr

nɛjt

kwɛjt kwɛt kwej(t)

bɛjt

nɛjt

kɛjt

kɥe ke, kœ/ø kœr kɥir

ˈ(v/b)wɛjðe ˈb/vwiðe vyd ˈviðo

ˈvwɛjðe ˈbwejðe ˈvwɛð(ə) ˈvjiðə ˈvyðə kœ/ø kɥir ky

jɥɛ/e ø vɥy ɥit yj

nø/e n/ɲɥɛ

kɥe kø ke kɥi

v/jø vzɥe jɥɛ j/vy

nœ/ø n/ɲy

kø kɥi ky

kɥɛ/er kwør k(j)œr kɥir kyr

ˈvɥɛ/ej ˈvide vyj ˈb/vujðe

jɥɛ/e vɥø v/jø ɥœ/øtʃ j/vy

nɥɛ/e n(ɥ)ø nɥɛtʃ nɥitʃ njy

kɔ kɥɛtʃ kɥ/jø kw/ɥe kɥitʃ kjy

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

127

128

6 Occitan

velar after deletion of the word-initial labial. The former sound change may be attributed to acoustic equivalence and follows from the fact that labial and velar stops share similar bursts and vowel transitions in this vowel context. 6.4.4.2.2 Rising diphthongs with the on-glide [ɥ] Vowel nucleus raising may yield [y] and [i] in vocalic sequences with the onglide [ɥ] generated from /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant. As a general rule, this sound change has been induced by the action of two flanking (alveolo)palatal segments. According to data taken from several sources (mostly Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910), forms with a high front vowel occur essentially in the Gironde département, as well as in Basse-Auvergne (Puy-de-Dôme), Limousin (Creuse, Haute-Vienne) and Provence (mostly in Bouches-du-Rhône, HautesAlpes and Alpes-Maritimes). Data for these dialect domains are reported in the three rightmost columns of Table 16 and in section 6.4.4.3 for the most part. As shown in the table, the final outcomes of the vowel raising process of interest are mostly [ɥi] and [(ɥ)y]. The sequence [ɥi] comes from [ɥe] ([ɥe] > [ɥi]) and, as mentioned in section 6.4.4.1, its two segments may blend into [y] ([ɥi] > [y]). Less often, forms with [jy] can be found which may have arisen either from [yj] ([uj] > [yj] > [jy]) or from [y] (Provence [kjy] COCTU, [njy] NOCTE, [jy] OCTO, OCULU; Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 175). Unlike the labiovelar on-glide of the sequence [we] (section 6.4.4.2.1), that of [ɥe] is prone to occur after the clusters [pl] and [tɾ] in ✶PLOIA and TROIA, though it can also be deleted in forms with [ɥɔ]/[ɥo] and [ɥɛ]/[ɥe] of these two words in line with the difficulty involved in articulating three successive consonants in syllableinitial positon ([ˈplɔjo]/[ˈplɛjo], [ˈtɾɔj]). Gestural incompatibility involving changes in lip rounding rather than in tongue configuration may perhaps account for why [ɥø] may be replaced by [ø], and [ɥe] by [e], after word-initial [n] in forms for NOCTE, and incompatibility between the relatively retracted postdorsum position for the alveolar lateral and rhotic and the fronted tongue body for [j] may account for why [ɥɔ] has not been replaced by [jɔ] after the syllable-onset clusters [pl] and [tɾ] (Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 171, 181). On the other hand, articulatory and acoustic similarity could explain why uo may have been simplified into o after labials and velars: [ɥ] may drop after labials since the three phonetic segments in succession –labial consonants, [ɥ] and back labial vowels – share a labial gesture ([ˈfɔʎo]/[ˈfoʎo] FOLIA), and after velars since velars and back labial vowels share essentially the same tongue body configuration (✶[kwɔjt]/✶[kɥɔjt] > [kɔ] COCTU). As exemplified by the forms listed below, a prothetic velar or labiodental consonant has been inserted before the on-glide [ɥ] in many dialect areas of Occitan. Moreover, forms showing prothetic [v] and no glide appear to have come

6.4 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants (specific aspects)

129

about not through a direct replacement of the glide by the consonant but rather through glide deletion after the insertion of [v], as proven by the fact that both [v] and the on-glide are often available in the same words. Regarding OCTO, examples of the lexical variants of interest taken mostly from Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910 (map 703) may be found in Aveyron ([gɥɛtʃ ]), Dordogne ([gɥɛ(j)]), Ardèche, Haute-Loire ([vy]), Puy-de-Dôme ([vy], [vø], [vœɥ]; Dauzat 1897, 53), Cantal ([vøj]), Lozère ([vɥɛt]; Camproux 1962, 127), Drôme ([vɥit], [vɥe], [vɥɛts], [vy], [v(j)ø]; Bouvier 1976, 323), Bouches-du-Rhône ([vø]), Gard ([vœ]), Var, Vaucluse ([vɥø]), Basses-Alpes ([vɥø(tʃ)]), Hautes-Alpes ([vɥœts]) and Alpes-Maritimes ([vetʃ]). As to HODIE, we find [gɥɛj] in Lot and Aveyron, [vwɛj] in Bouches-du-Rhône and [vɥe] in Var (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 72). OCULU shows no prothetic labiodental or velar anywhere (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 932) though, as reported in Table 14, it could be produced with prothetic v in Old Occitan. In a region which includes Dordogne, Corrèze, Cantal and Haute-Vienne, [ɥɛ]/[ɥe] may take a palatal on-glide and, thus, OCULU, HODIE and OCTO may be implemented as [jɥɛ], and HODIE and OCTO as [ ɥɛ] (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 72, 703, 932; Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 179–180). Forms for OCTO with prothetic [j] – [jɥɛ]/[jɥe] and the simplified variants [jɛ]/[je], [jø] – may also be found in the Provençal dialect spoken around Gard, Vaucluse, Var and Bouches-duRhône (Ronjat 1930–1942, vol. 1, 175). f

6.4.4.3 Falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus It is worth reviewing the phonetic situation in the Occitan-speaking valleys of Piedmont where, analogously to the lexical variants with stressed /ɛ/, those with /ɔ/ may exhibit non-canonical falling diphthongs consisting of [y] and a mid front or low off-glide. The lexical forms shown in Table 17 allow us to investigate the evolutionary pathways for the vocalic sequences in question as well as the effect of the prevocalic consonant on their realization. In localities 1, 6, 7 and 8, the sequences [ye̯ ], [yɛ̯ ] and [ya̯ ] are highly productive across contextual conditions and the same applies to [ɥe], [ɥɛ] in locality 6. Localities 3, 4, 5, on the other hand, generally exhibit [ø], [œ], which could correspond to the vowel nucleus of an earlier rising diphthong or the offglide of an earlier non-canonical falling diphthong which had been assimilated in rounding to the preceding on-glide or vowel nucleus, respectively. Localities 2 and 9 also show a mid front rounded vowel realization mostly before the alveolopalatals [ʎ] and [ ɲ], and [wɛ], [ˈye̯ ] and [ˈya̯ ] before yod. An anomaly is the presence of [ɛɥ] in VC sequences which originally had a yod in syllable-final position in Pragelas ([vɛɥt] VOCITU, [pɛɥ] PODIU; Ronjat, 1930–1941, vol. 1, 174), which must have emerged through a development analogous to that of [œɥ] in

130

6 Occitan

lexical variants from Auvergnat (see section 6.4.4.1) and, in the case of [ɛɥ] OCULOS/[øʎ] OCULU, must have been generated after the vocalization of coda /l/ into [w], i.e., ✶[wɛls] > [wɛws]. The data presented in the table also reveal that the vowel nucleus or offglide may have been raised to a high vocalic segment mostly under the joint assimilatory action of a following (alveolo)palatal consonant and a preceding labial or velar: [vujt], [vyjt], [viwt] VOCITU, [ŋˈkyj] HANC HODIE, [pyj] PODIU, [ˈkyjʃjo], [ˈkyjʃa] COXA, and also [ˈfyʎa] FOLIA in addition to [ˈyli] OLEU and [nytʃ] NOCTE in Valle Po (Zörner 2008, 54–55). The same sound change may also have taken place when the vocalic sequence was preceded by a tautosyllabic consonant cluster, while gestural incompatibility between [l] and following [y] may have caused [pl] to become [p] ([ˈplyo], [ˈpyjo], [ˈpyjjɔ] ✶PLOIA, [ˈtɾya̯ ] TROIA). Moreover, in most of these forms, the single vowel outcome [y] could have emerged through off-glide deletion and thus simplification of an [yV̯ ] sequence (e.g., [ˈya̯ rdʒe] > [ˈyrdʒi] HORDEU). Table 17 also shows instances of [v] prothesis in the case of OCTO ([ˈvye̯ tʃ], [ˈvyɔ̯ tʃ], [ˈvyø̯ tʃ]/[vɥøtʃ]) but not for OCULU and OLEU. Analogous phonetic pathways yielding a high vowel outcome, namely [ˈye̯ j] > [yj] > [y] and [ˈye̯ ] > [y], occur in E. Provençal. Thus, in this Alps region, in addition to [ˈye̯ j] OCULU, [ˈkye̯ jʃa] COXA, [ˈye̯ tʃ], [ˈvyɛ̯ tʃ] OCTO and [ˈnye̯ tʃ] NOCTE, we find [nyts] NOCTE and [ˈkyjsə] COXA, and also forms with [ɥi] such as [ɥi] OCULU, [nɥitʃ] NOCTE and [kɥitʃ] COCTU which could come from [yj] through a change in stress position rather than from [ɥe] (Schroeder 1932, 174–178 and see Table 16). Table 17: Phonetic variants for /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in the Occitan-speaking valleys of Piedmont. (1) Vinadio (Ettmayer 1905, 219–220); (2) Roaschia (Salvioni 1907a, 527); (3) Prali (Morosi 1890, 336; Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 388; Schroeder 1932); (4) Pragelas (Talmon 1914, 27); (5) Pramollo in Val Chisone (Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, point 152); (6) Pontechianale in Val Varacha (Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, 160); (7) Ostana in Valle Po (Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, 161); (8) Pietraporzio in Valle Stura (Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, 170); (9) Valdieri in Valle Gesso (Jaberg/ Jud 1928–1940, 181). Forms with a raised high vowel nucleus are marked in boldface.

FOLIA



















ˈfye̯ jo

ˈføja

ˈføʎo, ˈfyø̯ ʎ

ˈføʎə

ˈfœʎa

ˈfyɛ̯ ja

ˈfya̯ ʎa

ˈfya̯ ja

ˈfœjɔ

ˈye̯ li

ˈøli

ˈøli

ˈœa̯ li

ˈɥɛli, ˈyɛ̯ li

ˈya̯ li

ˈya̯ li

ˈœli

vøj

vøj

vœj

vi

vøj

ˈvwolu

vaj

ˈkœʎu

ˈkɥɛju

FOLIU OLEU

VOLEO COLLIGO

ˈkøʎu

ˈvøʎə

131

6.5 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants

Table 17 (continued)

OCULU



















ˈye̯ j

øj

ˈyø̯ ʎ, øʎ

øʎ

œʎ

ˈyo̯ j

ˈya̯ ʎ

ˈya̯ j

øj

tɾøʎ

ˈtɔa̯ rc

tɔrtʃ

tɔrtʃ

ˈtua̯ rtʃ

løɲ

løɲ

lœɲ

daˈlyɔ̯ ɲ

ˈlya̯ ɲ

ˈlya̯ ɲ

lœɲ

ŋˈkøj

eŋˈkɛɥ

ŋˈkœj

ŋˈkye̯ j

eŋˈkøj

ŋˈkye̯

ˈœrdʒe

ˈyɛ̯ rdʒ

ˈya̯ rdʒe

ˈœrði

ˈpyjjɔ

ˈpjøva

ˈtɾya̯ jo

ˈtɾya̯

ˈkyjʃa

ˈkøjʃa

TORCULU LONGE HANC

ŋˈkyj

ŋˈkwɛ

HODIE PODIU

pyj

HORDEU ✶

PLOIA

ˈpyjo

pɛɥ ˈørði

ˈørdʒe

ˈpjøva

ˈplyo

ˈpløjə

ˈplœɔ

ˈpɥejja

ˈtɾøo

ˈtɾøjə

ˈtɾœa

ˈtɾɥeja

TROIA

ˈyrdʒi

ˈtɾœa

COXA

ˈkyjʃjo

ˈkwɛsa

ˈkøjso

ˈkɛɥsə

ˈkœjsa

ˈkɥejʃa

OCTO

ˈvye̯ tʃ

wɛt

øt

øtʃ

œt

ˈvyɔ̯ tʃ

ˈya̯ tʃ

ˈvyø̯ tʃ, ˈvɥøtʃ

ˈya̯ t

NOCTE

ˈnye̯ tʃ

nwɛt

nøjt

nɛɥt

nœjt

ˈnya̯ tʃ

ˈnya̯ tʃ

ˈnya̯ tʃ

ˈnya̯ t

COCTU

iʃˈkye̯ tʃ

kwɛt

køjt

kɛɥt

kœjt

ˈkya̯ tʃ

ˈkya̯ tʃ

ˈkya̯ tʃ

ˈkya̯ t

ˈkwɛɾi

ˈkøjɾe

ˈkɔjɾe

ˈkojɾe

ˈkɔjɾɛ

ˈkujɾe

ˈkwɛɾe

vwɛt

vøjt

vɛɥt

vœjt

vujt

ˈvya̯ t

viwt

ˈvya̯ t

ˈkyø̯ r

ˈkyɛ̯̯ r

ˈkyɛ̯ r

ˈkyɔ̯ r

ˈkya̯ r

ˈkya̯ r

COCERE VOCITU

vyjt

CORIU

ˈkye̯ r

✶

MORIO

DORMIO

ˈmye̯ ɾu

ˈmøɾu

ˈmyø̯ ɾu

ˈdɾømu

ˈdyø̯ rmu

6.5 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants In Occitan, mid low vowel diphthongization has also taken place in words with /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before [w] in coda position (DEUS, BOVE, OVU) and those ending in -OCU (FOCU, IOCU, LOCU). While the former diphthongization case is widespread, FOCU and its cognates do not seem to have diphthongized in Ariège, Aude and N. Haute-Garonne (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 558). Table 18 provides some Old Occitan written variants for words that contain those segmental sequences and Table 19 the corresponding reconstructed phonetic pathways based on modern Occitan data. In the former table, triphthongs and rising

132

6 Occitan

diphthongs are shown in the two left-hand columns, and falling diphthongs and the simple vowels o and also u derived from vowel nucleus raising, in the two right-hand columns. The hypothesis that these instances of mid low vowel diphthongization have come about through off-glide insertion will be formulated in section 6.6.

6.5.1 Postvocalic labiovelar and labial 6.5.1.1 Front vowels The starting point of the phonetic developments for /ɛ/ followed by [w] is a triphthong, as revealed by Old Occitan Dieu DEUS, ieu EGO, mieu MEU. Table 19 shows that the triphthong ieu with the off-glide [w] which occurs in modernday Gascon may have undergone two assimilatory changes, namely vowel nucleus raising, and vowel backing/rounding followed by off-glide deletion (e.g., [iw], [jow], [jo] EGO). In dialect areas where the off-glide is realized as [ɥ] (Haute-Loire, Basse-Auvergne, W. Forez), other sound changes may have taken place (see, for example, Dauzat 1897, 67 and Nauton 1974, 82–84): vowel labialization followed by off-glide elision or vowel nucleus raising to [y] ([ jœɥ], [ œ], [djy] DEUS); or off-glide delabialization followed by vowel nucleus raising to [i] and simplification of the vocalic sequence ([jɛj]/[jej], [ji] EGO, [dej] DEUS). Moreover, the forms with a high vowel may undergo a change in stress position; thus, [diw] may shift to [dju] (as in Monêtier-Oulx; Schroeder 1932, 184) and the same stress shift has yielded [ju] EGO and [mju] MEU in Drôme (Bouvier 1976, 313). Diphthongization and later vowel nucleus raising also accounts for Old Occitan grieu ✶GREVE, lieura LEPORE, fieu, fiu FEUDU, Matiu MATTHAEU, romiu ✶ ROMAEU (Millardet 1910a, 202–203; Anglade 1921, 64, 71). Other lexical items with /ɛ/ followed by the labiovelar glide of different consonantal origins, that is, a labial or /l/, may have undergone analogous changes. FEBRE has forms with a transitory glide and a raised vowel nucleus in E. Provence and the Occitan-speaking valleys of Piedmont ([ˈfea̯ wɾa], [ˈfiuɾo]/ [ˈfjuɾo]; Schroeder 1932, 185), and the development t[ɛw]ne > t[jɛw]ne must have preceded the two available forms t[iw]ne and t[ju]ne of TENUE (Gévaudan; Camproux 1962, 85–86). Glide insertion has also taken place at the offset of [ɛ] before [w] derived from /l/ (Auvergnat [sjaw], [ ʃaw], sieu, siou CAELU, [awˈzjaw] AUCELLOS; Reichel 1990, 18, 61). Just as in sequences with /ɛ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant, the on-glide may have triggered the palatalization of the preceding alveolar in forms with ieu derived from [ɛw], as exemplified by data for Gascon and Auvergnat: [ ɲɛw] < ✶nièu < nèu NIVE, [ʎɛw] < ✶lièu LEVE (Rohlfs 1970, 118); [ˈɲawla] < ✶[njawla] and [ˈɲyla] < ✶[ˈnjøɥla] for NEBULA, and f

f

6.5 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants

133

[ʎaw], [ʎo] < ✶ leau for LEVE, in addition to [ˈfjawɾe], [ˈfjɔðə] FEBRE (Nauton 1974, 109; Dauzat 1897, 67). Sequences made up of /e/ and a following labiovelar glide may have undergone analogous changes: raising to a high front vowel, as exemplified by [ˈdiwte] DEBITU, [ˈtjuʎe] TEGULA and [ˈbiwde] BIBERE in Aniane (Hérault), where [w] comes from a coda labial or velar consonant (Zaun 1915, 30–31); and dissimilatory lowering into [ɛw], as in the words nèu NIVE, beu BIBIT and deu DEBET already in Old Occitan (Anglade 1921, 58 and see section 6.1). On the other hand, the insertion of a linking glide may have taken place in forms with iu, as exemplified by Old Occitan cieutat < ciutat CIVITATE and escrieure < escriure SCRIBERE (Appel 1918, 39). 6.5.1.2 Mid low back vowel Regarding /ɔ/, the reconstructed pathways for BOVE and OVU in Table 19 start out with buou and uou which, as shown in Table 18, were available in Old Occitan. In Gascon, there may have been dissimilatory fronting of the vowel nucleus ([bwew]) followed by on-glide delabialization into [j] ([bjew]). At a later date, [e] shifted to [œ] in Landais Gascon after which the vowel could raise to [y] and the on-glide could be deleted ([bjœw], [byw], [bœw]; Millardet 1910a, 208). Analogously to /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant (section 6.4.4.1), the Landais forms [bwɔw] BOVE and [wɔw]/[wow] OVU do not necessarily exhibit the primitive sequence uou but appear to have been generated from previous forms with [wœw]. In dialect areas exhibiting the front rounded on-glide [ɥ] (Haute-Loire, Drôme, Basse-Auvergne), iou derived from [ɥɔw]/[ɥow] may have been replaced by a diphthong with a high vowel nucleus or simplified into ou, o. Other changes may have taken place after the vowel nucleus was fronted, namely simplification into a falling diphthong ([bew] BOVE), on-glide vocalization ([bjew]) and raising of the mid front vowel possibly in triphthongs ([biw]), vowel labialization triggered by the off-glides [w] or [ɥ] ([bjœw]/[bjœɥ]), and vowel backing/rounding before [w] ([bjow]). On the other hand, the sequence [jɔw] may have undergone a dissimilatory lowering process, as exemplified by [bjaw] and [jaw] derived from [bjɔw] BOVE and [jɔw] OVU. Forms with canonical falling diphthongs featuring [y], [u] and the corresponding rising diphthongs may be found in the Occitan valleys of Piedmont ([byw], [bju] BOVE, [yw], [ju] OVU; Schroeder 1932, 187). Mid low back vowel diphthongization before [w] accounts for other Old Occitan and present-day Occitan lexical variants. Regarding Old Occitan, there is mueu MOVET, ieure, iure EBRIU, and also nuova, nueva NOVA, which could have been influenced by the masculin cognates nuou, nueu. As to contemporary

134

6 Occitan

Occitan, we could mention [(d)ʒjɔws] < ✶[dʒɥɔws] DIE IOVIS and [plɛw] < ✶[plɥew] PLOVIT in Gévaudan (Camproux 1962, 124–125), as well as [nɥɔw]/[njɔw], [njɔ] NOVU in the Rouergat-Périgordian-Limousin region, and variants with a fronted, raised or lowered vowel nucleus such as [nɛw]/[new], [nø], [ ɲy] and [naw], and [diˈdʒaws] and [plaw] in other dialect domains (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 720, 906, 1035, 1644; Anglade 1921, 76–77; Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 164–167). In some cases the /ɔ/ diphthongization process of interest is of dubious application or has simply not taken place. NOVEM ([nɔw], [nɔ], [naw]) has not diphthongized in Occitan perhaps because numerals are often used in proclitic position. Based on evidence from old texts, it has been argued that in HauteLoire /ɔ/ diphthongization occurred in BOVE and OVU but not in IOVE, NOVU and PLOVIT, whose forms [dzew], [new] and [plew] would have resulted from the application of the dissimilatory process [ow] > [ew], as occurred with [ow] coming from other origins, e.g., [sew] SOLIDU (Nauton 1974, 84–85); on the other hand, the mid low back vowel of the vocalized outcome [ɔw] of the ending -OLU appears in some cases to have diphthongized (Basse-Auvergne [fiˈʎø] FILIOLU; Dauzat 1938, 94) but not others ([fiˈjow], [fiˈjew]; Nauton 1974, 109–111). Instances of /ɔ/ diphthongization before labial stop and labiodental fricative consonants, which are articulatorily analogous to the labiovelar approximant, may be found in Old Occitan (uops OPUS, trueb ✶TROPO, cuebre COOPERIT, uebre ✶OPERIT, uefre ✶OFFERIT; Grandgent 1905, 22; Appel 1918, 87). Their relevance to the present purposes is diminished by the fact that most of the these forms are verbs. Comparable lexical variants with a mid front labial vowel derived from ue occur in present-day Occitan from Piedmont: [ˈkɾøβu], [ˈkyø̯ rβu] ✶ COOPERIRE (1st pers. pres. ind.), [ˈøβɾu], [ˈdørβu], [ˈdyø̯ rβu] (DE) OPERIRE (1st pers. pres. ind.), and also [ˈmøblə] MOBILE (Morosi 1890, 336; Ettmayer 1905, 219; Talmon 1914, 28).

6.5.2 Postvocalic velar In sequences consisting of a mid low vowel and a following velar stop consonant, the diphthongization process has operated essentially on /ɔ/. The examples of /ɛ/ diphthongization belong to Old Occitan and are basically verbs, which casts doubt on their validity (lieg LEGIT/ liegon LEGUNT, siec, sec SEQUIT; Grandgent 1905, 18–19). Regarding /ɔ/, as the data from Tables 18 and 19 reveal, vowel diphthongization has occurred in the case of FOCU, LOCU and IOCU and also other lexical items in Old Occitan (cuo/ec COQUU, gruo/ec CROCU, suegre SOCRU, puo/ec POTUI; Grandgent 1905, 22). According to the phonetic pathways presented in Table 19,

6.5 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants

135

whenever the resulting diphthong included the on-glide [w] the vowel nucleus could be either fronted ([hwek] FOCU), raised to [u], [y] ([huk]/[hyk]) or labialized ([hwɛk] > [hwœk]). As to those sequences with [ɥ], on the other hand, the glide has sometimes shifted to [j], the vowel nucleus has fronted, raised or else labialized if mid front unrounded, and one or both glides have dropped ([fjɔ(k)], [fɥɛk], [fju], [fɥœ(k)], [fø]). Analogous changes may be observed in the case of LOCU, that is, glide unrounding ([lɥɔ/o(k)] > [ljɔ/o(k)]), vowel fronting ([ljø]) and sequence simplification ([le]). The final outcome of /ɔ/ diphthongization before a velar may also depend on the prevocalic consonant. Thus, in Basse-Auvergne, the labiodental fricative of FOCU may have prevented [ɥ] from shifting to [j], hence [ʎjo] LOCU but [fɥɔ] FOCU (Dauzat 1938, 76). Moreover, in several Occitan-speaking regions, FOCU shows diphthongized forms much more profusely than did LOCU and IOCU, and it remains unclear whether the presence of plain [ɔ] in the latter two words corresponds to the primitive vowel o or has arisen through simplification of the diphthong uo. Thus, in Landais Gascon there is [hwok], [hwek], [hwœk] and [hyk] FOCU but [jɔk] IOCU and [lɔk] LOCU (Millardet 1910a, 208–209), and inspection of the phonetic outcomes for FOCU and IOCU in maps 558 and 719 of Gilliéron/Edmont (1902–1910) reveals that, while [fɔk] is only found in Aude, Ariège, N. Haute-Garonne and Tarn-et-Garonne, there is [jɔk] and [ʒɔk] all over the Gascon-speaking territory, [tsɔk] in Tarn and [(d)ʒɔk] in Aude and Ariège. In an analogous fashion, Auvergnat from Vinzelles has [fjo] < fuoc FOCU and [ʎo] < lioc < luoc LOCU but [dzo] IOCU (Dauzat 1897, 73). The following lexical variants with a non-canonical falling diphthong featuring a high front vowel nucleus from the Occitan-speaking valleys of Piedmont reveal that /ɔ/ diphthongization has operated on FOCU, IOCU and LOCU, yielding vocalic sequences which happen to be related chronologically to each other along the lines of the reconstructed derivations in Table 19: Maïsette [ˈfyɔ̯ k], [ˈdʒyɔ̯ k] (Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 169); Pragelas [ˈfyɛ̯ k], [ˈdzyɛ̯ k], [ˈlyɛ̯ k] (Talmon 1914, 27); Prali, Vinadio [ˈfyø̯ k], [ˈdʒyø̯ k], [ˈlyø̯ k] (Ettmayer 1905, 219); Bobbio [ˈfyik], [ˈdʒyik], Pietraporzio [ˈfya̯ k] (Schroeder 1932, 191); Valle Po [ˈfyə̯ k], [ˈdʒyə̯ k]/ [dʒyk] (Zörner 2008, 54). Analogous forms also occur in Var, Alpes-Maritimes, Basses-Alpes and Trièves, and in the eastern side of the Drôme, Bouches-duRhône and Vaucluse départements ([ˈfyɔ̯ ]/[ˈfyo̯ ], [ˈfyə̯ ]; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 558).

136

6 Occitan

6.5.3 High vocalic outcome The transformation of /ɔ/ followed by [w] or a velar stop into a high vowel conforms to assimilatory tendencies analogous to those operating on /ɔ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. Thus, as shown by the data displayed in Tables 18 and 19 and described in the preceding sections, vowel nucleus raising to a high vowel could depend either on the preceding glide or both the preceding and the postvocalic glides, and whether the glide is palatal (un)rounded or back rounded, and thus [j], [ɥ] or [w], does not make much of a difference in terms of the articulatory characteristics of the vowel raising outcome. These general tendencies account for the replacement of [œ] by [y] in the case of the sequences [wœ]/[ɥœ], [jœw]/[jœɥ] and [wœw] ([hwœk] > [hyk] FOCU, [bjœw] > [byw] BOVE), [e] by [i] in the sequences [ɥe], [jej] and [jew] ([jej] > [ji] EGO, [bjew] > [biw] BOVE), and [o] by [u] in the case of [jow] and by [y] in the case of [ɥow] ([bjow] > [bju] BOVE, [ɥow] > [yw] OVU). Moreover, based on these options a change from falling to rising diphthong may in some cases be considered to operate on diphthongs consisting exclusively of high vocalic segments, namely [jew] > [(j)iw] > [ju] and [ɥow] > [yw] > [ju] ([diw] > [dju] DEUS, [byw] > [bju] BOVE). Table 18: Written variants for words with /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ followed by [w] or a velar consonant in Old Occitan. See body of the text for details.

DEUS EGO

iou, uo(u)

ieu, ue(u)

Diou iou

Dieu ieu, eu mieu Mathieu bueu ueu nueu mueu fuec j/iuec luec

MEU MATTHAEU BOVE OVU NOVU MOVET FOCU IOCU LOCU

buou uou nuou muou fuoc j/iuoc luoc

o(u)

iu, u Diu

Matiu bou ou nou mou foc j/ioc loc

fuc/g juc llux

137

6.5 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants

Table 19: Reconstructed phonetic developments for /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before [w] and for /ɔ/ before a velar stop in Occitan based on dialect data taken from various bibliographical sources. The phonetic pathways link earlier forms (appearing towards the left of the derivations) to more recent ones (appearing towards the right). DEUS

djɛ/ew, ew

diw, dju, iw ✶ djow, jow djɛ/eɥ, ɛɥ f

djo djœɥ, jœɥ ✶ djej, jɛj

djy, œ d(j)i, i, djɛ/e, dej

jo jœɥ jɛ/ej

jœ ji, i

f

f

f

f

f

✶

f

f

EGO

jɛ/ew

iw, jiw, jɛw, ju jow jɛ/eɥ

MEU

mjɛ/ew

miw, mju, miju ✶ mjow

mjo

BOVE

bwɔw

bwɛ/ew bɥɔ/ow

bjew, bɛ/ew bjœw byw, bɥu, bju bjɔ/ow bɔ/ow bɥɛ/ew

byw, bœw bjaw, bjo, bjy bo bɛ/ew bjɛ/ew ✶ bɥœ/øw bɥɔ/ow bɛ/eɥ bjeɥ

bɥeɥ

bɥœ/øɥ

bew, bjiw bjœ/øw bjɔ/ow bœj, bej bjœɥ bjɛj bœɥ, bɥœ

bji bœ/øw bju

bɛj bø/œ, by, bɥy

OVU

wɔ/ow

(g)wɛ/ew ɥɔ/ow

ɛ/ew wœw yw, ɥu, ɥo jɔ/ow ɥɛ/ew

wyw jɔ/o, ju, jaw, jy jœw jɛ/ew, ɛ/ew ɥɛj

yw

jœ, ʒœw ɛ(j)

138

6 Occitan

Table 19 (continued) FOCU

fwɔk

hwɔk

hwɛ/ek

fɥɔ/o(k)

fjɔ(k) fɥe/ɛk, fɥœ/ø(k)

hɛk, huk hwœk fju fjø, fø, fjœk, fɛ(k), fe

hœk, hyk, hjuk

IOCU

(d)ʒwɔk

dʒwɛ/e(k) dʒɥɔ(k), ʒɥɔ

ʒɛ/e(k) dʒjɔk, dʒjɔ/o ʒɥe(k), dʒɥɛ(k)

dʒjɥik ʒɥœ/ø(k), dʒɥœk

dʒjø, (d)ʒø, ʒœk

6.6 Summary and discussion In Occitan, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have diphthongized quite systematically into ie and uo before [j] or another (alveolo)palatal consonant, whenever they occur in either coda or onset position, but not spontaneously in open syllables. Vowel diphthongization has not taken place before an alveolar affricate derived from /tj/ (since this consonant may have been too anterior to trigger the diphthongization process), and in the case of the sequence /ɛɲ/ where both [e] and the outcome [i] of a rising diphthong may occur. Among mid high vowels, raising assimilation has operated mainly on /o/, most often when followed by a voiced palatoalveolar affricate and coda [j] derived from [ ] and /kt/, respectively. A tendency may also be observed for /e/ to raise to [i] before [ʎ] and [ɲ] (also before [w]) and to lower to [ɛ] before coda [j] (also before [w]). Regarding /a/, raising to a mid front vowel as a function of a following (alveolo)palatal has only occurred in two instances: in the case of the ending -ARIU/-ARIA, where, except in a few specific dialect areas, /a/ joined the development of /ɛ/ before yod in yielding iei which could later become ie, ei (and then e); in one Gascon-speaking area, where the change /a/ > [ɛ] took place before coda yod except, partly, in the case of the sequence [jʃ]. A look at the diachronic pathways for mid low vowels followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant reveals changes in the rising diphthongs ie and uo (whether u is realized as [w] as in Gascon or as [ɥ] as in other Occitan-speaking zones) involving mainly: assimilatory fronting, rounding and raising of the vowel nucleus; delabialization of the on-glide [ɥ] into [j]; and on-/off-glide dropping due to the phonetic affinity with the vowel nucleus, and merging between the f

6.6 Summary and discussion

139

on-glide and the preceding consonant. Dissimilatory vowel nucleus lowering and backing, as in the case of the replacement of iei by iai, ioi, may also occur. Significant dialect-dependent differences regarding the phonetic outcome of this vowel diphthongization process can be found with respect to /ɛ/ which, depending on the dialect domain, can be realized as iei, ie, as iei, ie, e or as iei, ie, e, ei. It turns out that the sequence ie, whether as part of a triphthong or not, is much more widespread than ei, the latter being available mainly in southwestern Occitan. This dialectal distribution of forms supports the hypothesis that mid low vowel diphthongization was triggered by a following (alveolo)palatal consonant and also that iei is more naturally simplified into ie than into ei. As to /ɔ/, in addition to Gascon forms with the on-glide [w], the diphthongization outcomes with the on-glide [ɥ] are mainly [ɥ]e/ø ([j]e/ø) in Provençal, e(i) essentially in a large Lengadocian-speaking area, and ø(i), œ(i) and also e(i) in northern Occitan. In areas of Auvergne and also in Ariège and Aude, /ɛ/ diphthongization may not have taken place, though there are strong reasons to claim that it did, such as the fact that it seems to have operated on /ɔ/. All these data indicate that, in Occitan, mid low vowel diphthongization as a function of (alveolo)palatal consonants is more likely to operate on /ɔ/ than on /ɛ/. In contrast with the remainder of the Occitan-speaking domain, E. Provence and the Occitan-speaking valleys of Piedmont show non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus (íei, íe/a for /ɛ/, [ˈyɛ̯ ]/[ˈye̯ ], [ˈya̯ ], [ˈyɔ̯ ] for /ɔ/) and also the corresponding rising diphthongs, the former often occurring in more prominent word and sentence positions than the latter. Special consideration has been given in this chapter to the high vowel outcomes of the mid low vowel diphthongization process before (alveolo)palatal consonants. Two observations may be made in this regard: (a) The replacement of /ɛ/ by [i] in Old Occitan was triggered by either the prevocalic and postvocalic (alveolo)palatal segments acting together or else the prevocalic segment alone, which is in accordance with the strength of the carryover coarticulatory effects exerted by (alveolo)palatal consonants on vowels. The same applies to the present-day Occitan forms with [i] available in the Landes-Biarritz-S. Gironde region, as well as in E. Provence and the Piedmontese valleys where íei, íe may have changed to [i] through vowel raising and off-glide deletion (e.g., [ˈier] > [(j)ir] HERI, [i]/[ˈiɾa] -ARIU/ -ARIA). In Basse-Auvergne, /ɛ/ raising to [i] before yod, i.e., ei > i, took place after /ɛ/ merged with /e/ into a mid high vowel phoneme. (b) Regarding /ɔ/, the outcomes [u y] of o after [w], and [i y] of the fronted vowel nucleus e after [w ɥ], may be triggered either by both the following (alveolo)palatal consonant and the preceding rounded glide or else by the preceding glide exclusively. Moreover, the corresponding final end product

140

6 Occitan

may vary as a function of the on-glide involved, it being [u] and less so [y] after [w] in areas of Gascon but [y] after [ɥ] in Gironde, Limousin, BasseAuvergne and Provence. Arguments have been put forward in support of the changes uoi > [uj] (which may have later shifted to [wi] and to [yj] ( > [ɥi])) and uei > [wi], [ɥi]. In specific dialect areas (see point (a)), vowel nucleus raising or off-glide raising or deletion may have taken place in non-canonical falling diphthongs ([ˈye̯ (j)] > [yj] > [y]). In Occitan, mid low vowel diphthongization into ie and uo has also taken place before labiovelar and velar consonants. In these circumstances, raising to a high vowel may be triggered by the preceding glide in words ending in -OCU, and by the two glides in the case of the sequence ieu derived from /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ (grieu > griu, [bjœw] > [byw] and [bjew] > [biw] BOVE). Instances of dissimilatory lowering ([bjɔw] > [bjaw]) may also occur. The final outcome of /ɔ/ diphthongization may be conditioned by several other factors. The relative articulatory and acoustic instability of vocalic sequences made up of two high segments may result in a change from falling diphthong to rising diphthong ([uj] > [wi] and [yj] > [ɥi], as referred to above; [iw] > [ju], as for [diw] > [dju] DEUS), a blending process ([ɥi] > [y]) and metathesis or vowel decomposition ([ɥi], [y] > [jy]). On the other hand, the articulatory characteristics of the postvocalic consonant may play an important role in that rising and noncanonical falling diphthongs are more likely to appear before coda yod than before the (alveolo)palatals [ʎ] and [ ɲ] where those diphthongs may change into [ø œ] in Piedmontese Occitan. Another relevant factor is the relative compatibility between the articulatory gestures for the on-glide of a diphthong derived from /ɔ/ and the preceding consonant: articulatory compatibility may account for why velars and labials favour both the presence and deletion of the on-glide and, therefore, the rising diphthong and its simplification; gestural antagonism explains why certain consonants disfavour the presence of the on-glides [w] and [ɥ] before o, e (onset consonant clusters) or just before e (front linguals such as [n] in forms for NOCTE), and why labials disfavour [j] over [ɥ] ([fɥɔ] FOCU vs. [ʎjo] LOCU). Regarding the reinforcement of a word-initial glide with a prothetic consonant, velars and labiodentals are prone to insertion before [w], and [v] (also [j]) occurs more often than [g] before [ɥ] and also before [y] in falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus. Moreover, consonantal prothesis takes place in forms for OCTO and HODIE but not in those for OCULU. As to the causes of the mid low vowel diphthongization process, this section offers several explanatory hypotheses based on the Occitan data, which were first introduced in section 1.2.1.2 and will be reevaluated on the basis of data from other Romance languages in chapter 12.

6.6 Summary and discussion

141

It is advisable to start out by examining the case of the postvocalic labiovelar, which was not discussed at any length in the Introduction. Millardet (1910a, 210–214) argued that rising diphthongization in this particular context ought to originate through the perceptual categorization of the articulatory configuration at vowel offset as a separate off-glide by listeners, but not through anticipatory tongue dorsum raising at vowel onset which could account for [ɔw] > [wɔw] but not for [ɛw] > [jɛw] since some labialization would be expected to occur at the onset of the vowel in the case of [ɛw]. The inserted off-glide could be schwa-like or more open than the vowel nucleus, and the two portions of the resulting falling diphthong could then become more distinct and result over the long run in a rising diphthong (e.g., [meɛ̯ w] > [mjew]). An acoustic motivation for the integration of these VC transitions as a separate glide may be found in the very low 800–1000 Hz frequency locus of the F2 vowel transition for [w]. In addition, an increase in the labial constriction degree at stop release associated with the prevocalic labial or labiodental consonant may have contributed to the presence of the on-glide [w] in the forms for BOVE and FOCU, suggesting that mid low vowel diphthongization preceded [f] aspiration in Gascon (see data for FOCU in Table 19). Millardet also suggested that vowel breaking before [w] in the word OVU could have been favoured by the presence of /ɔ/ in the prosodically strong word-initial position. Several hypotheses have been proposed in order to explain why vowel diphthongization has also occurred before velars. According to one of them, this diphthongization process was triggered by an [w]-like segment which could emerge through off-glide insertion (fuougo < ✶fougo FOCU), velar vocalization into [w] (fuou < fou < ✶fog(o)) or [ɣ] deletion (fuou < fou < ✶foɣu) (see Voretzsch 1900, 617–620 for these different possibilities). Another hypothesis claims that, once it became word final after deletion of the unstressed word-final vowel, the velar stop could be replaced by an (alveolo)palatal stop which, like other contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants, would have caused the stressed vowel to diphthongize (Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 168). There are reasons to prefer the off-glide insertion argument to the other ones in so far as it agrees with other instances of [w] insertion which have occurred in Romance before a velar (Gascon [bɛwk] BECCU, dialectal Portuguese augua AQUA, dialectal Spanish yeugua EQUA; Recasens 2014, 43–44) and before comparable consonants (e.g., a low vowel followed by dark /l/ may be categorized as /awl/, as in [ˈvawlta] VOLTA in Romansh). The off-glide insertion process in question is likely to have occurred before a lenited velar realization due to the long duration of the VC transitions in this particular context. The argument based on the elision or vocalization of the velar stop cannot explain why this consonant remained intact in diphthongized forms available in both Old Occitan and present-day Occitan dialects. Ronjat’s explanation is even less plausible since,

142

6 Occitan

as shown by Romansh data, velar palatalization rarely occurs after a low or back rounded vowel in the word-final position ([anaˈmic] INIMICU, [lec] LACU but [lak] LACU, [pok] PAUCU in Sutselvan; Recasens 2020, 36). The active role of [w], whether derived from labials or preposed to velars, in mid low vowel diphthongization appears to be consistent with the fact that the process is prone to operate on /ɔ/ rather than on /ɛ/ and, therefore, on a vowel which has the same basic articulatory characteristics as the labiovelar glide. Moreover, in all words being considered (buòu, uòu, fòc, jòc, lòc) the consonant following the stressed vowel is syllable final, which should favour gestural overlap, and also word final, which ought to favour vowel lengthening and diphthongization. Let us now turn to the diphthongization of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, which was already addressed in section 1.2.1.2 but will be reexamined here in light of the Occitan data. The hypothesis that mid low vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal consonants occurred through anticipatory tongue dorsum raising at vowel onset (Grandgent 1905, 19) is problematic since consonant-dependent coarticulatory effects should be less prominent at vowel onset than at vowel midpoint and offset; consequently, a change in quality involving the entire vowel rather than vowel breaking would be expected to occur in this case. Another problem with Grandgent’s explanation is that it can account for the change [ɛj] > [jɛj] but less clearly for [ɔj] > [wɔj] (while [ɥɔj] would be a more plausible outcome here). In line with a suggestion made by Millardet (1910a, 213–214), an alternative explanation involving off-glide insertion may be proposed, to wit, that [jɛ] and [wɔ] would be generated after the integration of the VC transitions as a separate glide by listeners. A problem with this account is that the F2 vowel transitions in VC sequences with (alveolo)palatal consonants rise towards a 2000 Hz frequency locus and would therefore be integrated as an [e]-like or [j]-like glide; consequently, it is hard to imagine how the rising diphthongs [jɛ] and [wɔ] could result from segmental sequences such as [ɛe̯ C]/[ɛjC] and [ɔe̯ C]/[ɔjC]. One way to handle this problem is to postulate, following Millardet (and see also Meyer-Lübke 1916, 364 and Appel 1918, 37), a dissimilatory action or else some sort of articulatory relaxation mechanism by which speakers render the last portion of the target vowel either schwa-like or lower than the vowel itself. In principle, this view is compatible with several facts about Occitan. On the one hand, as shown in section 6.2 and by data for other Romance languages presented in other sections of this book, the insertion of a low-quality glide in VC sequences appears to be a highly productive mechanism though less so before (alveolo)palatal consonants than before consonants involving a relatively low and retracted tongue body configuration such as [l r w] and also [t s] mostly when the

6.6 Summary and discussion

143

vowel target is front. Another event which could support this interpretation is the high frequency of occurrence, in Occitan and other Romance languages, of instances of dissimilatory lowering in VC sequences consisting of mid vowels and [j] or other (alveolo)palatals and perhaps [w] as well (see sections 6.4.1 and 6.4.3.1). This dissimilatory action may be indicative of the need for the speaker to preserve the opening degree of the vowel by preventing it from becoming higher before consonants that exert a closing effect on vowels such as (alveolo)palatals. The question now arises as to how this dissimilatory action could take place. Are listeners capable of hearing a differentiated segment at vowel offset in VC sequences composed of mid low vowels and (alveolo)palatal consonants? Whenever we look at instances of off-glide insertion which have been identified by scholars working on Occitan, we see that they are essentially assimilatory in the sense that they operate in the direction of the triggering consonant. Thus, whenever the consonant is produced with a retracted tongue body, the quality of the off-glide is intermediate between that of the vowel and that of the consonant or else is spectrally grave. Data provided in section 6.2 indicate indeed that an off-glide which is schwa-like, lower than the vowel nucleus and/or back rounded may appear in VC sequences with a front vowel followed by [l r w] ([t s]) and with a back vowel followed by [l r t s], and that [w] may also be inserted in VC sequences with /e/ before a velar and with /o/ followed by [s]. Only in two cases does the off-glide show a higher or more anterior quality than the vowel nucleus: for [es], which may be implemented as eis, and in VC sequences with o followed by [ʎ] and perhaps [ ɲ], which may take an e-like off-glide. Falling diphthongs with a lower off-glide than the vowel nucleus have also been reported to occur in sequences with o followed by [tʃ] and [ʎ], which approach the diphthongal type advocated by Millardet and ourselves. Instances of mid low vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal and labiovelar consonants should not be placed in the same category as other contextually conditioned rising diphthongs, which were generated in Occitan not earlier than the 15th century (Hallig 1952, 264, 273). These rising diphthongs have an [w] on-glide and emerged from /ɔ/ (not from /ɛ/) in CVC sequences with a prevocalic labial, labiodental or velar consonant and postvocalic [l s r] and also [n] often occurring in coda position. These consonantal environments are optimal diphthongization triggers since labials and velars share a labial or velar constriction with [ɔ], and the presence of postvocalic consonants which favour vowel opening such as [l] or [r] allows for a maximal contrast between the initial and final portions of the vowel and therefore for the emergence of a diphthong with two well-differentiated portions. This diphthongization process also differs from /ɛ ɔ/ diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal consonants in that it is much less widespread geographically, that is, it started out to the east

144

6 Occitan

of the Rhône River and the corresponding diphthong outcomes are found exclusively in eastern Occitan and, most especially, in E. Provence. Some forms exemplifying this /ɔ/ diphthongization process in E. Occitan follow (Gilliéron/ Edmont 1902–1910, maps 147, 324, 382, 592, 593, 883, 1060, 1061, 1062, 1569, 1680, 1794; Anglade 1921, 76; Ronjat 1930–1941, vol. 1, 160–163; Schroeder 1932; Dauzat 1938, 55; Bouvier 1976, 337–344): (Prevocalic labial or labiodental) [pwɔr(k)], [pwar(k)], PORCU; [ˈpwɔrto] PORTA; [pwɔ̃nt], [pwa͂nt] PONTE; [bwõ]/[bwã], [ˈbwɔno]/[ˈbwano] BONU/BONA; [mwɔr(t)], [mwar(t)] MORTUU; [ˈfwɔrso], [ˈfwarso] FORTIA; [deˈfwɔɾo], [deˈfwaɾo] DE FORAS; [fwɔ̃(nt)], [fwã(nt)] FONTE; [ˈvwɔstɾo], [ˈvwastɾo] ✶VOSTRU. (Prevocalic velar) [kwarp] CORVU; [kwɔr], [kwar] CORPUS; [kwɔl] COLLU. (Other) [ˈnwɔstɾe], [ˈnwastɾe] NOSTRU. To these lexical variants we may add other diphthongized forms with /ɔ/ and a preceding alveolar trill, which in so far as it is articulated with some predorsum lowering and postdorsum retraction, may also contribute to the presence of [w] at /ɔ/ onset: [ˈrwɔzɔ], [ˈrwɛzo] ROSA in Cantal and Aveyron, [ˈrwɔðo] ROTA in Puyde-Dôme and Aveyron, [ˈrwɔtʃa], [ˈrwetʃa] ✶ROCCA in Hautes-Alpes and AlpesMaritimes, [rwɔk] in Aveyron (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1161, 1165, 1170; Arnaud/Morin 1920, VI–VII).

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian This chapter is divided into two sections, one devoted to Tuscan and the other dealing with the dialects of northern Italy. While mid low vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal consonants has only taken place in the latter dialect domain, important vowel assimilatory phenomena have occurred in the same consonantal context in Tuscan. This assimilatory behaviour is worth being comparing with that exhibited by languages such as Spanish and Portuguese where mid low vowels diphthongization has not been triggered by (alveolo)palatal consonants either.

7.1 Tuscan In Tuscan Italian, the dialect variety on which Standard Italian is based, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have been split into rising diphthongs in open syllables ([ˈpjɛtɾa] PETRA, [ˈmwɔve] MOVET) while remaining mid low in checked syllables ([ˈfɛsta] FESTA, [ˈkɔrpo] CORPUS). The diphthong ie may be simplified into [i] ([ˈdio] DEUS, [ˈmio] MEU, Old Senese insime for It. insieme; Rohlfs 1966, 111). Before (alveolo)palatal and palatoalveolar consonants, which are phonetically long intervocalically in Tuscan ([ʎ:], [ɲ:], [d:ʒ], [t:ʃ], [ʃ:]), /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ occur in checked syllables and are expected to remain mid low if unassimilated or else to raise to mid high or even to high if regressive assimilation applies. On the other hand, if subjected to assimilation, /e/, /o/ and /a/ should raise to [i], [u] and a mid front vowel, respectively. Table 20 shows, for a selected sample of words, how mid and low vowels are implemented before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Tuscan including a few lexical variants which may be found in some Tuscan-speaking areas but not others. Information about the phonetic transcription of the lexical forms appearing in the table may be found in, among other sources, De Mauro (1999). Several aspects of the historical development of consonants deserve mention at this point. Starting from the top of the table, there is the affricate [t:s] derived from /t(:)j/ in group 1; the lateral [ʎ:] derived from /lj/ but not from /kl/ and /gl/, which have yielded [k:j] and [g:j] as in vecchio VECLU, ginocchio GENUCULU and occhio OCULU, in group 2; and the nasal [ɲ:], which may come from /nj gn nge ngi ngj ndj/, in group 3. Groups 4 and 5 include, respectively, the outcomes [t:ʃ] of /ke ki kj/ and [d:ʒ], [j] of /dj j ge gi gj/; moreover, the two affricates may also derive from /sj/ (BASIU, CERESIA) and /dj/ has also yielded [d:z] in Tuscan, as in mezzo MEDIU. Finally, group 6 consists of words with labial + /j/ sequences which have been maintained as such ([b:j], [p:j], [m:j]), group 7 words with [ ʃ:] derived from https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-007

NOPTIAE

FERRINEU

SPONGIA

✶

feˈriɲ:o

ˈspuɲ:a

CONVENIU

✶

koɱˈveɲ:o

MILIU

COLLIGERE

TINEA

ˈmiʎ:o

ˈkɔʎ:eɾe ˈtiɲ:a

CONSILIU

SOMNIU

konˈsiʎ:o

FOLIA

CILIU

ˈtʃiʎ:o

Change

ˈfɔʎ:a

SPOLIARE

ˈspɔʎ:o from

✶

ˈnɔt:se

No change

ˈsoɲ:o

Change

INGENIU

MELIUS

ˈmɛʎ:o

PRETIU

ˈpɾɛt:so

PETTIA

ˈpɛt:sa

✶

No change

ɔ

 inˈdʒeɲ:o





Change

ɛ

f

SIGNU

ˈseɲ:o

LIGNU

ˈleɲ:o

TEGULA

ˈteʎ:a, ˈteg:ja

PIGRITIA

Old Tusc. pigrezza

No change

e

AXUNGIA

ˈsuɲ:a

PUGNU

ˈpuɲ:o

Change

CICONIA

tʃiˈkoɲ:a

VERECUNDIA

verˈgoɲ:a

MULIERE

ˈmoʎ:e

PUTEU

ˈpot:so

No change

o

ARANEU

ˈraɲ:o

MONTANEA

monˈtaɲ:a

COAGULU

ˈkaʎ:o

PALEA

ˈpaʎ:a

SPATIU

ˈspat:so

Change No change

a

Table 20: Phonetic outcomes of stressed /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Tuscan Italian. The numbering in the leftmost column corresponds to the following modern and earlier consonant realizations, the latter being enclosed within parentheses when available: (1) [t:s]; (2) [ʎ:]; (3) [ ɲ:]; (4) [t:ʃ ] ([c]); (5) [d:ʒ], [j] ([ ]); (6) labial +/j/; (7) [ ʃ:]; (8) [z] ([zj]), [ɾ], [j] ([ɾj]); (9) [j]. For each stressed vowel, lexical variants are presented in two columns according to whether they have undergone a consonant-conditioned change or not.

146 7 Tuscan and Northern Italian



GREGE

ˈpɔd:ʒo PODIU

aˈn:ɔjo INODIO

ˈpjɔd:ʒa PLOIA

ˈpɛd:ʒo

PEIOR

ˈlɛd:ʒe

LEGIT

ʧiˈljɛdʒa

CERESIA

ˈfud:ʒe

RABIA

ˈrab:ja

(continued)

CAVEA

RUBEU

ˈrɔb:jo

MAIU

ˈmad:ʒo

EXAGIU

asˈsad:ʒo

FAGEU

ˈfad:ʒo

ˈgab:ja

DUBIU

ˈdub:jo

MODIU

ˈmɔd:ʒo

RADIU

ˈrad:ʒo

VINDEMIA

SEPIA

REFUGIU

riˈfudʒo

STUDIU

Old Tusc. stoggio

BASIU

ˈbatʃo

BRACCHIU

ˈbɾat:ʃo

FACIA

ˈfat:ʃa

STAGNU

ˈstaɲ:o

venˈdem:ja

ˈsep:ja

ˈfɔvea

REGE

re

CORRIGIA

koˈred:ʒa

SEDEO

FUGIT

VOCE

Old Tusc. seggio

ˈvotʃe

MUCCEU

ILICEU

✶

ˈmot:ʃo

ˈlet:ʃo

VICIA

ˈvet:ʃa

DIGNU

GRAMINEA

FOVEA

TROIA

ˈtɾɔja

✶

HODIE

ˈɔd:ʒi

MEDIU

ˈmɛd:zo

DECEM

FAECIA

 ˈgɾed:ʒe

ˈdjɛtʃi

 ˈfet:ʃa

ˈdeɲ:o

gɾaˈmiɲ:a

7.1 Tuscan

147



INTEGRU

 inˈteɾo



Change

ɛ

GLAREA

LAICU

ˈlajko

PROBAVI

pɾoˈvaj

ˈgjaja

FERIA

dʒenˈnajo

AREA

ˈaja

ˈfɛɾja

SALMURIA

salaˈmɔja

ASCIA

ˈaʃ:a

FASCIA

ˈfaʃ:a

PASCIT

ˈpaʃ:e

IANUARIU

AUGURIU

awˈguɾjo

MUSTEU

ˈmoʃ:o

ANGUSTIA

aŋˈgɔʃ:a

MYSTERIU

misˈtɛɾo

MORIO

ˈmwɔjo ✶

ECLESIA

CORIU

ˈkjɛza

CRESCIT

ˈkwɔjo

ˈkɾeʃ:e

PISCE

ˈpeʃ:e

APIU

Change No change ˈap:jo

No change

a

ˈtɾeb:jo

Change

o

TRIBULO

No change

EXIT

COXA

Change

e

ˈɛʃ:e

ˈkɔʃ:a

No change

sɛj

Change

ɔ

SEX

No change

Table 20 (continued)

148 7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

149

7.1 Tuscan

/ks ssj ske ski skj stj/, group 8 words with the outcomes [ɾ(j)] and [j] of /ɾj/ and [z] of /sj/, and group 9 words with the diphthong ai which has emerged in an analogous way to Spanish (section 2.2.1.4). Unlike the other Romance languages analyzed so far, in Tuscan /kt/, /ks/, /ps/ and /mn/ have yielded not an (alveolo)palatal consonant but the assimilated outcomes [tt] (latte LACTE, notte NOCTE), [ss] (asse AXE, tessere TEXERE, cassa CAPSA) and [nn] (donna DOMINA). Other lexical items have not been included in the table, such as cinghia CINGULA, vincere VINCERE, fingere FINGERE, ungere UNGERE and unghia UNGULA whose etymological stressed vowels /e/ and /o/ have raised to [i] and [u] before a nasal+velar sequence, and nervo NERVU and vetro VITRU, which have no yod. According to Table 20, mid low vowels may assimilate to [ ɲ], and in the case of /ɛ/ also to a palatoalveolar affricate and to coda yod before a rhotic ([inˈdʒeɲ:o] INGENIU, [ˈspuɲ:a] SPONGIA, [ˈfet:ʃa] FAECIA, [inˈteɾo] INTEGRU). The low vowel /a/ has stayed unmodified in all (alveolo)palatal consonant conditions. Moreover, /e/ may have raised to [i] before [ʎ] and [ ɲ] ([ˈtiɲ:a] TINEA, [ˈtʃiʎ:o] CILIU), and /o/ to [u] before [ ɲ:], [d:ʒ], [b:j] and [ɾj] ([ˈsuɲ:a] AXUNGIA, [riˈfudʒo] REFUGIU, [ˈdub:jo] DUBIU, [awˈguɾjo] AUGURIU). Table 21 summarizes these assimilatory tendencies. Table 21: Phonetic outcomes of mid and low vowels before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Tuscan Italian. The leftmost column shows the modern consonant realizations followed by their phonetic source within parentheses. Cells are shaded dark or light grey depending on the frequency of assimilation and left white if there is no assimilation. Empty cells indicate the absence of data. /ɛ/

/ɔ/

/e/

/o/

/a/

e

o

a

. t:s

ɛ

. ʎ:

ɛ

ɔ

i

o

a

. ɲ:

e

o

i

u

a

. t:ʃ (c)

e

e

o

a

. d:ʒ, j ( )

ɛ

ɔ

e

u

a

ɔ

e

u

a

f

. labial +j . ʃ:

ɛ

ɔ

e

ɔ

a

. z (zj); ɾ, j (ɾj)

e

wɔ (ɾj)

ɛ

u (ɾj)

a

. j

a

150

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

7.2 Northern Italian The Northern Italian dialects, namely Piedmontese, Lombard, Ligurian, Emiliano-Romagnol, Venetan and Trentino (see regarding this dialectal subdivision, Zamboni 1974; 1979 and Loporcaro 2013), deserve special attention since, in contrast with dialects from central and southern Italy, they allow mid low vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal consonants. Next we list the main provinces and localities where these dialects are spoken, most of them having been the object of linguistic analysis in the literature, and also those monographs from which the corresponding phonetic data have been taken. A considerable amount of information about these dialects also comes from Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940) and Rohlfs (1966). Piedmontese: [N. Piedmont] Verbano-Cusio-Ossola (Valle Antrona, Valle Anzasca, Malesco, Premia); Novara (Novara, Galliate); Biella (Viverone); Vercelli (Valsesia). [S. Piedmont] Cuneo (Castellinaldo, Ormea); Corio, Torino. Monographs: Nigra (1901), Toppino (1902–1905), Schädel (1903), Parodi (1907), Spoerri (1918), Gysling (1929), Nicolet (1929), Sobrero (1974). Lombard: [N. Lombardy] Canton of Ticino (Val Leventina, Val Verzasca, Val Maggia, Blenio and Olivone, Lugano, Val Onsernone, Isone and Bellinzona, Locarno and Vergeletto); Sondrio (Livigno, Valtellina, Bormio, Tresivio); Grisons (Val Bregaglia, Val Mesolcina, Poschiavo). [W. Lombardy] Pavia (Voghera); Milano. [E. Lombardy] Bergamo (Branzi); Brescia, Cremona, Mantova. Monographs: Salvioni (1884; 1886; 1901; 1907b; 1935), Nicoli (1901), Michael (1905), Ettmayer (1902; 1903), Battisti (1913), Buchmann (1924), Sganzini (1925–1926; 1928), Stampa (1934), Rohlfs (1940), Keller (1943–44), Merlo (1951; 1960–1961), Camastral (1959), Heilmann (1961), Sanga (1984; 1987), Bernini (1987). Ligurian: [W. Liguria] Pigna. [C. Liguria] Genova. [E. Liguria] Rovegno, and also Bonifacio, a Ligurian colony located in Corsica. Monographs: Parodi (1902–1905), Bottiglioni (1928), Merlo (1938), Plomteux (1975), Azaretti (1977), Forner (1988), Zörner (1989; 1992). Emiliano-Romagnol: [W. Emilia] Parma; Piacenza (Fiorenzuola, Piacenza, Travo, Groppallo, Ottone, Zerbia); Reggio Emilia (Montagna Reggiana, Novellara, Valèstra); Modena. [E. Emilia] Bologna (Lizzano di Belvedere, Bologna); Ferrara. [Romagna] Ravenna, Forlí, Rímini. Monographs: Gaudenzi (1889), Gorra (1890, 1892), Malagoli (1910; 1930; 1934; 1954), Schürr (1918–1919; 1933), Bottiglioni (1919), Casella (1922), Coco (1970). Venetan: [W. Veneto] Verona. [C. Veneto] Vicenza, Padova, Rovigo. [E. Veneto] Treviso, Belluno. [Venetian] Venezia. Monographs: Mafera (1958), Zamboni (1974; 1979), Baglioni (2016).

7.2 Northern Italian

151

Trentino: Val di Sole, Val Rendena, val di Fiemme, val di Liedro, Valbona or Valle del Chiese, Valsugana, Val di Cembra, Vallagarina, Valle del Vanoi, but not Val di Non and Val di Fassa which are considered to be Ladin-speaking. Monographs: Maturi (1963), Battisti (1972), Bonfadini (1987; 1989). Occasional reference will also be made in this chapter to Istrioto (Rovigno, Dignano) and the Gallo-Italic dialects of Sicily (Nicosia, Sperlinga, Aidone, San Fratello; see Foti 2015). Regarding phonetic transcription issues, a note needs to be added about the phonetic interpretation of the symbol [α], which Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940) (and also Keller 1943–1944) use to represent a centralized low vowel realization occurring in unstressed syllables and which, strictly speaking, is not equivalent to schwa since the symbol [ə] is also available in their phonetic transcription system. Throughout the chapter we transcribe [α] regularly as [a], and as [ɐ] when it occurs in the non-canonical falling diphthongs [ˈiɐ̯ ] and [ˈuɐ̯ ]. Analogously to Tuscan, in Northern Italian /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ diphthongized in open syllables after which the resulting rising diphthongs could be simplified into a single vowel or stayed unmodified. Before (alveolo)palatal consonants, while mid high and low vowels could raise to a higher vowel, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ differ from Tuscan Italian, Spanish and Portuguese and agree with Occitan in that, at least in a large area of this dialect domain, they diphthongized into ie, uo and underwent later changes. Of much relevance to the implementation of stressed vowels is the fact that, unlike Tuscan, consonants (including (alveolo)palatals) were degeminated and therefore are not as a general rule especially long in Northern Italian (see Loporcaro 2013, 19, 85–86 in this connection). The raising and diphthongization of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ may have also been induced by a word-final high vowel, mostly in open syllables. The joint contribution of this metaphonic action and the effect of a following (alveolo)palatal consonant appears to have been at work in forms such as [vjetʃ] VECLU as opposed to [ˈvedʒa] VECLA from Val Onsernone in Canton Ticino, and [aˈneʎ] ANELLU and [kaˈpeʎ] CAPELLU from Poschiavo (Salvioni 1886, 199; Rohlfs 1966, 115). There may also be problems in disentangling the role of these two factors from that associated with the placement of the target vowel in an open syllable. Thus, for example, some scholars argue that in the Gallo-Italic colonies of Sicily the diphthongization of /ɛ/ was triggered more or less independently by a following (alveolo)palatal consonant, a word-final high vowel and vowel placement in an open syllable (Rohlfs 1966, 120–121), while others believe that this sound change (also rising diphthongization in the case of /ɔ/) shoud be ascribed exclusively to syllable type (Foti 2015, LXIV–LXVI). A greater likelihood for rising diphthongs and later outcomes ([e] for /ɛ/, [ø] for /ɔ/) to occur before (alveolo)palatal consonants than in other environments in specific dialect domains supports the idea that those contextual consonants contributed to the mid low vowel diphthongization process. Moreover,

152

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

as shown later in this chapter, additional support for the active role of contextual (alveolo)palatals in /ɛ/ diphthongization comes from the scenario for stressed /ɔ/ whose diphthongization in the same contextual conditions appears to be far better motivated. The criterion which has been applied by scholars to disentangle the effect of contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants, word-final high vowels and syllable type on changes operating on /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ has not always been straightforward. Let us begin by saying that there is not always a close correspondence between whether a vowel occurs in an open or closed syllable in both the Latin etymon and its Romance cognate, a difference which should be of considerable importance for our purposes since the sound changes of interest must have occurred very early in history. Thus, vowels may be located in an open syllable in Latin but not in Romance due, for example, to the fall of unstressed vowels leading to what Haiman/Benincà (1992) call ‘inherited open’ syllables. Conversely, syllables which were checked by a consonant in Latin could be open in Romance because of the deletion of a coda consonant (e.g., a number of [VjC] sequences which deleted the syllable-final yod) or degemination (e.g., [t:s] > [ts], as for Ligurian [ˈbɾatsu] BRACCHIU). Moreover, for both /ɛ/ and for /ɔ/, scholars do not always agree in assigning to the same syllable type a stressed mid vowel followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant in so far as they may hold different assumptions about the phonetic realization of (alveolo)palatal consonants in the past such as whether they had a yod segment preposed to them, were produced as geminates or did not differ essentially from the way that they are pronounced today. In order to cope with this controversial issue, we entertain the hypothesis that mid low vowel diphthongization induced by contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants operated largely irrespective of syllable type and thus of whether the target vowel happened to occur in an open or a closed syllable. We assume that, when followed by an (alveolo)palatal or palatoalveolar consonant, vowels may have been located in an open or a closed syllable depending on the precise postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant or consonantal sequence taken into consideration, for example, in an open syllable in [ˈfoʎa] FOLIA, [ˈraɲo] ARANEU and [ˈtɾɔja] TROIA and in a checked syllable in [ˈfɾaʃ:o], [ˈfɾajsu] FRAXINU and [ˈajɾa] AREA. A good reason for this methodological criterion appears to be that, as shown in the following sections, while in certain Northern Italian dialects mid low vowels have often yielded the same outcome before (alveolo)palatal consonants and in open syllables, their phonetic end product in checked syllables must be attributed to the contextual (alveolo)palatals alone (or to other contextual consonants such as a following coda alveolar rhotic or lateral). It should be recalled in this respect that in languages like Occitan mid low vowel diphthongization triggered by contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants has yielded

7.2 Northern Italian

153

the same phonetic result in open and closed syllables (e.g., before syllableonset [ʎ] as in [ˈfwɛʎo] FOLIA and before coda [j] as in [kwɛjt] COCTU). Now the question is whether, in parallel to Occitan, instances of off-glide insertion in VC sequences which could cause mid low vowels to shift to rising diphthongs may be found in Northern Italian. The answer is clearly affirmative. Data for Romagnol taken from Schürr (1918–1919, vol. 2, 20–25, 51–52) show that a schwa-like glide characterized by various nuances may develop at the offset of mid low front and back vowels followed by [l s r] and also by [t k] placed mostly in coda position: [ˈbɛə̯ lɐ] BELLA, [fiˈnɛə̯ stɾɐ] FENESTRA, [ˈsɛə̯ t] SEPTEM, [ˈvɛə̯ spɐ] VESPA; [ˈfoɐ̯ lɐ] FABULA, [ˈpoɐ̯ k] PAUCU, [ˈkoɐ̯ rp] CORPUS, [ˈmoɐ̯ rt] MORTUU. According to data taken from Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940, maps 137, 286, 288, 675, 783, 798, 904, 1132, 1601), on the other hand, in E. Emilia and Romagna and in Veneto and S. Istria, VC sequences with /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ and different consonants including primitive (alveolo)palatals may be realized with falling diphthongs featuring an [ɐ]-like off-glide and also [e̯ ] at the offset of front vowels: Comacchio [ˈsiɐ̯ ], [ˈtʃiɐ̯ zɐ] ECLESIA, and also [ˈkuɐ̯ r] COR, [ˈuɐ̯ f] OVU, [ˈsuɐ̯ rɐ] SOROR; Concordia, Baura [siˈe] SEX; Cesenatico [ˈtʃiɐ̯ ʒɐ], [ˈʃoɐ̯ rɐ], [ˈsiɐ̯ ]; Meldola [ˈnuɐ̯ f] NOVU, [ˈsɔɐ̯ rɐ], [ˈkoɐ̯ r], [ˈɔɐ̯ f]; Veneto [ˈdiɐ̯ ze], [ˈdiɛ̯ ze]/[ˈdie̯ ze] DECEM, [ˈsie̯ ]; Rovigno [ˈspiɐ̯ sio] SPECULU, [ˈlie̯ to] LECTU. These sequences may be at the origin of rising diphthongs, as shown apparently by /ɔ/ before /rC/ in Imolese ([mwɔrt] MORTUU, [wɔrt] HORTU; Bottiglioni 1919, 15). Another area of interest is Ticinese. Thus, in Isone (Keller 1943–1944, 42–43), [ɐ̯ ] may be inserted at the offset of e, resulting in sequences like [ˈiɐ̯ ] not only before [l s r t] and labials and labiovelars but also before [ ʃ ] ([ˈsiɐ̯ r] SERA, [meʃˈtiɐ̯ ] MINISTERIU, [ˈdʒiɐ̯ rn] It. gerlo GERULU, [ˈdiɐ̯t] DIGITU, [ˈliɐ̯ wra] LEPORE, [ˈpiɐ̯ ver] PIPERE, [ˈliɐ̯ ʃ ] LEGERE, [ˈmiɐ̯ s] MENSE, [ˈʃtiɐ̯ t] ‘dried walnut’), and at the offset of mid back and mid front rounded vowels yielding [ˈuɐ̯ ] and [ˈyɐ̯ ], respectively, mostly before a liquid ([ˈsuɐ̯ ] SOLE, [siˈɲuɐ̯ r] SENIORE, [ˈpuɐ̯ lpa] PULPA, [lanˈsyɐ̯ ] LINTEOLU, [ˈpyɐ̯ ] It. poi POST). The outcomes [ˈiɐ̯ ] and [ˈuɐ̯ ] have also been reported to occur before a liquid, which is no longer available, in Cavergno in Val Maggia: [aˈvɾi(j)ɐ] APRILE, [mɐʃˈtiɐ̯ ] MINISTERIU, [kaʃaˈduɐ̯ ] It. cacciatore, [laˈvuɐ̯ ] It. lavoro, [sˈɾuɐ̯ ] SOROR (Salvioni 1886, 224; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 14, 199; Salvioni 1935, 30–31). In sum, mid vowels appear to take an off-glide mostly before those consonants which trigger glide epenthesis in Occitan, that is, [l s r] and dentals, and also before the palatoalveolar fricatives [ ʃ ʒ]. Before dealing with the realization of stressed vowels in the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition, some comments about the phonetic development of (alveolo)palatal consonants are in order (Rohlfs 1966). In Northern Italian, /tj/ has yielded essentially [s] through the previous alveolar affricate [ts], and /nj/ and other sequences with /n/, the alveolopalatal [ɲ]. The genuine outcome of /lj/

154

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

is [ʎ] from which [j] and later [dʒ] may have arisen (Ligurian [ˈfidʒu] FILIU). As to intervocalic /kl/, in Rohlfs’ view, the available outcomes [j], [dʒ] and [tʃ ] may have resulted from different developments: [gl] > [gʎ] > [gj] > [ ] > [dʒ]; [kʎ] > [ɣʎ] > [ʎ] > [j] > [dʒ]; [kʎ] > [kj] > [c] > [tʃ ] (Piedmontese [øj] OCULU, Milanese [oˈɾedʒa] AURICULA, Venetian [ˈvɛtʃa] VECLA). On the other hand, (alveolo)palatal stops have evolved as follows: [c] derived from front /k/ has been replaced essentially by [ts] and later outcomes word-initially, and through a voiced (alveolo)palatal allophone by [z] and less so [ʒ] intervocalically (Venetan [ˈθɛnto] CENTU, [viˈziŋ] VICINU, Ligurian [ˈkøʒe] COCERE); [ ] coming from /dj/, /j/ and front /g/ has for the most part yielded voiced front lingual fricatives and affricates (Venetan [ˈrazo] RADIU, [ˈpɛzo] PEIUS, Piedmontese [ˈlɛdʒi], [ˈlɛʒi], Ligurian [ˈlɛze] LEGIT), to which we should add instances of the outcome [j] of [ ] derived from velars before /a/ (Piedmontese [ˈspia] SPICA), /j/ (Ligurian [ˈtɾœja]/ [ˈtɾøja] TROIA) and /dj/ (Lombard [aŋˈkøj] HANC HODIE). In contrast with Tuscan, Northern Italian has the outcomes [ʃ] and [s] for /ks/ which suggest an earlier [sj] or [jʃ] stage (Piedmontese [ˈtɛʃe], Emiliano-Romagnol [ˈtɛsɐr] TEXERE), and [c], [(j)t] and [tʃ] for /kt/ which may have arisen through the pathway /kt/ > [c] > [jt] > [tʃ] or the separate developments /kt/> [c] and /kt/> [jt] > [tʃ ] (Piedmontese [lec], [letʃ], [lɛt] LECTU). The regressive assimilation process /kt/ > [tt] > [t], which we find in Tuscan, may have operated to the east of Modena province and thus in Bologna, Romagna, Veneto and most of Trentino, though based on evidence from old documentary sources and present-day dialect data an intermediate stage [jt] could be postulated in this case as well (Rohlfs 1966, 365–366). Finally, /ɾj/ has been simplified into a simple alveolar rhotic through the intermediate sequence [jɾ], /sj/ has yielded either [ʒ] or the depalatalized realization [z], and /bj/ and /vj/ may have remained unchanged or shifted to [dʒ] through the intermediate sequence [bdʒ] (Piedmontese [ˈdʒeɾa], [ˈdʒajɾa] GLAREA, [(t)ʃiˈɾeza] CERESIA, Ligurian [ˈdʒeʒa] ECLESIA, [ˈzødʒa] IOVIA). In examples such as those listed below, we assume that changes in mid low vowels associated with the immediately postvocalic palatal glide derived from /i/ count as triggered by an (alveolo)palatal consonant rather than as metaphonic: Romagnol [mi] It. miei (Schürr 1918–1919, vol. 2, 143–144); [bø(j)], [byj], [bej] It. buoi and [tø(j)], [tyj], [tej] It. tuoi in Val Leventina (Sganzini 1925–1926, vol. 2, 119); [pø] It. poi in Luganese and Piedmontese (Toppino 1902–1905, 525; Keller 1943–1944, 43); and [bu] It. buoi and [tu] It. tuoi in Bolognese (Coco 1970, 20). f

f

f

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

155

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals 7.3.1 Mid high front vowel Mid high front /e/ diphthongized initially into [ej] in open syllables in Northern Italian, a realization which is still available in some places in the region (Blenio, Romagnol-speaking localities). This falling diphthong may have been replaced by [i] through regressive raising assimilation, as exemplified by [tɾi] TRES in Val Anzasca, [ˈtila] TELA, [nif] NIVE, [ˈsiɾa]/[ˈhiɾa] SERA in Bergamasco and other regions in Lombardy (Ettmayer 1903, 13; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 340, 378, 1518), and [pis] PENSU in Val di Bona and [pliŋ] PLENU, [pil] PILU in Val Rendena (Battisti 1972, 32; Bonfadini 1989, 44). The falling diphthong may also have been subject to lowering dissimilation or has undergone a simplification process, the corresponding outcomes being [ɛj] in Piedmontese, Ligurian and Emilian ([ˈtejla], [ˈtɛjla] TELA), [aj] or oi (Bolognese [ˈtajla] TELA, [pajl] PILU, Val Anzasca [tɾɛj], [tɾaj], [tɾoj]/[tɾɔj] TRES), and [e] and also [ɛ] in Lombard and more eastern dialects (Gysling 1929, 131–132; Rohlfs 1966, 79; Coco 1970, 10–11). In checked syllables, the stressed vowel stays mid high or lowers to [ɛ], other outcomes being [ə], [a], [œ] and [ɔ], and opens into [ɛ] before /rC/ in Ligurianspeaking areas, where [e] is the regular realization (Azaretti 1977, 33). Due to the assimilatory action exerted by a following (alveolo)palatal consonant, /e/ has shifted to [i] in other lexical variants besides those mentioned for Tuscan in section 7.1 (see Table 20): Montagna Reggiana [siɲ] SIGNU (Malagoli 1954, 15); Parma [ĩmˈpiɲ] It. impegno from PIGNU (Gorra 1892, 373); Novellara [fɾiɲ] ✶ FERRINEU, [ˈtija] TILIA (Malagoli 1910, 72, 77); Fiorenzuola [titʃ] TECTU, [ˈsitʃa] It. secchia ✶SICLA < SITULA, [uˈɾitʃa] AURICULA (Casella 1922, 26); Castellinaldo [aˈvija] APICULA (Toppino 1902–1905, 521); Val di Bona [stɾit] STRICTU (Ettmayer 1902, 421); [ˈliɲa] LIGNA, [fɾitʃ] It. freddo FRIGIDU and generally before [ɲ] and [(d)ʒ]/[tʃ] in Bergamasco (Bernini 1987, 236). The outcome [i] may also be found before [w] (see section 7.4), and in metaphonic conditions, as exemplified by the following forms: [sic], [sik] It. secchi and [fɾic], [fɾitʃ] It. freddi in Alto Luganese; the doublets [pɔʃ] (sg.) / [piʃ] (pl.) PISCE in Val Anzasca and [det] (sg.) / [dit] (pl.) DIGITU and [per] (sg.) /[pir] (pl.) PILU in Valle Leventina (Sganzini 1925–1926, vol. 2, 109; Gysling 1929, 134; Keller 1943–1944, 36). Occasional instances of progressive raising assimilation involving the raising of /e/ to [i] should also be mentioned, such as Valsesia [pjaˈʒi] PLACERE and Bolognese [piv] PLEBE, where the change in question has been induced by the variant [pj] of the syllable-onset cluster /pl/ (Spoerri 1918, 8; Coco 1970, 15). In addition to yod in the examples for ei in open syllables mentioned above, other (alveolo)palatal consonants may have also caused preceding /i/

156

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

and /e/ to lower through a dissimilatory action. The high vowel /i/ may have shifted to [e] before different (alveolo)palatals in Loco in Valle Onsernone ([ˈveja] It. via, [veɲ] It. vino, [de ] It. dico; Salvioni 1886, 201) and Chironico in Val Leventina ([feɲ] It. fino, [res] It. riso; Sganzini 1925–1926, vol. 2, 114), and apparently only in words ending in [iɲ] in Prugiasco in Blenio ([veɲ] VINU, [saˈɾeɲ] SALINU as opposed to [viŋ], [saliŋ] in nearby localities; Buchmann 1924, 29). The mid vowel /e/, on the other hand, may lower to [ɛ] in Milanese, a dissimilatory change which, as referred to in section 7.3.4, has applied to [e] derived from /ɛ/ as well ([oˈɾɛd:ʒa] AURICULA, [vɛrˈmɛt:ʃ] BERMICULU, [lɛɲ] LIGNU, [stɾɛt:ʃ] STRICTU, [steˈmɛɲa] STAMINEA, [tɛj] TILIU; Salvioni 1884, 65). Also in Bergamasco, /e/ may undergo dissimilatory lowering when followed by [ɲ] and [(d)ʒ]/[tʃ] ([lɛɲ] LIGNU, [oˈɾɛdʒa] AURICULA, [tɛtʃ] TECTU; Ettmayer 1903, 82; Bernini 1987, 236), and analogous examples may be found for both /i/ and /e/ in Bolognese (/i/, [ˈveɲ:a] VINEA, [ˈpeɲ:a] PINEA; /e/, [maɾaˈvaja] MIRABILIA, [faˈmaja] FAMILIA; Gaudenzi 1889, 12; Coco 1970, 15). f

7.3.2 Mid high back vowel In Northern Italian, the mid high back vowel /o/ is realized regularly as [o] and [u] in open syllables presumably after having diphthongized into ou, a falling diphthong which is still available in E. Emilian (Bolognese [sɔwl] SOLU, Piedmontese [fjur], Emilian [fjor], [fjur], San Fratello [ˈʃawr] FLORE; Rohlfs 1966, 93–96). In checked syllables, the regular realizations of /o/ are [o], [ɔ]. Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, /o/ has undergone raising assimilation in cases such as [pyɲ] and [kyɲ] CUNEU in Valle Antrona, Valsesia and Voghera (Nicoli 1901, 216; Spoerri 1918, 11; Nicolet 1929, 23), [uj]/[yj] -ORIU and [ˈuɾa]/[ˈyɾa] -ORIA in Val Leventina ([darˈty(j)] DIRECTORIU, [tarˈtʃyɾa] TRACTORIA; Sganzini 1925–1926, vol. 2, 117), [nuz] NUCE and [ur] -ORIU in Bolognese (Coco 1970, 25), and [ˈujɾa] -ORIA in Ligurian ([manaˈvujɾa] ✶MANUATORIA; Azaretti 1977, 39). Mid high back vowel raising to [u] and [y] may also have been triggered by metaphony in words ending in /i/, as proven by lexical remnants available in the Alpine valleys (Val d’Ossola [sort]/[syrt] It. sordo/sordi) and Bolognese ([fjor]/[fjur] It. fiore/fiori) (Rohlfs 1966, 95). Two more outcomes of /o/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant should be mentioned, i.e., [ɔ] and [ø], which most clearly in the case of [ɔ] have originated through dissimilatory lowering. Regarding the outcome [ø], it may also be assumed that /o/ lowered to [ɔ] after which the mid low vowel underwent the successive changes uo > [ɥø] > [ø] (see section 7.3.5) though, in view of analogous

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

157

data from other Romance languages reported later in the book and summarized in section 12.1.4 (c), a direct regressive assimilation effect yielding [ø] without intermediate vowel diphthongization occurring mostly before the alveolopalatals [ʎ] and [ ɲ] should not be discarded. These vowel changes have taken place in a good number of lexical forms before [ɲ], as exemplified by [verˈgɔɲa] VERECUNDIA (Poschiavo; Michael 1905, 18), [ ʃiˈgøɲa] CICONIA, [køɲ] CUNEU (Blenio; Buchmann 1924, 34), [puˈdɔɲ] COTONEU (Castellinaldo; Toppino 1902–1905, 524), and [kɔɲ] CUNEU, [koˈdɔɲ] COTONEU and [verˈgɔɲɔ] VERECUNDIA (Val di Sole; Maturi 1963, 20, 47). As to the ending -ORIU/-ORIA, [ɔj] and [ø(j)] may also be found (Blenio [darˈtøjr] DIRECTORIU, Castellinaldo [ampˈsɔjɾa] MESSORIA, [saɾaˈmøɾa] SALMURIA). There seems to be no good reason for not attributing to a direct consonantal effect the replacement of /o/ by [ɔ] and [ø]/[e] before [ʎ] in words ending in -UCULU, as exemplified by the forms [pjɔtʃ ], [pjøtʃ ]/[ptʃøtʃ ], [pjetʃ], [pløʎ] and [pjøj] of PEDUCULU and [diˈnɔtʃ], [znɔtʃ], [ʒøˈnøc], [dʒiˈnetʃ ] and [dʒøˈnøʎ] of GENUCULU (Toppino 1902–1905, 524; Michael 1905, 18; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 162, 475; Malagoli 1934, 76; Keller 1943–1944, 48, 51; Camastral 1959, 135); according to an alternative explanatory proposal, this sound change would have been associated with a change in suffix, namely -ǓCLU > -ŎCLU (Rohlfs 1966, 89).

7.3.3 Low vowel The vowel /a/ assimilates frequently to a following (alveolo)palatal consonant or a later consonantal outcome in Ticinese and northern Lombard where, analogously to other Northern Italian dialects, it may be implemented as [æ], [ɛ] in open syllables (Rohlfs 1966, 39–44): Bormio and often Livigno [skɛɲ] SCAMNU, [dɛɲ] DAMNU, [glɛtʃ ] GLACIE, [bɾɛtʃ ] BRACCHIU, [lɛtʃ ] LACTE (Rohlfs 1940, 34; 1966, 35); Val Leventina [ˈpɛja] PACAT, [mɛj] MAGIS, [myˈɾɛtʃ ] MIRACULU, [ˈbɛzi] BASIO, [ˈɛjɾa] AREA, [fawˈɾej] FEBRUARIU (Sganzini 1925–1926, vol. 1, 197, 201–206); Veneto [ˈgɛbje], Romagnol [ˈgebja] CAVEA (Schürr 1918–1919, vol. 2, 132; Mafera 1958, 163). Low vowel raising is more widespread geographically before wordfinal [j] ([e], [ej] ✶AYO, [aˈse]/[aˈsɛ] It. assai, Alpine Lombard [pɾe] It. prati) and in the case of the suffix -ARIU/-ARIA, which is realized most often as [e(r)], [ɛ(r)] (masc.) and [ˈeɾa] (fem.) in Lombard, [e]/[ˈea] in Ligurian, [ɛr]/[ˈɛɾa], [ˈeɾa] in Emilia-Romagnol, and [ɛr]/[ˈɛɾa] in Venetian (Parodi 1902–1905, 108–109; Mafera 1958, 163). The raising of /a/ to mid front may also have been triggered by metaphony in words ending in the high front vowel /i/, whether still available or not, and sometimes in conjunction with the regressive assimilatory effect exerted by a postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant (Alpine Lombard [ɛɲ] It. anni, [gɾɛntʃ ] It. grandi; Rohlfs 1940, 34; 1966, 43).

158

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

The relative contribution of the prevocalic and postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonants to the raising of /a/ is worth paying attention to. There are places where the regressive effect prevails, such as in Valtellina, where examples of progressive assimilation are scarce ([ ɛ], [dʒɛ] IAM, [tʃɛ]/[tʃe] ECCE HAC; Merlo 1951, 1377) and in Val Leventina, where, alongside numerous instances of regressive assimilation, /a/ raising to e after an (alveolo)palatal occurs essentially when this consonant is a stop or when another (alveolo)palatal consonant follows ([cɛ] It. casa, [pjejʃ] It. piangere, and also [gɛt] CATTU, where [ ] has regressed to [g]; Sganzini 1925–1926, vol. 1, 206). In other dialect areas, the opposite relationship occurs, i.e., there are far more instances of progressive assimilation than of regressive assimilation: [ɛ] shows up after [ɲ], [tʃ dʒ], [ʃ ʒ] and [j] from any origin in Mesocco in Val Mesolcina, and after [ɲ], [c ], [tʃ dʒ], [ʃ ʒ] and [j] in Cevio, Cavergno and Val di Campo in Val Maggia (Salvioni 1886, 195; Camastral 1959, 110). Another interesting issue is the relative prominence of contextual (alveolo)palatals and coda alveolars in the implementation of the /a/ raising process. As expected, the effect of (alveolo)palatals may predominate upon that of alveolars due to the articulatory characteristics of the two consonant types, as in Livigno and Valtellina in the province of Sondrio in Lombardy, and to a large extent also in Val Leventina in the canton of Ticino where /a/ may shift to e not only before (alveolo)palatals but also before /rC lC/ ([ˈɛrbɾu] ARBORE, [ˈɛlba] ALBA; Sganzini 1925–1926, vol. 1, 200). Also in San Fratello, /a/ may shift to [ɛ] both before (alveolo)palatal consonants and before /rC lC sC/ ([fɛt:ʃ ] FACIE, [munˈtɛɲ:a] MONTANEA, [ˈpɛ a] PALEA, [ˈɛrbu] ARBORE, [ˈpɛʃta] PASTA; Foti 2015, LXII). Contrary to what one would initially expect, however, in Val Bregaglia /a/ raising takes place in open syllables and before preconsonantal [l s r] but quite seldom before (alveolo)palatals, i.e., only when the vowel is followed by [j] derived from -ARIU/-ARIA and by an (alveolo)palatal stop which may have regressed to a velar ([kalˈde(j)ɾa] CALDARIA, [ˈpega] PACAT, [lek] LACU; Stampa 1934, 41–55). An analogous scenario holds in Romagnol where for the most part /a/ raises to [e] in open syllables and before /rC lC/ (Schürr 1918–1919, vol. 2, 15–19; 1933, 219–220). f

f

f

f

7.3.4 Mid low front vowel 7.3.4.1 General developments It is commonly agreed that in Northern Italian, though it generally remained intact in closed syllables, the mid low front vowel /ɛ/ diphthongized into [je] in open syllables after which the diphthong could be simplified into [e] ([ˈmela] MEL, [pe] PEDE). The rising diphthong, which appears in Old Ligurian and Old

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

159

Venetian documents (Rohlfs 1966, 112, 117), may still be found in certain dialect areas: there is [jɛ] in San Fratello ([ˈfjɛɾa] FERA; Foti 2015, LXIV), [je] in Val Onsernone in Ticino ([aˈvjert] APERTU; Salvioni 1907b, 730) and Ferrarese, and [jɛ], [je] in Trentino and E. Veneto including Venetian ([mjɛl]/[mjel], [pjɛ]/[pje]; Mafera 1958, 145; Rohlfs 1966, 117–118). Forms with a non-canonical falling diphthong are also worth mentioning such as [ˈfíe̯vra] FEBRE, [ˈpie̯] PEDE in Romagna and also [ˈpie̯ ] in Veneto (Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 163, 697). The vowel may have stayed mid low in oxytones and/or in proparoxtytones (Montagna Reggiana, Fiorenzuola; Casella 1922, 20; Malagoli 1954, 13–14), as well as before the alveolar rhotic in geographical regions where [e] is the prevailing realization in open and checked syllables (Ligurian [ˈtɛɾa] TERRA, [ˈɛrba] HERBA, [feˈnestɾa] FENESTRA; Azaretti 1977, 32). A sound change of special interest for our purposes is ie > [i] in places as diverse as Val Anzasca in Ossola (Gysling 1929, 129–130), Albosaggia in Valtellina ([mil] MEL, [ˈtivɛt] TEPIDU; Merlo 1951, 1376), Blenio ([fir] FEL, [mir] MEL; Buchmann 1924, 28), Bergamasco ([ˈpɾida] PRAEDA, [ˈpigoɾa] PECORA; Ettmayer 1903, 18), the Genoese colony of the city of Bonifacio located in Corsica ([ˈnivu] NEPOS, [ˈfɾiva] FEBRE; Rohlfs 1966, 113), Emilia-Romagna ([ˈlivar] LEPORE, [tsil] CAELU, [pi] PEDE; Schürr 1918–1919, vol. 2, 21–22), and the easternmost region of N. Italy (Veneto [ˈtivio] TEPIDU, Istrioto [ˈtivedo], [ˈbispa] VESPA; Rohlfs 1966, 119). Regarding this high front vowel outcome here and before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in examples included in Table 22, there is the issue of whether the diphthong must have been initially rising or falling (i.e., [je] or [ˈie̯]) for the high front vowel to occur. Theoretically both possibilities may hold: the change [e] > [i] after [j] involves progressive assimilation ([je] > [ji]), which is strong evidence for the important role of the carryover coarticulatory effects associated with (alveolo)palatal segments at the production level; as to the non-canonical falling diphthong option, [i] would be achieved through deletion of a reduced realization of the second vocalic segment with or without progressive assimilation having taken place. The simplification of falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus appears to have operated in Bonifacio, where [i] may be traced back to íe rather than to [je] (Bottiglioni 1928), and in Romagnol, where falling diphthongs of that sort occur fairly often (Schürr 1918–1919 and see section 7.2). It has been claimed in this respect that [ˈie̯ ], [ˈiə̯ ] could have preceded [je] since this replacement is phonetically plausible, given that stress migration from the higher vocalic segment to the lower one involves a gain in sonority and perceptibility (Sánchez Miret 1998 and section 1.2.1.2). In support of this account, falling and rising variants of the same diphthong may coexist in the same dialect such that the former tend to occur in more prominent positions than the latter, i.e., at the end of tonal phrases and in oxytone words rather

160

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

than in the middle of phrases, in paroxytones and in weakly stressed words such as MEDIU and MELIUS (see also in this connection Quint 1998, 12 for the Vivaro-Alpine and E. Provençal dialects of Occitan, and Duraffour 1932, 61–65 for Romansh). As to N. Italy, according to data taken from Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940) both falling and rising diphthong realizations co-occur in Rovegno (Liguria) and in other places, their relative distribution apparently depending on those factors as well as the particular lexical item taken into consideration (see Table 22). 7.3.4.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants An important issue is the extent to which the diphthongization of /ɛ/ and later outcomes [e], [i] may be associated with following [j] or another (alveolo)palatal consonant, with the metaphonic action of a word-final high vowel (which can be /i/ and, less so, /u/) and/or with the open syllable condition. Indeed, as pointed out in section 7.2, we cannot always be sure that mid low vowel diphthongization has been triggered by a contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant since, whether the outcome is a diphthong or a mid front or high vowel, it often coincides with that found in open syllables and metaphonic environments. The summary presented in Rohlfs (1966, 121) reveals a considerable overlap of these three possible causes of /ɛ/ diphthongization in most Northern Italian dialects, which makes it hard to disentangle their relative contribution to the diphthongization process. As discussed next, basing themselves on data in the monographs listed at the beginning of section 7.2, scholars have applied different criteria to ascertain the motivating factors of the /ɛ/ end products depending on the dialectal scenario under consideration. In Alpine Lombard and Piedmontese dialects (Valle Anzasca, Valsesia, Valle Antrona, Livigno), scholars have regarded contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants and word-final /i/ and/or /u/ as operating independently of each other and of the open syllable condition, in spite of the fact that /ɛ/ has yielded the same outcome in all three cases (i.e., [e], which contrasts with the presence of [ɛ] in checked syllables) and also that a considerable number of words in which /ɛ/ occurs before an (alveolo)palatal consonant end in /u/. In dialects where metaphony is not at work several possibilities arise. It seldom occurs that the vowel outcome before (alveolo)palatals differs from that in open and/ or closed syllables and therefore that /ɛ/ diphthongization can clearly be attributed to the contextual factor. An exception appears to be Ormea which shows [ɛ] across syllable types and [e] before an (alveolo)palatal consonant alone ([pɛ] PEDE, [ˈnɛvu] NEPOS, [ˈfnɛstɾa] FENESTRA, [ˈletʃu] LECTU, [ˈveju] VECLU; Schädel 1903, 21; Parodi 1907, 96). In other dialect areas such as Poschiavo and Mesolcina and localities in W. Emilia and W. Lombardy (Nicoli 1901; Malagoli 1934),

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

161

the presence of [e] before (alveolo)palatal consonants (as opposed to [ɛ] in checked syllables) has been considered to be exclusively context-dependent in spite of the fact that there is also [e] in open syllables. On the other hand, whenever the vowel outcome before an (alveolo)palatal consonant coincides with that found in checked syllables, scholars have assumed that there has been essentially no context-specific effect. This criterion has been applied to data from Onsernone (where there is generally [je] in open and checked syllables and before (alveolo)palatal consonants), Blenio (with [e], [ɛ] in all three conditions) and Val Leventina, W. and E. Lombardy, W. Emilia and Bolognese (with [e] in open syllables, and [ɛ] in closed syllables and before most or several (alveolo)palatal consonants; Sganzini 1925–1926; Malagoli 1930; 1954; Heilmann 1961; Coco 1970; Sanga 1987). In this latter scenario, only words showing [e] before some (alveolo)palatals (and thus differing from the outcome [ɛ] before other (alveolo)palatals) have been regarded as being the end product of a contextdependent assimilatory action. One conclusion to be drawn from all these approaches is that the criterion for deciding whether contextual (alveolo)palatals play an active role in vowel diphthongization or not (and also whether vowels should appear in open or closed syllables when followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant) has often been based not on a coherent theoretical approach but on other factors such as the present-day phonetic realization of the stressed mid low vowel. The assumption held by a good number of scholars is that vowels occurred in checked syllables when they were situated before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, either because a yod segment was present in coda position, whether preposed to it or derived from vocalization of a syllable-final consonant (e.g., [jt] /kt/), or else because, as occurs in Tuscan today, the (alveolo)palatal consonants in question had a long duration (see section 1.2.1.1). Regarding the yod hypothesis, as pointed out in section 1.2.1.1, we believe that there is no real reason to postulate the presence of yod before syllable-initial (alveolo)palatals whether they be lateral, nasal or stops. The claim that vowels before (alveolo)palatals must have been in a closed syllable because these consonants were long rests on the assumption that the consonantal sequences which gave rise to (alveolo)palatals were heterosyllabic in Early Romance with the inclusion of /kl/ (OCULU) and etymological sequences made up of a labial or labiodental, an alveolar or a velar followed by /j/ (FOVEA, FOLIA, FACIA). The justification for advocating this principle of syllable affiliation seems rather weak in light of multiple N. Italy dialect scenarios in which the phonetic outcome of /ɛ/ before (alveolo)palatal consonants is [e] and this in no way differs from what is found in open, not checked, syllables. Moreover, the emergence of alveolopalatals out of sequences such as /lj nj/ (e.g., /nj/ > [ ɲ]) and /kl gl/ (e.g., /kl/>

162

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

[kʎ] > [ɣʎ] > [ʎ]) is considerably more plausible if we assume that the two consecutive coronal and dorsal consonants were tautosyllabic to begin with and underwent a gestural blending process, as exemplified by the realization [ɔˈɲən] for [ɔˈnjən] ‘onion’ in American English. In sum, it appears that (alveolo)palatal consonants may have caused mid low vowels to diphthongize (followed possibly by the simplification of the resulting diphthong into e, i) quite independently of syllable type, and that whenever /ɛ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant has yielded [ɛ] there may have been either no consonantal effect or a dissimilation operating on the previous end product [e]. Table 22 provides data on the phonetic outcomes of /ɛ/ before various (alveolo)palatal consonants in a subset of lexical items taken from Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940) and several monographs reporting phonetically transcribed material from the dialect regions of N. Italy. These data correspond to the prevailing phonetic variants in each dialect and are by no means exhaustive. The table has been subdivided into two parts: (a, b) mid front vowel realizations; and (c) diphthongs (whether rising or falling with a high vowel nucleus) and [i]. Data for Trentino appears only in part (c). The table does not include data for /ɛ/ before alveolar affricates or fricatives derived from /t(:)j/, as in ✶PETTIA and PRETIU, since, analogously to Tuscan Italian, in this case the mid low front vowel has remained unaffected by the contextual consonant. Three general observations based on the data presented in Table 22 may be made: (a) According to Table 22 (c), traces of the diphthong may be found in Ligurian, Alpine localities in Lombardy, Gallo-Italic colonies in Sicily, Ferrarese and Romagnol, and Venetan, Trentino and Istrioto. The diphthong may be falling, as revealed by examples from Rovegno, Isone, and Romagna and Veneto. Moreover, as shown by the examples in italics, it occurs not only in open syllables (see above) but also before (alveolo)palatal consonants in documentary sources from Old Ligurian, Old Romagnol and Old Venetian. These diphthongal sequences may have been simplified into a mid front vowel (see point (b) below) or into [i] (see (c)). (b) The forms presented in Table 22 (a, b) indicate that most lexical entries can have either [e] or [ɛ] in all dialect regions, the relative frequency of occurrence of each of the two vowels depending on region and lexical item. The most noticeable lexical exception to this tendency are the forms for DECEM, SEX and also for CERESIA, ECLESIA and MINISTERIU, whose outcome [e] occurs everywhere, with a few exceptions (there is often [ɛ] south of the Po in Piedmont) and has often been attributed to the placement of the stressed vowel in an open syllable. The reason why DECEM, ECLESIA and MINISTERIU do not exhibit forms with [ɛ], which

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

163

will be judged to be dissimilatory later on in this section, could be associated with the alveolar characteristic of the postvocalic consonant for DECEM (phonetic variants with [s]/[z] such as [des], [ˈdiɐ̯ ze]/[ˈdjeze] occur far more often than those with [ ʃ ]/[ʒ] such as [deʃ ], [ˈdiɐ̯ ʒe]; see Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, map 288), and with both the learned nature of the lexical item and the influence of Tuscan Italian in the case of ECLESIA and MINISTERIU. To those words we may add VENIO which shows [e] probably due to contextual [ɲ], and TEXERE (but not LEGERE) which typically has [ɛ], presumably in line with the failure of stressed vowels to diphthongize in Latin proparoxytones because of their short duration. Let us now provide details about the geographical distribution of the two mid front vowel realizations in other lexical items. In Piedmont, phonetic variants with [e] prevail north of the Po River (i.e., in the provinces of Verbano/Cusio/Ossola, Novara and Vercelli) and those with [ɛ] are common south of the Po (in Torino, Asti, Alessandria and Cuneo). This areal difference in mid front vowel quality applies essentially to all words in the table including DECEM, SEX, CERESIA and ECLESIA, and also LECTU, which exhibits [ɛ] before [t] mostly in the south ([lɛt]) and [e] before [c] and [tʃ ] in the north ([lec], [letʃ]). Other lexical items show an exceptional behaviour, such as the Latin proparoxytone LEGERE, which is generally produced with [ɛ] but also occurs with [e] in the north of the region, as well as other words which may exhibit both realizations in specific areas (e.g., VECLU and PECTINE in Valle Antrona; Nicolet 1929, 22). In Liguria, on the other hand, the outcome [ɛ] is more common in the central and eastern areas (Genova, La Spezia) than in the west (Imperia, Savona); thus, Borgomaro (Imperia) has [e] in essentially all words under consideration except for [ˈmɛju] MELIUS. Regarding Lombardy, forms with [e] prevail at the expense of those with [ɛ] in Ticinese and, less so, in Sondrio. Instances of a double pronunciation have been reported to occur for VECLU and SPECULU in Valtellina (Merlo 1951, 1390) and for VECLA in Blenio (Buchmann 1924, 77). In the western Lombard plain (Como, Lecco, Varese, Monza, Milano, Pavia), the frequency of occurrence of both vowel qualities is high for essentially all lexical items of interest, though a clear tendency may be observed for [e] to be favoured over [ɛ] in the Pavia region and in several localities outside this area such as Introbio (Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, point 234), and for PEIUS and LEGERE to be realized only with [e]. In eastern Lombardy (Bergamo, Brescia, Cremona, Mantua), on the other hand, lexical variants with [ɛ] clearly predominate for essentially all words subjected to analysis except for the ones referred to above (DECEM, SEX, CERESIA, ECLESIA) and for localities such as Cremona, Pescarolo and Bagolino which have [e] without exception or almost exclusively according to Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940, points 249, 284, 285).

164

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

Moving to Emilia-Romagna, the western area (Piacenza, Parma, Reggio Emilia, Modena) favours [e] to a larger extent than eastern Emilia (Bologna) and Romagna (Ravenna, Forlí, Rímini), where [ɛ] is practically the only option available. This areal difference does not occur, however, in the case of all words: while it exists for PEIUS and LEGERE and to a lesser degree for MEDIU and PECTINE, it does not for SPECULU, VECLU and LECTU (which exhibit [ɛ] in all regions) or MELIUS (with generally both vowel realizations present all throughout). Finally, with the exception of specific regions which have [e] to a greater or lesser extent (Verona and Treviso, Val di Ledro), Veneto and Trentino show essentially [ɛ] for SPECULU, MEDIU, LECTU and PECTINE and, less so, for VECLU (mostly in Trentino) and PEIUS (mostly in Veneto), and [e] and [ɛ] for MELIUS and LEGERE. Based on the dialect data reported so far, several comments on the geographical distribution of [e] and [ɛ] as a function of lexical item and the specific contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant involved are in order. It appears that /ɛ/ diphthongized into [je] and the diphthong was later simplified into [e] (i.e., the prevailing outcome in the Alpine Piedmontese and Lombard domains), after which a dissimilatory process [e] > [ɛ] operated mostly before obstruents involving considerable tongue-to-palate contact, that is, [c] and [ ] and their outcomes [(j)t]/[tʃ ] and [dʒ], as revealed by the forms for VECLU, SPECULU, LECTU, PECTU and PECTINE mostly in the Lombard plains, Emilia-Romagna and Veneto and Trentino. This dissimilatory action has not occurred or has taken place to a lesser extent before the alveolopalatal lateral [ʎ] (nowadays realized as [j]) and the alveolopalatal nasal [ ɲ] in the case of MELIUS and VENIO, the voiced affricate and fricative outcomes [(d)z], [(d)ʒ] of [ ] (PEIUS, LEGERE), and [ ʃ ]/[s] and [ʒ]/[z] (SEX, CERESIA, ECLESIA). A hint of evidence in support of the replacement of [e] by [ɛ] before (alveolo)palatals in N. Italy may be found in W. Lombardy (Pavese) where /ɛ/ has yielded [e] in open syllables and [ɛ] in closed ones, and mostly [e] instead of the more innovative outcome [ɛ] before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, the mid low front vowel realization being available in Milanese and eastern Lombard (Nicoli 1901; Heilmann 1961). Data for the Milanese dialect reported at the end of the 19th century by Salvioni (1884) indicate indeed that a change [e] (/ɛ/) > [ɛ] must have operated before (alveolo)palatals in a good number of words before it did so in other environments in open syllables. The co-occurrence of the outcomes [e] and [ɛ] of /ɛ/ in this consonantal context in certain words at the beginning of the 20th century supports the notion of an ongoing change [e] > [ɛ] in the Brescia region as well: [mes], [mets]/[mɛs], [mɛʃ ] MEDIU, [pes], [peʃ]/[pɛs], [pɛʃ ] PEIUS, [pet]/[pɛt] PECTU, [vetʃ]/[vɛtʃ] VECLU (Ettmayer 1902, 491–496; Battisti 1913, 12; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 54, 125, 1660). Another area of interest is Biellese where the replacement of [e] derived from /ɛ/ by [ɛ] (and of [o] derived from /ɔ/ f

f

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

165

by [ɔ]) has been reported to occur primarily before an (alveolo)palatal consonant and is claimed to be a sign of innovation (Sobrero 1974, 120–121). As pointed out above, this complex scenario involving the co-occurrence of the two mid front vowel realizations in the (alveolo)palatal context condition also holds to a greater or lesser extent in W. Emilian, Veneto and Trentino. As to the coexistence of the two realizations [e] and [ɛ] (and not just [e]) for /ɛ/ in open syllables independently of consonantal context in the Torino, Piacenza, Milano and Brescia areas, relevant data may be found for MEL, FEL and FEBRE in Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940, maps 140, 697, 1159), and also for FEL, CAELU, LEPORE, PETRA and FEBRE in Ettmayer (1902, 485–491). According to the latter source, /ɛ/ was exclusively realized as [e] in the Brescia region about one hundred years ago. (c) As revealed by Table 22 (c), the oucome ie of /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant has shifted to [i] to a small degree and often in Bonifacio, Alpine areas, Bologna and Romagna, Rovigno and Dignano in Istria, and Aidone in Sicily. This change, which may also take place in open syllables, has operated on rising diphthongs as well as on non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high front vowel nucleus, as in Bonifacio (Bottiglioni 1928). It has also occurred in metaphonic environments yielding [i], [e]: Anzasca [bil] (masc.) / [ˈbɛla] (fem.) BELLU, [jir] HERI (Gysling 1929, 129–130); Mesolcina [veˈdel] (masc.) / [veˈdɛla] (fem.) VITELLU (Camastral 1959, 125); Romagnol [pe] (sg.) / [pi] (pl.) PEDE, [marˈtɛl] (sg.) / [marˈti] (pl.) MARTELLU (Rohlfs 1966, 116).

7.3.5 Mid low back vowel 7.3.5.1 General developments In Northern Italian, /ɔ/ is often implemented as [ø] in open syllables, and also before (alveolo)palatal consonants and in metaphonic environments, while remaining unmodified in checked syllables. Data for NOVU and NOVEM reveal the presence of the outcome [ø] in open syllables in Piedmont (south of the Po), Liguria, Lombardy, Emilia-Romagna and Trentino (Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 288, 1579). The mid front rounded vowel realization emerged from the diphthong uo presumably through the pathway [ɔ] > [wo] > [ɥo] > [ɥø] > [ø]. As also shown for the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition in Table 23 (c), the diphthong in question is available in the Gallo-Italic colonies in Sicily ([wɔ] in San Fratello; Foti 2015, LXV–LXVI), in Old Romagnol and Old Venetian and, as described next, in the present-day eastern dialects of N. Italy. Instances of rising and non-canonical falling diphthongs in open syllables may be found in E. Emilia,

166

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

Romagna, Veneto and Istria (Bottiglioni 1919, 14–15; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 137, 798, 1132, 1579, 1601): Cesenatico [ˈnuɐ̯ f] NOVU; Meldola [ˈnɔɐ̯ f]; Baura [ˈswoɾa] SOROR, [kwor] COR; Imola [ˈrwɔda] ROTA, [wɔf] OVU; Ravenna, Cavarzere [ˈnwɔɾa]/[ˈnwoɾa] ✶NORA, [ˈswɔɾa]; Grado, Istria [kwɔr]. The diphthong uo may simplify into [u] whether in metaphonic cases (16th c. examples huorti, urti taken from Ruzzante) or otherwise (Minerbio [nuf] NOVU, [kur] COR; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940; Rohlfs 1966, 144). As also exemplified in Table 23 (c), the phonetic development [ɔ] > [wo] > [ɥo] > [ɥø] > [ø] referred to above is supported by the occurrence of forms with [jo] in open syllables and before (alveolo)palatals in Bonifacio (Ligurian): [bjo] ✶ BOVE, [ˈskjoɾa] SCHOLA, [ˈkjoʃa] COXA, as well as [ˈɲoti] < njoti NOCTE and [ˈʎolu] < l-jolu OLEU where the palatalization of the prevocalic alveolar by the following palatal glide has resulted in the simplification of the rising diphthong into [o] (Bottiglioni 1928, 41–42). In Venetian, the sequence io occurs essentially in open syllables in both old textual sources and contemporary usage, side by side with the prevalent realization o ([ˈnjɔɾa]/[ˈnjoɾa] ✶NORA, [niˈsjɔl] LINTEOLU; Mafera 1958, 148; Rohlfs 1966, 146); based on documentary evidence from this dialect domain, it has been suggested that the prevocalic consonant, i.e., a preceding labial or labiodental or a coronal, may have favoured the presence of either uo or io, respectively (Baglioni, 2016). In Ferrarese (E. Emilian), on the other hand, the diphthong uo has persisted mostly after a velar and perhaps after a labial as well ([kwor] COR, and see some relevant examples before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Table 23 (c); Schürr 1951, 387; Rohlfs 1966, 146). The articulatory motivation for the maintenance of [w] after velars and labials and for its change into [j] after coronals is in many ways analogous to the presence vs. absence of [w] after those same consonants in Occitan rising diphthongs generated from /ɔ/ (see section 6.6 for a summary). Another development of the type [wo] > [we] > [ɥe] > [ɥø] > [ø], which is more in line with that described for Occitan in chapter 6, has been advocated for Val Bregaglia (Stampa 1934, 75). 7.3.5.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants We now address the two issues of whether /ɔ/ diphthongization may be associated with contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants, and whether /ɔ/ behaves the same before all (alveolo)palatals or not. First, there is the interaction between the effect of contextual (alveolo)palatals and the effect of syllable type (open, checked). There are scholars who regard the former factor as having acted independently of the latter, both in dialect regions in which [ø] occurs in metaphonic environments and before (alveolo)palatal consonants (Val Mesolcina, Livigno), and in other dialect domains largely

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

167

devoid of metaphony in which [ø] occurs in open syllables and before (alveolo)palatal consonants and [ɔ] occurs in checked syllables (Poschiavo, Fiorenzuola). However, the most common view is that, whether /ɔ/ has yielded a specific outcome before (alveolo)palatal consonants or not, there has been an effect from these consonants on vowels in checked syllables either because those consonants had a yod preposed to them or were long at some stage in the phonetic derivation (e.g., FOLIA, OCULU, SOMNIU, PODIU, TROIA, IOVIA, NOCTE, COXA), but not if the contextual (alveolo)palatals in question came from a syllable-initial front velar stop (e.g., VOCITU, COCERE/COCIT, SOCERU). This reasoning has been applied to metaphonic dialects in which /ɔ/ is implemented as [ø] or [ɔ] depending on the word-final vowel and as [ø] before an (alveolo)palatal consonant (Piedmontese valleys, Blenio), and to non-metaphonic dialects with either [ø] in open syllabes, mostly [ø] but also [ɔ] before an (alveolo)palatal consonant and [ɔ] in checked syllables (Bergamasco, Voghera, Piacenza, Trentino) or else [ø] in all three conditions (Val Leventina, Val Onsernone). As also pointed out for /ɛ/ in section 7.3.4, the fact of the matter is that in N. Italy (alveolo)palatal consonants have triggered changes in /ɔ/ which are highly specific to this contextual condition both in metaphonic dialects (where [ø] may occur before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in words ending in a non-high vowel) and in non-metaphonic ones (where [ø] may be found only before (alveolo)palatal consonants in checked syllables). The data presented in Table 23 enable us to investigate dialect-dependent differences in /ɔ/ realization as a function of the place, manner and voicing characteristics of the following (alveolo)palatal consonant. For all dialect areas, Table 23 (a, b) provides lexical variants with [ɔ] and [o], and variants with [ø] and also with the delabialized end product [e], which is particularly frequent in the Alpine valleys of Lombardy and Piedmont (Valle Antrona, Malesco, Val Leventina, Blenio, Vergeletto, Val Mesolcina). Forms with [œ] and [ɛ] also exist. Table 23 (c), on the other hand, reports diphthongal and high vowel realizations (data for Trentino are only shown in this table). The table does not include lexical items with the Latin sequence /tj/ such as ✶NOPTIAE and FORTIA, which are produced with an alveolar affricate or fricative and, analogously to Tuscan Italian, have not been subject to vowel diphthongization. Analogously to the situation for /ɛ/, data from the table reveal an unstable scenario which, as discussed next, appears to be determined by geographical, contextual and lexical factors. In Piedmont and the Alpine Lombard valleys (Ticino, Sondrio), the outcome [ø] of /ɔ/ prevails before an (alveolo)palatal consonant independently of syllable position and whether word-final vowels are metaphonic or not, which is indicative that (alveolo)palatals have played an active role in vowel diphthongization in this region. In Piedmont, the presence of [ø] (also [œ]) is highly systematic before (alveolo)palatals to the south of the Po river but not to its north and thus in

168

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

the Verbano/Cusio/Ossola, Novara and Vercelli provinces where OCULU, SOMNIU, HODIE, VOCITU and COCTU have a mid front rounded vowel, TROIA, COCERE, COXA, NOCTE and OCTO have [ɔ] (though [o] to some extent as well), and FOLIA, IOVIA and TOXICU exhibit the two vowel options. In the absence of contextual (alveolo)palatals and metaphonic vowels, Piedmont shows an analogous geographical distribution of vowel realizations in open syllables ([ø], [ɔ]), and [ɔ] in checked syllables everywhere. As to the Lombard plains where metaphony does not play a major role, there is [ø] in open syllables and before (alveolo)palatals for the most part, and [ɔ] and less so [ø] in closed syllables (Heilmann 1961; Rohlfs 1966, 142). Moreover, a decrease in the frequency of occurrence of [ø] before (alveolo)palatal consonants may be observed as we proceed from N. to W. Lombard and from W. to E. Lombard. Thus, COCTU, TOXICU and NOCTE have [ø] and [ɔ] in the north and only or mostly [ɔ] (also [o] for NOCTE) in the west and east except for Pavia; also in the case of SOMNIU, we find [ø] in the north and [ɔ], [o] elsewhere; FOLIA, on the other hand, has [ø], [e] in Ticinese, the front and back rounded vowel realizations in Sondrio and W. Lombard, and [ɔ] exclusively in E. Lombard. IOVIA and COXA conform to a similar pattern: there is [ø] for IOVIA in N. and W. Lombard rather than in E. Lombard, and COXA has [ø], [œ] in Pavia, [o] in Milanese and [ɔ] in E. Lombard. Other words show essentially no areal differences in Lombardy: OCULU, HODIE and VOCITU have only [ø] (though there may be a back rounded vowel in Cremona and Mantua), OCTO has [ɔ] absolutely everywhere, and COCERE may alternate the front and back rounded vowel realizations. Data for TROIA and CORIU are scarce or unavailable. Liguria exhibits essentially [ø] (also [œ]) for /ɔ/ in open syllables and before an (alveolo)palatal consonant. In a western area centred around Pigna and Triora, /ɔ/ has yielded [ø] only in this consonantal environment and in words with a word-final high vowel, while there has been no /ɔ/ diphthongization before (alveolo)palatals in the easternmost Cinqueterre region which lies close to Tuscany (Forner 1988, 462, 465). The availability of [ø] decreases as we proceed towards the easternmost dialect regions of N. Italy, namely, Emilia-Romagna, Veneto and Trentino. In Emilia, there is mostly [ø] towards the west and [o] in the east across conditions, while Bolognese and Romagnol, which appear to have had a diphthong and also [u] in conditioning environments in the past and still have some traces of those realizations nowadays (Ferrarese, Imolese), show most often a mid back vowel in open and closed syllables and before (alveolo)palatal consonants (see Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940). Those lexical items which have had a postvocalic (alveolo)palatal at some stage of their phonetic derivation do not exhibit a homogeneous behaviour. Some have essentially a back rounded vowel: there is [ɔ] everywhere for NOCTE and OCTO, and [ɔ] in E. Emilia and Romagna and [o] in

169

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

Piacenza and Fiorenzuola in the case of COXA. Other words are produced with [ø] in W. Emilian and a mid back rounded vowel in E. Emilia and Romagna. This is clearly the case for FOLIA, HODIE, COCERE and VOCITU and to a lesser extent also true for OCULU, SOMNIU, COCTU and TOXICU, which are produced with [ø], [œ] only in the westernmost Piacenza province; the four former words may have [o], [u] or a diphthong in E. Emilia and Romagna, and the four latter have [ɔ] in these regions and also in Parma, Reggio Emilia and Modena. The scant data for TROIA and IOVIA reveal a similar pattern, with the vowel [ɔ] being available in the eastern domain. In Veneto, while, as shown by Table 23 (c), the eastern area may still show traces of a diphthong (io, uo) coexisting with [o] (Venetian) or [ɔ] (Trevigiano), there is essentially a mid back vowel realization in the west and also in the central part of the region, where [o] prevails (Mafera 1958, 147–149; Zamboni 1974, 40; 1979, 33–34). The fact that in Romagnol and Venetan diphthongs are not exclusively available before (alveolo)palatals (see section 7.3.5.1) suggests that these consonants may have played no role in the diphthongization of /ɔ/. Finally, Trentino has [ø] and [ɔ] in conditions similar to those seen in E. Lombard: the mid front rounded vowel is available in the case of FOLIA, HODIE, COCERE and VOCITU and, to a lesser extent, for OCULU and IOVIA, while TOXICU, NOCTE, OCTO and COCTU have only [ɔ] and the word for TROIA is [ˈrɔja], as in the Venetan dialect (data for SOMNIU, COXA and CORIU are unavailable). In the Gallo-Italic dialects of Sicily the rising diphthong occurs both in open syllables and before an (alveolo)palatal consonant (see above and Table 23, respectively). Several context-dependent patterns are apparent in the dialect data just described. Points (a) and (b) examine respectively those consonantal contexts in which the outcome of /ɔ/ has been essentially a mid front rounded vowel or else often [ɔ] instead of [ø]. (a) The mid front rounded vowel realization, mostly [ø] (and the corresponding delabialized variant e as well), appears to have been favoured by voiced (alveolo)-palatals derived from /lj kl/ (FOLIA, OCULU) and from the outcome [ ] of /dj/ (HODIE), /ke ki/ (COCERE) and labial + /j/ (IOVIA). Thus, HODIE and OCULU have [ø] throughout Piedmont, Lombardy and Liguria, while there is [ø] for HODIE rather than for OCULU in W. Emilia and Trentino. Regarding FOLIA, [ø] is available in Piedmont (in the southern area and partly in the northern as well), in Lombardy (in the north and west but not in the east), in Liguria and W. Emilia, and coexisting with [o], [ɔ] in Trentino. A tendency for the mid back labial vowel to be favoured in FOLIA rather than in OCULU not only in N. Lombardy (Valtellina [ˈfoʎa], [ˈfɔa], [ˈfø(j)a] vs. [øʎ], [øtʃ ]/[œtʃ ], Livigno [ˈfoja] vs. [øʎ]; Merlo 1951) but also in Ladin (see section 8.2.4), may be associated with the carryover lip closing effect exerted f

170

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

by the preceding labiodental consonant on the stressed vowel. To these words we may add COCERE (realized with [ʒ], [z] in N. Italy) and IOVIA (produced with [bj], [dʒ]), which show mostly [ø] in S. Piedmont, Lombardy, Liguria, W. Emilia and Trentino. In some lexical items in which /ɔ/ is followed by a voiced (alveolo)palatal consonant, the presence of a mid front rounded vowel realization is subject to some limitations which are not strictly phonetic in nature. The /ɔ/ of SOMNIU is implemented as a mid front rounded vowel in most areas where this word has not been replaced by SOMNU and is realized therefore with [ ɲ] instead of with [n], namely N. Piedmont and Lombardy, C. Liguria and the province of Piacenza, as opposed to S. Piedmont and the remainder of Lombardy, where [ɔ] is mostly available before the alveolopalatal nasal (Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, map 643). On the other hand, TROIA ([j], [ʒ]) is realized with [œ], [ø] in S. Piedmont, Liguria and the Piacenza region ([ˈtɾœja] and similar variants) and with [ɔ] in N. Piedmont and localities in E. Emilia and Romagna ([ˈtɾɔja]), other dialect domains having alternative forms such as [ˈrɔja], [pɔrka] and [ˈluja] (Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, map 1090). (b) A mid back rounded vowel outcome (mostly [ɔ]) often occurs instead of [ø] before the Latin sequence /kt/ which has yielded [c], [(j)t] or [tʃ] through a palatalization process (Piedmont, Lombardy, Liguria, W. Emilia) or else [t] perhaps through regressive assimilation and thus the pathway /kt/ > [tt] > [t] (E. Emilia, Romagna, Veneto and most of Trentino). This is the case for OCTO and NOCTE which show [ɔ] exclusively in the entire dialect area of interest with a few exceptions, to wit, [ø] and [ɔ] in most of Ticino (NOCTE) and [ø], [œ] in S. Piedmont and Liguria (OCTO, NOCTE). A similar scenario is available for the present-day forms for COCTU, which exhibit [ɔ] in N. Piedmont, Emilia-Romagna and Veneto-Trentino and to a large extent W./E. Lombard, and mostly a mid front rounded vowel in S. Piedmont, N. Lombard, W./C. Liguria and Piacenza. There must be a reason why OCTO is more prone to remain undiphthongized than all the other words such as the fact that it is often placed in proclitic position before a noun, which should cause /ɔ/ to become relatively short and unstressed. On the other hand, VOCITU differs from OCTO, NOCTE and COCTU in that it has [ø] instead of a mid low back rounded vowel throughout Piedmont, Liguria, Lombardy, W. Emilia and Trentino, most probably since the sequence [jt] has remained intact and the dental stop has not been palatalized ([vøj(t)]). The sequence /ks/, which has yielded the voiceless front lingual fricatives [ ʃ ] and [s] presumably through an intermediate stage [sj] or [jʃ ] (though, just as for /kt/, a phonetic development /ks/> [ss] > [s] cannot be completely ruled out), appears to have also favoured [ɔ] over [ø] in the case of TOXICU and COXA.

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

171

Thus, COXA has [ø], [œ] in S. Piedmont and Liguria, and essentially [ɔ] in N. Piedmont, E./W. Lombardy and Emilia-Romagna (this word is absent from many dialect areas; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, map 161), while TOXICU shows [ø] and less so [œ] in C. and W. Liguria and, only to some degree, in Piedmont, Piacenza, Pavia and Ticino, and [ɔ] in the remaining dialect regions including Trentino. How can we account for the prevalence of [ø] in some words and its coexistence with [ɔ] in other lexical items depending on geographical domain? It is quite clear that at least in part of the territory under investigation the more prestigious back rounded realization has replaced [ø] in a subset of words in modern times. Indeed, according to W. Emilian data from the end of the 19th century and beginning of the 20th, [ø] occurred in the countryside and [ɔ] in urban Piacenza (Gorra 1890, 139) and Fiorenzuola (Casella 1922, 26). Likewise, a gradual replacement of [ø] by [ɔ] appears to have taken place at that time and more recently in the Pavia and Milano regions (Salvioni 1884, 72–74; Merlo 1960–1961, 12; Heilmann 1961; Sanga 1984, 149). The co-occurrence during the 20th century of [ø] and [ɔ] in words such as FOLIA, OCULU and/or IOVIA in localities of Val di Sole, Val Rendena, Val di Sarca and Val di Cembra suggests that the front rounded vowel has been replaced gradually by its back rounded cognate in this region too (see Ettmayer 1902, 615–620; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, map 332); nowadays, in Val di Sole there are practically no traces of the mid front rounded vowel outcome of /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant (Maturi 1963, 19). Moreover, a comparison of the dialectal scenarios for /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ reveals the existence of important differences depending on the dialect region taken into consideration. On the one hand, the two vowels tend to be implemented as [ɛ] and [ɔ] at the expense of [e] and [ø] in most eastern regions of N. Italy, namely E. Emilia, Romagna, C. and E. Veneto (W. Veneto has both [e] and [ɛ] for /ɛ/) and also E. Liguria. The other vowel pair, [e] and [ø], occurs in the more conservative N. Lombardy and W. Liguria areas (C. Liguria has [ø] but also [e], [ɛ]). Other regions like the Lombard plains, W. Emilia and Trentino allow for all four vowel qualities [e]/[ɛ] and [ø]/[ɔ] and thus exhibit an intermediate situation. The scenario in Piedmont is somewhat special, given that we find [e], [ɔ] in the northern part of the region and [ɛ], [ø] in the southern part. Another major issue is whether the mid front and mid back rounded realizations of /ɔ/ before different (alveolo)palatal consonants in those words referred to in points (a) and (b) above conform to any consistent contextual pattern. The answer is clearly affirmative and in agreement with the outcomes [ɛ] and [e] of /ɛ/ (section 7.3.4). Indeed, as stated in point (b), [ø] appears to have shifted to [ɔ], not [o], most often before the voiceless stop [c] derived from /kt/ and its end products [tʃ], [(j)t], which are not prone to allow labialization and therefore to a

172

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

great extent resist the lip rounding characteristic; consequently, a vowel articulation which involves a front lingual constriction with simultaneous lip rounding such as [ø] is not likely to occur in the immediacy of these consonants. This articulatory constraint could also explain why [ø] may have been replaced by a mid front unrounded vowel before consonants derived from /kt/ but not before other consonants, as in Priocca in Cuneo where [ø] has remained in [ˈføja] FOLIA, [ˈkøʃa] COXA but has shifted to e in [netʃ], NOCTE, [ɛt] OCTO (Toppino 1902–1905, 525). On the other hand, the voiced (alveolo)palatal sonorants (lateral, nasal, approximant) and stops, as well as the voiced palatoalveolar affricates and fricatives, appear to better tolerate lip rounding in front vowels; in other words, [ø] may be found before [ʎ] and its outcomes [j], [dʒ] (OCULU, FOLIA), [ɲ] (SOMNIU) and several consonants derived from [ ], namely, [j] (VOCITU, HODIE), [ʒ], [z] (COCERE) and [dʒ] (IOVIA). Finally, the voiceless lingual fricatives [ʃ] and [s] derived from /ks/ (COXA, TOXICU) behave somewhat ambiguously while being quite compatible with lip rounding in the preceding vowel [ø] presumably since they may be articulated with some lip rounding themselves. In sum, consonants whose production involves a high degree of palatality and thus much laminoalveolar and dorsopalatal contact have been shown to favour the more open realizations [ɔ] over [ø] (/ɔ/) and [ɛ] over [e] (/ɛ/). The reason for this concomitant tendency appears to be partly different for the two etymological vowels, with dissimilatory lowering required for /ɛ/ ([e] > [ɛ]) and avoidance of labiality or co-occurrence of labiality with tongue constriction fronting, and perhaps dissimilatory lowering as well, required for /ɔ/ ([ø] > [ɔ]). On the other hand, voiced sonorants and obstruents appear to favour [e] and [ø], respectively, unless this effect is counteracted by a progressive lip closing effect exerted by a prevocalic labial or labiodental consonant on the stressed vowel (as in the case of FOLIA in Valtellina and Livigno; see point (a) above). Another possible explanation for why we find [ɔ] and/or [ø] depending on contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant and lexical item may be sought at the outset of the /ɔ/ diphthongization process and thus before uo shifted to [ø]. Maiden (1988, 26) has suggested that the fact that /ɔ/ diphthongization occurred before the most metaphonic environment (which he takes to be the yod environment) earlier in time than it operated before other (alveolo)palatal consonants could account precisely for why the mid back rounded vowel may have failed to diphthongize before /kt/ and /ks/. While this hypothesis appears to be well founded for certain contextual sequences (see the data for CORIU, ✶MORIO and VOCITU described above), it remains unclear why diphthongization also took place before [ʎ], [ɲ] and onset (alveolo)palatal stops which may never have had an on-glide. This being said, it is certainly feasible to suppose, along the lines of Maiden’s interpretation, that the assimilatory strength of contextual (alveolo)palatals on preceding /ɔ/ (to which we f

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

173

may add /ɛ/) may not have been the same among consonants of different place, manner and voicing characteristics at the time when mid low vowels diphthongized before (alveolo)palatal consonants. A final note may be added in this respect. If Maiden’s hypothesis holds true, given the dialect data available for the last 150 years, we would need to postulate two apparently incompatible sound change processes occurring at different times in history: a historically earlier /ɔ/ diphthongization before certain (alveolo)palatals rather than others, and a more recent reversal [ø] > [ɔ] before essentially the same (alveolo)palatals which hindered /ɔ/ diphthongization from applying in the more remote past. The situation is rendered more complex by the fact that, as discussed at length above, words and geographical areas differ regarding the present-day vowel realization, such that, for example, Ticinese has [ɔ] in OCTO and [ø] in NOCTE, and both words have [ø] in Ligurian. Another topic of interest is the presence of [o] instead of the more widespread outcomes [ø] or [ɔ] of /ɔ/. The available data (mostly taken from Jaberg/ Jud 1928–1940) show that [o] occurs most often in lexical items with no postvocalic obstruent realization derived from /kt ks/ and, in particular, in the case of FOLIA, HODIE, COCERE, IOVIA and VOCITU across dialects. Regarding FOLIA and VOCITU, the mid high back vowel realization appears to have a contextual motivation, namely the joint closing effect of the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant and the prevocalic labial or labiodental acting either at the time that /ɔ/ was diphthongized or when the outcome [ø] of the diphthongization process regressed to o at a much later period of time. In the Bologna-Romagna and Veneto-Belluno areas, on the other hand, [o] occurs especially frequently, not only in those words but also in open syllables (Rohlfs 1966, 144–147). As shown in Table 23 (c), unlike what we see in Catalan and Occitan, instances in Northern Italian of /ɔ/ raising to [u], [y] before an (alveolo)palatal consonant (or of off-glide deletion in non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus) are scarce. In Corio (Piedmont), there is [ˈkuzər] COCERE and [ˈpjubja] ✶PLOVIA in addition to [ˈfuja] FOLIA (Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 369, 562, 952). The replacement of [ø] by [y] may occur in N. Piedmont and N. Lombard preferentially in words in which the stressed vowel is followed by [j], as exemplified by [tɾyʃ] TROIA, [myʃ] MODIU, [iŋˈkyj] HANC HODIE and [pyj] It. poi POST in Val Leventina and after /l/ deletion in words ending in -EOLI such as [kajˈɾyj] ✶CARREOLI in Valle Anzasca (Sganzini 1925–1926, vol. 2, 119, 122; Gysling 1929, 137). In Romagnol, the diphthong uo may have been simplified into [u], as exemplified by [iŋˈku] HODIE, [ˈkuʒar] COCERE and the Old Romagnol forms uuja VOLEAT, ancu HODIE (Schürr 1918–1919, vol. 1, 75, 138, vol. 2, 147, 175–176). Instances of [u] of the same provenance may also be found in Bolognese, Veneto and Istria, as well as in Aidone in Sicily where the raising process has taken place before an (alveolo)palatal











mez

vec, vetʃ, vej ˈvenu, veɲ

mets petʃ, peʃ lez ˈle(d)ʒa, ˈleze ˈdeze, deʃ/s seʃ/s ˈteʃ/si lec, letʃ

ˈvedʒu, ˈveju

ˈveɲu

inˈʒeɲu

ˈmezu

ˈpedʒu, ˈpe(d)zu

ledz

ˈle(d)ze

ˈdeʒe

ˈseʒe, sej

ˈteʃe

ˈlejtu, ˈletʃu

VECLU

VENIO

INGENIU

MEDIU

PEIUS

LEGIT

LEGERE

DECEM

SEX

TEXERE

LECTU

inˈʒeɲ

ʃpec, s/ʃpetʃ

ˈspedʒu

lec, letʃ

ˈtesar

ʃeʃ, sejʃ, se(j)s

de(j)ʃ, de(j)s

ledʒ/tʃ, le(j)ʃ

ledʒ/tʃ, leʃ

pej, pedʒ/tʃ, pes, peʃ

mets, mes

ˈveɲi

veʎ, vetʃ

s/ʃpetʃ

let

se(s)

ˈdeʒi, deʃ/s, dez

ˈlezar

lez

ˈped:ʒo, pez

ˈveɲ:o, veɲ

vetʃ

mej

SPECULU

meʎ, mej

mej

ˈmeju

Emilia-Romagna

MELIUS

Lombardy

Piedmont

Liguria

(a)

ˈlezar

ˈleze

ˈveɲo

ˈvetʃo

ˈspetʃo

Veneto

Table 22: Phonetic outcomes of /ɛ/ diphthongization before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Northern Italian. (a) Variants with mid high vowels. (b) Variants mid low vowels. (c) Variants with diphthongs and high vowels, the latter marked in boldface. The numbering in the leftmost column corresponds to the following modern and earlier consonant realizations, the latter being enclosed within parentheses when available: (1) [ʎ], [j], [dʒ] ([ʎ]); (2) [ɲ]; (3) [(d)ʒ], [(d)z], [j] ([ɟ]); (4) [(d)ʒ], labial + [j] (labial + /j/); (5) [s], [ʃ] ([jʃ]); (6) [c], [(j)t], [tʃ] ([jt]); (7) [z], [ʒ] ([zj]); (8) [(j)ɾ] ([ɾj]). Old dialectal forms appear in italics (those from Emilia-Romagna correspond to Old Romagnol and those from Veneto, Istria and Trentino to Old Venetian).

174 7 Tuscan and Northern Italian





pec, petʃ ˈpetʃu, ˈpetʃaɲ (t)ʃiˈɾeza ˈdʒeʒ/za, ˈɟeʒa ˈfeɾa mesˈte

ˈpetu

ˈpetene, ˈpente

ˈseʒa, tʃiˈɾeʒa

ˈdʒeʒa

ˈfe(ɾ)a, ˈfejɾa

mɛ/esˈte

PECTU

PECTINE

CERESIA

ECLESIA

FERIA

MINISTERIU

mesˈte(r)

ˈfeɾa

ˈ(d)ʒeza, ˈtʃeʒ/za

ʃɛ/iˈɾeza, tʃiˈɾeʒa

ˈpec/tan, ˈpetʃan

pec, petʃ

mesˈteɾe, me/isˈter

ˈfeɾa

ˈtʃeʒ/za

sˈɾeza, tʃiˈɾeʒa

ˈpetan

pet

(continued)

ˈtʃeza

saˈɾeza

ˈpetene

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

175









 spɛtʃ vɛtʃ ˈvɛnu

ˈʃpɛʎu, ˈspɛdʒu

ˈvɛʎu, ˈvɛdʒu, ˈvɛtʃu

ˈvɛɲu

SPECULU

VECLU

lɛdʒ/tʃ, lɛz ˈlɛ(d)ʒa, ˈlɛze

ˈlɛz(e)

ˈlɛze

LEGIT

LEGERE

ˈpɛtʃan, ˈpɛtan

lɛt, lɛtʃ

ˈlɛ(j)tu

ˈpɛtu

ˈpɛtene

LECTU

PECTU

PECTINE

ˈpɛtʃu, ˈpɛtʃiɲ

pɛtʃ, pɛt

ˈtɛʃ/sa, ˈtɛsi

ˈtɛʃe

TEXERE

lɛtʃ, lɛt

sɛs

sɛj ˈtɛsar

lɛʃ, ˈlɛzɛr

lɛʃ/s

pɛs, pɛʃ

mɛts, mɛs, mɛʃ

inˈgɛɲ

ˈvɛɲi

vɛtʃ

spɛtʃ

mɛj

Lombardy

SEX

dɛs

pɛ(t)s

ˈpɛ(d)zu

PEIUS

DECEM

mɛts

ˈmɛ(d)zu, ˈmɛdʒu

MEDIU

INGENIU

VENIO

mɛj

Piedmont

ˈmɛju, ˈmɛdʒu

Liguria

MELIUS

(b)

Table 22 (continued)

ˈpɛtan, ˈpɛtne

pɛt

lɛt

ˈtɛsar,ˈtɛzre

ˈlɛzar

lɛz

pɛs

ˈmɛd:zo, mɛdz

vɛɲ

vɛtʃ, ˈvɛt:ʃo

spɛtʃ

mɛj

Emilia-Romagna

ˈpɛtene

ˈpɛto

ˈlɛto

ˈlɛzar

ˈlɛze

ˈpɛz/ðo

ˈmɛz/ðo

ˈvɛɲo

ˈvɛtʃo

ˈspɛtʃo

ˈmɛjo, ˈmɛdʒo

Veneto

176 7 Tuscan and Northern Italian





MINISTERIU

FERIA

ECLESIA

CERESIA

ˈfɛa

ˈsɛʒa

ˈfɛɾa, ˈfɛɾja

ˈdʒɛzja

tʃiˈɾɛʒa

(continued) 7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

177







viegia ˈvjedʒa (Rovegno) ˈvjedʒu (Zerba)

VECLU,

miezo ˈmiə̯θ (Pejo, Val di Sole)

piezo

mjets (Onsernone) iˈmits (Olivone) pjẽnʃ (Vergeletto) piez pidz (Bolognese)

pis (Galliate)

piezo ˈpiɐ̯zu, ˈpjezu (Rovegno) ˈpizu (Bonifacio)

PEIUS

viegio, vieglo

mits (Anzasca)

vjeɲ (Onsernone)

vjetʃ (Onsernone, Vergeletto)

spiecchio ˈspiɐ̯sjo (Rovigno)

ʃpjetʃ (Onsernone) spjetʃ (Vergeletto)

Veneto, Istria, Trentino miegio, migio

ĩnˈʒiɲ (Parma)

Emilia-Romagna

mjej (Onsernone)

Lombardy

miezo ˈmjedzu (Zerba) ˈmiɐ̯dzu (Rovegno) ˈmizu (Bonifacio)

ˈvidʒu (Galliate)

mij (Anzasca)

Piedmont

MEDIU

INGENIU

TENEO

VENIO

tiegno

spiegio ˈspidʒu (Bonifacio)

SPECULU

VECLA

miegio ˈmjeʎu (Rovegno) ˈmjeju (Zerba) ˈmidʒu (Bonifacio)

Liguria

MELIUS

(c)

Table 22 (continued)

pjɛ/ej (S. Fratello)

tjɛɲ (S. Fratello)

ˈvjeɲu (Sperlinga) vjɛɲ (S. Fratello)

ˈvjeɟa (Nicosia)

ˈmjeɟo (Nicosia)

Gallo-Italic colonies

178 7 Tuscan and Northern Italian





PECTU

(part.)

LECTUM

LECTU

pieto ˈpjetu (Rovegno) ˈpitu (Bonifacio)

ˈljetu (Rovegno, Zerba) ˈlitu (Bonifacio)

ˈtjeʃe (Rovegno)

TEXIT

TEXERE,

pjetʃ (Onsernone) pitʃ (Olivone)

ljetʃ (Onsernone) litʃ (Olivone)

ˈtjeʃar (Ferrarese)

ˈsiɐ̯ (Romagnol) ˈʃiɐ̯, ʃiˈe (Ferrarese) ʃi, si (Bolognese, Romagnol)

djes (Onsernone) dies dis (Poschiavo) ˈdiə̯s (Romagnol) ˈdie̯ʒ, ˈdiɐ̯ʃ (Ferrarese) diʃ/z (Bolognese, Romagnol)

ˈdjeʒe (Rovegno) ˈdiɐ̯tʃi (Castelnuovo di Magra)

sjes (Onsernone) sis (Poschiavo)

ljeʃ (Onsernone, Vergeletto)

ˈlie̯dze (Rovegno) ˈlizi (Bonifacio)

sjej (Rovegno)

ˈliɐ̯ʃ (Isone)

ˈlie̯ (Rovegno)

SEX

DECEM

LEGERE

LEGIT

ɖjɛt (S. Fratello) ɖɖit (Aidone)

ˈtjeʃu (Sperlinga)

sjej (S. Fratello) sij (Aidone)

(continued)

pieto pjɛ/et (S. Fratello) ˈpito (Rovigno, Dignano) pit (Aidone)

ˈlito (Rovigno)

ˈlie̯to (Rovigno)

ties

sie ˈsie̯, sje, sjɛj (Veneto) ˈsie̯ (Valsugana)

ˈdiɐ̯/ɛ̯ze, ˈdjeze (Veneto) ˈdjeʒu (Sperlinga) ˈdiə̯s, djes (Pejo, Val di ˈdie̯ʃ (S. Fratello) Sole) diʃ (Aidone) ˈdiɐ̯ze (Valsugana) ˈdizɛ (Rovigno, Dignano)

ˈɖɖjejo (Nicosia) ˈɖjejəɾə (S. Fratello) ˈɖɖidzəɾə (Aidone)

ˈɖjejə (S. Fratello)

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

179





MINISTERIU

FERIA

MANUARIA

MATERIA

ECLESIA

CERESIA

PECTINE

(c)

ˈdʒiʒa (Anzasca)

ˈdʒjeʒa (Rovegno) ˈdʒiʒa (Bonifacio)

ˈfjeɾa (Ossola)

tʃiˈɾiʒa (Anzasca)

Piedmont

tʃɛˈɾjeʒa (Rovegno)

ˈpiɐ̯tɐne (Rovegno) ˈpitəni (Bonifacio)

Liguria

Table 22 (continued)

meʃˈtje (Onsernone) meʃˈtiɐ̯ (Isone) misˈti (Blenio)

ˈdʒiza (Blenio)

mstier msˈtir (Bolognese)

ˈfjeɾa (Baura) ˈfiɾa (Romagnol)

maˈniɾa (Romagnol)

ˈtʃiɐ̯zɐ (Ferrarese) ˈtʃiʒ/za (Bolognese, Romagnol)

mesˈtjɛ/er (Veneto)

ˈfjɛ/eɾa (Veneto)

matieria

ˈkjeza, ˈtʃjeza (Veneto) ˈdʒiə̯ʒja (Pejo) ˈtʃiza (Dignano)

saˈɾjɛza (Veneto)

sˈɾiɐ̯ʒi, sˈɾiʒa (Romagnol) sˈtɾiɐ̯zɐ (Ferrarese) tsˈɾiza (Bolognese)

ʃaˈɾjeza (Vergeletto) ʃiˈɾiza (Blenio) saˈɾiʒa (Branzi)

Veneto, Istria, Trentino ˈpjetano (Rovigno)

Emilia-Romagna

ˈpjetʃen (Onsernone) ˈpjetʃɐn (Vergeletto)

Lombardy

məsˈtjeru (Sperlinga)

ˈfjɛ/eɾa (S. Fratello) ˈfiɾa (Aidone)

ˈkɾjeʒja (S. Fratello) ˈkɾiʒja (Aidone)

ˈpjentʃanu (Sperlinga) ˈpjɛ/etʃu (S. Fratello) ˈpitʃanə (Aidone)

Gallo-Italic colonies

180 7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

søɲ, seɲ

ˈsøɲu

ˈtøzgu ˈkøʃa

ˈkøʃa, ˈkɛʃa

COXA

ˈdʒøbja, ˈʒebia

ˈzœ/ødʒa

ˈtøʃegu, ˈtøʃu

ˈsøʒar

ˈsøʒ(ɾ)u, ˈʃøʒeɾu

SOCERU

TOXICU

ˈkøʒe/i

ˈkœ/øʒe

COCERE



i/aŋˈkø(j), anˈcej

aŋˈkœ/ø(j)

HODIE

IOVIA

pø

ˈtɾøja

ˈpœ/øzu

ˈtɾœ/øja

PODIU

TROGIU

✶

TROIA

BISONIA

✶

BISONIU,

✶

ˈbzøɲ(a), ˈbzeɲa

œ/øj, ø/etʃ, ˈɛɟ:u

ˈøʎu,ˈœ/ødʒu, ˈɛʎu

OCULU

b(e)ˈzøɲa

ˈvøja

ˈvødʒa

VOLEAT

SOMNIU

ˈføja, ˈfe(j)a

ˈføʎ/ja,ˈfœ/ødʒa, ˈfœja, ˈfɛʎa

Piedmont

FOLIA

Liguria









(a)

ˈkøʃa

ˈtøsi(k)

ˈ(d)ʒøbja, ˈɟøbja, ˈʒebje

ˈsø/eʃɾu, ˈsøzɾu, ˈsøzar, sø(j)r

køs, ˈkøʒar

iŋˈkø/e(j), aŋˈkø/ej

pøʒ

tɾøjʃ, tɾejʃ

ˈtɾøja

biˈzøɲ(a), biˈzeɲ, ˈbøɲa

søɲ, seɲ

øʎ, øtʃ, œtʃ, etʃ

ˈvøʎ/ja, ˈve(j)a

ˈføʎ/ja, ˈføa, ˈfeʎ/ja, ˈfea

Lombardy

ˈkøʃ/sa

ˈtœzegu, ˈtøzge

ˈʒøbja

ˈkøʒar

iŋˈkœ/ø

pøz

ˈtɾøja

ˈbzœ/øɲa

ˈsøɲ(u)

øj, øtʃ

ˈvøja

ˈføʎ/ja, ˈfœja

Emilia-Romagna

(continued)

Veneto

Table 23: Phonetic outcomes of /ɔ/ diphthongization before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Northern Italian. (a) Variants with mid front vowels. (b) Variants with mid back vowels. (c) Variants with diphthongs and high vowels, the latter marked in boldface. Regarding the numbering in the leftmost column and other details, see the caption for Table 22.

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

181





kœt, køtʃ, cetʃ

ˈkœ/øtʃu, ˈkœ/øtu, ˈkœ/ɛjtu

COCTU

MORIO

✶

ˈmøɾu

vœ/øj(t)

ˈvœ/øju, ˈvødu

VOCITU

ˈkøjɾu, ˈkœ/øju, ˈkɛjɾu

œ/øt, ɛt

ˈøtʃu, ˈœ/øtu, ˈɛjtu

OCTO

CORIU

nœ/øtʃ, netʃ

Piedmont

ˈnø(j)te, ˈnøtʃe, ˈnɛjte

Liguria

NOCTE

(a)

Table 23 (continued)

ˈmøɾ(i), mer

kø(j)r, cøjr, kejr

køc, køtʃ, ketʃ

vø(j)t, vøj, ve(j)t, øt

øc, øtʃ

nøc, nøtʃ, netʃ

Lombardy

mør

køt

vøt, vet

nøt, nøtʃ

Emilia-Romagna

Veneto

182 7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

BISONIA

BISONIU,

TROGIU



nɔt, nɔtʃ (v)ɔt

(v)ɔ/ot

OCTO

ˈkɔʃa

ˈkɔʃ/sa nɔc, nɔ/otʃ

ˈtɔse/ak

ˈtɔsi

NOCTE

COXA

TOXICU



(v)ɔt

nɔ/ot, ˈnɔta, nɔtʃ

ˈkɔʃ/sa

ˈtɔs/ʒek

ˈdzobja, ˈzɔbja, ˈdʒoba, ˈzoba

ˈzɔbja

ˈdʒɔ/obja

IOVIA

ˈsozer

ˈkoʒɾe, ˈkoʒar

iŋˈko

ˈtɾɔja

b(i)ˈzɔɲa, biˈzoɲa

ˈsɔze/ar

ˈkɔza

iŋˈko

ˈtɾɔja

biˈzoɲa, bøˈzoɲ

sɔɲ

ˈvɔja,ˈvoja

ˈvɔja ɔc, ɔtʃ, otʃ

ˈfɔja, ˈfoja

Emilia-Romagna

ˈfɔja, ˈfoja

Lombardy

SOCERU

ˈtɾɔja

ˈbzɔ/oɲa

sɔɲ

ˈfɔja

Piedmont

ˈkɔʒa(r), ˈkɔ/oʒi, ˈkɔ/oza

ˈtɔsegu, ˈtoʃu

ˈtɾɔdʒa

biˈzɔ/oɲa

ˈsɔɲu

ˈɔtʃu

ˈfɔdʒa

Liguria

COCERE

HODIE

PODIU

✶

TROIA

✶

✶

SOMNIU

OCULU

VOLEAT

FOLIA









(b)

(continued)

ˈɔto

ˈnɔte

ˈtɔsego

ˈz/dɔbja,ˈzɔba

ˈkozar

aŋˈko

biˈzoɲa

ɔ/otʃo

ˈvɔja

ˈfɔ(j)a, ˈfoja

Veneto

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

183



✶

MORIO

CORIU

COCTU

VOCITU

(b)

Table 23 (continued)

ˈkɔtu

Liguria

mɔr

kɔtʃ

vɔ/oj

Piedmont

kɔt, kɔtʃ

Lombardy

mor

ˈkɔto

ˈvɔ/odo

ˈvodo, vo(j)t kɔt, kɔtʃ

Veneto

Emilia-Romagna

184 7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

TROIA



tɾaˈmyʒœ (Val Leventina)

tɾyʃ (Val Leventina)

ytʃ (Olivone)

Lombardy

TRIMODIA

ˈtɾyva (Corneliano d’Alba)

ˈfuja (Corio)

Piedmont

myʃ (Val Leventina)

ˈsjonu (Bonifacio)

ˈkjodʒi (Bonifacio)

ˈfjodʒa (Bonifacio)

Liguria

MODIU

PODIU

TROGIU

✶

SOMNIU

OCULU

COLLIGERE

VOLEAT

VOLEO,

FOLIA





(c)

pudz (Bolognese)

uoi, uoja, uuja

Emilia-Romagna

uoglo, huolio, h(u)ogio

vuogia

fuogia

Veneto, Istria, Trentino

(continued)

ˈtɾwoja (Sperlinga) ˈtɾuja (Aidone)

wɔdʒ (S. Fratello) udʒ (Aidone)

ˈkwoʎə (Trecchina)

ˈvwoʎu (Trecchina)

ˈfwɔɟa (S. Fratello) ˈfuɟa (Aidone)

Gallo-Italic colonies

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

185

IOVIA

COXA





SOCERU

COCERE

COCIT

HODIE

(c) iŋˈkyj (Val Leventina)

iŋˈkyj (Ceppomorelli) iŋˈky (Galliate)

ˈkwoʃa, ˈkuɐ̯s (Ferrarese)

ˈkjoʃa (Bonifacio)

ˈkwoʒar, ˈkuɐ̯ʒɐr (Ferrarese), ˈkuʒar (Bolognese, Romagnol)

kuts (Bolognese)

ancuo, ancu iŋˈkwo, iŋˈkuɐ̯ (Ferrarese) iŋˈku (Bolognese, Romagnol)

Emilia-Romagna

ˈzuba (Romagnol)

kiws (Val Leventina)

Lombardy

Piedmont

ˈdʒodʒa (Bonifacio)

ˈkjoʒi (Bonifacio)

Liguria

Table 23 (continued)

ˈkwosa (Cavarzere)

zuobia ˈzjɔba (San Stino di Livenza) ˈzujba (Dignano), ˈdʒu/ybja (Val Bona)

ancuo aŋˈkwɔ, aŋˈkuo̯ (Veneto) aŋˈkuj (Dignano, Rovigno)

Veneto, Istria, Trentino

ˈkwoʃa (S. Fratello, Sperlinga)

ˈswɔdʒər (S. Fratello)

ˈkwɔʒər (S. Fratello) ˈkuʒiɾi (Aidone)

ˈwoji (Sperlinga) uj (Aidone)

Gallo-Italic colonies

186 7 Tuscan and Northern Italian



COCTU

VOCITU

OCTO

NOCTE

TOXICU

vɥejt (Isone) (v)yt (Brescia)

ˈvuɐ̯t (Ferrarese) vud/t (Bolognese) vu(j)t (Romagnol)

ˈkjotu (Bonifacio)

ˈudo (Veneto, Rovigno) ˈvudjo (Dignano)

kwɔ/ot (S. Fratello) kujt (Aidone)

ˈwojto (Nicosia), wɔ/ot (S. Fratello) ujt (Aidone)

ˈjotu (Bonifacio)

(v)weç (Antronapiana) vyj (Ceppomorelli, Galliate)

ˈnwojto (Nicosia) nwɔ/ot (S.Fratello)

ˈɲoti (Bonifacio)

ˈtuse/igo (Dignano, Rovigno)

7.3 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

187

188

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

consonant and in open syllables ([uj] HODIE, [ujt] OCTO, [kur] COR but [wɔm] HOMO; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 137, 181, 287; Rohfs 1966, 147). Regarding the possible insertion of prothetic consonants before the diphthongized outcomes of /ɔ/, Table 23 shows the form [vɔt] OCTO with a prothetic labiodental before the back labial vowel but no analogous variants for OCULU. In view of the lack of vowel diphthongization for OCTO in Northern Italian, there is no need to assume that consonantal prothesis took place before [w] and thus while /ɔ/ was implemented as uo.

7.4 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants In contrast with Occitan, there is no direct evidence in Northern Italian of the involvement of contextual velar stops and the labiovelar glide in mid low vowel diphthongization. Changes in the stressed vowel of FOCU, IOCU and LOCU have generally been attributed to metaphony associated with final /u/ (e.g., [føk], [fek] in Blenio, Val Leventina, Val Mesolcina, Val Bregaglia and Valle Anzasca in northern Lombardy and Piedmont). In Val Leventina, the outcome [ø] of the metaphonic process may shift to [y] and later to [i] ([føj(k)], [fiw] FOCU, [løj(k)], [liw] LOCU; Sganzini 1925–1926, vol. 2, 119). On the other hand, a change [wo] > [u] may have taken place in Romagnol (Old Romagnol fuogh, luogh, zuogh, present-day Romagnol [fok], [fuk] FOCU, [zok], [zuk] IOCU; Schürr 1918–1919, vol. 1, 80, vol. 2, 190). The presence of [ø] in OVU has also been attributed to metaphony, as exemplified by the forms [øw] OVU in Val Leventina and Valle Anzasca, and also [øf], [ef] in Val Mesolcina and [øjf] in Val Bregaglia where [bøjf] BOVE also occurs (Stampa 1934, 76). Moreover, the stressed vowel of the sequence [øw] may have been delabialized into [e] and raised to [i]; thus, there is [øw], [ew] and [iw] OVU in Val Leventina depending on locality, which parallel [iŋˈkøj], [iŋˈkyj] HANC HODIE (Sganzini 1925–1926, vol. 2, 118 and section 7.3.5.2). In Mesocco, [ow] derived from -OLU has also yielded [ew] and [iw] apparently through the undocumented diphthong [øw] ([pajˈɾew], [pajˈɾiw] It. pai(u)olo ✶PARIOLU; Camastral 1959, 132). Mid vowel closing before the off-glide [w] has also taken place in lexical forms with /e/ (Castellinaldo [ˈtivula] TEGULA and [ˈsivuɾa] SETULA with epenthetic [v]; Toppino 1902–1905, 520) and also with /ɛ/ apparently after vowel raising to [e] has taken place (Valle Anzasca [gɾiw] ✶GREVE, [ˈfiwɾa] FEBRE; Gysling 1929, 130).

7.5 Summary and discussion

189

7.5 Summary and discussion In contrast with Tuscan Italian, in Northern Italian /e/ and /o/ diphthongized in open syllables after which the resulting falling diphthongs were simplified into a mid vowel or raised to a high vowel ([ej] > e, i; [ow] > o, u), could raise to a high vowel in metaphonic environments (/e/> [i]; /o/> [u y]), and lowered or became centralized in checked syllables (/o/ > [ɔ]; /e/ > [ɛ], [ə], [a], [ɔ]). Before (alveolo)palatal consonants (and in addition to the diphthongal cases with postvocalic yod just reviewed), mid high vowels have raised to a high vowel more often than in Tuscan, namely, /e/ before primitive [ʎ], [ɲ] and palatoalveolar affricates, and /o/ before [ɲ] and [jɾ] (< /ɾj/). Moreover, the two vowels may have undergone the same change before [w] in falling diphthongs. The opposite process, dissimilatory lowering, has operated on /e/ and /i/ in front of several (alveolo)palatals: the outcome [ej] of /e/ in open syllables may have shifted to [ɛj], [aj], [ɔj], and in other environments /e/ may have lowered to [ɛ], [a] (Milanese, Bergamasco, Bolognese) and /i/ to [e] (northern Lombard valleys, Bolognese). The lowering of /o/ to [ɔ] may have taken place before [ʎ], [ɲ] and [jɾ], after which the mid low back vowel outcome may have shifted to mid front rounded through an intermediate diphthong, or else [ø] has emerged from [o] through direct regressive assimilation ([verˈgɔɲɔ] VERECUNDIA, [ʃiˈgøɲa] CICONIA). While the low vowel does not assimilate to a following (alveolo)palatal consonant in Tuscan, it may do so in Northern Italian, where it is typically implemented as [ɛ] or [æ] in open syllables. Throughout N. Italy low vowel raising occurs before [j] in the case of the ending -ARIU. In Alpine Lombard, the raising of /a/ into [ɛ] and less so into [e] has operated before this and other (alveolo)palatals and at the progressive level as well (also as a function of a word-final high vowel), and the relative strength of the two assimilatory directions varies depending on dialect area. Low vowel raising may also have occurred before /rC lC/, and in Val Bregaglia and Romagnol the contribution of alveolars to the raising process exceeds that of (alveolo)palatals. Both /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have shifted to [je] and [wo] in open syllables in Tuscan and Northern Italian while staying mid low in checked syllables as a general rule. In Northern Italian, whether implemented as rising diphthongs or as noncanonical falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus, ie and uo have generally been simplified into [e] (ie) and [ø] (uo), the latter change proceeding through the pathway [ɔ] > [wo] > [ɥo] > [ɥø] > [ø] (> e). Traces of these diphthongs may still be found in Ligurian, the Alpine regions, Romagnol, Venetan and San Fratello in Sicily. The same sound changes could operate before (alveolo)palatal consonants and in metaphonic environments. Several arguments supporting the claim that mid low vowel diphthongization has been triggered

190

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

by contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants may be adduced: the outcomes [e] of /ɛ/ and [ø] of /ɔ/ are generally found before a contextual (alveolo)palatal in words ending in a non-high vowel in dialects endowed with a metaphonic system; these two phonetic outcomes often differ from those occurring in checked syllables (i.e., typically [ɛ] and [ɔ]) even when the (alveolo)palatal consonant occupies the coda position and thus occurs in the same syllable as the stressed vowel; the vowel realization before an (alveolo)palatal consonant may differ from that occurring in open and checked syllables ([e] vs. [ɛ] in Ormea, [ø] vs. [ɔ] in Pigna and Triora in Liguria). There has not been a contextual effect on /ɛ/ before /(t)tj/ and perhaps the front velar in DECEM possibly since the postvocalic consonant was originally an alveolar in these cases, and the absence of forms with [ø] for /ɔ/ (and to a large extent forms with [e] for /ɛ/) in E. Emilia, Romagna and Veneto suggests that (alveolo)palatal consonants have not been involved as mid low vowel diphthongization triggers here. The geographical distribution of the mid low vowel outcomes in the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition is also of interest. Regarding /ɛ/, [e] predominates in Alpine Piedmontese and Lombard and in W. Emilia, whereas [ɛ] prevails in S. Piedmont, E. Lombardy, most of Liguria, E. Emilia and Romagna, and VenetoTrentino. As to /ɔ/, there is essentially [ø] in Alpine Piedmontese and Lombard (where [ø] > [e] may also occur), most of Liguria and W. Emilia, a mid back vowel realization in E. Emilia-Romagna and Veneto, and both vowel outcomes in the remaining areas of Piedmont and Lombardy and to a large extent in Trentino. This areal distribution is consistent with two phonetic replacements which have occurred more or less recently: [e] > [ɛ], the former realization being maintained in isolated areas and the latter gaining ground in the Lombard plains; and [ø] > [ɔ], as acknowledged by available reports about the contemporary situation in Lombardy and W. Emilia. Moreover, lexical data reveal that these two sound changes are more prone to take place before (alveolo)palatal consonants specified for a high degree of palatality and thus highly constrained articulatorily, i.e., voiceless obstruents mostly if stops and affricates derived from /kt/ (also from /kl/), than before the lesser constrained voiced sonorants, including yod, and voiced front lingual fricatives and affricates. An alternative possibility is that, at least in part of the dialect domain of interest, the mid low vowels /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ diphthongized before those less constrained consonants (and yielded [e] and [ø] in the long run) while remaining largely unmodified before the more constrained consonants, perhaps because they were too close articulatorily. Moreover, it may be that OCTO, COCTU and NOCTE have [ɔ] exclusively in E. Emilia, Romagna, Veneto and Trentino because the consonantal outcome of /kt/ was never (alveolo)palatal here. A comparison of the treatment of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before contextual (alveolo)palatals in Northern Italian and Old Spanish is enlightening here. The story for

7.5 Summary and discussion

191

Spanish appears to also be related to the degree of articulatory constraint for the contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant, the difference with respect to the Northern Italian scenario being that, in contrast with less constrained consonants (such as [ʎ] and [ ɲ]), those which were more constricted and articulated further back including highly constricted productions of yod prevented mid low vowels from diphthongizing since they induced too much assimilatory vowel closing. In Northern Italian, on the other hand, the effect of highly constrained (alveolo)palatals has been dissimilatory, and thus has caused the vowel to lower while also, in the case of /ɔ/, aiming to avoid the presence of front labial vowel realizations. We will come back to this issue in chapter 12. The prevocalic consonant has determined the phonetic outcomes of /ɔ/ in specific cases: velars and labials have favoured the maintenance of [wo] (Ferrarese); coronals have triggered the delabialization and fronting of uo into io (Veneto); and labials and labiodentals may have favoured [o] over [ø] (e.g., FOLIA vs. OCULU in Alpine Lombard) and also over [ɔ]. Moreover, a prothetic labiodental has been inserted before a back labial vowel in OCTO (i.e., [vɔt]). Instances of mid low vowel raising should now be mentioned. On the one hand, in Tuscan, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have raised to [e] and [o] before [ ɲ], and /ɛ/ to [e] before [tʃ ] and [jɾ]. On the other hand, rising diphthongs or falling diphthongs with a high vocalic nucleus issued from those mid low vowels may have given rise to high vowels, which, in the case of sequences with the palatal on-glide, appears to be in accordance with the prominence of the carryover effects associated with the tongue dorsum raising and fronting gesture for (alveolo)palatal consonants. Thus, the changes ie (/ɛ/) > [i] and uo (/ɔ/) > [u] may have operated in open syllables and before an (alveolo)palatal consonant (Northern Italian [tsil] CAELU, [diʃ ] DECEM, [ ʃi] SEX, mi for It. miei, [kur] COR, [iŋˈku] HANC HODIE, Tuscan Dio, mio), and possibly before a word-final high vowel as well (Valle Anzasca [bil] BELLU). On the other hand, the vowel outcome [ø] of uo may have been replaced by [y] when followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant ([tɾyʃ ] TROIA), and [e] derived from /ɛ/ may have raised to [i] in falling diphthongs with a back rounded off-glide (Val Leventina [iw] OVU, Valle Anzasca [ˈfiwɾa] FEBRE). Analogously to section 6.6 on Occitan, this section closes with some reflections on the phonetic motivation for /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal consonants. Some evidence in support of the hypothesis that rising diphthongs emerged from non-canonical falling diphthongs may be found in the existence of mid vowel realizations featuring a schwa- or [ɐ]-like off-glide in areas of N. Italy (Romagna, Veneto, Lombard valleys). Data summarized in section 7.2 show that the emergence of those falling diphthongs through off-glide insertion was most likely to occur in VC sequences with salient vowel transitions and thus consonants produced with some predorsum lowering and some degree

192

7 Tuscan and Northern Italian

of tongue body backing, mostly [r l w] but also dental stops and alveolar fricatives. Differences in the duration of the vowel transitions and in overall vowel duration as well could help to explain why vowel diphthongization was more likely to occur before voiced sonorants and obstruents than before voiceless obstruents. The off-glide insertion hypothesis is also consistent with the occurrence of one or the other diphthong type, that is, the rising diphthong or the noncanonical falling diphthong, depending on position within the phrase and word and on lexical item. The formation of rising diphthongs out of mid low vowels before (alveolo)palatal or palatoalveolar consonants can be accounted for through the insertion not of an [j]-like off-glide at vowel offset but rather of off-glides which are lower or more centralized than the vowel nucleus, and indeed this specific instance of off-glide insertion was reported to occur in VC sequences with [ʃ], [ʒ] in section 7.2. As argued in section 6.6, off-glide insertion may be rendered possible by a dissimilatory or articulatory relaxation mechanism, which appears to be consistent with the high frequency of occurrence of dissimilatory lowering processes operating on mid vowels followed by (alveolo)palatal consonants in Northern Italian.

8 Ladin 8.1 Preliminaries Ladin and Romansh parallel Northern Italian in that the corresponding phonetic outcomes of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ may have been influenced by syllable type (open, checked), the contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant and the word-final vowel. Before dealing with the stressed vowel data for Ladin and Romansh in this chapter and in chapter 9 respectively, we need to refer to another RhaetoRomance dialect, Friulian. Friulian, a Rhaeto-Romance dialect spoken eastwards of the Ladin and Venetan dialect domains, has not been included in the present investigation since its stressed vowels have not undergone substantial changes when followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. In Friulian (Francescato 1966, 130–143, 195–200), /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ diphthongized into ie and ue (< uo) in both open and closed syllables largely independently of context. Central Friulian has [jɛ] and [wɛ], and [ja] and [wa] before /rC/ ([sjɛt] SEPTEM, [pjɛl] PELLE, [ˈmwɛle] MOLA, [fwart] FORTE), and, when long, those rising diphthongs are replaced by [i:] and [u:], as it occurs before underlying voiced obstruents in word-final position ([pi:t] Friul. pîd PEDE, [nu:f] Friul. nûv NOVEM). Other Friulian dialect areas show essentially the same scenario for short /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ (there is [wɔ] in W. Friulian and [wa] in Erto), while their long vowel cognates have developed into [ɛj] and [ɔw] through iei and uou, respectively, in Gorto and Tagliamento, and into [ˈia̯ ] and [ɛw] through íeə and ueu in Erto. Regarding /e/ and /o/, a contrast may also be seen between short vowels ([sɛk] Friul. sec SICCU, [rɔs] Friul. ros RUSSU) and long vowels ([ne:f] Friul. nêv NIVE, [lo:f] Friul. lôv LUPU) in the C. Friulian dialect, with the long cognates occurring in the same contextual condition as above. In other Friulian-speaking areas, the long cognates of mid high vowels show diphthongal outcomes which could correspond to earlier stages of the phonetic derivation: [ej], [ɛj] for /e/ and [ɔw], [ow] for /o/ and their monophthongized realizations e and o, and also [ɛw] in the case of /o/, which appears to have arisen from ou through dissimilatory fronting ([nejf] NIVE, [lowf] LUPU); the falling diphthongs [ˈia̯ ] and [ˈua̯ ] in the Gorto valley, which imply the previous existence of [ˈeə̯ ] and [ˈoə̯ ]. As a general rule, the low vowel /a/ remains low in Friulian, except for the ending -ARIA which may have yielded [ˈaɾje], [ˈjɛɾe] and [ˈɛɾ(j)e] (panarie, civiere, calderie), the masculine cognate -ARIU being implemented as [ar] or [ˈaɾi] (fevrâr, aniversari). Returning to Ladin, several dialects may be identified which are referred to next together with the various localities in which they are spoken and a number of bibliographical references from which their data have been taken (data from https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-008

194

8 Ladin

Ladin dialects reported in this chapter also come from Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940 and Gartner 1910). (a) Fassan, which is spoken in Val di Fassa in northeastern Trentino adjacent to the province of Belluno and bordering Val di Fiemme to the south and the Gardena Valley in South Tyrol to the north. Fassan has been subdivided into two dialect areas, Upper Fassan (Penia, Canazei, Campitello) and Lower Fassan (Vigo, Pozza, and also Moena which will receive special attention in this chapter). Data on Fassan have mostly been taken from Elwert (1943), Heilmann (1955) and Kramer (1977), but also from locality 313 (Penia) in Jaberg/ Jud (1928–1940). (b) Nones, which is spoken in Val di Non in northcentral Trentino, to the east of Val di Sole and north of Val di Cembra. Nones has been commonly subdivided into three dialect areas: Upper Nones (Castelfondo), Middle Nones (Tuenno) and Lower Nones (Cavedagno). The data for this dialect come mainly from Battisti (1908) and Politzer (1967; 1968), but also from points 311 (Castelfondo) and 322 (Tuenno) in Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940). (c) Livinallonghese, Buchenstein or Fodom, which is spoken in the Alta Valle del Cordevole (Arabba, Livinallongo, Laste, Rocca Pietore, Pieve) northeast of Val di Fassa in Belluno province. Data for Livinallonghese have been taken from Tagliavini (1934), Pellegrini (1954–1955), Toth (1988; 2006) and Kramer (1977), as well as from locality 315 (Araba) in Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940). (d) Comelican, which is spoken in the Cadore region to the east of Livinallongo in Belluno province. Comelican may be subdivided into two dialectal varieties, i.e., Western Comelican (Padola, Santo Stefano di Cadore) and Eastern Comelican (San Pietro di Cadore). Data for this dialect come from Tagliavini (1926) and from point 307 (Padola) in Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940). We will exclude from our analysis other Ladin varieties from Belluno province, namely Ampezzan spoken in Cortina d’Ampezzo (Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, point 316) and Agordinian-Cadorino in Conca Agordina and Valle del Biois (Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, points 317 and 325, which correspond to Pieve di Cadore and Cencenighe, respectively). (e) Several dialects extending northward from the Fassan- and Livinallonghesespeaking domains in the S. Tyrol or Bolzano province: Gardenese (Urtijëi, Sta. Cristina and Selva in Val Gardena); Badiot (San Martin de Tor, Badia, Colfosco and La Ila in Val Badia); and Marebbano (Mareo, San Vigilio). Data for these dialects come from Gartner (1879), Craffonara (1977) and from points 305 (San Vigilio), 312 (Selva) and 314 (Colfosco) in Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940). Before turning to the treatment of stressed vowels in Ladin, attention must be paid to the historical development of consonants in this language. As a general

195

8.1 Preliminaries

rule, consonantal gemination is not distinctive in Ladin. In parallel to other Romance languages, the outcome of /t(t)j/ has been [ts], from which [θ] has emerged in Comelican. Regarding the alveolopalatal consonants, /lj/ has yielded [j] everywhere, which has been deleted in Fassan ([ˈfoa] FOLIA), through the no longer available alveolopalatal lateral [ʎ]. On the other hand, the sequence /kl/ as in SPECULU and VECLU show no signs of palatalization in Gardenese, Badiot and Marebbano ([dl]) or in Livinallonghese ([gl]), while exhibiting analogous outcomes to those found in N. Italy in the remaining dialects: [j] (< [ʎ]) in Fassan and [ldʒ] in Moena (Heilmann 1955, 129); [tʃ] (possibly derived from [c] < [kj]) in Comelican; [kl], and also [c]/[ ] (< [kj]) in Nones. The alveolopalatal nasal [ ɲ] may derive from /nj/ or from /gn/ and /ndj/ (VENIO , PUGNU , VERECUNDIA) but not from /nge ngi ngj/ which have yielded [n(d)ʒ], and [nt ʃ ] word-finally ([daˈlont ʃ ], [daˈleɲt ʃ ], [daˈlunt ʃ] DE LONGE); moreover, there are forms coming from SOMNU, not SOMNIU, and thus with no alveolopalatal nasal ([son], [soŋ], [ˈsuen]). Regarding the primitive (alveolo)palatal stops, we find [tʃ ], and [θ] in Comelican, derived from [c] < /kj/ (BRACCHIU), and the following outcomes of earlier [ ] of different origins: [j] or zero for /ka ga/, the voiced (alveolo)palatal stop realization being still available in Nones (PACAT, PLAGA); and [(d)ʒ], [(d)z], [ð] and also [j] or zero (and [(t)ʃ], [(t)s], [j] word-finally) for /ke ki/, /j/, /ge gi gj/ and /dj/ (DECEM, ✶ PEIUS, LEGERE, CORRIGIA, TROGIU, MEDIU, HANC HODIE). The outcomes of /ske ski skj/ and /ssj/ (NASCERE, FASCIA, ✶PRESSIA) are [ ʃ ] in Fassan, Gardenese, Livinallonghese, Badiot and Marebbano, [s] in Moenese, and either fricative in Nones. Shifting now to the /kC/ sequences, /ks/ (COXA, TEXERE) has yielded [s] through regressive assimilation and degemination ([ss] > [s]) though the presence of [js], [j ʃ] for COXA in Comelican and of [ʃ] for TEXERE in other dialect areas suggests that, at least in part of the Ladin-speaking domain, the alveolar fricative may be traced back to [sj] or [jʃ]; the forms [sjej], [sjɛj] of SEX, on the other hand, may have been generated through vocalization of the word-final palatoalveolar or alveolar fricative. By contrast, the sequence /kt/ (LECTU, NOCTE, OCTO) has yielded [t], just as in the eastern dialects of N. Italy; also in this case, while a change /kt/ > ([çt]) > [tt] followed by stop degemination could have taken place (Battisti 1906–1907, 56), the stressed vowel outcomes referred to in the next sections indicate that at least in some dialect areas the intermediate stages of the phonetic derivation must have been [jtj] or [c] (Rohlfs 1966, 366). Sequences consisting of an alveolar tap and yod (CALCARIA, FERIA, INTEGRU) have been replaced by [ɾ] or zero, and /sj/ (CAMISIA, ✶ RASIA, ECLESIA) by [z(j)] or [ʒ(j)] ([ð], [d(j)] in Comelico). Finally, the sequences /bj vj/ (RABIA, IOVIA) usually stay unmodified, may be replaced by an [j] + labial consonant string or get rid of the yod segment. Unlike certain Northern Italian dialects and Romansh, no instances of offgliding in VC sequences have been reported to occur in Ladin. f

f

196

8 Ladin

8.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals 8.2.1 Mid high vowels 8.2.1.1 Mid high front Analogously to Northern Italian, in Ladin, /e/ in open syllables yielded originally the falling diphthong [ej], most typically in oxytones. This diphthong has remained unmodified in Livinallonghese and Marebbano ([nej] NIVE) but has undergone various changes in other dialect domains: simplification into [e] in Nones and Moena; dissimilatory lowering into [ɛj] in Fassan ([nɛjf]) and W. Comelican; and a centralization process yielding [əj] in Gardenese ([nəjf]) and E. Comelican, and also in Badiot, where the present-day realization is [ɐj] ([nɐj]). In closed syllables, /e/ has remained [e] in Fassan (including Moena) and Nones, but has been replaced by other phonetic realizations issued through vowel shortening elsewhere: [ɐ] in Badiot, [ʌ] in Livinallonghese, [ə] in Gardenese, [ɛ] in Marebbano and [ɛ] and [ə] in Comelican, as revealed by the lexical variants [sek], [sɐk], [sʌk], [sək] and [sɛk] for SICCU. (The phonetic symbols for the vowel realizations occurring in Livinallonghese and Badiot have been taken from Salvi 1997). As shown in Table 24, the outcome of /e/ before (alveolo)palatal consonants parallels in many respects that in checked syllables (Fassan/Moena, Gardenese, Badiot, Comelican, Nones), which suggests that the vowel did not diphthongize in this context (see also section 9.2.2 for Romansh). The scenario for Marebbano and Livinallonghese is somewhat special. Marebbano generally has [e] though [ɛ] for CRESCERE, DIRECTU and CAMISIA, while Livinallonghese has the mid back unrounded vowel [ʌ] mainly before voiceless obstruents (see the forms for CAPITIA, PICEU, ✶TRICHEA, PISCE, CRESCERE, DIRECTU and CAMISIA) and [e] before the alveolopalatal sonorants [ʎ] and [ ɲ] and also before [j] derived from [ ] (see groups 2, 3, 4, 6 in Table 24). In view of the fact that [e] has remained intact in a subset of the words included in the table for Livinallonghese and Marebbano, it makes sense to hypothesize that those lexical variants uttered with [ʌ] in the former dialect and with [ɛ] in the latter have resulted from the application of a dissimilatory process induced by the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant rather than being associated with the placement of the stressed vowel in a checked syllable, all the more so since (alveolo)palatal consonants in most of those words must have been originally syllable initial, not syllable final. Moreover, throughout Ladin and in parallel to ei derived from /e/ in open syllables, dissimilatory lowering has taken place before yod derived from various consonants including [ʎ]: Fassan [fɾɛjt] FRIGIDU, [dɛjt] DIGITU, [faˈmɛj] FAMILIU, [kɾɛjt] CREDIT, and also the forms with [ɛj] for CILIA, AURICULA and SOLICULU shown in Table 24 (Elwert 1943, 45, 75, 85); Comelican [marˈvɛja] MIRABILIA, f

8.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

197

[ˈdɛjðo]/[ˈdɛjðu] (Tagliavini 1926, 34); Livinallonghese [faˈmɛj], [ˈt ʃ ɛe] CILIA (Pellegrini 1954–1955, 317). Specific lexical forms deserve some comments. First, there has been e rounding after the labiodental consonant and before primitive [ʎ] in [ˈvø(j)a] VIGILIA (Badiot, Moena). Also, Table 24 does not include several lexical variants with a rising diphthong which are considered to be imported ([ˈvjeɾe(k)], [ˈvjeɾo]/[ˈvjeɾu] VITREU, [t ʃ umiˈtjer] COEMETERIU; Tagliavini 1926, 36; Elwert 1943, 46; Heilmann 1955, 36). Among these Elwert also cites the lexical item [ˈfjeɾa] FERIA in Fassan, which, as in many other Romance languages, he regards as a case of /ɛ/, and it has consequently been included in Table 26. Finally, a development [ej] > [jɛj] > [jɛ] has been proposed to account for the rising diphthong in the case of lexical variants with postvocalic /C(C)j/ and other words ending in -IDIARE in Nones such as [ˈvjɛder] VITREU, [ˈtʃjɛɾi] CEREU, [blasˈtjɛma] BLASPHEMIA and [baˈtjɛdʒa] BAPTIDIAT (Battisti 1908, 37). According to Table 24 there are no lexical variants in which /e/ has raised to [i]. This change has only taken place due to metaphony in cases analogous to those found in other Romance languages: Fassan [ki ʃ ] ECCU ISTI ‘these ones’, [ki] ECCU ILLI ‘those ones’; and Agordinian [vint] VIGINTI, [mi] MIHI, [ti] TIBI (Elwert 1943, 46; Pellegrini 1954–1955, 315). 8.2.1.2 Mid high back In open syllables, the phonetic outcomes of /o/ are [ow] in Fassan, [o] in Moena and Nones, [əw] in Gardenese, and [ow] and also [ew], [we] and [ø] in Comelican ([lowf], [ləwf] LUPU). In order to handle all these vowel realizations the diachronic pathways [ow] > [ew] > [əw] and [ow] > [o] must be advocated, while regarding Comelican it remains unclear what the source of [we] could have been and whether [ø] came from [ew] or from [we] (Tagliavini 1926, 38). As to Marebbano, Badiot and Livinallonghese, /o/ has also been subject to diphthongization and the corresponding outcome was later able to raise to a high back vowel in oxytones (there is [ow] in Livinallonghese and [u] in Marebbano and Badiot, as in [lu] LUPU) but appears to have remained undiphthongized in paroxytones ([o]). In checked syllables, on the other hand, /o/ has either undergone no changes ([o]) or is implemented as [u], [ow] or [əw] before /rC/, depending on the dialect (Marebbano [o:lp] VULPE, [fu:rn] FURNU). Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, the mid high back vowel has mostly remained [o], just as in checked syllables (see Table 24). Instances of /o/ raising to [u], [y] occur everywhere in the case of PUGNU and TRUCTA perhaps since, as pointed out for other Romance languages (see sections 2.2.1.2 for Spanish and 6.3 for Occitan), the stressed vowel of these words derives from /u/, not from

198

8 Ladin

/ʊ/. Other vowel raising cases listed in Table 24 are [u] -ORIU and [salˈmyɾa] SALMURIA (also [kɾu: ʃ ] CRUCE in Badiot and Marebbano). The forms with [y] are found only in Badiot, Marebbano and Nonsberg: in the two former dialects [y] is the regular outcome of /u/, while in S. Nonsberg it occurs only as an allophone of /u/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, as shown by [pyɲ] PUGNU, and is often realized half way between [u] and [y] (Politzer 1967, 29). Analogously to the mid high front vowel and to what we saw in Northern Italian, /o/ in Ladin may have been dissimilated into [ɔ] before [ ɲ] and also before [c] in words ending in -UCULU (Nones [kɔɲ] CUNEU, [varˈgɔɲa] VERECUNDIA, [koˈdɔɲ] COTONEU, [ˈpjɔcel] PEDUCULU, [dʒiˈnɔcel] GENUCULU; Battisti 1908, 48, 56 and section 7.3.2). Another dissimilatory change, [oj] > [ɛj], involves lowering combined with fronting ([ʒeˈnɛje] GENUCULU, [salaˈmwɛja] SALMURIA, [ɛj] -ORIU).

8.2.2 Low vowel In Ladin, the low vowel /a/ has raised to mid front yielding mostly [ɛ] in open syllables in oxytones except for Lower Fassan and Moenese, and also in a number of paroxytones in Fassan and Gardenese ([ˈpɛla] PALA, [nɛs] NASU) and Livinallonghese ([ˈmɛger] MACRU) (see Battisti 1926). Analogously to several regions of N. Italy (Romagnol, Ticinese), this change has also operated in closed syllables before /rC/ (all dialects, as in Marebbano [ˈbɛ:rba] BARBA, [pɛ:rt] PARTE), /lC/ (Fassan, Gardenese, Livinallonghese) and /sC/ (Upper Fassan). 8.2.2.1 After (alveolo)palatals Instances of /a/ raising after an (alveolo)palatal stop, which may have developed into a palatoalveolar affricate or [j], may be identified in all Ladin dialects except for Nones. This raising process is exemplified next for the nouns CARNE, CASA, CARRU and CAPUT, the adjective CARU, and the infinitive PACARE except for Comelican (Tagliavini 1926, 32; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, map 842, 1223; Elwert 1943, 26, 67; Pellegrini 1954–1955, 297–298, 301; Kramer 1977; Toth 1988; 2006): Badiot Marebbano Fassan Livinallonghese Gardenese Comelican

[cɛr], [ˈca:za], [ca:r], [ce], [cɛr], [paˈje] [cɛrn], [ˈcaza], [car], [ce], [cɛr], [paˈje] [cɛrn], [ˈt ʃ ɛza], [t ʃ ɛr], [t ʃ ef], [t ʃ ɛr], [paˈer] [t ʃ ɛrn], [ˈt ʃ ɛza]/[ˈt ʃ eza], [t ʃ ar], [t ʃ e], [t ʃ ɛr], [paˈje] [cərn], [ˈt ʃ əza], [t ʃ ar], [t ʃ ə], [t ʃ ər], [paˈjə] [ˈt ʃ arne], [ˈt ʃ ɛza]/[ˈt ʃ ɛða], [t ʃ ar]/[t ʃ er], [t ʃ ɛw], [ˈt ʃ aɾo].

8.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

199

These data show that as a general rule /a/ has raised to either [ɛ] or [e], with the exception of CARRU and therefore before an etymological trill where /a/ has remained unchanged in all dialects except Fassan and partly, Comelican. Moreover, in Gardenese, the resulting mid front vowel shifted to [ə] at the same time /e/ did, which is why forms such as [cərn] and [ˈtʃəza] are available nowadays. 8.2.2.2 Before (alveolo)palatals The raising effect of an (alveolo)palatal consonant of different origins on preceding /a/ in Ladin is not always easy to disentangle from the tendency for the low vowel to raise in open syllables. Data for /a/ before (alveolo)palatals presented in Table 25 reveal a few instances of assimilatory raising which, as pointed out below, match the scenario encountered in most dialect areas of N. Italy except for Ticinese and the N. Lombard valleys. The lexical variants [ˈgɾasa] ✶CRASSIA in Comelican and [rats] RADIU in Nones may be added to the table (Battisti 1908, 145; Tagliavini 1926). Most dialects have a mid front vowel before earlier [jɾ] in the case of the ending -ARIU/-ARIA (IANUARIU, CALCARIA), and also before /j/ (✶AYO, ✶SAYO, MAIU) and the outcome [j] of /i/ generated through deletion of an intervocalic consonant (Fassan [pɾe] PRATI, Comelican [aˈsej] AD SATIS; Elwert 1943, 35). Regarding -ARIU/-ARIA, the local variants are [e]/[ˈaa] (Fassan), [e]/[ˈɛa] (Moena), [ɛ]/[ˈəa] (Gardenese), [ɛ]/[ˈɛɾa] (Livinallonghese), [ɛj] (and [əj])/[ˈeɾa] (Comelican) and [a]/[ˈaɾa] (Badiot, Marebbano). It thus appears that the low vowel either has remained intact or else has raised to mid front after, not before, the diphthongization of /ɛ/ before coda iod described in section 8.2.3, since otherwise the outcome [ɛ] of /a/ would also have been replaced by a diphthong (see chapter 5 for an analogous situation in Catalan). Other lexical variants have penetrated into Ladin from Northern Italian, to wit, those with a rising diphthong (see the forms for CALDARIA in Table 25) and also those ending in -er/-era in Fassan. Low vowel raising has also taken place before an (alveolo)palatal stop, which has later changed to either [j] and zero ([ˈplɛa] PLAGA) or to a front lingual fricative ([plɛʃ] PLACET). In Fassan, this sound change may also occur before [ɲ] derived from the following sequences: /nj/ ([tʃaveˈtsɛɲa] CAPITIU+ANEA, as well as [tʃuˈtʃɛŋ] CALCANEU and [aˈɾɛŋ] ARANEA whose velar nasal must have arisen through the successive changes [ ɲ] > [n] > [ŋ]); /n/ before an (alveolo)palatal stop ([bjɛɲtʃ] (pl.)/ [ˈbjɛɲtʃa] (fem. sg.) BLANCI/BLANCA); and the alveolar nasal derived from /n/ and /nn/ and also before /t/ in words ending in /i/, a case of vowel raising which appears to be associated with both metaphony and the regressive action of the (alveolo)palatal consonant ([ʒurˈmɛɲ] GERMANI, [an] (sg)./[ɛɲ] (pl.) ANNU/ANNI, [tɛɲt ʃ ] TANTI) (Elwert 1943, 32, 36–37). In the Livinallongo region, low vowel

200

8 Ladin

raising before [ɲ] has also taken place in plural forms ending in -ni and before the sequence [ ɲtʃ] ([ʒerˈmaŋ] (sg.)/[ʒerˈmeɲ] (pl.) GERMANU, [ˈbjɛɲtʃa] BLANCA; Pellegrini 1954–1955, 295, 302). All these data exemplify the assimilatory action exerted on low vowels by the (alveolo)palatal nasal and oral stops, which are produced with large degrees of tongue-to-palate contact.

8.2.3 Mid low front vowel In open syllables, /ɛ/ has yielded a rising diphthong in Fassan including Moena and Livinallonghese ([je], as in [tʃjel] CAELU), W. and E. Comelican ([je] and [jə], respectively) and N. Nones ([jɛ], [je]); the diphthong has been simplified into [e] and [ə] in W. and E. Comelican and into [e] in C. and S. Nones. The Gardenese outcome is a non-canonical falling diphthong realized as [ˈie̯ ] or [ˈiə̯ ] ([ˈt ʃ iel]), which, according to Kramer (1977, 62), derives from [je] due to Swiss German influence (see section 1.2.1.3); there is also [ˈiə̯ ] in Cloz in the upper Val di Non. Analogous developments have been advocated for the available outcomes [je], [ˈie̯ ], [i(:)] and [e] occurring in Badiot and Marebbano (Marebbano [tʃi], Badiot [tʃi:l] CAELU), with [je] having given rise to [e] and to [ˈie̯ ], which was later simplified into [i]. It should be noted that, as just pointed out for Gardenese, the change [je] > [ˈie̯ ] runs opposite to the hypothesis proposed for other Romance dialects by other scholars that rising diphthongs ([je] in this case) must derive from non-canonical falling ones ([ˈiə̯ ]) and not vice versa. In closed syllables, /ɛ/ has shifted to [e], as in [set] SEPTEM, in Fassan, Gardenese, Livinallonghese, Badiot, Marebbano and Comelican while remaining mid low in Nones, some context-dependent realizations being [jə] in Gardenese, [jɛ] in Livinallonghese and [ɛ] in Badiot and Marebbano before /rC/. Before analyzing the effect of contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants on preceding /ɛ/, it is appropriate to review how scholars have dealt with the relationship between this consonantal effect and that of syllable type (open, checked) in Ladin. Analogously to the treatment of the subject for Northern Italian (section 7.3.4), there are scholars working on Ladin who argue that the contextual effect in question should be kept separate from the effect of syllable type even in dialectal varieties which exhibit no substantial differences in the realization of /ɛ/ between these two conditions, while differing among themselves in terms of whether (alveolo)palatals derived from front velars in words like LEGERE, LEGIT and DECEM have played an active assimilatory role (Kramer 1977, 63–64) or not (Battisti 1908, 30–33; Elwert 1943, 39–40). According to other scholars, vowels are regarded as occurring in open syllables if they are situated before etymological front velars and in checked syllables if they occur before (alveolo)palatals of another origin presumably because yod must have been preposed to the latter consonants but not to the former

8.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

201

ones (Heilmann 1955, 35–37, and see our criticism of this criterion in section 7.3.4.2). In sum, there appears to be no consistent approach to dealing with the relationship of interest partly due to certain assumptions about the realization of (alveolo)palatal consonants, and also about how mid low vowels should be implemented phonetically in open and closed syllables, before (alveolo)palatal consonants and in metaphonic environments. According to Table 26, /ɛ/ before (alveolo)palatal consonants is generally realized in Ladin as the diphthong ie or as e. In particular, the most common outcomes are [je], [e] (Fassan, Livinallonghese, Comelican), [je], [e], [ɛ] (Moena), [ˈie̯ ] and less so [e], [ə] (Gardenese), [jɛ], [ɛ] (Nones) and [je], [e], [i(:)] (Marebbano, Badiot). These phonetic end products are essentially the same ones which occur in open syllables in spite of the fact that, depending on lexical item, (alveolo)palatal consonants may appear not only in the syllable-onset position but also in coda position and thus in the same syllable as the target stressed vowel. The table also shows that, in parallel to Romagnol and Venetan, the falling diphthongs [ˈie̯ ], [ˈia̯ ] may be found in a few words in other Ladin dialects besides Gardenese: SEX (Fassan, Comelican); DECEM, INTEGRU (Fassan, Marebbano). Whether the final outcome of /ɛ/ is a diphthong or e appears to depend on the articulatory characteristics of the contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant. The following two comments address this issue. (a) Ladin shows e instead of a diphthong all or most of the time, including those dialects which exhibit a diphthong in open syllables, before [ts] (/ttj/, ✶ PETTIA, NEPTIA), [ ɲ] (/nj/, VENIO and also TENEO), [(d)z] ( < [ ] /dj/, MEDIU), [ ʃ ], [s] (/ssj/, ✶PRESSIA), and [j], [t ʃ ] and other outcomes of /kl/ in the case of VECLU. Except for ✶PRESSIA, most of these consonants may have never had a yod preposed to them, are articulated quite anteriorly in the vocal tract and occur in syllable-onset position. It is unclear whether the outcome e of interest has been generated through diphthong simplification (i.e., [je] > [e], as advocated for [let] LECTU in Livinallonghese by Pellegrini 1954–1955, 310) or through direct /ɛ/ closing (/ɛ/ > [e]). f

(b) The presence of a diphthong, mostly rising but also falling with a high vowel nucleus, and possibly e and i as well, indicates that there has been vowel diphthongization followed by diphthong simplification also in those dialects where the simplification process has not taken place in open syllables. This turns out to be the case before contextual palatoalveolar fricatives or affricates and also [(d)z] derived from the outcome [ ] of /tj/, /j/ and front velars (PRETIU, ✶ LEGERE, PEIUS, MEIU, ATTEGIA, DECEM), [j] originally followed by [z] and [ɾ] (ECLEj SIA, CERESIA, INTEGRU, MATERIA), and the end products [ ʃ ], [s] (< [s ]?) of /ks/ and [t] ( < [jt], [c]?) of /kt/ (TEXERE, SEX, PECTU, LECTU, PECTINE). Generally speaking, in f

202

8 Ladin

contrast with the subset of contexts under point (a) above, the production of consonants and consonant sequences of this group involves or has involved the dorsum of the tongue, and in all cases except the outcome [ ] of /tj/, /j/ and front velars there has been or still is [j] in syllable-coda position. f

Ladin also has instances of /ɛ/ diphthongization before [j] derived from wordfinal /i/ followed possibly by deletion of the off-glide. The ending -ĔLLI is realized as [je] in Moenese ([veˈdje] VITELLI, [marˈtje] MARTELLI, [bje] BELLI), [ˈie̯ ] in other Fassan-speaking zones ([ˈbie̯ ], [marˈtie̯ ]), [ˈie̯ j] in Gardenese, [jej] in Livinallonghese and [jɛj] in Nones (vediei, martiei), and through the simplified outcome [i] in Marebbano and Badiot (Battisti 1908, 31–32; Elwert 1943, 39; Pellegrini 1954–1955, 309–310; Heilmann 1955, 37; Kramer 1977, 63). /ɛ/ diphthongization before wordfinal [j] has also taken place in the case of MEI (Fassan [ˈmie̯ ], Predazzano [mjej]), PEDI (Fassan [ˈpie̯ ], Moena [pje], Nones [pjɛj]) and MELIUS (Nones [mjɛj]). On the other hand, the following forms for IN HERI could be associated with a metaphonic effect induced by word-final /i/ though also with the regular development of /ɛ/ in open syllables: [anˈ ern] (Fassan), [iˈnie̯ r] (Gardenese), [njer], [njɛr] (Livinallonghese), [iˈɲi:r] (Badiot), [eŋˈnie̯ r] (Marebbano) (Kramer 1977, 63). Other aspects of the data appearing in Table 26 deserve special attention. The regular outcomes of /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant are not [je] and [e] but [jɛ] and [ɛ] almost systematically in Nones, and not only [je] and [e] but also [ɛ] in Fassan. The mid low vowel realization is thus present more or less systematically in those dialect areas which lie closest to Trentino where the realization [ɛ] is generally found. Moreover, the diphthong [jɛ] appears to have been more widespread towards the south of Val di Non in the past, while a replacement of ie by e and of [e] by [ɛ] under the influence of Trentino has proceeded from south to north in Val di Fassa (Elwert 1943, 42–43; Heilmann 1955, 39). Regarding the latter change, it should be recalled that the sound change [e] > [ɛ] before a contextual (alveolo)palatal in areas of N. Italy has been considered to be a dissimilation and, in fact, dissimilatory lowering in Fassan appears to occur in the same contextual conditions as in N. Italy, that is, before voiceless obstruents ([lɛt] ✶ ✶ LECTU, [ˈpɛten] PECTINE and perhaps [ˈpɾɛʃa] PRESSIA, [ˈpɛtsa] PETTIA) though also before voiced sonorants and obstruents ([ˈvɛje] VECLU, [ˈvɛɲe] VENIO, [mɛts] MEDIU). Instances of /ɛ/ raising into a high front vowel merit discussion as well. The data in Table 26 reveal the presence of [i] in several forms from Marebbano and Badiot ([pɾi:ʃ] PRETIU, [li:] LEGERE, [si:s] SEX, [lit] LECTUM (part.), [ˈdli:ʒja] ECLESIA, [inˈti:r] INTEGRU), where in principle the high front vowel could have derived from iei, the rising diphthong ie or íe. As noted above, in both dialects the simplified outcome i may also be found in open syllables ([ki:t] QUIETU, [t ʃ i], [t ʃ i:l] CAELU) and in the case of the ending -iei -ELLI ([marˈti] MARTELLI) (Kramer 1977, f

8.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

203

63–64). Examples of the change iei > i have also been reported to occur in the Agordo dialects ([ˈsia] from ✶sieia SECAT, [ˈpɾia] ✶prieia PRECAT, [ij] < ✶[jej] -ELLI; Pellegrini 1954–1955, 307).

8.2.4 Mid low back vowel In Ladin, /ɔ/ in open syllables has yielded a diphthong or a single vowel derived from it, while the corresponding phonetic outcome in closed syllables is generally [ɔ]. The final end product in open syllables varies as a function of dialect as follows: in Fassan [e], with [ø] in Moenese ([nef] NOVU); in Gardenese [ˈue̯ ] ([ˈnue̯ f ]); in Livinallonghese [wo] ([nwof); in Marebbano and Badiot [ø] and also the derived outcomes [e], [y] ([nø], [ny]); in Comelican, [ɔw], [ɛw], [we] (also [e], [o], [ˈua̯ ], [ˈue̯ ], as in [ˈsua̯ ] SOROR) in W. Comelican, and [ø] in E. Comelican; and in Nones, [wɛ] in N. Nones (also [wɔ] in Coredo and [wo], [ˈuə̯ ] in Cloz), and [ø], [ɔ], [o] in S. and C. Nones. The string of changes [wɔ] > [we] > [ø] > [e] proposed for Fassan (Elwert 1943, 48) should be also valid for other dialects showing one or more of the phonetic realizations occurring along this phonetic pathway (Moenese, Badiot, Marebbano, Nones). Falling diphthongs – [ˈue̯ ] in Gardenese (and also [ˈua̯ ], [ˈue̯ ] in W. Comelican and [ˈuə̯ ] in N. Nones) – may come from a rising diphthong, as hypothesized by Kramer (1977, 76) for the Gardenese case, or, conversely, could be at the origin of [we], [wɛ], as in other Romance languages. The Comelican and Nones scenarios require some additional explanation. Regarding the latter dialect, o in C. Nones could derive either from uo ([wɔ] is still available in Coredo and [ɔ] is present in Taio), or else from [ø], which could have been replaced either by [ɔ], probably due to the influence of Trentino (as in Cles), or by [o], apparently without external influences (as in Cagnò and Tuenno) (Politzer 1967, 23, 47–48; 1968). With regard to Comelican, the phonetic developments /ɔ/ > [ɔw] > [ɛw] and /ɔ/ > [ɔw] > [we] > [ø] have been proposed, the former pathway having also taken place in Friulian dialects (see section 8.1); moreover, [e] and [o] are simplified outcomes of the falling diphthongs eu and ou, and [ˈua̯ ] and [ˈue̯ ] could also come from eu (Tagliavini 1926, 40–41). By contrast, in essentially all Ladin dialects and at least in certain consonant context conditions, words with /a/ and /o/ in the syllable following /ɔ/ and no (alveolo)palatal consonant in between often show the stressed vowel realization [ɔ], which suggests the result of a metaphonic effect ([ˈmɔla], [ˈmɔɾa] MOLA, [ˈrɔda] ✶ ROTA, [ˈnɔɾa] NORA, [so], [sɔr] SOROR; Elwert 1943, 50; Kramer 1977, 78). In the light of these data, two hypotheses have been proposed to account for the origin of mid low vowel diphthongization in Ladin, both essentially coinciding with those put forward for Northern Italian. According to one of these

204

8 Ladin

proposals, diphthongs first emerged before (alveolo)palatal consonants and through metaphony, and later spread to open and closed syllables in other contextual conditions, albeit not entirely as revealed by the presence of [ɔ] in words with /a/ and /o/ in the last syllable (Elwert 1943, 41–42, 50–51; Kramer 1977, 61, 79). The second hypothesis is that mid low vowel diphthongization resulted from the lengthening of stressed mid low vowels in open syllables, which was largely context-independent (Haiman/Benincà 1992, 40). As revealed by the examples in Table 27, the behaviour of /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Ladin is in many respects analogous to that observed in several dialect regions of N. Italy (section 7.3.5). As the following phonetic outcomes reveal, this behaviour parallels that occurring in open syllables in spite of the fact that when it is followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant the vowel may also occur in a checked syllable: [e] (Fassan), [ˈue̯ ] (Gardenese), [wo] (Livinallonghese), [ø] (Moena and Badiot, and, in addition to e, in Marebbano as well), [we], [wɛ] (W. Comelican)/[ø] (E. Comelican), [wɛ] (Nones). The phonetic development [wɔ] > [we] > [ø] > [e] should also be advocated in this case. There are important exceptions to this diphthongization process. ✶NOPTIA has [ɔ] which suggests that the consonant must not have been a true (alveolo)palatal at the time that vowel diphthongization occurred. Instead of a diphthong or the vowel realizations [ø], [e], there is o, mostly realized as [ɔ], before [t] (/kt/) in the case of OCTO everywhere and also for NOCTE and COCTU in Lower Fassan and Moena ([nɔt], [kɔt], as opposed to Upper Fassan [net], [ket]), Livinallonghese, Nones and to some extent W. Comelican as well. To these lexical items we should add [ˈɔcel] OCULU, which, like various words ending in -ǓCULU, exhibits [ɔ] in Nones (Battisti 1908, 48 and section 8.2.1.2). The presence of o before [t] (/kt/) indicates that, in this particular consonantal context, either there has been no vowel diphthongization or else the diphthongization outcome [ø] has regressed to o. The former explanation has been advocated by Battisti (1908, 48) for Nones, and also by Maiden (1988) according to whom /ɔ/ diphthongized earlier and most often before (alveolo)palatal consonants endowed with yod than before other (alveolo)palatals. The latter account appears to be in accordance, at least for NOCTE and COCTU, with the outcomes [we], [ˈue̯ ], [ø] and [e] in some Ladin dialects. Moreover, the preceding alveolar consonant may be responsible for the simplification of [we] into [e] in the case of [net] NOCTE, which is the only word showing stressed [e] in W. Comelican in Table 27 (an articulatory explanation for this sound change was provided for the Occitan forms net, neit in section 6.4.4.2.1). This interpretation, that is, that [ø] has regressed to o, is also consistent with other regression cases in the area, which parallel those observed in Northern Italian (see section 7.3.5): the replacement of more rustic forms with [ø] by the corresponding cognates with o, as reported

205

8.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

for Cagnò and Cles (see above); and the substitution of uo by the more recent outcome o, as exemplified by [ˈogle] in Pieve and Arabba vs. [ˈwodʒe] in Rocca Pietore and [ˈvodʒe] in Colle (OCULU), and by [ˈfoja] in Pieve and Arabba vs. [ˈfwoja] in Colle and Rocca Pietore (FOLIA) (Heilmann 1955, 62–63). Analogously to the replacement of [e] (/ɛ/) by [ɛ] described in section 8.2.1.1, it makes sense to hypothesize that regressions of this sort may have occurred in Lower Fassan as they did in the nearby Trentino region. The special behaviour of OCTO, which has o in all Ladin dialects, suggests that the proclitic nature of numerals may be involved in this case (see section 7.3.5.2 for the same comment regarding the end products of OCTO in N. Italy). As reviewed in points (a) and (b) below, various contextual (alveolo)palatals, i.e., mostly [ʎ], the voiced (alveolo)palatal [ ] and yod, appear to have favoured /ɔ/ diphthongization in ways which parallel the scenario in N. Italy. Data for contextual [ɲ] are scarce (Fassan [beˈzɛŋ], Nones [biˈzɔɲa] ✶BISONIU/✶BISONIA). f

(a) Mid back vowel diphthongization has taken place before [ʎ] derived from /lj/ and /kl/ in Comelican and Fassan where [ʎ] has shifted to [j], though words in which the target vowel is preceded by a labial or labiodental consonant may show a back labial vowel as well (compare the data for FOLIA, VOLEO and ✶MOLLIA to those for OCULU in Fassan in Table 27). Judging from the presence of a diphthong in some or all of these words in Gardenese, Livinallonghese, W. Comelican and Nones, and of [ø], [e] in some of these and other Ladin dialects, the reason why o may also occur could be the absorption of the glide by the preceding labial consonant through a change uo > o (Elwert 1943, 49). Forms for COLLIGERE with postvocalic [ʎ] originally also have o instead of a diphthong in Fassan, Livinallonghese and W. Comelican in spite of the fact that in this case no labial consonant precedes the stressed vowel. (b) There is a diphthong or the outcomes [ø], [e] before primitive [ ], which yielded either [(d)ʒ]/[z] or [j], labial +/j/ sequences, and coda [j], available in present-day speech or at an earlier time in history in the sequences [j ʃ ]/[js], [jt] and [jɾ] (e.g., ✶TROGIU, IOVIA, COXA, NOCTE, ✶MORIO). As pointed out above, diphthongization in NOCTE and COCTU has not taken place in all dialects. To these cases we should add instances of /ɔ/ diphthongization before word-final [j], as in ✶TOI (Moenese [tjøj], Nones [twej]), VOSTRI, plural of VOSTER (Moenese [vøs]) and BOVE (Nones [bwɛj]) (Batttisti 1908, 48; Heilmann 1955, 64). As mentioned for NOCTE above, the prevocalic consonant may have played an active role in the final outcome of /ɔ/. Thus, in parallel to Occitan (section 6.4.4.2.1), the presence of o in ✶ TROGIU in Fassan, Moena, Gardenese, Livinallonghese, Badiot and Marebbano – in contrast with [wɛ] in Comelican and Nones – could result from on-glide deletion f

206

8 Ladin

triggered by the onset consonant cluster, and an analogous explanation is applicable to [ˈploja] ✶PLOIA in Livinallonghese Along these lines, evidence of /ɔ/ diphthongization may be found in the frequent end products [e], [ø] or a diphthong instead of a mid back vowel realization for TRIMODIA, VOCITU and ✶MORIO, despite the fact that all three words have a labial consonant before /ɔ/ (which could also be indicative that the simplification of uo into o in the case of FOLIA referred to in point (a) above occurred while the postvocalic consonant was still pronounced [ʎ], not [j]). On the other hand, COXA and TOXICU differ in that /ɔ/ diphthongization has taken place in the former word everywhere with perhaps the contribution of the prevocalic velar, but only in Fassan and Gardenese in the latter. Just as for /ɛ/, instances of /ɔ/ raising to a high vowel followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant are not very frequent in Ladin, and in principle could have been generated while the vowel was realized as a diphthong (uoi > [uj]) or not (oi > [uj]). As shown in Table 27, examples of [uj] may be found in Comelican from Padola where /ɔ/ in open syllables is realized as [ew] and [ˈua̯ ]: [ˈ(v)uju] OCULU, [iŋˈkuj] ✶ HANC HODIE, [tɾuj] TROGIU, [kuj] COCERE, [ˈdujba] IOVIA, [ˈkujsa] COXA, [ˈujtu] VOCITU (Tagliavini 1926, 39–41; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 161, 332, 346, 952, 1681, and see also [ˈpðuju] < ✶pðweju PEDUCULU in Table 24). We also find [tɾu] ✶TROGIU in Badiot and Marebbano, and [bɾoj], [bɾuj] Gaul. ✶BROGILOS in the Agordinian valleys (Pellegrini 1954–1955, 319). In addition, in Marebbano, the mid front vowel [ø] whether belonging to a triphthong or not has raised to [y] before yod in the lexical variants [ŋˈky] HANC HODIE, [ˈʒybja] IOVIA, [ˈplyja] ✶PLOIA and [yt] VOCITU. Regarding the insertion of a prothetic consonant, the forms for OCULU in Comelican may exhibit a voiced labiodental fricative preposed to the labiovelar glide of a rising diphthong and to its vowel outcomes [ø], o, u as well ([ˈvwɛjo], [ˈvøjo], [ˈvojo], [ˈvuju]), and OVU may be realized as [ˈwevo], [ˈvøvo]/[ˈvevu] and [ˈvovo] in the same dialect. These forms suggest that [v] insertion has operated exclusively before [w] and that the glide may have been deleted afterwards, in the progression ✶[ˈwojo] > ✶[ˈvwojo] > ([ˈvwejo]) > ✶[ˈvwøjo] > [ˈvøjo] and also ✶[ˈwojo] > ✶ [ˈvwojo] > [ˈvojo]. Similar cases appear to be [bɛj] HODIE and [bɛjt] OCTO in S. Occitan which have been accounted for by assuming that the prothetic consonant was inserted before the now non-existent on-glide and thus while /ɔ/ was realized as a triphthong (see section 6.4.4.2.1). An exception appears to be [vɔt] OCTO in Livinallonghese from Arabba, where [v] must have been appended directly to the mid back rounded vowel since diphthongized forms for this lexical item are unavailable in Ladin. The opposite change, that is, the deletion of word-initial [v] before a high back vocalic segment, has operated on VOCITU (Gardenese [ˈuə̯t], Badiot [ø:t], Marebbano [ø:t], [yt], Comelican [ˈujtu]) and could be attributed to hypercorrection on the part of the listener.











ˈt ʃ ie (pl.)

ˈt ʃ ea, ˈt ʃ ɛa

CILIU, CILIA

pət ʃ

ˈteɲa

pet ʃ

TINEA

kuˈɾea

koˈɾea

pes

ˈkɾeser

koˈɾea

pe ʃ

ˈkɾe ʃ er

CORRIGIA

PISCE

CRESCERE

ˈkɾə ʃ ər

pə ʃ

ˈ ʃ fɾea

ˈtɾet ʃ a

ˈ ʃ fɾea

TRICHEA

pet ʃ

FRICAT

✶

ˈtɾət ʃ a

ˈtəɲa

sɛŋ

SIGNU

ˈtɾet ʃ a

səɲ

le/ɛŋ, ˈleɲɔ, ˈlɛɲa

LIGNU, LIGNA

PICEU

ləŋ, ˈlənja

soˈɾɛje

SOLICULU

leɲ

suˈɾədl

uˈɾɛja

uˈɾədla

ˈt ʃ ie̯ va

ˈue̯ ja

Gardenese

AURICULA

uˈɾeldʒa

ˈvøa

ˈvea

VIGILIA



t ʃ aˈvetsa

t ʃ aˈvetsa

CAPITIA



Moena

f

Fassan

ˈkɾʌ ʃ i

pʌ ʃ

koˈɾeja

ˈ ʃ fɾeja

ˈtɾʌt ʃ a

pʌt ʃ

ˈteɲa

seŋ

leŋ, ˈleɲa

ˈkɾɐ ʃ e

pɐ ʃ

koˈɾɐja

ˈ ʃ fɾɐja

ˈtɾɐt ʃ a

pɐt ʃ

ˈtɐɲa

sɐɲ

lɐɲ, ˈlɐɲa

soˈɾɐdl

uˈɾɐdla

ˈrogla soˈɾogle

ˈt ʃ ɐja

ˈvøja

caˈvɐtsa

Badiot

ˈt ʃ eja,ˈt ʃ eje (pl.)

ˈveja

t ʃ aˈvʌtsa

Livinallonghese

ˈkɾɛ ʃ e

pe ʃ

koˈɾeja

ˈ ʃ fɾeja

ˈtɾet ʃ a

ˈteɲa

leŋ, ˈlena

soˈɾedl

oˈɾedla

ˈt ʃ eja

ˈveja

ˈcetsa

Marebbano

ˈkɾɛsi/e

pɛs, pes

ˈdɾeθa

pθe

lɛɲ

soˈɾojo/u

ˈrɛja

θɛj (pl.)

t ʃ ɛˈvɛθa

W.Comelican

ˈkɾɛse

pəs

pθø

leɲ, lɛɲ, ləɲ

saˈɾojo

ˈrəja

E.Comelican

(continued)

ˈkɾeser

pes

koˈɾe(d)ʒa

ˈfɾe a

ˈdɾet ʃ a

pet ʃ

ˈteɲa

seɲ

leɲ

sol

ˈrekla

ˈt ʃ jɛli (pl.)

caˈvetsa

Nones

f

f

Table 24: Phonetic outcomes of /e/ and /o/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Ladin dialects. The numbering in the leftmost column corresponds to the following modern and earlier consonant realizations, the latter being enclosed within parentheses if available: (1) [ts], [θ]; (2) [j] ([ʎ]); (3) [j], [t ʃ ], [k/gl] (/kl/); (4) [ ɲ]; (5) [t ʃ ], [θ] ([c]); (6) [ ], [j], [(d)ʒ], [(d)z] ([ ]); (7) labial + /j/; (8) [(j)s], [ ʃ ] ([j ʃ ]); (9) [t] (/kt/); (10) [z(j)], [ʒ(j)] ([zj]); (11) [ɾ], zero ([ɾj]); (12) [j]. Forms with a high vowel are marked in boldface.

8.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

207

CAMISIA

PUTEU

PEDUCULU







salˈmoa

oj

-ORIU

oj

tsalˈmøa

puɲ

puɲ

SALMURIA

zeˈnoldʒe

ʒeˈnɛje, ʒeˈneje



ˈpoldʒe

ˈpoʎ/je

TRUCTA

pots

t ʃ aˈmiza

t ʃ aˈmɛjʒa

pots

dɾet

Moena

dɾet



PUGNU

GENUCULU

DIRECTU



Fassan

Table 24 (continued)

oj

salˈmue̯ ja

puɲ

ʒnodl

podl, pɔdl

pots

t ʃ aˈməjʒa

dɾət

Gardenese

oj

salˈmwoɾa

ˈtɾuta

puɲ

ʒeˈnogle

ˈpjegle

pots

t ʃ aˈmʌʒa

dʌrt

Livinallonghese

salˈmø:ɾa

u

u

pyŋ

ʒeˈnedl

pjedl

caˈmɛʒa

dɛrt

Marebbano

salˈmø:ɾa, salˈmyɾa

pyɲ

ʒuˈnɐdl

pjedl

pots

caˈmɐʒa

dɐrt

Badiot

oj

ɔj, ɛj

ˈtɾyta

pyɲ

dʒiˈnɔce/ɛl

ˈpjɔce/ɛl

pots

caˈmiza

dɾit

Nones

salaˈmwɛja øj, oj, ɛj

ˈtɾuta

puɲ

doˈnojo

poˈðøj(o), puˈdɛjo

t ʃ aˈməða

ˈdɾəto

E.Comelican

salaˈmoɾa

ˈtɾuta

puɲ

doˈnojo

ˈpðoj(u), poˈðwɛjo, ˈpðuju

t ʃ aˈmɛða

ˈdɾɛto/u

W.Comelican

208 8 Ladin

ˈpaja

aj

ˈpaa

aj

PALEA

ALLIU

ˈplɛa ˈrabja

bɾat ʃ

ˈdʒat ʃ a

ˈat ʃ a

pjas

ˈpaja

ˈpjɛə

ˈgabja

bɾat ʃ

ˈjat ʃ a

ˈat ʃ a

pjɛ ʃ

ˈpaa

ˈpjaa

BRACCHIU

GLACIE, GLACIA

ACIA

PLACET

PACAT

PLAGA

ˈnaser

ˈfasa

ˈna ʃ er

ˈfa ʃ a

RABIA, CAVEA

NASCERE

FASCIA







ˈfa ʃ a

ˈna ʃ ər

ˈpaja

plɛ ʃ

ˈat ʃ a

ˈdlat ʃ a

bɾat ʃ

aˈɾaɲ

raɲ

aˈɾɛŋ

ARANEU



baɲ

baɲ

BANEU



aj

ˈpaja

ˈplatsa

Gardenese

TRAGULU

ˈtɾaje

ˈpjatsa

ˈpjatsa

PLATTEA

Moena







Fassan

ˈfa ʃ a

ˈna ʃ e

ˈrabja

ˈplaja

ˈpaja

pjɛ ʃ

ˈat ʃ a

glat ʃ

bɾat ʃ

aˈɾaɲ

baɲ

ˈtɾagle

aj

ˈpaja

ˈplatsa

Livinallonghese

ˈfa: ʃ a

ˈna: ʃ e

ˈgabja

ˈplaja

ˈpaja

plɛ: ʃ

ˈa:t ʃ a

ˈdla:t ʃ a

bɾa:t ʃ

aˈɾaɲ

baɲ

tɾadl

aj

ˈpaja

ˈplatsa

Badiot

ˈfa ʃ a

ˈna ʃ e

ˈplaja

ˈpaja

ple: ʃ

ˈat ʃ a

ˈdlat ʃ a

bɾat ʃ

aˈɾaɲ

baɲ

tɾadl

aj

ˈpaja

ˈplatsa

Marebbano

ˈna ʃ e/i

ˈpjazi

ˈaθa

ˈdʒeθa

ˈbɾaθo/u

ˈraɲo

aj

ˈpjeθa

W.Comelican

ˈna ʃ e

ˈaθa

ˈdʒeθa

ˈbɾaθo

aj

ˈpjeθa

E.Comelican

(continued)

ˈfasa

ˈnaser, ˈna ʃ ɛr

ˈrabja,ˈ abja

ˈpla a

ˈpa a, ˈpadʒa

plas

ˈat ʃ a

glat ʃ

bɾat ʃ

raɲ

baɲ

aj

ˈpaja

ˈplasa

Nones

f

f

f

✶

Table 25: Phonetic realization of /a/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Ladin dialects. Regarding the numbering in the leftmost column and other details, see the caption for Table 24. Forms with a high vowel are marked in boldface.

8.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

209



MAIU

SAYO

✶

AYO

✶

tsɛ

mɛ

me

ɛ

se

e

t ʃ uˈt ʃ ɛa

t ʃ uˈt ʃ aa

CALCARIA

CALDARIA

zeˈnɛ

ʒeˈne

IANUARIU

ˈraza

ˈrɛʒa

✶



fat

fat

FACTU

RASIA

lat

lat

LACTE

ˈfɾasen

ˈfɾaʒiŋ





FRAXINU

Moena

Fassan

mɛj

sɛ

ɛ, e

t ʃ awˈt ʃ əja

ʒəˈnɛ

ˈrɛʒa

fat

lat

Gardenese

mɛj

sɛj ma

sa

a

t ʃ alˈdiɾa

t ʃ awˈdjɛɾa

ɛ

calˈcaɾa

dʒeˈna

fat

lat

ˈfɾasen

Badiot

t ʃ awˈt ʃ ɛɾa

ʒeˈnɛ

ˈraza

fat

lat

ˈfɾasum

Livinallonghese

ma

sa

a

calˈdiɾa

calˈcaɾa

jeˈnaɾo

fat

lat

ˈfɾaso

Marebbano

maj

sɛj

ɛj

t ʃ uˈðjɛɾa, t ʃ oˈðɛɾa, t ʃ uˈð(j)eɾa

ðˈnɛj

ˈraða

maj

əj, iˈnɛj

t ʃ oˈð(j)eɾa

dˈnɛj

ˈraða

ˈfato

ˈfato/u

mac, mat ʃ

saj

/jaj

dʒeˈnar

ˈraza

fat

lat

ˈlate

ˈlate/i

Nones ˈfɾasen

E.Comelican

ˈfɾasiŋ

W.Comelican

f

Table 25 (continued)

210 8 Ladin

ˈdʒezer

dʒes

ˈleʒer

let ʃ

pjet ʃ

LEGERE

LEGIT

PEIUS

mjet ʃ

ˈtjeza

djes

mjet ʃ

ˈtjeʒa

ˈdie̯ ʃ

MEIU

ATTEGIA

DECEM

✶

mɛts, ˈmɛdza

mets, ˈmeza

MEDIU, MEDIA

ˈvɛɲe

ˈvɛɲe



ˈ ʃ pie̯ dl

ˈspeldʒe

ˈ ʃ pjeje

SPECULU

ˈdie̯ ʃ

ˈmie̯ t ʃ

ˈpie̯ t ʃ

ˈlie̯ t ʃ

ˈlie̯ ʒər

mets, ˈmeza

ˈvəɲə

ˈvedla

ˈvɛja

VECLA

VENIO

vedl

ˈvɛje

VECLU

dje ʃ

ˈtjeza

ˈpezo

ljet ʃ

ˈljeʒe

mets, ˈmeza

ˈveɲe

ˈ ʃ pjegle

ˈvegla

ˈvegle

pɾje ʃ

ˈpɾie̯ ʃ

ˈpɾie̯ ʃ

PRETIU

ˈvɛldʒe

ˈnɛtsa

ˈnɛtsa

ˈpetsa

NEPTIA

ˈpetsa

di: ʃ

mic

pjet ʃ

li:

li:

mets, ˈmeza

ˈvɐɲe

ʃ pi:dl

ˈvedla

vedl

pɾi: ʃ

ˈnetsa

ˈpetsa

Gardenese Livinallonghese Badiot

ˈpetsa

ˈpɛtsa

Moena

PETTIA







Fassan

ˈdie̯ ʃ

pjet ʃ

li: ʃ

li:

mets, ˈmeza

ˈveɲi

ʃ pi:dl

ˈvedla

vedl

pɾi: ʃ

ˈpetsa

djes

ˈpeðo/u

ljet

djes

ˈpedo

ˈmedo

ˈmɛðo, ˈmeðu ˈljedi

ˈve/əɲo

ˈvet ʃ a

ˈvet ʃ u

E.Comel.

ˈjonu, ˈjenu

ˈspet ʃ u

ˈvet ʃ a

ˈvet ʃ u

ˈneθa

Marebbano W.Comel.

(continued)

djɛs, des

ˈtjɛdʒe

mjɛt ʃ

pjɛt ʃ

ljɛt ʃ , lɛt ʃ

ˈljɛger, ˈlɛdʒar

mɛts, ˈmɛdza

ˈvɛni

ˈspjɛ el, ˈspjɛjal

ˈvɛkla, ˈvɛt ʃ a

ˈvɛcel, ˈvɛt ʃ el

ˈnɛtsa

Nones

f

✶

Table 26: Phonetic realization for /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Ladin dialects. Regarding the numbering in the leftmost column and other details, see the caption for Table 24. Forms with a high vowel are marked in boldface.

8.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

211









maˈtɛɾja

misˈtjer

ˈfjeɾa

MINISTERIU

FERIA

MATERIA

MATERIU,

misˈtjer

enˈtɾek

t ʃ aˈɾeza

t ʃ aˈɾjeʒa

inˈtɾie̯ k

ˈdʒezja

ˈdʒeʒja, ˈjeʒja

INTEGRU

CERESIA

ECLESIA

PECTINE

ˈpɛten

dʒet

let

LECTUM

ˈpetiŋ

lɛt

let

LECTU

(part.)

pjet

ˈpɾɛsa

pjet

ˈpɾɛ ʃ a

PECTU

PRESSIA

let

ljet

ˈlie̯ t ˈlie̯ t

ˈfie̯ ɾa

inˈtie̯ r

t ʃ aˈɾie̯ ʒa

ˈdlie̯ ʒa

ˈfjeɾa

mesˈtjer

maˈdjer

inˈtjer

t ʃ eˈɾjeʒja

ˈgljeʒja, ˈgljezja

ˈpjeteŋ

pjet

ˈpie̯ t

ˈpie̯ nə

ˈpɾɛ ʃ a

sjej, sjek

ˈpɾə ʃ a

ˈsie̯

ˈsie̯

SEX

✶

ˈtie̯ ʒər

ˈfjeɾa

me ʃ ˈtjer

inˈti:r

t ʃ eˈɾjeʒja

ˈdli:ʒja

ˈpjete

lit

let

pjet

ˈpɾɛ ʃ a

si:s

ˈtje ʃ e

Gardenese Livinallonghese Badiot

ˈte ʃ ɛr

tsje

Moena

TEXERE

Fassan

Table 26 (continued)

enˈti̯ er

ˈkɛr ʃ a

ˈdli:ʒja

ˈpjeto

lit

let

pjet

ˈpɾɛ ʃ a

si:s

ˈce ʃ e

ˈfjeɾa

mesˈtjer

inˈtjeɾo

θaˈɾeða

ˈdʒedja

ˈpjetiŋ, ˈpetiŋ

ˈʎetu

ˈljeto/u, ˈleto/u

ˈpeto/u

ˈ ʃ ia̯ , ˈ ʃ ie̯

Marebbano W.Comel.

θaˈɾeða

ˈdʒe/ədja

ˈpjetiŋ, ˈpetiŋ

ˈleto

ˈpeto

E.Comel.

ˈfjɛɾa, ˈfeɾa

misˈtjɛr, misˈter

maˈtjɛɾja

anˈtɾjɛç

caˈɾjɛza, tʃaˈɾeza

ˈgljɛzja, ˈglezja

ˈpɛten

lɛt

lɛt

pɛt

sjɛj, sɛj

ˈtɛser

Nones

212 8 Ladin

ˈŋkwoj

ˈŋkue̯ j



TROGIU

IOVIA

COCERE

✶

HANC HODIE

ˈzøbja

ˈkøzer

ˈkeʒer

ˈʒebja

tɾoj

aŋˈkø

ˈøldʒe

tɾoj

aŋˈke

anterˈmoja

tɾəˈmue̯ ʒa

TRIMODIA



ˈogle

ˈue̯ dl

ˈɛje, ˈeje

OCULU

ˈkoje

ˈkoer

COLLIGERE

ˈʒue̯ bja

ˈkue̯ ʒər

tɾoj

ˈʒwoba

ˈkwoʒe

tɾoj

ˈmoja

ˈmoa

MOLLIA

✶

ˈ ʃ mue̯ ja

voj

ˈue̯

voj

VOLEO

ˈmøa

ˈfoja, ˈfwoja

ˈfue̯ ja

ˈføa

ˈfoa

FOLIA

ˈnɔtsa

ˈʒøbja

ˈkø:ʒe, ˈkyʒe

tɾu

iŋˈkø, iŋˈky

anterˈmøja

ødl

ˈkøje

ˈʒmøja

o:

ˈføja

Moena Gardenese Livinallonghese Badiot

ˈnɔtsa

Fassan

ˈnɔtsa

NOPTIA







✶

ˈʒøbja, ˈʒɛbja, ˈʒybja

kø

tɾu

eŋˈkø, ŋˈky

anterˈmøja

edl

ˈkeje

o:

ˈfeja

ˈnɔtsa

Marebbano

ˈdojba, ˈdwɛjba, ˈdujba

koj, kwɛj, kuj

tɾoj, tɾwɛj, tɾuj

iŋˈkoj, iŋˈkwej, iŋˈkuj

ˈvojo, ˈvwɛjo, ˈ(v)uju

kɔj

ˈvɔj(u), vwɛj

ˈfɔja

ˈnɔθi

W.Comelican

ˈdøjba, ˈdejba

køj

tɾøj

iŋˈkøj

ˈvøjo

vøj

ˈfɔja

E.Comelican

(continued)

ˈdʒwɛbja, ˈdʒøbja

ˈkwɛzer

tɾwɛt ʃ

aŋˈkwɛj, aŋˈkøj

tɾaˈmwɛdʒa

ˈɔcel, ˈɔcɛl, ˈot ʃ ɛl

kwer, tør

voj, vwɛj, vøj

ˈfwɛ(j)a, ˈføja

ˈnɔtsa

Nones

Table 27: Phonetic outcomes of /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Ladin dialects. Regarding the numbering in the leftmost column and other details, see the caption for Table 24. Forms with a high vowel are marked in boldface.

8.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

213







ˈmɛ/eɾe ˈmøɾe

✶

MORIO

vet

VOCITU

vøjt

kɔt

ket

COCTU,

EXCOCTA

ɔt

ɔt

OCTO

✶

nɔt

net

NOCTE

ˈmɔɾə

ˈmwoɾe

vwot

ˈskɔta

ˈkue̯ t

ˈue̯ t

vɔt

nɔt

ˈtose

ˈkwo ʃ /sa

ˈploja

ɔt

ˈnue̯ t

ˈtɔtsek ˈtue̯ sə

ˈtesek

TOXICU

ˈpjøvja ˈplue̯ ja

ˈkue̯ sa

ˈpjevja

ˈmø:ɾe

ø:t

kø:t

ɔt, ɔ:t, ot

nø:t

ˈtoser

ˈkø:sa, ˈkysa

ˈpløja

Moena Gardenese Livinallonghese Badiot

ˈkesa

PLOIA

PLOVIA,

Fassan

COXA

✶

✶

Table 27 (continued)

ˈmø:ɾi

ø:t, yt

køt

ɔt

net

ˈtoser

ˈkɛsa

ˈpløja, ˈplyja

Marebbano

ˈvojtu, ˈujtu

ˈskota, ˈskweta

ˈotu

ˈnote, ˈnwete/i, ˈneti

ˈtozgu

ˈkwojse, ˈkwejse, ˈkujsi

ˈpjɛwa, ˈpjo(v)a

W.Comelican

ˈsk(w)øta, ˈsk(w)əta

ˈnøte

ˈkwɛjse, ˈkøjse

ˈpjo(v)a

E.Comelican

vwɛjt

kɔt

ɔt

nɔt

ˈtɔseç

ˈplwɛvja

Nones

214 8 Ladin

8.4 Summary and discussion

215

8.3 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants In most Ladin dialects, /ɔ/ diphthongization in FOCU, IOCU and LOCU has yielded essentially the same phonetic outcomes as in open syllables: Fassan [fek], [lek], [ʒek] (Elwert 1943, 49, 74); Moena [føk], [zøk] (Heilmann 1955, 57); Gardenese [ˈfue̯ k], [ˈʒue̯ k], [ˈlue̯ k]; Livinallonghese [fwok, [lwok], [ʒwok]; Nones [fwɛç], [lwɛç], [dʒwɛç] (Battisti 1908, 46); W. Comelican [ˈfegu], [ˈfwegu]/[ˈfwego], [ˈfogu]/[ˈfogo] and [ˈlegu], [ˈlwegu]/[ˈlwego], [ˈlogu]/ [ˈlogo], E. Comelican [ˈføgo], [ˈløgo] (Tagliavini 1926, 63). In Marebbano and Badiot, the outcome [ø] has raised to [y], a change which may be attributed to the metaphonic action of word-final /u/ since it has also operated in other words with the same ending: Marebbano [fy], [ly], [ʒyk], Badiot [fyk], [lyk], [ʒyk], and also [pyk] POCU and [y] OVU in both dialects and [ny] NOVU in Badiot (Kramer 1977, 77–78). As to the phonetic outcomes of /ɛ/ followed by [w] in DEUS (Marebbano, Livinallonghese [ˈdio], Gardenese, Fassan [ˈdie], Badiot [di]) and MEU ([ˈmio], [ˈmie], [mi]), it has been claimed that they have emerged through /ɛ/ diphthongization triggered either by the labiovelar glide and later simplification of the resulting triphthong (i.e., ieu > ie > i, the sequence íe yielding also ía, as in [maˈtia] MATTHAEU in Nones; Battisti 1908, 31) or else through direct closing of the mid low front vowel also induced by [w] (Kramer 1977, 67). The split of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ into [jɛ] and [wɛ] before the vocalized outcome [w] of a labial consonant in Nones has been attributed to the same contextual effect ([ˈljɛver], [ˈljɛwɾi] LEPORE, [pɾjɛwt] ✶ PREBITE, [ˈdwɛwɾa] ADOPERAT; Battisti 1908, 30–31, 51).

8.4 Summary and discussion The behaviour of stressed mid and low vowels in open and closed syllables and before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Ladin is in many respects analogous to that reported for Northern Italian, while in contrast with what is found in a number of Northern Italian dialects no clear instances of off-glide insertion in VC sequences have been reported to occur in Ladin. In open syllables, /e/ and /o/ diphthongized into ei, ou, after which the target vowel could undergo either dissimilatory or assimilatory sound changes, namely, centralization or lowering in the case of /e/ and fronting or raising in the case of /o/. Moreover, the replacement of /o/ by [əw] in Gardenese must have proceeded through the intermediate stage [ew] and all resulting diphthongs could then be simplified into a single vowel. In checked syllables, /e/ and /o/ have either remained unchanged, or else been lowered or centralized (/e/) or raised to a high vowel (/o/). Before (alveolo)palatal consonants the two

216

8 Ladin

vowels are in many respects treated as if they are in checked syllables: in the case of /e/, dissimilatory lowering may have operated before yod derived from other consonants, and perhaps before voiceless obstruents in Livinallonghese; on the other hand, /o/ may have raised to [u], [y] mostly before [jɾ] (the sequence [ɛj] may also be found here) and lowered to [ɔ] before [ ɲ] and presumably before [c] in the case of the ending -UCULU in Nones. The low vowel /a/ has raised to mid front in open syllables and in syllables checked by /lC/, /rC/ and/or /sC/ in several dialects. As to the contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant condition, /a/ raising has taken place mostly before [j] in the case of the ending -ARIU/-ARIA, prevocalic /j/ (MAIU), /i/ rendered postvocalic after the fall of an intervocalic consonant (PRATI) and [ ] derived from a fronted velar stop (PLAGA), and also before [ ɲ] of various origins in Fassan and Livinallonghese. Moreover, judging from its mid front vowel outcome across dialects, /a/ raising in the case of the ending -ARIU/-ARIA must have taken place later than /ɛ/ diphthongization in open syllables. There are also instances of progressive raising assimilation after an (alveolo)palatal stop ([cɛr] CARU), a sound change which has been blocked by an etymological alveolar trill ([car] CARRU) and which positions Ladin close to Alpine Lombard. Mid low vowels shifted to the rising diphthongs ie (/ɛ/) and uo, ue (/ɔ/) in open syllables, which could later be simplified into [e] ([ə]) and into [ɔ]/[o], [ø]/ [e], respectively. Paroxytones with posttonic /a/ and /o/ may show [ɔ] (/ɔ/) in open syllables across dialects, due presumably to a metaphonic effect. Other outcomes are [i] (/ɛ/) and [y] (/ɔ/) in Marebbano and Badiot, which can perhaps be traced back to [ˈie̯ ] and [ø], respectively, [ˈiə̯ ], [ˈuə̯ ] in Gardenese, and the falling diphthongs [ɔw], [ɛw] for /ɔ/ in W. Comelican. In checked syllables, /ɔ/ has stayed mid low and /ɛ/ has raised to [e] in most dialects. In Ladin, the mid low vowels /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ exhibit a similar scenario before (alveolo)palatal consonants and in open syllables and are implemented as diphthongs far more often than in Northern Italian. As to /ɛ/, a diphthong and the outcomes e and i appear to be favoured by relatively posterior palatal consonants whose production involves the tongue dorsum, namely [j] derived from word-final /i/, [jC] sequences derived from /ɾj/, /sj/, /ks/ ([ ʃ ], [s] nowadays) and possibly /kt/ ([t] nowadays), and [ ] which has yielded palatoalveolar and alveolar fricatives and affricates. On the other hand, whether generated from a diphthong or not, only e occurs before more anterior alveolar and alveolopalatal articulations, which must have occurred syllable-initially with no yod preposed to them, namely [ts]/[(d)z] (/ttj dj/), [ ɲ], and also /kl/ whether realized originally as [ʎ] or [c]/[ ]. The falling diphthongs [ˈie̯ ], [ˈia̯ ] may be found in the forms for DECEM, SEX and INTEGRU in other Ladin dialects besides Gardenese, and there is some evidence for the dissimilatory lowering process [e] > [ɛ] in Fassan f

f

f

8.4 Summary and discussion

217

and Nones mostly but not only before voiceless (alveolo)palatal stops and their obstruent end products and thus consonants involving the highest degree of palatality ([lɛt] LECTU, [ˈpɛten] PECTINE). Regarding /ɔ/, a diphthong and its outcomes [ø], [e] appear to have been favoured by postvocalic sonorants, namely [ʎ] (currently [j]), [ ] ([(d)ʒ]/[z], [j]) as well as yod occurring in labial +/j/ and [jC] sequences and derived from wordfinal /i/. On the other hand, there is frequently or exclusively a back rounded vowel realization before voiceless obstruents, i.e., [ts] (/ttj/), the outcome [t] of /kt/ which may have emerged from [jt] or [c], and possibly [c] (/kl/) in Nones. The stressed vowel of OCTO has failed to diphthongize, presumably due to the proclitic character of this numeral. Moreover, analogously to Northern Italian, there is some dialectal evidence in support of an on-going change [ø] > o mostly before consonants disfavouring mid front rounded vowel realizations, while the possibility that o occurs instead of [ø] because /ɔ/ diphthongization was avoided in this same contextual condition cannot be entirely dismissed. As to the role of prevocalic consonants and in parallel to data for other Romance languages, the on-glide [w] may have been deleted after a labial or labiodental or a syllable-onset consonant cluster (FOLIA, ✶TROGIU), and a preceding alveolar may have caused [we] to be replaced by [e] (NOCTE). The conditions under which a mid low vowel has raised to a high vowel realization appear to be quite limited in Ladin. With regard to /ɛ/, [i] has emerged from ie in the case of the sequence ieu (Di DEUS), and in open syllables and before an (alveolo)palatal consonant mostly in Marebbano and Badiot. Regarding /ɔ/, uo rather than ue or just o have raised to [u] before yod in Comelican (HANC HODIE, ✶TROGIU, COXA), and [ø] has shifted to [y] in open syllables, before yod and before word-final /u/ in Marebbano and Badiot (VOCITU, FOCU, OVU). Finally, prothetic [v] has been inserted before the on-glide [w] of a rising diphthong in forms for OCULU. f

9 Romansh 9.1 Preliminaries In parallel to Ladin, Romansh shows mid vowel diphthongization triggered by contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants. The Romansh-speaking domain is located in the Swiss canton of Grisons north of the Lombard Alps. Proceeding from west to east, the following Romansh dialects may be identified: Sursilvan, in the northern part of the canton of Ticino; Sutselvan; Surmiran, north of Val Bregaglia; Engadine, spoken north of Val Bregaglia and Val Poschiavo, which is commonly subdivided into Upper Engadine or Puter and Lower Engadine or Vallader. A number of localities for each of these dialects are listed next, most especially those for which phonetic data are available; whenever two names are assigned to a given locality, the first is the German name and the second the Romansh equivalent. The monographs and linguistic atlases from which the Romansh data have been taken are also listed. To these we should add the more general studies by Gartner (1910), Haiman/Benincà (1992), Eichenhofer (1999), as well as the online Dicziunari Rumantsch Grischun, which is available at http://online.drg.ch. Sursilvan, spoken in Brigels, Disentis/Mustér, Medels, Pitasch, Selva, Sumvitg, Tavetsch/Tujetsch, Tschamut and Vrin. References: Huonder (1900), Caduff (1952), Loriot (1952), Widmer (1962–1974), Kramer (1975), and also Jaberg/ Jud (1928–1940, points 1 Brigels, 3 Pitasch, 10 Tavetsch and 13 Vrin). Sutselvan, spoken in the districts of Imboden (Bonaduz, Ems/Domat, Flem, Trin), Domslechg (Scharans, Tomils), Schams (Donat, Schams, Zillis) and Cazis (Dalin). References: Luzi (1904), Rupp (1963), and also Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940, points 5 Ems, 14 Dalin and 16 Scharans). Surmiran, consisting of Sursés or Oberhalbstein in the south (Conters/Cunter, Marmels/Marmorera, Reams/Riom, Schweiningen/Savognin, Stalla/Beiva or Bivio, Tinzen/Tinizong), Sotsés Unterhalbstein or Albulatal in the north (Alvaneu/Alvagni, Bergün/Bravuogn, Filisur/Filisour, Lenz/Lantsch, Obervaz/Vaz, Stürvis/ Stierva, Tiefenkastell/Casti). References: Candrian (1900), Lutta (1923), Grisch (1939), and also Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940, points 25 Riom and 27 Latsch/Bergün). Engadinian, consisting of Upper Engadinian or Puter (Celerina, Sils, Zuoz) and Lower Engadinian or Vallader (Ardez, Müstair, Ramosch, Samnaun, Sent, Santa Maria, Zernez). References: Pult (1897), Walberg (1907), Schorta (1938), Schneider (1968), Ritter (1981), and also Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940, points 7 Ardez, 9 Ramosch, 19 Zernez, 28 Zuoz and 29 Santa Maria).

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-009

220

9 Romansh

Before analyzing the effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on the different stressed vowels, several observations about the origin and present-day realization of these and other consonants in Romansh are in order. There is [ts] for Latin /t(t)j/ and [t ʃ ] for /kj/, [ʎ] for both /lj/ and /kl gl/, and [ ɲ], which may have been depalatalized word-finally, for /nj/, /gn/ and /ndj/ but not for /nge ngj/ which have yielded the sequences [n ] and [n(d)ʒ] with a palatalized nasal. Depending on the Latin source, the early (alveolo)palatal stop has given rise to different consonant realizations in intervocalic position: [t ʃ ] for /kj/ (BRACCHIU) and essentially [ʒ] for /ke ki/; [dz] (/dj/); [ ], [j] and [(d)ʒ], or an alveolar affricate in Surmiran (front /g/); [j] or zero (/ka ga/). Voiced obstruents whether stops, fricatives or affricates devoice word-finally. As to /kt/, the earlier outcome [c], which is still available in Sursilvan, Sutselvan and Surmiran, has been replaced by [ts] in Surmiran and by [t ʃ ] in Sutselvan and Surmiran; in Engadinian, /kt/ has yielded [t], which is believed by some scholars to derive also from [c] (Lutta 1923, 208) and by others to derive from the assimilated sequence [tt] (Pult 1897, 29, and also Walberg 1907, 98, according to whom the phonetic outcome [t] of /kt/ in Engadinian has been imported from Lombardy). Shifting now to the lingual fricatives, /ssj ske ski skj stj/ have yielded [ ʃ ], while /ks/ may be implemented not only as [s] but also as [js] and occasionally as [(j) ʃ ], thus suggesting a primitive [sj] or [jʃ] source. Finally, there is [ɾ], [jɾ] or [r ] for /ɾj/, [ʒ] for /sj/, and [pc], [b ] and [v ] with a strengthened palatal glide for sequences made up of a labial or labiodental consonant and following yod. Romansh dialects provide important information about the possible causes of mid vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Romance in that, as described in the following sections, they show numerous instances of off-glide insertion in VC sequences even when the postvocalic consonant belongs to the (alveolo)palatal place of articulation. A point needs to be raised regarding the non-canonical falling diphthongs which result from off-gliding, namely the fact that they may have been influenced by the E. Swiss German dialects where instances of vowel breaking involving the insertion of mostly schwa are found before back consonants such as liquids and [x] (see section 1.2.1.3). Before we proceed with our analysis, several observations about phonetic transcription are in order. (a) The phonetic forms for a given Romansh dialect appearing in the tables of this chapter may come from one or several localities depending on the data available in the bibliographical sources at our disposal. The phonetic quality of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ found in these sources is far from stable: in addition to differences that may occur from one locality to another, the realization of a f

f

f

f

f

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

221

given mid low vowel may vary in degree of opening from one speaker to another within the same locality. (b) Lower articulations of /i/ and /u/ in checked syllables occurring in Sutselvan and perhaps other Romansh dialects are represented with the symbols [e] and [u] instead of with [e̝ ] and [ʊ], which is the notation found in Luzi (1904, 761–764). (c) The exact realization of the off-glide of non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus, and thus the issue of whether these diphthongs should be transcribed as ˈ[iə̯ ], [ˈie̯ ] or [ˈia̯ ], is not at all clear. Following Eichenhofer (1999) and others, as a general rule we use [ˈiə̯ ] unless other possibilities are mentioned explicitly in the bibliographical sources from which the data have been taken, and use the IPA symbol for schwa ([ə]) to represent the unstressed vowels e and a. (d) As revealed by certain forms included in the tables, stop consonants in Lower Engadinian may be either geminate or non-geminate depending on locality. Thus, for example, in Table 30 there is [lat:] and [lat] for LACTE, the former occurring in Sent according to Pult (1897: 76) and the latter in Ardez, Ramosch, Zernez and Santa Maria according to Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940).

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals 9.2.1 High vowels 9.2.1.1 High front High front /i/ remains unchanged in open syllables, and has lowered to mid high in checked syllables in Sursilvan, Sutselvan and Surmiran (Tavetsch [ərˈʒelə] ARGILLA, Sutselvan [ ʃ kɾet] SCRIPTU; Luzi 1904, 768; Lutta 1923, 96; Caduff 1952, 48). Insertion of a schwa-like glide may occur at the offset of /i/ before a coda rhotic, as exemplified by the Upper Engadine forms [ˈʃpiə̯ rt] SPIRITU (also in Surmiran) and [ˈviə̯ r ə] VIRGA (Walberg 1907, 32; Lutta 1923, 97). Dissimilatory vowel lowering before (alveolo)palatal consonants takes place fairly often in Romansh. It may apply after vowel diphthongization into [ij] in open syllables whether the off-glide has remained as such or has been replaced by a velar stop in preconsonantal position (Surmeir [durˈmejr], [durˈmekr] DORMIRE as opposed to Upper Engadinian [durmikr], [vikf] VIVU). The dissimilatory process also operates on the high front vowel of the sequence [ˈijə] whether derived from [ˈiə] through glide epenthesis or from [ˈi ə] through vocalization of the (alveolo)palatal stop, and may reapply to lower realizations of the same vowel. The corresponding phonetic outcomes may be [ˈəjə], [ˈejə], [ˈɛjə], [ˈajə] and [ˈɔjə], f

f

222

9 Romansh

as exemplified by [ka ʃ ˈtəjə] CASTIGAT, [ˈ ʃ pəjə] SPICA in Disentis (Huonder 1900, 486), [ˈʃpɛjə], [ˈʃpajə], [ˈʃpɔjə] in Sutselvan (Luzi 1904, 767), and [faˈdeə] ✶FATIGA, [furˈmiə], [furˈmejə] FORMICA in Surmiran (Candrian 1900, 16). According to some scholars (see Lutta 1923, 91), given the existence of phonetic variants such as [ˈmejə] MIA and [ˈvejə] VIA (Disentis, Sutselvan, Surmiran; Widmer 1962–1974, vol. 22, 190), /i/ lowering in those words was not triggered by [j] but occurred in a hiatus prior to glide epenthesis. This analysis does not seem applicable since [j] derives from [ ] in CASTIGAT, SPICA and other words with /ka ga/, which leads us to hypothesize that the high front vowel lowered while the stressed vowel was in contact with following yod. Even in the case of forms like [ˈmejə] and [ˈvejə], it could be that /i/ shifted to [e] after the hiatus was broken through [j] insertion. The dissimilatory lowering of /i/ has also taken place before [ʎ] and [ ɲ], as exemplified by data for Sursilvan ([ˈfeʎ(ə)] FILIU/FILIA; Caduff 1952, 47), Sutsevan ([fəˈmeʎə] FAMILIA, [feʎ] FILIU, [gəˈʎeɲə] GALLINA, [feɲ] FINE; Luzi 1904, 766–767) and Surmiran ([əˈvɾeʎ] APRILE; Lutta 1923, 91). f

9.2.1.2 High back In open syllables, high back /u/ has shifted to [y], which has remained intact in Engadinian but has been delabialized into [i] in Sursilvan, Sutselvan, Surmiran and also in Samnaun in Lower Engadine. A mid front rounded or central offglide has in some cases been inserted at the offset of this outcome [y] before a coda rhotic (Upper Engadine [ˈmyə̯ rs] MURES, [ˈyə̯ rlə] ULULAT, [ˈfyə̯ r ə] FURIA, Zernez [ˈmyœ̯ rs] MURES; Walberg 1907, 18, 46; Schorta 1938, 49). On the other hand, analogously to /i/ (section 9.2.1.1), a dissimilatory process has also operated on [y] before [ ɲ] to yield [ø] perhaps with the contribution of the vowel nasalization characteristic (Bivio [øɲ] UNU, [ˈʎøɲə] LUNA; Candrian 1900, 21). Moreover, the diphthongized outcome [ij] of [yj] may have been dissimilated into [ej] in open syllables in Surmiran, as exemplified by forms such as [dejr], [d(z)ekr] DURU, [dzej] SUCU and [ˈsejə] SUDAT, which contrast with non-dissimilated variants like [ʎik ʃ ] LUCE, [ ʃ pikr] PURU and [ˈdigɾə] DURAT in Bergün and [ˈsy(j)ə] in Engadine (Lutta 1923, 91–92, 138; Grisch 1939, 25, 27, Eichenhofer 1989, 94–95). In closed syllables, /u/ may have lowered to [e] in the same set of dialect domains that exhibit /i/ lowering in the same syllable type condition (Sutselvan [ e ʃ t], [ʒe ʃ t] IUSTU, Bergün [beʃ t] BUSTU). f

f

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

223

9.2.2 Mid high front vowel In open syllables, /e/ diphthongized into ei, after which the vowel nucleus could lower or shift to schwa and the resulting diphthongs could be simplified into a single vowel. The present-day dialects show the following array of phonetic realizations: (a) [ɛj] in Sutselvan from Flem and in Surmiran from Savognin, Conters, Bergün, Stürvis, Tinzen and Tiefenkastell. In Surmiran localities, coda [j] has been reinforced with a velar stop in preconsonantal position ([nɛkf] NIVE in Bergün, Savognin, Conters; Lutta 1923, 71–72). (b) [aj] in Lower Engadine including Val Müstair, Sursilvan from Tavetsch, Zuoz in Upper Engadine, and Surmiran from Bivio, Alvaneu and Filisur (Bivio [vuˈlajr] VOLERE, [sajt] SITE). (c) [əj], [e] in Disentis ([nəjf] NIVE, [səjt] SITE, [ve] HABERE; Huonder 1900, 468). (d) [e] in Sutselvan. (e) [ɛ] in Celerina, which could have been generated through the pathway [ɛ:] < aj < ej (see Walberg 1907, 22). In checked syllables, /e/ has remained unmodified in Sutselvan and Surmiran (Bivio), but has lowered to [ɛ] in Sursilvan, Surmiran and Engadine. Specific realizations may be found before /rC/ and /sC/. Before /rC/, [ɛ] may occur in dialect areas where /e/ is implemented as [e] in closed syllables as a general rule (Sutselvan [vɛrt] VIRIDE; Luzi 1904, 773), and there may be off-glide insertion followed possibly by the formation of a rising diphthong (Disentis [ˈpjardər] PERDERE, Domleschg [ˈvɛə̯ rt], Bergün [ˈfɛə̯ rm] FIRMU, [ˈt ʃ iə̯ rcəl] CIRCULU, Lower Engadine [ˈvɛə̯ rt], [ˈviə̯ rt] VIRIDE; Huonder 1900, 483–484; Luzi 1904, 773; Lutta 1923, 76; Ritter 1981, 100). Before [ ʃ C] derived from /sC/, on the other hand, the glide [j] appears at vowel offset in the Lower Engadine locality of Ramosch ([ˈkɾaj ʃ tə] CRISTA, [fɾaj ʃ c] Germ. FRISK; Schneider 1968, 44). The effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on preceding stressed /e/ may be analyzed with reference to the data presented in Table 28. Analogously to Ladin (section 8.2.1.1), the corresponding phonetic realizations coincide to a large extent with those occurring in closed syllables, that is, Sutselvan primarily has [e] (more precisely [ɪ]) and Sursilvan, Surmiran and Upper Engadinian have the lower cognate [ɛ], which suggests that there has been no diphthongization. However, the overall scenario is not that clear. Thus, for example, Lower Engadinian has a large number of forms with [e] in spite of exhibiting [ɛ] in checked syllables, and phonetic variants with the two mid vowels are frequent in Sutselvan and Surmiran. A detailed look at the facts on a dialect-by-

224

9 Romansh

dialect basis is therefore needed before we can formulate an appropriate explanation for the data available to us. Sursilvan, which shows essentially a falling diphthong in open syllables and [ɛ] in closed syllables, has only [ɛ] or else both [e] and [ɛ] before [j] (< [ ]) derived from /ka ga/ (group 5 in Table 28). In Disentis, stressed [e] is replaced by [ə] before [j] ([ˈləjə] LIGAT, [ˈ ʃ trəjə] STRIGA), thus paralleling the realization [əj] of /e/ in open syllables. In Sutselvan, which essentially has [e] in both open and checked syllables, we often find [e] before an (alveolo)palatal consonant as well. However, [ɛ] and [a] are also possible in this consonantal context in specific localities, fairly systematically present in Schams ([uˈɾɛʎə] AURICULA, [lɛn] LIGNU, [ˈtɾɛtʃə] ✶TRICHEA, [rɛtʃ] REGE, [ˈkɾɛʃər] CRESCERE, [tɛtʃ] TECTU) and more occasionally so in Sils ([suˈlaʎ] SOLICULU, [pɛʃc] PISCE) (Luzi 1904, 769–773). A special case is that of SPICA, STRIGA and PLICAT which exhibit a stressed vowel different from [e] in other localities as well (i.e., [ˈʃtɾɛjə] STRIGA in Schams and Sils, and [ˈʃtɾajə], [ˈʃtɾɔjə] in other Sutselvan communities). In all three words, vowel lowering appears to have been triggered by following [j] derived from [ ] (and thus may have a dissimilatory origin) rather than by the placement of /e/ in a hiatus, which is the explanation given by several scholars based on the presence of analogous phonetic variants of words that originally had a hiatus such as [ˈvejə]/[ˈvɛjə], [ˈvajə], [ˈvɔjə]/[ˈvojə] VIA (Lutta 1923, 73; Eichenhofer 1999, 174). A look at the data for several Surmiran localities provided by the bibliographical sources given in section 9.1 reveals a complex scenario. Surmiran, which has essentially a mid low or low vowel nucleus in open and checked syllables (i.e., [ɛj]/[aj] and [ɛ], respectively), shows [e] before [ʎ] and [j] (< [ ]) derived from /ga/ practically everywhere (as in SOLICULU, STRIGA), and [ɛ] (also [a]) before [ ɲ] (LIGNU, SIGNU), [ ʃ ] (PISCE) and [c] and the affricate end products of (alveolo)palatal stops (REGE, DIRECTU). The vowel realization appears to be more variable in forms with early [ ] from other sources (CORRIGIA, PLICAT). There are two main exceptions. In Bivio, /e/ is implemented as [aj] in open syllables and as [e] in closed syllables and also before (alveolo)palatals including those lexical items appearing in groups 7 and 8 in Table 28 ([pe ʃ ] PISCE, [dɾec] DIRECTU, [tec] TECTU though [laɲ] LIGNU; Candrian 1900). At the other extreme, in Bergün, which has [ɛj] in open syllables and [ɛ] in checked syllables, the outcome [ɛ] occurs more often than in any other locality in Surmeir: there is [ɛ] in all words in the table (also [rac], [ˈ ʃ plaja]), but not for VITIU and before [j] ([ ]) derived from /ga/ ([ˈlejə] LIGAT, [ˈʃtɾejə] STRIGA) and only to some extent before [ʎ] ([kuˈsɛʎ] CONSILIU , [fəˈmɛʎ] FAMILIU though also [pəˈɾeʎ] PARICULU , [ˈ ʃ tɾeʎə] STRIGILE , [mərˈveʎə] MIRABILIA, [cəˈveʎ] CAPILLU) (Lutta 1923, 77–79, 184–185; Grisch 1939, 22–23). f

f

f

f

f

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

225

Finally, in Engadine where /e/ is implemented through realizations lower than [e] in open and closed syllables, there is essentially [e], [i] before [j] ( < [ ]) derived from /ga/, and, as revealed by the lexical items in groups 1, 5, 7 and 8 in Table 28, a clear tendency to favour [ɛ], [a] before obstruents except for Lower Engadine localities which show [e] before the corresponding voiceless cognates (Ardez [pe ʃ ] PISCE, [ˈ ʃ tɾettə] STRICTA, [tett] TECTU, Santa Maria [pe ʃ ] PISCE, [ˈ ʃ tɾetə] STRICTA; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 526, 864, 943). Before the alveolopalatal sonorants [ʎ] and [ ɲ] (also before the alveolar affricate of VIDEO), on the other hand, Lower Engadinian shows higher and lower vowel realizations ([e], [ɛ], [a]) and Upper Engadinian only lower ones ([ɛ], [a]). These data suggest a parallel scenario to that occurring in Ladin and Northern Italian (see sections 7.3.1 and 8.2.1.1). Since /e/ has remained unmodified before specific (alveolo)palatals even in dialects where [e] is not its natural outcome in open and checked syllables (Sursilvan, Surmiran, Engadine), it may be assumed that [e] is the natural end product of /e/ before (alveolo)palatal consonants and that realizations lower than [e] have emerged through dissimilatory lowering. A good example is that of Schams and Sils relative to other Sutselvan localities. Moreover, if this assumption is correct and consistent with the evidence for other linguistic features (Haiman/Benincà 1992, 45–46), the geographical distribution of the data provided in this section suggests that the earlier forms with [e] have been maintained in the more conservative Romanshspeaking areas, namely, Sutselvan, Lower Engadine and perhaps Bivio in Surmeir. Also in parallel to Northern Italian and Ladin, whether the present-day vowel realization is [e] or [ɛ] may depend on the articulatory characteristics of the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant: on one hand, obstruents, mostly if voiceless (groups 7 and 8 in Table 28), would have caused the vowel to dissimilate into lower realizations; on the other hand, more anterior alveolopalatal sonorants (and more so [ʎ] than [ ɲ], presumably because the lateral shows less dorsopalatal contact than the nasal) and [j] (< [ ]), mostly if derived from /ga/, would have contributed to the maintenance of [e]. Interestingly enough, in the most conservative Romansh-speaking areas just referred to, geographical isolation may account for why those contextual consonants which favour the outcome [e] may also allow for the maximally dissimilated end product [a] ([uˈɾaʎa] AURICULA, [laɲ] LIGNU, [ˈplajə] PLICAT). Specific explanations have been put forth for some problematic lexical forms presented in Table 28 (see Eichenhofer 1989, 143–145; 1999, 107–108). As to the outcomes [aj] and [ɛ] of /e/ before [ ɲ] derived from /gn/ in Sursilvan ([tsajn], [tsɛn] SIGNU) and Upper Engadinian ([lajn], [lɛɲ] LIGNU, [sajn], [sɛɲ] SIGNU), Eichenhofer has proposed that [ɛ] would have emerged from [aj]. However, this hypothesis does not easily cope with the presence of the lexical f

f

226

9 Romansh

variants [lɛɲ], [lɛŋ], [lɛn] and [sɛŋ], [sɛn] in Sutselvan and Surmiran where the corresponding cognates with [aj] are unavailable. Regarding [raj] and [rac] from REGE, on the other hand, Eichenhofer’s opinion is that the two forms were created through dissimilation after the diphthongization of /e/ in an open syllable and that [raj] emerged from [rajc] through deletion of the word-final (alveolo)palatal stop ([rejc] > [rajc] > [raj], [rac]). In line with the high frequency of occurrence of the dissimilation data reported so far, our view is that the word-final yod in [raj] is the vocalized outcome of coda [c] and that the dissimilatory change /e/ > [a] preceded the vocalization process ([rec] > [rac] > [raj]). A few instances of /e/ raising to [i] before an (alveolo)palatal consonant may be identified in Table 28. The high front vowel outcome occurs in [ˈli( )ə] LIGAT, [ˈ ʃ tɾiə] STRIGA and [ˈpliə] PLICAT in Sutselvan and other dialects, and in [ˈvitsi] VITIU, [ˈviʎə] VIGILAT and possibly [klikr] COLLIGERE in Surmiran. On the other hand, [oj] derived from [ej] may raise to [uj], as exemplified by doublets such as [ˈ ʃ tɾujə] (Bonaduz)/[ˈ ʃ tɾɔjə] (Scheid) STRIGA (Luzi 1904, 770). The fact that unlike other Romansh dialects Surmiran has forms with not only [i] but also [e] for CAMISIA ([cəˈmi(g)ʒə], [cəˈmejʒə]/[cəˈmɔjʒə]) suggests that, similarly to Ladin but in contrast with most Romance languages, the stressed vowel of this word must be traced back not to /i/ (Ī) but to /ɪ/ (Ĭ) (see section 2.2.1.4). f

9.2.3 Mid high back vowel In open syllables, /o/ appears to have diphthongized into [ow], which later developed into [u] (Sursilvan, Sutselvan, Engadinian). Traces of the primitive diphthong may be found in Surmiran, where either [ow], [ew], [aw] or [u] occur, depending on the locality ([vow ʃ ], [vew ʃ ], [vu ʃ ] VOCE; Meyer-Lübke 1890, 136; Eichenhofer 1999, 138). Moreover, the off-glide may be reinforced with a velar stop in preconsonantal position in Surmiran and Upper Engadinian (Celerina [flukr] FLORE, Bergün [vok ʃ ] VOCE, [ˈogɾa] HORA, [lukf] LUPU). In checked syllables, the realizations [u] (or [ʊ]) in Sutselvan and also in Sursilvan, together with [ˈuə̯ ] in Disentis and [ˈue̯ ] in Tavetsch, suggest the earlier existence of [ˈuo̯ ] or [wo]. As to the remaining dialects, we find [ˈuə̯ ] and [o] in Upper Engadinian, [ˈuo̯ ], [ˈuə̯ ], [wo] and [o] in Lower Engadinian, and [ˈuə̯ ], [we] and [o] in Surmiran, the rising diphthong [we] occurring exclusively in Bergün. This complex situation may be handled by assuming that the rising diphthongal outcomes emerged from falling diphthongs with a high back vowel nucleus, which in their turn emerged through off-gliding when the stressed vowel was followed by specific consonants and consonant sequences (see Eichenhofer 1989, 101 for the development [ˈuə̯ ] > [we], [wo]). The question then

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

227

arises as to which contextual consonants may have been involved in this vowel breaking process and the extent to which they coincide with those consonants which triggered off-glide insertion in other languages and dialects such as Occitan and Romagnol. Several cases of glide insertion have been identified at the offset of /o/ in Romansh in the monographs cited in section 9.1, most especially Pult (1897, 52–53), Huonder (1900, 509, 511), Walberg (1907, 39–42), Lutta (1923), Schorta (1938, 44–45), Caduff (1952, 55–56), Rupp (1963, 28–29), Schneider (1968, 54–55) and Ritter (1981, 141–151). Off-glide insertion often followed by a change from a falling to a rising diphthong may occur before [lC] and [rC] in most dialect domains: Tavetsch [ˈkue̯ lm] CULMEN, [ˈkue̯ rt] CURTU, Disentis [ˈkuə̯ lpə] CULPA, [ˈfuə̯ rn] FURNU; Sutselvan from Donat, Trin and Flem [ˈpuə̯ lpa] PULPA, [ˈfuə̯ rka] FURCA; Upper Engadine [ˈkuə̯ lp] ✶COLPU, [ˈkuə̯ rsə] CURSA; Lower Engadine [ˈsuə̯ lc], [ˈ(t)suo̯ l], [swolc] SULCU, [ˈfuə̯ rn], [ˈfuo̯ rn], [fworn]; Bergün [ˈkwelpa], [ˈfuə̯ rn]. The glide may also be inserted before prevocalic [l] and [r] derived from the Latin geminates /ll/ and /rr/, as exemplified by [saˈpuə̯ la] ✶SEPULLIT, [ˈtuə̯ r] TURRE (Upper Engadine) and [ˈbwelə] BULLA, [ˈbweɾə] BURRA (Bergün). Interestingly enough, glide insertion before preconsonantal [l] occurs when C2 is a labial or velar but not in /lC/ sequences with a dentoalveolar where the alveolar lateral has been deleted and /o/ has raised to [u] (Engadine [dutʃ], [dukʃ] DULCE, [pukt], [put] PULTE). We also find examples of glide insertion before /sC/, which is realized as [ʃC] in all the dialects of interest, and also before [s] derived from the Latin geminate /ss/: Disentis [ˈkuə̯ ʃtə] COSTA, [bəˈguə̯ s] from Lombard gabüs ‘cabbage’; Bergün [ˈkɔə̯ ʃtə], [twes] TUSSE; Upper Engadine [ˈmuə̯ ʃ cə] MUSCA, [ˈtuə̯ s]; Lower Engadine [ˈkɾuo̯ ʃ tə], [ˈgɾwɔ ʃ tə] CRUSTA, [ˈmuə̯ ʃ cə], [ˈmwɔ ʃ cə]. A glide may also be added before the voiceless dental stop derived from Latin /tt/, which is often articulated with some predorsal lowering and postdorsal retraction (Disentis [ˈguə̯ tə] GUTTA, [ˈbuə̯ t] BUTTE, Sutselvan from Donat, Trin and Flem [ˈbuə̯ t], Bergün [gwet], [bwet], Upper Engadine [ˈtuə̯ t] TOTTU). Interestingly enough, there appear to be no cases of glide insertion at the offset of /o/ before labials, labiodentals and velars. Moreover, the above data reveal that non-canonical falling and rising diphthongs coexist in Bergün and in Lower Engadinian; regarding the latter dialect domain, Schneider (1968), Ritter (1981) and Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940, maps 239, 477, 1418 for FURNU, MUSCA, SULCU, point 29) report falling diphthongs alone, and Pult (1897) and Schorta (1938) report only rising diphthongs. Rather than differences in vowel duration, what seems to account for the presence of glides at the offset of /o/ in certain consonantal contexts rather than others appears to be the fact that the articulation of this vowel involves more tongue body movement before front lingual consonants even if articulated with some predorsum lowering and postdorsum backing than before labials

228

9 Romansh

(which exhibit no tongue movement) and velars (which, just as mid back vowels, are articulated at the back of the vocal tract). In view of the positive relationship between degree of articulatory movement and duration and extent of the vowel transitions, listeners are more likely to categorize the transitions in question as glides before consonants of the former group than before consonants of the latter. What is special about Romansh is that glide insertion at the offset of /o/ may also take place before (alveolo)palatal consonants and consonants derived from earlier palatals. The vowel realizations before (alveolo)palatals shown in Table 29 are in agreement with the outcomes of /o/ in open and closed syllables in Sutselvan (always [u]) and, to a large extent, in Sursilvan as well ([u] for the most part), the issue being (the same as for French, see section 11.1.3) the extent to which the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant has been involved in the closing of /o/ in these dialects. As to the remaining dialect areas (Surmeir, Engadine, and partly Sursilvan, mostly Disentis), falling diphthongs generated through off-gliding, and alternating with rising diphthongs in Surmeir and Lower Engadine, may occur before the following consonants: [ʎ] (PEDUCULU, GENUCULU); [ ɲ] (VERECUNDIA, PUGNU, CUNEU); [ ʃ ] (ANGUSTIA); and all (alveolo)palatal or palatalized stops and their palatoalveolar and alveolar affricate outcomes, as revealed by the forms for PUTEU, those for ✶TROGIU, which have been included in Table 29 in spite of the fact that this word shows /ɔ/ in other Romance languages (see Lutta 1923, 112 and Eichenhofer 1999 in this connection), as well as the lexical variants [caˈmwet ʃ ] ✶CAMOCIU, [ˈkwe ə] CUTICA (Bergün) and [ˈbuə̯ cə] BUCCA (Upper Engadine) not included in the table. Off-glide insertion might also account for the presence of rising diphthongs before coda [j] in words ending in -ǓRIA and -ŌRIU such as [sələˈmwojɾa], [sələˈmwegɾə] SALMURIA, and [pɾəˈswekr] (Bergün), [pɾəˈswojr] (Sent) PRESSORIU. It is unclear whether, at least in Upper Engadine, the change -ORIU > [ujr] has come about through vowel diphthongization and thus pathways such as [wojr] > [ujr] (Walberg 1907, 42–43) or [ˈuojr] > [ujr], or else by simply raising [o] to [u] before yod. Not all scholars agree with the notion that rising diphthongs must derive from non-canonical falling diphthongs. According to Lutta (1923, 113), [ˈuə̯ ] and [we] would have emerged from [wo]. More in line with our way of thinking, other scholars start out with [ˈuə̯ ], which could later develop into [we] and [wo], not only before consonants articulated with a lowered and retracted tongue body but before (alveolo)palatals as well. According to this view, a pathway such as [ˈuə̯ ɲ] > [wəɲ] > [weɲ], [woɲ] would have yielded the Engadinian and Surmiran forms with a rising diphthong for VERECUNDIA, PUGNU, CUNEU and ANGUSTIA presented in Table 29 and for words ending in -ŌNIU (Eichenhofer 1989, 149). Whatever explanation is chosen, vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)f

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

229

palatal consonants does not seem to involve the formation of a rising diphthong right away but appears to start out with the insertion of a transitional schwa-like glide as the body of the tongue goes through a relatively lowered and centralized position on its way from the mid back rounded vowel to the following (alveolo)palatal consonant. As argued in section 6.6, the involvement of some sort of dissimilatory mechanism at vowel offset on the part of the speaker or listener in this glide insertion process is conceptually possible.

9.2.4 Low vowel The vowel /a/ raises to [e] in open syllables in Upper Engadinian and also in Bergün, Filisur and Stalla in Surmeir (Celerina [ˈela] ALA, [mer] MARE, Bergün [klef] CLAVE), but stays low in the other dialect areas. Assimilatory low vowel raising may occur after an (alveolo)palatal consonant and preferentially an (alveolo)palatal stop, which may be implemented as [j] word-medially: Tavetsch [siˈɛ] SECARE, [ ʃ əˈ ɛ] EXAGIARE, [cɛr] CARU, [ˈcɛzə] ✶ CASA, [ˈjɛdə] VICATA (Caduff 1952, 27–28, 98); Sutselvan [piˈcɛ] PICCARE, [cew] CAPUT (Luzi 1904, 780–782); Surmiran [cer], [ˈcezə], [cərˈ er] CARRICARE, [pəˈjer] PACARE, [liˈer] LIGARE (Lutta 1923); Upper Engadine [cer], [ˈcevɾə] CAPRA (Walberg 1907). The stressed vowel outcome may depend on specific contextual factors. Thus, an etymological alveolar trill may have prevented /a/ raising from taking place (Surmiran [car] CARRU). Moreover, in view of forms such as [ˈcozə] CAUSA, [ˈcoɾə] CAPRA and [ˈcɔnə] CANNA available in Bergün (also [ˈcozə] in Engadine and [ˈcɔnə] in Sent), /a/ must have raised to mid front after shifting to o before labials and other consonants, which in its turn must have occurred after /k/ palatalized into [c] before the low vowel. On the other hand, off-glide insertion could apply after the prevocalic (alveolo)palatal stop caused /a/ to raise to e in forms such as [ˈcɛə̯ rn] CARNE, [ˈcɛə̯ rtə] CHARTA (Bergün) and [ˈcea̯ zə]/[ˈcɛa̯ zə] CASA, [ˈcea̯ r]/[ˈcɛa̯ r] CARNE, [kərˈ eə̯ r]/[kərˈ ɛə̯ ] CARRICARE (Sils, Schams and Domslechg in Sutselva; Luzi 1904, 780–781). Low vowel raising before (alveolo)palatal consonants will be analyzed next based on the examples included in Table 30. Data for Disentis have not been included in the table since they are very similar to those for Tavetsch. f

f

f

f

(a) The vowel has stayed low before [ts] (/tj/, group 1), which is also the word-final realization of intervocalic [dz] (/dj/, RADIU), and before [ʎ] (group 2), [ɲ] (group 3), [tʃ] (/kj/, group 4), [b ], [pc] (labial + /j/, group 6) and [c] and its outcomes [t], [tʃ] and [ts] (/kt/, group 8). Before [ɲ], /a/ has changed into a mid back vowel in several dialects ([kəlˈkɔɲ]/[kəlˈkoɲ] CALCANEU, [kə ʃ ˈtɔɲə]/[kə ʃ ˈtoɲə] CASTANEA), f

230

9 Romansh

and may have diphthongized into [we] in Bergün at the same time as /o/ did in words like VERECUNDIA and PUGNU (see Table 29 and Eichenhofer 1989, 19, 150). In so far as this diphthongization process has not taken place before other nasal consonants (Bergün [ˈklɔmə] CLAMAT, [ˈcɔnə] CANNA), it must be attributed to the palatality, not the nasality, characteristic of the alveolopalatal nasal. (b) In Domleschg in Sutselva, Bivio in Surmeir and Upper Engadine, the low vowel may have raised to mid front before [ ] (group 5), which later became [j] intervocalically and [c] and [j] word-finally (Bivio [lec] LACU, [ˈpe ə] PACAT, [ˈple ə] PLAGA). A comparison of these data with those showing progressive assimilation reveals that, in localities such as Tavetsch and Bergün, /a/ may have raised after but not before an (alveolo)palatal stop or [j] derived from it. Even in the case of CACAT, Tavetsch has [ˈcajə] while other dialect domains show [ˈcɛgə] (Ems), [ˈcɛjə] (Upper Engadine) and [ˈcejə] (Bergün). Whether derived from /j/ or from /i/, coda [j] has triggered the raising of /a/ in those lexical items falling under group 11 in all dialects except for Sursilvan and for some words more than others (more often in ✶AYO, ✶SAYO than in PLACITU, MAIU, TRAHERE, MAGIS). As to the ending -ARIU/-ARIA (see data for IANUARIU and CALDARIA under group 10), /a/ raising has occurred everywhere in Romansh, the corresponding phonetic outcomes being as follows: Sursilvan: [ɛ] -ARIU/[ˈɛɾə] -ARIA (Tavetsch, Disentis), and also [ejr]/[ˈejɾa] (Tavetsch) and [ˈiə̯ r]/[ˈiə̯ ɾə] (Disentis). Sutselvan: [e(r)]/[ˈeɾə] or else [ɛ]/[ˈɛɾə]. Surmiran: [er]/[ˈeɾə], and also [ˈi(ə̯ )r]/[ˈi(ə̯ )ɾə] in Sotsés ([u ʃ ˈti(ə̯ )r] HOSPITARIU, [liˈci(ə̯ )ɾə] LECTARIA; Grisch 1939, 66–67). Upper Engadinian: [er]/[ˈeɾə]. Lower Engadinian: [ɛr]/[ˈɛɾə] (Sent), [er]/[ˈeɾə] (Val Müstair), [ɛ(j)r], [er]/ [ˈeɾə] (Samnaun). f

f

f

These phonetic outcomes for -ARIU/-ARIA reveal that in the vast majority of cases /a/ has raised to a mid vowel but has not diphthongized. An exception are the forms from Disentis ([ˈiə̯ r]/[ˈiə̯ ɾə]) and Sotsés ([ˈi(ə̯ )r]/[ˈi(ə̯ )ɾə]) which may be accounted for by assuming that postvocalic yod caused the raised outcome [ɛ] of /a/ to diphthongize into [ˈiə] after which the off-glide could be deleted (see also section 9.2.5). It has been suggested that the outcome [ejr] -ARIU from Tavetsch has been achieved though the pathway [jer] > [e(ə̯ )r] > [ejr] (see Caduff 1952, 26, and also section 9.2.5 for an analogous development for the end product [ej] of /ɛ/ in open syllables before word-final high or mid vowels and before coda yod in the same locality).

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

231

(c) The phonetic evolution of /a/ before front lingual fricatives derived from the sequences /ks/, /sj/, /ssj/ and /ske ski skj/ (see groups 7 and 9 in Table 30) requires special attention. Before [s] derived from /ks/ (AXE, TAXU, FRAXINU), there is [a] in Sursilvan and Engadinian, and vowel raising in Sutselvan ([a], [e], [ɛ]) and Surmiran ([e], [ɛ]), which may be taken as proof that, at least in part of the Romansh-speaking domain, the outcome [s] of /ks/ has emerged through [sj] or [ ʃ ] depalatalization instead of through regressive assimilation and thus the pathway /ks/ > [ss] > [s]. This possibility appears to be confirmed by the presence of [js] instead of [s] in Sursilvan and partly in Sutselvan ([ˈajsə] AXE). Before a palatoalveolar fricative, the situation is also complex. The low vowel raises to [e] before [ʒ] (/sj/) in ✶RASIA in both Surmiran and Upper Engadinian. Before [ ʃ ] (/ssj ske ski skj/), on the other hand, while ✶CRASSIA and FASCIA have [a] everywhere, NASCERE shows either a, e or both depending on the dialect taken into consideration. These word-specific differences in /a/ realization in the [ ʃ ] context condition could have been induced by metaphony and thus be related to the word-final vowel, as appears to also be the case for other Romance languages such as Catalan where [ˈfa ʃ ə] FASCIA has stressed [a] and [ˈne ʃ ə] NASCERE and [gɾe ʃ ] ✶CRASSEU have stressed [e] (see chapter 5).

9.2.5 Mid low front vowel 9.2.5.1 General development Listed below are the phonetic outcomes in Romansh of /ɛ/ in open and checked syllables, excluding the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition. These outcomes are generally associated with metaphony and contextual consonants such as liquids and [s], which may cause significant changes in the mid low front vowel. (a) In Sursilvan, in words ending in a high or mid vowel, /ɛ/ is implemented as [ej] in Tavetsch and as [ˈiə̯ ], [ɛ] in Disentis in open syllables, and as the sequence [ˈiə̯ ] in both localities in checked syllables, which may change to [ˈia̯ ], [ja] in Tavetsch (Tavetsch [t ʃ ejl] CAELU, [lejf] LEVE, [əˈviə̯ rt] APERTU, [sjat] SEPTEM, Disentis [ˈt ʃ iə̯ l], [lɛf]). Before final /a/, we find [ɛ] in open syllables and [ˈia̯ ], [ja] in syllables checked mostly by /lC sC rC/ and possibly by [ts] (Disentis [ˈbjalə] BELLA, [ˈfjastə] FESTA, [ˈtjaɾə] TERRA, and see Table 31 regarding the forms for ✶ PETTIA and NEPTIA). (b) Regarding Sutselvan, the relevant phonetic outcomes are [ˈiə̯ ] before a wordfinal high vowel, which may shift to [i] ([ˈt ʃ iə̯ l] CAELU, Domleschg [uˈvirn] HIBERNU; Meyer-Lübke 1890, 157), and [ˈiə̯ ], [ˈeə̯ ], [ˈɛə̯ ], [ɛ], [e] in open syllables

232

9 Romansh

and [ˈɛə̯ ], [ɛ] in checked syllables before other final vowels ([ˈnɛə̯ bla]/[ˈneə̯ bla], [ˈnɛbla] NEBULA, [ˈfɛ(ə̯ ) ʃ tə] FESTA, [ˈbɛ(ə̯ )lə] BELLA, [ˈvɛ(ə̯ )rm] VERME; Luzi 1904, 773–774). (c) As to Surmiran, the major outcomes are [ˈiə̯ ] in words ending in a high vowel, and [e] in open syllables and [ˈɛ(ə̯ )] in closed syllables in words ending in other vowels ([ˈ(t) ʃ iə̯ l] CAELU, [uɱˈviə̯ rn] HIBERNU, [ˈfevɾə] FEBRE, [ˈtɛ(ə̯ )ɾə] TERRA). Bergün has gone a step further: in words with a final high vowel, [ˈiə̯ ] has shifted to [je] before coda [s] and [r] derived from Latin /ss/ and /rr/ ([sjes] ✶ SESSU, [fjer] FERRU) and, as revealed by the data for PETTIU and PRETIU presented in Table 31, possibly before [ts] and [dz] derived from /ttj/ and /dj/ as well; in words with final non-high vowels, on the other hand, [ˈɛə̯ ] has remained unchanged before /lC/ and /rC/, has shifted to [ja] before [l s r t ts dz] derived from /ll ss rr pt ttj dj/ and has raised to [e] before /sC/ ([ˈmɛə̯ rdə] MERDA, [pjal] PELLE, [ˈbjalə] BELLA, [sjat] SEPTEM, [ˈfe ʃ tə] FESTA, and see also the forms [ˈnjatsə] ✶ NEPTIA, [ˈpjatsə] PETTIA in Table 31). (d) In Upper Engadine, words ending in a high vowel have [e] in open and checked syllables though [ˈiə̯ ] before a rhotic in preconsonantal position and derived from a prevocalic trill ([t ʃ el] CAELU, [ˈɲiə̯ rf] NERVU, [ˈfiə̯ r] FERRU); in the same word-final vowel condition, Lower Engadine has [e] in open syllables and [ˈiə̯ ], [ˈiɛ̯ ], [je], [jɛ] in syllables checked by /rC/ ([t ʃ el], [ˈfiə̯ r]/[ˈfiɛ̯ r]/[fjer], [uɱˈviə̯ rn]/[uˈvjern] HIBERNU; Pult 1897, 26; Schneider 1968, 37; Ritter 1981, 72–73). In words ending in a mid or low vowel, the two dialect domains differ regarding the phonetic outcome in both open and checked syllables: in open syllables, while Lower Engandine has [e], Upper Engadine shows essentially the same outcomes as /e/ and thus [ɛj] before a vowel and [ɛg], [ɛk] before a consonant (Sent [ˈpedɾə] and Celerina [ˈpɛgdrə] for PETRA, and [ˈpɾɛjə] PRAEDA in the latter locality); in checked syllables, there is [ɛ] in Upper and Lower Engadine, which in the latter dialect domain persists before /rC/ but raises to [e] before [ʃC] and to a lesser extent before [l] derived from /ll/ (Celerina, Sent [ˈpɛrdər] PERDERE, Celerina [ˈvɛʃpɾə] VESPA, [ˈbɛlə] BELLA, Sent [ˈveʃpɾə], [ˈbelə]/[ˈbɛlə]). It has been assumed that the phonetic development of /ɛ/ in Romansh could originate from the vocalic sequence [ˈɛə̯ ] which, in the context of a word-final high vowel, may shift to [ˈiə̯ ] and also to [je], [jɛ], [ja] in favourable consonantal conditions through a dissimilatory process involving an increase in the articulatory distance between the two vocalic segments of the diphthong (Haiman/Benincà 1992, 38); moreover, the sequence ie may be simplified into [e] (see Walberg 1907, 18 and Ritter 1981, 71 in this connection). Before lower vowels in word-final position, [ɛ(ə̯ )] has been simplified into a mid front vowel in Engadine and partially in

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

233

Sursilvan and Sutselvan, and also in Surmiran in open syllables and in Bergün in syllables checked by /sC/ (see Lutta 1923, 71), and can shift to [ja] in syllables checked by consonants articulated with more or less tongue blade and predorsum lowering and tongue postdorsum retraction. A special case is ei, which occurs in open syllables in Tavetsch (before word-final high or mid vowels) and Upper Engadine (before non-high vowels). In Tavetsch, [ej] may have derived from [ˈiə̯ ] through the phonetic development [ˈiə̯ ] > [ee̯ ] > [ej], as suggested by the outcome [e] in the nearby locality Medels (Tavetch [t ʃ ejl], Disentis [ˈt ʃ iə̯ l], Medels [t ʃ el] CAELU; Lüdtke 1955, 227–228). 9.2.5.2 Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant Lexical variants with /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant are given in Table 31. A word should be said about certain lexical items which have been excluded from the table and about other forms which have been included in it. Among the former, there is SPECULU whose stressed vowel appears to have been subject exclusively to the metaphonic effect exerted by word-final /u/ since it has had no [ʎ] in Romansh (Tavetsch [ˈ ʃ pejgəl], Disentis, Sutselvan [ˈ ʃ piə̯ gəl], Bergün [ˈ ʃ pjowəl], Upper Engadinian [ˈ ʃ piə̯ vəl], Lower Engadinian [ˈspe(j)əl]; see Lutta 1923, 67 for a possible account of these forms). As argued for other Romance languages (see section 2.2.1.3 for Spanish), stressed vowel changes at a distance induced by yod or a high front vowel in words such as TEPIDU, SUPERBIA and BESTIA (Bergün [ˈtiə̯ vi], [tsuˈpɛə̯ r ə], [ˈbiə̯ ʃ cə], Upper Engadine [ˈtevi], [suˈpɛr a], [ˈbɛ ʃ ca]) have also been excluded from consideration. Analogously to other Romance languages analyzed so far, several lexical items with postvocalic /ɾj/ may be found in Table 31 despite the opinion held by various scholars that their etymological stressed vowel should be /e/ instead of /ɛ/: FERIA, which has been considered to have had /e/ by Lutta (1923, 79–80), Loriot (1952) and Eichenhofer (1999, 91) and /ɛ/ by Widmer (1962–1974, vol. 22, 182); MONASTERIU and COEMETERIU, which must have had /e/, according to Widmer (1962–1974, vol. 22, 184), and to Loriot (1952) and Eichenhofer (1999, 92), respectively. Judging from the present-day realization of these three words, no consistent vowel etyma appear to hold across Romansh dialects. The data presented in Table 31 show a mid front vowel realization and no diphthong before some consonants (see (a) below), a diphthong before others (see (b)), and a high front vowel in lexical items which may fall within either one of the first two groups (see (c)). f

f

(a) Most of the time, /ɛ/ has yielded a higher vowel realization, namely [e] or even [i] (see (c) below), when occurring before [ʎ] (MELIOR, MELIUS, VECLU), [ ɲ] (TENEO, VENIO, INGENIU, SENIOR), [s], [ʃ] derived from /ks/ (SEX), the voiced (alveolo)-

234

9 Romansh

palatal stop [ ] and consonants derived from it, i.e., [j] and voiced front lingual affricates and fricatives (LEGERE, PULEGIU, ATTEGIA, PEIUS/PEIOR, SECAT), and the voiceless cognate [c] derived from /kt/ and its outcomes [t], [tʃ], [ts] (LECTU). The mid high vowel realization [e] must be associated with the contextual (alveolo)palatal in dialects where it does not occur in open or closed syllables (Sursilvan, Sutselvan). In dialects where [e] is the regular outcome in open syllables (i.e., before word-final non-high vowels in Surmiran, high vowels in Upper Engadinian and any vowel in Lower Engandinian), its presence in words like VECLU and LECTU may also be attributed to the following (alveolo)palatal consonant at least when /ɛ/ is or has been located before a coda (alveolo)palatal and also in an open syllable provided that the word-final vowel is none of the above. Along these lines, it has been suggested that [e] is the simplified outcome of a diphthongized variant of /ɛ/ triggered by the following (alveolo)palatal consonant (✶liec > [lec] LECTU; Huonder 1900, 458), rather than resulting through direct vowel closing and thus no previous diphthongization. The diphthongization hypothesis finds support in several data available in Tables 31 and 32: the relatively frequent outcome [i], which is commonly ascribed in the literature to a previous triphthong or rising diphthong (Candrian 1900, 12; Luzi 1904, 774, and see point (c) below); the presence of rising and non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high front vowel nucleus in other (alveolo)palatal consonant context conditions (see point (b)); and the scenario for /ɔ/ whose diphthongization before (alveolo)palatals is beyond doubt (section 9.2.6). The active role of contextual (alveolo)palatals in /ɛ/ diphthongization has been acknowledged by several scholars working on Romansh either by placing it at the same level as metaphony exerted by a word-final high vowel on stressed /ɛ/ in open and closed syllables, or else by considering it separately from the effect of syllable type and other contextual consonants. Other scholars hold the same criterion applied to other Romance languages by arguing that vowels occur in checked syllables when followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant (see for example Luzi 1904, Caduff 1952). Less often, /ɛ/ before the (alveolo)palatal consonants referred to above may be realized as [ɛ] instead of or in conjunction with [e]. The mid low vowel realization may occur before [ʎ] and [ ɲ] in Upper Engadinian ([mɛʎ] MELIUS, [ˈsɛɲər] SENIOR). In this and other dialect domains, [ɛ] may also be found in words with /ks/ (TEXERE but not SEX) and /kt/ (PECTU, LECTU, PECTINE), and, regarding the latter contextual sequence, more frequently before the outcomes [t], [ts] and [t ʃ ] of [c] than before the (alveolo)palatal stop itself, and for PECTU and PECTINE than for LECTU ([pec], [pɛts] PECTU, [ˈpecən], [ˈpɛtsən], [ˈpɛt ʃ ən] PECTINE). In our view, the presence of [ɛ] in these words, and in some lexical items more than in others, has not been explained satisfactorily. As to TEXERE and PECTINE (also perhaps SENIOR and MELIOR in Engadinian), the proparoxytonic nature of those f

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

235

words may have contributed to the maintenance of the mid low vowel realization. Regarding other lexical items in which /ɛ/ is followed by /kt/, several accounts have been proposed: Pult (1897, 25, 28–29) claims that PECTU has a mid low front vowel in Sent ([pɛt:]) because it occurs in a closed syllable but does not explain why LECTU(M) has [e] in the same locality ([let:] (noun), [let] (past participle)); Walberg (1907, 22) regards [e] as the original realization in Upper Engadine, the phonetic variants with [ɛ] being more recent and presumably imported from Italy; and finally, in his monograph on Surmiran, Lutta (1923, 59) argues that PECTU has [ɛ] because the stressed vowel has not been subject to a metaphonic effect since the high back vowel of the neuter ending -US (PECTUS) must have been somewhat more open than that of other available endings such as -U and -UM. In our opinion at least regarding these words with /kt/, the presence of [ɛ] before [t] and anterior affricates but not before [c] could result from the implementation of a dissimilatory lowering process, which appears to be consistent with [t], [t ʃ ] and [ts] coming from [c] and thus being more recent. A dissimilatory process also accounts for the presence of oi instead of ei in words with postvocalic /ks/, as in [ˈtɔjsər] TEXERE (Brigels in Surselva, Bonaduz in Sutselva), [sojs] SEX (Alvaneu in Surmeir). (b) A rising diphthong or a non-canonical falling diphthong with a high vowel nucleus occurs before other contextual consonants, particularly in Sutselvan and Surmiran. In lexical items such as CERESIA, FERIA and INTEGRU included in groups 9 and 10 of Table 31, its presence (whether by itself or in conjunction with e, i) may be associated with coda yod (see Lutta 1923, 55). A factor which could have favoured the presence of a diphthong in these forms rather than in those mentioned in point (a) is the degree of lingual constriction for the (alveolo)palatal consonant: less constricted palatals such as [j], mostly in syllable coda position, could have favoured more clearly the maintenance of the diphthong than more constricted ones (i.e., the alveolopalatals [ʎ], [ɲ], and also stops and their affricate outcomes). At the acoustic level, this difference in constriction degree goes hand in hand with a difference in the duration of the vowel transitions, in other words, the longer the vowel transitions, the higher the chances that the diphthong will be maintained. In Tavetsch, just like in open syllables before word-final high or mid vowels, CERESIA, FERIA, MONASTERIU and also DECEM have essentially [ej] ([tʃəˈɾejʒə], [ˈfejɾə], [mu ʃˈtaj], [dejʃ]). In other lexical items included in Table 31, it is harder to determine whether /ɛ/ diphthongization has been triggered by the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant, or else should be attributed to syllable type and/or the metaphonic effect exerted by a high final vowel on /ɛ/ in an open syllable (see section 9.2.5.1). This scenario may apply to forms in which /ɛ/ was followed by a consonant which

236

9 Romansh

was too anterior to cause a change in the vowel to occur, such as [ts], [tʃ] coming from /(t)tj/ and [(d)z] derived from /dj/ (✶PETTIA, PRETIU, NEPTIA, MEDIU/MEDIA, and perhaps [sɛts], [sets] SEDEO). The same remark is applicable to the phonetic variants for DECEM, which exhibit a palatoalveolar fricative [ʃ] and, as proposed by some scholars (Raupp 1963; Kramer 1975), could come from ✶DECI and thus a lexical item with a word-final high vowel. (c) According to the data provided in Table 31, the high front vowel outcome [i] of /ɛ/ may occur before [ʎ] ([ˈmiʎər] MELIOR, [miʎts] MELIUS, [viʎ] VECLU), [ ɲ] ([ənˈdʒiɲ] INGENIU, [ˈsiɲər] SENIOR), [ ʃ ] ([ˈtisər] TEXERE), and an (alveolo)palatal stop or its front affricate or fricative end products ([lic], [lit ʃ ] LECTU, [puˈlic], [puˈlits] PULEGIU, [ˈti ə], [ˈtidzə] ATTEGIA, [ˈli ər], [ˈlidzər], [ˈliʒər] LEGERE, [di ʃ ] DECEM, [pi(s)], [piks], [pir] PEIUS/PEIOR, [ˈsiə] SECAT). The same vowel realization may be found before coda [j] in the case of SEX (there is [siks] and [sis] in addition to [seks] and [sejs] in Surmiran), and in words with the syllable-onset cluster /gɾ/ and with postvocalic /ɾj/ and /sj/ ([ənˈtir] INTEGRU, [ˈfíɾə] FERIA, [tʃəˈɾiʒə] CERESIA, [məʃˈtɾiŋ] MINISTERIU, and also [sanˈtiɾə] COEMETERIU and [məˈdir] MATERIA, which occur in Surmeir, and [əŋˈkiɾə] ✶QUAERIO for QUAERO occurring in Ems; Huonder 1900, 461; Grisch 1939, 67). It is customary to assume that in all these lexical forms [i] emerged from [je] or [ˈiə̯ ], and thus came into existence through the joint effect of the preceding high front vocalic segment and the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant, while the high front vowel of [ˈsiə] SECAT might also be associated with the placement of the mid front vowel in a hiatus. Other relevant forms are [ir] HERI which may come from [ˈiə̯ r] in Disentis, Sutselvan and Surmiran (Lutta 1923, 55; Grisch 1939, 67), and [ir]/[ˈiɾə] of -ARIU/ -ARIA in Sotsés which may be also be traced back to the outcome [ˈiə̯ ] of [ɛ] derived from /a/ before yod (see section 9.2.4). As to the ending -ELLU, the outcome [i] of lexical variants such as [bi] BELLU available in Sursilvan, Sutselvan and Surmiran (Gartner 1910, 108) may have emerged from [ˈiə̯ ], which appears regularly before a word-final high vowel in open syllables (see above), or else from [jej] (✶ieʎ > ✶iei > [ij], [i]; see Huonder 1900, 460); on the other hand, forms showing the outcome e could be derived from [ˈeə̯ ] or from iei (Sutselvan from Domat [uˈt ʃ e] AUCELLU, [be] BELLU, Upper Engadinian [uˈt ʃ ɛlts] AUCELLOS, [bɛlts] BELLOS, Lower Engadinian from Val Müstair [t ʃ əˈpe] CAPPELLU; Walberg 1905; Schorta 1938, 28; Rupp 1963, 10). f

f

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

237

9.2.6 Mid low back vowel 9.2.6.1 General development In words not ending in /u/ (or in /i e/ in Sutselvan), and excluding the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition, which will be dealt with in section 9.2.6.2, /ɔ/ in open syllables has as a general rule yielded [o], and also [ɔ] before a prevocalic alveolar liquid as in Tavetsch and Sutselvan (Tavetsch [ˈmɔlə] MOLA, [ˈsɔɾə] SOROR; Caduff 1952, 51; Schneider 1968, 52). It is an open issue as to whether /ɔ/ diphthongization took place in this case and thus whether the mid back vowel realization was generated via one or more of the phonetic pathways which have been proposed for Engadinian: [wɔ] > [ˈoə̯ ] > [o] (Pult 1897, 49–50), [ow] > [o] (Ritter 1981, 122), [wo] > [wow] > [ow] > [o] (Duraffour 1932, 68). In support of the two latter developments, /ɔ/ has gone through the same ou stage as /o/ in the Engadinian dialect: there is [og], [ok] in Upper Engadine ([ˈrogda] ROTA, [kokr] COR) and forms such as [ˈrowða], [nowf] in Samnaun (Ritter 1981, 123). In checked syllables, the vowel has generally persisted as [ɔ] (there is also [o] in Sutselvan), but may show a schwa-like off-glide before /rC/ and [ʃC] derived from /sC/ in Surmiran and before /rC/ in Sutselvan (Bergün [ˈkɔə̯ rdə] CHORDA, [ˈkɔə̯ ʃtə] COSTA; Lutta 1923, 107). Before a word-final high back vowel (also /i e/ in Sutselvan), with the exception of the (alveolo)palatal consonant condition, other end products may be found, which are in many respects analogous to those reported for /ɛ/: (a) In Sursilvan, we find [ˈie̯ ], [ej] in open syllables and [ˈie̯ ] in closed syllables in Tavetsch ([ˈpie̯ vəl] POPULU, [nejf] NOVU/[ˈnovə] NOVA, [ˈgɾie̯ s] GROSSU/[ˈgɾɔsə] GROSSA), while Disentis always has [ˈiə̯ ] and there is always [e] in Medels ([ˈiə̯ f], [ef] OVU, [ˈkɾiə̯ k], [kɾek] ✶CROCCU; Widmer 1962–1974, vol. 22, 188). (b) In Sutselvan, the phonetic outcome in open syllables is [ˈiə̯ ] ([ˈpiə̯ vəl] POPULU, [lənˈtsiə̯ l] LINTEOLU). In closed syllables, there is generally [ɔ] (also [o]), though [ˈiə̯ ] before /rC lC/ in words ending in /u/ ([kɔs], [kos] COSSU, [ˈkiə̯ rp] CORPUS; Luzi 1904, 784–786). (c) Surmiran has [ˈiə̯ ] across syllable conditions, and depending on the following consonant there is also [je] in Bergün ([ˈmiə̯ t] MODU, [ˈpiə̯ rc] PORCU, [gɾjes] GROSSU). (d) In Engadine, there is [ø], and [e] in Samnaun, while in front of /rC/, Upper Engadine has [jə] and Lower Engadine has [ˈiə̯ ], [ˈyə̯ ] and also [jə], [je], [jɛ] ([øf] OVU, [møt(s)] MODU, [pjərc], [pjerc] PORCU, [ˈyə̯ rt]/[ˈiə̯ rt], [jərt], [jɛrt] HORTU; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, map 1354). A important issue is the relationship between falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus and rising diphthongs, namely whether the latter must derive

238

9 Romansh

from the former or vice versa. In disagreement with the hypothesis that falling diphthongs must come first, it has been suggested that the opposite applies in Romansh (see Schmid 1976, 28–29 and also section 8.2.3 for an analogous argument for Ladin): given that, in addition to central Lower Engadine (Sent, Scuol), rising diphthongs are found quite often in peripheral areas of the Romanshspeaking domain such as Bergün and Tavetsch, they must have been present before non-canonical falling diphthongs and therefore the latter must have emerged from the former, perhaps due to the influence of Swiss German dialects where, as pointed out in section 1.2.1.3, those diphthongs occur fairly often. The strong chances that the development of /ɔ/ before final /u/ runs in parallel to that of /ɛ/ before word-final high vowels suggests the reverse relationship, however, that is, falling diphthongs precede rising ones; if so, the rising diphthongs of Bergün and Sent could be the outcomes of a relatively recent and local sound change. If this hypothesis is correct, the pathways for /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ would have merged at the [ˈiə̯ ] stage, which in the case of /ɔ/ implies the string of changes [ˈɔə̯ ] > [ˈuə̯ ] > [ˈyə̯ ] > [ˈiə̯ ] (also Eichenhofer 1989). On the other hand, the outcome [ø] (also [e] in Samnaun) of /ɔ/ before word-final /u/ in the Engadinian dialect, where [ø] coexists with [y] (/u/) in the vowel system, would have emerged, according to Pult (1897, 49), from a rising diphthong through application of the pathway [wɔ] > [wɛ] > [ɥɛ] > [ɥø] > [ø] (> [e]), which could be slightly changed to yield [wɔ] > [ɥɔ] > [ɥe] > [ɥø] > [ø] (> [e]). 9.2.6.2 Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant The data in Table 32 will be used to investigate the effect of contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants on /ɔ/ in Romansh. Forms for SOMNIU and LONGE have not been included in the table for different reasons: as revealed by the widespread variants [ˈsiəmi] and [ˈsømi], SOMNIU has had no postvocalic (alveolo)palatal and its stressed vowel has been subject to the metaphonic effect of final /i/; judging from the available forms [ʎuɲ ʃ ] (Tavetsch), [luɲ ʃ ] (Disentis), [ˈliə̯ nt ʃ ] (Sutselvan), [ʎuɲt ʃ ] (Bergün) and [løɲc] (Engadine), the stressed vowel of LONGE could have been /o/ rather than /ɔ/ in Sursilvan and to some extent in Surmiran as well. Turning to the forms presented in the table, the effect of metaphony may be seen in words with [ts] derived from /tj/ since FORTIA and ✶NOPTIA keep [ɔ] while COLLOTIU may have [ø] and a diphthong. This difference suggests that the postvocalic consonant was not (alveolo)palatal by the time /ɔ/ diphthongization occurred, as also mentioned for /ɛ/ in the same context condition (see section 9.2.5.2). Regarding the other cases referred to in points (a) through (c) below, the regressive effect exerted by the (alveolo)palatal consonant on /ɔ/

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

239

has generally overcome the metaphonic effect associated with the word-final high vowel, as exemplified by OCULU and FOLIA which share the same stressed vowel realization in spite of the fact that the word-final vowel is high in one word and low in the other. (a) Much like the situation in Ladin and Northern Italian, when occurring before an alveolar affricate derived from /dj/ (as in HODIE) and before [c], [t] or [t ʃ ]/[ts] derived from /kt/ (NOCTE, OCTO, COCTU), /ɔ/ is realized as [ɔ], [o] independently of the final unstressed vowel and therefore like in checked syllables (Meyer-Lübke 1890, 189; Haiman/Benincà 1992, 40). As to the forms with /kt/ and assuming that the phonetic source of [t], [ts] and [t ʃ ] has been an (alveolo)palatal stop (see also section 9.2.5.2 regarding PECTU, LECTU, PECTINE), the failure of /ɔ/ diphthongization to occur could be due to the low probability that an offglide can be inserted before stops whose closure formation proceeds abruptly. Either an analogous interpretation or, alternatively, the early presence of the alveolar affricate and thus of a consonant which is too anterior to trigger vowel diphthongization could account for the presence of [ɔ], [o] in the case of HODIE. Moreover, the array of lexical variants with /kt/ presented in Table 32 reveals that there has been /ɔ/ diphthongization (probably in recent times) in Surmiran and, less so, in Sutselvan and Upper Engadine; indeed, Surmiran has forms with [we] and with [ˈɔə̯ ] and [ˈuə̯ ], which may be taken in support of a development [ˈɔə̯ ] > [ˈuə̯ ] > [we] and thus of an off-glide insertion process, not only before the affricate outcomes of [c] ([ˈɔ(ə̯ )ts], [ˈɔ(ə̯ )t ʃ ] OCTO) but also before [c] itself ([ˈɔ(ə̯ )c]). In conjunction with some reconstruction proposals formulated later in this section and in line with evidence provided earlier here and in section 9.2.3, it appears that glide insertion at vowel offset should work much the same for /ɔ/ and /o/ in so far as these two vowels share similar production characteristics and thus exhibit essentially the same articulatory distance in terms of tongue position with respect to (alveolo)palatal consonants. (b) There has been /ɔ/ diphthongization before yod in sequences with a labial+/j/ sequence (IOVIA, ✶PLOVIA), [js] or [jʃ] derived from /ks/ (TOXICU, COXA) and [jɾ] coming from /ɾj/ and syllable-onset /Cɾ/ clusters (CORIU, MEMORIA, SOCRU). There has also been /ɔ/ diphthongization in the case of COCERE and VOCITU, which have maintained the palatal glide in coda position. As shown next, the end product of this diphthongization process varies depending on whether the final vowel is /u/, /a/ or other vowels. In words ending in a vowel other than /u/ (IOVIA, ✶PLOVIA, and MEMORIA in Surmiran), we find the same phonetic realizations as in lexical items with final /u/ and no contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant, which is indicative that changes in the stressed vowel have been induced by the contextual (alveolo)palatal alone:

240

9 Romansh

[ˈiə̯ ] (Disentis, Sutselvan, Surmiran), [ej] (Tavetsch), [ø] (Engadine), and the simplified realizations [i], [y] in Surmiran as well. The reconstruction of the phonetic pathway for stressed /ɔ/ in these lexical items appears to be quite straightforward (see Eichenhofer 1999, 131, 135 regarding these and other reconstruction proposals provided below): [ˈuə̯ ] > [ˈyə̯ ] > [ˈiə̯ ] > [i] ([ˈpliə̯ vjə], [ˈpliv ə] ✶PLOVIA), [ˈuə̯ ] > [ˈyə̯ ] > [y] ([ˈplyv ə] in Stalla) and [ˈyə̯ ] > [ˈyø̯ ] > [ø] > [e] ([ˈpløv ə], [ˈpleviə] in Engadine). A special case is the outcome [ej] in Tavetsch, which may also be found for /ɔ/ in open syllables in words ending in /u/ and for /ɛ/ before yod and in open syllables before a word-final high or mid vowel (sections 9.2.5 and 9.2.6.1): assuming that a stage [ˈiə̯ ] (< [ˈyə̯ ]) occurred at some point, it seems more plausible that the stressed vowel of IOVIA and ✶PLOVIA underwent the same evolution as /ɛ/ referred to in section 9.2.5, i.e., [ˈiə̯ ] > [ee̯ ] > [ej], rather than alternative pathways such as [ɔj] > [øj] > [ej]. COXA and COCERE behave in specific ways due most probably to the presence of the prevocalic velar stop (see below): forms for COXA are produced with a mid back rounded vowel ([ɔ(j)], [oj]) or a diphthong or triphthong with an initial high back vocalic segment ([we(j)], [waj], [uj], [wi]), and those for COCERE also with [ɔj], [oj] and [we], [wi]. Two different pathways, based to a large degree on Luzi (1904, 785–787), could be advocated in this case: on the one hand, [wɔj] > [wej] > [we] > [wi] and thus no fronting of [w] to [ɥ] presumably because the velar consonant would have contributed to keeping the labiovelar on-glide unmodified; and on the other, [wɔj] > [uj] > [wi] rather than [wɔj] > [wej] > [uj] (as assumed by Luzi). In any case, the option [oj] > [uj] should not be discarded (Surmiran [kojr], [kujr] COCERE). Words ending in /u/ (TOXICU, VOCITU, CORIU, SOCRU) have neither rising diphthongs nor non-canonical falling diphthongs. Thus, Sursilvan and Sutselvan show essentially [i], Engadinian [ø], and Surmiran different realizations depending on locality: [ej]/[ek] in Filisur ([ˈtejsi], [vekt], [cejr], [sejr]) and Savognin ([ˈtejsə], [vekt]); [oj] in Alvaneu ([ˈtojsi], [vojt], [cojr], [sojr]); [ik]/[ek] in Bergün ([ˈtiksi], [vekt], [cikr], [sekr]); and [y] in Stalla ([vyt], [cyr], [syr]). Generally speaking, the pathways for IOVIA and ✶PLOVIA provided by Eichenhofer should be applicable here too: [ˈuə̯ ] > [ˈyə̯ ] > [ˈiə̯ ] > [i] ([vit] VOCITU), [ˈuə̯ ] > [ˈyə̯ ] > [y] ([vyt] in Stalla), [ˈyə̯ ] > [ˈyø̯ ] > [ø] > [e] ([vøt] in Engadine). It is the case however that phonetic pathways involving the presence of rising diphthongs like those proposed for COXA and COCERE above could also be assumed for the Surmiran forms for VOCITU and the corresponding ones for TOXICU, CORIU and SOCRU. According to Luzi (1904), these pathways should be as follows: [wɔj] > [wɛj] > [ɥej] > [ɥi] or [jej] > [i] ([vit] VOCITU); [wɔj] > [wɛj] > [ɥej] > ([jej]) > [ej] > [e] ([vekt]); [wɔj] > [wɛj] > [ɥej] > [ɥø(j)] > [ø], [y] ([vøt], [vyt]). f

f

f

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

241

(c) Whenever it appears before [ʎ] (FOLIA, VOLEO, BOTULA, OCULU) and [ɲ] (✶BISONIU, MENTIONIA, CICONIA), /ɔ/ can exhibit other end products than those mentioned above, except for Engadinian, which has [ø] systematically. We find mostly [e] in Sursilvan, [e] and [i] in Sutselvan, and [e], [i] and [y] before [ʎ] and [e], [i] and [ø] before [ɲ] in Surmiran. Moreover, in Surmiran, the vowel realizations before [ʎ] and [ɲ] may be the same or different depending on locality: [y] before [ʎ] and [ø] before the alveolopalatal nasal in Stalla ([yʎ] OCULU, [baˈzøɲ] ✶BISONIU); [i] and [e], respectively, in Filisur and Bergün; only [i] in Savognin; and only [e] in Alvaneu. In this instance several phonetic pathways have been formulated. According to Luzi, the same pathways proposed for TOXICU, VOCITU, CORIU and SOCRU in point (b) would account for forms such as [iʎ], [eʎ], [øʎ]/[yʎ] OCULU. Other scholars like Eichenhofer believe that the diachronic developments of interest must have as their starting point a non-canonical falling diphthong with a high vowel nucleus; thus, [ɔɲ] and [ɔʎ] would have gone through the successive changes [ˈuo̯ ɲ] > [ˈuə̯ ɲ] > [ˈyə̯ ɲ] > [ˈiə̯ ɲ] > (iɲ) > [eɲ] and [ˈyø̯ ʎ] > [yʎ] > [iʎ] > [eʎ] ([baˈziɲts], [bəˈzeɲs] ✶ BISONIU, [iʎ], [eʎ] OCULU). As predicted by the last phonetic development, the outcome [i] could certainly derive from [y], which is consistent with the cooccurrence of [vyʎ] and [vi] VOLEO in Surmiran and with the fact that the string of changes /u/ > [y] > [i] has operated in open syllables in Sursilvan, Sutselvan and Surmiran (section 9.2.1.2). According to the data presented in Table 32 and the phonetic developments formulated so far, /ɔ/ diphthongization has yielded high vowel outcomes in different consonant environments and in all dialects except for Engadinian. The high front vowel [i] (also [y]) may occur before [ʎ], [ɲ] ([ˈfiʎə] FOLIA, [baˈzints] ✶BISONIU) and yod ([ˈpliv ə] ✶PLOVIA, [ˈtisi] TOXICU, [vit] VOCITU, [cir] CORIU, [sir] SOCRU). As discussed above, the source of [i] is clearly [ˈiə] whenever lexical variants with [ˈiə] and [i] co-occur in the same dialect (✶PLOVIA, IOVIA), either [y], [jej] or [ɥi] in other cases, and perhaps [ej] in Tavetsch (TOXICU, VOCITU, CORIU, SOCRU). Regarding [ˈkwisə], [ˈkujsə] for COXA and [kwi], [kujr] for COCERE, it makes sense to assume the changes [we(j)] > [wi] and [woj], [oj] > [uj] ( > [wi]) referred to in point (b), while the Sutselvan forms [nuc] NOCTE and [uc] OCTO must come from available lexical variants with [ˈuə̯ ] (see also the analogous variants [tɾuc] and [ˈtɾuə̯ c] of ✶ TROGIU in Table 29). A particular development is we > wi > i before coda [jn], as in [ˈkintə] ✶COGNITAT in Upper Engadine (Walberg 1907, 37– 38). f

ˈliə

ˈləjə

kuˈɾe ə, kuˈɾedʒə, kuˈɾedzə rec, retʃ, rets, re ˈle(j)ə, ˈliə

kuˈɾe /ʒə rec ˈle ə, ˈli( )ə

CORRIGIA

REGE

LIGAT

vets

vets

seɲ

VIDEO

f



ˈtɾetʃə

✶

TRICHEA

sen

SIGNU

len

ˈliə

ˈli(j)ə

vets

seɲ

leɲ

suˈʎeʎ/l

suˈleʎ

SOLICULU

len

uˈɾeʎə

uˈɾeʎə, uˈɾeə

uˈɾeʎə

AURICULA

LIGNU

ˈveʎə

kuˈseʎ

Lower Engadinian

ˈviʎə

f



Upper Engadinian

ˈveʎə

kunˈseʎ

ˈvetsi, ˈvitsi

Surmiran

VIGILAT

f



ˈvets(i)

VITIU

CONSILIU

ˈetsja, ˈetsc/ka

-ITIA

Sutselvan

f



f



Sursilvan (Disentis)

f

Sursilvan (Tavetsch)

f

(a)

f

Table 28: Phonetic realization of /e/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Romansh dialects. (a) Variants with mid high and high front vowels, the latter in boldface. (b) Variants with mid low, low and high back vowels, the latter in boldface. The numbering in the leftmost column corresponds to the following modern and earlier consonant realizations, the latter being enclosed within parentheses if available: (1) [ts]; (2) [ʎ]; (3) [ ɲ]; (4) [tʃ ] ([c]); (5) [ ], [j], [(d)ʒ], [dz] ([ ]); (6) labial + [ ], [j]; (7) [(j)s], [ ʃ ] ([jʃ]); (8) [c], [t], [ts], [tʃ] (/kt/); (9) [ʒ] ([zj]); (10) [(j)ɾ], [r ] ([ɾj]); (11) [j].

242 9 Romansh





tet:

tec

TECTU

tec

ʃtɾet(:)

stɾec

STRICTU

peʃ

(continued)

ˈkʎiɛr,ˈkle(j)ər, kler

ˈʃtɾeə, ˈʃtɾiə

dɾec

kler

ˈʃtɾiə

DIRECTU

dɾec

ˈkɾeʃər

ˈkɾeʃər

ˈplejə

CRESCERE

ˈpliə

kuˈlek/jr, klikr

peʃ

ˈpliə

PLICAT

kuˈlir

ˈʃtɾe(j)ə

peʃc/k

əŋkuˈlir

əŋkuˈɾi

COLLIGERE

ˈʃ/stɾe(j)ə,ˈʃtɾia

PISCE

ˈʃtɾəjə

ˈʃtɾejə

STRIGA

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

243





rɛc

rɛc

REGE

ˈʃtɾɛjə, ˈʃtɾajə, ˈʃtɾɔjə, ˈʃtɾujə

STRIGA

kuˈlɔjr

ˈlojə

ˈlɛjə, ˈlajə, ˈlɔjə

LIGAT

COLLIGERE

rɛc, rɛtʃ, rac

rɛtʃ

raj

kuˈɾajə

kuˈɾa ə

kuˈɾɛ ə, kuˈɾɛdzə

kuˈɾɛ ə

kuˈɾɛ ə

CORRIGIA

rac

vɛts

vɛts

vɛts

vɛts

ˈtɾɛcə, ˈtɾɛtʃə

ˈtɾɛtʃə

ˈtɾɛtʃə

ˈtɾɛtʃə

ˈvɛtsə

TRICHEA

VIDEO

✶

saɲ, sajn

sɛɲ, sajn

sɛŋ

sɛn

tsɛn

sɛɲ, tsajn

SIGNU

laɲ, lajn

lɛɲ, lajn

lɛn

suˈlɛj, suˈlaj

suˈlaʎ

lɛn

uˈɾaʎa

uˈɾaʎə

LIGNU

ˈvaʎə

kuˈsaʎ

kuˈsaʎ ˈvaʎə

ˈɛtsə

Lower Engadinian

ˈɛtsə

Upper Engadinian

lɛɲ, lɛn/ŋ, laɲ

suˈlɛʎ, suˈlaʎ

suˈlɛʎ

suˈlɛʎ

SOLICULU

kuˈsɛʎ

ˈvɛtsi/ə

ˈɛtsə

Surmiran

lɛn

uˈɾɛʎə, uˈɾaʎə

uˈɾɛʎə

uˈɾɛʎə

AURICULA

f



ˈvɛʎə, ˈvaʎə

ˈvɛʎə

Sutselvan

ˈvɛʎə

kuˈsɛʎ

f

VIGILAT

CONSILIU

ˈvɛts(i)

VITIU

Sursilvan (Disentis)

f



ˈɛtsjə

-ITIA

Sursilvan (Tavetsch)

f



(b)

Table 28 (continued)

244 9 Romansh





tɛc, tɛtʃ

tɛc

TECTU

tɛc

ʃtɾɛtʃ

ʃtɾɛc

dɾɛtʃ

ˈkɾɛʃər

pɛʃ(c)

ˈplɛjə, ˈplajə, ˈplɔjə

STRICTU

dɾɛc

ˈkɾɛʃər

ˈkɾɛʃər

CRESCERE

DIRECTU

pɛʃ

ˈplɛgə, ˈplagə

pɛʃ

ˈplɛjə

PISCE

PLICAT

tɛc, tɛts, tɛtʃ

ʃtɾɛts

dɾɛts

ˈkɾɛʃər

pɛʃ

ˈ(ʃ )plɛjə, ˈ(ʃ)plajə

tɛt

ʃtɾɛt

dɾɛt

ˈkɾɛʃər

pɛʃ

ˈplɛjə

tɛt(:)

ʃtɾɛt(:)

dɾɛt(:)

ˈkɾɛʃər

pɛʃ

ˈplajə

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

245



tɾoc

tɾuc

kuɲ

kuɲ

CUNEU

TROGIU

puɲ

puɲ

PUGNU

✶

vərˈguɲə

vərˈgoɲə

VERECUNDIA

tɾuc

kuɲ

puɲ

vərˈguɲə

ʒəˈnoʎ, ʒəˈnuʎ

ʒəˈnuʎ

gəˈnuʎ

GENUCULU



ploʎ, pluʎ

pluʎ

ploʎ, pluʎ

puts

PEDUCULU

ˈpuə̯ ts



puts

PUTEU



pots, pwots, pwɔts, puts ˈpluə̯ ʎ, ˈpluo̯ ʎ/l, plwoʎ ʒ(ə)ˈnuə̯ ʎ, ʒˈnuo̯ ʎ, əˈnuɔ̯ ʎ, ʒˈnwoʎ, /ʒəˈnwɔʎ vərˈguə̯ ɲə, v/bərˈbuo̯ ɲa, v/bərˈbwɛɲə, v/bərˈbwoɲə ˈpuə̯ ɲ, ˈpuo̯ ɲ, pweɲ, pwɔɲ ˈkuə̯ ɲ, ˈkuo̯ ɲ/n, kwɔɲ

ˈpuə̯ ts ˈpluə̯ ʎ ˈʒnuə̯ ʎ

vərˈguə̯ ɲə

ˈpuə̯ ɲ ˈkuə̯ ɲ

pwets ˈpluə̯ ʎ, pluʎ ʒəˈnuə̯ ʎ, ʒəˈnuʎ

vərˈguo̯ ɲ ə, vərˈgweɲə

tɾoc, tɾots, ˈtɾuə̯ c, ˈtɾuə̯ ts, tɾut ʃ , tɾuts

koɲ, kweɲ

pweɲ, puɲ

ˈtɾuə̯ c

Lower Engadinian

Upper Engadinian

Surmiran

f

Sutselvan

tɾwoj, tɾwɔj

f

Sursilvan (Disentis)

f

Sursilvan (Tavetsch)

Table 29: Phonetic realization of /o/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Romansh dialects. Regarding the numbering in the leftmost column and other details, see Table 28 caption. Forms with a high vowel are marked in boldface.

246 9 Romansh

səlˈmiɾə

uj

səlˈmiɾə

ujr

SALMURIA

-ORIU



əŋˈguə̯ ʃ ə

əŋˈgwe ʃ ə

ANGUSTIA



nu ʃ

nu ʃ

NUCE



ujr

salˈmiɾə, səl(ə)ˈmujɾə

əŋˈgu ʃ ə

nu ʃ

ojr, wekr, ujr

sələˈmɔjɾə, sələˈmwegɾə

əŋˈgwe ʃ ə

nok ʃ , nuk ʃ

ujr

sələˈmujɾə

əŋˈguə̯ ʃ ə

nuk ʃ

ˈuə̯ jr, wɔjr, wejr, ujr

sələˈmwojɾə

əŋˈgo ʃ ə, əŋˈguə̯ ʃ ə, əŋˈgwo ʃ ə

nu ʃ

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

247









kə ʃ ˈtɔɲə, kə ʃ ˈtoɲə, kə ʃ ˈtuɲə bɾat ʃ glat ʃ

kə ʃ ˈtoɲə

bɾat ʃ

glat ʃ

CASTANEA

BRACCHIU

GLACIE, GLACIA

ˈplag/jə, ˈplɛjə, ˈplejə ˈpag/jə, ˈpɛjə, ˈpejə

ˈplajə

ˈpajə

PLAGA

PACAT

RADIU

cəʎˈcɔɲ, cəʎˈcweɲ

kəlˈkoɲ, kəlˈkuɲ

kəlˈkɔɲ

CALCANEU

ˈplatsə ˈpaʎə aʎ

ˈplatsə ˈpaʎə aʎ

ˈpɛjə

ˈpajə, ˈpe ə

glat ʃ

glat ʃ

ˈpajə

ˈplajə

bɾat ʃ

bɾat ʃ

ˈplɛjə

c/kə ʃ ˈtɔɲə

cə ʃ ˈtaɲə

ˈplajə, ˈple ə

kəlˈkɔɲ/n, cilˈcɔɲ

cəlˈcaɲ

rats

bɔɲ

baɲ

bəˈtaʎ

Lower Engadinian

Upper Engadinian

rats

ˈglat ʃ ə

bɾat ʃ

kə ʃ ˈtɔɲə, cə ʃ ˈtweɲə

bɔɲ, boɲ, bweɲ

bɔɲ, boɲ

bəˈtaʎ

bɔɲ

bəˈtaʎ

aʎ

ˈpaʎə

ˈplatsə

Surmiran

BANEU

pəˈtaʎ

aʎ

aʎ

ALLIU

BATTUACULU

ˈpaʎə

ˈpaʎə

PALEA

✶

ˈplatsə

PLATTEA

plats

✶

Sutselvan

f



Sursilvan (Tavetsch)

f

Table 30: Phonetic realization of words with /a/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Romansh dialects. Regarding the numbering in the leftmost column and other details, see the caption for Table 28. Forms with a high vowel are marked in boldface.

248 9 Romansh

ˈasə tas

ˈesə, ˈeə̯ sə

fat ˈreʒə

lac, lat ʃ , la(j)ts fac, fa(j)ts ˈreʒə ʒ(ə)ˈner

ˈgɾa ʃ ə lac, lat ʃ fac, fat ʃ ˈraʒə ʒəˈne(r), ˈ œnər kəlˈdeɾə

ˈgɾa ʃ ə

lac

fac

ˈrajʒə

əˈnɛ

kəˈdɛɾə

LACTE

FACTU

✶

IANUARIU

CALDARIA





RASIA

kəlˈdeɾə, t ʃ uˈdiə̯ ɾə

lat

ˈgɾa ʃ ə

ˈfa ʃ ə

ˈfa ʃ ə

FASCIA

cyˈdeɾə

ʒˈner

ˈgɾa ʃ ə

ˈfa ʃ ə

ˈne ʃ ər

ˈnɛ ʃ ər

NASCERE



ˈfa ʃ ə

ˈna ʃ ər

ˈfɾajs/zən, ˈfɾɛsən, ˈfɾe(j)sən

ˈfɾajsən

FRAXINU

CRASSIA

ˈna ʃ ər

ˈfɾɛsən, ˈfɾɛgʒəm

tajs, tes

tajs

TAXU

✶

ˈfɾaʒən

tes

ˈajsə, ˈesə

ˈajsə

AXE

(continued)

k/cuˈdeɾə, cəlˈdeɾə

ˈjɛ/enər, ʒˈnɛr, ʒˈner

ˈraʒə

fat

lat(:)

ˈgɾa ʃ ə

ˈfa ʃ ə

ˈna ʃ ər, ˈnɛ ʃ ər

ˈfɾasən, ˈfɾajʒ/zən

tas(:)

ˈas(:)ə

ˈrab ə

ˈrab ə

ˈrab ə

ˈrapcə



f

RABIA

f



ˈrabjə

laj

lɛj

laj, lec f

laj/k, lec f

lak, laj f

LACU

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

249



mac, ma(j)ts, mets

mac, mat ʃ , mec tɾaj, tɾe(r) maj, me

mac

tɾa

maj

MAIU

TRAHERE

MAGIS

me

tɾer

plet

plajt, plet

sa, sɛ

ɛ

plajt

vaj, ve

Surmiran

PLACITU

a

Sutselvan

saj, se

SAYO

AYO

Sursilvan (Tavetsch)

sa

✶

✶

Table 30 (continued)

me

tɾer

mec

plet

sɛ

ɛ

Upper Engadinian

ma(j)

tɾar

maj, mɛj

plɛt, plɛjt

sa, se

na, ne

Lower Engadinian

250 9 Romansh







ˈmeʎər

ˈmeʎər

teɲ veɲ ənˈdʒin

teɲ

veɲ

ənˈʒiɲ

ˈseɲər

TENEO

VENIO

INGENIU

SENIOR

VECLU

MELIUS

veʎ

niˈatsə

niˈatsə

NEPTIA

veʎ

ˈpɾetsi, ˈpɾɛtsi

ˈpɾetsi

PRETIU

MELIOR

piˈatsə

✶

PETTIU, PETTIA

Sursilvan (Disentis)

ˈpiə̯ ts

✶

Sursilvan (Tavestch)

ˈseɲər, ˈsiɲər

unˈdʒeɲ, unˈdzeɲ

veɲ

teɲ

veʎ, viʎ

ˈseŋər, ˈsiɲər

aɲˈdʒeɲ

veɲ, veŋ

teɲ, teŋ

ˈsɛɲər

iɲˈdʒɛɲ, inˈdʒiɲ

vɛɲ

tɛɲ

veʎ

mɛʎ

miʎts viʎ

ˈmɛʎdər

ˈnɛtsə

pɾɛt ʃ

Upper Engadinian

ˈmeʎər, ˈmeʎdər, ˈmiʎər

ˈnɛə̯ tsə, ˈne(ə̯ )tsə, ˈnjatsə

ˈnɛtsə, ˈnɛə̯ tsə ˈmeʎər, ˈmiʎər

ˈpɾiə̯ t ʃ

pɛ(ə̯ )ts, pjets, ˈpjatsə

Surmiran

ˈpɾetsi

ˈpɛ(ə̯ )ts, ˈpeə̯ ts, ˈpiə̯ ts

Sutselvan

ˈseɲər

(continued)

iɲˈdʒiɲ

veɲ

teɲ

veʎ

me

ˈmel/ʎdər, ˈmeʎər

ˈnɛtsə, ˈnetsə

pɾet ʃ

pets, ˈpɛtsə

Lower Engadinian

Table 31: Phonetic realization of words with /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Romansh dialects. Regarding the numbering in the leftmost column and other details, see the caption for Table 28. Forms with a high vowel are marked in boldface.

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

251



mɛts ˈmɛdzə ler, ˈlejər puˈlec ˈte ə

ˈmɛ(ə̯ )ts, mjets, mjats ˈmɛə̯ (d)zə, ˈmjadzə ˈli ər, ˈlidzər puˈlits ˈti ə, ˈti(d)zə

mɛts, ˈmiə̯ ts mɛzə, ˈmɛə̯ zə ˈle ər, ˈli ər, ˈliʒər puˈlec ˈte ə pis, pi

mɛts, ˈmiə̯ ts ˈmɛzə ˈle ər puˈlec, ˈpulic ˈte ə pir

ˈmiə̯ ts, mjets

ˈmjazə

ˈle ər, ˈlegər

SEX

sis

sis

sis

ˈdiə̯ ʃ

dej ʃ

DECEM

ˈdiə̯ ʃ

ˈsɛ(ə̯ )gə, ˈsɛjə

ˈsiə

ˈte ə

SECAT

PEIOR

PEIUS,

ATTEGIA

PULEGIU

LEGERE

MEDIA

MEDIU

f



Upper Engadinian

Surmiran

f

f

Sutselvan

f

f

Sursilvan (Disentis)

seks, sejs, sojs, sɔjs, siks, sis

ˈdiə̯ ʃ , di ʃ

ˈsejə, ˈsiə

pej/ks, piks, pis

f

f f

Sursilvan (Tavestch)

ses

de ʃ

ˈsɛjə

pes

f

f

Table 31 (continued)

ses

de ʃ

ˈse(j)ə

pe

ˈte(j)ə

ˈle(j)ər, ler

ˈmɛtsə

mɛts, mets

Lower Engadinian

252 9 Romansh

ˈfiə̯ ɾə ənˈtir mu ʃ ˈte

ˈfejɾə

ənˈtir

mu ʃ ˈtaj

FERIA

INTEGRU

MONASTERIU



t ʃ əˈɾeʒə

ˈpɛcən

t ʃ əˈɾejʒə

CERESIA

PECTINE

(part.)

ˈpɛcən

lec

lec

LECTU

LECTUM

pɛts

ˈtɛjsər, ˈtəjsər

pɛts

ɛˈtajsər

PECTU





TEXERE

ənˈtiə̯ r

ˈfiə̯ ɾə

t ʃ əˈɾiə̯ ʒə

mi ʃ ˈtɛkl (place name)

anˈtiə̯ r

ˈfɛgɾə, ˈfiə̯ ɾə, ˈfiɾə

t ʃ əˈɾiə̯ (d)ʒə, t ʃ əˈɾiʒə

ˈpɛcən, ˈpɛt ʃ ən, ˈpɛtsən

inˈter

t ʃ iˈɾeʒə

ˈpɛtən

let

lits ˈpecən, ˈpet ʃ ən

lɛt

lets, lec, let ʃ , lic

lec, lic, lit ʃ

pɛt

ˈtɛsər

pɛts

ˈtɛksər, ˈtajsər

pɛts

ˈtaj ʃ ər, ˈtɛj ʃ ər, ˈte(j)sər, ˈtɔjsər, ˈtisər

(continued)

my ʃ ˈtajr (place name)

inˈter

ˈfajɾə

t ʃ iˈɾeʒə, t ʃ aˈɾeʒə

ˈpɛt(:)ən

let(:)

lɛt, let(:)

pɛt(:), pec, pet:

ˈtɛs(:)ər, ˈte(s:)ər, ˈte ʃ ər

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

253

sunˈtiə̯ ɾi, sanˈti(ə̯ )ɾə

sunˈteɾi

səmənˈtiə̯ ɾi, (t)sənˈtiə̯ ɾi

sənˈteɾi

sɔ/ənˈtaɾi

COEMETERIU

miˈzeɾjə, miˈzie̯ r ə

miˈziə̯ r ə

miˈzeɾj/ ə, miˈziə̯ r ə

məˈzeɾjə

MISERIA

məˈteɾjə, mə/iˈter ə

məˈteɾ ə, məˈdi(ə̯ )r

məˈteɾj/ ə, məˈtɛə̯ r ə

məˈteɾjə

məˈteɾjə

MATERIA

mə(n) ʃ ˈter

mi ʃ ˈter

mə ʃ ˈtiə̯ r

mə ʃ ˈtɾeɲ, mə ʃ ˈtɾiŋ

mi ʃ ˈtɾeɲ

mi ʃ ˈtɾeɲ

MINISTERIU

Lower Engadinian

Upper Engadinian

Surmiran

f

f

Sutselvan

f

f f

Sursilvan (Disentis)

(t)sunˈteɾi, sənˈteɾi

f

f

Sursilvan (Tavestch)

f

Table 31 (continued)

254 9 Romansh







vi ˈbeʎ(ə)

vi

ˈbeʎə

VOLEO

BOTULU,

MENTIONIA

BISONIU

CICONIA

✶

✶

OCULU

BOTULA

mənˈtseɲə t ʃ əˈgeɲə

ˈt ʃ eɲə

bəˈzeɲs

mənˈtseɲə

bəˈzeɲs

eʎ

ˈfeʎə

ˈfeʎ(ə)

FOLIU, FOLIA

eʎ

kuˈliə̯ ts

COLLOTIU

kuˈliə̯ ts, kuˈʎets

ˈfɔrtsə ˈnɔtsə

NOPTIA

ˈfɔrtsə

Sursilvan (Disentis)

ˈnɔtsə

✶

FORTIA

Sursilvan (Tavetsch)

mənˈtseɲə, mənˈtsiɲə

baˈzeɲts, baˈziɲts

eʎ, el, iʎ, il

ˈbeʎə, ˈbiʎə

ve, vi

ˈfeʎə, ˈfiʎə

kuˈliə̯ ts

ˈnɔ(t)sə, ˈnotsə

ˈfɔa̯ rtsə

Sutselvan

mənˈtsøɲə, mənˈtseɲ/ŋə

bəˈzøɲ, b(ə)ˈzeɲts, bəˈziɲ, bəˈzints

eʎ, yʎ, iʎ

ˈbiʎ(ə)

vi, vyʎ

ˈfiʎə, fyʎ

kuˈliə̯ ts, kuˈʎets, kuˈlets

ˈnɔtsə

ˈfɔə̯ rtsə

Surmiran

mənˈtsøɲə

bˈzøɲ

øʎ

bøʎ

vø(ʎ)

ˈføʎə

kuˈløts

ˈnɔtsə

ˈfɔrtsə

Upper Engadinian

(continued)

tsiˈgɔɲə

mənˈtsøɲə, mənˈtseɲə

bˈzøɲ

øʎ/l, eʎ/l

bøʎ, veʎ

vø(ʎ/l)

ˈføʎə

kə/uˈløts, kəˈlets

ˈnɔtsə

ˈfɔrtsə

Lower Engadinian

Table 32: Phonetic realization for /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Romansh dialects. Regarding the numbering in the leftmost column and other details, see the caption for Table 28. Forms with a high vowel are marked in boldface.

9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

255



ˈpli(ə̯ )vjə, ˈpliə̯ v ə ˈtisi

ˈkwəjsa

ˈplejvjə

ˈtisi

ˈkwajsə

TOXICU

COXA

PLOVIA

✶

ˈ /jøv ə, ˈjøvjə, ˈjevjə ˈpløv ə, ˈpløvjə, ˈplevjə

ˈ øv ə

ˈpløv ə

ˈʒiə̯ v ə, ˈdziə̯ v ə, ˈ i(ə̯ )v ə, ˈ yv ə ˈpli(ə̯ )v ə, ˈplyv ə

ˈ iə̯ v ə

ˈpliə̯ v ə

ˈ iə̯ vjə, ˈ iə̯ v ə

ˈ ejvjə

IOVIA

f



ˈkɔjsə, ˈkojsə, ˈkwe(j)sə, ˈkwɛjsə, ˈkwajsə, ˈkujsə, ˈkwisə

ˈtesə, ˈtisi

ˈkɔ ʃ ə, ˈkɔjsə, ˈkojsə, ˈkujsə

ˈtɔjsi, ˈtojsi, ˈtejsə, ˈtɛjsə, ˈtiksi, ˈtysi, ˈtitsə

ˈkɔsə, ˈkwasə

ˈtøsi

ˈko(w)ʒər

kojr, kwekr, kujr

kwe, kwi

kwe

kɔj

f f

f f

COCERE

ɔts

ɔə̯ ts, wats

ɔts

f

ɔts, ots

f

f

ɔts

f

ɔts

f

f

HODIE

f

f



f

Lower Engadinian

f

Upper Engadinian

f

Surmiran

f

Sutselvan

f

f

Sursilvan (Disentis)

ˈkɔ ʃ ə, ˈkɔs(:)ə

ˈtøs(:)i, ˈtøs:ə, ˈtes:ə

f

Sursilvan (Tavetsch)

f

f

Table 32 (continued)

256 9 Romansh



sør, ser

meˈmɔɾjə

vøt

cør

sør məˈmɔr ə

vɔjt, vojt, vɛjt, vekt, vyt cɔjr, cojr, cɛjr, cejr, ci(k)r, cyr sɔjr, sojr, sejr, sɛjr, sekr, syr miˈmiə̯ r ə

sir miˈmɔr ə, meˈmoɾjə

cir

sir

məˈmɔɾjə

sir

məˈmɔɾjə

SOCRU

MEMORIA

vit

cir

vit

VOCITU

cir

vit

ˈkɔ(ə̯ )t, kwat

ˈkɔ(ə̯ )c, ˈkɔ(ə̯ )t ʃ , ˈkɔ(ə̯ )ts, ˈkuə̯ t ʃ , kwets

kɔc, kɔt ʃ , koc, kwec

ˈ( ʃ )kɔcə

CORIU

kɔc, ˈ ʃ kocə

EXCOCTA

COCTU,

cør, cer

vøt, vet

kɔt(:)

ɔt(:)

ˈɔ(ə̯ )c, ˈo(ə̯ )c, wac

ˈɔ(ə̯ )c, ˈɔ(ə̯ )t ʃ , ˈɔ(ə̯ )ts, wets

ɔc, ɔt ʃ , oc, uc

ɔc

ɔc

OCTO

nɔt

nɔt

ˈnɔ(ə̯ )c, ˈnɔ(ə̯ )t ʃ , ˈnɔ(ə̯ )ts, ˈnuə̯ ts, nwets

nɔc, nɔt ʃ , noc, nuc

nɔc

f

nɔc

f

NOCTE

f



9.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

257

258

9 Romansh

9.3 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants 9.3.1 Labiovelar In Romansh, /ɛ/ has been split into the rising diphthong ie before final [w] presumably after off-gliding took place, as shown by the reconstructed pathways for DEUS, EGO and LEPORE presented in Table 33. Evidence in support of the change /ɛ/ > ie in this particular context may also be sought in the forms for LEPORE produced with word-initial [ʎ] in Surmiran ([ʎewr], [ʎawr], [ʎɔkr] in Alvaneu, Filisur and Bergün, respectively; Lutta 1923, 63–64), and the variants [mjawt], [mjowt], [mjɔkt]/[mjokt] and [mewt] of the past participle MOLITU of MOLERE in different parts of the Romansh-speaking domain, which require a pathway /ɔlt/ > out > eut > ieut > iaut, iout (Luzi 1904, 786; Lutta 1923, 105; Eichenhofer 1999, 131). Also according to data from Table 33, the outcome [i] may arise either from non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus (possibly [di], as well as [mi] MEU in Bergün), or from triphthongs as suggested by the occurrence, in Sursilvan, of [djəw] DEUS, [jəw] EGO and [ljəwr] LEPORE in Disentis and Medels, and [diw], [ljur], [ iˈdiw] IUDAEU and [miw] MEU in Tavetsch (Caduff 1952, 36; Widmer 1962–1974, vol. 22, 183). A direct change [ew] > [iw] appears to have yielded the form [miwt] MOLITU and operated in words ending in -ĒTU in Sursilvan ([iˈʒiw] ACETU, [buˈliw] BOLETU; Caduff 1952, 39). The triphthong ieu may also be generated from /i/ followed by [w] through glide epenthesis. This has been the case for NIDU, which has yielded ✶nieu and, at a later stage, [uˈɲew] (Sutselvan; Rupp 1963, 21), [ ɲiˈow] (Lower Engadinian; Pult 1897, 42) and also ✶niau from which [ˈnia̯ ] has been derived (Bergün; Lutta 1923, 94). Other examples taken from Sutselvan are [durˈmiw] and [durˈmiə̯ ] DORMITU, which, again, imply the existence of earlier variants ending in ieu and iau (Luzi 1904, 768). f

Table 33: Reconstructed phonetic pathways for /ɛ/ before [w] in the words DEUS, EGO and LEPORE in Romansh. Abbreviations: (SR) Sursilvan [(TV) Tavetsch, (DS) Disentis], (ST) Sutselvan, (SM) Surmiran, (E) Engadine [(UE) Upper Engadine, (LE) Lower Engadine]. The phonetic pathways link earlier forms (appearing towards the left of the derivations) to more recent ones (appearing towards the right). DEUS

✶ ✶

ˈdɛa̯ w djɛw

ˈdeə̯ (ST) ✶

djaw

djəw (DS) diw (TV, ST)

ˈdiə̯ (ST, UE/LE) djɔ/ow, djo (LE)

di (SM, LE)

9.3 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants

259

Table 33 (continued)

EGO

✶ ✶

dew (ST)

dø (ST)

ˈɛa̯ w

ˈɛə̯ (UE/LE)

ɛ (LE), ˈiə̯ (SM)

jɛw

jaw (ST, LE)

ja (LE) jow (ST, LE)

jew (ST), jəw (DS)

ew (SR, ST), ef (SM) ✶

LEPORE

✶ ✶

ˈlɛa̯ wɾə

ju (ST, TV)

jøw

jø (ST)

ˈli/ea̯ ɾə (ST) ✶

ljɛwɾə

ljawɾ

ʎawr (SM) ✶

ʎoj/kr, ʎɔkr (SM)

ljɔwr

ljəwr (DS), ʎewr (SM) ljur (TV) lewr (ST)

ˈløɾə (ST)

9.3.2 Velar In words ending in -OCU (FOCU, LOCU, IOCU), /ɔ/ has given rise to the expected metaphonic outcomes associated with final /u/ through phonetic developments analogous to those referred to in section 9.2.6. They are: (a) [ˈfiə̯ k] [ˈliə̯ k], [ˈ iə̯ k] in Sutselvan, where the high front vowel nucleus corresponds to a delabialized version of [y], and also the simplified variants [ˈfiə̯ ], [ˈliə̯ ], [ˈdziə̯ ]/[ˈʒiə̯ ] (Sutselvan, Surmiran) and [fi], [li], [ i] (Sursés; Grisch 1939, 102). (b) [fø], [lø], [ ø]/[jø] in Engadinian (also [fe], [le], [ e]/[je] in Samnaun), and the forms [fyc], [lyc], [ yc] in Bivio, which have been generated through [ø] raising to [y] (Candrian 1900, 17). f

f

f

f

f

As to Sursilvan, the forms [ˈfiuk], [ˈliuk] and [ uk] from Tavetsch and Disentis do not match the expected vowel outcomes [ˈiə̯ ] (Disentis) and [ˈie̯ ], [ej] (Tavetsch) (see section 9.2.6.1), and could have been generated after insertion of a parasitic off-glide [w] through phonetic pathways such as [fɔwk] > [føwk] > [fewk] > [fiwk] (Caduff 1952, 50) or ✶fuouc > ✶fueuc > [fewk] > [fiwk] (see Candrian 1900, 17). In fact, the intermediate forms [few], [lewk] and [ ewk] happen to be available in Sutselvan from Flem and Trin (Rupp 1963, 24). f

f

260

9 Romansh

9.4 Summary and discussion In Romansh, the high vowels [i] (/i/) and [y]/[i] (/u/) may lower to mid front in checked syllables, and undergo dissimilatory lowering in open syllables before (alveolo)palatal consonants such as [j] ([ij]), [ʎ], [ ɲ]. Glide epenthesis may take place in VC sequences consisting of a high front vowel followed by a coda rhotic yielding sequences like [ˈiə̯ r] (/i/), [ˈyə̯ r] (/u/). With regard to the phonetic evolution of mid high vowels, /e/ and /o/ have diphthongized into ei, ou in open syllables, after which ei can either lower its vowel nucleus or shift to [əj] or e, while ou can either raise to a high back vowel or, to a lesser extent, undergo dissimilatory lowering and fronting. In checked syllables, /e/ has remained [e] in some dialects and lowered to [ɛ] in others; before favourable coda consonants and mostly a rhotic, dialects of the former group may show [ɛ] and those of the latter the sequence [ˈɛə̯ ] and rising diphthongs derived from it ([ja]). Also in closed syllables, stressed /o/ may exhibit two different realizations: a mid high vowel or [u], presumably after reaching an intermediate uo stage; falling diphthongs endowed with a high vowel nucleus or rising diphthongs, [ˈuo̯ ]/[wo] and [ˈuə̯ ]/[ˈue̯ ]/[we], before anterior lingual consonants involving some predorsum lowering and possibly some postdorsum retraction mostly if located in syllable-coda position, i.e., [r], [t], [s], also if realized as [ʃ], and [l] followed by labials or velars. Before (alveolo)palatal consonants, /e/ is realized as mid high front before sonorants (and more so before [ʎ] than before [ɲ]) and before syllable-onset yod coming from [ ] (/ga/), and undergoes dissimilatory lowering before obstruents mostly if voiceless except for the most conservative dialect areas. As to /o/, Sursilvan and Sutselvan favour [u] as in open and closed syllables, while Surmiran, Engadinian and partly Sursilvan exhibit an off-gliding mechanism which may operate before [ʎ], [ɲ], [ʃ], [jɾ] and also before [c] and its (palato)alveolar affricate outcomes, and may give rise to falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus at an early stage and to rising diphthongs such as [we] and [wo] at a later stage (Bergün [vərˈgweɲə], [pweɲ], [əŋˈgwe ʃ ə], [sələˈmwegɾə], and also [bɔɲ]/[boɲ], [bweɲ] BANEU < BALNEU ). Assimilatory mid high vowel raising to a high vowel triggered by a following (alveolo)palatal consonant offers only a few examples of both /e/ (yielding [i]) and /o/ (yielding [u], as in the case of [ujɾ] -ORIU). The low vowel /a/ raises to [e] in open syllables only in Upper Engadinian and a few Surmiran localities, and after an (alveolo)palatal consonant (provided that the vowel is not followed by an etymological trill) in a large dialect domain including Tavetsch, Sutselvan, Surmiran and Upper Engadinian. Regarding the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant condition, /a/ raising occurs pervasively before syllable-initial [ ] or its resulting palatal glide as well as f

f

9.4 Summary and discussion

261

before coda [j] of various origins including the ending -ARIU/-ARIA whose stressed vowel has been replaced by e and more exceptionally by i through the intermediate sequence [ˈiə̯ ] in present-day Romansh. Low vowel raising has also taken place before [ʃ] in ways which depend on the word-final vowel, etymological sequence and dialect. The phonetic development of /ɛ/ before a non-(alveolo)palatal consonant has been largely conditioned by metaphony. In words ending in a high vowel, the primitive sequence [ˈɛə̯ ] may have shifted to [ˈiə̯ ] (also e, i) and to a rising diphthong before a rhotic and an alveolar fricative or affricate. Tavetsch has ei in open syllables, which may derive from [ˈiə̯ ]. In words ending in non-high vowels, on the other hand, the same sequence [ˈɛə̯ ] has given rise either to a mid front vowel realization or to other diphthongs depending on syllable type and contextual consonant: we find [ˈɛə̯ ], [ˈeə̯ ], [ˈiə̯ ] or [ɛ]/[e] ([ɛj] in Upper Engadine) in open syllables, and [ˈɛə̯ ], [ˈia̯ ]/[ja] or [ɛ]/[e] in checked syllables. Before (alveolo)palatal consonants and largely irrespective of the word-final vowel: (a) the diphthongal realization is favoured by the most unconstricted cognates (i.e., a palatal glide originally located in coda position) and by alveolar affricates derived from /(t)tj dj/ which, strictly speaking, ought not to be treated as (alveolo)palatal; and (b) the presumed diphthongization end product [e] (also [i]) occurs before the more constricted consonants [ʎ], [ ɲ], [s]/[ ʃ ] derived from /ks/ and also the two (alveolo)palatal oral stops and their fricative and affricate, approximant or stop outcomes. In the latter contextual condition, dissimilatory lowering yielding [ɛ] may also occur. The outcome [i] of [je] or [ˈiə̯ ] before an (alveolo)palatal consonant occurs relatively often, as revealed by the forms [ˈmiʎər], [viʎ], [ənˈdʒiɲ], [siks], [pi(s)], [pir], [lic], [di ʃ ], [puˈlits] and [ˈtidza], and also [ir] -ARIU which should be traced back to the outcome [ˈiə̯ r] of [ɛ] derived from /a/. Metaphony has also played a major role in VC sequences with /ɔ/ followed by a non-(alveolo)palatal consonant. Before word-final /u/, /ɔ/ diphthongization has yielded [ˈiə̯ ] and, later on, rising diphthongs before favourable consonants such as a preconsonantal rhotic; other possible outcomes are [ej] (Tavetsch) and [ø] derived from former [ɥe] (Engadine). As to the other word-final vowel conditions, /ɔ/ in open syllables has often raised to [o] through [ow] at least in Engadine where traces of this diphthong are available; in checked syllables, /ɔ/ has stayed unmodified and may be realized as [ˈɔə̯ ] before /rC/ and [ ʃ C] derived from /sC/ in Surmiran. Before (alveolo)palatal consonants, on the one hand, /ɔ/ diphthongization has failed to apply before alveolar affricates (HODIE) as well as before [c] and its affricate end products except for in Surmiran, where falling diphthongs originating through off-glide insertion co-occur with rising diphthongs in the latter consonantal environment. On the other hand, throughout the

262

9 Romansh

Romansh-speaking domain, /ɔ/ diphthongization has operated before coda [j], labial + [j] sequences, [ʎ] and [ ɲ], the final phonetic outcome being conditioned by the word-final vowel and the postvocalic consonant as follows: [e], [i]/[y] before [ʎ] and [ ɲ] ([ˈfiʎə], [ˈfyʎə] FOLIA); e, o, [i]/[y] before consonantal sequences with yod in words ending in /u/; and [ˈiə̯ ], [i]/[y] before consonantal sequences with yod in words ending in other vowels, though there is [ej] in Tavetsch and o, [u] and diphthongs with initial [w] if the prevocalic consonant is a velar ([ˈpliv ə] ✶ PLOVIA, [ˈkujsə], [ˈkwisə] COXA). Engadine has [ø] in all cases, and forms with [i] in Tavetsch appear to have been generated though the exceptional sound change [ej] > [i] ([cir] CORIU). The dialect data just reviewed reveal that mid vowel diphthongization through off-gliding in the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition is more likely to operate on mid back rounded vowels (and thus /ɔ/ and /o/) than on their mid front unrounded cognates. As to words ending in -OCU, two /ɔ/ diphthongization mechanisms appear to have been at work, one triggered by metaphony which has yielded [ˈiə̯ ] (Sutselvan) and [ø]/[y] (Surmiran, Engadinian), and another one involving [w] insertion before the velar stop (Sursilvan, as in [ˈfiuk] FOCU). On the other hand, /ɛ/ diphthongization before [w] may have been followed by changes in the vowel nucleus, namely, dissimilatory lowering and backing and assimilatory raising to a high vowel induced by preceding [j] and the following labiovelar glide (✶[djɛw] > [djɔ/ow], [diw] for DEUS, ✶[jɛw] > [jaw] EGO). An overall comparison of the main findings for the stressed mid vowel diphthongization process in Romansh, Ladin and dialects of Northern Italian is in order at this stage. Regarding mid high vowels, off-glide insertion which may in the long run lead to rising diphthongs is only clearly available in Romansh (and, to a lesser extent, in the neighbouring area Ticinese), and takes place mostly before rhotics for /e/, and before [l s r t] and also [ʎ ɲ], [ʃ] and (alveolo)palatal stops and their affricate end products for /o/. The assimilatory raising of /e/ and /o/ to a high vowel occurs more often in Northern Italian than in Ladin and Romansh, while, in all three dialect domains, /e/ and /o/ may undergo dissimilatory lowering, mostly before alveolopalatal sonorants and voiceless obstruents and in the case of ei, ou in open syllables. Differences among the three dialect regions are also present for mid low vowels. For both /ɛ/ and /ɔ/, diphthongal realizations are more widespread in Ladin and Romansh than in Northern Italian, while preconsonantal off-glide insertion occurs in Romansh, less so in Northern Italian and even less in Ladin. On the other hand, the corresponding high vowel outcomes are found in all three linguistic domains and in some dialect areas more than others (Alpine Piedmont and Lombardy, Bolognese; Badiot, Marebbano; Surmiran, Sutselvan). f

9.4 Summary and discussion

263

Several contextual patterns of mid low vowel realization need to be mentioned as well. (a) In Northern Italian, mid low vowels undergo dissimilatory lowering yielding [ɛ], [ɔ] instead of [e], [ø] (whether a recent change or due to the failure of those vowels to diphthongize in early times) before (alveolo)palatal consonants involving a high degree of palatality and thus, voiceless obstruents rather than before voiced sonorants and obstruents. Glide insertion may occur at the offset of both /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ mostly before [l s r t] in Romagna. (b) In Ladin, /ɛ/ may be implemented through a diphthong and also e, i before coda [j] (which includes the present-day outcomes [ ʃ ] and [s] of /ks/ and [t] of /kt/) and before affricates and fricatives derived from [ ], and through a simplified mid front vowel realization before more anterior articulations such as alveolar affricates (/(t)tj dj/), [ ɲ] and the consonant outcomes of /kl/ in the case of VECLU. As to /ɔ/, diphthongs and their simplified realizations [ø], [e] may occur before [ʎ], the phonetic end products of [ ], labial +/j/ sequences and coda [j] of different origins, but not before [ts] (/ttj/), [c] (/kl/) and [t] (/kt/). The vowel /ɛ/ shows instances of dissimilatory lowering before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Fassan. f

f

(c) In Romansh, off-gliding in VC sequences with mid low vowels is generally favoured by coda /l s r/ and the resulting non-canonical falling diphthongs may later shift to rising diphthongs. As summarized next, rising diphthongs are also available before (alveolo)palatals. In the case of /ɛ/, they occur before coda yod (/sj ɾj/) and alveolar affricates (/(t)tj dj/) rather than before more constricted alveolopalatal sonorants and voiceless and voiced (alveolo)palatal stops and derived affricates, which have caused those diphthongs to simplify into a mid or high front vowel. Dissimilatory lowering may operate on VC sequences with /ɛ/ and alveolopalatal sonorants and [t] derived from /kt/ in Upper Engadine. As to /ɔ/, rising diphthongs are only available before yod in some cases and have been simplified into a front vowel also before yod and before [ʎ ɲ]; the diphthongization process has failed to apply before voiceless stops and affricates coming from [c] (/kt/) and [ts] in the case of HODIE, though off-gliding and rising diphthongs may be also found in this contextual condition mostly in Surmiran. The data for Romansh and dialect areas of N. Italy just summarized speak strongly in support of the possibility that off-glide insertion and thus noncanonical falling diphthongs may be at the origin of rising diphthongs. As shown below, this hypothesis appears to be consistent with additional evidence reported in this section.

264

9 Romansh

Regarding mid low vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatals, data for Ladin and Romansh indicate that the diphthongal outcome of /ɛ/ may either have remained intact or been simplified into a single mid front vowel depending on the articulatory characteristics of the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant: [j] contributes to diphthong preservation, and alveolopalatal sonorants and also obstruents mostly if voiceless, to diphthong simplification. As to mid back /ɔ/, while the diphthongization process has failed to apply before voiceless stops and affricates often derived from [c], the diphthong occurs before yod, alveolopalatal sonorants ([ʎ ɲ]) and voiced obstruents, and has been simplified into a front vowel except in several instances of contextual yod. Assuming that mid low vowel diphthongization has been preceded by off-gliding, these data reveal that these contextually-determined diphthongs are favoured by the duration and frequency range (and thus perceptibility degree) of the VC transitions, which are expected to increase whenever the vowel is mid back rounded and the following (alveolo)palatal consonant is voiced and/or relatively unconstricted. Moreover, judging from data from Northern Italian and from Ladin and Romansh as well, dissimilatory lowering is most likely to apply before voiceless obstruents involving the highest palatality degree and therefore articulated with the tightest and most widely extended closure. In sum, it looks as if consonants which exert too much vowel closing may prevent diphthongization from taking place while causing the vowel to lower as a means of preserving its opening degree. On the other hand, it may be argued that diphthongs are prone to being maintained before yod rather than before alveolopalatal sonorants and voiced obstruents (which do not have to have a yod preposed to them) since, in so far as the vowel transitions are more prominent in the former context, the diphthongs in question end up being more audible in this case as well. The finding that diphthongs are more likely to remain unchanged when derived from /ɔ/ than from /ɛ/ before consonants such as the alveolopalatals [ʎ] and [ɲ] may very well be due to differences in diphthong perceptibility, which is in accordance with a greater articulatory contrast between the consecutive segments of a sequence like [weʎ] as compared to those of [jeʎ]. Data for Romansh indicate that glide insertion before (alveolo)palatals may take place at the offset of mid back vowels rather than at the offset of mid front vowels. Consequently, if rising diphthongs are posited to derive from falling diphthongs with a higher vowel nucleus and a lower off-glide, they should emerge earlier from /ɔ/ than from /ɛ/. What seems to account for this voweldependent difference is the fact that mid back vowels involve more tongue body movement before front consonants than mid front vowels do. In view of the positive relationship between degree of articulatory movement and duration and frequency range of the vowel transitions, listeners should then be

9.4 Summary and discussion

265

more likely to categorize the transitions in question as glides in VC sequences with /ɔ/ than in those with /ɛ/. Moreover, in order for mid low vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatals to occur, some sort of dissimilatory or relaxation effect is called forth for which allows glides that are radically different from [j] to be inserted at the offset of the vowel.

10 Francoprovençal 10.1 Preliminaries Francoprovençal is spoken in central eastern France and western Switzerland, as well as in Valle d’Aosta, a number of Piedmontese valleys and Faeto and Celle in Italy. The main Francoprovençal dialects are listed next together with some representative localities, for most of which there are phonetic data available in the literature, and with the bibliographical references from which the corresponding phonetic material has been taken. The Jura Bernois dialect spoken in the canton of Bern has been excluded from consideration because it counts as a variety of the Franc-Comtois dialect of French. Vaudois: Blonay, Ollon. References: Byland (1902), Odin (1886), Stricker (1921), Hasselrot (1937). Fribourgeois: Dompierre, Charmey. References: Haefelin (1879), Gauchat (1891), Girardin (1900). Neuchâtelois: Lignières, Landeron. References: Haefelin (1874), Urtel (1897). Valaisan: [W. Valaisan] Monthey (Val d’Illiez, Vionnaz); Saint-Maurice (Marécottes); Entremont (Bagnes); Martigny; Conthey (Nendaz). [E. Valaisan] Sion (Savièse, Montana); Hérens (Hérémence, Ayent, Evolène); Sierre. References: Cornu (1877), Gilliéron (1880, 1881), Lavallaz (1899), Zimmerli (1899), Fankhauser (1910–1911), Gerster (1927), Jeanjaquet (1931), Freudenreich (1937), Dietrich (1945). Génevois: Certoux, Geneva. References: Keller (1919). Lyonnais: Rhône (Lyon); Ain (Vaux-en-Bugey). References: Philipon (1884; 1887–1889; 1892; 1909), Zacher (1884), Puitspelu (1885), Duraffour (1930; 1932), Gardette (1950–1976). Jurassien and Burgondan: C./S. Jura (Lons-le-Saunier); S. Doubs (Pontalier). References: Kjellén (1945), Dondaine (1972). E. Forézien: Loire département (Roanne, Saint Étienne, Montbrison, Feurs). References: Veÿ (1911), Gardette (1941). Dauphinois: Isère (Vienne, Terres Froides, Grenoble). References: Devaux (1892; 1935). Savoyard: Savoie (Bozel, Maurienne, Lanslebourg). References: Hering (1936), Kuckuck (1936). Valdôtain: Aosta Valley (Cogne, Valsavaranche). References: Walser (1937), Keller (1958). Piedmontese valleys: Val Soana (Ronco Canavese); Valle dell’Orco (Noasca); Val d’Ala (Ala di Stura); Val di Susa (Bruzolo); Val Sangone (Giaveno); Valle di https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-010

268

10 Francoprovençal

Viù (Usseglio). References: Nigra (1878), Salvioni (1904), Terracini (1910–1913; 1914–1922), Simon (1967), Zörner (2000; 2003; 2004). Faetar: Foggia (Faeto, Celle). References: Morosi (1890–1892), Salvio (1908). In addition to the monographs just mentioned, some of the Francoprovençal phonetic data appearing in this chapter have been taken from several more general works: Gauchat et al. (1925), which reports phonetically transcribed lexical material from the Valaisan, Vaudois, Fribourgeois and Neuchâtelois dialects; the linguistic atlases Gilliéron/Edmont (1902–1910) and Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940), which cover, respectively, the Francoprovençal dialects in France and Switzerland as well as Valdôtain, Faetar and the Francoprovençal variety spoken in the Piedmontese valleys; von Wartburg (1922–2022). Old Francoprovençal forms reported throughout the chapter may be found in Hafner (1955) and some of the monographs cited above. The large quantity of information offered in Tables 40–44 gives an idea of the richness of the contextual vowel variants in the Francoprovençal dialects. As these data show, the quality of the unstressed vowels /e/ and /a/ in wordfinal position ranges from schwa, mid front unrounded and even [i] (word-final /a/ may also be realized as [a]) depending on the locality and segmental context. Rather than unifying all these realizations into a single vowel variant which could be schwa, we have been as faithful as possible to the different shades of vowel sound provided by the original sources. The historical development of consonants in Francoprovençal coincides essentially with that of the consonants of Standard French presented in Chapter 11, though it shows some specific characteristics, which are as follows: /ttj/ and /kj/ have yielded not only [s] but also [ʃ], [θ] and [f] ([ˈnɔsə], [ˈnɔfə], [ˈnɔθə] ✶NOPTIA, [ˈlaθə], [ˈdʒaʃə], [ˈdʒasə], [ˈgʎafə] GLACIE); the alveolopalatal lateral may be realized as such or [j], and also as [ð] in Valais and Vaudois, and syllable-onset /Cl/ clusters may show a large number of variants (e.g., [pʎ pj pç pθ] in the case of /pl/); the affricate and fricative outcomes of /kka/, /tk/ and labial + /j/ sequences are not only palatoalveolar but also dental and alveolar ([ˈvatʃ ə], [ˈvaʃ i], [ˈvatsə], [ˈvaθə] VACCA, and see the forms for RABIA and FORMATICU in Table 42); and finally, the sequences /ks ssj ske ski skj/ are implemented as [(j)s] and [(j)ʃ], and as [j] and zero word-finally, and intervocalic /sj/ as [z] and [ʒ] ([ˈasə], [ˈaʃi] AXE, [ˈkwe(j)ʃə], [ˈkwa(j)si] COXA, [səˈɾjɛzə], [ʃiˈɾjɛʒə] CERESIA).

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

269

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals 10.2.1 High vowels The high front vowel /i/ has undergone no major changes in open syllables (it may turn into [y] before a labial or labiodental consonant; Gauchat 1891, 433; Stricker 1921, 41) but may shorten and lower to [e] in checked syllables and paroxytones (saleva SALIVA; Philipon 1892, 8). Before [ʎ] or [ɲ], /i/ may also lower through a dissimilatory process, the corresponding outcomes being either mid front unrounded ([ˈveɲɛ] VINEA, [ˈfeʎɛ] FILIA; Philipon 1892, 8; Stricker 1921, 42), schwa ([ˈvəɲə]/[vəɲ], [ˈfəðə]/[fəʎ]; Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 240; Keller 1919, 27) or mid front rounded ([ˈvœɲə], [ˈfœjə]; Gauchat 1891, 434; Urtel 1897, 22–23). High back /u/ has shifted to [y] in Francoprovençal ([i] in Faetar) except for some E. Valaisan localities such as Montana and Hérémence which have [u]. In open syllables, the vowel may lower in paroxytones ([ˈməlɛ] MULA; Philipon 1892, 11), and also before a syllable-onset tap in words ending in -URU/-URA yielding [e] (Stricker 1921, 57), [o], [ø] (Zimmerli 1899, 143) and [œ] ([sœr] SECURU; Walser 1937, 86). Dissimilatory lowering into mid vowel realizations may have also taken place before contextual (alveolo)palatals, as exemplified by [sãŋˈsøja] SANGUISUGA and [ˈʎwœdzə] LUDICAT in Valdôtain (Walser 1937, 87–88) as well as the form [fɾwoj] FRUCTU, which presumably emerged from an earlier lexical variant with [yj] in Val d’Illiez (Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 299). The outcome [ɥi] of [yj] may have been simplified into [i] ([bɾi] < [bɾɥi] ✶BRUGITU; Duraffour 1930, 20).

10.2.2 Mid high front vowel In open syllables, the falling diphthong ei issued from /e/, which is found in Old Francoprovençal texts (teila TELA, peyvro PIPERE, fey FIDE; Philipon 1884, 544; Girardin 1900, 22–25; Hafner 1955, 30–31), has either lowered its vowel nucleus ([ɛj], [aj], [ɔj]) or raised it to [i] through opposite dissimilatory and assimilatory actions, respectively. Moreover, the resulting diphthongal sequences have often weakened and possibly deleted their palatal off-glide to yield, for example, [a], [aə̯ ] and [ae̯ ]/[aɛ̯ ] out of [aj]. Dialects show the following phonetic outcomes of /e/ in open syllables (as to the notation [a]e̯ , the symbol e may correspond to the phonetic realizations [e], [ɛ] or [ə]): Vaudois: [ɛ], [a(j)], [a]e̯ ([aˈva(j)] HABERE, [tɾa(ɛ̯ )], [tɾɛ] TRES). Fribourgeois: [ɛ(j)], [a(j)], [a]e̯ ([ˈtɛ(j)la], [ˈtajla], [ˈtala] TELA, [pɾɛ], [pɾa] PRESU, [aˈvae̯ ] HABERE).

270

10 Francoprovençal

Neuchâtelois: [e(j)], [ɛ(j)], [a(j)], [a]e̯ ([aˈva(e̯ )] HABERE, [kɾɛ] CREDIT). Valaisan: [a(j)], [a]e̯ in W. Valaisan (Monthey, Entremont, Conthey, and Martigny where [ej] is also available) and [ej], [ɛ(j)], [i] in E. Valaisan (Sion, Sierre, Hérens), as exemplified by [saˈvaj], [saˈva(ə̯ )], [saˈvɛ], [ʃ aˈ(v)i] SAPERE, [ˈbejɾə] BIBERE, [sɛ] SITE, [ˈpivɾo] PIPERE. Lyonnais: [e(j)], [ɛ], [a(j)], [a]e̯ ([aˈvɛ], [aˈva(j)], [aˈvaɛ̯ ] HABERE). Dauphinois: [e], [ɛ] in the Grenoble area, [aj], [a] around Vienne ([bɛr], [bar] BIBERE). Savoyard: [e(j)], [ɛ(j)], [aj], [aɛ̯ ]/[ae̯ ] ([ˈpɛ(j)vɾo], [ˈpa(ɛ̯ )vɾo] PIPERE). Valdôtain: [e], [ɛj], [aj] ([ne], [nɛj] NIVE). Piedmontese valleys: [ɛ], [aj] (Noasca); [ɛj] (Giaveno, Ala di Stura, Ronco Canavese, Bruzolo); [ej] (Val Soana); [ej], [aj] (Usseglio). Faetar: [aj]. Two or more vocalic sequences may be in complementary distribution, as in the case of [ej] and [aj] (also [a]e̯ ) in Lyonnais and in Usseglio and Noasca where the latter realization appears word-finally (Puistpelu 1885, 36), and also the realization pairs [aj] and [ɛ], and [ɛj] and i, which appear in positions endowed with higher and lower stress intensity levels within the phrase and the word, respectively, in Fribourgeois and Lyonnais (Duraffour 1932, 48–50). The change ei > [i], which is of special concern to the present investigation, occurs in specific areas of E. Valais (see above), and also in Vaudois in words ending in -ETA and -ERE ([ˈfaja], [ˈfɛja], [ˈfija] FETA, [tɛˈni], [tiˈni] TENERE, and see below; Odin 1886, 35). In checked syllables, /e/ may either stay mid high or lower (Vaudois [e], Valaisan, Valdôtain [e], [ɛ]). There are also context-dependent outcomes (Gilliéron 1880, 29; Puitspelu 1885, 39; Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 263; Hering 1936, 60; Hasselrot 1937, 37): before /sC/, /e/ may shift to [ej] and later to [e], [i] through either /s/ vocalization or the pathway es > eis > ei and thus [j] insertion followed by deletion of the alveolar fricative (Vionnaz [ˈkɾitɾə] CRESCERE); and before a rhotic essentially in coda position, the vowel may lower to [ɛ] in Vaudois, Valaisan and Savoyard and to [a] in Lyonnais (Aussois [ˈvjɛrdzə], Vaux [ˈvarði] VIRGA). Another relevant sound change, which will also be reported to occur before an (alveolo)palatal consonant below in this section, is the replacement of /e/ by [ə], which appears to have been motivated by severe vowel shortening in closed syllables of paroxytones, in primitive proparoxytones and in paroxytones ending in -A. This sound change takes place in specific Valaisan-, Lyonnais- and Dauphinois-speaking areas (Bagnes [eˈpə] SPISSU, Vaux-en-Bugey [eˈpəsə] SPISSA, [ˈfənnə] FEMINA, Terres Froides [əˈtəla] STELLA, [ˈpəɾə] PIRA, [ˈfəzo] FICATU; Duraffour 1930, 11; Devaux 1935).

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

271

Regarding the (alveolo)palatal context condition, /e/ may shift to [i] after an (alveolo)palatal stop which has been changed to a front lingual fricative or to [j]. Thus, forms like [paˈji], [peˈji] PAGENSE, [ˈsiɾə]/[ˈsiɾi], [ˈθiɾə] CERA, and [pleˈʒi], [pleˈzi] PLACERE are widespread (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 293, 1026), and CENA has yielded [ˈθina] and [ˈsina] in Val Soana and Usseglio, respectively (Nigra 1878, 9; Terracini 1910–1913, 228). Table 40 makes it possible to study the outcomes of /e/ before various (alveolo)palatal consonants in the main Francoprovençal dialects. As revealed by section (b) of the table, regressive assimilation may yield [i] before [ʎ] mostly but not exclusively in Valais and the Lyonnais-Forézien-Dauphinois-speaking region ([θaˈviʎə] CLAVICULA, [aˈviʎə]/[aˈviʎi] APICULA), and throughout the Francoprovençal-speaking region before [ɲ] in the case of SIGNU ([ˈsiɲo], [siɲ]) and for VITIU as well. Instances of mid high front vowel raising to [i] before [ʎ] are also found in Piedmont and Faetar (Piedmont valleys [aˈvija], [ˈvia], Faetar [zaˈβiʎə] APICULA; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, map 1152). This vowel raising process may also operate before antihiatic [j] (Vaudois [muˈnija], [mwəˈnija] MONETA, [ˈsija] SETA, Fribourgeois [muˈnia], [ˈsija]; Odin 1886, 35; Gauchat et al. 1925, entries 136, 367), and before [j] derived from other consonants mostly but not only in the Valaisan dialect, which is precisely where ei derived from /e/ in open syllables may change to [i] (see above): Vaudois [plij], Dauphinois [ˈplijə] PLICAT, Valaisan [ti] TECTU, [ˈkɾitɾə] CRESCERE, [dɾi] DIRECTU (Dietrich 1945, 12), and possibly [ˈmikʎə] ✶ MISCULAT in Valsavaranche, Val d’Aosta (Walser 1937, 35). This assimilatory tendency co-occurs with a tendency to favour dissimilatory lowering, whose phonetic outcomes may coincide with or differ from those occurring in open and checked syllables in the ways described next. (a) In some places, /e/ has a lower realization before an (alveolo)palatal consonant and essentially before yod than in open syllables and often in checked syllables as well (except, for example, in the postvocalic rhotic context condition and word-finally). Moreover, while changes in vowel quality before [j] of other consonantal origins such as the sequence /kt/ are undoubtedly associated with the palatal approximant, this is less clearly the case for the ending -ETA, where vowel lowering could have taken place in a hiatus and thus after deletion of the intervocalic dental stop and before [j] insertion. Relevant data are available for E. Valaisan localities and Lyonnais where [a] instead of the expected realization e may occur before onset and coda [j] from several origins: Hérémence [koˈɾajə] CORRIGIA, [ˈfajə] FETA next to [muˈnɛja] MONETA, [ˈdɾejtə] DIRECTA, [eˈθɾe] STRICTU (Lavallaz 1899, 41, 122); Lyonnais [dɾaj(t)] DIRECTU, [soˈlaj] SOLICULU, [ˈmajə] META, [ˈfajə] FETA (Puitspelu 1885, 37; Philipon 1887–1889, vol. 2, 27). Also in Usseglio, there are cases of

272

10 Francoprovençal

[ɛ] instead of the regular outcome [e] before [j] derived from [ʎ] ([kuŋˈsɛj] CONSILIU, [suˈlɛj] SOLICULU; Terracini 1910–1913, 230). (b) In other localities, /e/ before [j] from various consonantal origins is implemented as /e/ in open syllables and differently from /e/ in checked syllables. This is so for Vaudois, Fribourgeois and W. Valaisan from Val d’Illiez and Vionnaz (also Jujurieux in Ain) where /e/ has yielded [aj] or [a(e̯ )] in open syllables and e in checked syllables, and there is a low vowel realization before secondary [j] in the two syllable type conditions, as exemplified by several forms appearing in Table 40 ([raj], [ˈrae̯ ] REGE, [dɾaj], [ˈdɾae̯ ] DIRECTU, [taj], [ˈtae̯ ] TECTU) and other ones not shown in the table (Vaudois [ˈrajɛ] RIGA, Fribourgeois [muˈnaja] MONETA, [ˈkɾajo] CREDO, Val d’Illiez [ˈfɾajə] FRICAT, [ˈsaja]/[ˈsajə] SECAT, SETA, [ˈmaja] META; Gauchat 1891, 427, 430; Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 261; Stricker 1921, 27–29, 77). In Val Soana, there is [ej] in open syllables, [e] before yod of some other consonantal origin and generally [ɛ] in checked syllables ([nej] NIVE, [koŋˈsej] CONSILIU, [dʀejt] DIRECTU; Zörner 2004, 44). (c) A third dialectal scenario shows essentially no differences between /e/ in open and checked syllables and before [j]. Faetar has [aj] in all three cases ([raj] REGE, [paˈɾaj] PARICULU, [ʃ tɾaj] STRICTU; Morosi 1890–1892, 41; Salvio 1908, 50–51), and in Valdôtain from Valsavaranche we find [ɛj] in open syllables, [e] and [ɛ] in closed syllables and [ɛ] before [j] ([kɔˈʀɛja] CORRIGIA, [ˈplɛjə] PLICAT, [dɾɛjt] DIRECTA; Walser 1937, 36). In Bozel (Savoie), on the other hand, the phonetic outcomes of /e/ are [e] and mostly [ɛ] in open and checked syllables and before [j] and other (alveolo)palatals ([ˈkɾɛçɾe] CRESCERE, [dɾɛ] DIRECTU, [ˈdɾɛtə] DIRECTA, [tɛ] TECTU, [eˈçɛtə] STRICTA), while the ending -ETA is implemented as [ja] ([mɔˈnja] MONETA, [fja] FETA) (Hering 1936, 59–60). Independently of the relationship between the phonetic outcomes of stressed /e/ in open and checked syllables and before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, there are some clear context-dependent tendencies in the lexical forms presented in Table 40 (a). Forms with [a] generated through dissimilation occur before yod in panels 4, 6 and 7. Three other changes in the stressed vowel take place only before [ʎ], yielding the following vowel realizations (phonetic variants for the [ɲ] contextual condition are lacking): a mid low front rounded vowel in practically all dialects ([œˈɾœʎə] AURICULA, [bœˈtœðə] BUTTICULA), which could have emerged through a regressive assimilation induced by the alveolopalatal lateral (see section 12.1.4); a mid back rounded vowel in Swiss dialects, as exemplified by the forms [ɔˈɾɔʎɛ] AURICULA and [boˈtɔʎ] BUTTICULA, which appears to be related to the articulatory characteristics of [ʎ] and the presence of a pretonic mid back rounded

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

273

vowel rather than to a change in etymological ending, that is, -ŬCULU/-ŬCULA < -ĬCULU/-ĬCULA (Gauchat 1891, 430); and schwa in most dialect regions ([kɾəˈbəʎɛ], [kɾəˈbəðə] CORBICULA, [ɔˈɾəʎə] AURICULA), which could be associated with a vowel shortening effect triggered by the contextual alveolopalatal lateral.

10.2.3 Mid high back vowel In open syllables, /o/ diphthongized into ou, which appears to have been the available outcome in Old Francoprovençal (nevou NEPOTE, soula SOLA), after which various changes occurred. (a) There is [ow] in E. Valaisan, where the glide may be obstruentized into a velar stop (Hérémence [ˈowɾa] HORA, Montana [low] LUPU), and [ow], [ɔw] in Valdôtain (Valsavaranche [lɔw]) and sporadically in Savoyard. (b) The vowel nucleus may lower into [a] and the resulting diphthong may undergo off-glide weakening and be simplified into a single low or mid back vowel: [aw]/[aɥ], [a(ɔ̯ )], [o] in Vaudois ([ˈaɥɾa]; Odin 1886, 47–48) and [aw], [ao̯ ], [a] in Fribourgeois ([ˈawɾa], [ˈa(o̯ )ɾa]); [ae] in Neuchâtelois zones ([fjae] FLORE); [aw] in Savoyard, Ain and Faetar, and [aw]/[aɥ] in Dauphinois from Terres Froides ([paw], [paɥ] PAVORE). (c) An alternative development involves vowel fronting through the successive changes [ow] > ([ew]?) > [øw]/[øɥ] > [ø] and dissimilatory lowering of the vowel nucleus into a mid low front rounded vowel realization. The corresponding dialectal outcomes are as follows: [ø] in Vaudois from Aigle and Neuchâtelois ([lø] LUPU; Urtel 1897, 28–29; Hasselrot 1937, 68); [ø], [œ(ɥ)] in W. Valaisan (Jeanjaquet 1931) and [ø], [œ] in Savoyard and Valdôtain from Cogne; [œɥ] in Génevois ([lœɥ] LUPU; Keller 1919, 88); [œ] in E. Lyonnais (Philipon 1892, 9); [ɛɥ] in Bagnard ([hlɛɥ] FLORE; Cornu 1877, 381); [œw] and also [ɛw] before a rhotic in Val Soana (Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 21, 1357; Zörner 2004, 51). (d) The diphthong ou may raise to [u], from which [y] may derive. There is [u] in E. Valais from Montana and Savièse ([ˈuɾa] HORA), Usseglio (Terracini 1910–1913, 232) and Lanslebourg in Savoie and S. Isère (Kuckuck 1936, 32), [u], [y] in Lyonnais, E. Forézien and Terres Froides ([ˈuɾa]/[ˈyɾa] HORA), and [y] in Vienne and Piedmontese localities. In checked syllables, /o/ may either stay mid high or lower to [ɔ]. Specific vowel realizations occur before the consonantal sequences /rC/, /sC/ and /lC/, which happen to be quite similar to each other in many respects. Before /rC/, the vowel may open to [ɔ] in places where it remains mid high as a general rule

274

10 Francoprovençal

(Fribourgeois, Savièse in Valais, Cogne), close to [u] (Dauphinois, Valsavaranche) or diphthongize into [wa], [ɥa], presumably through off-glide insertion, as revealed by forms with a non-canonical falling diphthong available in Ain (Vaudois [kwa] CURSU, CURRIT, [ɥa] URSU, Ain [ˈfua̯ rθi] FURCA). Moreover, these diphthongs may later shift to a mid front rounded vowel in Val d’Illiez and Terres Froides, and also in Génevois and Savoyard which have [ɔ] as well (Certoux [tœr] TURRE). The insertion of [w] and [ə]/[a]-like off-glides may also account for some of the end products available before /sC/: [u] (Vaudois, Fribourgeois, Génevois, Dauphinois, Usseglio); [ɔ], [u] (Valaisan), [ø], [œ] (Val d’Illiez); [u], [we] (Savoyard, as in [mwets] MUSCA); [ow], [u] (Valdôtain); [ˈua̯ ] (Ain [ˈkɾua̯ tə] CRUSTA). Finally, the outcome [ow] of /olC/ has given rise to various phonetic realizations which appear to have proceeded through analogous pathways to those operating in open syllables, namely [ow]/[oɥ] > [aw]/[aɥ], [ø] and [ow] > [u] > [y]: [aɥ], [y] (Blonay, as in [paɥ] PULLU, [ˈpysa] PULSA; Stricker 1921, 46); [aw] (Ain; Duraffour 1930, 33); [œɥ], [œ] (Val d’Illiez, Génevois; Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 286; Keller 1919, 90–91); [ow], [u] (Valdôtain); [u], [y] (Neuchâtelois, Valaisan, Dauphinois; Devaux 1892, 201; Urtel 1897, 31; Zimmerli 1899, 141; Dietrich 1945, 18); [y] (Fribourgeois; Gauchat 1891, 445). Phonetic variants for /o/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant are presented in Table 41. They appear to have emerged from three general processes which will be described in detail below, to wit, (a) rising diphthongization before coda [j], (b) no change or dissimilatory lowering before front lingual affricates, and before [ʎ] and [ɲ] as well, and (c) fronting and rounding before [ʎ]. (a) In parallel to /ɔ/ (see section 10.2.6), there has been /o/ diphthongization into ue before coda [j] derived from a palatalized alveolar affricate (PUTEU, NUCE, CRUCE, VOCE), the coda velar of the sequences /ks/ and kt/ (BUXU, TRUCTA) and a palatalized rhotic (SALMURIA, FORIA). To these cases we should also add the lexical items PUGNU and CUNEU which must have had a postvocalic yod segregated from coda [ɲ] ([ɲ] > [jn]). The presumable change o > uo > ue in these circumstances is exclusively attributable to the contextual palatal consonant since it does not occur in any other contextual or positional condition. The behaviour of the ending -ORIU/-ORIA appears to be exceptional in so far as, as revealed by a comparison of the phonetic outcomes for this ending in Table 41 and those for /o/ in open syllables provided above, its stressed vowel behaves much the same as in open syllables; this includes Val Soana where -ORIU/-ORIA has yielded [eɾi] (masc.)/ [ejɾi] (fem.) (Nigra 1878, 12). Old Francoprovençal documents from various dialect regions show the undiphthongized forms oy, ui/y at least in some of the above consonantal contexts (poys, puis PUTEU, crois, cruis CRUCE, noys, nuis NUCES; Hafner 1955, 106). In order to account for /o/ diphthongization and thus the pathway o >

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

275

uo > ue referred to above, it has been suggested for Dauphinois that [oj] dissimilated into [ɔj] around the 14th–16th centuries after which the palatal glide caused the mid low vowel to diphthongize at the same time as did /ɔ/ followed by yod (see Delvaux 1892, 203). According to another account /o/ diphthongization resulted from off-glide epenthesis and thus the string of changes [oj] > ui > uei which, as reflected by graphemic evidence from Old Francoprovençal, could have operated before the 13th century since forms with uei may be found in documents from this period (pueis PUTEU, bueis BUXU; Hafner 1955, 106). Lexical variants with oi appear to have survived in Usseglio ([nojz] NUCE, [kɾojz] CRUCE; Terracini 1910–1913, 234). The diphthongization of /o/, which, as pointed out above, applies essentially before coda yod, has given rise to various phonetic outcomes. A widespread option is [we(j)]/[wɛ(j)], though also the dissimilated sequence [wa(j)] in essentially all dialects and the rising diphthongs [wi], [ɥi] achieved through assimilatory raising mosty in Valaisan and the Francoprovençal dialects spoken in France (e.g., [kɾwɛ], [kɾɥe], [kɾwa], [kɾwi]/[kɾɥi] CRUCE). Table 41 (b) also shows forms with [u], [y], such as [ny] NUCE, [ˈtɾytə] TRUCTA and [soˈmyɾə] SALMURIA, and [nuʃ ] NUCE and [kɾuʃ ] CRUCE in Valdôtain. According to the prevailing view in the literature, wo(i) would have yielded [wɛ(j)]/[we(j)] through the also existing form [wa(j)] (Duraffour 1932, 153; Gardette 1941, 244–247), and [wi], [ɥi] would have emerged from [we(j)]. An alternative option would be to consider that we(i) ( < wo(i)) yielded [wa(j)], [wa(e̯ )] through dissimilatory lowering (we(i) > [wa(j)] > [wa(e̯ )]) and [wi], [ɥi] through assimilatory raising (we(i) > [wi] > [ɥi]). Another possible outcome of we is [ø], which must have emerged from [wø] and thus after the mid front vowel nucleus assimilated to the on-glide in rounding ([kɾø] CRUCE; Duraffour 1932, 153). Moreover, analogously to French, the diphthongized forms for PUGNU (e.g., [pwĩ], [pwã]) and CUNEU could have originated through the pathway [oj] > [oe̯ ] > [we] > [wi], [wa]. Regarding the Francoprovençal-speaking communities outside Switzerland and France, Faetar has only forms with [wa] ([kɾwaj] CRUCE, [bwaj], [vaj] VOCE; Salvio 1908, 61; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 698, 790, point 715). As to Francoprovençal from the Piedmontese valleys, NUCE and CRUCE show a high vowel exclusively in Stura and Giaveno ([nuʃ ]/[nus], [kɾuʃ ]), and traces of the diphthong in Noasca ([ˈnuə̯ jʃ ], [ˈkɾuə̯ jʃ ]) and some of its outcomes in Ronco Canavese ([nøjs], [kɾøɥs]), while TRUCTA is implemented as [ˈtɾyta] everywhere (Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 528, 790, 1298) and PUGNU and CUNEU have also [y] (Usseglio [pyɲ], [kyɲ]; Terracini 1910–1913, 235). An exceptional case appears to be Neuchâtelois. In view of the rarity of rising diphthongs with a mid or low vowel nucleus in this dialect (see Table 41), it has been proposed by Urtel (1897, 30) that the appropriate development for /o/

276

10 Francoprovençal

before coda yod must be oi > [ø] > [e] and that the pathway oi > [ø] > [œ] > [ɛ] > [ae̯ ] should be called for to account for other vowel outcomes such as [ae̯ ], [ɛ], [ø] ([ˈkɾae̯ ], [kɾe], [kɾø] CRUCE). It needs to be pointed out in this connection that lexical variants with rising diphthongs such as [pwi] PUTEU, [kɾwa] CRUCE and [bwe], [bwi] BUXU, perhaps imported from or influenced by French, are also available in this dialect. Data for CRUCE and TRUCTA in the table reveal that the labiovelar on-glide of the rising diphthong may have been deleted after the word-initial consonant cluster /Cɾ/ yielding [a(j)], [ɛ], [e] out of [wa] and [wɛ] (Fribourgeois [kʀa], [kʀɛ] CRUCE, [ˈtɾatə] TRUCTA). MULGERE, which has not been included in Table 41, appears to have gone through two different sound changes in Francoprovençal (see Gauchat et al. 1925, entry 165): on the one hand, rising diphthongization perhaps triggered by the outcome [j] of coda /l/ and, on the other, vowel raising and fronting after /l/ vocalization into a rounded glide ([ˈmwedɾə]/[ˈmwadɾə]; [ˈma(o̯ )dɾə], [ˈmœɥdɾə], [ˈmudɾə], [ˈmødɾə]). (b) Judging from the corresponding end products o and u, /o/ diphthongization has not taken place before affricates and fricatives coming from an etymological labial + /j/ sequence or fronted velar stop: [ˈrɔʒo], [rudʒ] RUBEU, to which we may add [ˈpɔsi] ✶PŬPPA (Meyer-Lübke 1911, entry 6854; Duraffour 1930, 15); [ˈbɔtsə] BUCCA, [ˈkɾɔθɛ] Germ. KRUKKJA (Walser 1937, 82). The same remark could apply to cases of o, u before [ʎ] ([dzəˈnɔ], [dzˈnu] GENUCULU, [rəˈnɔʎə]/[rəˈnoʎə], [rəˈnaʎə], [raˈnuʎə] RANUCULA), and of o before [ɲ] in forms from the Valaisan dialect not included in Table 41 ([səˈgoɲə] CICONIA, [oˈloɲə], [uˈloɲi] ✶ABELLONEA, [ˈroɲə] ✶RONEA, [kɔˈloɲi] CONUCULA, [verˈgoɲə] VERECUNDIA; Gilliéron 1880; Lavallaz 1899, 66; Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 290; Gerster 1927, 107), Savoyard ([aˈlɔɲə]; Hering 1936, 67) and Valdôtain ([ˈʀɔɲe]; Walser 1937, 81). Moreover, the presence of [ɔ] and [a] in the above lexical variants supports the hypothesis that a dissimilatory action operated at some time in history. Data reported in Table 41 (b) also show that, analogously to the raising of /e/ to [i] before (alveolo)palatal consonants, /o/ raising to [u] before affricates and [ʎ] ([ˈrudzo], [ˈbutsə], [fəˈnuʎ], [dzəˈnu]) has occurred most of the time in Valaisan and the Francoprovençal dialects of France. The scenario for Francoprovençal-speaking localities of Piedmont is analogous to the one just described ([ruʃ ]/[rus] RUBEU, [dʒeˈnuj]/[dʒiˈnuj] GENUCULU, and [dʒeˈnɔj]/[dʒiˈnɔj] in Noasca and Ronco Canavese; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, map 162). (c) It is hard to account for the outcomes [ø], [œ] and possibly e, which may occur in addition to o, before [ʎ] often realized as [j] (Savoyard [ðəˈnø] GENUCULU, [r(ə)ˈnœʎə] RANUCULA), and also before [ ɲ] (Val d’Illiez [œˈlœɲə] ✶ABELLONEA, [ˈrœɲə] ✶RONEA, Savoyard [aˈløɲə], [tsaˈɾøɲə] ✶CARONIA). In principle, these mid

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

277

front rounded vowel realizations could have been generated after /o/ diphthongization and thus from [we], or else through the pathway [o] > [ø] > e, as proposed for Neuchâtelois (Urtel 1897, 30). The former development is supported by lexical forms with [we], [wa] such as Valaisan [fəˈnwa] for FENUCULU, Valaisan [dzəˈnwa] and Lyonnais [ðeˈnwe] for GENUCULU, and Dauphinois [səˈlwa], [sɔˈlɥa] and Savoyard [seˈlwɛ], [sœˈlwa] for SOLICULU/✶SOLUCULU (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1241). Along the same lines, with regard to the phonetic outcomes for RANUCULA in Ain, Duraffour (1932, 143–144, 153) mentions that the lack of /o/ diphthongization before [ʎ] referred in point (b) above is just barely apparent, and is due to the fact that the on-glide [w] of the diphthong uo was absorbed by the alveolopalatal lateral after the diphthongization process had taken place, and adds that this explanatory account is supported by the presence of forms such as [rˈnwɛj] and [rəˈnwaj] in the neighbouring regions Doubs and Haute-Saône, respectively (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 668). The alternative explanatory option, that is, that [o] before [ʎ] was directly replaced by [ø] may be attributed to the articulatory characteristics of the alveolopalatal lateral consonant (see sections 1.4.2 and 12.1.4). It is commonly accepted that the stressed vowel outcome of forms for PEDUCULU, not included in Table 41 and dealt with in section 10.3, has been conditioned by the postvocalic glide [w] derived from /l/ instead of by the alveolopalatal [ʎ]. This should clearly be the case for phonetic variants ending in [ow] and [aw]/[aɥ] (also in [aɔ̯ ]) for not only PEDUCULU but also for FENUCULU and GENUCULU not included in Table 41 either ([pjaɥ], [pjaw]; [ðəˈnaɥ], [dzəˈna(o̯ )], [dzˈna(ɥ)]). However, other lexical variants of PEDUCULU referred to in section 10.3 such as [pjo], [pju]/[pjy] and [pjø]/[pjœ] could have emerged through /o/ diphthongization and thus a string of changes like ✶[pwoj] > ✶[pɥoj] > ✶[pjoj] > [pjø], [pju]. It is also open to discussion whether a number of phonetic variants for FENUCULU and GENUCULU included in this table were generated after /l/ vocalization or not: while the vocalization option could account for [dzəˈnɔ]/[dzəˈno] and [ðəˈnø] GENUCULU occurring in Vaudois, Dauphinois, Savoyard and/or Valdôtain together with [ðeˈnaɥ] (Devaux 1892, 204; Hering 1936, 65; Hasselrot 1937, 76; Walser 1937, 74), it may very well be that analogous variants such as [zəˈnɔ], [zɛˈno] available in Valaisan have emerged through /o/ diphthongization induced by [ʎ] since forms ending in [aw]/[aɥ] are absent here (Lavallaz 1899, 63; Gerster 1927, 107).

278

10 Francoprovençal

10.2.4 Low vowel In Francoprovençal, /a/ in open syllables is kept low or may change to mid back rounded in Lyonnais, Génevois, Dauphinois, Savoyard and Valsavaranche in Val d’Aosta ([pɾa], [pɾɔ]/[pɾo] PRATU; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1087; Walser 1937, 46). A widespread realization is o before the alveolar lateral in open and checked syllables, as exemplified by [so], [sɔ] SALE and [θəˈvo], [tsəˈvo] CABALLU, and also before a labial consonant, as in [ˈt(ɾ)ɔbla] TABULA (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 269, 1213, 1273). Before /rC/ and /sC/ and depending on the area, /a/ may round to o (Lyonnais [por(t)] PARTE, [ˈpota] PASTA, Génevois [pɔr], [pɔt]; Puitspelu, 1885, 25; Philipon 1887–1889, vol. 2, 266–267; Keller 1919, 54–55) or raise to e (Jurassien [ˈɛrmɔ] ARMA, [pɛ] PASSU; Kjellén 1945, 72). 10.2.4.1 After (alveolo)palatals In Francoprovençal, /a/ may raise after an (alveolo)palatal consonant in open syllables. The initial stage ie, generally available in Old Francoprovençal (Hafner 1955, 63), must have originated through glide insertion after [c] and [ ] and therefore before these (alveolo)palatal stop consonants changed to front lingual affricates clearly in strong positions and to [j] intervocalically. The rising diphthong is still available in Valaisan: Vionnaz [ˈtjevɾa] CAPRA, [səˈtje] SECARE, Hérémence [ˈtʃ jɛvɾa] CAPRA, [ˈtʃ jɛɾə] CARA, [foˈjɛ] FOCARIU, Montana [poˈjɛ] ✶PODIARE, Savièse [noˈje] NUCARIU, [wɛˈdʒjeɾɛ] ✶LEVIARIA (Gilliéron 1880, 19, 26–27; Lavallaz 1899, 19–20, 27; Gerster 1927, 100–101; Freudenreich 1937, 18). Low vowel raising has also been triggered by other (alveolo)palatal consonants (Vionnaz [tsətaˈɲe] CASTANEARIU, [foˈʎe] FOLIARE). As exemplified next with data taken from Gilliéron/ Edmont 1902–1910 (maps 268, 272, 276, 436, 756, 927), Gauchat et al. 1925 (entries 13, 180, 296) and other sources, the sequence ie could raise to [i] at the same time as the outcome ie of /ɛ/ in open syllables in some dialect regions but not others, among which those where /ɛ/ has evolved as /e/ in open syllables (see section 10.2.5). Vaudois: [dzɔˈje], [dzɔˈji] IOCARE, [ˈtsivɾa], [ˈtʃ ivɾa] CAPRA, [tsi] CADIT, CASA, [ˈtsiɾa] CARA (Odin 1886, 22; Stricker 1921, 19; Hasselrot 1937, 58). Fribourgeois: [tsi] CADIT, [ɛˈtʃ ila] SCALA, [marˈtsi] MERCATU, [larˈdzi] ✶LEVIARIU, [paˈji] PACARE (Gauchat 1891). Neuchâtelois: [ˈtʃ ivɾa], [ˈtsivɾa] CAPRA, [tʃ ir], [tsir] CARU, [nɔˈji] NUCARIU (Urtel 1897, 11). Valaisan: Val d’Illiez [tʃ i] CADIT, [ˈtʃ ivɾa] CAPRA, [leˈdʒi] ✶LEVIARIU, [paˈji] PACARE (Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 281–283). f

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

279

Lyonnais: [ˈʃ ivɾa], [ʃ i] CASA, [ˈʃ iɾi] CATHEDRA, [baˈɲi] BALNEARE in addition to [θɛr] CARU, [ˈθɛvɾa] CAPRA, [laˈθe] LAXARE (Philipon 1887–1889, vol. 1, 273–274; 1892, 2–3). Valdôtain: [tsi] CADIT, [sɛˈji] SECARE and also [tse], [sɛˈje] (Walser 1937, 58). It seems feasible to assume that, in Faetar, [i(j)] in infinitives and forms with a postvocalic nasal has derived from a falling diphthong with a high vowel nucleus, which is available in other lexical items ([tʃiŋ] CANE, [taˈʎij] TALEARE, [bəˈʒij] BASIARE, [ˈtʃie̯ vəɾə] CAPRA, [ˈtʃie̯ r] CARU; Morosi 1890–1892, 40; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 842, 1079, 1097, 1392). Falling diphthongs of this sort also occur in Neuchâteloisspeaking localities where the outcome [i] may also be found (Lignières [ˈtʃ ie̯ vr] CAPRA, [ˈtʃ iə̯ ] Fr. chez CASA, Colombier [ˈtʃivɾa], [tʃi]; Urtel 1897, 11), in Lyonnais ([ˈθia̯ vɾa] CAPRA, [ˈsia̯ r] CARU; Duraffour 1930, 29) and to different degrees in Noasca, Ronco Canavese and Ala di Stura in Piedmont ([ˈtʃia̯ vra] CAPRA, [ˈtʃia̯ r] CARU, [ˈʃiɛ̯ la] SCALA; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 842, 872, 1079, points 131, 132, 143). Various contextual segments may have hindered the /a/ palatalization process. Vowel raising may have taken place after the outcome [ʎ] of [Cʎ] but not after [Cʎ] itself or its end product [Cj], as exemplified by the forms [vɛˈʎe] VIGILARE, [sarˈkʎa] SARCULARE, [kʎa] CLAVE from Jujurieux (Philipon 1892, 3–4); otherwise, either /a/ has remained unmodified in the two contextual conditions (Ollières [kʎɔ] CLAVE, [ˈʎasi] GLACIE; Philipon 1887–1889, vol. 1, 278) or vowel raising has applied in both of them (Fribourgeais [ˈʎɛsə], [ˈʎɛʃ ə] GLACIE, [ˈpʎɛsə], [ˈpʎɛθə] ✶PLATTEA; Haefelin 1879, 15). Moreover, whenever the low vowel is followed by a rhotic, mostly if part of a /rC/ sequence or derived from the Latin geminate RR, /a/ raising may have fallen short of target and one of the following scenarios may hold: (a) /a/ has stayed unmodified (Vaudois [tsar] CARRU, [tsa] CARNE, [tʃ a] CARU vs. [ˈtsivɾa] CAPRA, [ˈtsiɾa] CARA, Usseglio [kar] CARU, [karn] CARNE vs. [ˈtʃ evɾa] CAPRA, [ˈtʃ ejɾe] CADERE; Odin 1886, 29; Terracini 1910–1913, 246). (b) /a/ raising has stopped at the e stage instead of yielding the regular outcome [i], as exemplified by lexical variants occurring in the Broyard variety of Fribourgeois ([tsɛ] CARRU, [tʃ ɛ] CARU vs. [ˈtsivɾa], [ɛˈtsila] SCALA; Hafelin 1879, 13), Neuchâtelois (Cortaillod [tʃɛr] CARNE, CARRU vs. [tsir] CARU, [ˈtsivɾa]; Urtel 1897, 9, 11) and Valdôtain ([tser] CARNE, [ˈdzɛrba] GARBA, [ˈtʃevɾa] vs. [tsi] CADIT, [ɛnˈtsi] Fr. chez IN CASA; Walser 1937, 58). (c) There is [ɛ] instead of the commonly available rising diphthong ie from which the mid low vowel realization appears to have derived (Vionnaz [tsɛ] CARNE, [ˈdzɛrba] GARBA vs. [ˈtjevɾa] CAPRA, Montana [tsɛr] CARNE vs. [tʃ jɛr] CARU, [ˈtʃ jɛvra]; Gilliéron 1880, 19, 23; Gerster 1927, 100).

280

10 Francoprovençal

Non-phonetic factors may also be involved. Nouns and infinitives do not necessarily go hand in hand. Thus, Savoyard has essentially [je], [e] in nouns and [e] in infinitives ([ˈtʃ jevɾa], [ˈtʃ evɾa] CAPRA, [tʃ e] CASA, [dzoˈje] IOCARE, [leˈʃ e] LAXARE; Hering 1936, 48), and, as pointed out above, in Faetar there is [ˈie̯ ] in words of the former morphological class and [ij] in words of the latter. On the other hand, nouns ending in -ATU/-ATA do not assimilate the low vowel to the preceding (alveolo)palatal consonant in several dialect regions, namely, Vaudois from Aigle (Hasselrot 1937, 58–59), Valaisan from Vionnaz, Montana and Val d’Illiez ([saˈja] SECATU; Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 282), Valdôtain and Savoyard. In other places, -ATU assimilates while -ATA does not: Fribourgeois [i] vs. [a] (Gauchat 1891, 404–405); Neuchâtelois from Cornaux and Cortaillod [ˈiə̯ ], [i] vs. [a] (Urtel 1897, 9); and Vaudois [marˈtsi] MERCATU, as opposed to [ˈleɲa] LINEATA and [ˈlejtja] LACTATA with a shift of stress from the last to the penultimate syllable (Stricker 1921, 19–20). It is an open issue whether the contextual palatalization of /a/ has been conditioned by the anterior character of the low vowel. This hypothesis does not seem too plausible in view of the fact that in Francoprovençal /a/ may shift to o in open syllables and before specific consonants quite extensively (see above in this section). Therefore, at least for some dialect regions, it is unclear whether the articulatory characteristics of the low vowel have contributed to the context-dependent raising process under discussion. 10.2.4.2 Before (alveolo)palatals Data for /a/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Francoprovençal are presented in Table 42, except for the forms for the ending -ARIU/-ARIA which are displayed separately in Table 34. 10.2.4.2.1 General scenario As shown in Table 42, the low vowel may raise to e (and sometimes to i in Valaisan, as reported later in this section) before an (alveolo)palatal consonant more or less consistently depending on context and dialect. (a) There is almost unanimously [a] before alveolopalatals, namely before [ʎ] (PALEA, ALLIU, MACULA), and preferentially but not exclusively before [ɲ], as confirmed by the forms for CASTANEA and ARANEA, and also by those for MONTANEA, which is realized with [a] everywhere and also with e in Savoyard ([mõtaɲ(ə)]/ [mõtaɲi], [moˈtɛɲə]/[moˈteɲə]; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 874), and for other lexical items (Val d’Illiez [ˈvaɲə] ✶VANNAT, [ˈvwaɲə] Frank. ✶WAIDANJAN (3rd pers. sg. ind. pres.); Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 274). Prevalence of the

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

281

low vowel realization also occurs before consonant articulations derived from (alveolo)palatal stops: [j] issued from [ ] in the case of PACAT and PLAGA; and affricates and fricatives in words included in groups 1 and 5, hence ✶PLATTEA, GLACIE, ✶ VACCA, FORMATICU, RABIA, CAVEA, Frank. HAPPIA, and also [ˈsadzə], [ˈsaðə]/[ˈsaði] SAPIU (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1179). A phonetic property shared by practically all these lexical items is that the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant occurs syllable-initially in paroxytones most of which had a low vowel in the word-final syllable. Moreover, as revealed by Table 42 (b), forms with a mid front vowel occur in a non-negligible number of cases in the contextual conditions of interest except mainly before [ʎ]. As in present-day usage, in Old Francoprovençal, /a/ appears to have been realized essentially as [a] before [ʎ] and affricates (sarallie SERRACULA, battalie BATTUALIA, viages VIATICU (pl.); Girardin 1900, 8, 16) though forms with e were available before the alveolopalatal lateral in Old Lyonnais as well (terrel, terrail ✶TERRACULU, serelli, serralli; Hafner 1955, 85–87). Another case worth noting is the change /a/ > [ɔ], [o] before [ʎ] and [ɲ], which is represented by ALLIU ([ɔ], [o]) in Table 42 and shows a considerable number of examples in Génevois where it has been attributed to vowel shortening ([kɔʎ] QUACCOLA, [mɔʎ] MACULA, [bɔɲ] BALNEARE (3rd pers. sg. ind. pres.); Keller 1919, 57–58). f

(b) Low vowel raising assimilation occurs very often before coda [j] of different origins. This is the case in words in which yod derives from a palatalized or (alveolo)palatal stop (BRACCHIU, FACIT, LACU, PACE, RADIU) and belongs to the sequence [jz] (BASIU). Words with [jɾ] turn out to be particularly favourable to the low vowel raising process, as exemplified by forms for TRAHERE and PLACERE not included in Table 42: [ˈtɾɛɾ(ə)], [ˈtɾeɾ(ə)] and [ˈplɛɾə], [ˈpleɾə]/[ˈple(ə̯ )], though also [ˈtʀajhə] and [ˈpjajhə] in Valdôtain (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1323; von Wartburg 1922–2002; Walser 1937, 65; Dietrich 1945, 22). As to the word ✶FAIRE, which has been included in the table, it shows low and mid vowel outcomes throughout the Francoprovençal-speaking domain ([far], [ˈfeɾ(ə)], [fɛr]). Before coda yod derived from other sources, data presented in Table 42 also show the prevalence of mid vowel realization over [a]: [(j)ʃ], [js] (FASCIA/FASCE, AXE, SAXU, FRAXINU); [jt] (FACTU, LACTE, and also [tɾe] TRACTU); [j] derived from /j/ or generated after the fall of an intervocalic consonant (✶AYO, MAIU, MAGIS, and also [se]/[ʃe] ✶ SAYO). To all these cases we may add other examples not included in the table: Vaudois [ˈgɾesə] ✶CRASSIA; Fribourgeois [ˈlese] LAXAT; Lyonnais [ˈegi] AQUA, [ˈɛglə] AQUILA, [ˈegɾɔ] ACRU, [ˈmetɾɔ] MAGISTRU, [ˈmɛgɾɔ] MACRU; Valdôtain [ˈgɾeʃə], [ˈghajʃə]; and the Bagnard forms for MATRE, PATRE and ✶CRASSIA with [i] referred to below (Philipon 1887–1889, vol. 1, 269; Gauchat 1891, 414; Hasselrot 1937, 62; Walser 1937, 65).

282

10 Francoprovençal

In Table 42, all sound change outcomes are well represented, namely [aj], [ɛj], [ej], their simplified versions [a], [ɛ], [e], and also [i]. Like ei derived from /e/ in open syllables in E. Valais (section 10.2.2), also in the Valaisan dialect, the high front vowel outcome before coda [j] (whether still available or not) must have arisen through the pathway [aj] > [ɛj] > [ej] > [i(j)]. Thus, in this particular dialect, phonetic variants with the high front vowel occur for BRACCHIU, FACIT, LACU, RADIU, FRAGU ([fɾe], [fɾi]; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 608), SAXU, FRAXINU, FACTU, TRACTU ([tɾi]; Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 282), BASIAT ([ˈbiʒə]; Gerster 1927, 137), ✶ FAIRE, PLACERE ([ˈplɛɾə], [ˈpliɾə]/[ˈpθiɾə]; Lavallaz 1899, 23; Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 3, 15), ✶AYO, ✶SAYO ([ʃe], [si]/[ʃi]; Gauchat et al. 1925, entry 343), MAIU, MAGIS, and also the ending -ARIU as referred to in section 10.2.4.2.2, and the forms from Bagnes [ˈmiɾə] MATRE, [ˈpiɾə] PATRE and [ˈgɾiʃə] ✶CRASSIA not included in the table (Cornu 1877, 373). Interestingly enough, the outcome [i] of /a/ before coda yod in the lexical items just mentioned is available far more often in W. Valais than in the E. Valais districts where the outcome [e(j)] occurs more frequently than [i] and therefore, as opposed to the phonetic end products of ei derived from /e/ and /ɛ/ in open syllables (sections 10.2.2 and 10.2.5). There is no high front vowel before [ʎ] and [ɲ] (though, as the table shows, forms with [i] are possible for ARANEA) or before yod and affricate and fricative realizations in syllable-onset position, the form [ˈdziwə] of CAVEA owing its high front vowel quality to the preceding (alveolo)palatal consonant (section 10.2.4.1). A comparison of the situation in the Swiss and French dialects of Francoprovençal reveals that in some cases the former are more conservative than the latter with regard to the /a/ raising process of interest. Thus, while lexical items under groups 8, 9 and 10 in Table 42 show a mid vowel outcome across the entire Francoprovençal-speaking domain, LACTE and FRAXINU may be produced with a mid front vowel in the Francoprovençal dialects of France but not in Vaudois, Fribourgeois and Neuchâtelois. In other cases the opposite holds; thus, RABIA and CAVEA may have a front vowel essentially in the Francoprovençal dialects from Switzerland (also in Lyonnais). In Old Francoprovençal documents, /a/ before yod is represented generally as ay, ai, ei/y, e (maysi, messi MATAXA, aigui, eigui AQUA. faire, fere ✶FAIRE < FACERE, payri, peri PARIA, though may MAIU only with a low vowel; Philipon 1884, 544; Hafner 1955, 115). Assuming that vowel raising was underway or had been largely completed in early times (in fact, the digraphs ay, ai could correspond to a mid front vowel realization), at least in a number of words the two consecutive sound change processes ai > e(i) and ei > ai appear to have been at work in this order, the second development involving a regression, as it were, towards the etymological low vowel (Kjellén 1945, 84–103; Hafner 1955, 116, and see also section 11.2.4 for analogous consecutive sound change processes in E. French dialects).

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

283

The Francoprovençal-speaking localities of Piedmont and Foggia either conform to the general /a/ raising pattern described above or are quite resistant to changing /a/ to a mid front vowel. Faetar has often but not always e before yod and instances of the low vowel realization mostly before [jʃ], which parallels the Gascon, Aragonese and Catalan scenarios (see section 6.4.2): [vej] ✶VADIO, [ˈfeʃə] ✶ ✶ FASCIA, [lej] LACTE, [ej] AYO, [sej] SAYO, [tɾej] TRAHO, [mej] MAIU, MAGIS vs. [raj] RADIU, [bajʃ] BASIO, [fajʃ] FASCIO, [lajʃ] LAXO, [najʃ] NASCO (Morosi 1890–1892, 39). As to the Piedmont valleys, data from Valle dell’Orco (Noasca), Val Soana (Ronco Canavese), Val di Susa (Bruzolo), Val d’Ala (Ala di Stura) and Val Sangone (Giaveno) show the realization [a] before coda yod except for the ending -ARIU/-ARIA which will be dealt with in section 10.2.4.2.2 (see the data for points 131, 132, 142, 143, 144 and 153 reported by Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940 in maps 320, 556, 651, 1199 for LACTE, MAIU, AXE, MAGIS). In particular, there is [ˈfajsi] FASCIA, [ajs] AXE, [fajt] FACTU, [lajt] LACTE, [maj] MAIU in Usseglio (Terracini 1910–1913, 245), and [aj] ALLIU, [aˈɾaɲ] ARANEA, [faj] FASCE, [ˈfɾajno] FRAXINU, [fajt] FACTU, [ˈmajɾo] MACRU in Val Soana (Nigra 1878). 10.2.4.2.2 The case of -ARIU/-ARIA Data for the ending -ARIU (masc.)/-ARIA (fem.) not preceded by an (alveolo)palatal consonant presented in Table 34 have been taken mainly from the specialist monographs and for lexical items such as CARBONARIU, POMARIU and CALDARIA from the more general works Gilliéron/Edmont (1902–1910, maps 237, 255, 660, 714, 1058), Gauchat et al. (1925, entries 38, 117, 255, 350, 375) and Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940, maps 211, 1210). In the table, each pair of forms, e.g., [a] -ARIU/ [ɛr] -ARIA, corresponds to a given locality or dialect area. In the combinatory options 1 through 4, the two genders share essentially the same vocalic realization, whether it be a rising diphthong or a non-canonical falling diphthong with a high vowel nucleus (1), or else a single vowel a, e or i or a canonical falling diphthong (2, 3, 4). In options 5 and 6, the two genders show different phonetic variants such that one of them exhibits the more extreme realization [i], and either -ARIU has evolved further than -ARIA (condition 5) or else the reverse applies (condition 6). Other options have been grouped under condition 7. The low vowel realization, which occurs in lexical forms found in the Francoprovençal dialects of Switzerland, for the most part matches the natural development of diphthongized realizations of /ɛ/ or of both /e/ and /ɛ/ in open syllables and before coda iod (see sections 10.2.2 and 10.2.5). In Vaud, there is most often [a(ə̯ )], [a(ɛ̯ )], as for /e/ and also /ɛ/ in open syllables, and in other areas the outcomes [i], [e], [ɛ(j)], which parallel the phonetic end products of /ɛ/ in the same syllable type condition (La Côte in Vaud [tsoˈdiɾə] CALDARIA, [mwəˈni]

284

MOLINARIU,

10 Francoprovençal

[ˈlivɾa] LEPORE, [ˈfivɾa] FEBRE; Odin 1886, 21, 36; Gauchat et al. 1925, entries 117, 282, 387, 449). An analogous scenario occurs in Valais: we find essentially [aj], [a]e̯, [ej] in those western districts where these same phonetic realizations correspond to /e/ and /ɛ/ in open syllables, and, judging from the prevailing end product [i], a situation analogous to that for /ɛ/ in the eastern districts. In Neuchâtelois, the widespread sequences [ˈi(ə̯ )], [ˈi(e̯ )] do not differ from the end product for /ɛ/ in open syllables, while, just as for /e/, there is also [ae̯ ] in the Boudry district and only [ae̯ ] in Béroche (Urtel 1897, 15). Finally, in Fribourgeois, -ARIU has yielded [a]e̯ , which is also the major phonetic outcome of /e/ and /ɛ/ in open syllables. This general situation is complicated by the fact that there may be more than one phonetic realization of /ɛ/ in open syllables depending on lexical item and the contextual segment. Thus, as pointed out in section 10.2.5.1, in Vaudois, in addition to [a]e̯ which is common to /e/ and /ɛ/, the latter vowel can also change to ie before a rhotic and in the word for PEDE. More specifically, in Villars-le-Terroir, the stressed vowel of -ARIU in FEBRUARIU shows the same realization as /ɛ/ in LEPORE and MEL ([fɛˈvɾaə̯ ], [ˈlaə̯ vɾa], [ˈmaɛ̯ ]) but not in FERU and PEDE ([fje], [pi]) (Gauchat et al. 1925, entries 38, 362, 407). In the Francoprovençal-speaking territories in France, the low vowel has evolved essentially the same as /ɛ/ and, as exemplified by the outcomes of -ARIU, areal diferences may be found within each dialect: Lyonnais ([i] in Rhône and Ain, [ˈie̯ ], [ˈia̯ ] also in Ain); Dauphinois ([iə̯ ], [ie̯ ], [je], [i], [e], and, as pointed out below, differences between the Vienne and the Grenoble area in the case of -ARIA); and Savoyard ([i] in Upper Savoy, [je] in Lower Savoy). Regarding the situation in the dialect domains outside France and Switzerland, Faetar has [ij] -ARIU/[ˈie̯ ɾə] -ARIA, whereas the Piedmontese valleys for the most part have sequences with a mid front vowel, namely [e(r)]/[ˈeɾi], [e(j)]/[ˈɛɾa], [ˈɛɾi] or else [ɛ]/ [ˈɛɾa], though also [ajr]/[ˈajɾi] in Val Soana (Nigra 1878, 7; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 211, 1210). There is no general consensus regarding the phonetic developments involved in the generation of the phonetic end products for -ARIU/-ARIA in Francoprovençal. With regard to the Swiss dialects, the pathway leading to the most extreme forms with [i] may have been eir > ieir > ir (Neuchâtelois; Urtel 1897, 15) or ai > ei > e, i (Vaudois; Odin 1886, 30), which would account for the presence of different diphthongal types in these two dialect areas (see Table 34). Alternatively to Odin’s proposal, it may be hypothesized that there have been two pathways in Vaudois, Neuchâtelois and Valaisan – one via iei (Neuchâtelois from Vignoble [paˈnie̯ ]) and another via ei and thus not involving vowel diphthongization (Neuchâtelois from Béroche [paˈnae̯ ] PANARIU) – and that the outcome [i] is associated either with the former pathway exclusively or also with the latter in those dialect domains where /e/ and /ɛ/ had merged earlier into /e/ (see Urtel 1897, 14–15). The

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

285

latter possibility may account for the scenario in Fribourgeois where the mid vowel merging process of interest has taken place everywhere. Data from 13th–14th c. texts from the Lyon area (Philipon 1884, 544; 1887–1989, vol. 1, 279–280) also show traces of two developments, namely one starting with [aj] followed by regressive low vowel raising and simplification of the outcoming falling diphthong ei into a mid vowel (ai/yro > eiro, eyr > ero, e(r)), and another involving the formation of a rising diphthong followed by raising of the mid front vowel nucleus to i (ie(r) > i). In Dauphinois, the corresponding outcomes ier and er were still available in the 15th century and are still apparent today for the ending -ARIA, which is realized as [ˈjeɾi] in the Vienne area and as [ˈɛɾo], [ˈɛjɾo], [ˈɛjɾi] in the Grenoble area (Devaux 1892, 130–133; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 255, 714, 1184). Moreover, at least in Lyonnais, it seems that there has been an extension of the phonetic variants of -ARIU/-ARIA after an (alveolo)palatal consonant to lexical items in which the same ending had no palatal consonant in prevocalic position. Thus, during the 14th c., lexical variants ending in -er derived from -eir (primer, premer PRIMARIU, taverners TABERNARIOS) stayed unmodified or shifted to -ier (prymier, taverniers) under the influence of existing lexical forms with -ier preceded by an (alveolo)palatal consonant (clochier CLOCCARIU, noyer NUCARIU) (Philipon 1884, 544), and at a later date, ie could shift to [i], as revealed by the present-day doublet [i]/[ˈiɾə], [ˈiɾi] (see Table 34). This analogical effect has obviously not taken place in dialect scenarios other than Lyonnais where -ARIU/-ARIA shows different realizations depending on whether /a/ is preceded by an (alveolo)palatal consonant or not, such as for example [larˈdzi] ✶LEVIARIU vs. [fɛˈvɾaə̯ ] FEBRUARIU in Vaudois from Villars-le-Terroir and [lɛˈdzi] vs. [fɛˈvɾe] in Vallorbe (Gauchat et al. 1925, entries 38, 148).

10.2.5 Mid low front vowel 10.2.5.1 General development In most of the Francoprovençal speaking domain the initial outcome of /ɛ/ in open syllables was historically the rising diphthong ie. The diphthong (whether realized as [ˈie̯ ], [ˈiə̯ ] or as [je]) may then have been simplified either into [i] through progressive vowel assimilation ([je]) and/or off-glide deletion ([ˈie̯ ], [ˈiə̯ ]), or else into e. In Old Lyonnais, forms with ie are found in 14th c. texts and those with i in the 16th century (Philipon 1887–1889, vol. 2, 28). Moreover, a comparison with the outcomes of /e/ in section 10.2.2 reveals that, even though not in all words and contextual conditions, /ɛ/ has yielded essentially the same end products as /e/ in the open syllable condition in the Swiss Francoprovençal-speaking domain, which can be explained by assuming the existence of a common intermediate stage ei which must have come into existence after the two mid vowels



a(e̯ )-ɛɾe a-ɛr e-ɛr

i-ɛr





i-iɾ(e)



a-ɛr ɛ-eɾe, aɾi e-ar

i-a( e̯ )r i-ɛr

e-eɾe ɛ(j)-ɛ(j)ɾe



ie̯ -iɾ(e) ej-ir

i-ie̯ ɾe

i(r)-ir i-iɾe

e-er

ae̯ -ae̯ ɾe

a(e̯ )-ae̯ ɾe a-aɾ(e)

aj-ajɾe ae̯ -ae̯ ɾe a-ae̯ ɾe, aɾ(e)



Neuchâtelois ie̯ r-ie̯ ɾe

Fribourgeois



Vaudois

aj-iɾe ɛ-iɾe

i(r)-iɾe

ɛ(j)-ɛ(j)ɾe e(j)-e(j)ɾe

a(e̯ )-ae̯ ɾe a(j)-ajɾe a-aɾe

jɛ-jeɾe

Valaisan

ie̯ -ir

i-iɾ(i/e)

ɛɾo-ɛɾi

ia̯ -ia̯ ɾi ie̯ -ie̯ ɾe, jɛr

Lyonnais

ie̯ -eɾi, ɛjɾi je-ɛ(j)ɾo, eɾe

je-iɾe

i-jeɾe/i i-eɾi, ɛɾa

(j)i-ir

e-eɾe

ie̯ -jeɾe/i

Dauphinois

e-jeɾe e-ɛɾe

je(r)-iɾe er-jiɾe e-iɾe

i-iɾe

je- jeɾe

Savoyard

ea-iɾe

i-eɾe

i-iɾe

e/ɛj-e/ɛjhe e-eɾe

Valdôtain

Table 34: Phonetic realizations of -ARIU and -ARIA (before and after the hyphen, respectively) not preceded by an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Francoprovençal. See the body of the text for the meaning of conditions 1 through 7. The italicized symbol e may correspond to a mid high or mid low front vowel or to schwa (see section 10.2.2 for details). Stress marks are not included.

286 10 Francoprovençal

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

287

merged into /e/ (Meyer-Lübke 1890, 155; Duraffour 1932, 68–69; Dietrich 1945, 10). An interesting scenario in this connection is found in Valais: there has been no merging of the two vowels in localities like Hérémence, Nendaz, Ayent and Evolène, which basically show [i] ( < ie) for /ɛ/ and [e(j)] for /e/ (Hérémence [ˈpiɾa] PETRA, [ˈpejvɾo] PIPERE; Lavallaz 1899, 29), and a common end product [i] derived from ei after /ɛ/ and /e/ merged into a mid high front vowel in open syllables in other localities like Montana ([ni] NIVE, [fi] FEL and see section 10.2.2 and Gerster 1927, 86). (Stressed /ɛ/ of the monosyllables MEL and FEL has been treated as /ɛ/ in open syllables in French and Francoprovençal; Fouché 1969, 236). Noncanonical falling diphthongs with a high front vowel nucleus occur in Neuchâtelois, Lyonnais, Faetar and the Piedmontese valleys. Here are the most representative phonetic outcomes of /ɛ/ in open syllables listed as a function of dialect with explicit reference to those dialect regions where /ɛ/ and /e/ have yielded the same phonetic outcome. Vaudois: [ɛ], [aj], [a(ɛ̯ )]/[a(e̯ )], as for /e/; [ɛ(j)], [e], [i] in W. Jura Nord, Nyon and Morgues. Fribourgois: [ɛ], [aj], [a(ɛ̯ )]/[a(e̯ )], as for /e/. Neuchâtelois: [aj], [a(ɛ̯ )]/[a(e̯ )] (Landeron, Cressier, Béroche), and possibly [ej], [e] (Val-de Travers), as for /e/; [ˈi]e̯ (Montagnes) [i] (Boudry), [ˈi]e̯ , [e] (Val-de-Ruz). Valaisan: [e(j)], [aj], [a(ɛ̯ )]/[a(e̯ )] in W. Valais and [i] in E. Valais, which also occur in the case of /e/. Lyonnais, E. Forézien: [je], [i], and also [ˈia̯ ], [ˈie̯ ] in Ain ([ˈfia̯ vɾa] FEBRE, [ˈmie̯ ] MEL; Duraffour 1930, 28). Dauphinois: [ˈie̯ ], [i] in Vienne, [je], [e] in the Grenoble area ([ˈpie̯ ], [pi] vs. [pje], [pe] PEDE). Savoyard: [je], [ja], and also [i] mainly in N. Savoy. Valdôtain: [e], [i] in Valsavaranche, [je], [ɛj] in Cogne. Piedmont: [e] in Usseglio, and [ˈia̯ ]/[ˈie̯ ], [je], [ja], [e] in Val Soana ([ˈlevɾa] LEPORE, [pe], [ˈpia̯ ], [pja] PEDE). Faetar: [jɛ], [ˈia̯ ]/[ˈie̯ ], [i] ([ˈfjɛvɾə], [ˈfie̯ vɾə] FEBRE, [ˈtʃ ie̯ r] CAELU, [pia̯ ] PEDE/ [pij] PEDES). The mid low front vowel of PEDE has a special behaviour in that it has shifted to ie and has also yielded the simplified realization [i] in all the Francoprovençal dialects of Switzerland. Moreover, as the following forms show, /ɛ/ has often yielded a rising diphthong before a prevocalic rhotic including those regions where /ɛ/ and /e/ share the same outcome in open syllables: [jɛ], [je] and/or [ja] and also [i] in Vaudois ([fjɛ(r)], [fje], [fjar] FERU, [ˈhjiɾa], [ˈfiɾa] FERA; Odin 1886, 36; Gauchat et al. 1925, entry 362), Fribourgeois ([fje] FERU, [ˈjiɾu] ERAM; Gauchat

288

10 Francoprovençal

1891, 421), Valaisan ([fjɛ(r)] FERU, iro ERAM; Lavallaz 1899, 31–32) and Lyonnais ([ˈpjɛɾo], [ˈpjaɾo] PETRA, [ˈliɾo] HEDERA; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 768, 1014); [je] in Valdôtain ([ˈfjeɾa] FERA; Walser 1937, 38); and [jɛ] in Usseglio ([jɛr] HERI; Terracini 1910–1913, 237). Also in Valle dell’Orco, in contrast with the outcome [ˈya̯ ] of /ɔ/ in open syllables of words ending in a high back vowel ([ˈya̯ ] OVU), there are forms with [ˈie̯ ] of /ɛ/ occurring before a liquid in the final syllable of the word ([ˈie̯ r] HERI, [ˈsəjər]/[ˈsəjəl] < [ˈsiə̯ l] CAELU; Zörner 2000, 116). In checked syllables, the vowel remains mid low and specific outcomes may be found depending on the following consonant. Before /sC/, we find [ej], [e], [i] in Vaudois and Valaisan (Vaudois [ˈbe(j)tɛ], [ˈbitɛ]/[ˈbiθɛ] BESTIA, Valaisan [ˈbejtʃ ə], [ˈbeθjɛ], [ˈbitʃ ə] BESTIAS; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 129; Gauchat et al. 1925, entry 168), mostly [e] in Lyonnais, Valdôtain and Usseglio, [i] in Fribourgeois ([ˈbiθə] BESTIA; Haefelin 1879, 19), and both [e] and [i] in Neuchâtelois ([ˈbeta], [ˈbita]; Urtel 1897, 17). As pointed out for the sequence /esC/ in section 10.2.2, the pathway es > eis > ei > e, i rather than es > ei > e, i may have taken place in this case, and vowel raising to a high vowel could thus be seen as the outcome of a regressive assimilation process induced by the palatal glide inserted at the offset of the vowel nucleus. When followed by /rC/, on the other hand, /ɛ/ can remain mid low, lower further to [a] ([ˈɛrba] HERBA in Vaudois, Fribourgeois, Neuchâtelois and Valaisan and also [ˈarba] in Lyonnais, [ˈmarlo] MERULA in Valdôtain; Haefelin 1874, 19; Odin 1886, 37; Gauchat 1891, 421; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 686; Duraffour 1930, 9; Walser 1937, 39), or else raise to [i], which must have emerged from the outcome ie of an off-glide insertion process ([ˈirba] HERBA, [ˈpirθe] PERTICA in Houches, Haute-Savoie; Duraffour 1932, 40). Before the alveolar lateral of the ending -ELLA, /ɛ/ may be implemented as mid low (Lyonnais, as in [ˈbɛla] BELLA), low (Fribourgeois, Neuchâtelois, and also Vaudois and Valaisan, as in [ˈbala]) or both (outcomes [ɛ], [e], [a] in Valdôtain; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 118; Walser 1937, 40). 10.2.5.2 Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant The phonetic outcomes of /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant may be traced through the lexical variants listed in Table 43. The most widespread phonetic development (also in E. Forez; Gardette 1941, 240) has involved vowel diphthongization into ie followed by the simplification of the resulting diphthong or triphthong into e, i, the rising diphthong being still available in practically all dialects and especially in Vaudois and Valaisan when the Swiss Francoprovençal zones are taken into consideration. As referred to below, the presence of a rising diphthong may be inferred from the palatalization of prevocalic /l/ and /s/ in forms such as [ʎɛ] LECTU and [ʃɛ] SEX. Another relevant aspect is that in all the Francoprovençal-

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

289

speaking territories, the vowel nucleus of the rising diphthong in question may be mid low (or low) and also mid high, which could be taken to mean that it has been raised and thus assimilated in height to the contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant. Moreover, a look at Table 43 (b) reveals that, unlike what we see in Ladin, Romansh and Northern Italian, the outcome [i] is particularly frequent all throughout the Francoprovençal-speaking domain. The phonetic end products just mentioned must be specific to the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition since either they do not occur for /ɛ/ in open syllables or else, whenever they do (at least partially), they may also be found in syllables checked by yod in coda position. Judging from the data presented in Table 43 and more specifically from those lexical forms which exhibit a rising diphthong and/or [i], /ɛ/ diphthongization appears to have taken place in the conditions (a), (b) and (c) below and therefore essentially before all (alveolo)palatal consonants: (a) Before front lingual affricates/fricatives derived from /tj/ (PRETIU, ✶PETTIA, ✶ NEPTIA), labial + /j/ sequences ( LEVIU) and front velars in the case of DECEM (Valaisan [(d)ʒjɛ], [dje], [di], Valdôtain [ˈdiɛ̯ ʃ ], [dje], [djiʃ ]). (b) Before [ʎ] and [ɲ] of different origins (VECLU/VECLA, MELIUS, TENEO, VENIO, PECTINE). Regarding VECLU and MELIUS, a distinction should be made between forms showing the outcomes [jɛ]/[je], [ˈie̯ ]/[ˈiə̯ ] and [i] triggered by postvocalic [ʎ] or [j], and those ending in [jo]/[jɔ], [jœ]/[jø] and [ju]/[jy], which have undergone another phonetic development described in section 10.3 and have not been included in Table 43. (c) Before [j] issued from /dj/, a front velar and a Latin palatal approximant (✶DIMEDIU, LEGERE/LEGIT, PEIUS, PEIOR), /ks/ and /kt/ (SEX, TEXERE, PECTU, LECTU), [zj] (CERESIA, ECLESIA), and /ɾj/ and the syllable-onset clusters /gɾ/ and /dɾ/ (FERIA, MINISTERIU, INTEGRU/INTEGRA, CATHEDRA). While, with some exceptions referred to below, /ɛ/ diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal consonants has applied to a large degree throughout the entire Francoprovençal-speaking domain, it is not always easy to decide whether forms with e(i) should be traced back to a rising diphthong or correspond to an earlier non-diphthongized version of the vowel. Thus, for example, regarding FERIA, some dialects have a rising diphthong and [i] and thus forms such as [ˈfjeɾi], [ˈfiɾə] (Lyonnais, Dauphinois [Vienne area]), while other dialect areas exhibit lexical variants with either a canonical falling diphthong or a single mid front vowel such as [ˈfɛjɾə], [ˈfa(ɛ̯ )r], [fajɾɛ] and [ˈfɛɾə]/[ˈfeɾə] which may very well derive from undiphthongized /ɛ/ or from the outcome [e] of /ɛ/ followed by yod (Vaudois, Fribourgeois, Neuchâtelois, Dauphinois [Grenoble area], Savoyard, Valdôtain, and also [ˈfejɾa] in Val Soana). A similar remark could apply to the phonetic variants [maˈtiɾə] vs. [maˈta(e̯ )ɾə] of MATERIA.

290

10 Francoprovençal

Consistently with the present-day dialectal situation, data from 13th–15th c. Francoprovençal documents presented in Table 35 (Philipon 1884; 1887–1889; Devaux 1892; Girardin 1900; Hafner 1955; Gossen 1967) reveal the presence of rising diphthongs (ie) and triphthongs (iei) for practically all lexical items. (The phonetic equivalence for the different consonant graphemes appearing in Table 35 does not differ substantially from that provided for Old Occitan in Table 11). Analogously to Old Occitan, forms with a falling diphthong (ei) co-occur with variants with a rising diphthong, and the sound change ie(i) > i appears to have taken place fairly frequently (see the data for ✶PETTIA, PRETIU, VECLA, VENIAT, PECTINE, ✶ DIMEDIU, SEX, ECLESIA, INTEGRA, MINISTERIU) and may also be assumed for engin INGENIU and tigne TENEAT (Philipon 1909, 111). A difference between Tables 11 and 35 is that forms with i are less frequent in Old Francoprovençal than in Old Occitan, especially for sequences with /ɛ/ followed by yod (LEGERE, SEX, LECTU, PROFECTU, PECTU), which is clearly in contrast with the widespread presence of forms with [i] in the present-day Francoprovençal dialects. Moreover, differently from Old Occitan, Old Francoprovençal lacks a considerable number of forms with the grapheme iei (it has forms with ie instead) even though it is assumed that ie, ei must have emerged from iei in lexical variants such as sies/seis, profiet/profeit, liet/leit (Hafner 1955, 93, and also Gossen 1967, 297). All these considerations and also the fact that diphthongized forms are often absent from 13th c. texts suggest that the /ɛ/ diphthongization and subsequent vowel nucleus raising processes occurred over a long period of time in Francoprovençal. A relevant case is that of Old Dauphinois where forms with /ɛ/ followed by /ɾj/ parallel those for -ARIA (section 10.2.4.2.2) in showing a rising diphthong and a high front vowel in the Vienne area (ier, ir, as in present-day [ãˈtjeɾi], [ãˈtir] INTEGRA) but not in the Grenoble area (eir, as in present-day [ãˈtɛjɾi]) (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1920, map 468). Moreover, in central Forez, which is not currently regarded as falling within the Francoprovençal-speaking domain, falling diphthongs from 17th c. documents and present-day phonetic variants also point to the absence of /ɛ/ diphthongization: séy(s) SEX, léire LEGERE, iliéysi, igléisy ECLESIA, entéyri INTEGRA, ciréisi CERESIA (Veÿ 1911, 18); [ˈlae̯ ], [lej] LECTU (Gardette 1941, 242). Table 43 shows other interesting phenomena. Dissimilatory vowel lowering accounts for forms such as [saj], [ˈʃaɛ̯ ] SEX, [ʎa(j)], [ˈʎa(ɛ̯ )] LECTU, as well as [ˈsaje] which exists alongside [ˈsije] SECAT and [ˈpɾaje] in addition to [ˈpɾijə] PRECAT (Gauchat 1891, 422; Lavallaz 1899, 34; Terracini 1910–1913, 238), and also [mjaj], [ˈmjae̯ ], [mja], [mjɔj] MEDIU which co-occur with [mjɛ], [mjœ] in Dauphinois (Duraffour 1932, 177). In several lexical items (NEPTIA, LEGERE, DECEM, ✶LEVIU, SEX, LECTU), the on-glide has merged with the preceding alveolar consonant thus giving rise to an (alveolo)palatal or palatoalveolar consonant, which can be taken as proof of

291

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

Table 35: Old Francoprovençal written variants for words with /ɛ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. iei ✶

ie

ei

pieci

PETTIA

pries

PRETIU

e

i

peci

pici

preys

pris

VECLU

vyeyl

viel

veyl

VECLA

vieilli

vielli

ve(y)lli me(i)ller

MELIOR

viegnye

VENIAT

vigne, vignie engin

INGENIU

piegnio

PECTINE MEDIU, MEDIA

miey

pign(i)o

(di)mie, miez

(di)mei

DECEM

dies/x

deis/x

(EX)LEGERE

(es)liere

(es)leire

SEX

siex/s

seix/s

TEXERE

tiestre

LECTU

liet

leit

PROFECTU

profiet

profeit

SUSPECTU

supiet

suspeit

PECTU

pietz

peiz

ECLESIA

iglyesi

egleisi

iglesi

CERESIA(S)

serieses

cyreisi

ciresi

feiri

feri

enteri

FERIA

dime

(di)mi

sex/s

six

profet

FERIAT

fiera

INTEGRA

entieri

enteiri

QUAERIAM

requiere, inquiere

queiro

COEMETERIU

cymetiero

cimintero

MINISTERIU

me/istier

mester

MONASTERIU

motie, mostier

moster

✶

ILLAEI

villit

liei

lie

lei

eglisi

entiry

mistir

292

10 Francoprovençal

the previous existence of the diphthong ie. Thus, for SEX to have yielded [ʃe(j)], [ˈʃ aɛ̯ ], /ɛ/ must have diphthongized into ie after which the on-glide must have merged with preceding /s/ into [ʃ]. In support of the rising diphthong is the fact that the new (alveolo)palatal or palatoalveolar consonant may occur not only before a high front vowel, which could certainly trigger the palatalization process (as in [ʃi] SEX), but also before a mid front vowel which is not likely to do so (as in [ˈɲɛsə] NEPTIA, [ˈʎeɾə] LEGERE, [ˈʎɛʒo] ✶LEVIU, [ʎɛ] LECTU and the above forms [ʃe(j)], [ˈʃaɛ̯ ] for SEX). On the other hand, the mid front rounded vowel of [ʎø], [jø] LECTU appears to have emerged through the string of changes [jɛj] > [jɛw] (or [jɛɥ]) > [jø] and thus through dissimilation between the two glides followed by regressive rounding assimilation of the vowel nucleus (Taverdet 1980, 63–64). Interestingly enough, instances of [ø] occur only after [ʎ] in forms for LEGERE/LEGIT, ✶LEVIU and LECTU, thus paralleling the same phonetic outcome of other etymological stressed vowels located before the alveolopalatal lateral (see, for example, section 10.2.2). As to the lexical variants for CATHEDRA, a distinction needs to be drawn between forms in which /a/ diphthongized after raising to [ɛ] (e.g., Lyonnais [ˈʃiɾi], [tsir]) and those which probably did not undergo the diphthongization process (Dauphinois [ˈtsɛjɾi], [ˈʃeɾə]). There is also the issue as to whether variants of more or less learned words included in Table 43 have been borrowed from French, a possibility that could certainly apply to PRETIU ([pɾi]), ECLESIA, MINISTERIU and COEMETERIU. Other observations are warranted regarding lexical items which have not been included in the table. Thus, /ɛ/ diphthongization has not operated on MELIOR in the Swiss dialects, as shown by [ˈmɛʎɔ] and similar variants (see Gauchat et al. 1925, entry 140). SEQUERE, on the other hand, presents a large array of forms which may be related diachronically as follows: first segre diphthongized into siegre (Lyonnais, Neuchâtelois [sigr]), then there was vocalization of the velar consonant (sieire), then iei could cause preceding /s/ to become [ʃ], and finally the outcome ei could undergo the same changes as ei derived from /e/ (Fribourgeois [ˈʃadr], [ˈʃae̯ dɾə], possibly Neuchâtelois [ˈsagɾə], [ˈsae̯ gr]; Philipon 1887–1889, vol. 2, 28; Gauchat 1891, 422; Urtel 1897, 16). One complex case is the development of the stressed vowel /ɛ/ of the ending -ELLU, which in Francoprovençal appears to have been subject to the action not only of [j] but also of [w] derived from /l/ (see section 10.3). Regarding the former effect, -ELLU has yielded ei and simple front vowels: Old Lyonnais chaste(r) CASTELLU (Philipon 1909, 113), and [ej], [e], [i] in Vaudois and Valaisan (Vaud [bej], [be], [bi] BELLU, Valais [tsaˈte], [tsaˈti] CASTELLU), [i] in Fribourgeois, [e], [i] in Neuchâtelois and Valdôtain, [e] in Montana, Génevois and also Savoyard, and [ɛj], [ej] in Faetar ([kuˈtej] CULTELLU). It has been argued that, at least in Vaud, the outcomes e, i are simplified versions of ei rather than coming from iei through the pathway ei > iei > e, i (Odin 1886, 39; Stricker 1921, 36).

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

293

Non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high front vowel nucleus issued from /ɛ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant occur in Neuchâtelois ([ˈniə̯ s] NEPTIA, [ˈmiə̯ ] MELIUS, [ˈdie̯ ] DECEM, among other forms), Lyonnais ([ˈɲia̯ si] NEPTIA, [ˈvia̯ ʎi] VECLA, [ˈʃie̯ ] SEX, [ˈfia̯ ɾi] FERIA, [meˈtie̯ ] MINISTERIU, [ãˈtiɛ̯ ɾə] INTEGRA) and, less so, also in Dauphinois ([ˈsie̯ ], [ˈpie̯ ] PECTU, [meˈtiə̯ ]) and Valdôtain ([ˈmie̯ ], [ˈdiɛ̯ ʃ ], [ˈʃiɛ̯ ʃ ], [mɛçˈtie̯ ]). As shown in Table 36, data taken mainly from Jaberg/Jud (1928–1940) and also from Nigra (1878), Terracini (1910–1913) and Zörner (2002; 2003; 2004) reveal that those diphthongs are also found in Piedmont and more specifically in Noasca (Val dell’Orco), Ala di Stura (Val d’Ala) and Ronco Canavese (Val Soana) but not in Bruzolo (Val di Susa), Giaveno (Val Sangone) and Usseglio (Val di Lanzo). Several phonetic changes may have operated on the falling diphthongs in question. Firstly, in Noasca, a schwa may be inserted before the high vowel nucleus, thus causing [ˈliə̯ t], LECTU and [ˈpiə̯ t] PECTU to become [ˈləjət] and [ˈpəjət]. As usual, falling diphthongs may have shifted to their rising cognates (Val Soana [ˈpie̯ t]/[pjet] PECTU, [ˈlie̯ t]/[jet] LECTU) and may have been replaced by [i] as shown by the following co-occurring doublets: Noasca [ˈviə̯ j]/[ˈvii] VECLU, [ˈdiə̯ s]/[dis] DECEM; and Ronco Canavese [ˈv(i)jej]/[ˈvi(j)e] VECLU, [mehˈtiə̯ ʀ]/[mehˈtiʀ] MINISTERIU. The same change [ˈie̯ ], [ˈiə̯ ] > [i] must have yielded [anˈtiʀ] INTEGRU, which co-occurs with [enˈtjer] in Ronco Canavese. There is also [ˈie̯ ] and [i] in Faetar, as the following forms reveal: [ˈdie̯ s], [dis] DECEM, [ˈʃie̯ ], [ʃij] SEX, [ˈpie̯ ŋ] PECTINE, [ˈpie̯ ʃ ə] ✶PETTIA, [lij] LECTU, [ˈpie̯ tt] PECTU, [lir] LEGERE though [ˈvjɛʎə] VECLA, [vjaj] VECLU (Morosi 1890–1892, 42; Salvio 1908, 51–52; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 125, 286, 288, 673, 768, 904). Also according to Table 36, several lexical items have e as the only option throughout the Francoprovençal-speaking valleys of Piedmont, as in [mɛz] MEDIU, [ˈleze], [ˈlezri] LEGERE, [ʃeʃ], [ses] SEX, and also [ˈdʒeʒja], [ˈgjeza] ECLESIA where the alveolar lateral consonant of the cluster /kl/ has been vocalized into [j]. As also revealed by the data presented in Table 36, in those dialect domains lacking non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus, /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant is realized generally as a mid front vowel, which could be a simplified version of ie and may for the most part be realized as either mid high (Usseglio) or mid low (Giaveno). In sum, if, as it would appear, the phonetic realizations available in the Piedmontese valleys and Faetar turn out to be more conservative than those occurring in the French and Swiss Francoprovençal-speaking regions, then the data reported so far should be taken to mean that non-canonical falling diphthongs are at the origin of rising diphthongs and not vice versa.

294

10 Francoprovençal

Table 36: Lexical forms with /ɛ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant in the Francoprovençal-speaking valleys of Piedmont. Noasca, Ceresole Bruzolo

Ala di Stura Giaveno Ronco Canavese

Usseglio

VECLU

ˈviə̯ (j), ˈvii

vɛj

ˈviə̯ j

vɛj

ˈviə̯ j, ˈvi(j)e, ˈv(i)jej

vej

VECLA

ˈviə̯ j

ˈvɛje

ˈviə̯ ji

ˈv(j)ɛja

ˈvjej(i)

MELIUS

mij

PECTINE

ˈpinɔ

MEDIU

mɛz

LEGERE

mej ˈpinu

ˈpɛntu

piˈna

piˈnu

mɛz

mɛz

mɛz

mɛh, mef/h

mez

ˈlezri/e

ˈlejʒe

ˈlɛzri, ˈlezri

ˈlɛzi

ˈljeɾe, ˈliɾ/ʀe

ˈleze

PEIUS

pɛs

pɛs

pɛs

pɛs

ˈpiə̯ s, pjəs

pes

DECEM

ˈdiə̯ s, dis

deʃ

des

des

ˈdiə̯ , ˈdie̯ s, dje(s)

des

SEX

ses

ʃ eʃ

ses

ses

ses

ses

ˈtjehtɾe

ˈtejse

ˈpie̯ t, pjet

pes

ˈ(l)ie̯ t,ˈ(j)iə̯ t, jɛ/et, ljet

let

ˈtiə̯ ʃ tɾi

TEXERE PECTU

ˈpiə̯ t, ˈpəjət

LECTU

ˈliə̯ t, ˈləjət

lɛt

CERESIA

sɛˈɾiə̯ za

tʃ eˈɾejʒa siˈɾiə̯ zi

tʃ ɛˈɾɛza

səˈʀiə̯ ze, siˈɾizi

tʃ iˈɾezi

ECLESIA

ˈdʒejzja,ˈdʒejʒa, ˈdʒeʒja

ˈdʒezja

ˈdʒezjə

ˈdʒɛzja

ˈgjeza/i

ˈgjeza

MINISTERIU

meˈʃ iə̯ r, miˈsir

məʃ ˈte

masˈte

məʃ ˈtɛ

mɛhˈtiə̯ r/ʀ, mehˈtiʀ misˈte

INTEGRU

ənˈtəjər

inˈter

inˈtia̯

nˈter

əntˈiə̯ r, entjer, anˈtiʀ, anˈteʀ

ˈiə̯ t

anˈteɾi

10.2.6 Mid low back vowel 10.2.6.1 General development Francoprovençal can be broken into two dialectal groups according to how they have dealt with /ɔ/ in open syllables. In dialects showing different phonetic outcomes of /ɔ/ and /o/, /ɔ/ has diphthongized into uo followed by ue, the two vocalic sequences being documented in Old Francoprovençal (14th c. Lyonnais cuor COR, puot POTEST, muel MODULU, bue BOVE; Philipon 1884, 547; 1900, 113). The following diphthongal realizations are found nowadays: the rising diphthong ue, its lowered variant ua occurring often

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

295

before an onset rhotic, and the corresponding non-canonical falling cognates, in Lyonnais ([dɥɛr] DOLU, [sɥɛr] SOROR, [ˈnua̯ va] NOVA; Philipon 1887–1889, vol. 2, 42; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 395, 1236; Duraffour 1930, 29); rising diphthongs, including uo, in Savoyard ([ˈmwela], [ˈmwɔla] MOLA, [sɥe] SOLU; Hering 1936, 69) and N. Dauphinois ([ˈnwavo] NOVU, [plɥa] PLOVIT; Devaux 1892, 187); and non-canonical falling diphthongs in the Piedmontese valleys and Faetar (Val Soana and Val d’Ala [ˈsyə̯ ɾ(a)] SOROR, Faetar [ˈkuo̯ ɾə] COR, [ˈnuə̯ ] NOVEM, NOVU, [ˈbuə̯ ] BOVE; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 14, 137, 1042). These vocalic sequences on occasion have been simplified into single vowels yielding [ø], [e] ( < ue) and [u], [y] (< uo): Génevois [py] POTET, [nyv] NOVEM; Lyonnais [sør] SOROR, [ˈnøva], [ˈnuva]/ [ˈnyva] NOVA, [nu] NOVEM; Savoyard [nu] NOVEM, [bu]/[by] BOVE, [dəˈdzu]/[dəˈdzy], [dʒy] DIE IOVIS; Val Soana [ˈsela] SOLA, [ne] NOVU (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 141, 720, 906, 1236, 1644; Keller 1919, 74; Zörner 2004, 50). The situation is more complicated in Valdôtain where, while /o/ has yielded [ow], [ɔw] in Valsavaranche and [ø], [œ] in Cogne, the outcomes of /ɔ/ in open syllables are [u] in the former location and [ow] in the latter ([nu], [now] NOVU, [ˈmula], [ˈmowla] MOLA; Walser 1937, 70–71). The mid front rounded vowel outcome of /ɔ/ in open syllables in the valleys of Piedmont appears to be a feature imported from Piedmontese ([sœɾ] SOROR, [nœw], [nøf] NOVU; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, maps 14, 1579 and see section 7.3.5.1). Moreover, in some places, /ɔ/ diphthongization in open syllables has operated only in words ending in /u/ and is thus likely to have resulted from a compensatory vowel lengthening effect in this metaphonic condition (Valle dell’Orco [ˈnya̯ ] NOVU, [ˈpye̯ r] PORCU vs. [ˈnɔva] NOVA; Zörner 2000, 116). In the Swiss dialects (Vaudois, Valaisan, Fribourgeois, Neuchâtelois), the mid low back vowel may have evolved in the same direction as /o/ (see section 10.2.3), as shown by data for NOVU, NOVA, POTET, DIE IOVIS and OVU reported by the relevant monographs and in particular by Gilliéron/Edmont (1902–1910, maps 720, 1644) and Gauchat et al. (1925, entries 79, 152, 316, 365). Vaudois: There is [a(w)], [a(ɔ̯ )]/[a(o̯ )] and to a lesser extent [ø], as in Aigle, the same as for /o/ ([ˈpao̯ ], [pø] POTET, [dəˈdzaɔ̯ ], [dəˈdzø], [dəˈdzœ] DIE IOVIS). Otherwise, dialect areas located in Jura Nord and Nyon have [y], [ø] only for /ɔ/ ([dəˈdzy] DIE IOVIS, [la(w)] LUPU). Valaisan: In W. Valais, Monthey, Entremont, Martigny and Conthey, though not Nendaz, we find [œ(ɥ)], [ɛɥ] and thus the same end products as /o/ ([dəˈdzœɥ], [ˈnœɥva], Bagnes [dəˈdzɛɥ]). As to E. Valais, in Sierre, Hérens and also Nendaz, /ɔ/ has yielded [u], [y] which differs from the outcome [ow] of /o/, while in Savièse (Sion) and Montana (Sierre) the two etymological vowels merged into [u] ([diˈzu]/[diˈzy], [ˈnuva]/[ˈnyva]). Fribourgeois: The outcomes [aɔ̯ ], [ao̯ ], [a] parallel those for /o/ everywhere ([ˈnaɔ̯ ], [na] NOVU, [ˈmao̯ la] MOLA).

296

10 Francoprovençal

Neuchâtelois: Except for Landeron, where there is [e] for both /ɔ/ and /o/, we find [ø] ([nø], [ne] NOVEM), which coincides essentially with the end product for /o/, and also [œ] (Val-de-Travers) and [y] (Montagnes, Le Locle). This scenario parallels that for stressed /ɛ/ in open syllables, which has been dealt with like /e/ in this syllable condition in many of the same dialect regions where the end products for /ɔ/ and /o/ coincide (see section 10.2.5.1). A different phonetic pathway from the one which has operated in those Francoprovençal regions where /ɔ/ and /o/ have evolved differently needs to be advocated in this case. Starting out from ou, the diphthong may have lowered to [aw]/[aɥ], [aɔ̯ ]/ [ao̯ ] and the off-glide may later have dropped, yielding [a], these various realizations being the ones that we currently find in Vaudois and Fribourgeois. Another development ou > eu > [œw]/[øw] > [œ]/[ø] accounts for the phonetic outcomes in Neuchâtelois, W. Valais and Vaudois, where [e]/[ɛ] and [y] may also occur in specific domains. Finally, [u], [y] in an E. Valaisan area could have derived directly from ou. In checked syllables, in addition to the regular maintenance of the mid low vowel realization, contextual effects are clearly present. The vowel raises to [u] practically everywhere and may also break into a canonical or non-canonical falling diphthong before /sC/ (Vaudois from Aigle [ˈkuta] COSTA, and Fribourgeois [ˈkuθa], Valaisan from Savièse [ˈkowta] and Lyonnais from Ain [ˈkua̯ ta]). Before /lC/, there is often [u] ([ku] COLLU in Vaudois from Aigle, Neuchâtelois and Valdôtain, [ˈuta] VOLTA in Valaisan from Hérémence), and also a mid front rounded vowel possibly derived from canonical falling diphthongs which emerged through /l/ vocalization and are still available (Aigle [pø] PULLU, Val d’Illiez [ˈmœɥdrə], Génevois [ˈmœdr] MOLERE, Ain [saw] SOLIDU, Savièse [kow] COLLU; Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 256; Keller 1919, 90–91; Duraffour 1930, 33; Hasselrot 1937, 76). Finally, a non-canonical falling diphthong, a rising diphthong or a mid low or high back vowel occur generally before /rC/: [ɔ], [wɛ], [wa] in Vaudois ([ˈpɔrta], [ˈpwɛrta]/[ˈpwarta] PORTA, [pwɛr] PORCU; Odin 1886, 52; Hasselrot 1937, 66); [wa] in Fribourgeois ([ˈkwarda] CHORDA; Gauchat 1891, 437); [ɔ] in Neuchâtelois; as to the Valaisan dialect, [ɔ], [wɛ] in Hérémence (Lavallaz 1899, 53) and [u] in Montana ([ˈpurta] PORTA; Gerster 1927, 103); [u], and also [ø], [œ] derived from a previous diphthong in Génevois ([kurd] CHORDA, [pørt] PORTA; Keller 1919, 77–78); [ˈua̯ ] in Lyonnais from Ain ([ˈpua̯ rta] PORTA; Duraffour 1930, 30); [ɥɛ], [ɥe] in Dauphinois from Terres Froides (Devaux 1892, 189); [we], [u] in Savoyard (Hering 1936, 70); and [o], [ɔ], [u] in Valdôtain (Walser 1937, 72). /ɔ/ rising diphthongization has also taken place before a syllable-onset rhotic: Vaudois from Blonay [mwɛ], Valais from Val d’Illiez [mwe], Valdôtain [mwɛʀ]/ [mweʀ] ✶MORIT.

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

297

10.2.6.2 Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant Comments on the scenario for /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant will be now made with reference to the data reported in Table 44. Several words lacking a postvocalic (alveolo)palatal have been excluded from analysis: SOMNIU, which has yielded [ˈʃuŋzo] in Montana, [ˈso͂dzə] in Vaudois from Aigle and [ˈsõdzo] in Val d’Illiez and Valdôtain (von Wartburg 1922–2002); and HORDEU, where the presence of a diphthong appears to be related to the contextual rhotic ([ˈwardzo], [ˈwɛrzo]/ [ˈɥɛrzo], [ˈɔr(d)zo]; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 947). As to those words included in the table, various scholars have argued that the etymon ✶PAVOREA is required rather than PAVORE in order to handle forms such as [ˈpweɾe], [ˈpwa(j)ɾə] and [ˈpwiɾə] available in the Swiss dialects and Valdôtain. The vowel outcomes before (alveolo)palatal consonants in the lexical items of the table are in many ways unique to this contextual condition especially in those regions where /ɔ/ has evolved like /o/ in open syllables and whenever the contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant has been or may still be located in the syllable-final position. Analogously to other Romance languages and as referred to in points (a) and (b) below, whether /ɔ/ diphthongization has applied or not and the final phonetic outcome in cases where it does depends to a large extent on the articulatory characteristics of the following (alveolo)palatal consonant. A look at the table also reveals much variability in mid vowel height, that is, mid vowels are often implemented as both mid high and mid low in the same word and the same dialect (e.g., [ʒœ], [ʒø] OCULU, [ˈkwɛ(j)si], [ˈkwesə] COXA, [nɔ], [no] NOCTE in Dauphinois). (a) The presence of lexical variants with a rising diphthong and front rounded and high vowel outcomes derived from it in Table 44 proves that there has been /ɔ/ diphthongization before coda [j] of the following origins: a voiced (alveolo)palatal stop (/dj/ HODIE, /ke/ COCERE), a palatalized front lingual affricate or fricative (/tj/ POTEO, /stj/ POSTEA), /kt/ and /ks/ (NOCTE, OCTO, COCTU/COCTA, VOCITU, COXA), /ɾj/ (CORIU, ✶PAVOREA, FORIA) and labial + /j/ sequences (COFIA). The diphthongization process has also applied in the widespread variant [aˈwe] APUD HOC, which has been replaced by [aˈvwe], [aˈvwa(j)], [aˈve] and [aˈwi] (von Wartburg 1922–2002), while the Valaisan form [ˈkowʃə] COXA may be exceptional (Savièse; Freudenreich 1937, 26). Moreover, judging from the presence of lexical variants with a rising diphthong in practically all dialects (albeit less systematically than before coda yod), it may be ascertained that /ɔ/ diphthongization has also occurred before [ʎ], which may have been replaced by [j], in the case of FOLIA, OLEU, OCULU, TORCULU, VOLEO, COLLIGERE, and also for FOLIU which has yielded [fwaj], [fwe], [fwi] in Lyonnais (Duraffour 1932, 168). In several dialects a mid front rounded vowel may also occur only or preferentially before the alveolopalatal lateral, which appears to be

298

10 Francoprovençal

in line with the specific articulatory characteristics of this contextual consonant (Val d’Illiez [ˈfœðə] FOLIA, [ˈmœðə] ✶MOLLIA; Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 289–290, and see sections 10.2.2 and 10.2.3). Non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high back vowel nucleus are also available in the same contextual conditions listed above, preferably in Neuchâtelois ([ˈfue̯ j] FOLIA, [ˈue̯ ] OCULU, [ˈkuə̯ s] COXA, [ˈkuə̯ t] COCTA, [ˈkuə̯ (r)] CORIU) and in a few cases in other dialect areas as well (Vaudois [ˈue̯ ], Valaisan [ˈyɛ̯ ] OCULU, Valdôtain [ˈue̯ ] HODIE). In Ain, the sequences [ˈwia̯ ]/[ˈɥia̯ ] appear to have originated from [waj] through some sort of metathesis ([ˈsɥia̯ r] SOLIU, [ˈdɥia̯ ] DOLIU, [ˈɥia̯ lo] OLEU, [ˈtɾɥia̯ ] TORCULU, [ˈwia̯ ] HODIE, [ˈkwia̯ r] CORIU; Duraffour 1930, 38–39; Stimm 1952, 513–514). Whether /ɔ/ diphthongization has operated before syllable-onset [j] derived from a voiced (alveolo)palatal stop is less clear. Thus, in addition to lexical variants with a mid back rounded vowel, INODIAT, TROIA and LOCAT and also ✶PODIAT show forms with [u] ([ɛˈnujɛ], [ˈtɾujə], [ˈluje], and Valaisan [ˈpujə] and Fribourgeois [ˈpuje]), which could have emerged either from a rising diphthong or from oi through application of a regressive vowel closing process. Other lexical variants with syllable-onset yod show a mid front rounded vowel or a triphthong ([ɛˈnœjə] INODIAT, [tɾwɛj] TROIA). As shown by 13th–14th c. data reproduced in Table 37 (which have been taken from the same sources as those displayed in Table 35), in Old Francoprovençal, /ɔ/ diphthongization before yod and [ʎ] yielded phonetic outcomes which correspond quite closely to the ones that we find today, namely the diphthong ue(i) and the simplified outcome u(i). Regarding contextual [ʎ], there may have been a metaphonic effect by which /ɔ/ diphthongization could be disallowed in words ending in vowels such as /e/ and /a/, which parallels an analogous situation in open syllables and has also operated in Ladin (sections 8.2.4 and 10.2.6.1): fuel FOLIU /foilli FOLIA, nue NOVU /nova NOVA, fuer FORU, mola, muola MOLA (Hafner 1955, 101–109). A comparison of the forms included in Tables 37 and 14 shows important differences pointing to a more pervasive diphthongization process in Old Occitan than in Old Francoprovençal: uo occurs often in Old Occitan and is practically absent in Old Francoprovençal; ue and o are equally frequent in Old Occitan while ue is somewhat less common than o in Old Francoprovençal; and u co-occurs with ue and o in all Old Occitan lexical items, while in Old Francoprovençal u(i) and wi happen to coexist exclusively with either ue(i) or o(i) and thus, with the diphthongized or undiphthongized options. There is also a clear discrepancy between the Old Francoprovençal data and the present-day situation (compare Tables 37 and 44) in that nowadays essentially all Francoprovençal dialects have rising diphthongs before [ʎ] irrespective of the primitive word-final vowel and also before yod with practically no traces of the sequence oi except for those words which originally had

299

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

[ ] or [j] in syllable-onset position (✶PODIAT, INODIAT, TROIA). Finally, it is not easy to accept Hafner’s opinion (Hafner 1955, 106, 108) that, based on the pathway oi > ui > uei for words with /o/ (see section 10.2.3), Old Francoprovençal forms with uei derived from /ɔ/ such as cueir CORIU and awey AB HOC must have emerged from ui through glide epenthesis. f

Table 37: Old Francoprovençal written variants for words with /ɔ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. uo(i)

ue(i)

o(i)

POSTEA

pues, pueys

poys

FOLIA(S)

fueylles

foilli

FOLIU

fuel

OCULU

hueil, huel

e(i)

u(i), wi puis

oil, oylo

eil

VOLEO

voil

veil

VOLEAT

vollie, vo(i)lle

wil willie

TORCULU

trueil, truel

truyl

Gaul. ✶BROGILOS

brueil, Bruel

Bruil

OLEU

hueil, huelo

PODIU

puey

✶

oyle, olio

eilo

uylo, hulo

uy

poie

PODIAT

huey

oi

hei

INODIU

enuei

henoi

henei

MODIU

muey

HODIE

uoy

✶

mey, me

muy

cloys

cluys

Crueis, crues

crois

cruys

AB HOC

awe(y)

avoy, awoy, await

COCERE, COCIT

cue(i)re

coire, coit

CLODIOS

✶

CRODIU

NOCERE, NOCET

noire, noit

TROIA

troy(e)

✶

PLOVIA(S)

✶

POSSEO

ploives pueis

cuyre

pleivi puis

300

10 Francoprovençal

Table 37 (continued) uo(i)

ue(i)

✶

POSSEAM

COXA NOCTE

nueit

OCTO

huet

o(i)

puisso

coyssi

cuisse

noit, nait

VOCITU

voyt

VOCITAT

voide cuor

MORIAS

neit

nuyt wit

coyt(i)

✶

u(i), wi

poisso

COCTU, COCTA

CORIU

e(i)

cueir, cuer

cuyt

queir, quer moires

(b) In all or most dialects, data from Table 44 suggest that /ɔ/ diphthongization has not operated before a syllable-initial affricate or fricative derived from [c]/[ ] (PAROCHIA, HOROLOGIU, CLOCCA, ✶ROCCA, though forms with [wa], [wo] are available for PAROCHIA and HOROLOGIU), /tj/ (✶NOPTIA) and a labial + /j/ sequence (✶PROPEANUS). Undiphthongized variants like perroche PAROCHIA and cloche CLOCCA are already available in Old Francoprovençal texts (Girardin 1900, 32–33). It is also worth mentioning several phonetic variants with a high vowel ([ˈnusɔ] ✶NOPTIA, [paˈɾutsə] PAROCHIA, [ˈpɾutso] ✶PROPEANUS) and a mid front rounded realization which, as noted in point (a) above, may occur before [ʎ] as well (Val d’Illiez [pɛˈɾœtsə] PAROCHIA, [ˈpθœdzə] ✶PLOIA, Génevois [paˈɾœθ], [ˈpʎœðə]; Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 291; Keller 1919, 81). Regarding ✶PLOVIA/✶PLOIA, the absence of a labiovelar on-glide may result from the simplification of a rising diphthong induced by the preceding consonant cluster; moreover, data for this word presented in Table 44 show that the consonant coming after the vowel may be not only the affricate [dz] or its derived outcomes [ð], [z], but also the sequence [vj] ([ˈplevja], [ˈpjevi], [ˈplɛvə]), which, in principle, should be more favourable than the affricate to /ɔ/ diphthongization. Other phonetic variants besides those listed in the table in which undiphthongized /ɔ/ occurs before a syllable-initial affricate or fricative can also be mentioned: [ˈpɔts(ə)]/[ˈpɔts(i)], [ˈpotsi], [ˈpotʃə], [ˈpoʃi], [ˈpɔθe]/[ˈpoθe] for POPIA/Frank. ✶POKKA; [ˈsɔts(ə)]/[ˈsɔts(i)], [ˈsœtsi], [ˈsɔʃi], [ˈsœʃi], [ˈsɔθə]/[ˈsɔθi], [ˈsuts(o)], [ˈsuʃ (i)], [ˈsuθi] for Gaul. ✶TSUKKA (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 1042, 1903; von Wartburg 1922–2002; Gardette 1950–1976, map 234). f

301

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

In sum, an important factor causing /ɔ/ diphthongization to apply is the presence of yod mostly placed in coda position and, less so, the alveolopalatal lateral [ʎ], while as a general rule palatoalveolar and alveolar affricates have prevented this change from occurring. The phonetic developments for /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant are simpler in Francoprovençal than they are in Occitan (see Table 15 regarding the latter language). As shown by the reconstructed pathways for CORIU, COXA, HODIE, OCTO, VOCITU and VOLEO in Table 38, the vowel nucleus may front ([kwɛr] CORIU), round ([kwø]), raise ([kwir]) or lower ([kwar]), and the labiovelar on-glide [w] may shift to [ɥ] ([kɥɛr]). Diphthongs may be simplified into single vowels ([kør]) and [ɥ] may be replaced by [j] ([kjør]). Table 38: Reconstructed phonetic developments for CORIU, COXA, HODIE, OCTO, VOCITU and VOLEO in Francoprovençal. The phonetic pathways link earlier forms (appearing towards the left of the derivations) to more recent ones (appearing towards the right). CORIU ✶

kuɔ/o(j)r

✶

kwɔ/o(j)r

ˈkue̯ r, ˈkuə̯ r

kur

kwɛr, kwejr

kwir, kwar, kwø kɥɛ/er

kɥœ/ør

kjør, kœ/ø

kɥir

kyr

kɥa COXA ✶

ˈkwɔ/oʃ a

ˈkwɛ(j)ʃ /sa, ˈkwe(j)ʃ /sa

ˈkɥeʃ /sa

ˈkɥiʃ /sa

ˈkyʃ /sa

ˈkœsa, ˈkøʃ a ˈkwajʃ /sa

ˈkwasa

ˈkwiʃ /sa ˈkuʃ /sa HODIE ✶

wɔj

wɛ/e(j)

wi ɥɛ/e wa(j), wœ/ø

ɥi

302

10 Francoprovençal

Table 38 (continued) OCTO ✶

wɔjt

wɛ/ejt, wɛ/et

wit ɥɛt

ɥit

wœ/øt, wa VOCITU ✶

ˈvwɔ/ojdo

ˈvwɛ/ejdo

ˈvwɛ/edo

ˈvwido

ˈvido

ˈvwado vud, ˈvydo VOLEO ✶

vwɔj

vwɛ/e(j)

vwi

vɥi, vy

vøj, vwa vuj

Several aspects of these phonetic pathways and the forms presented in Table 44 deserve specific comments. As revealed by Table 44 (b), /ɔ/ raising to a high vowel has yielded two major outcomes, [u] (also [y]) and [wi] (also [ɥi]). In so far as [u] occurs quite consistently in lexical items with either a syllableinitial affricate or fricative (in Valaisan and the Francoprovençal dialects of France) or syllable-initial yod (except for TROIA which may also exhibit a rising diphthong), it may be assumed that a direct change o > u induced by the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant has taken place in these contextual conditions. Before coda yod, on the other hand, the most widespread outcomes are [wi] and [ɥi], and also [y] but rarely [u], which only occurs profusely for COXA and ✶PAVOREA and also for COCERE, COCTA, VOCITU and CORIU in Neuchâtelois. These raised outcomes must have originated from a diphthong and after the vowel nucleus became mid front, as suggested by doublets such as cueire/cuyre COCERE, nueit/nuyt NOCTE and huet/wit OCTO in Old Lyonnais and the present-day Lyonnais forms [pwɛ]/[pwe], [py] POSTEA and also [deˈpwe], [dəˈpø], [dəˈpy]/[dəˈpi] DE POSTEA (Zacher 1884, 31; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 390, and see Table 44). The corresponding pathways may then have been uo(i) > [we(j)] > [wi], on the one hand, and uo(i) > [we(j)] > [ɥe(j)] > [ɥi] > [y] involving blending between [ɥ] and [i] into [y], on the other hand (Odin 1886, 53; Stricker 1921, 55). As to the contextual [ʎ] condition, there are rising diphthongs with a mid vowel

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

303

nucleus (uo, ue) together with the outcomes [y] (OCULU) and also [wi] (TORCULU) derived through the same pathways as above. As in Occitan (see also the comments appended below for the Francoprovençal data from the Piedmontese valleys included in Table 39), the word-initial consonant may have caused changes in the following diphthong to occur. With regard to words with postvocalic yod and [ʎ], a prevocalic velar or labial consonant and an onset consonant cluster may have contributed to the absence of the diphthong on-glide as well as to the presence of a high back vowel nuclei. As advocated for Occitan and Catalan, forms such as the following may have resulted from uo(i), not necessarily from [w/ɥe(j)], through the application of on-glide deletion and vowel nucleus raising processes, that is, ✶uoi > [u(j)] > [y] (see Hering 1936, 70): (contextual velar) [ˈkuʎe]/[ˈkuʎi] COLLIGERE, [kur], [kyr] COCERE, [ˈkuʃə]/ [ˈkusə], [ˈkyθe] COXA, [ˈkuta], [ˈkyta] COCTA, [kur], [kyr] CORIU; (contextual labial or labiodental) [pu], [py] POTEO, [ˈfuʎa], [fyʎ] FOLIA, [vu], [vy] VOLEO, [vud], [ˈvydu] VOCITU; (contextual cluster) [tɾu], [tɾyʎ] TORCULU, [ˈtɾujə], [ˈtɾyjə] TROIA, [ˈpluðə], [ply] ✶ PLOIA. On the other hand, gestural antagonism between the successive phonetic segments involved in the production of phonetic variants such as [nwe(t)]/[nɥe(t)] and [nwi(t)]/[nɥi(t)] of NOCTE may account for the simplified forms [ne(t)], [nej] and [ni(t)]; interestingly enough, there is a rising diphthong in [nɥe] NOCTE but not in the compound [aˈne] AD NOCTE in Ain from Vaux-en-Bugey (Duraffour 1930, 13). The phonetic variants of OCULU with initial [ʒ] and [z] in all Francoprovençal dialects (e.g., [ʒ(w)e]/[ʒ(ɥ)ɛ], [ʒœ]/[ʒ(w)ø], [zjø]) must have been generated through agglutination of the final s of the article form [lus] ILLOS followed by palatalization of the fricative consonant triggered by the diphthong on-glide and thus a pathway like [ʒɛ] < [ʒw/ɥɛ] < ✶[zw/ɥɛ]. Finally, forms for OLEU and OCULU starting with e may have arisen through on-glide deletion after the word-final vowel of the article form [lu] ([ˈelo], [ˈɛlu] < lu wɛlo/u OLEU, [ɛʎ] OCULU; Gauchat 1927, 439). Table 44 shows forms with [waj], [wa] for practically all available lexical items ([pwaj] POTEO, [wa], [ʒwaj] OCULU, [vwaj] HODIE, [ˈkwajɾə] COCERE, [wa] OCTO, [ˈkwajtə] COCTA, [ˈvwajdo] VOCITU, [kwar] CORIU). It has been claimed, at least for Ain (Duraffour 1932, 175) and for Forézien Francoprovençal (Gardette 1941, 244), that it is precisely from these forms that those with [wɛ], [we] such as [pwɛ] POSTEA, [vwe] VOLEO, [ˈkwetə] COCTA and [kwer] CORIU must have originated (i.e., [waj] > [wɛ(j)], [we(j)]). For these and other dialect areas, an alternative pathway involving dissimilatory lowering, i.e., uei > uai, is also a possible option. Prothetic [v] is sometimes found inserted before a rounded on-glide after /ɔ/ diphthongization in all three words OCULU ([vwe]), HODIE ([vwɛ]/[vwe], [vwi], [vwa]) and OCTO ([vwɛ]/[vwe], [vɥej], [vɥi]), while OLEU may exhibit a rising diphthong but no prothetic consonant. The opposite sound change, that is, /v/ deletion

304

10 Francoprovençal

before the back rounded on-glide accounts for the forms [wɛ]/[we], [wi], [wit]/[wik] VOLEO and [ˈwɛdo], [ˈwido] VOCITU. The Francoprovençal-speaking areas outside France and Switzerland also merit attention. In Faetar (Morosi 1890–1892, 44–45; Salvio 1908, 55; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940, map 342), vowel diphthongization has given rise to forms with uo, ue, ua for the most part but also with a mid front vowel and [i]: [ˈfuo̯ ʎ] FOLIU (though [ˈfoʎə] FOLIA), [ˈwajələ] OLEU, [kiʎ], [kij] COLLIGO, [bəˈzweŋ] ✶BISONIU, [ˈkwajəɾə] COCERE, CORIU, [ˈkwajʃə] COXA, [ˈnej], [ˈnɛjə] NOCTE, [vit] OCTO, [kwajt], [ˈkwajətə] COCTU, and [ˈie̯ ʎə], [jeʎ] OCULU and [ij] for the corresponding plural form. On the other hand, data for the Piedmontese valleys presented in Table 39 also show rising and non-canonical falling diphthongs ([we]/[wɛ], [ˈyə̯ ]/[ˈye̯ ]/[ˈyɛ̯ ]) and later outcomes (i.e., a mid front rounded vowel and [y]), and forms with no on-glide after a labial, a velar or a tautosyllabic consonant cluster. Other localities in Val di Susa besides Bruzolo favour rising diphthongs: [weʎ], [ɥəʎ] OCULU, [uˈət] OCTO, [ˈkwesa] COXA, [nwet], [nɥet], [nwajt] NOCTE (Simon 1967, 73). Table 39: Phonetic data for /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in the Francoprovençalspeaking valleys of Piedmont. Forms with a high vowel are marked in boldface. Noasca, Ceresole

Bruzolo

Ala di Stura

Giaveno

Ronco Canavese

Usseglio

ˈfɔji

ˈfœja

ˈfɔj(i), foj

ˈfoji

fɥɛ, ˈfye̯ j, ˈhye̯

fœj

FOLIA

foj, ˈfoji

FOLIU

fœj, ˈfyi

OCULU

ˈyə̯ /a̯ j,ˈyi

œj

ˈyɛ̯ j

œj

ɥɛ, ˈyə̯ /a̯ j, ˈye̯ (ʎ/j)

œj

VOLEO

vyj

vœj

vø

vœj

ve

vœj

HODIE

iŋˈkyj

iŋˈkœw

ŋˈkwe

aŋˈkœj

ŋˈkwɛ, eŋˈkwe

aŋˈkœj

COCERE

ˈkwɔɾi

ˈkɔjɾi

ˈkœzi

ˈkejɾe

ˈkɔjɾe

ˈpjodʒe

ˈpjɔdʒi

ˈpjœva

ˈpjodʒi

ˈpjodʒi

ˈkɔjʃ ɛ

ˈkøʃ a

ˈkœjse

ˈkøsa

ˈkojsi

✶

PLOVIA,

✶

ˈpjødʒi

PLOIA

COXA COCTU

kwɛt, kwajt

kɔjt

kɔjt

kœjt

kojt

kojt

NOCTE

nœt, nuˈajt

nøt

nɔj

nœjtʃ

noj, nojt

nœt

OCTO

œt, vyt, wit

œt

øt

øt

wet, ˈye̯ /ə̯ t

œt

VOCITU

wɛt, wajt

vɔjt

vɔjt

vɔjt

vɔjt, vojt

vojt

kɾəˈbœjə boˈtɛj, bɔˈtɔʎ/j

tsəˈvɛjə

kɾuˈbəʎ/ðə, kɾəˈbəʎɛ

buˈtəʎ, bɔˈtɔʎ/j(ə)

tsəˈvəʎ/ðə, tsəˈvɛʎ, tsəˈvœjə

aˈvəʎə/ɛ, aˈvəðə

CORBICULA

BUTTICULA

CLAVICULA

APICULA

dɾɛ, ˈdɾa(ɛ̯ )

dɾɛ, ˈdɾa(ɛ̯ /j), dɾɔj

DIRECTU

ˈkʀɛs(a), ˈkɾɛθɾə

ˈkʀet/θɾə, ˈkɾɛtɾə

PLICAT



pʎ/jɛj, pʎ/jaj, ˈpçaje

ˈpʎɛj(ə), pjaj

REGE

CRESCERE

rae

ra(e/j)

CORRIGIA





kuˈɾwa

kɔˈɾɛja, kɔˈɾaj, kuˈɾwaj

SIGNU



ˈsœɲu

ɔˈɾɔʎ/jə

Fribourgeois

ɔˈɾəʎə/ɛ, ɔˈɾœʎə, ɔˈɾɔʎ/jɛ, ɔˈɾɔðɛ

VIGILIA



Vaudois

AURICULA

VITIU



(a)

dʀɛ, ˈdɾa(ɛ̯ )

kɾɛtr, kɾɛs

pjej, pjɛj

aˈbɛj

tʃəˈvɛʎ/j, tʃəˈvœʎ, tʃəˈvɔʎə

bɔˈtɔʎ/j

ɔˈɾej, œˈɾɛʎə, œˈʀœʎ

Neuchâtelois

(continued)

dɾej(s), dʀɛ(ks), dɾa(j/ɛ)

ˈkʀetɾə, ˈkɾɛç/θɾə, ˈkɾɛtɾə

ˈplɛj(ə), ˈpθajə

re, ra(j), ɾwɛ

kɔˈɾɛjə, kɔˈɾajə, kɔˈɾɔjə

ˈseɲo

aˈvəʎ/lə, aˈvəðə

tsəˈvəðə

buˈtelə, bœˈtœðə, bwɔˈtɛj(ə), bɔˈtɔʎ/jə

kɾəˈbəðə

uˈɾeʎə, ɔ/uˈɾɛʎə, œˈɾœðə

ˈveʎa, ˈvɛʎa

Valaisan

Table 40: Phonetic realization for /e/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Francoprovençal. (a) Variants with a non-high vowel. (b) Variants with a high vowel. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for Francoprovençal referred to in section 10.1.

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

305

dɾɛt, ˈdɾatə, ˈdɾaɛ̯ t(ə) ɛˈθrɛ, eˈtʀat ˈta(ɛ̯ )

ˈdɾɛ(j)ta, ˈdɾajtɛ, dɾaɛ̯ tə, ˈdɾata, ˈdɾɔjtə

ɛˈtɾet, eˈtɾɛta, eˈtɾat(a)

tɛ, taj, ˈta(ɛ̯ )

STRICTA

TECTU

DIRECTA

Fribourgeois

Vaudois

(a)

Table 40 (continued)

tɛ, taɛ̯

eˈtʀɛt, eˈtɾaɛ̯ t

ˈdɾɛta, ˈdɾat(a), ˈdɾaɛ̯ t

Neuchâtelois

tek, tɛ(k), ta(j)

eˈtɾɛ(j)ta, eˈtɾajtə

ˈdɾejtə, ˈdʀɛjtə/i, ˈdɾae̯ tə

Valaisan

306 10 Francoprovençal

ko/urˈbəʎə, kurˈbɛʎə bo/uˈteʎ, bo/uˈtəʎə səˈvəʎə

aˈv(ð)əʎə

kɔrˈbeʎə, kʀəˈbəʎə, kɾɛˈbɛʎi

boˈteʎ(i)

θəˈveʎə, θəˈvəʎə, tsəˈvəj, tsəˈvɛj, səˈvøʎ

aˈvəʎə, aˈvɛʎi, aˈvœʎə

CORBICULA

BUTTICULA

dɾe, dɾa(j), dɾɔj ˈdɾe(j)ta, ˈdɾɛ(j)ta, ˈdɾa(j)ta eˈtɾeta, eˈtɾɛ(j)ta, eˈtɾat

dɾɛ, dɾø, dɾaj(t), dɾɔ

ˈdɾɛjta, ˈdɾa(ɛ̯ )t, ˈdɾa(j)ta, ˈdɾɔt(a)

eˈtɾɛta, eˈtɾat(a), eˈtɾajta, eˈtɾot

----

DIRECTU

DIRECTA

STRICTA

TECTU

ˈkʀɛtrə, ˈkʀɛjse, kɾatr

ˈkʀɛtɾə, ˈkɾa(ɛ̯ )tr, ˈkɾajtɾə

PLICAT



ˈplɛjə, ˈplejə, plœj

ˈplɛj(ə)

REGE

CRESCERE

rɛj

ra(j)

CORRIGIA





kuˈɾeja, kuˈɾwa

ko/uˈɾwa

SIGNU



APICULA

CLAVICULA

oˈɾeʎe, ɔˈɾøʎə

Dauphinois

oˈɾeʎ(ə), uˈɾɛʎə, œˈɾœʎə

VIGILIA



Lyonnais

AURICULA

VITIU



(a)

tɛ(j), ta(ɛ)

eˈtɾ/ʀɛta, eˈtɾata

ˈdʀ/ɾɛta, ˈdɾɛ(j)ta, ˈdɾata

dɾe(t), dɾɛ, dɾa

ˈkɾɛç/tɾə, ˈkʀatɾə

ˈplejə, ˈplɛjə

raj

kuˈɾwa, kɔ/uˈɾwe

aˈveʎə, aˈvəʎə

s/θəˈvəʎə

boˈteʎ(ə), boˈtəʎə, boˈtøʎ(ə)

kɔrˈbəʎə, kɔrˈbɛʎə

ɔˈɾəʎə, oˈɾɛʎə, oˈɾøʎə

ˈveje

Savoyard

te(t), tɛ(j)t (continued)

aˈθrejt, ɛhˈʀɛjtɛ, eˈtɾɛtə, eˈtʀɛjta

ˈdɾetə, ˈdɾɛjtə

dɾet, dɾɛ(j)t

ˈkʀetɾə, ˈkɾɛjtɾe, ˈkxajtə

ˈpjejə, ˈplɛjə

ʀɛj, he

kɔˈɾeja, kɔ/oˈɾɛja, kɔˈh/ʀɛja

aˈveʎə, aˈvɛʎə

tsəˈveʎə

boˈtej/ʎ, boˈtɛʎə

gɔrˈbeʎə, gʀəˈbəʎə

oˈɾɛʎə

Valdôtain

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

307

CORRIGIA



dɾi(s/t) ˈdʀit/θə eˈçɾitə ti(t/k)

DIRECTU

DIRECTA

STRICTA

TECTU



ˈkɾitɾə

ˈplijə

CRESCERE

plij, ˈpθiə

ˈsiɲo

plij

ˈsiɲ(o/ə)

ˈsiɲ(u)

ˈsiɲo

θaˈviʎə, tsaˈviʎi

tsəˈviji, θəˈviʎə

ˈdɾita

ˈplijə

kuˈɾuji

ˈsiɲ(o/u)

aˈviʎə, aˈvili

buˈtiʎ/ji

boˈtiʎi

aˈviʎə/i

korˈbijə, kɾuˈbili

oˈɾije, uˈɾiji

Dauphinois

kɔrˈbiʎ/ji

øˈðiji, ɔˈɾij

ˈviʎi

Lyonnais

aˈviʎə

tsəˈvilə, tsiˈviʎi



PLICAT

REGE

SIGNU



APICULA

CLAVICULA

BUTTICULA

kʀøˈbijə

kɾəˈbiʎə

ˈvizjo

Valaisan

CORBICULA

siɲ

Neuchâtelois

oˈɾiʎə

tsəˈviʎ

ˈviθu

Fribourgeois

ɔˈɾiʎ(ə)

VIGILIA



ˈvisə

Vaudois

AURICULA

VITIU



(b)

Table 40 (continued)

ˈplijə

ˈsiɲo/ə

aˈviʎə

fəˈviʎə

Savoyard

ˈsiɲo

aˈviʎə

tsuˈviʎə

gɾuˈbiʎə

Valdôtain

308 10 Francoprovençal

ˈtɾetə, ˈtɾa(e̯ )tə

ˈtɾajtə, ˈtɾae̯ tə, ˈtɾwɛtə

TRUCTA

bwɛ, ˈbwa(ə̯ )

bwɛ, bwaj



bwɛ, bwa

ˈrodzu, ˈrɔdzo/u

ˈrɔdzo/u, ˈrɔðo

RUBEU

BUXU

ˈro(d)zo, ˈrɔ(d)zo, ˈrœdzo

b(w)ɔts

ˈbɔts(ə)

BUCCA

tret, ˈtɾøt(a)

bwe

----

ˈvwa(e̯ )

vwa

VOCE

ˈtɾwajtə

ˈbɔtsə

(v)wɛ, vwa

kɾɥɛ, kɾwa(j)

kɾe, kʀe/ɛ, ˈkɾae̯ , kɾø, kɾ/ʀwa

kʀɛ, kʀa, ˈkɾa(e̯ )

kɾɛ, ˈkʀa(ɛ̯ ), kɾaj, kɾwɛ, kɾwa

CRUCE

kwẽ , kwɛ̃ nwɛ, ɲɥɛ, nwa

kwɛ̃

pwẽ

nwɛ, ɲɥɛ, ˈɲaɛ̯

kwã

kwɛ̃

CUNEU

pwɛ̃ , ˈpwaɛ̯

NUCE

pwɛ̃ , pwã

pwɛ̃ , pwã, pwø̃

PUGNU









dzəˈnɔ, dzəˈnø

GENUCULU

(continued)

zəˈno, zəˈnɔ, zɔˈnɔ(ʎ), dzəˈnø, dzəˈnœ, dzoˈne, dzəˈnɛ, dzəˈnwa

rəˈnoʎi, rəˈnɔʎ/lə, rəˈnɔðə, rəˈnaðə, rəˈnœðə

rˈnɔʎ, rəˈnɔʎ/jə

rəˈnoʎə, rəˈnɔʎ/j, rəˈnaʎ/jə, rəˈnaðə

RANUCULA

rənˈojə, rˈnɔj, rˈnaʎ

faˈno, faˈnɔʎ(ə), fəˈnwa

feˈnø

pwe(j/k), pwɛ, pwaj/e

Valaisan

FENUCULU

pwɛ, pwa(e)

Neuchâtelois



pwɛ, pwa(j)

Fribourgeois

PUTEU

Vaudois



(a)

Table 41: Phonetic realization of /o/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Francoprovençal. (a) Variants with a non-high vowel. (b) Variants with a high vowel. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for Francoprovençal referred to in section 10.1.

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

309



ow, ɔ(w), ø(ɥ), œ, ɛɥ

a(o)

ø, œ, ˈa(o̯ )

-ORIU

ø, e, ˈae̯

ˈfɛɾa, ˈfœjɾə, ˈfwa(ɛ̯ )ɾə

fwɛr

ˈfajɾɛ, ˈfaɛ̯ r,ˈfwɛɾe, fw/ɥar

Valaisan

FORIA

fɛr

Neuchâtelois ʃaˈmwɛgɾə, ˈmwaɾə

Fribourgeois

soˈmaɔ̯ ɾə, ˈmwajɾɛ

Vaudois

SALMURIA

(a)

Table 41 (continued)

310 10 Francoprovençal

sarˈmweɾi, sarˈmwejɾə, sarˈmwaɾi ˈfwaɾi, ˈfwajɾə aw/ɥ

salˈmør, sɛrˈmwɛjɾə, sarˈmwer, sarˈmwaðə/i

ˈfwɛjɾə, fwɛr, ˈfwajɾi, ˈfwaðə

ø, aɥ, ˈaɛ̯

FORIA

-ORIU

SALMURIA



ˈtɾɥajta

ˈtɾwajta, ˈtɾɥati

TRUCTA



bwɛ

bwe, bwɛ, ˈbwae̯ , bwaj

BUXU

ˈroʒ/ðo

ˈroðo, ˈrɔʒo, ˈrœdz(ə)

RUBEU

ø, ɔ, a(ɥ)

ˈfwaɾa, ˈfwɛɾə

ˈmwɛjɾə, ˈmwaɛ̯ ɾə

ˈrɔðə/o

(continued)

ɔ/ow, ø, ˈaɔ̯

ˈfweɾə, ˈfwɛjhə

ˈmweɾə

ˈʀ/rɔdzo

ˈbotsə, ˈbɔtsə

ˈboθa/i

ˈboθə, ˈbɔʃi

BUCCA

ˈboθə, ˈbɔθə,ˈbɔts(ə)

wes, ˈwɛsə

vwe, vwɛ, vwaj

VOCE

kɾø, kʀwe, kɾwej

kʀø, kɾ/ʀwe, kʀwɛ, ˈkɾwa(e̯ )

kɾwaj

kɾɥe, kɾwɛ, kɾwa

CRUCE

ɲwe, ɲwɛs, ɲø

nɥe, ɲ/nɥɛ, nwa(e), nwɔ

nwɛ, nwa(j), nɥa

nœj, nw/ɥɛ, nw/ɥe, nwa(j), nɥaj

kwɛ̃ , kwø͂

kwɛ̃

pwe͂n, pwø͂

dzəˈnɔ(ʎ)

rəˈnɔʎə, rəˈnaʎə

feˈnɔʎ/j

pɔ(t)s

Valdôtain

NUCE







kwɛ̃

kwɛ̃

CUNEU

pwɛ̃

pwɛ̃ , pø̃ /œ̃

pwɛ̃ , pwã

dzəˈnɔʎ, ðəˈnɔ, dzˈnɔ, ðəˈnø, ðeˈnœ, ðeˈne

ðəˈno, ðəˈnø, ðəˈnœ

dzəˈno, dzeˈnɔ, dzəˈnø, ðəˈnœ, ðeˈnwe

GENUCULU

PUGNU

r(ə)ˈnɔʎə, r(ə)ˈnœʎə

gɾaˈnɔʎ, rəˈnɔli

raˈnoʎi, gɾəˈnɔʎə, gɾəˈnøʎ/j, gɾəˈnœj

RANUCULA



feˈnø(l)

fˈnɔʎ, fəˈnwe

pwe, pwɛ

FENUCULU

pwa(j)

Savoyard



pwe, pwɛ, pwa

Dauphinois

PUTEU

Lyonnais



(a)

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

311

ˈfwiɾi u, y

ˈfwiɾə u

-ORIU

ʃoˈmyɾa/ə

tɾɥit, ˈtɾɥita

FORIA

SALMURIA



ˈtɾujtə

ˈtɾytə

bw/ɥi

sarˈmur, sarˈmuðə, sarˈmwiɾi

TRUCTA



bw/ɥi

bwi

soˈmyɾə, ʃarˈmwiɾə/i

BUXU

bw/ɥi

ˈruzə

ˈrudzu

RUBEU,

RUBEA

ˈbutsə

ˈbutsə

BUCCA

ˈruðu

kɾɥi

kɾwi, kɾɥi

CRUCE

VOCE

nuj, nwi, n/ɲɥi

ny, nɥi

nwi, ɲɥi

NUCE

u, y

fuˈiɾə, ˈfwiɾ(ə)

sarˈmwiʒə

ˈtɾɥita

bw/ɥi

ˈrudzo, ˈruðo, ˈruʒu, ˈrui

ˈbutʃə, ˈbuθi

kʀuj, kɾw/ɥi

kwĩ

kwĩ

CUNEU

ð/ʒəˈnu, (d)zəˈnu, ðəˈny pỹ

dzˈnu

gɾoˈnujə

feˈnuʎa, fəˈny

pw/ɥi, ˈpui

Dauphinois

pwĩ

rudʒ, ˈrudz(u)

dʒˈnu, dʒˈny

rˈnuʎ, gərˈnuʎ

fəˈnuə

pw/ɥi

Lyonnais

PUGNU









dzəˈnu

raˈnuʎə

gɾəˈnuj, rəˈnuʎə

RANUCULA

GENUCULU

fuˈnuʎə, fəˈnuʎ

fəˈnuʎ

pwi, pɥik

Valaisan

FENUCULU

pwi

Neuchâtelois



Fribourgeois

PUTEU

Vaudois



(b)

Table 41 (continued)

y

ˈfwiɾ(ə)

(so)ˈmwiɾə, soˈmjyɾa

bw/ɥi

kɾuj, kɾw/ɥi

ɲɥi

ðeˈny

rˈnuʎə

fˈny

pwi

Savoyard

y

ˈfujə, ˈfwiɾa

ˈmwiɾə

ˈtɾyjta

bwi(s)

kɾuʃ

nuʃ

dzəˈnu

pwi(s/ʃ)

Valdôtain

312 10 Francoprovençal







 pças ˈʎaʃə, jaʃ

pʎ/jas, ˈpθasa

ˈgʎas/fə, ˈʎ/jas(ə), ˈʎ/ðafə

PLAGA

RADIU

PACE

LACU

FACIT

ˈpʎajɛ, ˈpθajə

fa

ˈpçajə

fa

ˈpaje

tsaˈθ/faɲ, tsaˈsaɲ

tsaˈtaɲ(ə/a)

CASTANEA

PACAT

aˈɾaɲ(ə)

maʎ, ˈmaj(ə)

ˈmaʎ/j(e), ˈmað(e)

MACULA

aˈɾaɲə, iˈɾaɲe, eˈɾaɲ

aʎ, o

al/j, o

ALLIU

ARANEA

ˈpaʎ/j(ə)

ˈpaʎ/j(ə), ˈpað/lə

PALEA

BRACCHIU

GLACIE

PLATTEA

✶

Fribourgeois

Vaudois

(a)

laj

fa

tsaˈθ/faɲə, tsaˈt/çaɲə

tʃaˈtaɲ, ʃaˈtan

ˈplajə, ˈpʎaji, ˈpθajə

ˈpajə

aˈɾaɲə/e

ˈmaʎ/lə, ˈmaðə

ˈajə, a(s), o

ˈpaʎ/jə, ˈpað/lə

(continued)

ˈlaʃ/fə, ˈðas/θə, ˈðafə, jaʃ/f, ˈʎasə, ˈʎaʃ(ə/i)

ˈplas/ʃə, ˈpʎaʃə/i, ˈpθas/fə

Valaisan

aˈɾaɲ

ˈmaje

aj, o/ɔ

paʎ/j

bɾa

ʎ/jas

pças

Neuchâtelois

Table 42: Phonetic realization of /a/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Francoprovençal. (a) Variants with a low vowel. (b) Variants with a mid or high vowel, the latter in boldface. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for Francoprovençal referred to in section 10.1. Regarding the forms for the endings -ARIU/-ARIA, see Table 34.

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

313

ˈradz(ə) ka(d)z

ˈradzə

ˈkadʒ(ə), ˈkaʒ(ə), ˈkadz(ə)

RABIA

CAVEA

✶



MAGIS

MAIU

AYO

FAIRE

✶

BASIU

LACTE

FACTU

FRAXINU

SAXU

AXE

FASCIA

FASCE

HAPPIA

ma

far

ˈlase/i, ˈlafe

ˈfɾanɔ/u, ˈfɾanə

ma

ma

ma

far

ˈlase/i

ˈfa(ə̯ )

ˈfa(e̯ ) ˈlas/θi

fɾan

ˈfɾano/u

fas

ˈfasɛ/e

ˈaʃi, ˈase/ə, ˈasi

atʃ, ats

kadʒ, kadz

ˈradʒ(ə)

fɾøˈmadʒ, fə/œrˈmadʒ

vatʃ, vats

Neuchâtelois

ˈatsə/õ

ˈaʃ/si

fɾo/uˈmadzu, fɾəˈmadzu

fɾu/oˈmadzu, fɾə/oˈmadzo

FORMATICU

✶

ˈvats(ə)

Fribourgeois

ˈvats(ə), ˈvaθ(ə), ˈvaθe

Vaudois

VACCA











(a)

Table 42 (continued)

ma

maj

ˈlas/fe, ˈlaθi

ˈfɾanɔ

aʃ, ˈasɛ

ˈfasɛ/œ, ˈfaʃi

ˈatsɔ̃/ə, ˈasə

ˈkaʒə

ˈraʒi, ˈra(d)zə

fɾoˈma(d)zɔ

ˈvats(ə/i)

Valaisan

314 10 Francoprovençal











fɾoˈmaʒ/zo, fɾoˈmaðo

fɾoˈmaz/ðo, froˈmadzu

FORMATICU

fɾo/øˈmaðo

ˈvaθə, ˈvatsə, ˈvastə

ˈvaʃi, ˈvatsi, ˈvaθi/a

ˈvaʃi, ˈvats(i), ˈvaθ(ə)

PLAGA

VACCA

laj

fa

ˈplajə

ra

ˈfa(ɛ), faj

θaˈtaɲə

aˈɾaɲə/e

ˈmaʎ(ə)

ˈaʎ(ə), al, o

ˈpjaji

RADIU

PACE

LACU

FACIT

fa

θaˈtaɲə/i, tsaˈtəɲi

tsoˈtaɲ(i), θaˈtaɲ(e), θoˈtaɲ(ə)

CASTANEA

PACAT

iˈɾaɲə, iˈɾani

ˈmaʎ(ə), ˈmoʎ(i)

maʎ, ˈmaj(ə/i), ˈmoʎ(ə/i)

MACULA

eˈɾaɲa, iˈɾaɲ

ˈaʎ(ə), ʒ/zo

ˈaʎ(ə/i), ˈaj(i)

ALLIU

ARANEA

ˈpaʎə, ˈpaj/li

ˈpaʎ/ji, ˈpaʎ(ə)

ˈpaʎə

ˈgʎaʃ/sə, ˈgʎaf/θə

ˈgl/ʎasi, a

ˈʎasə/i, ˈgʎasə, ˈjas(ə/i) bɾa

ˈplasə

ˈplasə/i, ˈplaʃə

ˈpʎas/ʃ(ə), ˈplas(ə/i)

PALEA

BRACCHIU

GLACIE

PLATTEA

Savoyard

Dauphinois

Lyonnais

f

✶

fɾoˈmadʒo, fɾoˈmadzo

ˈvatsə/e

fa

ˈpajə

tsaˈtaɲə

aˈɾaɲə/a

ˈmaʎ/jə

aʎ/j

ˈpaʎə

bɾa(t)s

(continued)

ˈʎas/çə, ˈʎaθə, ˈjatsa, ˈ asə, ˈdʒaʃə

ˈpl/jase, ˈplaθə

Valdôtain

f

(a)

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

315

ˈaʃ/si, ˈajsi, ˈaθə/i

✶

 a ma(j) maj

ˈma(ɛ̯ ), maj

maj

MAIU

MAGIS

ˈfar

a

AYO

FAIRE

✶

far

la, ˈlase

ˈlas/fe, la, lɔ

LACTE

BASIU

fa

ˈfɾajse/o, ˈfɾan/ɲo

fa

fɾaɲ, fɾoɲ

FACTU

FRAXINU

SAXU

ˈasɛ/i

ˈfajsi

FASCIA

AXE

faj

FASCE









HAPPIA

ˈaʃõ/i, ˈatsõ, ˈaθõ

ˈkadʒe, ˈkaʒ(i), ˈkadzi, ˈkaðə/i

ˈkaʒə/i, ˈkadz(i), ˈkaðə

CAVEA

ˈats(õ), ˈaʃo͂, ˈaθə

ˈra(d)ʒə, ˈradzi, ˈraða/i

ˈraʒi, ˈradz(i), ˈrað(ə/i)

RABIA

✶

Dauphinois

Lyonnais

(a)

Table 42 (continued)

far

ˈlas/θe, ˈlafe

ˈase

ˈa(t)sõ, ˈaθə/õ

ˈkaʒə/e, ˈkadzə, ˈkaðe

ˈraðe

Savoyard

ma(j)

maj

far, ˈfahə

ˈlas/he

fa(j)

fajs

ˈgabja, ˈdʒava, ˈdzava

ˈradʒe, ˈradzə/e, ˈraðe

Valdôtain

316 10 Francoprovençal









 ʎɛʃ/s, jɛʃ, ˈjɛs(ə) bɾe

ˈʎɛsɛ, ˈjɛʃə

bɾe(j)

GLACIE

BRACCHIU

ʃaˈtɛɲ

CASTANEA

rɛdʒ

RABIA

re

fœrˈmɛdʒ

re

pe

FORMATICU

VACCA

PLAGA

RADIU

PACE

re, ri

pe(j)

lɛ, le, li

le

LACU

le

fɛ, fi

aˈɾɛɲə

ˈɛjə

bɾe(j), bɾi

Valaisan

fe le

ɛˈɾɛɲ, ɛˈɾœɲ, ɛˈɾiɲ

meʎ

bɾɛ

gʎɛs

ˈpjiɛs

Neuchâtelois

FACIT

PACAT

aˈɾɛɲ

ARANEA

MACULA

ALLIU

PALEA

aˈɾɛɲ

pj/ʎɛs, ˈpçɛθə

ˈpʎɛs/θə

PLATTEA

✶

Fribourgeois

Vaudois

(b)

(continued)

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

317

ˈɛʃi

se(j), ʃe

AXE

SAXU

mɛ, me me

me

mɛ, me(j)

MAGIS

fɛr, ˈfeɾ(ə)

MAIU

AYO

ˈfeɾ(e/ɛ)

bɛ, be, ˈbɛzi

ɛ(j), e



FAIRE

be, ˈbeze

fɛ, fi

ˈɛsi

fe

e

✶



BASIU

LACTE

FACTU

fɛ, fe

ˈfesɛ

FASCIA

FRAXINU

fe

FASCE

✶







HAPPIA

ˈdzɛbə, ˈdzebə

ˈdze(j)ba

CAVEA

✶

Fribourgeois

Vaudois

(b)

Table 42 (continued)

mɛ, me

me

ɛ, e

fɛr

bɛk, bik

ˈɛsi

Neuchâtelois

mɛ(j), me(j), mi

me, mi

e, i

ˈfeɾ(ə), ˈfejɾə, ˈfiɾ(ə)

ˈbeze

fɛ, fe, fi

ˈfɾeno, ˈfɾino/u

sɛ(j), ʃe(j), se, ʃi, si

ˈdzejbə, ˈdzewə, ˈze(j)wə, ˈdziwə

Valaisan

318 10 Francoprovençal











ˈpl/jɛsi

✶

bɾɛ, bɾe

BRACCHIU

le

LACU

RABIA

FORMATICU

redz

plɛ

PLAGA

VACCA

re

RADIU

PACE

fɛ

FACIT

re

fɛ, fe

re

pe

lɛ

fɛ, fe

tsaˈtɛɲə, θaˈtɛɲə

ʃ/θaˈtɛɲə

saˈtɛɲə

CASTANEA

PACAT

aˈɾɛɲa/ə, aˈɾɛɲe

iˈɾɛɲe, aˈɾeɲa, aˈɾiɲe

ˈpɛʎə

bɾe

Savoyard

iˈɾɛɲə/e, e/øˈɾɛɲ

bɾe

ˈplɛsə/i, ˈplɛʃə/i

Dauphinois

ARANEA

MACULA

ALLIU

PALEA

gʎɛs, ʎes

GLACIE

PLATTEA

Lyonnais

(b)

(continued)

froˈmedzo

ˈplejɛ

fɛ, fe

bɾe

Valdôtain

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

319

ˈeʃɛ, ˈesi

✶

 e mɛ, me mɛ, me

e

mɛ(j), me

mɛ, me

MAIU

MAGIS

AYO

FAIRE

✶

fɛr, fe(r)

ˈbeze

ˈbeze

fɛ(r/ð), fe(ð), ˈfeɾə

lɛ, le

lɛ, le

LACTE

BASIU

fɛ, fe

ˈfɾɛjse, ˈfɾejse, ˈfɾesu, ˈfɾeʃə, ˈfɾeno/u

fɛ, fe

ˈfɾɛno/u, ˈfɾɛnə, ˈfɾɛsi, ˈfɾeno/ə, ˈfreɲi, ˈfɾeso

FACTU

FRAXINU

SAXU

AXE

mɛ

mɛ, me

ɛ, e

ˈfeɾ(e)

ˈbeze

fɛ, fe

ˈfɾɛɲo, ˈfɾeno/ə, ˈfɾeɲo/ə

ˈeʃi

fes

FASCIA

Savoyard

fɛs, fe

ˈeʃ/si

Dauphinois

FASCE

HAPPIA









ˈðeði

CAVEA

✶

Lyonnais

(b)

Table 42 (continued)

mɛ, me, mi

me, mi

ɛ(j), e, i

ˈfeɾ(ə)

ˈletse

fɛ, fe

ˈfʀɛjno, ˈfɾen/ɲo

fe

Valdôtain

320 10 Francoprovençal









PETTIA

mje, ˈmi(ə̯ ) ˈtɛɲo ˈveɲo peɲ

mje

təɲ, ˈteɲə

ˈvəɲə

p(j)ɛɲ, ˈpjenu

MELIUS

TENEO

VENIO

PECTINE

DECEM

PEIOR

PEIUS

dje

ˈdie̯

djɛ, (d)ʒjɛ, d(ʒ)je, djœ

pjɛ(r)

(continued)

ʎ/jɛ, je

jɛ, ʎe

LEGIT

je, jø

ˈʎ/jɛɾə, ˈʎ/jeɾə, ˈleɾə, ˈləɾə

ˈʎ/jɛɾ(ə), ˈjeɾə

ˈʎ/jɛɾə, ʎeɾ, ˈʎøɾə

LEGERE

ʎe, jɛ

mjɛ, deˈmjɛjə, dəˈmje, deˈmja, dˈmijə

d(ə)ˈmje

ˈpəɲo, ˈpeɲo

ˈvəɲo, ˈveɲo

MEDIU, MEDIA

ler, ʎeʀ, ʎøʀ

mje

ˈviə̯ j

ˈvjeʎə

VECLA

ˈtəɲo, ˈteɲo

ˈvjɛʎə/i, ˈvjeʎ/jə, ˈvjəlɛ, ˈjeʎi

vjɛj, ˈvie̯ j

ˈɲɛsə/i, ˈɲɛθə

ˈpjɛsə/i, ˈpjesə, ˈpjəsɛ

Valaisan

ˈvjɛj/lu, ˈvjeʎ/lu

ˈɲɛsa, ˈniə̯ s

ˈɲɛse

ˈpɾie̯

Neuchâtelois

ˈpiɛ̯ s ɲes

Fribourgeois

ˈpjes(ə)

pɾe, ˈpɾaɛ̯

Vaudois

VECLU

NEPTIA

✶

PRETIU

(a)

Table 43: Phonetic realization of /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Francoprovençal. (a) Variants with a non-high vowel. (b) Variants with a high front vowel. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for Francoprovençal referred to in section 10.1.

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

321











(part.)

ʎ/jɛ

CATHEDRA

ɛ̃ ˈtjeɾə

INTEGRA

ɛˈter, aˈtjɛɾa

ẽ ˈtʃjɛ

ẽ ˈtjɛ

INTEGRU

ẽ ˈtçe

sɛmiˈtjɛjɾɔ, sɛməˈtjɛɾu, simˈtjeɾo

siməˈtjeɾu, ʃimˈtjeɾu

COEMETERIU

ˈʃeze, ˈʃjezɔ, ˈʃjɛɾə

ɛ̃ ˈtjɛɾə, ẽ ˈtjeɾə/i, ɛ̃ ˈtjejɾə

miˈçjɛ(r), meˈtjɛ, meˈtje(r)

me/əˈtje

MINISTERIU

mɛˈtiə̯

maˈtaɾə, maˈtajɾɛ

MATERIA

maˈtɛjɾə

moˈtje

mɔˈtiə̯

MONASTERIU

maˈtae̯ ɾə

ˈfɛjɾe/ə, ˈfɛ(g)ɾə

ˈfeɾa,ˈfae̯ ɾə, fwar

fɛr, fer, faʀ,ˈfaɛ̯ r

ˈfɛɾ(ə), ˈfɛjɾə, fer, ˈfajɾɛ, ˈfaɛ̯ ɾa/e

FERIA

iˈʎɛʒə, iˈʎeʒi, eˈʎejʒə, ɛˈlɛjzə

eˈʎɛzə, eˈʎazə

səˈɾjɛza, ʃiˈɾjɛʒə, ʃeˈɾjɛʒi/ə, ʃəˈɾjeʒə, ʃəˈɾjəʒə

ECLESIA

sˈɾiɛ̯ z

jɛ, ʎ/je

səˈɾjɛzə, ˈʃərʒə

ʎ/je

CERESIA

LECTUM

ʎ/jɛ, jœ

ʎ/lɛ, ʎe

LECTU

le, ˈjiɛ̯

pjɛs

pjɛ

PECTU

ˈteʃe, ˈtʃjɛç/θɾə

ˈtəʃe, ˈtɛsa

TEXERE

ʃ(w)e

sɛ, ʃe, ˈsa(j/e)

ʃɛ, ˈʃa(ɛ̯ )

ʃɛ, ʃe, ˈʃ/saɛ̯ , ʃ/saj

LEVIU, LEVIA

SEX

Valaisan ˈʎeʒ(ə)

Neuchâtelois

ˈʎedzu

Fribourgeois

Vaudois

✶

(a)

✶

Table 43 (continued)

322 10 Francoprovençal











 ˈpjɛsi, ˈpjɛʃə, ˈpjesi, ˈpθeʃə ˈɲesi/ə, ˈɲeʃə

ˈpjɛs(ə/i), pja, ˈpiɛ̯ sə

ˈɲɛs(ə/i), ˈɲes(ə/i), njɛs,ˈɲia̯ si

ˈpɛjɲo, ˈpəɲ/no

ˈveɲo, ˈvəɲo/u

ˈpɛɲə, ˈpeɲ(u), ˈpəno, pəɲ, ˈpjɛnu ˈpθəɲo

VENIO

PECTINE

ses, ʃe(j) ˈtjɛtɾə

ʃe, sɛj, sje, ˈsie̯ ˈteʃi

sje, sjɛ, sjaj, ˈʃiɛ̯ /e̯

TEXERE

SEX

dje, ˈdiɛ̯ ʃ

le, ʎe

ˈleɾe, ʎeʀ, ˈʎehə

mje, deˈmje

ˈpeɲo

ˈveɲo

ˈteɲo, ˈtəɲo

mjeʎ, ˈmie̯

ˈvjeʎ/jə

vjel

ˈnɛtsa, ˈɲeθa, ˈɲese, ˈɲehə

ˈpjɛsə, ˈpjeh/sə

Valdôtain

(continued)

ˈteʃə, tʃeθr, ˈtjet/çɾə

ʃɥ/we, ˈʃiɛ̯ ʃ

ˈʎɛz/ðə, ˈʎeʒ/ðo, ˈʎedzə, ljedz ˈʎeʒe/ə

ˈʎɛðə, ˈʎeʒ/ðo, ˈʎedzo, ˈjedzu

ˈʎɛʒo, ˈʎɛðo/ə, ˈləða, ˈʎøðo

✶

LEVIU, LEVIA

dɛj

DECEM

PEIOR

✶

le, ˈʎaɛ̯

LEGIT

pj/θaj

ʎe

ˈleɾə, ˈʎaɾɛ, ˈʎajɾe

LEGERE

PEIUS

ˈʎeɾə

mɛ, mja(j)

MEDIU, MEDIA

mjɛ, ˈmja(e̯ ), mjaj, mjɔj, mjœ, dˈme

ˈv(ə)ɲo, ˈvəɲə

ˈtəɲo/ø

ˈtəɲ(ə/o), teɲ

ˈvjeʎə

vje

ˈɲɛfe, ˈɲɛθə, ˈɲes/ʃə, njeç

ˈpjesə

Savoyard

TENEO

ˈtəɲo

ˈvjeʎa/ə, ˈvjeʎi, ˈvjeli, ˈvjiə̯ ʎə

ˈvjɛji, ˈvjeʎ(ə/i), ˈvjaɛʎ,ˈvia̯ ʎi

VECLA

MELIUS

v(j)eʎ

vjeʎ

VECLU

NEPTIA

PETTIA

pɾe

Dauphinois

✶

Lyonnais

PRETIU

(a)

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

323





ʎ/le seˈɾɛz/ʒa, θɛˈɾeʒə, seˈɾjeze, saˈʀjezə iˈ ezə, eˈʎejze, ˈgjɛʒə

ʎɛ, ʎe

eˈgʎezə

lø siˈɾɛjzi/ə

eˈgʎɛzə, eˈ jezi, eˈ jajʒə ˈfɛjɾə, ˈfajɾi, ˈfjɛɾə/i, ˈfθeɾə/i, ˈfjeɾi

eˈdjɛzə, eˈ jajzi, eˈgʎaɛ̯ z

ˈfɛɾi, fœr,ˈfar(ə), ˈfɛjɾə, ˈf(j)eɾi, ˈf(w)aɛ̯ r, ˈf(w)aðə, ˈfia̯ ɾi

ẽ ˈtʃer ɛ̃ ˈtjɛɾe, ɛ̃ ˈtjeɾə

ãˈteɾe, ãˈtɛjɾi, ãˈtjeɾi ˈtʃeɾe,ˈtsɛjɾi, ˈʃ(j)eɾə

ɛ͂ˈtia̯

ɛ͂ˈtjar, ãˈtiɛ̯ ɾə, ɛ͂ˈtia̯ ɾi

ˈθia̯ ɾi

INTEGRU

INTEGRA

CATHEDRA

ˈtʃjeɾə

somˈtjeɾo

simiˈtjeɾo/ə

səməˈtjɛɾo, sømˈtjaɛ̯ r, sɛmˈtiə̯ r

COEMETERIU

məˈhje, meˈt/çje

meˈtje, meˈtiə̯

maˈteɾə

meˈtje, mˈtjaɛ, meˈtie̯ , mˈtia̯

maˈjeɾə

muˈtʃe

MINISTERIU

MATERIA

ʎe, ʎø, ʎa

ˈfɛɾə, ˈfeɾə, ˈfɛjɾa/e, ˈfa(ɛ)ɾə

ʎɛt, ʎe

ʎɛ, ʎe

ʎ/je, ʎ/jə, ʎ/jø, ʎaj, ˈʎa(ɛ̯ )

pjɛt

pe, ˈpie̯ pje

(part.) ʎø, ʎaj

MONASTERIU

FERIA

ECLESIA

CERESIA

LECTUM

LECTU

PECTU

f



Valdôtain

Savoyard

Dauphinois

f

Lyonnais

kaˈɾɛ(j)a

ẽ nˈtjeɾə

ɛŋˈkjɛr, enˈkjeʀ, ɛˈntʃeʀ

səməˈtɛɾjo, sɛməˈçjer, semeˈtjeɾo

miˈçje, meˈtje, mɛçˈtie̯

ˈfɛ(j)ɾa, ˈfeɾa

f

(a)

f

Table 43 (continued)

324 10 Francoprovençal









dji, i

pi

ˈpiɾɛ

dis, d(j)i, i, dʒi

ˈlidzɔ/u

PEIUS

PEIOR

DECEM

✶

tsi

ˈtjiθɾe, ˈtiʃe, ˈtisa

TEXERE

ˈtiʃa, ˈtise

ʃi, ʃy, ʃwi

sis, s/ʃi

(continued)

ˈtiʃjɛ, ˈtiʃe

ʃi( ʃ )

ˈʎiʒə

/di, dʒi

pir

pir di

pi

li, ʎi(k) pi

SEX

LEVIU, LEVIA

✶

pi

li

ˈl/ʎiɾɛ, ˈligɾə

ʎ/jir, lir

LEGIT

mi, dˈmijə

dˈmi

d(ə)ˈmi

ˈʎiɾɛ, ˈlɥiɾə, ˈdiɾə

ˈpiɲɔ

ˈviɲɔ

ˈtiɲo

ˈiðə, ˈviʎ/jə

ˈɲiθə, ˈɲisi

ˈpisə

ˈpiɲo/u

LEGERE

ˈpiɲ(o)

PECTINE

ˈviɲo

ˈviɲo/u

dˈmi

ˈviɲɔ/u

VENIO

ˈtiɲo

ˈtiɲo

MEDIU, MEDIA

ˈtiɲ(o/u)

mi

MELIUS

TENEO

ˈviʎ/j(ə)

ˈviʎə

VECLA

mi

ˈviʎa

ˈviʎo/u, ˈviju

ˈviʎ/ðɔ, ˈviʎu, vij

VECLU

mi

ˈviʎ(o)

ˈɲis(ə), ˈnisa, ˈɲiθə

ˈɲis(ə), ˈɲiθɛ

NEPTIA

f



ˈpisa

ˈpis(ə), piθ

ˈpiθɛ, ˈpis(ə)

PETTIA

pɾi

pɾi

pɾi

pɾi

✶

Valaisan

Neuchâtelois

PRETIU

Fribourgeois

f



Vaudois

f

(b)

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

325







ɛ̃ ˈtjiɾ(ə)

dzaˈjiɾɛ

INTEGRA

CATHEDRA

ɛ̃ ˈtçiɾa, ɛ̃ ˈtjir

eˈtçi

sœ/ømˈtir

sim(ə)ˈtiɾu, ʃɛmˈtir

səməˈtiɾo, sœ/imˈtir

COEMETERIU

INTEGRU

mɛˈti

mɛ/iˈçi, məˈθi

maˈtiɾə

mɔˈti

me/əˈθi, m(ə)ˈti

mɔˈs/θi, mɔˈçi

sˈɾiza

ʎi

Neuchâtelois

MINISTERIU

MATERIA

MONASTERIU

mɔˈt/θi

ɛˈʎiʒə

eˈgʎ/lize, əˈʎidzə

ECLESIA

FERIA

sɛˈɾiz, səˈɾizə, ʃəˈɾiʒa, sˈɾiʒ

ʎi, l/ʎy

ʎ/ji

Fribourgeois

s(ə)ˈɾiz

(part.)

l/ʎi, di

Vaudois

CERESIA

LECTUM

LECTU

PECTU

(b)

Table 43 (continued)

maˈtiɾə

ˈfiɾə/i

eˈliʒi, eˈgliza

səˈɾjizə

li(k)

ʎi

Valaisan

326 10 Francoprovençal











ˈpiɾə di, dzi

ˈpiɾə

di, dʒi

ˈʎiʒ/ðɔ, ˈlidzu

PEIOR

DECEM

✶

LEVIU, LEVIA

ˈʎiʒu

pi

pi

PEIUS

✶

li, ʎi

li

li, ʎi

LEGIT

ˈliðo/ɛ

d(j)i, dis, dzi

pi

ˈliə

ˈliɾə

mi, dˈmi

LEGERE

d(e/i)ˈmi, dzˈmi

ˈpiɲo/u, ˈpiɲə

ˈviʎ/jə

dˈmi, djəˈmi

ˈpiɲə/ɔ

PECTINE

ˈviʎə

viʎ

ˈnife, ˈɲiθe

ˈpis/θə, piç

pɾi

Savoyard

MEDIU, MEDIA

ˈviɲə

VENIO

TENEO

MELIUS

VECLA

vij, ˈviʎ/ji

NEPTIA

viʎ

ˈɲisi/e

ˈɲisi

PETTIA

VECLU

pis

ˈpisi

✶

pɾi

Dauphinois

pɾi

Lyonnais

PRETIU

(b)

(continued)

djiʃ, dʒi

ˈpiɾ(e)

pi

ʎi

ˈlijjə, ˈʎiʀ/ɾə

m(j)i, de/əˈmi

ˈviɲo

ˈtiɲo

ˈviʎə/i

ˈɲise

ˈpjiθə

pɾi

Valdôtain

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

327







(part.) sˈɾizi/a, ʃˈɾiʒə eˈglizi, eˈgʎizə ˈfiɾ(ə)

eˈgʎ/lizə, eˈʎ/jiz, eˈ iz

ˈfiɾe

ECLESIA

səməˈtiðə, smɛ̃ ˈtir

COEMETERIU

inˈtiɾi, ɛ̃ /ãˈtiðə, ɛ̃ ˈtiɾ(e)

kaˈdiɾi, ˈʃiɾi, tsir

INTEGRA

CATHEDRA

ãˈtir

smɛˈtiɾu, sumaˈtiɾu

mɛ/əˈti, meˈtʃi

MINISTERIU

INTEGRU

me/əˈtsi

maˈtir

MATERIA

MONASTERIU

FERIA

LECTUM

sˈɾiz(ə), ʃeˈɾiʒə, ʃˈɾizə

pi(s)

pis

CERESIA

ˈtisa(ʀ), ˈtisi

ˈtisi/e

l/ʎi, ly

s/ʃi, sis

ʃi

ɛ̃ ˈtiɾ(ə), ãˈtiɾe

səmˈtiɾ(o)

m(e/ə)ˈti

eˈgʎiz/ʒə, eˈgliz/ðə

sˈɾiz/ʒə, xˈɾiʒə

li, l/ʎy

lit

Savoyard

Dauphinois

l/ʎi, ly

LECTU

pi

titr, ˈtise/i, ˈtiʃø

TEXERE

PECTU

s/ʃi, sis

SEX

Lyonnais

f



(b)

ẽ nˈtiɾa

inˈtʃii, ɛnˈtir

tsymmɛˈtiɾe

maɛˈti

eˈʎiʒə, eˈ iʒe

ˈhɾiʒə, tʃɛˈɾiʒə

ˈtiʃ/se, ˈcitɾɛ

ʃis, s/ʃwi, ˈʃui

Valdôtain

f

Table 43 (continued)

328 10 Francoprovençal







ˈnɔs(ə), ˈnɔfə, ˈnos/θə, ˈnofe

✶

TROIA

ɛˈnɔjə

ˈkwəði

COLLIGERE

INODIAT

tjer

vwɛ, vwe

VOLEO

vwɛ, (v)ɥɛ, vwe

vø

tɾe, tɾœʎ, tʀœ, tɾɥɛ

TORCULU

(v)wɛ, (v)we, (v)wa, waj, w/ɥø, wœ

vo, (v)wɛ, (v)wa

ʒ/jɛ, ʒœ

ʒ/jɛ, ʒ/ɥe, (v)we, ʒ/wə, ʒ/wœ, ʒø, ˈue̯

OCULU

HODIE

tɾwɛʎ/l, tɾw/ɥe, tɾwal

ˈɛlu, ˈelo/u

ˈɛlu, ˈelo/u

OLEU

ɛˈnɔje, ɛˈnojə, ɛˈnœjə ˈtɾo(w)jə

tɾø, tɾwɛj, ˈtɾuə̯ j

(continued)

wɛ(k), vwɛj, we(j/k), wa(ɛ), vwaj

ˈkwəði, ˈkwudɔj

ɛs, ʒɥɛ, (w)ɛl, w/ɥɛ, wɛʎ/s, w/ɥe, ʒwe(j), wa, ʒwaj, wœ, ˈyɛ̯

ɛˈɲœ, aˈɲɥɛ

we

ˈkøʎe

vø

œʎ/j, ˈøʎ(u), ˈue̯

ˈoʎɔ

ˈfɔʎə/i, ˈfɔlə/i, ˈfɔð/jə, ˈfœðə, ˈfwɔʎ/jə

ˈfɔʎ/j(ə), fɛj, fwɔʎ, ˈfwɔjə fœ/øʎ, ˈfuə̯ j

ˈfɔʎ/jə, ˈfɔðə

FOLIA

ˈelo, ˈalə, wɛl

pwɛ, pwe, pwə, pwaj

pwɛ, pwa

POSTEA

ˈnɔsə/i, ˈnɔθ/çə, ˈnofə, ˈnœsə, ˈnœθ/fə

Valaisan

pwe, pwa, pwœ

nɔs

Neuchâtelois

pwɛ

ˈnɔs(a), ˈnɔθə, ˈnœsə

Fribourgeois

POTEO

NOPTIA

Vaudois

(a)

Table 44: Phonetic realization of /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Francoprovençal dialects. (a) Variants with a non-high vowel. (b) Variants with a high vowel. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for Francoprovençal referred to in section 10.1.

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

329

✶

kw/ɥe

kwɛ, kwe, ˈkwae̯ , k(w)ø

COCTU

kø, ˈkɔə̯

ø, wɔ, vwɔ(t), (v)wɛ, wa wɛ(t), vwɛ(t), we, wa, wø

wɛt, (v)wɛ, ˈɥɛt(ə), wet

wɛ(t), jɥɛt, (v)we, (v)wə, vwœ, wø(t)

OCTO

kwɛ, kwe, kwaj, kwœ

nɛt, ne(t), nej(t), nɥɛ/e

nɛ, ne, nø

ne

ˈkowʃə, koʃ(ə)

ne(j)

ˈkœsa, cœʃ, kwɛs, ˈkuə̯ s, ˈkoə̯ s

ˈpɾɔtsə, ˈpɾotso, ˈpɾœtsə

ˈplɔ(d)zə, ˈpʎozi, ˈplœ(d)zə

NOCTE

ˈkuə̯ s

pʎɔdz, ˈpçodzə, pʎ/jœdz pjɛdʒ, pjœdʒ

ˈkwejfa, ˈgwaθə

ˈrɔtsə, ˈrotsə/i

ˈhlɔtse, ˈkʎɔse, ˈθɔtsə, ˈçjɔtse, ˈkʎosə, ˈkʎœtse, ˈθœtsə

rəˈlɔ(d)zo, rəˈlœdzo

paˈɾɔtsə, paˈɾotsə, pɛˈɾœtsə

ˈlœjə

ˈkwɛ(j)ɾe, ˈkwa(j)ɾə

Valaisan



ˈkwose, ˈkwɛʃe, ˈkwəʃ/sə, ˈkwesɛ, ˈkwae̯ ʃə

ˈpʎɔðe, ˈpʎ/θɔdzə, pjɔdz, ˈpjœdzə

ˈkwɛfə, ˈkwajθɛ

ˈrɔtʃ(i)

ˈt/kjɔtʃe

rˈlɔdʒ

Neuchâtelois

COXA

PROPEANUS

✶

PLOVIA, PLOIA

✶

COFIA

ROCCA

✶

ˈrɔts(i)

ˈçj/ʎɔtsə, ˈsjɔtse, ˈçotsə, ˈkjœtse

ˈçʎɔtse, ˈθɔtse, ˈkʎotse, ˈçjotse, ˈkjœtse

ˈrɔtʃe, ˈrɔtse/i

rˈlɔdzu

r(ə)ˈlɔdzu

HOROLOGIU

CLOCCA

pɛˈɾɔtsə

pɛˈɾɔθə, pɛˈɾətsə, paˈɾwas

ˈkweɾə

ˈkwɛjɾe, ˈkwɛɾə, ˈkwəɾə, ˈkwɔɾe, ˈkwa(j)ɾɛ, ˈkwaeɾə

PAROCHIA

Fribourgeois

Vaudois





LOCAT

COCERE

(a)

Table 44 (continued)

330 10 Francoprovençal



FORIA

PAVORE

PAVOREA,

ˈfaɛ̯ r, ˈfajɾɛ, ˈfwɛɾə, fw/ɥar

ˈfaɛ̯ ɾ, fwɛr fɛr

ˈpwɛɾ(ə), ˈpwa(ɛ̯ )ɾə, pwar pœ/ør, pwajʀ, pwœ

ˈpwɛɾ(e), ˈpwɛjɾə, ˈpwaɾ(ə), ˈpwa(e̯ )ɾə, ˈpwɔjɾə ˈfɛɾa, ˈfwa(ɛ̯ )ɾə

pwɛr, ˈpweɾɛ, ˈpwa(j)ɾə

(continued)

kwɛ(j), kwejr, kwe(r), ˈkwajɾə

✶

cø, kwø, ˈkuə̯ (r), ˈkuo̯ r

cø, cœ, kwɛ(r), kw/ɥe, kwar, kwœ, kjø kw/ɥɛ, kwe, kɥa, kwar

CORIU

ˈwiadɔ

wɛd

wɛjd

VOCITU

ˈkwɛtə/i, ˈkwe(j)tə, ˈkwajtə

ˈkøtɛ/a, ˈkwɛta, ˈkuə̯ t

ˈkwɛtə/a, ˈkwetə/a, ˈkwətə/a, ˈkwae̯ ta ˈkw/ɥɛtə

COCTA

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

331







ˈkɔʎi, ˈkøʎi, ˈkwɛdɾə

ˈfɔʎə, ˈfoʎ/jə, føʎ, ˈf(w)oli øl, ˈ(j)ølo, ˈɥelo/ə ʒœ, ʒø, ɥɛ, jɥaj, jɥø tɾwa(j), tɾɥaj ˈvɔlo/ə, vøj ˈkøji

ˈfɔʎe, ˈfoʎ(ə), ˈfoji, føʎ, ˈfwɔja, ˈfwoʎi, fwøj

ˈel(ɔ), ˈɥɛlu, ˈɥia̯ lo

wɛ, ʒaɛ, (j)ø, zjɔ, zjø, ʒaɥ, waj

tɾøʎ, ˈtɾwa(j), ˈtɾɥia̯

ˈvɔlo/u, vwɛ, vwe

OLEU

OCULU

TORCULU

VOLEO

LOCAT

ˈlɔjɛ

ˈkɔjɾe, ˈkweɾe, kwe, ˈkwajhə

ˈkwɛɾ(e), ˈkweɾə/i, kwoð, kwað

COCERE

ˈkwɛɾe, ˈkwe(j)ɾe

ˈtɾɔja, ˈtɾoja

wɛ, vwɛj, we(j), wø, ˈue̯

ˈkwɛʎe, ˈkwejɛ, ˈkwedɾe

vɔj, wɛ, we(j)

tɾœʎ

ɛʎ, ʒø, øʎ, ( ʒ )we, ʒwø

ˈojo, ˈole

ˈfɔʎa/ə, ˈfoʎə, ˈfwɔʎa

ˈtɾoji ˈkwɛjɾe, ˈkwɛɾə, ˈkweɾ(e), ˈkwa(j)ɾə

wɛ

tɾœ(l), tɾø(ʎ)

ʒø, øl, œʎ, ɥe, ɥɛ, ʒ/jwe

ˈoʎo/ə

ˈfɔʎə, ˈfoʎə, foj, ˈfwɔʎə/a

pwɛj, pwe

pwe(j)

ˈnɔs/hə, ˈnɔθə, ˈnotse

Valdôtain

TROIA

INODIAT

HODIE

COLLIGERE

FOLIA

wœ, wa, vwa(j)

we

pø, pwe

pwɛ, pwe, pwaj

POSTEA

vwɛj, vɥe, wa, ˈ(v)waɛ, (v)waj,ˈwia̯

pwe

ˈpojə/u, ˈpøjo, ˈpwɛso, pwaj

pwɛ, pwe

POTEO

pwe

ˈnɔs/fə, ˈnɔθə, ˈnoə

ˈnɔsə/i, ˈnosa/i, ˈnoʃi, ˈnøsə

NOPTIA

ˈnɔsə/i, nɔf, nos/f, ˈnøs(a)

Savoyard

✶

Dauphinois

Lyonnais

(a)

Table 44 (continued)

332 10 Francoprovençal

ˈkʎ/jɔsə, ˈklɔtsə, ˈkjɔʃə, ˈkloʃe, ˈkʎ/joθə

kʎɔts, kl/ʎɔʃ, ˈçʎoθə, çʎ/jœts

CLOCCA

ROCCA

kwe(t), kɥe

kwo, kwɛ, kw/ɥe, kwa, kwœ

COCTU

kɔ, kø, kwo, kwe, kwɛ, kwa(j)

wɔt, wɛ, we, vwe(t)

vɥej(t)

OCTO

nɛt, ne, ɲ/nɥe, nwe(t), ɲɥœ/ɛt

nɔ, no, ne(j), nø, ɲɥe

ne, nej(t), nɛ, nar, nœ, nø, nɥe

NOCTE



ˈkweʃ(ə), ˈkwɛʃ/θə, ˈkwes/θə

ˈkwɛ(j)si, ˈkw/ɥesə, kweʃ, ˈkwejʃə, ˈkwa(j)si, ˈkwajʃə

ˈkojsi, køʃ, ˈkwɛʃə, ˈkɥ/wɛsə, ˈkweʃ/si, ˈkwas(i), ˈkwajʃə, kwos

ˈpl/ʎɔðe, ˈploð/ve, plodz, ˈplœðə, ˈpløðə, ˈpl(w) ɔdzə

ˈpɾoθo

ˈplɛvə/i, ˈple(v)ðə, ˈplevja, plø,ˈpʎœðə

ˈpɾɔʃi, pɾots, ˈpɾaθo

ˈpʎɔðe, pʎoð, ˈplɛvi, ˈpʎɛvə, ˈpleðə, pʎev,ple, ˈpl/jevi, ˈpla(j)vi, pʎø, pl(w)ɛ

ˈgwejfa

COXA

PROPEANUS

PLOIA

PLOVIA,

kwof, ˈkwefi, ˈkwajf(i), kwaf

ˈrɔθe, ˈrɔtsə, ˈrɔste, ˈroθe

ˈkʎɔs/θə, ˈklɔtse

ɔrˈlɔðo

paˈɾɔtsə, paˈɾɔθə, paˈɾots



✶

✶

✶

COFIA

✶

ˈrɔtʃe, ˈroʃə/i

rəˈlɔz/ðo, ɔrˈloðo, rˈlo(d)zo, orˈlodzu, rəˈlwazo

ɔrˈlɔdzu, ɔrˈlɔʒɔ, ɔrˈlɔðo

HOROLOGIU

ˈrɔtse/i, ˈrɔθe/i, ˈrɔʃi, rots

paˈɾ(w)osi, paˈɾwas(e/i), paˈɾœs

paˈɾɔtsi, paˈɾɔʃi, paˈɾoθe, paˈɾots, paˈɾwas(ə)

PAROCHIA

(continued)

kɔjt, kwɛ(t), kwa(j)

(v)wɛt, vwɛjt

nɔjt, net, na(t), nwaj(t), ˈnoɛt

ˈkwɛʃə, ˈkwesə, ˈkwajʃə

ˈpɾɔtso/ə

ˈplɔdzə, ˈpjɔ(d)zə, ˈpjoðe

ˈkweθɛ, ˈkwejfjə

ˈrɔtso

ˈklɔtse, ˈh/kʎɔtsə, ˈtjotʃə, ˈtjotse

ɔrˈlɔdʒ/zo, ʀəˈlɔdzɔ

paˈɾɔts(e), ˈpaɾotʃa

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

333



ˈvwɛjdu, ˈvwedu, ˈvwajdo, ˈvwado/ə

vwɔd, ˈvwɛdo, ˈvwedɔ, ˈvwadjə/ɔ

FORIA

PAVORE

ˈfwɔðə, fwɛr, ˈfwɛðə, ˈfweɾi, ˈfwɛjɾə, ˈfwaðə, ˈfwajɾi

pɔ(w), pœ, pwø, ˈpaɛ

✶

PAVOREA,

kwɛ, kɥɛr, kweð, kw/ɥar, kwa(ɛ),ˈkwia̯ r

CORIU

ˈfwaɾi

po, pœ, paw/ɥ

kœ(r), kɥɛr, kɥø, cjø, cjœ(r), kwa(r), kɥa

ˈkweta, ˈkwajta

ˈkweta, ˈkwajta

COCTA

VOCITU

Dauphinois

Lyonnais

(a)

Table 44 (continued)

ˈfwɛɾe, ˈfwaɾa

pø/œ, pwɛr, ˈpɔɛ, ˈpoe

kør, kwɛr, kwe(r)

ˈwɛdo, ˈvwɛdə, ˈwedo, ˈ(v)wejdo, ˈvwadə

ˈkwɛta

Savoyard

ˈfweɾə, ˈfwɛjhə

ˈpweɾe, ˈpweɛ, ˈpwɛjhə

kwɛjʀ, kwer/ʀ, ˈkue̯ r

ˈkwɛtə, ˈkwa(j)tə

Valdôtain

334 10 Francoprovençal









ˈuʎɔ/ə, ˈuðɔ/ə, ˈulo

y

OLEU

OCULU

ˈkwiɾe

ˈlujə

COCERE

LOCAT

CLOCCA

HOROLOGIU

PAROCHIA

ˈtɾuj(ə)

ˈtɾuj(ə)

TROIA

ˈluje

ɛˈnu(ə̯ )j

eˈnujɛ

ɛˈnujə

INODIAT

kur, kyr

ˈtɾuj(ə)

(v)wi

vy

tɾu, tɾy

ˈuʎu, u, y

(v)wi

ˈkuʎe, ˈkuʎ/ji

COLLIGERE

vy

pis

py ˈfuʎ(a), fyʎ

pwi, py

Neuchâtelois

py

Fribourgeois

HODIE

vy

VOLEO

TORCULU

ˈfuʎə

pwi, py

Vaudois

FOLIA

POSTEA

POTEO

NOPTIA

✶

(b)

(continued)

paˈɾutsə

ˈlujə

ˈkwiɾe/i, ˈkuiɾe

ˈtɾujə/i, ˈtɾuə̯

ɛˈnu(j)ɛ

wik

ˈkuʎi

wit/k

ʒy

ˈuʎ/jo, ˈul/ðo

pwi

pwi

Valaisan

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

335

NOCTE



FORIA

PAVOREA, PAVORE

✶

CORIU

tjyʀ, cyr

kur, kyr

vud

ˈwido/ə, ˈvwid(o)

VOCITU

wi(t)

kus, ˈkusa

Neuchâtelois

ˈkwita, ˈkuta, ˈkyta ˈvydu/o, ˈvydju/o

kuʃ/s, kyʃ/s

Fribourgeois

ˈkwuta

wi(t), vwit

ˈkus(ə), ˈkyʃə, ˈtjysɛ,ˈkysa, ˈkwiʃ/sə

ˈpɾutsɔ

Vaudois

COCTA

COCTU

OCTO

COXA

PROPEANUS

✶





✶

PLOVIA, PLOIA

✶

COFIA

ROCCA

✶

(b)

Table 44 (continued)

ˈfwiɾə

ˈpwiɾ(e/i)

kwi(r), ˈkɥiɾə

ˈwidɔ/o, ˈvwido

ˈkwitə, ˈkwiʃa

kwi(t)

wi

nɥi, ni(t)

ˈkuʃ/sə

ˈpluðə

ˈkwikfi

ˈrutsi

Valaisan

336 10 Francoprovençal









nu, ˈnusɔ

✶

ʒy

ˈɥil(ɔ), yl, ˈuʎɔ

ʒu, z/ʒy, jy, zi

OLEU

OCULU

ˈkwiɾə

ˈkwiɾe

COCERE

HOROLOGIU

PAROCHIA

LOCAT

ˈtɾɥijə

trɥi

TROIA

INODIAT

ɥi

ˈkyʎ/ji

ˈkuʎi

COLLIGERE

HODIE

vur, vwi

vu, vy, vw/ɥi

VOLEO

TORCULU

ˈɥilo, ˈylo

ˈfuʎe

py

POSTEA

ˈpujo

Dauphinois

FOLIA

pu, py

POTEO

NOPTIA

Lyonnais

(b)

ˈkwiɾe

ˈtɾuj(ə), ˈtɾyj(ə), ˈtɾɥij(ə), tɾwi

vwi

ˈkuʎi,ˈkyʎi, kʎɥi, ˈkydɾə

vuj, (v)wi, vy

tɾwi

z/ʒy, ʒi

uʎ(o)

puj, pwi

Savoyard

(continued)

paˈɾutsə

ˈlujə

ˈtɾuja/ə

wi

ˈkuʎe/i

wi

tɾyʎ

ˈuʎ(e), ˈuʎɔ

pwi

Valdôtain

10.2 General developments and contextual (alveolo)palatals

337

PAVOREA, PAVORE

FORIA

✶

CORIU

VOCITU

ˈfwiɾ(e), ˈfuiɾə

ˈfwiɾi

ˈfwiɾ(ə/e)

pur, pyr

kwir, kɥir

kyr, kɥi(r), ˈkyjə, ˈkɥijə pu, py

ˈvwido, ˈwidə

wi(t), ɥit, wut

nɥi

ˈkuʃ/θe, ˈkwise, ˈkyθe

ˈrutsə

Savoyard

ˈvido, ˈ(v)wido

pu

kwir, kɥi(r)

ˈvid(u), ˈ(v)wido

kwi

kwi, kɥi

COCTU

COCTA

ɥi(t), wi, vy, vɥi

nu

wi(t), ɥi(t)

kɥiʃ

ˈpluðə, ply

Dauphinois

OCTO

NOCTE



PROPEANUS

COXA



✶

PLOVIA, PLOIA



✶

✶

COFIA

ROCCA

ˈçʎuse, çjuts

CLOCCA

✶

Lyonnais

(b)

Table 44 (continued)

ˈfujɛ

ˈpwiɾə

kwi

ˈ(v)wido

wit

ni

ˈkuʃa, ˈkujse

Valdôtain

338 10 Francoprovençal

10.3 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants

339

10.3 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants 10.3.1 Labiovelar 10.3.1.1 Mid low front vowel The vocalic sequence made up of stressed /ɛ/ and following [w] is sometimes realized as [jo] in Francoprovençal (Vaudois, Valaisan [djo] DEUS, [mjo] MEU). One way to handle this phonetic outcome (taking DEUS as reference) is to assume a development Dɛu > Dɛa̯ u > Diɛu > Diau > Diou > [djo] and therefore the insertion of a transitory vocalic segment at the offset of /ɛ/ in Dɛa̯ u (Duraffour 1932, 187). From the basic form Dio(u), vowel raising and vowel fronting may have given rise, respectively, to other variants with either a high vowel (Valaisan [dju], [(d)ʒju], [djy], [dʒjy], Vaudois, Lyonnais, Savoyard [djy]) or a mid front rounded vowel (Vaudois, Valaisan, Lyonnais [djø], Savoyard [dzø], [dʒœ]) (see among other sources Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 404). Most of these lexical variants were already available in Old Francoprovençal (Deu(s), Dieu(s), Diou, Diu, Dyu, Die, Dy; Hafner 1955, 99–100). EGO has undergone analogous changes and consequently may be realized as [jo] (Valaisan, Vaudois; Lavallaz 1899, 200; Stricker 1921, 29), [ju] (Vaudois; Odin 1886, 36) or [dzu] (Savoyard); moreover, due to the proclitic character of this word, reduced variants such as [jə], [də]/[ðə], [(d)zə], [dʒə] may also be found. A development eu > eau > iau > iou > io > iu analogous to that for DEUS may also account for phonetic variants with [jo], [ju] of words ending in -ELLU in which final [w] emerged through /l/ vocalization (Lyonnais, Dauphinois, Savoyard [bjo] BELLU, [vjo] VITELLU, Valdôtain [bjo], [bju] BELLU; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 117, 1354; Hering 1936, 61; Walser 1937, 40). Essentially the same development must have taken place after the vocalization into [w] of coda [l] derived from preconsonantal [ʎ] (e.g., in plurals). Thus, [mjɔw], [mjɔ]/[mjo], [mju]/[mjy] and also [mjø] for MELIUS, and [vjɔ]/[vjo], [vju]/[vjy] and also [vjœ]/ [vjø] for VECLU, occur in Valais, Lyonnais, Dauphinois, Savoyard and/or Valdôtain, and the analogous lexical variants meuz, mieuz, mious, miuz for MELIUS and veuz, vieuz, vious for VECLU were already available in Old Francoprovençal (Hafner 1955, 99). The forms [vðaw]/[vðaɥ] VECLU are available in Terres Froides, and, in Ain, the sequence iau (as in [vjaw] VECLU) has monophthongized into io phrase-internally and been reduced to ia phrase-finally ([vjo], [vja]; Duraffour 1932, 124; Ahlborn 1946, 12). The string of changes eu > eau > ieu > [iw] accounts for lexical variants with [ju]/[jy], [ɥi], [y]/[i] such as those given next in which the postvocalic glide [w] may correspond to either a vocalized labial or a velar consonant: Valaisan [ʒjˈɥi] IUDAEU, [maˈti] MATTHAEU, [ˈʃ juɾə] and also [ˈsœɥɾə] SEQUERE (Lavallaz

340

10 Francoprovençal

1899, 30; Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 266; Gerster 1927, 91); Lyonnais [ˈljyɾa], [ˈʎyɾa] LEPORE (Puispelu 1885, 41); Savoyard [ˈtɥila] derived from TEGULA with /e/ (Ē) (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1343). 10.3.1.2 Mid back vowel In parallel to the forms derived from /ɛ/ followed by [w], rising diphthongs could emerge after off-glide insertion in words ending in -OLU whether coda /l/ had been previously vocalized into [w] or not. After vowel diphthongization, the vowel nucleus could undergo the changes exemplified for LINTEOLU and PEDUCULU in Table 45, namely raising, lowering, and fronting followed possibly by rounding (see Nigra 1878, 12; Puitspelu 1885, 52; Devaux 1892, 188; Philipon 1892, 10; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 426; Fankhauser 1910–1911, vol. 2, 287; Terracini 1910–1913, 242; Stricker 1921, 51; Gerster 1927, 47). There is [li/ənˈtsij] in Faetar (Morosi 1890–1892, 44; Jaberg/Jud 1928–1940: map 1531). Table 45: Reconstructed phonetic pathways for /ɔ/ before the vocalized outcome [w] of coda /l/ for LINTEOLU and PEDUCULU in Francoprovençal. V (Vaudois), F (Fribourgeois), N (Neuchâtelois), Vl (Valaisan), L (Lyonnais), D (Dauphinois), S (Savoyard), Vd (Valdôtain). The phonetic pathways link earlier forms (appearing towards the left of the derivations) to more recent ones (appearing towards the right). ✶

lenswol/w

lɛ̃ ˈsy (D, S), lɛ̃ ˈʃ y (S), lɛ̃ ˈtsu (L) le͂ˈço (V) ʎiŋˈswɛ (Vl), linˈθwel (Val Soana)

lẽˈʃ œ (L), lãˈfwø (S), liŋˈsøl (Usseglio)

lẽˈθwa (Vl), lãˈfwa (S) ✶

pjow

pju (V, F, N, Vl, L, D, Vd), pjy (N, L, D, S, Vd) pjo (N, Vl, Vd), pjɔ (V, Vl) pjɛɥ (Vl)

pjœ(ɥ) (Vl), pjœ (N, L, D, S), pjø (V, S)

pjaw (Vl, D), pjaɥ, pjao (V)

pja (Fb, S)

Falling diphthongs generated through /l/ vocalization also occur in phonetic variants for GENUCULU available in Vaudois ([dzəˈnao]), Fribourgeois ([dzˈna(o)]), Lyonnais and Dauphinois ([ðəˈnaɥ]), Savoyard ([dzˈna(ɥ)]) and Valdôtain ([ˈdzɔo(w)]; Walser 1937, 74). Similar vocalized forms for FENUCULU and SOLICULU/✶SOLUCULU exhibit an analogous geographical distribution (Vaudois [faˈnaɥ], [seˈlaɥ], [sɔˈlaɔ], Fribourgeois [sɛˈlao], [ʃ aˈlao], Dauphinois [səˈlaw]/[səˈlaɥ]; Devaux

10.4 Summary and discussion

341

1892, 204; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1241; Stricker 1921, 45). Phonetic variants of those same words with a single vowel whether mid front rounded or mid back rounded could have emerged from the word-final sequences ou, au (see section 10.2.3 regarding this point). On the other hand, the pathway ueu > ieu > iu may account for the Lyonnais forms [zy]/[zi], [ʒy]/[ʒi] OCULU in which prothetic [z] results from the agglutination of the final alveolar fricative of the article (see section 10.2.6.2).

10.3.2 Velar The stressed vowel /ɔ/ of FOCU, LOCU and IOCU has undergone a series of changes starting out with the diphthong uo. Based on data for different Francoprovençal dialects, the corresponding phonetic developments have been reconstructed in Table 46. Those sound changes involve for the most part vowel fronting ([fwɛ] FOCU) followed by rounding ([fwø]), lowering ([fwa]) and also raising ([fu], [fy]). Faetar has [fwa] FOCU, [dʒa] (< [dʒwa]) IOCU (Morosi 1890–1892, 52), and the Piedmontese valleys either a mid front rounded vowel or a diphthong which may be rising or falling ([fø], [ˈfya̯ ], [fja] FOCU). Non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high vocalic nucleus are also available in Vaudois ([ˈfua̯ ] FOCU), Neuchâtelois ([ˈfue̯ ], [ˈfuə]/[ˈfyə], [ˈʎuə̯ ] LOCU, [ˈdʒu(j)ə] IOCU), Lyonnais ([ˈfyə̯ ]) and Dauphinois ([ˈfya̯ ], [ˈfyə̯ ]) (Devaux 1892, 501; Urtel 1897, 26; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 558, 719; Gauchat et al. 1925, entries 63, 351). A noteworthy feature of the phonetic variants presented in Table 46 is the deletion of the coda consonant. The most likely /ɔ/ diphthongization trigger appears to have been the labiovelar glide, whether it emerged after deletion of the velar consonant (fuou) or was inserted before the velar (fuougo), the latter option finding support in the forms [ˈʃ jawgɾə], [ˈʃ jygɾə], [ˈʃ (j)øgɾə] of SEQUERE available in Dauphinois from Terres Froides (Devaux 1935, map 362). According to an alternative possibility, /ɔ/ diphthongization would have operated while the vowel was located in an open syllable and thus through the string of changes ✶ fuogu > ✶fuou > fuo > [fu], [fy] or ✶fuogu > ✶fuego > ✶fueu > fue > fua (Hafner 1955, 114), the forms fue, fua and fuo being available in Old Francoprovençal texts.

10.4 Summary and discussion In Francoprovençal, mid vowels in open syllables have been subject to both assimilatory and dissimilatory processes summarized next. The former account

342

10 Francoprovençal

Table 46: Reconstructed phonetic developments for FOCU, LOCU and IOCU in Francoprovençal. V (Vaudois), F (Fribourgeois), N (Neuchâtelois), Vl (Valaisan), L (Lyonnais), D (Dauphinois), S (Savoyard), Vd (Valdôtain). The phonetic pathways link earlier forms (appearing towards the left of the derivations) to more recent ones (appearing towards the right). ✶

fwɔ

fjɔ (D) fwɛ (L) fwe (V, L)

fwi (V) fw/ɥø (L)

fjø (V, N), fø (D)

fwa (V, Vl, L, D, S, Vd)

fɥa, fja, fjɔ (D)

fu (N), fy (V, F, N, L, D) ✶

lwɔ

ʎo, ʎaɔ (V) ✶

lwɛ/e

ʎœ (V, L), ʎø (V, N) lwa (V, Vl, S, Vd)

ʎ/jy (V, F), ðy (V) ✶

dʒwɔ

dʒo (V), dzɔ (S) dʒɥe (N), ʒwɛ (L), ʒwe (D), dzɥe (Vl)

dʒw/ɥi (N), dʒɛ (V) (d)ʒø, dʒœ (V), ʒø (L, D, S), dzwø (L, S), dzø (L, D) dʒwa (V, Vd), (d)ʒwa (Vl), dzw/ɥa (Vl, Vd), ðwa (L, S)

dʒa (V)

dʒy (V, F, N)

for the raising to [i] of ei (/e/), which has occurred essentially in E. Valaisan, and also of [ˈiə ˈie], [je] (/ɛ/), and to [u] and the later outcome [y] of ou (/o/) and also of uo (/ɔ/). In certain dialect areas located in Switzerland, the changes ei > i and ou > u correspond to /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ as well. Before a syllable-onset rhotic, [y] (/u/) may lower, and /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ may exhibit rising diphthongs in dialect areas where this is not the expected outcome in open syllables. Through a dissimilatory process, vowels become lower and also more anterior when originally mid back: [ɛj aj ɔj] (< ei); [jɛ ja] (< ie); [ɔw], [aw aɥ], [aɔ ao] (< ou); [wa ɥa] (< ue < uo); [ø œ] (< eu < ou; < ue < uo). Moreover, canonical falling diphthongs may get rid of the postvocalic glide and thus turn into a single vowel. Non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high front vowel nucleus derived from /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ are found mostly in Neuchâtelois, Lyonnais, Faetar and the Piedmontese valleys,

10.4 Summary and discussion

343

often co-occurring with their rising cognates. As to the low vowel /a/, it has stayed low or has changed into o, most often before [l] and a labial consonant. In checked syllables, contextual consonants trigger significant vowel changes which operate in addition to the general tendency for high and mid high vowels to lower and for mid low vowels to remain unmodified (/e/ may also shift to [ə] and mid back vowels to [u] in the closed syllable condition). Before /rC/, /a/ may round to o, mid front vowels may lower ([ɛ], [a]) and mid back rounded vowels may lower and diphthongize ([ɔ], [wɛ ɥɛ], [ˈua]/[wa ɥa]); moreover, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ may raise to [i] and [u] presumably through the intermediate diphthongs ie, uo. Before /lC/, /ɛ/ may shift to [a], while the end product ou of /o ɔ/ generated perhaps through [w] insertion before the alveolar lateral develops the same as ou in open syllables, which includes the outcome [u]. Before /sC/, on the other hand, the following changes may take place: /a/ may shift to o; /e ɛ/ may be implemented as [e], and also as [i], when occurring before a transitory [j] off-glide inserted prior to /s/ deletion; and /o ɔ/ may raise to [u] through either [ow] or the non-canonical diphthong [ˈua] from which [we] may derive. After some of these sound changes the mid back vowel nuclei preceded or followed by labial glides may be replaced by mid front rounded vowel realizations. The above data reveal the existence of two off-glide insertion mechanisms in VC sequences with mid back rounded vowels, which parallels the scenario for other Romance languages: one is [w] insertion followed by the formation of canonical falling diphthongs, which may yield [u] and a mid front rounded vowel; and the other is the insertion of an off-glide with a lower quality than the vowel nucleus followed possibly by the formation of a rising diphthong and a mid front rounded vowel. It should also be noted that the raising of mid back vowels to [u] before /rC/, /lC/ and /sC/ can occur directly instead of through an intermediate diphthong. Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, changes in /a/ may be either progressive or regressive. The progressive action induced mainly by (alveolo)palatal stops (which later evolved into other consonants) could cause /a/ in open syllables to diphthongize into ie, which could later shift to e, i, though a postvocalic rhotic could hinder the implementation of this process. As to the effect of the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant, /a/ has raised to e essentially before coda [j] of different origins and, less so, before syllable-initial [ɲ] (though not before [ʎ]), [j] and front lingual affricates and fricatives. Judging from the high frequency of occurrence of the options a and e before yod in the present-day dialects and based on evidence from old texts, a development a > e > a involving a regression to the etymological low vowel may have taken place. In Valaisan, in parallel to ei derived from /e/ in open syllables, the outcome ei of /a/ before coda yod may have been replaced by [i]. Depending on the dialect area taken into consideration, the ending -ARIU/-ARIA after a non-palatal consonant

344

10 Francoprovençal

may have joined ie derived from /ɛ/ or ei derived from both /e/ and /ɛ/, the corresponding phonetic outcomes being [a](e), e in the latter case and the triphthong iei, which could later change to ie, i, e, in the former case; moreover, at least in Lyonnais, the replacement of ei by ie appears to have been induced historically by diphthongized variants of -ARIU after an (alveolo)palatal consonant. Mid high vowels may assimilate to a contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant. Mid high front /e/ may raise to [i] before [ʎ], [ɲ] and onset/coda [j] often in dialect domains where ei derived from /e/ also raises to [i] in open syllables. The mid low front vowel /ɛ/ has diphthongized into ie before any (alveolo)palatal throughout the Francoprovençal-speaking domain, and the resulting sequence ie may have been later simplified into either [i] or e. On the other hand, /ɔ/, and also /o/, whether, among other explanatory possibilities, after becoming mid low or through glide epenthesis (oi > ui > uei), have diphthongized before coda [j] and possibly before [ʎ] but not at all or much less so before onset [j] and front lingual affricates/fricatives derived from (alveolo)palatal stops. Direct vowel raising induced by the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal or palatoalveolar consonant has yielded [u(j)], [y] in the latter contextual condition, while the outcomes [wi], [ɥi], [y] in the former consonantal context have been achieved after uo(i) fronted to ue(i) mostly in Valaisan and the Francoprovençal dialects spoken in France. In some dialectal zones, there seems not to have been mid vowel diphthongization in the case of specific lexical forms and segmental sequences, such as the ending -ELLU which is realized as [ej], [e], [i] in Vaudois, the endings -ARIA and -ERIA (as in FERIA) which are implemented as eir in the Grenoble region, and the sequence oi (/o/) whose present-day outcomes are [ø], [e], [ae] in Neuchâtelois. Like what occurs in open syllables, non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high front vowel nucleus derived from /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ are available mainly in Neuchâtelois, Lyonnais, the Piedmontese valleys and Faetar. Dissimilatory changes induced by (alveolo)palatal consonants may operate on practically all vowels. The vowels /i/ and /o/ may lower before [ʎ] and [ɲ] while /e/ may shift to [ɔ] and [ə] before [ʎ], the latter replacement being motivated most probably by segmental shortening. Dissimilatory lowering may also operate before yod of different consonantal origins on /u/ (> [y]) and, analogously to open syllables (see above), on e (/e/), ie (/ɛ/) and ue (/ɔ o/) yielding [aj ɛj], [jaj jɔj] and [waj], respectively. A tendency for /e/ and /ɔ o/ to become mid front rounded before [ʎ] could be related to the articulatory characteristics of the alveolopalatal lateral and thus be assimilatory in nature. The prevocalic consonant has sometimes had an effect on the integrity of the rising diphthong uo derived from /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant; thus, labials, velars and syllable-onset consonant clusters have sometimes caused the on-glide [w] to drop and the vowel nucleus to raise to a high vowel

10.4 Summary and discussion

345

(Lyonnais [ˈfwoʎi], [ˈfuʎe] FOLIA), and the on-glide in question may have been deleted after /n/ in the case of NOCTE. On the other hand, the on-glide [j] of the rising diphthong ie (/ɛ/) has sometimes merged with preceding /l/, /n/ and /s/ into an (alveolo)palatal or palatoalveolar consonant. In some cases, prothetic [v] has been inserted before [w] in rising diphthongs generated from stressed /ɔ/ in forms for OCULU, HODIE and OCTO. There has been /ɛ/ diphthongization through off-glide insertion before [w] of different origins (Dɛa̯ u > Diɛu DEUS), after which other sound changes can taken place, yielding forms such as [djo], [dju], [djø]. The diphthongization of /ɔ/ in words ending in -OCU such as FOCU ([fwɛ], [fwa], [fwø]) may be associated with the placement of /ɔ/ in open syllables or else has been triggered by postvocalic [w], whether preposed to the velar consonant or derived from word-final /u/ after deletion of the velar.

11 French This chapter deals with the development of stressed vowels mostly but not only before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Standard French (section 11.1) and in the eastern, northern and western dialects of French (sections 11.2, 11.3 and 11.4). Vowel data from the French varieties spoken in central France, namely, Tourangeau, Orléanais, Berrichon and Bourbonnais, will not be subjected to analysis. Details about the geographical domains where the other dialect varieties are spoken and the bibliographical sources from which data about them have been taken are referred to below. A large number of phonetic forms from all three French dialects have been borrowed from Gilliéron/Edmont (1902–1910). A discussion of the historical evolution of French vowels and consonants reported in this and the following sections may be found in Pope (1934), Fouché (1966; 1969) and La Chaussée (1982). Standard French is based mainly on Francien, the French variety which was originally spoken in Île-de-France. Eastern French includes Lorrain (départements of Meuse, Meurthe-et-Moselle, Moselle and Vosges), Champenois (Ardennes, Marne, Aube, Haute Marne, E. Seine-et-Marne, E. Yonne), Bourguignon or Morvandiau (Côte d’Or, Yonne, Nièvre, Saône-et-Loire) and FrancComtois (N. Doubs, Haute-Saône, N. Jura, Belfort, Jura Bernois or Bernese Jura). Data for the E. French dialects have been drawn from the following sources: (Lorrain-Champenois) Horning (1887; 1892), Callais (1908), Brod (1912), Bruneau (1913a; 1913b; 1914–1926), Bloch (1917a; 1917b), Babin (1952), Bourcelot (1966–1978), Lahner et al. (1979–1988); (Bouguignon) Rabiet (1889), Régnier (1979), Taverdet (1980; 1975–1980); (Franc-Comtois) Juret (1872), Schindler (1887), Degen (1896), Grammont (1901), Alge (1904), Siegfried (1922), Jeker (1938), Alex (1965), Dondaine (1972; 1972–1991). Graphemic data from Old E. French texts may be found in some of these works as well as in Gossen (1967), and also in Kraus (1901) for Lorrain, Goerlich (1889), Lavergne (1909) and Philipon (1910–1912) for Bourguignon, and Foerster (1882), Philipon (1914) and Hallauer (1920) for Franc-Comtois. Northern French consists of two dialects, Walloon and Picard. Walloon is spoken in the Brabant, Hainault, Namur, Liège and Luxembourg provinces of Wallonia, and may be subdivided into four dialect areas: Western Walloon, which borders Picard (Charleroi, Nivelles, La Louvière, Philippeville); Central Walloon (Namur, Dinant, Wavre, Ottignies, Givet); Eastern Walloon (Liège, Verviers, Waremme, Huy, Malmedy); and Southern Walloon (Saint-Hubert, Bastogne, Bouillon, Marche-en-Famenne). South of Luxembourg province there is the Gaumet dialect, which shares many linguistic features with Lorrain. Picard is spoken in the westernmost region of Wallonia (Mons, Tournai, Ath, Soignies), and in the https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-011

348

11 French

French départements of Nord-Pas-de-Calais (Lille, Roubaix) and Somme (Amiens) as well as in N. Ardennes and N. Aisne. Data for Walloon and Picard have been taken from Remacle (1953; 1990) and the following monographs: Walloon: Doutrepont/Haust (1892), Marchot (1892), Feller (1897), Niederlander (1900), Grignard (1908), Marichal (1911), Bruneau (1913a; 1913b; 1914–1926), Wilmotte (1932), Francard (1981). Picard: Sutterlin (1902), Theelen (1906), Hrkal (1910), Viez (1910), Flutre (1955; 1970; 1977). Graphemic data from Old Walloon and Old Picard may be found in several of these works as well as in Gossen (1967; 1976). The western dialect group includes the Norman, Gallo and Poitevin-Santongeais dialects, which are spoken in the following territories: Norman, in Normandy (Manche, Calvados, Seine Inférieure, Eure, N. Orne) and the Channel Islands of Jersey (Jèrrais dialect), Guernesey (Guernésiais) and Sercq (Sercquiais); Gallo, which borders Breton, in Côtes-d’Armor, Morbihan, l’Ille-et-Vilaine and most of LoireAtlantique; and Poitevin-Santongeais, in Vendée, N. Gironde, Char, W. Charente, Vienne and Deux-Sèvres. The corresponding dialectal material has been taken from the following publications: Norman: Joret (1881; 1884), Fleury (1886), Guerlin de Guer (1901), Lechanteur (1967), Lepelley (1971), Brasseur (1978; 1980–2019), Spence (1985), Liddicoat (1994). Gallo: Létournel (1901), Dottin/Langouët (1901), Robinard (1906), Guillaume/ Chauveau (1975–1983), Chauveau (1983; 1984; 1989; 2007). Poitevin-Santongeais: Svenson (1959), Pignon (1960), La Chaussée (1966), Massignon/Horiot (1971–1983), Gauthier (1983). Graphemic data from Old W. French texts may be found in some of these works as well as in Gossen (1967), which covers all three dialects, and in Schulzke (1879), Burgass (1889), Küppers (1889), Goebl (1970; 1995), Eggert (1889) for Norman, Schulzke (1879), Goerlich (1886) and Rohr (1963) for Gallo, and Goerlich (1882) for Poitevin-Santongeais. First, several observations about the historical evolution of French consonants are in order. The sequences /ttj/ and /kj/ have yielded [s] through the affricate [ts] (place ✶PLATTEA, menace MINACIA), and [ʃ] (/t(t)j/, /kj/) in Norman and Picard and [ʃ], [ç] (/t(t)j/) in E. French. The two alveolopalatals [ʎ] (/lj kl/) and [ɲ] (/nj gn nge ngi ndj/) underwent various changes in French: [ʎ], which is still available in Poitevin and Gallo, shifted to [j] (paille PALEA, maille MACULA, cueille COLLIGIT), while [ɲ] has been kept unmodified intervocalically and was split into [jn] in syllable-final position (montagne MONTANEA, enseigne INSIGNAT, bain BANEU,

349

11 French

loin LONGE, poing PUGNU; Pope 1934, 161); in Picard and Norman, the two alveolopalatal consonants may reduce to [l] and [n] at least word-finally. A major sound change, which is reflected by French orthography, has been the insertion of [j] at vowel offset in VC sequences with palatalized dental and alveolar consonants. Thus, [zj] (/sj/) became [jz] as in noise NAUSEA, maison MANSIONE and baiser BASIARE, and an analogous development operated on [ɾj], [sj], [dzj] and [fj]: [jɾ] < [ɾj] /ɾj/ (gloire GLORIA, foire FERIA, -oir -ORIU); [js] < [sj] /ks ssj ske ski skj stj/ (cuisse COXA, baisse ✶BASSIAT, vaisseau VASCELLU, poisson from PISCE, angoisse ANGUSTIA, puis j POSTEA); [jz] < [dz ] /tj ke ki/ (raison RATIONE, plaisir PLACERE, croix CRUCE, paix PACE, dix DECEM); [jf] < [fj] /fj/ (coiffe COFIA). As for naître NASCERE, plaindre PLANGERE and similar forms, they were generated through on-glide insertion before [sj ] and [ɲ ] followed by the depalatalization of [ ] into a dental stop triggered by the following rhotic. A dialect-specific development has been the change of front velars, /sj/ and /ks ssj ske ski skj/ (DECEM, BASIU, COXA, ✶CRASSIA, CRESCERE) into [ç], [x] and [h] in Lorrain and Walloon, and of a subset of those etymological phonetic sequences into [ʃ] in the other eastern and northern French dialects. Another important sound change, which has also applied pervasively in other Romance languages, is consonant vocalization. The vocalization process has operated on /kC/ and [ C] sequences ([jɾ] faire ✶FAIRE < FACERE, [jt] fait FACTU, [js] Old French ais AXE; [jt] moitié MEDIETATE, [jd] aider ADIUTARE, [jn] peigne PECTINE, [jɾ] cuire COCERE), on tautosyllabic /Cɾ/ clusters ([jɾ] entier < ✶entieir INTEGRU, lairme LACRIMA, Old French chaire CATHEDRA) and on the intervocalic voiced (alveolo)palatal stop [ ] derived from /dj/, /ge gi gj/, /ka ga/ and /j/ (rai RADIU, reine REGINA, essai EXAGIU, courroie CORRIGIA, paye PACAT, plaie PLAGA, mai MAIU). As in other Romance languages, syllable-final yod could also originate through deletion of an intervocalic Latin consonant (mais MAGIS, chantai CANTAVI). Finally, postconsonantal /ka/ and the sequences labial + /j/ and /tk/ yielded a palatoalveolar fricative through an earlier affricate, which is still available in Walloon, Lorrain and Norman (bouche BUCCA, sache SAPIAM, rouge RUBEU, fromage FORMATICU). Voiced obstruents devoiced word-finally in Old French, and in the case of the palatalized alveolar affricate word-final devoicing occurred in conjunction with the glide insertion process referred to above ([krojs] for croix CRUCE, palais PALATIU). At a later date, word-final voiceless obstruents were deleted ([li] lit, [pi] pis, [kʁwa] croix, [ku] coup), though dialects may show word-final [t] derived from /kt/ in words which do not show it in the standard language (Walloon [ky(t)] COCTU, Poitevin ([tɛ(j)t] TECTU). f

f

f

f

f

350

11 French

11.1 Standard French 11.1.1 General vowel developments In Old French, /u/ shifted to [y] across the board (mur MURU). Low /a/, on the other hand, has raised to mid front in open syllables and has stayed low in closed syllables. In accordance with the so called ‘loi de position’ the mid vowel outcome is implemented as [e] absolute word-finally (nez NASU, chanter CANTARE, pré PRATU) and as [ɛ] in other word positions, most clearly in certain contextual conditions such as before a rhotic and /l/ (mer MARE, père PATRE, tel TALE) (Pope 1934, 106–107, 186–187). Mid vowels developed differently depending on syllable type: (a) In open syllables, mid high vowels proceeded through several consecutive changes, namely /e/> [ej] > [oj] > [ˈoe̯ ] > [ˈue̯ ] > [we] > [wɛ] > [wa] (toile TELA) and /o/ > [ow] > [ew] > [øw] > [ø] or else [œ] in conformity with the positional distribution prescribed by the ‘loi de position’ ([œ] in fleur FLORE, [ø] in neveu NEPOTE). Moreover, in a number of words containing etymological /e/, the rising diphthong [wɛ] or its falling cognate [ˈuɛ] in the above derivation was reduced to [ɛ] before lowering to [wa] (raie RIGA, raide RIGIDU, connaître COGNOSCERE, monnaie MONETA; Fouché 1969, 273–283). In checked syllables, /e/ lowered to [ɛ] (messe MISSA) and /o/ raised to [u] after /u/ fronted to [y] across the board (tout TOTTU). (b) Mid low vowel diphthongization in open syllables has yielded [jɛ], [je] in the case of /ɛ/ ([pjɛʁ] pierre PETRA, [pje] pied PEDE) and [œ], [ø] in the case of /ɔ/ ([nœf] neuf NOVU, [mø] meut MOVET). Scholars agree that mid low vowel diphthongization must have started out with falling diphthongs endowed with a high vowel nucleus, which were generated through off-gliding ([ˈpie̯ θ] PEDE, [ˈsuo̯ r] SOROR). They disagree regarding the later stages of this phonetic development. Two pathways have been proposed for /ɛ/: one is [ˈiɛ̯ ] > [jɛ] from which [je] emerged absolute wordfinally (La Chaussée 1982, 107); and the other is [ˈiɛ̯ ] > [ˈie̯ ] > [je], which later became [jɛ] word-medially before certain consonants (Pope 1934, 103–104, 192; Fouché 1969, 265–266). As to /ɔ/, several phonetic derivations have also been advocated which differ for the most part regarding the relative chronology of [u] fronting ([u] > [y]) with respect to vowel nucleus rounding (e > [œ]/[ø]): [ˈuɔ̯ ] > [ˈuɛ̯ ] > [ˈuœ̯ ] > [ˈyœ̯ ] > [ɥœ] > [œ] or else [ˈuɔ̯ ] > [ˈuɛ̯ ] > [ˈyɛ̯ ] > [ˈyœ̯ ] > [ɥœ] > [œ], and [ø] absolute word-finally (La Chaussée 1982, 107); [ˈuɔ̯ ] > [ˈuo̯ ] > [ˈue̯ ] > [ˈye̯ ] > [ˈyø̯ ] > [ɥø] > [ø] (Fouché 1969, 292–293) or else [ˈuɔ̯ ] > [ˈuo̯ ] > [ˈue̯ ] > [ˈuø̯ ] > [wø] > [ø] (Pope 1934, 103–104, 202–203), and [œ] in the non-absolute word final position. In closed syllables, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have stayed mid low (herbe HERBA, sept SEPTEM, porte PORTA).

351

11.1 Standard French

A few vowel changes triggered by a following non-palatal consonant also need to be mentioned: e > [a] before /rC/ (lézard LACERTU, écharpe Germ. ✶skerpa, larme < Old French lerme LACRIMA); the three changes [ew] > [ø], [ɔw]/[ow] > [u] and [aw] > [o] before /lC/, where [w] corresponds to the vocalized outcome of syllable-final /l/ (eux ILLOS, sou SOLIDU, coup ✶COLPU, doux DULCE, autre ALTERU); /ɔ/ > [o] before /sC/ (hôte HOSPITE, côte COSTA); and perhaps [ow] (/o/) > [u] before a labial consonant in open syllables (louve LUPA, Old French rouvre ROBUR; Fouché 1969, 307).

11.1.2 After an (alveolo)palatal consonant According to Bartsch’s law and as pointed out earlier for Francoprovençal, in Old French, a palatal glide was inserted between an (alveolo)palatal or a palatalized consonant and the following vowel /a/ in open syllables and the vowel was later raised to mid front, thus yielding [jɛ], [je]. At a later date, the glide in question was absorbed by the preceding consonant, possibly not [c ] but their palatoalveolar affricate end products [tʃ dʒ]. According to the ‘loi de position’, present-day French has [ʃɛʁ] cher CARU, [leˈse] laisser LAXARE, [maʁˈʃe] marché MERCATU, and also [mwaˈtje] moitié MEDIATATE, [piˈtje] pitié PIETATE without simplification of ie into e (Pope 1934, 163, 192; La Chaussée 1982, 108, 122). It is hard to accept on purely phonetic grounds that those rising diphthongs could have been preceded by non-canonical falling diphthongs such as [ˈiɛ̯ ], [ˈie̯ ] which nevertheless occur in Francoprovençal dialects (Neuchâtelois, Lyonnais, Piedmontese), Franc-Comtois (Bernese Jura) and W. Norman spoken in the Cotentin Peninsula (sections 10.2.4.1, 11.2.4 and 11.4.4). It may be that the progressive diphthongization of /a/ was not contextually triggered but that instead, assuming that the low vowel had a front quality in Old French, it diphthongized spontaneously into ie at the same time as /ɛ/ did in open syllables. Only when flanked by two (alveolo)palatal consonants has stressed /a/ raised to [i] (chie CACAT, gît IACET). Progressive assimilation also accounts for the raising of /e/ to [i] in open syllables in several words (cire CERA, plaisir PLACERE, raisin RACEMU), which is not likely to have proceeded through previous diphthongization and thus the pathway ei > iei > i (see for the two views Pope 1934, 164 and also La Chaussée 1982, 114 who gives the derivation [ˈtsejɾa] > [ˈtsjejɾa] > [ˈsiʁ(ə)] cire CERA). f

352

11 French

11.1.3 Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant Data on the development of mid and low vowels before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Standard French are shown in Table 47 and summarized in points (a), (b) and (c) below and in Table 48. (a) Low /a/ assimilates to coda [j] of different origins into [ɛ] (aire AREA) and has diphthongized into ie also before yod in lexical forms ending in -ARIU/-ARIA (premier/première PRIMARIU/PRIMARIA), a change which must have occurred at the same time as /ɛ/ diphthongization before yod (Fouché 1966, 411–415; 1969, 922). In paye PACAT and plaie PLAGA, on the other hand, vowel assimilation applied before onset [j] or its source [ ]. The vowel has remained low before onset [s] derived from /ttj/, /kj/ (place ✶PLATTEA, menace MINACIA), [ʎ] and [ɲ] (paille PALEA, montagne MONTANEA) and [(d)ʒ], [(t)ʃ] arising through [j] strengthening from a labial + /j/ sequence (/bj/ > [bdʒ] > [(d)ʒ], as in rage RABIA). Hence the difference between montagne where the alveolopalatal nasal occurs in syllable-onset position, and bain BANEU and étain STAGNU where [ɛ̃] emerged after /ɲ/ split into [jn] through the intermediate stage [jɲ]. f

(b) Mid high front /e/ appears to have raised to [i] before [ʎ] and [ɲ] in cil CILIU and also til TILIA, mil MILIU and tigne TINEA which co-occurred with other lexical variants with e in Old French and are therefore not likely to derive from /i/ (Ī) (Old Fr. teil TILIU, meil MILIU, teigne TINEA; von Wartburg 1922–2002). In parallel to Occitan and Catalan, the change /e/ > [i] may also have a metaphonic origin induced by word-final /i/, as in vingt VIGINTI and several Old French forms ((i)cil ECCE ILLI, (i)cist ECCE ISTI, nis NEC IPSI and the perfect tenses pris PRENSI, fis FECI). When /e/ was followed by yod, the sequence [ej] evolved analogously to [ej] derived from /e/ in open syllables, thus yielding [wa] (roi REGE, courroie CORRIGIA, foire FERIA, toit TECTU, cervoise CERVESIA, as well as toile TELA). In other contextual conditions such as before [s] derived from /tj/, [ʎ], [ɲ] and the affricate or fricative outcomes of a labial + /j/ sequence, the mid high front vowel lowered to [ɛ] and therefore developed like in checked syllables (paresse PIGRITIA, conseil CONSILIU, enseigne INSIGNAT, sèche SEPIA). At least in cases where it operated before a true (alveolo)palatal consonant, this vowel lowering process could be dissimilatory. (c) The scenario for /o/ differs from that for /e/ in several respects. When occurring before [ʎ] and a palatoalveolar affricate or fricative derived from a labial + /j/ sequence, /o/ raised to [u] like in checked syllables (genou GENUCULU, rouge RUBEU). The issue here is whether, in parallel to the contextual yod condition (see below) and contrary to a well-established opinion (Straka 1956), this change /o/ > [u]

11.1 Standard French

353

could have been induced by the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant rather than by the placement of the stressed vowel in syllable-final position, also considering the fact that those contextual consonants are likely to have occurred syllable-initially (see section 1.2.1.1). On the other hand, the outcome [ɔ] of /o/ in vergogne VERECUNDIA (/ɲ/) appears to have originated through dissimilatory lowering. Before yod, there has been vowel assimilation in some cases but not others. In the non-assimilated cases, /o/ shifted to [wa] at the same time as [oj] derived from /e/ in open syllables and before yod (gloire GLORIA, croix CRUCE, angoisse ANGUSTIA have [wa], the same as toile TELA, roi REGE) and to [wɛ̃] before [jn] derived from coda [ɲ] (coin CUNEU, poing PUGNU). Through vowel assimilation, /o/ raised to [u] (/oj/ > [uj]), this outcome [u] shifted to [y] at the same time as /u/ did across the board ([uj] > [yj]) and, finally, [yj] turned to a rising diphthong through a change in stress position ([yj] > [ɥi]) (buis BUXU, puits PUTEU, cuivre CUPRU, huis OSTIU, fuis FUGIO, [tʁɥit] truite TRUCTA and Old Fr. cuide COGITAT, the same as fruit FRŪCTU). According to another explanatory account (La Chaussée 1982, 117), the point of departure for forms like fuis FUGIO and buis BUXU should be [uj], not [oj], since yod prevented [ʊ] (Ǔ) from lowering to a mid high vowel, which later developed into [ˈyj] in the first place and [ɥi] at a later date. Regarding Old French tuit ✶TOTTI, the metaphonic action associated with final /i/ caused stressed /o/ to raise to [u], after which the sequence [ui] underwent the same changes as above, namely, [ui] > [ˈyi] > [ɥi] (Pope 1934, 113, 164). (d) As shown by the examples included in Table 47, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have diphthongized before an (alveolo)palatal consonant almost without exception, including words of group 1 such as pièce ✶PETTIA and Old French nueche, nuece ✶ NOPTIA presumably because the primitive alveolar affricate was slightly palatalized (Pope 1934, 163), and also words with postvocalic [(d)ʒ] derived from a labial + yod sequence and from /tk dk/ (liège ✶LEVIU, piège PEDICA, siège ✶SEDICU). While the corresponding outcomes may coincide with those occurring in open syllables ([jɛ], pierre PETRA, fièvre FEBRE; [œ], coeur COR, neuf NOVU), the diphthongization process before (alveolo)palatals is likely to have been contextually conditioned for two reasons: on the one hand, the (alveolo)palatal consonant trigger may have occurred in syllable-final position where as a general rule /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have remained unmodified in French; on the other, later changes such as ie > [i] (/ɛ/) and [yj] > [ɥi] (/ɔ/) have taken place only before yod. Another argument in support of the mid low vowel diphthongization process before yod appears to be that if /ɛ/ had closed to [i] through the intermediate stage ei, the final phonetic outcome would have been [wa], not [i], the same as for ei derived from /e/ in open syllables and before yod (Thomsen 1876, 74). Table 47 includes

354

11 French

([dis]) and INTEGRU ([ãˈtje], Old Fr. entir), whose early diphthong ie has been attributed to the presence of the stressed vowel in an open syllable by some scholars (La Chaussée 1982, 115) and to the action of a postvocalic palatalized consonant by others (Fouché 1969, 326). DECEM

Depending on the contextual (alveolo)palatal, the initial outcomes ie and ue of the mid vowel diphthongization process underwent different changes. Regarding /ɛ/, ie stayed before [ʎ],[ɲ] and the obstruent outcomes of /ttj/ and labial+/j/ sequences (vieil VECLU, Old French engiegne INGENIAT, pièce ✶PETTIA, liège ✶LEVIU, though there is [i] in pigne PECTINE). On the other hand, ie monophthongized into [i] (iei > i) before yod derived from a velar (lit LECTU, six SEX, Old Fr. piz PECTU, entir INTEGRU) or from a palatalized front lingual consonant or a syllable-initial voiced (alveolo)palatal stop (dix DECEM, cerise CERESIA, lire LEGERE). Consequently, assimilatory raising into [i], which is unique to the contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant condition in Standard French, appears to be associated with the presence of two contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants located to the left and right of /ɛ/ and consequently, to a large extent, with the carryover effects exerted by the prevocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant on the target stressed vowel. As to /ɔ/, there was a change [ˈuɔ̯ ] > [ˈue̯ ] followed by the monophthongization of the latter diphthong into [œ] before [ʎ] (feuille FOLIA). Before yod, there has been a raising process after vowel diphthongization (ennuie INODIAT, cuisse COXA, cuir CORIU) which, depending on the scholar’s view, may have taken place after previous vowel fronting or not. The corresponding pathways would then have been [ˈuɔ̯ j] > [ˈue̯ j] > [yj] > [ɥi] with the possible exception of the word pluie (Old Fr. [ˈplyjə] < ✶[ˈplɔwja] ✶PLOVIA according to Pope 1934, 91, 163), [ˈuɔ̯ j] > [uj] > [yj] > [ɥi] (Fouché 1969, 286, 328–329) or the less feasible development [ˈuɔ̯ j] > [ˈue̯ j] > [uj] > [yj] > [ɥi] (La Chaussée 1982, 15). The resulting sequence [ɥi] may then have shifted to [i] (vide VOCITU). /ɔ/ diphthongization also took place after coda [ɲ] was split into [jn] ([lwɛ̃ ] LONGE, Old French cointe COGNITA; von Wartburg 1922–2002; Pope 1934, 131) and was generally avoided before front lingual fricatives derived from earlier affricates of various origins, as revealed by poche POPIA/Frank. ✶POKKA and also noce ✶NOPTIA, which can be contrasted with the Old French diphthongized forms nueche and prueche ✶PROPEANUS (Fouché 1969, 237–238).

11.1.4 Before labiovelar and velar consonants It has been hypothesized that the French forms [fø] FOCU, [ljø] LOCU and [ʒø] were derived through /ɔ/ diphthongization in an open syllable and thus the same as neveu NEPOTE (La Chaussée 1982, 125). Under this assumption, a IOCU

sil

Old Fr. til TILIA

dœj

DOLIU

✶

URGOLI

ɔʁˈgœj Frank.

MILIU

SOLIU

MELIUS

Old Fr. mil

sœj

Old Fr. mjɛʎts, mielz

CILIU

FOLIA

VECLU

 vjɛj

fœj

Change

kɔ̃ ˈsɛj

PIGRITIA

paˈʁɛs

No change

PUTEU

pɥi

Change

ʒəˈnu

No change

Change

a

PLATTEA

✶

plas

No change

kuj COLEU

AURICULA

PEDUCULU

pu

FENUCULU

fəˈnuj

GENUCULU

ɔˈʁɛj

APICULA

aˈbɛj

MIRABILIA

mɛʁˈvɛj

CONSILIU

(continued)

TRIPALIU

tʁaˈvaj

ALLIU

aj

PALEA

paj

MINACIA

NOPTIA

NOPTIA

✶

nɔs

No change

o

məˈnas

✶

Old Fr. nuece, nueche

Change

e

PRETIU

No change

ɔ

pʁi

PETTIA

✶

 pjɛs

Change

ɛ

f

Table 47: Phonetic outcomes of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in French. The numbering in the leftmost column corresponds to the following modern and earlier consonant realizations, the latter being enclosed within parentheses when available: (1) [j(d)z] ([dzj]), [s] ([ts]); (2) [j] ([ʎ]); (3) [ ɲ]; (4) [j], [jz] ([ ]); (5) [ ʃ], [ʒ] (labial+ /j/); (6) [js] ([jʃ]), [jt]; (7) [jz] ([zj]), [jɾ] ([ɾj]); (8) [j]. For each stressed vowel, lexical variants are presented in two columns according to whether they have undergone a consonant-conditioned change or not.

11.1 Standard French

355

oʒuʁˈdɥi from HODIE

ãˈnɥi

INODIU

MEDIU

liʁ

LEGERE

LEGE

lwa

REGE

MODIU

mɥi

STUDIU

NUCE

nwa

CRUCE

kʁwa

VERECUNDIA

 mi

vɛʁˈgɔɲ

bəˈzɔɲ Frank.✶BISUNNIA

CUNEU

kwɛ̃

No change

PECTINE

eˈtɥi

Change

Old Fr. pigne ʁwa

DIGNAT

dɛɲ

INSIGNIA

ãˈsɛɲ

No change

PUGNU

TINEA

Old Fr. tigne

Change

o

pwɛ̃

No change

e

TENEAT

ɔ

Old Fr. tiegne

COGNITA

Old Fr. cointe

VENIAT

Old Fr. viegne

lwɛ̃

OCULU

œj

TORCULU

tʁœj

Change

LONGE

No change

INGENIU

 Old Fr. engienh, engin

Change

ɛ

Table 47 (continued)

MAIU

mɛ

RADIU

ʁɛ

Change

a

EXTRANEU

eˈtʁãʒ

MONTANEA

mõˈtaɲ

No change

356 11 French

OCTO

kɥi

COCTU

nɥi

NOCTE

pʁɔˈfi

PROFECTU

Old Fr. piz

PECTU

ɥit

LECTU

 li

LEVIU

✶

✶

LAUBIA

lɔʒ Frank.

POPIA/ POKKA

pɔʃ

plɥi

 ljɛʒ

pɛ

COCIT

NECAT

PLOIA

kɥi

ni

✶

PACAT

TROIA

CRESCIT

kʁwa

DIRECTU

dʁwa

STRICTU

eˈtʁwa

SEPIA

sɛʃ

CORRIGIA

kuˈʁwa

tʁɥi

COGITO

Old Fr. cuide

TRUCTA

tʁɥit

LUCTA

lyt

ANGUSTIA

ãˈgwas

COGNOSCIT

Old Fr. conoist

DUCTU

Old Fr. doit

RUBEU

ʁuʒ

FASCIA

fɛs

LACTE

lɛ

FACTU

fɛ

PACE

pɛj

PLAGA

plɛ

EXAGIU

eˈsɛ

DECEM

VOCE

vwa

dis

FUGIO

fɥi

PODIU

PEIOR

plwa PLICAT

Old Fr. puy

piʁ

(continued)

RABIA

ʁaʒ

CAVEA

kaʒ

APIU

aʃ

11.1 Standard French

357

fwaʁ

sɛʁˈvwaz CERVESIA

aʁˈmwaz ARTEMISIA

eˈgliz

ECLESIA

NIGRU

nwaʁ

CERESIA

MORIO

FERIA

səˈʁiz

✶

Old Fr. muir

muˈtje

MONASTERIU

CORIU

kɥiʁ

INTEGRU

 ãˈtje, Old Fr. entir

No change

OSTIU

ɥi

BUXU

bɥi

Change

glwaʁ

bwa Germ. ✶BOSK

No change

NASCET

nɛ

FRAXINU

fʁɛn

Change

NAUSEA

nwaz

DORMITORIU

dɔʁˈtwaʁ

GLORIA

FAIRE

✶

fɛʁ

BASIAT

bɛz

LACRIMA

Old Fr. lerme

CLAREA

✶

glɛʁ

IANUARIU

ʒãˈvje

AREA

ɛʁ

CAPSA

Change

o

kɛs

No change

e

POSTEA

ɔ

pɥi

POSSEAT

pɥis

Old Fr. ist

✶

COXA

EXIT

kɥis

Change

SEX

No change

sis

Change

ɛ

Table 47 (continued) a No change

358 11 French



CANTAVI

ʃãˈte

MAGIS

mɛ

AYO

✶

e

11.1 Standard French

359

360

11 French

Table 48: Phonetic outcomes of mid and low vowels before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in French. The leftmost column shows final or intermediate phonetic forms followed by their phonetic source within parentheses. Cells are shaded dark or light grey depending on the frequency of assimilation and diphthongization, and left white if there is no assimilation. Empty cells indicate the absence of data. /ɛ/

/ɔ/

/e/

/o/

/a/

. j(d)z (dzj); s (ts)

jɛ/i

ue

ɛ

ɥi

a

. j (ʎ)

jɛ

œ

i

u

a

. ɲ

jɛ

i

ɔ

a

. j, jz (ɟ)

i

ɥi

wa

ɥi

ɛ

. ʃ, ʒ (lab + j)

jɛ

ɔ

ɛ

u

a

. js (sj); jt

i

ɥi

wa

ɥi

ɛ

. jz (zj); jɾ (ɾj)

je/i

ɥi

wa

wa

ɛ

. j

e

possible phonetic development for the first two words could have involved the deletion of a lenited realization of the velar stop followed by o fronting: [ˈfuɔ̯ ɣu] > [ˈfuo̯ w] > [ˈfue̯ w] > [few] > [føw] > [fø] FOCU; [ˈluɔ̯ ɣu] > [ˈluo̯ w] > [ˈlue̯ w] > [lɥew] > [ljew] > [ljøw] > [ljø] LOCU. An alternative explanation based on a contextually conditioned origin of the diphthong was put forward for Francoprovençal in section 10.3.2. As the above pathways show, a difference between the derivations for FOCU and LOCU is that the high back rounded vocalic segment was absorbed by the preceding labiodental consonant in the former word but not by the alveolar in the latter. As to the vocalic sequence consisting of /ɛ/ followed by [w], there has been vowel diphthongization through off-glide insertion followed by mid front vowel rounding assimilation or simplification of the resulting vocalic sequence into a single vowel. The former change may be exemplified with [djø] (< Dieu) DEUS, and the latter with [bo] BELLUS (bels > [bɛws] > [bɛa̯ ws] > [be̯ aws] > [be̯ o(s)] > [bo]) and with Old French io derived from ieu EGO which was pronounced presumably as [dʒo] (Fouché 1969, 162, 330, 336–337; La Chaussée 1982, 119, 125). On the other hand, the Old French forms mieus MELIUS and yeuz OCULOS appear to have been generated through vowel diphthongization operating before preconsonantal [ʎ] was depalatalized into [l] and the alveolar lateral vocalized into [w], after which the vowel nucleus of ieu (with a dissimilated on-glide in the case of OCULOS) was assimilated in rounding to the off-glide and the outcome [jøw] was later simplified

11.2 Eastern French dialects

361

into [jø] yielding [mjø] MELIUS and [jø] OCULOS (Fouché 1969, 323). In the case of other phonetic pathways, the glide has been issued through vocalization of dark /l/ or a velar: (ou) > eu > [ø] (Fr. veux VOLES, Fr. cheveux CAPILLOS); [ɛw] > ieu > iu, involving mid vowel diphthongization through glide insertion (Old Fr. liue LEUCA, siure SEQUERE; Pope 1934, 135); [ew] > (ieu) > iu (Old Fr. tiule TEGULA).

11.2 Eastern French dialects 11.2.1 High vowels In E. French dialects, high front /i/ may lower before the alveolopalatal consonants [ʎ] and [ɲ] yielding a mid front vowel realization: Lorrain [fej]/[fɛj] FILIA, [fe], [fø] FILIU, [ʃ(ə)ˈvej]/[ʃ(ə)ˈvɛj], [ʃ(ə)ˈvœj] CLAVICULA, [me], [mø] MILIU, [veɲ]/ [vɛɲ] VINEA; Franc-Comtois [fej]/[fɛj], [føj]/[fœj] FILIA, [tʃˈvej]/[ʃˈvɛj], [ʃˈvœj] CLAVICULA, [vɛɲ], [vøɲ]/[vœɲ] VINEA. It is worth emphasizing the presence of [ø] and [œ] before the alveolopalatal lateral not only in E. French but for this and other mid stressed vowels in other Romance languages as well. Instances of dissimilatory lowering before other (alveolo)palatals can also be mentioned: [teʒ] Fr. tige TIBIA (Régnier 1979, 121), [rɛtʃ] Fr. riche (Jeker 1938, 16), [vej] VITA, [uˈtej] URTICA (Horning 1887, 37–38). The vowel /i/ may also lower to mid in checked syllables (FrancComtois [pˈte]/[pˈtɛ], [pˈtœ] Fr. petit, [vɛl] Fr. ville; Dondaine 1972, 274), and may shift to [y] before labials (Crémines [jiˈʃy] LIXIVU; Alge 1904, 10). As to /u/, the regular outcome [y] in E. French may be replaced by [i] in Lorrain ([myx], [mix] MURU, [fɾy], [fɾi] FRUCTU; Callais 1908, 342–343). The vowel may lower to mid front rounded in primitive checked syllables ([pø]/[pœ], [pe] PUTIDU; Dondaine 1972, 279) and before an alveolar rhotic ([kuˈtør] Fr. couture, [mør] Fr. mur; Bruneau 1913a, 188; Régnier 1979, 123), and may be implemented as [u] instead of [y] before etymological /l/ ([ku] CULU; Alge 1904, 44). Analogously to the high front vowel cognate, dissimilatory lowering may operate on [y] before (alveolo)palatals including yod, as exemplified by the widespread form [ɛˈgœj] ACUCULA, which co-occurs with [ɛˈgyj] and [ɛˈgɥi], and Bourguignon [dø] DUCTU and [rø] < rui < riu RIVU (Régnier 1979, 121–122). On the other hand, the sequence [yj] (/uj/) may have been simplified into [y] before shifting to [ɥi] (Lorrain, Franc-Comtois [fɾy] FRUCTU; Callais 1908, 343; Dondaine 1972, 199).

362

11 French

11.2.2 Mid high front vowel In open syllables, /e/ may be realized as a rising diphthong or a single vowel in E. French, that is, [we wɛ wa], [e ɛ a o ɔ ø œ] ([t(w)ɛl], [t(w)al], [tol], [tɔl] TELA; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1308). Two main explanatory hypotheses have been proposed for the phonetic development of /e/ in open syllables in E. French. According to one proposal based on data from 13th–14th c. texts, ei would have changed to ai and oi (perhaps through the pathway ei > ai > oi) and these falling diphthongs could later be simplified into the single vowels e, a, o, while the rising diphthongs with an [w] on-glide would have been imported from Standard French or else formed through [w] insertion induced by a preceding labial consonant (Horning 1887, 34–35; Philipon 1914, 580–582; Fouché 1969, 240; Dondaine 1972, 285–293). According to another interpretation, while acknowledging the role of Standard French in the presence of diphthongized forms for specific lexical items, the phonetic pathway for /e/ in open syllables would have been the one referred to in section 11.1.1 (ei > oi > [oe̯ ] > we > wa) and the single vowel outcomes would have emerged from those rising diphthongs through on-glide deletion after a non-labial consonant ([bwa] BIBIT, [mwa] ME vis-à-vis [sa] SERA, [ta] TE; Grammont 1901, 81). In support of the latter interpretation, Old Bourbonnais data from 13th–14th c. documents reveal the presence of rising diphthongs derived from /e/ in open syllables (savoer SAPERE, avoer HABERE; Lavergne 1909, 114), and diphthongized forms for words like SERA and PILU happen to be widespread in the E. French-speaking domain (Gilliéron/ Edmont 1902–1910, maps 1044, 1238). The phonetic pathways advocated by several monographs are also consistent with the diphthongization-based hypothesis: [wa] > [a] (Jeker 1938, 19); [wa] > [a] and [we] > [e] > [œ], [ø] (Babin 1952, 680); [wɛ] > [ɛ], though [oj] ([oe̯ ]) > [o] for several verbal endings (Régnier 1979, 102–103); and ei > ai > oi > we > e > a > o (Bloch 1917b, 90–92). The outcome [i] of the sequence ei occurs word-medially in Berner Jura ([til] TELA; Alge 1904, 18). In closed syllables, the open vowel realizations prevail (e.g., [a], [ɔ]). Moreover, a considerable number of phonetic outcomes happen to be conditioned by the contextual consonant and, in particular, by following dentals and alveolars produced with a relatively lowered predorsal and retracted postdorsal configuration. As shown next, they include rising diphthongs and single vowels (see Dondaine 1972, 295–297): Lorrain [wa wɔ], [ɛ a ɔ] and Franc-Comtois [wɛ wa], [ɛ a o] before /rC/ (Lorrain [sak] CIRCULU, [vwadʒ] VIRIDE, Franc-Comtois [swaç]/ [swɛç], [vwadʒ]/ [vwɛdʒ]); Lorrain [a ɔ o] and Franc-Comtois [aw we wɛ wa wo], [e ɛ a o ɔ u], before /sC/ (Franc-Comtois [fɾwaʃ], [fɾatʃ], [fɾoʃ], [fɾuʃ] Germ. FRISK (fem.), [ɛˈpa], [ɛˈpɔ], [aˈpo] SPISSU); Lorrain [aw], [ø] before the geminate /ll/ (Lorrain [ʃˈfaw] CAPILLU; Horning 1892, 464); and [aw aɥ], [ɛw ɛɥ], [ɛ a o ɔ ø œ] before

11.2 Eastern French dialects

363

geminate stops in Bourguignon and Franc-Comtois, mostly in the case of words ending in -ITTU/-ITTA (Franc-Comtois [mjɛɥt], [mjat], [mjot] Fr. miette MICA+ITTA) but also before velars and labials as in SICCU and CIPPU. Rising diphthongs must have been generated after the insertion of off-glides and under the active contribution of the prevocalic consonant whether it be a labial/labiodental or a labialized alveolar fricative, and, at least in some cases, the single vowel outcomes have emerged from them through on-glide deletion or other sound change mechanisms ([wa] > [a]; Degen 1896, 8; Alex 1965, 46). Moreover, as the above data show, canonical falling diphthongs with an [w]/[ɥ] off-glide may occur before geminate stops, the alveolar lateral and the alveolar fricative. Regarding the role of contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants, there has been progressive raising of stressed /e/ in [paˈji], [pɛˈji] PAGENSE, [pjaˈʒi], [pjɛˈʒi] PLACERE and [sir] CERA. Vowel changes as a function of the following (alveolo)palatal are reviewed next with reference to the data presented in Table 52. The first sound change scenario involves postvocalic [j] not coming from /ʎ/, which is generally absent in the present-day forms for CRESCERE, DIRECTU/DIRECTA, STRICTU/STRICTA, TECTU and FERIA, and may still be available, mostly in Lorrain, if derived from [ ] (CORRIGIA, REGE, PLICAT) and in lexical items where [j] has been inserted in order to break a hiatus which emerged after the fall of an intervocalic consonant ([moˈnoj] MONETA). This contextual condition shows essentially the same outcomes as ei in open syllables and, thus, non-diphthongized and diphthongized realizations ([koˈɾɔj], [kuˈɾwe]/[kuˈɾwa] CORRIGIA, [tɛj], [tɔ], [twa] TECTU). Forms with rising diphthongs could correspond to the final stage of the same indigenous sound change process which occurred in open syllables or else, at least in some cases, have been borrowed from Standard French. The falling diphthong oi may also raise to [uj] ([kuˈɾu(j)] CORRIGIA, [pluj] PLICAT), which suggests that analogous forms such as [dɾu] DIRECTU, [eˈtɾut] STRICTA and [fur] FERIA must have been generated while yod was available postvocalically. Rising diphthongs are sometimes simplified into single vowels, preferentially when situated after an onset consonant cluster ([dʀ(w)at], [t(w)a], [f(w)ɛr]) and, in Lorrain, mid front rounded vowel realizations such as those found in [dɾø]/[dɾœt] DIRECTU/DIRECTA and [ʃˈtɾø]/[ɛˈtʀœt] STRICTU/STRICTA appear to have arisen from [ɛ] instead of from [wø]/[wœ] (Bruneau 1913a, 142). A different situation holds before the alveolopalatal consonants [ʎ] and [ɲ]. There has been dissimilatory vowel lowering or backing instead of vowel diphthongization before [ɲ] ([lɔɲ] LIGNA, and also [soɲ] SIGNAT, [doɲ] DIGNU; Rabiet 1889, 30), and probably before [ʎ] shifted to [j] in words ending in -ICULU/-ICULA where the falling diphthongs ei, ai, oi and their simplified cognates occur fairly often (Lorrain [buˈtɛj], [boˈtaj], [boˈtoj] BUTTICULA, Franc-Comtois [s(u)ˈɾɛj] SOLICULU, and also [koˈnɔj] CORNICULA in Bourguignon). Based on the presence of eil, oil, ail in old documentary sources (conseil, consoil, consail CONSILIU, veille, f

364

11 French

voille, vaille VIGILIA: Goerlich 1889, 70–71, Philipon 1910–1912, vol. 39, 516–522; 1914, 539), those vocalic sequences are likely to have emerged through the pathways [e(j)ʎ] > [a(j)ʎ] > [o(j)ʎ] or [e(j)ʎ] > [a(j)ʎ], [o(j)ʎ], rather than through more complex developments involving the formation of a rising diphthong and, thus, [eʎ] > [ejʎ] > [ˈoeʎ] > [weʎ] > [eʎ] > [ej] > [aj] > [oj] (Bloch 1917b, 96). However, genuine diphthongized forms such as [soˈɾwej], [sˈɾwɛj], [soˈɾwaj] SOLICULU and [aˈɾwɛj], [ɛˈɾwaj] AURICULA available in Franc-Comtois and Bourguignon appear to be more consistent with the latter pathway than with the two former ones. Table 52 also shows some instances of /e/ raising to [i] induced by following [ʎ] ([ʃˈfij] CLAVICULA, [bɔˈtij] BUTTICULA) and [ɲ] ([siɲ] SIGNU, which occurs next to [seɲ], [sɛɲ]). Forms from the Lorrain dialect in which the ending -ICULU shifted initially to [aw] have not ben included in this table and will be analyzed in section 11.2.7.

11.2.3 Mid high back vowel In open syllables, /o/ has changed to [ø œ u] in Bourguignon, [u], [aw ɔw] in Lorrain, [ø œ] in Champenois, and [ø œ u y] and, less so, [o a] and rising diphthongs with an [w] on-glide in Franc-Comtois (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 692 and 783 for HORA and LUPU). Related vowel realizations may be in complementary distribution, as in Bernese Jura where [y] occurs word-medially and [ø] absolute word-finally (Alge 1904, 37–38). Most of these phonetic outcomes appear to have emerged from the sequence ou, which raised to u, as revealed by the Old Bourguignon forms seignour, seignor, seignur (Philipon 1914, 543), or underwent dissimilatory lowering into au or dissimilatory fronting into eu, [ø] (Babin 1952, 682). Moreover, [ø]/[œ] and [u]/[y] may also have been issued directly from [o] instead of from a canonical falling diphthong (see Dondaine 1972, 310–311). In checked syllables, several context-dependent outcomes, essentially rising diphthongs and back and mid front rounded vowels, may be found mainly in Franc-Comtois but also in Lorrain and Bourguignon (see Dondaine 1972, 311–318): [wo wɔ we wɛ], [o ɔ u ø] before /sC/ ([mwotʃ], [mwɛtʃ] MUSCA, [kɾot], [kɾut], [kɾøt] CRUSTA); [wo wɔ we wɛ], [o ɔ u ø œ] (and also [wi wœ] issued from [we]) before /rC/ ([swedʒ] SURDU, [twɔ], [to]/[tɔ], [tu] TURRE, [fwo]/[fwɔ], [fwe]/[fwɛ], [fo]/[fɔr], [fu] FURNU); [o ɔ u œ aw] before /lC/, the option [aw] occurring in Lorrain ([pu] PULLU, [mor]/[mɔr], [mudr], [mœdr], [mawr] MULGERE; Horning 1892, 466); [o ɔ u œ ɛɥ] before /tt/ ([got]/[gɔt], [gut], [gœt], [gɛɥt] GUTTA). As some of the above examples reveal, the presence of a prevocalic labial or labiodental consonant may have contributed to the presence of the rising diphthong. After the palatal glide of an onset cluster, /o/ and also /ɔ/ may change to [œ] in Franc-Comtois ([pjœdʒ] ✶PLOIA and [pjœr] PLORAT where [pj] comes from [pʎ];

11.2 Eastern French dialects

365

Degen 1896, 14; Siegfried 1922, 22). Whenever /o/ is followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant, data from Table 53 show that it has either remained unchanged (forms with o, oi), or else has raised to high back or has dissimilated into front rounded without undergoing diphthongization (Babin 1952, 676; Dondaine 1972, 357). The assimilatory raising process [oj] > [uj] > [y(j)] has operated on most words with a primitive palatal glide or [ʎ] (PUTEU, NUCE, CRUCE, and lexical items ending in -UCULU/-UCULA and -ORIU/-ORIA), and the alveolopalatal nasal has triggered the change /o/ > [u] in the case of PUGNU ([puɲ]). In most lexical items, [oj] has also been dissimilated into [ø(j)]/ [œ(j)] after which the vowel nucleus may have been unrounded into [e(j)]/[ɛ(j)] ([pøj]/[pœj] PEDUCULU, PUTEU, [ʒˈnøj]/[ʒˈnœj] GENUCULU, [kɾøj]/[kɾœj] CRUCE, [ø]/[œ] -ORIU). Vowel raising without previous diphthongization or fronting has also taken place before a palatoalveolar affricate or fricative ([ru(d)ʒ] RUBEU, [bu(t)ʃ] BUCCA). The rising diphthongs [we wɛ wa wɔ], and also [wi ɥi], derived from oi may also occur in a subset of lexical forms which may have been imported from Standard French, such as [kɾwa] CRUCE, [nwa] NUCE, [pwi]/[pɥi] PUTEU, [bwi]/[bɥi] BUXU and also [kɾwe(j)]/[krwɛ] and [nwe]/[nwɛ], which were perhaps acquired before we lowered to wa. Data for these lexical items from 13th–14th c. texts show essentially the grapheme oi (Krause 1901, 23), though also ui and the sequences ouey, oey, which could stand for a diphthong, in Old Burguignon (Philipon 1914, 543). As revealed by Table 53, rising diphthongs also appear before [ɲ] (PUGNU, ✶ CUNEU, and [jɛ] < ʎwɛ LONGE in Bernese Jura; Alge 1904, 40), and in words ending in -UCULU/-UCULA in Bourguignon and Franc-Comtois ([pwe], [pwaj] PEDUCULU, [œrˈnwej], [rəˈnwaj] RANUCULA), the latter emerged perhaps through the pathway [oʎ] > [oə̯ ʎ] > [weʎ]. Moreover, the labiovelar on-glide of the rising diphthongs in question has occasionally been deleted after an onset cluster (CRUCE), and its presence appears to have been favoured by a preceding labial consonant and perhaps a preceding trill (PUTEU, BUCCA, RUBEU, FORIA).

11.2.4 Low vowel Stressed /a/ is realized as a mid front vowel in open syllables (preferentially as [ɛ]) in E. French, though also as [a] mostly in Franc-Comtois (see Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 908 and 1087 for NASU and PRATU, respectively). Moreover, in the case of the ending -ATA the stressed vowel /a/ may be implemented as [ej] and also as the dissimilated outcomes [ɛj], [aj], [oj] and the corresponding single vowels in Lorrain, as [e] in Champenois and Bourguignon and mostly as [a] in Franc-Comtois (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 44 for ANNU+ATA; Bloch 1917b, 82–84). An issue open to debate, which was also addressed for Francoprovençal

366

11 French

in section 10.2.4.2 and can apply to /a/ before (alveolo)palatal consonants as well, is whether the forms with [a] occurring in Franc-Comtois for the most part should be considered older than those with e, or else emerged through the pathway a > e > a; in the latter event, /a/ would have raised to e across word positions in earlier times and would have regressed later to [a], which is the realization that may appear today (Grammont 1901, 93–94, and see Dondaine 1972, 272–273). In checked syllables, several context-dependent changes have taken place (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 18, 425, 753, 992, 1273): /a/ has sometimes raised to [ɛ] before geminate stops (Lorrain [bɛt] BATTUERE, Franc-Comtois, Lorrain [dɾɛ] DRAPPU) and also before /rC/ ([pa], [pɛ] PARTE in all dialects, [la(rt)], [lɛrt] LARDU in Lorrain), another outcome in the latter context condition being [o] in Ardennes ([por] PARTE, [tor] TARDE; Bruneau 1913a, 233); and before [l], which may originate from the cluster /bl/, there is [o], [ɔ] in all dialects and to a lesser extent [aw], an open issue being whether for a to shift to o it had to go through the falling diphthong au or not (Franc-Comtois [ɔl], Bourguignon [awl] ALA, Franc-Comtois [pawl], [pɔl]/[pol] PALA, [tɔl]/[tol], [toj] TABULA). The action of contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants on /a/ may be progressive or regressive. In infinitives and regular nominal forms including those ending in -ATA, progressive vowel raising induced by a preceding (alveolo)palatal stop has yielded a rising diphthong or, as a later development, a mid front or a high front vowel, the outcome [i] being available mainly in Franc-Comtois: [ʃje], [(t)ʃe], [(t)ʃi] CARU, [(t)ʃivr] CAPRA, [ʃje], [ʃe], [(t)ʃir] CACARE (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 268, 272, 280). Franc-Comtois-speaking localities in Bernese Jura may also show a non-canonical falling diphthong with a high vowel nucleus, and also with a mid high front vowel nucleus whenever a rhotic follows: Ajoie [ˈtʃiə̯ ] CARU, [mẽˈdʒiə̯ ] MANDUCARE, [marˈtʃiə̯ ] MERCATU, [ˈtʃiə̯ ], [ˈtʃejə] CARRU, CARNE (Jeker 1938, 39–40); Court [tʃir] CARA, [ˈtʃea̯ ] CARNE, CADIT (Siegfried 1922, 25, 31). When followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant, /a/ may be implemented as a low or a mid front vowel, the former realization being most widespread in Franc-Comtois and Lorrain, where, as pointed out above, it could have emerged from the raised outcome e of /a/. In support of this option and as shown in Table 54, the two vowel realizations occur quite independently of the articulatory characteristics of the contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant and of whether the consonant is available or not, as in the case of FACTU which shows no traces of final yod. Examples of the two co-occurring vowels may also be adduced for lexical items not included in the table ([magr], [mɛgr]/[megr] MACRU, Lorrain, Champenois [aj], [ɛj] Frank. ✶HAGJA; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 793; Bourcelot 1966–1978, map 703; Lanher et al. 1979–1988, map 65). Comments on data for the ending -ARIU/-ARIA taken from various monographs and from Gilliéron/Edmont (1902–1910, maps 237, 255 and 1058 for

11.2 Eastern French dialects

367

CARBONARIU, POMARIU

and CALDARIA) and reproduced in the four leftmost columns of Table 49 are provided next. Each pair of forms in the table, such as [jɛ] (-ARIU) / [jɛr] (-ARIA) in Champenois, corresponds to a given locality or dialect area. Data have been grouped into conditions 1 through 7 according to the same criterion established in section 10.2.4.2.2 for the Francoprovençal data presented in Table 34. In line with the general scenario, -ARIU and -ARIA or just one of the two endings may show a low vowel in all dialects except for Champenois (a-ar, ai-air, a-er), a mid vowel in all dialects (e(i)-er, (i)e-ier) or else a high vowel in all dialects except Bourguignon (i-ir, i-(i)er, (i)e-ir). As the forms with a rising diphthong reveal, the intermediate stage of forms with the vowel nuclei e and i should be iei, whether implemented as [jej] or as [ˈiej], which is likely to have been generated from the raised outcome [ɛ] of /a/ at the time that /ɛ/ before yod was replaced by ie (Bloch 1917b, 7; Dondaine 1972, 256–258; Taverdet 1980, 63). On the other hand, forms ending in [je]/[jer] available in most dialects nowadays could have been imported from French, while the outcome [jœ] ([jœ]/[ir]) in Franc-Comtois could be traced back to [je] ([je]/[ir]).

11.2.5 Mid low front vowel In open syllables, /ɛ/ yielded [je] initially, which could lower to [jɛ] or raise to [i], and in Lorrain, in addition to [jɛ], [je] and [i], the later variants [jœ] and [jø] may also be found ([pjɛ], [pje], [pi], [pjø] PEDE; Horning, 1887, 19–20; Gilliéron/ Edmont 1902–1910, map 1012). The outcome [i] may also be traced back to a non-canonical falling diphthong with an initial high front vowel at least in areas of Franc-Comtois ([ˈpiə̯ ] PEDE, [ˈpiə̯ r] PETRA; Jeker 1938, 21; Dondaine 1972, 318). In closed syllables, where the vowel is kept mid and undiphthongized, several contextual realizations occur. Before /sC/, there is [e] everywhere ([fet] FESTA), though [i] and the lower vowel realizations [ɛ], [a] are also possible (Lorrain [fet], [fit] FESTA, Bernese Jura from Sornetan [a] EST, [kɾatr] CRESCERE; Schindler 1887, 31; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 556). Before an alveolar rhotic in syllable coda position, on the other hand, there is [ɛ], [a] in Champenois and Bourguignon, while Lorrain and Franc-Comtois have [(j)ɛ], [(j)e], [(j)a] and also [i] (Lorrain [tjɛʀ], [tjaʀ], [tiʀ] TERRA, Franc-Comtois [ɛrb], [erb], [arb], [irb] HERBA; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 686, 1299); moreover, the latter dialect also shows forms with the non-canonical falling diphthongs [ˈeə̯ ], [ˈiə̯ ] which could be at the origin of the rising diphthongs just mentioned ([ˈeə̯ rb], [ˈiə̯ rb]; Jeker 1938, 25). The outcome [a] may also occur before geminates (Franc-Comtois [sat] SEPTEM, [pɾas] PRESSA; Siegfried 1922, 14). Before coda /l/, /ɛ/ may lower to [a] as in the case of the ending -ELLA (there is [bɛl], [bal] BELLA everywhere, and also [bel] in

i-ir



ɛ(j)-er e-ɛr a-ɛr

i-ɛr, er

i-ir

e-er ɛ(j)-ɛr

a-ar

je-jer iə̯ -iə̯ r

Franche-Comté



e-jɛr

e-er ɛj-ɛr

aj-ar

je-jɛr je-jer

Bourguignon

(j)e, iə̯ -ir jœ-ir

i-jɛr

i-ir

ɛr-ɛr

jɛ-jɛr je-jer

Champenois



ɛj-er

e-er





aj-ajɾ





Lorrain

E. French

i-ɛr, er

i-i(r)

Walloon

i-ir

je-jɛr

Picard

N. French

ji-jɛ i-jɛz

i-ir

ie̯ , je-jɛr ie̯ , iə̯ -iə̯ r

Norman jə-jər, jor je-jɛr, jer

Gallo

W. French

e, a-jɛr, jer ɛ(j)-er e-ɛr

i-jɛr

e-ɛr ɛj-ɛr

je-jɛr

Poitevin

Table 49: Phonetic realizations of -ARIU and -ARIA not preceded by an (alveolo)palatal consonant in French dialects. The masculine forms are given on the left side of the hyphen and the feminine ones on the right side. See section 10.2.4.2.2 and Table 34 for conditions 1 through 7. Stress marks are not included.

368 11 French

11.2 Eastern French dialects

369

Lorrain), while -ELLU has gone through different evolutionary pathways depending on whether [l] vocalized into [w] (see section 11.2.7) or else there has been straight deletion of the alveolar lateral yielding e and then i ([be] BELLU, [kuˈte] CULTELLU, and also [kuˈti], [marˈti] MARTELLU in Lorrain; Babin 1952, 242, 455, 685). Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, there is [i] in practically all lexical items presented in Table 55 (see table section (b)). Some forms with [i] may be imported from French ([pɾi] PRETIU, [dˈmi] ✶DIMEDIU, [eˈgliz] ECLESIA, [sˈɾiz] CERESIA), while this cannot be the case whenever the high front vowel is only available in lexical variants from the E. French dialects ([pis] ✶PETTIA, [nis] NEPTIA, [vi(j)] VECLU). Moreover, in a subset of words from the table, forms with [i] and a rising diphthong coexist throughout the E. French-speaking domain, which supports the idea that this reflects a strictly local change [je(j)] > [i]: ✶PETTIA, NEPTIA, INTEGRU/INTEGRA, words ending in -ERIU/-ERIA and also VECLU/VECLA, which had [ʎ] originally. A rising diphthong must have also occurred for SEX since, analogously to the forms [ɲɛs]/[ɲes], [ɲis] of NEPTIA, the prevocalic alveolar of this word has changed into a palatoalveolar consonant yielding [ʃɛ(j)]/[ʃe], [ʃiʃ]; Meyer-Lübke (1890, 161–162) proposed, however, that word-initial [ʃ] in those forms for SEX originated through assimilation to word-final [ʃ]. In support of the genuine vowel diphthongization hypothesis, Table 55 shows a considerable number of forms with non-canonical falling diphthongs in Franc-Comtois: [ˈpiə̯ s] ✶PETTIA, [ˈpɾiə̯ ] PRETIU, [ˈnie̯ s] NEPTIA, [ˈviə̯ j] VECLU, [ˈjiə̯ r] LEGERE, [ˈdiə̯ ʃ] DECEM, [ˈjiə̯ ] LECTU, [sˈɾiə̯ z] CERESIA, [tʃɛˈjiə̯ r] CATHEDRA, and also [m(e)ˈtiə̯ ] MINISTERIU and [moˈtiə̯ ] MONASTERIU not included in the table (see Degen 1896, 17). In the same dialect, a previous diphthong is required in order to account for the lexical variants [jer] LEGERE and [je] LECTU in which [j] must derive from the outcome [ʎ] of [lj] (Jeker 1938, 47), and also for [ʃɥi] and [ʃwi] SEX, which could be traced back to the reconstructed form ✶[sji] of ✶sieis SEX in the same way that ✶ciendres CINERES has yielded [ʃwɛdr] (Alge, 1904, 21–22, and see section 11.2.2 for the active role of labialization in front lingual fricatives in the insertion of a rounded on-glide). One thing that is particularly noteworthy, essentially in Lorrain, Champenois and Bourguignon, is the high frequency of occurrence of canonical falling diphthongs with an [j] off-glide, single mid vowels and possibly [i] but not rising diphthongs in those words appearing in groups 4, 6, 7, 8 of Table 55 (e.g., [lɛ(j)], [le(j)], [li] LECTU). This scenario could mean that either there has been rising diphthongization and thus the forms with e(i), i derive from iei (Bloch 1917b, 7–8; Taverdet 1980, 63) or else there has been no diphthongization but instead a change ei > e (Meyer-Lübke 1890, 162 and Babin 1952, 674 for Lorrain and Champenois; Régnier 1979, 105 for Bourguignon). An important source of information in this connection is the 13th–14th. c. data presented in Table 50 (Foerster 1882; Goerlich 1889; Kraus 1901; Lavergne 1909; Philipon 1910–1912; 1914; Hallauer 1920; Gossen 1967). These

370

11 French

data reveal mostly for Bourguignon and Franc-Comtois the frequent occurrence of forms with ei, e, i and also ie, which appear to be compatible with the application of the diphthongization process (e.g., diesme, deisme, deme, dime DECIMU, and see also the data for MEDIU, DECEM and SEX among other words). Moreover, the absence of forms with iei could be indicative that a double simplification process ie > i and ei > e may have taken place (Philipon 1910–1912, vol. 41, 579; Gossen 1967, 297). In any case, Lorrain and to a lesser extent Champenois have only a few forms with ie, which would be more in agreement with the hypothesis that the outcome e and perhaps also i should derive not from ie but from ei. Table 50: Old E. French written variants for words with /ɛ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. ie

ei

e

i

Lorrain PRETIU

preix

MEDIU

demey

DECIMU, DECIMA

dei(s)me diex

DECEM

seix

ECLESIA

egleise lie

ILLAEI

dem(m)e

deix

SEX

✶

parmy

dix sex aglise

lei

Champenois prey/is

PRETIU

pris engin

INGENIU

mei, demey, parmei

MEDIU DECIMU, DECIMA

dei(s)me

desme, deme

dime

DECEM

deix, deiz

dex

dis

SEX

seix, seis

sex

ECLESIA

egleise

esglese

INTEGRU

(fem. pl.)

entieres

(pl.)

mestiers

MINISTERIU ✶

ILLAEI

diesme

demi

ley

esglise

li

11.2 Eastern French dialects

Table 50 (continued) ie

ei

e

i

pece

pyce

Bourguignon ✶

piece

PETTIA

PRETIU INGENIOS

engienz

MEDIU

dimie

DECEM

diez

DECIMU, DECIMA

die(s)me

✶

preis

pres/x

mey, dimey, parmey

me, demee

mi

dex

dix

deme

di(s)me

lege/i

lige

dei(s)me

liege

LEVIU

siex

SEX

seix

EFFECTU

effeit

PROFECTU

profeiz

sex

e(s)glise

ECLESIA MONASTERIU ✶

(

Mostier

ECCE) ILLAEI

lei, iceley

le

Franc-Comtois ✶

piece

PETTIA

PRETIU

pries

MELIUS

miez

VECLU

viegle

MEDIU

pece preis

pice

pres/x

veille mey, parmei

demee, parme

vigle

DECIMU, DECIMA

diemes, diesme

deime

de(s)mes

dymes

DECEM

diex

deix

dex

dis

leire

eslere

(EX)LEGERE ✶

liege

LEVIU

siex

SEX LECTUM

(part.)

PROFECTU

lige seix, seyz leit

profiet

profeit

sex

six

371

372

11 French

Table 50 (continued) ie

ei

e

i

ECLESIA

igliese

egleise

iglese

eglisse, yglise

MINISTERIU

mestier

✶

(

ECCE) ILLAEI

lie, ycellie

ley, ycelei

Other aspects of the data presented in Table 55 deserve some comments. The frequent co-occurrence of lexical variants with [ɛ] and [e] (also with [œ] and [ø]) could be indicative that, whether issued from diphthongs and triphthongs or not, the stressed mid front low vowel has been subject to a closing effect exerted by the following (alveolo)palatal consonant. This closing effect may be exemplified with the doublets [vej]/[vɛj] VECLA, [peɲ]/[pɛɲ] PECTINE (the close vowel occurs also in [veɲ] VENIAT, [teɲ] TENEAT; Rabiet 1889, 24), and also [çø]/[çœç] SEX, [lø]/[lœ] LECTU in Lorrain. On the other hand, through dissimilatory lowering /ɛ/ followed by [j] may have shifted to [a] mostly but not only in Bourguignon and Franc-Comtois: [vaj] VECLU, [lar] LEGERE, [pa(j)] PEIUS, PECTU, [swaj] SECAT, [da(j)s] DECEM, [ʃaj], [sajs], [sa] SEX, [la(j)] LECTU, [sˈɾajz], [sˈlaz] CERESIA, [ãˈta(j)] INTEGRU, and also the forms [ãtɾœˈmaj] INTERMEDIU and [pɾaj] PRECAT not included in Table 55 (Degen 1896, 18; Rabiet 1889, 23). The lexical variants for MELIUS will be referred to in section 11.2.7 since changes in the stressed vowel of this word appear to have been triggered for the most part by the vocalized outcome [w] of coda /l/. SEQUERE and CATHEDRA reveal an interesting phonetic evolution. Regarding SEQUERE, it may be assumed that lexical variants listed in Table 55 such as [sɛ(j)r], [sɔjr], [sør] and [syr] have originated from /ɛ/ followed by [j], while other forms such as [søgr] mentioned in section 11.2.7 must derive from /ɛ/ followed by [w] (Bruneau 1913a, 187); [sɥivr] is obviously French. As to CATHEDRA, [tʃaˈjir], [tsir] have emerged from a diphthongized realization of /ɛ/ (there is [tʃɛˈjiə̯ r] in Franc-Comtois), while [ʃɛr]/[ʃer] and similar variants appear to have emerged from [ˈʃaɛ̯ r], [ʃajr] through gestural merging of the two contiguous vocalic segments.

11.2.6 Mid low back vowel In open syllables, /ɔ/ has yielded the following outcomes (see, for example, Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 141 for BOVE): [je], [(j)œ], [jø], [(j)y]/[i] in Lorrain ([bjœ], [bjø], [bjy] BOVE, [ɲœf], [nyf]/[ɲyf] NOVEM) and [œ], [ø], [y] in Champenois;

11.2 Eastern French dialects

373

[ø], [y], and also [o] in Bourguignon ([nø], [nyv] NOVU); and [œ], [(j)ø], [y]/[i] and also [o], [u] in Franc-Comtois ([ʃø], [ʃy], [so], [su] SOROR). The non-canonical falling diphthongs [ˈuə̯ ], [ˈyə̯ ] are available in Bernese Jura ([ˈnyə̯ f] NOVEM; Degen 1896, 18; Hallauer 1920, 42; Jeker 1938, 28). The obvious development for most of these phonetic realizations should be uo > ue > ɥø/œ > [(j)ø]/[(j)œ] > [je]. On the other hand, [u] (and also [o] in Bourguignon) could derive from the sequence uo endowed perhaps with stress on the first vocalic segment, while [y] (> [i]) may come either from [ø] or from [ɥø] or [ˈyø̯ ]. In closed syllables, where the mid low back vowel generally stays mid back (and also changes to [u] in Lorrain), several contextual changes are worth mentioning. Before /rC/, /ɔ/ may diphthongize into [wo wa wɛ] (Franc-Comtois) and [wɔ wo] (Lorrain), and in E. Franc-Comtois we also find [ˈoə̯ ], [ˈuə̯ ], which may be at the origin of the [wV] sequences; other outcomes are [o], [u] in Franc-Comtois, [u] in Lorrain and [ɔ], [o], [u] in Champenois and Bourguignon (Franc-Comtois [pot], [pwotʃ], [pwat], [pwɛtj] PORTA). Before /sC/, all three back rounded vowel outcomes occur everywhere and in addition there is [aw] in Franc-Comtois (FrancComtois [gɾos], [gɾus] GROSSU, [baw] germ. ✶BOSK). Before /lC/, on the other hand, /ɔ/ is realized typically as [aɥ] in Bourguignon and, together with [ɔ], [o] and [u], as [ɛw], [œ]/[ø] in Franc-Comtois (Bourguignon [kaɥ], [kɛɥ], Franc-Comtois [ko], [ku], [kɛw], [kœ]/[kø] ✶COLPU). Finally, before a dental geminate, as in the case of the suffix ot/-otte, there is [ɔ] in Lorrain, [æɥ], [ø] in Bourguignon and [aw]/[aɥ], [ɛw]/ [ɛɥ] in Franc-Comtois ([saˈbaw] Fr. sabot, [gɾiˈjaɥ] Fr. grelot). Of special relevance in the above data are the different vowel off-glides occurring before /rC/ (schwa and possibly a low vowel) and before /sC/, /lC/ and geminate stops ([w], [ɥ]). As to the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant condition (see Table 56), [œ]/[ø], [ɛ]/[e] and [u]/[y] occur before [ʎ] and also before [j] of various origins, which may be nowadays present or absent in coda position. Moreover, the sequence oi is available in Lorrain and Champenois but not in the other two dialects ([poj] POSTEA, [fɔj] FOLIA). In addition, forms with [wi], [ɥi] may also be found essentially before yod, while rising diphthongs with a mid front vowel nucleus occur mostly in Bourguignon and to a lesser extent in Franc-Comtois ([trɥe] TROIA, [ɲwɛ], [nɥe] NOCTE, [kwø], [kɥe] COCTU, [vwœd] VOCITU, [kwe] CORIU; Régnier 1979, 106). We also find dissimilated forms with [aɥ] and its outcome [aj] in Bourguignon and Franc-Comtois, as exemplified by [faɥj], [faj] FOLIA, [oʒˈdaɥ] HODIE, [pjaɥʒ] ✶PLOIA, [kas], [kaɥs] COXA, [naɥ], [naj] NOCTE and also [deˈvaɥ] AB HOC, which is not included in the table (Rabiet 1889, 38; Dondaine 1972, 345–346). Two different phonetic developments have been proposed to account for these data. According to several scholars there has been no /ɔ/ diphthongization (Meyer-Lübke 1890, 187, and also La Chaussée 1982, 116 for Lorrain and Bourguignon, and Bruneau 1913a, 187 and Babin 1952, 676 for Lorrain). If so, oi

374

11 French

would have yielded high and mid front rounded vowels through the pathways oi > [uj] > [ɥi] (or [yj]) > [y] > [ø] (Dondaine 1972, 366) or oi > [ø(j)]/[œ(j)], [u] (Babin 1952, 676). Mid front unrounded vowel realizations could be delabialized variants of their front rounded cognates ([fœj], [fɛj] FOLIA, [œ(j)], [ɛ(j)] OCULU, [kœ(j)], [kɛ(j)] COCTU). In this connection, a difficult issue to sort out is the extent to which forms with [ɥi] are dialectal or have been imported from Standard French and have been subjected to the change [ɥ] > [w] if pronounced with [wi] ([wit] OCTO, [kwi] COCTU; Dondaine 1972, 366). According to other scholars (Bloch 1917b, 9 for Lorrain, and Régnier 1979, 106–107 and Taverdet 1980, 92–93 for Bourguignon), provided that they have not been imported from Standard French, the outcomes [ɥi]/[wi], [y] and [œ]/ [ø] (e.g., [nœ]/[nø] NOCTE, [œt]/[øt] OCTO) in Table 56 would have emerged from ue(i). Thus, there would have been /ɔ/ diphthongization into uo and, as revealed by the following pathways, later changes in the diphthong vowel nucleus involving dissimilatory fronting and assimilatory rounding or raising: uo > ue > [ɥœ]/ [ɥø] > [œ]/[ø] > [ɛ]/[e] and also uo > [ɥe] > [ɥi] > [y]. If so, forms such as [fɔj] and [fuj] for FOLIA and many others in Lorrain (also [mɔj], [muj] MOLLIO; Bros 1912, 32) would correspond to the initial stages of those phonetic developments (uo > o, u). A possible argument in favour of the diphthongization hypothesis is that it is likely to be applicable to the mid front vowel cognate /ɛ/ (see section 11.2.5). It could also have been the case that, as suggested by the presence of rising diphthongs with a mid vowel nucleus essentially in Bourguignon (see above), the diphthongization process took place in some dialect areas but not others. More information about the phonetic pathways of interest may be gathered from a sample of written variants from medieval documents taken from the same sources as those referred to with regard to Table 50. In principle, the hypothesis advocating the lack of /ɔ/ diphthongization could be supported by the rarity of the digraph ue, which contrasts with its frequent presence in open syllables (foillie/fuille FOLIA, oit/huit, ouit OCTO vs. nuef NOVEM, prueve PROVA) and which occurs in Table 51 mostly in Bourguignon and Franc Comtois together with a high back vowel outcome and the grapheme oi (vue(i)l, voil, vuil VOLEO, cue(i)re, cu(y/i)re COCERE, huet, oit, (h)uit OCTO). Other lexical items allow for a rising diphthong alone (puey PODIU, true TROIA). Regarding the grapheme-tosound correspondence, it must be pointed out that the digraph eu could have been used to represent a mid front rounded vowel, and u and ou, high rounded vowels differing in fronting. Turning to Table 56, scholars agree that there has been no diphthongization before a palatoalveolar fricative or affricate in ✶NOPTIA, CLOCCA, ✶ROCCA and ✶ POPIA/Frank. POKKA. The diphthongs [wɛ], [wɔ] appear to have emerged in this postvocalic consonant condition through on-glide insertion triggered by an

11.2 Eastern French dialects

375

Table 51: Old E. French written variants for words with /ɔ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. ue(i)

eu(i)

vueil

veul

o(i)

e

u(i), ou(i), wi

Lorrain VOLEO

veulle

VOLEAT

mui

MODIU HODIE

mues

MODIU

eu

ui

meudz, meus, moeuds

mui(s)

COCERE

keure

NOCERE

neure

✶

POSSIANT

puessent eu(c)t, euict

OCTO

nuire, nure poissent

puissent

oyt

ouit, hui(c)t wide

VOCITU

Champenois fuilles

FOLIAS

vueil, vuel

VOLEO

veuil

voil

vuil

meu

MODIU

mui, mouis nuire

NOCERE ✶

POSSIA(N)T

puessent eut

OCTO

poissent

puisse, pusse

oi(c)t

huit, ouit nuit

NOCTE

Bourguignon foillie

FOLIA VOLEO

vuel, vueil

VOLEAT

vueille

veul, veuil

voil, vuoil

veel

vuil, vil

voille

veille

vuille

oile

OLEU

Gaul.

fuille

✶

BROGILOS

Bruel

TORCULU

Tru(h)el

PODIU

puey

Breul

Broil Troyl

Brulh

376

11 French

Table 51 (continued) ue(i)

eu(i)

o(i)

e

u(i), ou(i), wi

MODIU

mui(s)

HODIE

hui

TROIA

true

COCERE

cuere

cuire nuire

NOCERE

parro(i)che

PAROCHIA ✶

roiche

ROCCA

✶

POSSIAT

perouche

pue(i)sse

OCTO ✶

MORIAT

poisse

puisse

oi(c)t, octe

ouit, uit

moire

muire

Franc-Comtois FOLIA

fuille

SOLEAS

suilles

VOLEO

vuel veuillet

VOLEAT

voil

vuil

voille

vuille

oille

OLEU COLLIGIT

cuil

TORCULU

truil

MODIU

muef

muy, muis ennoie

INODIAT COCERE

meud

cueire

cure, cuyre

NOCERE

noyre

PAROCHIA

paroiche

✶

roiche

ROCCA

✶

POSSIAT

nuyre

puese

NOCTES

nuelz

OCTO

huet

poist

pu(i)sse nucts, nuits

oi(c)t, hoyt

ouit, huit, vuiz

11.2 Eastern French dialects

377

Table 51 (continued) ue(i)

eu(i)

o(i)

VOCITU ✶

MORIO

e

u(i), ou(i), wi vuit, vuiz muir

alveolar trill or a labial consonant (Franc-Comtois [rwɔtʃ]/[rwɛtʃ(i)], [pwɛʃ], Lorrain [pwa(t)ʃ]). Old Francoprovençal variants for PAROCHIA and ✶ROCCA included in Table 51 confirm the tendency for /ɔ/ to stay undiphthongized (parro(i)che, roiche, and also noices ✶NOPTIAE and clo(i)che CLOCCA; Hallauer 1920, 44). Several other aspects of the lexical variants included in Table 56 require specific comments. Mid low back vowel diphthongization has yielded a falling diphthong endowed with a high front vowel nucleus in Franc-Comtois localities ([ˈfuə̯ j] FOLIA, [ˈtɾyə̯ ] TROIA, [ˈcyə̯ ] CORIU). Regarding NOCTE, the outcome [e] (as in [ne(j)] NOCTE) could derive from [nwe(j)] for the same reasons as in Occitan (see section 6.4.4.2), from [nœ(j)]/[nø(j)], or, as proposed in several studies (Rabiet 1889, 37; Dondaine 1972, 366), from nait through monophthongization of the sequence [aj]. As to ✶PLOIA, lexical variants with [pl] and a front rounded vowel ([plœʒ]/[pjœʒ], [pløʒ]/[pjøʒ]) prove that changes in the tautosyllabic cluster, and thus the development /pl/ > [pʎ] > [pj], have taken place after, not before, /ɔ/ diphthongization. As the form [vyt] OCTO from Bourguignon and Franc-Comtois reveals, there has been [v] prothesis probably at the time when this word was pronounced as [ɥit], which is available in both dialects nowadays.

11.2.7 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants 11.2.7.1 Labiovelar glide As to the development of /ɛ/ followed by [w], the pathway [jɛw] > [jɛɥ] > [jœ(ɥ)] > [jy] > [y] may account for the widespread form [djø] DEUS, and also for [djy], [dy] in Lorrain, [djy] in Bourguignon, [dy] in Franc-Comtois, and [djy] and also [djɛ], which could derive from [djœ], in Champenois (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 404; Bruneau 1913a, 138). In addition to the more general variant [ʒə], we find [i] for EGO in Bourguignon and Franc-Comtois (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 23). Mid front vowel diphthongization may have also taken place before a labiovelar glide derived from /l/. The ending -ELLU has yielded [jo je] and [ɛ(j) e(j) i] in Lorrain ([bje], [be], [bi] BELLU, [vjɔ], [vɛj]/[ve(j)], [vi] VITELLU, [ʃaˈpjo], [ʃaˈpe], [ʃaˈpi] CAPELLU) and [jo (j)a ɛ e] and also [jaw] in Bourguignon and Franc-







pl/jej, pl/jɛj, pl/jɔj, plwɛj

plej, pjɛj, pjaj, pl/jɔj

PLICAT

plej, pl/jɔj, pl/joj, pløj, plwa

rwɛ

rɔ, røj, rwɛ, r(w)a

REGE

kuˈɾwe, kuˈɾwɛ, kuˈɾwa

seɲ, sɛɲ

kɔˈɾɛj, koˈɾɔj, kuˈɾwe, kɔ/uˈɾwɛj, kuˈɾwa

kuˈɾwɛ, kuˈɾwa

seɲ, sɛɲ

ʃəˈvɛj, ʃˈfɛj

CORRIGIA

SIGNU

lɛɲ, lɔɲ

ʃəˈvɛj, ʃəˈvœj

ʃəˈvɛj, ʃˈfɛj, ʃəˈvœj, ʃaˈwɛj

CLAVICULA

LIGNA

so/uˈlej, so/uˈlɛj, so/uˈle, suˈlɛ

sɔ/oˈlɛj, sˈlaj

SOLICULU

soˈlej, sɔ/uˈle, soˈlɛj, suˈlɛ, so/uˈla, sˈɾø(j)

bu/oˈtej, bø/uˈtɛj, buˈtaj, bøˈtɔj, buˈtwɛj, bøˈtwaj

bɔ/uˈtɛj, buˈtej(ə), buˈtɔj, buˈtœj

buˈtɛj, bɔ/oˈtaj, buˈtaj, bɔ/oˈtɔj, buˈtɔj, bɔ/oˈtoj, bo/uˈtœj

BUTTICULA

oˈɾej, o/uˈɾɛj, o/uˈɾaj, ɛ/uˈɾɔj, eˈɾoj, oˈɾœj, ɛˈɾwɛj, ɔ/uˈɾwaj

Bourguignon

kɔrˈbeʎ, kɔrˈbɛj, kɔrˈbaj, kurˈbɔj, kɔrˈbwɛʎ

oˈɾɛj, ɛ/oˈɾɔj, oˈɾoj, ɔˈɾœj

Champenois

kɔ/urˈbaj, kœrˈbej, kɔ/orˈboj

ɔ/oˈɾɛj, ɛ/eˈɾaj, a/ɔˈɾaj, aˈɾɔj, ɔ/oˈɾɔj, aˈɾoj, ɔ/oˈɾoj

Lorrain

CORBICULA

AURICULA

(a)

pl/jɛj, pjaj, pl/jɔj, pjoj

ra, rɔ, ro, rwɛ, rwa

ku/ɔˈɾo, ku/ɔˈɾwɛ, ku/oˈɾwa

sɛɲ

lɛɲ, leɲ

(t)ʃəˈvej, (t)ʃəˈvɛj, ʃəˈvœj

s(u)ˈɾɛj, s(ɔ)ˈɾaj, sˈɾɔj, sˈɾøj, sˈɾœj, soˈɾwej, s(ɾ)wɛj, soˈɾwaj

bo/ɔˈtɛj, buˈtɛj, bɔ/uˈtaj, bœˈtɔj, buˈtwɛj, boˈtwaj

korˈbaj

ɔˈɾej, ɔ/uˈɾɛj, ɛ/œˈɾɛj, a/ɔˈɾaj, ɛ/øˈɾaj, ɛˈɾɔj, ɛˈɾoj, ɔ/uˈɾwɛj, a/ɛˈɾwɛj, ɛ/aˈɾwaj

Franc-Comtois

Table 52: Phonetic realization of /e/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in E. French dialects. (a) Variants with a non-high vowel. (b) Variants with a high vowel. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for E. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11.

378 11 French



FERIA

TECTU

STRICTA

STRICTU

fwer/ʀ, fwɛr/ʀ, fwaʀ

fɔr, for, fwer, fwɛr, fwar

fɔr, for, fwe(r), fwɛ(r), fwar

tɛ, tɔ, to, twɛ, twe, twa

(continued)

fɛr, fɔr, for, fwɛr, fwar

tɛ, ta, tɔ, to, twɛ, twa

ta(j), to, tœj, twe, twa

tɛj, ta(j), tɔ, to, tœj, twa, twɔ

e/ɛˈtɾɛ, eˈtɾa, eˈtɾɔ, eˈtɾwa a/eˈtɾɛt, eˈtɾat, ɛˈtɾotj, aˈtɾwɛt, a/eˈtɾwat, eˈtɾwo

eˈtɾɔ

eˈtɾ/ʀɛt, ɛˈtɾat, ɛ/eˈtʀat, eˈtɾ/ʀɔt, eˈtɾɛt, eˈtɾɔt(j), eˈtɾwɛt, eˈtɾwat eˈtɾɛt, eˈtɾɔtj, eˈtɾwɛt, eˈtɾwat e/ɛˈtɾot, eˈtʀœt, eˈtʀwat

ɛˈtɾa, ɛˈtɾɔ, ɛ/aˈtɾo, ʃˈtɾø, ɛˈtwɔ

dɾet, dɾɛt, dɾɔt(j), dɾwet, dɾwɛt(j), dɾwat

dɾɛt, dɾɔtj, dɾot, dɾwɛt, dɾwat

dʀɛt, dʀat, dɾ/ʀɔ(j)t, dɾ/ʀot, dɾœt, dɾøt, dɾwɛt, dɾ/ʀwat

DIRECTA

dɾɛt, dɾat, dɾɔ(tj), dɾwɛt, dɾwat

dɾe, dɾɛ, dɾa, dɾɔ, dɾo, dɾwɛ, dɾwa dɾɛ, dɾa, dɾo, dɾwɛ, dɾwa

dɾe, dɾa, dɾo, dɾwɛ, dɾwa

kʀetr, kʀatr, kɾɔtr, kʀotr, kɾwatr

dʀɛ, dʀa, dʀɔ(t), dɾ/ʀo, dɾø, dɾ/ʀwa, dwɔ

kɾetr, kɾwɛtr, kɾwetr, kɾwat

DIRECTU

ˈkɾɛʃe, kɾwat



kʀatr, kʀah/ʃ, kʀɔç, kɾoʃ, ˈkɾɔʃi

CRESCERE



11.2 Eastern French dialects

379



dɾut

DIRECTA

fur/ʀ, fwiʀ

ti

TECTU

FERIA

eˈtɾut

STRICTA

STRICTU

dɾu

DIRECTU



pluj

kuˈɾuj

siɲ

ʃe/əˈvij, ʃˈfij

korˈbij

CRESCERE

PLICAT

REGE

CORRIGIA

SIGNU

LIGNA

CLAVICULA

SOLICULU

BUTTICULA

CORBICULA

AURICULA

Lorrain









(b)

Table 52 (continued)

pli(j)

siɲ

ʃəˈvij, ʃɥij

bɔˈtij

korˈbij

Champenois

drutj

pjuj, pjij

siɲ

ʃəˈvij, ʃˈfij, ʃɥij

Bourguignon

kuˈɾu

siɲ

(t)ʃəˈvij

sˈɾyj

Franc-Comtois

380 11 French

ʒˈnø, ʒˈnœ(j)

ʒˈno, ʒ(ə)ˈnɔ, ʒˈna, ʒˈnø, ʒˈnœ(j)





gərˈnoj

gɛrˈnɔj, gœrˈnaj

RANUCULA

no(j), na, nwɛ, nwa kɾo, kɾɔ, kɾœj, kɾwej, kɾwɛ, kɾwa, kɾwo

nɔj, nœj, nø(ʃ/h), nœç/h

kɾoj, kɾ/ʀɔj, kɾe, kɾ/ʀɛj, kʀø(j), kɾ/ʀœj, kʀœ, kɾ/ʀwa

(v)wɛ, (v)wɛs, wa

CRUCE

VOCE

kwɛ̃

kwɛ̃

CUNEU

NUCE

põ , pœ͂ , pwẽ , pwɛ̃

pɔɲ, pœ͂ , pwo, pwɔ, pwe, pwɛ͂ , pwa͂

PUGNU

GENUCULU

poj, pɔj, pø, pœj

po(j), pɔ(j), pø(j), pœj

PEDUCULU

pø, pœj, pwe



pe, pø(j), pœ(j/ç), pwɛ(j)

Champenois

PUTEU

Lorrain



(a)

vɔ

kɾo, kɾɔ, kɾwe, kɾwɛ, kɾwa

wɛ, vwa (continued)

kɾo, kɾø, kɾœj, kɾwe, kɾwɛ, kɾwa

nwe, nwɛ, nwa

kwɛ̃

kwɛ̃ (ɲ) nɔj, nwe, nwa

põ , pwɛ̃ , pwã

poɲ, pwɛ͂ (ɲ), pwa͂

rˈnoj, rˈnɛjo, rˈnøj, rˈnwoj, gɾəˈnwoj, rˈnwɛj, gɾœˈnwɛj, rəˈnwaj

gœrˈnɔj, œrˈnwej, gœrˈnwɛj

ʒˈno(j), (d)ʒˈnɔj, dʒˈnaj, ʒˈnøj, dzˈnœ, ʒˈnœj

ˈpoj(u), pjœ, ˈpwaj(u)

ˈpoj(o), ˈpɔjo, pwe

ʒˈno, ʒˈnɔ, dzˈnø

pø(j)

Franc-Comtois

pwe(j), pwɛ

Bourguignon

Table 53: Phonetic realization of /o/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in E. French dialects. (a) Variants with a non-high vowel. (b) Variants with a high vowel. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for E. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11.

11.2 Eastern French dialects

381

soˈmør, soˈmwar

soˈmør, soˈmœr, soˈmwar

SALMURIA

we, wɛr, wa(r)

we, wɛ(r), wa

oj, ɔj, ø(j), œ(j), e, we/ɛr

-ORIU, -ORIA

fwe, fwɛr, fwar

fwer, fwar

fwer/ʀ, fwɛʀ, fwaʀ

FORIA

bwej, bwɛ, bwaj



bɔj, bø, bœj

rɔdz, rɔʒ, rwɛz, rwɛdʒ, rwoʒ

rɔdʒ, rɔʒ/ʃ, røʃ, rwɔʒ

RUBEU

BUXU

bwɛs

Bourguignon

boʃ, bɔʃ, bwoʃ, bweʃ, bwɛʃ, bwaʃ

bwe

Champenois

BUCCA

Lorrain





(a)

Table 53 (continued)

soˈmør

e, œ(j), ø

fwer, fwɛr

rweʒ, rwɛdʒ

bwe(t)ʃ, bwɛ(t)ʃ, bwœʃ

Franc-Comtois

382 11 French

kɾ/ʀy

CRUCE

u(r), y

-ORIU, -ORIA

SALMURIA

fuʀ/x, fwiʀ

FORIA



bwi(ʃ), bɥi, bi

u soˈmyr

soˈmyr, soˈmwir

fur, fwir

bw/ɥi

ruʒ

buts, buʃ, bwis

nwi

ʒ(ə)ˈnu, dʒeˈnuj

soˈmyr

u, y

fur, fwir

bw/ɥi

ru(d)ʒ, rydʒ

bu(t)ʃ

kɾ/ʀu, kɾy

nwi, nu(ʃ), nyʃ

pwi, pỹ

(d)ʒˈnuj, ʒ(ə)ˈnu

(g)œrˈnuj, (g)ɾəˈnuj, gɾəˈnwij

puj

pu(j), ˈpujo, pju rˈnuj, gɾəˈnuj, gɛ/œrˈnuj

puʃ, pw/ɥi

Franc-Comtois

pw/ɥi

Bourguignon

u(j)

fur, fwir

bw/ɥi

ruʒ

ru(d)ʒ, ruʃ

RUBEU

BUXU

buʃ

buʃ

kɾu

BUCCA

VOCE

nyʃ/ç

NUCE







CUNEU

puɲ

ʒˈnu

ʒˈnu

GENUCULU

PUGNU

gɛ/ərˈnuj, gɾəˈnuj

gɾəˈnuj, gɛ/œrˈnuj

RANUCULA



pu(j), py

pu(j), py

PEDUCULU

py(j/ʃ), pi, pw/ɥi



pyj, pyç/h, py(s/ʃ), pwi

Champenois

PUTEU

Lorrain



(b)

11.2 Eastern French dialects

383











raʒ

raʒ

pa(ʃ/x)

PACE

raʒ/ʃ

fa

fa

FACIT

RABIA

pja

pl/jaj

PLAGA

radʒ, raʒ

pa

ra

tʃaˈtaɲ, tʃɛˈtoɲ

ɛˈɾaɲi, aˈɾaɲ

mõˈtaɲ

maj

a(j), ɔ, o

paj

bɾa

jas

pjas

Franc-Comtois

r/ʀa(j)

fa

ɛˈɾaɲi

mõˈtaɲ

maʎ/j

aj, o

paj

bɾa

gʎ/las

plas

Bourguignon

RADIU

fa

aˈɾaɲ(i), ɛˈɾaɲ, ɛˈɾɔɲ

ɛˈɾaɲi, aˈɾaɲ

ARANEA

CASTANEA

mõˈtaɲ

maj

maj

MACULA

mõˈtaɲ

aj, o

aj, o

ALLIU

MONTANEA

paj

paj

bɾa

bɾ/ʀa

BRACCHIU

PALEA

glas

gl/jas

GLACIE

Champenois plas

Lorrain pl/jas

PLATTEA

✶

(a)

Table 54: Phonetic realization in words with /a/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in various contextual conditions in E. French dialects. (a) Variants with low and mid back vowels. (b) Variants with mid and high front vowels, the latter in boldface. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for E. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11. Data for -ARIU/-ARIA are given in Table 49.

384 11 French

fɾu/oˈmaʒ

fɾuˈmaʒ/ʃ

FORMATICU

la

la, ˈlase

LACTE

TRAHERE



tɾar

tɾ/ʀaʀ, tɾajr

FAIRE



a ma(j) ma

a ma(j) ma

MAIU

MAGIS

AYO

✶

far

far/ʀ, fajr

BASIU

ˈbazi

fa

fa

FACTU

CRASSEU

✶

FRAXINU

fɾan/ɲ

vaʃ

vaʃ

VACCA

fɾ/ʀan

saʃ/ʒ

SAPIU

saʃ/ʒ

a(t)ʃ

ka(d)ʒ







aʃ, hatʃ

Frank. ✶HAPPIA

✶

kadʒ, kaʒ/ʃ

CAVEA

ma

ma

far

la

fa

fɾaɲ

fɾo/uˈmaʒ

vaʃ

saʒ

aʃ

kaʒ

ma

ma

a

tɾar

far

(continued)

ˈbaʒe/i

lase

fa

gɾas

fɾan

fɾuˈmaʒ, førˈmadʒ

vatʃ

sadʒ

a(t)ʃ

kadʒ, kaʒ

11.2 Eastern French dialects

385









 gjɛs, ɛs, djɛs

gjɛs/ç, /jɛs

ɛs

bɾe

gjɛs, ɛs

bɾ/ʀɛ, bɾ/ʀe

GLACIE

BRACCHIU

rɛʒ kɛʒ

rɛʒ/ʃ, reʒ/ʃ

kɛʒ/ʃ, keʒ/ʃ

CAVEA

kɛʒ

rɛʒ, reʒ

pɛ, pe(j)

PACE

RABIA

fɛ

fɛ, fe

FACIT

kɛ(d)ʒ

rɛ(d)ʒ

pɛ

pjɛ(j)

pjɛj

PLAGA

fɛ

rɛ, re

rɛ, r/ʀe(j)

ʃaˈtɛɲ, ʃaˈteɲ

RADIU

fɛ, fe

ʃaˈtɛɲ, tsaˈtɛɲ, ʃaˈteɲ, tsaˈteɲ, tsaˈtœɲ, ʃaˈtiɲ

ʃaˈtɛɲ, ʃa/ɛˈteɲ

CASTANEA

ʃaˈtɛɲ, ʃaˈteɲ

a/eˈɾɛɲi, aˈɾeɲe, ɛˈɾœɲ, ɛ/oˈɾiɲi aˈɾeɲe/i, aˈɾɛɲi, aˈɾiɲɛ/e a/ɛˈɾɛɲi, a/ɛˈɾeɲe, a/eˈɾœɲ, a/ɛˈɾiɲe ɛ/aˈɾɛɲ, aˈɾeɲe/i, ɛˈɾiɲ(e), ɔˈɾiɲ

ARANEA

mõˈtɛɲ, mõˈteɲ

mõˈtɛɲ

MACULA

mɔ̃ˈtɛɲ/j, mõˈteɲ/n

mɛj

pɛj

MONTANEA

ɛj

pɛj

bɾɛ, bɾe

mɛj mɔ̃ˈtɛɲ, mõˈteɲ

pɛj

bɾɛ, bɾe

mɛj

ALLIU

PALEA

pɛj

pj/lɛs

pjɛs/ʃ

pjɛs

Franc-Comtois

pjɛs

PLATTEA

f

Bourguignon

f

Champenois

Lorrain

f

✶

f

(b)

Table 54 (continued)

386 11 French

e mɛ, me mɛ, me

ɛ, e

mɛ(j), me

mɛ, me

✶

MAIU

MAGIS

AYO

tɾɛr, tɾer

tʀɛr/ʀ

TRAHERE



fɛr

fɛr/ʀ, fer

FAIRE

ˈbeze

ˈbeze, ˈbiʒi/a



lɛ(j), le

lɛ, le, ˈlɛse

LACTE

BASIU

fɛ, fe

gɾɛx/ʃ

fɾɛn, fɾen

fɛ, fe

CRASSEU

fɾ/ʀɛn

FACTU

✶

FRAXINU







mɛ, me

mɛ, mwɛ, me

ɛ, e

tɾɛr, tɾer

fɛr, fe(r)

ˈbɛze, ˈbeze

lɛ, le

fɛ, fe

fɾɛɲ, fɾen/ɲ

mɛ

mɛ, me

ɛ, e

tɾɛr

fɛr

ˈbɛze, ˈbeze, ˈbɛʒi

lɛse

fɛ

gɾɛs

fɾɛn

fɾo/uˈmɛ(d)ʒ

fɾɔ/oˈmeʒ

fɾœ/uˈmɛʃ, fɾø/uˈmeʃ

FORMATICU

fɾo/øˈmɛʒ

vɛ(t)ʃ

vɛʃ

vɛʃ, vetʃ

VACCA

ɛ(t)ʃ sɛ(d)ʒ

vɛʃ/s, veʃ

hɛʃ

sɛʃ/ʒ, seʃ

ɛʃ/s

SAPIU

✶

Frank. ✶HAPPIA hɛ(t)ʃ, heʃ

11.2 Eastern French dialects

387









lɛ

lɛ, le, løj pɛ(j), pe sør

sɛ, sej, sɔj dɛjs/ʒ, dɛ, deʃ

lɛ(j), le, laj

pɛj, pe(j), paj

sɛ(j)r, ser/ʀ, ç/ʃœʀ, sœr/ʀ, sœjʀ, s/ʃør, sɔjr

sɛj, sej, sɔj

dɛs, dɛjs/ʃ, dɛjç, dex, dajs

LEGIT

PEIUS

SEQUERE

SECAT

DECEM

sœr

pe, paj

lar

dˈmɛ(j), dˈme

pɛɲ, peɲ, pœɲ

lɛr, ler, lajr

dˈmɛj, dˈme(j), dœˈmaj, dˈmø

pɛɲ, peɲ

vɛj, vej, vaj, vjɛj, vjej/l

vɛj, vaj, vjɛj/l, vjø

ɲɛs, ɲes, njes

pjɛs, pjes

Bourguignon

LEGERE

DIMEDIU

✶

pɛɲ, peɲ

vɛj, vøj, vjɛj/l, vjej

vɛj, vej, vjɛj, vjeʎ/j, vjel, vjœj

VECLA

PECTINE

v(j)ɛj, vjej, vjø

vɛj, vej, vjɛj, vje, vjœ, vjø

ɲɛs, ɲœs

ɲɛs, ɲes

NEPTIA

VECLU

pɾe(j)

pɾ/ʀɛj, pɾ/ʀej, pʀe, pɾaj, ˈpʀie̯

PRETIU

Champenois pjɛs, pjes

Lorrain

pɛs, pes, p(j)øs, pjɛs, pjes

PETTIA

✶

(a)

dɛʃ, de( ʃ ), das, ˈdiə̯ ( ʃ )

se, swaj, ˈsiə̯

sɛr, ser, sœr, sør

pɛ, pe, pa

l/jɛ, l/je, jø

lɛr, l/jer, lar, ˈjiə̯ r

dˈme

pɛɲ, peɲ

vɛj, vej, vaj, vjɛj

vɛj, vej, vaj, vje, vjø, ˈviə̯ /ɛ̯ j

ɲɛs, ɲ/nes,ˈnie̯ s

pɾɛj, pɾe, ˈpɾiə̯

pɛs, pes, pas, pjɛs, pjes, ˈpiə̯ /e̯ s

Franc-Comtois

Table 55: Phonetic realization in words with /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in various contextual conditions in E. French dialects. (a) Variants with a non-high vowel. (b) Variants with a high vowel. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for E. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11.

388 11 French









ʃɛr/z, ʃeˈjer, ʃer/z

ʃɛʀ/r, haˈjɛʀ, ʃer/z, ʃajr/ʀ, hɛˈjør, ʃaˈjøʀ

ʃɛ(r/z), ʃe(r/z), ʃjɛr, ˈʃjiə̯ r

ãˈtɛr, ãˈter, ãˈtjɛr, ãˈtjer

ãˈtɛr, ãˈtjɛr

ãˈter, ãˈtjɛʀ

INTEGRA

CATHEDRA

ãˈtɛ, ãˈte, ãˈta

ãˈtɛj, ãˈte, ãˈtaj, ãˈtje, ãˈtja

ãˈtjɛʀ

INTEGRU

ʃɛr, ʃer, ʃar, tʃɛˈjiə̯ r

ãˈtɛr, ãˈter, ãˈtar

maˈtɛr, maˈteɾə

mˈte(j), mɛˈtjer, mɛˈtjør

MATERIA

(continued)

sœmˈtɛr, sœmˈter, sømˈtar

sɛ/ɔmˈter, sum(a)ˈtjɛr, sɛmˈtjer

sœmˈtɛr, simˈtjɛr, sœ/imˈtjer

s(ə)ˈlɛʒ, sˈlɛz, sˈɾɛj, s(ə)ˈleʒ, sˈlaz, sˈɾiə̯ z

lɛ, l/je, la, ˈjiə̯

pɛ, pe, pa

s/ʃɛ, ʃe, sa

COEMETERIU

ECLESIA

sumˈter, sɛmãˈtjɛr, simˈtjɛr

sˈlɛ(j)z, sˈɾej

sˈʀ/lɛjʃ, siˈɾɛjz, sˈɾ/ʀɛz, sˈɾ/ʀɛh, sˈlɛh, sˈɾ/leʒ, sˈɾ/ʀeh, sˈlex, sˈɾajz, sˈløx

sˈɾɛ(j)z, ʃeˈlɛjʒ, sˈɾ/leʒ, sˈlez, sˈløʒ

CERESIA

lɛ(j), le, laj

lɛ(j), le, laj, lø

lɛ(j), le(j), laj, lœ, lø

LECTU

pɛ(j), pe, pœj

pɛ(j), pe, paj, pø

sɛ, ʃɛj, ʃaj, ʃøʃ

pɛ(j), pe(j), paj, pø

ˈtɛç(i), ˈtɛʃ/hi, ˈteʃe, ˈtaçi, ˈtøʃi

ʃɛjʃ, ʃɛ(j), sɛjs, çɛ(j), hɛj, çe, xex, sajs, çœj/ç, xœx, çø, xøx

PECTU

TEXERE

SEX

11.2 Eastern French dialects

389













sis ˈtise

ʃiʃ, hih, xix, sis

ˈtisi/e

SEX

TEXERE

pi

dis

dis/ʃ, dix/h

DECEM

pi

si(j)

si(j), suj

SECAT

PECTU

sɥir, sɥivr

s/ʃyʀ, hyʀ, sjyʀ

SEQUERE

pi

ˈtiʃ/se

sis, ʃi(s)

ˈtise

ʃɥ/wi, ʃi, sis

dis, di

si

si(j), ʃi di(s)

syvr

syr, sɥivr

pi

pi

pi

PEIUS

pi

li

li

li

dˈmi

li

dˈmi

LEGIT

dˈmi

piɲ

vij

lir

dˈmi

piɲ

ˈviʎœ

vij

lir

DIMEDIU

piɲ

vi

LEGERE

✶

piɲ

viʎ, vij, vil

VECLA

PECTINE

vi

VECLU

ɲis

n/ɲis

NEPTIA

nis

pɾi

pɾi

pɾ/ʀi

Franc-Comtois

PRETIU

pɾi

Bourguignon pis

Champenois

p(j)is

Lorrain

PETTIA

✶

(b)

Table 55 (continued)

390 11 French





mɛˈtir

MATERIA

ãˈtijr tsir, ʃir

ʃir/ʀ

CATHEDRA

ãˈti

smãˈtir, sømˈtir

anˈtiʀ ʃaˈjiʀ

sumˈtir

ɛ/eˈgliz

sˈɾiz, s/ʃˈɾiʒ

li

INTEGRA

INTEGRU

sɛ/umˈtiʀ

ɛ/eˈgliz, ɛ/eˈgliʒ

ɛ/eˈgliz, eˈglis

ECLESIA

COEMETERIU

sˈɾiz/ʒ

li

sˈliʃ/h, sˈɾiʃ/h, sˈɾiz/s, sˈɾiʒ

li

CERESIA

LECTU

tʃɛˈvir, tʃaˈjir

ãˈtir

sœmˈtir

ɛ/eˈgliz

sˈɾiz, sˈliz/ʒ

li

11.2 Eastern French dialects

391





poj, dəˈpɔj, dœdˈpœj, dəˈpø, deˈpe

(DE) POSTEA

tɾœj, tɾøj, tɾaj vø

œl, øl, el, ajl ɔj, oj, œ(j), ø(j), ɛ, jø dœj, døj, dɛj, de sœ(j), sɛ(j)

vø ˈkoje, ˈkœje, ˈkøje, ˈkɛje

ɔ(j)l, o(l), œl, øl, el, wɔl

ɔj, œ(j), ø(j), ɛj, zø, ze

dœj, døj, djø

sœj, søj

tɾo

v(j)ø

ˈkɔji, ˈkœji, ˈkøji, ˈkwɛji

OLEU

OCULU

DOLIU

SOLIU

TORCULU

VOLEO

COLLIGERE

ˈkøje

sœj, sø(j), saj, sjɔ

dœ(j), dø(j)

œj, ø(j), jo, jø

œl, øl

fɔj, fœj, føj, fɛj

fɔj, fœʎ/j, føj, fɛj

fœj, føj, faj

də/eˈpø, dˈpe, dəˈpaɥ

pø

nɔs, nœs, naɥs

Bourguignon

FOLIU/FOLIA

dəˈpø

pø

pœ, p(j)ø, pje

POTEO

Champenois nɔs, nœs, nøs

Lorrain

nɔs, nœs

NOPTIA

✶

(a)

ˈkœje, ˈkøje/i

vœ, vø

tɾøj, tɾaɥj, ˈtɾuə̯

ˈsəjɔ, sœ(j), sø(j), sɛj, sɛɥj, saɥj, sɥøj, ˈʃuə̯

dœ(j), dø(j)

œj, œdʒ, ø(j), ɛj, ɛɥj, aɥj, jø, ˈuə̯

œl, el, wɛl, wal

fəj, fœj, føj, faɥj, ˈfuə̯ j

pœ, dəˈpø

pø

nɔs, nœs, nas

Franc-Comtois

Table 56: Phonetic realization in words with /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in various contextual conditions in E. French dialects. (a) Variants with a non-high vowel. (b) Variants with a high vowel. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for E. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11.

392 11 French

✶

nœ(j), nø(j)

aˈnɔj, aˈnœj, aˈnø œjt, jœt, jøt kœ, kø(j)

nɔj, nœ(j), nø(j), nɛj, ne

aˈnɔj, aˈnoj, aˈnœj, aˈnø(j), ɛˈnɛj

(j)ɔjt, (j)ojt, (j)œt, (j)øt, jɛjt, jet

kɔj, koj, kœ(j), kø(j), kɛ(j), ke, ˈkyœ̯

NOCTE

AD NOCTE

OCTO

COCTU

kœs, køʃ/s

pɔʃ



kɔjs, kɔh, kojs, kœʃ/ç, kœ(j)s, kœh/x, køʃ/s, køh/x, kɛç, kex

pɔʃ, pwa(t)ʃ

plɔj, plœf/v, pl/jœʒ, plø(v/ʃ), pl/jøʒ

ˈrɔʃ(e), ˈroʃe

COXA

POPIA, POKKA

PLOIA

✶

PLOVIA,

✶

pjɔf/w, pjɔʃ, pjow, pjaw, plœʒ/ʃ, pjœj, pjøʒ/ʃ

rɔtʃ, ˈrɔʃ(e), ˈroʃe

✶

ROCCA

klɔ(t)ʃ, t/kjɔʃ, kjotʃ, t/kjœʃ, k/tjøʃ, kjaʃ

CLOCCA

COCERE

klɔ(t)ʃ, tjɔʃ, tjœʃ, k/tjøʃ

aˈnɔj, aˈnœj, aˈnø

aˈnɔj, ɛˈnoj

INODIU,

kɔjr, kojr, kør, ker, ˈkyø̯ r, ˈkoer

oʒˈdœj, oʒˈdø(j)

ɔʒˈdœ(j), oʒˈdø

HODIE

INODIAT

tɾœ(j), tɾø(j)

tɾɔj, tʀ/ɾœj, tɾœ, tɾ/ʀøj

TROIA







aˈnø(ɥ), aˈnaɥ, aˈniə̯ , aˈnyə̯

ɔ/oʒˈdœ, ɔ/aʒˈdø, o(ʒ)ˈdaɥ

tɾœj, tɾø(t), ˈtɾyə̯

ˈrɔtʃ(e), ˈrɔʃe, ˈroʃe, rwɔtʃ, ˈrwɛtʃ(i)

k/tjɔʃ, cjoʃ, s(j)œtʃ, c/tjøʃ, sətʃ, kjɛ(t)ʃ

kœ, kø, kaɥ, kɥɛt, kɥe, kwø

nœ(j), n/ɲø, nɛ(j), ne(j), na(ɛ/j), ɲwɛ, nɥe

kœʃ, kœ(j)s, kœç, køʃ/s, kɛjs, kas

pɔʃ, pɔts, pœts, pœ(t)ʃ, pwɛʃ

(continued)

kœ(j), tçœ, kø(j), cø, tj/çø, kaɥ

œt, ø(t)

nœ, nø(j), nɛ, ne, na(ɥ)

kœʃ/s, tjœʃ/s, kø(j)ʃ, køs, køtʃ, cjøʃ, kɛɥs, kɛts, k/ceʃ, kaɥs,ˈkuə̯ s

pɔ(t)ʃ, poʃ, pwɛʃ

pjo, pl/jœ, pjœʒ, pl/jø, pjaɥʒ pl/jœdʒ, pl/jœʒ, pjødʒ, pl/jøʒ, pjɛdʒ, pjaɥʒ

ˈrɔʃ(e), ˈrɔtsi, ˈroʃe/i, ˈrwɛʃ(e)

klɔʃ, kʎ/jɔʃ, klɔtʃ, kloʃ, kjɛʃ

k/cœ(j)r, k/cør, kɛjr, ˈkweɾ(e) kœr, tçœr, k(j)ør, tçør, kɛwr

aˈnaɥ

œj, ø, ɛ(j), ɔʒˈdø, ɔzˈdø/e, oʒˈdaɥ

tɾø, tɾɥe

11.2 Eastern French dialects

393



CORIU

kɔj, kœj, kø(r), kɛ(j), ke, kjø, ˈkyø̯ r

kɔj, kœ(r/j), kø

kø, kwe

vœd(j), vø(d), vaɥ, vwœd

vœ(d), vøj/d

vɔj(dj), voj(dj), vœj/d, vø(d/t), vøj, vet

VOCITU

kœt, kœɥt, køt, kɛt , kɛɥt, katj

j

kɔt, køt, ket

Bourguignon

COCTA

Champenois

Lorrain

(a)

Table 56 (continued)

kœ, cjœ, kø(j), cjø, tjør, kaɥ,ˈtç/jyə̯ , ˈkyə̯ r

vœ(d(j)), vø(d), vaɥ

tçœt, køt, kaɥtj

Franc-Comtois

394 11 French









y

y

dij, dy

OCULU

DOLIU

✶

ROCCA

CLOCCA

COCERE

kyh

kwir, kyr

ɔ/oʒˈdy

HODIE

INODIU, INODIAT

tɾuj, tɾyj, tʀy

kwir

aˈnuj

tɾuj, tɾwi, tɾɥi, tɾy

ˈkijɛ

ˈkuji, ˈky/jʎi, kwi

COLLIGERE

TROIA

vy

vy, vi, vjy

VOLEO

TORCULU

sy

wil, ɥil

ul, wil, ɥil

OLEU

SOLIU

fuj, fyj

fuj, fy(j)

də(d)ˈpɥi, dəˈpy, dəˈpi

dɛ/ødˈpy, dəˈpi

DE POSTEA

FOLIU/FOLIA

py

Champenois

py

NOPTIA

Lorrain

POTEO

✶

(b)

ruʃ

k/cɥir

i

tɾɥi, tɾi

ˈkyji/e

vu

sy

(continued)

kl/juʃ, tjuʃ, cjyʃ

aˈnyj, aˈnij

tɾ/ʀy

ˈkyji

vy

syj

yj

ʒu, ˈyjo dy

(j)ɥil

fyj

py

nus

Franc-Comtois

(j)ɥil, ɥij, yl

deˈpɥi, dəˈpy

py

Bourguignon

11.2 Eastern French dialects

395

✶

PLOVIA, PLOIA

✶

kyt

vyd/t, vid

COCTA

VOCITU

kw/ɥiʀ, kyʀ/ʃ

kuj, kwi, kɥi, ky

kwi, ky

COCTU

CORIU

wi, ɥit, (j)yt

wit, (j)ɥit, yt

OCTO



aˈnwi, aˈnɥi, aˈny

aˈny

AD NOCTE

kujr, kwir, kɥir

vujd, ɥid, vyd, vid

nuj, nwi, nɥi, ny

ny

NOCTE

kɥis



kwis, kɥis, kiç/h, kix

ply( ʃ/ʒ), plyj, pjyʒ, p(l)ɥi

Champenois

COXA

pu(t)ʃ

pluʃ, pjuf/v, p(j)yʃ, pl/jy

Lorrain



POPIA, POKKA

✶

(b)

Table 56 (continued)

kɥir, cɥi

vytj, vid

kɥit

kw/ɥi, tʃy

ɥi(t), jɥi(t), vyt

nɥi

kɥis, kyʃ

p(l)ɥi, pjy, pju

Bourguignon

kɥir, ky, tjy(r), ˈtçy

ˈvyde

kwi, ky, ki

wi(t), (j)ɥit, vyt

kwis, kys

pu(t)ʃ

pjydʒ

Franc-Comtois

396 11 French

11.2 Eastern French dialects

397

Comtois (Bourguignon [vjo], [vja(w)], [vɛ]/[ve], [va] VITELLU, Franc-Comtois [ ʃaˈpjo], [ ʃaˈpe]) (see, in addition to the relevant monographs, Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 117, 341, 1354). In principle, most of these forms may have emerged through the pathways [ɛw] > [ea̯ w] > [ea̯ ] > [(j)a] and [ɛw] > [ea̯ w] > [e̯ aw] > [e̯ ow] > [e̯ o] > [jo], the latter development differing slightly from the alternative option [ɛw] > [ea̯ w] > [e̯ aw] > [e̯ ow] > [e̯ o] > [o] which is required for French words like chapeau (Babin 1954, 685; Dondaine 1972, 329–331). It is not entirely clear whether the endings [ɛ]/[e], [i], as in [be] BELLU and [kuˈte], [kuˈti] CULTELLU, come from rising diphthongs ([ɛw] > [e̯ aw] > [ˈea̯ ] > [(j)e], [(j)ɛ]), or from the deletion of word-final [l] (see section 11.2.5). Several variants of MELIUS, which must have emerged after [ʎ] depalatalization into [l] in coda position and later vocalization of this alveolar consonant, need to be included here: [mø] in all four dialects, the delabialized variant [me] (Lorrain) and also [m(j)y] (Lorrain, Champenois). The pathway m(i)els > m(i)eus > møs > [mø] > [my] may be proposed to handle all these variants, as confirmed by the Old Bourguignon forms meauz, miauz, meuz (Goerlich 1889, 45; Bloch 1917b, 9); moreover, while [mjø], which occurs everywhere, appears to have been borrowed from French (Bruneau 1913a, 138), the Lorrain forms [mɔj], [moj] may be traced back to a proclitic variant mei (Horning 1892, 462). Regarding the phonetic development of [vju] VECLU which occurs in northern Lorrain and Champenois, see section 11.3.7.1. The vocalization of coda /l/ appears to be also required in order to account for other lexical variants not included in Table 52: [sˈlaw], [s(y)ˈlo], [sˈlɔ], [sˈlu] SOLICULU/✶SOLUCULU, and also [ʃaw] CAPILLU, in Lorrain; [soˈlɛɥ], [suˈlɔ]/[syˈlɔ], [syˈlwa] and [ʃoˈdaɥ] in Bourguignon (Rabiet 1887, 27; Taverdet 1980, 82); and [s(u)ˈlo] in Franc-Comtois. 11.2.7.2 Velar stop In words ending in -OCU, /ɔ/ diphthongization may have been triggered by postvocalic [w] possibly originating through deletion of the velar consonant. As shown by the resconstructed pathways for FOCU in Table 57, several intermediate changes may have occurred (the initial stage uou has been omitted from the table), the most frequent of which involves fronting of the diphthong vowel nucleus followed by either rounding ([fɥɛw] > [fœ(ɥ)], [fø(ɥ)] > [fe], [fy] or else [fɥɛw] > [fɛw] > [fœ], [fø] > [fe], [fy]) or lowering ([fɥɛw] > [fɛw], [fɛɥ] > [faɥ/j] > [fej]). Forms with an [j] off-glide can arise through a change [ɥ] > [j] occurring at any stage of the derivation, and the word-initial labiodental consonant may be responsible for the deletion of the diphthong rounded on-glide. Alternative pathways have also been proposed ([fɥɛw]/[fɥɛɥ] > [fɥej] > [fej], [fɛj]; Taverdet 1980, 89), and the Lorrain variant [fɔj] has been excluded from consideration since its precise placement in the

398

11 French

phonetic derivation is uncertain. The phonetic development of IOCU and LOCU parallels the one for FOCU included in Table 57, as confirmed by the following forms for IOCU which have for the most part been achieved through on-glide absorption by the preceding palatoalveolar affricate or fricative, and vowel nucleus fronting and rounding or else vowel nucleus lowering (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 719): [ʒœj]/[ʒøj], [jø], [je] (Lorrain), [ʒœ]/[ʒø] (all dialects), [ʒy] (Lorrain, Bourguignon) and [(d)ʒy] (Franc-Comtois); [ʒaɥ] (Bourguignon, Franc-Comtois), [ʒɛɥ] (Franc-Comtois), [ʒej], [ʒa(j)] (Bourguignon). As to LOCU, the diphthong on-glide may have been deleted through a dissimilatory action involving the first and last glides of the triphthong [ɥVɥ] ([lø], [ly], [laɥ]). Lexical variants of those three words exhibiting a non-canonical falling diphthong occur in Franc-Comtois localities ([ˈfuə̯ ]/[ˈfyə̯ ] FOCU, [ˈjuə̯ ]/[ˈjyə̯ ] LOCU, [ˈdʒuə̯ ]/[ˈdʒyə̯ ] IOCU; Degen 1896, 18; Alge 1904, 35; Jeker 1938, 28) and Lorrain ([ˈfyœ̯ ]; Bruneau 1913a, 179). Regarding SEQUERE, the Old Bourguignon forms seuigre, suigre, seigre, siegre, segre and sigre suggest that the present-day Bourguignon outcomes [sœdr], [søgr] (also Champenois [sø(g)r], Franc-Comtois [sɛɥgr], [sœgr]/[søgr], [ʃœdr], [sigr]) may have been achieved through /ɛ/ diphthongization triggered by a labiovelar off-glide inserted before the velar consonant (Goerlich 1889, 54–55; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1267; Philipon 1914, 538). Table 57: Reconstructed phonetic development of FOCU in E. French dialects. L (Lorrain), C (Champenois), B (Bourguignon), FrC (Franc-Comtois). The phonetic pathways link earlier forms (appearing towards the left of the derivations) to more recent ones (appearing towards the right). fwɛ/ew

✶

fɥœ/øɥ

fœ/øj (L, FrC), fœj (C, B)

fœ/ø (L, C, B, FrC)

fe (L)

fyj (B)

fy (L, C, B, FrC)

fɥø (B)

fjø, fjo (B)

fju (B)

fɛw (FrC)

fɛɥ (B)

faɥ (B, FrC), fɛ/ej (B), fe (L)

faj, fa (B)

fwɛ (B)

fwa (B)

11.3 Northern French dialects 11.3.1 High vowels In both Walloon and Picard, [i] may occur word-finally before [j] derived from [ʎ] ([aˈwij] ACUCULA, [faˈmij] FAMILIA) and in hiatuses generated through deletion of an intervocalic consonant ([maˈɾij] MARITU and also [vij] VITA, VILLA in E. Walloon;

11.3 Northern French dialects

399

Niederlander 1900, 25). Instances of dissimilatory lowering involving the same sequence [ij] may be found in the Namur-Liège-N. Luxembourg region ([fɛj], [faj] FILIA, [vɛj], [vaj] VILLA; Dautrepont & Haust 1892, 17–18; Marchot 1892, 26–27, 75–76; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 570, 1396). The outcome [y] of /u/ may lower to [ø], [œ] before a rhotic ([mør]/[mœr], [mɛr] MURU, MATURU; Sutterlin 1902, 282; Bruneau 1913a, 129; Remacle 1953, map 66). Before yod, on the other hand, there may be [y] and [ɥi], both outcomes probably being derived from [yj], which is available as [ˈyi] in Picard (Walloon [fɾy], [fɾɥi], Picard [ˈfɾyi], [f(ɾ)ɥi] FRUCTU, [aˈgyl], [aˈgɥil], [aˈgyil] ACUCULA; Sutterlin 1902, 282; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 615). In parallel to /i/, there may be dissimilatory lowering of [u] before epenthetic [j] or [w] in the Liégeois area: [nɔw] NUDA; [ruw], [rɔw], [rœw] RUGA; [pjɛrˈduj], [pjɛrˈdɔj] and [pjɛrˈduw], [pjɛrˈdɔw], [pjɛrˈdœw]/[pjɛrˈdøw] PERDUTA (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1001; Remacle 1953, maps 72, 86; Francard 1980, 84).

11.3.2 Mid high front vowel Walloon has various outcomes of /e/ in open syllables (see Remacle 1953, map 91): [wɛ] (Namurois, W. Walloon); [œ ø y] (Liégeois); [wɛ wa ɛ œ ø] (Luxembourg). The phonetic development of these vowel realizations may have been the same as in Standard French, namely /e/ > ei > oi > oe̯ > ue̯ > [wɛ] > [wa], thus with the rising diphthongs [wɛ] and [wa] being the last stages of the phonetic derivation. As to the single vowel end products, [ɛ] could derive from [wɛ] or from [œ], while [œ], [ø] from which [y] has emerged could derive from either [wɛ] ([wœ] > [œ]), ei or oi ([œj] > [œ]) and even [ɛ] (Bruneau 1913a, 140–142; Remacle 1992, 49–51). A prevocalic labial sometimes favours the presence of the on-glide [w] ([mwɛ] MENSE, [pwɛl] PILU though there is also [twal], [twɛl] TELA; Marchot 1892, 66). In Picard, /e/ in open syllables has yielded a wide range of outcomes which can vary from one locality to another. Diphthongs with a back rounded on-glide may show differences in vowel nucleus height depending on word position to yield [wa] vs. [we], [wɛ] in Pas-de-Calais ([twal] TELA vs. [fwɛj] FIDE; Theelen 1906, 15) and [wɛ] vs. [we] in Somme ([aˈvwɛr] HABERE vs. [tɾwe] TRES; Flutre 1955, 12–13). The range of absolute word-final realizations is quite large (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 416, 868, 1237; Flutre 1970; 1977, 27–31), regarding both rising diphthongs (e.g., [swe swɛ swa(e) swo(e) swø] SITE) and the corresponding, often lengthened, single vowel realizations [e ɛ(j) a(j) ɔ o(j) œ ø u(j) y i] (e.g., [so(e) sœ sø su] SITE). There is also the issue of whether word-final [o] derives from a rising diphthong or from oi (see Viez 1910, 54–55 regarding the latter option). In checked syllables, Walloon and Picard have [ɛ], and in

400

11 French

addition the former dialect shows [ɛ], [a] and [ɔ] before [t] derived from /tt/ ([ɛt], [at], [ɔt] -ITTA). Turning to the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition, a progressive assimilatory effect exerted by a preceding (alveolo)palatal accounts for [sir] CERA, [pleˈʒi] PLACERE and [paˈji] PAGENSE (Walloon). Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant (see Table 60), different vowel change processes have taken place. Analogously to open syllables and as shown in the table, there may have been diphthongization into [we wɛ wa] and possibly [wo wɔ] before [j] derived from /kt/ (DIRECTU/DIRECTA, STRICTU/STRICTA, TECTU), the outcome [ ] of an etymological front velar (CORRIGIA, REGE, and also PLICAT in Picard) and /ɾj/ (FERIA), as well as in other words not included in the table (W. Walloon [nwɛr] NIGRU, [dwɛ] DIGITU, [fɾwɛ], [fwa], [fɾwo] FRIGIDU; Grignard 1908, 37–38). Differences in vowel opening degree occur in Picard which depend on syllable position ([dɾwe] DIRECTU, [dɾwɛt] DIRECTA; Flutre 1955, 13). In addition, the lexical forms with /kt/ may show the outcomes [ø], [œ] and [u], [y] ([dɾøt]/[dɾœt], [dɾut]/[dɾyt] DIRECTA, [tø]/ [tœ] TECTU, and also [dø], [du] DIGITU); in parallel to the open syllable situation, [ø], [œ] may be traced back to the unrounded vowel cognate ([dɾ(w)ɛt] > [dɾœt]), and [u] to [wo] perhaps via o ([dɾut] in Picard) and [y] to [ø] ([dɾyt] in Walloon). Moreover, it remains unclear whether o in Picard forms such as dro DIRECTU, to TECTU and ro REGE, which alternate with other lexical variants with [wa] (Viez 1910, 78), have emerged from wo through cluster simplification seeking to avoid successive antagonistic gestures ([dɾwo], [dɾo] DIRECTU, [kuˈɾwo], [kuˈɾo] CORRIGIA, [two], [to] TECTU, [dwo], [do] DIGITU) or else from the ancient stage oi and thus through the development ei > oi > o (Gossen 1976, 66–67; Flutre 1977, 90–91). The dissimilatory change ei > oi and later changes oi > ui, o have probably taken place whenever yod derives from syllable-onset [ ] ([plo(j)], [plɔj], [pluj] PLICAT and also [fɾoj], [fɾɔj], [fɾuj] FRICAT; Feller 1897, 231) or is an epenthetic consonant (Walloon [maˈnoj]/[maˈnɔj], [maˈnuj] MONETA, [soj]/[sɔj], [suj] SETA, [voj]/[vɔj], [vuj] VIA; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 873). The mid high front vowel has not diphthongized before the alveolopalatals [ʎ] and [ɲ]. Before [ɲ], /e/ either remains intact as [e], lowers to [ɛ] or raises to [i], as shown by the forms for SIGNU and TINEA in Table 60. Dissimilatory lowering has also operated before the alveolopalatal lateral [ʎ] in words ending in -ICULU/-ICULA, which is implemented as either [j] or [l] nowadays ([ɔˈɾɛj] AURICULA, [buˈtaj] BUTTICULA, [soˈlaj] SOLICULU). On the other hand, the raising of /e/ may have a metaphonic origin if triggered by a word-final high front vowel ([fi] FECI, [pɾi] PRESI < PRENSI, [sist], [si(s)] ECCU ISTI; Feller 1897, 233). Regarding those phonetic variants of SOLICULU which originated after the vocalization of /l/ into [w], see section 11.3.7. f

f

11.3 Northern French dialects

401

11.3.3 Mid high back vowel In parallel to French, /o/ has yielded a mid front rounded vowel in open syllables in N. French, essentially [ø] in Walloon and [œ], [ø] in Picard, which may have resulted from [ow] through vowel fronting dissimilation followed by assimilatory rounding or just the former process ([øw] < (eu) < ou). Again, [ø] and [œ] may be in complementary distribution in Picard ([lø] LUPU, [flœr] FLORE). In closed syllables, /o/ may open to [ɔ] and also close to [u], as exemplified by forms with postvocalic /rC/ and /lC/, and Picard may also show the outcome [œ] of the vocalized end product ou of preconsonantal /ol/: Walloon [fɔtʃ], [futʃ], Picard [furk] FURCA; Liégeois [fɔr], Picard [fur] FURNU; Walloon [mur], Picard [mud(r)], [mœr] < ✶moldre MULGERE; Picard [kœ] ✶COLPU (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 602, 603, 879; Flutre 1955, 14). As to the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition (see Table 61), whether in both dialects or just one of them, /o/ has either stayed unmodified or raised to a high back vowel, as in closed syllables, before [ɲ] ([poɲ], [puɲ] PUGNU), [ʎ] which is nowadays implemented as [j] and [l] ([gɛrˈnuj] RANUCULA), a palatoalveolar affricate or fricative ([bu(t)ʃ] BUCCA, [ru(t)ʃ] RUBEU) and, in some cases, before yod occurring at present in coda position ([kɾo], [kɾu(j)] CRUCE, [vo], [vuj] VOCE, Old Picard angoisse, anguisse; Gossen 1976, 82). Another option is dissimilatory lowering into [ɔ], as exemplified by [dʒiˈnɔ] GENUCULU, [pɔɲ] PUGNU and [rɔtʃ] RUBEU. The mid high back vowel has diphthongized before primitive syllable-final [j] of various origins including the sequences /ɾj/ and in derived from [ɲ] ([nwɛʃ], [nwe] NUCE, [kɾwɛ] CRUCE, [vwɛs], [vwɛj] VOCE, [bwe] BUXU, [wɛ], [we] -ORIU, Picard [pwɛ̃ ] PUGNU). Other examples are [ãˈgwɛs] ANGUSTIA and [iˈvwɛr] EBOREU (Sutterlin 1902, 284). At least in some cases, forms with [wa] may have been imported from French ([kɾwa] CRUCE, [vwa] VOCE, [fwaʀ] FERIA). Another option is [ø] also before coda yod and primitive [ʎ] in the case of the lexical forms for PUTEU, PEDUCULU, GENUCULU, NUCE and CRUCE as well as the ending -ORIU, essentially in Walloon. This realization, which is also found for /e/ in open syllables and before yod, may have emerged though the pathway oi > [oe̯ ] > [ue̯ ] > [we] > [wɛ] > [wœ]/[wø] > [ø] (Francard 1980, 80), or else directly from oi (oi > [øj]) at least in Liégeois, a sound change which could also account for the outcomes [u], [y] (Remacle 1992, 50). On the other hand, the stressed vowel of the forms [py], [pys]/[pyʃ] PUTEU, which co-occur with [pɥi] in Picard, [yʃ] OSTIU and [kwiv/f], [kɥiv/f] CUPRU appears to have been treated like /u/ before yod.

402

11 French

11.3.4 Low vowel The low vowel /a/ raises to [ɛ], [e] in open syllables in N. French. Moreover, while there is [e] in open syllables and [ɛ] in closed syllables in Standard French and Picard (pré, père), Walloon has for the most part [e] in both cases ([pɾe], [per]) or else the reverse situation ([pɾɛ], [per], and also [sɛ] SALE, [fef] FABA; Francard 1980, 27). In word-final position we also find ei and even ai in specific cases ([ej], [ɛj], [aj] -ATA, as in Walloon [dʒurˈnej], [dʒurˈnɛj], Picard [ʒurˈnɛj], [ʒurˈnaj]; Gilliéron /Edmont 1902–1910, map 731), and also o in Picard, which could have resulted from /a/ shortening in former checked syllables ([bɾo] BRACCHIU, [so] SACCU). Several contextual changes deserve attention. There is often [w] insertion after a labial consonant in both dialects ([fwɛr], [fwar] ✶FAIRE < FACERE; Feller 1897, 220; Flutre 1977, 81). On the other hand, /a/ has either stayed low or changed to o before the following consonants, as exemplified by data taken from several monographs and from Gilliéron/Edmont (1902–1910, maps 76, 235, 304, 753, 992, 1273): /r/ preferentially in coda position (Liégeois [tʃar], [tʃo(r)] CARNE, [lar], [lor] LARDU); /sC/ (Namurois [pos] PASTA; Niederlander 1900, 13); prevocalic and preconsonantal /l/, the mid front outcome also being possible in the former context (Walloon [pal], [pɛl], [pol] PALA, [ot] ALTERU, Picard [ɔt], [mo] MALU); and a labial or labiodental (Walloon [taf], [tof], [tol] TABULA, [klo] CLAVU, Picard [klɔ(w)]). In all or most of these cases, the replacement of a by o (as well as the backing of /a/ into [ɑ] in Liégeois) may be accounted for through regressive assimilation induced by the postvocalic consonant and thus need not have been preceded by off-glide insertion or consonant vocalization (see Bruneau 1913a, 240 regarding the contextual /l/ case). Other context-dependent outcomes are [u] before /l/ followed by a dental stop in Walloon ([ot], [ut] ALTERU), and [œ] next to a labial consonant or issued from the outcome ou of preconsonantal /al/ in Picard ([fœf] FABA, [lœf] LABRU, [klœ(ɥ)] CLAVU, [œt] ALTERU). After an (alveolo)palatal consonant, the low vowel may have raised to e, i (< ie) in infinitives, as exemplified by Walloon [baˈɲe], [baˈɲi] BALNEARE, [kãˈdʒe], [kãˈdʒi] CAMBIARE, and Picard [poˈji] PACARE, [kãˈte], [kãˈti] CANTARE, the forms with the intermediate diphthong [je] being available in Somme ([eˈdje] ADIUTARE; Flutre 1955, 5). Nouns and adjectives may show [(j)ɛ], [(j)e], [i]: Walloon [cjɛr], [tʃjɛr], [tʃir] CARU, [marˈtʃí] MERCATU, [mwɛˈti] MEDIETATE, [aˈɾij] AREATA; Picard [cjɛr], [kɛr], [cjir] CARU, [marˈcje], [marˈʃe]/[marˈʃí] MERCATU, [moˈtje] MONASTERIU, [aɾaˈɲij] ARANEATA (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 268, 812). Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, data from Table 62 reveal that, in both dialects, the vowel has stayed low before former [ʎ], nowadays implemented as [j] and [l] (PALEA, ALLIU, TENACULA, MACULA), and either has been maintained or

11.3 Northern French dialects

403

has raised to mid front before [ɲ] (MONTANEA, ARANEA, CASTANEA, and also Walloon [diˈmɛ͂ɲ], Picard [diˈmɛ̃ ʃ]/[diˈme͂ʃ] DIE DOMINICU; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 405). The two options may also occur before palatoalveolar or alveolar fricatives and affricates, which have had no yod preposed to them and may be traced back to the following primitive consonantal sequences: /tj kj/ (Walloon a, e and Picard a for ✶PLATTEA, GLACIE, BRACCHIU); labial consonant +/j/ sequences (Walloon a ✶ ✶ CAVEA, a, e RABIA, Frank. HAPPIA, e SAPIAT; Picard a RABIA, CAVEA, Frank. HAPPIA, e SAPIO); a velar geminate (Walloon, Picard a VACCA, and also Walloon [satʃ], [sɛtʃ] and Picard [sa(k)], [so] SACCU); and /tk/ (Walloon a FROMATICU, a, e VILLATICU; Picard a FROMATICU, VILLATICU). These examples reveal that, at least in these particular contextual environments, Picard has behaved more conservatively than Walloon regarding the low vowel raising process, which is in agreement with other data showing that the raising of the low vowel before yod occurred at a late date in modern Picard (Flutre 1977, 80–81). Low vowel raising has also taken place before [j], though not systematically. This sound change has operated consistently before [jɾ], as exemplified by the data for ✶FAIRE < FACERE, TRAHERE and PLACERE, and also the forms [ɛr] AREA and [tɛr] TACERE (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 20, 1277). As to the ending -ARIU/-ARIA (see Table 49), there is [je] -ARIU/[jɛr] -ARIA in Picard, from which the phonetic realizations [i]/[i(r)] and [i]/[ɛr], [er] available mostly in Walloon were generated perhaps while stress was falling on the high front vocalic segment. Thus, PRIMARIU is typically realized as [pɾəˈmi], [pɾyˈmi] in Walloon and as [pɾəˈmje] in Picard, and CALDARIA as [tʃoˈdir], [tʃoˈd(j)er], [tʃoˈdɛr] in the former dialect and as [koˈdjɛr] in the latter (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 255, 1088). Low vowel raising has applied more variably before coda or onset yod of other origins, whether available or not nowadays: an (alveolo)palatal stop derived from /dj/ (a, e RADIU, [baj] BADIU in Walloon), front /g/ (Walloon a, e PLAGA, a ✶HAGJA; Picard a, e PLAGA, ✶HAGJA) or front /k/ (Walloon a, e ✶ PACE, a PACAT); /ssj/ (Walloon, Picard a CRASSIA), /sj/ (Walloon a, e, Picard e BASIU); /kt/ (Walloon a, e LACTE, e FACTU; Picard e LACTE, FACTU), /ks/ (Walloon, Picard a, e FRAXINU); /j/ (Walloon, Picard a, e ✶AYO, MAIU). There can also be a mid front vowel before syllable-onset clusters ([mɛk]/[mɛg], [mek]/[meg] MACRU, [ɛg(l)], [eg(l)] AQUILA).

11.3.5 Mid low front vowel In open syllables, /ɛ/ diphthongized into ie, perhaps produced as a non-canonical falling diphthong, which later monophthongized into i in Walloon ([pi] PEDE, [lif] LEPORE) and has remained as [jɛ], and as [je] absolute word-finally, in Picard

404

11 French

([mjɛl], [mje] MEL, [ʎɛf]/[jɛf] LEPORE, [pje] PEDE). In checked syllables, the mid low vowel is often realized as [jɛ] in Walloon and as [ɛ] ([e] word-finally) in Picard, and shows several context-specific phonetic realizations before /rC/ (Walloon [jɛ(r)p] HERBA, [fjɛr], [fjar] FERRU, Picard [ɛrb]/[ɛrp], [fɛr]), /sC/ (Walloon [bjɛs] BESTIA, Picard [bɛt]) and /lC/ (Walloon [bɛl], [bal] BELLA, [pyrˈnɛl], [pɾyˈnal] PRUNELLA) (Niederlander 1900, 17–19; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 118, 129, 552, 686, 1098). As to the ending -ELLU, see section 11.3.7. Data for /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant are presented in Table 63. Differences in vowel duration have not been transcribed phonetically, though vowels in Walloon may be long or short depending on dialect area. Those forms for VECLU and MELIUS in which /ɛ/ diphthongization has been triggered by postvocalic [w] (essentially [vjø]/[vjy], [mjø]/[mjy]) have not been included in Table 63 and will be referred to in section 11.3.7. Also SECAT has been excluded from consideration since its stressed vowel has evolved along the same lines as /e/ in PLICAT and FRICAT (Walloon [soj], [sɔj], [suj], Picard [swɛ], [swe], [swa(j)]; see section 11.3.2 and Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1205). Overall, the lexical items displayed in Table 63 may show a rising diphthong, a mid front vowel, whether by itself or as the nucleus of a canonical falling diphthong, and/or a high front vowel, and, as described next, the dialectal distribution of these phonetic outcomes varies according to consonantal context, word and dialect. In Picard, forms with [i] occur by themselves or together with forms with a rising diphthong. The former option is generally available before primitive yod, while there is both ie and i in the case of ✶PETTIA and INTEGRU/INTEGRA, those lexical items ending in -ERIU and, as revealed by the presence of word-initial [ɲ], also NEPTIA. Forms for VECLA have a rising diphthong (or a triphthong) and no [i]. The scenario for Walloon is more complex. High front [i] is found essentially in all cases whether by itself (LEGIT, PEIOR, DECEM, SEX, MINISTERIU) or co-occurring with other phonetic realizations: a rising diphthong or a triphthong and possibly e, ei (✶PETTIA, VECLU/VECLA, MELIUS, COEMETERIU, INTEGRU/INTEGRA, CATHEDRA); a mid front vowel, mostly [e] (PRETIU, PECTINE, LEGERE, PEIUS, TEXERE, PECTU, LECTU, CERESIA, ECLESIA); the falling diphthongs [ɛj], [ej] (NECAT, PRECAT); and both a falling diphthong and a mid vowel (✶DIMEDIU). Though the outcome [i] is indigenous to the N. French dialects (Feller 1897, 224; Gossen 1976, 64), the doublets for CERESIA and ECLESIA suggest that it may have been imported from Standard French in this case. Moreover, in light of the forms with ie and i just mentioned (occurring most often in Picard), the source of the high front vowel appears to have been a rising diphthong or a triphthong from which e, ei could have also emerged (Fouché 1969, 327). However, in view of the high frequency of occurrence of the graphemes ei, e in Old Walloon (peis PEIUS, lere LEGERE, let LECTUM (part.), deis DECEM), some scholars believe that a

11.3 Northern French dialects

405

development e < ei, not e < ei < iei, would have taken place in this French dialect (Meyer-Lübke 1890, 160–162; Boutier 1995, 294, and see Remacle 1992, 47–48 for a summary of the two opinions). In order to better explore the phonetic situation of /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, documentary material from Old Walloon (13th–14th c.) and Old Picard (15th–17th c.) are presented in Table 58. They have been taken from Niederlander (1900), Wilmotte (1932), Gossen (1967; 1976) and Flutre (1970; 1977). Data for Old Walloon presented in the table show several lexical forms with e(i), i and with ie in most cases as well: ei, i for MEDICU, DELECTU; ie, e(i), i for DECIMU/DECIMA, SEX, LECTUM (part.), ECLESIA, ILLAEI, and also for DECEM if we take into account the variant diex which appears in addition to siex SEX in 16th–17th c. documents (Gossen 1967, 310). An argument against a possible change ie(i) > i in examples of this sort is that the digraph ie could stand for [i] rather than for a true diphthong (see Wilmotte 1932, 56). The situation is assumed to be more straigthforward in Liégeois where the high frequency of occurrence of the outcome [e] suggests that the pathway ei > e is likely to have been at work here, though present-day forms with [i] in this dialect region point to a non-homogeneous evolutionary pattern across the lexicon: [le] LECTU, [pes], [pej], [pe] PEIUS, PECTU, [me] MEDIU, [ler] LEGERE vs. [vi] VECLU, [mi] MELIUS, [diʃ], [diç]/[dih] DECEM, [sis], [siç]/[sih] SEX, [mɛsˈti] MINISTERIU, [ɛ͂ˈtir] INTEGRA (Wilmotte 1932, 192, 219–220; Francard 1980, 50–51; Haust 1933). Regarding the non-homogeneous development of /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Walloon, it has also been suggested that forms with i could have derived from a non-canonical falling diphthong or triphthong with a high vowel nucleus, and those with e(i) from a canonical rising diphthong or a triphthong with stress on the second segment, the relative frequency of the two diphthongal types and their outcomes varying according to dialect region (Wilmotte 1932, 223; Valkhoff 1933). The data for Picard presented in Table 58 are more consistent with the /ɛ/ diphthongization hypothesis in so far as they include forms with i and/or ie but rarely with e(i).

11.3.6 Mid low back vowel In Walloon, in parallel to the simplification of ie derived from /ɛ/ into [i], stressed /ɔ/ in open syllables was replaced by the diphthong uo perhaps with stress on the first element, which was monophthongized into [u] at a later date ([bu] BOVE, [nuf] NOVEM; Remacle 1992, 53). Other less widespread outcomes are [(j)œ], [(j)ø], [y] in W. Walloon and [jœ], [jø], [y] in Luxembourg ([b(j)ø], [by] BOVE; Guignard 1908, 47; Remacle 1953, map 4). According to Bruneau (1913a, 200–204) and also

406

11 French

Table 58: Old N. French written variants for words with /ɛ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. ie

ei

e

i

Walloon ✶

piche, pice

PETTIA

MEDIU, MEDIA

mei, demei lere

LEGERE

peiz/s

PEIUS DECIMU, DECIMA

dyemes, dieme

deime

deme

deix

DECEM

siez, siies

SEX

eist

MEDICU

meide (part.)

lies

six

mide let

lit piz

PECTU ELECTU, ELECTOS

di(s)me dix

sex

EXIT

LECTUM

demi

enlyes

ellit despiz

DESPECTU

deleit

DELECTU

delit profit

PROFECTU ECLESIA

e(n)glieze, gliese

egleise

(✶ECCE) ILLAEI

lie

lei, celeie

egleze

e(n)glize, gliz/se ly, cely

Picard ✶

PETTIA

NEPTIA

pieche

pice

nieche pri

PRETIU VECLA

vie(i)lle

✶

demi

DIMEDIU

PEIOR

pire

DECEM

dix, di

SEX

sex

si

11.3 Northern French dialects

407

Table 58 (continued) ie

ei

e

i

LECTU

li

DESPECTU

dépi

ECLESIA

glise

INTEGRU

entir

MONASTERIU

moutié

MANUARIA

magniere

MINISTERIU

métié

COEMETERIU

chimentiere

CATHEDRA

cayere

manere

manire

Remacle (1992, 52), those rising diphthongs were issed from [ɥœ]/[ɥø], and the outcome [y] from the falling diphthongs [ˈyœ̯ ]/[ˈyø̯ ] through reduction and deletion of the off-glide. Lexical variants with a delabialized mid front vowel may also be found ([nɛf] NOVEM, [bje] BOVE). Picard, on the other hand, has [œ], which must also come from [ɥœ] and is realized as [ø] absolute word-finally ([nœf] NOVEM, [fiˈʎœl], [fijø] FILIOLU), the high front rounded vowel realization being also available in the word-final position apparently if /ɔ/ was formerly followed by a labial or vocalized /l/ ([by] BOVE, [fiˈʎy]/[fiˈjy] FILIOLU; Sutterlin 1902, 286). Several contextually conditioned outcomes occur in checked syllables. Before /rC/ and /sC/, we find [wɛ], [wa] in Walloon and [u] in its westernmost zone while Picard has essentially [ɔ] (Walloon [mwɛr], [mwar], [mur] MORTUU, [kwɛr], [kwar] CORPUS, [kwɛt], [kwat] CHORDA, [kwɛs], [kwas], [kut] COSTA; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 325, 883; Grignard 1908, 49). As noted in the literature, forms such as [ˈkɔe̯ d] Fr. chorde and [ˈbɔe̯ n] Fr. borne support the offgliding origin of those diphthongs (Bruneau 1913a, 115–116). Before /lC/, on the other had, both dialects have [o], [u] and Picard also [œ], [ø] and ou, eu: Walloon, Picard [ko], [ku] COLLU; Walloon [mur], Picard [mœr] MOLERE; Walloon [ko], [ku], Picard [kɔw]/[kow], [kɛw]/[kew], [ˈkoo] ✶COLPU; Walloon [pos], [pus], Picard [pɔw]/[pow], [pɛw]/[pew], [pœʃ]/[pøʃ], [pus], [puʃ] POLLICE (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 328, 879; Gossen 1976, 75). Regarding this same /lC/ context condition, the presence of the graphemes au, ol, ou, o in Old Picard may be taken to indicate that o has emerged from the vocalized outcome ou and the mid front rounded vowel from either ou or eu.

408

11 French

Before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, there are different scenarios, which are reviewed below (see Table 64). (a) In both dialects, the vowel stays unmodified before a palatoalveolar affricate or fricative derived from /pj/ and /kka/, /kj/ (POPIA/Frank. ✶POKKA, CLOCCA, PA✶ ROCHIA), and appears to have diphthongized in the case of NOPTIA. (b) In parallel to Standard French, /ɔ/ diphthongization must be called forth in order to account for the cross-dialectal outcomes [ɥi] (also [wi]) and [y] before coda yod derived essentially fom a coda velar (COCERE, COXA, NOCTE, OCTO, COCTU, VOCITU), a palatalized consonant (DE POSTEA) and /ɾj/ (CORIU). The mid low back vowel realization appears to have been preserved in the Walloon form [kɔʃ] COXA. (c) Before former [ʎ], which has shifted to [j] and [l], the most characteristic outcomes are [u], [y] together with unmodified o in Walloon, and, analogously to French, the diphthongization end products [œ], [ø] and also [wɛ]/ [ɥɛ] in Picard. Among other etyma, this scenario applies to FOLIA, OLEU (the form [ɥil] has been imported from Standard French) and OCULU, and also to Walloon [mɔj] MOLLIAT. (d) A fourth group of lexical items show essentially the same outcomes as those in group (c) in Walloon and those in group (b) in Picard. In this case /ɔ/ has been followed by [j] derived mostly from a primitive (alveolo)palatal consonant located syllable-initially in words such as TROIA, HODIE and INODIU/INODIAT, and also MODIU which has yielded [mu] in Walloon and [mɥi] in Picard. In sum, the phonetic outcome of /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant depends to a large extent on whether the (alveolo)palatal has occurred in coda or onset position ((b) vs. (c, d)) in Walloon, and, analogously to French, on whether it comes from [ʎ] or not ((b, d) vs. (c)) in Picard. Regarding the corresponding phonetic developments, it may be hypothesized that forms with [u] have arisen through straight vowel raising at least in some cases (e.g., Liégeois [uj] HODIE; Marchot 1892) and those with [ø] through the consecutive sound changes [ˈye̯ j]/[ɥej] > [ˈyø̯ j]/[ɥøj] > [(ɥ)ø]. The outcomes [y] and also [ɥi], [wi], on the other hand, have different possible origins: they could have resulted from the end product ui of either uei whether realized initially as [ˈue̯ j] or [wej] (Walloon; Francard 1980, 73) or uoi (Picard; Wüest 1995, 306); they may have emerged from oi, at least in Walloon and in Picard spoken in the Lille and Hainaut regions and thus through the pathway oi > [uj] > [yj] > [y] (Flutre 1977, 97–98, Remacle 1992, 63, and also Meyer-Lübke 1890, 187 and La Chaussée 1982, 116 according to whom /ɔ/ did not diphthongize before (alveolo)palatals in Walloon). According to the Old Walloon data presented in Table 59 taken from the same sources as those shown in Table 58, forms with oi and a high back vowel co-occur fairly

11.3 Northern French dialects

409

often though, analogously to the /ɛ/ situation, this state of affairs is by no means exclusive (MODIU, ✶PLOVIA and OCTO show lexical variants with ue). The scenario for Picard does not look very different except for the presence of more instances of ue before [ʎ] and perhaps fewer cases of oi, which could correspond to the same phonetic realization as ue (fuelle, foille; Gossen 1976, 77). Table 59: Old N. French written variants for words with /ɔ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. ue(i)

eu

o(i)

e

u(i), oui, wi

Wallon POSTEA

pois

OLEU

oile, oille

puis

wy, (h)ui

HODIE MODIU

mue

moi

mui(s)

neure

NOCERE

nuire nuiset, nuist

NOCEAT ✶

PLOVIA

plueve

ploive, plaive

PROXIMU

proismes

COXA

coisse

OCTO

(o)wiet

pleve

ouit, ute, (o)wit, (o)vit, wite

NOCTE

noit

VOCITU

voide

nuy/it, nui(t)z

Picard (DE) POSTEA

pi, (de)pui

FOLIA

fue(i)lle

foille, folle

VOLEO

vueil

voil

SOLIU

sueil

✶

APPODIU

MODIU

apoi moy

mui

HODIE

(h)ui

INODIU

ennui

410

11 French

Table 59 (continued) ue(i)

eu

o(i)

e

anoie

INODIAT

u(i), oui, wi anui(e)

COCERE

cuire

NOCERE

nuire paroche, paroisse

PAROCHIA ✶

PLOVIA

pleuve

✶

puische

POSSIAT

PROXIMU

paruisse

proesme

OCTO

(h)uit, huict, hui

NOCTE

nui(t)

VOCITU

vuide

CORIU

cuir

✶

MORIAT

muire

Some more specific aspects of the data presented in Table 64 may now be addressed. The incompatibility between the lingual gestures for a complex onset cluster and the rising diphthong ue may account for on-glide deletion in [plaf], [plɛf] ✶PLOVIA (there is also [pwɛf] derived through /l/ deletion in Liégeois; Doutrepont/Haust 1892, 82) and also in [ˈnɛe], [ne(j)] NOCTE (the pathway [ny] > [nø]/[nœ] > [nɛ] has also been proposed for Liégeois; Marchot 1892, 81). As to LONGE, we find in Picard [lwã], [lwɛ̃ ], whose origin is the same as in Standard French (section 11.1.3), and also [lõ] which has arisen presumably through on-glide deletion (Flutre 1977, 95). On the other hand, the forms [wid], [ɥid] of VOCITU have been achieved through [v] deletion and the variant [jyt] OCTO through insertion of prothetic [j].

11.3.7 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants 11.3.7.1 Labiovelar glide In N. French, the sequence [ɛw] has undergone the developments [jɛw] > [jœw] > [jø] and ieu > [iw] > [jy] (Picard, Walloon [djø], [djy] DEUS, Old Walloon Dieu(s), Diu(s); Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 404; Gossen 1976, 55–58). Walloon also has [djɛ], which in principle could derive from Dieu or from [djø] (see

411

11.3 Northern French dialects

Table 60: Phonetic realization of /e/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in N. French dialects. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for N. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11. Lexical variants with a high vowel are displayed in the right-hand columns. Walloon 

AURICULA

oˈɾej, ɔ/oˈɾɛj, ɔˈɾaj

CORBICULA

kwarˈbɛj

CORNICULA

kɔrˈnɛj, kwa/ɛrˈnɛj, kwa/ɛrˈnaj, kɔrˈnaj

BUTTICULA

bɔ/uˈtɛj, bɔ/uˈtaj

SOLICULU

sɔˈle, sɔˈlɛ(j)

SIGNU

seɲ, sɛ̃ ɲ/n

LIGNU

lɛɲ

TINEA

Picard ɔˈɾɛj/l, oˈɾɛj/l, øˈɾɛj/l, eˈɾɛl, o/eˈɾal kwarˈbij korˈnɛl

buˈtij

buˈtɛl/j(ə), buˈtal soˈle(j), soˈlɛl/j, soˈlaj

siɲ/n

sɛ̃ ɲ/n

siɲ/n

teɲ, tɛɲ

tiɲ

tɛɲ/n

tiɲ/n

CORRIGIA

kɔˈɾoj, kɔ/uˈɾwe, kuˈɾwɛ, kuˈɾwa

kɔˈɾuj

ko/uˈɾo, koˈɾwe, koˈɾwɛ(j), koˈɾwa(j), kuˈɾwa, ko/uˈɾwo

koˈɾɥi

REGE

rɔj, rwɛ, rwa

PLICAT

ploj, plɔj



CRESCERE

kɾeʃ/h, kɾɛʃ/h, kɾɛç



DIRECTU

dɾe, dɾø, dɾœ, dɾ(w)e, dɾ(w)ɛ, d(ɾ)wa

DIRECTA

dɾøt, dɾœt, dɾ(w)ɛt, d(ɾ)wat

STRICTU

stɾø, stɾœ, stɾ(w)ɛ, stɾ(w)a

STRICTA

stɾɛt, stɾøt, stɾœt, st(ɾ)wɛt, stɾ(w)at

stɾyt

sˈtɾɛt, eˈtɾøt, eˈtɾœt, eˈtɾwet, stɾut eˈtɾwɛt, eˈtɾwat, eˈtɾwɔt

TECTU

tɛ, tø, tœ, twe, twɛ, twa, two, tjø, tjœ

tu, ty

to, tø, tœ, twe, twa, two

tu, twi

FERIA

for, fwɛr, fwar

fwɛr, fwer, fwar

fur







ro, rwe, rwa pluj

dɾyt

plo(j), plwɛj, plwa(j)

pluj, plij

dɾɛ, dɾwe, d(ɾ)wa, dɾ(w)o, dɾ(w)ø

dɾu, dɾwi

dɾɔt, dɾœt, dɾwet, dɾwɛt, d(ɾ)wat, dɾ(w)ɔt, dɾ(w)ot

dɾut

eˈtɾo, eˈtɾø, eˈtɾwe

eˈtɾwi

412

11 French

Table 61: Phonetic realization of /o/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in N. French dialects. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for N. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11. Lexical variants with a high vowel are displayed in the right-hand columns. Wallon

Picard



PUTEU

pøs

pys

py(ʃ), pɥi



PEDUCULU

pø

py, pju

pu

gɛ/œrˈnuj

gɛrˈnuj/l, garˈnuj/l g(ə/ɛ)ˈnu, ʒ(e)ˈnu

RANUCULA





GENUCULU

dʒiˈnɔ, ɲɔ, ɲœ

dʒ(i)ˈnu

PUGNU

poɲ, pɔɲ

puɲ

pø͂, pwɛ̃ , pwã

CUNEU

kwɛ̃ (n)

ku/yɲ

kɥ/wɛ̃

NUCE

nøʃ, nwɛʃ

CRUCE

kɾø, k(ɾ)we, kɾwɛ, k(ɾ)wa

VOCE

Germ. ✶

BOSK



no(j), nwe, nwɛ, nwa, nwo, nwø, ˈno/ue̯

nu(j)

kɾwe, k(ɾ)wa, kɾ(w)o, krwø

kɾu(j)

vwɛ(ʃ/s), vwa

vo, vwes, vwɛj, vwas

vuj

bo, bɔ, bwe, bwɛ(s), bwa

bo, bwa

bu

BUCCA RUBEU

rɔtʃ



BUXU



TRUCTA

tɾøt



FORIA

for, fwaʀ

-ORIU

ø, we, wɛ

kɾy

butʃ, buʃ

buk, buʃ

rudʒ, rutʃ

ruʒ/ʃ bwe, bwa

tɾut, tɾyt, t(ɾ)wit

ˈbuʃe, bwi, bɥi(ʃ) tɾy(j)t, tɾwit

fwɛr, fwaj u

o, ø, we, wɛ, wa(r)

y

Bruneau 1913a, 129 regarding the latter possibility), and E. Picard exhibits the variant [di], which is obviously related to [djy]. The parallel forms [dʒy]/[dʒi] and [dʒe]/[dʒə] occur for EGO in Walloon (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 23; Gossen 1976, 123).

413

11.3 Northern French dialects

Table 62: Phonetic realizations of /a/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in N. French dialects. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for N. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11. Left-hand column: low and mid back vowels; righthand column: mid and high front vowels, the latter in boldface. Data for -ARIU/-ARIA are given in Table 49. Walloon 





✶

plas

plɛs

plas/ʃ

GLACIE

glas

glɛs

glas/ʃ

BRACCHIU

bɾa

bɾɛ(s), bɾe

bɾa, bɾo

PALEA

paj

paʎ, pal/j

ALLIU

a, aj/l

aʎ, al/j

TENACULA

tɛˈnaj, ɛkˈnaj

MACULA

maj

MONTANEA

mõˈtãɲ/n

mõˈtɛ̃ ɲ

mõˈtãɲ/n

mõˈtɛɲ/n

ARANEA

a/ɔˈɾaɲ, aˈɾɔɲ

a/ɔˈɾɛɲ, ɛˈɾɛɲ

eˈɾan

aˈɾeɲe/i, aˈɾiɲe/i

CASTANEA

ʃaˈtaɲ

ʃaˈtɛ̃ ɲ/n, ʃaˈteɲ

kaˈtan

ʃ/kaˈtɛ̃ n

RADIU

ra

rɛ, re

raj

rɛ

aj, ˈae̯

ɛj, hɛ

plaj

plɛ(j), ple

PLATTEA

Frank.

✶

HAGJA

PLAGA

ɛkˈnɛj, ɛˈkne

plaj

teˈnaʎ, tˈnal/j maʎ, mal/j

(h)aj, oj plɛj, plej pler

PLACERE



Picard

PACE

paj, po

PACAT

paj, poj

RABIA

ratʃ, raʃ

CAVEA

katʃ, kadʒ

Frank. ✶HAPPIA

(h)atʃ, aʃ

plɛr

pe pwɛ rɛtʃ

raʒ/ʃ kaʒ

(h)ɛp

ap, aʃ se

SAPIO

sɛp

SAPIAT VACCA

vatʃ

VILLATICU

viˈlatʃ, viˈ(j)atʃ

vak viˈ(j)ɛtʃ

viˈlaʒ/ʃ

414

11 French

Table 62 (continued)



Walloon

Picard

FROMATICU

fɾu/oˈmatʃ

fɾoˈmaʒ/ʃ, fɾøˈmaʃ, fɾuˈmaʒ

LAXAT

laʃ

FRAXINU

fɾãn

✶

CRASSIA



LACTE

kɾaʃ/h, kɾax, kɾos/ʃ, kɾɔx ˈlaʃa, ˈlasja, ˈlase

FACTU

 

BASIU

baʃ

✶

FAIRE

TRAHERE



✶

fɾɛ̃ n, fɾẽn

fɾãn

fɾɛ̃ n, fɾẽn

kɾaʃ ˈlɛsja, ˈlɛse, ˈlese

le

f(w)e

fɛ, f(w)e

bɛtʃ, beʒ

bɛs/k

f(w)ɛr, fɛ, f(w)er, fe

f(w)ɛr, fwar

tɾer

tɾɛr, tɾer

a

e

a

ɛ, e(j)

MAIU

maj

me(j)

maj, ˈmaɛ̯

mɛ(j), me(j)

MAGIS

maj

me(s)

AYO

mɛ, me

As to the ending -ELLU, mid low front vowel diphthongization may have taken place before the vocalized outcome [w] of coda /l/ through the pathways eau > ieu > ia(u), io(u) or else the alternative developments eau > iau > ia and eau > iau > ieu, io(u). The graphemic sequences eau, iau are available in Old Picard (coutiaus CULTELLOS, beaus, biaus BELLOS; Gossen 1976, 61–62), and a considerable number of options occur in contemporary Walloon ([bja], [bjo] BELLU, [tʃaˈpja], [tʃaˈpjo] CAPELLU) and Picard ([bjo], [bjɔ(w)], [bjɛw] BELLU, [kaˈpjo] CAPELLU) (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 117; Theleen 1906, 11–12; Remacle 1953, map 11; Flutre 1977, 71). In addition, in Picard, [jɛw] may have also yielded [(j)œ]/[(j)ø] and [jɛj]/[jej] through the intermediate sequence [jɛɥ] ([bjœ], [bjø] BELLU, [kaˈpjø] CAPELLU, [baˈtjœ], [baˈtjø], [baˈtjɛj] Fr. bateau Old Eng. BAT+ELLU; Flutre 1977, 70). Other developments do not necessarily require the formation of the intermediate sequences ieu, iau: on the one hand, [ɛ], [e] ([tʃɛsˈte] CASTELLU, [tʃaˈpe] CAPELLU) may derive either from el before the plural marker s (-el(s) > -e(s)), from the

11.3 Northern French dialects

415

Table 63: Phonetic realization of /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in N. French dialects. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for N. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11. Lexical variants with a high vowel are displayed in the right-hand columns. Walloon 







✶

pɛs, pjɛs

pis/ʃ

PRETIU

pɾe

pɾi

NEPTIA

ɲɛs, ɲes

VECLU

vje

vi

VECLA

vɛj, vjɛj, vjej

vij/l, viç

MELIUS

mɛ, mjɛ

mi

VENIAT

vɛɲ, veɲ

PECTINE

pɛɲ

MEDIU, MEDIA

me, d(i)ˈmɛj, dˈme(j) dˈmi

LEGERE

ler

PETTIA





p(j)iʃ pɾi

ɲɛs/ʃ, ɲœʃ, ɲøʃ niʃ

piɲ/n

vjɛj/l, vjej

pɛ̃ ɲ/n, pãɲ/n dˈmø(j)

(d)ˈmi lir

li

li

pi

pis

PEIOR

pir

pir

DECEM

diʃ, diç

di(ʃ/s), dij

PEIUS



pjɛs/ʃ

lir

LEGIT



Picard

pe

NECAT

nɛj, nej

nij

PRECAT

pɾɛj

pɾij

pɾi

ʃiʃ, sis, siç

siʃ, si(s)

SEX TEXERE

ˈtɛʃ/h(e), ˈteʃe/i, teh tise

ˈtiʃ/se

PECTU

pe(j)

pi

pi(ʃ)

LECTU

lɛ, le

li

li

CERESIA

sɛˈɾeʃ/h

sɛˈɾis/ʃ, sɛˈliʃ/ç

sˈɾiz/s, ʃɛ/eˈɾiʃ

ECLESIA

gleh

eˈgliz/ʒ, eˈglis/ʃ, ɛˈgliʃ/ç

eˈgliz/s

COEMETERIU

sim(ɛ̃ )ˈtjɛʀ, simˈtjer

sə/umɛ͂ˈtir

s/ʃim(ɛ̃ )ˈtjɛr

simˈtjir

mɛsˈti

meˈtje

meˈti

ɛ͂ˈtir, aˈtir

ẽˈtje

ẽˈtir

MINISTERIU INTEGRU

ĩˈtjɛr

416

11 French

Table 63 (continued) Walloon

Picard ɛ̃ ˈtir, aˈtir

INTEGRA

ã/ẽˈtjɛr

CATHEDRA

tʃɛˈjɛr, tʃɛˈjer, tʃeˈjar tʃeˈji(r)

ẽ/ɛ̃ ˈtjɛr

ẽˈt(j)ir

ka/eˈjɛr

vocalized outcome [ɛw] (eu > e) or from the sequence ea̯ generated through offglide epenthesis (el > ea̯ l > ea̯ > e or eu > ea̯ u > ea̯ > e) (Fouché 1969, 319; Francard 1980, 48; Remacle 1992, 44–45); on the other hand, the ending eal (< el) may have given rise to the end product [ja] mentioned above in W. Walloon ([bja] < beal BELLU), as revealed by Old Liégeois forms such as chastial CASTELLU and saial SIGILLU (Bruneau 1913a, 110–111; Wilmotte 1932, 101). Other lexical items have undergone similar developments. Regarding MELIUS, VECLU and OCULU, mid low vowel diphthongization has operated before the outcome [w] of /l/ derived from preconsonantal [ʎ] after which ieu may have developed into [iw] (> [i]), [ju], [jy] (Old Picard miels MELIUS > mieus > mius; Gossen 1972, 64) and also into [jø], [jœ] followed by [jɛ]. Present-day variants of those three lexical items exhibit most of these vocalic sequences: Walloon, Picard [mjø], [mjy] and Walloon [mjɛ], [mɛ], [mja] MELIUS, the form [mjø] from which [mjɛ] appears to have derived being perhaps imported from Standard French (Bruneau 1913a, 138); Picard [(z)jø], [(z)jy] OCULOS and [vjœ]/[vjø], [vjy], [vi] VECLU (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 932, 1388; Flutre 1977, 78). Sequences with a stressed high or mid high vowel followed by vocalized coda /l/ have behaved analogously to those arising from /ɛ/ referred to above. This is so for ✶AXILE Fr. essieu (Walloon [aˈʃi], [aˈsi], [ɛˈsi], Picard [aˈʃy]/[aˈʃi], [aˈsi], [ɛˈsjø], [ɛˈsjy]; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 484), FILIOS (Old Picard fius, fieus; Gossen 1976, 70) and CAPILLOS (Liégeois [dʒˈvɛ], C. Walloon [tʃˈfja], W. Walloon [(t)ʃˈfø], Old Picard ceviaus, cave/ous, Picard [ʃˈfø], [kaˈv(j)ø], [kaˈvjɔw], [kaˈvɛɥ]; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 270; Remacle 1953, map 17; Gossen 1976, 61–63; Wüest 1995, 307). As to the ending -ĬCULU, the stressed back rounded vowel of [sɔˈlɔ]/[sɔˈlo] (Walloon) and [saˈlo] (Picard) of SOLICULU could originate in the dissimilated outcome oi of ei (Remacle 1992, 46–47 and see Table 60), or else in [aw] derived from eu ( < el < eʎ), as suggested by the other forms [soˈlaw]/ [saˈlaw] (Picard) and possibly [sɔˈlja] (Walloon) (Gossen 1976, 63). Changes in the stressed vowel may also occur before a postvocalic labiovelar glide of other origins. After vocalization of the velar consonant into [w], SEQUERE, with stressed /ɛ/, shifted to sieure and then siure, which could in turn develop into [sɥir] through metathesis (Picard) and finally the form [sɥir] was simplified into [syr], [sir] (Walloon) (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1267).

11.3 Northern French dialects

417

Table 64: Phonetic realization of /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in N. French dialects. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for N. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11. Lexical variants with a high vowel are displayed in the right-hand columns.





✶

NOPTIA

Walloon

Picard

nɔs, nwɛs, nwas

nɔs, nœʃ

POTEO

pø

pu, py(s)

pø, pwɛ͂, pwa

DE POSTEA

di/ysˈpoj

disˈpyj, dyˈpy, dyˈpɥi

FOLIA

fɔj, foj, faj

fuj, fyj

fœl/j, føl/j, fwɛl, fwel

OLEU

ol

ul, ɥil

ɔl, œl

OCULU

uj, y(j)

œʎ/l, œj, øj, ɥɛl

DOLIU

du, dy

dœl/j

edˈpɥi, edˈpy, edˈpi

SOLIU

sø(j)

su, sy

sœl/j

VOLEO

vø

vu, vy

vø

COLLIGERE

kɔt, ˈkɔji

kut, kyt

køˈʎ/je



LONGE

lõ



TROIA

tɾɔj, tɾoj

tɾuj

HODIE

odʒurˈdø

uj, y, o(d)ʒurˈdy

lõ, lwɛ̃ , lwã tɾuj, tɾy(i), tɾwi, tɾɥi oʒɔrˈdɥe

aˈnɔj, aˈnoj

✶

aˈnuj kyr/x

COCERE



kɥir

plɔf, plɛf/v, plaf, pluf, plyv pl/jœf, pløf, pwɛf

plœf/v, pløf/v

pɔʃ, pɔtʃ

pɔʃ

CLOCCA

klɔtʃ, klɔk

klɔk, klɔʃ, klok

PAROCHIA

paˈɾɔtʃ, pɔˈɾɔts

PLOVIA

POPIA, ✶

oʒɔ/urˈdy, oʒɔ/urˈdɥi eˈnɥi

INODIU INODIAT

ɥil

POKKA

418

11 French

Table 64 (continued) Walloon

Picard



COXA

kɔʃ

kuʃ, kyʃ, kwis, kɥis

kwiʃ/s, kɥiʃ, k/cɥis, tʃyʃ



NOCTE

ˈnɛe, ne(j), nøt

ny(t)

nɥi, ny



OCTO

wit, ɥit, (j)yt

ɥœt

wit, ɥi(t)

COCTU

kwi, ky(t)

kɥi, cy

VOCITU

vy(d/t)

w/ɥid, v(ɥ)id, vyt

CORIU

ky(r)

kwir, k/cɥir, k/cyr

Also after the vocalization or deletion of the velar stop consonant, stressed /e/ in TEGULA and REGULA went through the successive changes [ew] > ieu > iu > i, which explains the occurrence of the earlier forms tieule and rieule, [til] and [ril] in W. Walloon, and [tjyl] and the metathesized variant [tɥil] in Picard (Grignard 1908, 40; Flutre 1977, 79). The sound change iu > i also accounts for [ri] RIVU in Walloon (Gillièron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1159). 11.3.7.2 Velar stop Regarding FOCU, LOCU and IOCU, Walloon prefers mid front rounded vowel outcomes ([fœ], [fø], also [fy]; [lœ]; [dʒœ], [dʒø], also [dʒɛ]) and Picard, lexical variants with the high front rounded vowel [y] as well ([fø], [fy]; [l(j)y], Old Picard lieu, liu; [ʒø], [ʒy]) (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 558, 719). The initial stage of the corresponding phonetic developments appears to have been [ɥow] > [ɥew], which yielded [ew] through absorption of the rounded on-glide by the preceding labiodental in the case of FOCU, [jew] in the case of LOCU, and [ew] after palatalization of [j] into [dʒ] for IOCU. The mid front rounded vowel may have arisen from eu through regressive assimilatory rounding ([fœ], [fø] FOCU), and [y] ([fy]) either from [ø] ([fø]) or through the pathway [(j)ew] > [iw] > [(j)y] (Bruneau 1913a, 206; Gossen 1976, 77–80).

11.4 Western French dialects

419

11.4 Western French dialects 11.4.1 High front and back vowels High front rounded [y] (/u/) may lower to [ø], [œ] before the alveolar rhotic, to which we may add the replacement of [əˈy] by [ø] in the case of the ending -UTU (Norman [mør] MATURU, [bø] BIBUTU, Poitevin [bɛr] BUTYRU, [mɛr] MATURU; Guerlin de Guer 1901, 54–55; La Chaussée 1966, 61; Lepelley 1971, 18). On the other hand, in Poitevin, dissimilatory lowering may operate on /i/ and [y] (/u/) followed by the primitive alveolopalatals [ʎ] and [ɲ] ([fɛʎ], [fœʎ] FILIA, [vɛɲ], [vœɲ] VINEA, [aˈ yj], [aˈgœʎ]/[aˈgœj], [aˈgœl] ACUCULA; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 14, 570, 1392; Svenson 1959, 9, 12; La Chaussée 1966, 63; Gauthier 1983, 106). The sequence made up of [y] (/u/) followed by yod is realized often as [y], [i] or both instead of as [ɥi]: (Gallo) [fɾy] FRUCTU, [sy] Fr. suie ✶SUDIA, [tɾyt] TRUCTA; (Norman) [fɾi], [sij]; (Poitevin) [fɾy]/[fɾi], [syʒ]/[si] (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 615, 1265; Chauveau 1984, 86); it has been claimed that the outcome [i] has emerged from the former sequence [yj] with maintenance of stress on the first segment of the diphthong in Normandy (Guerlin de Guer 1901, 65) and from [ɥi] in Poitou (La Chaussée 1966, 62). f

11.4.2 Mid high front vowel In open syllables, ei derived from /e/ has often been simplified into [e], [ɛ], which are the prevailing phonetic outcomes all the way from Normandy down to Poitevin/Saintongeais ([tel], [tɛl] TELA, [se(r)], [sɛ(r)] SERA; Chauveau 2007, 147). Gallo also shows the simplified outcome [ə] in conditions disallowing segmental lengthening such as after a tautosyllabic cluster ([dɾə(t)] DIRECTU, [fɾə(t)] Germ. FRISK; Chauveau 1984, 79–81). (Data for stressed schwa in Gallo have been taken mostly from monographs and from Guillaume/Chauveau (1975–1983) but not from Gilliéron/Edmont (1902–1910), which transcribes instances of [ə] as [œ]; that being said, it is also the case that [ə] may sound [œ]-like in specific contexts, such as next to a labial consonant). When lengthened in specific conditions (i.e., word-finally, and before a primitive alveolar fricative or rhotic in coda position at some time in history), ei and also e may have undergone changes in the first segment (ei) or have diphthongized or lengthened (e), thus yielding e/ɛi, ai/ae, oi depending on the dialect area, after which these diphthongs could simplify into a single vowel; moreover, oi may have emerged from ai (< ei) rather than from ei. Here are some examples of all these phonetic end products: Norman [me], [ˈmaɛ̯ ] MENSE, [ˈsae̯ ] SE, [tʀɛ(j)], [tʀa] TRES, [eˈpɛ(j)] SPISSU, [fˈnaɛ̯ t] FENESTRA; Gallo [kɾajr],

420

11 French

[kɾor] CREDERE, [me(j)], [ˈma(ɛ̯ j)] MENSE, [sej], [sɛ(j)], [ˈsa(ɛ̯ )], [sɔ] SERA; Poitevin [sa], [so] SITE, [eˈpae̯ s]/[eˈpaɛ̯ s], [eˈpaɛ̯ j] SPISSU (Guerlin de Guer 1901, 27; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 471, 868, 1237, 1238; Lepelley 1971, 24). Specific vowel realizations may be geographically conditioned, as in Gallo, where lengthened /e/ is realized as [ɛ] in the west, [aj] in the centre and [a] in the east ([sɛ], [saj], [sa] SITE; Chauveau 1984, 63) Several contextual effects associated with adjacent non-palatal consonants should be mentioned at this stage. In checked syllables, /e/ is implemented as [ɛ], as before an articulated rhotic and geminates (Gallo [vɛr] VIRIDE, [mɛt] MITTERE; Robinard 1906, 565), and may shift to o, u before /l/ in Poitevin ([o(l)], [u] ILLU; Gauthier 1983, 105). The effect of a preceding labial may account for [w] insertion at the CV boundary ([p(w)ɛr] Fr. poire, [mwɛ] Fr. mois; Brasseur 1980–2019, maps 357, 597), while specific forms with [we], [wɛ], [wa], whether maintained as such or simplified into a single vowel realization, appear to have been influenced by or directly imported from Standard French (Gallo [tɾ(w)a], [twa] TRES, Poitevin [kɾ(w)ɛr] CREDERE, [t(w)ɛl], [twal] TELA, [bwɛr], [bwar] BIBERE; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 142, 1308, 1333; Gauthier 1983, 95). Regarding the effect of contextual (alveolo)palatals on /e/, progressive vowel raising accounts for [ʃi] Fr. cire and [pʎeˈzi] Fr. plaisir (Norman). As to the effect of postvocalic (alveolo)palatals, either assimilatory or dissimilatory changes may occur. As revealed by Table 67, /e/ may raise to [i] in rare instances, namely before [ɲ] ([tiɲ] TINEA, [siɲ] SIGNU), and also in the case of PLICAT. Before [ʎ] (which may be realized as [j] nowadays) and [ɲ], on the other hand, /e/ either has stayed mid high or has lowered into [ɛ], [a] everywhere, backed into [ɔ] in Gallo and Poitevin, or shifted to mid front rounded at least before [ʎ] in Poitevin ([oˈɾɛj], [oˈɾaj] AURICULA, [buˈtɛj], [buˈtaj] BUTTICULA, [aˈbɛj], [aˈbɔʎ], [aˈbøj] APICULA, [tɛɲ], [taɲ], [tɔɲ] TINEA). In parallel to [ej] in open syllables, a dissimilatory process has yielded the sequences [ɛj], [aj] and [ɔj] before yod of the following consonantal origins, which have sometimes been simplified into single vowels: [ ] ([kuˈɾɛ(j)] CORRIGIA, [pʎɛj], [plaj], [plɔj] PLICAT); /kt/ ([tɛ(j)t], [ta(j)] TECTU); /ɾj/ ([fɛ(j)r], [fajr] FERIA); /ske/ ([kɾɛt(r)], [kɾat] CRESCERE, which match the earlier forms creistre, craistre; von Wartburg 1922–2022; Chauveau 1984, 80). Lexical variants with the rising diphthongs [we], [wɛ], [wa] appearing in Table 67, some of which may have been imported from Standard French, often occur whenever /e/ is followed by yod but not by [ʎ] or [ɲ] ([kuˈɾwɛ], [kuˈɾwa] CORRIGIA, [rwɛ] REGE, [pʎwa] PLICAT, [dɾwe], [dɾwa] DIRECTU, [twe]/[twɛ], [twa] TECTU, [fwɛr], [fwar] FERIA, and also Norman [lwe] LEGE). Moreover, while in some cases single vowel realizations may be considered to derive from those rising diphthongs rather than from (more genuine) falling diphthongs with a palatal off-glide, the opposite may hold in other instances according to various f

11.4 Western French dialects

421

sources (e.g., [ta] TECTU is likely to derive from [taj] rather than from [twa]; see Chauveau 1984, 63–74 and section 11.3.2 in this connection).

11.4.3 Mid high back vowel The phonetic outcome of /o/ in open syllables is essentially [u] in all three dialect domains, but also [o] and [ø]/[œ] depending on the geographical area, lexical item and consonant context, the mid front rounded vowel being prone to occur before a rhotic ([pu(r)], [po], [pø(r)] PAVORE, [ur], [ør], [œr] HORA and also data for FLORE, NODU in Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 101, 582, 692, 915). Both [u] and the mid front rounded vowels appear to derive from [ow] at least in Norman and Gallo (Joret 1881, 15; Chauveau 1984, 95–97), while in Poitevin the former realization could be indigenous and the second one influenced by Standard French ([nuk] NODU, [u] -OSU; Pignon 1960, 222; La Chaussée 1966, 55–56). In checked syllables, /o/ may either lower to [ɔ] or raise to [u], as exemplified by data for words with postvocalic /rC/ (Norman [fu(r)] FURNU, [furk] FURCA, Poitevin [fɔrʃ] FURCA, [surt] SURDU; Svenson 1959, 11; Brasseur 1980–2019, map 1042, 200). Before turning to sequences consisting of /o/ and a following (alveolo)palatal consonant, we need to refer to historical instances of glide insertion in W. Norman which happen to take place at the offset of /o/ before certain consonants occurring nowadays in syllable-final position for the most part. Quite independently of whether /o/ was pronounced [o] or [u] at the time that off-gliding occurred, the glide insertion process takes place mainly before the dentoalveolar [t], the alveolars [s r], the palatoalveolars [ʃ (d)ʒ] and the alveolopalatals [ʎ ɲ], after which the resulting falling diphthongs could shift to [wo], [wɔ], [wu] (Morin 2014). Here are some relevant examples of both non-canonical falling diphthongs and rising diphthongs in the contextual condition of interest taken from several sources (Joret 1881, 15–17; 1884; Fleury, 1886, 37–39; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 151, 331, 421, 602, 603, 1171; Lepelley 1974, 24–27; Brasseur 1980–2019, map 1042; Spence 1985; Liddicoat 1994, 52–55): Stressed vowel: [ˈruə̯ (d)ʒ], [ˈruo̯ ʒ], [rwoʒ] RUBEU, [ˈbuo̯ ʃ], [bwoʃ] BUCCA, [dwoʃ] DULCE, [ˈkuə̯ r], [ˈkuo̯ r], [kwor] CURRERE, [ˈfuə̯ rk], [fwork], [fwurk] FURCA, [ˈfuə̯ ], [ˈfuo̯ ], [fwo] FURNU, [ˈtuə̯ s] TUSSIS, [ˈkuo̯ t], [kwodr] Old Fr. cosdre CONSUERE. Unstressed vowel: [buə̯ ˈji], [bwoˈji] DUCTILE+ITTU.

BULLIRE,

[duə̯ ˈʎe], [dwoˈje] Fr. douillet

422

11 French

These off-glide insertion data parallel those found in Romansh dialects (section 9.2.3) while being consistent with the hypothesis that the diphthongization of mid low vowels before (alveolo)palatal consonants started out with non-canonical falling diphthongs which could later change into rising diphthongs. Moreover, as some of these forms show, vowel breaking appears to have been favoured by the presence of a prevocalic labial, velar or a strong rhotic (see section 6.6 regarding E. Occitan in this connection). Before (alveolo)palatal consonants (see Table 68), the mid high back vowel has sometimes raised directly to [u] whenever followed by [ʎ] which may also be realized as [j] and [l] ([poj], [pu(j)] PEDUCULU, [ʒˈnɔʎ]/[ʒəˈnoj], [ʒˈnuʎ]/[ʒˈnuj] GENUCULU, [gərˈnɔj], [gərˈnuj] RANUCULA), before [ɲ] in Poitevin ([poɲ], [puɲ] PUGNU, [kɔɲ], [kuɲ] CUNEU, and also [kuɲ] COTONEU; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 308, 1046; Massignon/Horiot 1971–1983, map 297), in the case of the ending -ORIU, and, analogously to Standard French, before palatoalveolar affricates and fricatives derived from /bj/ and /kka/ ([ru(d)ʒ] RUBEU, [buʃ] BUCCA). On the other hand, PUTEU and perhaps BUXU evolved along the same lines as words with /uj/ such as FRUCTU Fr. fruit (see section 11.1.3), and it is an open question whether the variants of the former word [py] in Gallo and [pi] in Norman (also Norman and Gallo [y] OSTIU) came from [ɥi] or, as more widely accepted, from [ˈyj] instead (Chauveau 1984, 86). The mid high back vowel may also dissimilate into [ɔ] before [ʎ] and [ɲ] (Poitevin [gərˈnɔʎ] RANUCULA, [pɔɲ] PUGNU), and change into mid front labial before [ʎ] apparently through the pathway [oʎ] > [øʎ], [œʎ] clearly in Poitevin and in the case of the ending -ORIU in Norman (Poitevin [gərˈnœj] RANUCULA and also [kˈnœʎ]/[kˈnœj], [kˈnuʎ]/[kˈnuj] CONUCULA; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 668; Pignon 1960, 309); this mid front rounded vowel outcome may then lose its labial characteristic, thus becoming e and even a (Poitevin [ʒˈnœj], [ʒˈnɛj], [ʒˈnaʎ] GENUCULU, [kˈnɛʎ] CONUCULA; Pignon 1960, 309, 314–315). The diphthongs we, wa may be found before the primitive alveolopalatal lateral [ʎ] in words ending in -UCULU ([pwe(j)] and also [pwɛ(j)], [pwa(j)] PEDUCULU, Gallo [ʒəˈnwɛ(j)], [ʒəˈnwa(j)] GENUCULU), and before coda [j] of various origins: /tj/ (Poitevin [pwe], [pwa] PUTEU); [ɲ] ([pwɛ̃ ] PUGNU, [kwɛ̃ ] CUNEU, and also [kwe͂]/[kwɛ͂], [kwã] COTONEU); front /k/ ([nwe]/[nwɛ], [nwa] NUCE, [kɾwe]/[kɾwɛ], [kɾwa] CRUCE, and also [vwej] VOCE in Normandy); a labial + yod sequence ([kwɛf] COFIA); and /ɾj/ ([fwɛr] FORIA, and Gallo [wə] and Poitevin [wer], [war] in the case of -ORIU). In Gallo and Poitevin, lexical variants with [w] followed by e (older) and a (more recent) appear to have been imported from Standard French at least in some cases ([nwa] NUCE, [kɾwa] CRUCE, [bwa] Germ. ✶BOSK, as opposed to Poitevin [noj], [kɾoj], [boj]). Moreover, the rising diphthongs in question may have undergone assimilatory raising of the vowel nucleus ([we] > [wi], as in [nwi] NUCE, [pwi] PEDUCULU) and got rid of the on-glide [w] after an onset cluster

11.4 Western French dialects

423

([kɾe], [kɾə] CRUCE), while the preceding labial may have contributed to the presence of [w] in forms like those for PEDUCULU appearing in Table 68 (Pignon 1960, 314).

11.4.4 Low vowel In open syllables, /a/ has raised to a mid front vowel, which, the same as /e/ (section 11.4.2), may also be implemented as [ə] in Gallo where pré PRATU, acheter ✶ACCAPTARE and aimer AMATU end most often in [ə] or [e], as in [pɾə], [pɾe] PRATU. Word-finally, the lengthened mid high front vowel outcome was replaced by ei (a sequence already found in early written documents) and underwent later changes essentially in infinitives, in words ending originally in -ATU/ -ATA and/or before an etymological alveolar fricative: Norman [ˈpɾae̯ ], [pɾaj] PRATU, [ʃmiˈnɛe̯ ] CAMINATA; Gallo [nej], [naj] NASU, [pɾej], [pɾɛj], [pɾaj] PRATA; Poitevin [ʃãˈtɛj], [ ʃãˈta(j)], [ ʃãˈti] CANTARE, [sˈɾɛj], [sˈɾa(ɛ̯ )j] SERA+ATA, [nɛj], [na(j)] NASU (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 908, 1711; Chauveau 1984, 40–50). Contextually conditioned changes affecting /a/ have also taken place. The vowel has sometimes raised to [ɛ] before /rC/, particularly when preceded by a former (alveolo)palatal consonant (Norman [ˈdʒɛɾɛ] Gaul. ✶GARRA, [ˈdʒɛrni] Germ. WARNJAN; Liddicoat 1994, 17–18), and rounded to [u] in Poitevin and to [œ], [ø] in Gallo before a labial consonant ([kʎu] CLAVU, [fœv] FABA). Before /l/, /a/ may have changed to mid front or else to o whether directly or through an intermediate vocalic sequence ([top], [ˈtaɔ̯ p] TALPE, Norman [sa], [sɛ(l)], Gallo [se], [sə], [sɛl], Poitevin [sa], [so], [saw]/[ˈsaɔ̯ ] SAL; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1213, 1286). Moreover, the glide [w] may be inserted after a labial consonant in CV sequences often showing the realization [ɛ] of /a/ (Norman [pwɛ] PACO, [ˈbwɛze] BASIARE; Guerlin de Guer 1901, 86–87). After an (alveolo)palatal consonant, Norman shows the rising diphthong [je] generated through on-glide epenthesis and the non-canonical falling diphthong [ˈie̯ ], and also a high or mid front vowel derived from them ([ʃje], [ʃ(j)i], [ʃɛ]/[ʃe], Cotentin Peninsula [ˈcie̯ ], [ˈʃie̯ ] CARU; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 268). In addition to forms with e, Gallo still keeps some lexical forms with [je] and also with [jɛ] and [jœ]/[jø] ([ʃ(j)ɛr] CARU, CATHEDRA), while in Poitevin, where only the outcome e occurs, a change ie > e is assumed to have also taken place ([ʃɛr] for the two words; Pignon 1960, 191–193). As to the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal context condition (see Table 69), there is a strong tendency for /a/ to stay low before former [ʎ], which is still available in Norman and Poitevin (PALEA, TENACULA), and also in groups 1 and 5 and thus before a fricative derived from a former affricate whether palatoalveolar (FACIA, ✶ RABIA, CAVEA, HAPPIA, SAPIU, VACCA, FORMATICU, VILLATICU, and also Norman [mˈnaʃ]

424

11 French

or palatoalveolar or alveolar (✶PLATTEA, GLACIE). This tendency holds mostly though not exclusively in Norman and Poitevin, while forms with a, e often co-occur in Gallo. Before [ɲ] (MONTANEA, ARANEA, CASTANEA), on the other hand, the outcome e occurs on a par with a in all dialects and with o in Poitevin ([eˈɾɔɲ], [ʃaˈtɔɲ]). As expected, low vowel raising has taken place most frequently before yod located essentially in the syllable-final position. The raised vowel outcome occurs very systematically or even exclusively before /ɾj/ (TRAHERE, -ARIU/-ARIA), /kt/ (FACTU, LACTE and also PLACET), and /ssj sj/ (✶CRASSEU, BASIU), and in a dialectal subset before [j] derived from /j/ and /i/ (✶AYO, MAIU, MAGIS), /dj gj/ (RADIU, Frank. ✶HAGJA) and /ks/ (FRAXINU). Other relevant examples can be added such as Gallo [les] LAXAT, [paj], [pɛj], [pe], [pœ] PACE, [net] NASCERE and Norman [pwɛ] PACAT. Regarding the suffix -ARIU, as shown in Table 49, available forms with a rising diphthong in all three dialects prove that there has been diphthongization of the raised outcome [ɛ] of /a/ into ie followed by simplification of the sequence iei into ie, ei, e, i (Cotentin [uˈvɾie̯ j], [uˈvɾiə̯ ]/[uˈvɾie̯ ], [uˈvɾje], [uˈvɾi(ji)] OPERARIU; Fleury 1886. 33; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 962). MINACIA)

11.4.5 Mid low front vowel In open syllables, /ɛ/ has yielded [jɛ]/[je], [ˈiə̯ ]/[ˈie̯ ] and the assimilated outcome [(j)i] in Norman ([mjɛ(l)], [mje], [ˈmiə̯ ]/[ˈmie̯ ], [mi] MEL, Cotentin [ˈliə̯ vr], [ljivr] LEPORE; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 852; Brasseur 1980–2019, map 622). In Gallo, the same as the end products of non-lengthened /e/ and /a/ in open syllables (see sections 11.4.2 and 11.4.4), we find the most widespread realization [jə] and, in addition, [jɛ] and [je] in two geographical areas located in the north and south of this dialect domain ([tjəd], [tjɛd], [tjed] TEPIDU, [pjə], [pjɛ], [pje] PEDE). As to Poitevin, where a mid front vowel occurs which may lengthen word-finally ([lɛr], [lɛvr] LEPORE, [pe], [paj], [ˈpaɛ̯ ] PEDE), it remains unclear whether /ɛ/ diphthongization into ie from which e would have derived has ever taken place (Pignon 1960, 137–140). As a general rule, the vowel has kept its mid low front quality in checked syllables, and may lengthen before /s/ and /r/ and raise to [e] before the alveolar fricative whether still available or not (Norman [ˈtaɛ̯ t] TESTA, [ˈfae̯ ] FERRU, Jèrriais [bejt], Calvados from Thaon [bet] BESTIA, Gallo [fɛ] FERRU, [tet] TESTA; Guerlin de Guer 1901, 27; Robinard 1906, 565; Lepelley 1971, 35; Liddicoat 1994, 27). Moving to the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition, Table 70 shows forms with [i] in a large number of words in all dialects, the fact being that at least some of these must have been imported from or else influenced by Standard French. It may also be seen that the frequency of occurrence of the high front

11.4 Western French dialects

425

vowel outcome is somewhat higher in Norman than in Gallo and Poitevin (see the data for NEPTIA, VECLA, PECTU, COEMETERIU, INTEGRA). There are signs that [i] has originated from the rising diphthong [je], which may still be found in a number of words in all dialects (✶PETTIA, VECLU/VECLA, COEMETERIU, INTEGRA; Norman PECTINE, PEIUS, PEIOR, DECEM, TEXERE, LECTU, CATHEDRA) and may have caused a preceding alveolar to shift to alveolopalatal ([ɲ] in NEPTIA everywhere, [ʎ] in LECTU and LEGERE in Norman). Moreover, as also shown in the table, there are forms with non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high front vowel nucleus in the Upper Manche (Auderville, Les Moitiers d’Allonne [ˈvɥyə̯ l] VECLA, [ˈpie̯ ɲ] PECTINE, [ˈtiə̯ tr] TEXERE; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 989, 1305, 1390), which have given rise both to lexical variants with a high front vowel ([vjil] VECLA, [piɲ] PECTINE, [ʎi] LEGIT, [di] DECEM, [si] SEX) and to other variants with a rising diphthong mostly in the south of the Cotentin Peninsula (Meyer-Lübke 1890, 161). According to Table 70, /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant has also often yielded a single mid front vowel, which is frequently realized as schwa in Gallo, and co-occurs generally with a rising diphthong ie in Norman and with a falling diphthong ei (also ai) but not with a rising diphthong in Gallo and Poitevin. This dialect-dependent behaviour is apparent, for example, for PECTINE, LEGERE, SEX, TEXERE, LECTU, CERESIA and CATHEDRA. Assuming that, as pointed out above for the forms with [i] and as suggested by several scholars (Pignon 1960, 139; Fouché 1969, 327; Chauveau 1984, 100), ei, e came from iei in W. French, it makes sense to hypothesize that iei shifted to ei and then to e in Gallo and Potevin and to ie and later to e in Norman. This scenario contrasts in part with the presence of the rising diphthong for /ɛ/ in open syllables not only in Norman but also in Gallo, and for the ending -ARIU in all three dialects. Moreover, at least in Poitevin, it is not always clear whether the falling diphthong ei corresponds to an earlier triphthong iei or to a lengthened version of undiphthongized e (see La Chaussée 1966, 36 and Gauthier 1983, 96–97 regarding forms such as [le(t)], [lejt] LECTU and [me], [mɛj] MELIUS). Relevant information about the historical development of /ɛ/ before (alveolo)palatal consonants in W. French may be inferred from 13th–14th c. data presented in Table 65 and gathered from Schulzke (1879), Goerlich (1882, 1886), Eggert (1889), Pignon (1960), Rohr (1963), Gossen (1967) and Goebl (1970). Regarding Gallo, forms from the Livre des Manières have been taken into account but not those from the Roman du Mont-Saint-Michel, whose language is close to Norman French, and from texts coming from the Anjou-Maine region (see Rohr 1963, 174–182 regarding this point). The table shows the vowel grapheme i coexisting with e, ei and/or ie in ways which are more or less consistent with the presentday dialectal situation. Thus, Normandy exhibits forms with ie profusely, forms with ei less so, and forms with e not at all, while Gallo and Poitevin often have forms with ei, e, those with ie being vitually absent in Gallo but quite frequent in

426

11 French

Table 65: Old W. French written variants for words with /ɛ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. ie

ei

e

i

Normandy ✶

pieche

pice

PRETIU

pries

pris

MELIUS

miez

PETTIA

engin

INGENIU MEDIU, MEDIA

mie, demie, parmie

LEGERE

liere

parmei

me, demee, parme

dimi

lire

PEIOR

pire

PEIUS

pis

DECIMU, DECIMA

diesme

deisme

DECEM

dies/z

deis/z, deix

EXIT, EXIRE

iest

SEX

sies/z

seis/x

sis/x

LECTU

lieitz, liet, lye

leiz

lit

peiz

piz

profeit

profit

PECTU PROFECTU

profiet

DELECTU

deliet

EFFECTU

effiet

ECLESIA

igliesse

✶

ILLAEI

lie

dis/xme des/z

dis

istre, ist

delit

iglese lei

iglise li

Bretagne-Loire Atlantique PRETIU

pres

PRETIAT

prese

VECLU

veil

INGENIU

pris

engin

11.4 Western French dialects

Table 65 (continued) ie

ei

e

MEDIU, MEDIA

mei, demei me, deme(e)

PEIOR

peire

PEIUS

peis eslire

EXLEGERE

leist

LEGIT DECIMU, DECIMA

i

diesme

deyme, deisme(s)

de(s/x)mes, desme

dixmes

DECEM

deiz/s

des/x, deez

diz/x

SEX

seis/x

sez/x, see(z)

sis

EXIT

eist

TEXIT

teist

LECTU

leit

DELECTU

deleit

DESPECTU

despeit

lez delis

i/eglese

ECLESIA ✶

ley/i

ILLAEI

iglise

le

Poitou-Saintonge-Aunis NEPTIA ✶

PETTIA(S)

nie(p)ce

nece

piece

pece preiz

PRETIU VECLU, VECLA

prez veil, veille

meilz

MELIUS INGENIU

engien

engein

MEDIU, MEDIA

mie, demie

mey

PEIOR

piera

engin me, di/eme

di/emi pire

eslere

EXLEGERE

eslire lis

LEGIS DECEM

pris/z

diez

deiz

des/z, dex

dis/z, dix

427

428

11 French

Table 65 (continued) ie DECIMU, DECIMA

diesme

MEDICU

mies

ei

i

desme

disme mige

seix

SEX

e

sez/x

EXIT, EXEUNT

ist, issent peiz

PECTU PROFECTU

profiet

proufeit

piz proffet

deleit

DELECTU

despit/z liet

leit egleise

ECLESIA

lict, lit i/eglese

CERESIA

cirese

COEMETERIU

cymetere

MINISTERIU

mestier

mester

MONASTERIU

mo(u)stier

mo(u)ster

✶

ILLAEI

prouffit, profit deliz

DESPECTU LECTU

sis/z, six

lie(y)

lei

le

iglise

cymetire

li

Poitevin, due perhaps to the fairly common presence of rising diphthongs in the neighbouring Limousin Occitan dialect (see Pignon 1960, 126–127).

11.4.6 Mid low back vowel In open syllables, /ɔ/ has yielded a front rounded vowel outcome in Norman ([bø] BOVE, [sø(r)] SOROR, [nœf] NOVEM) and in Gallo where [ə] is also available ([bœ]/ [bø], [bə]; [sœr]/[sør]; [nœf]), and [ø], [y] and also [ɛ] in Poitevin-Santongeais ([bø], [by], [bɛj]; [sœr]/[sør], [syr]; [nœf], [nɛf]) (Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 141, 906, 1236). These vowel realizations may be accounted for by assuming that /ɔ/ diphthongized into ue after which the vowel nucleus could round ([ˈyœ̯ ]/[ˈyø̯ ], [ɥœ]/[ɥø]) and later raise to a high vowel ([ɥy]), and that all these diphthongs could be simplified into single vowels. It has also been proposed that the double outcome [y], [ɛ] in Poitevin could depend on whether ue was a falling diphthong

11.4 Western French dialects

429

with a high vowel nucleus ([y]) or a rising diphthong ([ɛ]) (Svenson 1959, 9). In checked syllables, as a general rule /ɔ/ has stayed mid back rounded. Before coda /l/, however, the mid back rounded vowel has raised to [u] and also changed to [œ] ([ku] COLLU, [mud], [mœd(r)] MOLERE), while before /sC/ there has been raising to [u] in Gallo and Poitevin ([kut] COSTA) and also off-glide insertion in the former dialect ([ˈkoe̯ t] COSTA; Chauveau 1984, 122–124). Data for /ɔ/ before (alveolo)palatal consonants in W. France are presented in Table 71. In all dialects, the vowel has remained unchanged before [ʃ] derived from /kka pj/ (CLOCCA, ✶ROCCA, POPIA/Frank. ✶POKKA) and in ✶NOPTIA as well. Regarding the other contextual conditions and lexical items, we will now examine the dialect data for Norman, Gallo and Poitevin separately. (a) As to the Norman dialect, Calvados and Avranchin have diphthong and triphthong outcomes with [œ], [ø] across the board together with forms with [ɥi] before yod ([dˈpjø], [dəˈpɥi]/[dˈpi] DE POSTEA, [fjøj], [fœj] FOLIA, [cjør] COCERE, [ɲø], [nɥi] NOCTE), and Avranchin also lexical variants with [ɛ] ([ɛl] OCULU, [sɛj] SOLIU, [tɾe] TROIA, [kɛr] COCERE, [kɛs] COXA, [nɛ] NOCTE). On the other hand, there are noncanonical falling diphthongs with a high front vowel nucleus, and also [ɥi], [y], [ij], [(j)i] mostly before primitive yod, in the Cotentin Peninsula ([ˈfɥyə̯ l], [fyʎ] FOLIA, [ˈyə̯ ] OCULU, [tɾy], [tʀij], [tɾɥi] TROIA, [ˈtʃyə̯ s] COXA, [ˈɲ/niə̯ ], [ɲ(j)i] NOCTE, [ˈvyø̯ d] VOCITU). Other forms not included in the table are [pɔˈɾwɛs] PAROCHIA (Guerlin de Guer 1901, 41), [nɥɛ] NOCERE (Lepelley 1971, 50) and [pis] ✶POSSEAT (Lechanteur 1967, 210). The pathway towards these phonetic outcomes may have involved an early sequence [ˈye̯ (j)], which would have changed initially to [ˈyœ̯ j] (Calvados-Avranchin) and [ˈie̯ j] (Cotentin) and, later, to the phonetic outcomes that we find today in those two dialect areas (Eggert 1889; Meyer-Lübke 1890, 186). Alternative pathways could have been [ˈuɔ̯ j] > [yj] > [ɥy], [ɥi] for Cotentin, and [ˈuɔ̯ j] > woj > [wøj] > [øj] and [ˈuɔ̯j] > woj > [wɛj] > [ɛ] for Avranchin (Goebl 1970, 207). According to other scholars, vowel raising in La Manche and the Channel Islands has not been preceded by /ɔ/ diphthongization but rather induced by the assimilatory action associated with following yod, that is, oi > [yj] > [ɥy], [ɥi] (Lepelley 1971, 17; Brasseur 1978, 60). (b) In Gallo, [ø], [œ] occur before [ʎ] and also before yod. On the other hand, in parallel with the development of /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, lexical variants with e and ei are more widespread than in Norman in any environment ([dpe(j)] DE POSTEA, [fɛj], [fœj] FOLIA, [əj], [ɛj] OCULU, [tɾe(j)] TROIA, [ces], [cəs], [cøs] COXA, [tʃer], [cə], [cœ(r)] CORIU). Assuming that vowel diphthongization operated in Gallo (as forms such as [sɥe] SOLIU and [ɥɛ(j)], [ɥe(j)] OCULU suggest), the corresponding phonetic pathways could have been uoi > uei > ei > [ə], [e]/[ɛ] and uoi > uei > [ø], [œ] (Chauveau 1984, 102–104). There are also a few

430

11 French

forms with [ɥi] (and also [y], [i]) before yod which, at least in some cases, must have been imported from Standard French (see data for COXA, OCTO, and VOCITU in Table 71). (c) In Poitevin-Santongeais, /ɔ/ appears to behave somewhat differently before [ʎ] where [ø], [œ] and [e], [ɛ] generally occur, and before yod where, in addition to those mid (un)rounded vowel realizations, [y], [i], [ɥi] (several forms with [ɥi] have been borrowed from French) are often found. In fact, Poitevin occupies an intermediate position between Norman and Gallo in that /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant has yielded lexical forms with front rounded vowels (as in Norman rather than Gallo) and with front unrounded vowels (as in Gallo rather than Norman). The developmental stages for all these outcomes appear to have proceeded as follows. In the [ʎ] context condition, [ˈye̯ ], [ɥe] could have given rise to [ø]/[œ], which in their turn could have either been unrounded into [e]/[ɛ] ([fœj], [føj], [fɛj] FOLIA) or raised to [y] ([vy] VOLEO). Before yod, on the other hand, there is broad agreement that the different outcomes also come from a diphthongized version of /ɔ/. According to the sources, in C./E. Poitou the prevailing realization [ø], [œ] could derive from the outcome oi of uoi (perhaps realized as úoi) through regressive assimilation, as suggested by the presence of Old Poitevin forms such as oi HODIE and oit OCTO (Table 66); on the other hand, in Bas Poitou and thus the Vendée département, [y] could come from the also available realization [ø] ([tɾy], [tɾø] TROIA) and e from the outcome ei of uei (Pignon 1960, 161, La Chaussée 1966, 45, Gauthier 1983, 98, and see data for NOCTE, TROIA in Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 929, 1342). Forms with [ɥi] and high front vowels, on the other hand, could have been borrowed from Standard French or derived either from uoi or from uei. A few other aspects of the data presented in Table 71 deserve comment. Dissimilatory lowering accounts for [faj] FOLIA, [aj] OCULU (Gallo), and the on-glide [ɥ] of rising diphthongs may be deleted after syllable-onset consonant clusters (Norman [plij], [pʎi]/[pji] ✶PLOIA, [tɾi] TROIA). Old Western French lexical variants for words with /ɔ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant are appended in Table 66 for comparison with the present-day dialect data. They belong to 13th–14 th c. documents and have been taken from the sources referred to for Table 65 (also from Burgass 1889 and Küppers 1889), and, just as for /ɛ/, may come from the Livre des Manières but not the Roman du Mont-Saint-Michel or documents from the Anjou-Maine region. A look at these forms reveals a relatively homogeneous scenario with lexical variants showing the graphemes oi and also ui, oui occurring in all three dialects. It must be stated in this respect that oi may correspond to [ɥe] at least in the Normandy-

11.4 Western French dialects

431

Bretagne area and hence noit to [nɥejt] and pois to [pɥej], as revealed by the rhymes noit NOCTE /liet LECTU, pois POSTEA /lieis ✶LEXI and nuise NOCEAT/igliese ECLESIA (Schulzke 1879, 22). It is thus the case that /ɔ/ diphthongization may have taken place across dialects, as also suggested by the grapheme uei available essentially in Normandy and Poitou (in the latter region due perhaps to the proximity of the Limousin dialect of Occitan). In Normandy, forms such as moez MODIU, yeulle OLEU and nyeut NOCTE suggest that the vowel nucleus became rounded at the uoi or uei stage (Chauveau 2007, 139). Moreover, as claimed by Chauveau (1984), in Gallo the triphthong uei could have been replaced by the frequently occurring sequence ei and later by e (tree, peie, pleie). Consistently with what can be heard in the dialect today, Old Poitevin documents dated not earlier than the 14th century also show forms with the simplified outcome e of ue(i) (net, anet NOCTE, pe POTEO, pes, (de)pee POSTEA), apparently a rounded vowel nucleus represented by means of eu (queure COCERE, pleue ✶PLOIA, quieusse COXA, neut, a/ineut NOCTE, quieut COCTU, queur CORIU, (de)peux, peu POSTEA, enneu(x) INODIU) and u(i) perhaps imported from central France (cusses COXAS, nut NOCTE, pus POSTEA, ennut INODIU) (Pignon 1960, 157–158). Table 66: Old W. French written variants for words with /ɔ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant. uoi, ue(i)

ie(i), (i)eu

o(i/e)

e(i)

ou(i), u(i), wi

Normandy pois

POSTEA ✶

neu(p)ches

NOPTIA

VOLEAT, VOLEO

Gaul.

meches

weille

vuil fieule

FOLIA ✶

fuile Bruil

BROGILOS

SOLEA

seuls

OLEU

yeulle

oile

Frank. ✶URGOLI COLLIGERE

puis, pi(s)

huile orguil

queudre

cuylli

HODIE

(h)uy

INODIU

ennui, anuy

MODIU, MODIOS

moez

mui(s), muid

432

11 French

Table 66 (continued) uoi, ue(i)

ie(i), (i)eu

o(i/e)

e(i)

treue

TROIA

ou(i), u(i), wi trouie

COGITAT

cuide

NOCERE

nuire

✶

POSSEAM/T

pueisse

piesse

poisse

puisse, puist

paroi/esse

PAROCHIA

prisme, pruïsme

PROXIMU

COXA

ouiect

OCTO

coisse

cuisse

oyt, oict, o(i)et

oui(c)t, uyt, huit, h(o)uict, wyt

(AD) NOCTE

nieit, nyeut, gneu

noit

nuit, anuit

VOCITU

vieude

voides

vuide

CORIU

tscheu

cuit

Bretagne-Loire Atlantique POTEO

peis

POSTEA

peis weil

VOLEO

vueille

VOLEAT

Frank.

voil

✶

URGOLI

orgueil oile

OCULU

oil

PODIAT

veill, veil veille

OLEU

✶

peie

MODIU

me

TROIA

tree nuire

NOCERE ✶

PLOIA

puis

pleie

11.4 Western French dialects

433

Table 66 (continued) uoi, ue(i)

ie(i), (i)eu

✶

POSSEAT

o(i/e)

e(i)

ou(i), u(i), wi

poisse

peisse, pesse

puisse

oy(c)t, oe(y)t, oeict

OCTO

oui(c)t, (h)uit, ouyt

NOCTE

neit

MORIAT

meire, mere

PoitouSaintongeAunis POSTIU

puois

FOLIA

fueillas vuel

VOLEO

Gaul.

pois, pos

✶

BROGILOS

Brue(i)l

voil

puis

veil

vu(i)l

Breuil

TORCULU

trueil

troil

OCULU, OCULOS

huelhs

o(i)l, o(i)lz

PODIU

pueg, Puey

MODIU, MODIOS

mueys

mois

HODIE

ue

oi

Peu

poi

hui

enoi

INODIU TROIAS

truies

COCERE

cuire noyre

NOCERE

nuise

NOCEAT ✶

poisse

POSSEAM

prosme, proeme

PROXIMU

NOCTE

puisse

nueitz, nuoit

noit

nuit

434

11 French

Table 66 (continued) uoi, ue(i) OCTO

ie(i), (i)eu

ueit

o(i/e)

e(i)

oi, oi(c)t

ou(i), u(i), wi ouyt, huit, uyt

voide

VOCITU

Table 67: Phonetic realization of /e/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in W. French dialects. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for W. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11. Forms with a high vowel are marked in boldface.











Norman

Gallo

Poitevin

AURICULA

oˈɾɛl/j, oˈɾaj

oˈɾɛj, oˈɾaj

oˈɾɛʎ, o/uˈɾɛj, oˈɾaʎ/j

BUTTICULA

buˈtɛl/j, buˈtaj

buˈtɛʎ/j, buˈtaj

buˈteʎ/j, buˈtɛʎ/j

APICULA

aˈbɛj

aˈbɛj, abɔʎ

aˈbɛj, aˈbøʎ/j, aˈbœʎ/j, aˈbɔʎ/j

SOLICULU

soˈlɛ(j), soˈle, soˈlaj

suˈle(j), so/ɔˈlɛj, suˈlɛ(j), suˈɾə, sɔˈlaj, suˈla(j), suˈlo, suˈlɔʎ

suˈlɛʎ/j, suˈlaʎ/j, s(u)ˈlɔʎ, suˈlœʎ/j

SIGNU

sɛɲ, siɲ

siɲ

siɲ

TINEA

tɛɲ, taɲ

teɲ, təɲ, tɛɲ

teɲ, tɔɲ, tiɲ

CORRIGIA

kuˈɾɛj, kuˈɾ(w)e, kuˈɾ(w)ɛ, kuˈɾwa

kuˈɾɛ(j), ku/oˈɾa, ku/oˈɾwe, ku/oˈɾwa

ku/oˈɾe, kuˈɾwɛ, kuˈɾ(w)a, kuˈɾoa

REGE

re, rwe

rwɛ, rwa

PLICAT

ploj, pli(j), pʎi(j)

plej, pləj, plɛj, plaj, plɔj, pli(j)

pʎ/jɛj, pʎwɛt, pʎwa, pjij

DIRECTU

dɾe, dɾɛ, dɾejt

dɾe, dɾə(t), dɾwa

dɾe(t), dɾɛ(t), dɾwe

DIRECTA

dɾɛt, dʀat

dɾɛt, dɾət, dɾwɛt

dɾet, dɾɛt

STRICTU

eˈtɾe, eˈtɾejt

e/əˈtɾə, əˈtɾət

eˈtɾɛt

STRICTA

eˈtɾɛt

eˈtɾət, eˈtɾɛt

eˈtɾɛt, eˈtɾaɛ̯ t

TECTU

twɛ, twa

tɛ, tɛjt, ta(j), ˈtaɛ̯ t, twɛ, twa

te(t), tɛ(t), tɛjt, twe, twɛ(t), twa

CRESCERE

kʀet, kʀɛt, ˈkɾaɛ̯ t kɾet, kɾɛt(r), ˈkɾa(ɛ̯ )t

FERIA

fe(r), fɛjr, ˈfaɛ̯ r, f(w)ɛr, fwar

kɾɛt(r), kɾwɛtr, kɾwat(r)

fɛ(j)r, ˈfaɛ̯ /jr, fwɛr, fwər, fwar ˈfaɛ̯ r, ˈfɔa̯ /ɛ̯ r, fwɛr, ˈfwa(ɛ̯ )r

gərˈnoʎ/j, gərˈnɔʎ/j, gərˈnœj ʒˈnɔʎ/j, ʒˈnɛj, ʒˈnaʎ/j, ʒˈnøj, ʒˈnœj

gərˈnoʎ, gərˈnɔj ʒəˈnoj, ʒəˈnœj, ʒəˈnw/ɥe(j), ʒəˈnwə, ʒəˈnwɛ(j), ʒəˈnwa(j)

bwe, bwɛ, bwa

Germ. ✶BOSK

fɛ(j)r, fwər, fwɛr, fwar, ˈfaɛ̯ r we, wə, wɛr

f(w)ɛr, fwa(r), ˈfuø̯ r

ø, œ, ɐj, wer, wɛr, wor

FORIA

-ORIU



we(j/r), wɛj/r, war

fwer, fwɛr, fwa(ɛ̯ )r

bwoʃ, bwɔʃ, ˈbuo̯ ʃ

BUCCA

BUXU

kwɛf

kwɛf

COFIA

kwef, kwɛf, kwajf

roʒ, rɔʒ

rwoʒ, rwɔ(d)ʒ, rwɛjʒ,ˈruə̯ (d)ʒ, ˈruo̯ ʒ

(continued)

boj, bɔj, baj, bwe, bwɛ, bwa, ˈbɔa̯ , ˈboe̯

kɾoj, kɾwe, kɾwɛ(j), kɾwa, ˈkɾɔa̯ ,ˈkɾoe̯

RUBEU

bwe(j), bwɛ(j), bwa(j)

kɾoj, kɾ(w)e, kɾ(w)ə, kɾ(w)ɛ, k(ɾ)wa, kɾwaj

kɾwe(j), kə/eˈɾwe, kɾwɛ, kɾwa, ˈkɾue̯ /ɛ̯

CRUCE

no(j), nwe, nwɛ(j), nwa,ˈnɔa̯ /ɛ̯

nwe, nwə, nwɛ, nwa, ˈnɔɛ̯

nwe(j), nwɛ, nwa

kwɛ̃

kwɛ̃

CUNEU

NUCE

k(w)ɔɲ, kwɛ̃(j), kwã

pwɛ̃ (ɲ)

pwɛ̃

poɲ, pɔɲ, pwɛ̃

poʎ/j, pow, pɔʎ/j, pøʎ/j, pœj, pwɔʎ/j, pwe, pwɛj, pwaj

poj, pwe, pwɛ(j), pwa, ˈpoa̯ /e̯

Poitevin

poj, pow, pwe(j), pwə, pwɛ, pwa

Gallo

PUGNU

GENUCULU

pwe, pwɛ, pwa, ˈpoe̯ , ˈpuo̯

Norman









PEDUCULU



RANUCULA

PUTEU



(a)

Table 68: Phonetic realization of /o/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in W. French dialects. (a) Variants with a non-high vowel. (b) Variants with a high vowel. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for W. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11.

11.4 Western French dialects

435

FORIA



-ORIU

BUXU

BUCCA

COFIA

RUBEU

Germ. ✶BOSK

CRUCE

NUCE

u

bw/ɥi, bwisk

buʃ(i)

ru(d)ʒ, rwuʒ

bw/ɥi

buʃ

ruʒ

u(r)

bw/ɥi

ruʒ/h

kuɲ

CUNEU







puɲ

ʒˈnuʎ/j

gərˈnuj

pu(ʎ/j), pwi

pu, pwi, pɥi

Poitevin

PUGNU

nwi

ʒ(ə)ˈnu

ʒ(ə)ˈnu

GENUCULU

nwi

gə/ɛrˈnuj

gɛrˈnuj/l, gɾəˈnuj

RANUCULA



pu, pwi(j)

pu, pwi

PEDUCULU

py, pɥi



pɥi, pi(j)

Gallo

PUTEU

Norman



(b)

Table 68 (continued)

436 11 French









PLACET

Frank.

HAGJA

✶

ha(j), a

ra(j)

raj

(continued)

ʃaˈtaɲ, ʃaˈtɔɲ

ʃaˈtaɲ

k/ʃaˈtaɲ

CASTANEA

RADIU

e/aˈɾaɲ, iˈɾaɲ, eˈɾɔɲ

iˈɾaɲ(e)

e/aˈɾaɲi, iˈɾaɲi

mõˈtaɲ

maʎ/j

ARANEA

maj

maʎ/j, mal

MACULA

tˈnaʎ, t(ə)ˈnaj, etˈnaj

mõtaɲ

t(ə)ˈnaj, kˈnaj

kˈnɔj, t/kˈnaj

TENACULA

aʎ/j

mõˈtaɲ

aj

aʎ/j, al

ALLIU

paʎ/j

bɾa

gʎ/ja(s), ʎ/ja

pʎ/jas

Poitevin

MONTANEA

paj

faʃ

FACIA

paʎ/j, pal, pɔl

bɾa

bɾa

BRACCHIU

PALEA

gl/jas, glɔs, gɾo/u

glas/ʃ, gʎas/ʃ, ʎ/jaʃ

GLACIE

Gallo pl/jas

PLATTEA

Norman pl/jas, pl/ʎaʃ

✶

(a)

Table 69: Phonetic realization of /a/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in W. French dialects. (a) Variants with low and mid back vowels. (b) Variants with mid and high front vowels, the latter in boldface. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for W. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11. Data for -ARIU/-ARIA are given in Table 49.

11.4 Western French dialects

437









 kaʒ/h

kaʒ, ˈkaɛ̯ /jʒ, koʒ

kadʒ, kaʒ/ʃ, kɔʒ

CAVEA

fɾoˈmaʃ/ʒ, fɾɔˈmaɛ̯ /jʒ, fɾuˈmaʒ viˈlaʒ

fɾo/uˈmaʒ, fuorˈmaʒ viˈlaʒ, viˈlɔʒ

FORMATICU

VILLATICU

CRASSEU

FAIRE

TRAHERE

✶

BASIU

LACTE

FACTU

✶

FRAXINU

vaʃ

vak, vaʃ

VACCA

sajʒ/ʃ

faɛr

fɾaɲ

viˈlaʒ/h

fɾu/oˈmaʒ, fɾøˈmaʒ, fø/œrˈmaʒ

vaʃ

saʒ/h

saʒ, ˈsaɛ̯ ʒ

saʒ

SAPIU

SAPIAM

(h)aʃ

(h)aʃ

(h)aʃ

Frank. ✶HAPPIA

HABEAM

raʒ/h

Poitevin

raʒ/ʃ, ˈraɛ̯ /jʒ, rojʒ

Gallo

raʒ

Norman

RABIA

(a)

Table 69 (continued)

438 11 French



AYO

MAGIS

MAIU

✶

ma(j/ɛ), mwa ma(j)

ˈmaɛ̯ (j)

a(j)

(continued)

11.4 Western French dialects

439











rɛ(j)ʒ, reʒ keʒ, kəʒ

CAVEA

plɛ

PLACET

hɛ(j), ɛ, he(j), e

RABIA

hɛj

Frank. ✶HAGJA

rɛ

ʃaˈtɛɲ/n, ʃaˈteɲ, ʃaˈtəɲ, ʃaˈte͂jn, ʃaˈtœɲ

kaˈtɛɲ, ʃaˈtɛɲ/n, ʃɔˈtɛ͂n

CASTANEA

re

əˈɾɛɲe, aˈɾeɲe, əˈɾəɲe, eˈɾiɲe

aˈɾɛɲ, a/eˈɾeɲi, eˈɾiɲi

ARANEA

RADIU

mõˈtɛɲ, mõˈte͂jn

ɛj

pl/jes

Gallo

mõˈtɛɲ

fɛʃ

gʎ/jɛʃ

pʎ/jɛʃ

Norman

MONTANEA

MACULA

TENACULA

ALLIU

PALEA

FACIA

BRACCHIU

GLACIE

PLATTEA

✶

(b)

Table 69 (continued)

pʎ/jɛ, pʎ/je

ɛj

rɛ

ʃaˈtɛɲ, ʃaˈteɲ, ʃaˈtœɲ, ʃaˈtøɲ

a/eˈɾɛɲ, iˈɾɛɲ, a/eˈɾeɲ

fɛʒ

Poitevin

440 11 French











fɾɛn, fɾen

sɛʒ

SAPIAM

lɛ, le ˈbeze

lɛ, le

ˈbɛze, ˈbeze, ˈbwɛze

LACTE

tɾɛr, tɾer

tɾɛr, tɾer

TRAHERE

ɛ, e, ə mɛ(j), me, mwe(j) mɛ, me

mɛ, me

mɛ, me

MAIU

MAGIS

AYO

e

✶

fɛr, fer

fɛr, fe(r)

FAIRE

✶

BASIU

fɛ, fe, fœ

gɾes

fɛ, fe

grɛjs

FACTU

CRASSEU

✶

fɾɛn, fɾen

viˈlɛ(j)ʒ

VILLATICU

FRAXINU

fɾu/oˈmɛjʒ, fɾumɛʒ, forˈməʒ

FORMATICU

VACCA

sɛ(j)ʒ

ɛʒ

SAPIU

Frank. ✶HAPPIA

HABEAM

mɛ, me

mɛ(j), me

e

tɾɛr, tɾer

fɛr, fer

ˈbeze, ˈbiʒ/ze

lɛ(t), le

fɛ(t), fe

fɾɛɲ/n

sɛʒ

ɛʒ

11.4 Western French dialects

441









PETTIA

lœr, eˈler

lɥɛ, ʎjɛr, ˈlyə̯ r

ʎ/jɛ

pjɛ, pje, ˈpiə̯

pjɛr, ˈpiə̯ r

djɛ, djes, ˈdiə̯ /e̯

se(j), sjo/a

LEGERE, ELIGERE

LEGIT

PEIUS

PEIOR

DECEM

SECAT

se(j), saj

d(ə)ˈme, dˈmə

meˈ(di)

DIMEDIU

seʒ

pɛɲ, peɲ

peɲ, p(j)ɛɲ, pjen, ˈpie̯ ɲ

✶

pɛɲ, pɛjn, peɲ, paɲ

mɛj, me

ˈmɥyə̯

MELIUS

PECTINE

vɛʎ/j, veʎ/j, vjɛʎ/j, vjej

vɛj, vəj, vaj, vjɛj

vjɛl, vjel, vjœj, vjøj/l,ˈvɥyə̯ l, ˈvyœ̯ l

VECLA

ɲ/nɛs

pɛjs, pœjs, p(j)ɛs, p(j)es

Poitevin

vjɛj, vjej

ɲɛs

pjɛs, pjəs

Gallo

vjɛr, ˈvɥyə̯

ɲɛʃ/s, njeʃ

pjɛʃ/s

Norman

VECLU

NEPTIA

PRETIU

✶

(a)

Table 70: Phonetic realization of /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in W. French dialects. (a) Variants with a non-high vowel. (b) Variants with a high vowel. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for W. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11.

442 11 French









simãˈt(j)ɛr, simãˈt(j)er ãˈtɛr

sˈɾɛ(j)z, səˈlɛjz, sˈɾ/lez, ʃˈɾez iˈjez sũmˈtɛr, simˈtjɛr, si/umˈtjer ãˈtjə

sˈɾɛ(j)z, ʃˈɾejz, sˈɾez, ʃɛˈɾjez

eˈgʎ/ljɛz, eˈgʎiə̯ z

simˈtjɛr, s/ʃimˈtjer, ʃɛmˈtje, ʃimˈtiə̯

CERESIA

ECLESIA

ãˈtjɛr, ãˈtjer, ãˈtjər ʃɛr/z, ʃɛjr, ʃer/z, ˈʃaɛ̯ r, ʃajr

ãˈtjɛr, ãˈtje(r)

kɛr/j, ʃɛr/z, k/cer, ʃer, k/cjɛr, tʃjɛr,ˈcaɛ

INTEGRA

CATHEDRA

INTEGRU

COEMETERIU

lɛ, le, lə(t), lœ

lɛ, ʎɛ(t), jɛ, le, ʎ/je, ljɛ, lje, ʎjɛt, ˈliə̯ , ̍ʎiɛ̯ /ə̯

LECTU

(continued)

ʃɛr/z, ʃer/z, ʃar, ʃajr/z, ˈʃaɛ̯ r/z

ãˈt(j)ɛr, ãˈt(j)er

sˈɾɛ(j)z, sˈɾez, sˈɾa(ɛ̯ )z

lɛ(t), lɛj(t), le(t), lejt, lø, lœjt, ljɛ, lje, je

pɛ, pe, pə(t), pœ

pe

ˈtaɛ̯ /jtr

pe

tet(r)

tjetr, ˈtiə̯ tr

TEXERE

PECTU

sɛj, se, sə, ˈsa(ɛ̯ )j

sjɛ, ˈsiə̯ /e̯

SEX

11.4 Western French dialects

443











Table 70 (continued)

(b)

ˈtise

TEXERE

si(j)

si, sij, ʃi

SECAT

si(s)

dis

di(s), dji

DECEM

sij, sji, si(s)

pir

pir

PEIOR

SEX

pi

pi

PEIUS

tit(r), ˈtise

si(s)

si(j)

di(s)

pir

pi

li, ʎ/ji

li

li, ʎi, lɥi

LEGIT

d(ə)ˈmi ʎir

d(ə)ˈmi

piɲ

pɾi

Poitevin

lyr

d(ə)ˈmi

pjin, piɲ

pɾi

Gallo

LEGERE, ELIGERE

DIMEDIU

✶

PECTINE

MELIUS

VECLA

vjil, vyl

ɲis

NEPTIA

VECLU

pɾi

Norman

PRETIU

PETTIA

✶

444 11 French







egliz

ʃ/sˈɾiz, ʃəˈɾiz eˈgl/ʎiz

CERESIA

ECLESIA

CATHEDRA

INTEGRA

INTEGRU

ãˈt(j)ir

ʃimˈtir

sˈɾ/liz

l(j)i, ʎ/ji

LECTU

COEMETERIU

li

pi

PECTU

eˈgliz, eˈgʎ/jiz

sˈɾiz

li(t), ʎi

11.4 Western French dialects

445

tɾɛʎ/j, tɾeʎ/j, tɾœj

sɛj, sej, səl, saj, sɔʎ, sœl, sø, sjɛ, s(j/ɥ)e, s(j/ɥ)ə tɾœ

sɛj, sœl/j, søl, s(ɥ/j)ø, ˈsɥyə̯ ,ˈsyø̯ /œ̯ ç

SOLIU

tɾɛ, tɾe, tɾø

INODIAT

tɾɛ, tɾe(j), tɾø

tɾɛj, tɾe(j), tɾəj, ˈtɾaɛ̯ j

TROIA



l(w)ɛ̃ , l(w)ã, lɔɲ, lwɛjn

lɛ̃ (ɲ/j), l(w)ẽ , lẽ(j), la͂(ɲ), lwɛ̃ (j)

ʎ/jɛ̃ , lwɛ̃ , lwã

LONGE

ˈkɔji, ˈkœje, ˈk/cøji, ˈkɛji

ˈkœji, ˈkøje/i

ˈk/cøji

COLLIGERE

vø

vø, vjø

vø

VOLEO

TORCULU

sɛʎ/j, seʎ/j, sœʎ/j

dɛj, də(l/j), dœl, dø

dœ(l/j), dø

DOLIU

dɛʎ/j, dɛl, dœʎ/j, døʎ/l, del

ɛʎ/j, eʎ/j, œj, øʎ

ɛj, ej, əj, aj, ɥɛ(j), ɥe(j), ɥə, ɥø

ɛl, œ(j), øj, jœ, (j)ø, ˈ(ɥ)yə̯ , ˈyø̯

OCULU

fɛ(j)ʎ, fɛj, feʎ/j, fœj, føj

øl

fɛj, fej, fəj, faj, fœj, føj/ʎ

ˈyœ̯ l

fɛj, f(j)œj, f(j)øj, fjøl, fjɛʎ/j, fjɛl, fjeʎ/l, ˈfyø̯ /ə̯ ʎ, ˈfyœ̯ l, ˈf(ɥ)yə̯ l

deˈpø

pø, pe

nɔs

Poitevin

OLEU

FOLIA

dəˈpje, dəˈpjø, dəˈpiə̯

(DE) POSTEA

d(ə)ˈpe, d(ə)ˈpej

pø, pə

pø

POTEO

Gallo nɔs

Norman

nɔs, nœʃ

NOPTIA







✶

(a)

Table 71: Phonetic realization of /ɔ/ before various (alveolo)palatal consonants in W. French dialects. (a) Variants with a non-high vowel. (b) Variants with a high vowel. The numbering in the leftmost column refers essentially to the same consonantal realizations and etyma mentioned for French in Table 47 with the specificities for W. French indicated at the beginning of chapter 11.

446 11 French



NOCTE



CORIU

cjœ, c(j)ø, tʃø, ˈcyø̯ , ˈtʃ(ɥ)yə̯ , ˈtʃyœ̯ /ø̯

vjɛd, vjœd, vød, ˈvyø̯ d, ˈviə̯ d

VOCITU

cjɛr, kjer, tʃer, cə, tʃər, cœ(r)

k/cje, tʃe, cə, tʃə, cœ

aˈne, aˈnə(t), aˈnœ

aˈɲɛ(t), aˈɲø, ˈaɲiə̯ , aˈnie̯

cjœ, c(j)ø, tʃø, ˈcyø̯ , ˈtʃyə̯ (t)

ne, nə(t), nœ, nø

cɛs, ces, tʃes, cəs, cøs, kjɛs, kjes

kɛs, cøs, tʃøs, c(ɥ/j)œs, tʃjes, tʃejs, ˈcyø̯ s, ˈtʃyœ̯ /ə̯ s, ˈtʃɥyə̯̯ s

ɲɛ(j/t), nɛ(t), ɲœ/ø, njɛ(t), njø, ˈɲ/niə̯ , ˈnie̯ , ˈnyœ̯ /ə̯

pɔʃ

COCTU, COCTA

OCTO

AD NOCTE

COXA

POPIA, POKKA

rɔʃ, ˈroʃe

kl/jɔʃ

pjɛ(j), ple(j), pje(j), pjaj, pɥe(j), pɥɛj, pjø

cɛr, cer, tʃer, cər, cœr

pɔʃ

rɔk, ˈrotʃi, ˈroʃe

✶

ROCCA

kl/ʎɔk, klɔʃ, kʎ/jɔʃ

✶

kɛr, cjør, tʃør, ˈtʃyə̯ r

CLOCCA





PLOIA

✶

COCERE

k/cœr, cør, ʃɛr

cɛ, c(j)e, cœt, cø(t), cjø

(continued)

aˈnɛjt, aˈnɛ(t), aˈne, aˈnœ(t), aˈnœjt, aˈnø

nɛ(t), nɛj(t), ne(t), nœjt, nœ(t), nø(t)

tʃɛs, ces, cœs, k/cøs

pɔʃ

rɔk/ʃ, ˈroʃe

kʎ/jɔʃ

plɛj, pʎ/jɛj, pje, ˈpʎaɛ, pʎ/jø

cɛr, tʃɛr, cœr, c(j)ør

11.4 Western French dialects

447

(b)

ɥil ji, y

OLEU

OCULU

PLOIA

p(l)ɥi

pʎ/jy, plɥi

cyr, tʃyr, cɥir, tʃɥir

cyr

COCERE

ply, pj/ʎi, pli(j), p(l/ʎ)ɥi

ãˈɲit

aˈny, aˈn(j)i, aˈɲi

INODIAT

✶

tɾy

tɾy, tɾi, tʀij, tɾuj, ˈtɾuij, tɾɥi(j)

TROIA

kji

vy

tɾuj, ˈtɾy(o)

yl, ɥil



ˈcyje

vy

s(j)y

(j)ɥil

LONGE

COLLIGERE

ˈcyʎe/i, ˈtʃiji

tɾuj, tɾy

TORCULU

VOLEO

sy

SOLIU

DOLIU

fyʎ/l, fjil

FOLIA

da/eˈpi

Poitevin

(DE) POSTEA

dˈpi

Gallo

py, pi pi, dəˈpɥi, d(ə)ˈpi, dˈp(j)i

Norman

POTEO

NOPTIA

✶







Table 71 (continued)

448 11 French

k/cɥir

vid

vid, vyd

VOCITU

c(ɥ)y, kɥi(r), tʃɥi(r), tʃy

kɥi

cy, kɥi, cɥi(t)

COCTU, COCTA

CORIU

ɥit, jɥi

ɥi(t)

OCTO



aˈni(t), aˈnɥi

aˈni, aˈnɥi

aˈnɥi, aˈnji, aˈɲ/ni

AD NOCTE

tʃyr, tʃɥir, k/cɥir

vid

cɥi(t), tʃɥit

ɥi(t)

n(ɥ)i

nɥi, ɲ(j)i, n(j)i

cys, tʃys, k/cɥis

NOCTE

k(ɥ)is, cis



cjys, cis, k/cɥis

puk

COXA

POPIA, POKKA

✶

ROCCA

✶

CLOCCA





11.4 Western French dialects

449

450

11 French

11.4.7 Contextual labiovelar and velar consonants 11.4.7.1 Labiovelar glide Regarding the sequence made up of /ɛ/ and following [w] and as exemplified by DEUS, Dieu turned into [djøw] from which [djø], [djy] could emerge in Norman and Gallo. In addition to these lexical variants, Poitevin has [di], which appears to have emerged from the outcome iu of ieu through off-glide elision (Dieu > Diu > Di), and Old Poitevin the also reduced form De (Pignon 1960, 128–130). Likewise, EGO has yielded [i] ( < ieu) in the Poitevin dialect. After the vocalization of coda /l/ into [w], the ending -ELLU could undergo various developments, which are spelled out next (see Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 115, 117, 295, 341, 938, 986, 1354). (a) The sequence ɛau generated through glide insertion dissimilated into [jɔw], [jaw], and, as exemplified next, these triphthongs could be simplified into [jɔ]/[jo], [ja] later on: Norman [baˈtjao̯ ], [baˈtjɔ]/[baˈtjo], [baˈtja] BATELLU, [bjɔ]/[bjo], [bja] BELLU, and also [pjɔ]/[pjo] PELLE (Guerlin de Guer 1907, 89); Gallo [vjaɔ̯ ], [vjɔ], [vja] VITELLU, [baˈtjaɔ̯ ], [batjɔ] BATELLU, and also [pjɔ], [pja] PELLE. (b) The sequence [ɛw] could simplify into e in the singular forms of nouns, which is in contrast with the presence of [jaɔ̯ ], [jaw], [jɔ]/[jo], [ja] in the corresponding plural forms: Norman [siˈzɛ], [siˈze] vs. [siˈzja] Fr. ciseau(x) ✶ ✶ CAESELLU, CAESELLOS, [kaˈpe] vs. [kaˈpjaɔ̯ ] CAPELLU , CAPELLOS, [baˈtɛ] vs. [baˈtj(a)o] BATELLU, BATELLOS; Gallo [kuˈtɛ] vs. [kuˈtjaw] CULTELLU, CULTELLOS, [waˈze] vs. [weˈzjaw] AUCELLU, AUCELLOS (Dottin/Langouët 1901, XXV; Lepelley 1971, 35, 46; Brasseur 1978, 64). (c) In S. Gallo and Poitevin, ɛau deleted the final glide and underwent some later changes including a shift in stress position from the first vocalic segment to the second ([ˈɛa̯ ] > [e̯ a]) followed by an increase in the articulatory distance between the two consecutive segments ([e̯ a] > [ja]): S. Gallo [kuˈtɛɔ̯ ]/ [kuˈtɛo̯ ], [kuˈtja] CULTELLU, [ˈbeo̯ ] BELLOS; Poitevin [ˈpɛa̯ ]/[ˈpea̯ ], [pja] PELLE, [kuˈt(e)a], [kuˈtja] CULTELLU, [siˈzea̯ ], [siˈzjo], [siˈzja] ✶CAESELLU, ✶CAESELLOS and also [ˈbɛa̯ ]/[ˈbea̯ ], [bja] BELLU (Pignon 1960, 265–267; La Chaussée 1966, 36–37; Chauveau 1984, 91). Moreover, the deletion of the final glide can also yield forms with [ɛ] (< [ˈɛa̯ ]) in Poitevin ([kuˈtɛ] CULTELLU). These contemporary dialect data are largely consistent with early written forms. The graphemes eau, iau (sg.) and iaus/x (pl.) prevailed in Normandy and Brittany (Norman chatiau, chasteau CASTELLU, oisiaus/x AUCELLOS; Gobl 1970, 204–207), while in Old Poitevin and the Loire-Atlantique region ea occurred quite frequently

11.4 Western French dialects

451

in addition to e/iau (sea SIGELLU, chastea, chaste/iau CASTELLU; Pignon 1960, 274; Gossen 1967, 171–173). The diphthongization of /ɛ/ has also taken place before [w] derived from coda /l/ in the case of MELIUS and VECLU, which accounts for [vjø]/[vjy], [mjø]/ [m(j)y] in all dialects, and also for [v(j)yl] in Contentin and [me] (< [mø]) in Vendée (La Chaussée 1966, 36). The corresponding pathway appears to have been ieu > [jøw] > [jø] > [jy]. A similar development applies to lexical items ending in -ĬLLU such as [ʃˈfø] CAPILLU/CAPILLOS in all three W. French dialects, while the Poitevin variant [ʃˈvej] CAPILLOS comes presumably from a form ending in eu generated through /l/ vocalization into [w] (Svenson 1959, 8). As to the ending -IOLU, there is [u] in Poitevin ([f(i)ju], [fʎu] FILIOLU) in addition to the cross-dialectal variant [f(i)ˈjø]. It may be assumed that [u] comes from [ow] where [w] corresponds to a vocalized realization of /l/, whether after /ɔ/ shifted to uo in open syllables (uol > ol > ou > u or else uol > ul > uw > u; Pignon 1960, 291–295; Gauthier 1983, 105) or not (ol > ou > u; Svenson 1959, 9). On the other hand, the Poitevin variants [fiˈjao̯ ] FILIOLU and [lẽˈsao̯ ] LINTEOLU imply the application of a dissimilatory change ou > au. Regarding SEQUERE and analogously to dialects from northern and eastern France, changes in the mid low front vowel could have taken place after either velar vocalization into [w] or [w] insertion before the velar. In principle, the former option would account for [sɥɛ], [sɥœr], [sjø], [sjɛr], [ˈsyə̯ r]/[ˈsyø̯ r] and [syr]/[sir] in Norman and [sɥɛj]/[sɥej], [sɥœd]/[sɥø], [sjœr]/[sjør] and [sjy] in Gallo (Dottin/Langouët 1901, XXX–XXXI; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 1267), and the latter for [sjɛgr], [sɛgr] and [sœgr] presumably derived through the pathway seugr > seigr > sieigr in Poitevin (Pignon 1960, 127–128, and see almost identical variants in Bourguignon, Champenois and Franc-Comtois in section 11.2.7). 11.4.7.2 Velar stop Words ending in -OCU (FOCU, IOCU, LOCU) show essentially a mid front rounded vowel everywhere ([fø], [ʒø], [l(j)ø]; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, maps 558, 719). In addition, there are forms with [y] (Gallo, Poitevin [fy], Gallo [ly], Poitevin [ʒy]) and with a mid unrounded vowel (Gallo [fə], [ʒə], [l(j)ə], Poitevin [fɛj], [ʒej]; Dottin/ Langouët 1901, XXIII; Svenson 1959, 9). These lexical variants may have emerged from an initial change uou > ueu, followed by rounding of the vowel nucleus and later replacement of [ø] by [y], [e], [ə] (however, Dottin/Langouët claim that [y] could have emerged from uou in Gallo). It has also been suggested that, unlike Occitan and analogously to Standard French, /ɔ/ diphthongization in those words is associated not with the contextual labiovelar glide [w] but with the placement of the stressed vowel in an open syllable (fueu < fuou < fuogo; Pignon 1960, 162–163).

452

11 French

11.5 Summary and discussion 11.5.1 Open and checked syllables Stressed vowels have undergone significant changes in open syllables in standard and dialectal French. Regarding the mid high front vowel /e/, the pathway ei > (ai) > oi > [ˈoe̯ ] > [ˈue̯ ] > [we] > [wɛ] > [wa] has been advocated both for the standard language and for the eastern and northern French dialects where the final outcomes are ua and ue, ua, respectively. Single vowels may have resulted from the simplification of those rising diphthongs, namely [ɛ] in Standard French (raie), e, a, o, ø/œ in E. French, and e, a, ø/œ and high vowels in N. French. A development starting out with ei and involving no rising diphthongization, that is, ei > e, and ei > ai, oi > a, o, has also been proposed for E. French and Walloon and appears to be a feasible option for W. French. If the latter hypothesis holds true, at least for specific lexical items, forms with rising diphthongs are likely to have been imported from Standard French into other dialect territories. As to /o/, the corresponding phonetic outcomes in open syllables are [ø], [œ] (øu < eu < ou) in Standard French and E./N./W. French except for Lorrain, and also [o], [u] (< ou) in W. French, [u] in E. French except for Champenois, [y] and [wo wa] in FrancComtois, and the dissimilated variant [aw] in Bourguignon and Lorrain. Low /a/ in open syllables has raised to a mid front vowel, though it may be implemented as [a] in Franc-Comtois, and has diphthongized into ei, ai, oi word-finally in specific cases such as in the ending -ATA. Regarding mid low vowels in the open syllable condition, /ɛ/ shifted to the rising diphthong ie in Standard French, E. French, Picard, Norman and Gallo, which later evolved into [jœ jø] in Lorrain, [jə] in Gallo and [i] in E. French, Walloon and Norman. There is broad consensus that the rising diphthong was originally falling (the sequence [ˈiə̯ ] may still be found in Franc-Comtois and Norman areas), the change ie > i could have occurred while this was the case, and it remains unclear whether this diphthongization process has operated in Poitevin where /ɛ/ in open syllables is implemented as a mid front unrounded vowel. As to /ɔ/ in open syllables, ue perhaps implemented as a non-canonical falling diphthong (the sequences [ˈuə̯ ], [ˈyə̯ ] occur in Bernese Jura) developed into [œ], [ø] (Standard French, E./N./W. French) and [jœ], [jø] (Walloon, Lorrain). Other outcomes are [o] in Bourguignon, [u] in Walloon, [y] and possibly [i] in E. French, W./ S. Walloon, Picard and Poitevin, and [ɛ] also in Poitevin and [ə] in Gallo. While the outcome [u] may be traced back to uo, [y] and [ɛ] could derive from ue, the issue being whether those diphthongs were initially rising or falling. In checked syllables, the vowels /i/, [y] (/u/) and /e/ may lower along the front dimension and /e/ may also yield [a ɔ] in E. French, while /o/ may lower

11.5 Summary and discussion

453

to [ɔ] or else raise to [u] as in Standard French. The mid low vowels /ɛ/ and /ɔ/, on the other hand, stay mid low as in Standard French while /ɔ/ may also shift to [u]. We will look now at the relevant contextual effects, whose phonetic motivation will be dealt with in detail in section 12. Mid low vowels may change to rising diphthongs before /rC/ and /sC/, i.e., /ɛ/ to ie, ia after which ie may shift to i (Franc-Comtois), and /ɔ/ (also /o/ in E. French and /e/ in Franc-Comtois) to uo, ua, ue. Moreover, the non-canonical falling diphthongs [ˈeə̯ ], [ˈiə̯ ] (/ɛ/) and [ˈoə̯ ], [ˈuə̯ ] (/ɔ/) may occur before /rC/ in areas of FrancComtois, which could be at the origin of the rising diphthongs just referred to. This diphthongization process is also consistent with vowel lengthening and offgliding occurring essentially in those same contextual conditions, and yielding [aɛ] for /ɛrC/, [aɛ], [ej] (and the later outcomes e, i) for /ɛsC/, [oə̯ ], [ɔe] for /ɔrC/ and [oe] for /ɔsC/. In W. Normandy, glide insertion giving rise to the sequences [ˈuə̯ ], [ˈuo̯ ] has also taken place at the offset of /o/ before [s r t] and several alveolopalatal and palatoalveolar consonants, which can lead eventually to rising diphthongs with an [w] on-glide. Off-gliding in VC sequences can also involve the formation of the following canonical falling diphthongs with a rounded glide: au before /sC/ and /ll/ and au, eu before geminates (/e/ in E. French); au before /lC/ and onset /l/ (/a/); au, ou before /sC/, au, ou, ɛu before /lC/, including /ll/, and au, ɛu before geminates (mid back rounded vowels). [w] insertion may also occur in CV sequences with labial consonants and mid front and low vowels. Other contextual effects summarized in (a) through (e) below involve changes in vowel height and fronting in checked syllables. (a) Before /rC/ and sometimes before a prevocalic rhotic in originally open syllables, front vowels may lower and also back (/u/ realized as [y] > [ø œ]; /e/ > [ɛ a ɔ o]; /ɛ/ > [a]), and low and back vowels may raise or front and /o/ may also lower (/a/ > [ɛ o]; /ɔ/ > [o u]; /o/ > [ø œ ɔ u]). (b) Before /sC/, /e/ may lower or back ([ɛ a ɔ o u]) and /ɛ/ may shift to higher and lower vowel realizations ([e a]). On the other hand, low and back vowels generally raise along the back dimension and /o/ may also become lower or more anterior (/a/ > [o]; /ɔ/ > [o u]; /o/ > [ø ɔ u]). (c) Before /lC/ (including /ll/), /ɛ/ may lower and /e/ may either round or back (/ɛ/ > [a], /e/ > [ø o u]), while low and mid back vowels often raise along the back dimension and may front, and /o/ may also lower (/a/ > [œ ɔ o u], /ɔ/ > [ø œ o u], /o/ > [œ ɔ u]). Before etymological syllable-onset /l/, on the other hand, /a/ may raise to [e ɛ ɔ o] and /u/ may stay back rounded instead of fronting to [y] ([ku] CULU). (d) Before geminates (mostly if dental), /e/ may lower, round or back ([ɛ a ø œ ɔ o]), /ɛ/ may lower to [a], /a/ may raise to [ɛ], and mid back vowels may front and /o/ may either raise or lower (/ɔ/ > [ø], /o/ > [œ ɔ u]).

454

11 French

(e) Labial consonants may cause preceding /a/ to raise to a higher labial vowel ([ø œ ɔ o u]), /o/ to raise to [u] and /i/ to shift to [y]. In [Vw] sequences, there may be regressive rounding of front and low vowels (e > [ø], a > [ɔ o]) and fronting or raising of back rounded vowels (o > [ø u]).

11.5.2 Contextual (alveolo)palatal consonants Regarding the progressive action of (alveolo)palatal consonants, /e/ has raised to [i] in a few lexical items (cire, plaisir). On the other hand, /a/ was able to diphthongize into the sequence ie, which is implemented as a rising diphthong in some peripheral French dialects and as a non-canonical falling diphthong in Franc-Comtois and the Cotentin peninsula, after which the diphthong was simplified into e throughout the entire dialect domain including Standard French and raised to [(j)i] in E./N. French and Norman. As to the regressive effect of postvocalic (alveolo)palatals, several assimilatory and dissimilatory tendencies may be identified. High vowels may undergo dissimilatory lowering, mostly /i/ and [y] derived from /u/ before [ʎ] (also realized as [j]) and [ɲ]. On the other hand, the sequence [yj] (/uj/) may shift to [y] in all dialects and also to [ɥi] as in Standard French, and there is also the related outcome [i] (Norman, Poitevin). Mid high front /e/ before yod has also dissimilated into oi (E./W. French and, less so, N. French) and ɛi, ai (W. French), after which oi could raise to ui (E. French and possibly N. French), and these falling diphthongs could simplify into a single vowel. In addition, whether imported from Standard French or not, there are forms with [wV] in the same contextual condition in all dialects, which have sometimes changed into a single vowel through on-glide elision after certain tautosyllabic clusters and single consonants ([stɾa] STRICTU). This diphthong simplification process may occur after changes in the vowel nucleus, that is, raising yielding [u] (< uo) and fronting yielding the front rounded vowels [œ] and [ø] in E./N. French, which may also come from e and may raise to [y] (N. French). Before [ʎ] and [ɲ], on the other hand, there is [ɛ] in Standard French (conseil, enseigne), together with other dissimilated realizations ([a], [ɔ], [o]) in French dialects, and also a mid front rounded vowel in Poitevin; there has also been /e/ diphthongization into [wV] before [ʎ] in Franc-Comtois and Bourguignon, and raising to [i] before the two (alveolo)palatals in some cases ([ɲ] tigne TINEA, signe SIGNU; [ʎ] cil CILIU, til TILIA, mil MILIU, and [ʃˈfij] CLAVICULA and [bɔˈtij] BUTTICULA in E. French). Dissimilatory lowering into [ɛ] has also taken place before front lingual affricates/fricatives and [s] in Standard French (sèche, paresse).

11.5 Summary and discussion

455

Mid high back /o/ has raised to [u] before palatoalveolar affricates and fricatives in words like RUBEU and BUCCA (Standard French rouge, bouche). Moreover, to different degrees in all dialects, the mid high back vowel has also raised to [u] (also [y]) before [ʎ], [ɲ] and yod, and fronted to [ø] and [œ] most especially before [ʎ] and [j] (PUGNU, endings -ORIU and -UCULU, as in Standard French genou). The rising diphthongs ue, ua and even ui (< ue) derived from the sequence oi, which is still available in some dialect areas (Poitou), occur exclusively before yod, though there are also forms with [wa] before [ʎ] in Franc-Comtois and Bourguignon. These rising diphthongs may be simplified into a single vowel when preceded by syllable-onset clusters ([kɾə], [kɾe] CRUCE) and may occur in lexical items imported from Standard French. The mid high back vowel may also dissimilate into [ɔ] mostly before [ʎ] and [ɲ] (Poitevin, N. French), and has been treated as an instance of /u/ before yod in the case of PUTEU and perhaps BUXU which show unanimously the outcomes [wi], [ɥi] ([y], [i]). The low vowel /a/ stays low in all dialects before [ʎ] whether available nowadays or not, and may have raised to mid front before front lingual fricatives and affricates in N. French and before [ɲ] in N./W. French (we also find [ɔ] before [ɲ] in W. French). This /a/ raising process applies more frequently before yod, most especially if it occurs in coda position. There is also the issue, at least in E. French and for certain words more than others, of whether the outcome [a] corresponds to the etymological low vowel or has emerged from e (< /a/). The ending -ARIU, on the other hand, may be implemented as [i] in all three dialect groups, and also as ie (Picard, E./W. French, Standard French), a(i), e(i) (E. French) and just e(i) (Poitevin); in order to handle all these phonetic realizations, the pathways iei > i and iei > ie, ei > e may be proposed, in which iei emerged from the raised outcome [ɛ] of /a/ before yod and the sequences iei, ie could bear stress on the initial segment (the outcomes [ˈiə̯ ], [ˈie̯ ] of -ARIU occur in W. Norman). In Standard French, /ɛ/ diphthongized into ie before (alveolo)palatal consonants even in words with early lingual affricates which evolved into fricatives (pièce ✶PETTIA, liège ✶LEVIU) and this outcome ie monophthongized later into [i] before yod. French dialects, on the other hand, show [i] (also in the case of ✶ PETTIA, NEPTIA, PECTINE, VECLU/VECLA and INTEGRU/INTEGRA) and also the outcomes e, ei and ie whose relative frequency of occurrence varies with dialect as follows: i and ie prevail in Picard and Norman, whereas most of E. French, Walloon, Gallo and Poitevin preferentially show ei, co-occurring with e, i, and rising diphthongs in the forms for ✶PETTIA, NEPTIA, VECLU/VECLA, INTEGRU/INTEGRA and in words ending in -ERIU/-ERIA. These data may be accounted for by assuming that, while ie(i) shifted typically to [i] in the former dialect domain, in the latter: ie(i) yielded [i] in indigenous words and could also give rise to the outcomes ie or ei; a change ei

456

11 French

> e involving no previous vowel diphthongization could have also been at work in specific speaking areas and contextual and lexical conditions. Non-canonical falling diphthongs occur in Franc-Comtois ([ˈiə̯ ]) and Upper Manche ([ˈiɛ̯ ], [ˈie̯ ], [ˈiə̯ ]), and there has been dissimilatory lowering of ei into [a(j)] in Bourguignon and Franc-Comtois. Regarding /ɔ/, Standard French has [œ] before [ʎ] (which is in line with data from other Romance languages showing that the alveolopalatal lateral favours adjacent mid front rounded vowel productions) and [ɥi] before yod, the former realization coming from [ˈue̯ ] or [ɥe] and the latter from the outcome [yj] of [ˈue̯ j] or [ˈuɔ̯ j]. The same scenario holds in Picard ([œ], [ø] before [ʎ]; [ɥi], [y] before onset/ coda yod), while Walloon has most often [ɥi], [y] before coda yod and [ɔ]/[o] and [u]/[y] before [ʎ] and onset yod, which could imply an o(i) base and thus no /ɔ/ diphthongization. E. French dialects show essentially [œ]/[ø], [ɛ]/[e] and [u]/[y] in all context conditions, and also [wi] and [ɥi] (> [y], [i]) before yod, in addition to oi in Lorrain/Champenois, the lowered realizations [aɥ]/[aj] in Franc-Comtois and Bourguignon and non-canonical falling diphthongs in Franc-Comtois ([ˈuə̯ ], [ˈyə̯ ]). The reconstructed pathway for this E. French scenario could involve two possible mechanisms: on the one hand, an ue(i) base achieved through /ɔ/ diphthongization and a change uo > o, u for those lexical variants which exhibit a mid or high back vowel (Lorrain foi, fui FOLIA); and on the other, no /ɔ/ diphthongization and thus regressive assimilatory changes operating on the sequence oi and, in addition, forms with [ɥi] imported from Standard French. Finally, W. French shows the following dialectal outcomes: [(j)ø], [(j)œ] and [ɛ], and also [ɥi] before yod, in Calvados and Avranchin; [ɥi], [(j)i], [y] and non-canonical falling diphthongs ([ˈyə̯ ], [ˈiə̯ ]) in the Cotentin peninsula; e, ei, and also [œ], [ø] mostly before [ʎ], in Gallo; [ɛ]/[e] and [œ]/[ø] before [ʎ], and also [y], [i], [ɥi] before yod, in Poitevin. While /ɔ/ diphthongization may account for all the phonetic outcomes occurring in W. French, it is unclear whether this sound change process has operated at least in parts of the Poitevin dialect and the extent to which forms with [ɥi] in Gallo and Poitevin have been imported from French. In all dialects as well as Standard French, /ɔ/ diphthongization has been avoided to a large extent before front lingual fricatives and affricates (as in poche, noces though there is nueches in Old French and [nwɛs], [nwas] in Walloon). Gestural antagonism may account for on-glide deletion after onset clusters and specific consonants ([ne] NOCTE, [tɾe] TROIA, [plaf], [plɛf] ✶PLOVIA), prevocalic labials favour the presence of the back rounded on-glide, and there may have been prothesis of [v] in [vyt] OCTO derived from [ɥit] (Franc-Comtois/Bourguignon, N. French).

11.5 Summary and discussion

457

11.5.3 Contextual labiovelar and velars Mid low front vowel diphthongization has also been triggered by postvocalic [w] of different origins. Thus, the triphthongs eau, ieu derived through off-glide insertion may account for phonetic variants such as [djø], [d(j)y], [di], [djɛ] DEUS, [m(j)ø], [m(j)y], [mja], [m(j)ɛ], [me], [mi] MELIUS, [bjɛw], [bjɔw], [bjœ]/[bjø], [b(j)o], [b(j)e], [bja], [bi] BELLU, and Old French siure SEQUERE, tiule TEGULA. Forms with final e (also i) of words ending in -ELLU may have emerged from el(s), the vocalized variant [ɛw] of el, or the outcome ea of eau and eal, which has yielded [ja] as well (Walloon [tʃaˈpe], Norman [kaˈpe] CAPELLU, N./W. French [bja] BELLU, Poitevin [ˈpɛa̯ ], [ˈpea̯ ], [pja] PELLE). As to nouns ending in -OCU, /ɔ/ diphthongization into ue from which variants such as [fœ]/[fø], [fe(j)], [fy] FOCU have derived may have been triggered by [w] after deletion of the velar consonant or else has operated in an open syllable rather than being contextually conditioned. Forms with a falling diphthong such as [ˈfyə̯ ] are available in Franc-Comtois.

12 General summary and discussion This chapter evaluates the main findings reported in the previous chapters in light of the general research issues and working hypotheses formulated in the Introduction. This theoretically oriented summary is all the more necessary given the considerable degree of variability exhibited by the phonetic outcomes of stressed vowels followed by (alveolo)palatal consonants in the Romance languages we have subjected to analysis. Different sections are devoted to the phonetic output of vowel diphthongization and assimilatory processes triggered by (alveolo)palatals (section 12.1), the presumable causes of vowel diphthongization in this and other contextual environments (section 12.2), the raising of the vowel nuclei of diphthongs and triphthongs to a high vowel in the (alveolo)palatal consonantal context condition (section 12.3), vowel assimilations exerted by consonants other than (alveolo)palatals (section 12.4), vowel dissimilatory changes triggered by (alveolo)palatal consonants (section 12.5), the simplification of vocalic sequences achieved through the deletion of on-glides and offglides (section 12.6), and changes in on-glides and vowel nuclei induced by the prevocalic consonant and the insertion of prothetic consonants before the onglides in question (section 12.7).

12.1 Effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on preceding stressed vowels This section summarizes the phonetic outcomes of the diphthongization and assimilatory processes triggered by (alveolo)palatal consonants on mid and low vowels in the Romance languages analyzed in the book. The summary tables for Spanish, Portuguese, Catalan, Occitan, Tuscan Italian and Standard French included in the preceding chapters and reproduced jointly in Tables 72 and 73 show the phonetic realization of mid and low vowels before different (alveolo)palatal consonants plotted by vowel and dialect, respectively. In the tables, vowel changes occur frequently in cells shaded dark grey and less often (i.e., depending on lexical item and other factors, vowels have been at the same time affected and unaffected by a given contextual (alveolo)palatal consonant) in cells shaded light grey.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-012

460

12 General summary and discussion

Table 72: Summary of stressed vowel changes triggered by a following (alveolo)palatal consonant displayed by vowel. Cells are shaded dark or light grey depending on the frequency of assimilation or of assimilation and diphthongization, and are left white if there is no effect. Empty cells indicate the absence of data. The grapheme ue for /ɔ/ belongs to Old French. (t)s, (d)z

ʎ

ɲ

(d)ʒ, j (< )

(d)ʒ, j, lab+j (< lab+j)

js, (j)ʃ ( < sj, jʃ); (j)t, tʃ ( < jt)

(j)z, (j)ʒ ( < zj); (j)ɾ ( < ɾj)

Sp

je

e

e

e

e

e

e

Port

ɛ

e

e

e

ɛ

e

e

Cat

e

i

i

i

i

i

Occ

ɛ

jɛ

e

jɛ

jɛ

jɛ

Tusc

ɛ

ɛ

e

ɛ

ɛ

e

Fr

jɛ, i

jɛ

jɛ

i

jɛ

i

je, i

Sp

we

o

we

o

o

o

we (ɾj)

Port

ɔ

o

o

o

o

o

o

Cat

ɔ

u

u

u

u

u

Occ

ɔ

ɥɛ

ɥɛ

ɥɛ

ɥɛ

ɥɛ (ɾj)

ɔ

o

ɔ

ɔ

ɔ

wɔ (ɾj)

ɥi

ɔ

ɥi

ɥi

f

/ɛ/

/ɔ/

Tusc

/e/

/o/

Fr

ue

œ

Sp

e

e

e

e

i

e (jt)

i

Port

e

e

e

e

i

e

e

Cat

ɛ

e, ɛ

e, ɛ

e, ɛ

e, ɛ

e, ɛ

e, ɛ

Occ

e

i

i

e

e

e

e

Tusc

e

i

i

e

e

e

ɛ

Fr

ɛ

i

i

wa

ɛ

wa

wa

Sp

o

o

u

u

u

u

we

Port

o

u

u

u

u

u (jt)

o

Cat

o

o

u

u

u

u (jt)

o

Occ

y

u

y

y

u

y

u (ɾj)

Tusc

o

o

u

u

u

ɔ

u (ɾj)

Fr

ɥi

u

ɔ

ɥi

u

ɥi

wa

j

12.1 Effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on preceding stressed vowels

461

Table 72 (continued) (t)s, (d)z

ʎ

ɲ

(d)ʒ, j (< )

(d)ʒ, j, lab+j (< lab+j)

js, (j)ʃ ( < sj, jʃ); (j)t, tʃ ( < jt)

(j)z, (j)ʒ ( < zj); (j)ɾ ( < ɾj)

j

Sp

a

a

a

a

a

e

e

e

Port

a

a

a

a

a

e

e

e

Cat

a

a

a

a

a

e

e

e

Occ

a

a

a

a

a

a

ɛ (ɾj)

a

Tusc

a

a

a

a

a

a

a

a

Fr

a

a

a

ɛ

a

ɛ

ɛ

e

f

/a/

Table 73: Summary of stressed vowel changes triggered by a following (alveolo)palatal consonant displayed by language. See the caption for Table 72 for details. (t)s, (d)z

ʎ

ɲ

(d)ʒ, j (< )

(d)ʒ, j, lab+j (< lab+j)

js, (j)ʃ ( < sj, jʃ); (j)t, tʃ (< jt)

(j)z, (j)ʒ ( < zj); (j)ɾ ( < ɾj)

/ɛ/

je

e

e

e

e

e

e

/ɔ/

we

o

we

o

o

o

we (ɾj)

/e/

e

e

e

e

i

e (jt)

i

/o/

o

o

u

u

u

u

we

/a/

a

a

a

a

a

e

e

/ɛ/

ɛ

e

e

e

ɛ

e

e

/ɔ/

ɔ

o

o

o

o

o

o

/e/

e

e

e

e

i

e

e

/o/

o

u

u

u

u

u (jt)

o

/a/

a

a

a

a

a

e

e

/ɛ/

e

i

i

i

i

i

/ɔ/

ɔ

u

u

u

u

u

/e/

ɛ

e, ɛ

e, ɛ

e, ɛ

e, ɛ

e, ɛ

e, ɛ

/o/

o

o

u

u

u

u (jt)

o

/a/

a

a

a

a

a

e

e

f

Sp

Port

Cat

j

e

e

e

462

12 General summary and discussion

Table 73 (continued) (t)s, (d)z

ʎ

ɲ

(d)ʒ, j (< )

/ɛ/

ɛ

jɛ

e

/ɔ/

ɔ

ɥɛ

/e/

e

/o/

js, (j)ʃ ( < sj, jʃ); (j)t, tʃ (< jt)

(j)z, (j)ʒ ( < zj); (j)ɾ ( < ɾj)

jɛ

jɛ

jɛ

ɥɛ

ɥɛ

ɥɛ

ɥɛ (ɾj)

i

i

e

e

e

e

y

u

y

y

u

y

u (ɾj)

/a/

a

a

a

a

a

a

ɛ (ɾj)

Tusc /ɛ/

ɛ

ɛ

e

ɛ

ɛ

e

ɔ

o

ɔ

ɔ

ɔ

wɔ (ɾj)

f

Occ

/ɔ/

Fr

(d)ʒ, j, lab+j (< lab+j)

/e/

e

i

i

e

e

e

ɛ

/o/

o

o

u

u

u

ɔ

u (ɾj)

/a/

a

a

a

a

a

a

a

/ɛ/

jɛ, i

jɛ

jɛ

i

jɛ

i

je, i

/ɔ/

ue

œ

ɥi

ɔ

ɥi

ɥi

/e/

ɛ

i

i

wa

ɛ

wa

wa

/o/

ɥi

u

ɔ

ɥi

u

ɥi

wa

/a/

a

a

a

ɛ

a

ɛ

ɛ

j

a

a

e

12.1.1 Mid high vowels According to Tables 72 and 73, mid high vowels are less likely to be affected by (alveolo)palatal consonants than mid low vowels regardless of whether the consonantal effect involves raising or diphthongization. It thus appears that too much articulatory and acoustic proximity between the target vowel and the following (alveolo)palatal consonant (as in the case of /e/) disfavours changes in tongue dorsum height and fronting and in F2 frequency during the vowel, while there appears to be more room for change when there is a larger articulatory and acoustic distance between the two consecutive segments. The reason why sound changes are more prone to operate on lower vs. higher front vowels may also be related to the fact that, as confirmed by coarticulation studies, the formation of a narrow dorsopalatal constriction for /i/ and /e/ renders these two vowels highly resistant to coarticulation in tongue dorsum height and fronting. Moreover, the

12.1 Effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on preceding stressed vowels

463

reluctance on the part of /e/ to raise to [i] appears to be consistent with a considerable number of dissimilatory lowering cases where /e/ shifts to [ɛ] and [a] (and /o/ lowers to [ɔ]) when followed by a contextual (alveolo)palatal. The data from the two tables also indicate that, in comparison to /e/, /o/ is prone to raise to a high vowel far more often. The same general tendency, that is, a higher number of instances of /o/ raising to [u] than of /e/ raising to [i] in the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition and thus greater assimilatory sensitivity on the part of the former vowel vs. the latter, also holds for other languages and dialects subjected to analysis in the book (Ladin, Romansh, Francoprovençal, French dialects). Consequently, Menéndez Pidal’s assumption that the two mid high vowels should be equally sensitive to the assimilatory effects induced by (alveolo)palatals (see section 2.2.2) cannot be correct. An apparent problem with the assimilatory raising process /o/ > [u] is that it involves a decrease in F2 (as well as in F1), which runs against the expected tendency for the (alveolo)palatal consonant to cause an increase of the tongue dorsum contact area towards the hard palate and thus in F2 frequency during the vowel. An explanation for why /o/ raises to [u] in these circumstances has been proposed in section 1.3.1.2: the resulting coarticulated realization would be an [ɯ]-like sound which may be integrated as /u/ by speakers of languages lacking this vowel in their vowel system (see also Recasens 2016). The frequency with which the vowel assimilates to the following (alveolo)palatal consonant varies with both the target vowel and the specific contexual consonant. The vowel /e/ may shift to [i] when followed by alveolopalatals which are relatively anterior, mostly [ʎ], whether currently realized as a lateral, an affricate or [j], and also [ɲ]. This change has taken place in words which are produced with [i] in a large number of Romance languages though, at least in some cases, the high front vowel could derive from etymological long /i/ (perhaps for TILIA, MILIU, CILIU, SIGNU and/or TINEA), as well as in other lexical forms which are less widespread geographically: Asturleonese [esˈpitʃu] SPECULU, [ˈʎiɲu] LIGNU, Occitan from Alpes-Maritimes [aˈbijo] APICULA, N. Italy [ˈliɲa] LIGNA, [uˈɾitʃa] AURICULA, [fɾitʃ] FRIGIDU, Surmiran Romansh [ˈviʎə] VIGILAT, Lyonnais [θaˈviʎə], E. French [ʃˈfij] CLAVICULA, [bɔˈtij] BUTTICULA. An important case for our purposes is the change [ej] > [i], which is analyzed in some detail in section 12.3.1.1 (c) and may occur in quite a restricted fashion in Auvergnat Occitan, Northern Italian dialects, E. Valaisan and Sutselvan Romansh. The assimilation scenario for the mid high back vowel /o/ is quite different from the one for /e/ just reviewed. In agreement with our initial assumptions, /o/ raising has been shown to occur preferentially before (alveolo)palatal consonants produced with considerable dorsopalatal contact (see points (a), (b) and (c) below) though it may also apply before other (alveolo)palatal consonant

464

12 General summary and discussion

articulations whose production involves in principle a smaller tongue-to-palate contact area (see (d) and (e)). (a) The alveolopalatal [ɲ], as presumably in the case of the forms for PUGNU and CUNEU, which depending on language and dialect happen to be realized with [u] (Catalan, Spanish, Portuguese, Tuscan, Lorrain, Poitevin), [u], [y] (Ladin, Occitan, Walloon) or [y] (Northern Italian dialects, Francoprovençal from Usseglio). Mid high back vowel raising before [ɲ] has also occurred in other lexical items (Spanish [teˈruɲo] ✶TERRONEU, Tuscan [ˈsuɲ:a] AXUNGIA). (b) The sequence [jt] mostly if derived from /kt/ whose dentoalveolar stop may have shown a palatalized realization in the past, as presumably for TRUCTA and LUCTA, which are realized with [u] in Spanish and Catalan, [u], [y] in Occitan and Ladin dialects, and [u], [y], [ɥi] in Francoprovençal and French dialects. (c) The stop [ ], of various segmental origins, which is commonly implemented as [j] or as a palatoalveolar affricate or fricative, as exemplified by Occitan [esˈtyjt] STUDIU, [ˈkyʒɔ] COGITAT, Lorrain [koˈɾɔj], [kuˈɾu(j)] CORRIGIA, N. French [ploj], [pluj] PLICAT, and presumably rouge RUBEU, bouche BUCCA in standard and dialectal French and Francoprovençal. A variable scenario involving the presence of both assimilated and unassimilated outcomes may occur not only in French dialects but in other languages as well: Catalan [əsˈtɔtʃ] vs. [əsˈtutʃ] STUDIU; Portuguese [ɨʃˈtoʒu] STUDIU, [ˈfoʒu] ✶FOVEU vs. [ˈfuʒu] FUGIO, [ˈʃuvɐ] PLUVIA; Tuscan [ˈmɔd:ʒo] MODIU, Old Tuscan stoggio vs. [riˈfudʒo] REFUGIU, [ˈfud:ʒe] FUGIT. f

(d) Coda yod followed by a palatoalveolar or alveolar fricative or by a rhotic often derived from a palatalized consonant. Regarding the former context, /o/ raising has taken place in Spanish ([emˈpuxa] IMPULSAT, though [ˈroxo] RUSSEU), Aragonese ([ˈbuʃo] BUXU, [ˈruʃo] RUSSEU) and in the case of BUXU and PUTEU in standard and dialectal French and Francoprovençal (there is also E. French [kɾo(j)], [kɾu], [kɾy] CRUCE, Picard [kɾ(w)o], [kɾu(j)] CRUCE, [vo], [vuj] VOCE). As to the latter context, /o/ raising may account for Old Catalan avuir, Tuscan [awˈguɾjo] AUGURIU, Occitan [ˈlujɾo]/[ˈlyjɾo] ✶LUTRIA, Badiot Ladin [salˈmyɾa] SALMURIA, and the presence of a high rounded vowel in the case of the ending -ORIU in various dialect domains ([u], [y] N. Italy, Francoprovençal, French dialects, [u] Romansh, Ladin). (e) The alveolopalatal lateral [ʎ], which has often been replaced by [j]. While as a general rule /o/ stays unmodified in this contextual condition (Spanish [kosˈkoxo] CUSCULIU, Catalan [poʎ] PEDUCULU, and also [ʒeˈnuʎ] GENUCULU in Occitan where /o/ has yielded [u] across the board), it may also raise to [u] in some cases: Portuguese [gorˈguʎu] GURGULIU, Sursilvan/Sutselvan [ʒəˈnuʎ] GENUCULU, and Standard

12.1 Effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on preceding stressed vowels

465

French [ʒəˈnu] and analogous forms in Francoprovençal ([fəˈnuʎ] [raˈnuʎə] RANUCULA) and French dialects ([gərˈnuj] RANUCULA).

FENUCULU ,

12.1.2 Low vowel As shown in Tables 72 and 73, /a/ raising to a mid front vowel takes place exclusively or predominantly before coda [j], and much less or not at all before alveolopalatals and [j] in syllable-onset position, in Spanish, Asturleonese/Aragonese, Catalan, Portuguese (except for the labial + [j] sequences, which changed to [j]+labial and have had no effect on preceding /a/, as exemplified by Port. raiva RABIA) and Gascon and Auvergnat Occitan. The sound change of interest does not apply in Tuscan, and operates in a limited way in the other Occitan dialects (/a/ raises to e only in the case of -ARIU here), Ladin and Northern Italian (which show e mostly before [jɾ] including the ending -ARIU and the outcome [j] of /i/ generated through deletion of an intervocalic consonant) and Romansh dialects (which exhibit e before coda yod in some dialects rather than others). The reason why /a/ raising is more prone to take place before coda [j] than before syllable-onset (alveolo)-palatals may be found in the greater degree of gestural overlap between the vowel and the consonant, which causes the vowel F2 to reach a higher frequency. Moreover, of all possible [jC] sequences, gestural overlap and vowel assimilation turn out to be favoured by [jɾ] (as in the case of the ending -ARIU) for the production of which C1 and C2 happen to be most gesturally independent. Apart from coda yod, the preference for /a/ raising before some contextual consonants over others appears to be positively associated with tongue-topalate contact degree. Thus, this process may be favoured by (alveolo)palatal or palatalized stops from which [j] and front affricates and fricatives have derived, in Ticinese/N.Lombard, Ladin, Romansh, as well as Francoprovençal and French dialects ([pjɛs] ✶PLATTEA, [fɾuˈmɛʒ] FORMATICU) and Standard French (paye PACAT, plaie PLAGA). Morever, data for Ticinese/N. Lombard, Fassan, Francoprovençal and French dialects reveal that /a/ raising may also take place before [ɲ] rather than before [ʎ], which may be related to differences in tongue-to-palate contact size between the two alveolopalatal consonants. Probably for the same reason, that is, more dorsopalatal contact in some [jC] sequences than others (and perhaps in line with other factors such as vowel harmony induced by wordfinal /a/), /a/ raising is prone to operate before [jt] (/kt/) rather than before the outcomes [(j)ʃ] and [js] of /ks ssj ske ski skj stj/, as revealed by examples taken from Aragonese ([let], [lej] LACTE vs. [ˈfaʃa] FASCIA), Catalan ([ʎet] LACTE, [feʃ] FASCE vs. [ˈfaʃə] FASCIA) and Gascon ([lɛ(j)t] LACTE vs. [haʃ], [hɛʃ] FASCE). In Romansh dialects, [jt] does not necessarily trigger /a/ raising (there is a in LACTE, FACTU),

466

12 General summary and discussion

while, in agreement with some of the forms just mentioned, e is only likely to show up before [jʃ js] in words not ending in a low vowel (a FASCIA, ✶CRASSIA, e NASCERE, FRAXINU). A relevant issue is the chronological relationship between the development of /ɛ/ and of /a/ before yod in words ending in -ARIU/-ARIA. Generally speaking, the two vowels appear to have evolved synchronously through the diphthong ie in Occitan, Francoprovençal and French, the stage ie being available for /ɛ/ in open syllables and before yod in the two latter languages and just before yod in the former. Moreover, in Francoprovençal-speaking areas such as Lyonnais, the outcome i in words ending in -ARIU not preceded by an (alveolo)palatal consonant may have been due to the analogical pressure exerted by words in which -ARIU preceded by an (alveolo)palatal yielded i. While a change ie(i) > e(i) may be advocated for the dialect domains just referred to, it is unclear whether rising diphthongization has operated in other dialect regions where e(i) or an equivalent phonetic realization are widespread (Auvergnat- and Gascon-speaking areas, certain Northern Italian dialects, Ladin and most of Romansh, Dauphinois from Grenoble). In many of these dialect regions and also in Catalan, the low vowel could raise to mid front after, not before, /ɛ/ diphthongized into ie (Catalan [e] for -ARIU vs. [i] for /ɛ/ + yod; Ladin [ɛ] vs. ie; Francoprovençal zones [a]e vs. [i], [ˈiə], [ˈie]). Several other aspects of the /a/ raising process of interest deserve close attention. Judging from the limited application of /a/ raising before (alveolo)palatals in Northern Italian, Ladin and Romansh, it is not obvious whether the change /a/ > e induced by (alveolo)palatal consonants is related to the front realization of the low vowel in the Gallo-Romance-speaking domain. Also regarding this issue, it appears that, after /a/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant raised to e in a number of lexical items in Old French and Old Francoprovençal dialects, the mid front vowel outcome could lower to [a], which is how those words may be produced today (see in this connection the E. French data presented in section 11.2.4). Low vowel raising before preconsonantal alveolars occurs in Ladin (before /rC/ and less so before /lC sC/), Romagnol and Val Leventina (before /lC rC/) and Val Bregaglia and San Fratello (before /lC sC rC/), and in some of these dialect areas and against what one would initially expect, before those front lingual consonants rather than before (alveolo)palatals.

12.1.3 Mid low vowels Languages and dialects may be grouped into five groups, described below in sections 12.1.3.1 through 12.1.3.5 according to the phonetic outcomes of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before (alveolo)palatal consonants.

12.1 Effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on preceding stressed vowels

467

12.1.3.1 Spanish, Portuguese In Spanish, the presence of rising diphthongs deriving from /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before certain (alveolo)palatals has not been attributed traditionally to the contexual consonant since the two mid low vowels have diphthongized in both open and closed syllables. Two different outcomes may be identified for /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ in Spanish and Portuguese. (a) The two mid low vowels have raised to a mid high vowel realization (the front vowel outcome being realized as schwa in Lisbon Portuguese) before primitive coda yod as well as before onset [ ], which is implemented nowadays as yod in Spanish and as [ʒ] in Portuguese (Spanish [enˈteɾo] INTEGRU, [ˈotʃo] OCTO, [ˈsea] SEDEAT, [ˈpojo] PODIU). The development [oj] > [oe̯ ] > [we] or perhaps [oj] > [uj] > [ue̯ j] > [we] for /ɔ/ before /ɾj/ in Spanish words like cuero CORIU should not be considered exceptional for reasons pointed out in section 12.2.4. (b) A different scenario holds before other syllable-onset (alveolo)palatals. Regarding front affricates derived from palatalized dentals and front velars, there is no assimilation and thus a diphthong in Spanish ([ˈpjeθa] ✶PETTIA, [djeθ] DECEM) and a mid low vowel in Portuguese ([ˈpɛsɐ], [dɛʃ]). Moreover, there has been assimilatory raising of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before [ʎ] and [ɲ] in Portuguese ([ɨʃˈpɐʎu] SPECULU, [ˈvɐɲu] VENIO, though not in the case of [ˈvɛʎu] VECLU) and clearly in the case of /ɔ/ before [ʎ] but not before [ɲ] in Spanish ([ˈoxo] OCULU). f

In sum, the most clearcut effect exerted by (alveolo)palatal consonants on mid low vowels appears to be raising assimilation, which in the light of the data summarized above happens to occur somewhat more often in Portuguese than in Spanish and essentially before instances of early yod in the latter language. 12.1.3.2 Occitan, Catalan, Asturleonese/Aragonese In Occitan and presumably Catalan, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have diphthongized before (alveolo)palatal consonants but not as a function of syllable type (open, closed). In the former language this diphthongization process did not take place before alveolar affricates derived from /tj/ and front /k/ because these consonants must have been too anterior ([ˈpɛso] ✶PETTIA, [dɛts] DECEM), nor in the case of /ɛ/ before [ɲ], which raised to [e] presumably since it was too close in this particular consonant environment (Old Occitan genh GENIU). The diphthongization outcomes are [i] and [u] in Catalan (except for vell VECLU), and the following phonetic realizations depending on dialect in Occitan: ie(i), e(i), i for /ɛ/; we/œ(i), ɥ/ie(i), ɥ/iœ(i), w/ɥi, u/ y and the corresponding simple mid (un)rounded vowels for /ɔ/, the options [i] (/ɛ/) and [y], [u] (/ɔ/) being available essentially in the Landes-Biarritz-S. Gironde

468

12 General summary and discussion

region, Auvergnat, E. Provence and the Piedmontese valleys. In Occitan, the phonetic pathways for /ɛ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant have probably been ie(i) > e(i) and ie(i) > i, which is in accordance with the prevalence of the sequence ie(i) over ei in much of the Occitan-speaking domain and in Old Occitan as well. As for /ɔ/, the starting sequence uo has given rise to rising diphthongs and triphthongs with the on-glides [w] and [ɥ] and different vowel nuclei arising through the application of various assimilatory and dissimilatory processes; in particular, the outcome u (as in Gascon [ˈtɾujto] TRUCTA, [ˈtɾujo]/[ˈtɾuʒo] TROIA) may have been generated from either uo or ue. Moreover, judging from the exclusive or prevailing presence of the canonical falling diphthong ei, rising diphthongization could have operated on /ɔ/ but not on /ɛ/ at least in a representative word sample in Auvergnat (Haute-Loire, Basse-Auvergne) and the Ariège-Aude area. On the other hand, in Occitan-speaking localities in Piedmont, the outcomes of /ɔ/ diphthongization are not always the same before [ʎ] and [ɲ] ([ø], [œ]) as they are before yod ([wɛ], [ɥe], [ˈye]). In Asturleonese and Aragonese, rising diphthongs occur in open and closed syllables as in Spanish, and before any (alveolo)palatal consonant for /ɔ/ and only before [ʎ] in the case of /ɛ/ (Aragonese [ˈbjeʎo] VECLU, [esˈpjeʎo] SPECULU). An important question is whether these rising diphthongs emerged spontaneously in open and closed syllables alike or instead (alveolo)palatal consonants acted as diphthongization triggers. The latter account is compatible with the prevalence of the diphthongized outcomes for /ɔ/ rather than for /ɛ/, and also with the geographical situation of Aragonese given that mid low vowel diphthongization has operated exclusively before (alveolo)palatal consonants in the Occitan-speaking regions located on the other side of the Pyrenees. 12.1.3.3 Tuscan In Tuscan Italian, where /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have been replaced by rising diphthongs in open syllables, a regressive assimilation process may have caused the two mid low vowels to raise to mid high before [ɲ] ([inˈdʒeɲ:o] INGENIU, [ˈsoɲ:o] SOMNIU) and /ɛ/ to raise to [e] before [t:ʃ] derived from [c] (/kj/) and before /ɾj/ ([ˈfet:ʃa] FAECIA, [inˈteɾo] INTEGRU). 12.1.3.4 N. Italy, Ladin, Romansh Regarding N. Italy, the present-day realizations for etymological /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before an (alveolo)palatal consonant, and to a large extent in open syllables as well, appear to derive from the former diphthongs ie and uo/ue, which were present in old texts and may still be found in certain dialect areas (e.g., ie occurs in Alpine Piedmont/Lombardy and Gallo-Italian colonies and, often realized with a

12.1 Effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on preceding stressed vowels

469

high vowel nucleus, in Liguria, Romagna and Veneto). In this dialect domain, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ are implemented for the most part as either [e] and [ø] across contextual (alveolo)palatals, or else as [ɛ] and [ɔ] before voiceless obstruents ([(j)t], [c] and affricates, mostly coming from /kt/), and as [e] and [ø] before voiced sonorants (yod, [ɲ], and [ʎ] and its end products), voiced affricates/fricatives and, to a large extent, [ʃ]/[s] derived from /ks/ as well. Lexical forms showing the outcome [ø] of /o/ arising through the pathway /o/ > [ɔ] > uo > [ɥø] > [ø] may also be included in the latter contextual group ([ʃiˈgøɲa] CICONIA, [darˈtøjr] DIRECTORIU, [ʒøˈnøtʃ], [dʒøˈnøʎ] GENUCULU). Given this contextual scenario and also that the end products [e] and [ø] of /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ before (alveolo)palatal consonants happen to occur mostly in relatively isolated areas (Alpine Piedmont/Lombard, and also W. Emilia and W. Liguria), the questions arise as to whether, on the one hand, there has been a dissimilatory lowering process by which [e] and [ø] have been replaced by [ɛ] and [ɔ] gradually and starting with the most favourable contextual consonant conditions in most of N. Italy, and on the other, mid low vowels failed to diphthongize before voiceless obstruents because they were too close articulatorily in this particular consonantal context. Another factor involved in this contextdependent distribution of vowel qualities may be the tolerance of lip rounding in [ø] (/ɔ/) by voiced sonorants vs. voiceless obstruents, which may also account for why this vowel may shift to mid front unrounded before voiceless stops and affricates derived from [c] (/kt/) ([netʃ], NOCTE, [ɛt] OCTO vs. [ˈføja] FOLIA, [ˈkøʃa] COXA). Moreover, the reason why OCTO, COCTU and NOCTE have [ɔ] instead of [ø] in E. EmiliaRomagna, Veneto and Trentino may be that /kt/ never changed into an (alveolo)palatal consonant in this dialect region. In Ladin, /ɛ/ before (alveolo)palatals is implemented as ie and e, as in open syllables, thus suggesting that it is at an earlier developmental stage than in Northern Italian. Moreover, the precise vowel outcome appears to depend to a large extent on the degree of constriction fronting for the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant: we find e before [ts] (/ttj/) and [(d)z] (/dj/), and also before [ɲ] and in the case of VECLU, while both ie and e occur before coda yod, [t] (/kt/), [(d)ʒ] ([ ]) and [ʃ] (/ks/). In a similar vein to Northern Italian, the dissimilated realization [ɛ] may occur before the obstruents [t] (/kt/) and [ts] in Fassan ([lɛt] ✶ LECTU, [ˈpɛtsa] PETTIA). Regarding /ɔ/, Ladin exhibits phonetic realizations which are to a large extent analogous to those available in Northern Italian: the diphthongs uo, ue (Gardenese [ˈuə̯ ]) and [ø], [e] before onset/coda yod, [ʎ] and voiced obstruents ([ˈføja]/[ˈfeja], [ˈfwoja], [ˈfwɛ(j)a] FOLIA, [ˈkwoʒe], [ˈkøzer] COCERE); and [ɔ] before [ts] in ✶NOPTIA and before [t] (/kt/), clearly in the forms for OCTO perhaps because /ɔ/ diphthongization did not operate on this word due to its proclitic character. f

470

12 General summary and discussion

Moving to Romansh, the diphthongal outcome ie ([ˈiə̯ ]) of /ɛ/, which occurs in open syllables, has been simplified to [e], [i] before (alveolo)palatal consonants, the sequence ie still being available (in addition to e, i) before coda yod derived from those sequences /ɾj/ and /sj/ which exhibit maximal independence between the articulatory gestures for the glide and the consonant (Surmiran [tʃəˈɾiə̯ (d)ʒə], [tʃəˈɾiʒə] CERESIA). Moreover, analogously to Northern Italian, [ɛ] may be found mostly before the voiceless obstruents [t], [ts] and [tʃ] derived from the outcome [c] of /kt/, as exemplified by the widespread form [pɛt(s)] PECTU. Regarding /ɔ/, there is a diphthong or a later end product including [u] and [i] before yod, [ø] and [e] (also [i]) before [ʎ] and [ɲ], and the undiphthongized realization [ɔ] before the stop [c] and those lingual affricates which emerged from it ([ˈkwɛjsə], [ˈkujsə] COXA, [cir] CORIU, [ˈføʎə]/[ˈfeʎə], [ˈfiʎə] FOLIA, [ɔc], [ɔtʃ] OCTO). Rising diphthongs appear to have arisen more or less recently before consonants of the latter group, as exemplified by forms for OCTO and COCTU with [wa] in Upper Engadinian and [we] in Surmiran derived most probably through the pathway [we] < [ˈuə̯ ] < [ˈɔə̯ ]. 12.1.3.5 Francoprovençal, French In Francoprovençal and French, mid low vowels have diphthongized in open syllables and, as discussed next, before (alveolo)palatal consonants to a large extent as well. In Francoprovençal, /ɛ/ has yielded ie, e, i ( < ie(i)) across the board whereas /ɔ/ exhibits different context-dependent outcomes: [wV]/[ɥV], [œ]/[ø] before [ʎ] (which may be realized as [j]) and coda yod; essentially [u]/[y] before onset yod; and no diphthong before syllable-initial affricates or fricatives of different origins. Apparently /ɛ/ did not diphthongize in central Forez and the Grenoble area, where the diphthongization process was nevertheless able to operate on /ɔ/ and also on /o/ before coda yod, presumably after this vowel shifted to mid low. In Standard French, the outcome ie of /ɛ/ raised to [i] before yod (lit, six, cerise, lire, Old French entir), and has remained unmodified before [ʎ], [ɲ], lingual fricatives and affricates and in some cases before /ɾj/ as well ([vjɛj] VECLU, Old French engiegne INGENIAT, [pjɛs] ✶PETTIA, [ljɛʒ] ✶LEVIU). Regarding /ɔ/, there is a rising diphthong before primitive [ɲ] with a preposed on-glide, [ɥi] (< [yj]) before yod and [œ] (< [ɥœ]) before [ʎ] for reasons referred to in section 12.1.4 ([lwɛ̃] LONGE, [nɥi] NOCTE, [fœj] FOLIA). The undiphthongized realization [ɔ] occurs before voiceless front lingual fricatives deriving essentially from earlier affricates ([nɔs] though Old French nueche ✶NOPTIA, [pɔʃ] POPIA/Frank. ✶POKKA). Moving to the French dialects, /ɛ/ before (alveolo)palatal consonants is implemented as [i] co-occurring mostly with ie in Norman and Picard and with e(i)

12.1 Effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on preceding stressed vowels

471

in Walloon, E. French, Gallo and Poitevin. A common origin ie(i) could be postulated in all cases, but this would be of dubious validity for those dialect domains of the latter group which exhibit mostly e(i) such as Liégeois. Instances of /ɛ/ closing to [e] may also be found (E./W. French [peɲ]/[pɛɲ] PECTINE). The vowel /ɔ/, on the other hand, has been maintained as [ɔ] before a palatoalveolar fricative or affricate, as in Standard French. Before (alveolo)palatals, some dialect domains exhibit the same outcomes much irrespective of the contextual consonant involved (E. French [œ]/[ø], [ɛ]/[e], [u(j)]/[y(j)], [ɥi]; N. Manche [ˈyə]/[ˈyø], [ɥi], [(j)y], [(j)i]/[ij]; Gallo e(i), [œ]/[ø]). Other dialect areas parallel Standard French in showing different phonetic end products before yod and before [ʎ], the main difference being the presence of high vowel realizations in the former context and mid front rounded vowels in the latter: [ɥi], [y] (yod), [œ]/[ø] ([ʎ]) in Picard; [ɥi], [y] (coda yod), [ɔj]/[oj], [u(j)]/[y(j)] ([ʎ], onset yod) in Walloon; [œ]/[ø], [ɛ], [ɥi] (yod), [œ]/ [ø], [ɛ] ([ʎ]) in Calvados; [œ]/[ø], [ɛ]/[e], [ɥi], [y]/[i] (yod), [œ]/[ø], [ɛ]/[e] ([ʎ]) in Poitevin-Santongeais. As to the origin of these front rounded and high vowel outcomes, some scholars believe that they have emerged from ue(i) (or from uoi in the case of the latter) with stress on the second or first vocalic segment, while the alternate view is that they derive from the undiphthongized sequence oi except for Picard, Norman and Standard French where /ɔ/ diphthongization appears to be the most feasible option. 12.1.3.6 Summary The effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on mid low vowels is summarized next for the different languages and dialects under analysis. Section 12.1.4 provides some articulation-based explanations for these dialect data. Regarding /ɛ/, the primitive rising diphthong has been maintained essentially before any (alveolo)palatal (Occitan, Norman, Picard), before yod (Ladin, Romansh), or else before the alveolopalatals [ʎ] and [ɲ] and anterior fricatives/affricates derived from /t(t)j/ (French) or just before [ʎ] (Aragonese). Occitan has [ɛ] before alveolar affricates and [e] before [ɲ]. A step forward involves the simplification of the diphthong into a mid front vowel (Occitan, N. Italy, Ladin, Romansh, Francoprovençal, and possibly E. French, Walloon, Gallo and Poitevin), or into i across the board (E./W. Occitan dialect areas, Romansh dialects though mainly Surmiran, Francoprovençal and French dialects) or just before yod (Standard French). Before voiceless obstruents (i.e., voiceless stops and palatoalveolar affricates), the diphthongization outcome [e] has on occasion been dissimilated into [ɛ] or else there has been no diphthongization (Northern Italian, Fassan, Romansh). The situation in Spanish parallels that of other Romance dialects in that a diphthong may occur before alveolopalatals and anterior affricates/fricatives derived

472

12 General summary and discussion

from /t(t)j/ and front velars, though not regarding the presence of [e] before yod whether in coda position or derived from onset [ ], which is likely to have resulted from an active closing effect exerted by these consonants on /ɛ/. In Tuscan, /ɛ/ may have raised to [e] before the affricate outcome of [c] (/kj/), [ɲ] and coda yod (/ɾj/). In line with the scenario for /ɛ/, mid low back /ɔ/ raised to [o] before yod in Spanish and Portuguese (also before alveolopalatals in the latter language) and before [ɲ] in Tuscan, and diphthongized before all (alveolo)palatal consonants in Occitan and Asturleonese/Aragonese though not before alveolar affricates in the former language. In the other dialect domains, while [ɔ] has remained intact or may be envisaged as the outcome of a dissimilation process before voiceless obstruents (Northern Italian, Romansh, standard and dialectal French, Francoprovençal, and also Ladin before [t] derived from /kt/), /ɔ/ diphthongization before other (alveolo)palatal consonants has yielded various outcomes which are summarized below. (a) A mid front rounded vowel whether before [ʎ] (Standard French, Picard), [ʎ] and perhaps [ɲ] (Romansh dialects, E. Provençal areas), [ʎ] and yod (Francoprovençal, and also E. French, Norman, Gallo and Poitevin where the outcome e is also possible), or [ʎ], [ɲ], yod and voiced obstruents (Ladin, Northern Italian). (b) A rising diphthong with a non-high vowel nucleus or a non-canonical falling diphthong whether before yod (Romansh), [ʎ] and coda yod (Francoprovençal, Cotentin), anterior fricatives/affricates derived from /tj/ and the variant [jɲ] of [ɲ] (Old French), or [ʎ], yod and voiced obstruents (Ladin). (c) A rising diphthong with a high vowel nucleus or a simple high vowel essentially before yod, namely [wi], [u], [y]/[i] (Romansh dialects), [wi]/[ɥi], [u]/ [y] (Francoprovençal), [ɥi] (Standard French, Calvados), [ɥi], [y] (Picard), [ɥi], [u]/[y] (Walloon, E. French), [ɥi], [(j)y]/[(j)i], [ij] (Cotentin), [ɥi], [y]/[i] (Poitevin). Before the alveolopalatal lateral, the same phonetic outcomes may occur in E. French and Cotentin, and only [y]/[i] in Romansh and [u]/[y] in Walloon. f

12.1.4 The role of (alveolo)palatal consonants on vowel diphthongization and closing Based on the data summarized so far, the following interpretation of the effect of individual (alveolo)palatal consonants on the realization of stressed vowels can be proposed.

12.1 Effect of (alveolo)palatal consonants on preceding stressed vowels

473

(a) Mid low vowel diphthongization and the maintenance of diphthongs arising from the diphthongization process are more prone to occur before sonorants including yod and voiced obstruents (which need not have to have a yod preposed to them) than before voiceless obstruents presumably because the VC transitions are especially prominent and the preconsonantal vowels are relatively long in the former contextual condition compared to the latter. On the other hand, voiceless obstruents involving the highest degree of palatality may have prevented /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ diphthongization from taking place since they exert too much closing on the preceding vowel and also because an off-glide is not likely to be inserted at the VC boundary in these circumstances due to the short duration of the vowel transitions and of the vowel itself. As analyzed in section 12.5, voiceless obstruents have been effective in causing /e/ and /o/ to lower and /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ to remain mid low as a means of preserving the considerable degree of opening of the stressed vowel, as in Northern Italian dialects, where we often find [ɛ] and [ɔ] instead of [e] (/ɛ/) and [ø] (/ɔ/) in this contextual condition. All or most of these data are in accordance with the notion that, as argued throughout the book and discussed in section 12.2, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ diphthongization before contextual (alveolo)palatals may have been generated through off-glide insertion. (b) Several aspects of the effect of following yod, and of coda yod in particular, on the realization of the preceding stressed vowel could be related to the fact that this approximant consonant is realized with a wide constriction, exhibits long vowel transitions and overlaps to a substantial degree with the vowel. One or more of these factors may explain why /a/ raises more often before yod in syllable-coda position than before yod and other (alveolo)palatal consonants in syllable-onset position, and also why [j] contributes to the preservation of diphthongs derived from mid low vowels to a larger extent than alveolopalatal sonorants and voiced obstruents, which are more prone to trigger the simplification of those vocalic sequences to a simple mid front vowel. Moreover, the fact that the vocalic sequences in question are more likely to shift to a high vowel (i.e., ie(i) > [i] and uo(i) > [u]) if the vowel nucleus is followed by yod than by other (alveolo)palatals may be related to differences in degree of consonant-to-vowel coarticulation, in other words, maximal gestural overlap whenever the vowel is flanked by glides and by palatal glides in particular. (c) Rising diphthongs derived from /ɔ/ may change their vowel nucleus to [ø], [œ] before following [ʎ] and, to a lesser extent, before [ɲ] and yod but not before voiceless obstruents. Moreover, several dialect data reported in the book chapters suggest that mid vowels may have been replaced by [ø], [œ] before following [ʎ] without going through a diphthongal stage. It thus happens that (alveolo)palatal consonants involving less tongue dorsum contact and a more

474

12 General summary and discussion

anterior closure or constriction appear to better tolerate lip rounding in front vowels than those which are articulated further back and show more lingual contact at the hard palate. Lowering of the tongue sides for the passage of airflow through the mouth sides during the articulation of [ʎ] could also favour lip protrusion during the vowel. (d) The presence of more tongue-to-palate contact for [ɲ] than for [ʎ] could explain why, in comparison with the latter consonant, the former may block mid low vowel diphthongization to a larger extent and is more likely to cause mid and low vowels to raise to a higher vowel realization. Indeed, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ raise to mid high only before [ɲ] in Tuscan, /ɛɲ/ shifts to [eɲ] instead of diphthongizing in Occitan, and, as reviewed in section 12.1.1, the alveolopalatal nasal often plays an active role in the /o/ raising process; moreover, among alveolopalatals, [ɲ] but not [ʎ] may cause /a/ to raise to a mid front vowel in Francoprovençal and French dialects. Differences in tongue contact size could also account for why the sequence [(j)t] turns out to be more effective than [(j)ʃ] in triggering the changes /a/ > e and /o/ > u (see sections 12.1.1 and 12.1.2). (e) Alveolar affricates and fricatives derived from palatalized /t/ and front /k/ (/(t)tj/, /ke ki kj/) may have been too anterior to cause /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ to raise to a higher vowel (Spanish) or to diphthongize (Catalan, Occitan, Ladin, Romansh). The mid low front vowel /ɛ/ underwent diphthongization before those consonants in French and Francoprovençal presumably because they were more or less palatalized ([pjɛs] ✶PETTIA, [pʁi] PRETIU, [dis] DECEM). Arguments based on articulatory constraints may also account for the realization of mid low vowels before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Old Spanish. The absence of much vowel closing induced by the following consonant could explain why /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ diphthongized before alveolar affricates derived from /t(t)j/ and /kj/ as well as before [ɲ] (/ɔ/) and [ʎ] (/ɛ/ in viejo VECLU). Before [j] in the syllable-onset and syllable-coda positions, /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ yielded [e] and [o] presumably because they were too close to diphthongize, the reason probably being that, mostly if followed by a consonant, postvocalic yod was articulated with a narrow tongue-topalate constriction. In particular, the outcome [jt] of /kt/ could have been realized as [jc] or as [jtj], which later shifted to [tʃ] ([ˈetʃo] FACTU). A palatoalveolar affricate of the same origin was also available in Old Occitan (nuech NOCTE, cuech COCTU; Tausch 1954, 42), and occurs in present-day SE. Occitan dialects (i.e., there is [ɲɥɛtʃ] in Lozère and Alpes-Maritimes, [ ɲɥɛts] in Aveyron, and both forms in Hautes-Alpes and Basses-Alpes; Gilliéron/Edmont 1902–1910, map 929) and, in addition to [c], in Surmiran and in the Piedmontese and Lombard dialects of Northern Italian. In this consonantal context, Old Spanish favoured assimilatory

12.2 Rationale for the mid low vowel diphthongization process

475

vowel closing, as opposed to the dissimilatory vowel lowering process which operated in Northern Italian (see in this connection Fouché 1969, 290).

12.2 Rationale for the mid low vowel diphthongization process Mid low vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Romance appears to have originated through off-glide insertion, and the articulatory characteristics of the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal have played an important role in this glide insertion process. In order to understand how this sound change has come about, we need to review the off-glide insertion possibilities in VC sequences with consonants other than (alveolo)palatals.

12.2.1 From glide insertion to the formation of rising diphthongs Data from various Romance dialects indicate that the categorization of the vowel transitions as an off-glide in VC sequences depends on the articulatory characteristics of the two meeting segments. Through off-gliding the vowel is split into two separate portions after which the first portion, which has the same quality as the primitive vowel, may acquire a higher realization and stress prominence may shift to the second portion thus causing the falling diphthong to become a rising diphthong. This explanatory account is consistent with the existence of falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus whether in open syllables or in contextually conditioned environments in several dialect areas, the corresponding phonetic realizations for /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ being typically [ˈie̯ ˈiɛ̯ ˈia̯ ˈiə̯ ], and [ˈue̯ ˈua̯ ˈuo̯ ˈuə̯ ] and [ˈye̯ ˈyɛ̯ ˈya̯ ˈyə̯ ˈyø̯ ˈyœ̯ ], respectively. In preconsonantal position, these falling diphthongs occur in W. Asturleonese, Occitan (E. Provence, Piedmontese valleys, Charente), Northern Italian (Veneto/Trentino, Romagnol, and also Rovegno in Liguria and Isone in Alpine Lombardy), Ladin (Gardenese, and also other dialects in the case of the forms for SEX, DECEM, INTEGRU), Romansh (Sutselvan, Surmiran), Francoprovençal (Neuchâtelois, Faetar, Piedmontese valleys and, to a lesser extent, Valdôtain and Lyonnais), French dialects (Franc-Comtois localities mostly situated in the Bernese Jura district, Cotentin Peninsula in Normandy). Most Romance languages featuring falling diphthongs of this sort are thus often located in isolated or peripheral dialectal areas. As to the relationship between falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus and rising diphthongs, it has been contended that the latter must derive

476

12 General summary and discussion

from the former (e.g., [je] from [ˈiə̯ ], [ˈie̯ ]) since stress migration from the higher vocalic segment to the lower one involves a gain in sonority and perceptibility and is thus phonetically plausible (Sánchez Miret, 1998). In support of this remark, in dialect regions such as Surmiran, E. Provence and the Francoprovençal-speaking valleys of Piedmont, the occurrence of non-canonical falling and rising diphthongs may be conditioned by, among other factors, phrasal prominence and speech rate, i.e., the former diphthongs show up word- and phrasefinally and at slow speech rates, and the latter appear word- and phrase-medially and at faster speech rates (Duraffour 1932; Blinkenberg 1939, 23–24). Also consistently with the off-gliding origin of contextually-determined rising diphthongs and as referred to below in this section, rising diphthongs which were initially falling happen to be mostly available in consonantal contexts which favour VC glide insertion. The opposite hypothesis – to wit, that non-canonical falling diphthongs came after, not before rising diphthongs – has been proposed to explain the presence of diphthongs of the former type in W. Asturleonese and Gardenese Ladin. Instances of off-glide insertion as a function of the articulatory characteristics of the postvocalic consonant are reviewed in sections 12.2.1.1 and 12.2.1.2. In these sections, the alveolars [l s r] and dental stops will be referred to as back consonants and will thus be grouped with velars in so far as their articulation involves some predorsum lowering and postdorsum retraction, while, analogously to (alveolo)palatals, palatoalveolar affricates (also [ts dz]) will count as front consonants since they are produced with a fronted tongue body. 12.2.1.1 Back consonants In dialects of Occitan, Romansh and Northern Italian (Romagnol, Ticinese), offglide categorization may take place in VC sequences with a mid front vowel and coda [l s r t] (where [s] may be realized as [ʃ]), and involves the insertion of a schwa-like glide or of a vocalic segment which is front and lower than the vowel nucleus or else low or mid back. Regarding VC sequences with a mid back rounded vowel, in those same dialect domains (also in Lyonnais, Franc-Comtois and W. Norman), the inserted glide may occur before coda [l s r t] and often has a schwa-like or an o- or a-like quality. Moreover, a schwa- or an [a]-like off-glide may be inserted at the offset of [ɔ] before velars (Romagnol), as revealed by several forms for FOCU mentioned in section 12.2.3.2. As for VC sequences with high vowels, off-gliding occurs before a coda rhotic in Romansh (Upper Engadine [ˈviə̯ r ə] VIRGA, [ˈfyə̯ r ə] FURIA). The initial falling diphthong with a higher vocalic segment at onset than at offset may shift to rising (e.g., an [eɛ̯ ] version of /ɛ/ before /sC/ may become [jɛ], f

f

12.2 Rationale for the mid low vowel diphthongization process

477

[je]). This is particulary the case in Romansh dialects where, often depending on the word-final vowel the following falling/rising diphthong correspondences may be found: (/ɛ/) [ˈiə̯ ] – [je jɛ] before [s r] and [ˈɛə̯ ] – [ja] before [l s r t] (e.g., [ˈfiə̯ r], [ˈfiɛ̯ r], [fjer] FERRU); (/ɔ/) [ˈiə̯ ] – [jə je jɛ] before /rC/ (e.g., [ˈiə̯ rt], [jɛrt] HORTU); and (/o/) [ˈuə̯ ˈue̯ ˈuo̯ ] – [wo] before /rC/, [ˈuə̯ ˈue̯ ] – [we wo] before /lC sC/, and [ˈuə̯ ] – [we] before dentals (e.g., [ˈsuə̯ lc]/[swolc] SULCU). Rising diphthongs – often without traces of the falling diphthong with an off-glide that they are assumed to derive from – may be found in analogous contextual conditions in other dialect regions. Thus, in Occitan, Francoprovençal dialects, E. French (mostly FrancComtois) and Walloon, mid front vowels mostly if mid low have often changed to ie, ia before /lC rC/ and a prevocalic rhotic and /l/ in onset position, and to ie before /sC/, while mid back ones have shifted to uo, ua, ue before preconsonantal /l s r/ and also before an onset rhotic (Occitan [ˈpeɛ̯ l]/[ˈpeə̯ l] PĬLU, [ˈpjalo] PILA, [ˈbuɔ̯ sk]/[ˈbue̯ sk], [bwɔsk]/[bwesk] Germ. ✶BOSK). Also in Ladin, as a general rule /ɛ/ in closed syllables has shifted to [e], though not before /rC/, where Livinallonghese has [jɛ] and Gardenese has [jə]. Moreover, in sequences consisting of a front vowel followed by [w], off-glide insertion may have given rise to a triphthong, eu > eəu, eau > ieu, iau and iu > ieu. Another glide, [w]/[ɥ], may be inserted at the VC boundary in sequences with mid and low vowels followed by coda /s/, /l/ and [t] derived from a dental geminate, and also by coda /r/ and velars. This off-glide insertion mechanism accounts for the following sound changes: /e/ > au, [ɛ]u before geminates mostly if dental (Haute-Saône [ʃaˈɾawt] Fr. charrette, Franc-Comtois [mjɛɥt] Fr. miette; Recasens 2014, 42); /ɛ/ > eu before /k/ (Gascon [bɛwk] BECCU); /a/> au before /lC/ and prevocalic /l/ (Romansh [mjawt] MOLITU); /ɔ/ > au before /rC/, au, [ɛ]u, ou, [œɥ] before /sC lC/ and au, [ɛ]u before geminates; and /o/ > ou, [œɥ] before /sC/, au, ou, [œɥ] before /lC/ and au, [ɛ]u before geminates. Additional data on [w] insertion before velars are mentioned in section 12.2.3.2. An interesting issue is whether the back rounded segment which may be inserted before /l/ should be seen as a real off-glide or instead as the vocalized end product of the alveolar lateral. Strictly speaking, as the off-glide insertion instances suggest, what occurred may have been not /l/ vocalization but rather a gradual change involving the insertion of an off-glide followed by /l/ deletion; therefore, the outcome [ow] of /ol/ may have been achieved via /ol/ > [owl] > [ow] rather than through /ol/ > [ow]. 12.2.1.2 (Alveolo)palatal and front lingual consonants Albeit less often than in sequences with back consonants, the insertion of schwa or a low quality off-glide may take place in VC sequences with consonants articulated

478

12 General summary and discussion

with a fronted tongue body, that is, alveolopalatals and palatoalveolars (also [ts]), after which rising diphthongs may be generated. Thus, in Surmiran and to a lesser extent Sutselvan, the insertion of schwa and also of an a-like off-glide may occur in sequences with /ɛ/ followed by [(t)ʃ]/[(d)ʒ] and [ts]/[(d)z], which may have emerged from an (alveolo)palatal or palatalized stop articulation ([ˈpɾiə̯ts] PRETIU, [ˈmɛə̯ ts] MEDIU, [ˈdiə̯ ʃ] DECEM). As to VC sequences with mid back vowel nuclei, mostly in Surmiran, a schwa-like or an o- or a-like quality glide may be inserted before [(t)ʃ] and [ts] (also before [ʃ] in ANGUSTIA), and mostly schwa can also occur before [ʎ], [ɲ] and [c]/[ ] ([ˈpluə̯ʎ] PEDUCULU, [vərˈguo̯ ɲ ə] VERECUNDIA, [ˈnɔə̯tʃ], [ˈnɔə̯ c] NOCTE); moreover, these non-canonical falling diphthongs may turn into rising ones and, in particular, [ˈɔə̯] and [ˈuə̯] may co-occur with [we] ([ˈɔə̯] > [ˈuə̯ ] > [we]). In W. Norman, schwa and o may be appended at the offset of the (mid) high back outcomes of /o/ before [ʎ ɲ ʃ (d)ʒ], and in W./E. Occitan a mid back rounded vowel may break into [ˈua̯ ] before [tʃ], [ˈue̯ ˈuœ̯ ] before [ʎ] and [ˈue̯ ] before [ɲ] ([ˈrua̯ tʃo] ✶ ROCCA, [ʒuˈeʎ]/[ʒweʎ], GENUCULU). Moreover, it has also been hypothesized that the pathway /oɲ/ > [oe̯ ɲ] > [ue̯ ɲ] > [weɲ] involving the categorization of a front offglide may account for /o/ diphthongization in Spanish lexical items like [θiˈgweɲa] CICONIA. Off-glide epenthesis in VC sequences with front lingual consonants may also involve the insertion of a palatal glide. Thus, /e/ may shift to ei before coda /s/ yielding eis, while [j] insertion may also occur at the offset of /e/ in sequences such as [eʃ eʒ eʎ eɲ] in N. Portuguese and W. Asturleonese. The insertion of a palatal glide also took place in VC sequences with palatalized consonants in Old French (section 11.1). These off-glide insertion data reveal that contextual (alveolo)palatals and coda /s/ exhibit a dual behaviour in that they may take schwa-like and low-quality off-glides as well as front-quality offglides and particularly [j]. There are no clear glide insertion cases before yod whether occurring in onset or coda position. A possible example of off-glide insertion before this consonant could be [ˈuə̯ jr]/[wejr] -ORIU in Lower Engadine (see Table 29), which parallels ui > uei in cases like Asturleonese [ˈrwejðo] < [ˈruə̯ jðo] < [ˈruiðo] RUGITU, Aragonese bueitre, güeitre VULTURE, Occitan [ˈkwejɾe] CUPRU and Ligurian [duɛj] for dui It. due DUAE (Rohlfs 1966, 474). Likewise, iu has shifted to ieu, as exemplified by Occitan sieure < siure SUBER, Romansh [ɲiˈow], [uˈɲew] < ✶nieu NIDU and Asturleonese [rjew] RIVU. f

f

12.2.1.3 Summary The frequency of occurrence of off-glide categorization in VC sequences appears to increase with the extent of tongue body movement and the duration of the

12.2 Rationale for the mid low vowel diphthongization process

479

vowel transitions, and the coexistence of falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus and rising diphthongs in dialects such as Surmiran supports the notion that the latter originated from the former. Off-gliding should thus be most prone to occur in VC sequences consisting of front vowels and dental and alveolar consonants involving more or less postdorsum retraction (also velars and [w]), and of back vowels and front lingual consonants such as (alveolo)palatals and alveolars produced with a fronted tongue body. Before [l s r], schwa, [w] and other ‘grave’ off-glides may be inserted even if, as in VC sequences with /ɔ/ (and /o/), the vowel transitions turn out not be too salient acoustically. Before (alveolo)palatals [ʎ], [ɲ] and [c]/[ ] (and also palatoalveolar fricatives and affricates), a double glide insertion mechanism may take place: either [j] insertion, which is in line with the rising direction of the VC transitions; or the insertion of schwa and low-quality glides, which happens to be more in accordance with a relaxation or a dissimilatory lowering effect occurring at vowel offset. Moreover, regarding the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition, not all vowels appear to take part in the glide insertion process in the same way: while [j] insertion is likely to occur at the offset of all vowels (and at the offset of e in specific dialects), non-palatal glides are inserted more often at the offset of /o ɔ/ than at the offset of /ɛ/ for articulatory reasons mentioned above. Off-glide insertion also shows an ambiguous behaviour in VC sequences with [s], such that non-palatal glides are appended at the offset of front and back vowels and an [j]-like glide at the offset of /e/. f

12.2.2 Vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatals The data for Romansh and other dialect domains reported in the preceding section suggest that rising diphthongs may be derived from non-canonical falling diphthongs which have emerged through the insertion of a parasitic glide at the VC boundary. Thus, for example, sequences like [̍ɛə̯] and [ ɔ̍ ə̯ ] may shift to the rising diphthongs ie and ue, respectively, through a change in prominence site. The possible contribution of the consonant preceding the non-canonical falling diphthong in causing the vowel nucleus to raise to a higher vowel through a progressive coarticulation effect should not be neglected. Moreover, the parasitic off-glide ought to be schwa-like, not [j]-like (/ɛ/) or [w]-like (/ɔ/), in order for these falling diphthongs to develop into the rising diphthongs ie and uo. On the other hand, vowel breaking into two different segmental qualities is likely to operate on mid low vowels (/ɛ ɔ/) rather than on mid high ones (/e o/) since the former are longer than the latter, and the articulatory distance between the vowel and the consonant (which will be especially large for /o ɔ/ followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant and for /e ɛ/ before a back consonant) must also play a major role in glide insertion.

480

12 General summary and discussion

Data for Romance languages in general and Romansh in particular show that this glide insertion mechanism occurs not only before consonants involving a lowered predorsum and a retracted tongue body (i.e., [r], [l], [w] and even dental stops), but also before front consonants articulated with a raised and anterior tongue body such as alveolar and palatoalveolar fricatives and affricates, [ʎ] and [ɲ] and even [c ]. According to Millardet (1910a), La Chausée (1982) and Fouché (1969, 289), the insertion of low-quality glides before (alveolo)palatal consonants can be accounted for assuming that a sort of dissimilation causes the final portion of the vowel to lower more than its initial part. Thus, for example, preconsonantal /e/ gives rise to [eæ̯ ] from which [iɛ̯ ] and then [jɛ] could be obtained by increasing the quality difference between the beginning and end of the vowel sequence. While this diphthongization mechanism would be essentially the same as the one occurring spontaneously in open syllables, some articulatory relaxation or a dissimilatory effect appears to be needed in order to explain why the VC transitions in question may be integrated not as an [e]-like or [j]-like glide but as schwa or a (mid) low vocalic segment and give rise to rising diphthongs in the long run. It may be that during the last portion of the mid low vowel speakers intentionally lower the tongue body for /ɛ/ and lower and front it towards a schwa-like articulatory configuration for /ɔ/ so as to prevent the vowel from being raised while enhancing its mid low characteristic and thus its considerable opening degree. If this assumption is correct, both sound changes operating in VC sequences with (alveolo)palatal consonants – off-glide insertion and the replacement of the target stressed vowel by a vowel of lower quality – could be associated with some sort of dissimilatory effect. Several findings appear to support this hypothesis. It is consistent with the frequent instances of dissimilatory lowering and/or backing of mid vowels before (alveolo)palatal consonants in Romance (see section 12.5). It is also in accordance with the finding reported earlier that, among the contextual (alveolo)palatals, rising diphthongs are more likely to occur before the palatal glide and sonorants than before obstruents (stops, affricates), and before voiced obstruents than before voiceless obstruents. This is indeed the expected outcome given the contextdependent differences in duration of the VC transitions and of the vowel itself. If rising diphthongs before (alveolo)palatal consonants derive from falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus and a lower or more central off-glide, one would expect those diphthongs to develop in VC sequences with mid back rounded vowels rather than in those with mid front vowels since the articulatory distance between the vowel and the (alveolo)palatal consonant should vary in the same progression. While evidence in support of this assumption reported in the preceding chapters is not absolutely clear, a tendency appears to f

12.2 Rationale for the mid low vowel diphthongization process

481

hold for the diphthongization process of interest to apply to mid back rounded vowels rather than to their mid front unrounded cognates in some dialect domains (see in this connection the data for Asturleonese, Aragonese and Occitan in chapter 3 and section 6.6). Moreover, if articulatory distance is the key issue, glide insertion at the offset of mid back rounded vowels ought to occur before more anterior articulations (the alveolopalatals [ʎ] and [ɲ] and palatoalveolar affricates and fricatives) rather than before more posterior ones (yod and (alveolo)palatal stops), which is precisely what seems to be happening. Why aren’t instances of off-glide insertion more extensively documented in VC sequences with [j]? Why have scholars not noted them in their descriptive studies? Perhaps the answer lies in the fact that it is perceptually difficult to differentiate an inserted schwa from [j] itself. Indeed, unlike other contextual consonants (rhotics, laterals, fricatives, affricates, stops), the palatal glide is articulated with a wide constriction and shows no clear acoustic formant discontinuity with respect to the preceding vowel in terms of both the frequency and intensity dimensions. We seem to be facing a paradox in this particular case: the off-glides would have some reality for the speaker but much less so or not at all (in so far as they happen not to be clearly perceptible) for the listener.

12.2.3 Diphthongization before labiovelar and velar consonants In parallel to the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition, off-glide insertion appears to also be at the origin of rising diphthongs in VC sequences with [w] of different origins and in words ending in -OCU. Scholars generally agree regarding the causes of the former class of diphthongs but not those of the latter. 12.2.3.1 Sequences with [w] With respect to vowel diphthongization before [w], given the fact that the F2 transition locus for the labiovelar glide is lower than that for any vowel (including /u/), we would expect the off-glide to be [æ]-like in the case of /ɛ/ and [ɑ]-like in the case of /ɔ/. A greater differentiation between the two vocalic portions would then cause the resulting falling diphthong to turn into a rising diphthong (e.g., [meɛ̯ w] > [mjew]). This explanatory account appears to be supported by the fact that offgliding is especially prone to occur in the case of [ɛw] (also [ew]) since, just as for /ɛ/ followed by other back constricted consonants such as [r] and [l] in syllablecoda position, the corresponding vowel transitions must be particularly salient in terms of both duration and frequency range. Instances of mid low vowel diphthongization occur before [w] derived from /u/ (MEU, DEUS), /v/ LEVE, BOVE), /b/

482

12 General summary and discussion

(FEBRE), /p/ (LEPORE), /k/ (SEQUERE), /g/ (LEGUA) and /l/ (French veau VITELLU, filleul FILIOLU). As to words which had [ʎ] (/lj kl/) originally such as VECLU, MELIUS and OCULOS, it is not always straightforward to know whether mid low vowel breaking and diphthongization occurred while [ʎ] was still present or else was triggered by the outcome [w] of a depalatalized realization [l] of [ʎ] which could have taken place while the alveolopalatal lateral was articulated before another consonant. 12.2.3.2 Words ending in -OCU Regarding words ending in -OCU (FOCU, IOCU, LOCU), the action of a postvocalic consonant on /ɔ/ diphthongization is clear in Occitan (except perhaps in the AriègeAude-N. Haute-Garonne area), where forms such as [fɥɔ(k)], [fɥɛk], [fɥœ(k)] FOCU may be found and rising diphthongs are absent in open syllables. In other languages and dialects, this sound change has been attributed to the placement of the stressed vowel in an open syllable or to a metaphonic effect exerted by final /u/. In principle, the former factor accounts for the forms available in French ([fø]), Francoprovençal ([fwɛ], [fwø], [fu], [fy]), Asturleonese ([ˈfwoɣu], and also fuou, fueu) and Ladin dialects ([fwok], [fwɛç], [ˈfwegu]), and metaphony for the phonetic variants available in Alpine Lombard and Piedmontese ([føk], [fek]), Romagnol ([fok], [fuk] probably derived from fuoc), Marebbano ([fy]), Badiot ([fyk]) and Romansh ([ˈfiə̯ (k)], [fø], [fyc], though not clearly for Sursilvan [ˈfiuk]). Mostly in connection with Occitan, more specific causes for vowel diphthongization in nouns ending in -OCU have been identified. As noted in section 6.6, we discard the hypothesis proposed in Ronjat (1930–1941) that the diphthongization process was triggered by an (alveolo)palatal allophone of the velar stop generated after deletion of the unstressed final vowel, the reason being that velars are not prone to become (alveolo)palatals word-finally and that this very seldom occurs after a back rounded vowel. In line with the glide insertion data reported above, /ɔ/ diphthongization is likely to have been preceded by the categorization of the VC transitions as /w/ by listeners (e.g., ✶foug(o) FOCU). Analogous instances of [w] insertion before a velar stop may be found in other lexical items such as Gascon [bɛwk] BECCU, [ˈmɛwko] Fr. mèche ✶MECCA, dial. Portuguese augua AQUA and dial. Spanish yeugua EQUA. As these examples reveal, off-glide insertion could have taken place while the velar was intervocalic and also while it occurred word-finally after vowel syncope. In both cases, the VC transitions may have been sufficiently long to be categorized as /w/: in intervocalic position this lengthening effect could have been facilitated by the lenition of the velar stop into the approximant [ɣ], and in word-final position by the well-known word-final lengthening effect operating on phonetic segments located in the final syllable of words. In addition, the fact that all three words FOCU, IOCU and LOCU have the stressed vowel /ɔ/ could have

12.2 Rationale for the mid low vowel diphthongization process

483

favoured the insertion of the labiovelar glide since the analogous tongue configuration between the back rounded vowel and the velar stop ought to accentuate the low-frequency characteristics of the corresponding VC transitions. Moreover, the following lexical variants for FOCU indicate that /ɔ/ diphthongization could be triggered by other off-glides besides [w] (see section 12.2.1.1): Occitan from E. Provence and Piedmont [ˈfyɔ̯ k], [ˈfyø̯k], [ˈfyɛ̯k], [ˈfya̯ k]; Sutselvan [ˈfiə̯ k] and Surmiran and Sutselvan [ˈfiə̯ ] from earlier [̍fyə̯ k]; Dauphinois [ˈfya̯], [ˈfyə̯ ], Francoprovençal from Piedmont [ˈfya̯ ], Neuchâtelois [ˈfue̯ ]; Franc-Comtois [ˈfyə̯], [ˈfuə̯ ]. It may also be the case that the [w] diphthongization trigger did not originate through off-glide insertion but rather emerged from velar vocalization into the labiovelar glide or else from a change of word-final /u/ to [w] after deletion of the intervocalic velar (Asturleonese fuou FOCU and see section 11.1.4 for French). This possibility would parallel the development of other words with a velar followed by [w] such as SEQUERE and LEGUA. SEQUERE offers an interesting sequence of events. Several forms available in French dialects suggest that /ɛ/ diphthongized after the velar consonant either vocalized or was deleted and word-final /u/ shifted to [w] (Gallo [sjœr], [sɥej], [sɥø], [sjy], Norman [sɥɛ], [sy(ø)r], [sjø], [sir]), while other lexical variants with a velar consonant can be accounted for by assuming that /ɛ/ diphthongization was triggered by a labiovelar off-glide inserted before /g/: Poitevin [s(j)ɛgr], [sœgr]; Old Bourguignon seuigre, suigre, seigre, siegre, sigre; FrancComtois [sɛɥgr], [sigr], [søgr]; Dauphinois from Terres Froides [ˈʃjawgɾə], [ˈʃjygɾə], [ˈʃjøgɾə].

12.2.4 Fake diphthongization In French, /e/ and /o/ diphthongized into ue, which later developed into [wa], when followed by coda yod (/e/ roi, toit, foire, /o/ gloire, croix, noix, angoisse, coin) at the same time that /e/ followed a similar course in open syllables (toile). Both rising diphthongs are available in French dialects (E. French [kuˈɾwe], [kuˈɾwa] CORRIGIA, [kɾwɛ], [kɾwa] CRUCE, W. French [twe], [twa] TECTU, [nwe], [nwa] NUCE). What is specific about this vowel diphthongization process is that it originated not though glide insertion but rather through off-glide weakening (i.e., oi > [oe̯ ] > [we]). Glide weakening may also account for the formation of rising diphthongs out of /e/ and /o/ before [ʎ] in dialects of French (Franc-Comtois [ɛˈɾwaj], [aˈɾwɛj] AURICULA, [rˈnwɛj] RANUCULA) and Valaisan Francoprovençal ([dzəˈnwa] GENUCULU) perhaps through the pathways [eʎ] > [ejʎ] > [ojʎ] > [ˈoe̯ ʎ] > [weʎ] and [oʎ] > [oə̯ ʎ] > [weʎ]. An analogous phonetic development oi > [oe̯ ] > [we] may be called forth to

484

12 General summary and discussion

account for the outcome [we] of /o/ before [jɾ] in Spanish words like [aˈɣweɾo] AUGURIU and [ˈkweɾo] CORIU.

12.3 Raising to a high vowel as a function of contextual glides A main goal of the present investigation was to elicit the conditions under which mid low vowels could raise to a high vowel when occurring next to an (alveolo)palatal consonant or a rounded glide, and, mostly regarding the former contextual condition, the extent to which vowel raising was most likely to take place whenever [j] or another (alveolo)palatal was located before and/or after the target stressed vowel. This section reviews the available data for this vowel raising process independently for mid front and mid back vowel nuclei (sections 12.3.1 and 12.3.2), while also dealing with changes that may have taken place in sequences consisting exclusively of high vocalic segments (section 12.3.3).

12.3.1 Mid front vowel 12.3.1.1 Sequences iei, ie, ei Vowel sequences made up of a mid front vowel and a palatal glide clearly favour the progressive over the regressive direction of the vowel nucleus raising process, which therefore applies far more often to ie than to ei. Regarding the former sequence, whether ie is followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant or not seems to make little difference in terms of the frequency of occurrence of the replacement of e by i. (a) The change ie > i, whether in a rising diphthong or a falling diphthong of the [ˈiə̯ ] type derived from /ɛ/ may be associated with the simultaneous action of two contextual palatals, namely, prevocalic [j] (or [i] in the case of [ˈiə̯ ]) and postvocalic yod or another (alveolo)palatal consonant. This contextually determined sound change can be exemplified with data from a large number of Romance languages and dialects (see also section 12.1.3): Spanish, whenever ie is followed by [ʎ] derived from Latin /ll/ ([kasˈtiʎo] < Old Sp. castiello CASTELLU); Occitan from W. Gascony, E. Provence and Piedmont (Landes [ˈmiʒə]/[ˈmijə] MEDIA, [ʎit] LECTU, Old Occitan ginh GENIU, vilh VECLU, mi MEDIU); Ligurian from Bonifacio, Alpine Piedmontese and Lombard, and Romagnol; Marebbano and Badiot ([lit] LECTUM (part.), [si:s] SEX); Romansh dialects ([viʎ] VECLU, [ˈsiɲər] SENIOR, [lic], [litʃ] LECTU, [ˈfíɾə] FERIA and perhaps [bi] BELLU, and also [ˈfiʎə] FOLIA and [cir] CORIU, where [i]

12.3 Raising to a high vowel as a function of contextual glides

485

has emerged from the outcomes [je] or [ˈiə̯ ] of /ɔ/); and finally Standard French, French dialects and Francoprovençal, whether just before primitive yod or before any (alveolo)palatal consonant ([li], [ʎi] LECTU, [sis] SEX). The same sound change has operated in metaphonic environments (Northern Italian [jir] HERI, [marˈti] MARTELLU (pl.)), and in words ending in -ARIU where ie generated from the outcome [ɛ] of /a/ before the sequence [jɾ] and realized as a canonical or non-canonical triphthong may have changed to [i] (Piedmontese Occitan, Sotsés, Francoprovençal dialects, Walloon). Likewise, in Standard French two flanking (alveolo)palatal consonants have been needed for ie (/a/) to shift to [i] (chie CACAT, gît IACET). (b) The sound change ie (/ɛ/) > i before a non-palatal consonant occurs often in open syllables, as in Northern Italian (Alpine Lombardy/Piedmont, Bergamasco), Badiot and Marebbano Ladin, Francoprovençal dialects such as Lyonnais, E. French and Walloon ([pi] PEDE, [lif] LEPORE). It may also operate irrespective of syllable type and context (e.g., in Sendim, as exemplified by fista FESTA for Mirandese fiesta), in syllables checked by /rC/ and /sC/ (Spanish níspero, avispa, prisa, Auvergnat [ˈtjɛto], [ˈtjeto], [ˈtitɔ] TESTA, E. French [fet], [fit] FESTA, [irb] HERBA), and in the case of specific lexical items (Tuscan Dio, mio, Old Senese insime It. insieme, Old Bourguignon siegre, sigre SEQUERE). Whenever the sequence ie is implemented as a non-canonical falling diphthong with a high vowel nucleus, the outcome [i] of /ɛ/ may be achieved through off-glide reduction and deletion rather than through progressive assimilation though the latter process is likely to be involved to a greater or lesser extent as well. This sound change has taken place, for example, in Sutselvan Romansh in words ending in a high vowel ([ˈiə̯ ] > [i], as in the case of [uˈvirn] HIBERNU), and in open syllables in Emiliano-Romagnol, Ligurian from Bonifacio, Venetan, Istrioto, Neuchâtelois, Faetar, Francoprovençal from the Piedmontese valleys, as well as in Franc-Comtois-speaking areas ([ˈpi(ə̯ )] PEDE) and W. Norman ([ˈmi(e̯ )], [mje] MEL). (c) Cases exemplifying the sound change ei > [i] are scarce and sometimes unclear, and have operated on /e/ rather than on /ɛ/, i.e., on etymological /e/ or after /ɛ/ has merged with /e/ into a mid high front vowel phoneme, and in specific contextual conditions and relatively isolated areas for the most part. In Auvergnat Occitan where the change ei > [i] may have taken place after /ɛ/ merged with /e/ into a mid high front vowel, forms with the outcome [i] of ei co-occur with lexical variants showing e(i) ([lɛj], [li] LECTU, [tɾej], [tɾi] TRES, [ˈkɾitaə] CRISTA, [ˈbejtjo], [ˈbitjo] BESTIA); moreover, to the extent that this outcome [i] often occurs word-medially but not word-finally, it could have emerged through e deletion rather than through regressive assimilation. Other instances of the change ei > i may be found for /e/ in open syllables in Northern Italian (areas of Trentino [pil] PILU, Val Anzasca [tɾaj], [tɾɛj], [tɾi] TRES, Bergamasco [ˈtila] TELA, [nif] NIVE)

486

12 General summary and discussion

and Bernese Jura, while, in Tavetsch, the change ei > i in lexical items with primitive /ɔ/ ([cir] CORIU, [vit] VOCITU) apparently applied while the front vowel was realized as [e], not as [ɛ] (see Table 32). In E. Valaisan, on the other hand, [i] has emerged from ei derived from /e/ in open syllables and before coda yod ([saˈvaj], [saˈvɛ], [ʃaˈvi] SAPERE, [ti] TECTU, [dɾi] DIRECTU), and also from /ɛ/ in the same positional and contextual conditions in geographical areas where this vowel phoneme has merged with /e/ into a mid high front vowel phoneme (Montana [ni] NIVE, [fi] FEL); as pointed out in section 10.2.5.1, the high front vowel may also come from the outcome ie of /ɛ/ in E. Valaisan localities where this merging process did not take place (Hérémence [ˈpejvɾo] PIPERE, [ˈpiɾa] PETRA). Also in Francoprovençal, the replacement of ei by i has operated before /s/ after insertion of an [j] off-glide and thus through the pathway es > eis > ei > i (Vaudois [ˈbe(j)tɛ], [ˈbitɛ]/[ˈbiθɛ], Valaisan [ˈbejtʃə], [ˈbitʃə] BESTIA(S)). Several uncertain vowel raising cases involving the sequence ei should also be mentioned. Instances of /e/ raising to [i] before [j] derived from [ ] are likely to have taken place while the consonant was realized as an (alveolo)palatal stop: Sutselvan Romansh [ˈpliə] PLICAT and also [ˈli( )ə] LIGAT, and other forms for PLICAT such as [ˈplij(ə)] in Francoprovençal, [plij] in Champenois, Picard, Norman and Gallo and [pjij] in Bourguignon and Poitevin. It is also not obvious whether the change /e/ > [i] in examples like [muˈnija] MONETA (Vaudois) has operated in a hiatus or else after [j] epenthesis and thus on the sequence ei. Finally, the outcome [i] of the ending -ELLU could result from ei rather than from ie(i) in Francoprovençal from Vaud ([bej], [be], [bi] BELLU) but not that clearly in E. French (Lorrain [bje], [be], [bi]). Vowel raising has also operated on [ø] (/ɔ/) followed by [j] to yield [yj] and [y] later on, as exemplified by data from Northern Italian (Val Leventina [iŋˈkyj], [iŋˈkøj] HANC HODIE, [pyj] It. poi POST, Valle Anzasca [kajˈɾyj] ✶CARREOLI) and Marebbano Ladin ([yt] VOCITU, [ŋˈky] HANC HODIE). f

f

12.3.1.2 Sequences ieu, eu A mid front vowel has shifted to a high vowel quite often in the case of the sequences ieu and eu in which the vowel nucleus is flanked by two high glides differing in fronting or is followed by a rounded glide and preceded by no onglide. Most of the time the triphthong ieu has emerged through /ɛ/ diphthongization or else from the diphthongized outcome ueu of /ɔ/ (uou > ueu > ieu), while the vowel nucleus of the diphthong eu comes from /e/. Instances of the sound change ieu > iu and later end products are widespread, as the following examples reveal: Old Occitan fieu, fiu FEUDU, romiu ✶ ROMAEU, contemporary Occitan [bjew], [bjiw] BOVE, Sursilvan from Tavetsch

12.3 Raising to a high vowel as a function of contextual glides

487

[miw] MEU, Sutselvan [diw] DEUS, Old French liue LEUCA, Old Picard lieu, liu LOCU . The resulting sequence iu has sometimes been changed to a rising diphthong or else has been simplified into a single vowel through different mechanisms which will be analyzed in sections 12.3.3 and 12.6. The vowel raising process may also operate on triphthongs with a front rounded vowel to yield [y], as exemplified by the doublets from Occitan [ œɥ]/[djy] DEUS, [bjœw]/[byw] BOVE, Walloon [djø]/[djy] DEUS and Francoprovençal and dialectal French [mjø]/[mjy] MELIUS. Less often, vowel raising has operated on falling diphthongs of the eu type: Sursilvan [iˈʒiw] ACETU, Occitan from Hérault [ˈdiwte] DEBITU, [ˈbiwde] BIBERE, and the forms [ˈtivula] TEGULA and [ˈsivuɾa] ACIDULA from Castellinaldo (Piedmont) in which [v] epenthesis must have occurred after /e/ raising. The same change [ew] > [iw] could have taken place after delabialization of the vowel nucleus of the diphthong [øw] (Val Leventina [iw] OVU, Mesocco [pajˈɾew], [pajˈɾiw] ✶PARIOLU). f

12.3.1.3 Sequences uei, ue Vowel raising may also operate on the sequence ue (< uo) derived from /ɔ/ followed by yod or another (alveolo)palatal consonant but not on ue before a consonant of another place of articulation, which supports the hypothesis of two flanking high consonantal segments acting simultaneously in the vowel raising process. The final end products are [wi] or [ɥi] which may later be simplified into a single vowel (see section 12.6): Occitan [ɥit] OCTO, [nɥitʃ] NOCTE, [kɥitʃ] COCTU, [ˈkɥiso] COXA, Sutselvan [kwe], [kwi] COCERE, Francoprovençal [pwe], [pwi], [py] POSTEA, Norman [nwe], [nwi] NUCE, and French forms like [ɥit] OCTO, whether arising through [ˈue̯ j] > [yj] > [ɥi] or [ˈuɔ̯ j] > [uj] > [yj] > [ɥi] (see section 11.1.3). The change from a non-canonical falling diphthong to a simple high front vowel has been preceded by progressive assimilation and/or off-glide deletion and thus the pathway [ˈye̯ j] > [yj] > [y]: SE. Occitan [ˈkye̯ jʃa], [ˈkyjʃa] COXA, [ˈnye̯ tʃ], [nyts] NOCTE, Francoprovençal from Valle dell’Orco [ˈyə̯ j], [ˈyi] OCULU, Norman French from La Manche [ˈyə̯ ], [y], [ji] OCULU, [ˈɲiə̯ ], [ɲi] NOCTE. An analogous sound change mechanism may account for the replacement of [ˈuə̯ ] by [u] (Sutselvan [nuc] NOCTE, [uc] OCTO and perhaps Neuchâtelois [kur], [kyr] COCERE).

488

12 General summary and discussion

12.3.2 Mid back vowel 12.3.2.1 Sequences uou, uo, ou The vowel nucleus of the triphthong uou can also raise to a high vowel, as exemplified by OVU in Occitan, which may be implemented as [ɥow], [yw] or [ɥu]. The same sound change may also apply profusely to the diphthong uo derived mostly from /ɔ/ in open syllables: Mirandese from Sendim [ˈbuno] BONU, Gallo-Italic from Aidone [kur] COR, Romagnol [fok], [fuk] FOCU coming from Old Romagnol fuogh (perhaps realized with a non-canonical falling diphthong), Lyonnais [ˈnuva], [ˈnyva] NOVA, Savoyard [bu] BOVE, Champenois [nu] NOVEM, Walloon [nuf] NOVU. Vowel raising also operates quite frequently on the falling diphthong ou derived from /o/ in open syllables to yield [u] in Northern Italian dialects ([fjur] FLORE, [ˈuɾa] HORA), Marebbano and Badiot, Sutselvan and Sursilvan, E. Valaisan and other Francoprovençal dialect areas such as Lyonnais where the outcome [y] may be found, and also E./W. French dialects together with other phonetic outcomes. The monophthongization of ou into [u] may also take place in VC sequences in which [w] has been inserted as an off-glide (Auvergnat Occitan [ˈkowto], [ˈkœɥta], [ˈkyta] COSTA) or is the end product of a vocalization process (Standard French [su] SOLIDU, [ku] ✶COLPU). 12.3.2.2 Sequences uoi, oi As referred to in section 12.1.1, in several French dialects, [o] derived from /o/ and /e/ before yod was raised to a high vowel, thus yielding ui which could later be simplified into a simple vowel: Lorrain [koˈɾɔj], [kuˈɾuj] CORRIGIA, [kɾy] CRUCE, N. French [ploj], [pluj] PLICAT, perhaps Picard [kɾu(j)] CRUCE, [vuj] VOCE. The phonetic development involved in the same change oi > ui when the mid back vowel derives from /ɔ/ is less clear. In cases such as those given next and for reasons pointed out in several chapters of the book, the high vowel has probably emerged from uoi or from uo before an (alveolo)palatal consonant (rather than from ue(i)) generated through /ɔ/ diphthongization: Asturleonese from Sanabria [desˈpujs], [desˈpwojs], [desˈpwejs] DE POSTEA, Gascon [ˈtɾujə] TROIA, [bujt] VOCITU, Romagnol [iŋˈko], [iŋˈku] HODIE, [ˈkoʒar], [ˈkuʒar] COCERE, Gallo-Italic from Aidone [ujt] OCTO. In other instances, the answer to the question of whether vowel raising has operated on a triphthong or rising diphthong or else on the canonical falling diphthong oi is not obvious (Marebbano and Badiot [tɾu], Comelican [tɾuj] ✶TROGIU, [ˈujtu] VOCITU, [kuj] COCERE, Lorrain [fɔj], [fuj], [fyj] FOLIA, Liégeois [uj] HODIE). Regarding French and also Francoprovençal dialects, a contrast should probably be drawn beween contextual yod derived from a syllable-onset consonant (/j/, (alveolo)palatal stop) and yod in coda position such that the vowel raising process is

12.3 Raising to a high vowel as a function of contextual glides

489

likely to have operated directly in the former context and after vowel diphthongization in the latter: Valaisan [ˈlujə] LOCAT, [ɛˈnujɛ] INODIAT vs. [kwɛj], [kwir] CORIU, Walloon [aˈnɔj]/[aˈnoj], [aˈnuj] INODIAT, [tɾɔj]/[tɾoj], [tɾuj] TROIA vs. [vyd] VOCITU, [ky(r)] CORIU. 12.3.2.3 Sequences iou, io The mid back vowel nucleus of the triphthong iou may raise to a high vowel (Occitan [jy] < [jɔ/ow] OVU, Romansh [ju] < [jow] EGO). The change [jɔ jo] > [ju], on the other hand, has occurred word-finally in Occitan ([fju] < [fjɔ(k)] FOCU) and Francoprovençal ([vju]/[vjy] < [vjo] VECLU, [dju]/[djy] < [djo] DEUS, [bju] < [bjo] BELLU).

12.3.3 Sequences of high vocalic segments Diphthongs consisting of two high vocalic segments often undergo several changes, which is indicative of their unstable nature. A first change involves the transformation of a falling diphthong into a rising diphthong by moving word stress to the right. The replacement of the outcomes [uj] and [yj] of uoj (/ɔ/) by [wi] and [ɥi], respectively, may be exemplified with doublets such as [kujt]/[kwit] COCTU, [ˈfujɾa]/[ˈfwiɾa] FORIA and [dʒyj]/[dʒɥi] LOLIU in dialectal Occitan, and [ˈkujsə]/[ˈkwisə] (though also [ˈkwe(j)sə]) COXA in Sutselvan. The same stress shift [yj] > [ɥi] accounts for Standard French [kɥis] COXA, [kɥiʁ] CORIU, and for lexical variants of words with /o/ and /u/ such as French [pɥi] PUTEU, [bɥi] BUXU and Walloon [fɾɥi] FRUCTU. On the other hand, the reverse sequence [iw] may change to [ju], [jy], as shown by Occitan [diw]/[dju] DEUS, [ˈliwɾa]/[ˈljuɾa] LIBRA and [kiw]/[kju] (in addition to [kjow], [kjew]) CULU, Valaisan [ˈʃjuɾə] SEQUERE, and Picard [tjyl] TEGULA and also [mjy] MELIUS which corresponds to Old Picard mius MELIUS presumably pronounced [miws]. An analogous phonetic replacement [yw] > [ju] has applied in dialect domains exhibiting non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus (Occitan from E. Provence and Piedmont [yw]/[ju] OVU, [byw]/[bju] BOVE). Diphthongs made up of two high vocalic segments may also undergo metathesis and blending. Metathesis accounts for the changes [yj] > [jy] (Occitan [jy] OCTO) and [iw] > [ɥi] (Savoyard [ˈtɥila] TEGULA, Picard [sɥir] < siure < sieure SEQUERE). Gestural blending yields a single high vowel which shares articulatory properties with both the vowel nucleus and the glide, as in the case of the replacement of [ɥi] by [y], which may be exemplified by doublets occurring in French dialects (Champenois [nɥi]/[ny] NOCTE, Bourguignon [kɥis]/[kyʃ] COXA, Walloon [ɥit]/[yt] OCTO, [fɾɥi]/ [fɾy] FRUCTU, Poitevin [cɥis]/[tʃys] COXA, [tʃɥir]/[tʃyr] CORIU) and by forms available in

490

12 General summary and discussion

Occitan ([vy(t)] OCTO and perhaps [hyk] < [hwœk] FOCU) and Francoprovençal ([ˈkysə] COXA, [dəˈpy] DE POSTEA). The outcome [y] of /ɔ/ in open syllables in E. French, S. Walloon and Poitevin could also derive from [ɥi] ( < [ɥø/œ]) though, at least in some places, also from a mid front rounded vowel or from a non-canonical falling diphthong of the [ˈyə̯] type (Lorrain [lɛ͂ˈsy], [lɛ͂ˈsjø] LINTEOLU).

12.3.4 Summary In light of the data presented in the preceding sections, the assumption that diphthongs need to be non-canonical falling for the mid vowel nucleus to raise to a high vowel is not justified given that rising diphthongs of the ie and uo types may also give rise to simple high vowels. Moreover, the change /ɛ/ > [i] is much more likely to happen after a palatal glide whether before an (alveolo)palatal consonant or not than before an (alveolo)palatal consonant such as yod alone. In support of this assumption, a considerable number of ei raising instances in Romance have occurred in words with a mid high front vowel phoneme, not a mid low front one. A good reason for this appears to be that an off-glide is not strong enough to trigger a two-stage change by itself, that is, from [ɛj] to [ej] in the first place and from [ej] to [i(j)] later on, which is consistent with the notion that consonants are less salient articulatorily and acoustically in syllable-coda than in syllable-onset position and also with the high prominence of the carryover coarticulation effects in tongue body raising and fronting exerted by (alveolo)palatal consonants on vowels. All these things considered, it seems plausible that the change /ɛ/ > [i] before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Old Catalan took place after vowel diphthongization and thus through the sequence ie, as suggested by, among other things, the fact that it applied before almost any possible (alveolo)palatal consonant. This situation parallels that occurring in Francoprovençal and French dialects while contrasting with what we see in Standard French where [i] derived from /ɛ/ occurs mainly before yod, and in Gascon, Northern Italian, Ladin and Romansh where the outcome [i] of /ɛ/ diphthongization has a restricted occurrence in terms of both contextual condition and dialect area. In parallel to the source iei, not ei, of the outcome i, the raised outcome iu is more prone to emerge from the triphthong ieu than from the falling diphthong eu again because two flanking glides are expected to exert a stronger coarticulatory effect on the vowel nucleus than a postvocalic glide alone. The scenario for mid back rounded vowels is somewhat different. Vowel raising in sequences derived from /ɔ/ is likely to operate not only on triphthongs with on- and off-glides (uoi > ui; iou > iu; uou > u) and rising diphthongs (uo > u), but also on the canonical falling diphthongs oi and ou yielding ui and u, respectively.

12.4 Other vowel assimilations

491

Regarding oi, the raising process applies when the target vowel comes from /o/ rather from /ɔ/, the sound change oi (/ɔj/) > ui being available essentially in French dialects and when yod derives from a syllable-onset consonant. One reason why /ɔ/ before [j] may be more prone to raise to a high vowel than /ɛ/ could be the fact that the production of mid and high back vowels involves not only the tongue but also the lips, so that a context-dependent effect in lip closing degree for mid back rounded vowels next to (alveolo)palatal consonants may also result in a change in vowel quality. The dialect data analyzed here also reveal tendencies for ue(i) to raise to [wi] and for uo(i) to become [uj], and for the latter falling diphthong to shift to a rising diphthong afterwards. Consequently, it may very well be that [u] in Catalan words like [ˈpluʒə] ✶PLOIA came from uo rather than from ue, and that the phonetic variants [wit] OCTO and [wi] HODIE available nowadays in the Valencian dialect of Catalan emerged from earlier forms with [uj] through a change in stress placement (see section 5.2.3). The same accentual change may have taken place in the Aragonese forms for NOCTE, which was presumably produced as [nujt] in Old Aragonese and may be realized as [nwit] in the present-day dialect (section 3.2).

12.4 Other vowel assimilations In addition to the assimilatory raising cases induced by contextual (alveolo)palatals and reviewed in section 12.1, data reported throughout the book allow us to draw generalizations about other vowel assimilations in this and other consonantal environments. Section 12.4.1 summarizes a number of vowel assimilations exerted by dentoalveolars and alveolars produced with some tongue body lowering and retraction, and sections 12.4.2 and 12.4.3 other instances of contextually motivated vowel assimilation involving the fronting and rounding articulatory dimensions.

12.4.1 Dentals and alveolars As reported in the chapters of the book, a considerable number of vowel changes in the Romance languages occur before dentoalveolar and alveolar consonants produced with some predorsal lowering and postdorsal retraction. The consonants of interest are for the most part [l s r] in syllable-final position and geminates, mostly if dental, and also syllable-onset [l] and [ɾ] before a vowel. In some cases referred to below, a given phonetic outcome may also derive from a canonical

492

12 General summary and discussion

falling diphthong and, if so, cannot be atributed to a direct assimilatory effect exerted by the postvocalic consonant on the vowel target. Front vowels may lower along the anterior path, in other words, /e/ may shift to [ɛ a] and /ɛ/ to [a] in essentially the four contextual conditions (Vaudois [ˈbala] BELLA, Lyonnais [ˈarba] HERBA, Lorrain [eˈpa(s)] SPISSU, [sak] CIRCULU, Walloon [ɛt], [at] -ITTA, Gallo [vɛr] VIRIDE, [mɛt] MITTERE). Moreover, /e/ but not /ɛ/ may retract to [o ɔ] before all four consonants as well (Lorrain [ɛˈpɔ(s)] SPISSU, [sɔk] CIRCULU, Walloon [ɔt] -ITTA). Vowel lowering as a function of a contextual rhotic also applies to high vowels, such as [y] > [ø œ], as in Valdôtain [sœr] SECURU and Walloon [mør] MURU. All these assimilatory data are consistent with the tongue body lowering/backing anticipatory effects exerted by those consonants on front vowels. In addition, /ɛ/ may raise to [e] and even [i] before /sC rC/ not directly but presumably through a previous rising diphthong ie (Lorrain [fet], [fit] FESTA, Savoyard [erb], [ˈirba] HERBA), and the same changes may operate on the diphthong ei before /sC/ (Francoprovençal [ˈbe(j)tɛ], [ˈbitɛ]/[ˈbiθɛ] BESTIA). When occurring before the coda consonants of interest, and also before prevocalic /l/, the low vowel /a/ may raise to mid along the front and back articulatory dimensions, thus yielding [ɛ] and [ɔ o]: Ticinese [ˈɛrbɾu] ARBORE, [ˈɛlba] ALBA, San Fratello [ˈpɛʃta] PASTA, Lyonnais [por(t)] PARTE, [ˈpota] PASTA, Lorrain [bɛt] BATTUERE, Norman [sɛ(l)] SAL, [pɛl], [pol] PALA. The mid back rounded outcome before /lC/, as for Walloon [ot] ALTERU, can be preceded by /l/ vocalization (au > ou > o). It is hard to ascertain in which cases contextual changes undergone by mid back vowels have been preceded by a diphthong. In all four relevant consonantal contexts and through ou at least in some instances, the mid high vowel /o/ may either raise to [u], lower to [ɔ] or become front rounded (Marebanno [fu:rn] FURNU, Vaudois [pø] PULLU, Valaisan [ˈkʀɔθa] CRUSTA, [gɔta] GUTTA, Valdôtain [ʃɔʀ] SURDU, E. French [kɾut] CRUSTA, [gut] GUTTA, Lorrain [pu] PULLU, [mɔr] MULGERE, FrancComtois [tɔ] TURRE, [kɾøt] CRUSTA, [gœt] GUTTA). Also essentially before /lC sC rC/, /ɔ/ may raise to [o] and [u] and front to a mid front rounded vowel whether in a direct fashion or through intermediate diphthongal realizations (Valdôtain [ˈforta] FORTA, Francoprovençal [ku] COLLU, Vaudois [ˈkuta] COSTA, Génevois [kurd] CHORDA, [pørt] PORTA, Lorrain [mœdr] MOLERE, Franc-Comtois [gros] GROSSA (pl.), Picard [ko] COLLU). A difference between the assimilatory behaviour of mid front and mid back vowels when followed by those dentoalveolar consonants is that the latter may not only lower but also raise without proceeding through an intermediate diphthong. This finding appears to be in accordance with the fact that the back tongue body constriction for consonants like dark /l/ and the trill /r/ is most likely to occur at the upper pharynx.

12.4 Other vowel assimilations

493

12.4.2 Labials and labiovelar Assimilatory vowel rounding as a function of a rounded glide often yields a mid front rounded vowel, and may operate in diphthongs and triphthongs and at either the regressive or the progressive levels. Regressive rounding assimilation accounts for the outcomes [œ], [ø] (< eu) of /o/ in open syllables in French and Francoprovençal dialects (French [œʁ] HORA) and of /e/ followed by vocalized /l/ (French [ø] ILLOS, [ʃəˈvø] CAPILLOS), and the same regressive effect may operate on the triphthong ieu (Occitan [b(j)øw], [bɥew]/[bjew] BOVE, French [djø] DEUS, [mjø] MELIUS, Picard [bjœ]/[bjø] BELLU). On the other hand, simultaneous rounding and backing assimilation involves the regressive change iau, ieu > iou (> io), as exemplified by the Occitan forms [jow] EGO, [pjɔ], [pjaw] PILU, Francoprovençal [vjo] VECLU, [bjo] BELLU and Picard [bjɔw] BELLU. By means of a progressive assimilation ue (/ɔ/) turns into a mid front rounded vowel, whether this vocalic sequence corresponds to a diphthong (Occitan [fɥœ(k)], [fɥɛk] FOCU, Northern Italian [nøf], Lyonnais [sør] SOROR, French [nœf] NOVU) or to a triphthong ending initially in [j] (Occitan [ˈkɥœjso], [ˈkɥɛjso] COXA, Northern Italian [køt], [køtʃ], Marebbano [køt] COCTU, Francoprovençal [kwø] CORIU) or in [ɥ] (Auvergnat [kœɥ] CORIU, COCTU, [vœɥ(t)] OCTO where [œɥ] must have originated through the pathway [ɥoj] > [ɥej] > [ɥœj] > [ɥœɥ] > [œɥ]). The vowel labialization effect triggered by other contextual labial and labiodental consonants operates essentially at the regressive level and may cause /i/ to shift to [y] (E. French [ˈryva] RIPA), /a/ to o (Francoprovençal [ˈtɾɔbla], Walloon [tof] TABULA) and /a/ to [œ], [ø] (Gallo [fœv] FABA).

12.4.3 (Alveolo)palatals As pointed out in section 12.1.4 (c), a mid back rounded vowel may shift to mid front rounded and be later delabialized into e when followed by [ʎ] (or its later outcomes, mostly [j]) and, to some extent, also by [ɲ]. This change has not only operated on /ɔ/, presumably after this vowel diphthongized into ue (/ɔ/ > [œ], as in French feuille FOLIA), but also on /o/, for which diphthongization or a direct change may be assumed, and on /e/, perhaps after it shifted to o. Numerous examples may be adduced: Northern Italian [pløʎ] PEDUCULU, [køɲ] CUNEU, Fassan [ʒeˈnɛje] GENUCULU, Surselvan, Sutselvan [ˈfeʎə] FOLIA, Surmiran [bəˈzøɲ], [bəˈzeɲts] ✶ ✶ BISONIU, Valaisan [bœˈtœðə] BUTTICULA, [ˈrœɲə] RONEA, Lyonnais [œˈɾœʎə] AURICULA, [dzəˈnø] GENUCULU, Champenois [ʒˈnœ(j), [pœj] PEDUCULU, Poitevin [aˈbøj] APICULA. Assimilatory fronting may also operate on /o/ before yod yielding mid front (un)rounded outcomes. It is often doubtful whether these outcomes took place

494

12 General summary and discussion

after vowel diphthongization (perhaps in the case of the forms [darˈtøjr] DIRECTORIU from Alpine Lombard from Blenio and [kɾø], [kɾe] CRUCE from the Neuchâtelois dialect) or involved regressive assimilation and no diphthongization (probably in the case of neite < noite NOCTE in the C. Transmontano dialect of Portuguese, and for Landais Gascon [labœˈdœj] LAVATORIU, Ladin [øj], [ɛj] -ORIU and E. French [pøj] PUTEU, [kɾœj] CRUCE, [ø] -ORIU).

12.5 Dissimilatory effects In Romance, stressed high and mid vowels have often undergone dissimilatory processes in the (alveolo)palatal consonant context condition, which are summarized in the sections 12.5.1 through 12.5.5.

12.5.1 High vowels Dissimilatory lowering has often applied to /i/ before the alveolopalatals [ʎ] and [ɲ], as exemplified by forms for FILIA and VINEA (Bolognese [ˈveɲ:a], Francoprovençal [ˈfeʎɛ], [ˈveɲɛ], Lorrain [fej]/[fɛj], [veɲ]/[vɛɲ], Walloon [fɛj]/[faj], Poitevin [fɛʎ]/ [fœʎ], [vɛɲ]/[vœɲ]). Other contextual (alveolo)palatals have also been involved in this dissimilatory process (Val Onsernone [de ] It. dico, E. French [rɛtʃ] Fr. riche) and most clearly postvocalic yod, as revealed by the change of [ij] into ei, ai, oi (Surmiran [durˈmejr] DORMIRE, [furˈmejə] FORMICA, Sutselvan [ˈʃpɛjə], [ˈʃpajə], [ˈʃpɔjə] SPICA). Dissimilatory lowering has also operated on /u/ whether implemented as [u] (Walloon [pjɛrˈduj], [pjɛrˈdɔj] PERDUTA), [y] (Romansh [øɲ] UNU, Valdôtain [sãŋˈsøja] SANGUISUGA, E. French [ɛˈgœj] ACUCULA) or the delabialized variant [i] (Romansh [dejr], [dzekr] DURU). f

12.5.2 Mid high front vowel Mid high front /e/ may lower and possibly back when occurring before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in the Romance languages and dialects subject to investigation. A first diphthongal target is the sequence ei derived from /e/ in open syllables, which has shifted to [ɛj], [aj], oi in Northern Italian dialects ([ˈtɛjla], [ˈtajla] TELA, Val Anzasca [tɾɛj], [tɾaj], [tɾɔj]/[tɾoj] TRES), [ɛj] in Ladin, Surmiran and Sutselvan, and [aj] in Engadinian. This same sequence may have also undergone both lowering and backing processes in open syllables in Gallo-Romance, as exemplified by the pathway ei > oi > [wa] in Old French (moi ME, roi REGE) and

12.5 Dissimilatory effects

495

other forms taken from Francoprovençal (Valaisan [saˈvaj] SAPERE, Fribourgeois [pɾɛ], [pɾa] PRESU), E. French (endings [ɛj], [aj], [oj] for -ATA) and Poitevin ([nɛj], [na(j)] NASU). Lower and more retracted realizations than [e] (/e/) may also be found before [j] of various consonantal origins: Occitan [rɛj] REGE, [tɛjt] TECTU, [ˈbɛjɾe] VIDERE, Fassan Ladin [dɛjt] DIGITU, Surmiran [ˈplajə] PLICAT, Sutselvan [ˈʃtɾɛjə], [ˈʃtɾajə], [ˈʃtɾɔjə] STRIGA, Vaudois [ˈtaj] TECTU, [raj] REGE, Valaisan [kɔˈɾajə] CORRIGIA, Lyonnais [dɾajt] DIRECTU, Gallo [plɛj], [plaj], [plɔj] PLICAT, [tɛjt], [ta(j)] TECTU. Moreover, the same dissimilated outcomes may occur before the primitive alveolopalatals [ʎ] (which may be realized as [j] and [dʒ]) and [ɲ]: Asturleonese [aˈβaja] APICULA, Portuguese from Beira ubailha OVICULA, Bolognese [faˈmaja] FAMILIA, Milanese, Bergamasco [oˈɾɛd:ʒa] AURICULA, [tɛj] TILIU, [lɛɲ] LIGNU, Ladin [faˈmɛj] FAMILIU, Sutselvan [uˈɾaʎə] AURICULA, Vaudois, Fribourgeois [ɔˈɾɔʎə] AURICULA, Lorrain [buˈtɛj], [boˈtaj], [boˈtoj] BUTTICULA, [lɔɲ] LIGNA, Gallo [oˈɾɛj], [oˈɾaj] AURICULA, Poitevin [ʒˈnɛj], [ʒˈnaʎ] GENUCULU, [tɔɲ] TINEA. Moreover, as pointed out in section 12.1.3, in Romansh and Northern Italian dialects, lower realizations of /e/ occur before obstruents mostly if voiceless rather than before voiced alveolopalatals and yod. Dissimilatory lowering is less likely to operate on /e/ next to a back rounded glide. Regarding falling diphthongs, there are instances of [ɛw], [aw] in Old Occitan (neu NIVE, beu BIBIT) and French dialects ([sˈlaw] SOLICULU). As to rising diphthongs, the change ue (/e/) > ua has occurred in French both in open syllables (toile TELA) and presumably before yod (N. French [dɾwe], [dɾwa] DIRECTU, W. French [kuˈɾwɛ], [kuˈɾwa] CORRIGIA). The dissimilatory lowering process has also operated in triphthongs, as exemplified by the replacement of uei by uai (Franc-Comtois [ɛˈɾwɛj], [ɛˈɾwaj] AURICULA, [rəˈnwaj] RANUCULA).

12.5.3 Mid high back vowel In parallel to /e/, /o/ may lower to [ɔ] before the alveolopalatals [ʎ] and [ɲ] or other phonetic realizations derived from the alveolopalatal lateral: Northern Italian [diˈnɔtʃ] GENUCULU, [kɔɲ] CUNEU, [koˈdɔɲ] COTONEU, Nones Ladin [kɔɲ], [varˈgɔɲa] VERECUNDIA, Francoprovençal [rəˈnɔʎ(ə)], [gɾəˈnɔʎə] RANUCULA, Valdôtain [ˈʀɔɲe] ✶ RONEA, Walloon [dʒiˈnɔ] GENUCULU, [pɔɲ] PUGNU. Lowering instances of [o] derived from /a/ before [ɲ] and, less so, before [ʎ] may also be included here: Romansh dialects [kəlˈkɔɲ], [kəlˈkoɲ] CALCANEU, [kəʃ ˈtɔɲə], [kəʃˈtoɲə] CASTANEA; Génevois [mɔʎ] MACULA, [bɔɲ] BALNEARE (3rd pers. sg. ind. pres.); Poitevin [eˈɾɔɲ] ARANEA, [ʃaˈtɔɲ] CASTANEA. The dissimilatory lowering of /o/ induced by the labiovelar glide has caused the vowel outcome [ow] to become [ɔw], [aw]: San Fratello [kɾawʃ] CRUCE, Surmiran

496

12 General summary and discussion

[vawʃ] VOCE, and the options [ɔw], [aw] in open syllables in Francoprovençal and Lorrain (also [ow] derived from /olC/ may lower the vowel nucleus in Lorrain and Lyonnais from Ain). The same dissimilatory process may operate on uei whether yod is available nowadays or not (Faetar [kɾwaj] CRUCE, [bwaj] VOCE, W. French [nwe], [nwɛ], [nwa] NUCE, Poitevin [pwe], [pwa] PUTEU, Gallo [ʒəˈnwɛ(j)], [ʒəˈnwa(j)] GENUCULU). Through dissimilatory fronting the outcome ou of /o/ in open syllables may shift to eu, as in French where this falling diphthong was monophthongized later into [œ], [ø] (fleur FLORE), and also in dialects of Ladin ([əw] in Gardenese, [ew] in Comelican) and Romansh ([ow], [ew] in Surmiran).

12.5.4 Mid low vowels Dissimilatory lowering and possibly backing before [j] and other (alveolo)palatal consonants operates less often on mid low vowels than it does on their mid high cognates. Mid low vowels may become low or mid back rounded if front in this contextual condition: Occitan from Monêtier [maj] MEDIU, [sajs] SEX, Haute-Loire [laj], [loj] LECTU, Romansh [ˈtɔjsər] TEXERE, [sojs] SEX, Francoprovençal [saj], [ʃaj] SEX, [mjaj] MEDIU, Franc-Comtois [vaj] VECLU, [sa] SEX, Bourguignon [faj] FOLIA, [naj] NOCTE (and see below regarding the possibility that forms with [aj] in E. French may come from [aɥ]). Less often, dissimilatory lowering has operated exclusively at the progressive level, as exemplified by the change e (/ɛ/) > a after yod in both open and closed syllables in Asturleonese and Aragonese and in open syllables in Francoprovençal (Vaud [fjar] FERU, Savoyard [pje], [pja] PEDE, and also Lyonnais [ˈfia̯ vɾa]). The mid low vowel lowering process of interest may also operate next to a rounded glide in diphthongs derived from /ɔ/, both at the regressive level (presumably in the case of E. French [faj], [faɥ] FOCU and Franc-Comtois/Bourguignon [faj], [faɥj] FOLIA, where the sequence [aj] has emerged from [aɥ]), and at the progressive level in open and closed syllables in Asturleonese (puerta, puarta PORTA) and in open syllables in Francoprovençal (Lyonnais [fwɛ], [fwa] FOCU and also [ˈnua̯ və] NOVA). Regarding triphthongs also with a rounded glide, [ɛ] has on occasion shifted to a low vowel in various segmental combinations: uei > uai, as in Dauphinois Francoprovençal [ˈkwajta] COCTA, [ˈkwajɾə] COCERE, [kwar] CORIU; ieu > iau, iou, as exemplified by the Occitan forms [ˈfjawɾe] FEBRE and [ˈɲawla] NEBULA from Haute-Loire, [jaw] and [jow] occurring next to [jew] EGO in W. Asturleonese, and the outcome [jaw] of the ending -ELLU in French dialects ([baˈtjaw] BATELLU); iou > iau, as in the case of the Occitan forms [bjɔw], [bjaw] BOVE.

12.5 Dissimilatory effects

497

Dissimilatory fronting has turned ou into eu which can later round to œu (Haute-Loire [new] NOVU, [plew] PLOVIT, Valaisan [nœ] NOVEM), a change which may also account for forms such as [vɛɥt] VOCITU, OCTO and [pɛɥ] PODIU in Occitan from Pragelas in which [ɛɥ] derives from /ɔj/. The corresponding progressive sound change process has operated on the outcome uo of /ɔ/ in open and closed syllables in Spanish ([ˈbweno] BONU, [ˈpwerta] PORTA), before (alveolo)palatal consonants in languages where /ɔ/ has diphthongized in this context (Aragonese [ˈgweʎo] OCULU, [ˈpwejo] PODIU, Occitan [ˈfwɛʎo] FOLIA, [kwɛ/ej(t)], [kɥɛts] COCTU), and in open syllables in Francoprovençal and French (Lyonnais [ˈnøva] NOVA, Standard French [nœf] NOVU). In triphthongs, uou and iou could front to ueu and ieu, respectively, as revealed by the forms [bwew], [bwɔw] and [bɥew], [bɥɔw] BOVE in Occitan, and also Auvergnat [fiˈjew], [fiˈjow] FILIOLU, Asturleonese [fwew], [fwow] FOCU and Standard French [fø] FOCU (< ✶fueu < ✶fuou). A dissimilatory effect associated with following [w] may also account for the delabialization of a front rounded vowel, as exemplified by [ew], [iw] of [øw] OVU in Val Leventina, all three forms being present in this Ticinese region and related historically through the pathway [øw] > [ew] > [iw].

12.5.5 Summary The descriptive data summarized in sections 12.5.1–12.5.4 reveal a major tendency to favour the regressive dissimilatory lowering and/or backing of mid vowels before (alveolo)palatal consonants. Mid high vowels happen to be particularly sensitive to the lowering process, while at the same time being highly resistant to raising to a high vowel before these same contextual consonants, which may be related to an effort on the part of the speaker to preserve their degree of opening. While the dissimilatory lowering of mid vowels operates mostly at the regressive level and in particular in the (alveolo)palatal consonant context, the fronting of o to e next to a back rounded glide may operate to a similar degree in both directions, regressive and progressive, and in triphthongs as well. Glides may also dissimilate, as exemplified by [bjew] derived from [bwew] BOVE in Occitan and the pathway ueu > ieu > iu, which has yielded the Lyonnais variants [zi], [zy] of OCULU.

498

12 General summary and discussion

12.6 Simplification of vocalic sequences 12.6.1 Phonetic affinity The simplification of diphthongs and triphthongs may be achieved through deletion of their on-glide or off-glide when those glides are phonetically analogous to the vowel nucleus. As shown next, palatal glides are likely to drop next to front vowels, rounded glides next to rounded vowels and all glides next to high vowels. 12.6.1.1 [j] deletion next to a mid front vowel The outcome ei of /e/ in open syllables may be simplified into e in dialects of Northern Italian (Lombard), Nones and Moenese, Sutselvan, Francoprovençal dialects and E./W. French. This simplification process may also occur before yod derived from various consonants in falling diphthongs and triphthongs: Asturleonese cuero derived from cueiro, Occitan [ɛj], [ɛ] OCULU, [nej], [ne] NOCTE, [kɥœ] < ✶[kɥœjt] COCTU, [sjejs], [sje] SEX, Gascon [nwejt], [nwet] NOCTE, Ladin [pjɛj], [pje] PEDI, E. French [lɛ(j)], [le(j)] LECTU, Gallo [tɾe(j)] TROIA, [dˈpe(j)] DE POSTEA. The rising diphthong outcome ie of /ɛ/ in open syllables may also shift to e in Northern Italian dialects and in the Ladin dialects Nones and Comelican. 12.6.1.2 [w] (or [ɥ]) deletion next to a mid back or front rounded vowel The outcome ou of /o/ in open syllables may be reduced to o in Northern Italian dialects ([fjor], [fjur] FLORE), Nones and Moenese. The same change may account for the replacement of iou, eou by io in lexical items in which the triphthong has emerged from ieu including sequences with [w] derived from syllable-final /l/: Gascon [jow], [jo] EGO, Francoprovençal [djo] < ✶Diou DEUS, Auvergnat [fjɔ] < fiou FILU, Francoprovençal [vjo] VECLU, VITELLU, Picard, Norman [bjo] BELLU, Walloon [tʃaˈpjo] CAPELLU, and perhaps Spanish Dios DEUS. The rounded offglide may also drop after the mid front rounded vowel nucleus of the sequences [øw] and [jøw], as exemplified by French [mjø] MELIUS, [fø] FOCU, W. French [ʃˈfø] CAPILLU, and the outcomes [ø], [œ] of /o/ in open syllables in Francoprovençal dialects ([lø], [lœ] LUPU). 12.6.1.3 [j], [w] (or [ɥ]) deletion next to a high vowel Various sequences made up of a high vowel preceded or followed by a glide may lose the glide: ([yj] > [ɥi] > [i]) Francoprovençal [bɾi] < [bɾɥi] RUGITU, French vide VOCITU. ([yj] > [y] > [i]) Lorrain, W. French [fɾy], [fɾi] FRUCTU, Gallo [tɾyt] TRUCTA.

12.7 Prevocalic consonant

499

([iw] > [i]) Walloon [ri] RIVU, [asi] ✶AXILE, and also in the case of instances of iu derived from ieu (Valaisan [maˈti] MATTHAEU, Lyonnais [zi(w)] OCULU, Walloon [mi] MELIUS, [til] TEGULA, [ril] REGULA, Poitevin [di] DEUS). ([jy] > [y]) Lorrain [djy], [dy] DEUS. ([uj] > [u]) Portuguese [ˈʃuvɐ] PLUVIA.

12.6.2 Other cases Off-glide deletion is not based on phonetic affinity whenever [j] drops after a back vowel, [w] after a front vowel and both of these glides after a low vowel. Thus, the triphthong ieu may shift to ie and iau to [ja] (Walloon [djɛ] DEUS, [bja] BELLU, [tʃaˈpja] CAPELLU, though other developments may also be possible here). Off-glide deletion may also occur in falling diphthongs, as exemplified by N. French [plo(j)] PLICAT, Francoprovençal [aˈva(j)] HABERE, [ma(j)] MAIU, and Fribourgeois [ˈa(o̯ )ɾa] HORA. A special case is the end product e of -ELLU, which could be a simplified version of the sequences eu or ea̯ (u/l) (Walloon [tʃaˈpe] CAPELLU, Lorrain [be] BELLU, Norman [baˈtɛ], [baˈte] BATELLU).

12.7 Prevocalic consonant The consonant preceding the stressed vowel can play a role in either changing its quality (section 12.7.1) or else the simplification or formation of a rising diphthong through the deletion or insertion of an on-glide, respectively (section 12.7.2). Section 12.7.3 deals with the insertion of prothetic consonants triggered by the onglide in question.

12.7.1 Vowel raising Progressive raising assimilation induced by (alveolo)palatal consonants accounts for two sound changes in Romance. On the one hand, /e/ has raised to [i] in a subset of words in French and Francoprovençal probably not through a rising diphthong (cire, plaisir). On the other hand, the low vowel has raised to mid front directly in Ladin, Romansh and Northern Italian, and to e, i after on-glide insertion in Francoprovençal and standard and dialectal French. This string of changes is in agreement with the prominence of the carryover effects associated with (alveolo)palatal consonants. While in general the progressive closing of /a/ tends to occur much less frequently than /a/ raising before (alveolo)palatal consonants in

500

12 General summary and discussion

Romance, the reverse holds true in some dialect areas (Val Mesolcina/Val Maggia, Tavetsch). Moreover, at least in French, it is an open question whether /a/ diphthongization after (alveolo)palatals has been contextually conditioned or took place at the same time as /ɛ/ diphthongization in open syllables because the low vowel was especially anterior irrespective of consonantal context. Regarding this point, a direct relationship between the progressive diphthongization of /a/ and an anterior realization of the low vowel need not be assumed, as suggested by Francoprovençal dialects showing that /a/ does not happen to be especially anterior in open syllables and also that /ɛ/ in open syllables and /a/ after an (alveolo)palatal consonant have often yielded different diphthongization outcomes (see sections 10.2.4 and 10.2.5). The phonetic end product of /a/ raising after an (alveolo)palatal consonant differs across dialect domains. Traces of the rising diphthong are available in Francoprovençal (Valaisan), Standard French (moitié MEDIATATE, pitié PIETATE) and French dialects, the outcome i is extremely common in Francoprovençal, and we find i and e in Franc-Comtois, Walloon and Norman, and essentially e in Northern Italian, Ladin, Romansh, Standard French, Gallo and Poitevin. Moreover, the outcome [i] of /a/ may also derive from the non-canonical falling diphthongs [ˈiə̯ ], [ˈie̯ ] (in Neuchâtelois, Faetar, Ain, Ajoie and Cotentin) and was attained whenever ie appeared before an (alveolo)palatal consonant in Standard French (chie CACAT). Another issue of concern is the specific (alveolo)palatal consonant triggers of the /a/ raising process of interest. (Alveolo)palatal stops (which nowadays may be implemented as affricates and fricatives or as [j]) are especially prone to cause /a/ to raise to a mid front vowel (Romansh), while on-glide deletion probably occurred after those (alveolo)palatal stops had changed to affricates in Old French (cher < chier CARU). Other consonants whether (alveolo)palatal or palatalized happen to also be involved in the raising of /a/ in dialects of Northern Italian (Val Mesolcina, Val Maggia), Francoprovençal and French. As to the postvocalic consonant, an etymological trill (CARRU) often prevents this sound change from occurring (Ladin, Romansh, Vaudois) or has caused /a/ to raise to a lower vowel than the one available before other consonants (other Francoprovençal dialects).

12.7.2 On-glide integrity 12.7.2.1 Gestural antagonism Gestural antagonism in sequences consisting of a front lingual consonant, [w] (and perhaps also [ɥ]) and a front vowel such as nue, nui occurring in words like NOCTE appears to be the reason for the deletion of the labiovelar on-glide in

12.7 Prevocalic consonant

501

forms such as Occitan [net], Gascon [nyjt], Francoprovençal [ne(j)], [ne(t)], [ni(t)], Walloon [nɛ], [ne(j)], [ny(t)], Norman [nɛ(t)], [ni], and perhaps Catalan nit, which coexisted with nuyt in Old Catalan. As to the forms of this word with e, it is not always clear whether this vowel has emerged from a rising diphthong, as presumably in the above examples, or directly from a mid rounded vowel. The latter interpretation is applicable to Liégeois [nɛ], which could come from [nœ], [nø] (< [ny]), and to the E. French forms [ne], [nej], which could have originated from [nwe(j)] or from [nø(j)] (section 11.2.6). Other front lingual consonants may be involved in the deletion of the on-glide [w], namely [l] (Spanish [kuˈleβɾa] < Old Sp. culuebra ✶ ✶ COLŎBRA) and [ʎ] (Asturleonese [ʎow] < [ʎwow] < luou LOCU). The place of articulation of the prevocalic consonant also determines whether [ɥ] unrounding into [j] is likely to occur or not, with coronals but not labials and velars being prone to trigger the change; thus, the outcome [ɥo] of /ɔ/ in open syllables has shifted to [jo] in the former context in Veneto ([ˈnjoɾa] ✶NORA), while in Basse-Auvergne [ɥ] has been delabialized after /l/ but not after /f/ ([ʎjo] LOCU, [fɥɔ] FOCU). The elision of the on-glide [w] (or [ɥ]) may also take place after the onset cluster types /Cl/ and /Cɾ/ in order to avoid the production of a complex threeconsonant sequence. This sound change can be exemplified with a large number of phonetic variants: Spanish [ˈfɾente] < Old Sp. fruente FRONTE, and various forms for ✶PLOIA /✶PLOVIA (Occitan [ˈplojo], [ˈplejo], E. French [plœʒ], [pløʒ], N. French [plaf], [plɛf], Norman [plij], [pʎi]), TROIA (Occitan [ˈtɾɔjo], [ˈtɾɛjo], Norman [tɾi], [tɾe]) and DIRECTU/DIRECTA (N. French [dɾ(w)ɛt], [dɾ(w)ɔt]). Gestural incompatibility between the same two cluster types and [j] may have prevented [ɥ] unrounding from occurring and hence the replacement of [ɥɔ] by [jɔ] in TROIA and to a large extent in ✶PLOIA in Occitan (section 6.4.4.2.2). 12.7.2.2 Gestural compatibility Articulatory affinity, that is, a common labial or dorsal constriction for the consonant and the following rounded glide, may cause the glide to be deleted after a labial or labiodental consonant and possibly after a velar. Instances of deletion of a labiovelar on-glide may account for [fow] deriving from [fwow] FOCU in Asturleonese and also for the Francoprovençal forms [ˈfoʎə] FOLIA and [fɛr] FORIA which coexist with [ˈfwɔja]/[ˈfwɔʎə] and [fwɛɾ(ə)], respectively. Deletion of the front rounded on-glide has been involved in the replacement of [ɥɔ]/[ɥo] by o and [ɥœ]/ [ɥø] by [œ]/[ø], as exemplified by data from Occitan ([ˈfɔʎo]/[ˈfjɔʎo] < ✶[ˈfɥɔʎo] FOLIA, [bœ] < [bɥœ] BOVE). Articulatory affinity also explains why [j] may drop after an (alveolo)palatal consonant, as revealed by the simplification of ie derived from /a/ into e after an (alveolo)palatal stop or a palatoalveolar affricate in Old French (see section 11.1.2)

502

12 General summary and discussion

and the replacement of [ʒj] by [ʒ] in Spanish [muˈxer] < [muˈʒjer] MULIERE. The palatal on-glide which emerged through mid low vowel diphthongization before an (alveolo)palatal consonant has vanished after triggering the palatalization of a preceding alveolar consonant. Thus, in Occitan, there is lheyt LECTU, chiys SEX in Old Occitan, and [ʎet], [ʎit] LECTU, [ʃis] SEX, [ɲɛw] < ✶nièu < nèu NIVE, [ʎɛw] < ✶lièu LEVE, [ɲø], [ɲɔtʃ] NOCTE and [ʎɛŋk] LONGE in the present-day dialects. Examples from other dialect domains can also be mentioned: Ligurian from Bonifacio [ˈɲoti] < ✶njoti NOCTE, [ˈʎolu] < l-jolu OLEU, Francoprovençal [ʎɛ], [ʎø] LECTU, Vaudois [ʃaj] SEX, [ˈɲɛse] NEPTIA, Lorrain [ʃɛj], [ɲes], Franc-Comtois [jer] LEGERE. In dialect areas where non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus occur, the palatalization of the alveolar consonant should be ascribed to this vowel (N. Norman [ˈɲi(ə̯ )] NOCTE, [ˈʎi(ɛ̯ )] LECTU). Also in line with the articulatory affinity condition just described, labial consonants have sometimes triggered the insertion of [w] before mid and low vowels in French dialects, as exemplified by Lorrain [pwa(t)ʃ] POPIA/Frank. ✶ POKKA, which should have no diphthong since the postvocalic consonant is a voiceless affricate, N. French [fwɛr], [fwar] ✶FAIRE < FACERE, [mwɛ] MENSE, [pwɛl] PILU, and W. French [pwɛ] PACO, [p(w)ɛr] PIRA, [ˈbwɛze] BASIU. Likewise, data from Landais Gascon and other Occitan dialects show that /ɔ/ diphthongization into uo may have taken place in FOCU but no in IOCU and LOCU because the prevocalic consonant is labiodental in the former word and non-labial in the latter two lexical items. As expected, not only labials but also velars may favour the presence of the labial glide. Thus, in Romansh dialects /ɔ/ before yod may be implemented as i, e(i), [ø], though only as a rising diphthong with the on-glide [w] in the case of COXA, COCTU and COCERE, while in Ferrarese the rising diphthong outcome uo of /ɔ/ may be maintained after a velar and a labial consonant exclusively and simplified into o after other consonants. Also, a word-initial trill can favour the presence of [w] in diphthongs derived from /ɔ/, as exemplified by the Franc-Comtois forms [rwɔtʃ], [ˈrwɛtʃ(i)] ✶ROCCA where the postvocalic voiceless affricate would otherwise have prevented the mid low back vowel from diphthongizing. With regard to [j] insertion after and before (alveolo)palatal consonants in CV and VC sequences, see sections 12.7.1 and 12.2.1.2. Whenever there is no on-glide, the prevocalic consonant may favour vowel nuclei endowed with articulatory characteristics similar to those of the glide. Regarding CV sequences with labial consonants, [o] instead of the expected outcomes [ø] or [ɔ] may be found for FOLIA in N. Lombardy, and in Fassan and Comelican Ladin the rising diphthongs [wɔ], [wo] derived from /ɔ/ in the case of FOLIA and VOLEO may be replaced by o instead of by the expected phonetic realization [ø], which can have later shifted to e. On the other hand, labials and velars – perhaps more so labials than velars – appear to have favoured the

12.7 Prevocalic consonant

503

raising of o to [u], [y] in dialects where this raising process is not likely to occur after other consonants. Possible examples of this consonantal effect may be found in Occitan from Piedmont and E. Provence ([pyj] PODIU, [ˈkyjʃjo], [ˈkyjʃa] COXA, [ˈplyo], [ˈpyjo] ✶PLOIA), Francoprovençal ([ˈkuʃə], [ˈkyθe] COXA, [ˈpluðə], [ply] ✶PLOIA, [ˈfuʎə], [fyʎ] FOLIA) and Old Aragonese (buito, bueyto VOCITU, puio, pueyo PODIU). In sum, labials and possibly velars favor back rounded vowels, more so if (mid) high than mid low and thus articulated with a narrow labial constriction.

12.7.3 Prothetic consonants Further support for the hypothesis that mid low vowel diphthongization occurred before (alveolo)palatal consonants is the insertion of the prothetic consonants [g], [v] and [b] before word-initial [w], [ɥ] (also before the vowel nucleus [y] of non-canonical falling diphthongs) in diphthongized forms of OCULU, HODIE and OCTO. Dialects may favour one prothetic consonant over another: the velar stop occurs in Asturleonese, Aragonese and Gascon, the labiodental fricative in Catalan, Ladin, Francoprovençal and French dialects, and both the velar and the labiodental in most of the Occitan-speaking domain except for Lengadocian where there is only [b] and Provençal which shows [v] exclusively. The palatal glide [j] may also be preposed to word-initial [ɥ] in all three words in N. Occitan ([jɥɛt], [ɥet] OCTO). As to which of the three words OCULU, HODIE and OCTO is most likely to exhibit a prothetic consonant, the available data reveal that, depending on dialect, the consonant may be inserted in all three words (Aragonese, Gascon, Francoprovençal), in OCULU and HODIE (Asturleonese, and also OCTO in Old Asturleonese), in OCTO and HODIE (Lengadocian, Catalan, and also OCULU in Old Catalan), or just in one word, whether OCTO (Bourguignon, Franc-Comtois) or OCULU (Comelican Ladin). In addition, OCULU allows the insertion of other prothetic consonants which have emerged via agglutination (Lyonnais [zy], [zi]). Moreover, there are forms with a prothetic consonant and no glide presumably because the glide has been deleted or other sound changes have applied after the consonant has been inserted. This appears to be the case for [(a)ˈbɛj] HODIE and [bɛjt] OCTO, which occur in Southern Lengadocian in addition to [aˈbwɛj] and [bwɛjt], respectively, and also the forms for OCTO [vyt] (< [ɥit]) in FrancComtois and [vy], [vø] in Auvergnat Occitan. This same course of events, namely, prothesis followed by [w] deletion or merging between [w] and [u] after uoi changed to ui, may have taken place in Catalan ([əˈβuj] HODIE, [bujt] OCTO). Exceptionally, [v] must have been inserted directly before a mid back rounded vowel, as in the form [vɔt] OCTO available in N. Italy and Livinallonghese.

504

12 General summary and discussion

Prothetic labials, labiodentals and velars may also be appended before a rounded glide in rising diphthongs derived from stressed /ɔ/ in a non-palatal consonant environment (Asturleonese [ˈgwertu]/[ˈbwertu] HORTU, [ˈgweβu]/[ˈbweβu] OVU, Aragonese [ˈgweso] OSSU, Gascon [gwew] OVU) or from unstressed o (Aragonese [ˈgweʎa], Gascon [ˈvweʎo] OVICULA). As to the Comelican forms [ˈvevu] and [ˈvøvo]/[ˈvovo] of OVU, the on-glide must have been deleted after consonant prothesis had taken place.

13 Conclusions The dialect data subjected to analysis in the different chapters of this book support some of the hypotheses formulated in the Introduction regarding the causes of various quality changes in mid and low vowels which have taken place in the context of (alveolo)palatal consonants in Romance. Mid high front /e/ has been shown to be strongly disinclined to raise to [i], which is in line with its high degree of coarticulatory resistance and the high frequency of occurrence of dissimilatory lowering changes which operate in VC sequences with this vowel (also with /i/) and a following (alveolo)palatal (mostly [j], [ʎ], [ɲ]). Mid high back /o/, on the other hand, is more prone to raise to [u] before (alveolo)palatal consonants given the large articulatory distance between the vowel and the consonant and the fact that this vowel is more coarticulation sensitive than /e/. The dialect data also show that the assimilatory raising effects on /o/ are triggered mostly but not only by highly constricted (alveolo)palatals, namely [ɲ], [ɟ] and the sequence [jt], and should result in a gain in tongue-to-palate contact, thereby yielding an [ɯ]like realization which may be integrated as /u/ by listeners. Assimilatory effects on /a/ are related essentially to gestural overlap which happens to be greatest in VC sequences with coda [j], and most especially before [jɾ] due to the high degree of gestural independence betweeen yod and the following alveolar rhotic, and also before (alveolo)palatal consonants and [jC] sequences exhibiting a high degree of dorsopalatal contact such as [ɲ] and [jt]. As to the relative chronology between the development of the stressed vowel of the ending -ARIU and /ɛ/ before yod in Romance, either the two vowels have diphthongized simultaneously after /a/ raised to [ɛ] (Vaudois localities [mwəˈni] MOLINARIU, [ˈlivɾa] LEPORE), or else the diphthongization process operated only on /ɛ/ (Catalan [pɾiˈme] PRIMARIU, [ʎit] LECTU). In Northern Italian, Rhaeto-Romance and the Gallo-Romance-speaking domain, the low vowel has raised to e or else has shifted to ie after an (alveolo)palatal consonant in open syllables, further evidence of the salience of the carryover effects associated with (alveolo)palatal consonants, and this diphthongal outcome has sometimes later been simplified into e or i. Mid low vowel diphthongization triggered by a following (alveolo)palatal consonant may operate across the board, as in Occitan, or be related to the phonetic characteristics of the contextual (alveolo)palatal. The data analyzed here have shown that this particular sound change is more prone to occur before yod, alveolopalatal sonorants and voiced obstruents than before voiceless obstruents (affricates, stops), which appears to be in line with differences in the degree of dorsopalatal contact, anteriority of the constriction and duration of the VC transitions between the two consonantal sets. Data for alveolar affricates derived https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-013

506

13 Conclusions

essentially from /(t)tj/ and /ke ki kj/ reveal that, for most dialects under investigation, these affricates were too anterior to cause the mid low vowels to diphthongize. Moreover, while postvocalic [j] and alveolopalatal sonorants (also anterior lingual affricates and fricatives) may help to preserve the diphthongal outcome of the diphthongization process, its simplification into a single vowel realization may also be contextually conditioned. Thus, regarding /ɔ/, following sonorants (mostly the alveolopalatal lateral and also yod) may favour the outcome [ø], as in Northern Italian dialects ([øʎu] OCULU, [vøjt] VOCITU), while yod favours the raising of the vowel nucleus to a high vowel, as in French ([ɥit] OCTO). On the other hand, dissimilatory lowering seeking to prevent the vowel from raising to a higher vowel realization may be triggered by voiceless obstruents, while [j] and [ɲ], if especially constricted, can cause undiphthongized mid low vowels to raise to a mid high vowel realization, as in Occitan /ɛɲ/, Tuscan /ɛɲ ɔɲ/ ([koɱˈveɲ:o] ✶CONVENIU, [ˈsoɲ:o] SOMNIU) and Spanish and Portuguese /ɔ/ followed by yod (Sp. [ˈotʃo] OCTO). Spanish is consistent with other Romance languages in showing rising diphthongs for etymological mid low vowels before [ʎ] and [ɲ], though not in having prevented those vowels from diphthongizing when followed by yod probably because, whether they occurred syllable-initially when derived from [ɟ] or in syllable-final position in [jC] sequences, a highly constricted realization of [j] induced a high degree of closing in the stressed vowel. It appears that Old Spanish preferred this vowel closing mechanism to dissimilatory lowering, which has taken place pervasively in Northern Italian. The origin of mid low vowel diphthongization before (alveolo)palatal consonants may be sought in off-glide insertion in VC sequences, as revealed by data from various dialect domains (Provençal and Piedmontese Occitan, eastern dialects of Northern Italian, Romansh, Norman French) where non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus often co-occur with rising diphthongs in this contextual condition. Based on evidence from descriptive data and speech production studies, it has been shown that the categorization of the vowel transitions as schwa or as a glide endowed with a (mid) low vocalic quality and also as /w/ is most likely to occur in VC sequences consisting of front vowels (though back vowels may be involved too) and dental and alveolar consonants articulated with some predorsum lowering and postdorsum retraction ([l s r], dentals) and also [w]. Before (alveolo)palatals and palatoalveolars (also coda [s]), on the other hand, the insertion of either [j] or those other glides may take place mostly (though not only) at the offset of back rounded vowels. This is indeed the predicted behaviour for the two VC scenarios since the chances that off-glides are inserted at the VC boundary ought to increase with the articulatory distance betwen the vowel and the consonant. Moreover, in order to explain why /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have been replaced by rising diphthongs when followed by (alveolo)palatal

13 Conclusions

507

consonants in Romance, a dissimilatory lowering effect or some sort of articulatory relaxation mechanism seeking to enhance the mid low quality of the target vowel at its offset needs to be posited. This mechanism appears to be required to overcome the apparent contradiction that, while only the insertion of a palatal glide can result from the direction of the vowel transitions, only the insertion of schwa or a (mid) low vowel quality glide can yield rising diphthongs in the long run. Other accounts such as the proposal that this rising diphthongization process should be associated with the raising of the dorsum of the tongue at the onset of the stressed vowel in anticipation of the tongue dorsum raising and fronting gesture for the postvocalic (alveolo)palatal consonant have been discarded. The raising of mid low vowels to high vowels before (alveolo)palatal consonants is more likely to occur in triphthongs and rising diphthongs than in canonical falling diphthongs, whether the glides flanking the vowel nucleus are just palatal or combinations of [j] and [w]/[ɥ]. Instances of direct vowel raising of e derived from /ɛ/ before yod to i (i.e., ei > i) are relatively scarce and, in fact, have often operated on a mid high, not a mid low, vowel phoneme; on the other hand, more frequent instances of the change o (/ɔ/) > u before yod (i.e., oi > ui) appear to be associated with the fact that in this case the consonantal coarticulatory effects during the vowel involve not only the tongue position but also lip closing and rounding. As to the end product of the vowel raising process, ue(i) is likely to change to a rising diphthong ([wi], [ɥi]) and wo(i) to a falling diphthong ([uj]), which may later shift to a rising diphthong. The inherent instability of sequences made up of two high vocalic segments may be resolved not only through a change from falling diphthong to rising diphthong but also through metathesis and gestural blending. As to non-canonical falling diphthongs with a high vowel nucleus, the replacement of the vocalic sequence by a high vowel (e.g., íe > i) appears to be achieved through the reduction and deletion of the gliding segment and may be facilitated by the carryover coarticulation effects associated with the preceding vowel nucleus. Data have also been adduced showing that syllable-onset consonants or consonant clusters may contribute to the maintenance or deletion of the on-glide of a rising diphthong or triphthong depending on whether analogous or antagonistic articulatory gestures in succession are involved. Moreover, a prothetic voiced velar, labiodental or bilabial consonant has often been inserted word-initially before the on-glides [w] or [ɥ] of a rising diphthong or triphthong in lexical forms derived from OCULU, HODIE and OCTO, and in some dialectal scenarios (e.g., Southern Lengadocian) the on-glide in question has been deleted after consonantal prothesis has taken place. Some of the research issues addressed in the chapters of this book may help to clarify what may have happened historically in Catalan where /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ have

508

13 Conclusions

yielded [i] and [u] when followed by an (alveolo)palatal consonant in ways which parallel the scenario for Francoprovençal and French dialects. In spite of the lack of information about the intermediate stages of this sound change in Old Catalan documents and the present-day dialects, various events suggest that the two mid low vowels diphthongized before yielding a high vowel, to wit: the tendency for /ɛ/ and /ɔ/ to shift to high vowels in rising diphthongs and triphthongs rather than in canonical falling diphthongs in Romance; the insertion of a prothetic consonant in the forms for HODIE and OCTO; the fact that /e/ followed by yod in words such as dreit DIRECTU and neir NIGRU was not raised to [i] in Old Catalan; and the diphthongization of mid low vowels before (alveolo)palatal consonants in the neighbouring Occitan- and Aragonese-speaking domains. Moreover, as in other Romance languages where mid low vowels diphthongized before (alveolo)palatal consonants, in Catalan too the pathway ✶uoi > [uj] > [wi] > [i] could be advocated to account for the form [nit] NOCTE. To conclude, the analysis of phonetic detail undertaken throughout this book has proven to be crucial for achieving a proper understanding of the causes of sound change. A precise knowledge of the articulatory characteristics of individual vowels and consonants and of the mechanisms involved in the production of CV and VC sequences appear to offer a far more promising explanation for why vowels raised or diphthongized when followed by (alveolo)palatal consonants than more general accounts such as the notion that all (alveolo)palatal consonants must have had an on-glide preposed to them or were placed in the same syllable as the target vowel due to their long duration. Along these lines, a good number of vowel assimilations appear to depend on well-motivated articulatory factors such as a greater gestural overlap between /a/ and coda yod vs. onset (alveolo)palatal consonants, or a high degree of articulatory compatibility between the mid front rounded vowels [ø], [œ] and the alveolopalatal lateral [ʎ], which may explain why these two segments can so often co-occur in VC sequences. Moreover, differences in closure or constriction anteriority and dorsopalatal contact, and in duration and frequency extent of the VC transitions, among (alveolo)palatal consonants provide a strong framework for understanding why mid low vowels are prone to change into rising diphthongs and remain as such or undergo later changes in this contextual environment. Off-glide insertion appears to be the most likely candidate for the diphthongization process of interest in so far as it is firmly grounded in the available dialect data while being at the same time plausible articulatorily, acoustically and perceptually.

References Academia das Ciências de Lisboa, Dicionário da língua portuguesa contemporânea, Lisboa, Verbo, 2001. Ahlborn, Gunnar, Le patois de Ruffieu-en-Valromey, Göteborg, Wettergren & Kerbers Förlag, 1946. Alarcos Llorach, Emilio, Efectos de la iod sobre la vocal tónica en español, in: Straka, Georges (ed.), Actes du Xe Congrès international de linguistique et philologie romanes (Strasbourg, 23–28 avril 1962), vol. 3, Paris, Klincksieck, 1965, 945–950. Alex, Paul, Le patois de Naisey (canton de Roulans, arrondissement de Besançon, Doubs), Paris, Pierre Voisin, 1965. Alge, Arnold, Die Lautverhältnisse einer Patoisgruppe des Berner Jura, St. Gallen, Zollikofer, 1904. Alibèrt, Louis, Dictionnaire occitan-français selon les parlers languedociens, Toulouse, Institut d’Estudis Occitans, 1966. Alonso Garrote, Santiago, El dialecto vulgar leonés hablado en Maragatería y Tierra de Astorga. Notas gramaticales y vocabulario, Madrid, Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 21947. Alvar, Manuel, El dialecto aragonés, Madrid, Gredos, 1953. Anglade, Joseph, Le patois de Lézignan (Aude). Dialecte narbonnais, Montpellier, Camille Coulet, 1897. Anglade, Joseph, Grammaire de l’ancien provençal ou ancienne langue d’oc, Paris, Klincksieck, 1921. Appel, Carl, Provenzalische Lautlehre, Leipzig, Reisland, 1918. Arnaud, François/Morin, Gabriel, Le langage de la vallée de Barcelonnette, Paris, Champion, 1920. Aymeric, Josef, Dialecte rouergat. Phonétique, morphologie, Halle, Karras, 1879. Azaretti, Emilio, L’evoluzione dei dialetti liguri esaminata attraverso la grammatica storica del ventimigliese, Sanremo, Edizioni Casabianca, 1977. Babin, Jean, Les parlers de l’Argonne, Paris, Klincksieck, 1952. Badia, Antoni M., Gramática histórica catalana, Barcelona, Noguer, 1951. Baglioni, Daniele, Il nesso gn dal latino alle lingue romanze. Questioni aperte e prospettive di ricerca, in: Molinelli, Piera/Cuzzolin, Pierluigi/Fedriani, Chiara (edd.), Actes du Xe Colloque international sur le latin vulgaire et tardif (Bergamo, 5–9 septembre 2012), vol. 1, Bergamo, Bergamo University Press/Edizioni Sestante, 2014, 3–24. Baglioni, Daniele, Sulle sorti di [ɔ] in veneziano, in: Buchi, Éva/Chauveau, Jean-Paul/Pierrel, Jean-Marie (edd.), Actes du XXVIIe Congrès international de linguistique et philologie romanes (Nancy, 15–20 juillet 2013), vol. 1, Strasbourg, ÉLiPhi, 2016, 353–365. Barbato, Marcello, La métaphonie romane occidentale, Revue de linguistique romane 77 (2013), 321–341. Batlle, Mar, L’evolució de les Ě i Ŏ + iod en català dins la Romània, Caplletra 20 (1996), 13–32. Battisti, Carlo, La vocale a tonica nel ladino centrale, Archivio per l’Alto Adige 1 (1906), 160–194; 2 (1907), 18–69, 337–358. Battisti, Carlo, Die Nonsberg Mundart (Lautlehre), Sitzungsberichte/Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 160 (1908), 1–149. Battisti, Carlo, Zur Mundart von Valvestino. Ein Reisebericht, Wien, Hölder, 1913.

https://doi.org/10.1515/9783110990805-014

510

References

Battisti, Carlo, Le premesse fonetiche e la cronologia dell'evoluzione di á in é nel ladino centrale, L’Italia dialettale 2 (1926), 50–84. Battisti, Carlo, La distribuzione dei dialetti trentini, Archivio per l’Alto Adige 66 (1972), 3–59. Bec, Pierre, Les interférences linguistiques entre gascon et languedocien dans les parlers du Comminges et du Couserans, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1968. Belasco, Simon, The influence of force of articulation of consonants on vowel duration, Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 15 (1953), 1015–1016. Berger, Jakob, Die Laute der Mundarten des St. Galler Rheintals und der angrenzenden vorarlbergischen Gebiete, Frauenfeld, Huber & Co., 1913. Bernini, Giuliano, Il dialetto della media valle Seriana e della valle Gandino, in: Sanga, Glauco (ed.), Lingua e dialetti di Bergamo e delle valli, Bologna, Pierluigi Lubrina, 1987, 197–287. Blinkenberg, Andreas, Le patois d’Entraunes, vol. 1: Matériaux phonétiques, morphologiques et syntactiques, Aarhus, Universitetsforlaget, 1939. Bloch, Oscar, Atlas linguistique des Vosges méridionales, Paris, Champion, 1917 (= 1917a). Bloch, Oscar, Les parlers des Vosges méridionales, arrondissement de Remiremont, département des Vosges. Étude de dialectologie, Paris, Champion, 1917 (= 1917b). Bonfadini, Giovanni, Il dialetto della Val Calepio e Sebino occidentale, in: Sanga, Glauco (ed.), Lingua e dialetti di Bergamo e delle valli, Bologna, Pierluigi Lubrina, 1987, 397–411. Bonfadini, Giovanni, La posizione linguistica della Val Rendena, Archivio per l’Alto Adige 83 (1989), 1–74. Bottiglioni, Gino, Fonologia del dialetto imolese, Pisa, Mariotti, 1919. Bottiglioni, Gino, L'antico genovese e le isole linguistiche sardo-corse, L’Italia dialettale 4 (1928), 1–60. Bourcelot, Henri, Atlas linguistique et ethnographique de la Champagne et de la Brie, 3 vol., Paris, Éditions du CNRS, 1966–1978. Boutier, Marie-Guy, Französische Skriptaformen I. Wallonie/Les scriptae françaises I. Wallonie, in: Holtus, Günter/Metzeltin, Michael/Schmitt, Christian (edd.), Lexikon der romanistischen Linguistik, vol. 2:2, Tübingen, Niemeyer, 1995, 290–300. Bouvier, Jen-Claude, Les parlers provençaux de la Drôme. Études de géographie phonétique, Paris, Klincksieck, 1976. Brasseur, Patrice, Les principales caractéristiques phonétiques des parlers normands de Jersey, Sercq, Guernesey et Magneville (canton de Bricquebec, Manche), Annales de Normandie 28 (1978), 49–64, 275–306. Brasseur, Patrice, Atlas linguistique et ethnographique normand, 5 vol., Paris, Éditions du CNRS, 1980–2019. Brod, Robert, Die Mundart der Kantone Château-Salins und Vic in Lothringen, Halle, Karras, 1912. Bruneau, Charles, Étude phonétique des patois d’Ardenne, Paris, Champion, 1913 (= 1913a). Bruneau, Carles, La limite des dialectes wallon, champenois et lorrain en Ardenne, Paris, Champion, 1913 (= 1913b). Bruneau, Charles, Enquête linguistique sur les patois d’Ardenne, 2 vol., Paris, Champion, 1914–1926. Buchmann, Jean, Il dialetto di Blenio. Saggio fonetico-morfologico con un appendice lessicale. Paris, Champion, 1924. Burgass, Ernst, Darstellung des Dialects im XIII. scl. in den Departements Seine-Inférieure und Eure (Haute Normandie), Halle, Carl Colbatzky, 1889. Byland, August, Das Patois der “Mélanges vaudois” von Louis Favrat, Berlin, Gronau, 1902.

References

511

Caduff, Léonard, Essai sur la phonétique du parler rhétoroman de la vallée de Tavetsch (canton des Grisons, Suisse), Bern, Francke, 1952. Callais, Joseph, Die Mundart von Hattigny und die Mundart von Ommeray nebst lautgeographischer Darstellung der Dialektgrenze zwischen Vosgien und Saunois (Lothringen), Annuaire de la Société d’histoire et d’archéologie de la Lorraine 20 (1908), 302–422. Camastral, Peter, Il vocalismo dei dialetti della Valle Mesolcina, L’Italia dialettale 23 (1959), 75–191. Camproux, Charles, Essai de géographie linguistique du Gévaudan, Paris, Presses Universitaires de France, 1962. Candrian, Johann Paul, Der Dialekt von Bivio-Stalla, Halle, Karras, 1900. Cano Aguilar, Rafael, El vocalismo radical de los verbos españoles. Problemas de interpretación, Archivum 36 (1986), 421–459. Cano González, Ana María, El habla de Somiedo (Occidente de Asturias), Verba 4 (1977), 173–299. Casado Lobato, María Concepción, El habla de la Cabrera Alta. Contribución al estudio del dialecto leonés, Madrid, Revista de Filología Española, Anejo 44, 1948. Casella, Mario, Studi sui dialetti della Valdarda. Fonologia del dialetto di Fiorenzuola, Studj romanzi 17 (1922), 5–71. Catalán, Diego/Galmés de Fuentes, Álvaro, La diptongación en leonés, Archivum 4 (1954), 87–147. Chabaneau, Camille, Grammaire limousine, Paris, Maisonneuve, 1876. Chauveau, Jean-Paul, Évolution vocaliques en Haute-Bretagne, Cahier des Annales de Normandie 15 (1983), 53–74. Chauveau, Jean-Paul, Le gallo: une présentation, Brest, Université de la Bretagne occidentale, 1984. Chauveau, Jean-Paul, Évolutions phonétiques en gallo, Paris, Éditions du CNRS, 1989. Chauveau, Jean-Paul, La formation du vocalisme du gallo, Cahiers de sociolinguistique 12 (2007), 123–164. Coco, Francesco, Il dialetto di Bologna. Fonetica storica e analisi strutturale, Bologna, Forni, 1970. Cornu, Jules, Phonologie du bagnard, Romania 6 (1877), 369–427. Corominas, Joan/Pascual, José Antonio, Diccionario crítico etimológico castellano e hispánico, 6 vol., Madrid, Gredos, 1980–1991. Coromines, Joan, Lleures i converses d’un filòleg, Barcelona, Club Editor, 1974. Coromines, Joan, Entre dos llenguatges, 3 vol., Barcelona, Curial, 1976–1977. Coromines, Joan, Diccionari etimològic i complementari de la llengua catalana, 9 vol., Barcelona, Curial, 1980–2001. Craddock, Jerry R., The contextual varieties of yod. An attempt at systematization, in: Blansitt, Edward L./Teschner, Richard V. (edd.), A Festschrift for Jacob Ornstein. Studies in general linguistics and sociolinguistics, Rowley, Mass., Newbury House, 1980, 61–68. Craddock, Jerry R., Descending diphthongs and the regular preterite in Hispano-Romance, Bulletin of Hispanic studies 60 (1983), 1–14. Craffonara, Lois, Zur Stellung der Sellamundarten im romanischen Sprachraum, Ladinia 1 (1977), 73–121. Dalbera, Jean-Philippe, Les parlers des Alpes-Maritimes. Étude comparative, essai de reconstruction, Egham, Association Internationale d’Études Occitanes, 1994.

512

References

Dauzat, Albert, Phonétique historique du patois de Vinzelles (Puy-de-Dôme), Paris, Alcan, 1897. Dauzat, Albert, Géographie phonétique de la Basse Auvergne, Revue de linguistique romane 14 (1938), 1–210. De Mauro, Tullio, Grande dizionario italiano dell’uso, 6 vol., Torino, UTET, 1999. Degen, Wilhelm, Das Patois von Crémine, Halle, Karras, 1896. Delattre, Pierre, Anticipation in the sequence vowel and consonant-group, The French review 13 (1940), 314–320. Delattre, Pierre, Some factors of vowel duration and their cross‐linguistic validity, Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 34 (1962), 1141–1143. Devaux, André, Essai sur la langue vulgaire du Dauphiné septentrional au Moyen Âge, Paris/Lyon, Welter/Cote, 1892. Devaux, André, Les patois du Dauphiné, vol. 1: Dictionnaire des patois des Terres Froides, vol. 2: Atlas linguistique des Terres Froides, edd. Duraffour, Antonin/Gardette, Pierre, Lyon, Bibliothèque de la Faculté Catholique des Lettres, 1935. Dicziunari Rumantsch Grischun, Cuoira, Società Retorumantscha, 1939 -…. Dietrich, Alfred, Le parler de Martigny, Bienne, Schüler, 1945. Dondaine, Colette, Les parlers comtois d’oïl, Paris, Klincksieck, 1972. Dondaine, Colette, Atlas linguistique et ethnographique de la Franche-Comté, 4 vol., Paris, Éditions du CNRS, 1972–1991. Dottin, Georges/Langouët, Joseph, Glossaire du parler de Pléchâtel (Canton de Bain, Ille-etVilaine), Rennes/Paris, Plihon et Hommay/Welter, 1901. Doutrepont, Georges/Haust, Jean, Les parlers du nord et du sud-est de la province de Liège, in: Boclinville, Clément/Bovy, Arthur/Doutrepont, Auguste/Doutrepont, Georges/Haust, Jean/Gittée, Auguste/Monseur, Eugène/Simon, Jules (edd.), Mélanges Wallons, Liège, Vaillant-Carmanne, 1892, 11–64. Duraffour, Antonin, Matériaux phonétiques et lexicologiques pour servir à l'histoire du parler de Vaux-en-Bugey (Ain), Grenoble, Institut phonétique de Grenoble, 1930. Duraffour, Antonin, Phénomènes généraux d’évolution phonétique dans les dialectes francoprovençaux d'après le parler de Vaux-en-Bugey (Ain), Revue de linguistique romane 8 (1932), 1–280. Dye, Amanda, Vowel harmony and coarticulation in Wolof and Pulaar. An ultrasound study, New York, New York University, 2015. Eggert, Bruno, Entwicklung der normandischen Mundart im Département de la Manche und auf den Inseln Guernesey und Jersey, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 13 (1889), 353–403. Eichenhofer, Wolfgang, Diachronie des betonten Vokalismus im Bündnerromanischen seit dem Vulgärlatein, Zürich, Juris, 1989. Eichenhofer, Wolfgang, Historische Lautlehre des Bündnerromanischen, Tübingen/Basel, Francke, 1999. Elwert, W. Theodor, Die Mundart des Fassa-Tals, Heidelberg, Carl Winter, 1943. Ettmayer, Karl von, Lombardisch-Ladinisches aus Südtirol. Ein Beitrag zum oberitalienischen Vokalismus, Romanische Forschungen 13 (1902), 321–673. Ettmayer, Karl von, Bergamaskische Alpenmundarten, Leipzig, Reisland, 1903. Ettmayer, Karl von, Die provenzalische Mundart von Vinadio, in: Bausteine zur romanischen Philologie. Festgabe für Adolfo Mussafia zum 15. Februar 1905, Halle, Niemeyer, 1905, 211–223.

References

513

Fankhauser, Franz, Das Patois von Val d'Illiez (Unterwallis), Revue de dialectologie romane 2 (1910), 198–344; 3 (1911), 1–76. Fant, Gunnar, Acoustic theory of speech production, The Hague, Mouton, 1960. Feller, Jules, Phonétique du gaumet et du wallon comparés, Bulletin de la Société liégeoise de littérature wallonne 37 (1897), 203–282. Fleury, Jean François Bonaventure, Essai sur le patois normand de La Hague, Paris, Maisonneuve & Leclerc, 1886. Flutre, Louis-Fernand, Le parler picard de Mesnil-Martinsart (Somme). Phonétique, morphologie, syntaxe, vocabulaire, Génève/Lille, Droz/Giard, 1955. Flutre, Louis-Fernand, Le moyen picard d’après les textes littéraires du temps (1560–1660), Amiens, Musée de Picardie, 1970. Flutre, Louis-Fernand, Du moyen picard au picard moderne, Amiens, Musée de Picardie, 1977. Foerster, Wendelin, Lyoner Yzopet. Altfranzösische Übersetzung des XIII. Jahrhunderts in der Mundart der Franche-Comté, Heilbronn, Henninger, 1882. Forner, Werner, Italienisch: Areallinguistik I. Ligurien/Aree linguistiche I. Liguria, in: Holtus, Günter/Metzeltin, Michael/Schmitt, Christian (edd.), Lexikon der romanistischen Linguistik, vol. 4, Tübingen, Niemeyer, 1988, 453–469. Foti, Giuseppe, Vocabolario del dialetto galloitalico di San Fratello, Tesi di dottorato, Catania, Università degli studi di Catania, 2015. Fouché, Pierre, La diphtongaison en catalan, Butlletí de dialectologia catalana 13 (1925), 1–46. Fouché, Pierre, Phonétique historique du français, vol. 2: Les voyelles, vol. 3: Les consonnes et index général, Paris, Klincksieck, 21966–1969. Fowler, Carol A./Saltzman, Elliot, Coordination and coarticulation in speech production, Language and Speech 36 (1993), 171–195. Francard, Michel, Le parler de Tenneville. Introduction à l'étude linguistique des parlers wallolorrains, Louvain-la-Neuve, Cabay, 1981. Francescato, Giuseppe, Dialettologia friulana, Udine, Società filologica friulana/Centro di Studi Ladini, 1966. Freudenreich, Maria, Lautlehre der Mundart von Savièse (Wallis) mit Glossar, Zürich, Leemann & Co., 1937. Fulk, Robert Dennis, A comparative grammar of the Early Germanic languages, Amsterdam/ Philadelphia, John Benjamins, 2018. García Arias, Xosé Lluis, Diccionario general de la lengua asturiana, Oviedo, Editorial Prensa Asturiana/La Nueva España, 2002–2004. García Arias, Xosé Lluis, Gramática histórica de la lengua asturiana, Oviedo, Academia de la Llingua Asturiana, 2003. Gardette, Pierre, Géographie phonétique du Forez, Mâcon, Protat Frères, 1941. Gardette, Pierre, Atlas linguistique et ethnographique du Lyonnais, 5 vol., Lyon/Paris, Institut de linguistique romane des Facultés catholiques/Éditions du CNRS, 1950–1976. Garellek, Marc, Phonetics and phonology of schwa insertion in Central Yiddish, Glossa 5 (2020), 1–25. Gartner, Theodor, Die Gredner Mundart, Linz, Wimmer, 1879. Gartner, Theodor, Handbuch der rätoromanischen Sprache und Literatur, Halle, Niemeyer, 1910. Gauchat, Louis, Le patois de Dompierre, Halle, Karras, 1891.

514

References

Gauchat, Louis/Jeanjaquet, Jules/Tappolet, Ernest, Tableaux phonétiques des patois suisses romands, Neuchâtel, Attinger, 1925. Gaudenzi, Augusto, I suoni, le forme e le parole dell’odierno dialetto della città di Bologna, Torino, Loescher, 1889. Gauthier, Pierre, Le vocalisme des parlers du Bas-Poitou, Cahier des Annales de Normandie 15 (1983), 91–112. Gerster, Walter, Die Mundart von Montana (Wallis) und ihre Stellung innerhalb der frankoprovenzalischen Mundarten des Mittelwallis, Aarau, Sauerländer, 1927. Gilliéron, Jules, Patois de la commune de Vionnaz (Bas-Valais), Paris, Vieweg, 1880. Gilliéron, Jules, Petit atlas phonétique du Valais roman (sud du Rhône), Paris, Champion, 1881. Gilliéron, Jules/Edmont, Edmond, Atlas linguistique de la France, 10 vol., Paris, Champion, 1902–1910. Girardin, Joseph, Le vocalisme du fribourgeois au XVe siècle, Halle, Karras, 1900. Goebl, Hans, Die normandische Urkundensprache. Ein Beitrag zur Kenntnis der nordfranzösischen Urkundensprachen des Mittelalters, Wien, Böhlaus, 1970. Goebl, Hans, Französische Skriptaformen III. Normandie, in: Holtus, Günter/Metzeltin, Michael/Schmitt, Christian (edd.), Lexikon der romanistischen Linguistik, vol. 2:2, Tübingen, Niemeyer, 1995, 314–337. Goerlich, Ewald, Die südwestlichen Dialekte der Langue d'oïl, Poitou, Aunis, Saintonge und Angoumois, Heilbronn, Henninger, 1882. Goerlich, Ewald, Die nordwestlichen Dialekte der Langue d’oïl. Bretagne, Anjou, Maine, Touraine, Heilbronn, Henninger, 1886. Goerlich, Ewald, Der burgundische Dialekt im XIII. und XIV. Jahrhundert, Heilbronn, Henninger, 1889. Gorra, Egidio, Fonetica del dialetto di Piacenza, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 14 (1890), 133–158. Gorra, Egidio, Il dialetto di Parma, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 16 (1892), 372–379. Gossen, Carl Theodor, Französische Skriptastudien. Untersuchungen zu den nordfranzösischen Urkundensprachen des Mittelalters, Graz/Wien/Köln, Hermann Böhlaus, 1967. Gossen, Carl Theodor, Grammaire de l'ancien picard, Paris, Klincksieck, 1976. Grafström, Åke, Étude sur la graphie des plus anciennes chartes languedociennes avec un essai d’interprétation phonétique, Uppsala, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1958. Grammont, Maurice, Le patois de la Franche-Montagne et en particulier de Damprichard (Franche-Comté), Paris, Bouillon, 1901. Grandgent, Charles H., An outline of the phonology and morphology of Old Provençal, Boston, Heath, 1905. Grignard, Adelin, Phonétique et morphologie des dialectes de l'Ouest-wallon, Liège, VaillantCarmanne, 1908. Grisch, Mena, Die Mundart von Surmeir (Ober- und Unterhalbstein), Zürich/Leipzig/Paris, Niehans/Droz, 1939. Guerlin de Guer, Charles, Le parler populaire dans la commune de Thaon (Calvados). Phonétique, morphologie, syntaxe, folk-lore, suivi d'un lexique alphabétique de tous les mots étudiés, Paris, Bouillon, 1901. Guerlin de Guer, Charles, Notes sur les parlers populaires de la région de Pont-l’Evêque, Honfleur (Calvados), Revue de philologie française et de littérature 21 (1907), 81–106.

References

515

Guillaume, Gabriel/Chauveau, Jean-Paul/Lagrange-Barreteau, Renée, Atlas linguistique et ethnographique de la Bretagne romane, de l'Anjou et du Maine, 2 vol., Paris, Éditions du CNRS, 1975–1983. Gulsoy, Joseph, Castellano “viejo”, portugués “velho”, catalán “vell”. El tratamiento de Ĕ+C’L, T’L, e historia de VĔTUS, VĔTĔRIS, La corónica 26 (1997), 67–86. Gysling, Fritz, Contributo alla conoscenza del dialetto della Valle Anzasca, Archivum Romanicum 13 (1929), 87–190. Haefelin, Franz, Die romanischen Mundarten der Südwestschweiz. I. Die Neuenburger Mundarten, Berlin, Dümmler, 1874. Haefelin, Franz, Les patois romans du canton de Fribourg, Leipzig, Teubner, 1879. Hafner, Hans, Grundzüge einer Lautlehre des Altfrankoprovenzalischen, Bern, Francke, 1955. Haiman, John/Benincà, Paola, The Rhaeto-Romance languages, London/New York, Routledge, 1992. Hallauer, Jacob, Der Dialekt des Berner Jura im XIV. Jahrhundert, Zürich, Leemann, 1920. Hasselrot, Bengt, Étude sur les dialectes d’Ollon et du district d’Aigle (Vaud), Uppsala/Paris, Lundequistska Bokhandeln/Droz, 1937. Haust, Jean, Dictionnaire liégeois, Liège, Vaillant-Carmanne, 1933. Heilmann, Luigi, La parlata di Moena nei suoi rapporti con Fiemme e con Fassa. Saggio fonetico e fonematico, Bologna, Zanichelli, 1955. Heilmann, Luigi, Strutturalismo e storia nel dominio linguistico italiano. Il vocalismo di una parlata tipica pavese, Quaderni dell’Istituto di glottologia, Università degli studi di Bologna 6 (1961), 45–57. Hallig, Rudolf, Beitrag zur Kenntnis des Departements Lozère und seiner Mundarten, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 68 (1952), 243–280. Hering, Werner, Die Mundart von Bozel (Savoyen), Leipzig, Noske, 1936. Hickey, Raymond, The dialects of Irish. Study of a changing landscape, Berlin/Boston, De Gruyter Mouton, 2011. Hogg, Richard M., Phonology and morphology, in: Hogg, Richard M. (ed.), The Cambridge history of the English language, vol. 1: The beginnings to 1066, 1992, 67–167. Horning, Adolf, Die ostfranzösischen Grenzdialekte zwischen Metz und Belfort, Heilbronn, Henninger, 1887. Horning, Adolf, Die Mundart von Tannois, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 16 (1892), 458–475. House, Arthur/Fairbanks, Gordon, The influence of consonant environment upon the secondary acoustical characteristics of vowels, Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 25 (1953), 105–113. Hrkal, Eduard, Grammaire historique du patois picard de Démuin, Revue de philologie française et littérature 24 (1910), 118–140, 175–204, 241–277. Huonder, Josef, Der Vokalismus der Mundart von Disentis, Romanische Forschungen 11 (1900), 431–566. Jaberg, Karl/Jud, Jakob, Sprach- und Sachatlas Italiens und der Südschweiz, 8 vol., Bern, Zofingen, 1928–1940. Jeanjaquet, Jules, Les patois valaisans, Revue de linguistique romane 7 (1931), 23–51. Jeker, Willy Martin, Lautlehre des Dialektes der Ajoie (Berner Jura), Aarau, Sauerländer, 1938. Joret, Charles, Essai sur le patois normand du Bessin, Paris, Vieweg, 1881. Joret, Charles, Mélanges de phonétique normande, Paris, Vieweg, 1884.

516

References

Juret, Étienne-Abel, Étude phonétique et géographique sur la prononciation du patois de Pierrecourt (Haute-Saône), Paris, Champion, 1872. Kalman, Hans, Étude sur la graphie et la phonétique des plus anciennes chartes rouergates, Zurich, Aku-FotoDruck, 1974. Keller, Hans-Erich, Études linguistiques sur les parlers valdôtains, Bern, Francke, 1958. Keller, Oskar, Der Genferdialekt dargestellt auf Grund der Mundart von Certoux, Zürich, Universität Zürich, 1919. Keller, Oskar, Die präalpinen Mundarten des Alto Luganese, Vox Romanica 7 (1943–1944), 1–213. Kjellén, Oskar, Le patois de la région de Nozeroy (Jura), Göteborg/Paris, Elanders Boktryckeri Aktiebolag/Droz, 1945. Kohler, Klaus J., Phonetic explanation in phonology. The feature “fortis/lenis”, Phonetica 41, (1984), 150–174. Koneski, Blaže, A historical phonology of the Macedonian language, Heidelberg, Carl Winter, 1983. Krajčovič, Rudolf, A historical phonology of the Slovak language, Heidelberg, Carl Winter, 1975. Kramer, Johannes, Der Konsonantismus der Mundart von Disentis/Mustér, Linguistics 13 (1975), 5–38. Kramer, Johannes, Historische Grammatik des Dolomitenladinischen (Lautlehre), Würzburg, Lehmann, 1977. Kraus, Joseph, Beiträge zur Kenntnis der Mundart der nordöstlichen Champagne im 13. und 14. Jahrhundert, Giessen, Universität Giessen, 1901. Krüger, Fritz, Sprachgeographische Untersuchungen in Languedoc und Roussillon, Revue de dialectologie romane 3 (1911), 144–183, 287–338; 4 (1912), 1–15; 5 (1913), 1–88. Krüger, Fritz, El dialecto de San Ciprián de Sanabria, Madrid, Revista de filología española, Anejo IV, 1923. Krüger, Fritz, Aportes a la fonética dialectal de Sanabria y de sus zona colindantes, Revista de filología española 48 (1965), 251–282. Kuckuck, Edith, Die Mundarten von Saint-Martin-de-la-Porte und Lanslebourg im Département Savoie, Arrondissement Saint-Jean-de-Maurienne, Jena/Leipzig, Gronau, 1936. Kuhn, Alwin, Der hocharagonesische Dialekt, Revue de linguistique romane 11 (1935), 1–132. Küppers, Albert, Über die Volkssprache des 13. Jahrhunderts in Calvados und Orne mit Hinzuziehung des heute dort gebräuchlichen Patois, Halle, Kaemmerer, 1889. Labov, William, Principles of linguistic change. Internal factors, Oxford, Blackwell, 1994. La Chaussée, François de, Les parlers du centre-ouest de la Vendée, Paris, Éditions d’Artrey, 1966. La Chaussée, François de, Initiation à la phonétique historique de l’ancien français, Paris, Klincksieck, 1982. Lahner, Jean/Litaize, Alain/Richard, Jean, Atlas linguistique et ethnographique de la Lorraine romane, 4 vol., Paris, Éditions du CNRS, 1979–1988. Lartigue, Philippe, Le vocalisme du gascon maritime dit gascon “noir”, Toulouse, Université de Toulouse-Le Mirail, 2004. Lass, Norman, Phonology and morphology, in: Blake, Norman F. (ed.), The Cambridge history of the English language, vol. 2 (1066–1476), 1992, 23–155. Lass, Norman, Phonology and morphology, in: Lass, Roger (ed.), The Cambridge history of the English language, vol. 3 (1476–1776), 1999, 56–186.

References

517

Lavallaz, Louis de, Essai sur le patois d’Hérémence (Valais), vol. 1: Phonologie et morphologie, Paris, Welter, 1899. Lavergne, Géraud, Le parler bourbonnais aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles, Paris/Moulins, Champion/ Grégoire, 1909. Lechanteur, Fernand, Quelques traits essentiels des parlers de la Basse-Normandie et plus particulièrement du département de la Manche, Studier i modern språkvetenskap 3 (1967), 185–223. Lehiste, Ilse, Suprasegmentals, Cambridge, The MIT Press, 1970. Leite de Vasconcellos, José, Estudos de philologia mirandesa, vol. 1, Lisboa, Imprensa Nacional, 1900. Leite de Vasconcelos, José, Esquisse d’une dialectologie portugaise, Paris/Lisboa, Aillaud, 1901. Lepelley, René, Le parler normand du Val de Saire (Manche). Phonétique, morphologie, syntaxe, vocabulaire de la vie rurale, Thèse pour le Doctorat, Université de Paris XNanterre, 1971. Lloyd, Paul M., Del latín al español, vol. 1: Fonología y morfología históricas de la lengua española, Madrid, Gredos, 1993. Létournel, Émile, Étude sur le patois de Pipriac et des environs, Annales de Bretagne 16 (1901), 163–191, 356–383, 515–531. Levy, Emil, Petit dictionnaire provençal-français, Heidelberg, Carl Winter, 1909. Liddicoat, Anthony, A grammar of the Norman French of the Channel Islands. The dialects of Jersey and Sark, Berlin/New York, Mouton de Gruyter, 1994. López Santos, Luis, La diptongación en leonés, Archivum 10 (1960), 271–318. Loporcaro, Michele, Phonological processes, in: Maiden, Martin/Smith, John Charles/ Ledgeway, Adam (edd.), The Cambridge history of the Romance languages, vol. 1: Structures, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 2011, 109–154. Loporcaro, Michele, Profilo linguistico dei dialetti italiani, Bari/Roma, Laterza, 2013. Loporcaro, Michele, Metaphony and diphthongization in Southern Italy. Reconstructive implications for sound change in early Romance, in: Torres-Tamarit, Francesc/Linke, Kathrin/van Oostendorp, Marc (edd.), Approaches to metaphony in the languages of Italy, Berlin/Boston, De Gruyter Mouton, 2016, 55–87. Loriot, Robert, Les caractères originaux du dialecte du Val Tujetsch (Tavetsch) dans la famille des parlers sursilvains, in: Mélanges de linguistiques et de littérature romanes offerts à Mario Roques par ses amis, ses collègues et ses anciens élèves de France et de l'étranger, vol. 3, Paris, Didier, 1952, 111–138. Lüdtke, Helmut, Zur Lautlehre des Bündnerromanischen, Vox Romanica 14 (1955), 223–242. Lutta, Conrad Martin, Der Dialekt von Bergün und seine Stellung innerhalb der rätoromanischen Mundarten Graubündens, Halle, Niemeyer, 1923. Luzi, Johann, Die sutselvischen Dialekte (Lautlehre), Romanische Forschungen 16 (1904), 757–846. Maddieson, Ian, Phonetic cues to syllabification, in: Fromkin, Victoria (ed.), Phonetic linguistics, New York, Academic Press, 1985, 203–221. Mafera, Giovanni, Profilo fonetico-morfologico dei dialetti da Venezia a Belluno, L’Italia dialettale 22 (1958), 131–184. Maiden, Martin, On the dynamics of low mid vowel diphthongization in Tuscan and GalloItalian, Canadian journal of Italian studies 11 (1988), 1–37.

518

References

Maiden, Martin, Italo-Romance metaphony and the Tuscan diphthongs, Transactions of the Philological Society 114 (2016), 198–232. Malagoli, Giuseppe, Studi sui dialetti reggiani. Fonologia del dialetto di Novellara, Archivio glottologico italiano 17 (1910), 29–197. Malagoli, Giuseppe, Fonologia del dialetto di Lizzano in Belvedere (Appennino bolognese), L’Italia dialettale 6 (1930), 125–196. Malagoli, Giuseppe, Studi sui dialetti reggiani. Fonologia del dialetto di Valèstra (Medio Appennino Reggiano), L’Italia dialettale 10 (1934), 63–110. Malagoli, Giuseppe, Intorno ai dialetti dell’alta montagna reggiana, L’Italia dialettale 19 (1954), 1–29, 111–142. Malkiel, Yakov, From falling to rising diphthongs. The case of Old Spanish io < *eu (with excurses on the weak preterite, on the possessives, and on “judío”, “sandío” and “romero”), Romance philology 29 (1976), 435–500. Malkiel, Yakov, Old Spanish resistance to diphthongization, or previous vowel lengthening?, Language 60 (1984), 70–114. Marchot, Paul, Phonologie détaillée d’un patois wallon. Contribution à l’étude du wallon moderne, Paris, Bouillon, 1892. Marichal, Johann Joseph, Die Mundart von Gueuzaine-Weismes. Phonetisch behandelt, Bonn, Carl Georgi, 1911. Mariño Paz, Ramón, Fonética e fonoloxía históricas da lingua galega, Vigo, Xerais, 2017. Martin, James G./Bunnell, H. Timothy, Perception of anticipatory coarticulation effects, Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 69 (1981), 559–567. Massignon, Geneviève/Horiot, Brigitte, Atlas linguistique et ethnographique de l’Ouest (Poitou, Aunis, Saintonge, Angoumois), 3 vol., Paris, Éditions du CNRS, 1971–1983. Mateus, Maria Helena/d’Andrade, Ernesto, The phonology of Portuguese, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2000. Maturi, Renato, Studio sul dialetto della Val di Sole, Bolzano, Centro di cultura dell’Alto Adige, 1963. Menéndez Pidal, Ramón, El dialecto leonés, Oviedo, Instituto de Estudios Asturianos, 1962. Menéndez Pidal, Ramón, Manual de gramática histórica española, Madrid, Espasa Calpe, 13 1968. Menéndez Pidal, Ramón, Orígenes del español, Madrid, Espasa Calpe, 101986. Merlo, Clemente, Contributo alla conoscenza dei dialetti della Liguria odierna, L’Italia dialettale 14, 23–58, 1938. Merlo, Clemente, Profilo fonetico dei dialetti della Valtellina, Abhandlungen der Geistes-und Sozialwissenschaftlichen Klasse 15, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur (1951), 1367–1398. Merlo, Clemente, I dialetti lombardi, L’Italia dialettale 24 (1960–1961), 1–12. Meyer-Lübke, Wilhelm, Grammaire des langues romanes, vol. 1: Phonétique, Paris, Welter, 1890. Meyer-Lübke, Wilhelm, Romanisches etymologisches Wörterbuch, Heidelberg, Carl Winter, 1911. Meyer-Lübke, Wilhelm, Die Diphthonge im Provenzalischen, Sitzungsberichte der Königlich Preussischen Akademie der Wissenschaften 13 (1916), 342–370. Michael, Johann, Der Dialekt des Poschiavotals, Halle, Karras, 1905. Millardet, Georges, Études de dialectologie landaise. Le développement des phonèmes additionnels, Toulouse, Privat, 1910 (= 1910a).

References

519

Millardet, Georges, Petit atlas linguistique d'une région des Landes. Contribution à la dialectologie gasconne, Toulouse, Privat, 1910 (= 1910b). Millardet, Georges, Sur le traitement de “a+yod” en vieil espagnol, Romania 41 (1912), 247–259. Millardet, Georges, Le parler de Labouheyre et les ‘lois phonétiques’, Revue des langues romanes 60 (1918), 73–96. Morin, Yves Charles, “Poireaux” ‘leeks’ and “poire” ‘pear’: a lesser-known diphthongization of open [ɔ] in northern gallo-romance, Revista de filología románica 31 (2014), 113–134. Morosi, Giuseppe, Il dialetto di Pral (alta valle della Germanasca), Archivio glottologico italiano 11 (1890), 330–372. Morosi, Giuseppe, Il dialetto franco-provenzale di Faeto e Celle nell’Italia meridionale, Archivio glottologico italiano 12 (1890–1892), 33–75. Nagore, Francho, Notas para una caracterización lingüística del aragonés, Caplletra 32 (2002), 13–33. Nauton, Pierre, Géographie phonétique de la Haute-Loire, Paris, Société d’Edition “Les Belles Lettres”, 1974. Navarro Tomás, Tomás, Cantidad de las vocales acentuadas, Revista de filología española 3 (1916) 387–408. Nicolet, Nellie, Der Dialekt des Antronatales. Lautlehre, Formenlehre, Texte, Glossar, Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie, Heft 79, Halle, Niemeyer, 1929. Nicoli, Pierfrancesco, Il dialetto moderno di Voghera. Studio linguistico, Studj di filologia romanza 8 (1901), 197–249. Niederländer, Johann, Die Mundart von Namur, Zeitschift für romanische Philologie 24 (1900), 1–32, 251–309. Nigra, Costantino, Fonetica del dialetto di Val-Soana (Canavese), Archivio glottologico italiano 3 (1878), 1–60. Nigra, Costantino, Il dialetto di Viverone, in: Miscellanea linguistica in onore di Graziadio Ascoli, Torino, Loescher, 1901, 247–262. Odin, Alfred, Phonologie des patois du canton de Vaud, Halle, Niemeyer, 1886. Ohala, John J./Kawasaki-Fukumori, Haruko, Alternatives to the sonority hierarchy for explaining segmental sequential constraints, in: Eliasson, Stig/Jahr, Ernst Håkon (edd.), Language and its ecology. Essays in memory of Einar Haugen, Berlin/New York, Mouton de Gruyter, 1997, 343–365. Ohala, John J./Solé, Maria Josep, Turbulence and phonology, in: Fuchs, Susanne/Toda, Martine/Zygis, Marzena (edd.), Turbulent sounds. An interdisciplinary guide, Berlin/ New York, Mouton de Gruyter, 2010, 37–97. Paiva Boléo, Manuel de/Santos Silva, Maria Helena, O mapa dos dialectos e falares de Portugal continental, Boletim de filologia 20 (1961), 85–112. Palay, Simin, Dictionnaire du béarnais et du gascon modernes (Bassin de l'Adour), embrassant les dialectes du Béarn, de la Bigorre, du Gers, des Landes et de la Gascogne maritime, 2 vol., Pau, Marrimpouey Jeune, 1932. Parodi, Ernesto Giacomo, Studj liguri, 3. Il dialetto moderno di Genova dal secolo XVI ai nostri giorni, Archivio glottologico italiano 16 (1902–1905), 105–161. Parodi, Ernesto Giacomo, Intorno al dialetto d’Ormea, Studi romanzi 5 (1907), 89–122. Pellegrini, Giovan Battista, Schizzo fonetico dei dialetti agordini. Contributo alla conoscenza dei dialetti di transizione fra il ladino dolomitico atesino e il veneto, Atti dell’Istituto

520

References

veneto di scienze, lettere ed arti. Classe di scienze morali e lettere 113 (1954–1955), 281–424. Penny, Ralph, Gramática histórica del español, Barcelona, Ariel, 22006. Pensado, Carmen, Cronología relativa del castellano, Salamanca, Universidad de Salamanca, 1984. Pensado, Carmen, Los triptongos iou, uei en los dialectos hispánicos: ¿arcaismos o contaminaciones recientes?, in: Borrego Nieto, Julio/Gómez Asencio, José Jesús/Santos Río, Luis (edd.), Philologica. Homenaje a D. Antonio Llorente, vol. 2, Salamanca, Ediciones Universidad de Salamanca, 1989, 351–366. Peterson, Gordon/Lehiste, Ilse, Duration of syllable nuclei in English, Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 32 (1960), 693–703. Pfister, Max, Harmonisierungserscheinungen im Altprovenzalischen, Vox Romanica 29 (1970), 57–77. Philipon, Édouard, Phonétique lyonnaise au XIVe siècle, Romania 13 (1884), 542–590. Philipon, Édouard, Le patois de Sant Genis les Ollières et le dialecte lyonnais, Revue des patois 1 (1887), 258–281; 2 (1888), 26–49, 195–217; 3 (1889), 37–58, 161–191. Philipon, Édouard, Patois de la commune de Jujurieux (département de l’Ain), Paris, Welter, 1892. Philipon, Édouard, Documents linguistiques du département de l’Ain, in: Meyer, Paul (ed.), Documents linguistiques du Midi de la France, recueillis et publiés avec glossaires et cartes. Ain, Basses-Alpes, Hautes-Alpes, Alpes-Maritimes, Paris, Champion, 1909, 1–166. Philipon, Édouard, Les parlers du duché de Bourgogne aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles, Romania 39 (1910), 476–531; 41 (1912), 541–600. Philipon, Édouard, Les parlers de la comté de Bourgogne aux XIIIe et XIVe siècles, Romania 43 (1914), 495–559. Pignon, Jacques, L'évolution phonétique des parlers du Poitou (Vienne et Deux-Sèvres), Paris, Editions d’Artrey, 1960. Plomteux, Hugo, I dialetti della Liguria orientale odierna. La Val Graveglia, 2 vol., Bologna, Pàtron, 1975. Politzer, Robert L., Beitrag zur Phonologie der Nonsberger Mundart, Innsbruck, Institut für Romanische Philologie der Leopold-Franzens-Universität, 1967. Politzer, Robert L., Causality and prediction in the diachronic phonemics of the Val di Non, Word 24 (1968), 371–379. Pope, Mildred K., From Latin to Modern French, Manchester, Manchester University Press, 1934. Przezdziecki, Marek A., Vowel harmony and coarticulation in three dialects of Yoruba: Phonetics determining phonology, Ithaca, Cornell University, 2005. Puitspelu, Nizier du, Très humble essai de phonétique lyonnaise, Lyon, Georg, 1885. Pult, Gaspard, Le parler de Sent (Basse-Engadine), Lausanne, Payot, 1897. Quiggin, Edmund Crosby, A dialect of Donegal: being the speech of Meenawannia in the parish of Glenties. Phonology and texts, Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1906. Quint, Nicolas, Le parler occitan alpin du pays de Seyne (Alpes-de-Haute Provence), Paris, L’Harmattan, 1998. Rabiet, Eugène, Le patois de Bourberain (Côte-d’Or), Paris, Welter, 1889. Recasens, Daniel, Estudis de fonètica experimental del català oriental central, Barcelona, Publicacions de Abadia de Montserrat, 1986.

References

521

Recasens, Daniel, An EMA study of VCV coarticulatory direction, Journal of the Acoustical Society of America 111 (2002), 2828–2841. Recasens, Daniel, Coarticulation in Catalan dark [l] and the alveolar trill. General implications for sound change, Language and speech 56 (2013), 45–68 (= 2013a). Recasens, Daniel, On the articulatory classification of (alveolo)palatal consonants, Journal of the International Phonetic Association 43 (2013), 1–21 (= 2013b). Recasens, Daniel, Coarticulation and sound change in Romance, Amsterdam, John Benjamins, 2014. Recasens, Daniel, Stressed vowel assimilation to palatal consonants in Early Romance, Journal of historical linguistics 6 (2016), 201–246. Recasens, Daniel, Fonética històrica del català, Barcelona, Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 2017. Recasens, Daniel, Stressed /e/ centralization into schwa and related mid vowel developments in Catalan and elsewhere in the Romania, Transactions of the Philological Society 117 (2019), 294–316. Recasens, Daniel, Phonetic causes of sound change. The palatalization and assibilation of obstruents, Oxford Studies in Diachronic and Historical Linguistics 42, Oxford, Oxford University Press, 2020. Recasens, Daniel/Pallarès, Maria Dolors, De la fonètica a la fonologia. Les consonants i assimilacions consonàntiques del català, Barcelona, Ariel, 2001. Recasens, Daniel/Rodríguez, Clara, Lingual articulation and coarticulation for Catalan consonants and vowels. An ultrasound study, Phonetica 74 (2017), 125–156. Régnier, Claude, Les parlers du Morvan, 3 vol., Château-Chinon, Académie du Morvan, 1979. Reichel, Karl-Heinz, Les parlers du Puy-de-Dôme et parles voisins au NO. et à l’E., Chamalières, Cercle Terre d’Auvergne, 1991. Remacle, Louis, Atlas linguistique de la Wallonie, vol. 1: Aspects phonétiques, Liège, VaillantCarmanne, 1953. Remacle, Louis, La differénciation dialectale en Belgique romane avant 1600, Liège, Presses Universitaires de Liège/Librairie Droz, 1992. Repetti, Lori/Tuttle, Edward F., The evolution of Latin PL, BL, FL, and CL, GL in Western Romance, Studi mediolatini e volgari 33 (1987), 53–115. Ritter, Ada, Historische Lautlehre der ausgestorbenen romanischen Mundart von Samnaun (Schweiz, Kanton Graubünden), Würzburg, Lehmann, 1981. Robinard, F., Étude sur le patois de Gosné (Canton de Saint-Aubin-de-Cormier, Ille-et-Vilaine), Annales de Bretagne 22 (1906), 561–580. Rodríguez Castellano, Lorenzo, Aspectos del bable occidental, Oviedo, Instituto de Estudios Asturianos, 1954. Rohlfs, Gerhard, Le patois de Lescun (Basses-Pyrénées), in: Miscelánea filológica dedicada a D. Antonio María Alcover, Palma de Mallorca, Imprenta vda. de S. Piza, 1932, 353–387. Rohlfs, Gerhard, Zum Aragonesischen, Zeitschrift für romanische Philologie 58 (1938), 552–559. Rohlfs, Gerhard, Zur Mundart von Livigno (Veltlin), Archiv für das Studium der neueren Sprachen und Literaturen 177 (1940), 28–41. Rohlfs, Gerhard, Grammatica storica della lingua italiana e dei suoi dialetti, vol. 1: Fonetica, Torino, Einaudi, 1966. Rohlfs, Gerhard, Le gascon. Études de philologie pyrénéene, Tübingen/Pau, Max Niemeyer/ Éditions Marrimpouey, 1970.

522

References

Rohr, Rupprecht, Das Schicksal der betonten lateinischen Vokale in der Provincia Lugdunensis Tertia, der späteren Kirchenprovinz Tours, Berlin, Duncker & Humblot, 1963. Ronjat, Jules, Grammaire (h)istorique des parlers provençaux modernes, 4 vol., Montpellier, Société des Langues Romanes, 1930–1941. Rousselot, Pierre-Jean, Les modifications phonétiques du langage étudiées dans le patois d’une famille de Cellefrouin (Charente), Paris, Welter, 1891. Rupp, Theodor, Lautlehre der Mundarten von Domat, Trin und Flem, Chur, Sulser, 1963. Russo, Michela/Sánchez Miret, Fernando, La diphtongaison romane et la métaphonie. Le paradoxe du faible au fort, Recherches linguistiques de Vincennes 38 (2009), 161–206. Salvi, Giampaolo, Ladin, in: Maiden, Martin/Parry, Mair (edd.), The dialects of Italy, London/ New York, Routledge, 1997, 286–294. Salvio, Antonio de, Relics of Franco-Provençal in Southern Italy, Publications of the Modern Language Association of America 23 (1908), 45–79. Salvioni, Carlo, Fonetica del dialetto moderno della cità di Milano. Saggio linguistico, Roma/ Torino/Firenze, Loescher, 1884. Salvioni, Carlo, Saggi intorno ai dialetti di alcune vallate all'estremità settentrionale del Lago Maggiore, Archivio glottologico italiano 9 (1886), 188–260. Salvioni, Carlo, La risoluzione palatina di K e Ĝ nelle Alpi Lombardi, Studj di filologia romanza 8 (1901), 1–34. Salvioni, Carlo, Appunti sul dialetto di Val Soana. I. Appunti fonetici, Rendiconti del Reale istituto lombardo di scienze e lettere, serie II, 37 (1904), 1043–1056. Salvioni, Carlo, Il dialetto provenzaleggiante di Roaschia (Cuneo), Romanische Forschungen 23 (1907), 525–539 (= 1907a). Salvioni, Carlo, Lingua e dialetti della Svizzera italiana, Rendiconti del Reale istituto lombardo di scienze e lettere, serie II, 40 (1907), 719–736 (= 1907b). Salvioni, Carlo, Illustrazione dei testi di Cavergno (valle Maggia), edite con aggiunte, da C. Merlo, L’Italia dialettale 11 (1935), 1–31. Sánchez Miret, Fernando, Los diptongos [iə̯, uə̯] en la Romania y su relación histórica con [i̯e, u̯e, u̯o], Verba 24 (1997), 83–97. Sánchez Miret, Fernando, La diptongación en las lenguas románicas, München/Newscastle, Lincom Europa, 1998. Sánchez Miret, Fernando, El problema de la hipotètica diftongació en català en el context de les altres llengües romàniques, in: Calvo, Cesáreo/Casanova, Emili/Satorre, Franscisco Javier (edd.), Lingüística diacrónica contrastiva, València, Universitat de València, 2004, 141–188. Sánchez Miret, Fernando, Los problemas de la diptongación del asturleonés a la luz de la romanística, Lletres Asturianes 106 (2012), 11–33. Sanga, Glauco, Dialettologia lombarda. Lingue e culture popolari, Pavia, Dipartimento di Scienza della Letteratura dell’Università di Pavia, 1984. Sanga, Glauco, Fonetica storica del dialetto di Bergamo, in: Sanga, Glauco (ed.), Lingua e dialetti di Bergamo e delle valli, Bergamo, Pierluigi Lubrina, 1987, 37–63. Sarrieu, Bernard, Le parler de Bagnères-de-Luchon et de sa vallée, Revue des langues romanes 45 (1902), 385–446; 46 (1903), 317–398; 47 (1904), 97–153, 481–534; 49 (1906), 5–48, 465–494. Schädel, Bernhard, Die Mundart von Ormea, Halle, Niemeyer, 1903. Schindler, Dietrich, Vocalismus der Mundart von Sornetan, Leipzig, Hirschfeld, 1887.

References

523

Schmid, Heinrich, Zur Gliederung des Bündnerromanischen, Annalas da la Società Retorumantscha 89 (1976), 7–62. Schneider, Klaus Dieter, Die Mundart von Ramosch (Kt. Graubünden, Schweiz), Berlin, Freie Universität Berlin, 1968. Schorta, Andrea, Lautlehre der Mundart von Müstair (Münster, Kt. Graubünden), Paris/Zürich/ Leipzig, Droz/Niehans, 1938. Schroeder, Walter, Die bedingte Diphthongierung betonter Vokale im südfranzösischen Alpengebiet, Volkstum und Kultur der Romanen 5 (1932), 152–241. Schulzke, Paulus, Betontes “ĕ + i” und “ŏ + i” in der normannischen Mundart, Halle, Karras, 1879. Schürr, Friedrich, Romagnolische Dialektstudien, Sitzungsberichte/Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-historische Klasse 187 (1918), 1–150; 188 (1919), 1–254. Schürr, Friedrich, La posizione storica del romagnolo fra i dialetti contermini, Revue de linguistique romane 9 (1933), 203–228. Schürr, Friedrich, La diptongación ibero-románica, Revista de dialectología y tradiciones populares 7 (1951), 379–390. Schürr, Friedrich, La diphtongaison romane, Tübingen, Narr, 1970. Séguy, Jean, Notes de phonétique occitane, Revue de linguistique romane 18 (1954), 106–111 (= 1954a). Séguy, Jean, Accommodements avec une loi d’accommodation, Via domitia 1 (1954), 43–55 (= 1954b). Séguy, Jean, Atlas linguistique et ethnographique de la Gascogne, 6 vol., Paris, Éditions du CNRS, 1954–1973. Sganzini, Silvio, Fonetica dei dialetti della Val Leventina, L’Italia dialettale 1 (1925), 190–212; 2 (1926), 100–155. Sganzini, Silvio, Osservazioni sul vocalismo dei dialetti della valle di Blenio (Canton Ticino), L’Italia dialettale 4 (1928), 150–167. Siegfried, Alfred, Lautlehre der Mundart von Court (Berner Jura), Basel, Zbinden, 1922. Simon, Hans Joachim, Beobachtungen an Mundarten Piemonts, Heidelberg, Carl Winter, 1967. Sjoestedt, Marie-Louise, Phonétique d’un parler irlandais de Kerry, Paris, Leroux, 1931. Sobrero, Alberto, Contributo allo studio della dittongazione in Piemonte, Archivio glottologico italiano 59 (1974), 112–146. Sommerfelt, Alf, Munster vowels and consonants, Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy, Section C, Archaeology, Culture, History, Literature 37 (1924–1927), 195–244. Spence, Nicol C.W., Phonologie descriptive des parlers jersiais. I. Les voyelles, Revue de linguistique romane 49 (1985), 151–165. Spoerri, Teofilo, Il dialetto della Valsesia, Rendiconti del Reale istituto lombardo di scienze et lettere 51 (1918), 391–409, 683–698, 732–752. Staaff, Erik, Le suffixe -ARIUS dans les langues romanes, Uppsala, Almqvist & Wiksell, 1896. Stampa, Gian Andrea, Der Dialekt des Bergell, vol. 1: Phonetik, Aarau, Sauerländer, 1934. Stimm, Helmut, Studien zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des Frankoprovenzalischen, Mainz/ Wiesbaden, Akademie der Wissenschaften und der Literatur/Steiner, 1953. Stone, Gerald, Sorbian (Upper and Lower), in: Comrie, Bernard/Corbett, Greville G. (edd.), The Slavonic languages, London/New York, Routledge, 1993, 593–685.

524

References

Straka, Georges, La dislocation linguistique de la Romania et la formation des langues romanes à la lumière de la chronologie relative des changements phonétiques, Revue de linguistique romane 20 (1956), 249–267. Straka, Georges, Naissance et disparition des consonnes palatales dans l’évolution du latin au français, Travaux de linguistique et de littérature 3 (1965), 117–167. Stricker, Hans, Lautlehre der Mundart von Blonay (Waadt), Basel, Universität Basel, 1921. Sutterlin, Ludwig, Zur Kenntnis der heutigen pikardisch-französischen Mundarten, Zeitschift fûr romanische Philologie 26 (1902), 274–300, 428–451, 692–715. Svenson, Lars-Owe, Les parlers du Marais Vendéen. Phonétique, morphologie et syntaxe, textes, onomastique, lexique, Göteborg, Elanders Boktryckeri Aktiebolag, 1959. Tagliavini, Carlo, Il dialetto del Comelico, Archivum Romanicum 10 (1926), 1–200. Tagliavini, Carlo, Il dialetto del Livinallongo, Archivio per l’Alto Adige 28 (1933), 331–380; 29 (1934), 53–220, 643–794. Talmon, Alberto, Saggio sul dialetto di Pragelato, Archivio glottologico italiano 17 (1914), 1–101. Tausch, Arno, Die Lautentwicklung der Mundarten des Trièves (Dauphiné, dép. Isère), Berlin, Akademie-Verlag, 1954. Taverdet, Gérard, Atlas linguistique et ethnographique de Bourgogne, 3 vol., Paris, Éditions du CNRS, 1975–1980. Taverdet, Gérard, Les patois de Saône-et-Loire. Géographie phonétique de la Bourgogne du sud, Dijon, Association bourguignonne de dialectologie et d’onomastique, 1980. Terracini, Benvenuto, Il parlare di Usseglio, Archivio glottologico italiano 17 (1910–1913), 198–249, 289–360; 18 (1914–1922), 105–186. Theelen, Johannes, Die pikardische Mundart von Saint-Pol (Pas-de-Calais), Halle, Universität Halle, 1906. Thomsen, Vilhjalm, E+I en français, Romania 5 (1876), 64–75. Topolińska, Zuzanna, A historical phonology of the Kashubian dialects of Polish, The Hague, Mouton, 1974. Toppino, Giuseppe, Il dialetto di Castellinaldo, Archivio glottologico italiano 16 (1902–1905), 517–547. Toth, Alfred, Historische Grammatik der Mundart von La Plié da Fodom (Pieve de Livinallongo, Buchenstein), Ladinia 12 (1988), 57–91. Toth, Alfred, Historiche Grammatik der Mundart von La Plié da Fodom (Pieve de Livinallongo, Buchenstein). Vokalismus, Romanistik in Geschichte und Gegenwart 12 (2006), 193–209. Umphrey, George W., El dialecto aragonés, Archivo de filología aragonesa 39 (1987), 163–201. Urtel, Hermann, Beitrage zur Kenntnis des Neuchateller Patois. Vignoble und Béroche, Darmstadt, G. Otto's Hof-Buchdruckerei, 1897. Valkhoff, Marius, La théorie d’une double accentuation des diphthongues et l’ancien wallon, in: Mélanges de philologie offerts à Jean-Jacques Salverda de Grave à l'occasion de sa soixante-dixième année par ses amis et ses élèves, Groningue, Wolters, 1933, 338–346. Vàrvaro, Antonio, De la escritura al habla. La diptongación de O breve tónica en el Alto Aragón, Archivo de filologia aragonesa 46–47 (1991), 245–265. Vázquez Obrador, Jesús, Diacronía vocálica en la toponimia de Sobremonte, Sobrepuerto y Tierra de Biescas (Huesca), Alazet 12 (2000), 201–242. Vetsch, Jakob, Die Laute der Appenzeller Mundarten, Frauenfeld, Huber & Co., 1910. Veÿ, Eugène, Le dialecte de Saint-Etienne au XVIIe siècle, Paris, Champion, 1911. Viez, Henri A., Le parler populaire (patois) de Roubaix. Étude phonétique, Paris, Leroux, 1910.

References

525

von Wartburg, Walther, Französisches Etymologisches Wörterbuch, Bonn/Heidelberg/Leipzig/ Basel, Klopp/Winter/Teubner/Zbinden, 1922–2002. Voretzsch, Karl, Zur Geschichte der Diphthongierung im Altprovenzalischen, in: Forschungen zur romanischen Philologie. Festgabe für Hermann Suchier, Halle, Niemeyer, 1900, 575–646. Walberg, Emmanuel, Saggio sulla fonetica del parlare di Celerina-Cresta (Alta Engadina), Lund, Gleerup, 1907. Walser, Werner, Zur Charakteristik der Mundart des Aosta-Tales, Aarau, Sauerländer, 1937. Weber, Albert, Die Mundart des Zürcher Oberlandes, Frauenfeld, Huber & Co., 1923. Wells, John C., Accents of English, 3 vol., Cambridge, Cambridge University Press, 1982. Widmer, Ambros, Beiträge zur Mundart von Medels, Vox Romanica 21 (1962), 83–107; 22 (1963), 177–191; 26 (1967), 28–36; 29 (1970), 36–56; 33 (1974), 157–172. Williams, Edwin B., From Latin to Portuguese. Historical phonology and morphology of the Portuguese language, Philadelphia, University of Pennsylvania Press, 1938. Wilmotte, Maurice, Études de philologie wallonne, Paris, Droz, 1932. Wireback, Kenneth J., On glide epenthesis and the diphthongization of back vowels before /ɲ/ in the history of Spanish, Diálogo de la lengua 11 (2019), 26–43. Wüest, Jakob, Französische Skriptaformen II. Pikardie, Hennegau, Artois, Flandern/Les scriptae françaises II. Picardie, Hainaut, Artois, Flandres, in: Holtus, Günter/Metzeltin, Michael/Schmitt, Christian (edd.), Lexikon der romanistischen Linguistik, vol. 2:2, Tübingen, Niemeyer, 1995, 300–314. Zacher, Albert, Beiträge zum Lyoner Dialekt, Bonn, Carl Georgi, 1884. Zamora Vicente, Alonso, Dialectología española, Madrid, Gredos, 21989. Zamboni, Alberto, Veneto, in: Cortelazzo, Manlio (ed.), Profilo dei dialetti italiani, vol. 5, Pisa, Pacini, 1974. Zamboni, Alberto, Le caratteristiche essenziali dei dialetti veneti, in: Cortelazzo, Manlio (ed.), Guida ai dialetti veneti, Padova, CLEUP, 1979, 9–43. Zaun, Otto, Die Mundart von Aniane (Hérault), Halle, Karras, 1915. Zauner, Adolf, Zur Lautgeschichte des Aquitanischen, Prag, 1898. Zimmerli, Jacob, Die deutsch-französische Sprachgrenze in der Schweiz (III. Teil: Die Sprachgrenze im Wallis), Basel/Geneva, Georg, 1899. Zörner, Lotte, Die Dialekte von Travo und Groppallo. Diachrone und synchrone Studien zum Piacentinischen, Wien, Verlag der Österreichischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1989. Zörner, Lotte, L’ottonese. Un dialetto ligure, in: Massobrio, Lorenzo/Sicardi, Giulia Petracco (edd.), Studi linguistici sull’anfizona ligure-padana, Alessandria, Edizioni dell’Orso, 1992, 75–183. Zörner, Lotte, La dittongazione nei dialetti francoprovenzali della Valle Orco. Un confronto coi dialetti altoitaliani, occitanici e col francese antico, Rivista italiana di dialettologia 24 (2000), 111–123. Zörner, Lotte, I dialetti francoprovenzali dell’alta Valle Orco. Le parlate di Noasca e di Ceresole, Cuorgnè, Corsac, 2003. Zörner, Lotte, Il dialetto francoprovenzale della Val Soana, Cuorgnè, Corsac, 2004. Zörner, Lotte, I dialetti occitani della Valle Po, Torino, Edizioni Valados Usitanos, 2008.