Compound Remedies: Galenic Pharmacy from the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain [1 ed.] 0822946491, 9780822946496

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COMPOUND REMEDIES

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Galenic Pharmacy from the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Paula S. DeVos

UNIVERSITY OF PITTSBURGH PRESS

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Published by the University of Pittsburgh Press, Pittsburgh, Pa., 15260 Copyright © 2021, University of Pittsburgh Press All rights reserved Manufactured in the United States of America Printed on acid-free paper 10 9 8 7 6 5 4 3 2 1 Cataloging-in-Publication data is available from the Library of Congress ISBN 13: 978-0-8229-4649-6 ISBN 10: 0-8229-4649-1 Cover art: A p age of the Libellus de Medicinalibus Indorum Herbis, an Aztec herbal composed in 1552 by Martín de l a Cruz and translated into Latin by Juan Badianus, illustrating the tlazolteozacatl, tlayapaloni, axocotl, and chicomacatl plants. Cover design: Joel W. Coggins

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Dedicated to my grandmother, Margaret McNally Lake, and to my professor, mentor, and friend, David Barclay.

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CONTENTS

Acknowledgments ix Timeline xiii Maps xv Introduction 3

Chapter 1 Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy 19

Chapter 2 Election and Correction: Optimizing the Powers of Simples 68

Chapter 3 Mixtion: Compounding Medicines in Galenic Pharmacy 101

Chapter 4 Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas 149

Chapter 5 The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy and the Chemico-Galenic Compromise 183 Conclusion 216

Appendix 1 Archival Sources for Data Collection 223

Appendix 2 Textual Tradition of Galenic Pharmacy 225

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Data Establishing the Significance of Mesue’s Works in Galenic Pharmacy 229

Appendix 4 Herrera Pharmacy Inventory: Abridged and Translated 233

Appendices 5 & 6 online at upittpress.org/books/9780822946496

Notes 247 Bibliography 323 Index 375

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ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

J

ust as I was finishing this book, a dear friend of mine decided to get rid of some stored items, and as her father had been a pharmacist for decades in Napa, California, she had a number of antiques that had decorated the windows of his pharmacy and that she offered to give to me. I spent a wonderful afternoon going through the boxes, wiping the dust off bottles and jars of medicines from the early twentieth century. Although a number of them sported titles reflecting their chemical manufacture and content, there were still several remedies with herbal ingredients, vestiges of an earlier Galenic tradition that had dominated Western pharmacy, as discussed in this book, for almost two millennia. Some of the bottles were still wrapped in b ags stamped with the pharmacy’s name, Brimhall’s, along with motifs of medicinal plants used in that early tradition, including gentian, poppy, mint, and senna. For a historian who studies earlier eras, traditions, and practices that have largely passed from view, this was a treasure trove indeed—­even more so because some of the items came from Upjohn Pharmaceuticals, a company based in my hometown of Kalamazoo, Michigan, and the source of an undergraduate scholarship I was granted to study biology and chemistry at Kalamazoo College. I thank Jennifer Brimhall and her late husband Lee Howeth for bringing me these treasures and for their friendship over many years.  The items from Brimhall’s Pharmacy provide evidence of the great longevity of Galenic pharmacy, but one that I could not have known when I began this project over two decades ago. In the research I have conducted in the intervening years, the depth and breadth of this tradition became increasingly clear to me, taking me on an odyssey far beyond the parameters of time and place in which I had originally begun. I am fortunate that granting institutions, including the American Council of Learned Societies, National Endowment for the ix

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Humanities, and National Institutes of Health, deemed it worthy of funding, and San Diego State University has provided support through numerous course releases as well as two sabbaticals. I also owe debts of gratitude to Karen Merikangas Darling, whose wise advice proved extremely valuable in the framing of the introduction and of the book as a whole; and to Abby Collier for her commitment and incredible conscientiousness and efficiency. I thank both of them also for their professionalism and kindness. Amy Sherman also deserves recognition for her meticulous and skillful copyediting. A number of friends and colleagues also helped support what became a rather unusual research project. My graduate advisors, Margaret Chowning, William Taylor, and the late Roger Hahn, could not have been more supportive—­they continued to read excerpts of my work and champion my progress over the years. I have also benefited from the pioneering work of Jorge Cañizares-­Esguerra, Antonio Barrera, Miruna Achim, Maria Portuondo, and Marcy Norton, who have made such strides in bringing the Spanish empire into narratives of the development of early modern natural philosophy and the Scientific Revolution.  Colleagues and friends in various fields also made key contributions to my thought processes and intellectual development as the project progressed. I am so grateful to Mari-­Tere Álvarez and Charlene Villaseñor Black, both art historians who invited me to participate in two different panels at the J. Paul Getty Center in L os Angeles. They intuited the connections between the material culture of pharmacy and that of early modern art long before I saw it, and their encouragement led me to avenues of research that I never would have even thought to pursue otherwise, but that led to rich understanding. I am also most grateful to Matthew Crawford and Joseph Gabriel, who organized a w onderful conference on early modern pharmacopoeias at the University of Wisconsin, the site of the American Institute for the History of Pharmacy, in 2 016. The papers presented  at the conference and the discussions following made for some of the most enriching intellectual engagement I’ve experienced, and became the basis for a groundbreaking edited volume, Drugs on the Page: Pharmacopoeias and Healing Knowledge in the Early Modern Atlantic World. Justin Rivest and Emma Spary organized an equally valuable colloquium at Cambridge in 2017 on consumption of the “exotic” in early modern Europe, which also advanced my understanding of Galenic pharmacy as a nexus for long-­distance trade. Finally, I thank Laurence Totelin for her generosity in providing guidance for the early chapters of the book. In terms of both intellectual inspiration and support, Michael McVaugh deserves my utmost appreciation. I first discovered my fascination for the x        Acknowledgments EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/9/2023 10:08 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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history of science in a co urse he taught on the Scientific Revolution at the University of North Carolina. It was in that course that I first learned of Galen and read Kuhn’s Copernican Revolution, which overturned so many of the basic assumptions about science I had had as an undergraduate biology major. Professor McVaugh continued to work with me long after I had left the university, reading drafts of articles and chapters of this book, freely sharing his immense knowledge and expertise in the most generous and collegial of ways. I am sure that I would never have been able to piece together the story presented here without his help. Closer to home, Rachel O’Toole—­my great friend from the Archive of the Indies and fellow drinker of café con leche in Seville’s coffee shops—­has provided moral and intellectual support, as have my coworkers and eternal cheerleaders Joanne Ferraro and Kathryn Edgerton-Tarpley. Joanne shepherded me through the tenure process and has been unstinting in her advice culled from a long and distinguished career. Kate and I have spent many a pleasant afternoon while our sons played in my backyard, drinking tea, dissecting the possible identity of Mesue, and figuring out how to get this seemingly mammoth project into a reasonable framework. I could not ask for nicer colleagues or better friends. The students at San Diego State University with whom I have worked over the years—­undergraduates as well as the graduate students I advise in our MA program—­have also served to inspire me time and time again with their commitment to education and social justice, and their ability to keep going despite the major challenges posed to this generation in our society. Special appreciation goes to Andrea Alvarado, who compiled the bibliography for the book and who will no doubt write a book of her own one day. As for my family, I thank my parents, who never questioned my decision to move away from the sciences and pursue a career in history, who listened to accounts of my latest research, and who even read a few of my articles just so they could understand what I was doing. At home, there is Kevin, whom I met one fateful day at the Archive of the Indies; our sons, Liam and Patrick, who humor me when I talk to them about history and wait patiently while I show their friends copies of archival documents; and our dog, Buddy, who sleeps at my feet while I work. How could I possibly put into words what you have brought to my life? You are my world. Finally, I dedicate this book to two different people. First, I dedicate it, in honor of my mother, to my grandmother, Margaret McNally Lake. Her stepfather was a pharmacist in Fall River, Massachusetts, and she used to tell me stories of having root beer floats at the soda fountain of his pharmacy when she was a girl. Like my parents, my grandmother never questioned my desire Acknowledgments        xi EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/9/2023 10:08 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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to pursue a PhD in history, and in fact paved the way for it by buying me my first laptop—­a Macintosh PowerBook 140, with a whopping forty megabytes of memory—­on which I wrote my entire dissertation. I also dedicate this book to David Barclay, my professor and advisor at Kalamazoo College. It was in his course on Russian history in the second quarter of my freshman year that I first discovered my love of history, and things were never quite the same after that. Thanks to his unfailing encouragement and mentorship over more than thirty years, I h ave been able to pursue an incredibly rewarding and enriching career. That is a gift without measure, and this dedication is but a small token by which to recognize it.

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TIMELINE

5th century BCE

Empedocles puts forth an early version of the four-­element theory.

5th–4th centuries BCE

Hippocratic medical training takes place in Cos and the Hippocratic Corpus is written.

4th century BCE

Plato and Aristotle establish schools in classical Athens, the Academy and the Lyceum, respectively, putting forth their own philosophies.

336–331 BCE

The Hellenistic Age—­Philip of Macedonia and his son Alexander extend Hellenistic rule from Greece as far as India. Establishment of three Hellenistic empires following the death of Alexander. Alexandria, capital of the Ptolemaic Empire, emerges as an important center for medical learning with physician-­scholars such as Erasistratus and Asclepiades.

31 BCE

Hellenistic Empires defeated by Rome.

1st century CE

Dioscorides of Anazarbus in the Roman Empire produces De materia medica.

2nd century CE

Galen of Pergamon in the Roman Empire produces his corpus of works.

395 CE

Roman Empire partitioned into Greek East (with capital in Constantinople) and Latin West (with capital in Rome).

5th century CE

Collapse of Western Roman Empire; continuation of Eastern Empire as Byzantium. Much of Galen’s corpus is lost in the West, but important encyclopedias and redactions of his works are produced by Byzantine scholars Oribasius, Aetius of Amida, and later, Paul of Aegina.

7th century

Rise of Islam, establishment of Umayyad Caliphate in 661 CE with capital in Damascus; capture of Alexandria; conquest of Iberian Peninsula starting in 711 CE, establishment of Islamic rule in Al-­Andalus.

8th–9th centuries

Abassid overthrow of Umayyad Caliphate in 750 CE; establishment of Abassid Caliphate. Baghdad established as capital in 762 CE; translation movement flourishes. xiii

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8th–10th centuries Umayyad rule continues in Al-­Andalus, centered in Córdoba, becoming the Caliphate of Córdoba in 929 CE. Pharmacological research flourishes in and around Córdoba. 9th–10th centuries Loosely organized school of medicine and medical training developed in Salerno, Italy; production of important Latin herbals/ books of simples takes place as well as translation to Latin of Arabic medical literature, known as the Corpus Contantinum 11th–12th centuries “Reconquest” under way in Iberian Peninsula; Christian forces capture Toledo in 1085, Córdoba in 1236, and Seville in 1248. Latin translations of Arabic medical literature taking place in Toledo, known as the Corpus Toletanum. 11th–13th centuries Establishment of medieval universities (Bologna in 1088, Paris 1150, Salamanca 1218, Montpellier 1220, Padua 1222). Scholastic philosophy and medicine develop; medical schools are established in part to accommodate and assimilate the Latin medical translations of the “New Galen.” 13th century

Mesue’s works first appear in northern Italy, late in the century.

14th century

Black Death; research by Franciscan Spiritualists such as John of Rupescissa, seeking miraculous cures.

15th century

Ferdinand and Isabella unite Aragon and Castile, defeat Islamic rule in Granada, and fund the first voyage of Christopher Columbus in 1492.

1520s–1530s

Conquest of Tenochtitlán; establishment of Viceroyalty of New Spain.

1550s–1570s

Francisco Hernández conducts survey of Mexican materia medica; production of Badianus Manuscript, Florentine Codex, and Relaciones geográἀcas.

17th century

Union of Galenic pharmacy with tradition of pharmaceutical alchemy in the chemico-­Galenic compromise.

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RED SEA

Anazarbus EM PI RE

EA

R N SIA GU

LF

Aral Sea

Map 1. The main locations of Classical Greece, Hellenistic Empires, with Athens, the island of Kos, Pergamon, Rome, and Alexandria. Map by Bill Nelson.

ID

BLACK SEA

PE

EGYPT

Alexandria

PTOLEMAIC EMPIRE

Kos

Athens

Pergamon SELE UC

Bithynia SP

MEDITERRANEAN SEA

Rome

ANTIGONID EMPIRE

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CA S IA N

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ATLANTIC OCEAN

Latin West Greek East

L AT I N W ES T

Rome

Kos

BLACK SEA

SP IAN

PE

RS

AN

GU

SEA

Anazarbus

GREEK EAST

Constantinople Pergamon

CA

MEDITERRANEAN SEA

Alexandria

RED SEA

LF

Aral Sea

INDIAN OCEAN

I

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Map 2. The Roman Empire with division between the Eastern and Western Empires, with Latin West developing into medieval Europe, and locations of major medieval universities and translation centers. Map by Bill Nelson.

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Alexandria

AN I

LF

Aral Sea

INDIAN OCEAN

Samarkand

Map 3. The Umayyad and Abbasid Empires, showing capitals at Damascus and Baghdad, also including Alexandria, Mecca, Córdoba, Granada, Seville, and Toledo. Map by Bill Nelson.

GU

Gondeshapur

RS

RED SEA

Baghdad

PE

Mecca

Medina

Damascus

A

Umayyad Empire Umayyad Empire Byzantine Empire Byzantine Empire Sites of schools, translation centers, and/orand/or universities Sites ofmedical medical schools, translation centers, universities

MEDITERRANEAN SEA

Salerno

BLACK SEA N SE

Cordoba Granada

Bologna

PIA

Seville

Paris

Cambridge

Montpelier

Salamanca Toledo

ATLANTIC OCEAN

Oxford

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S CA

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0

100 200 300 400 500 mi

0

200

400

600

800 km

N

V I C E R O YA LT Y O F N E W S PA I N

Parral ALTIPLANO

PACIFIC OCEAN

Zacatecas Guanajuato Queretaro Guadalajara Toluca

GULF OF MEXICO

Mexico City/ Tenochtitlan Gulf lowlands Veracruz Veracruz

Merida

CARIBBEAN SEA

Acapulco Pacific lowlands SPAIN Madrid Seville Cadiz

VICEROYALTY OF NEW SPAIN

ATL A N TIC OCEA N

VICEROYALTY OF PERU Philippines PACIFIC O CEAN

Spanish Empire

Map 4. Spanish Empire with a close-­up of the Viceroyalty of New Spain that shows areas of Nahua, Mixtec, and Maya influence, with the major colonial cities of Acapulco, Guadalajara, Guanajuato, Mérida, Mexico City, Toluca, Parral, Querétaro, Veracruz, and Zacatecas. Map by Bill Nelson.

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COMPOUND REMEDIES

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Fig. I.1. Title page to Herrera court case, AGN/M Civil, vol. 72, exp. 9, 1774, Autos de Concurso de Acreedores a Bienes de Don Jacinto Herrera Dueño de Botica en esta Ciudad.

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INTRODUCTION

O

n September 14, 1775, a notary in Mexico City began an inventory of the pharmacy of apothecary Jacinto de Herrera y Campos, whose goods had been sequestered as part of a criminal investigation (see fig. I.1).1 The inventory proceeded over several days, during which the notary itemized the medicines, furniture, and equipment in each of the pharmacy’s rooms—­the main retail shop, workshop, and storage rooms—­as well as those that spilled over into a passageway, patio, and stable (see fig. I.2 and appendix 4). Customers entered the pharmacy through embroidered hemp curtains that hung in each of the two doorways that opened onto the street. Here they would face the main counter—­ complete with inkstand and balances—­where the retail transactions took place, behind which mirrored panels reflected the panorama of jars, bottles, boxes, stands, and shelves full of remedies, equipment, and medical books that lined every wall (see fig. I.3). Much of the stored materials consisted of what were referred to as “simples”—­ natural substances derived from plants, animals, and minerals with known healing powers. These included resins, gums, roots, flowers, wood, and bark, 94 percent of which were native to Afro-­Eurasia; the hooves, claws, blood, bones, and testicles of various animals; and metals, metallic ores, earths, and precious stones stored in the compartments of a lapidary. The Herrera pharmacy also 3

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held a variety of “compounds,” remedies made up of multiple simples that had been processed and combined. These included sugar-­or honey-­based electuaries, confections, preserves, syrups, and lambatives; gum-­based pills and pastilles or troches; and oil-­or wax-­based liniments, ointments, and plasters. A third type of remedy, formulated by alchemical means, was also present in the pharmacy in a series of flasks that held spirits, waters, essences, and tinctures made by distilling and repeatedly filtering simples in solution. In addition to these remedies was the equipment needed to process and formulate them, including a brazier, an oven, a mill, a large press, pots and pans, mortars and pestles, stills, water baths, retorts, funnels, Fig. I.2. Page from the inventory of the Herrera pharmacy. AGN/M sieves, and spatulas. The living quarters above the Civil, vol. 72, exp. 9, 1774, Autos de shop held still more items—­medical books and a Concurso de Acreedores a Bienes de copper still in Herrera’s bedroom and a collection Don Jacinto Herrera Dueño de of herbs in the living room. Botica en esta Ciudad, f. 397r. In total, the Herrera pharmacy included 251 simples (only 15 of which were native to the Americas), 89 compounds, 75 alchemical medicines, 30 books, and a multitude of equipment. What at first glance appears to be a lengthy and confusing list of items, however, upon further study lends insight into a centuries-­old tradition that represents a cornerstone of natural philosophy and medicine in the West. For although officials determined that its medicines were “very poorly worked,” the pharmacy’s contents were in fact fairly typical of apothecary shops in the major cities of New Spain and throughout the Spanish Empire, a product of Spanish medical practices transplanted to the Americas.2 The simples it contained, the compounds into which they were formulated, and the equipment used to carry out these processes were part of Galenic pharmacy, the tradition that guided early modern pharmaceutical theory and practice in the West from the first centuries of the Common Era well into the nineteenth century. A study of what the pharmacy contained and why reveals the layers of that tradition and how it developed over time, reflecting a global history of the transmission of materials, knowledge, and techniques over centuries. That the first millennium of this development was largely centered in the Near and Middle East demonstrates the intertwined history and multiple bases of the Western scientific and medical tradition, and the false dichotomy often 4        Introduction    

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Fig. I.3. Interior of an Apothecary shop. Credit: Wellcome Collection. CC BY.

made between “Orient” and “Occident” in the establishment of that tradition. That medieval Arabic authors established key components of this tradition and continued to be widely revered by European medical authors well into the eighteenth century similarly calls into question myopic views of European exceptionalism and the significance of Renaissance humanism in spurring the Scientific Revolution. A study of Galenic pharmacy over the longue durée and its long-­term implications for Western understanding of the constitution and behavior of matter also reveals the great significance of pharmacy—­and of artisanal pursuits more generally—­as a cornerstone of ancient, medieval, and early modern epistemologies and philosophies of nature. Indeed, pharmaceutical matters were a major component of writings in natural philosophy and medicine, occupying some of the greatest scholars of the Greek, Arabic, and Latin knowledge traditions. Galenic pharmacy’s engagement with pharmaceutical traditions indigenous to the Americas, moreover, shows both its long-­term continuity, brought wholesale to the urban centers of the Spanish Empire, and its malleability, as it blended with local and domestic healing in rural areas. This flexibility was also apparent in the development of a parallel tradition of alchemical pharmacy with which it united in the later seventeenth century, leading to further Introduction        5

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transformation of this ancient tradition until it gave way to the modern chemical age. Studying this history, in short, gives new perspective and insight into the development of Western science and medicine—­its varied origins, its engagement with and inclusion of multiple knowledge traditions, the ways in which these traditions moved and circulated in relation to imperialism, and its long-­term continuities as well as its dramatic transformations. Galenic pharmacy was named after, and largely founded upon, the teachings of Galen (ca. 130–ca. 210 CE), a physician from Pergamon in the Roman Empire whose medical system came to dominate Western medicine for almost two millennia.3 Galenic medicine taught that the human body was composed of four humors, which were themselves the product of a combination of four fundamental elements—­earth, air, fire, and water—­that made up all terrestrial matter. Each of these elements in what is called the “four-­element theory” was in turn associated with a combination of qualities—­hot, cold, wet, or dry—­ that were also imbued within all earthly matter (depending on its elemental composition), including the humors. The particular combination of elements and qualities within matter was called its “mixture,” later translated as “complexion” or “temperament.” In a healthy body, the humors and the elemental, or “primary,” qualities that made up its complexion were in balance, referred to as krasis; illness resulted when one or more of the humors, as manifested in their qualities, grew out of balance, a state of dyskrasis. Galen proposed various ways to correct imbalances, one of which was the use of medicines, or drug therapeutics, and the theory and practice of pharmacy constituted a major line of inquiry in his voluminous writings. In his writings, Galen argued that drugs, like all other matter, had their own complexions, and the application of a drug of opposite qualities to the diseased body would restore balance and thus health. Those drugs were said to cure by “altering” the body’s complexion; other drugs, called purgatives, cured by purging the overabundant humor. In this way, Galenic pharmacy was tied to fundamental issues in natural philosophy concerning the composition and nature of matter and its behavior, and thus was central to some of the most important philosophical debates of the ancient, medieval, and early modern periods. Galenic medicine—­its theory, epistemological basis, pathology, physiology, and anatomy—­is well known and studied extensively, but Galenic pharmacy, though widely recognized, is little understood. Like Galenic medicine, Galenic pharmacy constituted a long tradition that developed out of the ancient Mediterranean and constituted the basis for pharmaceutical theory and practice in the West.4 Indeed, Galenic pharmacy—­though not labeled as such until much later—­constituted a recognizable and coherent tradition with 6        Introduction    

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a relatively consistent set of materials, ideas, and techniques from the time of Galen. Despite its relative stability over the longue durée, however, it was also a dynamic tradition that moved throughout the Mediterranean through a series of highly important translation enterprises, from the Greek medical tradition of the Roman Empire in which it first developed to the Arabic tradition of the Islamic Empires in the medieval period to the Latin and later vernacular traditions of medieval and early modern Europe. In the sixteenth century, Galenic pharmacy was once again in transit, brought to Mexico—­evident in the contents of the Herrera pharmacy—­under the Spanish Empire; and in the seventeenth, it merged with alchemical pharmacy. Yet, despite their importance over time, Galenic pharmacy and “Galenicals,” the medicines prepared by its means, are in modern times often derided for their simplicity and backwardness, representing the antithesis of modern, evidence-­based, allopathic medicine and considered the product of a primitive, prescientific era.5 In a similar vein, Galenic pharmacy is contrasted with the “chemical medicines” and processes that joined it in the seventeenth century and that would eventually overtake it. Such attitudes not only belie the same progressivist, celebratory narratives that dominate much of the history of medicine but are both a cause and a symptom of a general lack of understanding of this longstanding and fundamental tradition in the history of Western medicine, a tradition that has received remarkably little attention from historians.6 Whatever the perceived value of its remedies in the modern era, Galenic pharmacy comprised a set of highly complex practices and concepts, and an understanding of the material world that shared much in common with—­and indeed helped lay the foundations for—­modern chemical pharmacy. Many of its compounds, moreover, are still formulated in compounding pharmacies today, and many of its simples still serve as ingredients in homeopathic, herbal, and over-­the-­counter remedies. Without proper understanding of this tradition, the history of pharmacy and its significant place in the Western medical tradition remains incomplete. The purpose of this book is to trace the origins and development of the main components of this tradition over time, leading to the particular collection of materials found in the Herrera pharmacy and the ideas and practices associated with them.7 Each chapter identifies one aspect of this tradition—­the simples, compounds, alchemical medicines, and equipment for processing them—­ and identifies key steps that took place through a series of stages over time to account for the materials and practices found in (and beyond) this Mexico City pharmacy. A study of these key steps over centuries reveals the significance of pharmacy to the Western scientific and medical traditions. Introduction        7

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The Stages of Development in Galenic Pharmacy

Galenic pharmacy consisted of a set of ideas and practices that began with ancient Greek teachings and developed in layers or stages over the centuries, in which key components of the early modern tradition would come into view. At the same time, a recognizable set of materials, techniques, and underlying theories forming the basis of the tradition was in place early on, stemming from a series of core ancient texts including the Hippocratic Corpus (5th/4th centuries BCE), Dioscorides’s De materia medica (1st century CE), and especially works by Galen (2nd century CE), a prolific author and namesake of the tradition. Greek medical thought conceived of medicines as pharmaka that were instilled with “powers,” or dunameis (dunamis or δύναμις in the singular), that made them act in a certain way—­the actions of drugs referred to today as pharmacodynamics.8 In the first stage of the tradition, Galen codified and systematized these ideas in his writings. For Galen, the pharmaka, which he labeled “simples” to differentiate them from compounds, gained their powers from the qualities associated with their complexion. As such, each simple could be categorized according to its dominant element or elements, displaying the actions—­heating, cooling, moistening, or drying—­associated with those elements. These ideas, put forth in several works but particularly in On the Mixtures and Powers of Simples, provided the theoretical basis for subsequent understanding of the powers (later translated as the “virtues”) of simples. While Galen dominated theoretical understanding of pharmacodynamics, Dioscorides (ca. 40–90 CE) had greater influence in later understanding of the actual substances in use, the collection of medicinal materials of the Galenic tradition referred to as its materia medica. In a treatise by that name, Dioscorides provided exhaustive descriptions of more than a thousand plant, animal, and mineral simples from an extended Indo-­Mediterranean area, notably ordered according to their dunameis.9 Although other simples were added to this collection over the centuries, Dioscorides’s work continued to provide the basis for Galenic materia medica through the nineteenth century CE. Together, then, Galen and Dioscorides provided the theoretical and practical basis for knowledge and understanding of simples. Galen also wrote two major works on compound remedies, Compound Remedies according to Place and Compound Remedies according to Kinds. In the second stage of the development of Galenic pharmacy, Galen’s work was redacted and codified by a series of Byzantine encyclopedists, including Paul of Aegina (ca. 625–690 CE), who helped to spread his teachings throughout the Mediterranean, and beginning with Islamic conquests and especially 8        Introduction    

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through a major translation effort in Baghdad under the Abassids (750–1258 CE), Arabic authors assimilated and built upon these works and translated Dioscorides as well. They added new simples, mainly aromatics from East and Southeast Asia, to the materia medica and compiled recipes for compounds into a new genre of pharmaceutical writing, the formulary, or aqrabadhin (Latinized to grabadin). Although Galen had written about compound remedies, his works on them were largely unorganized compilations of medical recipes from earlier authorities. The medieval Arabic formularies, which accompanied the gradual professionalization of pharmacy as a separate medical field, were organized systematically by type of compound with clearly delineated chapters, consistent recipes, and instructions for their formulation. Arabic physician-­ philosophers, including al-­Kindī (ca. 801–873 CE), Rhazes/al-­Rāzī (854–925 CE), Ibn Sīnā/Avicenna (ca. 980–1037), and Ibn Rushd/ Averroes (1126–1198), also grappled with some of the issues regarding pharmacodynamics that Galen had left unresolved: how to explain the ways in which qualities and powers of simples mixed in compound remedies, and how to explain the powers of substances like purgatives and some poisons, whose actions did not appear to result from their complexions. Ibn Sīnā in particular argued that these actions resulted, at least in part, from an external, celestial source, an organizing principle he termed the “specific form.” In this way, Ibn Sīnā opened the possibility of an alternate, hidden, or “occult,” source of power in pharmacodynamics that did not derive from the complexion. Such concerns were an indication of the significance of pharmaceutical matters to medieval natural philosophy and medicine, to the extent that three of Ibn Sīnā’s five books in the Canons of Medicine deal with pharmaceutical matters and cosmological, theological, and philosophical issues directly related to them. In the third stage of development, Arabic advances in pharmacy, pharmacology, and pharmacodynamics were in turn brought to medieval Europe in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries through translation centers in Toledo and Salerno. There, Scholastic authors associated with medieval universities and their schools of medicine and theology (in Montpellier, Paris, and Bologna, especially) continued to debate and develop solutions to the ambiguities in Greek and Arabic natural philosophy related to the inherent powers of terrestrial matter and their relation to the celestial realm. Their work in turn resulted in the emergence of another foundational figure in the history of Western pharmacy, a pseudonymic author who went by the name of a ninth-­century physician and medical author of the Islamic world, Yūh·annā ibn Māsawayh (ca. 777–857 CE), anglicized to John Mesue.10 Unlike Galen, whose contribution to Galenic pharmacy is unquestioned, Mesue (“pseudo-­Mesue” or “Mesue the Introduction        9

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Younger,” as he was referred to) remains almost wholly unknown among modern scholars, although he was viewed by early modern apothecaries as a luminary, a “prince of medicine” to whom they owed much of the foundation of their work.11 Mesue served as a conduit for Arabic pharmacy in the Latin West, writing three pharmaceutical treatises that went on to unprecedented fame and set the foundations for the very definition of the apothecary’s art, standardizing the formulary, and providing a more mechanical, corpuscular concept of pharmacodynamics that was to guide both theory and practice in the pharmacy from then on. Mesue focused on purgative simples, arguing that their medicinal powers derived from two sources—­the “elemental virtue” deriving from its complexion (following Galen), and the “celestial virtue” that was instilled (following Ibn Sīnā and subsequent Scholastics) by astral influence. For Mesue, the celestial virtue was stronger than and overrode the elemental virtue; it was specific to each simple; and it could be manipulated in various ways to ensure optimum effects. One way to do this was through “election”—­selecting the best possible simple and harvesting it at the place and time in which its virtue was strongest (or, for a dangerously strong virtue, when it was weakest). Another way to manipulate the virtue was through “correction”—­isolating, manipulating, strengthening, or weakening the virtue through one of four different types of pharmaceutical processing—­cooking, infusing, washing, or grinding. In this way, Mesue proposed an alternative to traditional Galenic concepts of pharmacodynamics in which a simple’s powers derived from a fixed complexion, introducing instead a quasi-­mechanical concept of powers that could be manipulated.12 Such a focus, which provided the basis for pharmaceutical practice from then on, led to an emphasis on technique rather than qualities or degrees. In addition to his arguments regarding pharmacodynamics, Mesue also embraced the advances made in medieval Arabic formularies and produced a grabadin that would eventually standardize categories of compound medicines in the Latin West. With Mesue’s work, medieval and early modern pharmacy reached its full fruition. In the Spanish tradition—­clearly following Mesue—­ Galenic pharmacy came to be defined as “the art of preparing simples and mixing compounds well” or “the art or science that teaches how to choose and prepare simples or natural bodies and from those to make compounds.”13 It was thus associated with three main tasks: choosing optimum simples, processing these simples in order to prepare them for inclusion in a compound remedy, and formulating these compound remedies. At the same time, Galenic pharmacy continued to evolve. With European 10        Introduction    

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overseas expansion and the establishment of the Spanish Empire, Galenic pharmacy entered its fourth stage of development when it was transported to the Americas. Apothecaries trained in the Galenic tradition arrived in the Americas with the first Spanish settlements and went on to establish pharmacies, import and transplant simples, and dispatch medicines in the colonial cities of the Viceroyalties of New Spain and Peru. Colonial officials put legislation in place regulating pharmaceutical practice, instituting licensing requirements and regular pharmacy inspections to ensure that each pharmacy carried the requisite Galenic remedies and that they were in good condition—­fresh and not spoiled. Thus the tradition of Galenic pharmacy stayed largely intact, as evident in the Herrera shop of Mexico City, but its contact with New World materia medica led to the addition of another wave of Mesoamerican “simples” to the traditional materia medica. Galenic pharmacy was also transformed in the final stage of its development by its union with a separate tradition of alchemical pharmacy in the late seventeenth century. This tradition had been developing in Europe since the late medieval period, influenced by the Arabic alchemical tradition that sought to transmute base metals to gold by applying catalysts—­labeled “elixirs”—­that would promote perfect balance within them. Latin scholars applied these ideas to medicine, arguing that remedies crafted through alchemical means could bring similar balance to the human body to prolong life and preserve youth. Based upon these ideas, a series of medieval and early modern texts included recipes for an expanding set of alchemical remedies. By the early seventeenth century, a full alchemical formulary of waters, spirits, essences, extracts, tinctures, and salts had developed, and by the end of the century had joined with the Galenic tradition in a series of “chemico-­Galenic” texts. This “chemico-­ Galenic compromise” lasted through the eighteenth and into the nineteenth century, but in the end chemical isolation of alkaloids and the eventual rise of the chemical manufacture of synthetic drugs overtook the Galenic tradition and led to its eventual obsolescence in Western allopathic medicine. This book is thus a survey of key components in the development of Galenic pharmacy as it reached the early modern period: the history of its ancient origins, the development of major concepts and addition of new components through the medieval and early modern periods, and its ultimate demise as a result of its own dynamism. In this way, I aim to identify key moments in the shared tradition in its earlier stages, consulting the works of Hippocrates, Dioscorides, Galen, Paul of Aegina, Ibn Sīnā, and pseudo-­Mesue (among others) who had widespread influence throughout the medieval Mediterranean and the Latin West.14 However, for the early modern period, when the vernacular Introduction        11

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traditions of pharmaceutical writing largely began, the book addresses the specific context of Mexico and the Spanish Empire. For this period, I refer to published and archival sources linked to that context—­the Spanish pharmaceutical textual tradition, and archival documents from colonial Mexico, especially Mexico City, to see how Galenic pharmacy was practiced in daily life. The pharmacy texts I consulted were mainly published in Spain, and include early modern pharmacopoeias (both traditional Galenic and chemico-­Galenic), procedural texts explicating processing techniques, pedagogical texts designed to train apothecaries, and commentaries and translations of Dioscorides and Mesue.15 Unlike the Latin and Arabic works of earlier periods, almost all of which were authored by physicians, the early modern texts were increasingly authored by apothecaries. I also use a series of Spanish and Nahua texts that were initiated largely at the behest of the Spanish Crown to inventory Nahua materia medica.16 Finally, medieval and early modern Latin and vernacular alchemical texts provide the basis for tracing the development of alchemical pharmacy and its influence on Galenism. Archival documents include inventories of Mexican pharmacies conducted for the preparation of wills, pharmacy inspections, lawsuits, and criminal trials over the course of the eighteenth century, and prescription lists from four different cases spanning the late sixteenth to late seventeenth centuries totaling several thousand medicines. I have compiled six appendices detailing the different data derived from these sources and—­because this study covers a long period and a relatively unfamiliar area of history—­a timeline of key events, authors, and works. Appendices 1 through 4 are included in this book; appendices 5 and 6 are available for download at upittpress.org/books/9780822946496. Pharmacy in History: Approaches and Historiography

It may seem counterintuitive to approach what is a largely Mediterranean, and later an early modern European, tradition from the vantage point of Mexico. But what may at first seem disjointed is, if considered more carefully from a historical perspective, eminently logical. The Galenic pharmaceutical tradition encompassed a wide swath of the world for many centuries—­to the point that pharmacies in Mamluk Cairo had much in common with those of sixteenth-­ century Seville, seventeenth-­century London, and eighteenth-­century Mexico City: they were part of the same tradition—­one that developed and evolved, but whose core basis remained easily recognizable and largely intact. Second, as stated above, this tradition was brought to Mexico City by the colonial establishment in which apothecaries trained and licensed in Galenic pharmacy began arriving with the first Spanish settlements in the Caribbean 12        Introduction    

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and mainland, bringing with them familiar substances, books, and practices.17 When Galenic pharmacy was transported to the colonial cities of the Spanish Empire, it also stayed largely intact. These findings may challenge assumptions and expectations that often inhere in colonial histories of science and medicine. Readers of these histories, consciously or not, expect to learn what was “different”—­to find out how European practices, ideas, and norms altered when transported to colonial or non-­European regimes. With these assumptions, Herrera’s pharmacy in Mexico City is valuable only for what it reveals about colonial medical regulation, licensing and inspection requirements, or its adoption of indigenous medicines—­its place, in other words, within the Spanish imperial system and its adaptation to the particulars of the Mexican colonial context. It is not an example from which to learn about Galenic pharmacy more generally, despite the fact that this tradition undergirded and provided the rationale for the vast majority of the medicines, books, utensils, and equipment in Mexican pharmacies. For that, apothecary shops in Paris, Florence, Venice, or London are more suitable—­and for which the question of how these apothecary shops were “different” seems nonsensical. We must ask ourselves why we make these assumptions—­where they come from and what they reveal about the state of the field in the history of science and medicine. Through these assumptions, the European experience is posited as normative, the colonial as derivative, peripheral, “exotic”—­valuable only as a supplement to a story already known, and one original to Europe. Indeed, these expectations and assumptions have met with pointed critique among colonial historians of science and medicine in the last few decades, who argue for “multiple metropolises” and “centers of calculation” in the creation of natural knowledge, and emphasize the creativity and dynamism of indigenous knowledge traditions outside of Europe.18 As valuable as they are, however, these contributions in some ways serve to extend and prolong binaries when, in truth, knowledge production and dissemination is a fundamentally fluid enterprise that often defies political and temporal boundaries. Additionally, in the case of the Spanish Empire, its colonial cities were themselves highly urbanized metropolitan centers dominated by Spanish inhabitants and Hispanized customs. Mexico City, in particular, was a very wealthy metropolis with its own printing press, university, and a centuries-­long tradition of Galenic pharmacy that differed very little from the Galenic pharmacy practiced in Spain. By 1646 the Crown had established a medical board there to govern licensing and practice in the viceroyalty, and by the eighteenth century there were 105 pharmacies in the cities of New Spain—­34 in Mexico City, Introduction        13

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11 in Puebla, 5 in Querétaro, 5 in Veracruz, 4 in Guadalajara, 4 in Guanajuato, and 4 in Valladolid, with the rest spread throughout the cities of Celaya, Acapulco, Antequera, Zacatecas, and Toluca. These were few in relation to the total population, an indication that Galenic pharmacy was for urban, Hispanized, and largely Spanish inhabitants, and was only one among an array of medical choices—­indigenous and imposed—­being practiced.19 Yet the presence of these pharmacies, however few, is an indication of the powerful hold of the Galenic medical system in the Spanish imperial regime, and of its legal division of the colonial population into “two republics,” the “Republic of Spaniards” and the “Republic of Indians.” The two republics were subject to different laws, different courts, and different taxation, and were supposed to live separately. In this system, Spaniards were to live in the colonial cities, apart from the native populations; the latter, by contrast, were to continue living in traditional communities. In practice, there was no such neat separation between the populations; nevertheless, urban areas tended to be dominated by Hispanized customs and practices—­hence the continuity of Galenic pharmacy in and beyond Mexico City. The finding that apothecary shops of Mexico City serve as excellent windows into Galenic pharmacy, furthermore, makes more sense when placed within a recent trend toward more global considerations in the history of science—­a “global turn” that has been the subject of several journal fora in recent years aiming to transcend what has been viewed as the increasing parochialism of the field and the narrowing of research topics over the past century.20 These critiques point out that despite the aims and wishes of the field’s founders, historians of science too often focus on narrowly defined topic areas, staying firmly within accepted periodizations, and informed by the boundaries of modern nation-­states and accepted binaries of center/periphery, Western/non-­Western, European/non-­European, and colonial/metropolitan. Those arguing for more global consideration in the history of science have asserted that, like world historians who transcend traditional boundaries and trace ideas and themes as they run their historical course, historians of science should also trace ideas, objects, and practices “in transit” through shifting political bounds and shaped by evolving contexts. The focus ought to be on transmission and interaction, circulation and zones of trade, “knowledge in motion.” In addition to geographical breadth, we also need far more crossing of traditional chronological boundaries. The significance of Galenic pharmacy to the Scientific Revolution, for example, is visible only with the benefit of a centuries-­long view that takes into account Greek, Arabic, and Latin contributions. The obvious challenges posed by such long-­term studies, moreover, could certainly be overcome with 14        Introduction    

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more communication between medievalists and early modernists, and with more collaboration among Arabic and Latin scholars. Movement in this direction, at least with regard to geography, has taken place within Atlantic world historiography and its recent attention to science and empire, tracing the transit of ideas and commodities through networks over oceans and continents.21 The same is true for examinations of the early modern global drugs trade, medical consumerism, and the expanding medical marketplace, all of which bodes well for the future of the discipline.22 But the new models provided by these emerging fields did not explain what I was seeing in the archival documents pertaining to pharmacies of Mexico’s colonial cities. As I sought to understand the contents of the pharmacies in Mexico City, Puebla, Querétaro, Guadalajara, or Celaya, I was inevitably led not only across the Atlantic to Spain but far back in time and on a path that crisscrossed the Mediterranean and wove together the shared and evolving knowledge traditions of Rome, Alexandria, Damascus, Baghdad, Cairo, and Córdoba; Salerno, Toledo, Bologna, Padua, and Montpellier; and Florence, Salamanca, Madrid, Paris, and London. The Spanish Galenic tradition, I found, was the heir to a long and rich tradition that had built up over centuries of Greek, Arabic, and Latin learning. It was always “in transit” and though stable and long-­lasting, it was not static and did not stay contained within the bounds of a particular region, culture, state, or empire. In fact, it traveled widely over long distances; it was transcribed and translated through multiple languages, interpreted and built upon through different lenses; it spread over land and sea and survived the fall of multiple empires from the Greeks to the Romans to the Byzantines to the Arabs and then to the Spanish and the Nahua, with each stage adding something of value. This tradition lasted a very long time and necessitated a deep look into the past, its long-­term significance not visible unless one was willing to move through wide stretches of time and space. When I began to conduct what I assumed would be basic background research into this Galenic pharmaceutical tradition, moreover, I found no adequate synthetic treatment of it, and a lack of basic understanding of many of its key concepts, texts, authors, materials, and practices. Mesue, for example, was largely unknown and his great impact on pharmacy largely undocumented in the secondary literature. The concept of the medicinal virtue in early modern medicine—­so important for explaining the shift to an emphasis on pharmaceutical technique—­had yet to be defined or problematized, along with its connection to the ancient concept of dunamis. Furthermore, despite a recent and much-­needed turn to material culture and artisanal influence on the development of science, the substances and workshop practices used in formulating Introduction        15

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Galenic medicines have been left largely unexplored.23 Similarly, discussions of chemical medicines have made little mention of the medicines themselves, how they were formulated, or their connection to the medieval tradition of medical alchemy. And recent valuable studies of the rich recipe literature in early modern Europe have yet to substantively address what were perhaps the most ubiquitous recipe collections of all, the medieval and early modern formularies.24 Finally, the overarching influence of Arabic pharmacy on medieval and early modern Europe continues to be obfuscated under the label of “Galenic” pharmacy, papered over by references even in the most recent scholarship to “rediscoveries,” “reintroductions,” and “purified translations” of ancient Greek scholarship that constituted only a part of the overall tradition, while ignoring centuries of development and advancement by cultures and empires now characterized as an Orientalized “East”—­despite the fact that they built much of the foundations of this Western tradition.25 Such statements reveal problematic understandings of the significance and effectiveness of Renaissance humanism, which is assumed to have ushered in a new era of natural philosophy based upon direct translations of ancient Greek works. In my research, the Arabic translations and commentaries of those works, as well as the Latin translations and commentaries of the Arabic works, continued to be of paramount importance in Galenic pharmacy, held in the highest esteem throughout the early modern period. Despite the importance of this early tradition, furthermore, historical scholarship on pharmacy has largely focused on the modern period, the nineteenth century and beyond, when pharmacy grew increasingly tied to chemical manufacture. Galenic pharmacy remains little understood and often derided, and still lacks synthetic treatment upon which historians can build.26 Whereas the Galenic medical tradition and its long-­term hold over the Western medical tradition is widely understood, Galen’s treatment of pharmacy, pharmacology, and pharmacodynamics has come to the attention of scholars only recently, and there are no modern editions of Galen’s main pharmacological texts.27 Nevertheless, there are major contributions in the literature that lend critical knowledge and information about the topic. Owsei Temkin’s Galenism: Rise and Decline of a Medical Philosophy (1973) provides an important model for the study of Galen’s influence over time, and other historians of ancient medicine have produced scholarship of the utmost importance for understanding early materia medica and conceptions of pharmacy and pharmacodynamics. Scholarship on medieval and early modern pharmacy has also been fundamental to my understanding, including works on medieval Arabic and European pharmacy, and on the transmission of Galen’s corpus and of Arabic pharmaceutical 16        Introduction    

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learning to the Latin West. Studies on individual or regional pharmacy in early modern France, England, Italy, Spain, and Spanish America finally, have provided very useful comparisons, although they often constitute one case study or focus on regulations, licensing, and professional status—­the very things that differed according to time and place—­rather than examining the larger shared tradition of Galenic pharmacy. Recent publications in the history of science and medicine as well have pointed to new areas of research and methodology that relate to the history of pharmacy. Works on regimen and dietetics reveal the fine line between food and medicine in Galenic pharmacy and awareness that drug therapeutics was only one part of the disease-­fighting repertoire.28 Scholarship on artisans and material culture have shed light on the importance of workshop practices to the scientific and medical enterprise; and new research on recipes, books of secrets, and domestic medicine serve to tie together themes of artisanal and household labor and highlight the important role of the domestic sphere in healing and medicine.29 Finally, a recent issue of Bulletin of the History of Medicine on the testing of drugs in medieval and early modern Europe also indicates growing interest in the field of pharmacy and drugs.30 This work provides new and promising directions for the field, but without an overall understanding of Galenic pharmacy—­its materia medica, its understanding of pharmacodynamics, its methods of processing materials, and its array of compound medicines—­they remain without a larger narrative in which to place the findings and tie them together.31 Given this lack of overarching narrative, in pursuing my study of colonial Mexican pharmacy, I made the conscious decision to delve further into the ancient and medieval Mediterranean roots of the Galenic tradition I found there, because without a basic concept of that narrative there was little I could say about the contents of those pharmacies beyond the most superficial treatment. Studying an apothecary shop in eighteenth-­century Mexico City, in other words, required an understanding of the long history of Galenic pharmacy in order to make sense of what lay inside it and why. I found it highly problematic to allow modern boundaries and borders—­geographic, temporal, and disciplinary—­to impose limits on the study of a centuries-­old tradition that followed a different trajectory. In fact, such an undertaking proved to be absolutely necessary if I were to say anything meaningful about those contents. Taking on a such a broad genealogical project, however, also means that many of the particulars have yet to be worked out or examined in sufficient detail. This is especially true regarding Arabic contributions to pharmacy, an area that, as indicated above, deserves far more scrutiny and inclusion within Introduction        17

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the history of science and medicine. In addition, the translation of dunamis as “virtue” in the early modern medical literature (and its other iterations as “faculty,” “potency,” “property,” “force,” “potentiality”) requires further investigation. We also need additional study of purgatives, that group of medicines that worked according to a hidden or occult “celestial virtue.” Promising recent work on poisons has pointed the way, but more is needed.32 Additionally, it would be valuable to trace the histories of individual categories of compounds and the specific remedies within each category, and to note the evolution of ancient and medieval workshop practices in their formulation and classification. And while this study aims to highlight the shared tradition of Galenic pharmacy, it remains to be seen how much of that core remained consistent from region to region in the late medieval and early modern periods, how much it varied, and what those variations were. Further study, in other words, will hopefully fill out the larger narrative of the basic thread laid out here. This book, then, traces the history of Galenic pharmacy through the six stages outlined above. Each of the chapters identifies key moments in the reshaping and transformation of this tradition that move roughly chronologically, but the chapters themselves are not arranged by time period. Rather, each chapter focuses on a central question regarding the contents of the Herrera pharmacy in Mexico City and traces their development through the various stages. Chapters 1, 2, and 3 delve, respectively, into the centuries-­long evolution that led to the kinds of simples, the equipment for processing those simples, and the compounds found in the Herrera pharmacy. Each chapter traces the history of those components and the theories as to how and why they worked, and ends with a discussion of materials, practices, and ideas as they entered the early modern period. Chapters 4 and 5 then look into the ways that Galenic pharmacy continued to develop when confronted with two alternate pharmaceutical traditions: that of the Nahuas of central Mexico, and that of the European alchemists who shared many of Mesue’s ideas about the powers of medicines but differed as to the methods by which to manipulate them. Chapter 4 examines the simples of American origin itemized in the Herrera pharmacy, while chapter 5 explains the presence of alchemical medicines and apparatus that appeared there, the product of another very long alchemical tradition that merged with Galenic pharmacy and would eventually overtake it.

18        Introduction    

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ONE Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy

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pon entering the pharmacy of Jacinto de Herrera y Campos in 1775, customers would have encountered a wide assortment of simples, or medicinal ingredients derived from plant, animal, and mineral sources.1 Apothecary shops typically contained dozens and dozens of simples of all different kinds, which constituted a co rnucopia of natural resources that served not only medicinally but in a va riety of artisanal and early industrial pursuits.2 Plant simples were drawn from all parts of the plant—­the seed, root, stem, trunk, branch, sap, resin, gum, leaf, flower, or fruit—with each considered to have a separate power or purpose, and Herrera’s shop held hundreds of them. Large boxes at the main entrances, for example, held valerian root, birthwort, zedoary, peony root, and sandalwood. Boxes on shelves lining the pharmacy walls also held dried and fresh flowers, including borage, violets, roses, poppies, hermodactyl, and rosemary, as well as pomegranate peel. Multiple trays were filled with seeds of myrobalan, juniper, celery, anise, zaragatona, lettuce, mallow, fennel, pumpkin, poppy, and parsley. The pharmacy also contained jars of sagapen gum, mastic, storax, sweetgum, archipin, and gum tragacanth, and the pulp of tamarind and quince. Barley, wheat, garbanzos, and lentils were ground into fine flours and kept in airtight containers, along with dried and powdered herbs of myrtle, chamomile, and mallow. The pharmacy held spices as well—­pepper, 19

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cinnamon, camphor, galangal, and cardamom. Jars and flasks in t he pharmacy and its workshop also contained mineral-­ and animal-­derived ingredients: amber, white coral, red coral, hematite, powdered mother of pearl, and powdered crystal, along with goat blood, mummy flesh, and powdered human skull. Most of these simples were described in the pharmacy’s recent edition of Dioscorides’s De materia medica, which sat on a shelf behind the counter.3 The above-­named simples made up only a sm all fraction of the 251 that were itemized in the inventory of the Herrera pharmacy, but nevertheless give a sense of the wide range of materials found there—­the basis, as I have argued elsewhere, for early industrial material culture in t he West. Only 6 p ercent of the itemized simples were native to the Americas; thus the vast majority, and all of the above-­named seeds, roots, flowers, gums, and spices, were native to Afro-­Eurasia. Many were transplanted to Mesoamerican soil with relative ease, but gums, resins, and spices were especially difficult to transplant and thus imported to Mexico, through Spain, from their places of origin across the globe. In addition to their medical applications, they also served as perfumes, cosmetics, flavorings, adhesives, binders, preservatives, and pigments. What led to this diverse assortment of materials in the Herrera pharmacy? How is it that this global collection of nonnative substances made up the contents of a pharmacy in eighteenth-­century Mexico City? And why these substances in particular? This chapter sets out to answer these questions and explain the presence of these simples in the Herrera pharmacy, looking into what a simple was and the ancient Greco-­Roman theories behind how it was thought to work; providing a survey of the collection of materia medica—­the plant, animal, and mineral simples in the pharmacy—­and tracing its origins and development in ancient, medieval, and early modern texts; and using archival documentation to see which simples were used in Mexico in practice. The simples in t he Herrera pharmacy were part of a t radition of materia medica in Galenic pharmacy that had been in use for millennia in and around the Mediterranean and that was codified in the first centuries of the common era with the writings of Dioscorides and Galen. In a s eries of texts, Galen defined simples and how they worked within a complex theoretical system of medicine. Galen taught that simples worked due to their medicinal power—­ their dunamis—­a power that derived from their particular complexion and that resulted in a particular action or effect on the body. This power was fixed within the simple, determined by the qualities of its elemental composition. Practitioners determined the nature of that power through empirical observation of its effects, or they could predict it according to the simple’s taste or flavor. The power of each simple was also categorized by degree of potency. 20        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Practitioners would thus choose simples whose actions and degrees would counteract the complexion of the humoral imbalance within the diseased patient to restore balance and health. In this way, understanding of simples was firmly entrenched within the Galenic humoral system and its basis in the four-­element theory. The concept of a simple’s dunamis also tied it to Platonic cosmology, following Plato’s idea of nature as a divine or god-­like demiurge that instilled in all things a power, a dunamis, to attract what was appropriate to itself and expel what was not.4 This concept provided a mechanism and a rationale for the simples’ actions (as well as the function of the human body more generally) and resulted in a teleological concept of the natural world in which nature worked in the most efficient way to produce optimum results. Although he certainly built upon earlier ideas, Galen was largely responsible for defining and explaining the actions of simples. The writings of Dioscorides, however, served as the basis for the simples that were actually in use. Thus, whereas Galen set out the theoretical groundwork for explaining the powers of simples (or what is now referred to as pharmacology and pharmacodynamics), Dioscorides provided the template for the collection of simples used over the centuries. And whereas Galen explained the powers and actions of simples in his writings, Dioscorides’s De materia medica included a m ore complete accounting of their botanical characteristics, a fact not lost on later scholars and practitioners of Galenic pharmacy. In the twelfth century, Ibn Wāfid/Abenguefit, the author of a text on simples with the Latinized title Liber aggregatus, brought together these complementary strengths, combining the information that each provided.5 In De materia medica, Dioscorides named more than a thousand natural medicinal substances of plant, animal, and mineral materials, the majority of which derived from plants native to Europe and the Mediterranean, but with significant contributions from the flora of east and sub-­Saharan Africa; the Arabian Peninsula; and South, Southeast, and East Asia as well. In this way, the simples of the Galenic tradition not only served as the basis for early material culture but were the product of long-­distance trade and exchange among early societies across Afro-­Eurasia. Though a largely stable tradition, Galenic materia medica did experience some change over time as systems of trade and exchange expanded and intensified. Galen and Dioscorides, for example, benefited from exchanges over the land and sea routes of the Silk Roads and the entrepôt of Alexandria during the Roman Empire. Their work heavily influenced Byzantine medicine, still largely centered in Alexandria, and was translated into Arabic following the Islamic conquests, during which time more Eastern simples were added to the Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy        21 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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pharmacopoeia. When sustained contact with the Americas began under the Spanish Empire, another set of simples was added to the traditional Galenic materia medica (the subject of chapter 4). Although these later additions were not, of course, known to Dioscorides or included in De materia medica, that text continued to provide the basis of simples included in pharmacies through the early modern period, as evident in the Herrera pharmacy and in records of other Mexican pharmacies and prescription lists of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. On average, 60 to 70 percent of those simples were described by Dioscorides and remained highly important to Western pharmacy—­ transported and, when possible, transplanted to Mexico and constituting overall a tradition with remarkable consistency and longevity. Galen on the Powers of Simples

Galen’s definition of simples and their function provided the basis for the understanding of these entities through the early modern period, and it was thoroughly embedded within his medical system (see fig. 1.1). The work in which he expounded at greatest length on the subject, On the Powers and Mixtures of Simples, consisted of eleven books, the first five of which explicated these theoretical aspects, while books six through eleven constituted an alphabetical listing of 440 plant simples and 250 animal and mineral simples, their powers, and their uses.6 Galen laid out much of the philosophical basis for the work, however, in a series of earlier treatises that preceded it and, indeed, prepared the reader to understand its premises. These works included, in order according to Galen, On the Natural Faculties, On the Elements according to Hippocrates, On Mixtures, and On the Therapeutic Method. These texts provided a step-­by-­step, systematic explication of Galen’s conceptions of the workings of the cosmos, how those were manifested in the human body to promote either healthy balance or unhealthy imbalance, and how to combat disease using the concept of contrary cures. On the Powers of Simples was the next treatise in line, to be read in conjunction with On the Powers of Foods, as both foods and drugs could affect humoral balance in the body. These treatises were to be followed by Galen’s two major works on compound remedies, On Compounds according to Kinds and On Compounds according to Places, which constituted the final stage in this suite of treatises of pharmacological significance.7 Taken all together, these works set out the theoretical and practical basis for Galenic pharmacy in antiquity. They also demonstrate the centrality of pharmaceutical concerns in Galen’s overall medical system. Several of his better-­known writings—­On the Elements, On the Natural Faculties, On Mixtures, On the Therapeutic Method, and On the Powers of Foods—­are more often associated with 22        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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therapeutics, physiology, and dietetics, not with pharmaceutical matters. Indeed, scholars examining Galenic pharmacy usually discuss only the strictly pharmacological texts, but when placed within this larger corpus the role of these other works as crucial building blocks in his pharmaceutical theory becomes clear. Each one in turn provided a crucial step in explaining the behavior of matter generally, and the dunamis of simples and compounds more specifically, and together worked to create a systematic basis for explicating how and why medicines worked on the body. To understand Galenic pharmacology and pharmacodynamics to its full extent, therefore, it is necessary to take all of these works into account, and doing so in turn reveals the importance of pharmaceutical concerns to his medical theory.8 Fig. 1.1. Portrait of Galen. Credit: Galen lived and wrote during the time of the Wellcome Collection. CC BY. Second Sophistic, a period in which authors were concerned “with the consolidation and correct preservation of earlier learning,” particularly that of classical Greece.9 Very much in keeping with the Second Sophistic style, Galen’s philosophy pulled together elements from Hippocrates, Aristotle, Plato, and the Stoics, and he incorporated, responded to, and vigorously criticized ideas of Hellenistic medical authors of the intervening centuries as well. In particular, rival medical sects and philosophical schools prior and contemporary to Galen embraced different conceptions of the cosmos and the workings of nature that affected medical theories, to the point that there was virtually no consensus during Galen’s time as to causes and treatment of disease.10 The followers of the Alexandrian Erasistratus (ca. 304–ca. 250 BCE) or Asclepiades of Bithynia (ca. 124 or 129–40 BCE), for example, embraced medical theories that incorporated atomism, or the idea that matter was composed of insensate particles that acted randomly or followed mechanistic laws such as the avoidance of voids.11 They and others were referred to as “monists,” who argued that all earthly substances were composed of one single substrate (sometimes referred to as prima materia) and that any qualities these substances possessed were characteristics accidental to and imposed upon them, not inherent within.12 Other physicians and philosophers such as Empedocles (ca. 494–ca. 434 BCE), Hippocrates (ca. 460–ca. 370 BCE), and Aristotle (384– 322 BCE) supported the four-­element theory, arguing, by contrast, that the Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy        23 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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terrestrial world was made up of four fundamental elements (earth, air, fire, and water), and that each element was associated with two opposing pairs of qualities—­hot and cold, wet and dry.13 Each substance in the terrestrial world consisted of a mixture of these elements, with inherent qualities that resulted from its particular elemental makeup. Galen, for his part, adhered to Hippocratic notions of the four-­element theory and firmly opposed any kind of atomism.14 He also followed Aristotle’s concept of hylomorphism, which taught that substances (made up of combinations of the four elements and their associated qualities) consisted of indivisible pairings of matter and form, matter being the basic material substance and form being the qualities inherent to its elemental make-up that made the substance into what it was.15 Galen also embraced elements of Platonism in his conception of a teleological, beneficent nature whose powers directed all actions in the cosmos, a demiurge that worked within its material parameters to produce the best of all possible worlds.16 These philosophical commitments underscored and defined Galen’s overall approach to medicine, his views on drug therapeutics, and his conception of simples. In Hippocratic medicine, drugs and poisons alike were referred to as pharmaka, but by the time of the Second Sophistic the modifier hapla, or “simple,” had been added to the term, thus specifying a “simple,” medicinal substance that would serve as one ingredient in a r emedy.17 In line with the four-­element theory, Galen understood simples to be made up of combinations of the four elements, just as all terrestrial materials were. They were not named as such because they were of one single or simple unitary substance or were of a simple composition; like all things, they were “mixtures” of elements with their own complexions, qualities, and behavior. Indeed, Galen argued that “almost all simple medicines are [made up of] dissimilar and disassemblable [dissemblables] parts and in truth, and according to nature, are compounded [composés].”18 They received such a designation, rather, in order to differentiate them from compound remedies that involved higher-­level and more complex mixtures of multiple simples. In that regard, Galen did see simples as closer to nature—­they were raw natural materials, “pure according to their own nature,” whose power was largely unmediated by human interference.19 “We call them simples,” he said, “because they are as such from their nature, without having taken anything from our art and industry.”20 Galen conceived of simples “in opposition to a compound medicine,” which did require human artifice.21 The longevity of this understanding may be seen in e arly modern definitions in Spanish pharmacy texts, in which simples were defined as being medicinal “by

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their nature,” or having natural healing qualities so that “all it has, it has from nature.”22 Simples were also defined by differentiating them from foods. For Galen, as for his predecessor Hippocrates, whom he highly esteemed, drugs were not the only way—­and indeed not even the primary way—­to protect and promote health. Following Hippocrates and classical Greek medicine generally, Galen recognized three main branches of therapeutics—­surgery, dietetics, and drugs, the latter two of which are dealt with here. Dietetics comprised a series of preventative therapies involving diet and regimen designed to preserve health—­ defined as krasis, humoral balance—­within the human body. These later came to be known as the “six nonnatural things,” factors external to the body that affected its state of balance. They included one’s air and environment, sleep regimen, diet, evacuation, movement and rest, and mental and emotional state.23 Ancient medicine largely favored this more “holistic” approach and only when it failed to prevent or correct imbalance was the more invasive treatment of administering drugs recommended. In this therapy, foods especially were singled out as important to the maintenance of health. In such a system, in which dietary considerations held such significance, and in which many simples were also foods and flavorings, there was much overlap between food and medicine.24 How, then, did one differentiate between an item of food and a simple? The difference between the two lay in the perceived strength of the dunamis within the substance to effect change within the body, and thus the nature of the dunamis constitutes the key to defining a simple and differentiating it from other earthly matter. For Galen and his predecessors, what made a substance a pharmakon, a drug, was that it had a sufficient amount of power, dunamis, to effect an alteration of the body’s function. They argued that although foods also had their own dunamis, it was overpowered by the body and incorporated into it as nutrition and sustenance to maintain a balance of humors. The dunamis of a drug or simple, by contrast, was sufficiently strong to overpower the body’s natural function—­diminishing, multiplying, or in some cases thinning or thickening humors, or removing obstructions to their flow, in order to rebalance the humors.25 A medicine was thus something “that modifies our nature.”26 Accordingly, Galen argued that the difference between a food and a medicine lay in the fact that “food is vanquished [vaincu] and surmounted by the body, which is nourished and fed by it. But the medicine is the opposite, in that it surmounts and alters the body, from which it is a medicine.”27 Some substances served as both foods and medicines, producing a significant overlap between the two categories. A substance that produced alterations as it was

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being digested, for example, served as a medicine during that process, but once it was wholly assimilated to the body it served as a food. What differentiated simples from foods, then, was the strength, not the nature, of the dunamis.28 This power in foods and simples derived from their elemental qualities, their particular complexion, and led to their actions within the body, and the dunamis in sim ples—­as opposed to foods—­was strong enough to alter it. Thus the dunamis was central to classical Greek and Galenic notions of how medicines were thought to work. The concept appears throughout Greek philosophical writings and was adopted by Galen to explain both metaphysical and physical phenomena and tied together the workings of the macrocosmic universe with the microcosm of humoral balance in the body. The dunamis represented the power of nature on a grand scale, encompassing its actions as a divine entity, the demiurge.29 Through its natural faculties, nature directed the actions of the terrestrial world in a t eleological way that Galen conceived of as reaching the most beneficial arrangement—­the best of all possible worlds. This was emphatically not a universe governed by the random movement of particles or random mechanistic laws; this was a universe directed by nature, through the mechanism of the dunamis, to work according to a specific set of rules, in which each being attracted what was inherent to its own nature and rejected that which was not.30 For Galen, nature was an “equitable artist” that imbued all earthly matter with dunameis to attract and assimilate that which was appropriate to it, and expel that which was not.31 There was a p ower in each earthly substance “to draw out what it attracts.”32 “Everything that exists,” he argued, “possesses a faculty by which to attract its proper quality [and] some things do this more and some things less.”33 These rules and the powers of nature acted at the macrocosmic level to produce universal harmony, but also at the level of the microcosm in the terrestrial world and in the body. This was ultimately how simples worked: just as “each part of the body draws to itself the juice which is proper to it,” simples worked according to their natural powers in that “each of the drugs draws its own special humor” to produce an effect on the humoral balance of the body.34 And just as a seed drew from soil “that in the earth which accords to its nature,” so by the same mechanisms did a simple work in the body, drawing to itself “first and most that which is especially in accord with its nature.”35 Thus were both dietetics and drug therapeutics, foods and pharmaka, connected through the ways they worked to the macrocosmic universe: they were composed of the same elements as other terrestrial beings and acted according to the laws that governed the universe.36 These ideas had been embedded and widely accepted within Greek medicine (and natural philosophy) for centuries, 26        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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going back to the writings of pseudo-­Aristotle, Diocles (240–180 BCE), Theophrastus (ca. 371–287 BCE), and Hippocrates, who accepted that certain substances—­pharmaka—­were imbued with a dunamis that gave them the ability to overpower the body and produce an effect. The concept of dunamis was invoked to name the properties or powers of the pharmaka and to explain how they worked—­ideas that were deeply entrenched and accepted within classical Greek thought.37 In Hippocratic writings, the balance of dunameis in the body was closely aligned with humoral balance and thus a key concept for understanding health.38 For these authors, the dunamis revealed, “by reason of its observable manifestation, the real nature of the entity. To know the dunamis was therefore to know the essential nature of the entity.”39 By engendering an observable effect, the dunamis constituted the way of knowing the essential and ontological reality of a body, the only way to know its essence through the way it impinged on the senses.40 Galen followed these ideas of his predecessors and added his mechanism of attraction and repulsion to explain the actions of simples through their dunameis. As explained by these ideas, simples worked through a logical and predictable mechanism to produce a logical effect. Accordingly, Galen defined the dunameis of simples as consisting of two parts: “their complexions” being one part and “their actions” the other, or in other words, their qualities (as some combination of hot, cold, wet, or dry) and the effects those qualities produced.41 As such, each simple had the ability to “alter [the body] either through one simple [i.e., unique] quality only, meaning heating, cooling, moistening, or drying; or by some conjugation of two qualities together.”42 These qualities (hot, cold, wet, or dry) were deemed by Galen to be “primary qualities.” They in turn brought about actions on the body, the observable effects that shed light on that simple’s ontological reality. The actions or effects produced by the primary qualities were deemed the “secondary qualities” of a simple.43 Galen named a s eries of different actions or secondary qualities deriving from a simple’s primary ones: some simples contracted vessels, some had opening effects; some softened, while others hardened; some thinned humors, while others thickened; some relaxed, while some induced tension. Indeed, Galen argued in On the Powers of Simples that “for each action there is a power for which the name for it corresponds,” and it was “thus necessary to judge the contrary powers [facultés] according to their works, as we have shown repeatedly throughout this book.”44 Each simple, in other words, had its own specific type of action, but these actions ultimately derived from the four main primary qualities (hot, cold, wet, or dry) and their combinations.45 In this way, it was possible to deduce a simple’s primary qualities, and thus its elemental makeup, Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy        27 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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by observing its outward effect when applied to the body (whether it had the effect of opening or contracting, softening or hardening, thinning or thickening, relaxing or intensifying). Galen also argued that one could deduce the strength of the power of the primary qualities by measuring the intensity of the effect. He designated a series of degrees of relative strength for different simples, rating them from 1 to 4, with 1 as having the weakest power and effect and 4 the strongest, and giving parameters for classification based on their effects. Practitioners could thus determine the complexion or temperament of a simple empirically, through observation of its effects; but Galen argued that simples’ complexions (their elemental makeup) could also be known or predicted “rationally” through their odor, color, and especially their taste. He went as far as to classify the primary qualities indicated by taste: simples with astringent flavors were cold and earthy; those with acidic flavors were subtle and cold; bitter-­flavored simples were earthy and subtle; salty flavors were earthy and warm; sweet simples were warm; and oily simples were aqueous and airy.46 For Galen, flavors denoted certain temperaments, allowing practitioners to be able, in theory, to calculate and predict a simple’s primary qualities as well as its secondary qualities, its actions or effects.47 Simples thus acted in predictable ways according to their flavors, which were an indication of their complexion and thus their medicinal actions—­“their works following from [ensuyant] their temperaments.”48 Galen asserted, for example, that astringent simples “withdraw, remove, quench, condense, thicken, obstruct, and harden,” and that acidic sim ples “divide, incise, soften, extend, destroy obstructions, and purge.”49 Flavors were not, however, powers in themselves—­they only denoted powers: they “are not faculties [i.e. dunameis] of medicines, but more flavors and qualities of taste.”50 In this way, Galen argued for a “qualified experience” in his medical philosophy: he agreed that empirical observation and experience were crucial for the safe administration of medicines, but he also believed that these could be known rationally through deduction based mainly on taste. Whether determined empirically or rationally, once a simple’s complexion was known, it was the medical practitioner who would choose the appropriate substance with the appropriate complexion of opposite qualities to counteract the humoral imbalance.51 At the time he wrote in the second century CE, Galen’s set of theories was one among many. Medical controversy and debate swirled around issues of medical epistemology. In addition to ongoing disagreements about the material universe and the philosophical basis for medicine—­those who embraced atomism versus those who advocated for the four-­element theory—­physicians and

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philosophers also disagreed about the extent to which one could theorize about the causes and treatment of disease. Some found great value in medical theorizing while others placed absolute reliance on empirical evidence alone, resulting in opposing schools of thought and practice. Within this polarized atmosphere, there appears to have been among medical authors a basic acceptance of the concept of dunamis as the explanations for a simple’s actions, but there was no consensus regarding the nature of that power or its mechanisms. Although he eschewed theory of any kind, for example, Dioscorides in t he previous century had arranged the simples in De materia medica according to dunameis, putting simples that had similar effects adjacent to one another.52 He did not, however, see these powers as the result of primary qualities or categorize them by complexion or degree (as Galen did a century later). He also criticized the Asclepiadians for their “vain prating about causation  .  .  . explain[ing] drug action of an individual drug by differences among particles.”53 For Dioscorides, each simple had its own particular and specific power, knowable only through empirical observation, not through theoretical explanation or rational deduction. Dioscorides did not, however, put forth any explanation for his ordering of simples in the De materia medica, with the consequence that later transcribers missed his intention entirely and rearranged the work into an alphabetical order. The lack of consensus in medicine did not last long following Galen’s voluminous output. Within a century of his death, Galenic medicine had spread throughout much of the Roman world and by 500 CE it had become the dominant system of medical thought throughout the Mediterranean. Following the fall of Rome, Byzantine medical scholars of the Greek East—­Oribasius (ca. 320–400 CE), Aetius of Amida (ca. 502–575 or mid-­fifth to mid-­sixth century CE) and Paul of Aegina (ca. 625–690 or later seventh century CE)—­sought to systematize Galen’s often meandering writings into effective medical encyclopedias.54 Core excerpts of his work were also compiled into the Sixteen Books used in medical training in Alexandria. These works, along with the entirety of the Galenic corpus, were translated into Arabic, and extended, built upon, and critiqued following the Islamic conquests of the seventh and eighth centuries, resulting in the creation of many great works of medicine over the following centuries.55 Specifically, Ibn Sīnā’s Canons (see figs. 1.2 and 1.3) organized and extended Galenic medicine in five books of clear, logical explanation—­and as an indication of the importance of pharmaceutical matters to ancient and medieval medicine and natural philosophy, and to Ibn Sīnā specifically (see fig. 1.4), it is worth noting that three of the five books deal with pharmaceutical

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content: book 1 lays out Galen’s natural philosophical basis for pharmaceutical powers; book 2 deals with simples; and book 5 is devoted to compound remedies. Starting in t he eleventh century, the corpus of Arabic medical works treating Galenic medicine reached Europe through translation centers of Salerno and Toledo. The majority of Galen’s work had been lost to the Latin West following the collapse of the western Roman Empire; thus the influx of these translations resulted in a transformation of European medical knowledge and education in the newly established medieval universities—­to such an extent that Luis García-­ Ballester labeled this corpus the “New Galen.” Scholars in t he medical schools of Montpellier, Paris, and Bologna assimilated the New Galen Fig. 1.2. Portrait of Ibn Sīnā. Credit: Wellcome Collection. CC BY. through voluminous and extensive commentaries of the Arabic works. Within these developments, the translation and dissemination of Galen’s pharmacological works through the medieval Arabic and Latin medical traditions requires further study, but they had an unquestionable impact.56 Within this evolving tradition, the concept of medicinal powers demonstrated great longevity. Although ideas in Galenic pharmacy about the source of this power and its ability to be manipulated changed over time, the fundamental understanding that simples had specific powers that led them to act on the body and alter it in some way stayed largely constant. Later Latin translations of Galen and other pharmacological works translated this term as “virtue” (virtus). The exact course of that translation, when and how it first appeared and its adoption in m edical and pharmaceutical texts, has yet to be traced fully, but enough evidence exists in medieval and early modern Latin texts to confirm the connection. The term “virtue” was used ubiquitously in medieval and early modern Galenic pharmacy to describe what dunamis signified in the Greek: the simple’s power or potentiality to effect change or take action in the body, an action that would have a therapeutic effect.57 According to John Mesue, the pseudonymic author of a series of pharmaceutical texts in the late thirteenth century, “The virtue, also called the faculty, of medicines [is what] affects our body.”58 It was that which “makes impression in our bodies . . . which has this or that property or can make this or that operation.”59 Commenting 30        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 1.3. Page from a manuscript of Ibn Sīnā’s Canons of Medicine. Credit: Wellcome Collection. CC BY. EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 1.4. Ibn Sīnā teaching pharmacy to students, showing the importance of pharmaceutical matters to his work on medicine. Credit: Wellcome Collection. CC BY.

on Mesue in the sixteenth century, Spanish author Juan Navascues defined it in the following terms: “The virtue is also the faculty or the potential, what the medicine does,” and “the effect that one medicine produces.”60 This definition remained consistent through the next two centuries: in 1739, the Diccionario de Autoridades of the Real Academia Española identified the virtue as “the faculty, potency, or activity within things, used in order to produce or cause a particular effect” and “the ability to work.”61 The virtue of a medicine was, accordingly, “the efficiency, activity, or quality specific to certain things meant to bring about health and curing.” A medical example using the term stated, “Into the twigs and wood [of trees] was put this curative virtue, as in the [simple] palo de China.”62 Plant Simples from the Mediterranean to Mexico

While Galen provided much of the theoretical groundwork for the understanding of simples and how they worked, Dioscorides provided the basis for 32        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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the actual simples in use in Galenic pharmacy (see fig. 1.5). From the time of its compilation De materia medica dominated the herbal tradition of the Mediterranean and underlay the basis of Galenic materia medica and the genre of herbals.63 Dioscorides identified over one thousand different medicinal herbs, animals, animal parts, and minerals, describing their habitat, botanical structure (for plants), and medicinal properties, uses, and preparations. More than any other text on simples, De materia medica was copied, translated, read, circulated, and cited in m anuscript form, and it was later published, redacted, edited, and reprinted more than one hundred times.64 Fig. 1.5. Portrait of Dioscorides. Dioscorides’s work was adopted into the Byzan- Credit: Wellcome Collection. CC BY. tine, Arabic, and Latin medical traditions and translated accordingly, although later versions (as stated above) sometimes rearranged his original order. With such longstanding influence and importance, De materia medica was largely responsible for the stability and continuity of materia medica within Galenic pharmacy.65 Unlike much of the Galenic corpus, De materia medica was not lost to Western Europe after the fall of Rome. It circulated in the original Greek and was translated into Latin in t he sixth century in two main versions.66 It was also translated from Greek to Arabic in 954 and remained very influential in the Arabic world. The text reached Al-­Andalus in t he Western Caliphate in 985, a g ift to the caliph of Córdoba from Baghdad, which led to a flourishing of the study of pharmacology in Andalusia and works on simples by Ibn Juljul (ca. 944–994), Ibn Wāfid (ca. 1008–1075), Al-­Ghafiqi (d. 1165), and Ibn al-­Bayt·ār (1197–1248), among others.67 These authors, as well as al-­Rāzī (854– 925), Haly Abbas/al-­Majusi (d. 994), and Ibn Sīnā (ca. 980—­1037) in the Eastern Caliphate, built upon Dioscorides’s template by identifying the simples he named, incorporating new simples he had not known of, and adding information about complexion and degrees—­essentially synthesizing the information from Dioscorides and Galen.68 Scholars in Salerno produced a series of important works concerning simples as well—­Matthaeus Platearius’s (d. 1161) twelfth-­century Circa instans and the Matthaeus Sylvaticus’s (ca. 1280–ca. 1342) fourteenth-­century Liber pandectae, both of which built upon Dioscorides. Simon of Genoa (1270–1330) also wrote a book of synonyms of plant names in different languages to facilitate plant identification. Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy        33 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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These works and their authors continued to form the basis for pharmacology and materia medica after the age of print in Europe. Saladino da Ascoli’s Compendium aromatarium (1488), a landmark work for practicing apothecaries, included familiar recommendations for apothecaries as to what books of simples they should be sure to have and know: Dioscorides’s De materia medica, Ibn Wāfid’s Liber aggregatus, Ibn Sīnā’s Canons, Platearius’s Circa instans, and Simon of Genoa’s Book of Synonyms.69 The ongoing legacy of Dioscorides was further indicated in a s eventeenth-­century Spanish training manual for apothecaries, Esteban de Villa’s Examen de boticarios, which lists these very same works as the most necessary of “the books that the apothecary must have.”70 The manual appended two more works to Ascoli’s list that reinforce the Dioscoridean legacy—­Ascoli’s Compendium aromatarium as well as an up-­to-­date commentary on De materia medica, which had been newly translated in the sixteenth century in celebrated editions by Pietro Mattioli, Andrés de Laguna, and Amato Lusitano (a co py of which was kept in t he Herrera pharmacy).71 Dioscorides’s legacy is further evident in a s eries of quantitative measures derived from published and archival sources. A survey of references to earlier authors in early modern Spanish pharmacy texts, first of all, indicates the predominance of Dioscorides’s continued influence in the period. Out of fourteen texts surveyed (see appendix 2), thirteen make reference to De materia medica.72 In an earlier study, a survey of the simples listed in ten sources spanning the fifth century BCE to the nineteenth century CE showed an average of 62 percent of simples in common with De materia medica, indicating his sustained influence over more than two millennia.73 Archival data further reinforces these findings. From a series of nine archival pharmacy inventories from eighteenth-­ century Mexico (see appendix 1), I compiled a list of the main set of 220 simples kept in the shops (see appendix 5). Of those simples, 146, or 66 percent, are also named in De materia medica (see table 1.1), again indicating the long use of these substances as well as the fact that they had been transported across the Atlantic (and some transplanted as well) to reach the apothecary shops of New Spain.74 Finally, three of these inventories (from 1725, 1757, and 1771—­see appendix 2), in addi tion to that of Herrera’s shop, list recent editions of De materia medica. Similar continuity and overlap is also evident when comparing the set of 220 inventory simples with those listed in print sources of Galenic pharmacy (see table 1.1). When compared to the simples listed in Galen’s On the Powers of Simple Medicines, in Paul of Aegina’s medical compendium, in medieval Arabic and Latin books of simples, and in early modern vernacular works, the simples in the Mexican pharmacy inventories overlap at an average 34        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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18th century CE 19th century CE

De Re Medica Libri Septem, Book 7

Liber de Simplici medicina Liber aggregatus

Circa Instans (Book of Simple Medicines)

Liber pandectarum medicinae

Compendium aromatariorum

Palestra pharmaceutica

Real Farmacopea Española

Paul of Aegina, ca. 625–690 BCE

Ibn Wafid Serapion Junior, ca. 12th century

Matthaeus Platearius, 1120–1161

Mattheus Sylvaticus, 1285–1342

Saladino Ferro d’Ascoli, ca. 1430

Félix Palacios, 1677–1737

Average

15th century CE

De Simplicium Medicamentorum Facultatibus

Galen, ca. 130–210 BCE

13th century CE

12th century CE

12th century CE

7th century CE

1st century CE

1st century CE

De Materia Medica

Pedanius Dioscorides, ca. 40–90 BCE

5th century BCE

Hippocratic Corpus, various works

Text

Hippocrates, ca. 460–370 BC

Author

Century Written or Compiled

324

328

502

216

295

212

271

412

387

625

184

147

168

181

122

148

131

147

146

131

146

94

Overlap: Number of Number Mexican Inventory of Simples Simples Also in Text in Text (out of 220)

Table 1.1: Overlap between Simples in Mexican Pharmacy Inventories, Mexican Prescriptions, and Ancient, Medieval, Early Modern Texts

63

76

82

55

68

60

67

66

60

66

43

Percentage of Overlap/Simples in Common (out of 220)

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Table 1.2: Percentage of Simples from Three Kingdoms of Nature

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Type of Simple

Animal

Number Inventory Simples (out of 220)

Percentage of All 220 Inventory Simples

14

6.4

Mineral

34

15.4

Plant

172

78.2

Total

220

100

rate of more than 60 percent. Finally, 98 percent of the inventory simples are listed in at least one of these print sources.75 Of what did these hundreds of simples consist? Plant simples, the largest category of simples by far, made up 172, or 78 percent, of the 220 main simples in the pharmacies (see table 1.2). Simples were identified with different parts of the plant—­flower, seed, root, leaf, bark, or juice—­and one plant could thus comprise several different simples (see table 1.3 and appendix 5). L eaves or herbs were the most common plant part to be a simple, at 38 percent of the 172, followed by gums (14 percent), roots (13 percent), fruits (11.5 percent), flowers (6 p ercent), seeds (4.5 percent), and wood or bark (3 percent). The only plant simple category named that did not correspond directly to the part of the plant used was “aromatics,” or spices that came mainly from Asia. Geographically, the large majority (almost 90 percent) of plant simples in the Mexican pharmacies were native to Afro-­Eurasia. Using the USDA Germplasm Resources Information Network (GRIN) database, I have identified the main areas of native habitats for most of the simples.76 My findings show that the largest category of simples in Mexican shops—­34 percent—­came from plants that were native to the Mediterranean (see table 1.4 and appendix 5). In addition, 10 percent were from plants native to an expanded Indo-­Mediterranean region that also includes Persia and the Indus Valley, areas with a long history of incorporation into political and economic systems that also connected with the Mediterranean.77 Together, then, 44 percent of the plant simples in the inventories came from the areas connected to the Mediterranean. The next most common region of origin for the plant simples in the inventories was East, South, and Southeast Asia, with 23 percent, or almost a quarter of the plant simples, native to that region. African plants, those coming mainly from tropical sub-­Saharan regions, made up 7 p ercent of the total, followed by plants native to Europe and/or central Europe and Asia (Eurasia) at 5.5 percent of the total. Plants with origins in m ore than one major world region—­Afro-­Eurasia, Australia and/or 36        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 1.3: Plant Simples by Type (of 220 Inventory Simples) Number

Percentage of All Plant Simples (n = 173)

Herb, peel, pulp

66

38

Gum, resin

24

14

Root

23

13

Fruit, fungus

20

11.5

Aromatic

16

9

Flower

11

6

Seed

8

4.5

Wood, bark

5

3

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Type of Plant Simple

Table 1.4: Overall Distribution of Plant Simples by Native Region, n = 144 Region

Number of Simples from Region

Percentage of All Plant Simples (n=144)

Africa

10

7

Americas

18

12.5

Asia

33

23

Europe/Eurasia

9

5.5

Indo-Mediterranean

15

10

Mediterranean

50

34

Worldwide

9

6

the Americas—­accounted for 6 percent. Plants of American origins made up 12.5 percent of the pharmacy simples and represent an important innovation in Western pharmacology. What follows is a survey of the main plant, animal, and mineral simples in use in early modern Galenic pharmacy based upon a combination of ancient, medieval, and early modern texts and archival documentation of pharmaceutical inventories from New Spain. MEDITERRANEAN AND INDO-­MEDITERRANEAN HERBS AS THE HEART OF THE DIOSCORIDEAN TRADITION

The heart of the pharmacological tradition in Ga lenic pharmacy consisted of simples native to the Mediterranean and Indo-­Mediterranean, with close to half (44 percent) of the simples coming from this area that had long been interconnected through trade and empire (see table 1.5). Mediterranean simples were mainly classified as “herbs” because they tended to be local and Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy        37 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 1.5: Mediterranean Plant Simples, n = 50

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Simple

In EM Text (3)

Absinthe/wormwood

3

Angelica Asparagus

In Inv (3) Frequency

Species Name

Artemisia absinthium L.

1

4

2

6

8

Angelica archangelica L.

3

4

7

Asparagus officinalis L.

Asafetida, giant fennel

0

4

4

Ferula communis L.

Betony, bettany

3

3

6

Stachys officinalis (L.) Trevis.

Birthwort

2

6

8

Aristolochia clematitis L.

Blessed thistle

3

6

9

Centaurea benedicta (L.) L.

Borage

3

6

9

Borago officinalis L.

Calamint

3

1

4

Clinopodium menthifolium (Host) Stace

Caper

3

6

9

Capparis spinosa L.

Carrot

2

6

8

Daucus carota L.

Celery

3

5

8

Apium graveolens L.

Chamomile

3

3

6

Matricaria chamomilla L., Chamaemelum nobile (L.) All.

Chasteberry

3

6

8

Vitex agnus-castus L.

Chestnut

1

2

3

Castanea sativa Mill.

Coltsfoot

2

2

4

Tussilago farfara L.

Cuckoo-pint

1

3

4

Arum maculatum L.

Cypress

2

1

3

Cupressus sempervirens L.

Dock, sorrel, cow’s tongue

3

9

12

Rumex spp.*, Rumex acetosa L., Rumex patientia

Elder, elderberry

3

6

9

Sambucus nigra L.

Endive

2

4

6

Cichorium endivia L.

French lavender/spike

1

6

7

Lavandula dentata var. dentata, Lavandula stoechas L.

Fumitory

2

1

3

Fumaria officinalis L.

Gum, labdanum

1

3

4

Cistus ladanifer L.

Gum mastic

2

9

11

Pistacia lentiscus L.

Gum, sweetgum/storax

3

7

10

Liquidambar orientalis Mill., Styrax officinalis L.

Helenium

2

6

8

Inula helenium L.

Hellebore

2

7

9

Veratrum nigrum L., Veratrum album L.

Hemp agrimony

3

1

4

Eupatorium cannabinum L.

Hyssop

3

6

9

Hyssopus officinalis L.

Ivy

3

9

12

Hedera helix L.

Laurel/bay tree/berries

2

6

8

Laurus nobilis L.

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Table 1.5 (continued) 2

4

Melissa officinalis L.

Lemon balm

2

Madder

2

3

5

Rubia tinctorum L.

Manna

1

4

5

Astragalus brachycalyx Fisch., Fraxinus ornus L.

Myrtle

2

3

5

Myrtus communis L.

Pellitory

2

6

8

Anacyclus officinarum Hayne, Anacyclus pyrethrum (L.) Link

Peony

3

7

11

Paeonia mascula (L.) Mill.

Peony (includes root)

3

8

10

Paeonia mascula (L.) Mill.

Poppy

2

9

11

Papaver somniferum L.

Rose

3

6

9

Rosa gallica L., Rosa ×alba L.

Rosemary

3

4

7

Rosmarinus officinalis L.

Saffron

2

6

8

Crocus sativus

Saxifrage, filipendula, meadowsweet

3

5

8

Filipendula ulmaria (L.) Maxim.

Squill

2

2

4

Drimia maritima (L.) Stearn

Thyme

2

1

3

Thymus vulgaris L.

Tormentil

3

7

10

Potentilla erecta (L.) Raeusch.

Turpentine

3

4

7

Pistacia terebinthus L.

Valerian

3

5

8

Valeriana officinalis L.

Water lily

2

2

4

Nymphaea alba L., Nuphar lutea (L.) Sm.

familiar, and available in fresh or dried form, and most had been known, cultivated, and traded within the Roman Empire.78 Some, including dates, figs, fennel, and asparagus, were also transplanted to Mexico and were among the most common simples in the Mexican pharmacies. The two most widely cited Mediterranean simples, listed in e very one of the inventories and the pharmacy texts surveyed, were ivy and sorrel, both valued as emmenagogues, anti-­ inflammatories, and stomachics. Included in at least ten of twelve inventory and print sources were the gums mastic and storax; peony, an emmenagogue, stomachic, and remedy for ailments of the kidney; poppy, a soporific; and tormentil, an astringent.79 Cited less often but still prominent were a variety of other herbs, flowers, seeds, and roots that were used to treat an array of different afflictions. In addition to peony, sorrel, and ivy were a host of other antifertility agents and emmenagogues, including wild carrot seed, chasteberry seed, lily, caper, juniper, helenium, white hellebore, madder, parsley, chamomile, absinthe, hartwort, lemon balm, marjoram, oregano, and European snakeroot. Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy        39 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 1.6: Indo-Mediterranean Plant Simples, n = 15 In EM Text (3)

In Inv (3)

Frequency

Bistort

2

8

10

Bistorta officinalis Delarbre

Bladder cherry, Chinese lantern

3

2

5

Physalis alkekengi L.

Caraway

2

1

3

Carum carvi L.

Centaury

3

4

7

Centaurium erythraea Rafn

Chicory

2

4

6

Cichorium intybus L.

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Simple

Species Name

Dittany

3

7

10

Dictamnus albus L.

Fennel

2

8

10

Foeniculum vulgare Mill.

Fig

1

1

2

Ficus carica L.

Fleawort, psyllium, zaragatona

2

5

7

Plantago afra L.

Licorice

2

5

7

Glycyrrhiza glabra L., Glycyrrhiza echinata L.

Mallow

2

4

6

Malva sylvestris L.

Marshmallow

1

6

7

Althaea officinalis L., Hibiscus moscheutos L. subsp. palustris (L.) R. T. Clausen

Spurge, leafy

3

2

5

Euphorbia esula L.

Saint John’s wort

1

6

7

Hypericum perforatum L.

Violet

2

8

10

Viola odorata L., Viola wiedemannii Boiss.

Watercress

3

6

9

Nasturtium officinale W. T. Aiton

Other simples aided in childbirth and lactation, such as birthwort, coltsfoot, gentian, dill, lettuce, chasteberry, and madder.80 Still other Mediterranean herbs and flowers treated various ailments of the liver, spleen, and the urinary and digestive tracts, including purslane, rose, water lily, asparagus, parsnip, endive, myrtle, laurel, rosemary, chamomile, oregano, rhubarb, lavender, pellitory, cuckoo-­pint, and hyssop. Many of these also helped to heal wounds, bites, stings, and various infections. In addition, angelica root served as a stomachic, sudorific, and cordial; meadowsweet treated fever, gout, and skin eruptions; and betony aided with diseases of the head and nerves.81 Many of these herbs also served purposes other than medicinal: hyssop, for example, was used in purification rites in the Temple of Solomon and in Catholic rituals; ground date pits were used for eyeshadows and rose petals for blush; and mastic provided a convenient glue for attaching false eyelashes.82 A range of simples also came from the area connecting the Mediterranean 40        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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basin with the northern plains of India (see table 1.6). The most prominent Indo-­Mediterranean simples, present in two-­thirds of the sources, were juniper and fennel, both emmenagogues; bistort root, an astringent considered good for diarrhea and menstrual regulation; dittany of Crete to cure wounds and bites; white dittany for epilepsy, regulating menstruation, and destroying intestinal worms; violets, an emollient and gentle purge, good for headaches and fevers; and watercress, a diuretic also said to remove birthmarks and freckles.83 Also of note and used widely in prescriptions were licorice (see fig. 1.6) for treating sore throats, Fig. 1.6. Licorice in Dioscorides, De chest and urinary tract ailments, heartburn, and materia medica, Codex Julianae Aniciae. Credit: Wellcome Collection. CC BY. wounds; mallow to ease the stomach and bowel and as an antidote for poisons; marshmallow for treating all sorts of injuries, inflammations, hip and digestive ailments, and to draw down afterbirth; chicory for treating stomach problems; and Saint John’s wort for treating burns and hip ailments and to “drive out bilious matter and excrement.”84 THE SPICES AS ASIAN PLANT SIMPLES

Most Asian plant simples in the pharmacies were made up of two main overlapping types, the aromatics and the gum r esins, which together included cinnamon, pepper, cardamom, nutmeg, cloves, ginger, frankincense, myrrh, sweetgum, manna, and balsam, to name a few (see table 1.7). Twenty of the thirty-­three simples native to Asia were classified as one or the other (see table 1.8). Both aromatics and gum resins were in some ways unique among and apart from the other types of simples. Together, these substances have largely been classified as “spices” in European history, an inexact term that has been used to encompass both aromatics and gum resins along with sugar and various animal products including ambergris, castoreum, and musk.85 Generally, spices were expensive aromatic substances imported to Europe from distant lands (with the exception of saffron, which was cultivated mainly in Spain but very expensive nonetheless) and for the most part resisted easy naturalization and cultivation in new areas. Spices also tended to consist of the flower, bark, sap, or seed of a plant, and they were traded in processed and dried form.86 In contrast to spices, herbs tended to consist of the leaves of the plant and were local, more familiar, less expensive and generally less aromatic.87 Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy        41 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 1.7: The Spices

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Aromatics Camel hay/grass Cardamom Celtic nard Cinnamon Clove Cubeb Galanga root Ginger Grains of paradise, seed Mace Nutmeg Pepper Saffron Spikenard Sweet flag Zedoary Gum Resins Bdellium Camphor Dragon’’s blood Frankincense Greek pitch/pine pitch Gum ammoniac Gum arabic Gum, galbanum Gum, sagapeno Labdanum gum Mangle gum Manna Mastic Myrrh Opopanax/sweet myrrh Sarcocola Scammony Spurge Storax Tragacanth Turpentine American Gum Resins Dragon’s blood Gum copal Gum of Sonora Gum, caranna Tacamahaca

Native Region(s) Africa-Arabia Asia: South Europe/Eurasia Asia: South, Southeast Asia: Moluccas Asia: Southeast Asia: South, Southeast Asia: Southeast Africa Asia: Moluccas Asia: Moluccas Asia: South Mediterranean II Asia: South Asia Asia Native Region(s) Asia: South Asia: East Asia : South, Southeast Africa-Arabia Mediterranean I Asia: Iran Africa-Arabia, Asia: South Asia: Iran Asia: Central Mediterranean IIII Worldwide—Africa, America Mediterranean II Mediterranean I Africa-Arabia Africa-Arabia Asia: Southwest Eurasia Inconclusive: too many species Mediterranean II Asia : Southwest Mediterranean I Native Region(s) America: South America: South, Central America: North, Central America: South America: North

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Table 1.8: Asian Plant Simples of the Mexican Pharmacy, n = 33

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Simples

In EM In Total Text (3) Inv (9) Frequency

Species Name Prunus dulcis (Mill.) D. A. Webb Aquilaria malaccensis Lam. Pimpinella anisum Commiphora wightii (Arn.) Bhandari Acorus calamus L. Cinnamomum camphora (L.) J. Presl Elettaria cardamomum Smilax tamnoides L., Dioscorea villosa L., Smilax china L. Cinnamomum verum Syzygium aromaticum Saussurea costus (Falc.) Lipsch. Piper cubeba Cucumis sativus L. Daemonorops draco (Willd.) Blume

Almond, bitter and sweet Aloewood Anise Bdellium

2

5

7

3 3 2

1 6 6

4 9 8

Calamos Camphor

2 2

6 7

8 9

Cardamom China root

3 1

9 3

12 4

Cinnamon Clove Costus root Cubeb Cucumber Dragon’s blood

2 3 2 3 3 1

3 1 3 8 3 6

5 4 5 11 6 7

Galanga root

2

6

8

Kaempferia galanga

Ginger Gum ammoniac Gum, galbanum

3 3 1

4 7 7

7 10 8

Zingiber officinale Roscoe Dorema ammoniacum D. Don Ferula gummosa Boiss.

Gum, sagapeno Gum, tragacanth Hyacinth Jujube Mace Marjoram

2 1 2 2 2 3

6 6 6 3 4 1

8 9 8 5 6 4

Myrobalan

3

8

11

Nutmeg Pepper

3 3

4 8

7 11

Pomegranate, and flower Quince Sandalwood Sarcocola Spikenard Zedoary

3

6

9

Ferula persica Willd. Astragalus gummifer Labill. Hyacinthus orientalis L. Ziziphus jujuba Mill. Myristica fragrans Houtt. Origanum majorana L., Origanum viride Terminalia bellirica (Gaertn.) Roxb. Myristica fragrans Houtt. Piper nigrum L., Piper officinarum, Piper album Punica granatum L.

3 3 3 3 2

4 6 5 5 6

7 9 8 8 8

Cydonia oblonga Mill. Santalum album L. Astragalus fasciculifolius Boiss. Nardostachys grandiflora DC. Curcuma picta

Native Region(s) Asia: Southwest Asia: South, Southeast Asia: East, Southeast Asia: South Asia: South, Southeast Asia: East Asia: India Asia: East; America: North Asia-South Asia: Indonesia Asia: South Asia: Indonesia Asia: Southwest, South, Central Asia: India, Indonesia; 2nd variety in America: South (Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador, Peru) Asia: India, Sri Lanka, Indonesia (Java), Philippines Asia: South Asia: Iran Asia: Iran, Turkmenistan (possibly) Asia: Central Asia: Southwest Asia: Southwest Asia: East Asia: Southeast Asia: Southwest Asia: East, South, Southeast Asia: Southeast Asia: South Asia: Southwest, Central Asia: Southwest, Central Asia: South, Southeast Asia: Southwest Asia: East, South Asia: South, Southeast

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Spices were among the most expensive, highly valued simples, due not only to the high cost of transporting them but also to their importance as medicines, incense, perfumes, and food flavoring.88 They were among the most ancient of commodities, known and traded throughout Afro-­Eurasia for millennia.89 Historical treatment of spices tends to focus on their culinary value in the medieval and early modern European cuisine as the main reason for their high value and prestige in these societies, and as the driving force behind Portuguese and Spanish expansion in the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. More recent works have begun to acknowledge and explore their value as medicines but have done little in the way of in-­depth study or analysis.90 In fact, virtually all spices were considered medicinal, many of them were chiefly known and desired for their medicinal value, and they formed an integral part of Western materia medica from ancient times.91 Thus, the spice simples of Galenic pharmacy found in the Mexican pharmacies were the heirs of a very long tradition of trade and exchange.92 Asian aromatics included the all-­important cinnamon, an emollient and diuretic that was thought to be good for digestion. One of the oldest known medicines, cinnamon is native to Indonesia, though the best varieties were said to come from Ceylon. Closely related and with similar properties was cassia, or “Chinese cinnamon,” which came from trees of same genus and was native to China. The two were—­and are—­often confused and mixed together.93 From the Malabar coast of India came cardamom, whose small, angular seed pods served as an antispasmodic and were widely used for flavoring. One of the cheaper and most widespread of the spices was pepper, also native to India and valued in medicine for its diuretic and digestive properties and its ability to “draw down the fetus.”94 Lesser known but still very important were a series of Indian aromatics valued for their healing properties that also, due to their pungent fragrance, served in perfumes and incense. These included costus root (also called putchuk), considered to have diuretic and emmenagogic properties; spikenard, an Indian species of valerian, used for its digestive properties against diarrhea and nausea; and sweet flag, a semiaquatic perennial herb native to much of Asia with astringent, carminative, rubefacient, and stomachic properties.95 Southeast Asia was home to ginger, a digestive aid that was cultivated on board Chinese and Indonesian ships and taken by sailors to prevent scurvy.96 Perhaps most important to the historic spice trade were nutmeg, mace, and clove, which were native to the Spice Islands of the Moluccas and Banda Islands of Indonesia, whose climate proved ideal for their cultivation.97 Nutmeg and mace are, respectively, the nut and rind/husk (aril) of the nutmeg tree, valued in medicine for their astringency and ability to fortify the stomach.98 Cloves, dried buds of 44        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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the clove tree, were legendary both for their value and for their inability to be cultivated elsewhere.99 They were considered an effective muscle stimulant, and good for treating gout and paralysis.100 In addition to the aromatics, Asia was also home to a number of other simples that were not technically aromatic but very important nonetheless. From East Asia came the jujube, or Chinese date, the oval-­shaped fruit of a thorny shrub that was used to help with insomnia and digestion.101 Myrobalan, introduced to the West from India and Southeast Asia by Arabic scholars and traders, was a plum-­like fruit that served as a sto- Fig. 1.7. Anise in Dioscorides, De materia medica, Codex Julianae machic, astringent, laxative, and purge. There were Aniciae. Credit: Wellcome several varieties: beliric, chebulic, and emblic, and Collection. CC BY. the latter was also used as a d ye mordant and ingredient in shampoo and hair oil.102 The pomegranate, the fruit of a small shrub native to northern India and Pakistan, now widely cultivated, served as an astringent, antidiarrheal, diuretic, and abortifacient.103 Several other fruit, nut, and seed simples were also native to Southwest Asia. The seeds of anise (see fig. 1.7), a plant with similar properties to licorice, fennel, and tarragon, were valued for their diuretic and emmenagogic effect.104 The fruit of the quince, closely related to the apple and pear, was valued for its astringent and anti-­inflammatory properties, but was also an important ingredient in jams, jellies, and marmalades due to its high pectin content (correlating to its ability to solidify the preserves).105 The almond, native to southwest Asia, came in t wo varieties, sweet and bitter. Bitter almond, which contains amygdalin (a poison in high doses), was an emmenagogue. More significant for early modern pharmacy was sweet almond, an anti-­inflammatory analgesic that was used widely in a number of compounds, and whose oil served as a substrate for many compound oils, liniments, and ointments.106 Gums and resins, or plant “exudates,” consist of the sap from the trunks of trees and bushes (and sometimes their leaves), generally collected through tapping or making incisions into their bark. Gum resins can be liquid or semisolid, or dried as solids. Depending on their components, they are classified as resins, balsams, oleoresins, and gum resins.107 Like the aromatics, most of the gums and resins were native to Asia, though a few came from Europe and the Mediterranean. Most resinous trees and plants of the early simples came from the very dry, hot areas of Southwest Asia (Persia, Mesopotamia, the Levant), Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy        45 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Arabia, and East Africa. Environmental conditions in these regions make them home to a variety of hardy, thorny plants known as xerophytes, which survive due to their ability to conserve water and secrete resinous or waxy substances that are sometimes highly flammable.108 In general, like most other spices, they were not easily naturalized or cultivated elsewhere and had to be imported to the Mediterranean and, later, to Mexico, which made them expensive. The secretions of these plants generally have strong aromatic properties, hence their desirability throughout history despite their expense. Gum resins were particularly important as medicines due to their versatility: they not only possessed powerful medicinal virtues but also served as binding agents and preservatives for many different topical compounds, such as liniments, ointments, and plasters; thus, they were very prominent in the pharmacies and the pharmaceutical literature. Many of them have also served since ancient times as perfumes, incense, and ingredients for sacred oils and ointments.109 There is archaeological evidence of the use of turpentine resin in Mycenaean society, for example, and trade routes brought gum resins to the Mediterranean from at least 2000 BCE. By 500 BCE, the Incense Road, carrying gums and resins north to the Mediterranean from Southern Arabia and East Africa, had been established.110 Perhaps the most famous of all gum resins in the pharmacies were balsam, frankincense (also called olibanum or thus), and myrrh, all native to both the Arabian Peninsula and the tip of East Africa. Balsam, a desert shrub closely related to myrrh, was named in the Bible as the plant brought to King Solomon by the Queen of Sheba.111 According to Dioscorides, it had “the most efficacious properties” as an antidote to animal bites, in counteracting uterine chills, and drawing down afterbirth.112 The main gum resins of the area, though, were frankincense (see fig. 1.8) and myrrh, for which there was a “universal demand” in antiquity. Both were crucial to the economy of southern Arabia, which distributed them to the Mediterranean, Mesopotamia, and India. Frankincense, a pale green- to amber-­colored gum resin from the frankincense tree, was good for cleansing and healing wounds and stopping hemorrhages, and is still the main incense used in Catholic and Orthodox Christian churches.113 Myrrh, the red gum r esin of the thorny, bush-­like myrrh tree, was considered healing, agglutinative, soporific, and astringent. Both myrrh and opopanax (or sweet myrrh), also from the same area, were employed as contraceptives or abortifacients due to their emmenagogic properties.114 Moving further east, several species of trees producing medicinal gum resins were native to Persia, and have had little success in being cultivated elsewhere. Perhaps the most legendary of these was manna, the sweet exudate of 46        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 1.8. Frankincense in Dioscorides, De materia medica, Codex Julianae Aniciae. Credit: Wellcome Collection. CC BY.

a variety of different plant and animal substances that was used as a g entle purgative and expectorant as well as a substitute for sugar or honey.115 Under particular environmental conditions, manna trees release this exudate on their leaves at dawn, as in the biblical stories about “manna from heaven.”116 Other Southwest Asian exudates included asafetida, or giant fennel, a contraceptive and abortifacient that also treated nosebleeds, bowel ailments, and snakebites, and sarcocola, a spiny shrub whose exudate was used to heal wounds.117Closely related to sarcocola was gum tragacanth, used to treat sore throats and coughs, Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy        47 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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and sagapen, an umbelliferous plant whose roots produced a gum-­like juice that served as an emmenagogue and treated a variety of chest, spleen, and nervous ailments.118 Gum ammoniac and galbanum, both native to modern-­day Iran, were important antifertility agents and also treated ailments of the chest and bowel. Gum arabic, native to a w ide swath of the Indo-­Mediterranean, treated coughs and ailments of the stomach and lungs.119 Bdellium, the gum of a spiny shrub native to India, was mentioned in the Old Testament and the Vedas, and served in medicine as a diuretic and softening agent used for “drawing out the fetus.”120 Dragon’s blood, the red exudate of the Daemonorops draco plant, was one of the few Indonesian gum resins, though a variety of the plant was found in South America as well.121 Notwithstanding the predominance of Asian, and particularly Southwest Asian gum r esins, a n umber of important Mediterranean types played an important role in trade and medicine. The two most prominent were turpentine and mastic, which also had considerable importance for painting and sculpture, serving as glues, binders, and ingredients in pigments and varnishes. Both of these were used widely as binders for compounds, although each was considered to have cleansing, astringent, softening, and diuretic properties on their own.122 Other significant gum resins included pine pitch, an anti-­inflammatory and expectorant; storax, an emmenagogue with softening and digestive properties; spurge, for treating cataracts, bone spurs, snake bites, and diseases of the hip; labdanum, the diuretic exudate of the rockrose bush, gathered from the beards of goats who grazed on its leaves; and scammony, an important purgative from Eurasia.123 In addition to the Asian, Mediterranean, and European gum resins, there were also a number of medicinal exudates in the Americas, which came into regular use in the Mexican pharmacies by the eighteenth century. These included copal, a red resin used as incense in religious ceremonies, caranna gum, Sonora gum, and tacamahaca. AFRICAN PLANT SIMPLES

Simples native to Africa, particularly sub-­Saharan Africa, were less numerous than those of the Mediterranean (which included north Africa), but they included some of the most important and highly valued materials in Galenic pharmacy (see table 1.9). Among these were the already mentioned gum arabic, frankincense, myrrh, and opopanax, which were crucial elements of the East African economy and connected to the Incense Road. Also exported from East Africa along the Incense Road was the ammi fruit, produced by a perennial herb that has seeds similar to cumin (hence its other name, Ethiopian cumin), which were good for digestion.124 The African herbal pharmacopoeia 48        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 1.9: African Plant Simples, n = 10

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Simple

In EM In Inv Freq. Text (3) (9)

Species Name

Native Region(s)

Aloe

2

7

9

Aloe vera (L.) Burm. f.

Africa: Canary Islands

Camel hay/grass

2

4

6

Africa-Arabia

Frankincense

2

2

4

Cymbopogon schoenanthus (L.) Spreng. Boswellia sacra Flueck.

Grains of paradise

3

5

8

Africa

Gum arabic

3

4

7

Aframomum melegueta K. Schum. Acacia senegal (L.) Willd.

Gum, opopanax/ sweet myrrh Myrrh

3

5

8

3

6

9

Senna

2

4

6

Tamarind

3

7

10 Tamarindus indica L.

Turnip

3

2

5

Africa-Arabia

Africa-Arabia, Asia: South

Commiphora kataf Africa-Arabia (Forssk.) Engl. Commiphora myrrha (Nees) Engl., Africa-Arabia, Europe Myrrhis odorata (L.) Scop. Senna alexandrina Mill. Africa, Mediterranean Brassica rapa L.

Africa: tropical Africa: North

also included aloe and tamarind, both highly significant and common simples in the pharmacy. Aloe served as an astringent and soporific, and was used for softening the bowel, cleansing the stomach, closing pores, and mending injuries. Tamarind pulp especially was a common ingredient used widely as a laxative that also calmed the stomach and brought an end to vomiting.125 Senna, native to Africa and parts of the Mediterranean, was used as a purge and for certain skin conditions.126 From North Africa and the Arabian Peninsula came the aromatic emmenagogue camel grass, while west and west-­central Africa were home to grains of paradise, introduced to Europe by Arabic medical writings and considered astringent and good for digestion, epilepsy, and fainting problems.127 Trade in these simples as well as other important staples had occurred between African and Asian ports for millennia, despite historical and historiographical tendencies to undervalue Africa’s contribution to world-­ historical development.128 EUROPEAN AND EURASIAN PLANT SIMPLES

The survey of Mexican pharmacy inventories included only nine plant simples of European or Eurasian origins (mainly Eastern Europe, Russia, and parts of Central Asia)—­fenugreek, hermodactyl, rue, sage, oregano, barberry, scammony, Celtic nard, and imperatoria—­an indication of the Mediterranean basis of Galenic pharmacology (see table 1.10). In this tradition, and within the trade Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy        49 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 1.9. Fenugreek in Dioscorides, De materia medica, Codex Julianae Aniciae. Credit: Wellcome Collection. CC BY.

routes that carried its products throughout Afro-­ Eurasia over the centuries, Europe remained a northwestern hinterland. Nevertheless, the simples of European and northern Eurasian origin were staple ingredients to the Galenic tradition. Rue and sage, for example, were both highly important antifertility agents that also served to staunch blood, cleanse sores, and stop poisons. Fenugreek (see fig. 1.9) served as an emollient and anti-­inflammatory as well as an ingredient in shampoo, and hermodactyl was used to treat gout, rheumatism, and arthritis.129 These simples were prescribed regularly and used as ingredients in multiple compound medicines. PLANTS OF MULTIPLE ORIGINS

Finally, nine of the plant simples in t he print and archival sources surveyed here had origins in Afro-­Eurasia as well as either the Americas or Australia, or both (see table 1.11). Dodder, a cathartic and emmenagogue used for removing obstructions, appears to be the most versatile in terms of habitat, native to every major continent.130 Both plantain and purslane were dubbed “worldwide weeds” by GRIN due to their widespread naturalization, although the plantain, an astringent and febrifuge also used to treat headaches, earaches, bee stings, and snake bites, is thought to be originally from Southeast and South Asia.131 Purslane, used to treat stomach ailments, wounds, and burns, probably originated in northwestern India, Central Asia, and western China.132 Turpeth, a c austic and highly effective purgative, and melon, whose seeds were employed mainly for liver and kidney problems, were native to Afro-­Eurasia and Australia.133 NEW ADDITIONS OF PLANT SIMPLES IN TWO WAVES

Despite the long and stable tradition of Dioscoridean substances in Ga lenic pharmacy, there were two instances in w hich new simples were added to Galenic materia medica that corresponded with major imperial expansion. The first occurred with the expansion of the Islamic Empires during the Middle Ages, in which a series of aromatics were added to the pharmacopeia as a result of contact with and knowledge of Eastern lands (see table 1.12).134 Greek

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Table 1.10: European and Eurasian Plant Simples, n = 9 Simple

Barberry

In EM In Text Inv Freq. (3) (9)

0

7

Species Name

Native Regions

7

Berberis vulgaris L.

Eurasia

Valeriana celtica

Europe

Celtic nard

1

5

6

Fenugreek

2

9

11 Trigonella foenum-­graecum L.

Eurasia Europe

Hermodactyl

2

9

11 Colchicum autumnale L.

Imperatoria (masterwort)

0

4

4

Imperatoria major Gray, Imperatoria ostruthium L.

Europe

Oregano

2

4

6

Origanum vulgare L. subsp. vulgare

Eurasia

Rue

2

4

6

Ruta graveolens L.

Europe

Sage

2

4

6

Salvia officinalis L.

Europe

Scammony

3

6

9

Convolvulus scammonia L.

Eurasia

Table 1.11: Plant Simples of Multiple World Origins, n = 9 Simple

In EM In Text Inv Freq. (3) (9)

Species Name

Native Region(s)

Dodder

1

4

5

Cuscuta spp.*

Worldwide—Asia; Europe; Africa; America: North, Central, South; Australia

Gum, mangle

0

6

6

Rhizophora mangle L.

Worldwide—Africa: tropical; America: North, Central, South

Juniper, juniper berries

3

5

8

Juniperus communis L.

Worldwide—IndoMediterranean; America: North

Maidenhair

2

2

4

Adiantum capillus-veneris L. Worldwide—Mediterranean II; America: North, Central, South

Melon

3

6

9

Cucumis melo L.

Worldwide—Africa, Asia, Australia

Plantain

3

4

7

Plantago spp.*, Plantago major L.

Worldwide weed

Purslane

1

5

6

Portulaca oleracea L.

Worldwide weed

Turpeth

2

3

5

Operculina turpethum (L.) Silva Manso

Worldwide—Africa; Asia: East, Southeast; Australia

Yarrow

2

1

3

Achillea millefolium L.

Worldwide—Mediterranean II; America: Central

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Table 1.12: Simples of the Mexican Pharmacies That Were Introduced by Arabic Authors Ambergris

Bdellium

Bezoar

Borax

Camphor

Canafistula

Coconut

Cubeb

Galangal

Grains of paradise

Jacinth

Karabe

Lemon

Mace

Manna

Musk

Myrobalan

Pearl

Sandalwood

Senna

Storax

Tamarind

Turpeth

Zedoary

and Roman medical writings had discussed a number of aromatics, but others were unknown to Greek authors and not used until Arabic texts began to include them.135 Among the aromatics introduced to Galenic pharmacy by Arabic medical authors was camphor, the fragrant crystalline substance found in cavities in the trunk of the camphor tree, which was known for its distinctive smell and anti-­inflammatory properties.136 Galanga was another, a plant of the ginger family whose roots were thought to be fortifying to the kidneys and good for digestion. Sandalwood was another fragrant simple, a wood that was native mainly to Indonesia, the islands of Timor and Java chiefly.137 Sandalwood came in several varieties—­yellow, white, and red, all of which were present in the pharmacies and valued for their ability to fortify the stomach and heart.138 Also native to Java and to Sumatra was the cubeb, a diuretic whose unripe berries were also dried and used for sore throat and toothache, and could be rolled into cigarettes.139 They were also used to spice meats in m edieval Europe.140 Another Eastern spice added to the medieval pharmacopoeia under the Islamic Empires was zedoary, a rhizome native to India and Indonesia that was astringent, diuretic, and good for stomach ailments and sometimes substituted for cinnamon or nutmeg.141 A second wave of introductions to the traditional Galenic materia medica began with the Columbian Exchange and the expansion of the Spanish Empire, which led to the addition of a significant number of American plant simples, plants that had been wholly unknown to Galenic pharmacy (see table 1.13). Despite early interest on the part of the Spanish Crown to investigate and exploit New World material medica, it took decades and in s ome cases centuries for New World medicines to be incorporated into the official pharmacopoeia, despite their lauded benefits. Even then, only a small percentage of the entire Nahua pharmacopoeia of central Mexico was ever recognized or exploited by Western medicine, a fact recognized by modern ethnobotanists, 52        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Table 1.13: American Plant Simples, n = 18 Simple

In EM In Text Inv (3) (9)

Freq.

Species Name

Native Region(s)

0

5

5

Phlebodium decumanum (Willd.) America: North, Central, J. Sm. South

Cashew

3

3

6

Anacardium occidentale L.

Chocho

0

5

5

Lupinus mutabilis Sweet, Sechium America: Central, South edule (Jacq.) Sw.

Contrayerva

0

5

5

Dorstenia contrajerva L.

Guayacan

2

7

9

Bulnesia sarmientoi Lorentz ex America: North (Mexico) and Griseb., Handroanthus billberSouth gii subsp. ampla (A. H. Gentry) S. Grose, Handroanthus chrysanthus subsp. Chrysanthus, Handroanthus guayacan (Seem.) S. Grose, Leptolobium panamense (Benth.) Sch. Rodr. & A. M. G. Azevedo

Gum, caranna

1

6

7

Mauritiella aculeata (Kunth) Burret

America: South

Gum, copal

1

6

7

Schinus terebinthifolia Raddi; Hymenaea courbaril L.

America: South, Central

Gum of Sonora

0

5

5

Larrea tridentata (DC.) Coville

America: North: (U.S., Mexico: North and Central)

Gum, tacamahaca

1

6

7

Populus balsamifera L.

America: North (Canada, U.S.)

Ipecac

1

7

8

Carapichea ipecacuanha (Brot.) L. Andersson

America: Central, South

Jalap

0

7

7

Ipomoea purga (Wender.) Hayne America: Mexico

Jojoba

0

3

3

Simmondsia chinensis (Link) C. K. Schneid.

Mechoacan

1

3

4

Ipomoea purga (Wender.) Hayne America: Central

Quina-Cascaras de loxa (quina)

0

5

5

Cinchona calisaya Wedd.

Sarsaparilla

1

5

6

Smilax aristolochiifolia Mill., America: Central, South Smilax febrifuga Kunth; Smilax regelii Killip & C. V. Morton

Sassafras

1

6

7

Sassafras albidum (Nutt.) Nees

America: North (all over U.S.)

Shrub trefoil/ Dorycnion

2

1

3

Ptelea trifoliata L.2

America: North, Central

Snakeroot, Virginia snakeweed, serpentaria

2

5

7

Aristolochia serpentaria L.

America: North

Calaguala peruviana

America: South

America: Central, South

America: North

America: Central, South

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ethnopharmacologists, and folk healers who continue these investigations into the present. Despite the enormous variety of plant simples available through Mexico’s rich biodiversity, and the overall lack of overlap between plant simples of the New and Old Worlds, a few simples did grow in both the Americas and Afro-­Eurasia, including maidenhair (for cough, snake bite, and intestinal worms), mangle gum (astringent, febrifuge, and coagulant), yarrow (or milfoil, for wounds and skin conditions), and juniper (a purgative and disinfectant, and used for toothache, coughs, bites, worms, and as an antidote for poison).142 Animal Simples in Galenic Pharmacy

Although a w orldwide assortment of plant simples clearly dominated the Western pharmacopoeia, apothecary shops also had a variety of animal-­ and mineral-­based simples. Simples of animal origin constituted about 6 percent of the 220 simples identified from the Mexican pharmacies (see table 1.2). They make up some of the most unusual components of Galenic pharmacy, and have evoked the contempt of many historians who have held them as proof that premodern medicine was irrational, backward, primitive, and “disgusting.”143 However, zootherapy, or the use of animals, animal parts, and animal products to treat human disease, has a long history in Western materia medica. Evidence of it exists in the first written records of the earliest complex societies of Egyptians, Assyrians, and Babylonians, and in ancient Chinese and Indian medicine as well.144 Most of these products derived from local sources, including local wildlife and domesticated animals (see table 1.14),145 although some animal-­ derived simples in Galenic pharmacy such as castoreum, ambergris, and coral came from far-­off lands over long-­distance trade routes.146 Animal-­based simples made up about 10 percent of the simples named in Dioscorides’s De materia medica.147 The medieval Arabic medical literature also contained reference to similar animal simples—­medicines derived from bear, camel, dog, horse, lizard, mouse, pigeon, rabbit, goat, scorpion, snake, squid, turtle, and wolf as well as eggs, milk, honey, and wax—­and they made up about 7 percent of all medicinal substances named by al-­Tabari and al-­Kindī.148 This tradition influenced the materia medica of medieval and early modern Europe, though it appears that over time the use of animal simples began to decline.149 A survey of twelve printed pharmaceutical texts from the time of Dioscorides to the ninteenth century CE yielded about forty different types of animal simples that I have classified as whole animals, animal parts (bones, skin, internal organs, blood, horn, and claws), and animal products (fat, milk, stones, excretions, and secretions). Whole animals used in medicine consisted of various insects, worms, and reptiles, including centipedes, caterpillars, millipedes, 54        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 1.14: Animal Simples In All Texts

In Early Modern Texts

3 7 3 4 3 0 3 3 5 4 4 2 6 3 3 4 5 4 4 5 4 6 22

1 1 0 0 1 0 0 1 2 1 2 0 0 0 0 2 2 1 1 2 2 2 14

Animal parts: bones, skin, internal organs, blood, horn, claws Blood, various 7 Bones, various 4 Hoof, claws 5 Liver 4 Lung 6 Marrow, various 5 Penis/testicles 6 Urine 3 total animal parts 8

3 2 2 2 1 2 2 0 7

4 5 9

Animal products: fat, milk, stones, excretions, secretions Ambergris/sperm whale Bezoar stone (of goat, gazelle, monkey, stag heart) Crab eyes Dung Fat, grease Gall, bile Milk Musk Spiderweb Wool total animal products

4 3 5 5 8 9 7 5 6 4 10

1 2 1 2 4 2 2 1 0 1 9

5 8 6 2 4

TOTAL ALL ANIMAL MEDICINES

40

30

19

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Text Animal Simples Whole animal Bees, dried Blister beetle, cantharides Caterpillar Centipede Cicada Cochineal Cramp-fish Earthworm Frog Kermes, vermillion, scarlet grain Leeches Lizard Mummy Roosters and hens Salamander Scorpion Shellac, lake, laque Skink Slaters/millipede Snail Snake Sponge total whole animals

In Inventories

8

1

2 5 2 4

6 1 5 9

1 2 5

5

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earthworms, frogs, scorpions, salamanders, lizards, snails, and snakes. Among these, the blister beetle, sea sponge, and frog stand out as the most commonly cited, used as emmenagogues and diuretics (beetle), to heal wounds, hemorrhage, and gout (sponge), and as a desiccant and antidote (frogs).150 Animal parts and animal products consisted of the blood, bones, marrow, hooves, various organs, urine, and feces of a wide variety of animals. Texts list dung, for example, from a wide variety of animals—­pigeon, dove, swallow, cow, goat, horse, swan, snake, dog, hen, goose, sparrow, human, boar, wolf, sheep, duck, pig, and rat—­and an even wider variety of sources of animal fats, including the fats of typical domesticated animals plus the fat of snakes, rats, wolves, beavers, egrets, mountain cats, and bears. Many of these animals also provided intestine, marrow, urine, lung, blood, bile, liver, bone, penis, testicles, various stones (calculus), hooves, and claws (see table 1.18). A variety of human parts and products are also listed: fat of mother’s milk, human fat, human cranium, mummy, blood, menstrual blood, urine, and feces.151 Several of the human animal parts and products named in t exts and pharmacies must have involved the manipulation of corpses—­they could not have been derived otherwise.152 For mummy, the simple itself may have consisted of the flesh of the mummy, or may have been a collection of the various gums and resins (pitch, asphalt, bitumen, frankincense, and myrrh) that were used in the embalming process, or both. Whatever its actual content, mummy served as both a medicine and a source of brown pigment for centuries. Animal simples in the pharmacy inventories of New Spain are for the most part a subset of the simples named in the print sources, though significantly fewer in number. Nineteen different animal simples are listed in the inventories, slightly less than half the total in the texts, and about two-­thirds of the thirty different animal-­based simples identified in the early modern texts. This decrease in numbers of animal simples, from forty in all texts to thirty in the early modern texts, to nineteen in the inventories, corroborates with the overall assumptions in the scholarship (meager as it is) on zootherapy: that it declined in importance and variety in the centuries since the Renaissance as pharmaceutical therapy began to rely more and more on chemical methods. The decline in animal simples in the Mexican pharmacies may have been due, also, to the lack of availability of certain animals, although the Columbian Exchange led to the widespread introduction of many domesticated animals of the Old World to the New.153 In fact, a substantial proportion of the animal simples available in the Mexican pharmacies were not dependent on local production: whole-­animal simples included the blister beetle, Kermes grain, and lake, all insects or insect 56        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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products of foreign origin. The latter two were used widely in dyes and thus were quite valuable. The same was true for mummy. Ambergris and castoreum, both highly expensive and rare medicines, were present in t he pharmacies. Ambergris, from sperm whales, was perhaps the most expensive and highly valued of all the spices. Castoreum, a secretion produced by beavers, was an emmenagogue also thought to calm the nerves.154 Mexican pharmacies also carried bezoars, w ­ hich are the calculus “stones” formed in the digestive organs (mainly the stomach) of animals like goats, deer, and gazelles, and used as antidotes.155 The only animal simple in the pharmacies but not in the texts was the American cochineal, an insect parasite of the maguey cactus, which, when crushed and dried, produced a highly sought-­after red dye. In addition to these simples, inventories and prescriptions contain a host of other animals and animal parts and products that were presumably available locally from domesticated and wild animals: frogs, earthworms, millipedes, hens, snakes, and scorpions; snake and calf skin; the blood of humans, deer, bulls, and goats; deer and cow marrow; lizard dung; deer bones; human crania; the heart of a deer and a snake; the liver of a snake; the penis of a bull and a deer; and pig hooves and deer antlers, which were available in every pharmacy. As evident from this list, deer were very prominent among animal simples—­the powdered antler and hoof of the deer were common ingredients in medicines, often burnt to provide alkaline material necessary for medicinal and industrial use.156 Also very prevalent in the pharmacies were various animal fats, derived from deer, hens, herons, snakes, and humans, again indicating the pharmaceutical use of corpses. The assortment of simples here may seem somewhat strange to the modern observer, but there were clear uses for these different animal products. Animal fats, which are generally solid at room temperature, provided the substrate for ointments and some plasters. Animal dung also served as a substrate for some medicines, and served as a h eating material for others—­it was often mixed with other simples and left out in the sun to “cook” for several hours to several days, aiding the process with its insulating properties. Urine’s acidic properties are recognized even today for cleansing purposes, and bones and marrow allowed for the formation of gelatinous thickening agents. Beeswax and honey also served as critical agents in early pharmacy. Not only were they considered medicinal but wax provided the base for medicinal plasters and wax molds, and honey served as an important preservative and sweetener in syrups and electuaries. Before the spread of sugar cane to the Mediterranean under Islamic rule, in fact, honey was the main sweetener available. Thus animal simples served as crucial and versatile materials in early modern pharmacy. Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy        57 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Mineral Simples in Galenic Pharmacy

In addition to evidence of herbal therapy and zootherapy in Galenic pharmacy was lithotherapy, or the healing effected by simples of mineral origin. Mineral simples included some stone-­like substances derived from or produced by living things (pearls, coral, bezoars, and amber—­see table 1.15), but for the most part they consisted of earths, stones, minerals, metals, and metal ore. Most of them were naturally occurring, although techniques developed early on to prepare many types of earths and ores synthetically through chemical procedures. This was true for many simples that served as valuable pigments: vermillion, for example, is synthetic cinnabar, and white lead (also called ceruse) occurs naturally but can be prepared chemically. Mineral substances were a minor but consistently important part of Galenic materia medica: minerals constituted 11 percent of total simples listed in pharmaceutical texts over the centuries, and 15 percent of simples in p harmacy inventories (see table 1.2).157 Minerals served in m any different compounds to treat a variety of ills, but generally seemed to be used most commonly for their astringent properties in curing diseases of the eye, treating skin ailments, and stopping hemorrhage.158 Some of their curative properties were historically associated with their particular color: red stones such as ruby, red coral, and hematite were associated with curing diseases of the blood, while yellow stones—­topaz—­were associated with urine or diseases of the bladder.159 Stones of blue and green hues such as lapis lazuli, sapphire, emerald, jade, and green marble were thought to relax the eye in their recall of clear skies and verdant abundance.160 In addition to their medical properties, stones and minerals played particularly important roles in a va riety of artisanal traditions. Most of the mineral substances in the pharmacies also served in different capacities in the fabrication of dyes, pigments, varnishes, inks, and ceramics, in jewelry-­ making and goldsmithing, in religious ceremonies, and in magic and divination.161 Mineral substances also provided the basis for early alchemical research and the development of chemical medicines. The use of mineral substances in medical therapy has, like its herbal and animal counterparts, a v ery long history that dates back, no doubt, to prehistory. There is evidence of lithotherapy in a ncient Egypt and India, from which many of the precious stones came. This tradition largely originated and developed in t he eastern Mediterranean and the Levant, whose influence is evident in many of the minerals included in materia medica.162 Use of these materials was written down by classical authors, beginning with Theophrastus, who established a textual tradition of lapidaries, books devoted to the study of 58        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Table 1.15: Mineral Simples Earths and Exudates Amber Armenian bole Asphalt, naphtha, bitumen, petroleum Ochre Stamped earth from Lemnos

In All Texts In Early Modern Texts 5 2 5 3 15 5 5 1 6 3

In Inventories 6 2 0 0 5

Metals and Metallic Compounds Alum Antimony Arsenic Calamine, a zinc oxide Chalcitis Cinnabar Copiapite, yellow copperas Copper Copper sulfate, capparosa Gold Green vitriol Hematite, bloodstone (iron ore) Iron Lead Litharge, lead monoxide Orpiment, arsenic sulfide Red lead, lead oxide Sandarach, red arsenic Silver Tin Verdigris Vitriol White lead

11 9 6 4 4 7 5 8 3 5 4 6 8 8 8 6 5 5 7 4 7 6 8

3 3 2 1 1 3 1 3 1 2 1 3 1 3 3 1 1 2 2 1 3 3 2

5 3 1 0 0 2 0 0 0 1 2 6 1 2 1 2 1 0 1 0 2 1 2

Mineral Salts Borax/borate of soda Common salt Lime Niteror soda Sal ammoniac Sal gemma Sulfur

4 9 7 10 7 4 10

1 2 1 3 3 2 3

0 0 0 2 7 4 8

Stones Alabaster Coral Eaglestone Emerald Garnet Jacinth/zircon Jews’ stone Lapis lazuli Lapis lyncis, lyneis, lincis Lapis specularis Magnet, iman stone Marble Pearl Ruby Sapphire Topaz/chrysolithus

3 8 3 2 4 3 5 8 3 4 5 2 6 8 2 1

1 2 1 1 1 1 2 2 3 2 1 2 3 2 0 1

2 9 0 4 5 6 0 4 0 0 3 6 5 5 3 4

TOTAL NUMBER OF MINERAL SIMPLES

52

51

34

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stones and minerals, that further developed in medieval Islam and the Latin West and continued into the nineteenth century.163 Scholars studying the tradition have noted a fair amount of variety in the form, emphasis, and information contained in the lapidaries over time, of which their medicinal attributes are only a p art. Lapidaries record a n umber of therapeutic values not associated with physical healing and were part of a long tradition of association with the zodiac. Stones, particularly gemstones, were attributed magical qualities that might be heightened under a particular astrological sign, and stones were often gazed upon, worn as amulets, or placed in signets as talismans to ward off harm, including disease.164 George Kuntz has documented their use as talismans, in religious ceremonies, and in divination, in which crystals, black stones, quicksilver, glass, mirrors, and even ink were gazed upon for long periods in order to invoke visions.165 Thus the use of stones to preserve or restore well-­being was imbued with a host of metaphysical and religious meanings, uses, and connotations, and a long association with the occult.166 But they also were used widely in more mundane medical treatments as topical medicines and, increasingly over time, as powders that were ingested.167 While it is anachronistic to make clear divisions between the medicinal and the symbolic or magical (earlier authors often say “superstitious”) uses of stones, John Riddle and Nichola Harris have both emphasized the importance of lapidaries in the Western medical and scientific traditions.168 Modern histories of medicine tend to emphasize herbal medicines at the expense of both the animal and the mineral, the former deemed “primitive” and the latter often associated with magic, considered antithetical to the march of medical progress. However, it is clear from the pharmacy texts and inventories that minerals and stones were an integral part of Western healing. According to Harris, a typical medieval or early modern lapidary included about forty entries. This is roughly close to the fifty-­two different mineral substances in the pharmaceutical texts I surveyed (see table 1.15) and demonstrates consistent use of these materials over time, unlike the case for animal-­based simples, which appear to have decreased. The stones and minerals in the pharmacies defy simple categorization and comprise a w ide variety of materials whose origins, chemical constitutions, and method of formation were not wholly understood in the early modern period. The Diccionario de Autoridades of 1734 defines minerals broadly as “any fixed or solid body that is generated in the earth by its vapors and exhalations.”169 To simplify matters, I have grouped the mineral simples into categories that reflect early modern sensibilities but will be clear to the modern reader. These include earths and earth exudates,

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metals and metallic compounds (metal oxides and ores), mineral salts, and stones. For Paul of Aegina, the medicinal properties of earths lay in their drying properties: “all,” he said, “are desiccants.”170 Print and archival sources listed several types of earth, usually of specific colors and properties that came from particular areas and that were deemed medicinal.171 These earths were “famous in the books of medicine for the effects they have on the human body” and included Armenian bole, a red clay from Armenia good for coagulating the blood, and “stamped earth,” a very rare deep red earth from the Greek island of Lemnos that served as an antidote against any type of poison.172 Pharmacy texts also included a variety of earth exudates such as amber (thought to be good for the stomach, head, and heart) and asphalt or bitumen (an emollient and emmenagogue), all of which were prominent in Mexican pharmacies as well as texts.173 Texts also record, and pharmacies also contained, a variety of metals and metal ores. Metals were defined as mineral substances, also produced by exhalations, that melt in fire but solidify when cool, and are ductile—­they can be drawn out and shaped with a hammer. Metals included the “noble metals” gold and silver, exported from Egypt in the ancient world and used mainly to treat eye problems.174 Other pure or native metals were included in the materia medica, including antimony, found in Iran and Arabia, used for leprosy; copper, iron, and lead, all used in e ye ointments, or collyria; and mercury, to treat stones, trouble with urination, and lice, fleas, and skin diseases.175 There were also a host of metal ores—­the oxides, sulfides, or silicates of these metals—­that served as medicinal simples and often as pigments as well, because of their strong color. Arsenic sulfides, including orpiment, sandarach, and realgar, were used as pigments and for treating sore throats, asthma, and sores.176 Cinnabar, a sulfide of mercury, provided a brilliant red color and also served as an astringent.177 White lead, red lead (also called minium), and litharge are all lead oxides that were used as pigments (and sometimes cosmetics) and for eye diseases.178 Similarly, bloodstone, a mineral form of iron oxide, was used for eye complaints and for hemorrhage, its color associated with blood.179 Copper ores included chrysocolla, used for cleansing sores; chalcitis (also called crocus martis), an astringent and caustic; and verdigris, a green pigment also used to treat eye diseases.180 Metal ores also contained metal sulfates derived from vitriol, or sulfuric acid, such as green vitriol, or ferrous sulfate, and capparosa, or copper sulfate. Western materia medica also included a variety of salts, recognized generally for their astringent and desiccating properties. Like sugar, honey, and Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy        61 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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vinegar, salts served as a preservative for a variety of products. In addition to common salt (sodium chloride), others included alum, used as a caustic and treatment for eye diseases, and borax, the salt of boric acid, used as a cleanser and a binder in enameling and used for toothache.181 Lime (calcium carbonate) served as a caustic and stimulant and could be recovered by burning shells and marble.182 Soda (sodium carbonate), was found in the aqueous solution of plant ashes, mainly from saltwort, and used as a cleanser and detergent as well as an antidote for poison.183 Along with baking soda, it was a component of natron, another important salt in t he pharmacopoeia and an important curing and drying agent often used in Egyptian mummification processes. Sal ammoniac (ammonium chloride), a variety of sal gem, was also employed as a caustic in medicine and to solder and refine metals in metalwork.184 Sulfur had long been used for afflictions of the skin and chest and to treat colds.185 Most of the stones included in t he pharmacy were precious or semiprecious. As discussed above, stones, and particularly rare gemstones, were related to birthstones, the zodiac, and endowed with all sorts of symbolic and magical meanings. But they had much more mundane functions in the pharmacy and were a m ajor part of mineral medicine. The eaglestone was believed to help with childbirth and especially difficult or long labors; a substance called “Jews’ stone” served to erode or break down kidney stones; alabaster, when burned and ingested, eased stomach problems; and magnets were thought to work similarly to bloodstone, as a s typtic and to stop hemorrhage.186 Other stone-­like animal products included the bezoar (described above); red coral, used for dysentery and bladder trouble; and pearls, a remedy for eye trouble, liver trouble, hemorrhage, and depression, also used in toothpastes.187 Precious stones, often ground into fine powders when prepared as medicines, included the jacinth (also referred to as hyacinth and lapis lyncurius) for stomach ailments and protection from lightning; ruby for eye trouble and to have good dreams; emerald for good vision, to treat elephantiasis, and to stanch bleeding; and sapphire for the eyes and to treat scorpion stings.188 Thus, the mineral materia medica included a variety of different inorganic substances used to treat a range of illnesses. Text and Practice in Galenic Pharmacy in New Spain

The apothecaries of New Spain, then, worked with a wide variety of plant, animal, and mineral simples that came from all over the world and were part of the Galenic tradition. The inventories of Mexican pharmacies include a worldwide cornucopia of simples closely resembling the simples listed in Western pharmaceutical texts. Four sets of prescription lists from an array of institutions in 62        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Mexico City (see appendix 1), dating from 1597, 1640, 1647, and 1668, are also very useful for comparing text with practice, and for determining the predominance of the use of some simples over others. These prescriptions, written for prisoners of the Inquisition, patients in a hospital for the poor, nuns in a convent, and members of an elite Mexico City household, respectively, together make up more than three and a half years’ worth of prescribed medicines, for a total of approximately 3,500 prescriptions that named about 7,500 medicines (the majority of which were compounds).189 A tally of simples listed by themselves in these prescriptions (about 6 percent of the total) plus all the simple ingredients used in e ach compound named in t he prescription lists (counting each medicine only once, no matter how many times it appeared) shows 189 different types of compounds made up of 232 different simples, shown in table 1.16. As to be expected, the vast majority on the list are plant simples—­91 percent, as opposed to 4 percent from animals and 5 percent from minerals.190 Sixty-­four percent of the simples were nonaromatic plant simples (see table 1.17)—­mainly herbs native to the Mediterranean or Indo-­Mediterranean, many of which were transplanted to New Spain. The flowers, petals, and hips of both red and white roses (but mainly red) were the most commonly employed simple, listed as an ingredient in thirty-­three of the compounds prescribed.191 Saffron was the second most-­common ingredient, in nineteen compounds prescribed, followed by absinthe in sixteen and chamomile in twelve, all native to the Mediterranean. Indeed, the medicines incorporated a wide variety of herbs from the Mediterranean and Indo-­Mediterranean, including licorice, mint, violet, anise, fennel, poppy, almond, sorrel, laurel, lemon, lily, flax rhubarb, and marshmallow—­all found in six or more prescribed compounds. The prescriptions also included a predominance of Afro-­Eurasian gum resins and aromatics—­the spices—­which made up a full 26 percent of the total ingredients in the medicines prescribed (see table 1.17) and were almost certainly imported to Mexico from great distances at great cost. Gum resins of the Eastern Mediterranean, the Levant, and Mesopotamia included mastic, turpentine, myrrh, frankincense, storax, gum arabic, gum ammoniac, and gum tragacanth. Also included as ingredients in prescriptions were the Asian aromatics spikenard, cinnamon, cassia, clove, camphor, mace, sandalwood, aloe wood, pepper, ginger, galangal, costus, and cardamom; and the African aromatics aloe, grains of paradise, and camel grass. Perhaps most striking is the dearth of simples native to the Americas named in the prescriptions. Only a limited number of American plant simples appear sporadically throughout the lists: the storax/sweetgum used in nine different medicines could have come from the American liquidambar tree; and guaiacan (used for syphilis), mechoacan Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy        63 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Table 1.16: Frequency of Simples in Mexican Prescriptions Number of Prescribed Recipes That Called for Simple (to at Least 3 Times)

Simple

33

Rose

21

Wax

19

Saffron

16

Absinthe

16

Spikenard, cinnamon

13

Mastic, turpentine

12

Chamomile

11

Myrrh

9

Licorice, mint, storax, violet, cassia, tragacanth

8

Anise, clove, fennel, sandalwood Gum arabic, hemp agrimony, litharge, pepper, poppy, aloewood

6

Agaric, almond (sweet), sorrel, ginger, gum ammoniac, laurel, lemon, lily, linseed, pitch (Greek), rhubarb, marshmallow

5

Aloe, celery, coral, fenugreek, French lavender, nutmeg, parsley, tamarind, costus root, dittany, frankincense

4

Alum, birthwort, cardamom, castor, colocynth, cucumber, dodder, fumitory, galangal, maidenhair, purslane, scammony, grains of paradise, camel hay/grass, European snakeroot, squill

3

Acacia, ambergris, borage, camphor, centaury, cumin, deer antler, dill, Armenian bole, earthworm, ground pine, henbane, hyssop, labdanum, mace, marble, myrobalan, opopanax, pearl, plantain, plum, polypody, pomegranate, quince, rosemary, senna, silver, Saint John’s wort, Malabar leaf

powder, sarsaparilla, tacamahaca gum, and Peru balsam are each named one time. Even counting the nine uses of storax as solely from the American liquidambar, American simples still made up only 2 percent of the total. Finally, the prescriptions named compounds made up of simples of mineral and animal origin, although they were far outweighed in number and predominance by the plant simples. Mineral simples made up 5 percent of the total and included litharge, alum, verdigris, red lead/minium, petroleum, mercury, sulfur, red vitriol, red coral, lapis lazuli, gypsum/gesso, white lead, halite, emerald, silver, gold, marble, sealed earth, and Armenian bole. Animal simples, 4 percent of the total, included animal products, animal parts, and whole animals, including ambergris, castoreum, cow and deer marrow, deer antler, deer heart, 64        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 1.17: Overview of Simples in Mexican Prescriptions Ingredient in How Many Different Medicines

Percentage of Total

Afro-Eurasian herbs

472

64

Afro-Eurasian aromatics

104

14

Afro-Eurasian gums, resins

80

11 2

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Type of Simple

Native American plant simples

14

Mineral/inorganic simples

41

5

Animal simples

28

4

Total

739

100

deer bones, earthworm, human blood, frog, mummy, scorpion, calf skin, snake heart, and snake liver.192 Pharmacy inventories are also useful for determining the most popular and widely used simples. Although we have no way of knowing from these inventories how often the simples in the pharmacies were actually prescribed or used in compounds, we can gain a general sense of the popularity and frequency of use of the simples by determining which ones were in t he most pharmacies.193 Of the 220 main simples in pharmacy inventories, the thirty-­seven most frequently cited (see table 1.18)–those included in a t least seven of the nine inventories—­follow patterns similar to what we saw in the prescriptions. Most of the simples (over 80 percent) were of plant origin, with sixteen, or a little less than half, being herbs native to the Mediterranean, Indo-­Mediterranean, or Europe. As with the prescriptions, there were a number of aromatics, fruits, and gums from Asia and Africa, including cardamom, camphor, cubeb, and pepper as aromatics; galbanum, mastic, storax, and ammoniac gums; and aloe and tamarind native to sub-­Saharan Africa. The three minerals included red coral, sal ammoniac, and sulfur, and the animals or animal products consisted of bezoars, deer antler, and the blister beetle. The major difference between the inventories and the prescriptions is the increased presence of simples native to the Americas, including the purgatives mechoacan, jalap, and ipecac. A comparison between these simples and the twenty-­six most common ones used in the prescriptions (those that were ingredients in at least seven different compounds) yields seven simples in co mmon: fennel, peony, poppy, and violet, the aromatic pepper, and the gum storax. Despite the difficulties of comparing these two types of documents, it can be safely assumed, I would argue, that these were among the most commonly used simples in Galenic pharmacy of the Spanish Empire. A final comparison of the top one hundred simples from twelve print Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy        65 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Table 1.18: Most Common Inventory Simples: Top 37 (Named in at Least 7 of 9 Inventories) Aloe

Bezoar

Bistort

Blister beetle, cantharides

Camphor

Cardamom

Coral

Cubeb, tailed pepper, Java pepper

Date: dried, pulp, date palm

Deer antler

Dittany

European snakeroot

Fennel

Fenugreek

Gentian

Guayacan

Gum ammoniac

Gum, galbanum

Gum mastic

Gum, storax/sweetgum

Hellebore

Hermodactyl

Ipecac

Ivy

Jalap

Myrobalan

Peony

Peony (includes root)

Pepper

Poppy

Rhubarb

Sal ammoniac

Sorrel

Sulfur

Tamarind

Tormentil

Violet

sources and the top one hundred simples from archival inventories reveals a total of twenty-­five in common (see table 1.19). Again, this is more of an indication of the wide variety of textual simples available than a lack of correspondence (since virtually all inventory simples are found in the texts), but it does show, in another way, the most common simples in the early modern Western pharmaceutical tradition. In this list, cardamom is the only simple to appear in every one of the twenty-­one sources (nine inventories and twelve texts), closely followed by pepper, another aromatic, in twenty. The list is dominated by Mediterranean herbs, which make up seventeen of the twenty-­five, with two gums (bdellium and gum ammoniac), another aromatic (sweet flag), and two African spices (aloe and grains of paradise). There are no animal simples, and one mineral simple (alum). r   r   r

The simples of Galenic pharmacy in use in the pharmacy shops, hospitals, prisons, and households of New Spain derived from a long tradition first codified under a theoretical understanding by Galen and built upon over the centuries. Galenic materia medica consisted mainly of plants native to Afro-­Eurasia. They were brought to New Spain, and many of them transplanted, as a result of the Columbian Exchange and the policies of the Spanish Empire. The materia medica, which originated with the first complex societies of the eastern Mediterranean and Mesopotamia, incorporated local ingredients in its cures as well as 66        Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Table 1.19: Top 25 Simples in Text and Inventory: Comparison of Top 100 Text Simples and Top 100 Inventory Simples, Sorted by Total In Text (out of 12)

In Inventory (out of 9)

Cardamom

12

9

21

Pepper

12

8

20

Sorrel

10

9

19

Peony

11

8

19

Poppy

10

9

19

Fennel

10

8

18

Hellebore

11

7

18

Violet

10

8

18

Aloe

10

7

17

Alum

12

5

17

Dittany

10

7

17

Anise

10

6

16

Bdellium

10

6

16

Birthwort

10

6

16

Calamos/sweet flag

10

6

16

Fenugreek

9

7

16

Grains of Paradise

11

5

16

Gum ammoniac

9

7

16

Hyssop

10

6

16

Lettuce

11

5

16

Lily

10

6

16

Dill

9

6

15

Helenium

9

6

15

Juniper

10

5

15

Parsley

10

5

15

Simple

Total

simples provided through long-­distance trade. It developed over the centuries, adding new ingredients as they became available, but was codified early on—­by the first century CE—­into a stable tradition that lasted for centuries, evident in the consistency and homogeneity of simples in shops ranging from Cairo to Mexico City, and from the ninth to the nineteenth century. Its adoption in New Spain is evident in the shops and hospitals of the colonial establishment, which prepared remedies using simples entirely consistent with Galenic pharmacy of Europe and the Mediterranean.

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TWO Election and Correction Optimizing the Powers of Simples

I

n addition to the collection of simples found in Jacinto de Herrera’s Mexico City pharmacy and described in chapter 1 was a variety of equipment, instruments, and utensils used to process and manipulate them. In the main room of the pharmacy, for example, stood a copper basin that held four copper spatulas and three iron ones, a copper spoon, a copper funnel, a mortar and pestle, and several copper weights and balances “for dispatching [recipes].”1 In the backroom workshops of the pharmacy where Herrera formulated his remedies were more mortars, pestles, and spatulas, as well as sieves and sieve covers, a brazier, a stewpot, several pots and pans, a kettle, a mill, a large press, a distilling apparatus, seven funnels, and a skimmer or slotted spoon. This equipment was common to institutional pharmacies throughout New Spain and was used to process the simples according to the practices and techniques of early modern Galenic pharmacy. The mortars, mills, presses, pots, and pans served to grind, press, cook, and filter the simples in a set of practices collectively referred to in medieval and early modern Galenic pharmacy as “correction.” Although Galen had treated the subject only minimally, it received growing attention in medieval Latin works from the thirteenth century on, most significantly in the Universal Canons of John Mesue, which set out a series of relatively straightforward rules, or theorems, concerning pharmaceutical processing and formulation. 68

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These rules formed the basis and the rationale for pharmaceutical practices and informed understanding of the nature and behavior of matter throughout the early modern period. The focus on technique that they engendered among practitioners, furthermore, explains why early modern apothecaries placed relatively little emphasis on degrees or qualities when evaluating simples, and concentrated instead on the simple’s virtue (dunamis) and how to manipulate it. According to Mesue and subsequent authors who followed his teachings, processing or correcting simples through specific techniques was necessary in order to ensure that the simple would have optimum power. It allowed the practitioner to tease out and concentrate a weaker power or to tone down a stronger one, and to ensure that the power worked at optimum levels, intact without dissipating. This approach to pharmacodynamics indicated an understanding of the simples’ powers as entities within the simple that had an independent existence of their own. Such a concept stood in contrast to Galen’s matter theory, which derived from the teachings of Aristotle and Hippocrates, that all matter was composed of the four elements, and that these elements mixed within material bodies in a wa y that was completely continuous and homogeneous or “homoeomerous”—­that each part was the same as the whole. The idea that discontinuous entities existed within matter and could be isolated and released from it was anathema to the four-­element theory and closer in line with Neo-­Platonist or corpuscular theories.2 Thus, although Galen had honed the ancient concept of dunamis and adapted it to the humoral system to explain drug action in the ancient period, ideas about the dunamis, how it worked, and how to manipulate it changed substantially over the centuries. By the thirteenth century, Mesue conceived and wrote about the dunamis, now translated as virtus (virtue), as a material or quasi-­material entity that could be concentrated, diluted, separated, or transferred from one substance to another. According to Mesue, practitioners could manipulate the virtue through two principal means—­through processing, or correction, as discussed above, and through what apothecaries referred to as “election,” the selection of optimum simples, derived from the best specimens picked at the optimum time and place, that would accordingly have optimum powers. Election also set forth the best methods by which to store simples so that these powers would not quickly dissipate, and stipulated the length of time that they would remain viable. Certainly the various techniques of election and correction had been occurring since ancient times, but they were rarely written down. In the preface to De materia medica, Dioscorides presents a series of rules for selecting and storing the best specimen; and his discussions of materia medica include various ways Election and Correction        69 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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of processing the medicines. Galen also included sporadic reference to processing, as did the encyclopedists who later redacted his works.3 These discussions, however, were neither detailed nor systematic, and, with the exception of De materia medica, focused on individual simples. Until the compilation of Mesue’s Canons in the later Middle Ages, pharmaceutical processing was not guided by general written rules of practice or undergirded by any explicit theory or rationale. It consisted, rather, of “tacit knowledge,” the knowledge of practitioners in the workshop who learned by experience and passed it on through word of mouth and apprenticeship.4 By the late thirteenth century in t he Latin West, due to Arabic advances in medicine, natural philosophy, and cosmology, and in the wake of the Latin translation movement, pharmaceutical technique gained a rationale and a theoretical basis due to changing ideas about drug powers. This change came about due to Arabic attempts to explain gaps and inconsistencies in Galen’s writings concerning the actions of certain simples, leading them to posit the possibility of an external source for some, and possibly all, drug powers. If, according to Galen, the dunamis were continuous and unchanging throughout the simple, then there was no intellectual rationale for its processing. If, as Arabic authors suggested, the virtue were potentially separable from the simple and could be strengthened or weakened, then the issue of technique and processing would be paramount to formulating effective medicines. This change in the concept of the virtue thus had major consequences for Galenic pharmacy. It led to a greater emphasis on technique in the textual tradition, along with the emergence of a new genre of technical writing—­pioneered by Mesue—­that came to supplant Galen’s texts and their later redactions. To be sure, Galen’s legacy lived on: the humoral theory stayed largely intact, as did the idea that pharmaceuticals worked due to an inherent power. But following Mesue, the concept of the dunamis or virtue shifted to a more corpuscularian understanding, with a significant impact on conceptions of how and why simples ought to be manipulated and the role of the apothecary in doing so. Perhaps ironically, the seeds for that shift lay in Ga len’s own writings, in a series of ambiguities he described regarding the actions of simples that did not fit within his system. Those few exceptions would later come to prove the rule. Galen identified several simples whose actions were not explained by their qualities or complexions. Those simples, he said, acted according to their “total substance” rather than their primary qualities, and their powers could only be known empirically, through observation of their effects. Because of their seemingly random effects, there was no way to predict in a rational way how these particular substances would act. Ibn Sīnā sought to explain this seeming 70        Election and Correction EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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ambiguity in what may represent one of his most significant departures from Galen, by arguing in book 1 of the Canons of Medicine that most, if not all, substances acted in ways unrelated or only partially related to their complexion. They derived the power to act in whole or in part, he argued from their “specific form,” a form that acted in ways akin to the total substance but that was not inherent to matter as was taught in the four-­element theory. Instead, Ibn Sīnā taught that this form was instilled in matter from an external source, a “giver of forms” as the agent of an intelligent universe. Subsequent Arabic and Latin medical authors noted this argument and went on to elaborate, naming a celestial source for this form and the power it produced. In his own set of Canons, for example, Mesue identified both a celestial and an elemental power (dunamis) in simples, the celestial being the more powerful and the source of the rationale for the manipulation of simples. This rationale laid the basis for the processes of election and correction, treated in a new genre of pharmaceutical texts in the late medieval and early modern period. This genre focused on procedures and processing and elaborated upon pharmaceutical technique—­no longer an area of tacit knowledge but part of a burgeoning textual and professional tradition. From the Doctrine of “Total Substance” to the “Specific Form”

As discussed in chapter 1, Galen’s ideas concerning humoral medicine are well known, and provided a medical paradigm that lasted for centuries. For pharmacology and pharmacodynamics, he set up the basis for the understanding of simples and simples’ elemental powers from nature, building his arguments in a series of interrelated works, including On the Natural Faculties, On the Elements, On Mixtures, and especially On the Powers and Mixtures of Simple Medicines. These works established the basis for explaining how and why simples worked as medicines: the powers deriving from their complexions led to actions that overpowered the body’s normal processes, producing alterations deemed beneficial (through contrary cures) given the disease state. It was a complex and thoughtful system that incorporated parts of earlier philosophies and, again, had tremendous and long-­lasting influence as the premise for Galenic pharmacy. At the same time, Galen’s system, as presented in his writings, did not explain everything. Rather, it left a number of omissions and ambiguities regarding the simple’s powers, resulting in questions that would stimulate further deliberations among philosophers and physicians in the centuries that followed. In the first place, Galen identified the degree of intensity for only a f raction of the simples (150, or, according to Sabine Vogt, about one-­third) named in On the Election and Correction        71 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Powers of Simples, thus leading to a research program among medieval Arabic medical scholars who sought to complete what he had not.5 In addition, Galen had not explained how the powers of the simples worked together in co mpound medicines, another item for debate, challenge, and further explication in the medieval period among Arabic and Latin scholars.6 Although he argued that one could deduce a simple’s complexion through the observation of its actions and through its taste, Galen did not indicate how to locate this power within the simples, or how to choose or process the simple to ensure that it had the optimum power. Rather, as discussed above, these powers were taken as a g iven—­a consequence of his acceptance of Aristotelian hylomorphism, the indistinguishability of matter and form. In this system, qualities and substances were theoretically inseparable: form directed and organized matter, and neither could exist without the other. Adherence to hylomorphism, furthermore, meant that matter was homoeomerous and homogeneous—­absolutely consistent throughout, with each part identical to the makeup of the whole.7 Given these theoretical commitments, the dunamis of each simple was theoretically unalterable; each possessed a given potentiality for action not subject to human manipulation. The consequence of such commitments, I would argue, was that there was little emphasis on or discussion of pharmaceutical processing in Galen’s corpus and no clear directive as to how to manipulate a simple in order to locate, isolate, and influence its powers.8 Finally, and most consequentially, Galen identified some simples that did not work according to his system of pharmacodynamics. These included purgatives like laxatives and cathartics as well as poisons (which, in Greek medicine, were not distinguished from other drugs, all being referred to as pharmaka). They acted not according to their elemental qualities or complexions, as Galen’s system would have it, but rather in wa ys wholly incommensurate with and unrelated, it seemed, to their complexion. Whereas the powers of most simples clearly derived from their primary qualities (and could be predicted and understood based on their taste and manifested in their actions), some did not work that way and could be known only empirically, by experience through observation of their effects when applied to the human body. Galen explained these relatively few anomalies by arguing that they acted “due to their total [or whole] substance,” a power he referred to as their “virtue or occult property.”9 Simples that acted according to their total substance, Galen argued, were imbued with special “dormitive” or “cathartic” powers that made them act as they did. This power, like nature, worked through a mechanism of attraction and repulsion, seen in o ther substances as well—­most emblematically, the magnet, a s ubject he discussed in va rious works. Galen 72        Election and Correction EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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argued that the magnet attracted iron and that purgative or cathartic simples like scammony and rhubarb purged humors from the body due to inherent powers of attraction. Each purgative, he argued, “attracts that humour which is proper to it”; they “naturally attract their special qualities,” as some had the power to draw out thorns and arrows.10 Certain antidotes also demonstrated actions based on their total substance—­some “attract the poison of the viper, others that of the stingray, and others that of some other animal.”11 In this way, Galen provided a w orking explanation for the relatively few simples that did not fit easily into his system: they acted as they did due to an inherent power that came not from their complexion but from a special kind of power derived from their “total substance.” His discussion of the mechanism by which it worked, however, led to certain ambiguities. In On the Natural Powers, for example, he attributed the inherent power of attraction and repulsion not just to those few entities like the magnet and the purgatives but to all entities, each of which has “a faculty for attracting its own special quality.” “There are in all bodies,” he argued, “certain faculties by which they attract their own proper qualities.”12 This faculty was, in fact, the mechanism by which nature worked, which guided the processes of nutrition and growth in the human body, the function of each part of the body working together as a whole, and the processes of generation whereby seeds grew into plants. These specialized powers of attraction and repulsion were to be found everywhere, in all things, not just in purgatives or the magnet. Such arguments held, on the one hand, that only certain substances demonstrated special behaviors due to a power derived from their “total substance” but, on the other, that all substances possessed this power, an ambiguity that later physician-­philosophers were left to work out. Indeed, later authors were not content to let the matter lie, and it came to occupy some of the most important philosophers of the medieval period, both Arabic and Latin. In addition to the ambiguity—­whether only a few entities possessed such a power or whether that power was inherent in all things—­such a suggestion posed a fundamental problem: if the dunamis/virtue did not derive automatically from the complexion, where did it come from, and how was it instilled within the substances? Did complexion play any role in substances that acted according to the power of their “total substance”? If so, what was that role? Did the power of the total substance act as a s ort of complement or supplement to the complexion, or vice versa? These questions also posed challenges related to Aristotelian matter theory: if a substance demonstrated fundamental qualities influencing its actions that did not derive from its complexion, how would that affect understanding of Election and Correction        73 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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the relationship between matter and form? If matter and form each could not exist without the other, how was it that another kind of power could influence and direct the actions of the matter in such a fundamental way? Was this power derived from a separate form that impinged from outside onto the matter? Did it work with the existing form or did its powers override that form? And what was the source of that outside form and its related powers?13 Ibn Sīnā attempted to resolve the issue by introducing another term to explain the actions of the simples that Galen had identified as acting according to their “total substance.” These substances, Ibn Sīnā argued, were acting according to their “specific form.” This was another kind of form, one specific to a type (a “species”) of body shared by all bodies of that type. For Ibn Sīnā the specific form was “that by which a thing is what it is [because] when simple elements mix with one another and an individual thing is generated from them, preparation is thus made for the reception of a species and a form added to what its simple elements possess.” Specific form was not derived from the primary qualities or the complexion they generated—­it was the source of “an action or virtue of a substance that could not be attributed to its complexion alone.”14 The specific form thus did not arise from the complexion but came from a principle external to the substance. For Ibn Sīnā, that external principle was the Dator formarum, the giver of forms, which was conferred by the active Intellect.15 At the same time, the complexion did still play a role, albeit a subordinate one, in determining the characteristics and actions of the power from the specific form. The complexion, Ibn Sīnā argued, worked as a complement to the specific form, in that a body’s complexion prepared it to receive the specific form. The specific form was thus “a perfection that the matter acquires according to the potentiality acquired by it from its complexion.”16 In those well disposed to receive it, the powers of the specific form produced strong characteristics; powers were weak and characteristics muted in those that were not. In this way, Ibn Sīnā sought to resolve the issue: the power of the specific form derived from an external principle, was influenced by the substance’s complexion, and showed up in some substances more than others. Like Galen, Ibn Sīnā argued that there was no rational way to understand or predict this instilled power—­it was “occult,” hidden and unknowable. In a major departure from Galen, however, he argued that it came from an external source, that it was influenced but not determined by complexion, and that it explained the actions of most simples, rather than an anomalous few.17 As such, according to Michael McVaugh, Ibn Sīnā’s arguments had a profound effect on Western pharmacy, which was already tending toward empiricism as opposed to Galen’s systematization and rational prediction of drug 74        Election and Correction EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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action.18 The chapter in which Ibn Sīnā expounds these ideas was, in fact, “cited by Western pharmacists more frequently than any Galenic passage,” and subsequent authors in the Arabic and Latin traditions went on to modify and hone these ideas further.19 Ibn Rushd, for example, substituted celestial bodies for the active Intellect as the source for the specific form, with heavenly bodies playing a much enlarged role in his theories of generation and constituting a “principle from without” that gave intelligent order and life to terrestrial bodies.20 Such ideas were an indication of a turn toward “astrologization” of natural philosophy in the late Middle Ages that accompanied the increasing influence of Platonic thought and acceptance of emanationism and the influence of the celestial realms on the terrestrial. Scholastic philosophers of the Latin tradition, heavily influenced by Arabic authors, also demonstrated acceptance of greater influence of celestial realms in influencing earthly order and earthly developments than earlier philosophers or physicians had assumed. Thomas Aquinas and Albertus Magnus both attributed the specific form to the actions of the celestial realms—­it was a power imbued in earthly materials, and the particular characteristics of that substance were determined by the amount by which the celestial realm influenced it. According to these preeminent scholars of the High Middle Ages, the sun and the heavens poured down heavenly emanations to earth through rays that influenced the growth and behavior of earthly materials.21 These emanations, moreover, were conceived of as originating from God and thus imbued earthly material with divine essence. These ideas proved highly significant for medicine and pharmacy in t he Latin West. McVaugh, Nancy Siraisi, Luke Demaitre, Luis García-­Ballester, and Walton Schalick, among others, have targeted the late thirteenth century as a particularly crucial period for medicine and pharmacy, as professors of the newly established medical schools of Montpellier, Paris, Padua, and Bologna sought to assimilate and comment on the recently translated works of Arabic physician philosophers (see fig. 2.1), the libri naturali of Aristotle’s natural philosophy, and the works of the “new Galen.”22 These works had a profound impact on some of the greatest minds of the Latin Middle Ages, including physician-­philosophers like Bernard de G ordon and Arnald de Villanova at Montpellier; Peter of Abano at Padua; Roger Bacon and Jean de Saint Amand at Paris; and Taddeo Alderotti and his students at Bologna. Like Ibn Rushd and in line with Scholastic natural philosophy, for example, Alderotti and his pupils attributed the specific form to a celestial origin, and like Ibn Sīnā, they saw a relationship between the complexion and the manifestation of that form within a species. The specific, occult properties that derived from the specific form, in other words, came from celestial influence and interacted with the complexion Election and Correction        75 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 2.1. Title page of Ibn Sīnā ‘s Canon, Latin edition. Credit: Wellcome Collection. CC BY.

in their expression.23 Complexion was, of course, the overall quality and power of a substance due to its elemental makeup; specific form, for Alderotti, was “a supposed quality responsible for the properties peculiar to any species that were otherwise inexplicable and apparently arbitrary in effect”—­that were not clearly related, in other words, to the complexion.24 Specific form was an “added 76        Election and Correction EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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form” conferred on species by a “celestial virtue.”25 For Alderotti, as for Ibn Sīnā, the specific form and the complexion, or the two powers (elemental and celestial), were related in that the complexion helped “prepare” the substance for the specific form but the specific form did not derive from the complexion; it was “given by the stars.”26 In this way, Alderotti argued for a “complete form” that was the product of the elemental form (the complexion) and the specific form. He also averred that the specific form was in all beings, that sometimes it was weak and hidden and other times strong and easily apparent. Thus first Ibn Sīnā and then Alderotti expanded Galen’s few exceptions to include all terrestrial substances, and the power that guided them—­a power that was hidden, occult, and not subject to rational deduction—­derived from the specific form, a form imparted by a force external to the substance (though with interaction of the complexion) that came from the heavens.27 These philosophical arguments about the specific form influenced Renaissance natural philosophers like Giordano Bruno, Cornelius Agrippa, and Marselius Ficino, who sought out the occult, hidden forces of nature and went on to form the basis of natural magic—­a more potent influence even than the writings of Hermes Trismegistus, according to Brian Copenhaver.28 These ideas also had profound effects on the development of medical alchemy in the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, whose concept of medicinal virtues had much in common with that of pharmacy. The impact of the specific form on Latin pharmacy was similarly profound and ultimately eminently practical, for in attributing an externally imbued form to simples, a form that meant that each type of simple had its own special healing property or power, this doctrine made explicit the possibility of recovering and manipulating that power. No longer the given of a continuous, infinitely divisible, homoeomerous, hylomorphic complex, the simple’s powers were now understood to have had an independent existence outside it. Once imbued within the simple from an external force, such a power could thus be recovered and separated from it—­and potentially concentrated or diluted as well. The specific form, now extended to all simples, provided the philosophical basis for a physical concept of medicines in which the medicinal power derived from an outside entity—­whether a quasi-­physical body or a force of attraction and repulsion—­that could then, conceivably, be isolated and separated from its terrestrial, material trappings.29 In medieval and early modern Christian cosmology, as discussed later in the chapter, this power was attributed to a divine force, or a divine seed like a buried treasure instilled by God in earthly substances for the benefit of humanity. According to this line of reasoning, the practitioner who could uncover such treasure, who was equipped to carry out the necessary manipulations to Election and Correction        77 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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do so—­the apothecary—­was now understood to have the ability to craft more effective drugs, to uncover and bring to fruition the divine, celestial powers instilled in each simple. In this way, from the thirteenth century on, the careful selection and processing of simples would be of crucial importance to Galenic pharmacy in the Latin West, so much so that attention began to focus more on manipulating simples and their powers rather than trying to determine their complexion, a t rend that McVaugh identified as well with respect to a medieval empirical tradition of pharmacy.30 Although complexion continued to be important for physicians, who would select a m edicine whose known power was contrary to that of the illness, it grew much less so for apothecaries, whose primary responsibility was to craft medicines of optimum power, and that power now—­according to Alderotti’s school and pharmaceutical authors of Montpellier and Paris—­was thought to be derived from the specific form. In order to document and record the necessary expertise in carrying out this task, a new genre of pharmaceutical writing on operations and processes—­no longer only the tacit knowledge of the artisan but entering the textual world of the literate expert—­appeared in the Latin tradition around this time, the late thirteenth century.31 The technical knowledge related to processing in Galenic pharmacy from then on began to develop in greater depth, as the apothecary’s great potential to manipulate simples and the consequent need for a recorded tradition on the selection and processing of simples was quickly perceived by the pseudyonymic author John Mesue, who was most likely a contemporary of Alderotti and his students in Bologna, and whose works would go on in many ways to supplant those of Galen as the basis for Galenic pharmacy. Mesue and the Celestial Virtue

John Mesue (see fig. 2.2) was the purported author of three main treatises often published together in t he early age of print under the title Opera medicinalia. Although the author adopted the name of a famous ninth-­century Baghdadi physician, the supposed Arabic originals—­if there ever were any—­are not extant, and they first appeared in commented Latin versions in northern Italy in the 1280s.32 They also bear strong influence, as we shall see, from Taddeo Alderotti’s school and the ideas of the specific form, and several associated with the school made early commentaries of the texts. The three treatises included the Grabadin, a formulary or collection of recipes, as well as a book of simples on purgative medicines—­the very class of simples that Galen had singled out as being different from others, acting through the power of their “total substance” rather than their complexion. The book of simples went hand-­in-­hand with a third treatise, the Universal Canons (see fig. 2.3), which was essentially 78        Election and Correction EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 2.2. Portrait of Pseudo-­Mesue. Credit: Wellcome Collection. CC BY.

a list of rules or theorems, canons (meaning “laws” in Arabic) that discussed how to evaluate, choose, and prepare purgative simples, some of which acted very violently, for safe and effective use as medicines. The main purpose of the Canons was to provide a set of general rules regarding pharmacodynamics and Election and Correction        79 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 2.3. First page of Canones Universales, 1513 edition of Opera medicinalia.

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pharmaceutical processing, describing how to choose, or “elect,” the best simples and how to process, or “correct,” them. Although Mesue meant these rules to apply mainly to purgatives, later authors (following Galen’s ambiguities and Alderotti’s arguments) extended his rules to include virtually all simples—­or rather, the Canons, which consisted of relatively short, clear directions on election and correction, came to represent rules for the early modern apothecary in the Galenic tradition to follow in choosing and preparing simples in general. They also arguably represented a new genre of pharmaceutical writing, the procedural or operational text, which developed with the increasing professionalization of pharmacy. In dealing with the ways to elect and correct simples, the Canons discussed the issue of the simple’s powers that were to be manipulated—­their dunameis, or, now, the virtues. Although the understanding of the simple’s virtue owed its foundations to Galen, Mesue added a significant innovation, introducing a new concept for the virtue by incorporating the ideas of the thirteenth-­century philosopher-­physicians such as Taddeo Alderotti regarding the specific form—­ the idea that some, or possibly all, medicines had occult powers that came from astral emanations or celestial influence. Mesue argued that there were two kinds of virtues or powers in a simple, stating that “each thing, as the philosophers say, is given and adorned with two virtues [faculta], these being the elemental. . . . and the celestial.”33 The “elemental virtue,” also called the “common virtue” of the simples, was the Galenic virtue, or dunamis, that came from the simple’s complexion—­“that which heats [or] cools [or, by extension, dries or moistens].”34 Later, commentaries based upon the Canons defined the elemental virtue as “that which of the four elements predominates in the mixture, in the instant of its generation, as being hot, cold, humid, or dry, that Mesue called the common virtue.”35 Thus the elemental virtue signified the Galenic system of complexions, or the degrees of heating, drying, cooling, or moistening that a simple demonstrated based upon the proportion of the four elements that made up its matter. In the Canons, Mesue demonstrated the astrological, emanationist influences of the later thirteenth century by identifying another kind of virtue, the celestial virtue. This virtue, also referred to as the “particular,” the “specific” or the “occult,” was “a hidden quality or virtue, different from the common [one], which is found in the purgative [simples], which comes to it from the influence of the heavenly bodies [astros].”36 These medicines worked not due to their complexion, “nor as something contrary that acts against another contrary.” Rather, purgatives acted as they did “having been given such a virtue by the

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strength of heaven.”37 Indeed, this heavenly or celestial virtue was stronger than the elemental “because such a celestial virtue is held above its complexion.”38 The celestial virtue worked not by contraries but by evacuating humors, and each purgative had its own particular virtue, referred to as “specific” because it was specific to this type of simple, the purgative. For Mesue, then, the celestial virtue—­essentially the power deriving from the specific form—­was specific to the type of simple, and was stronger than and took precedence over the common or elemental virtue that derived from the complexion. These ideas clearly derived from the emanationism of Ibn Rushd and Ibn Sīnā’s theory of specific form, which in turn drew from Platonic notions of the universe’s intelligent design directed by the demiurge. Indeed, Mesue expressly acknowledged the adoption of Platonic ideas and a significant departure from the Galenic system of qualities and contrary cures when he stated that “each thing in nature, as Plato says, has been attributed with some property, through which these things work and which is specific to it, and through the nature of its form and through its natural movement, since nothing can have its own attraction without its own form which excites and directs it.”39 Throughout the Canons, Mesue focused on the celestial virtue rather than Galen’s elemental virtue, and the specific form took precedence over the elemental in the ways that medicines and their powers were conceptualized and discussed. This celestial virtue, a physical or quasi-­physical component of the simple, could be actively manipulated: extracted, honed, diluted, or concentrated. It was quite different from Galen’s elemental virtue, a power that worked automatically according to its complexion without, in theory, intervention from the practitioner, a power that was continuous and inherent to the matter itself and that could not exist independently of it. Mesue’s virtue worked according to its specific nature, given by the heavens. As such the practitioner had an active and very important role in seeking out the specimens with the optimum virtue, modulating or correcting that virtue, and ensuring that it stayed intact, active, and viable for as long as possible. Although Mesue, like Galen, did not discuss what the virtue consisted of, the Canons and later commentaries described its characteristics in concrete, tangible ways. Mesue presented a medicinal virtue that apothecaries could manipulate physically, that could be effectively separated from the simple, released from its material trappings so that it could work to effect change. If processed or stored inappropriately or left too long, the virtue would dissipate or dissolve and become ineffective. To describe its behavior subsequent authors used verbs that illustrate this conception of the virtue: the virtue could be “removed,” “separated,” or “taken” [quitarse, apartarse, tomarse] from the 82        Election and Correction EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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simple; if improperly treated, it could “dissipate,” “dissolve,” or “deflate” [disiparse, resolverse, exhalarse].40 Like Alderotti, who recognized that the specific form could sometimes result in characteristics that were weak and hidden and other times result in those that were strong and manifest, Mesue also referred to virtues as being either strong or weak or “superficial” or “central.”41 Generally, superficial virtues were relatively weak, mild, and soothing, held superficially within the simple, and released easily, with minimal manipulation. Central virtues were generally strong ones that acted violently and uncontrollably, were deeply embedded within the simple and released only with vigorous or prolonged manipulation. A later author summed up Mesue’s classifications as such: “Thus the weak virtue, that Mesue calls superficial, is one that is easily removed from the medicine, and the strong one that is taken with more difficulty is the central.”42 The characteristics of the virtue, as discussed further below, were also related to the type of simple in which it resided and affected how the practitioner carried out processes of correction. Generally, the more durable the substance—­such as roots or branches—­the more vigorous the processing would be; the more fragile the substance—­flowers or herbs—­the more mild. Central virtues in strong substances generally required and could withstand lengthier procedures at higher temperatures, whereas superficial virtues in weak or fragile substances were subject to the most abbreviated manipulation.43 Substance and virtue also determined the graduated order in which to process simples and add them to compounded broths or brews. With this materialist conception of the virtue, much of the focus of Galenic pharmacy turned to its manipulation. If the virtue could be improved through pharmaceutical processing, the rules and techniques by which to do t his, to produce simples with optimum virtues, would be of paramount importance. Providing these rules was largely the purpose of Mesue’s Canons, which gave a basic outline for the rules and methods of election and correction that were filled out in more detail by later authors. In the Canons, Mesue specified not only the best places and times in which to harvest and store simples in order to prolong and protect the virtue but also steps by which to evaluate them and determine the type of virtue hidden within, and the four main operations—­ cooking, grinding, washing, and infusion—­by which to release it. Mesue’s Canons proved to be a watershed for Galenic pharmacy, and his works went on to great fame and widespread influence. Following its appearance in 1281, at least seventy manuscripts of the Canons were circulating by the late fifteenth century (see appendix 3).44 A testament to their early significance is the high stature of the authors of the early commentaries and editions that Election and Correction        83 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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accompanied it, including members of Taddeo Alderotti’s school.45 With the advent of print, more editions of Mesue’s work were published than those of Ibn Sīnā, Dioscorides, or Galen, with thirty-­five editions prior to 1501. Sixty-­ five editions, commentaries, or new translations of his work were published in the sixteenth century, nineteen in the seventeenth, and four in the eighteenth.46 In the early modern Spanish tradition, authors referred to him as “our great Mesue,” “a great and erudite man,” and “our great and learned hero author.”47 Authors also used epithets that conferred royal and even divine status upon him, referring to him as the “apothecary evangelist,” “the Divine Mesue,” and “the Prince of Medicine.”48 With such widespread influence, the Canons ultimately went on to form a new foundation for Galenic pharmacy, providing the most basic understanding of its definition and a guiding ideology for its theory and practice through the eighteenth century, at least for the Spanish Galenic tradition, although anecdotal evidence indicates a core shared tradition based on this work. Following Mesue, virtually all authors in the early modern Spanish pharmaceutical tradition treated the selection and processing of simples within the terms set forth by Mesue, using the same vocabulary and concepts. They defined pharmacy as the selection, preparation, and compounding of simples, and the four operations he proposed and discussed became “Mesue’s operations.”49 Mesue’s concept of a manipulable virtue provided the basis upon which Galenic pharmacy established a genre of pharmaceutical writing, the “procedural” or “operational” texts that described and explained pharmaceutical processing and were increasingly authored by professional apothecaries. These texts included the Compendium aromatarium of the physician Saladino da Ascoli (1488; translated to Spanish, titled Compendio de boticarios, by Alonso de Tudela in 1515) and the apothecary Luis de Oviedo’s Método de la coleccion y reposicion de las medicinas simples, de su correccion y preparacion (published in 1581, 1592, and 1692), the latter written with the express purpose of filling in the gaps left by previous authors who had not sufficiently explained the technical aspects of pharmaceutical selection and processing.50 Oviedo claimed that the “ancient doctors” had not sufficiently described the procedures involved in the preparation of simples, an omission that “deprives us of the aid that they promised us.”51 In addition to these works, a series of Spanish commentaries (see appendix 3), all written by apothecaries, sought to explicate or provide commentary on Mesue’s Canons, including Bernardino de L aredo’s Sobre el Mesue e Nicolao (1527, 1534), Juan Navascues’s Ioannis Mesuae (1550), Antonio de A guilera’s Exposicion sobre los canons de Mesue (1569), Francisco Vélez de A rciniega’s Pharmacopoeia (1603) and Officina medicamentorum (1698), Miguel Martínez 84        Election and Correction EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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de Leache’s Discurso Pharmaceutico sobre los Canones de Mesue (1652) and Controversias pharmacopales (1688), and Jorge Basilio Flores’s Mesue defendido (1721).52 Mesue’s work also provided some basis for the understanding of Galenic pharmacy in the chemico-­Galenic works of the later seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, with certain Canons quoted verbatim, often in entirety, on the issues of election and correction. Examples of these kinds of works—­all, again, authored by professional apothecaries—­include Jerónimo de la Fuente Pierola’s Tyrocinio pharmacopeo (1660, 1683, 1698), Pedro de Viñaburu’s Cartilla pharmaceutica (1778), and to a lesser extent, Félix Palacios’s Palestra pharmaceutica (1706, 1724, 1792).53 In this way, the tradition set up by Mesue with the Canons constituted the basis for pharmaceutical concepts and processing for professionals in the Spanish tradition that stayed largely in place through the early modern period, showing that Galenic pharmacy was a dynamic tradition that practitioners continued to build upon, explicate, and improve. Election in Galenic Pharmacy

In this tradition, the manipulation of the simple’s virtue happened through two complementary processes: election and correction. Election consisted of the rules—­or Mesue’s theorems—­that governed how to select the optimum specimens. It consisted of three main responsibilities: collection and harvesting, or “the accumulation of simples, taken from their natural state”; the drying of simples, which involved “depriving them of their phlegmatic parts to preserve and maintain their virtues intact”; and the storage of the simples “to be able to use them whenever it is necessary.”54 Mesue provided some early guidelines that later authors expanded upon greatly, viewing election as fundamental to pharmacy and “the first thing that [the apothecary] must know in this Art.”55 The collection of simples involved knowing how to choose the best specimens from the plant, mineral, and animal kingdoms, but plant simples, which constituted the vast majority of simples, received the most attention from Mesue.56 Choosing simples with optimal virtues required extensive botanical and horticultural expertise with regard to climate, habitat, growth, and harvesting of hundreds of different plants. For Mesue the place where a simple grew was an important factor to consider, because through its soil plants “acquire certain dispositions and properties,” and, echoing Galen’s theory of attraction and repulsion, tended to “attract from the earth that which is theirs.”57 It was also important to have an understanding of the region in which a plant grew—­ some areas being mountainous, some protected, some sunny, some shady, where certain plants might thrive and others suffer.58 Reminiscent of Galen’s seeds, the plants acquired particular virtues specific to their nature from the Election and Correction        85 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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place they grew. Citing Plato, Mesue argued that “in this way, nature provided places with virtues, which are sealed in [t heir soil] and communicate their properties to the things that grow in them.”59 Simples thus grew better wild, in places where the soil was “free” [tierra libre], or uncultivated, because they were able to acquire their particular properties according to their nature, whereas plants growing in soil that was not free adopted the virtue of the soil rather than what it was that they needed.60 Free soil was, as explained by a later commentator, “that which is accommodating and familiar to the nature of the plants, in which its beautiful grace is born, and each one according its type acquires its life, properties, and faculties.”61 In addition to climate, terrain, and soil, the placement of a p lant simple among others also had an important effect on its virtue. It mattered which plants grew next to each other, as some plants could improve the dispositions of their neighbors by adding “force and vigor” to their virtue, while other cases might have the opposite effect. Growing radishes next to hermodactyls, thyme next to dodder, and oak next to polypody, for example, lent “vigor” to each, while scammony grown next to leafy spurge resulted in “malignancy.”62 And finally, some plants, like canafistula, were better grouped close together, while others, like colocynth (bitter apple), were safer planted further apart, the reason being that a “unified” virtue was stronger than one that was dispersed, so for medicines with a strong virtue, it was better for the virtue to be dispersed, whereas weaker virtues benefited from a stronger concentration.63 The same was true with regard to size: weaker virtues benefited from stronger concentration in a small plant, while stronger virtues benefited from the dispersion of the virtue that would happen in a larger one. Knowing the optimum time to harvest plant simples was a crucial part of the process, for if a plant part were harvested too soon or too late, the virtue could be diminished or destroyed and the medicine rendered ineffective. Timing was guided by several factors, including the zodiac, seasons, and the signs among different plant parts that it was ripe and ready to cultivate. Astral considerations actually linked place and time, for different regions had different exposure to the sun, the moon, and other celestial bodies, which in turn had an effect on plant development and the timing for their harvest.64 This influence is not surprising given the link between astral influence, specific form, and the celestial virtue of the later thirteenth century. Later authors expanded upon this further, giving specific schedules for the collections of different kinds of simples based upon the zodiac calendar, day of the week, and time of day.65 However, plants were most commonly harvested according to a s easonal calendar, when fully grown, mature, and “filled with virtue.”66 The majority of 86        Election and Correction EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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simples were harvested in spring, summer, and early fall according to the seasons of the northern hemisphere. The way to determine a plant’s maturity and the relative vigor of its virtue included the evaluation of several characteristics of the plant: its substance, or density, its odor, its flavor, its color, and its size. When the plant, its leaves, roots, flowers, or fruits, had reached the optimal or appropriate degree of each of these characteristics, it was ready for harvest. Harvests began in the spring, from the second half of March through the end of May. This was the best time to collect flowers, at the moment they first opened, when they were “most full of virtue,” and before they began “to fall off [the plant] by themselves.”67 During the month of March, practitioners were directed to collect, among others, violets, mastic, and squill. April was the time to gather sorrel, borage, marjoram, asparagus, lily, melilot, rosemary flowers, and shepherd’s purse. May was the time to gather roses, poppies, chamomile, mallow, dill, sage, and hermodactyl. It was also the best time to gather leaves that were newly grown on deciduous trees.68 In gathering flowers, medium-­sized were best, preferably from areas near rivers, estuaries, or some other water source, “which makes their juices more light [delgado] and delicate.”69 Fruits, which “contain the flesh and seed” of the plant, had to be ripe as evident from their shape, size, and consistency.70 The summer months of June and July were the time for collecting the vast majority of herbs and seeds. June was the month to gather and store “all the usual herbs,” including oregano, spike, southernwood, wall germander, grapes, rosemary, centaury, artemisia, agrimony, milfoil, betony, thyme, dodder, and hyssop.71 Herbs were to be gathered when they were at the height of their size and vigor “without having lost their natural color, falling down, or losing their leaves,” and their leaves could not be wrinkled and were to have the proper smell and taste.72 They also had to be of average shape and size, neither small and narrow nor large and wide.73 July was the time to gather seeds, the “generating principle” of the plant, including parsley, celery, plantain, lettuce, endive, purslane, melon, pumpkin, lentisk, hemlock, caraway, acacia, and cumin.74 It was best to gather “well-­nourished,” mature seeds collected from ripe fruit or just as they were beginning to dry out, but before they fell from the plant.75 Seeds without shells had to be picked from trees, not taken from among those that had fallen to the ground.76 The autumn months, beginning with August, were the time for collecting roots, “that part which brings food to the plant and which is underground.”77 This time of year was the best for gathering roots “because, the leaves and seeds having fallen or dried out, all the virtue is found in the herbs and the roots.”78 Election and Correction        87 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Additionally, digging them up any earlier meant that the roots would be too hard and dry; any later in the year and they became too soft and wet.79 A root was in good condition if it had a cuticle that was thick and smooth, and not wrinkled, “which could be an indication of illness or poor condition.”80 Among roots collected in August were saxifrage, mandragora, briony, rhubarb, dittany, mulberry, gentian, birthwort, valerian, lemon balm, pellitory, celery, parsley, asparagus, fennel, and peony.81 Beginning in September, the number of simples collected dropped dramatically. September was the time to collect chasteberry, caper roots, hellebore, and ceterach; October the time for meadowsweet, centaury, and cyclamen; and November for moon fern, leafy spurge, and spurge flax. The winter months, not surprisingly, saw little in t he way of harvest.82 December was the time to harvest laurel berries, juniper berries, and mandragora fruit. January was the month for making preserves from harvested cider bark and thistle roots, and February for collecting toadflax, liverwort, and lungwort.83 Winter was also the optimum time to collect gums, saps, and resins from trees by making careful incisions into the bark from which the liquid would drip. During this time, the collected materials were “frozen” and hard—­a crucial stage, lest they “turn to dust” after undergoing purification.84 Authors of pharmaceutical texts advised tapping trees and plants for juices, gums, and resins when they had reached full maturity and were at the height of their size and vigor.85 Once the apothecary had collected the simple, he had to know what to do with them—­how to dry and store it, and how long it would last, or “how to choose the right vessels . . . according to its consistency and virtue, so that it will last a long time.”86 Plant simples had to be washed right away to rinse off any dirt, then were placed in linen bags and left to dry in the sun or the shade, depending on the thickness of the substance.87 Thick roots, for example, needed strong sun to dry, while the herbs, flowers, and roots of more delicate plants had to be kept in the shade, although the apothecary had to take care that all simples be kept free of moisture or dust lest they spoil and lose their virtue.88 Seeds required the least effort: protected by their shells, these hearty medicines were dried in cold, dry areas, then wrapped in paper or leaves for protection.89 Roots were first washed, then their cuticle removed, then set out in t he sun to dry for as many days as needed. Practitioners needed to bring the roots in at night, however, to protect them from the “humidity” of the night air.90 The more delicate flowers and leaves also required protection from humidity and were to be dried in the shade and turned over often, because the heat of the sun destroyed their correspondingly delicate virtue.91 88        Election and Correction EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Indeed, although thick substances generally lasted longer than fragile ones, every simple would eventually break down because “according to the philosophers, time is the cause of the corruption of all things.”92 Luis de Oviedo cautioned his readers that “we must not forget the age and duration of the medicine, because they change so much over time.”93 To that end, authors recommended that apothecaries carefully label each of their medicines: “Every wise and faithful apothecary has to write in superscript on the container the year and month and day it was made . . . so that the doctor knows the precise time these medicines were made and that they know the time in which they can administer it carefully in good conscience without risk.”94 The same was true for simples of animal and mineral origin. Though the rules regarding their election were more straightforward and less complex, apothecaries still needed to heed some basic rules of thumb. Based on the recommendations of Ibn Sīnā, Spanish authors recommended that animal simples be collected in the spring or fall, “which is when they [the animals] have greatest vigor and force,” still youthful and without having yet mated “so that all their parts are good.”95 The full heat of summer and cold of winter, by contrast, served to “dissipate their more active parts” and led to “diminished virtue.” The apothecary was to choose young animals or animals of median age, well formed, and of those the healthiest and most vigorous, with thick limbs. They should not be old or have died of disease, and anything to be taken from the animals was to be collected only after the animal had been slaughtered and decapitated. With regard to the collection of simples from the mineral kingdom, these needed to be clean and purified of other substances, such as sand, dirt, sticks, or branches, and the best ones were the purest, of “pure substance” according to their type, with the correct color and taste according to their properties.96 For animal simples, to preserve both organs and whole specimens, the animal was first cleaned in a solution of wine and bleach (heavily diluted so as not to “burn out” any medicinal properties). Then the parts were dried and wrapped in t ree bark or laurel leaves to keep them “free from worms,” and stored in a cool, dry place. Hard parts of the animal (hooves, bones, and horns) were “easily stored and last for a long time,” and thus were very practical.97 In choosing mineral medicines the apothecary had to look for the purest and cleanest stones, which had consistent color and taste. Minerals, stones, earths, and metals did not lose their medicinal properties easily: “They resist harm and last a long time without losing any of their forces. They usually last a whole lifetime.”98 Thus the apothecary had to be vigilant to choose and keep only the best plant, animal, and mineral simples in hi s shop, and know the best method Election and Correction        89 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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of storage in order to prolong their virtue for as long as possible. It was most important, however, to know how long each simple remained viable. Apothecaries generally followed a “universal doctrine” that thin, fragile substances held their virtue for less time than thick, dense ones, for “all those whose virtue resides in its volatile and subtle parts and tends toward evaporation, last little time. . . . But those which have it in their fixed parts and are difficult to move are more durable.”99 Thus the virtues of the more delicate flower and herb simples lasted generally no more than one year, at which time “one has to throw out the old ones and keep the new.”100 Nuts and seeds, being somewhat more durable, lasted two years, with the exception of almonds, hazelnuts, and the seeds of figs, dates, and sebesten, which had to be replaced after a year. Softer, thinner roots, such as those of parsley, celery, valerian, or dittany, generally lasted one year, while thicker ones such as briony, doradilla, and birthwort could last up to three.101 Finally, different types of plant simples and compounds, depending on their substance and composition, were best stored in an array of different vessels made of varying materials. Oviedo recommended that flowers be kept in wooden boxes or wrapped in paper; that all liquids be kept in vessels made of silver, glass, horn, copper, or nonporous earthenware; and that tin vessels be used for oily substances. Roots, flowers, and leaves were best kept in wooden boxes or “tightly covered earthenware jars” where they would be well protected, “because if blown too much by the wind, the medicine loses its force.”102 Moist simples like juices, gums, and resins were best stored in vessels made of thick glass, or glass mixed with earthenware, or silver or horn. Animal fat, brains, and “all things greasy or fatty” were to be kept in containers made of tin. Aromatics, finally, were to be stored in glass, porcelain, or vessels with gold or silver plating.103 All simples were best stored away from extremes of damp and heat, ideally kept in rooms located “in the middle of the house,” away from damp cellars, walls, ceilings, and floors, and shielded from direct sunlight and thus never kept on terraces, roofs, or any “high rooms,” because the “heat of the sun burns them and dissolves their virtues.”104 In this way, all the rules regarding election of plant, animal, and mineral simples revolved around the need to choose simples of optimum virtue and to preserve and store them appropriately to keep them intact and viable. These practices were driven by the concepts of pharmacodynamics and a manipulable virtue that had come into being through the writings and teachings of Ibn Sīnā, Ibn Rushd, and Alderotti, and were codified in Mesue’s Canons.

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Correction in Galenic Pharmacy

Once the simples had been gathered, dried, and stored, they were ready to be processed and incorporated into a compound. This process of preparing simples for use as medicines, or as ingredients in compound medicines, was referred to as “correction” because the idea was to correct the virtue in some way—­either to enhance or strengthen a weak virtue, or to weaken and diminish one that was too strong and thus potentially harmful. According to Mesue every purgative simple required some sort of correction or preparation. “Correction” thus referred to the preparation of simples for incorporation into compound medicines, and the Canons laid out the rules governing it. This preparation was accomplished through four main operations that Mesue identified, each aimed at enhancing the simple’s virtue so that it would have the most beneficial effect possible. These operations included trituration, or breaking up simples into smaller parts through grinding, mashing, grating, or sifting; lavation, or washing simples, both externally and internally, to remove impurities; infusion, the immersion of simples in boiling water; and coction, the application of heat to simples—­that is, cooking them (see fig. 2.4). They were carried out with a variety of instruments and apparata routinely found in pharmacies: ovens, grills, and small stoves, along with kettles, earthenware or copper pots and pans; presses, mills, mortars, and pestles; and tongs, pliers, files, knives, strainers, skimmers, spoons, and spatulas. Like election, the correction of simples was central to the apothecaries’ responsibilities. Early modern authors described it as the “preparation [of simples] through art” and “entrusted to the apothecary” who needed to be taught “the way to cook, wash, infuse, and grind medicines.”105 It was “the art and responsibility of the apothecaries [that] . . . consists of a right and true understanding of the doctrine of coction, lavation, infusion, and trituration.”106 For Mesue, the preparation of all simples was necessary in order to render them safe and effective for human use, and later authors concurred that the “preparation of simple medicines is very necessary.” Just as food needed to be prepared for the body, the same was true for medicines, “in order to cure illnesses, and preserve health, which is so desired . . . before applying them to our bodies, they require certain preparation.”107 If this was not done properly, these same medicines “in place of giving us health, would remove it, and instead of freeing us from illness, they would increase the causes of it.”108 As with election, Mesue was not the first to advocate the processing of simples—­that had been happening for millennia—­but the Canons provided

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Fig. 2.4. An apothecary processing medicines, ca. 1500. Credit: Wellcome Collection. CC BY.

a clear set of written rules for procedures that had previously constituted tacit knowledge, passed down orally and experientially by practitioners. The Canons provided a rationale for the processing based upon the idea of a manipulable virtue or power specific to each simple. In these rules, Mesue explained how to release virtues to allow them to effect their actions. Although Mesue specified only the purgatives, a practitioner could apply the rules to virtually any simple. To correct a simple, the practitioner needed to know two main things about it: the density or durability of its substance, and the strength of its virtue—­whether it was strong or weak, and whether it released easily or with difficulty. Each of 92        Election and Correction EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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the four operations outlined by Mesue was designed to allow the virtue to be released and do its work, whether by the action of heat, immersion, washing, or grinding—­but the vigor with which these operations ought to be performed depended on the virtue and the substance of the simple. Generally, thick, heavy substances required vigorous and prolonged heating in a decoction, and could withstand forceful grinding. Delicate, brittle, or thin substances, by contrast, had to be carefully heated or ground, and often could not withstand washing of any kind. The practitioner had to use the utmost precision, on the one hand, to be sure to prepare a simple sufficiently to release its virtue, but not to proceed too forcefully in case the virtue dissipated. The most fundamental correction operation carried out in the pharmacy was trituration, or the grinding or crushing of simples.109 Grinding, or “size reduction,” is one of the oldest and most ubiquitous engineering processes in world history. Although it is now highly mechanized, it was accomplished in pharmacies until the early twentieth century with a grinding stone, mortar and pestle, or mill, followed by repeated sifting of the particles to ensure uniform size. Early modern apothecaries described it as “the division of something into parts,” and “the convenient shredding of simples done through rubbing or striking [them] in an iron or bronze mortar with a pestle made of the same material or of marble or stone . . . or on porphyry or flagstone with a pestle.”110 Grinding simples helped release their virtues and allowed them to be mixed with others and added to infusions, coctions, and lavations. Pills, electuaries, confections, lozenges, ointments, and plasters were all composed from powders that resulted from trituration. There were three categories of trituration according to the size of the particles produced, and each category was in turn divided into three different gradations. “Thick trituration” produced relatively large particles, anywhere from the size of a sesame seed to bran to a nut, usually in order to prepare them for cooking, burning, or an infusion.111 By contrast, “fine trituration” was the grinding of simples to very fine powders—­so fine, in fact, that apothecaries needed to taste them in order to determine the different size gradations.112 “Mediocre trituration,” logically, was the grinding of simples to a size somewhere in between the thick and the fine, to particles generally the size of purslane seeds.113Early modern authors insisted that particles of a simple in a m edicine be of equal size, because smaller particles released their virtues more quickly and easily than larger ones did, and it was crucial that all the simples in a compound release their virtues at the same time in order to have optimum potency.114 Apothecaries were also cautioned to avoid excessive force and “great blows” in grinding, and instead to grind the simples gently so that particles did not disintegrate. Election and Correction        93 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Following the grinding, the apothecary would ensure uniform particle size by first passing the particles through a sifter of the appropriate mesh size, then passing them through a second sieve of finer mesh, “so that passing through it that which has been ground finely will separate, leaving that which is larger or equal on top.”115 But how did the apothecary know what size to make the particles? According to Mesue, it had to do with the relative strength of the simple’s substance and virtue: thick substances could withstand substantial trituration, while weak ones had to be ground carefully and only a little, the argument being that “there are some medicines that can handle only a little grinding, but others a lot, and others in between.” This was because “some virtues deflate [exhalarse] or dissolve easily, as those with delicate virtue,” while others, being thicker and sturdier, could handle longer grinding.116 Thick substances, such as stones, rocks, and shells, could be ground to very fine powders without any danger of losing their virtue (and were sometimes burned first to facilitate the process).117Those of weak substance could withstand only minimal grinding, as their virtue was at risk of being dissolved by the heat that was created by the “blows” of the pestle on the mortar.118 The apothecary had also to consider carefully the instruments he would use to arrive at the correct particle size—­whether to use a mill, a grinding stone, or a mortar and pestle, and whether to use those made of porphyry, porcelain, stone, wood, or marble.119 The size of the particle was also determined by the part of the body it was meant to heal and how far the medicine had to travel to reach it. Medicines destined for the stomach, being close to the mouth, required thick trituration because the medicine was not meant to travel any further.120 Medicines meant for the other organs, however, required fine trituration so that they could fit through narrow openings in order to travel to other parts of the body.121 This was also true of remedies meant for the lungs, which needed fine trituration, even though the lungs are close to the mouth, “because the passage through which they must pass is very narrow.”122 For topical medicines, it depended on what it was for as well. Medicines applied to “sensitive parts” like eyes or sores needed to be ground very finely—­and if it was not done properly, “the eyes tell us, because when some piece of straw or sand is put in them, we cannot rest until it is removed.”123 Other medicines like ointments and plasters, though applied topically, worked to heal internal organs, and those required fine trituration “because they need to penetrate and pass inside.” The opposite was true of topical medicines meant resolve some exterior growth. In this case, thick trituration was necessary “because they are put on the same part [of the body] where they need to work.”124 94        Election and Correction EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Another way to prepare simples for medical use involved lavation, which could help to diminish the harmful or excessive strength of a virtue or augment a weak one, and sometimes simply served to clean the simple. Later authors identified three chief reasons to perform lavation: to clean the simple, to divest it of harmful virtues, or to infuse it with other virtues.125 Simples were washed using a va riety of liquids including fresh water, sea water, vinegar, juice, or wine, or the liquid of an infusion or decoction in which one or more simples had been cooked and released their virtues into it. Washing occurred in one of two ways—­by pouring the liquid over the substance, or by immersing or soaking the substance in the liquid. Some simples were washed only on the outside, whereas others, particularly metals, earths, stones, wax, and oils, “which have something else mixed in throughout its substance,” required washing both outside and “inside” in the sense of purification—­that is, ground up and shaken with solvents to eliminate impurities. As with trituration, the methods employed in lavation depended on the simple’s substance and virtue. Although Mesue declared that “each thing, no matter how weak or strong its substance, can support washing,” later works warned that washing simples of the weakest and most fragile substance with the most superficial virtues, and especially aromatics, ran the risk of their virtue dissipating.126 For thick, strong simples like rocks, minerals, hooves, horns, and bones, it was necessary first to grind and sometimes burn the simple in order to be able to wash it throughout.127 The ground simple was mixed with the appropriate liquid, shaken all day, and left to settle for the night. The following morning, the liquid on top could be decanted with relative ease. The process was repeated over and over, until “the liquid is free of any quality of the medicine being washed, with nothing at the bottom or floating on top.”128 A similar method was recommended for washing oils, waxes, resins, and pitch, which are immiscible in water, heating the simple in question and repeatedly mixing and shaking it with pure water, then decanting the water “until the water received no further qualities from the oil” or other material.129 If the apothecary ran into problems separating the oil and the water, Oviedo counseled the apothecary to shake the mixture less vigorously, and if that did not work, then to place it in the sun or heat it over hot embers or ashes.130 Just as grinding sometimes constituted a n ecessary step preliminary to washing, washing was sometimes necessary prior to the operations of infusion and decoction, both of which involved heat and the submersion of simples in liquid. Infusions and decoctions could also be compound medicines (when made up of more than one simple), although more often they constituted yet another step in the process of making compounds.131 An infusion was Election and Correction        95 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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the immersion of a simple in a h eated liquid (usually boiling water) in order to draw out its superficial virtue. Infusion was especially useful for processing simples of delicate substance and superficial virtue because it “removes the virtue of the medicine without changing it or altering in any way its nature,” as it was “only a simple penetration of the liquid into the thing being infused.”132 The simple to be infused was usually ground into large particles or, in the case of dried leaves, cut into long, thin strips. These particles or strips were then placed into a glass vessel with a thin opening that could be easily covered so that no “vapor” could escape, into which was poured boiling water, although some apothecaries at times used tepid over even cold water. Later authors also recommended other types of liquids for infusions because “not all liquids are capable of extracting the virtues of all simples.” Whereas water might be appropriate for extracting virtues from viscous substances, wine was more appropriate for resinous ones.133 The amount of liquid used in an infusion could vary somewhat: fresh simples required slightly less liquid than dried ones and different authors recommended different proportions. Some stipulated a proportion of ten parts liquid to one part simple, while others recommended using just enough liquid to cover the simple plus two fingers.134 For most, however, the best practice was to add enough liquid to cover the simple being infused, which was enough to “penetrate it and remove the virtue.”135 The apothecary then placed the infusion in warmed fabric or down cushions for a period of time, usually between one and five days, although certain infusions of wine took as long as two or three months.136 Indeed, timing was a key issue in making infusions. Even though the object was in a ll cases to remove the superficial virtue, which in t heory ought to take the same amount of time, once again the interaction between the substance of the simple and the nature of its virtue would determine the time needed to release the virtue. As with trituration, the thicker, denser, or harder the substance, the more “settled” the virtue was within it and the longer it took to release. Fresh, soft simples of more fragile substance, on the other hand, required less time.137 Finally, the preparation of simples through coction (also referred to as “decoction”) was the most common, and was done in order to “separate all the virtue of one thing that is cooked in another, through the medium of heat.”138 Cooking involved the application of heat to a substance, which took place in one of two ways: through “elixation,” where the simple was immersed in a liquid of some sort—­usually water, wine, or juice—­and through asación, roasting or grilling. Thus elixation involved “humid” heat, as the liquid surrounding the simple provided the medium for heating, whereas asación was a “dry” process 96        Election and Correction EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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involving the application of heat directly to a pot or pan that held the simple and worked by essentially dehydrating it, or “consuming its humidity.”139 Cooking of dry materials also occurred through frixión, in which the simple would be fried in butter, oil, animal fat, or lard.140 Elixation was by far the most common method of coction, performed with ground minerals, stones, metals, and many types of bone, as well as roots, herbs, and seeds to produce decoctions (cocimientos, in Spanish) that could themselves serve as medicines or, as with infusions, were incorporated into more complex compounds. As with the other operations, the techniques employed in decoction depended upon the substance and virtue of the simple. Of particular importance was the intensity of cooking a simple could endure: Mesue warned that cooking a simple too long or with too vigorous heat could break down (quebranta) its virtue, while a simple that was not cooked vigorously or long enough would not release its virtue. “You have an obligation,” he cautioned his readers, “to know which medicines will support little and which ones long and strong cooking.”141 Mesue argued that “vigorous cooking breaks down the virtue of the medicine. For this reason, it behooves you to know how to cook each one, moderating and proportioning the heat in a way that corresponds to the substances and their virtues, weak or strong.”142 To know how much heat to apply and for how long, the practitioner had to be able to classify the substance of the simple—­how dense, thick, and strong it was—­and know the nature of its virtue—­whether it was strong or weak, central or superficial, and whether or not it released easily. According to Oviedo, the way to determine the type of substance was to observe how easily it broke up into smaller pieces: the easier it broke apart, the thinner and more fragile the substance was.143 Generally, thin, fragile substances supported little cooking before their virtues disintegrated, while thick ones took much longer to release. Similarly, weak, superficial virtues released easily while central ones took longer cooking and more heat to release. Those of medium substance or virtue, logically, required a cook time and heat somewhere in between. Despite the precision and care required to manipulate the virtue and keep it intact, at no point did Oviedo specify the length of time needed for cooking a simple. Overall, the best method to follow was to pay close attention to the medicine, and remove it when it was completely cooked. Indeed, it was the amount of liquid, rather than a s pecific period of time, that the apothecary should use to determine how long to cook a simple. The type and amount of liquid, or licor, used was chosen carefully according to the medicine used. For some elixations the medicinal virtue stayed within the substance being cooked (typically for simples like canafistula, where the pulp was to be used); for others Election and Correction        97 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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it seeped into the liquid, making a licor that then served as the medicine. In the case of the former, only a small amount of liquid was to be added, just enough to “soften” the simple to the point “as if we were going to eat it.” For cocimientos in which the liquid served as the medicine, different amounts of the liquid were required depending on the particular virtue of the simple in question and how much of it was desired. In these cases, the virtue needed to be of the appropriate concentration: too much liquid and the medicine would be diluted and ineffective; too little and the resulting licor would be “thick, heavy, and abhorrent to taste.” The cocimiento was ready, and the simple “has given all its virtue,” when the liquid had absorbed the taste and the smell of the simple cooked. No matter what the proportions, however, a cocimiento was done when it was cooked, soft, and of an appropriate color and odor. For Oviedo, that was all the apothecary had to know, “there being nothing else to say except that the cocimiento is finished when [the medicine] is well cooked.”144 In this way, practitioners generally relied on proportions rather than exact measurements in co oking simples, and on their good judgment and experience to know when it was fully (but not over-­) cooked. The Apothecary’s Role in Nature

The rules regarding election and correction set out in the Canons and expanded and explicated by subsequent authors in the procedural texts of the Spanish pharmaceutical tradition thus indicated significant agency on the part of the apothecary to manipulate the virtues of simples. Such a p ower was not lost on those involved in e arly modern Galenic pharmacy. Indeed, the idea of a celestial virtue, an essence specific to each simple that could be manipulated in predictable ways based on its substance and virtue, had a major impact on contemporary views of the apothecary’s work. The external source of the specific form identified by Ibn Sīnā, interpreted as astral influence by Ibn Rushd and medieval Latin commentators was, by the early modern period in Europe, firmly equated with divine intervention of the Christian God. For pharmacy and pharmacodynamics, it was thought that God had instilled in sim ples a healing power to alleviate human suffering. This kind of power was revealed and made effective only through the efforts of the apothecary. Their manual manipulations of the simples, the operations they performed in the pharmacy, were thus interpreted by some as the revelation of God’s gifts to humanity, the uncovering of God’s treasures hidden within the natural world to combat suffering and disease. Their work thus took on a newfound significance within the Christian cosmology and was highly celebrated in the medieval and early modern pharmaceutical literature. According to Cristobal Súarez de Figueroa, the 98        Election and Correction EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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author/translator of a survey of early modern professions, the apothecary’s profession was “entrusted by God” as one of the most advantageous and necessary for humanity.145 In order for apothecaries to “heal afflictions of the body,” God had planted numerous entities in the “fields, meadows, and in the mountains,” that apothecaries made into medicines.146 In this ability, they were also seen as using their art to complete and perfect what nature was unable to do by itself. Authors of early modern pharmaceutical treatises in Spain expanded on the narrative in prologues and dedicatory poems. In their view, God had created the world from nothing, a bountiful paradise filled with “all kinds of creatures, as well as all variety of plants, fruits, and flowers” to make a paradise.147 In this world, Adam was “the first apothecary . . . who had knowledge of everything,” including the healing qualities to be found in nature.148 Once Adam and Eve had partaken of the poisonous fruit, however, humans were confronted with “one thousand illnesses” and many difficulties.149 Nevertheless, God had still provided everything that human beings would need in order to survive—­horses for waging war, livestock for sustenance and clothing, and medicines provided in nature. Indeed, God created everything humans needed to cure themselves of illness, including “so many remedies, so much . . . variety of plants and other creatures” that the world after the Fall teemed with “all manner of herbs, plants, and flowers” not only for their pleasing effects but also “in order to put [there] a general pharmacy to cure all that could attack our body.”150 Within each of these creatures, plants, and stones God had put a healing quality, or virtue.151 In this way, “the plants having been created by His Divine Majesty, Author of nature, were given many virtues, and through them he demonstrated his omnipotent power.”152 The immense variety found in nature was meant to serve the great variety of illnesses that humans faced, in that from them medicines could be made “in different seasons and in many different ways.”153 In this way, nature mirrored the medicines found in the pharmacy. Each of the virtues that God had instilled within his creations provided healing powers to combat illness; however, not everyone knew what these virtues were nor how to get them to work. Unlike the qualities of hot, cold, wet, or dry conferred by the complexion of a substance, governed by its elemental makeup, these virtues implanted by God were “hidden” within the substance. Releasing these “occult” virtues required expertise, experience, and knowledge—­knowledge that human “ingenuity” had brought about when men “discovered these virtues and learned how to attain their [beneficial] effects.”154 Apothecaries in particular had such expertise, knowing the virtues of plants, animals, and minerals, knowing how to distinguish between harmful and beneficial ones, which ones to collect and how and when best to collect them, and how to correct or modulate their virtue. In Election and Correction        99 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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this way, pharmacy was “an arduous and difficult science, one that touches the stars, whose eminence and highness works to the advantage of all sciences.”155 Apothecaries not only played a crucial role in preparing medicines and preserving health but also worked to perfect and complete nature. Such a view contributed to longstanding debate about the role and status of the artisan as one who perfected nature through art, or through “artificial” means. Aristotle had divided knowledge into episteme, or immutable truths, and techne, the arts, which sought to complete what nature itself could not. Though the topics of the liberal arts held more prestige than those of the mechanical, such views of technical expertise as perfecting nature lent it more credence and prestige.156 Along these lines, Mesue argued that the practitioner could supplement what nature could not itself do: that practitioners should be aware of “the help that is done by art, which equals nature: and for that reason one must supplement nature with it if it appears that nature is lacking in something; because art is without a doubt the imitator and follower of nature.”157 The apothecary helped nature by turning simples into medicinal components through the manipulation of the celestial virtue. In this way, apothecaries represented themselves and were represented by contemporaries in the early modern period as those with a divine mission—­the translation of divine healing powers from the natural world to medicines that could be applied or ingested to combat illness and alleviate suffering. They used their art to perfect what God or the heavens, through nature, had provided. The key to their mission lay in their art—­the manipulation of the hidden or occult virtue, by harvesting it in the proper way at the proper time, and processing it according to specific rules so that it would be properly “corrected” to render it both safe and effective.

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THREE Mixtion Compounding Medicines in Galenic Pharmacy

T

he simples in t he Herrera pharmacy were selected and processed to be combined into compounds—­pills, powders, syrups, ointments, plasters, and other remedies that comprised more than one simple. The compounds in the Herrera pharmacy ranged from the relatively straightforward decoctions, infusions, and powders made from the operations described in Mesue’s Canons to the more complex preserves, syrups, and confections formulated with sugar or honey; the gum-­based pills, pastilles, and troches; and the compound oils, ointments, and plasters formulated with plant oils, wax, or animal fats. The Herrera pharmacy, for example, contained compound powders that were prescribed to prevent worms, falls, and miscarriages.1 Sweetened compounds in the pharmacy included preserves of roses and peach flowers, jacinth confection, and all kinds of syrups—­lemon, peony, myrtle, mint, poppy, carnation, pomegranate, apple, mallow, chicory, orange, and manna. The pharmacy also sold pills made from powders of simples held together by gums and resins. These included storax pills and rhubarb pills, as well as pills for coughs and for the stomach. Oils and ointments sold in the pharmacy included scorpion oil, egg yolk oil, worm oil, puppy oil, sandalwood ointment, lead ointment, mange ointment, sulfur ointment, and betony ointment. In Galenic pharmacy the compounding of medicines—­also referred to 101

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as polypharmacy—­involved the mixture of different prepared simples into a single, compound medicine, a process called “mixtion” in the early modern period. Authors in the Spanish pharmaceutical tradition viewed compounding as the culmination of the apothecary’s work. It was the final step in the three tasks identified as defining the apothecary’s responsibilities—­election, correction, and mixtion. Election and correction, the subject of chapter 2, were the selection and processing of simples in a way that would maximize their beneficial powers (their dunameis, or virtues); mixtion involved the mixing of these processed simples in o rder to combine their powers. Practitioners reasoned that compounding was necessary because complex diseases often required a myriad of different powers to counteract them, thus necessitating the combination of simples with different virtues into one medicine. There were other reasons as well: multiple simples might be required to produce a compound of an equal, opposite degree to the illness, to counteract a bad taste, or to act as a spreading agent. Compounding required great expertise, as compounds often required several steps and multiple ingredients, all of which called for careful processing. Like election and correction, mixtion revolved around optimizing and preserving the simples’ virtues, which constituted the main goal of compounding, and practitioners were instructed to follow a particular, graduated order in adding simples to a compound based on the nature of their substances and virtues. Although simples were sometimes used as medicines by themselves, compound remedies constituted the vast majority of medicines prescribed and dispatched in colonial Mexico. Compounds were thus ubiquitous in Galenic pharmacy, in u se since before the time of Galen and increasing in p opularity during the Middle Ages so that by the early modern period, pharmaceutical authors averred that “there are very few preparations made without [it].”2 Despite its great importance in Galenic pharmacy, however, compounding has received scant attention in t he secondary literature, and the development of the genre in which compound recipes were compiled and recorded, the pharmacopoeia or formulary, is little understood. Recent and welcome attention to the rich recipe literature of the Western tradition, further, has placed only minor focus on formularies, which were perhaps the largest and most ubiquitous of all the medical recipe collections. And despite another welcome area of investigation into the materials and techniques of the medieval and early modern workshop, we still have little understanding of how apothecaries and their assistants formulated compounds—­the materials they used, the kinds of compounds they made, how they were categorized, and how these categories changed over time. This chapter aims to address these issues, tracing the 102        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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development of both compounding and the textual genre that accompanied it, with the caveat that it provides a broad overview of some major developments but that much work remains to provide more precise study of specific compounds and their histories, the uses of these compounds in specific periods, and the individual vernacular traditions that developed with regard to pharmacopoeias and formularies. Mixing substances together to create medicines reaches back centuries, even millennia, and found formal designation as “compounding” around the time of Galen. Galen himself wrote two major treatises on compounds that built upon his earlier work on simples and included recipes for compounds, often plagiarized from earlier authors, that were categorized by type and by the disease or part of the body they treated.3 The Islamic Empires witnessed the gradual emergence of pharmacy as a separate medical profession, reflected in the concomitant development of the formulary genre, the aqrabadhin, and its emphasis on systematic presentation of recipes organized by type of remedy. In the wake of the Latin translation movement, Mesue’s thirteenth-­century Grabadin served as a conduit to Europe for this genre and the kinds of medicines it included. In addition to its organization and structural features, the Grabadin represented the culmination of two main developments that would underscore and direct Galenic compounding through the early modern period. The first of these developments involved the rationale for compounding and evolving understanding of how the powers of individual simples combined when mixed together. As with the issue of total substance, Galen had not explained how to calculate a co mpound’s effect based upon the powers of its simples—­an issue left for later Arabic and Latin physician-­philosophers to work out. Although there was wide agreement among these later authors that compound medicines were necessary to address complex illnesses, later authors vigorously debated how to calculate these powers—­whether the compound represented a straightforward aggregate of the powers of each simple in it, whether these powers combined in a way that could be calculated rationally, or whether these powers together would produce an effect that could be known only empirically, through observation of their effect on the body. In the Universal Canons, Mesue weighed in—­not as a philosopher but as a practitioner, sidestepping the issue of combining powers and shifting the focus to the preservation of the powers within the compound. He suggested a particular order in which to add simples of different substances and virtues to the mixture that would ensure the viability of their powers. Mesue also addressed a s econd major innovation in t he development of compounding—­the trend, begun in A rabic works, toward classifying Mixtion        103 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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compounds by the methods and materials used in their formulation. Ancient Greek works classified compounds in various ways—­by the part of the body they treated (gargles, suppositories, eye washes), by their overall actions or effect (astringents, emetics, cathartics), and by their method of formulation (oils, ointments, plasters). Arabic formularies largely dropped the action-­based compounds and added several categories of method-­based compounds, but continued regularly to include several application-­based types. Mesue’s Grabadin constituted a final step in this process, classifying all compounds according to the method of formulation. The twelve main categories of compounds he described, each constituting a s eparate chapter of the work, would go on to become the basis for early modern formularies. Thus, the compounds in t he Herrera pharmacy, classified according to the method-­based categories in the Grabadin, were the product of centuries of growth and progress in Galenic pharmacy, reflecting various stages in the development of different compound medicines and the texts in w hich their recipes were compiled. This chapter traces these changes and the consolidation of the genre of texts that bore witness to them. I begin with a brief discussion of ancient Greek compounding, the ways that the Arabic tradition built upon and expanded it, and the emergence of the aqrabadhin. I then turn to Mesue’s Grabadin, the turning point it represented for medieval Latin pharmacy, and the basis it set for early modern polypharmacy, describing the debates over compound powers and the emergence of method-­based compounds. Finally, I turn to pharmacy in practice in colonial Mexico, examining prescriptions and pharmacy inventories in order to determine which compounds were utilized most often. Pharmaceutical Recipes and the Emergence of the Formulary

The mixing of medicinal materials into compound remedies has a very long history in the Western tradition. Medical writings from ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia describe medicines that consisted of different substances combined into one remedy, and that practice was very much in evidence in the recipes of the Hippocratic Corpus, written down and codified around the late sixth and early fifth centuries BCE.4 Although the corpus contains no writings devoted exclusively to pharmacology or materia medica, and although dietetic treatments were favored over drug therapeutics, the Hippocratic Corpus nevertheless includes over 1,500 medical recipes that combine a wide range of both local and imported pharmaka.5 They follow similar patterns, including a “rubric”—­ the recipe’s indications and ingredients (usually four to five), and directions for its preparation and application. Authors of texts subsequent to the corpus 104        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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also presented recipes for compounds, including Mithradates VI Eupator, King of Pontus (120–63 BCE), who authored a recipe for a universal antidote called mithridatium; Andromachus the Elder (first century CE), t he physician to Nero who authored a r ecipe for theriac; and Asclepiades of Bithynia (d. 40 BCE), who included a series of technical terms to specify compounding procedures (such as sifting and grinding).6 The first texts to refer to formulation specifically as “compounding,” however, began to appear around the first century CE, the same time that authors started using the term simple to designate one particular medicinal substance and thus differentiating between a “ simple,” homoeomerous substance and a “compound” made up of more than one such substance. The first of these treatises was On Compounds/De Compositiones by Scribonius Largus (ca. 1– ca. 50 CE), w hich included recipes for over two hundred compounds organized in a “head to toe” (a capite ad calcem) arrangement according to the part of the body they treated (although certain sections focused on particular classes of compounds).7 Galen followed in the next century with two treatises on compound medicines, On the Composition of Drugs according to Kinds, generally arranged by type of remedy, and On the Composition of Drugs according to Places (hereafter referred to as Kinds and Places, respectively), the latter arranged like Scribonius Largus’s work, according to the place of the body treated.8 These works are recognized as major milestones in the history of compounding and of the formulary genre for a number of reasons: they are long, substantial compilations—­over six hundred pages each in later editions—­of the recipes of earlier authors, constituting in many cases the only evidence of these writings; they included recipes for a number of different types of compounds; and the intended arrangement of Kinds especially represents an important step toward a genre of pharmaceutical writing that identified and organized remedies by category or type.9 The works were intended to follow On the Powers of Simple Medicines in the suite of Galen’s pharmaceutical writings, and build upon concepts that Galen presented in earlier works to explain the necessity and purpose of compounding. Despite their importance, however, these treatises suffered from substantial limitations that may have limited their overall impact. Their length notwithstanding, they include a relatively narrow set of types of compounds, with only sporadic discussion of technique or rationale for compounding. Despite the promising focus in Kinds, discussion of the different types of preparations is largely unsystematic. The chapters do n ot each consistently treat a different kind of compound but rather focus on individual recipes randomly with a prevalence of chapters on plasters; and some chapters are still organized around Mixtion        105 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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the diseases to be treated. Within these treatises, further, Galen does not satisfactorily explain how the simple powers would work together when combined, saying only that the reader should refer to the powers of each of the simples in the recipe.10 As with Galen’s other works, finally, the treatises are filled with tangents and digressions, long diatribes against his enemies and anecdotal asides, so that subsequent redactors like Oribasius (320–400 CE) and Paul of Aegina (625–690 CE) condensed, abridged, and organized much of their information into sections of medical encyclopedias. Due perhaps to their unwieldy nature, the treatises “were very little known in the [Latin] Middle Ages,” with Kinds translated by Gerard of Fig. 3.1. Title page to On the Cremona in the twelfth century (see fig. 3.1 for a Composition of Drugs according to Kinds, later printed edition), and Places by Niccolò da 1552 edition. Reggio (ca. 1308–1345) only in the fourteenth.11 For these reasons, although Galen’s works on compounds were certainly significant, they do not automatically represent the basis of the formulary genre or even of Galenic compounding practices as they reached the early modern period. That role is reserved for the Arabic pharmacopoeias that began to appear around the ninth century and that constituted a much more solid basis for the genre and for the practices of compounding. To be sure, Arabic compounding was built upon these Galenic beginnings. Not only did Arabic medicine adopt the Galenic humoral system but the entire corpus of Galen’s work, including both treatises of De Compositione, were known and translated to Arabic. Physician-­scholar H·unayn ibn Ish·āq/Johannitius (d. 873 or 877) alone translated 129 Galenic texts, and Paul of Aegina’s translated compendium was very popular and important.12 Galen’s influence also appears in the Syriac Book of Medicine, a Syriac medical text with materials dating back to the sixth and seventh centuries CE, t hat included recipes from Places.13 Thus there was a significant Galenic influence and basis for medicine in t he areas conquered by Islamic forces in the seventh and eighth centuries and translated upon the consolidation of those forces in the Islamic empires. That influence notwithstanding, the major steps in the formation and genesis of the formulary genre originated under Arabic influence, in the Arabic medical tradition. There, physicians and scholars produced formularies that came to form the basis of the genre that would be brought to Europe in the 106        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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late Middle Ages and that still serves as the fundamental organizational structure for the modern drug formulary. Under Abbasid leadership, authors in the Islamic world began to produce texts that brought together a number of original elements not easily traced to their predecessors, and that became so common and so standardized that, according to Leigh Chipman, the pharmacopoeia was “one of the major literary models available to medical writers in the Islamic world.”14 This genre was referred to as aqrabadhin, the word derived from the Greek graphidion, meaning “list” or “registry.”15 Although there was variety among the Arabic formularies, they generally shared several structural elements, with chapters divided according to type of preparation and individual recipes presented in a standardized form within. Typical recipes in the chapters included the heading or name for the drug; indications; ingredients and quantities or proportions; manner of preparation; and recommended dosage or application.16 The aqrabadhin also contained a more or less standardized set of compounds, some adopted from the Greek tradition but others that were new (discussed further below). The initial type of aqrabadhin was a s tand-alone formulary that first appeared in ninth-­century Baghdad in largely complete form, associated with hospitals. One of the earliest and most significant of these was the hospital formulary of Sābūr ibn Sahl (d. 869), described as one of “the most important and influential texts in the history of Islamic pharmacy.”17 It came in three different versions—­small, medium, and large—­and was employed as a pharmaceutical handbook in h ospitals and pharmacies throughout the caliphate for three hundred years, from Baghdad to Cairo. It also claimed to be “the standard [work] for mixing compound drugs.”18 According to Oliver Kahl, the formulary “appeared out of nowhere” with no obvious precedents, the product of the development of hospitals and the growing professionalization of pharmacy, in which a head-­to-­toe arrangement was less useful than one focused on compound type.19 In an effort to be most useful to the increasingly specialized and professionalized task of formulating medicines, this genre was “deliberately shedding the mould of medical encyclopedism,” and Ibn Sahl’s work went “far beyond anything Greco-­Hellenistic pharmacy had to offer.”20 Sābūr ibn Sahl’s work was succeeded by a series of additional important formularies over the centuries and across the caliphate, including the work of al-­Kindī (d. 873), al-­ Zahrāwī (936–1013), Ibn al-­Tilmīdh (1073–1165; see fig. 3.2), Ibn Jazla (d. 1100), al-­Kūhīn al-­‘At·t·ār (thirteenth century), al-­Samarqandī (d. 1222), and Ibn Abi ’l-­Bayān (d. 1236).21 Although the aqrabadhin began as a s tand-alone work, formularies also began to appear incorporated into multivolume treatises—­not embedded with other information as in earlier encyclopedias, but constituting Mixtion        107 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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one of several volumes. Examples of this type included book 5 of Ibn Sīnā’s Canons of Medicine (see fig. 3.3), the tenth maqala of book 2 o f al-­ Majusi’s (d. 994) Kamil al-­sina’a, and the fourth maqala of Ibn Jumay’s (d. 1198) Irshad. Other volumes of these works included treatises on natural philosophy, materia medica, and information on weights and measures, drug substitutions, synonyms for drug names, and how to test for quality and authenticity.22 The influence of Arabic medical writings in general and of formularies in particular on Latin works were the result of the translation enterprises largely centered in Sa lerno and Toledo, which provided Latin scholars with much fuller knowledge of the writings of Aristotle and Galen Fig. 3.2. Beginning of Ibn as well as the advances in Galenism and natural al-­Tilmīdh’s pharmacopoeia. philosophy made by Ibn Sīnā, Ibn Rushd, al-­Rāzī, Credit: Wellcome Collection. CC BY. and al-­Majusi. During the eleventh and twelfth centuries, these translations began to reach the European medical community and provided the basis for the medical curricula in newly established universities of Bologna, Paris, Montpellier, Padua, and, later, Salamanca. Medical scholars at these schools wrote various commentaries and abridgments to the Latin translations of Greco-­Arabic medicine, posed and answered questions and disputations that such writings raised, and sought to reconcile contradictory assertions among the masters. These writings went hand in hand with the rise of Scholasticism, which also sought to reconcile these works with Christian theology.23 For pharmacy, there were two chief phases in this process, resulting in an earlier formulary tradition based on the Salernitan translations in the eleventh and twelfth centuries, and a l ater phase beginning in t he thirteenth century that also assimilated the Toledan translations. Salernitan authors had produced highly important books of simples, and major works on compound remedies also issued from Salerno. The Antidotarium magnum, produced in t he late eleventh century, described around 1,300 medicines arranged alphabetically, and soon spread throughout Europe.24 Another work, the Antidotarium Nicolai, was a smaller version of the Antidotarium magnum, with about 150 recipes, also arranged alphabetically. The Antidotarium Nicolai has received a fair amount of attention from scholars and appears to have been the preeminent 108        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 3.3. First page of book 5 of Ibn Sīnā’s Canones with Folgino commentary. 1520 edition.

Latin formulary of the twelfth and thirteenth centuries. In Paris, for example, it was included in the university’s medical school curriculum by 1271 and by the mid-­fourteenth century was required in apothecary shops.25 However, although these Salernitan formularies demonstrate Byzantine and Mixtion        109 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Arabic influence, they represent an earlier phase in the assimilation of Greco-­ Arabic medicine. Despite the fact that they were produced in the context of an Arabic translation movement, their authors did not have access to translations of many of the works that would prove so crucial to pharmacy and concepts of pharmacodynamics—­Ibn Sīnā’s Canons of Medicine, the work of al-­Rāzī, and much of the work of the “New Galen,” all of which were later translated in Toledo. Thus the early Salernitan works did not benefit from the fuller picture of Galen’s natural philosophy and of Ibn Sīnā’s advances upon it. The fact that the Antidotarium Nicolai does not address theoretical discussions of medicinal powers or the celestial virtue is likely a result of this lack of access. Beyond an instruction at the beginning of the treatise to make sure that simples used “had not lost their force by being too old” and that they be “collected at the correct time and place,” the Antidotarium Nicolai offers little in the way of advice or discussion of technique and no discussion of the natural philosophical issues or the ramifications of compounding.26 Its recipes, furthermore, were cited only minimally in later formularies.27 In fact, by the fifteenth century, the Antidotarium Nicolai was far overshadowed by another formulary that has received comparatively little scholarly attention—­the Grabadin of John Mesue, first appearing, like the Universal Canons, in northern Italy in the later thirteenth century and going on to more than one hundred editions in the age of print (see fig. 3.4 and appendix 3).28 Unlike the earlier Salernitan treatises, Mesue’s work had the benefit of full exposure to the work of Ibn Rushd, Ibn Sīnā, and the New Galen, and represented, I would argue, a second phase of development in pharmacy based upon the Toledan translations. As such, the Grabadin constituted a turning point, a watershed period in the Western formulary tradition. It served as a conduit for bringing the Arabic advances to the Latin West, and it arguably served as the basis for the Latin and later vernacular formularies that followed, especially after the age of print. Major historians of science, medicine, and pharmacy have attested to its importance: George Sarton, for example, wrote in 1927 that the Grabadin “was immensely popular. It remained for centuries the standard text-­book of pharmacy in the West.”29 Edward Kremers and George Urdang, authors of the standard history of pharmacy textbook in the United States, stated that it was “in use in practically every European pharmacy [and] became a basis for later official pharmacopeias.”30 Urdang later added that “there was no official or unofficial pharmaceutical book of formulas up to the late seventeenth century that did not lean heavily on the ‘divine’ Mesue.”31 Rudolf Schmitz, in his 1998 Geschichte der pharmazie, refers to Mesue’s Grabadin as containing “the complete foundation for drug compounds, which we owe to the Arabs.”32 110        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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These are strong testimonies, but none of these authors went on to explain in depth why the Grabadin was so influential—­an explanation that becomes clear only when taking into consideration the particular context of the thirteenth-­ century translation movement. First, the Grabadin incorporated and brought to Europe key aspects of the Arabic formulary genre that the Antidotarium did not. In contrast to the alphabetical order of the Antidotarium, the structure of the Grabadin followed that of its Arabic predecessors, with separate chapters for each type of compound. It also included the same rubric as the recipes in Arabic formularies (ingredients, dose, indications) and brief instructions as to formulation. Finally, the Grabadin included far more Fig. 3.4. First page of Grabadin, recipes—­over 400 in comparison to the Antidot- 1513 edition of Opera medicinalia. arium’s 150 or so. In addition to the more obvious structural elements of the genre, the content of the Grabadin in conjunction with the relevant issues in the Universal Canons provided a key rationale and key directions and practices that would support and underwrite compounding for the next several centuries in a way that the Antidotarium did not. In his work, Mesue built upon two aspects of Arabic compounding to solve earlier issues about how to conceive of the compound’s multiple powers, and to standardize a set of compounds that were categorized entirely by materials and methods. In the first place, Mesue provided a rationale for compounding that solved a s eries of problems that had confounded commentators and authors since the time of Galen. That rationale served to shift the direction of the arguments toward the virtue (the dunamis) and how to compound it. Second, the Grabadin built upon its predecessors by shifting the focus exclusively to the method-­based approach to categorizing compounds as seen in the Herrera pharmacy, where they were almost wholly named and labeled according to method of preparation. Both of these innovations were geared toward practitioners in the field of pharmacy, where the professional was focused not on theological or natural philosophical issues and not on diagnosing symptoms and prescribing appropriate medicines but rather on the practical issues related to the best way to formulate optimum medicines. The Grabadin and the Universal Canons thus addressed the concerns of a Mixtion        111 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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master apothecary as to how to choose the best simple, how to know and evaluate its powers, how to process it to optimize those powers, and how to combine them in appropriate ways so that the powers stayed viable and intact, and worked at the appropriate time. This shift was in part a result of the quasi-­ mechanical conception of the medicinal virtue. It was also, I would argue, a response to the growing demand for compounded medicines in t he Middle Ages and the growing popularity of drug therapeutics over dietetics.33 In meeting the growing European demand for drug therapeutics and compound remedies, the Grabadin brought the Arabic formulary to medieval Europe and as such provided a much wider array of choices and types of recipes than had the Antidotarium Nicolai, as well as a standard for the formulation of these new types of drugs. The Grabadin and the innovations it signified underlay the compounds and the techniques of compounding that apothecaries carried out in the early modern period, as evident in the Herrera pharmacy inventory and also in the formularies that were produced and published in Europe starting in the later fifteenth century. At that time, a number of cities began to produce standardized formularies, including the Nuovo Receptario of Florence, and the pharmacopoeias of Augsburg, Barcelona, Zaragoza, and London.34 These texts bear witness to Mesue’s major influence in t heir structure, in t he kinds of compounds they include, and in the recipes for individual compounds. The same is true for important formularies of the Castilian tradition, including Saladino da Ascoli’s Compendium aromatarium (written in Italy but translated to Spanish and published in Valladolid in 1515), Bernardino de L aredo’s Modus faciendi cum ordine medicando (1527), Alonso de Jubera’s Dechado y r eformación de todas las medicinas compuestas usuales (1578), Antonio de Castels’s Theorica y pratica de boticarios (1592), Vélez de Arciniega’s Theoria pharmacéutica (1624), and Félix Palacios’s Palestra pharmaceutica (1706).35 In the remainder of this chapter I em ploy Mesue’s works, Spanish commentaries on his works, and the above-­named formularies to examine the history of Galenic compounding, tracing first the issue of the rationale for compounding and the concomitant questions it raised about the simples’ powers and how they would work together in compounds; and second, the types of compounds named in treatises from the Hippocratic Corpus through the medieval Arabic period, and the gradual shift to more and more method-­based compounds in the medieval and early modern Latin tradition—­evident in the kinds of compounds formulated, prescribed, and stocked in the pharmacies of Mexico. In this way, I argue that the tradition of the formulary and the practices of compounding reached their full fruition in the early modern period 112        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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as a co nsequence of Mesue’s Grabadin, which acted as a co nduit for Arabic advances in the field and sought to resolve some ambiguities left by Galen. Compound Powers and the Rationale for Compounding in Galenic Pharmacy

The fact that compounding was so widespread in Galenic pharmacy prompts the question: why compound? Why was compounding necessary and what were its benefits? The answers to these questions related directly to the issue of the simples’ powers, because the main rationale for compounding had to do with the belief that the single power of a unitary simple would not accomplish what was needed in the complex world of disease and drug therapeutics. Many, if not most, ailments required a variety of powers to address them, and in some cases the simple itself had to be tempered with other simples before it could be applied to the body. Thus the need for compounding stemmed from the need for medications that possessed a complex of varying powers in order to work. Galen set forth these ideas in On the Therapeutic Method, arguing that many afflictions required a remedy with multiple powers, and the way to acquire all the necessary powers was to combine various appropriate simples. Many conditions required that the treatment possess more than one power—­even opposite powers—­to be effective. Galen argued, for example, that in the treatment of a wound, “we must not simply consider whether the medication is moderately drying and constricting, but also whether it is able to reach to the depths [of the wound]. At any rate, white lead and litharge constrict and dry moderately but, if you sprinkle these like ashes around the part that has been wounded, you will accomplish nothing more, for the potency of the medications that dry like this does not reach to the depths. They will need some moisture so that it may be one of the emplastic medications of the moister kind.”36 In other words, wound treatment required a medication that was both drying and moistening and as such required compounding. For Galen, formulating medicine was thus a two-­ step process. It involved, first, understanding and knowing the powers of individual simples and then “consider[ing] in what circumstances it is appropriate for someone to mix these so they are profitable for use.” There was a “twofold method regarding medications. One pertains to their potency and the other to their synthesis and preparation.”37 For these reasons, Galen believed compounding to be necessary in medicine, and that the powers of the compounds represented a co mbination or conglomeration of the individual powers of each simple that was included in it. He went on to write his two treatises On Compounds, he said, in part to educate those “completely inexperienced in the power of drugs” and others who Mixtion        113 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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erroneously “think that in the mixing process the opposite powers of simple drugs cancel each other completely.” Galen also argued that anyone formulating compounds could determine its overall power simply by referring to the eleven books of On Simples, and in doing so would not be “at a loss as to their utility against each affliction.” Arabic authors largely concurred with Galen but went on to expand and give further precision to the rationale for compounding. The prologue to Sābūr ibn Sahl’s Small Dispensatory includes a chapter “on why exactly compound drugs are needed,” in which he argues that “if it were possible to treat all kinds of abnormalities which occur in the body with simple drugs alone, we would never at any time require a compound drug; this, however, is not the case.”38 Like Galen, Ibn Sahl argued that the principal reason to compound was that many diseases “require drugs which combine between themselves the faculties of opponents” in order to carry out more than one action at a time—­to absorb or dissolve, to clear and smooth, or thicken and soften at the same time.39 In addition to the need for multiple simultaneous actions, compounding was also necessary to temper a simple’s power. Some drugs, Ibn Sahl argued, were not strong enough by themselves; others, by contrast, were too strong and needed tempering with other simples that would “break the power of the one drug” or “blunt and break the sharpness of these drugs,” as was true for opium, henbane, and mandrake root.40 Other simples required the addition of a spreading agent or a substance that would allow “quick penetration of the body”; still others needed further ingredients to “mask [their] disgusting taste.”41 The combination of simples in some remedies also helped “to protect the powers of these drugs from dissolving too quickly.”42 Later formularies cited reasons that were fairly consistent with Ibn Sahl’s. Al-­Samarqandī’s thirteenth-­century formulary, for example, included fourteen reasons to compound that largely reflected the same rationale.43 Latin works also cited similar reasons: according to the Salernitan Circa instans, “there are many reasons for the compounding of medicines,” including “the case of contrary diseases present in one and the same body,” “the case of contrary qualities present within the bodily members,” and to diminish the strength of “violent medicines.”44 A commentary on the Antidotarium Nicolai also names several reasons for compounding: to treat disease conditions with contrary qualities, to repress overly strong powers, to preserve powers, and to counteract “horrible flavors.”45 Early modern Spanish authors accepted and adopted this rationale, outlining three main reasons to make compounds that reflect the earlier arguments: First, simples were often not sufficient to cure certain illnesses, or, in o ther 114        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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words, the great diversity of illnesses and their symptoms required a similar diversity of ingredients mixed together to treat them. According to Antonio de Aguilera in hi s explication of Mesue’s Universal Canons, mixing simples together into a compound allowed “one medication to accomplish many different goals and operations . . . that would not be possible to do at one time if the [simples] were not mixed together.”46 As such, compound medicines had the advantage of accomplishing a variety of effects and could “evacuate various and diverse humors” at once.47 Second, some simples needed to be mixed with others in order to correct their harmful virtues. The third reason for compounding medicines lay in the fact that the virtues of some simples took longer to work, and thus these simples needed to be combined with others that worked sooner to alleviate pain before the others would take effect.48 Thus in Galenic pharmacy there appears to have been general agreement that most illnesses required medicines consisting of a va riety of simples to address the complexity of the symptoms, and mixing simples together could serve to temper their powers and help mask unpleasant flavors—­a set of reasons that were treated and cited with substantial consistency over centuries. The need and rationale for compounding seems to have presented little cause for controversy, but not all issues regarding compounding were so straightforward. In particular, a problem developed during the Middle Ages regarding how compounds worked—­whether their actions derived, like that of some simples, according to their total substance and could not be predicted; or whether their powers could be known rationally and calculated according to the known powers of the simples they contained. As with the doctrine of total substance, Galen had not fully explained this, and had left ambiguities that resulted in confusion that later authors attempted to rectify.49 In the first place, Galen seemed to indicate that the compounded powers created a new entity—­if opposite powers did not cancel each other out, then they had to create a new power, the median point between them. On the other hand, however, he also indicated that the compound was the aggregate of the powers of the simples it contained and could be determined by looking up the powers of the simples as noted in On Simples. In that case, however, Galen did not indicate how to go about calculating that power, nor had he fully worked out the implications of this combination of powers. Not only had he not provided powers for the bulk of simples in On Simples, he also did not discuss how these powers would interact with each other in a compound. He had not explained, in other words, how to calculate the overall effect of the compound based on its simples’ powers, the intensity of those powers, and the quantity of the simple within the compound. Thus the questions remained: did the simples Mixtion        115 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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in the compound each continue to act individually, or did they aggregate in some way? If the simple powers acted in aggregate, how was that aggregate to be calculated? Was this kind of calculation even possible, or did the compound also act according to an incalculable total substance, whose effect was known only by experience? As with the doctrine of total substance, these issues were taken up by medieval Arabic and later Latin scholars. Ibn Sahl and later al-­Samarqandī discussed relative proportions of amounts of simples to include in a co mpound based on their individual powers. Ibn Sahl’s Dispensary, for example, had a section on “quantities of simple drugs that are thrown into a compound and the seven basic rules by which this ratio is understood.”50 These were rules to determine whether small or large quantities of a drug ought to be included in the compound—­rules that al-­Samarqandī closely followed several centuries later. They stated that formulations ought to include large quantities of drugs that had many benefits or especially “splendid” ones, those with relatively weak powers, or those that had to travel to an organ far from the stomach. Similarly, for al-­Samarqandī, varying quantities of a drug in a compound depended on “strength and weakness in its nature, abundance or lack of usefulness, importance or lowliness of its benefits, usefulness in partnership or being alone, location of the ailing organ in regard to proximity or distance from the stomach and existence or non-­existence of drugs in the compounded one which weakens its strength.”51 While these rules provided some guide as to the amounts or ratios of simples in a co mpound based on their powers, they did not address the specific calculation of the overall effect of the compound or how the powers of its simples interacted with one another when mixed, a lacuna duly noted by others. In On the Knowledge of the Powers of Compound Drugs, al-­Kindī stated that the ancients “omitted to discuss this issue [of drug qualities] in compound drugs, and did not talk about a compound drug in such-­and-­such a degree of warmth and coldness, moisture and dryness. Yet it would have been more appropriate and deserving to know this [degree] in compounding drugs.”52 In Doubts on Galen, al-­Rāzī also criticized Galen for not clearly explaining how to calculate compound powers or the larger issue of the connection between qualities, degrees, and actions of simples and the supposed attractive power of purgatives from the total substance.53 To correct this deficiency, Arabic authors proposed a variety of solutions. For Ibn Sīnā, compound powers resulted from a “fermentation” that occurred upon the mixing of simple ingredients to produce a resulting power different from the sum of its parts and more in line with powers of total substance or 116        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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the specific form. Others sought to calculate compound powers rationally.54 Al-­Kindī proposed a numerological progression or geometric increase in the intensity of the compound’s effect with arithmetic increase in powers of qualities of simples involved, and later Ibn Rushd proposed arithmetic progressions.55 These works, once translated into Latin, resulted in major debates of the thirteenth century at the University of Montpellier regarding such calculations, especially surrounding the action of theriac, in which Arnald de Villanova and Bernard de Gordon, among others, proposed ways to systematize the calculation of compound powers. It was in this context—­and no coincidence—­that Mesue’s Universal Canons and Grabadin appeared in n orthern Italy, whose university medical schools were assimilating the ancient Greek and Arabic works of the New Galen and working out the issues and problems raised in doing so. While professors at Montpellier were working out whether the actions of compound medicines derived from a c alculable combination of powers, from an incalculable fermentation, or from its total substance, Taddeo Alderotti and his students were working out the source for the total substance’s power, the specific form that derived from celestial influence.56 The influence of Alderotti’s school on Mesue’s thought can be seen in his conception of the celestial virtue. However, rather than weighing in o n an exact way to calculate these virtues—­proposing his own method or advocating one or another Arabic or Latin solution—­Mesue sidestepped the issue and turned it from one of theoretical calculations to one of practical considerations. His solution did not center on what the ultimate power would be—­an issue for physicians and natural philosophers—­but rather, as with election and correction, how to ensure that whatever powers were present remained intact, viable, and able to have the most beneficial effect. In line with the idea of a manipulable, quasi-­material virtue was the idea that the practitioner’s duty was to ensure the quality and coherence of the virtues of all the ingredients in a co mpound—­an issue for a practitioner, the apothecary, who would be formulating the compound, not deciding which compound to use based on its power, however conceived and calculated. Mesue’s ideas and directions were then expanded by authors of early modern Spanish pharmacy texts. Mesue’s interpretation of the nature of the compound virtue presented in the Universal Canons adopted a sort of compromise among the different approaches. He argued that the virtue of a compound medicine was made up of a combination of the individual virtues of the simples but bound into one unified virtue. According to Mesue, “Sometimes medicines with different virtues are mixed so that together they form one compound virtue.”57 Antonio de Aguilera, further explicating the Universal Canons in 1569, explained that Mixtion        117 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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these different virtues “communicated” with one another to become one united (though compounded) virtue. According to Aguilera, the virtues of the different simples “communicate with each other so that all of them come to form one in substance and virtue, consisting of varying and diverse purposes.”58 In this way, the simples’ virtues were bound into one single virtue that could accomplish a variety of goals. Such assertions appear to have satisfied pharmaceutical authors of formularies following the Grabadin, increasingly authored by professional apothecaries and written for an audience of practitioners whose primary concern was not determining or calculating the ultimate power or action of the compound but rather keeping its virtue intact so that it would work in the way it was supposed to. In line with this concern, procedural and formulary texts in t he Spanish tradition emphasized and discussed at length the complex set of responsibilities that went into formulating effective compounds, focusing largely on the issue of ensuring that the virtues of each of the simples within worked to their most beneficial effect both singly and in conjunction with the others. They saw compounding as the culmination of all the apothecary’s activities and responsibilities, “the goal of this Art” and “what makes up the art and the office of the apothecaries.”59 Indeed, the compounding, or mixtion, of medicines was recognized to be the most difficult part of the art, requiring refined skill and careful precision.60 According to one author, “Even though at first glance mixtion may appear to be very easy, and the Experts in this Art easily carry out all the preparations; nevertheless, the truth is, and it cannot be denied, that there are many difficulties [involved], and one must take great care in observing many particularities.”61 Of these particularities, the most sensitive and crucial of all was the maintenance of the optimum virtue of the simples in the compound. As such, each simple would be added to the mixture in a very careful, precise order so that these virtues would not overpower one another or dissipate. Simples with strong, central substances and virtues generally required more vigorous processing (being ground more finely, shaken more vigorously, or infused or cooked for longer periods) than those with thin, superficial substance and virtue. Recipes for compound medicines, however, often called for mixing more than one simple within a single operation. This was especially true for decoction through elixation (cooking a simple in a liquid medium).62 What was the apothecary to do, then, if required to cook a thin substance with a thick one, or to release both a central and a superficial virtue within the same compound medicine using the same operation? The answer was to add ingredients in a graduated order based upon their virtue and substance. Given that each simple 118        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection Trial - printed on 8/20/2022 10:07 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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in a compound would have its own virtue, it was important to prepare and add each one separately, “putting some [simples] before others” in the decoction.63 Just as the practitioner had to use care not to cook a simple too little or too long when preparing it individually, he had to be careful to prepare and add simples one at a time to a decoction and in a particular order so that each would cook long enough to release its virtue but not so long that it would dissolve. In the Universal Canons, Mesue provided a general guideline for the order in which to add simples to a de coction, advising that they be added gradually, in order from strongest to weakest substance and virtue. If all the simples to be included had similar types of substance and virtue, then they would be cooked at the same time in the same way, “as if they were all one.” But “when the medicines that are cooked have different substance and virtue, they need to be cooked differently, putting those of the most dense substance and virtue in the water first, and then those of lesser.”64 Adding them at the same time would render the compound ineffective because certain virtues could dissipate while others would be left unreleased.65 To guard against this, then, the practitioner had to follow a “method and rule for coction” in which the thickest, strongest simples were added first, followed by a graduated scale from thick to thin and central to superficial.66 Simples with the thickest substance and virtues were to be cooked longest, and others added at intervals depending on how thick or thin they were. In this way, simples were added successively to the mixture “until all of them are cooked.”67 Despite the guidelines he proposed, Mesue never specified the exact order of the different kinds of simples to be added, a task left to later authors, who discussed and elaborated on it in detail. They identified the thickest substances with the virtues that took longest to release as wood, followed by roots “of hard substance,” followed by bark, stems, leaves, then flowers and herbs. It was important to keep in mind that “herbs that have the virtue in the outermost parts of the leaves [or petals], like roses and other flowers, require less cooking than herbs that have a deeper, earthy virtue.”68 Once the apothecary knew the order in w hich to add each simple to the decoction, he had (as with elixation) to determine the amount of liquid proportionate to the simples and the amount of time to cook each—­or rather, at what point to add the next simple. Wood or roots, for example, required six pounds of water to one pound of simple.69 The apothecary would know when to add the next medicine by measuring the amount of liquid in the pot as it boiled down. To do this, he would use a stick to mark the liquid’s height, then compare it to the height of a quantity of water he had already measured. When the mixture was reduced to the amount needed for the next substance, the next simple would be added, and so on, until they were all in the decoction. In this way Mixtion        119 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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they would all be finished at the same time, with a resulting brew in which all the simples were cooked to the same degree and in which the virtues were still intact and “everything equally soft, not with some very soggy [muy desechos] and others hard”—­with everything, in other words, of the same consistency at the same time.70 Finally, apothecaries had to know how long the virtues of the various compounds would last and the best way to store them in o rder to preserve the virtue. With regard to compounds, the Antidotarium Nicolai gave specific durations for each compound listed, generally within the range of one to three years, but with some significant exceptions, including some that lasted five, six, or seven years, and theriac magna, which was said to last for thirty years or more.71 According to Mesue and Ibn Wāfid, most compounds lasted one to two years, although fruit decoctions and sesame and almond oils lasted only a few days to a month.72 Juleps (thin syrups) had to be “used the instant they are made” and thus were only prepared on demand.73 Specific instructions were also given for storage conditions. Soft ointments and eye medicines were best kept in copper vessels, while powders, oils, and vinegars all had to be kept in containers with carefully sealed with wax or pitch so that they would not evaporate or lose their virtue. Oil and wine were kept in g lass vessels that would not remove their moisture.74 Theriac was best kept in glass or porcelain, or vessels with gold or silver plating.75 Thus, as with election and correction, the procedures of compounding remedies revolved around the simples’ virtues—­with an emphasis on practical issues of optimal preservation over theoretical calculation. The Transition to Method-­Based Categories in Galenic Pharmacy

The writing of Mesue’s Universal Canons and Grabadin constituted crucial milestones in Galenic compounding due, as discussed above, to their emphasis on preserving the virtue, the methods by which to do so, and the rationale for it. The Grabadin also signified the consolidation of a shift toward method-­based preparations that would dominate the classification of compounds and the organization of pharmacopoeias from then on. Ancient Greek drug therapeutics had included a variety of compounds classified in different ways—­based upon their effect on the body, based upon the place or method of application, and based upon the main methods and materials involved in their formulation. The first type, what I have called the “action-­based medicines,” included antidotes, purgatives, emollients, astringents, abstergents, cathartics, and emetics, named and grouped according to their generalized effects (see table 3.1). The “application-­based” compounds included gargles, eye washes, incense, 120        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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perfumes, sneeze inducers, toothpastes, enemas, pessaries, and suppositories.76 The third type of “method-­based” compound included, for Galen, honey-­based confections as well as ointments, oils, liniments, poultices, pastilles, and plasters. Over time, the method-­based classification expanded and came to overtake the other ways of categorizing compounds: Arabic compounding added new categories of method-­based medicines and Mesue’s Grabadin included only method-­based categories, organized into twelve types of preparation that became the basis for the early modern formulary and the medicines in t he Herrera pharmacy. Within this development, the application-­and action-­based compounds did not necessarily disappear but came to be categorized by their method of formulation rather than application or action. Collyria, or eye medications, for example, were often composed of powders and came to be classified as powders, a method-­based designation. The trend toward method-­based categories and the expansion of those categories took place in stages (see table 3.1). Ancient texts from Hippocrates to Galen and including the works of Celsus, Scribonius Largus, and Paul of Aegina generally included compounds of all three types. Paul of Aegina, for example, described action-­based purgatives, antidotes, and emetics; application-­ based collyria, perfumes, and pessaries; and method-­based liniments, troches, plasters, ointments, and oils. Arabic formularies constituted the next step in the development of compound categories. They generally dispensed with the action-­based compounds, expanded the types of method-­based compounds, and provided more systematic and consistent categories of the method-­ and application-­based medicines. A survey of eleven Arabic formularies, from that of Sābūr ibn Sahl to Ibn Sīnā, indicates no compounds categorized by action or effect on the body. Method-­based categories came to include new compounds formulated using cane sugar, adapted from Indian techniques and an indication of Indian influence on Arabic medicine.77 Cane sugar, a highly versatile sweetener, was incorporated into newly developed syrups, electuaries, and lambatives that had not been part of the Greek tradition but were included in all eleven Arabic sources. The Arabic formularies also streamlined the number of application-­based medicines, consistently including sections for collyria, dentifrices and gargles, and enemas but generally dispensing with perfumes, pessaries, and sneeze inducers. Although the Arabic tradition regularly included these application-­based categories, the shift to method-­based compounds, and the expansion of those types of compounds, is nevertheless clear. The final stage in t he transition to method-­based classification occurred with Mesue’s Grabadin. As with the Universal Canons, the Grabadin served to transmit key developments in Arabic pharmacy to Europe—­in this case making Mixtion        121 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Medicines that induce vomiting

Medicines that soothe and soften

Medicines that purge generally (inducing sweat,

Emetic

Emollient

Purgative

Eye washes or ointments applied to the eyes

(out of 5)

3

Average

inserted into the anus

Medicines inserted into anus or vagina; liquids

Suppository/

enema

Sneeze-inducers applied to the nose

Medicines to aid the stomach

Sternutator

Stomachic

the vagina

3.4

3

1

2

2

Cloth dipped in medicinal brew and inserted into

Incense/perfume Medicines that produce healing smoke or odor

3

3

1.2

1

1

1

2

49

60

20

40

60

40

60

60

24

20

20

20

40

20

Compound

Sources

1

Category of

Greek

Pessary

medicines gargled to ease afflictions of the throat

Dentifrice/gargle Pastes applied to the teeth, mainly for toothache;

Collyria/seif

Type 2: Application-Based

Average

Medicines that counteract poison

defecation, vomiting, etc.)

Medicines that contract and bind

Antidote

Description

Astringent

Type 1: Action-Based

Compound

Percentage of Texts with

In Ancient

Table 3.1: Types of Compounds Identified in Ancient, Medieval, and Early Modern Sources

3.3

10

8

0

0

0

8

10

0

0

0

0

0

0

(out of 11)

Arabic Sources

In Medieval

47

91

73

0

0

0

73

91

0

0

0

0

0

0

Compound

Category of

of Texts with

Percentage

.9

7

2

0

0

0

3

6

0

0

0

0

0

0

(out of 20)

ish Sources

Modern Latin/Span-

In Medieval & Early

13

35

10

0

0

0

15

30

0

0

0

0

0

0

Compound

Category of

of Texts with

Percentage

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Medicines (usually ground) mixed and pressed together to form a capsule that is swallowed

Medicines mixed with wax or lard, sometimes spread on cloth, and applied to the body

Medicines ground into powders

Medicines (mainly fruits and vegetables) cooked with sugar or honey to produce jams, jellies, and marmalades taken internally

Medicines cooked with sugar until thickened and taken internally

Pill

Plaster

Powder

Preserve

Syrup 4.6

38

0

0

0

0

20

80

40

1

5

2

80

40

60

0

9.5

11

9

5

9

10

7

11

10

11

11

10

86

100

82

45

82

91

64

100

91

100

100

91

8.75

18

16

14

17

17

17

18

17

12

14

15

80

90

80

70

85

85

85

90

85

60

70

75

Medieval Arabic Sources: Leigh Chipman, table on p. 16 includes: Kuhin al-Attar, Al-Kindi, al-Samarquandi, Ibn Abi’l Bayan, Ibn al-Tilmidh, Sabur B. Sahl Small Compendium, Sahl Large Compensium, Ibn Sina Canones book 5, Al-Majusi, Ibn Jumay, and al-Kindi; also includes Serapion Brevissima medicinae, Al-Shirazi from Levey Early Arabic Pharmacology. All sources corroborated when possible with Levey and Kahl. Early Modern Sources: See Appendix 1.

Ancient Greek Sources: Hippocratic corpus in Totelin, 64–66; Scribonius Largus, Compositione medicamentorum; Celsus, De medicina; Galen, Types and Places; Paul of Aegina.

Average

Medicines mixed with wax, lard, or oil and applied topically

Ointment, acopa

5

2

Medicines pressed to release oils or mixed with pressed oils, usually taken internally

0

Oil, liniment

Medicines usually cooked with sugar to produce a substance that is licked (e.g., lollipop)

Lincture/ lambative

60

3

3

Medicinal powder mixed into a paste with sugar, honey, or jam and ingested; medicines cooked with sugar for sweetening and preservation and taken internally

Electuary/ confection

40

2

Lozenge, troche, Medicines usually cooked with sugar and hardened pastille that is meant to dissolve in the mouth

Medicines cooked in liquid and taken internally

Decoction/ infusion

Type 3: Method-Based

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a complete transition from categorizing compounds by action and application to organizing them by the main methods and ingredients used to compound them. In many ways, Mesue’s Grabadin was clearly an heir to the Arabic tradition. His work is organized by type of compound, with the information organized systematically in ways very similar to the Arabic formularies. However, the Grabadin differs in one significant respect from its Arabic counterparts: it is organized into twelve sections, or chapters, each corresponding to a particular method-­based compound.78 Thus Mesue dropped the application-­based compounds (or classified them under the appropriate method-­based category) and the twelve method-­based categories became the basic standard organization for early modern European pharmacy, though certainly with some variation and notwithstanding texts like Palacios’s encyclopedic Palestra pharmaceutica of 1706, which described all types of compounds.79 A survey of twenty medieval Latin and early modern Spanish pharmaceutical texts with formularies (see table 3.1) shows a clear trend toward the method-­ based classification of compounds in t he Hispanic world. These formularies indicate a s treamlining of categories over time and began to mirror closely those put forth by Mesue. The most common types of compounds (those present in at least twelve of the twenty sources) reflect Mesue’s categories almost exactly, and the presence of application-­based compounds in the formularies, is clearly diminished.80 In addition, Mesue’s recipes for individual compounds dominated medieval and early modern European formularies through the late seventeenth and even into the eighteenth century. Although further research is required, preliminary evidence indicates that the recipes also seem to have been derived from Arabic formularies and became standardized through the conduit of the Grabadin. These categories collectively encompass hundreds of medicines within late medieval and early modern formularies (see tables 3.2 and 3.3). There were 434 compound recipes in M esue’s thirteenth-­century Grabadin, 274 in Sa ladino da Ascoli’s Compendium aromatarium (1488), 297 in J erónimo de l a Fuente Pierola’s Tyrocinio pharmacopeo (1660), and 607 in Palacios’s Palestra pharmaceutica (1706). Further, seven different Spanish pharmaceutical texts published between the late fifteenth and eighteenth centuries list recipes for a t otal of 2,330 compounds, of which the most numerous are syrups, at 21 percent of the total, followed by oils (14 percent), electuaries and confections (14 percent), ointments (10 percent), pills (9 percent), plasters (9 percent), preserves (8 percent), lozenges (7 percent), powders (6 percent), lambatives (2 percent), and decoctions (1 percent). Thus, method-­based compounds dominated the formularies of early mod124        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Mesue13th Century

12

75

14

30

67

28

44

31

7

38

86

432

Type of Compound

Decoction

Electuary/ confection

Lincture

Lozenge

Oils

Ointments

Pills

Plasters

Powders

Preserve

Syrup

Total

58

7

23

28

16

38

7

n/a

30

39

17

3

7

16

6

10

7

2

9

20

246

n/a

3

16

12

0

3

15

7

11

9

3

24

0

% of Saladino Total % 1488 Compounds

227

25

29

14

17

24

24

33

18

5

31

7

Laredo 1527

11

13

6

7

11

11

15

8

2

14

3

%

322

70

23

42

30

25

21

39

29

7

36

n/a

Castells 1592

22

7

13

9

8

7

12

9

2

11

0

%

296

65

13

7

32

20

39

33

31

5

51

3

Fuente Pierola 1660

29

6

3

14

9

17

15

14

2

17

1

%

Table 3.2: Method-Based Compounds in Late Medieval and Early Modern Latin and Spanish Pharmacy Texts

607

159

46

49

52

44

74

97

24

11

51

6

Palacios 1706

26

9

9

9

7

12

16

4

2

8

1

%

191

46

2

18

29

14

29

29

6

2

16

n/a

2330

490

181

137

198

209

231

326

161

51

318

22

Petitorio Total 1776 by Type

21

9

6

9

9

10

14

7

2

14

1

% of Total

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329

70

26

20

28

30

33

47

23

7

45

5

Avg Number per Text

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Table 3.3: Most Common Compound Medicines in Late Medieval and Early Modern European Pharmacy Texts Type of Compound

Number of Recipes for Compound Included in Texts

% of Total by Type 21.29

Syrup, julep, rob, juice

490

Oils

326

14.1

Electuary/confection

318

13.8 10.03

Ointments

231

Pills

209

9.08

Plasters, wax

198

8.60

Preserves, condita

181

7.86

Troche

161

6.99

Powder

137

5.95

Lambative

51

2.21

Decoction

22

1

Total

2302

ern Spain and Spanish America and set the basis for the kinds of compounds found in its pharmacies, as in the Herrera example. The three most basic types of method-­based compounds, what I will call the “primary compounds,” were decoctions and infusions, derived from heating multiple simples in liq uid; and powders, derived from triturating and mixing multiple simples (see table 3.4).81 The products of these operations became the basis for virtually all other method-­based compounds, depending on the vehicle it was mixed with, and some compounds, as we shall see, also became components of others.82 Powdered simples were incorporated into pills, electuaries, lozenges, plasters, and ointments, while cooked simples in de coctions and infusions served as the base for syrups and lambatives. These “secondary compounds” (see table 3.5) were differentiated by the types of vehicles used: pills required a mucilaginous material such as oil, pitch, gum, or resin to make the various powders in it adhere into a tablet; preserves, electuaries, lozenges, syrups, and lambatives, all ingested, were mixed with juice, sugar, or honey.83 Topical medicines such as oils, ointments, and plasters used a combination of oil, lard, and wax to achieve the desired consistency. Thus compounding was a complex process in which certain “secondary” compounds derived from “primary” ones, which were largely based on the main operations of the pharmacy (coction, infusion, lavation, and trituration) as outlined by Mesue. Some of these secondary compounds, as we will see, were actually parent categories for a range of different compound medicines that were prepared with similar methods and materials 126        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Table 3.4: “Primary” Compounds Primary Compound

Operation Performed to Correct Simple Ingredients

Decoction

Coction, elixation

Infusion

Infusion

Powder

Trituration

Table 3.5: “Secondary Compounds” Corrected Simple

Main Vehicle

Compound, Sweetened Preserve, condito

Whole or sliced

Sugar or honey

Syrup, julep, rob

Decoction or infusion

Sugar, honey, or juice

Lambative

Decoction or infusion

Sugar or honey

Electuary

Powder

Sugar solution or honey

Confection

Powder

Crystallized sugar

Pill

Powder

Gum, resin (also pulp, honey, or liquid)

Troche

Powder

Gum, resin, liquid

Compound oil

Not specified

Simple oil (mainly olive, almond, or linseed)

Ointment, liniment

Mainly powder

Plant oil, animal fat, wax (also gums and resins)

Plaster, cerote

Mainly powder

Oil, wax

Compound, Gum-Based

Compound, Fat-Based

but with some variation. Syrups, for example, also contained subcategories of robs and juleps, which varied in consistency and in the degree and source of their sweetness. COMPOUND DECOCTIONS AND POWDERS AS “PRIMARY COMPOUNDS”

The basis for compound medicines came from what I have labeled the “primary compounds”—­decoctions and powders. These primary compounds constituted the building blocks of other, more complex compound medicines. They were the products of three of the main pharmaceutical operations—­decoction, infusion, and trituration—­that were discussed in chapter 2. These processed simples became compounds when mixed with other processed simples: a compound decoction consisted of multiple cooked simples. Decoction commonly Mixtion        127 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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served as the base or vehicle for other, more complex remedies and did not constitute a major part of the early modern formularies. Nevertheless, a number of decoctions were considered compounds in and of themselves. Mesue named twelve different compound decoctions, including those of fumaria, myrobalan, and thyme, and Palacios, four centuries later, included recipes for six complex decoctions, including “cordial decoction,” taken to fortify the heart and remove malignance from the humors, which included a series of roots, herbs, and flowers, including salsify root, maidenhair, borage, bugloss, violet, rose, and licorice, that were cooked in wa ter.84 An antivenom decoction was composed of juniper, tamarind peel, China root, celery, tartar, antimony, licorice root, and orange peel (among other ingredients), and several other decoctions were included that were meant to purge and expel mucus or blood from the chest.85 Decoctions also constituted a larger parent category for the apozema, from the Greek “to boil,” which involved the boiling of “many roots, herbs, flowers, fruits, and seeds” to produce a very strong decoction. Palacios named just one of these, “pectoral apozema,” consisting of multiple ingredients—­among them mallow, celery, juniper berries, date seeds, hyssop flowers, and mint—­ and used to treat ailments of the chest and to help with urination, colic, and flatulence.86 A third type of decoction was the tisane (or ptisan, from the Greek for “to crush”), which originated as a specific drink of barley water and evolved into a more generalized beverage “charged with few simples, because it is often served as an ordinary drink.” Palacios named several apozemas and tisanes—­ the barley water of ancient times as well as a tisane named “white decoction” consisting of burned and pulverized stag antler mixed with white bread crumbs in water, which was boiled down and then sweetened with white sugar “to an agreeable taste.”87 All of these rather delicate medicines would last no more than three days, especially in hot weather, and needed to be kept in well-­sealed vessels at all times, though medicines made with blood serum or whey lasted only one to two days.88 Powders made up a s econd type of “primary compound” found in t he pharmacies. Powders resulted from the trituration of various solid simples and became compounds when mixed together. Indeed, grinding was viewed as an important part of compounding—­according to Castels, “the apothecary knows why [powders] were invented, because they combine more easily into compounds than the others.”89 Compared to compound decoctions, compound powders constituted a much more substantial part of the early modern pharmacopoeia, making up 9 percent of all compounds in the survey and addressing a wide variety of afflictions, including diarrhea, stomachache, and incontinence, as well as preventing miscarriage and stimulating labor. Compound powders 128        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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were made of all sorts of different powdered simples, including various aromatic ingredients (such as cinnamon, cassia, pepper, spikenard, ginger, galangal, clove, zedoary, nutmeg, sandalwood, saffron, and mace); stones and earths (crab eye, sealed earth, pearls, emeralds, garnet, jacinth, coral, bezoar, and Armenian bole); flowers and herbs such as lemon, rose, and licorice; gums and resins such as gum t ragacanth, myrrh, frankincense, and mastic, which served to bind them together; and some animals and animal parts, including powdered deer antler, millipede, dried snake, and dried hen stomach and rat intestine. Compound powders generally did not last long in the pharmacy, with a shelf life of about two months, since within six months their virtues “dissolve and lose strength.”90 It was important to store them in a dry place where humidity would not ruin their virtue.91 PRESERVES, SYRUPS, LAMBATIVES, AND ELECTUARIES AS SWEETENED “SECONDARY COMPOUNDS”

Building upon the “primary compounds” of decoctions and powders were secondary compounds made by mixing honey or sugar with the powdered or cooked simples, usually by heating them. These included preserves, syrups, and lambatives made with liquid decoctions; and electuaries and lozenges made with solid powders. Apothecary shops and pharmacopoeias also included various types of sugar itself—­sugar “candí” (rock candy) and caramel, so that these sweet preparations could double as sweets and candies. The Giglio pharmacy in Florence, for example, carried on a substantial retail trade in sweets.92 According to Palacios, sweetened compounds such as preserves and comfits “were invented as delicacies more than as medicines, although some are used that way.” Their mode of preparation was “well-­known by the confectionaries” but Palacios deemed it useful to include brief instructions for apothecaries in his work, especially for those “in places where there are no confectionaries.”93 Among the sweetened compound medicines, preserves were perhaps the least complex, as they involved the relatively simple process of cooking of any part of a plant—­root, bark, fruit, nut, seed, pulp, flower, or stem—­in honey or sugar, and much of this kind of work was undoubtedly carried out in the home as well.94 According to Castels, of all medicines, preserves were the most “agreeable to the palate and the closest to our nature” because they served as both food and medicine.95 In addition to their pleasant taste, the main reason for preparing preserves was to keep plant parts from spoiling and thus preserve their virtue for a long time—­up to a year for preserved flowers and up to two years for fruits and roots.96 Preserves also helped to enhance the strength of a beneficial virtue and correct the harmful effects of others.97 Mixtion        129 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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There were two different categories of preserves: condito, after the Latin condire, “to flavor or season,” and conservas, from conservar, “to preserve” in Spanish. Conditos were prepared by confectioners as well as apothecaries and consisted of plant parts, or slices of them, infused with sugar and preserved in their own syrup, whereas conservas were made up mainly of mashed flowers, roots, fruits, or leaves cooked with sugar to the consistency of jam or paste.98 The method to prepare conditos consisted of cooking the plant part in sugar or honey, reducing it to a thick syrup and then leaving the mixture to steep for several days, and repeating the procedure “until the sugar has well penetrated” it; then it was to be kept in its syrup in a dr y place.99 Conservas were made by mashing the plant parts into a pulp or paste and cooking the syrup to the proper consistency.100 These relatively simple processes, however, required careful technique, and different parts of plants and different types of fruits required slightly different preparations, as some fruits and nuts were thicker than others or had to be shelled, pitted, or peeled first. Preserves made up about 8 percent of the compounds named in the surveyed texts, made from flowers of mallow, violet, althea, chicory, white lily, peony, poppy, and rose; herbs of lavender, betony, borage, sage, tunica, and hyssop; seeds of absinthe, mint, fumaria, horehound, and marjoram; as well as conditos of orange, citron, and lemon peel and of various roots and stems, including angelica, borage, chicory, bugloss, ginger, and lettuce.101 Syrups, the most widely used medicines in t he early modern pharmacy, were more complex than the preserves, requiring further processing and more ingredients. “Syrup” was a parent category for several different preparations of varying sugar content and viscosity, including robs, juleps, honeys, and syrup proper. A rob, or robub, derived from Arabic (arrope in Spanish) denoting the juice of mature fruits (often grapes) that had been thickened, usually through cooking.102 They were kept in glass or glazed earthenware pots and kept their virtue for a few months.103 A julep, “a Persian name meaning sweet drink,” consisted of a decoction or juice mixed with plain sugar syrup (not with honey).104 Although juleps were easy to make and very pleasant-­tasting, they did n ot keep well, so the apothecary was advised to make them only on demand, and to make only a small quantity.105 Finally, compound honeys were mixtures of honey with some type of juice or decoction.106 An important type of compound honey was oxymel, a mixture of vinegar and honey, which came in several variations.107 Syrups proper were essentially “liquid preserves” made by cooking a juice, decoction, or infusion with sugar or honey “until its moisture has been consumed.”108 A syrup had reached its “point,” or proper consistency, if, when “put between the fingers, it sticks to them [but still] has viscosity” or if it clotted 130        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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when set on a clean slab of marble.109 Honey syrups were thought to last longer than sugar-­based ones—­two years as opposed to one—­and the best kind were well cooked, strained of any impurities, and clear and golden.110 Given their pleasant taste and durability, syrups were the most common type of compound medicine in pharmacy texts as well as the pharmacies themselves.111Of the texts I surveyed, syrups (the general category, which also includes juices, robs, and juleps) made up 21 percent of total compounds named, and consisted of a wide variety, with syrups made out of virtually every major simple in t he pharmacopoeia. Authors named dozens of different syrup recipes—­Mesue named 86 different syrups, for example, and Palacios 159. They ranged from straightforward to very complex. The simpler syrups concentrated and preserved the virtue of one main sim- Fig. 3.5. Jar for syrup of roses, Faenza, Italy, 1571–1600. Credit: ple, including the aromatic syrups of clove oil or Science Museum, London. CC BY. cinnamon, anise, sandalwood or sweet flag; the flower syrups (see fig. 3.5) of rose, violet, rosemary, lily, peony, or borage; and the herbal syrups of lavender, sage, hyssop, maidenhair, fennel, or endive.112 There were also citrus syrups—­orange peel and orange blossom syrup as well as lemon syrup, and syrups from various fruit juices. Worm syrup and coral syrup also incorporated animal parts or products.113 Other syrups were more complex, consisting of mixtures of juices, infusions, and other ingredients, all cooked with honey or sugar to the desired consistency. An all-­purpose purging syrup, for example, brought together many ingredients and required several steps, beginning with the preparation of a decoction of pulverized scammony to which were added senna, agaric, rhubarb, unidentified “seeds,” licorice, and soft mercury.114 The decoction was left to steep for six to eight hours, then boiled over a water bath, left to cool, and strained. Four pounds of sugar were then added to the strained mixture, along with oils of anise, fennel, and orange peel as well as powdered sugar candy, heated while stirred well until it reached the desired consistency. In addition to the many different kinds of syrups, another type of sweetened compound was the lambative, or lincture, so-­called because it was meant to be licked for slow and gradual ingestion. The name deriving from the Arabic loc, Mixtion        131 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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looch, or lohoc (eclegma in Greek, linctus in L atin), a lambative was “a thick syrup . . . of a viscous manner to lick” used mainly to treat chest and throat ailments.115 Apothecaries prepared lambatives in t he same way as syrups but cooked the mixture past the “point” of the syrup to arrive at a material with “thicker body” characterized by greater “tenacity, adherence, sturdiness, and stickiness,” which tended to last about two years.116 The consistency of the lambative was of great importance to slow ingestion: it would stay in the mouth a long time without dissolving, as it was swallowed only “little by little.” 117Patients took lambatives by dipping a small stick or a piece of licorice root into the lambative “that one then has to go on licking.”118 Even this had to be done slowly, so that “it would be detained in the throat more than a syrup would,” which would allow it to “humidify the chest better.”119 The slow rate of ingestion was key to the working of the lambative because it allowed for the medicine to work through a principle called the auxilia ratione vicinitatis, the idea that a medicine could have a beneficial effect on contiguous parts of the body, and not just the parts of the body it touched directly (or continuously). The lambative’s healing powers, ingested slowly and consistently over time, were able to spread to other parts of the body within the vicinity of the path from the mouth to the stomach. In Laredo’s words, the lambative had its effect from the fact that “after ingesting or swallowing [it] very little by little, it passes from the mouth to the stomach, and the esophagus benefits as well; and through its action on contiguous parts it acts as a medicine for the passions of the chest and lungs and the trachea and esophagus.”120 Although lambatives made up only 2 percent of the compounds surveyed, they were nevertheless an important remedy for respiratory illness. Given their method of ingestion, they were used as expectorants and to help with asthma. They tended to employ a consistent set of simples that were known for facilitating movement of humors through the throat and chest, such as squill, hyssop, horehound, and gum tragacanth. A simple recipe for a lambative, for example, included squill juice cooked with honey, while a more complex recipe included the squill preparation mixed with lily root, hyssop, horehound, saffron, and myrrh ground and mixed into squill juice, then cooked with honey; another one was made with dried powdered fox lung, fennel seed, anise seed, maidenhair, and sugar mixed with evaporated licorice juice.121 The final type of sweetened compounds was the electuary, which were created with solid powders rather than the liquid decoctions, infusions, or juices used in sy rups and lambatives. They consisted of a va riety of “chosen simples reduced to powders” combined with sugar or honey.122 Electuaries came in a variety of forms, as either a soft paste or a hard tablet. Electuaries proper 132        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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tended to be pastes made with either honey or a sugar solution, while solid electuaries made with crystallized sugar were referred to (confusingly) as “confections.”123 This dual nomenclature stemmed from the fact that electuaries, some of the most famous and celebrated of the compound remedies, received their name from the Latin confectio rerum electarum, or the careful choosing—­“election”—­of select simple “things” (rerum) that entered into their composition (confectio). Electuaries and confections both required careful compounding. First, the apothecary would powder a variety of simples, including pulps and gums, which were then mixed with sugar or honey until the mixture reached the appropriate consistency. Mixing and dissolving the ingredients had to be done with care because these medicines were composed of “many simples of diverse configurations and virtues.” Overall, electuaries served as carefully wrought purges that “provoke sweat and comfort the head, stomach, and heart.” They needed the best possible ingredients—­“exalted parts”—­to have the greatest effect.124 Electuaries and confections were highly sweetened medicines that often doubled as sweets or candies, and included some of the most famous, complex, and celebrated compound remedies in Galenic pharmacy. Manus Christi (also known as rose pearl sugar or diamargariton simplex), used for centuries, was a sweet made of prepared (powdered) pearls ground with sugar in a mortar, to which was added gum tragacanth (a binder) and rosewater to the consistency of a paste, which was then dried and kept for use.125 Electuaries also routinely employed aromatic simples—­Asian spices and gums and resins from the Middle East and eastern Mediterranean. “Electuarium Indum Minus,” a recipe from Mesue’s Grabadin, for example, included turpeth and scammony for purging as well as a host of spices—­mace, pepper, ginger, clove, cinnamon, cardamom, and nutmeg, all ground and mixed with sugar and honey.126 Other electuaries were formed from roses, prunes, and dates, typically mixed with various spices—­sandalwood, galangal, camphor, manna, anise—­to which were sometimes added various troches (described below), which themselves involved significant preparation and compounding. In this way, electuaries were highly complex, the most complex of all being theriac. Two classic recipes for theriac, mithridatium Damocratis and theriac magna, included important gum-­resins and spices to be mixed with honey, including, among others, myrrh, frankincense, agaric, saffron, ginger, cinnamon, nard, costus, galbanum, pepper, turpentine, gum arabic, and anise.127 In addition to these ingredients, theriac magna also included several different troches, as well as pepper, opium, licorice juice, agaric, cassia, saffron, turpentine, grains of paradise, and malabathrum.128

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GUM-­BASED PILLS AND TROCHES AS “SECONDARY COMPOUNDS”

In addition to the sweetened medicines, another group of compounds were made using gums and resins as binding agents to create pills and lozenges. Pills, made of powders compressed into a round tablet with a gum- b ­ ased binder, were (and are) a very popular, widely used and versatile form for taking medicine. Pills were referred to as “little round lumps,” the Latin pilula signifying “little ball.”129 They were also called catapotia, from the Greek “to devour,” signifying that they were “swallowed whole without being chewed.”130 Pills were quite small, made by grinding solid, dried simples into powders of appropriate size and mixing them with one or more of several different adhesives: gums, pulps, condensed juices, honey, or generally any “glutinous or viscous body” that would not completely dry out.131 The apothecary would form the resulting paste into round “medallions” (being sure first to coat his hands with oil), then leave them out in the shade so their components would “make a reciprocal union . . . in order to have their effects.”132 When the pills were ready, the apothecary would store them in tightly sealed glass jars, sometimes wrapping them in p archment first.133 They lasted about six months, though when preserved with honey they could last somewhat longer.134 They were to be kept from extreme heat and out of the sun, which could harden them into “little rocks” and render them ineffective.135 The shape, form, and ingredients of the pill had important effects on the way it worked. What made pills especially effective was their round shape, and the fact that they were solid, not liquid. As such, they were “more apt to be taken without trouble” and could be swallowed easily, “without adherence to the palate or throat,” thus masking any unpleasant taste.136 They were also effective for medicines that stuck to or corroded the teeth if chewed, such as those made with turpentine or especially mercury.137 Pills were sometimes coated with gold or silver leaf (doradas), which “makes them more handsome and also prevents them from having any bitter taste.”138 They were also taken with wine, syrup, broth, egg, gelatin, bread, wafers, or the pulp of cooked and mashed apples, cherries, or grapes and at various times of day with or without food depending on the type of pill and the affliction it was meant to address.139 The quick ingestion also made it possible to include medicines with virtues that would otherwise be too strong or too harmful if taken in another way, as long as they were appropriately corrected and balanced with other virtues within the pill.140 According to Castels, the use of pills led to very beneficial effects on patients, curing “acute illnesses” that more gentle medicines could not.141 134        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Given its versatility, the pill was a prominent feature of the pharmacopoeia and the early modern pharmacies and does not appear to have diminished in use over time. Both Mesue (in the thirteenth century) and Palacios (in the eighteenth) listed forty-­four different kinds that treated a h ost of different afflictions: there were pills that purged and pills that altered humors; pills for the stomach or the head; pills for phlegmatic, coleric, or melancholic humors; antiepileptic pills and pills to prevent miscarriage; golden pills, and pills classified by their main ingredient. Many of them incorporated simples similar to those in p owders, with a wealth of aromatics and Eastern ingredients—cinnamon, clove, cardamom, nutmeg, myrobalan, agaric, anise, absinthe, ginger, and aloe—being especially prominent. Pills also used purgative simples such as scammony, turpeth, and licorice and incorporated as binders (and antispasmodics) gums such as mastic, myrrh, gum ammoniac, and turpentine. A few incorporated animal parts, as in antiepileptic pills that included animal manure, powdered deer hoof, and powdered human cranium among its ingredients.142 The other type of gum-­based medicine was the lozenge, or troche, also called a pastille. Its name deriving from the Latin id est rotula, the troche was a hard, round tablet “like the wheel of a carriage” to be dissolved in the mouth, held between the teeth and the cheek.143 As such, it was made of a variety of powders combined in a liquid or gelatinous substance, or “many dry and solid [parts] added to some licor such as wine, distilled water, juice, gum, or mucilage . . . from which is formed a solid shape.”144 The troche lasted about five months with its virtue preserved.145 Bigger than a pill, a troche was made through the following steps: first, the apothecary prepared a solid paste by pulverizing all the ingredients called for in the recipe together in a m ortar, then dividing it into pieces from which were formed the rounded lozenges. The troches were then set out to dry, and stored in t ightly sealed glass or earthenware jars.146 Like pills, troches were versatile medicines for the pharmacy and allowed for a way to preserve the powders they included: when the apothecary needed the simples contained in them, they were easily ground up and included in other compounds.147 They also allowed for the union of a number of different simples within one medicine.148 Some troches incorporated only a few ingredients, such as agaric troches, in which ginger was pounded and infused with white wine, to which was added powdered and sifted agaric, used to purge humors.149 Another common and relatively simple lozenge was the Alhandal troche, made from colocynth (bitter apple) pulp, mixed with sweet almond oil and gum tragacanth. More complex preparations included greater numbers of ingredients, common among which were aromatics and spices such as spikenard, anise, absinthe, and manna, as Mixtion        135 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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well as herbs such as rhubarb and celery seed and flowers such as red roses. Some troches contained a predominance of aromatics, such as absinthe troche and myrrh troche. Several also included mineral-­derived materials, such as the sealed earth troche recipe, which included, in addition to sealed earth, hematite, red coral, Armenian bole, pearls, and deer antler, as well as a number of gums, resins, flowers, and juices.150 One of the best known was viper troche, regularly incorporated into theriac as one of its most basic ingredients, but also used by itself to purify the blood and purge damaging or malignant humors. It was made from “fat snakes collected in the spring or fall” whose heads and tails were cut off, and the body was skinned and cleaned.151 Their hearts, livers, and flesh were left out to dry, then ground to a powder and mixed with gum tragacanth and white wine to form a paste. The paste was divided into pieces that were anointed with a few drops of balsam and wrapped in white paper. FAT-­BASED OILS, OINTMENTS, AND PLASTERS AS “SECONDARY COMPOUNDS”

A final category of secondary compounds includes topical remedies that used fats and wax a s bases and binding agents. Oils were “unctuous and inflammable” licors, insoluble in water, that were used in pharmacies as vehicles or platforms for secondary compounds such as ointments and plasters, for which olive, almond, sesame, and linseed oils were the most common. However, compound oils could be medicines themselves, consisting of a mixture of several oils, or an oil mixed with a decoction, infusion, or trituration of one or more other simples. Some oils occurred naturally—­such as petroleum from the earth—­but most were obtained “artificially” by intentionally separating the oil from the matter that contained it.152 There were three main ways to obtain these oils in the pharmacy: through pressing, infusing, or distilling (the latter of which will be discussed in chapter 5). Pressed oils derived from fruits, berries, nuts, or seeds like anise, fennel, pine nuts, almonds, nutmeg, laurel berries, and myrtle, “which have the most oily particles, from which can be drawn large quantities of oil.”153 To make pressed oils the practitioner would first gather the necessary simples, removing anything rancid or unripe or otherwise unsuitable. The simples were then mashed or ground into a paste that was washed, placed in a lin en cloth, and passed through a press or vise slowly and carefully to extract the oil that was then collected.154 Almond oil was used for various digestive and urinary complaints and served as a substrate for more complex oils.155 Egg oil was obtained by heating the crumbled yolk of a cooked egg over a low flame, stirring it until almost melted, then placing it in linen and pressing it “as strongly as possible” 136        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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between two hot irons. This procedure produced a yellow oil that was good for softening dry, cracked skin and healing scars and burns.156 Vegetable oils that were solid at room temperature—­referred to in Spanish as manteca—­derived from cacao beans, coconuts, and orange blossoms. Cooked or infused oils generally yielded compound or “mixed” oils that consisted of one or more simples infused in pressed olive, almond, sesame, or linseed oil. Producing these compound oils was essentially a two-­step process. First, the simple whose virtue was to be imparted to the oil was immersed in olive (or almond, sesame, or linseed) oil, usually in a glazed earthenware pot, and set out in the sun or over hot coals to steep for anywhere from a few hours to several days (to formulate ant oil, ants would be steeped in olive oil for forty days).157 Then the mixture was heated until the “humidity,” or moisture, of the simple or simples had been consumed—­a sign that the virtue or virtues had released and the oil was ready. The oil was then passed through a strainer to remove any solids, heated slowly to purify it one last time, then collected and stored. According to Palacios, these types of infusions were very delicate procedures, as oil could easily burn a substance that was too dry or was heated too quickly, and had a tendency to “alter its virtue and acquire empirreuma [a smoky flavor]—­bad taste and odor from being heated strongly.” Thus the mixture had to be heated slowly and carefully, usually in a water bath.158 In many cases, the apothecary would also have to repeat the infusion process several times, from two or three but up to ten or twelve times, adding fresh simples in order to reach the necessary concentration of virtues within the oil.159 Palacios also recommended that the oil be left to sit in a warm, dry area for twenty-­four hours following the infusions so that any sediment in the oil would collect and the oil could be decanted from it, “pure and clean.”160 The oils were to be stored in a dry place. The simples infused into oil were of both plant and animal materials. Infused plant parts included many herbs and flowers, including rose, jasmine, chamomile, lily, violet, rosemary, mint, southernwood, rue, melilot, savine, water lily, mallow, tamarisk, wormwood, and Saint John’s wort.161 There was also quince oil, nicotine oil (from tobacco leaves), mulberry oil, saffron oil, gherkin oil, and spurge oil.162 A number of oils also derived from whole animals, including worms, ants, frogs, scorpions, snakes, foxes, and “recently born” puppies.163 In most cases, it was more desirable to use live animals: scorpions, worms, and snakes, for example, were placed alive and intact in the oil and “left to drown” while they cooked, while live frogs and puppies were cut into pieces first and foxes were skinned and their entrails removed before cooking (see fig. 3.6).164 Prodigious amounts of these animals were required—­sixty Mixtion        137 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 3.6. Syrup jar for oil of puppies, Italy, 1701–1800. Credit: Science Museum, London. CC BY.

live, “thick” scorpions for scorpion oil, ten to twelve frogs, two pounds of frog sperm cooked in linseed oil, or fifteen to twenty snakes in three pounds of oil. Puppy oil, by contrast, required two puppies, to which a pound of worms and four pounds of oil was added, cooked together, then the oil strained through a cloth; and fox oil was made by mixing one skinned, cleaned, and chopped fox with olive oil, sage, dill, rosemary, and germander, cooked together and strained.165 These infused oils served as remedies themselves but also formed the basis for even more complex compound oils. For example, scorpion oil—­ made by immersing scorpions in three pounds of bitter almond oil, then cooking and straining the mixture—­served as the substrate for increasingly complex scorpion oils developed by various apothecaries over the centuries to include dozens of ingredients.166 138        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Another category of fat-­based remedies was ointments, the name derived from the Latin ungere and the Spanish ungir, “to spread, grease, or anoint,” “because they are used to anoint the sick parts [of the body].”167 They were topical medicines, a “soft confection” generally the consistency of lard.168 Plant oils served as the main vehicle for compounding ointments, but others included animal fats and wax as well, mixed with varying proportions of powders, gums, or resins.169 Ointments were thicker than compound oils but covered a range of consistencies depending on the proportion of oil to wax, from thinner, oil-­ based liniments to thicker, increasingly wax-­based remedies. Liniments—­ whose name derived from the Latin linimentum, or “smearing-­stuff ”—­were “halfway between oil and ointment” in consistency, and were made by mixing prepared ointments with oil. Whereas ointments themselves lasted about a year, liniments did not store well, so as with the preparation of juleps, the apothecary made them only “when the physician or surgeon orders them.”170 Ointments lasted longer because of their higher proportion of wax, which “maintains for a long time the virtue of the ingredients.” The general proportion of ingredients in an ointment was two parts wax and one part powder per ounce of oil, the powders coming from animal, plant, and mineral simples. Within these proportions, however, was a range of consistencies due to the amount of wax used. Castels noted that many physicians let the apothecary determine what proportions to use and how to make up the particular ointment: “[Given that] they vary according to different intentions . . . many times the physicians omit the amount of wax, and they leave it to the judgment of the apothecary, the expert in his art, as to the quantity of the oil, powders, resin, colophony, etc. They know well how to make it, even though the most common rule is four ounces of oil to one of wax.”171 There were dozens of ointments, which ranged from having relatively few to having many ingredients, that were routinely prescribed and kept in the pharmacy. The relatively simple rose ointment, for example, consisted of only red or white roses infused in pig lard and left out in the sun for six days, then placed over a low heat, cooked to the right consistency, then strained and left to cool in a glass vessel. Mesue also recommended that rose juice, sweet almond oil, and sandalwood be added to the ointment as well.172 Many ointments incorporated mineral materials including mercury, litharge, white lead, and red lead. White ointment, for example, consisted of rose oil and powdered white lead mixed with melted wax and then cooled.173 Known as an astringent, it also formed the basis for several other varieties of white ointment such as camphorated white ointment, to which camphor was added, and Saracen white ointment, which included litharge, white lead, rose oil, goat grease, rose vinegar, rosewater, Mixtion        139 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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egg white, mastic, cucumber seeds, and camphor.174 Ointments also routinely included a variety of gums and resins such as frankincense, myrrh, gum ammoniac, turpentine, bdellium, galbanum, and mastic, as well as camphor and honey. Herbs were used as well, such as sage, mint, oregano, Saint John’s wort, rue, marjoram, savine, and fenugreek, all of which were present in martiatum ointment.175 A final category of compound medicines was the plasters, thick or hardened remedies applied to the outside of the body, whose name derived from the Greek term emplasta, “to make a paste, to harden, or to close.”176 They were the “most solid” of the topical medicines, with the highest proportion of wax to oil. Plasters were “hard confections,” “dense or solid” topical remedies that were among “the most promulgated, common, and usual in practice.”177 Plasters were thought to work through their ability to close pores and wounds or to “cover the pores of the body, the softness of which adheres [to the plaster] which plugs them.”178 This action then allowed the virtues in the plaster’s medicines to carry out their healing actions, through drying, softening, restraining, resolving, or consuming humors.179 They were especially valuable because, given their consistency, they were easily transported, could be stored for long periods while maintaining their virtues, and when applied to the body adhered firmly for long periods, which gave the medicines in them plenty of time to “penetrate and produce their effects.”180 Plasters were predominant in Galen’s work on compounds—­according to Castels, the “ancients” sought out this type of remedy often due to its durability, which allowed it “to dwell longer on the necessary part without disintegrating, as the ointments do.”181 Plasters were made from a wide variety of components, some meant to give them form, others meant to supply healing virtues, and still others meant to help spread the virtues out.182 Wax was the main ingredient to give stiffness and shape to the plaster, while oils, resins, gums, and pitch were added to bind various simples together and spread them throughout the plaster. Simples used in plasters consisted mainly of powders from earths, minerals, and metallic ores as well as herbs and aromatics. The category of plaster also covered a range of thicknesses, with the plaster itself the thickest and most durable, the softer cerote halfway between the ointment and the plaster in thickness, and dropaces the consistency of pitch.183 Palacios advised that a specific order be followed in the fabrication of plasters: first, it was important to cook the viscous simples, such as oils, animal fats (grease), decoctions, and juices to reduce and thicken them so that their various virtues would “unify and mix reciprocally . . . leaving the plaster impregnated with the virtue.” The next step was to let the mixture cool until it reached the right consistency, so “that in cooling, it does 140        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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not stick to the fingers and it hardens,” and then the wax, colophony, pitch, or gum resin was added. Once the plaster was almost completely cooled, the powdered ingredients were added to it and well mixed, and finally the most fragile simples—­aromatics and distilled oils—­were added last “so that their most subtle parts do not evaporate.”184 With so many steps and ingredients in t heir preparation, plasters were, overall, highly complex compounds. A number were used to clean and close sores, wounds, and pox and also help with broken bones, for which astringent mineral ore materials were employed, such as litharge, white lead, minium, chalcitis, vitriol, and iman stone. 185 Diapalma plaster, for example, was made from litharge mixed with palm fronds, olive oil, and pig lard, while emplastrum triapharmacum was made with powdered litharge, red wine vinegar, and olive oil. These two recipes served as basic cleansing plasters to which other seeds, gums, or resins were added for specific variations, such as emplastrum diachilonis (diachylon being the Greek term for mucilage), made with the litharge/ wine/olive oil mixture to which cooked and strained seeds of psyllium, henbane, mallow, and flax were added.186 The mucilaginous elements added to the plaster worked as emollients to soften swellings, and further additions of gum ammoniac, galbanum gum, b dellium, and sagapen gum m ade it even more effective.187 Some plasters served to soothe a painful bladder, relieve stomachache, or strengthen the peritoneum in t he case of hernias, such as the hernia plaster (emplastrum ad herniam), one of the most complex plasters listed, which consisted of the pelt and wool of a recently killed sheep cooked and strained, to which were added white berries and strained earthworms, litharge, quince, and myrtle oil. To that mixture was added wax, pitch, resin, turpentine, and galbanum gum, t hen powdered myrrh, incense, mastic, mummy, birthwort root, symphytum, and gall nuts. Finally, Armenian bole, gypsum, and either human or pig’s blood was added to make the plaster.188 Thus plasters also included animal-­derived ingredients, such as plaster of eel skin, also for hernias, and frog plaster, which called for twelve live frogs mixed with earthworms and other ingredients.189 Plasters also included different herbs, such as betony, chamomile, wormwood, fenugreek, Celtic nard, birthwort, and verbena, among others. Galenic Compounds in New Spain

Galenic pharmacy thus had a rich array of compounds to employ in the treatment of disease, medicines that required significant expertise and access to a wide range of materials to create. The compounds described in the early modern formularies were also stocked in Mexican pharmacies and prescribed in Mixtion        141 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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hospitals, prisons, convents, and households during the colonial period. The same inventories and prescriptions referred to in chapter 1 to show the presence of Galenic simples in Mexican pharmacy also demonstrate the use of compounds (see appendix 1). A compilation of prescribed compounds reveals 189 different compounds made up of 251 different simples, most of which were prescribed multiple times, sometimes dozens and even hundreds of times.190 The prescription lists represent medicines prescribed to a wide cross-­section of the Spanish and casta populations of Mexican society, including some of the most disenfranchised members of society—­the “poor prisoners” incarcerated in the “secret jails” of the Inquisition, and the “sick poor” at the Hospital of Espiritu Sancto—­as well as the most privileged and powerful—­nuns at the convent of Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception, and the family of the Inquisitor Don Bernabé de l a Higuera y Amarilla. Thus it is possible to get a s ense of what kinds of compounds were prescribed, how often and to whom, and their cost. These documents reveal an impressive array of some of the most complicated and expensive compounds of Galenic pharmacy, especially as solidified under Mesue. They are, first of all, almost universally named and categorized as method-­based compounds, falling under one of the twelve different types. Only 4 of the 189 different compounds are application-­based—­consisting of 2 colirios, or eye washes, 1 suppository, and 1 fomentation (or embrocation) made by dipping a cloth into a medicinal brew and applying it to the body.191 Of the method-­based compounds, the most popular were powders and ointments, at 17 percent of the total each, followed by oils and syrups at 13 percent each, with plasters and decoctions at 9 percent, electuaries at 7 percent, lambatives and troches at 2 percent, and pills and preserves together making up only 1 percent (see table 3.6). There were also 15 different compound waters (8 percent of the total, discussed further in chapter 5). When compared to numbers and percentages of compounds in printed Spanish pharmacy texts, there is a fair degree of correspondence with no overall pattern of simplification in t he range or variety of Galenic compounds prescribed versus those named in texts (see table 3.7). Similarly, practitioners of Galenic pharmacy in New Spain do not appear to have simplified recipes or prescribed only those incorporating local ingredients.192 Many prescribed remedies had multiple and sometimes dozens of ingredients, with significant amounts of Eastern aromatics. About 40 percent of prescribed medicines consisted of the most complex compounds in the Western pharmacopoeia: electuaries, confections, ointments, plasters, and troches(see table 3.8). Basilicon ointment, for example, consisted of olive oil, yellow wax, t allow, pine resin, pitch, and turpentine; comforting stomach ointment included wax mixed with 142        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 3.6: Most Common Types of Compounds Prescribed in 17th-Century Mexico

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Type of Compound

Total Compounds by Type in Prescriptions

% of Total by Type

33 32 25 25 18 16 15 13 3 3 2 0 185

17.84 17.29 13.51 13.51 9.73 8.65 8.11 7.03 1.62 1.62 1.08 0 100

Powders Ointments Oils Syrup, julep, rob, honey Plasters, wax Decoctions Waters Electuary/confection Lincture Lozenge Pills Preserves, condita Total

Table 3.7: Comparison of Compounds in Published Pharmacy Books versus Prescriptions: Number and Percentage of Different Compounds by Type Type of Compound

Average Number of Compounds by Type in Books

Percentage of Total Compounds in Books

Total Number Percentage of of Compounds Total by Type in Compounds in Prescriptions Prescriptions

Decoction

5

1

16

8.65

Electuary/ confection

45

13.8

13

7.03

Lincture

7

2.21

3

1.62

Lozenge

23

6.99

3

1.62

Oils

47

14.10

25

13.51

Ointments

33

10.03

32

17.29

Pills

30

9.08

2

1.08

Plasters, wax

28

8.60

18

9.73

Powders

20

5.95

33

17.84

Preserves, condita Syrup, julep, rob, juice

26 70

7.86 21.29

0 25

0 13.51

mint and wormwood juice; oil of rose, mint, chamomile, spikenard, and elder tree; and powder of mint, camel grass, cinnamon, cypress tree, red coral, and dodder.193 Diachylon mayor plaster derived from the medieval recipes of the Antidotarium Nicolai and included marshmallow root, figs, raisins, hyssop, flaxseed, fenugreek seed, iris and squill juice, litharge, chamomile oil, iris oil, and dill oil, turpentine, pine resin, and yellow wax, while plaster of Guillelmi Mixtion        143 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 3.8: Most Popular Compounds in Prescriptions (in at Least 3 of the 4 Documents)

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Compound Type

Compounds Prescribed

Confection

Hamech, hyacinth

Decoction

Cordial flowers

Electuary

Diacatalicon, diaprunis, theriac magna

Honey

Oximel, blackberry, rose

Oil

Caper, almond (sweet), worm, absinthe, chamomile, olive

Ointment

Basilicon, rose, Agrippa, comforting ointment for the stomach, deobstruent, Egyptian, Naphe, ointment of the countess, pleuritic, white, Zacharias (or Son of Zacharias)

Plaster

Flour, melilot, fenugreek, contra gangrene, diachylon magnum, diachylon parvum, Guillelmi Servitoris, son of Zacharia, syrup (diapurati?) French lavender, maidenhair, poppy

Powder

Coleric, diamargaritonis frigidi, diarrhodon, mechoacan root, coral (red)

Syrup

Borage, endive, pomegranate, violet

Troche

Karabe

Servitoris highlights the regular presence of Eastern simples in t he Western pharmacopoeia. This plaster consisted of ginger, cinnamon, cloves, watercress seed, and anise seed, mixed with sulfur, laurel berries, absinthe, saffron, and pennyroyal held together with pitch, resin, colophony, wax, frankincense, turpentine, and mastic. Patients were also prescribed electuaries and confections regularly. As discussed earlier, these compounds routinely consisted of dozens of simples. The average number of simples included in the electuaries named in the prescriptions, for example, was 22.3. These types of compounds, moreover, contained valuable simples—­metals such as the silver leaf and pearls included in jacinth confection; Eastern spices such as clove, cinnamon, ginger, mace, and pepper; and earths such as sealed earth and Armenian bole. The effort, time, and expense that went into preparing them, however, did not preclude them from being prescribed with regularity in Mexico. Five different electuaries were prescribed in a t least three of the four document lists analyzed here, the most famous of which was theriac magna, prescribed in the hospital, and convent, and to Don Bernabé’s family. There also appears to be no correlation between the cost and type of medicines used for rich versus poor patients. The “sick poor” cared for at the hospital, and the prisoners of the Inquisition received the same-­quality medicine as those in the convent and in Don Bernabé’s elite household. The Inquisition prisoners, in fact, received the most expensive medicines, averaging 1.6 pesos 144        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Table 3.9: Comparison of Numbers of Different Types of Compounds Used in Poor versus Elite Institutions Compound

Combined Poor Compounds

Combined Elite Compounds

Total

Decoction

14

7

21

Electuary/confection

11

13

24

Syrup, honey, julep

40

37

77

Lozenge

3

2

5

Lincture

4

1

5

Oil

25

20

45

Ointment

89

66

155

Plaster

24

17

41

Powder

24

24

48

Total

234

187

421

per prescription as compared to 1.1 pesos for the nuns and 0.59 pesos for Don Bernabé’s family (see appendix 1 and table 3.9). A comparison of the types of compounds prescribed to elite versus poor patients, furthermore, reveals almost equal numbers for each. These results run counter to other historians’ findings: Paul Freedman argues that in the Middle Ages, medicines made with exotic ingredients and sugared electuaries tended to be reserved for the rich while the poor were treated with folk medicines gathered close to home; and the same assumptions are made by James Shaw and Evelyn Welch for the Giglio pharmacy in Florence, where the wealthy elite bought the most expensive and exotic medicines.194 The lack of discrepancy between medicines for rich and poor in New Spain may have to do with the documents employed here. Both the Inquisition and the poor hospital were colonial institutions where medical care would have been provided and medicines prescribed without charge—­a very different context from the retail trade of the Giglio pharmacy. At the same time, it may demonstrate a commitment on the part of the colonial establishment to provide effective medicine for needy patients in urban areas, regardless of cost. Another set of archival sources that allows insight into the practice of Galenic compounding in the urban areas of New Spain consists of a series of nine pharmacy inventories carried out over the course of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. These inventories were conducted for a variety of purposes—­for the sale of a pharmacy, or for determining an apothecary’s assets in order to pay creditors, divide up inheritance, or leave a sum to the church. Like the prescriptions, they shed light on the actual practice of pharmacy by Mixtion        145 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 3.10: Compounds in 18th-Century Pharmacy Inventories

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Compound

Number of Different Compounds

Total Number of Compound Type in All Inventories

Percentage of Total Frequency

Balsam

12

23

3.2

Decoction/infusion

2

2

0.3

Electuary/confection

36

108

14.8

Eyewash

5

10

1.4

Gelatin

1

3

0.4

Lambative

1

2

0.3

Lozenge

7

10

1.3

Oil

68

122

16.8 9.1

Ointment

46

66

Pill

13

13

1.8

Plaster

35

53

7.3

Powder

151

282

38.9

Preserve

10

24

3.3

Syrup

4

7

1.0

Total

391

725

revealing what kinds of medicines were available to eighteenth-­century practitioners and patients. The nine inventories list a total of 391 different compounds (see table 3.10), including 151 different types of powders, 68 oils, 46 ointments, 35 plasters, 13 pills, 10 preserves, 7 lozenges, 5 eye washes, and fewer than 5 gelatins, lambatives, and syrups. Like the prescriptions, the inventories demonstrate almost total reliance on method-­based classification of compounds, with the exception of the five eye washes. Despite the absence of preserves in t he prescriptions, they seem to be well represented in the inventories, with a varied list of borage, carnation, rose, French lavender, maidenhair, and peach flower preserves (among others). There is a notable absence of decoctions and infusions, but this may be because they were so ubiquitous and made relatively quickly and easily that they were not considered in the inventories. The most common compound in the pharmacy was the powder, making up almost 40 percent of the total compounds, with oils (at 17 percent) and electuaries (at 15 percent) a distant second and third. Ointments and plasters made up 9 percent and 7 percent, respectively, with the rest of the compounds at 3 percent or less. It must be noted, however, that these values are highly skewed because most inventories I surveyed did not individually list syrups, plasters, or ointments. Only two different inventories 146        Mixtion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 3.11: Most Popular Compounds in 18th-Century Pharmacy Inventories by Type (Cited in at Least 4 of 9 Inventories) Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Compound Type

Compounds in Inventories

Electuary

Benedicta, diacatalicon, diaprunis compuesto, diascordio fracastorio, emerald theriac, hiera diacolochintidos, hiera logodio, hiera picra, lectificante de Rasis, theriac celest

Confection Oil

Alchermes, jacinth Almond, amber, anise, brick, egg yolk, linseed, lemon balm, nutmeg

Ointment Powder

Egyptian Anti-disentericus, contra abortum, contracaida, cornachinus, diamargariton, diamusco, diarrhodon, diatragacant frio, guteta, ipecac, jalap, mallow, myrtle, blessed Pope, parto provocans, restrictive, rose, sandalwood, suelda

Preserve

Borage flower, carnation, peach flower, rose

Syrup

Mulberry

list extensive ointments and plasters, the rest citing “various ointments” and “various plasters,” usually toward the end. This, unfortunately, is the case for syrups in every inventory I surveyed, each of which includes a line designating “various simple syrups” and “various compound syrups” but without enumerating them. That they were still highly important to Novohispanic pharmacy is indicated by the large amounts indicated: an 1800 inventory lists 11pounds of “compound syrups” and 110 pounds of “simple” ones (i.e., with one main simple); 7 pounds, 8 ounces of compound ointments; and 13 pounds of simple ones.195 In addition, although the inventories give a sense of what was available and in what quantities, it is impossible to know with certainty how often these medicines were prescribed. Another way to gauge the frequency of use and popularity of compounds is to highlight those found in the most pharmacies. A list of the 47 compounds appearing in at least 4 of the 9 inventories, first of all, indicates the wide variety of medicines spread across the inventories: out of a total of 391, only 47, or 12 percent, occurred at least 4 times. An examination of their relative popularity reveals a similar emphasis on powders (19), oils (8), and electuaries (12), which together make up more than 80 percent of the 47 (see table 3.11). In this case, however, electuaries clearly outstripped oils, again an indication of the sophistication of Galenic pharmacy in Mexico. Whereas the oils are for the most part simple pressed oils made from relatively common ingredients, the electuaries required an array of imported materials. Among the most popular electuaries were the hiera electuaries, as well as two kinds of theriac. Similar complexity Mixtion        147 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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is apparent among the powders. Powders partum provocans were “good for helping and provoking birth once the [labor] pains have started” and included a mixture of fine powders of cinnamon, dittany, savine, saffron, borax, and pulverized myrrh troche, itself a complex mixture of myrrh, lupine, rue, mint, pennyroyal, dittany, cumin seed, Rubia tinctorum root, and various resins (asafetida, sagapen gum, opopanax), all dried and then dissolved in squill vinegar and absinthe juice.196 Powders contra abortum were also popular for the opposite effect, to counteract miscarriage or “detain the fetus in the uterus.” These consisted of powdered kermes insect, red sandalwood, mastic, plantain seed, deer antler shavings, amber, Armenian bole, sealed earth, crab eyes, red coral, lemon balm root, comfrey root, mace, and cloves.197 r   r   r

Pharmacy texts reveal the complexity and sophistication involved in the formulation of compound medicines in the early modern period. Compounding derived from a centuries-­long tradition and was the culmination of a series of steps, from the identification of the simple to its processing and correction, to its incorporation, usually with the addition of a vehicle, into a finished product. Over the centuries, this process evolved into a highly complex and technical art in w hich the compounds were increasingly classified according to the methods and materials used. Compounds were the prescribed medicine of choice in the early modern period, compiled into formularies that included detailed recipes. Early modern pharmaceutical theory also provided a rationale for the preference for compounds, in that the virtues of the different simples were thought to combine into one unified, compound virtue that could address a variety of symptoms at once. Prescription lists and inventories of colonial Mexican pharmacies indicate that pharmacy in New Spain very much resembled that which is described in the texts. The compounds in use correspond to textual formularies relatively closely, demonstrating that Mexican pharmacy was not derivative of Spanish pharmacy; rather, it was wholly and fully part of the Galenic pharmaceutical tradition and tied in to the urban culture of the Spanish empire.

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FOUR

Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas Let us suppose that you are Alexander, and name me Aristotle because of what you have commanded me to do in these parts. Your Majesty could multiply Alexander by twelve, and that would still not be enough. There are so many things in the new world, with so many wonderful virtues, all of which I see, I touch, I test, I draw, and I describe. —Francisco Hernández to Philip II, 1571

T

he Herrera pharmacy in Mexico City contained a range of simples and compounds, a series of books, and sets of equipment that reflected the Galenic pharmaceutical tradition brought to New Spain under the Spanish empire. Yet as seen in the earlier chapters, Galenic pharmacy was a dynamic tradition that altered as it moved throughout space and time, incorporating new simples, new compounds, new techniques, and new concepts as it developed throughout the ancient and medieval Mediterranean. Once it crossed the Atlantic and came into contact with native American medical thought and practice, it altered once again. This chapter delves into the ways that Galenic pharmacy was influenced by American materia medica and indigenous medical practices, focusing on materia medica from the core areas of Nahua, Mixtec, Zapotec, and Mayan influence, from coastal lowland areas to the central highlands of Mexico. In the colonial cities of New Spain, apothecary shops included in their contents these “new” American substances that were added to Galenic materia medica and exported to Europe.1 Herrera’s pharmacy is a testament to the kinds of changes brought to Galenic pharmacy by its transport to the Americas, for although roughly 90 percent of its simples were native to the Old World, it also contained substances

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indigenous to Mesoamerica. Like the aromatics added during the Arabic period, these substances were unknown to Dioscorides and Galen, but they were also unknown to Ibn Wāfid, Mesue, and all authors of Galenic pharmacy texts up to the sixteenth century. Among these substances contained in the Herrera pharmacy were the American tabasco pepper, jalap powder, mechoacan powder, jojoba, balsam of Tolu, Sonora gum, copal, tacamahaca gum, guayacan oil, and “un poco de palo de huayacan”—­a little guayacan wood. Compared to the prodigious amount of traditional Galenic substances in t he pharmacy, these represented only a small fraction of the total, albeit an important one. How did these substances come to be part of Galenic materia medica? In this chapter I go about answering this question by first tracing various colonial “bioprospecting” projects organized in the sixteenth century to investigate and document the medicinal plants, animals, and minerals of Mesoamerica.2 These investigations yielded a host of written primary sources, many of which were compiled with native informants, with lists of Mesoamerican medicines that collectively numbered into the thousands. They quickly revealed to the Spanish Crown an unprecedented array of natural resources useful in medicine—­hence, Royal Protomédico Francisco Hernández’s enthusiasm in his investigation of Mesoamerican materia medica, as quoted in the epigraph. These sources have been the subject of extensive research by anthropologists, chemists, pharmacologists, ethnobotanists, and historians in Mexico, Spain, and the United States who have used them to uncover the contours of Mexico’s pre-­Hispanic medical past and to understand and codify Mexican ethnobotany—­to produce comprehensive lists and catalogues of Mexico’s herbolaria, its useful and medicinal plants. Despite substantial interest and research in the subject, however, and the significant scholarly attention to the colonial ethnographic sources on Nahua medicine, we still do not have a synthetic overview of Nahua materia medica or Nahua pharmacology.3 Researchers have produced either isolated studies or comprehensive encyclopedias detailing the botanical characteristics and uses of Mexico’s traditional materia medica. As valuable as they are, these studies do not enable a basic understanding of what medicinal substances were most used by and most valuable to the Nahua. Without this understanding, it is difficult to gauge the extent to which Europeans were able to exploit Mexico’s rich biodiversity, or the extent to which Galenic pharmacy was influenced by it. In this chapter, I survey four main sources of Nahua medicine as recorded from native informants to compile, out of more than 1,000 medicinal substances named, an overview of the 110 most prominent substancess in t he 150        Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Nahua pharmacopoeia. Of the 110 medicines named in this complex, however, only a relatively small fraction was found in New Spain’s apothecary shops or entered the Galenic pharmacopoeia. These were the very substances that were stocked in the Herrera pharmacy, and although they were far outnumbered by Old World materia medica in the pharmacy, they consisted of a wide-­ranging and versatile group of materials, used in all sorts of enterprises in addition to medicine. Bioprospecting and Information-­Gathering in Sixteenth-­Century New Spain

From early on, Spanish officials demonstrated significant interest in the medicines to be found in the “New World.” Beginning with Columbus, conquistadors and explorers keenly described potential resources they encountered in the natural world, and some went so far as to equate the New World’s abundant natural flora with paradise or the Garden of Eden. Columbus identified a number of spices and other medicinal plants that he thought he recognized as well as other ones that were new, a practice that the Crown soon capitalized upon, supporting numerous initiatives over the years to document the New World’s natural resources, vegetable as well as mineral.4 Such attention to potential commodities was also common among early colonialists in New England, as documented by William Cronon.5 Following Columbus and their Puritan counterparts, early Spanish authors waxed poetic about the abundance of valuable natural resources available in the Indies. Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo was commissioned to write a natural history, for example, in order to record “innumerable treasures” and “the marvelous things that there are” in the Indies and “to leave the memory of the sweet and agreeable natural history of everything I have seen.”6 Others singled out the resources available in New Spain, especially its medicines that would cure diseases for which there was no remedy in Europe, render Spain less dependent on the spice and medicine trades, and provide apt reward for the universal evangelization of the Indies that Spain proposed to complete. Royal Protomédico Francisco Hernández was ordered by Philip II to catalogue New Spain’s natural resources “because we are informed that more plants, herbs, and medicinal seeds are to be found there than elsewhere.”7 Like Oviedo, Hernández praised the abundance and marvelous nature of the flora and fauna of New Spain and their medicinal properties. Within eight months of investigation, he had recorded eight hundred new plants “never seen before in these parts [Spain]” that had “very great virtues, and . . . incredible and immense usefulness” in work that “could easily occupy someone for his whole life.”8 Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas        151 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Other initiatives to gather and record New Spain’s natural riches took a number of forms in the sixteenth century, including the Relaciones geográἀcas, a series of questionnaires that sought information from local officials regarding their region’s demography, climate, and natural resources. Other efforts also revealed information about indigenous medicine, including the work of Franciscan Bernardino de Sa hagún at the College Santa Cruz Tlatelolco in Mexico City, where he organized the recording of Nahua materia medica and medicines used to treat various illnesses in the Florentine Codex, and where Juan Badianus, an indigenous physician at the college, composed the Libellus de medicinalibus indorum herbis. Finally, in Seville, the physician Nicolás Monardes experimented with New World medicines and wrote about them in his Historia medicinal de las cosas que traen de nuestras Indias Occidentales. All of these sources were produced within a European institutional framework and must be approached with caution, or what David Carrasco has termed a “hermeneutics of suspicion,” keeping in mind that this is not the “true” indigenous voice.9 I have also highlighted elsewhere the methodological issues and challenges in w orking with these sources.10 Nevertheless, they are rich with possibilities in what they reveal, and were clearly of use to apothecaries in New Spain: Herrera possessed a copy of the Badianus manuscript as well as an index of medicines compiled by Hernández, the Index medicamentorum that was later published in the Verdadera medicina, cirugia, y astrologia of Juan de Barrios (1607).11 The information gathered in the reports revealed a collection of medicines hitherto unknown to Afro-­Eurasia, and which were often presented as panaceas, with miraculous healing powers.12 These sources (along with other native codices) collectively named thousands of different medicines of plant, animal, and mineral origin, revealing a long and valuable tradition of drug therapeutics among the indigenous peoples of central Mexico, and knowledge of a rich and varied pharmacopoeia from which to draw. The materials used, as we shall see, included a wide variety of substances deriving from the Mesoamerican food complex and from a host of other resins, gums, dyes, and sweeteners that were part of the “biological old regime” of the Americas, a collection of substances employed in a rtisanal pursuits and in m edicine that had built up over millennia and that Europeans were extremely interested in exploring, knowing, and exploiting. In what follows, I will provide a basic overview of the Nahua materia medica culled from the sources available, demonstrating that Galenic pharmacy incorporated only a small fraction of its many useful substances.

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Nahua Materia Medica

In order to put together an overview of Nahua materia medica, I u sed four different sixteenth-­ century texts compiled with the aid of indigenous informants. These included book 10 of the Florentine Codex (see fig. 4.1), the Badianus Manuscript (see fig. 4.2), Hernández’s Index medicamentorum (see fig. 4.3), and the Relaciones geográἀcas for the dioceses of Mexico, Tlaxcala, and Oaxaca.13 These sources not only employed native informers as intermediaries but also were largely organized by disease, in which a series of substances, or sim- Fig. 4.1. Title page to book 10 of the ples, were named to treat each one. In this way, Florentine Codex, Bernardino de some substances were named multiple times in Sahagún, 1499–1590. remedies for different diseases. Tallying and then collating the number of times each substance was cited made it possible to determine which ones predominated in the texts, and from these results I determined the 110 indigenous substances named most often, which I t ook to be the core of the Nahua pharmacopoeia (see appendix 6). There are drawbacks to this approach: we cannot know with certainty that the substances named in these sources were in fact the medicines in use; nor can we know how representative they were of Nahua therapeutics or the extent to which the texts were influenced by their Spanish compilers. Nevertheless, the sources present a pool of infor- Fig. 4.2. A page of the Libellus de mation from which a reasonable assessment and Medicinalibus Indorum Herbis, an Aztec overview may be formulated. herbal composed in 1552 by Martín The survey revealed that the Nahua materia de la Cruz and translated into Latin medica, like Galenic materia medica, included a by Juan Badianus, illustrating the preponderance of plant materials, but with signif- tlazolteozacatl, tlayapaloni, axocotl, and chicomacatl plants. icant contributions from the animal and mineral kingdoms as well. Of t he eighty-­nine substances I wa s able to identify (see appendix 6 for unidentified simples), seventy-­four were of plant origin (82 percent), eleven were of mineral origin (12 percent), and four (4.4 percent) were of

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4.3. First page of Francisco Hernández’s Index Medicamentorum, in book 4 of Juan de Barrios’s Verdadera medicina, cirugia, y astrologia (Mexico City: F. Balli, 1607).

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Table 4.1: Plants, Animals, and Minerals in Nahua Pharmacology (n = 89)

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Kingdom

Number of Simples

Percentage of Total

Plant

74

83

Mineral

11

12.4

Animal

4

4.4

animal origin (see table 4.1). Also similar to the simples in Galenic pharmacy, those in the Nahua pharmacopoeia served a wide range of uses in Mesoamerican society, playing multiple roles in addi tion to their medicinal purposes. The Nahua pharmacopoeia contained a variety of foods (the “Mesoamerican food complex” of maize, beans, squash, and peppers), fibers, flavorings, and ornamentals that reflected Nahua culture’s love of aromatic flowers and the “chocolate triad” of cacao, vanilla, and annatto. It also included a number of substances used in various industrial and artisanal pursuits, serving as textiles, dyes, solvents, detergents, building materials, and adhesives.14 Thus they represent the “biological old regime” of Mesoamerica, a regime that, similar to that of the Mediterranean, had built up over millennia and was the product of centuries of social and agricultural development and exchange.15 Taken together, these materials and the uses to which they were put reflect the sophisticated and varied material culture of late postclassic Mesoamerican society and highlight the sophisticated state of agriculture throughout Mesoamerica and the extent to which Mesoamericans had manipulated the landscape to suit their needs.16 Given this context, it is no surprise that the Spaniards, wanting to find and exploit this landscape, put in place the surveys and expeditions they did in order to uncover its resources. Mineral or inorganic simples of the Nahua pharmacopoeia (see appendix 6) included 11 different stones, some of which were precious or semiprecious. Among them were eztetl, cited 20 times, identified commonly as “bloodstone,” similar to the one, it appears, in the Galenic tradition and with similar uses (staunching blood); and itzpahtli (cited 14 times), or obsidian medicine. Salt (cited 20 times) was a common additive to medicinal brews. There were also minerals or stones associated with different colors—­“white earth” (cited 9 t imes); tetlahuitl (cited 11 times), identified as red ochre; and coztictecpatli (cited 7 times) as a yellow stone.17 Modern researchers refer regularly to the sixteenth-­century sources, especially Hernández, for information about these stones. There were many bezoars (cited 18 times), the calcified buildup of intestinal “stones” in various animals. Sources also referred to a piedra de sangre, a type of jasper of different colors dotted with spots that looked like Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas        155 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 4.2: Top 20 Simples in Nahua Pharmacology (Cited at Least 15 Times) Nahua Meaning/ English Name

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Medicine

Cohuanenepilli, coanenepilli, cohuapatli

Number of Citations

Snake tongue, contrayerva, may be cohuapatli—causes much confusion (Comas – Lopez, p. 159)

38

Cozolmecatl, olcacatzan

China root, palo de la vida

37

Iyauhtli, yauhtli, quauhyyautli

“Offered-up thing,” absinthe, wormwood, wild incense

33

Picietl, iyetl

Tobacco (Arawak term), “Little Tobacco”

31

Mecapahtli, also quauhmecatli, quammecat

Sarsaparilla

28

Miel (blanca, de maguey, de abejas)

Honey

25

Nueces de la Tierra (Barrios)

“Earth beans/cacao beans,” nueses de la tierra, peanuts

25

Tlalamatlapahtli tlalamatla, Juan infante, de metzitlan

Yerba que se halla en Mechoacan. Los naturales le llaman Tutetacuarun

25

Tlalanquaye

Mexican pepper

24

Quauhtlepatli, cuauhtlepatli

“Fire plant,” rhododendron

22

Eztetl (stone)

Quartz or bloodstone

20

Itzal

Salt

20

Chili

Chile, chili, Mexican pepper

20

Tlalquequetzal

“Earth plumage,” yarrow, doradilla

19

Ecapahtli

“Wind medicine”

17

Iztauhyatl

Estasiate or Artemisia

16

Tlaquatzin (cola de, agua de)

“Thing that is eaten” with honorific “tzin,” opossum, lizard

15

Metl (penca de and others)

Maguey (Taino term)

15

blood; indigenous people made heart shapes from it large and small, and it was thought to help stop the flow of blood of all kinds—­from bloody noses to menstrual blood to blood from hemorrhoids or wounds.18 There were also four medicines of animal origin in the top 110 substances of the Nahua materia medica (see appendix 6). These included animal products such as honey, eggs, and an ointment-­like substance called “axin” or “quaxin” (cited 10 times) produced by an insect. Honey, cited 25 times, was very important to indigenous medicine, as it was in the Galenic tradition, as a sweetener and preservative and with its own recognized medicinal benefits. Egg white and egg yolk, cited 156        Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 4.3: Cash Crops in Nahua Pharmacology Nahua Meaning/ English Name

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Medicine

Number of Citations

Picietl, iyetl

Tobacco (Arawak term), “Little Tobacco”

31

Tlilxochitl (baynillas del)

“Black flower,” vanilla orchid

13

Cacahuatl

Cacao, chocolate

11

Ichcaxihuitl

Cotton

7

Ulli, holli, ule, ullin, holquahuitl

Rubber tree sap (also use bark)

7

17 times, were used medicinally but also as vehicles, or substrates for mixing various substances. The flesh or meat as well as the tail of the tlaquatzin were also common to the pharmacopoeia, cited 15 times.19 The plant simples of the Nahua pharmacopoeia included a w ide variety of materials, some of which went on to great fame and became very important to the world market. Others that appear to have been highly important and widely used in Nahua practice, however, remained unknown to the wider world, although several are still in use in curanderismo, or Mexican folk medicine, today. Nahua plants were typically classified into four main groups: edible, medicinal, ornamental, and economic.20 Within these categories, names were (and still are) often designated according to organoleptic properties (taste, smell, texture), shape, or type of plant. They are also today organized as hot or cold, although whether these stemmed from Nahua or European medical beliefs is still a subject of debate. In modern and traditional naming patterns, plant names typically included a root word describing the plant to which prefixes and/or suffixes were added to designate the type of plant. Prefixes included tla-­, meaning “ground” or “on the ground,” as well as words for different colors. Suffixes included -­xihuitl to name an herb or herbaceous plant; -­cuahuitl or -­quahuitl to designate a woody plant or tree; -­xochitl to signify flower; -­xocotl to signify fruit; and -­acatl to mean a reed or cane-­like plant. Ubiquitous among the plant simple names was the suffix for medicine: -­patli (or -­pahtli). The top 110 simples of the Nahua pharmacopoeia included 74 identifiable plant simples. Those cited the most are listed in table 4.2. Overall, the plant simples can be grouped into several different subdivisions reflecting their uses both before and after conquest. The first category of plants (see table 4.3) discussed here refers to the cash crops that went on to widespread cultivation, export, and profit and includes a number of substances (tobacco, cacao, vanilla, rubber, and cotton) with multiple uses that are not typically associated with medicine today but that constituted an important component of the Nahua pharmacopoeia. The second category (see table 4.4), like the first, consists of simples like Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas        157 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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guayacan bark and mechoacan root that achieved widespread recognition and export as medicines mainly to Europe. A third category (see table 4.5) includes substances that constituted an important part of Nahua cuisine, including staple foods as well as spices and flavorings. A final category (see table 4.6) consists of materials that continue to be important to modern curanderismo but that, for whatever reason, were not embraced in t ransatlantic trade. CASH CROPS IN NAHUA PHARMACOLOGY

A number of the plant simples in the Nahua pharmacopoeia served as medicines and as raw materials for other industries (see table 4.3), and would Fig. 4.4. Image of tobacco from go on to achieve great importance as cash crops in Monardes’s Primera y segunda y tercera the Columbian Exchange. Of a ll the substances, partes de la historia medicinal de las cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias Occidentales, que the cash crop tobacco (iyetl in Nahuatl, also comsirven en medicina. Credit: Wellcome monly referred to in the diminutive, picietl) was Collection. CC BY. the only one named in a ll sources consulted. Cited thirty-­one times total, tobacco appears to have been one of the most widespread, widely known, versatile, and consistently used medicines in Mesoamerica (see fig. 4.4). 21 Evidence indicates that tobacco species Nicotiana rustica and Nicotiana tabacum were cultivated as early as eight thousand years ago in Mesoamerica and northern South America, and neither species can survive without cultivation. Tobacco was used widely in religious rituals and associated with psychotropic properties. It was either smoked in long tubes or mixed with lime (ten parts tobacco, one part lime) and chewed.22 Although Oviedo disparaged it early on, by the end of the sixteenth century tobacco had gained a reputation as a medicinal and was exported in large quantities.23 Cigarettes were also produced in Mexico City’s factories under a later tobacco monopoly.24 Despite its later recreational uses, tobacco had a wide reputation as a medicinal panacea. For Monardes, tobacco was “a very ancient and well-­known herb to the Indians” that was initially planted in Spanish gardens for its beauty and later for its “marvelous medicinal virtues.”25 In Oaxaca, it was “the herb they use most generally,” good for healing all manner of afflictions: wounds and sores, headaches, chest ailments, asthma, side pain, gas, hiccups, worms, joint 158        Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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problems, swellings, toothache, snake bite, and carbuncles.26 It was used most consistently for chest ailments, nasal discharge, headache, and the symptoms generally associated with colds. In the diocese of Mexico, for instance, tobacco was put in noses for romadizo (colds).27 Tobacco was taken medicinally in several different ways: through inhalation of tobacco smoke, through application to the skin or in the nose, or kept in the mouth between cheek and gums.28 Its use also spread among the Spanish and African populations of New Spain. According to one informant, “the naturales, the negros, and even the Spanish [use tobacco], mashing it and putting it in their mouth[s] to quiet pains they feel, and [they put] the juice of it in t heir noses for headaches.”29 Monardes concurred that “the negros in the Indies use tobacco in the same way as the Indians” to relieve pain and fatigue.30 Another cash crop of Mesoamerican materia medica with great significance to world history was cacao, the bean used to make chocolate.31 Cacao production and consumption has a long history of great significance in Mesoamerican commerce and culture.32 Cacao was produced mainly in tropical forests of Soconusco along the Pacific coast and in the southern Maya lowlands, usually interspersed with large trees that provided necessary shade. Cacao often grew alongside its counterparts in the “chocolate triad” vanilla and annatto, and all three required significant processing—­including fermentation, curing, drying, grinding, and boiling.33 Like tobacco, cacao had many different recreational and devotional uses, and was associated with elite consumption. It was so valuable that cacao beans were often used as a medium of exchange.34 For the Nahuas, cacao was less important medically than tobacco, but still a significant part of the pharmacopoeia (cited eleven times). It was used largely, it appears, to treat diarrhea, for which it was often mixed with latex or rubber. 35 Some indigenous communities drank cacao to treat “bloody diarrhea” (a particular and largely unidentified affliction of the period), and colonial officials reported elsewhere that communities “drink the cacao bark which they take to be good” for the same affliction.36 The cacao beverage also served as a vehicle for other medicines—­indigenous communities used chilies that they “put into the cacao that they drink . . . for stomach pain.”37 Vanilla, named thirteen times in the sources, was another important medicine and cash crop, closely associated with chocolate flavoring (see fig. 4.5). Vanilla, or tlilxochitl (“black flower”), comes from the seeds of the vanilla orchid, a vine that would grow intertwined with the cacao tree. Two species, Vanilla planifolia and Vanilla fragrans, grow in t ropical lowland regions throughout southern Mexico and what is now Central America as well as northern South America. In Mexico, it had long been part of Mayan cultivation; Montezuma Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas        159 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 4.5. Drawing of vanilla from the Florentine Codex (made in the 1580s). Source: Florentine Codex by Bernardino de Sahagún.

had it planted in his botanical gardens of Huaxtepec. It was first exported from the Papantla region beginning in t he eighteenth century.38 The seeds of the orchid are cured and dried to achieve their characteristic odor and flavor.39 In addition to its role in flavoring chocolate, vanilla was also cultivated and used in conjunction with copal resin (see below) to provide pungent, aromatic flavorings and perfumes for religious as well as culinary uses throughout Yucatán and central Mexico.40 It was also named in Aztec tribute demands and used as a medicine. Sahagún described it as a cure for spitting blood, and Hernández stated that it aided with urination, fortified the stomach and mind, stopped pains of the uterus, and worked as an antidote to venomous bites.41 Cotton, cited seven times in the survey, was also of undisputed significance in the Nahua pharmacopoeia and in t rade and commerce. Different species of cotton originated in Afro-­Eurasia and the Americas, with American species consisting of the higher-­quality Gossypium hirsutum L. and lower-­quality “tree” cotton, G. laetifolium Hutch.42 These species grow in the coastal Pacific and Gulf lowlands of Mexico, particularly in the Veracruz region.43 Evidence of cotton cultivation exists from Olmec times. Although other sources of fibers existed, including maguey, yucca, and “wild silk,” cotton was the most highly prized textile—­so much so that it, along with cacao, served as a medium of exchange for the Nahua. It was often woven with intricate and colorful patterns, especially for the elite (see fig. 4.6). 44 Although it grew only in lowland areas, it was distributed throughout the Aztec Empire and regularly demanded in high volume for tribute.45 It had other uses as well: its lint was used for bedding and spun into yarn for making bags and nets as well as mummy shrouds and long capes.46 Cotton was also used as a medicine to treat skin sores, scorpion stings, and snake bites.47 The Nahua pharmacopoeia also included a s ubstance called ulli (named 160        Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 4.6. Depictions of cotton cloth and other goods in the Florentine Codex, by Bernardino de Sahagún.

seven times), rubber formed from latex, the exudate of the olcachuitl/holquahuitl tree (Castilla elastica). Evidence exists for the collection and processing of latex performed by Olmec peoples as early as 1600 BCE.48 Unprocessed latex could be used as a strong adhesive, but evidence shows that Mesoamericans often processed it by mixing it with the juice of the morning glory vine (Ipomoea alba) to achieve properties of elasticity and durability. Specifically, a mixture of 50 percent latex and 50 percent morning glory juice rendered the rubber highly elastic (and turned it black) and was used to create balls for Mesoamerican ball games.49 A mixture of 25 percent morning glory and 75 percent latex made excellent durable rubber for sandal soles. Such processing has led scholars to label the Olmecs “America’s first polymer scientists.”50 Tribute records, codices, and Spanish chronicles indicate that under Aztec rule, rubber collection and processing occurred in t he Veracruz region, and the product was then shipped throughout the Aztec Empire. Aztec tribute records indicate high volumes of unprocessed “rubber cakes,” presumably used as wicks for burning copal incense, as well as rubber balls and figurines.51 In addition to its industrial, artisanal, and ritual uses, rubber was also used a medicinal for a host of ailments—­of the eyes, intestines, urinary and digestive tract, and for Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas        161 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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pain and headaches.52 Described as “a black betún [pitch or polish] which they use to make balls for playing,” rubber (or the sap of the rubber tree) mixed into a cacao beverage was a remedy for diarrhea.53 A diuretic and emollient, it was also rubbed on the chest as an ointment for colds and mixed with axin to help the joints.54 SUBSEQUENT MEDICINAL EXPORTS IN NAHUA PHARMACOLOGY

The next category of medicinal plant substances from the Nahua pharmacopoeia consists of those that were recognized relatively quickly by Spaniards as having medicinal value. Less well known than the cash crops, they are nevertheless of great importance to early modern European medicine (see table 4.4), identified and targeted early on, exported on a large scale, and incorporated into Galenic materia medica. They also appeared regularly in eighteenth-­ century Mexican pharmacies. Some, especially the gum r esins, would have served multiple purposes as adhesives and preservatives as well, but most were associated exclusively with medicine. Described by Monardes, many of the medicines were often hailed at first as panaceas to cure all ills, or as miraculous cures for new diseases such as syphilis. The medicines discussed in this section are categorized into several groups: the antivenereal remedies and antidotes, the mucilaginous simples (gums, resins, balsam), and the purges. Three of the most prominent medicines in the Nahua pharmacopoeia were used to treat venereal disease, especially syphilis. These substances—­guayacan, China root, and sarsaparilla, were often combined in such antivenereal remedies. Monardes celebrated these three in particular, stating, “They bring [these] three things from the West Indies, which today are celebrated throughout the world, and they have brought about more positive medical effects than have ever been done with other medicines known up to now: because the work of all three is to cure incurable illnesses and have effects that seem like the stuff of miracles.”55 Indeed, these three medicines went on to great fame in the sixteenth century, and were also very important to the Nahua. Named thirty-­ seven times, China root (cozolmecatl or olcacatzan) was the most widely cited. China root came in two varieties, one from China (hence its name) and one indigenous to the Americas. Although they were thought to have the same healing virtue, the Asian variety was said to be stronger than the American one, and was often adulterated with it.56 Unknown to Europeans until 1535, both varieties quickly received great praise.57 China root was often combined with guayacan and sarsaparilla, especially for treating syphilis or venereal diseases generally, and was a celebrated sudorific used in curing fevers.58 162        Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 4.4: Important Medicinal Exports in Nahua Pharmacology

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Medicine

Nahua Meaning/ English Name

Number of Citations

Cozolmecatl, olcacatzan

China root, palo de la vida

37

Cohuanenepilli, coanenepilli, cohuapatli

Snake tongue, antidote

36

Mecapahtli, also quauhmecatli, quammecat

Sarsaparilla

28

Ocotzotl, also xociocotzotl, xociocotzotlquahuitl, oxitl

Liquidambar de Indias, pine, pine resin, turpentine, storax

14

Balsamo

Liquidambar

12

Tecomahaca que se llama copalihyacmemeyalquahuitl

Copal; resin or gum of various trees

10

Tlallatlaquacuitlapil, tlatlanquacuitlapilli, tachuache en Tarasco

Mechoacan (polvos, raiz, flor, xalapa, jalapa, matlaliztic)

9

Acaxaxan, hoacaxacan

Guayacan

7

Eztepatli

“Blood medicine”

7

Following China root was sarsaparilla, mecapatli, consisting of several species in the Smilax genus, named twenty-­eight times. Like China root, sarsaparilla quickly became a w idely recognized and sought-­after medicine among Europeans.59 Used as a purge, sarsaparilla was a sudorific and could be mixed with guayacan as a sy rup or medicinal water to treat syphilis.60 It gained its Europeanized name from its similar appearance to a European bindweed of the same name, and much debate ensued as to its identity.61 The American variety of sarsaparilla was in great demand in Europe in the sixteenth century, and later on served as an ingredient in medicinal syrups, tonics, and soda waters (including, along with sassafras root, root beer).62 It was similar in taste and function to China root, but sarsaparilla “certainly is a much more powerful medicine.”63 Informants in the Relaciones of Mexico also referred to salzaparilla as “muy medicinal” and the valley of Nexapa, Oaxaca, had “infinite” amounts of it.64 The third of the American antivenereals was guayacan (Guaiacum officinale and Guaiacum sanctum), as it was called by natives of Hispaniola, where Spaniards first encountered it. Spaniards went on to call it palo santo, or “holy wood,” due to its miraculous effects. An evergreen hardwood, guayacan was used to make a number of instruments and tools, including mallets and gavels, as well as jars and drinking vessels.65 Guayacan, named seven times in the survey, grows throughout the Caribbean and tropical lowland areas of Mesoamerica and was arguably the most effective and most famous of the antivenereals.66 According to Monardes, of the three New World antivenereals, guayacan was Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas        163 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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“the first medicine discovered in the Indies and the best.”67 As syphilis spread throughout Europe in the early sixteenth century, rumors of a miraculous cure from Hispaniola led to the publication of various treatises on guayacan, and a burgeoning export trade.68 Monardes considered it such a powerful cure that “our God made it so that in t he place where the pox came from there also was a remedy for it.”69 A sudorific, guayacan was administered as a decoction and remained the remedy of choice for syphilis through much of the sixteenth century. It was exported in large quantities until it eventually fell out of favor, replaced by mercury and the other New World antivenereal roots.70 Following the antivenereals, and second only to China root in the number of times mentioned (thirty-­six), the antidote cohuanenepili/cohuapatli (or contrayerva in Spanish), was among the most important medicines in the Nahua pharmacopoeia. This herb, whose Nahua name means “snake tongue” or “snake medicine,” and whose Spanish name means “antidote,” has caused much confusion for researchers as to its identity.71 The plant was known as a treatment for fevers and an antidote to snake bites, scorpion stings, and venoms and poisons generally.72 For treatment, the mashed root was rubbed on the wound and its juice drunk.73 The people of Alaustlan also drank the juice for fever, and it was known as “the best herb for all illnesses that has been seen to this day.”74 As in Ga lenic pharmacy, Nahua materia medica included mucilaginous materials that were themselves used as medicines, but also served as a vehicle or substrate for mixing other substances together. These materials, especially copal, were used in religious ceremonies as fragrant incense, similar to the use of frankincense and myrrh. Spaniards paid close attention to these materials—­ they make up the first seven entries in Monardes’s treatise, and the first book of Francisco Ximenez’s Quatro libros de la Naturaleza treats aromatic plants, describing many different types of resin. Most prominent in the Nahua pharmacopoeia, mentioned fourteen times, was ocotzotl (also called oxitl), or pine resin, which Spaniards often referred to as liquidambar (sweetgum, related to storax), another Old World resin. Pine resin was collected and heated to refine it to turpentine or pitch; cooked or boiled as well as “uncooked” pine resin was sold in the marketplace.75 According to Monardes, it was “the sap of the tree the Indians call ocotzotl . . . that has a very sweet and pleasing odor.” The sap was collected by making an incision in the bark of the tree, and the sap that accumulated filled the air with such a pleasing scent that the Spaniards knew wherever the trees were located.76 It had such a strong odor that it was used as a perfume, and it was impossible to hide quantities of it “because its odor penetrates the houses and streets.”77 It was exported to Spain and used in place of

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storax “because its smoke and odor are similar.” It was also incorporated into aromatic confections and pastilles, useful medicinally for relief of colds. 78 Another mucilage was xilo, balsam that was considered by the Spanish to be a good imitation of the “true” balsam that came from Egypt. There were two ways to recover the balsam. In the first, one could tap the tree with an incision into the bark. This procedure did not yield much sap, but that collected was “excellent and perfect.” Another method was to cut the branches and wood of the tree into the smallest pieces possible, then boil them, let them cool, and collect with a shell the oil that floated on top. Named twelve times in the sources surveyed, balsam had a pleasing odor and was considered an excellent remedy for treating wounds, asthma, and problems of menstruation, of the bladder, liver, stomach, joints, and nerves.79 Copal (named ten times) was another important and versatile tree resin native to Yucatán and central and northwestern Mexico that was used as incense in religious ceremonies, as an adhesive, and as a medicine.80 The Nahua term copalli (pom in Maya) designated a number of different resins, whose sources and uses varied by region. In Oaxaca, for example, colonial officials reported that “there are many different resins [from] many trees of aromatic odors, that the naturales call ‘copal.’”81 Thus “copal” referred to resins from various tree species that generally grow in the topical and semitropical areas of Mesoamerica.82 Despite the variety of their sources, copal resins were clearly differentiated from others, including sweetgum/liquidambar and rubber.83 Like rubber, cotton, and chocolate, it was a major product in high demand in both Maya and Nahua cultures. Tribute records stipulate the collection of both unrefined copal and refined white copal for use as incense, and it was used in religious ceremonies to induce a t rance-­like state.84 Copal also served medicinal purposes, used as incense for relief of head colds, and described in the Relaciones as “gum given by some trees that they take and drink for bloody diarrhea, and some feel better.”85 Also from New Spain came tacamahaca, identified alternatively as a poplar resin used for toothache and to fortify the stomach, or as another type of resin from the Bursera genus used to treat tumors and muscle spasm.86 Tacamahaca was collected through tapping these trees, and it was “very odorous” and effective for relieving swelling and pain. 87 Its smoke was used to revive those who had fainted, and it also helped relieve back and joint pain.88 According to Monardes, “its uses are so celebrated that the people know of no other remedy for pain, except the use of this remedy.”89 Hernández described tacamahaca as a medicinal plant with small round, red fruits at the end of its shoots,

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which aided in ailments of the womb as well as toothaches and nerve problems. He claimed that tacamahaca tree “emits beads of gum well-­known throughout the world. . . . It cures wind pains, disperses sluggish and viscous humors, and corrects cold distempers.”90 Thus tacamahaca had a variety of useful medical applications. In addition to the antivenereals, the antidotes, and the gum resins were three other substances of the Nahua pharmacopoeia that entered the world market early on. These substances—­mechoacan, jalap (see fig. 4.7), and matlaliztic (also referred to in the sources as tlallantlaquacuitlapilli)—­were known to be effective purgatives, used throughout Mexico by indigenous communities and SpanFig. 4.7. Pharmacy jar for Jalap. iards alike. According to Monardes, “Many purExhibit in the Flynt Center of Early gative medicines are brought from different parts New England Life, Historic of the Indies . . . which have great effect.”91 Jalap Deerfield. Deerfield, Massachusetts, and mechoacan produced a juice, or “milk,” but USA. their roots were also dried and powdered. These two were also exported to Europe and by the eighteenth century they were commonplace items in the Galenic materia medica. There is some confusion over the exact designation of these materials and they were often considered interchangeable, “equal in their virtues,” although some argued that jalap was the strongest and matlaliztic the weakest, while others argued that mechoacan was the principal purgative of the three.92 A co lonial official in O axaca, for example, reported that “[of] the plants with which they cure themselves in this region, the most notable is the Mecuacan [sic] root. . . . [T]he Indians take it as a purge and they do well with it, as I have been told.”93 Mechoacan was also cited as an aid for problems with urination.94 Mechoacan root’s powerful abilities made it so popular that by 1565 its use had spread throughout Spain, Germany, and Flanders.95 FOODS, BEVERAGES, AND FLAVORINGS IN NAHUA PHARMACOLOGY

In addition to the cash crops was another set of medicines that served as grains, legumes, fruits, vegetables, and flavorings in the Mexican diet (see table 4.5). Similar to Galenic pharmacy, there was substantial overlap between foods and medicines in N ahua materia medica. In the Mesoamerican food complex, 166        Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 4.5: Important Foods and Flavorings in Nahua Pharmacology

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Medicine

Nahua Meaning/English Name

Number of Citations

Chili

Chile, chilli, Mexican pepper

20

Metl

Maguey

15

Achiotl

Achiote, annatto

12

Nochtli

Nopal, prickly pear cactus and tuna

8

Tomatl, tomates, xitomate

Green husk tomato

8

Tlaolli, atolli de

Maize, dried kernels of maize; atolli

7

Xalxocotl

“Sand plum,” guayaba, guava

7

Mizquitl

Mesquite

2

maize, beans, and squash predominated and were the most widespread and longstanding cultivated plants in M esoamerica.96 These plant staples of the Mesoamerican diet were supplemented by amaranth, chia, and cacti; various fruits and vegetables including tomatoes, avocados, guavas, zapotes, jicama, coconut, and pineapple; as well as a s eries of spices and flavorings, including peppers, annatto, cacao, vanilla, and various other aromatic flowers. Most of these materials were also named in the sources as having medicinal value, and maize and maguey especially played varied and important roles in Nahua medicine.97 Maize is one of the oldest and most widespread and genetically diverse crops in the Americas. Originating in Mexico, its versatility and high caloric content made it the most important staple in the Mesoamerican food complex.98 Given its ability to adapt to a wide range of elevations (from zero to eleven thousand feet above sea level) and climates, it was also the most widespread cultivated crop in the Americas at the time of Columbus’s arrival—­growing from what is today Canada to the Southern Cone. Exported throughout the world, today more corn is produced by weight than any other food. Evidence indicates that maize may have been cultivated as early as 5000 BCE, although the origins and process of its domestication are still subjects of debate.99 Maize processing remained stable throughout most of its history as a cultivated crop: its kernels were mixed with lime, cooked, laboriously ground into fine powder to make a masa called nixtamal, and baked into tortillas in much the same way for millennia.100 Associated with gods and origin myths, maize was strongly equated with life and fertility.101 It was also used medicinally, both as a medicine itself and, in the form of atole, as an important vehicle for ingesting medicinal substances. The people of Tepoztlán, for example, used a mixture of copper shavings, maize, and tizal (a “white earth”) ground together in water and put in the nostrils to staunch a bloody nose.102 Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas        167 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Varieties of cactus were also crucial to the Mesoamerican life-­ and foodways, serving as sources of food, beverage, fiber, and medicine. Of p rimary importance is the maguey cactus, metl in Nahuatl, which parallels maize in its role as a fundamental staple. A species of the agave, maguey grew wild and was cultivated throughout much of Mesoamerica, from lowlands to central highlands to the northern sierras. Another highly versatile crop, maguey can grow in dry conditions without requiring supplemental water, but produces copious amounts of sap that allowed human settlement in areas without access to fresh water. In fact, Carl Sauer has argued that presence of the maguey allowed settlement of the central highlands of Mexico, much of which are arid.103 Maguey sap is gathered by cutting and scraping out a hole in a recent shoot of the plant, into which as much as a pint of liquid collects daily. This liquid may be imbibed as is or boiled down and used as a sy rup, and the syrup can be fermented into pulque.104 The starchy stalk can also be roasted and eaten. Thus maguey served as an important source of sustenance and calories for Mesoamericans, and was cultivated in house gardens in central Mexico along with other vegetables, and in milpa fields interspersed with grains.105 It was also employed in crafts: maguey fibers served as a source for textiles, twine, baskets, and building material, and when burned, its ashes served as fertilizer. 106 Another important cactus to Mesoamericans was the nopal, though it served more of a supplementary role in the diet and was not a staple like maguey. The soft, fleshy leaves or pads of the nopal were (and still are) eaten, along with the round, pinkish fruit that grows on it, the tuna. It is also the host plant for cochineal insects, which were processed into a rich red dye that quickly became a valuable export of the viceroyalty.107 Both cacti served another purpose as well, as medicines in t he Nahua pharmacopoeia. Maguey was described by one official in the Relaciones as “a medicinal tree [used] for recent wounds and many other virtues which are so well-­known and written about so widely that I will not put them here.” In the Diocese of Mexico, inhabitants drank maguey sap and poured it on their heads as a cure for the typhus, bloody noses, and headaches they habitually suffered.108 In some areas, it was the only medicinal cure they had, and was repeatedly named as efficacious in healing wounds and lesions. In one case it was reported that “the Indians cure their wounds with a penca del maguey, which they heat and use the juice which comes out of it to heal.”109 Another medicinal plant material in the Nahua pharmacopoeia was mesquite, or mizquitl, a sm all, shrubby tree native to and inhabiting much of northwestern Mexico and comprising several species of the Prosopis genus. The mesquite has been vital to life in the “borderlands” regions of northwestern 168        Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Mexico and the United States Southwest, as almost every part of the tree is used to provide both food and shelter. Mesquite wood can be used for firewood, for carving or furniture construction, and as charcoal for flavoring grilled foods.110 The mesquite also produces pods with edible beans that can be roasted, boiled, or pounded into a mesquitamal flour.111Mesquite also served medicinally as an astringent and helped with bloody diarrhea and sores. The Nahua pharmacopoeia also included fruits, vegetables, spices, and flavorings. Tomatoes, named eight times, were an important part of the Mesoamerican food complex as well as its pharmacopoeia. Tomatoes originated in the Andes and coastal highlands of South America’s Pacific coast and may have arrived in Mesoamerica rather late, although they were cultivated and eaten by the Mexica when Cortés arrived. The Nahuas called the tomato the xitomatl (genus Lycosperium), or “large tomato” in contrast to the indigenous and botanically unrelated tomatl, or green husk tomato (Physalis genus), that they had long cultivated. Spaniards did not often differentiate between the two and thus there is much confusion in the early literature as to what is meant by the reference to a tomato. Europeans early on equated them with eggplant, and the botanist Pietro Andrea Mattioli referred to it as the “golden apple” (pomo d’oro).112 The Nahuas attributed several healing properties to tomatoes. Other fruits included guavas, or guayabas, a member of the myrtle family native to the tropical regions of southern Mexico and Central America and cultivated in the Caribbean as well.113 They are now cultivated in most tropical regions of the world.114 Guavas were used to treat a variety of ailments: the fruit was considered digestive; the bark was used against dysentery; and the leaves against mange.115 An important source of spice, dye, and medicine was annatto, which comes from the seeds of the flowers of the achiote, an evergreen tree native to Mesoamerica. When boiled over a lo ng period, the seeds produce a r ed dye that floats at the top of the boiling liquid, which was then gathered and formed into cakes and sold in the marketplace or sent to the Mexica as tribute.116 The dye also served as a flavoring, used to flavor and color the cacao beverage among the Maya. Achiote often grew alongside the cacao trees  around which the vanilla vines would wind, and it was a common feature of the Mayan agrosystem. Annatto was also used as a pigment for painting and as a medicine to treat bloody diarrhea.117 Peppers were another component of the Mesoamerican diet and pharmacopoeia. Different kinds of peppers were known in the Old World, including black pepper, native to Asia, and the Guinea, or Melegueta, pepper, native to Africa; but several varieties of capsicum peppers, known as chili peppers, were Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas        169 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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native to the Americas. Columbus identified two different peppers, one sweet and one spicy, growing in Hispaniola, and other varieties were soon noted.118 New World peppers originated on the American mainland and diffused to the Caribbean early, cultivated as early as 6000 BCE. The main species of pepper first cultivated in Mexico is Capsicum annum var. annum, which has varieties ranging from sweet to very spicy. They also had medicinal properties: peppers in the Diocese of Tlaxcala were mixed into cacao beverages to ease stomachache.119 Monardes also noted they were used to heat and comfort, and were good for the chest.120 NAHUA SIMPLES NOT EXPORTED

Finally, the Nahua pharmacopoeia also included medicinals that were of great importance to Nahua pharmacology and are often used in t he modern-­day healing (see table 4.6), but did not gain the approbation or, in some cases, the notice of the colonial establishment and were not exported to Europe. Mexican botanists, chemists, and ethnopharmacologists of the twentieth century have investigated many of these substances, carrying out chemical analysis to isolate their active compounds and compare their bioactivity to the effects indicated in Nahua sources. These modern researchers have paid most attention to a set of psychoactive plants in the pharmacopoeia, many of which are still in use, as well as a few others of continued significance in modern curanderismo in Mexico and the United States. The most prolific scholars in this area are Bernard Ortiz de Montellano and Xavier Lozoya, although many more have contributed to these efforts, which have played an important role in the establishment of a Mexican patrimony and pride in Nahua heritage.121 The narcotic plants used by the Nahuas, chiefly peyote cactus, hallucinogenic mushrooms, itzahuatl, and ololiuqui, have received perhaps the most attention, though they do not appear among the most cited medicines in the sources surveyed here.122 Evidence shows that they have been in use for millennia—­at least 5,700 years.123 These substances were outlawed by colonial officials and their use investigated by the Inquisition due, in part, to their alleged supernatural or “magical” properties and use in religious ritual. Some authors singled them out for censure, or may have avoided them altogether, for these reasons. Whatever the case, the substances were clearly of great significance among the Nahua but did not receive the same approbation from Spanish colonial officials that the antivenereals, antidotes, and purgatives did. Evidence suggests, however, that both were used surreptitiously throughout the colonial period.124 Two of these substances, iyautli/yauhtli (Tagetes lucida) and itzahuatl/ iztauhyatl (Mexican absinthe, or estasiate in Spanish), were associated with 170        Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Table 4.6: Important Nahua Medicines Not Exported (Often Used in Contemporary Folk Medicine) Medicine

Nahua Meaning/ English Name

Number of Citations

Cihuapatli

“Woman’s medicine”

12

Eztetl (stone)

Quartz or bloodstone

20

Iyauhtli, yauhtli, quauhyyautli

“Offered-up thing,” absinthe, wormwood, wild incense

33

Iztacpatli

“White medicine”

14

Iztauhyatl

Estasiate or Artemisia

16

Piedra bezoar Quauhtlepatli, cuauhtlepatli

Bezoar Stone “fire plant,” rhododendron

18 22

Tlacacahuatl, nueces de la tierra

“Earth beans/cacao beans,” nueces de la tierra, peanuts

25

Tlalamatlapahtli, tlalamatla, Joan infante, de metzitlan

Juan Infante herb

25

Tlalanquaye

Mexican pepper

24

Tlaquatzin (cola de, agua de)

“Thing that is eaten” with honorific -tzin, opossum, lizard

15

gods and used in religious rituals but also served medicinal purposes. They were and are still used to perform ritual cleansing for the body, and to dispel malos vientos (bad winds) from houses. They also have a di aphoretic effect similar to that of rue and rosemary, and chemical analysis of itzahyatl shows that it contains thujone and thujyl alcohol, which are both components of oil of wormwood/absinthe as well.125 Another medicine singled out for its psychotropic effects was ololiuqui. A member of the morning glory family, the ololiuqui has seeds with hallucinogenic and pain-­relieving properties stemming from alkaloids that are similar to synthetic LSD.126 In fact, experimentation with ololiuqui led Albert Hofmann to synthesize LSD in 1938.127 According to Hernández, eating ololiuqui produced “a thousand visions and satanic hallucinations,” and it was rubbed on sacrificial victims to numb flesh and dull the senses.128 Ruiz de Alarcón also remarked on its ability to make one “lose his mind because of the great potency of the seeds.”129 “An herb and fruit the size of a pepper,” ololiuqui was typically ground up and used medicinally to relieve pain and treat fevers.130 It is still used today by Zapotec and Mixtec peoples of Oaxaca.131 Other medicines of importance in the Nahua pharmacopoeia then and now were more benign. They included cihuapatli (Montanoa tomentosa), “women’s medicine,” an item of tribute demanded by the Mexica and still used today Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas        171 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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as a diuretic and stimulant of uterine contractions (due to its bioactive compound oxytocin).132 In addition to cihuapatli, iztacpatli, or “white medicine,” was described as a purgative and good for pain relief.133 Iztacpatli was said to purge phlegm.134 Another substance, Juan Infante herb, was used, according to Monardes, to treat wounds, especially arrow wounds. Spanish soldiers discovered it when an indigenous servant, Juan Infante, informed a wounded soldier of its efficacy. To use it, the herb was mashed and placed directly on the wound to staunch the bleeding and encourage scab formation. Because it did not grow everywhere, it was generally dried and carried along as a powder.135 The Nahua pharmacopoeia also included six aromatic flowers, which were often found in Nahua gardens and associated with specific gods, and as such had great religious significance and medical importance to the Mexica.136 Many (like tlilxochitl, the vanilla flower, and mecaxochitl, the flower of the pepper plant) were also mixed with chocolate. The aromatic flower cempoalxochitl, or “twenty flower” (Tagetes erecta), was used as a cathartic and sudorific, although modern studies do n ot corroborate its effectiveness. It is still used today in festivals.137 Yolloxochitl (Talauma mexicana), “heart flower,” was another aromatic valued for its great beauty and beautiful scent, often mixed with other flowers and worn as an amulet.138 Yolloxochitl was also said to comfort the heart, encourage fertility, calm fears, and cure paralysis, malaria, gout, and epilepsy.139 Hueynacaztli, another flower, was dried and ground with mecaxochitl and tlilxochitl and worn as an amulet.140 Huacalxochitl, “basket flower,” promoted fertility, and cacaloxochitl, “crow-­flower,” aided the stomach.141 Finally, izquixochitl, “toasted maize flower,” was valued for its beauty and fragrance in gardens but also recognized as an astringent good for digestion, chest ailments, and toothache.142 Techniques of Nahua Pharmacy

Given this overview of the Nahua pharmacopoeia, how were these materials applied and administered? What kinds of processing did t hey undergo? In many ways, the pharmaceutical techniques employed by the Nahua paralleled those of Galenic pharmacy. As with Galenic medicine, drug therapeutics was not the only modality in Mesoamerican healing: the Relaciones surveys regularly refer to balneotherapy (therapeutic baths), sweating, bleeding, and what appears to be a f orm of acupuncture.143 However, the use of medicinal substances in healing clearly held a prominent place in Nahua culture, in which simples were used more widely on their own than in E uropean pharmacy. Some compounding did take place, and there was widespread use of vehicles and binders, much like the Galenic tradition. Nevertheless, medicinal simples 172        Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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seem to have dominated Nahua drug therapy, and in that way it was different from Galenic pharmacy, in w hich the emphasis by the early modern period lay squarely on the compounding of medicines. Hernández, for example, criticized indigenous medicine for its simplicity in drug therapy, for mainly using simples.144 One exception to this is the Badianus Manuscript, which describes treatments consisting of different simples, but the extent of European influence upon this work has been debated. For the most part, Nahua medicines consisted mainly of one simple, with relatively little compounding. This practice does not mean, however, that Mesoamerican drug therapy and pharmaceutics lacked expertise or complexity. The Nahuas and others, first of all, employed a s eries of vehicles, binders, and levigating agents to apply, extend, preserve, or flavor medicines. Sources refer to the use of honey and agave syrup mixed with other simples, and simples were also powdered and added (as we have seen) to the cacao beverage as well as to corn-­based atole and to pulque from the maguey cactus. These practices merged with Galenic pharmacy and Old World simples in the development of a tradition of rural, rustic medicine.145 Urine was also used in the New World as in the Old as a solvent, astringent, and cleansing agent. Processing of simples took place as well. Nahuas used specific parts of plants and animals to make medicines—­ the tail, hooves, and claws of animals were incorporated into medicines, and hooves and claws burned to recover and use their alkaline ash. Roots, stalks, stems, seeds, flowers, and leaves of plants were used, as well as the “bones” of the maguey and avocado. Processing included mashing, grinding, cooking, and pressing simples. Monardes’s description of the indigenous formulation of fig oil, for example, reveals that it was done in the same way as Dioscorides had suggested in De materia medica: first, the fig seed was cooked in water and the oil that floated on top collected with a spoon, “and in this way the oils of fruits and seeds and tree branches are made, and it is used frequently by the Indians.”146 In addition, poultices, plasters and ointments were made with fats, gums and resins such as latex and the waxy insect residue axin. Thus Nahua pharmaceutics and pharmaceutical technology had many parallels with those of Europe, although much more emphasis was placed on the use of simples. New World Ethnobotanical Exports and the Impact on Galenic Pharmacy

With the rich pharmacopoeia of the New World revealed in t he sixteenth-­ century reports and the growing medicinal exports, word spread through Europe of the natural resources available in New Spain. Monardes’s treatise became a b estseller, translated and republished in m any languages, and the Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas        173 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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manuscripts of Hernández and Sahagún circulated among learned communities, even if they were not immediately published. There was, thus, great interest among Europeans in New World medicines, interest that was actively encouraged by those who emphasized its medicinal bounty. Monardes, for example, praised the natural treasures of the New World, including the precious minerals, the gold and silver, the pearls, the amazing animals, the wool, cotton, cochineal, hides, sugar, copper, and brazilwood, all of which represented “great and incredible riches.”147 But for Monardes, the true riches of the Indies were found in their medicines—­the plants there “that have great medicinal virtues, . . . so efficacious that they greatly exceed in value and price everything else.”148 These were medicines that “the whole world lacked” and the ancients had known nothing about—­but now the Spanish had discovered and brought to Europe “new medicines and new remedies with which to cure many illnesses that were thought incurable, without remedy.”149 Hernández also encouraged the Spanish Crown to import these substances so that Spain would no longer need to rely on any other area for its medicines, and so that the rest of the world could benefit from their abundance and efficacy. “As I understand it,” Hernández wrote to Philip II, “this will be such a grand enterprise that there will be no need to bring to the Indies medicines from Spain, nor to Spain from Alexandria . . . and that not only will the whole world rejoice, but it will be astounded, and your Majesty will gain even more renown and eternal fame, more than princes of old ever received from their victories and empires.”150 The “secret treasure” of these lands would be especially useful, “for we know how very expensive medicine is.”151 Imported to Spain, transplanted, and acclimatized, they would also benefit the world by promoting “universal health” and reducing the high cost of medicine.152 Given this approbation and high praise, one might expect to see much interest in and export of New World plants to Europe in the sixteenth century—­and there was, as documented by many authors in the twentieth century.153 Some Mesoamerican foods (which also served as medicines) diffused to Afro-­Eurasia very quickly—­so quickly, in fac t, that later European authors assumed that some American food plants had originated in Asia.154 American chili peppers were especially popular in Indian and Asian cuisine, thought to have better flavor than Eastern peppers.155 Nevertheless, the overarching argument of scholars tracing the impact of New World plants, and especially medicines, on Europe has been, until recently, that they had relatively little influence early on and that there was a delay in European understanding and incorporation of these medicines. Scholars attribute this hesitating and delayed acceptance to the inertia of European medical practices and publication, and an initial distrust of new 174        Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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substances that, they argue, had to be fit into a Galenic humoral framework. In addition, many of the reports (as mentioned above), with the prominent exception of Monardes, remained unpublished for decades or more. And given the wide array of medicines in the Nahua pharmacopoeia, only a relative few were incorporated into Galenic pharmacy in the sixteenth century—­tobacco, sarsaparilla, guayacan, jalap, mechoacan, and less often, vanilla, ocotzotl and balsam. Apothecary shops and formularies in Italy, England, and France show similar results, incorporating a few select American simples, and only a fraction of those described by Monardes.156 Despite European interest in American medicines, these results have led scholars such as John Worth Estes to minimize their contribution and effectiveness, and claim that “little of truly lasting therapeutic value came from the New World.”157 Such statements support his larger “negative hypothesis” that “on the whole, American plants contributed little to scientific botany for many years.”158 More recently, Teresa Huguet-­Termes has challenged this assumption, arguing that official pharmacopoeias notwithstanding, American medicines did have an impact on Europe in ways outside of or apart from official documentary evidence. First, the unpublished reports of American medicines certainly circulated among learned circles in b oth Europe and the Americas. Second, Huguet-­Termes contends that American medicines were imported to Europe and likely used in the domestic sphere outside the official medical marketplace. Indeed, she and others have pointed out that thousands of pounds of American simples—­guayacan, sarsaparilla, mechoacan, jalap, and others—­crossed the Atlantic in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries, indicating clear demand and a pattern of consumption that eluded the medical establishment. Despite his “negative hypothesis,” Estes also noted large numbers of imports of New World medicines in the transatlantic trade, asserting that “it is hard to agree that they were only incidental imports from the New World, arriving merely as practical ballast, as has been postulated.” Others, including Pierre Chaunu, have argued that plant substances, many of which were medicinal, were second in New World imports only to the cash crops of cochineal, indigo, and sugar.159 According to Estes (who uses Chaunu’s figures), 209 tons of canafistula (naturalized in Santo Domingo in the early sixteenth century), 670 tons of sarsaparilla, and 930 tons of guayacan were exported from New Spain between 1586 and 1619—­a whopping total of 1,800 tons.160 These arguments lead to two conclusions: first, Europeans adopted only a select few of the New World medicines uncovered by sixteenth-­century ethnobotanical investigations; and second, these medicines were imported in very large amounts. My research into the Nahua materia medica and its impact on Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas        175 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 4.7: Native American Simples in Later Spanish Pharmaceutical Texts (n = 19)

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Materia medica

Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (out of 502)

Farmacopea Espanola (out of 328)

Balsamum de mecha, verum

1

Balsamum de tolu

1

Balsamum peruvianum

1

Caranna

1

China

1

1

Contrayerva

1

1

Guajaci (palo santo)

1

1

Ipecacuanha

1

1

Mechoacan

1

1

Nicotiana

1

1

Nicotiana nostra

1

Nicotiana peruviana, seu indica

1

Piper hispanicum

1

Quina

1

Resina anime officinis (animecopal, copal)

1

1

Sarsaparilla

1

1

Serpentaria virginiana Tacamahaca

1 1

1

15

13

Vanilla Total

1

Galenic pharmacy in S pain and New Spain shows similar trends: there was widespread evidence of European interest in New World drugs in the sixteenth century, with a number of Spanish reports produced regarding their medicinal uses. There is also evidence of regular exports of a select few medicines from the Americas to Spain that arrived in large quantities. For the most part, these select few consisted of the cash crops and the medicinal exports outlined above and evident in the Herrera pharmacy, chief among which were tobacco, cacao, vanilla, sarsaparilla, guayacan, jalap, and mechoacan. The Spanish Crown, for example, solicited regular quantities of cochineal, vanilla, cacao, and tobacco throughout the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.161 In addition, apothecaries at the Royal Pharmacy in Madrid, which served the royal family and court, received annual shipments of jalap, mechoacan, sassafras, liquidambar, and sarsaparilla from New Spain.162 In his treatise on Mexico in the early nineteenth century, Alexander von Humboldt described the importance of cotton, tobacco, maguey, and cochineal to colonial industry, as well as sarsaparilla and 176        Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Table 4.8: Native American Substances in Late 16th/Early 17th-Century Prescriptions in New Spain Ingredient in How Many Different Medicines

Percentage of Total

Traditional nonaromatic, mainly Mediterranean/Indo-Mediterranean herb

472

64

Type of Substance

Traditional aromatics

104

14

Traditional gums, resins

80

11

Traditional mineral/inorganic substances

41

5

Traditional animal substances

28

4

Native American substances

14

2

739

100

Total

jalap (and in addition, other South American medicinal plants like quina). In 1802, for example, 187,000 pounds of jalap root arrived in C ádiz, valued at 375,000 pesos.163 Despite the amount of imports, however, these materials still constituted only a fraction of the Nahua materia medica as revealed in the primary sources. In two eighteenth-­and nineteenth-­century Spanish formularies, only 19 (3 percent) of the 830 total simples they collectively named were native American (see table 4.7). Even in New Spain, pharmacies tended to carry simples native to Afro-­Eurasia (though many were transplanted), relying on traditional Galenic materia medica. Prescription lists from the late sixteenth and early seventeenth century, for example, incorporate very few American substances—­they made up only 14 (2 percent) of the 739 total ingredients of the prescription recipes (see table 4.8 and appendix 5), consisting of the usual guayacan, mechoacan root, sarsaparilla, China root, and tacamahaca. Moving into the eighteenth century, American substances began to appear more regularly in pharmacies, but still constituted only a small fraction of the Nahua pharmacopoeia. Pharmacy inventories of the eighteenth century included twenty-­three different substances of American origin (see table 4.9). O ut of nine inventories, jalap, guayacan, mechoacan, and sassafras were found in seven or eight of them; tacamahaca and copal were in six; caranna gum, contrayerva, and sarsaparilla were in five; China root in three; and cochineal in one. Inventories also included new substances from northwestern New Spain—­jojoba and arnica—­that were the results of ongoing eighteenth-­century investigations, as well as the addition of South American medicines—­quinine, ipecac, and calaguala—­that were becoming more and more commonplace with intercolonial trade. Native American substances made up only 12 percent of the medicinal simples of the typical Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas        177 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 4.9: Native American Plant Simples in 18th-Century Mexican Pharmacy Inventories

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Simple

Frequency (in How Many Pharmacies)

Arnica Calaguala peruviana Cashew China root Cochineal Contrayerva

1 5 6 3 1 5

Guachalala Guayacan

1 7

Gum, caranna Gum, copal

5 6

Gum of Sonora

Species Name

Native Region(s)

Phlebodium decumanum (Willd.) J. Sm. Anacardium occidentale L.

America: North, Central, South America: South

Dorstenia contrajerva L.

America: Central, South America: North (Mexico) and South

5

Bulnesia sarmientoi Lorentz ex Griseb., Handroanthus billbergii subsp. ampla (A. H. Gentry) S. Grose, Handroanthus chrysanthus subsp. Chrysanthus, Handroanthus guayacan (Seem.) S. Grose, Leptolobium panamense (Benth.) Sch. Rodr. & A. M. G. Azevedo Mauritiella aculeata (Kunth) Burret Schinus terebinthifolia Raddi; Hymenaea courbaril L. Larrea tridentata (DC.) Coville

Gum, tacamahaca

6

Populus balsamifera L.

Ipecac

7

Jalap root, resin

8

Carapichea ipecacuanha (Brot.) L. Andersson Ipomoea purga (Wender.) Hayne

Jojoba

3

Mechoacan, leche de mechoacan Quatecomate Quina-Cascaras de loxa (quina) Sarsaparilla

7

Simmondsia chinensis (Link) C. K. Schneid. Ipomoea purga (Wender.) Hayne

2 5

Cinchona calisaya Wedd.

Sassafras

7

Smilax aristolochiifolia Mill., Smilax febrifuga Kunth; Smilax regelii Killip & C. V. Morton Sassafras albidum (Nutt.) Nees

Shrub trefoil/ Dorycnion

3

Ptelea trifoliata L.

5

America: South America: South, Central America: North (U.S., Mexico: North and Central) America: North (Canada, U.S.) America: Central, South America: North (Mexico) America: North America: Central

America: Central, South America: Central, South America: North (all over U.S.) America: North, Central

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pharmacy inventory—­an increase from the 2 percent in the prescriptions and the 3 percent in the texts, but still a relative minority when compared to the predominance of the Indo-­Mediterranean substances. Bioprospecting and National Patrimony

The rich Nahua pharmacopoeia did have some impact on its European counterpart in the colonial period, but not to the extent it might have. Of the top 110 medicines I have identified in t he Nahua pharmacopoeia—­themselves culled from lists of many more than that—­only a handful were exported on a large scale, and even fewer incorporated into the European pharmacopeia. The fact that herbs from it are still used in traditional healing in Mexico and the United States today, and that chemical analysis has confirmed their bioactivity, indicate that this pharmacopoeia is replete with natural resources. This situation has not been lost on modern pharmaceutical companies in the West, who partner with academic teams to conduct “bioprospecting,” or ethnobotanical research for new drug discovery, seeking to know and exploit the natural biota of “biodiversity-­rich” areas, most of which are located in the Southern Hemisphere in so-­called developing nations. These investigations are replete with ethical issues involving the acquisition of natural resources—­who has rights to access and how to ensure “equitable returns” to those who provide the information.164 Although it is a relatively new term, bioprospecting is not a new phenomenon. The Spanish Crown was well aware that the findings of Hernández and Sahagún had not been fully exploited, and launched in the eighteenth century a series of initiatives aimed at finishing the project that Hernández had begun and extending ethnobotanical investigation to the north and south of the central altiplano and lowland areas of the Gulf of Mexico. This renewed attention to New Spain’s natural resources was part of a new attention paid to natural history as the basis for economic self-­sufficiency and Enlightened reform in Spain.165 It included Crown support for scientific expeditions to the Americas, several of which were aimed at natural history and botanical investigations, with a s trong focus on medicinal plants. Outfitted with trained naturalists, pharmacists, and artists, these expeditions received substantial financial support. Parallel to these expeditions was the continuation of relaciones initiatives that had an increasing focus on natural history, in which Crown orders directed local officials to investigate local natural resources and send descriptions and specimens, along with detailed information about their uses and botanical characteristics.166 These directives appear to have targeted the “fringe” areas outside the colonial core of the viceroyalty, including Sonora and Sinaloa as Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas        179 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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well as Guatemala, and yielded dozens of local medicines previously unknown to Spaniards, of which again only a few—­Sonora gum, arnica, and jojoba—­ gained widespread recognition. 167 In addition to these initiatives, botanical gardens were established in urban centers throughout the Spanish empire, in Spain and the Canary Islands as well as Havana, Lima, and Mexico City, to transplant, acclimatize, and cultivate useful plants and provide instruction in botany and chemistry for local apothecaries. Historian Francisco Javier Puerto Sarmiento has argued that these initiatives ultimately led to very little gain compared to the amount of resources poured into them.168 The Napoleonic invasion of Spain in 1808 and the disruption of sovereign ties with Spanish American viceroyalties that ensued, along with the outbreak of popular insurrection, served to destabilize scientific endeavors and interrupt communication among urban centers in New Spain—­and throughout Spanish America generally. That Spain would ultimately lose virtually all mainland colonies also halted imperial information-­gathering efforts, with the exception of Cuba, which remained under Spanish rule and where these efforts continued until 1898. Thus it may be true that the independence movements prevented Spain’s imperial government from reaping the benefits of all it sowed, but knowledge of the indigenous plants that were documented certainly had a major impact on Mexican patrimony more locally. As leaders of the newly independent Republic of Mexico sought to consolidate and create a national identity apart from its colonial past, Mexico’s rich natural bounty and especially its medicinal plants, its herbolaria, would serve as a fount of national pride, not only for what it demonstrated about the richness of the land itself but also for its connection to an indigenous past. Scholars have written of the creation of a Mexican national identity through appropriation of indigenous, and especially Aztec or Mexica symbols and heritage, with Mexican elites adopting the Mexica past as their own.169 The Mexican herbolaria, which included the Nahua pharmacopoeia along with herbs investigated subsequently, also contributed to the emergence of a specifically Mexican identity and elite pride. This contribution began, arguably, with the establishment in Mexico of two eighteenth-­century periodicals, the Gazeta de Literatura and the Gazeta de Mexico, that included regular notices and advertisements about the efficacy of indigenous medicines.170 It continued through the nineteenth century and the birth of the new nation with the publication of a series of national formularies that celebrated Mexico’s patrimony through its unparalleled natural resources.171 This genre of “patriotic pharmacopoeia” may be traced from Vicente Cervantes’s Discurso sobre las plantas medicinales que crecen en las cercanías de México (1791), which served as the basis for the later 180        Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 4.8. Title page of Ensayo para la materia médica mexicana (Puebla: Oficina del hospital de San Pedro, 1832).

Ensayo para la materia medica mexicana (1832; see fig. 4.8), which was meant to provide “a pharmacopoeia in w hich native or Indian drugs would always have a preferential place.”172 The essay celebrated the fecundity of Mexico’s biota, declaring that Mexican soil produced “with ferocity” such a bounty of “precious vegetales” that native plants ought to completely replace the use of nonnative simples of the Galenic tradition.173 Others concurred, arguing that Mexico’s natural resources could account for almost all necessary remedies in the country, and that “Mexico can glory in having its own materia medica, made up only of remedies whose virtue is indisputable.”174 Subsequent pharmacopoeias published throughout the century went on to highlight and emphasize indigenous materia medica, a sign of Mexico’s rich patrimony and gifts, and modern researchers have continued the tradition. In 1832, the Academy of Pharmacy was established to facilitate the writing of an official formulary, the Farmacopoea Mexicana, eventually published in 1846.175 Its main purpose, like that of the Ensayo, was to emphasize the use of indigenous simples that could be substituted for imported ones.176 The formulary was edited and updated by the publication in 1874 of the Nueva Farmacopea Mexicana (with a second edition published in 1884 and a third in 1896) by the newly founded Sociedad Farmacéutica, the former pharmacy academy by then defunct.177 After the Paris World’s Fair in 1889, where 2,500 indigenous simples were displayed, the Porfirian government organized the Instituto Médico Nacional, whose purpose was, in part, to conduct experiments on indigenous materia medica, evaluate their properties, identify bioactive compounds, and conduct clinical testing in local hospitals with the goal of helping to foment the Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas        181 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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pharmaceutical industry in Mexico using “popular knowledge.”178 These efforts have continued on and off over the course of the twentieth century and into the twenty-­first, through the establishment of various institutes and government organizations, and through regional and national surveys conducted by individual botanists and anthropologists.179 At the base of much of this research lie the lists and catalogues prepared by Hernández, Sahagún, and Martín de la Cruz, which serve as an important basis for Mexico’s national identity and national pride even today. Hernández especially still stands as an authority and sometimes the only source of historical knowledge about a p articular plant. Despite all these efforts, however, we still only know of a fraction of the medicines used by the Nahuas—­and so the research into this rich heritage continues.

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FIVE The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy and the Chemico-­Galenic Compromise

J

acinto de H errera’s Mexico City pharmacy was typical of early modern Galenic pharmacy in t he simples and compounds it contained. The pharmacy also held some of the classic texts of Galenic pharmacy, including works by Mesue as well as Amato Lusitano’s translation of De materia medica. Its presses, mortars, pestles, flasks, and ovens were indicative that the four main Galenic operations outlined in M esue’s Canons—­washing, grinding, cooking, and infusing—­were regularly taking place there, to foster the efficacy of a simple’s power or mitigate an overly strong purgative. The pharmacy also held simples native to the Americas—­guayacan, sarsaparilla, mechoacan, and jalap—­that were an early modern addition to Galenic materia medica but by the eighteenth century had become firmly entrenched in Galenic pharmacy. All of these substances, texts, equipment, and operations are indications that the Herrera pharmacy was typical of the Galenic tradition. In addition to its Galenic contents, however, the pharmacy also held a number of remedies decidedly not part of the Galenic tradition, processed according to methods and using equipment that were not included in Mesue’s four operations, with the intent and ability to extract and concentrate medicinal virtues. Nor were these remedies, like the American simples, a product of the Americas; rather, they stemmed from a long tradition of alchemical practice 183

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in the Mediterranean world. The remedies in q uestion included medicinal waters, spirits, salts, tinctures, essences, and extracts that were formulated by alchemical means—­through thermochemical operations that used high heat to manipulate substances, either by extracting and purifying its components, as in distillation and sublimation, or by burning substances to produce an ash or “calx,” as in calcination. Substances were also manipulated through solvent extraction, akin to Mesue’s washing, but employed in conjunction with these other operations. These procedures had been used in the Greco-­Roman practice of alchemy since antiquity, with the original goal of transmuting base metals to gold, later adapted in the Latin Middle Ages to pharmaceutical purposes in the formulation of medicines. Whether transmuting metals or formulating medicines, however, the underlying goal of alchemical manipulation was the same: to extract the immutable, perfect essence of a substance and apply it to the “diseased” metal or human body to elicit or restore balance and health. Over time, this tradition resulted in an alchemical formulary that paralleled that of Galenic pharmacy, and by the eighteenth century, as evident in the contents of the Herrera pharmacy, the two traditions had joined together in what has been called a “chemico-­Galenic compromise.” Indeed, in addition to the myriad Galenic ointments, oils, plasters, syrups, and troches, Jacinto de Herrera’s pharmacy in Mexico City contained a number of these alchemical formulations, including “aromatic waters”; spirit of anise and spirit of powdered deer antler; extracts of rhubarb, rue, and hellebore; tinctures of aloe and saffron; and snake salt and salt of deer antler. For use in formulating these medicines, the pharmacy contained two stills and four sublimators, along with an assortment of flasks, funnels, retorts, and water baths. Recipes for these medicines were to be found in several books in the pharmacy that featured the chemico-­Galenic compromise: the Palestra pharmaceutica by Félix Palacios, the Tyrocinium pharmaceuticum, theorico-­practicum, galeno-­ chymicum by Juan de Loeches, and the Pharmacopoeia Matritensis, the standard formulary for the Spanish Empire.1 These findings indicate that at some point around the turn of the eighteenth century, a major change in traditional pharmacy had taken place with the addition of alchemical remedies to the traditional Galenic compounds, remedies that involved alchemical operations and equipment as well.2 How did this transformation come about, and what did it entail? Historians of science and medicine in early modern Europe have long been aware of the development of these alchemical remedies—­commonly referred to as chemical medicine, chymiatria, and iatrochemistry—­in the early modern period, and the history of medical alchemy is a growing field.3 However, 184        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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the pharmaceutical aspects of chemical medicine—­the medicines that were produced with it, their adoption by apothecaries, and the essential union of Galenic and alchemical pharmacy around the later seventeenth century—­ remain almost wholly unexplored.4 Furthermore, discussions of chymiatria usually attribute its origins to Paracelsus, the sixteenth-­century physician who rejected the Galenic medical paradigm and advocated specific chemical remedies for specific diseases.5 When approached from the perspective of pharmacy, however, the development of chemical medicine bears little evidence of Paracelsian influence, and the origins of the field must be sought elsewhere, earlier in time.6 The purpose of this chapter is to explain the origins of chemical medicine—­or, more accurately, alchemical pharmacy—­in the medieval period, and the theories and practices that spurred the development of new types and categories of alchemical medicines in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries that were later appended to Galenic pharmacy. This chemico-­Galenic union represents the final major transformation of Galenic pharmacy and also sowed the seeds for its eventual demise, as chemical analysis and manufacture of synthetic drugs began to take over traditional Galenic practice in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries. Such an investigation requires an examination of the origins of alchemy itself in the Mediterranean world of late antiquity and its development in the work of medieval Arabic authors. Inspired by their translated alchemical treatises, Latin authors of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries built upon their ideas and expanded alchemical practice to the field of medicine. Just as Hellenistic and Arabic authors sought universal catalysts—­elixirs or the philosophers’ stone—­to transmute base metals into gold, Latin authors sought to create universal medicines that could prolong life and restore youth. As such, they used alchemical techniques to formulate different elixirs and stones to which they attributed universal healing qualities. These elixirs would work on the human body in the same way that they worked on base metals, by creating or restoring a perfect balance of elements or humors within the body that would in turn resist corruption and thus be immutable. Late medieval authors believed the elixirs to consist of divine material instilled by God in nature, and came to equate them with the dunamis, the medicine’s power or virtue. Like Mesue, alchemical authors argued that the medicinal virtue was conferred by the celestial realms, the “starry Heaven,” and saw it as a divine seed or essence implanted within medicinal materials. They differed from Mesue, however, in arguing that this seed required extraction from its material trappings, via alchemical means, to optimize and concentrate its full power.7 Although Mesue, too, argued for the physical manipulation of the virtue—­its correction—­his methods generally The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        185 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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favored slow and careful heating or prolonged infusion, and eschewed the high heat needed for distillation, sublimation, and calcination, which could alter and dissipate the virtue. He also advocated for the modulation of virtues, weakening strong ones as well as strengthening weak ones, rather than the wholesale concentration of the virtue to create a sort of miraculous superpower. Despite having a similar concept of the medicinal virtue, then, Galenic pharmacy and alchemical pharmacy had fundamental differences and did not merge in the thirteenth century but instead developed along separate but arguably parallel paths. For alchemical pharmacy, the ideal of a universal super-­ remedy formulated by extracting a divine virtue or essence from its terrestrial trappings continued to garner significant attention in certain alchemical texts of the early modern period, which included recipes for various quintessences and “elixirs of life” well into the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The miraculous healing qualities attributed to them, however, began to receive less emphasis as these medicines underwent changes from the medieval to the early modern period. In the first place, whereas the medieval elixir or quintessence was originally made from a r elatively small number of ingredients with an emphasis on distillation, early modern alchemical medicines included a much wider range of ingredients, eventually including the entire array of Galenic materia medica. They also reflected broader use of alchemical operations: in addition to collecting extracted virtues in t he liquid distillates, practitioners also made medicines through repeated filtration, solvent extraction, and evaporation techniques, and turned their attention to the material (termed the marc or caput mortem) left over in the cucurbit following distillation. As these techniques gained greater use and currency in alchemical pharmacy, new categories of medicines emerged, classed according to the materials and methods used to create them. These included waters, oils, and spirits formulated through distillation; extracts, essences, and tinctures formulated by dissolving simples in solvents and filtering them repeatedly; and salts formulated by the calcination of simples and dissolving and filtering the ash, followed by “coagulation,” or the evaporation of a cr ystalline precipitate. All of these techniques were known and had been employed in artisanal and craft traditions for centuries, but were now applied in the formulation of medicines and on a wider scale than ever before. Some of the “new” medicines, furthermore, had been produced since the thirteenth century (or earlier) but had been classed under less precise, more universal categories as panacea-­like elixirs or quintessences. Over the course of the sixteenth century, the categories gained more precision, with the ultimate result that a n ew, alternate formulary of alchemical medicines developed parallel to traditional, Galenic pharmacy. By 186        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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the late seventeenth century, the two traditions had merged, resulting in the combination of Galenic and chemical remedies and the books of the chemico-­ Galenic compromise found in the Herrera pharmacy. Historiography of Chemical Medicine

Historians of science and medicine have produced many valuable works on the development of chemical medicine, chymiatria, and iatrochemistry, with recent emphasis on workshop practice and laboratory methods, materials, and techniques.8 Despite all that has been written, however, questions as to the origins of alchemical pharmacy and of its relationship to the more mainstream Galenic pharmacy remain largely unanswered. Works addressing early modern chemical medicines assume that the tradition is a legacy of of Paracelsus, and anything resembling the application of chemical techniques to the production of medicines is often labeled “Paracelsian.”9 Until recently, moreover, historians of iatrochemistry have rarely addressed the alchemical basis of the field and have tended to characterize early modern iatrochemical texts as part of a “didactic” tradition—­as textbooks designed to instruct colleagues on the order and workings of nature.10 Historians of alchemy have, conversely, tended to emphasize metallic transmutation and the production of gold (chrysopoeia) with relatively little discussion of alchemically formulated medicine, though that is changing.11 The result is an overall lack of attention to the recipes in the iatrochemical texts. Although these texts are discussed frequently, and historians demonstrate awareness of the medical nature of the authors’ pursuits, the texts have not, thus far, been adequately placed within a medical or, more appropriately, pharmaceutical context. The alchemical texts examined in this chapter are fundamentally of a pharmaceutical nature. Their authors were writing formularies, not textbooks. Most include some introductory remarks to readers explaining the theory and reasons for the creation of the new medicines they describe. But for the publications examined in this chapter, like their counterparts in Galenic pharmacy, the main purpose was to present recipes for formulating waters, salts, essences, extracts, spirits, and tinctures. Yet these recipes remain little understood, for two main reasons. First, more research is needed on the tradition of medieval medical alchemy in which these recipes originated in order to understand better the foundation upon which Paracelsus built but did not conceive of himself.12 Second, persistent lack of understanding of Galenic pharmacy and its medieval and early modern development has made it difficult to place the chemical recipes in a l arger context. This deficit is amplified by the lack of understanding of the significant connection between chemistry and pharmacy.13 When the The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        187 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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chemical medicine texts are compared to Galenic formularies, the fact that they represent a parallel alchemical formulary becomes clear, and their purpose and significance obvious. These recipes mimicked their counterparts in Galenic pharmacy, but used different techniques, different equipment, and sometimes different materials. Approached from a pharmaceutical viewpoint and placed within the history of pharmacy, these works and their recipes can be recognized and better understood for what they were: pharmaceutical formularies implementing alchemical methods. They were not written as didactic tools to organize nature and instruct chemists; rather, they were, for the most part, practical manuals designed for practitioners—­apothecaries and alchemists—­employed in p harmaceutical formulation. When viewed in t his context, furthermore, Paracelsus becomes one of many authors contributing to the development of this new formulary—­an eccentric figure, perhaps, but with regard to his recipes, certainly not a revolutionary nor the sole agent of a watershed period. Alchemy, Pharmacy, and the Craft Traditions

The inclusion of alchemical operations and materials in pharmacy goes back centuries, long before the union of Galenic and alchemical pharmacy in the seventeenth century. Each enterprise developed from shared roots in the craft traditions of the ancient Mediterranean. The operations that came to be associated with chemistry and alchemical techniques later on—­distillation, sublimation, calcination, fermentation, and solvent extraction—­were recognized and utilized in ancient societies from Mesopotamia to Egypt for brewing, smelting, metalworking, making glass and pottery glazes, synthesizing metallic ores used as pigments and dyes, and crafting perfumes.14 They provided much of the material and technical basis for many different artistic and artisanal traditions, including pharmacy and alchemy.15 The ancient pharmacopoeia had long incorporated a number of chemical substances—­substances of mineral origin and the products of chemical manipulation—­that were part of this larger craft tradition. These substances included metallic ores like cinnabar, white lead, and verdigris, which occur in nature but can also be made synthetically; alkaline products derived from the ash of plant and animal parts; and the components of plant, animal, and mineral substances recovered through the early techniques of distillation. These materials and techniques were long used in various artistic and artisanal recipes, as is evident in a number of early texts, including the Leiden and Stockholm papyri of early fourth-­century Alexandria as well as the Mappae Clavicula, a compilation of these and other recipes that first appeared in 188        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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the eighth century.16 Some of the recipes and their products had medicinal applications as well, and entered pharmaceutical practice. They appear in a unique pharmaceutical treatise from tenth-­century Spain, where they were codified and clearly described. This treatise, the Liber Servitoris, was written by the Cordoban physician Abulcasis/Abū al-­Qāsim al-­Zahrāwī (936–1013) and focused largely on the processing of simples using mainly alchemical procedures or, according to the author, “on the improvement of drugs and the burning of mineral stones and what of the same could be useful in medicine” (see fig. 5.1).17 The treatise includes detailed instructions on how to calcine plant, animal, and mineral materials; Fig. 5.1. Title page to al-­Zahrāwī’s how to produce and purify metal ores and alloys Libro servidor, trans. Alonso de Tudela such as white lead, litharge, verdigris, orpiment (Valladolid: Arnao Guille[n], 1515). (yellow arsenic), realgar (red arsenic), and vermillion through distillation and sublimation; how to produce distilled vinegar, rosewater, camphor water, and brick oil (made by crushing and distilling bricks, which then released the asphalt used to bind them).18 The Liber was well known to early modern Europeans in the medical community, with at least ten editions of the work published before 1501.19 These recipes and techniques appeared in subsequent medical formularies of the late Middle Ages. In his Antidotarium, Arnald de Villanova (1235–1311) presented distillation and sublimation as two new operations for the crafting of medicines in Galenic pharmacy.20 In so doing, he may have been following al-­Zahrāwī or the Latin authors of medical treatises such as Peter of Spain, Teodorico Borgongnoni, or Taddeo Alderotti.21 By the 1260s, these authors were incorporating what they had learned about these techniques from newly translated works of Ibn Sīnā and al-­Rāzī. Included in these works were descriptions of “sublimated arsenic,” used as a caustic, as well as “blessed oil of bricks” (also referred to as “philosophers’ oil”). Rosewater and other distilled waters were also important products of distillation in t he treatises, used widely in A rabic and Latin medicine, as was aqua ardens, also called aqua vitae and “spirit of wine,” purified alcohol made from distilling wine.22 These products were included in subsequent pharmaceutical works as well: in the Grabadin, Mesue discusses a new category of “oils made through resolution, as when material of another type is enclosed in a body, and by the force of heat is separated.”23 He The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        189 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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names the distilled philosophers’ oil and also says that decoctions may be made by cooking simples in “plain water or in water distilled from wine or another liquor.”24 In the late fifteenth century Saladino da Ascoli listed forty-­three distilled waters, including violet, endive, chicory, fennel, mint, borage, wormwood, and sorrel, among others. Ascoli noted in his Compendio de los boticarios that these were formulated “according to the Servidor [Liber Servitoris]” of al-­Zahrāwī, and added that the “agua de vida or what is also called the agua ardiente from wine is marvelous for many things with regard to the health of men.”25 He also listed aceite de ladrillos, brick oil, among the oils that apothecaries needed to stock.26 In the sixteenth century, Bernardino de Laredo explained in detail how to carry out a distillation, and Fernando Sepúlveda (referring to “Albu” [Abulcasis, meaning al-­Zahrāwī] in the “Servitore” [Liber Servitoris] and to Mesue), Antonio de Castels, and Alonso de Jubera discussed distilled oils in their pharmaceutical works.27 Castels expanded the number of substances from which to derive distilled oils: not only from bricks but from wax and other animal products, as well as “odorific herbs” and “aromatic drugs.”28 Thus the thermochemical techniques of distillation, sublimation, and calcination were long known to apothecaries and had a part, however limited, in the Galenic pharmaceutical tradition. But overall, these incursions of alchemical medicine and technique remained marginal to the profession and its practices well into the sixteenth century. Michael McVaugh argues that a cooling of enthusiasm within the Latin medical community soon followed the initial excitement brought on by the discovery of these new techniques for making medicines.29 The reason for this distancing, he suggests, is that the procedures involved were too difficult for anyone but a trained specialist, embodied in the new artisanal class of alchemists, who were taking over these procedures.30 Multiple incidental references in the subsequent pharmaceutical literature further support McVaugh’s contention and reveal that many apothecaries preferred to leave alchemical manipulation to the alchemists. When discussing alchemical methods and distillation in particular, authors of Galenic texts routinely referred to the expertise of the alchemists, advising practitioners to seek them out for training and instruction, or simply to leave such practices to them. Mesue, for example, advised apothecaries to ask for help in preparing distilled oils, as “this is chiefly the area of the alchemist. We [apothecaries] can try as well as we can [to make] these kinds [of medicines] and if you decide to learn it better, find an alchemist and have him teach you and have you practice with them.”31 Similarly, in 1592 Castels argued that apothecaries had much to learn from the alchemists: entire books, he said, have been written on the “new way” of distillation, but he recommended that practitioners consult with alchemists 190        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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to learn it. “I recommend to apothecaries who are able to do so,” he declared, “to contact alchemists and see them at work, [because] they will learn more in one month watching them work than in ten years reading books [about it].”32 Similarly, apothecaries wanting to know the specifics of alchemical operations needed to “go see the alchemists practicing, not only to know the type of oven [used] but also how to manage the fire.”33 Doing so for a month would be more beneficial, he again argued, than a year’s worth of reading.34 By the end of the sixteenth century, then, apothecaries were well aware of the alchemists, their practices, and the distilled waters and oils they produced. Alchemists also played a significant role in Philip II’s court, overseen by a royal distiller, first appointed in 1564, and producing distilled waters for the royal family in a state-­of-­the-­art distillation laboratory built in 1572 at the Escorial.35 That apothecaries were also carrying out this practice is clear in a series of royal orders in the 1580s and 1590s that aimed to regulate the apothecaries’ use of distillation for formulating prescribed waters and oils.36 These orders culminated in Francisco Vallés’s Tratado de las aguas destiladas, pesos y medidas, published in 1592.37 Royal distiller Diego de Santiago also published the Arte separatoria in 1598 to instruct apothecaries on the best practices for preparing simples for distillation.38 Both authors insisted that apothecaries use only glass vessels for distilling any medicine taken internally, warning that the use of apparata made of tin, copper, or lead would have a harmful effect.39 Apothecaries were also ordered to use only the water bath method to heat the simple in distillation, as “naked flame” would heat it too quickly and damage the medicine. The apothecaries of Madrid protested both stipulations, arguing that glass vessels were too expensive and that heat from a bain-­marie was, in most cases, not strong enough to bring about distillation. Apothecaries, then, were clearly aware of the distillation process, and distilled waters and oils were entering the traditional formulary, but only haltingly and with great controversy. In this way, the alchemists continued to dominate the making of alchemically prepared medicines—­ but who were the alchemists, and what did they do? Origins of Western Alchemy in Late Antiquity and the Arabic Middle Ages

Alchemy in medieval Europe was based upon a tradition with origins in the Hellenistic world in late antiquity.40 Like pharmacy, it developed out of the craft traditions developed in the ancient Near East, with ties particularly to decorative arts techniques and recipes that altered the color and sheen of metals—­ polishing, burnishing, gilding, and silvering.41 Alexandria, a cosmopolitan hub of learning and trade, once again provided the place for these pursuits, and by The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        191 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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the third century CE alchemy had begun to acquire its own distinctive character as a field of inquiry when craftsmen began to pursue in earnest the true transmutation of these metals. Rather than merely adding a golden sheen to a base metal, they sought to produce true gold from it.42 This pursuit gave the practitioners a coherent goal, supported by theoretical justification found in Aristotle’s matter theory. In addition to the four-­element theory, Aristotle also taught that metals were the product of two “exhalations” within the earth—­ one labeled mercury and the other sulfur.43 These two exhalations combined in various proportions and matured over time through heat, eventually reaching perfectly balanced proportions (see table 5.1). Metals at earlier stages of development were imperfect (“base”) metals, whereas silver and especially gold were the more mature and perfect (“noble”) metals. The perfect balance of mercury and sulfur found in gold is what led to its incorruptible nature, evident in its ability to withstand fire. Such ideas about the nature of metals provided a theoretical basis for transmutation, and a coherent goal and research program developed in pursuit of it. Transmutation that occurred very slowly in nature could be accomplished much more quickly through the alchemist’s “art”—­that is, artificially.44 Zosimos of Panopolis was the first extant alchemical author to write about this, although he refers to a host of earlier practitioners of the craft.45 He believed that metals consisted of two parts—­the body (soma, a prima materia that was the same for all metals and at times linked to liquid mercury) and the soul (pneuma; see table 5.1). The body, like the prima materia, was impinged upon and given its characteristics by its soul. The alchemist, then, sought to use fire or distillation to release the volatile soul from the body, reducing the matter to its inanimate corporeal being. The soul would be treated with a transmuting agent, one that would confer balance and the appropriate qualities to it. The qualities needed could be determined (and were later calculated very precisely) given the known characteristics of the base metals, each of which was thought to have a particular complexion. The treated soul, having the appropriate proportion of the appropriate qualities to balance the base metal’s complexion, would then be reunited with the body, effecting transmutation.46 Zosimos referred to transmutation as the “tingeing” of metals, and to the transmuting agent as a “tincture,” thus illustrating the associations between effecting transmutation and producing color changes, an indication of the influence of early craft literature on alchemical theory and techniques. Zosimos also referred to the transmuting agent as the xerion, a medicine or salve, an analogy in which the agent acted a “medicine” to help “heal” or improve a base metal. Medieval Arabic alchemy adopted and built upon these ideas. Although 192        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Table 5.1: The Composition of Metals in Transmutation Prima materia of Metal

CharacteristicGiving Form of Metal

Aristotle

Mercury exhalation

Sulfur exhalation

They mature naturally in the earth.

Exhalations form metals in earth, mature slowly to perfect balance, incorruptibility in gold.

Zosimos

Body

Spirit

Apply a tincture or xerion that alters or purifies the spirit.

Remove spirit from body of metal, purify spirit through transmuting agent (“tincture,” “xerion”), and recombine with body.

Jabir

Wet, steamy exhalation identified as mercury

A dry, smoky exhalation identified as sulfur

The most subtle, perfect Craft an elixir sulfur confers balance, (Arabized from perfection, and incorxerion) that is ruptibility on mercury composed of the to make gold. Separate purified opposite sulfur from mercury, quality needed purify both and correct to balance the the proportions of qualisulfur; purify and ties through action of an balance the sulfur elixir (purified opposite with the elixir, qualities derived from crafted from any four elements separated organic substance out from organic matthat will yield the four elements each ter), then recombine in perfect proportion of with two different qualities. qualities.

Al-Razi

Body

Spirit

Elixir, philosopher’s Separate spirit from body, stone to purify purify spirit through use and balance the of elixir/philosophers’ spirit, recombine stone. with body.

Author

Transmuting Agent

Method of Transmutation

the exact origins of alchemy in the Arabic world are unclear, alchemical texts coming out of the Arabic translation enterprise exhibit a distinct influence of Greek alchemical ideas and texts by the eighth century. Perhaps the most prolific alchemical author in t he Arabic world was Abu Mūsā Jābir ibn Hayyān (later Latinized to Geber), supposedly born about 720 in Kufa and the author of a very large corpus of alchemical texts. Extensive research by Paul Kraus has established, however, that the works purportedly authored by Jābir were actually a series of texts written over the ninth and tenth centuries and thus The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        193 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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represent a school of alchemists writing under one name.47 One of the students of this school, al-­Rāzī, is recognized as the other major alchemical authority from the period.48 Their teachings demonstrate the Hellenistic basis of Arabic alchemy in that Jābir (or the authors using his name) and al-­Rāzī adopted theories of metallic behavior that have obvious connections to Aristotle and to Zosimos. Jābir, like Aristotle, taught that metals were formed from exhalations within the earth: a dry, smoky one identified as sulfur, and a wet, steamy one identified as mercury (see table 5.1). For Jābir, mercury made up the basic matter of all metals, which received their characteristics or qualities from the sulfur. The most subtle, perfect sulfur imposed upon mercurial matter the qualities of gold because it “coagulates [joins] quicksilver [mercury] with itself in a complete and balanced manner.”49 Al-­Rāzī, like Zosimos, referred to the two exhalations as the “body” and the “spirit” of the metal (see table 5.1), the spirit conferring particular qualities to the body. Despite the different labels they gave to these substances, both Jābir and al-­Rāzī believed that transmutation took place through a several-­step process: first, the sulfur/spirit, being the volatile material that “flies off ” when heated, was separated from its mercurial body through alchemical processes, usually distillation.50 The sulfur/spirit was then treated with a transmuting agent that would provide it with the necessary qualities to achieve perfection and balance, after which it was rejoined with the mercurial body. Jābir adopted Zosimos’s xerion terminology to refer to the transmuting agent, Arabized to al-­iksir, or “elixir.”51 The teachings of Jābir and al-­Rāzī led to the practical and theoretical expansion of alchemy. The practice of alchemy became increasingly codified, especially according to the works of al-­Rāzī, who standardized categories of materials as well as the laboratory techniques used to effect transmutation.52 They also turned greater focus on the transmuting agent, or elixir, itself, which was recognized as the key to the whole process of transmutation. The process by which the elixir was formed grew much more detailed and precise. To derive a transmuting agent, the alchemist would distill some sort of organic matter—­ any earthly matter made up of some combination of the four elements containing the desired quality or qualities. Jābir taught that the transmuting agent could be any organic substance that, when distilled, would separate into each of the four elements—­the pure earth, air, fire, and water—­that made it up. The purified element could then be treated further to isolate one of its two qualities. If earth was cold and dry, it could be distilled repeatedly with a wet agent that would break down and remove its dry quality, leaving a material that was purely cold. This transmuting agent/elixir, joined to the sulfur/spirit, could be applied to a mercurial body with a hot complexion to balance it. Jābir devised 194        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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a method by which to quantify exact proportions and amounts of materials needed to balance various complexions and formulate the elixir of the appropriate quality and degree.53 In this way, pure qualities could be isolated from transmuting agents and applied to metals of opposite complexion in the proper degree to achieve perfect balance, perfect proportion to attain gold. Just as illness was thought to be caused by an imbalanced complexion or temperament and could be cured by restoring balance, the complexionary imbalance in base metals could be “cured” with transmuting agents to achieve balance and thus ennoble the metal. Over time, the elixir was also referred to as the philosophers’ stone or the philosophers’ egg, and practitioners argued over which material—­hair, egg, bile, or blood—­held the key to its production.54 Some held out the hope that one elixir or stone could be found to be a universal transmuting agent that would transmute all metals to gold, no matter what the complexion of the metal. These ideas stemmed from and were linked to Hermetic philosophy, a set of teachings thought to go back to an ancient, largely mythical authority, Hermes Trismegistus (“thrice-­great”).55 Hermes was the purported author of a series of alchemical treatises, including the “emerald tables,” which sought to link the earthly with the divine in a microcosm-­macrocosm analogy. The tables describe operations that linked “that which is above” with “that which is below.” Later alchemists would argue that distillation was the key to this link, attributing cosmological significance to distillation, which sought to separate the “pure” spirit from the “impure” body. Notwithstanding its cosmological significance, however, the importance of the elixir in Arabic alchemical practice can be seen in Ibn Khaldūn’s definition of Arabic alchemy in t he fourteenth century: “This is a science which studies the substance [elixir] through which the generation of gold and silver may be artificially accomplished.”56 From Metal to Medicine in Medieval Latin Alchemy

As the translation movement in S pain and Italy gained momentum, Arabic alchemical writings translated to Latin had a major impact on European thought. It began with the translation in 1144 of Robert of Chester’s De compositione alchemiae, a translation of an Arabic work giving instructions as to how to prepare the philosophers’ stone, followed by a host of other translations, including works of the Jābirian corpus and al-­Rāzī’s Book of Secrets, and by the Summa perfectionis, a major work purportedly authored by Jābir, but since proven to be written by Paul of Taranto in t he thirteenth century. Scholars of the Latin West, including Paul of Taranto, continued with the original alchemical program of chrysopoeia, but a new goal for alchemy began to The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        195 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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develop alongside it as well: the search for a medicinal elixir that would confer balance, perfection, and incorruptibility upon the human body in the same way it did for metals. In this way, alchemical ideas, techniques, and practices were applied to medicine and employed in the service of prolonging human health. This new focus for alchemy grew in importance over the centuries and would eventually lead to the formulation of alchemically produced remedies. It began in the writings of medieval authors over the course of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, including Roger Bacon, Raymond Llull, and John of Rupescissa. All three were associated with the Franciscan order and wrote texts concerning a variety of topics including alchemy and natural philosophy, often with a reformer’s zeal aimed at protecting Christendom from what they saw as an impending and inevitable apocalypse.57 The shift in a lchemical thought evident in t he writings of Bacon, Llull, and Rupescissa was also part of the intellectual ferment that occurred with the translation movement and the revival of learning in the twelfth and thirteenth centuries, the same intellectual milieu that transformed ideas about the medicinal virtue. Thus the application of alchemy to medicine occurred in tandem with the developing concept of the virtue, which had a major impact on alchemical thought and technique and led to a series of conceptual shifts in the field. First, the search for a universal elixir or philosophers’ stone that would turn any metal into gold also became a search for a universal medicine that would preserve health and prolong youth. Whereas the metallic elixir sought to bring balance and perfection to the metal through the application of opposite qualities, the medicinal elixir, by contrast, was thought to preserve health due to its own balance and perfection. The goal for medical alchemy, then, was to produce an elixir of perfect balance and apply it to the body, for according to Bacon, “that preserves another thing which is long preserved itself, and that corrupts another thing which is quickly corrupted itself.”58 The elixir was no longer a c atalyst that would bring balance by removing excess qualities and supplying those that were deficient. Rather, it now brought balance and perfection by itself. This elixir was also referred to by Bacon as the philosophers’ stone or the philosophers’ egg, and it would “take away the corruption of the human body to the degree that life would be prolonged through many centuries.”59 At first, the elixir or philosophers’ stone was thought to be one of only a few materials—­for Bacon, it was to be found in gold, the resurrected body, or an “equal body” that had undergone transmutation.60 Over time, a widening array of materials were employed in the making of the stone, and the stone or elixir came to be equated with the medicinal virtue, which started as the dunamis deriving from the complexion of each earthly material, according to Galen, but 196        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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in the works of Ibn Sīnā and Mesue evolved into the divine and perfect “occult” essence that could be manipulated and that God had instilled or “hidden” in each natural being.61 Whereas the apothecary sought to open or release virtues with traditional pharmaceutical means of grinding, washing, infusing, or cooking, the alchemist, by contrast, would recover it through distillation, extracting it like the alchemical soul from the body or the divine from the terrestrial and thus separating the pure from the impure. Once the purified virtue had been extracted, it was said to be more concentrated, powerful, and effective than if it stayed in its terrestrial body. Bacon again appears to be the pioneer of this idea (although this requires further research), arguing that in all plant, animal, and mineral simples, “the Virtue may be separated from its Body” and as such “their virtue and Matter will operate stronger and better alone, than joined with their body.”62 For Bacon, that separation was done most effectively by means of alchemy given that “the methods of alchemy . . . alone give the method of extracting each virtue from any substance whatsoever; because it is necessary in working with drugs that there be resolutions and dissolutions of one thing from another which cannot be made without the aid of alchemy which gives the method of resolving any one substance from another.”63 In his work, then, Bacon equated the virtue with a p ure medicinal essence within matter, and brought the idea of an elixir to a m edical application—­an elixir of life, or a medicinal philosophers’ stone. He also created a path of investigation into what the elixir might be and how to prepare it. In addition, Bacon built upon the argument, also developing in Ga lenic pharmacy at the time, that virtues were hidden within natural substances by God. For Bacon and others, these occult medicinal virtues, extracted by alchemical means, had divine or supernatural origins, and were composed of a perfect, heavenly, substance that was immutable and incorruptible. This material was thought of alternatively as a quintessence—­a fifth element, or essence, in addition to the four terrestrial elements; a h eavenly aether placed, like a divine seed, within each terrestrial being; or the prima materia, the original material from which all things were formed. As pseudo-­Geber (who did not apply alchemical practices to medicine) later said, “There is (according to the Opinion of Many) a Soul, which is from the Occult Recesses of Nature, as from a Quintessence, or from the first Mover.”64 This divine quintessence permeated all natural things and could be extracted, as Bacon had said, through alchemical means. This idea is clearly laid out in t he Testamentum, a pseudepigraphic work attributed to Llull, thought to have been written around 1332 (after Llull’s death in 1315).65 In the Testamentum, pseudo-­Llull argues that God created the world The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        197 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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from nothing, using “a pure substance, which is called the fifth essence,” to form angels, the heavens, planets and stars, and then the “inferior world.”66 Thus the quintessence was the prima materia, the substratum out of which the heavens and earth were formed, and each earthly substance, in turn, was still imbued with some trace of it.67 Within each earthly substance, then, the quintessence remained as a kind of a divine seed or virtue, and the main goal of Llull’s work involved teaching his readers “how to penetrate the divine virtues which have been hidden” in the terrestrial world.68 If material substances could be purified of their earthly matter, it would be possible to reduce them to their “primary substance” and thus recover that which was “pure and clear” within them—­ their quintessence, their medicinal power or virtue. As the divine prima materia from which the elements were compounded to form earthly substances, it remained as a kind of seed within each substance (see fig. 5.2).69 The question, though, was how to recover and extract it from the surrounding substance. Like Bacon, the author of the Testamentum recommended careful and repeated distillation. The techniques of alchemy, if used with care by learned, thoughtful, and practiced adepts, could serve to uncover and extract that hidden essence. These ideas had a m ajor influence on John of Rupescissa (1310? –1366? ), another Franciscan spiritualist, who developed them further in his De Consideratione de quinta essentia, most likely written in 1351–1352.70 In this work, the idea of a quintessence that is a highly powerful and concentrated medicinal virtue arguably reached its culmination.71 Rupescissa attributed miraculous healing abilities to the quintessence, and interpreted it as God’s ultimate gift to humanity and “the greatest secret that there is in all of nature.”72 Similar to Llull, Rupescissa argued that the heavens consisted of an incorruptible “fifth essence” that could also be found in all things in nature and that was, for Rupescissa, “the root of life . . . that which the great God has given to nature.”73 Like Mesue, Rupescissa saw the medicinal virtue as having been instilled by the celestial realm, being “an admirable virtue from our starry Heaven.”74 This incorruptible fifth essence, he said, received its perfection and incorruptibility from “the virtue of the sun and other stars,” as discussed by Mesue.75 However, in contrast to Mesue but like Bacon and Llull, Rupescissa believed that this hidden substance could be extracted “by human artifice,” of repeated, careful distillation. Rupescissa equated the quintessence most strongly with alcohol, the ardent water or spirit of wine derived from repeated and careful distillation of wine.76 He referred to it as “our heaven” and “the sovereign most powerful of all the quintessences.”77 He also used it as a solvent for extracting the virtue from other substances. But it was not the only quintessence: Rupescissa went on to argue that each earthly substance, “each herb or fruit has its own virtue, [and] this 198        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 5.2. Diagram of four elements and quintessence in Testamentum (between fs. 186 and 186) in Pseudo-­Llull, Testamentum ... universam artem Chymicam complectens antehac nunquam excessum, 1566 edition. Note that the quintessence is in the center of the diagram, surrounded by the combination of the four elements.

virtue comes from the Fifth essence” for “in all things the Fifth essence resides pure and without corruption.”78 Moreover, when that virtue or essence was separated from and purified of its earthly material, it would yield a quintessence that was stronger and more effective than anything produced otherwise: “This Fifth essence, removed and perfectly purified, . . . will have 100 times the virtues as before.” This was powerful medicine, but would happen only if “we oust the superfluous, material, and corrupted things that are in it,” through repeated and careful distillation.79 In this way, Rupescissa promised much from his distilled quintessences, and included a number of recipes in his work that involved distillation of a The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        199 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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variety of materials and that represent a widening array of remedies prepared alchemically. His work would set the stage for the great expansion of alchemical pharmacy in the sixteenth century. Bacon and Llull had also discussed various medicines formulated through alchemical means, but included only a few recipes for a relatively narrow range of universal remedies—­potable gold, the philosophers’ stone, and a few elixirs.80 Unlike the writings of Bacon and Llull, however, a significant proportion of De consideratione is devoted to medical recipes for the formulation of different quintessences, using a variety of substances and meant to cure specific ailments—­leprosy, measles, fevers, wounds, headaches, poisons, and lice, as well as fear, hallucinations, and “enchantments.” Recipes call for various distilled waters, including that of strawberry, violet, borage, bugloss, and lettuce, as well as distilled quintessences not only of gold and spirit of wine/aqua vitae but also pearls, human blood, and different herbs and flowers (see table 5.2). Whereas the use of gold, spirit of wine/aqua vitae, pearls, and blood were common to alchemical practice, the more widespread use of pharmaceutical simples was new. The remedies, furthermore, were compounds of various preparations. They typically began with a base of quintessence of gold, pearls, or spirit of wine (or some combination of them), mixed with simples or the water of simples. Quintessence of gold, pearls, or spirit of wine mixed all together, for example, was thought to restore youth and heal wounds; any one of the quintessences mixed with water of strawberries was thought to cure leprosy; mixed with Saint John’s wort, it would guard against enchantments; and mixed with spurge, turpeth, and safflower, it was said to cure paralysis.81 The Sixteenth-­Century Elaboration of New Remedies and the Emergence of an Alchemical Formulary

John of Rupescissa’s recipes and the materials, techniques, and ideas they represented set the stage for the expansion of alchemical remedies that began in earnest in the late fifteenth century. What began as a search for one stone or a few key elixirs or quintessences had developed, with Rupescissa, into recipes for distilled quintessences and waters, often compounded and using spirit of wine—­distilled alcohol—­as a solvent. Rupescissa had argued, moreover, that these quintessences could be gained from “all fruits and herbs,” as seen in the widening variety of simples he named. Later authors would seek to complete his program, expanding distillation of medicinal “waters” even further to include the entire range of plant simples in Galenic pharmacy, and to the systematic distillation of oils as well. Specialization and expansion of alchemical techniques also led to new types of medicines added to the growing alchemical 200        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Table 5.2: Alchemical Medicines in John of Rupescissa’s Remedies Waters

Quintessence of

Borage Bugloss Lettuce Strawberry Violet

Angelica Ardent water Celidonia Fennel Garlic Gold Horseradish Human blood Hyssop Lily root Maidenhair Pearl PeonyNuts Rue Saffron Theriac

formulary: distillation of other fermented “spirits,” calcination of salts, and solvent filtration of extracts, tinctures, and essences (gradually divorced from their association with the “fifth” essence). In this way, the fabrication of universal remedies gave way to a more systematic set of specialized categories of chemical medicines. The miraculous healing qualities attributed to the universal remedies also diminished with the new medicines, though recipes for elixirs of life and quintessences persisted in texts well into the eighteenth century. The first European texts containing recipes for these new medicines were mainly produced outside of Spain and the Spanish Empire, written by a number of authors, including Hieronymous Brunschwig, Philip of Ulstadt, Konrad Gesner, Johannes Jacob Wecker, Andreas Libavius, Joseph Duchesne, and Jean Beguin (see table 5.3), who are generally well known in t he history of chemistry. Some are routinely referred to as Paracelsians, while others wholly opposed Paracelsus’s theoretical teachings; all, however, included recipes for alchemically prepared medicines in one or more of their texts. Despite their notoriety, these authors have not generally been associated with pharmacy, and their recipes not well understood. Yet these recipes were of crucial importance to the emerging alchemical formulary, and Spanish pharmacy authors, including Jubera, Castels, Vallés, and Esteban de Villa, referred to them repeatedly. For Villa, an advocate of the new chemical methods, apothecaries needed to be aware of alchemical books, and the recipes for chemical medicines in Jerónimo de la Fuente Pierola’s Tyrocinio pharmacopeo came almost exclusively from works by Duchesne and Beguin.82 Their recipes provided the basis for the The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        201 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 5.3: Three Phases of Texts Containing Recipes for Alchemical Medicines in the 16th and 17th Centuries Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Author

Text

Phase 1: 1490s–1550s Hieronymus Brunschwig

Virtuous Book of Distillation, 1497

Philip Ulstadt

The Philosopher’s Heaven, 1525

Konrad Gesner

Tresor de Evonime Philatre des Remedes secretz, 1555

Phase 2: 1550s–1610s Johannes Jacob Wecker

Antidotarium Speciale, 1574

Andreas Libavius

Praxis alchymiae, 1597

Joseph Duchesne

Pharmacopoea dogmaticorum restituta, 1607

Jean Beguin

Tyrocinium chymicum/Elements de Chymie, 1610

Phase 3: 1650s–1700s (Spanish Chemico-Galenic Texts) Jerónimo de la Fuente Pierola

Tyrocinio pharmacopeo: method medico, y chimico, 1683

Félix Palacios

Palestra pharmaceutica . . . sus preparaciones chymicas, y galenicas, 1706

Juan de Loeches

Tyrocinium pharmaceuticum, theorico-practicum, galeno-chymicum, 1719

Francisco Brihuega

Examen pharmaceutico, galeno-chimico, teorico-practico, 1775

Pedro Viñaburu

Cartilla pharmaceutica chimico-galenica, 1778

gradual expansion of new kinds of chemical medicines that would be added to traditional Galenic pharmacy by the late seventeenth century. The first phase of this expansion took place in the early to mid-­sixteenth century with the work of Brunschwig (1497), Ulstadt (1525), and Gesner (1555) (see table 5.3).83 Their works have clear ties to the medieval authors in several ways. In the first place, all three authors consciously based their texts on their perceived predecessors—­Llull and Rupescissa, along with Albert the Great and Arnald de Villanova—­with the distinct aim of explaining and elaborating upon the operations and medicines these earlier authors discussed. Their titles also show the continuation of the divine revelation promised by alchemical pharmacy: Ulstadt wrote the Philosopher’s Heaven, Gesner the Treasure of Secret Remedies, and Ulstadt promised readers that his work was one “where all the secrets of nature are contained.”84 Secondly, the recipes focus chiefly on distillation as the method by which to extract the divine from the terrestrial, and thus, as the key to revealing those secrets. Such an operation, for Brunschwig, allowed the practitioner to “purify  .  .  . the grosse frome the subtyll and the subtyll from the grosse, eche separately from the other.”85 Ulstadt and Gesner 202        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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also celebrated the “marvellous operation” of distillation that “divine providence equally provides to the rich and the poor.”86 All three authors included detailed instructions as to the different kinds of distillations and the equipment and apparatus they required, along with illustrations. In keeping with the medieval tradition, they practiced distillation in order to formulate universal remedies—­spirit of wine, potable gold, elixirs, and quintessences. At the same time, however, these works also show clear signs of innovation. Each text includes an increasing number of recipes for medicines formulated from a w idening array of simples. The most dramatic example of this expansion is Fig. 5.3. Distillation depicted in Brunschwig’s distilled waters (see fig. 5.3), which Brunschwig’s Liber de arte distillandi de are extracted from a greatly expanded set of sim- simplicibus. Credit: Wellcome ples reflecting virtually the entire array of Galenic Collection. CC BY. materia medica. The authors also began to classify the alchemical medicines they included in traditional pharmaceutical terms, as “simples” (remedies distilled from one simple) and “compounds” (chemical medicines that include more than one simple). As further testament to their recognition of the pharmaceutical nature of their work, they wrote specifically for apothecaries and distinguished between two kinds of pharmacy—­their own “spagyric” art, the art of pharmacy that involved the separation of the pure from the impure, and Galenic pharmacy based upon the teachings of Dioscorides, Galen, and Mesue, referred to as “traditional” or “vulgar” pharmacy. Like the Galenic formularies, furthermore, these works classify recipes according to type of remedy and the method used to formulate it, not according to disease. Finally, these texts added two new and lasting categories of medicines to the emerging alchemical formulary: distilled waters, the particular emphasis of Brunschwig, and distilled oils, described by Gesner, of aromatics, flowers, seeds, fruits, gums, and resins, as well as stones and metals (see table 5.4). These works in turn set the stage for the second phase of development in pharmaceutical alchemy, which took place in the latter part of the sixteenth and early decades of the seventeenth century (see table 5.3). Like those of the first phase, the texts published during this period continued to include recipes for various universal remedies, but added new categories of medicines to the alchemical formulary based upon more specialized application of a wider The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        203 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 5.4: Alchemical Medicines in Early Modern Texts

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Author and Text

Distilled Water

Distilled Salt Extract Spirit Tincture Essence Oil

Brunschwig, Virtuous Book of Distillation, 1497

X

Ulstadt, The Philosopher’s Heaven, 1525

X

Konrad Gesner, Tresor des Remedes secretz, 1555

X

X

Johannes Jacob Wecker, Antidotarium Speciale, 1574

X

X

X

X

Andreas Libavius, Praxis alchymiae

X

X

X

X

X

Joseph Duchesne, Pharmacopoea dogmaticorum restituta, 1607

X

X

X

X

X

X

Jean Beguin, Tyrocinium chymicum/Elements de Chymie, 1610

X

X

X

X

X

X

Jerónimo de la Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 1683

X

X

X

X

X

Félix Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica, 1706

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

X

array of alchemical operations (see table 5.4). Distillation continued to play an important role, but calcination and solvent extraction were used with increasing frequency and precision. Wecker’s Antidotarium general and special (1574) added recipes for medicinal salts and extracts to the repertoire of alchemical medicines; Libavius’s Praxis alchemia (1597) added spirits; and Duchesne’s Pharmacopoeia dogmaticorum restituta (1607) added essences and tinctures so that by 1607, his treatise included the full repertoire of alchemical medicines: distilled waters, distilled oils, salts, extracts, spirits, essences, and tinctures.87 For the most part these authors, like Brunschwig, Ulstadt, and Gesner, organized their recipes by type of preparation, not by disease, and labeled them as simple or compound. What were these new chemical medicines, and how were they prepared? 204        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Wecker’s medicinal salts, first of all, show the expansion of alchemical operations in the service of medicine. Salts are found in nature and have been used for various purposes for millennia. Early societies also learned how to prepare them synthetically from plant and animal sources.88As evident in Wecker’s Antidotarium and subsequent texts, in t he sixteenth century medicinal salts were formulated through a complex process involving calcination, distillation, and evaporation that proceeded according to one of two main ways (see table 5.5).89 According to the first method, the practitioner began by burning or calcining the simple over a fire, then boiling the resulting ash in water. After boiling, the remaining liquid was separated from any sediment and distilled in a bain-­marie. The salt was then evaporated from the material left in the cucurbit.90 The second method involved similar procedures though in a different order. First, the simple was distilled in a water bath and the material left in the cucurbit was then calcined in an oven. The resulting ash was dissolved in “its water” (the distillate) and filtered several times, then put in a basin in the sun or over hot coals to evaporate the water from the crystallized salt.91 In this way, practitioners were taking advantage of alchemical processes that were long known and utilized, but putting them toward medicinal use. They were also using new products of distillation—­not only the distillate but also the marc, also known as the caput mortem, or the “dead” terrestrial material left in the cucurbit. Salts were formulated using all kinds of ingredients. The “volatile salt of plants,” for example, was derived from virtually any plant simple; that of animals from any in the Galenic arsenal, with snakes, deer antler, human blood, human crania, “all bones,” and “all excrement” specifically identified.92 Mineral salts included a recipe for a “febrifuge salt” prepared from the marc of distilled sal ammoniac; another salt for vomiting utilized white vitriol; and salt of stones was made from crab eyes, pearls, or emeralds.93 Extracts constituted another type of medicine to be added as a permanent category to the alchemical formulary (see table 5.5). Extracts were formulated “through the medium of solvents or menstruum” in a process that, like salt formulation, grew more complex over time.94 In this process, the practitioner mashed the simple to a p ulp, which was then mixed with a liq uid solvent and left to “digest” for several hours to several days in a wa rm place or over a water bath (or, in some cases, it was boiled). The mixture was then strained and pressed, the liquid saved and the marc thrown away. The liquid was then mixed with a new quantity of mashed simple, and the process repeated three or more times, until the liquid reached the desired concentration and the practitioner thought the solvent had “attracted to itself all the virtue” of the simple.95 The extracted liquid was heated (or sometimes distilled) to evaporate the The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        205 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Table 5.5: Preparation of Alchemical Medicines

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Medicine

Basic Procedures/Instructions

Alchemical Operations Used

Salt

Calcination, solution, filtration, distillaCalcine (burn) plant or animal simple, tion, evaporation; involves collection heat/boil resulting ashes in water, and processing of marc instead of the decant and distill liquid, collecting distillate that which is left in the cucurbit (le marc) and evaporating gently to recover crystallized precipitate (the salt). Or distill plant or animal simple, collect and calcine what is left in the cucurbit (le marc), dissolve the ash in water and filter repeatedly, then evaporate liquid to recover crystallized precipitate.

Extract

Mash plant simple, mix with solvent, heat, filter solution and press out all liquid, throw out leftover solids, collect the solution and repeat with new quantity of mashed simple added to the same solution several times, then evaporate excess liquid from solution until it is the consistency of honey.

Spirit

Distillation of fermented material with Distillation of fermented liquids; colleca serpentine distillation apparatus that tion of distillate has a refrigerated head. Add fermenting agent to material that is not already fermented and leave to ferment, then distill.

Tincture

Macerate simple, mix with solvent and leave to digest until liquid has gained color, then strain, press, and filter the liquid and set aside. Repeat process using the same material, adding new solvent until all color has been extracted from it.

Essence

Macerate or grind the simple and mix Solution, filtration (no evaporation); with spirit of wine (distilled alcohol) uses only one batch of simple that is or the spirit of the simple itself, put on left to digest for several days in spirits; low heat or in warm place to digest for distillation suggested for a purer, more one to three days, then strain and keep concentrated, powerful essence the liquid.

Solution, filtration (distillation done, but rarely), evaporation; uses multiple batches of simple, carrying out repeated solvent extraction, combining solutions, then evaporating excess liquid

Solution, filtration (no evaporation); uses only one batch of simple, saving solution and adding new solvent to the same batch until all color has been removed from it

excess liquid, leaving a medicine the consistency of honey.96 Initially, spirit of wine was the most common solvent used in making extracts, but over time other solvents (mainly distilled waters) were used. Although extracts were formulated using certain animal parts (muscle/flesh, liver, lungs, and testicles), 206        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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recipes for extracts more often included plant simples from Galenic materia medica—­with recipes for extracts of celery, birthwort, briony, centaury, colocynth (bitter apple), dittany, spurge, hellebore, jalap, mechoacan, parsley, rosemary, rhubarb, peony, and scammony, among many others.97 A more complex example was “Catholic extract,” made from bitter apple pulp, agaric, hellebore root, and briony.98 Spirits, another class of alchemical medicines added to the alchemical formulary in the late sixteenth century, had been distilled from wine for centuries. Indeed, spirits had been separated from metallic “bodies” since the time of Zosimos, if not before. Even into the eighteenth century, medicinal spirits continued to have strong metaphysical and cosmological meaning: in 1706, Palacios wrote, “The spirit, which is thought to be called Mercury, is the most subtle, active, and penetrating part of the mixts, composed of the lightest, most insubstantial particles that move with great velocity, charged with many ethereal parts which promote and excite the functions of the body, because they are largely made up of the spirit, which is called universal, or the motor of all bodies, on which depend generation and movement, [associated] with the soul of the world.”99 Thus the concept of the spirit still held ties to earlier ideas of astral and divine influence. However, a new and widening class of medicinal “spirits” formulated from a distinct set of operations developed around the mid-­to late sixteenth century and became another permanent category in the early modern alchemical formulary. In that category were a series of spirits “that are made artificially,” distilled from fermented liquids for healing purposes.100 For Libavius, who described them in Praxis alchemiae, they were “ardent and acrid spirits extracted from many things, from waters as well as oils.”101 Some simples contained these spirits naturally within themselves, including turpentine, wine and wine sediment, beer and beer sediment, and “other such things.”102 Other simples having “such spirits which are shown to ascend from [the simple] itself ” were simples containing sugar—­sugar candy as well as the juice of roses, violets, and certain berries.103 Simples that possessed only “a very small amount” of “ardent spirit” could be mixed with wine sediment, beer, oats, or barley and then distilled.104 In other words, as long as these materials possessed or could be mixed with a fermenting agent, their “ardent spirit” could be extracted. Once the fermentation had taken place, the process for the extraction was relatively simple: the fermented simple would be distilled and the distillate collected as the spirit (see table 5.5). If a purer spirit was desired, one that was free of “phlegm” or oil, the distillation could be repeated.105 Although Libavius did not label the required fermentation as such, Palacios referred to it in 1706 as the “rarefaction and disunion which is made among bodies before distillation The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        207 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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by the fermentation, putrefaction, effervescence, and other movements.” This process made the mixtures volatile, such that distillation with a moderate heat would allow the spirit to ascend easily.106 Spirits were often used as solvents—­ especially spirit of wine, which according to Palacios, “the Chymists use to dissolve and exalt many bodies; it is good for all illnesses.”107 Like salts, spirits were made from a variety of plant, animal, and mineral simples. Spirits were distilled from herbal sources, such as spirit of anise, date, juniper berry, fennel, cumin, rosemary, thyme, sage, absinthe, lavender, rue, betony, centaury, and rose.108 Spirits derived from animal simples included spirit of deer antler, of human crania, of snakes, and of earthworms, while mineral spirits included spirit of alum, spirit of sal ammoniac, spirit of nitre, and spirit of vitriol.109 More complex spirits mixed together many ingredients, such as carminative spirit, which included anise, fennel, lentisk, orange peel, sassafras, nutmeg, mace, cardamom, and mint, distilled in spirit of wine.110 Epileptic spirit, also distilled in spirit of wine, included lavender, rosemary, marjoram, sage, camphor, sal ammoniac, rue seed oil, amber, mace, and juniper.111 Tinctures made up another new category with ancient origins. For the alchemists of late antiquity, tinctures were linked to catalytic elixirs—­they were agents that initiated color change, thought to be highly significant and indicative that a f undamental transmutation had taken place. By the early modern period, however, tinctures appeared in the work of Beguin and Duchesne as specific substances with medicinal functions. The issue of color and its extraction, however, remained an important indication of the medicine’s power—­when a tincture reached the desired shade and intensity of color, the virtue had been successfully extracted. For Beguin, the word “tincture” (teinture) did not indicate “the simple colors separated from mixed bodies . . . (as the vulgar think).”112 Rather, for “les chymiques,” teinture meant “the colors adhering to the essence of things, and to the formal qualities extracted from the mixed body.”113 The medicinal tincture, then, was one in which color was extracted along with virtue, the one thought to be an indication of the other. Making a t incture was relatively simple and had much in co mmon with making extracts—­both Beguin and Palacios classified them as a c ategory of extracts.114 To make a tincture, the practitioner would, as for an extract, macerate the simple and mix it with water or another solvent (usually spirit of wine) and leave it to digest until the liquid began to take on the color of the simple (see table 5.5). The mixture was then strained, pressed, and filtered, leaving the strained liquid aside. More solvent was then added to the simple, and the process repeated until all the color was extracted from the simple, leaving the white or colorless marc to be discarded and the color-­infused liquid kept as the 208        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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tincture. Unlike extracts, however, tinctures did not undergo the final step of evaporation. As Palacios indicated, “tinctures are the extraction of virtues from the simples in an appropriate solvent, without evaporation of it.”115 Many tinctures used opium and laudanum, such as anticolic tincture, formulated from a mix of opium, chamomile, cloves, bay leaves, orange peel, anise, juniper, galangal, and mace. Tinctures were also made from mineral simples, such as hematite, sulfur, and antimony, and from precious metals like “tincture of the sun” made from gold leaf, and “tincture of the moon” made from silver. A few, like tincture of bezoar, incorporated animal parts along with a host of plant simples, including rue, cinnamon, lemon peel, and myrrh.116 Essences were yet another category of the alchemical formulary with medieval origins, in t his case as quintessences. Over time the prefix was gradually dropped, with “essence” and “quintessence” used interchangeably, and by the time of Palacios’s publication, it had been left off altogether. Similarly, the universal character of the quintessence was replaced by a number of essences extracted from many different kinds of simples with more limited healing ability. Nevertheless, essences were still considered powerful medicines: for Palacios, they were made of “the most subtle parts of the simples” and were more concentrated, containing “the most active particles together in t he least liquid.”117 Palacios recommended preparing them ahead of time so that their “particles are easy to make a solution [with], and the liquids that are extracted are very dense . . . and contain much virtue.”118 To make an essence (see table 5.5), the practitioner mashed the simple—­usually an aromatic—­in spirit of wine or its own distilled water and left it to steep, or “digest,” for one to three days in a warm place. The liquid essence was then separated from the mixture by straining out any leftover solids and kept in a carefully sealed flask.119 Examples ranged from the relatively simple essences of absinthe, orange peel, opium, or amber to the more complex antifever essence, consisting of China root, gentian root, centaury, orange peel, and nitre; and carminative essence made from sweet flag, angelica, zedoary, galangal, mint, chamomile, anise, fennel, lemon, cardamom, mace, lentisk, orange peel, and cloves.120 The Merging of Two Traditions in the Chemico-­Galenic Compromise

By the early seventeenth century, authors of alchemical pharmacy texts had assembled an alchemical formulary containing several new categories of medicines. In the third phase of the process, these categories were joined with those of traditional Galenic pharmacy, where recipes for salts, extracts, spirits, essences, and tinctures were included along with those for syrups, pills, The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        209 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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powders, ointments, troches, lambatives, and plasters. The merging of the two formularies began gradually, evident in the sixteenth-­century work of Wecker, and in Duchesne’s Pharmacopoeia dogmaticorum. By the end of the seventeenth century they had been fully joined in what Alan Debus has called the “chemico-­ Galenic compromise.” This compromise entailed the integration of chemical remedies into Galenic medicine without necessarily adopting the more controversial cosmological ideas of iatrochemistry.121 The merging of these traditions was an intensification of the apothecaries’ interest in and use of select alchemical remedies, and of the medical alchemists’ awareness of the pharmaceutical nature of their work. One of the first, tentative examples of this merging is evident in Wecker’s Antidotarium general et speciale, which includes exhaustive information on traditional remedies but also includes an extensive list of distilled waters and balms, as well as extracts and salts. The Antidotarium does not include detailed discussion of alchemical apparatus or procedures; rather, these recipe categories are included without comment as to their chemical nature. That is not true of the next example of the early merging of the two traditions, Duchesne’s Pharmacopoeia dogmaticorum restituta, in which the author argues that alchemical techniques, especially distillation, were vital to the practice of pharmacy, and that Galenic pharmacy (the “dogmatic” tradition to which his title refers) “must borrow from the Chymical Art” in order to make medicines.122 The Pharmacopoeia represents an important step in the formation of the chemico-­Galenic compromise, for while Duchesne valued and advocated for “the great number of excellent remedies” becoming available through chemical medicines, he also argued that his “intention is not to reject, abolish and totally undermine all the beneficial remedies of the ancients and the good Authors.”123 Along these lines, Duchesne’s Pharmacopoeia is largely traditional: it was written expressly for apothecaries, it includes recipes for the usual array of Galenic compounds, and it outlines the apothecary’s responsibilities in familiar terms. Apart from four early chapters on distilled waters, distillation, and other chemical operations, most of the new spagyric remedies it includes—­extracts, essences, distilled oils, and salts—­are lumped together in the very last chapter of the book. Yet the very fact that he includes these remedies demonstrates their place in the merging of the chemical with the Galenic. In Spain, the two traditions decisively merged and had fully combined by the end of the eighteenth century, aided by the establishment in 1700 of the Royal Society for Chemical Medicine in Seville.124 The earliest Spanish example of the chemico-­Galenic compromise was Fuente Pierola’s Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, first published in 1683 (with later editions in 1725, 1732, 1774, and 210        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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1817). Although Fuente Pierola, like Wecker, did not consciously discuss chemical techniques (indeed, the work begins with a full explication of Mesue’s Canons), the book is a c lear example of the chemico-­Galenic compromise, a s elf-­ professed “Medical and Chemical Antidotary that includes all the compounds that are today in use in this Kingdom of Castile.”125 As such, chapters 1 through 20 treat traditional Galenic topics and compounds (pills, powders, decoctions, syrups, oils, and ointments), while chapters 21–25 treat extracts, essences, and salts, with recipes derived chiefly from the formularies of Beguin and Duchesne.126 This pattern of combining traditional and Fig. 5.4. Title page to Palacios’s new chemical recipes within one text continued Palestra pharmaceutica chimico-­Galenica through the eighteenth century, with the publica- (Madrid: Viuda de Joaquin de Ibarra, tion of four other pharmaceutical treatises, some 1792). of which went through multiple editions, that all exhibit the phrase “galeno-­chemical” or “chemical-­galenic” in the title. This is true of Palacios’s 1706 Palestra pharmaceutica, which treats “the election of simples, their chemical and Galenic preparations, and the most select compounds, ancient and modern”; the Tyrocinium pharmaceuticum, theorico-­practicum, galeno-­chymicum of Juan de Loeches, published in 1719; Francisco Brihuega’s Examen pharmaceutico, galeno-­chimico, teorico-­practico, first published in 1775; and Pedro Viñaburu’s 1778 Cartilla pharmaceutica chimico-­galenica, which discusses “the ten considerations of the Canons of Mesue and some Chemical definitions.”127 Palacios’s work in particular was a landmark publication with many editions (Barcelona 1716 and Madrid 1706, 1724, 1737, 1763, 1778, and 1792) published over the course of the eighteenth century (see fig. 5.4). Palacios, an apothecary in Madrid, was very conscious of the inclusion of alchemical techniques and remedies in hi s work and discussed it at length. According to his own account, as soon as he started practicing, he sought out books that discussed the foundations of chemical medicine and its operations and consulted with experts in the field. Such investigations, he says, “gave me incentive to continue with my experiments and chemical work,” and he found “the modern medicines” to have beneficial and useful effects.128 However, Palacios also found that chemical medicine was “neglected and with little application among Spanish pharmacists,” often eschewed by his colleagues and a s ubject of controversy The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        211 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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and “discord,” “for those who are called Galenics, continue to derive [medicines] from their four operations, decoction, lavation, infusion, and trituration, according to Mesue, which they have followed, taught, and executed for centuries without further reflection . . . [and] they condemn, disregard, and hold in ignominy those who try, through their work, study, and experience, to advance the profession, whose principles cannot but be incomplete and erroneous.”129 According to Palacios, then, the traditional Galenic apothecaries following the hallowed doctrines of Galen and Mesue and were highly suspicious of alchemical pharmacy and “have little to no knowledge of the modern Chemical operations.”130 Thus he resolved to publish a Spanish translation of Nicolas Lémery’s Cours de chimie in 1701 (which also went on to later editions, published until 1721), and then the Palestra pharmaceutica in 1706, in o rder to instruct his peers in t he making of these remedies and the concepts behind them.131 Palacios appears to have been successful in this regard. The first publication of the Palestra alone sold two thousand copies, and by the time of the 1724 edition, had, together with the translated Cours de chimie, sold more than seven thousand.132 In the Palestra, apothecaries could find clear illustrations and diagrams of alchemical apparatus and symbols (see figs. 5.5 and 5.6), and detailed descriptions of alchemical operations and the kinds of remedies formulated with them. Palacios clearly favored chemical medicines and sought to emphasize their value: he defined Galenic pharmacy as “that which only teaches the simple collection and mixtion of natural bodies,” whereas chemical pharmacy was “that which teaches us the fundamentals to know and speculate about the parts or substances which make up natural bodies, the separation and resolution of the pure from the impure, and how to make more effective and essential medicines.” Whereas Galenic pharmacy was that practiced by the “Ancient Greeks, Romans, and Arabs,” chemical pharmacy was “that which the Moderns carry out, as the most essential for the elaboration and preparation of medicines.”133 At the same time, however, by no means did Palacios ignore the traditional foundations of pharmacy based upon the writings of Dioscorides, Galen, and Mesue. The Palestra also includes clear descriptions of the operations and recipes for all the traditional Galenic compounds. Divided into five parts, the Palestra provides instructions for Galenic and chemical operations in part 1; recipes for Galenic compounds in p arts 2 and 3; and recipes for chemical remedies in parts 4 and 5. Palacios himself saw the work as a compromise, a compendium of the two traditions brought together that would serve to “unite and arrange with great acuity the Chemical remedies with the Galenic, in order 212        The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 5.5. Alchemical apparata in Palestra pharmaceutica chimico-­Galenica (Madrid: Viuda de Joaquin de Ibarra, 1792).

to overcome [even] the most difficult illnesses.“134 In order to accomplish this task, he argued that “it is indispensable to know perfectly all the operations of the one and the other Pharmacopoeia [Galenic and chemical].”135 At the same time, Palacios was critical of some of the more extreme claims about alchemical medicines, targeting specifically the universal remedies and assuring his readers, “My intention, my Friend the Reader, is not to offer you Arcana, The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy        213 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Fig. 5.6. Explanation of Alchemical Apparata in Palestra pharmaceutica chimico-­Galenica ((Madrid: Viuda de Joaquin de Ibarra, 1792). EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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Quintessences, Panaceas . . . Universal Medicines, or other such medicines. . . . I only want to explain in our Language the most tried principles and fundamentals of Chymico-­Galenic pharmacy.”136 Thus the Palestra firmly embraced the concepts of chemical medicine but was critical of its universal claims; and while Palacios was also critical of those who blindly followed traditional methods, the Palestra by no means omits them but rather devotes at least half the volume to explicating those practices and providing clear and detailed recipes for the traditional remedies. The Palestra went on to become the basis for the official pharmacopoeia of the eighteenth-­century Spanish empire, the Pharmacopoeia Hispana or the Pharmacopoeia Matritensis, which went through numerous editions and iterations that continued to underscore the union of traditional and alchemical pharmacy.137 The 1762 Pharmacopoeia Matritensis appeared as a second edition produced by the Royal College of Apothecaries in Madrid so that “all apothecaries of these kingdoms” could use it and know exactly how to make “all the Galenic and Chymical Medicines.”138 It included six sections on compound medicines, the first four on traditional preparations and the last two on “Operationibus Chymicis” to make distilled waters and oils, spirits, tinctures, essences, elixirs, and salts. A later edition, the Pharmacopoeia Hispana of 1794, included tinctures, distilled waters, distilled “ardent liquors,” and distilled oils along with the traditional decoctions, infusions, syrups, electuaries, powders, pills, plasters, ointments, troches, and pressed and infused oils.139 Such a combination of medicines demonstrates the inclusion of alchemical remedies that had been developed fairly recently and of Galenic remedies in u se for centuries. The alchemical remedies, however, arose not from ideas born in the early modern period but from concepts about the nature of matter and its hidden powers that went back centuries, back to the workings of early craftsmen seeking to burnish and then to fabricate gold.

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CONCLUSION

T

he contents of Jacinto de Herrera’s Mexico City shop, as it stood in 1775, were clearly representative of the Galenic tradition in pharmacy and its varied influences over the course of the medieval and early modern periods. Despite the importance of its namesake to this tradition, Galenic pharmacy was the product of many authors and practitioners in many places and times. Its ancient foundations are evident in the many simples kept in the pharmacy, about 60 percent of which were common to the long and stable collection of materia medica codified by Dioscorides in t he first century. The ointments, plasters, pills, and decoctions found in the pharmacy derived from a long tradition of compounding, evident in the recipes found in texts by Hippocrates, Scribonius Largus, Galen, and Paul of Aegina. The reason that Herrera kept this particular collection of simples and compounds in p harmacy stemmed from ancient conceptions of health and disease and of the actions of substances on the human body, concepts that extended from the microcosm of the inner workings of the body to the function of the macrocosmic universe. These ideas were largely codified by Galen, who argued that certain substances, called simples, like foods, possessed powers that could affect the body’s humoral balance due to their complexion. Unlike foods, however, they were not assimilated as

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nutritive and sustaining factors in the body but rather overpowered its functions and produced results that altered the body’s complexion. In Galen’s system, simples of opposite complexion to the ailing body would restore balance, and, as was often the case, treating complex illnesses required a complex of powers deriving from multiple simples mixed together in a co mpound. The entire system was not random but teleological, continuous, and fixed: the powers of the simples were a product of their combination of qualities, a product in turn of the form imposed on their material substance, and they acted according to the order of the universe, in which each power played its particular role to allow it to function in the best possible way. These ancient ideas constituted the basis for Galenic pharmacy, a deep bedrock for a system that held powerful sway over the Western world for almost two thousand years. Galenic pharmacy did not remain static, however—­such a stable basis allowed for modification and dynamism while remaining distinctly recognizable, incorporating conceptual and practical breakthroughs by some of the greatest minds in medical history. This is especially true of the developments that took place in the medieval Islamic world by Arabic scholars whose contributions and significance are still far from being adequately understood. In this period, more simples, mainly aromatics, gums, and resins that were the product of long-­distance trade and indicative of a de veloping world-system, were added to the collection of materia medica. Sābūr ibn Sahl recorded the first known true formulary of the Galenic tradition, organized by compound remedies that were identified mainly by method of formulation. The use of cane sugar, another product of long-­distance commerce and of complex processing, led to the formulation of several new compounds, including lambatives, preserves, and syrups, the latter subsequently surpassing all other compounds in variety and popularity and found in significant quantities in Herrera’s Mexico City pharmacy. Arabic physician-­philosophers also challenged and sought answers to certain ambiguities in Galen’s arguments about the qualities and actions of medicinal powers. Galen had admitted that some simples—­especially purgatives—­did not act in predictable ways stemming from their complexion. Rather, they displayed effects based not on their qualities but on what he termed their “total substance.” Ibn Sīnā argued that the actions of such substances derived from their “specific form,” a form imposed upon matter from an external source, not the result of its internal form and resulting qualities and complexion—­although he allowed that they could have some influence. In a significant departure from Galen’s matter theory, Ibn Sīnā also went on to expand this argument to include

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not just the purgatives but most, if not all, substances, arguing that each type, or species, of substance had its own specific form. Later authors, including Arabic and Latin scholars, argued that the source of this form, and thus the powers it engendered, came from the heavens. These authors also sought to resolve issues surrounding the powers of compounds—­how and in what proportions the powers of simples combined in them, and whether it was possible mathematically to calculate their combined actions. Galenic pharmacy thus entered medieval Europe in a much more developed and complete form. The practice of pharmacy in the Islamic world included a widening array of simples and compounds, with the latter organized in a new and more systematic genre of pharmaceutical writing geared toward professionals. Arabic authors organized and codified Galen’s work and explained ambiguities and contradictions in ways that would go on to have a dramatic impact on Latin natural philosophy and matter theory as well as medicine and pharmacy. These developments were brought to the Latin West most clearly in Mesue’s Grabadin, which organized compounds solely by method and materials, and in his Canons, which argued that the powers of simples derived from both their complexion and from the heavens but that the latter overrode the former. Most significantly, the Canons held that these celestial powers could be manipulated, drawn out, strengthened, or weakened through election and correction—­the practitioner’s ability to locate and harvest optimum simples and to process them according to one or more of the four main operations used by apothecaries in t he Galenic tradition. The stoves, braziers, pots and pans, and mortars and pestles of the Herrera pharmacy are a testament to the fact that these operations—­cooking, infusing, grinding, and washing—­went on continually and formed the basis for techniques of Galenic processing. The Canons thus introduced a new kind of technical writing in the growing field of pharmacy, demonstrating a shift in focus away from determining complexions and toward manipulating substances to formulate remedies with optimum powers. Through Mesue, Galenic pharmacy arguably reached its full fruition in the late medieval and early modern periods but still it did not remain static. European expansion to the Americas and the establishment of the Spanish Empire would add still more simples to Galenic materia medica—­especially the purgative, febrifuge, and antivenereal medicines of Mesoamerica. These were, again, evident in t he guayacan, sarsaparilla, jalap, and mechoacan in the Herrera pharmacy, the product of a long tradition of Nahua medicine and pharmacology. The final major change in Galenic pharmacy was the “chemico-­ Galenic compromise,” when a parallel tradition of alchemical pharmacy joined 218        Conclusion EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/5/2023 9:45 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

of Detergent Substances: A Chapter in Babylonian Chemistry,” Journal of Chemical Education 31 (1954): 531–34. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

89. Salt formulation and classification became more complex in the eighteenth century—­ see Félix Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 385–98. 90. These basic recipe procedures are taken from Jean Jacques Wecker, Le grand thrésor, ou dispensaire et antidotaire tant général que spécial ou particulier des remèdes servans à la santé du corps humain: dressé en latin . . . (Geneva: Estienne Gamonet, 1616), 1127–32. 91. The Pharmacopoeia Londinensis of 1653 described making medicinal salts through “calcination, solution, filtration, coagulation” in this way: “Burn the matter you would make salt of into white ashes, and herein sometimes you must have a care by too hasty burning they run to glass; then with water make the ashes into ly to draw out the Salt, fillter the Ly and boyl it in an vessel . . . that the water may be exhaled and the Salt left; which Solution, Filtration, and Coagulation being repeated certain times it will be free from all impurity, and be very white.” Nicholas Culpeper, Pharmacopœia Londinensis, or, The London Dispensatory (London: Peter Cole, 1653), 187. Descriptions of other chemical medicines that follow also correspond closely to those in the Pharmacopoeia Londinensis, though I have not included them here. 92. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica . . . (Madrid: Joachin Ibarra, 1763), 563–65. 93. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica, (1763), 568–71. 94. Jean Beguin, Les Elemens de chymie, de maistre Iean Beguin Aumosnier du Roy (Lyon: Pierre and Claude Rigaud, en ruë Mercière, à la Fortune, 1656), 131. See Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 400, where he defines several types of extracts, classifying them as either liquid or solid. 95. Wecker, Le grand thrésor, 989. 96. This description is taken largely from Wecker, Le grand thrésor, extract chapter, 988–1004. 97. Beguin, Elemens de chymie, 131; Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1763), 573–74. 98. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1763), 576. 99. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 356–82, for the general discussion of spirits. 100. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 398. 101. Andreas Libavius, Praxis alchymiae, hoc est, Doctrina de artiἀciosa praeparatione praeciporum medicamentorum Chymicorum (Frankfurt: Ioannes Saurius, impensis Petri Kopffis, 1604), 444. 102. Libavius, Praxis alchymiae, 444. 103. Libavius, Praxis alchymiae, 445. 104. Libavius, Praxis alchymiae, 444. 105. See Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 358. 106. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 356–58.

Notes to Pages 205–208

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107. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 358. 108. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1763), 532–33, 536. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

109. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1763), 540–54. 110. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1763), 534. 111. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1763), 537–38. 112. Beguin, Elemens de chymie, 126. 113.Beguin, Elemens de chymie, 126. He says that because of this, tinctures were “sometimes called oils, sometimes spirit, and sometimes quintessence” (127). This indicates the muddle of remedies developing during this time and their shifting categories, and also the continued metaphysical/cosmological significance attached to these medicines and the extraction of their essence. 114. Beguin, Elemens de chymie, 146, Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 411. 115. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 411. 116. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1763), 585–90. 117. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 422–23. 118. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 423. 119. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 425. 120. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1763), 595–97. 121. See Debus, English Paracelsians, and De Vos, “From Herbs to Alchemy,” 152–54. 122. Joseph Duchesne, La pharmacopée des dogmatiques (Paris: Charles F. d C. M orel, 1629), 14–18. Duchesne repeatedly writes that a more detailed discussion of alchemical techniques and medicines will be included in a f uture “Pharmacopee Spagyrique” he plans to write. Such a volume never appeared, however, presumably due to his death in 1609. 123. Duchesne, Pharmacopée des dogmatiques, a iii v. 124. This transition was not without controversy. The Royal Society was established by the king at the urging of Juan de Cabriada, son of a medical professor in Valencia and author of the Carta Filosóἀca, Medico-­Chymica (Essay on Medico-­Chemical Philosophy, 1687) advocating the new chemical medicine. Cabriada’s essay and the work of Palacios, described below, elicited impassioned responses defending Mesue’s Canons—­see Jorge Basilio Flores, Mesue defendido contra D. Felix Palacios: Muy util para todos los profesores de la medicina (Murcia: Joseph Diaz Cayuelas, 1721). But in t he end, there was a de cisive adoption of chemical remedies. See Debus, “Paracelsus and the Delayed Scientific Revolution in Spain,” 147–62, for an expanded overview of the debates surrounding the introduction of chemical medicine in Spain. See also Francisco Javier Puerto Sarmiento, “Química y química farmaceútica durante la Ilustración Española,” in Química, botánica y farmacia en la Nueva España a ἀnales del siglo XVIII, ed. Patricia Aceves Pastrana, 63–82 (Mexico: Universidad Autónoma Metropolitana, Unidad Xochimilco, 1993). 125. Jerónimo de la Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo methodo medico y chimico (Zaragoza: Por los herederos de Diego Dormer, 1695), title page.

320

Notes to Pages 208–211

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126. Chapter 19 also treats distilled waters. 127. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706); Juan de Loeches, Tyrocinium pharmaceuCopyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

ticum, theorico-­practicum, galeno-­chymicum (Madrid: Franciscum Martinez Abad, 1719); Francisco Brihuega, Examen pharmaceutico, galeno-­chimico, teorico-­practico, 2nd ed. (Madrid: en la Imprenta Real de la Gazeta, se hallarà en la Libreria de Juan de Llera, 1775); Pedro de Viñaburu, Cartilla pharmaceutica chimico-­galenica (Pamplona: D. Josef Miguel de Ezquerro, 1778). 128. Félix Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica . . . (Madrid: Viuda de Don Joaquin Ibarra, 1792), “Discurso Preliminar” (which first appears with the 3rd ed., Madrid, 1724), 2. 129. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1792), “Discurso Preliminar,” 2. 130. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1792), “Discurso Preliminar,” 2. 131. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1792), “Discurso Preliminar,” 2; and Félix Palacios, Curso chymico (Madrid: por Juan Garcia Infançon, 1703). 132. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1792), “Discurso Preliminar,” 3. 133. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 1. 134. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), Al Senior Doctor D. Diego Matheo Zapata (preliminary pages/dedications). 135. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 1. 136. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), prologue. 137. John Tate Lanning, The Royal Protomedicato: The Regulation of the Medical Professions in the Spanish Empire (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1985), 232–36. 138. Pharmacopoeia Matritensis (Madrid: Antonio Perez de Soto, 1762). 139. Pharmacopoeia Hispana (Madrid: Ex Typographia Ibarriana, 1794), Index Capitum.

Conclusion 1. For an overview of these processes in the United States, see Joseph Gabriel, Medical Monopoly: Intellectual Property Rights and the Rise of the Modern Pharmaceutical Industry (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014); Joseph M. Gabriel, “Restricting the Sale of ‘Deadly Poisons’: Pharmacists, Drug Regulation, and Narratives of Suffering in the Gilded Age,” Pharmacy in History 53, no. 1 (2011):29–45; and Jonathan Liebenau, Medical Science and Medical Industry: The Formation of the American Pharmaceutical Industry (Houndmills, Basingstoke, Hampshire: Macmillan, 1987). For Mexico, see Mariana Ortiz Reynoso, F. Javier Puerto Sarmiento, and Patricia E. Aceves Pastrana, “La reglamentación del ejercicio farmacéutico en México. Parte 1 (1841–1902),” Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Farmacéuticas 39, no. 1 (2008): 12–19. For alkaloids, see John E. Lesch, “Conceptual Change in an Empirical Science: The Discovery of the First Alkaloids,” Historical Studies in the Physical Sciences 11, no. 2 (1981): 305–28; and Michael Wink, “A Short History of Alkaloids,” in Alkaloids: Biochemistry, Ecology, and Medicinal Application, ed. Margaret F. Roberts (New York: Springer, 2011), 11–4 4. Notes to Pages 211–220

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2. Patrick J. Coyne, Lea Ann Hansen, Ashby C. Watson, “Compounded Drugs: Are Customized Prescription Drugs a Salvation, Snake Oil, or Both?,” American Journal of Nursing Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

103, no. 5 (2003): 78. 3. Randy P. McDonough, Loyd V. Allen, and Sara Wettergreen, “The Art, Science, and Practice of Pharmacy Compounding,” Journal of the American Pharmacists Association 53, no. 1 (2013): 9. Compounding pharmacies were the subject of much attention and criticism when contaminated vials of methylprednisolone used for epidural steroid injections caused an outbreak of fungal meningitis in October 2012. 4. Coyne, Hansen, and Watson, “Compounded Drugs,” 78; and McDonough, Allen, and Wettergreen, “Art, Science, and Practice,” 10.

322

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INDEX

Note: The letter t after a page number denotes a table. absinthe, 38t, 39, 130, 148, 156t, 171; in alchemy, 208,

amber, 20, 58, 59t, 61, 147t, 209

209; common, 63, 64t; in compounds, 135–36,

ambergris, 41, 52t, 54, 55t, 57, 64t, 65

144

angelica, 38t, 40, 130, 201t, 209

Abulcasis. See Al-­Z ahrāwī [Abulcasis] acacia, 49t, 64t, 87, 267n119 achiote, 167t, 169 adhesives, 20, 134, 155, 161, 162, 165, 301n83

animal parts, 3, 54, 55t, 56, 57, 64, 129, 157; claws, hooves, tails, 135, 173; hides, 174; horn, 66t. See also human parts and products animal products (blood, excretions, fat, milk, stones,

agaric, 64t, 131, 133, 135, 207, 241

secretions), 54, 55t, 64, 65; ambergris, 41, 52t, 57;

agave, 168, 173

“axin” or “quaxin” from an insect, 156; casto-

agrimony, 87; hemp, 38t, 64t

reum, 41; feces, 56, 57, 135, 235, 236; frog sperm,

Agrippa, Cornelius, 77, 144t

137–38; milk, 54, 55t; musk, 41; wool, 55t, 174. See

Aguilera, Antonio de, 84–85, 115, 117–18, 226t, 230t

also eggs; honey

ailments, 132. See under individual body parts

animal simples, 36t, 54–58, 60, 64, 65t, 177t

Albertus Magnus, 75, 227t, 272n214

animals, 174, 55t, 56, 64; beavers, 57; cattle: 38t, 56, 57,

alchemy: medical, 16, 77, 184–85, 187, 196, 309n3; medieval, 186, 192, 195–200, 277n40

65; dogs, 54, 56, 236; fox, 132, 137, 138, 237; frogs, 57, 65, 137–38, 141; goat, 20, 48, 54, 57, 139; live,

alcohol, 171, 189, 198, 200, 206t

137; lizard, 54, 156t, 171t; opossum, 156t, 171t;

Alderotti, Taddeo, 75–77, 81, 83, 90, 189; school of,

pigs, 56, 57, 139, 141; puppies, 101, 137–38, 238;

78, 84, 117 Alexandria, 15, 21, 43, 174, 188, 191, 261n554, 263n77 alkaloids, 11, 171, 220 almond, 43t, 63, 64t, 90, 139, 144t; bitter, 45, 138, 238, 244; oil, 127t, 136, 137, 147t; sweet, 45, 135, 238, 293 aloe, 48–49, 63, 65, 66, 67t, 184; wood, 43t, 63, 64t al-­R āzī (also Rhazes), 9, 108, 110, 189, 227t, 229t; and Dioscorides, 33; and Galen, 116; a major alchemical authority, 193t, 194, 195

rats, 56, 129; sheep, 56, 141; sperm whales, 55t, 57. See also deer; insects; snakes anise, 19, 43t, 45, 64t, 67t, 133, 135–36, 209; oil, 147t; in prescriptions, 63; seed, 132; spirit of, 184, 208; syrup of, 131 annatto, 155, 159, 167, 169, 298n33 Antidotarium magnum, 108, 189; Antidotarium Nicolai, a smaller version of, 108–12, 114, 120 antidotes, 61, 73, 120, 121, 164, 170; antivenom decoction, 128, 137; for poison, 41, 54, 62, 122t

alum, 59t, 62, 64, 67t, 208

anti-­i nflammatories, 39, 41, 45, 48, 50, 52

Al-­Z ahrāwī [Abulcasis], 107, 189, 190, 229t, 250n14,

antimony, 59t, 61, 128, 137, 209, 243

286n21, 279n50

antivenereals, 162, 163, 164, 166, 170, 218, 300n66

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apothecaries, 34, 78, 82–84, 88–90, 92–94, 210–12; and

Bacon, Roger, 75, 196–97, 198, 200, 317n69

alchemical operations, 190–91; in New Spain,

Badianus manuscript, 152, 153, 173

12–13, 152, 309n2; professional, 84, 85, 118; as

Baghdad, 9, 15, 33, 78, 107

practitioner, 28, 70, 117, 119, 188; responsibilities

balsam, 41, 45, 46, 146t, 163t, 165, 175; Peru, 64; of

of, 91, 98–100, 102, 132, 289n68 apothecary shops, 5, 13, 109, 129, 175; contents of, 4, 19; in New Spain, 34, 149, 151

Tolu, 150 barberry, 49, 51t, 52t basilicon, 142, 144t

apple, 101, 134, 207

bay tree/berries, 38t, 209

aqrabadhin. See under formularies

bdellium, 42t, 43t, 48, 52t, 66, 67t, 140, 141

Arabian Peninsula, 21, 46

Beguin, Jean, 201, 202t, 204, 208, 211

Arabic scholars, 15, 45, 71, 72, 106, 116; alchemical

betony (bettany), 38t, 40, 87, 101, 130, 141, 208

writings of, 195; authors, 30, 70, 52, 114, 116, 185,

bezoar, 52t, 55t, 58, 65, 66t, 129, 155, 171t

218, 267n116; Ibn Abi ’l-­Bayān, 107, 123t; Ibn al-­

bioprospecting, 151–58, 179–82, 221, 295n2

Baytār, 33; Ibn al-­Jazzār, 250n10; Ibn al-­Tilmīdh, · 107, 108, 123t; Ibn Jazla, 107; Ibn Juljul, 33; Ibn

birds: chickens, 55t, 57, 129; feces, 56; pigeons, 54

Khaldūn, 195; Ibn Sahl, 107, 114, 116, 121; Ibn

bistort, 40t, 41, 66t

Sīnā, 1221; influence of, 16, 17–18, 109–10, 193;

bitumen, 56, 59t, 61

medical writings of, 30, 106, 108, 121; physician-­

bladder ailments, 40t, 58, 62, 141, 165

philosophers, 9, 75, 103, 217

blood, 58, 61, 128, 136, 141, 160, 163, 195; animal prod-

Arabic: formularies, 104, 106, 111, 121; pharmacopoeias, 106, 286n18, 289n78 Aristotle, 69, 75, 100, 108, 192, 193t, 194; cosmology of,

birthwort, 19, 38t, 39, 64t, 67t, 88, 90, 141; extract, 207

uct, 3, 54, 55t, 56; in diarrhea, 159, 165, 169; goat, 20, 237; human (as a simple), 57, 65, 200, 201, 205; to staunch, 50, 155–56, 167, 168

256n4; four-­element theory, 23–24; hylomor-

bloodstone, 20, 59t, 61, 62, 136, 155, 156t, 171t

phism, 72; matter theory of, 73, 219

bone: animal parts, 3, 54, 55t, 56, 89, 95, 205; broken,

Armenian bole, 59t, 61, 64, 129, 136, 141, 144 arnica, 177, 178t aromatics, 37t, 41, 42t, 52, 95, 129, 135–36, 203; Asian, 9, 44, 63, 65; in compounds, 129, 141; Eastern,

141; deer, 57, 65; in elixation, 97; spurs, 48 borage, 19, 38t, 64t, 128, 130, 131, 144t, 146; distilled water of, 190, 200; flower preserve, 147t; harvesting of, 87

142; simples, 133, 172, 217; spices, 36, 265n92;

borax, 52t, 62, 148; borate of soda, 59t

traditional, 177t

botany, 180, 182. See also Mexican ethnobotany and

arsenic, 59t, 61

pharmacy

artemisia, 87, 156t, 171t

bowel ailments, 41, 47, 48–49

artisans, 100, 188

brick oil, 147t, 189, 190

asafetida, 148; giant fennel, 38t, 47

briony, 88, 90, 207

Ascoli, Saladino da, 35t, 190; Compendium aromatar-

bugloss, 128, 130, 200, 201t

ium, 34, 84, 112, 124, 229t asparagus, 38t, 39, 40, 87, 88

burns, 41, 50 Byzantine, the, 8–9, 15, 21, 29, 33, 109–10, 227t

asphalt, 56, 59t, 61, 189 asthma, 61, 132, 158, 165 astringents, 45, 48–49, 104, 120, 122t; bistort root, 38t,

cacao, 157, 167, 176; beans, 137, 156t, 171t; beverage, 159, 162, 169, 170, 173, 298n33

41; izquixochitl, 172; mangle gum, 54; mesquite,

cactus, 167, 168, 170, 295n8

169; minerals, salts, and ores, 58, 61–62, 141;

Cairo, 12, 15, 67, 107, 286n18

myrrh, 46; plantain, 50; saffron, 265n92; sweet

calamint, 38t, 59t

flag, 44; tormentil, 39; turpentine, 48; urine, 173;

calcination, 184, 186, 188, 190, 201, 204, 205, 206,

white lead, 139; zedoary, 52 atomism, 23, 24, 288–29, 250n12 attraction and repulsion, force of, 27, 72–73, 77, 85 Averroes. See Ibn Rushd/ Averroes Avicenna. See Ibn Sīnā/ Avicenna

319n91 camel grass, 42t, 49, 63, 64t, 265n92, 268n128; powder of, 143 camphor, 20, 42t, 43t, 52, 63, 64t, 65, 66t, 139, 140; distilled water of, 189

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canafistula, 52t, 86, 97, 175

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cantharides, 55t, 66t

collyria (eye medications), 61, 121, 122t, 285n7; colirio, 142, 243

caper, 38t, 39, 88, 144t

colocynth (bitter apple), 64t, 86, 207

caraway, 40t, 87

Columbian Exchange, 52, 56, 66

cardamom, 44, 64t, 133, 208, 209; Asian aromatic, 42t,

Columbus, Christopher, 151, 167, 170

43t, 63, 65; in the pharmacies, 20, 41, 66, 67t

complexion, 6, 8–10, 20–21, 24, 26–29, 33, 219; in

carnation, 101, 146, 147t

alchemy, 192, 194–96; of different individuals,

carrot, 38t, 39

217, 60n51; simples and, 70–78, 81–82, 216–17,

cashew, 53t, 178t

218, 250n12, 280n65; of a substance, 99

cassia, 44, 63, 64t, 129, 133, 265n92

compounding, 104, 105, 106, 111, 112–15, 117

Castels, Antonio de, 128, 129, 134, 139, 140, 190–91,

compounds, 102, 113–20, 130, 217, 141, 145t; action-­

201; Theorica y pratica de boticarios, 112, 225t,

based classification of, 104, 120, 121, 122t; to

226t

identify and categorize, 122–23t, 290nn82, 83;

castoreum, 54, 57, 65, 270n146

medicines, 126t, 129, 215; method-­based clas-

cathartics, 120, 172

sification of, 103–4, 111, 124–40, 142, 146; oils,

celery, 19, 38t, 64t, 128, 207; in antivenom decoction,

45, 136; powders, 101, 128–29, 290n81; primary,

128, 137; roots, 88, 90; seeds, 87, 136 Celtic nard, 42t, 49, 51t, 133, 141, 265n92 centaury, 40t, 64t, 87, 88, 207, 208, 209

126, 127t; in pharmacy inventories, 146t, 147t; in prescriptions, 64, 144t; in 17th-­century Mexico, 143t, 294n190

chalcitis, 59t, 141

confections, 4, 127t, 144t. See also under electuaries

chamomile, 19, 38t, 39, 40, 63, 64t, 209, 141; oil, 137,

contrayerva, 53t, 177, 178t

143–44; when to harvest, 87 chasteberry, 38t, 39, 88 chemical analysis, 170, 171, 179, 185 chemical medicines, 7, 16, 185, 187–88, 201–4, 211–12, 310nn5–6; remedies, 210, 320n124 chemico-­Galenic compromise, 184, 185, 187, 209–14, 218; texts, 11, 85

copal, 48, 160, 161, 163t, 164, 165, 177; in Herrera pharmacy, 150. See also under gums copper: equipment, 68, 90, 91, 120, 191; items in Herrera pharmacy inventory, 4, 241, 242, 244, 245, 246; mineral simple, 59t, 61, 167, 174 coral, 54, 58, 59t, 66t, 129, 270n146; red, 20, 62, 64, 65, 136, 143, 144t; syrup, 131; white, 20

chest ailments, 41, 48, 128, 131, 132, 158, 159

Córdoba, 15, 33, 189, 279n50

chicory, 40t, 41, 101, 130, 190

cosmology, 21, 70, 257n12, 279–80n65; astral influ-

chili peppers, 156t, 159, 169–70 China root, 43t, 156t, 162, 163t, 177, 178t, 209; in antivenom decoction, 128, 137

ence, 86; Christian, 77, 98 Costus root, 43t, 44, 63, 64t, 133 cotton, 157, 160, 161, 165, 174, 176–77

chocolate, 155, 159, 165, 172, 298n33

coughs, 47, 48, 54, 101, 240

Christianity: churches, 46; cosmology, 77, 98; theol-

cubeb, 42t, 43t, 52, 65, 66t

ogy, 108, 275n16

cuckoo-­pint, 38t, 40

chymiatria, 185, 187

cucumber, 43t, 64t, 139

cinnabar, 59t, 61, 188

cumin seed, 64t, 87, 148, 208

cinnamon, 19, 41–44, 52, 63, 64t, 133, 144, 148; aro-

curanderismo, 157, 158, 170

matic, 129, 131; powder, 143; Cinnamon Route,

cypress, 38t, 143

265n92 clove, 43t, 64t, 133, 144, 148, 209, 266n99; aromatic, 41, 42t, 44–45, 63, 129, 131, 135; in tinctures, 209, 240

dates, 37, 40, 66t, 90, 128, 208 decoction, 95, 96, 124, 125t, 143t, 144t, 145t; through

cochineal, 55t, 57, 168, 174, 175, 176–77, 178t

elixation, 118–19, 127; and infusions, 101, 123t,

coconut, 52t, 137, 167

126, 127–28, 136, 146; Mesue and, 190; one of four

coction, 91, 93, 96, 97, 119, 126, 127t. See also decoction; elixation; infusion; lavation; trituration

operations, 278n49; techniques, 97, 120 deer, 55t, 57, 64t, 65; antler, 128, 129, 136, 184, 205, 208

colds. See head colds

diacatalicon, 144t, 147t

coleric, 135, 144t

diaprunis, 144t, 147t

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diarrhea, 44, 45, 128, 159, 162, 169

4, 68, 91, 93, 183, 184, 191, 218, 219. See also cop-

diarrhodon, 144t, 147t

per; vessels

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dietetics, 17, 23, 25, 26, 104, 112 digestive ailments, 40, 41, 48, 49, 52, 136, 169 dill, 39, 64t, 67t, 87, 138, 143–44 Dioscorides, 29, 34, 69–70, 173, 249n9, 265n92,

essence(s), 4, 11, 27, 75, 98, 184–87, 197–99, 201, 204t, 206t, 208–9, 210–11, 215 ethnobotanists, 54, 150, 175, 179. See also Mexican ethnobotany and pharmacy

266n98; De materia medica, 8, 20–22, 32–34,

European snakeroot, 39, 53t, 64t, 66t

50, 70; portrait of, 33; simples in, 32, 54, 258n17,

expectorants, 47, 48, 132

279n56

extracts, 184, 186, 205–6, 207, 211

distillation, 195, 200, 201, 203, 277n40; sublimation, and calcination, 186, 188, 189, 190 distilled waters, 190, 191, 200, 206, 203, 296, 215

eye medications, 58, 62, 94, 161–62, 285n7; washes, 120–21, 122t, 142, 146. See also collyria (eye medications)

dittany, 40t, 41, 64t, 66t, 67t, 88, 90, 148; extract, 207 diuretics, 41, 44–45, 48, 52, 56, 63, 162, 171–72

febrifuge, 50, 54, 205, 218 fennel, 19, 37, 40t, 65, 64t, 66t, 67t, 88; carminative

dodder, 50, 51t, 64t, 87, 143

essence made from, 208, 209; distilled water

dragon’s blood, 42t, 43t, 48, 239

of, 190; emmenagogue, 41; giant, 38t, 47; oils

drugs, 24, 25, 220, 249n9, 255n31

derived from, 136; in prescriptions, 63; quintes-

drug therapeutics, 6, 17, 24, 26, 104, 120, 220, 276n31;

sence of, 201t; seed, 132; syrup of, 131

complex world of, 112, 113; Mesoamerican, 152,

fenugreek, 49, 50, 51t, 64t, 66t, 67t, 140, 234; used in

153, 172, 173

plasters, 141; seed, 143–44

Duchesne, 201, 204, 210

fermentation, 116, 117, 159, 188, 207–8

dunamis, 8, 18, 20, 23, 25–27, 72, 81, 102, 185; concept

fever, 40, 41, 162, 164, 171, 200, 209. See also febrifuge

of, 15, 29, 69, 259n40, 261n57 dyes, 45, 57, 58, 155, 169 dysentery, 62, 169, 280n65

flax: seeds, 141, 143–44 Florence, 15, 243; Giglio pharmacy in, 129, 145; Nuovo Receptario of, 112 Florentine Codex, by Bernardino de Sahagún, 152,

earths and exudates, 58, 59t, 61, 89, 144 earthworms, 55t, 56, 57, 64t, 65; in recipes, 137, 138, 141, 208

153, 160, 161 flowers, 3, 36, 37t, 41, 90, 129, 136, 172, 203, 144t formularies, 16, 112–13, 114, 148; aqrabadhin, 9, 103,

eggs, 54, 101, 136–37, 139, 147t, 156–57

104, 107, 286n16; alchemical, 184, 188, 200–209;

elder, 38t, 143

Arabic, 104, 111, 121; as a genre, 11, 78, 105, 106–7,

election, 69, 85–90 electuaries, 4, 127t, 129, 132–33, 142, 144, 146; Benedicta, 147t; and confections, 93, 123t, 124, 125t, 126t, 143t, 145t elixation, 96, 97, 118, 119, 127t, 282. See also coction; decoction; infusion; lavation; trituration elixirs, 11, 185, 186, 194, 197, 316n61; elizir, 194–95; medicinal, 195–96

184, 186, 191; Latin, 109–10, 287n27 four elements, 69, 81, 193t, 194, 197, 219, 257n13, 317n69; diagrammed, 199; theory of, 23–24, 28–29, 192, 257n15 frankincense, 41, 42t, 46, 48, 49t, 129, 133, 140; in Dioscorides, 47; in embalming, 56; in religious ceremonies, 164 French lavender, 38t, 64t, 144t, 146

emerald, 58, 59t, 62, 64, 129, 205

frogs, 56, 65

emetics, 120, 121, 122t

fruits, 36, 65, 99, 123t, 131, 136, 203; in compounds,

emmenagogues, 39–41, 45–50, 56, 57, 61, 265n92

129, 130; in decoctions, 120, 128; in Mexican

emollients, 50, 120, 122t, 162

diet, 166–67; in Nahua pharmacopoeia, 169, 173;

encyclopedias, 29, 106, 107, 250n14

Rupescissa and, 198–99, 200; as simples, 19, 36,

endive, 38t, 40, 87, 131, 144t, 190

37t; various, 45, 48, 165–66, 168, 171, 265n94;

enemas, 121, 122t epilepsy, 41, 49, 135, 172, 208, 240 equipment, 203; alchemical, 212, 213, 214; various,

when to harvest, 87–88; -­xocotl to signify, 157 Fuente Pierola, Jerónimo de la, 85, 201, 202t, 204t, 210–11, 280n65

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fumaria, 128, 130

tragacanth, 19, 43t, 47, 63, 129, 132; when to col-

fumitory, 38t, 64t

lect, 88. See also individual gums

galangal, 20, 42t, 43t, 52, 52t, 63, 64t, 129, 209

head colds, 159, 165

galbanum gum, 42t, 43t, 48, 65, 66t, 133, 140, 141

headache, 41, 50, 158, 159, 161–62, 168, 200

Galen, 6, 16, 29, 35t, 77, 211, 212, 250n11, 260n43;

helenium, 38t, 39, 67t

ambiguities left by, 9, 70–71, 73, 81, 113, 115, 217,

hellebore, 38t, 66t, 67t, 88, 184, 207

218; and Aristotle, 23, 24, 69; and compounds,

hematite. See bloodstone

103, 140, 141–48, 183–84; and materia medica, 33,

hemorrhage, 46, 56, 58, 61, 62

50, 66, 166, 265n92; portrait of, 23; reputation of,

henbane, 64t, 141

108, 248n5; and simples, 21, 22–32, 181, 258n17,

herbs, 39, 41, 87, 220; Mediterranean, 33, 37, 63, 65

260n45; works by, 8, 22–23, 27, 71–73, 105–6,

Hermes Trismegistus, 77, 195

114, 115–16

hermodactyl, 19, 49, 51t, 66t, 87

Galenic pharmacy, 6–7, 186, 203, 216, 217, 218; animal

Hernández, Francisco, 150–51, 155, 171, 173, 174, 179,

simples in, 54–58; correction in, 91–98; election

182; Index Medicamentorum, 152, 153, 154; and

in, 85–90; method-­based categories in, 120–41;

tacamahaca, 165–66; and vanilla, 160

mineral simples in, 58–62; in New Spain, 62–66, 184; stages of development in, 8–12 gargles, 104, 120–21. See also throat and chest ailments

Herrera pharmacy, Mexico City, 3–4, 7, 11, 13, 126, 183; contents of, 18, 101, 121, 151, 184, 216; inventory of, 4, 104, 111, 112, 149–50, 176

garnet, 59t, 129

Herrera y Campos, Jacinto de, 2, 34, 247n2

Geber. See Jābir ibn Hayyān, Abu Mūsā; pseudo-­

Hippocrates, 23–24, 25, 27, 35t, 216

Geber gentian, 39, 66t, 88, 209

Hippocratic Corpus, 8, 104, 112 honey, 4, 46–47, 54, 101, 206; in compounds, 121, 123t,

germander, 87, 138

127t, 129–33, 143t, 144t, 145t; in Nahua medicine,

ginger, 41, 42t, 43t, 63, 64t, 130, 133, 144; aromatic, 129;

156, 173, 298n33; preservative and sweetener,

to prevent scurvy, 44 gold, 59t, 64, 135, 174, 200, 201t; -­smithing, 58

57–58, 62, 126; in recipes, 130, 131, 132–33; in secondary compounds, 134, 140

gout, 40, 44–45, 50, 56

horehound, 130, 132

grains of paradise, 49, 52t, 63, 64t, 67t, 133, 268n128;

hospitals, 66, 67, 107, 141, 144, 181–82; documentation,

gum, 66; seeds of, 42t Greek, 5, 9, 29, 72, 120–23, 193; ancient, 8, 14–16, 35t, 104, 117, 212, 265n92; classical, 25–27; derivation of terms, 128, 131, 134, 140, 141, 292n143; medical writings, 33, 50–51, 261n54; tradition, 7, 107 GRIN (USDA Germplasm Resources Information Network) database, 36, 50, 263n76

294n190; Hospital of Espiritu Sancto, 142, 223t; for the poor, 63, 145; Real Hospital del Amor de Dios, 224t human parts and products: blood, 65, 141, 201t, 205; corpses, 56, 57; cranium, 135, 205, 208; mummy flesh, 20; skull, 20 humoral system: in alchemy, 185; compound medi-

guavas, 167, 169

cines and, 115, 128, 135, 136, 140; Galenic, 21–22,

guayacan, 53t, 66t, 158, 162, 163–64, 183; in the Her-

26–27, 69–70, 71, 106, 175; simples and, 132, 166,

rera pharmacy, 150, 176; importance of, 176–77, 218 gum ammoniac, 42t, 43t, 48, 63, 64t, 65, 66, 67t, 135, 140, 141 gum arabic, 42t, 48, 49t, 63, 64t, 133 gums, 36, 66t, 134, 140, 177t, 203; binders, 135;

216, 280n65 humors, four, 6, 25, 73, 82. See also humoral system hyacinth, 43t, 62, 144t hylomorphism, 24, 72, 219, 250n12 hyssop, 38t, 40, 64t, 67t, 87, 130–32, 143–44; flowers, 128; quintessence of, 201t

caranna, 42t, 48, 53t, 177, 178t; copal, 42t, 53t, 178t; gum of Sonora, 42t, 48, 53t, 150, 178t; mas-

iatrochemistry, 184, 187, 210

tic, 38t, 39; and resins, 37t, 41, 45, 46, 56, 63, 129,

Ibn Rushd/ Averroes, 9, 90, 98, 108, 110, 117; and spe-

136, 141, 162; sagapeno, 42t, 43t; sweetgum/ storax, 38t, 39, 65; tacamahaca, 48, 53t, 178t;

cific form, 75, 82 Ibn Sahl, Sābūr, 107, 114, 116, 121, 217, 250n14

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Ibn Sīnā/ Avicenna, 70–71, 74, 75, 82, 116, 196–97, 217–18; and the active Intellect, 275n15; Alderotti

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and, 77; as Avicenna, 9; and celestial virtue, 98,

labdanum gum, 38t, 42t, 48, 64t lambative, 4, 124, 126t, 127t, 129, 146, 217; or lincture, 131–32; in prescription lists, 142

219; and Dioscorides, 33; influence of, 32, 89, 90,

Lapis lazuli, 58, 59t

108, 189, 250n11; Mesue and, 10; portrait of, 30

Laredo, Bernardino de, 84–85, 112, 125t, 132, 190,

Ibn Sīnā/ Avicenna: Canons of Medicine, 29–30, 31, 34, 76, 108, 110; book 1, 71; book 2, 274n3; book 5, 109 Ibn Wafid, 33, 35t, 120, 150, 256n4; Liber aggregatus, 21, 34, 35t, 229t

226t, 230t latex. See rubber Latin, 34, 77, 98, 114, 190, 195; authors, 70, 71, 185, 189; early modern texts, 12, 30, 122t; formularies,

Imperatoria (masterwort), 49, 51t

109–10, 287n27; knowledge tradition, 5, 7, 14, 15,

incense, 44, 120–21, 122t, 141, 164, 165; Incense Road,

33, 112, 250n14; medieval texts, 68, 104, 124, 125t;

46, 48 indigenous, 5, 149–50, 270n149; knowledge traditions,

Middle Ages, 75, 106, 184; origins of terms, 130, 131–32, 133, 134, 135, 139, 261n57, 292n143, 312n17;

13–14, 251n19; materia medica, 153, 181–82,

scholars, 15, 72, 73, 103, 116, 195, 218, 219; trans-

295n10; medicine, 13, 152, 156, 173, 180; people,

lations, 16, 30, 76, 78, 103, 108, 117, 153, 279n50;

156, 159, 166, 172; simples, 162, 169, 308n170 infusion, 83, 101, 186, 212, 215, 278n49; and Galenic categories, 123t, 126, 127, 130, 131, 132; and Galenic correction, 91, 93, 95–97; in secondary

West, 10, 11, 17, 60, 78 laurel, 38t, 40, 63, 64t, 88, 136 lavation, 91, 93, 94–95, 126, 212, 278n49. See also coction; decoction; elixation; infusion; trituration

compounds, 136, 137, 138, 146, 146t. See also coc-

lavender, 40, 130, 131, 208

tion; decoction; elixation; lavation; trituration

laxatives, 45, 49, 72

injuries, 41, 48–49

lead, 59t, 64, 101

Inquisition, the, 63, 142, 144–45, 170, 223t, 295n8

lemon, 52t, 63, 64t, 101, 129, 130, 209; balm 39, 88, 147t

insects, 55t, 56–57, 148, 156, 168, 173; ants, 137; bees,

lentisk seeds, 87, 208, 209

50, 55t, 57; beetles, 66t; blister beetle, 55t, 57,

leprosy, 61, 200

65, 66t

lettuce, 19, 67t, 87, 130, 200, 201t

intestines: animal, 56, 129; ailments of the, 161–62 inventories, pharmacy, 34, 49, 58, 65, 177, 263n75; and prescriptions, 3, 12, 39, 63, 142, 145–46

licorice, 40t, 41, 63, 64t, 129, 131, 135; juice, 132, 133; root, 128, 137 lily, 39, 63, 64t, 67t, 87, 131, 137; root, 132, 201t

ipecac, 53t, 66t, 147t, 178t

lime, 59t, 62

Islamic: conquests, 8, 21, 29; empires, 7, 50, 52, 57, 103,

lincture, 123t, 125t, 131–32, 143t

106, 227t, 269n135; traditions, 272n164; world, 9,

liniments, 4, 46, 121, 139

107, 218, 266n98

linseed 64t, 127t, 147t; oil, 137

itzahuatl/iztauhyatl, 155, 170–71

liquidambar (sweetgum), 63–64, 164, 176

ivy, 38t, 39, 66t

litharge, 59t, 64, 139, 141, 143–44, 189 liver ailments, 50, 62, 165

Jābir ibn Hayyān, Abu Mūsā, 193, 194–95

lozenges, 123t, 124, 125t, 134, 135, 143t, 145t, 146

jacinth, 52t, 59t, 62, 129; confection, 101, 144, 147t

lung ailments, 48, 94

jalap, 53t, 66t, 147t, 150, 175, 178t, 183, 207; importance of, 176–77; storage of, 166 jojoba, 53t, 150, 177, 178t Juan infante herb, 156t, 171t, 172

mace, 42t, 43t, 44, 52t, 63, 64t, 129; in compounds, 133, 144, 148, 208, 209; not mentioned in Dioscorides, 266n98

jujube, 43t, 45

magnets, 59t, 62, 72–73

juleps, 120, 130, 139

maguey, 160, 167t, 168, 173, 176–77

juniper, 19, 39, 40–41, 54, 67t, 128, 137; berries, 51t,

maidenhair, 51t, 54, 64t, 128, 132, 144t, 146; quintes-

128, 208, 209

sence of, 201t; syrup of, 131 maize, 155, 167

karabe, 52t, 144t kidney ailments, 39, 50, 52, 62

mallow, 19, 40t, 41, 101, 128, 130, 137; when to harvest, 87

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mangle gum, 42t, 51t, 54, 239 manna, 39t, 41, 42t, 46–47, 52t, 135–36, 267n116;

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syrup, 101 marble, 58, 59t, 64

about the behavior of, 193, 194, 196. See also individual metals Mexican ethnobotany and pharmacy, 57, 148, 150, 166, 170, 180, 181

marc, or caput mortem, 186, 205, 208

Mexican pepper, 156t, 167t, 171t

marjoram, 39, 43t, 87, 130, 140

Mexico City, 13–14, 15

marshmallow, 40t, 41, 63, 64t, 143–44

milfoil, 54, 87

mastic, 19, 42t, 63, 64t, 65, 66t, 129, 139; when to har-

millipedes, 56, 57, 129

vest, 87; used as a binder, 40, 48, 135, 141. See also

mineral salts, 59t, 61–62, 205

under gums

mineral simples, 36t, 54, 58–62, 64, 65t, 89, 177t; pre-

materia medica, 16, 149, 151, 152, 216, 295n3; Galenic, 21, 255n31 matter theory: Aristotelian, 73, 192; Galen’s, 69–70, 217, 218, 219–20; Mesue’s, 250n12 meadowsweet, 39t, 40, 88 mechoacan, 53t, 166, 176, 178t, 207, 144t, 183, 218;

cious, 174; stones, 155 mint, 64t, 128, 130, 140, 143, 148, 209; distilled, 190, 208; syrup, 101; in prescriptions, 63 mithridatium, 105, 133 Monardes, Nicolás, 162–64, 165, 166, 170, 172, 174; and tobacco, 158, 159; treatise by, 152, 173, 175

exported, 175; powder, 64, 150; root, 158, 177

Montpellier. See under universities

medical alchemy, 16, 77, 184–85, 187, 196, 309n3, 311n11

mucilage, 126, 135, 141, 162, 164, 165

medical schools. See universities

mulberry, 88, 137, 147t

medicinal salts, 205, 319n91

mummy, 20, 55, 56, 57, 65, 141, 160

medicinal virtue, 46, 97, 112, 185, 196, 197, 198, 316n61;

musk, 52t, 55t

concept of the, 15, 77, 112; Mesue and, 82, 183;

myrobalan, 19, 43t, 45, 52t, 64t, 66t, 128

Monardes and, 158, 174

myrrh, 41, 42t, 48, 49t, 63, 140; in compounds, 64t,

medicines, 25–26, 54, 115, 128, 134, 174, 259n43; and poisons, 275n16 medieval: alchemy, 186, 192, 195–200, 277n40; authors,

132, 133, 141, 209, 239, 240, 241; troche, 136, 148; various uses of, 46, 56, 129, 135, 140, 164 myrtle, 19, 39t, 40, 101, 136, 141, 147t

5, 34, 54, 98; Islam, 60, 217 melilot, 87, 137

Nahua: materia medica, 12, 150, 153, 166, 175–76;

melon, 50, 51t, 87

medicines, 171t, 173; pharmacology, 155t, 156t,

mercury, 61, 64, 131, 139, 164; and sulfur, 192, 314n43

157t, 158–70, 172–73, 295n3; pharmacopoeia, 52,

Mesoamerica, 11, 20; food complex in, 166–69, 174; medicinal plants in, 149–50, 152, 158, 159, 163, 165, 218; society in, 155, 161, 172, 173. See also under Nahua

150–51, 155, 157, 162, 177, 179, 296n10 Native Americans, 65t, 149, 177t, 183, 296–97n16. See also indigenous; Nahua nerve problems, 165, 166

mesquite, 167t, 168–69

New Galen, the, 30, 75

Mesue, John, 9–10, 15, 30, 86, 190, 196–97, 250nn10,11,

New World materia medica, 11, 52, 173–79

277n32; and the celestial virtue, 78–85, 277n40;

nitre, 208, 209; niteror soda, 59t

and compounds, 128, 131, 135, 139; and processes,

Nopal cactus, 167t, 168

95, 97, 100, 185–86; pseudo-­Mesue, 9, 11, 79, 225t,

nose ailments, 47, 122t, 159

277n32; and purgatives, 81, 91; and simples, 69,

nutmeg, 41, 43t, 44, 64t, 129, 133; distilled, 208; oil,

279n56; works by, 113–14, 278n46 Mesue, John: Grabadin, 10, 78, 103, 110, 111–13, 124, 218;

136, 147t nuts, 90, 201t

and compounds, 104, 117, 120, 121, 189–90 Mesue, John: Universal Canons, 68, 70, 78–80, 82, 85, 111–12, 120, 218; commentaries on, 81, 84, 211; and

occult, 9, 60, 75, 99; Ibn Sīnā and, 74, 77; virtues, 18, 81, 99, 100, 197

compounds, 103, 117; rules for procedures, 83,

ocotzotl, 163t, 164, 175

90, 98, 183; seventy manuscripts of, 83–84; and

oils, 101, 121, 123–26, 137, 140, 184, 186; and compounds

simples, 91–92, 119 metals, 3, 59t, 89,192, 203; ores of, 61, 188, 189; theories

in inventories, 131, 142, 144–46; and resins, 95, 140

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ointments, 4, 46, 120, 121, 123–27, 138–40, 143–47, 162, 220; Egyptian, 144t, 147t; and plasters, 57, 94,

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142, 216

pharmacies, 14, 15, 36; in New Spain, 13–14, 112, 177 pharmacodynamics, 8, 9, 21, 79–81, 90; Galen and, 23, 71, 72; Mesue and, 10, 69

olive, 144t; oil, 127t, 137, 138, 141, 142

pharmacology, 21, 23, 33, 71, 104

Olmec peoples, 160, 161

pharmacopoeias, 12, 67, 107, 112, 120, 181; in need of

opium, 114, 133, 209, 239, 292n123

study, 102–3; Pharmacopoeia Hispana or the

opopanax/sweet myrrh, 42t, 46, 48, 49t, 64t, 148. See

Pharmacopoeia Matritensis, 215; Pharmacopoeia

also myrrh orange, 101, 130, 137; peel, 128, 208, 209

Londinensis, 319n91; Pharmacopoeia Matritensis, 184

oregano, 39, 40, 49, 51t, 87, 140

pharmaka, 8, 24, 26, 27, 72, 104, 249n8

orpiment, 59t, 61, 189

Philip II of Spain, 151, 174, 191

Our Lady of the Immaculate Conception, nuns at the convent of, 63, 142, 144, 145 Oviedo, Gonzalo Fernández de, 151, 158 Oviedo, Luis de (apothecary), 84, 89, 90, 95, 98, 282n131; and substances, 97, 289n68; and trituration, 282n112, 282n118

philosopher-­physicians. See under scholars philosophers’ stone (philosophers’ egg), 185, 193t, 195, 196, 197, 200 pills, 93, 123–27, 134, 101, 142, 143t, 146; antiepileptic, 135, 240 pine, 64t; nuts, 136; resin, 142, 143–44, 163t, 164–65, 301n83

Palacios, Félix, 35t, 125t, 129, 131, 176t, 202t, 314n39; and apozemas, 128; Palestra pharmaceutica

pitch, 48, 56, 64t, 141, 142 plant simples, 19–20, 36, 50, 63, 90; African, 37t,

chimico-­Galenica, 37t, 85, 112, 124, 184, 204t,

48–49, 63, 268n128; American, 37t, 52, 53t, 64;

211–15, 225t, 227t; and process, 135, 137, 140,

Asian, 41, 43t; collection of, 85–86, 87, 88; Euro-

207–9, 291n102

pean and Eurasian, 49–50, 51t; Mediterranean,

Paracelsus, 185, 187, 188, 201, 310nn5, 6 paralysis, 44–45, 172, 200

38–39t, 40t; Native American, 178t. See also individual plants

Paris. See under universities

plantain, 50, 51t, 64t, 87

parsley, 19, 39, 64t, 67t, 87, 88, 90, 207

plasters, 4, 5, 10, 46, 93, 136, 140–47, 184, 273n192; in

pastilles, 4, 101, 121, 123t, 135, 165, 292n143

Galenic pharmacy, 105, 209–10; in Herrera’s

Paul of Aegina, 11, 34, 35t, 61, 216, 227t; and com-

pharmacy, 101, 216; medicinal, 57, 94; method-­

pounds, 121, 123t; and Galen, 8, 29, 34, 106 peach flower, 101, 146, 147t peanuts, 156t, 171t pearl, 52t, 62, 174, 200, 201t, 205; in compounds, 129, 133, 136, 144, 205; mother of, 20, 237, 244; simple, 58, 59t, 64t pellitory, 40, 88 peony, 39, 65, 66t, 67t, 130, 207; quintessence of, 201t; root, 19, 39t, 88; syrup of, 101, 131 pepper, 19, 41, 42t, 43t, 133, 150; Asian aromatic, 63, 65, 66; common, 44, 64t, 66, 67; in compounds, 128–29, 144; in the Nahua pharmacopoeia, 155, 156, 167, 169–70

based compounds, 104, 121, 123t, 125t, 126, 127; in Nahua pharmaceutics, 173; in Pharmacopoeia Hispana, 215; in recipes, 124, 240 Plato, 21, 23, 24, 75, 82, 86; concept of dunamis in, 259n29; cosmology of, 256n4 poison, 9, 18, 24, 45, 72, 73, 164; antidotes for, 41, 50, 54, 61, 62, 73, 122t; to cure, 200; and medicines, 275n16; the term pharmaka and, 249n8 pomegranate, 19, 43t, 45, 64t, 101, 144t poppy, 19, 39, 64t, 65, 66t, 67t, 130, 144t; in prescriptions, 63; syrup, 101; when to harvest, 87 powders, 124, 125t, 126t, 128, 143t, 144t, 145t, 220; different types of, 20, 60, 123t, 135, 146, 148; in

perfumes, 20, 44, 46, 121, 164

inventories, 146, 147; in ointments, 126, 139, 210;

pessaries, 121, 122t

in plasters, 140; in prescription lists, 142; and

petroleum, 59t, 64, 136. See also asphalt pharmaceutical authors, 78, 102, 118; recipes of, 104– 113; writings of, 29–30, 78, 81, 84, 124, 189, 211 pharmaceutical processing, 10, 68–69, 70–81, 83, 84, 220; technique, 15, 70, 71, 172

trituration, 126, 127t prescriptions, 64, 65, 104, 144t, 273n189; lists of, 22, 63, 142, 148 preserves, 4, 101, 123t, 124, 125t, 129–33, 142, 146, 217; condita, 126, 127t, 143t

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prima materia, 23, 192, 193, 197–98 print, 13; age of, 34, 78, 84, 110; sources of Galenic

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pharmacy, 34, 39, 50, 56, 61, 66, 263n75

royal institutions: Real Academia Española, Diccionario de Autoridades, 32, 60; Real Hospital del Amor de Dios, 224t; Royal College of

procedural texts, 12, 71, 118

Apothecaries in Madrid, 215; Royal Pharmacy in

processing, 78, 136, 173

Madrid, 176; Royal Society for Chemical Medi-

pseudo-­Geber, 197, 250n12 psychotropics, 141, 158, 170, 171, 295n8 psyllium, 40t, 141

cine, in Seville, 210, 320n124 rubber, 157, 161–62, 165; formed from latex, ulli, 160–61; trees, 157t, 299n51

pumpkin, 19, 87, 234

ruby, 59t, 62, 201t

purgatives, 6, 45, 65, 72, 81–82, 116, 170, 218; action-­

rue, 49, 50, 51t, 140, 148, 184; in oil infusions, 137;

based, 120, 121, 122t; electuaries, 133; iztacpatli, 172; juniper, 54; licorice, 135; manna, 46–47;

spirit of, 208 Rupescissa, John of, 198–200, 201t, 202

mechoacan, 166; Mesue and, 10, 81, 82, 91, 92; Monardes and, 166; in need of study, 18; rhu-

saffron, 39t, 41, 42t, 63, 64t, 148, 184, 265n92; oil, 137;

barb, 73, 131; sarsaparilla, 163; scammony, 48,

quintessence of, 201t; in secondary compounds,

73, 131, 135; senna, 49; simples, 10, 78, 79, 91, 135; turpeth, 50, 135

129, 132, 133 sagapen gum, 19, 47–48, 141, 148

purslane, 40, 50, 51t, 64t, 87

sage, 49, 50, 51t, 130, 131, 140; in fox oil, 138; spirit of,

qualities, primary, 27, 28, 260n51

Sahagún, Franciscan Bernardino de, 152, 153, 160, 161,

208; when to harvest, 87 quince, 19, 43t, 45, 64t, 137, 141 quintessence, 186, 197–201, 203, 209, 215

174, 179, 182 Saint John’s wort, 40t, 41, 64t, 137, 140, 200 sal ammoniac, 59t, 62, 65, 205, 208

realgar (red arsenic), 61, 189

Salamanca, 15, 108, 256n3

recipes, 16, 105, 186, 187, 188, 191, 203, 209–10; for

Salernitan formularies, 108, 109–10, 114

alchemical remedies, 11, 201; for compounds,

Salerno. See under universities

103, 118; for extracts, 207; and distillation,

salts, 155, 156t, 184, 186, 205, 206t

199–200, 202; medical, 102, 104, 189, 200,

sandalwood, 19, 43t, 52, 63; in compounds, 101, 129,

279n50 Relaciones geográἀcas, surveys, 152, 153, 163, 165, 172, 179–80

131, 133, 139, 147t, 148; in recipes, 64t, 234, 243 sandarach, 59t, 61 sapphire, 58, 59, 62

religious rituals, 40, 58, 170, 171

sarcocola, 42t, 43t, 47

resins, 3, 20, 45, 136, 141, 148, 152, 177t, 203. See also

sarsaparilla, 53t, 64, 156t, 162, 163, 178t, 183, 208;

under gums rhododendron, 156t, 171t rhubarb, 40, 64t, 66t, 101, 136, 184, 207; flax, 63; purgative, 73, 131; when to harvest, 88

exported, 175, 176–77; in the Herrera pharmacy, 218 sassafras, 53t, 163, 176, 177, 178t savine, 137, 140, 148

Riddle, John , 60, 249n9, 260n51, 263n77

saxifrage, 38t, 88

robs and juleps, 127, 130, 289n78

scammony, 42t, 49, 51t, 64t, 133, 207; used as a purga-

roots, 3, 36, 37t, 66t, 128, 173, 177, 178t; in honey, preserves, 129; storage of, 90; when to harvest, 87 rose, 39t, 40, 64t, 101, 128, 129, 130, 137, 144t; juice of, 207; mixed with spices, 133; oil of, 143; ointment,

tive, 48, 73, 131, 135 scholars: Aetius of Amida, 29, 227t, 250n14; Ruiz de Alarcon, 171, 295n10; al-­K indī, 9, 54, 107,

139; in prescription lists, 63; preserves, 146, 147t;

116, 117; al-­Kūhīn al-­‘Attār, 107, 123t, 286n18; ·· al-­Samarqandī, 107, 114, 116; Francisco Vélez de

rosewater, 139, 189; spirit of, 208; syrup of, 131;

Arciniega, 84–85, 112, 226t, 230t, 231t; Asclepi-

when to harvest, 87

ades of Bithynia, 23, 105; Francisco Brihuega,

rosemary, 19, 39t, 40, 64, 67, 131, 138, 171; and alchemi-

202t, 211; Hieronymus Brunschwig, 201, 202–3,

cal pharmacy, 207, 208; in oil infusions, 137, 138;

204; Celsus, 121, 123t, 227t, 229t; Allen G. Debus,

when to harvest, 87

210, 309n3, 310n9; Diocles, pseudo-­A ristotle, 26,

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scholars: Diocles, pseudo-­A ristotle (cont.), 27; Joseph

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Duchesne, 202t, 204t; encyclopedists, 8, 70; Cris-

159, 160, 164; feces, 56; oil, 138; salt, 184; spirit of, 208; tongue, 156t, 163t

tobal Súarez de Figueroa, 98, 226t; Luis García-­

solvents, 155, 184

Ballester, 30, 75; Konrad Gesner, 201, 202–3,

sore throat, 41, 47, 52, 61

204; Bernard de Gordon, 75, 117, 174–75, 227t;

sores, 50, 61, 141, 158

Alonso de Jubera, 112, 190, 201; Miguel Martínez

sorrel, 38t, 39, 64t, 66t, 67t, 87, 190; harvesting of, 87;

de Leache, 84–85; Andreas Libavius, 202t, 204,

in prescriptions, 63

207–8, 318n82; Juan de Loeches, 184, 202t, 211;

southernwood, 87, 137

Mattheus Platearius, 33, 34, 35t; Pietro Andrea

Spanish Empire (Crown), 4, 12, 52, 66, 148, 150, 151,

Mattioli, 34, 169; Michael McVaugh, 74, 75, 78,

174, 176, 179, 180, 184, 201, 215, 218; and the

190; Juan Navascues, 32, 84–85; Oribasius, 29,

Americas, 12, 22, 52, 149; Galenic pharmacy in,

106, 250n14; philosophers, 73, 81; physicians,

5, 7, 11, 13, 65; pharmaceutical tradition in, 12,

12, 23, 75, 106, 139; pseudo-­Lull, 197–98, 199;

34, 98, 102

Fernando Sepúlveda, 190, 226t; James Shaw, 145,

specific form, 74, 75, 78, 81, 82, 83

290n94; Simon of Genoa, 33–34, 229t; Spanish,

spices, 19, 20, 41–48, 158, 167

84, 89; Theophrastus, 27, 60; Philip Ulstadt, 201,

spikenard, 42t, 43t, 44, 63, 64t, 129, 135–36; oil of, 143

202–3, 204; Francisco Vallés, 191, 201; Esteban de

spirits (alchemical medicines), 4, 184, 206t, 207, 208,

Villa, 34, 201; Pedro de Viñaburu, 85, 202t, 211; Evelyn Welch, 145, 290n94

219 spurge, 40t, 42t, 48, 137, 200, 207

Scholasticism, 9, 10, 75, 108, 109

squill, 39t, 64t, 87, 132, 143–44, 148

scorpion, 54, 55t, 57, 65; oil, 101, 137–38; stings, 56, 62,

stomach, 61, 135; -­ache, 141, 170; medicines for, 41,

160, 164 Scribonius Largus, 105, 121, 123t, 216, 250n14 sealed earth, 64, 129, 136, 144 secondary compounds, 126, 127t, 135, 139, 141–45,

48–49, 50, 52, 62, 94, 160; ointment for, 142–43, 144t; simples for, 41, 48–49, 165, 172; stomachics for, 39, 40, 44, 45, 122t stones, 58, 129, 141, 155, 241; in alchemy, 200, 203, 205;

147–48; honey in, 134, 140; infusions in, 136, 137,

animal products, 54, 55t, 56, 57; grinding, 93, 94,

138, 146, 146t, 290n81; saffron in, 129, 132, 133. See

282n118; mineral simples, 59t, 60–61, 89, 95, 97,

also electuaries

99, 189; piedra de sangre, 155–56; precious, 3, 58,

seeds, 20, 36, 37t, 131, 141, 203 senna, 49, 52t, 64t, 131 sesame, 93, 120, 136, 137 shrub trefoil/ Dorycnion, 53t, 178t silver, 59t, 64 simples, 24–25, 27–28, 36, 39, 77, 116, 150, 207; Afro-­

62, 272n164. See also bezoar; philosophers’ stone storage of medicines, 89–90, 120, 129, 130, 134, 137, 166. See also vessels storax, 19, 52t, 65, 101, 163, 238, 240; common, 39, 63–64; gum, 38t, 39, 42t, 48, 65; sweetgum related to, 38t, 63, 66t, 164–65, 268n123

Eurasian, 36, 37t, 65t; Asian, 36, 37t, 41, 45;

strawberry, 200, 201t

and dunamis, 20, 69, 81; how to prepare, 93, 97,

sublimation, 184, 186, 188–90, 219, 244–45

98, 191; in inventories, 66t, 67t; with laxative

sub-­Saharan Africa, 21, 36, 48, 65

properties, 280n65; in Mexico, 35t, 52t, 64t, 65t,

sudorific, 40, 162, 163, 164, 172

101; of mineral origin, 58, 89; Native American,

sugar, 41, 57, 174, 175, 207; cane, 121, 217; and honey, 62,

176t; powers of, 70, 106, 113, 216–17, 260n43;

133; in secondary compounds, 4, 47, 127t

practitioner and, 21, 92; processing of, 8, 173, 189;

sulfur, 59t, 62, 64, 65, 66t, 101. See also under mercury

qualities of, 28; and substance, 103, 118; term not

suppositories, 104, 122t, 142, 220

used among classical writers, 258n17; when to

sweet flag, 42t, 44, 67t, 131, 209; calamos, 43t

collect, 21, 89

sweetgum, 19, 41, 66t. See also under gums; storax

skin ailments, 40, 49, 58, 61, 62, 137, 160. See also sores

syphilis, 64, 162, 163, 164 syrups, 101, 121, 124, 125t, 144t, 168, 184, 217, 220; jars

snails, 55t, 56

for, 131, 138; julep, 126–27, 143t, 145t; not listed in

snakeroot. See European snakeroot

inventories, 146–47; or ointment, 290n79; sweet-

snakes: 55t, 57, 65, 129, 136, 137, 205; bite, 47, 50, 54,

ened, 4, 123t, 129–33

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tacamahaca, 42t, 64, 150, 165, 166, 177

valerian root, 19, 39t, 88, 90

tamarind, 19, 48–49, 52t, 64t, 65, 66t, 128; peel, 137

vanilla, 157, 159–60, 167, 172, 175, 176

tartar, 128, 137

venereal disease. See antivenereals

therapeutics, 23, 25

venomous bites, 160, 164. See also under antidotes

Theriac magna, 120, 133, 144, 147t, 201t

verdigris, 64, 188, 189

throat and chest ailments, 122t, 132. See also gargles

vessels, 90, 137, 163, 166, 205, 209; copper, 4, 91, 120;

thyme, 39t, 87, 128, 208

glass, 130, 134, 135, 139, 191

tinctures, 184, 206t, 208, 209, 215, 320n113

Villanova, Arnald de, 75, 117, 189, 202, 227t, 317n69

tobacco, 156t, 157, 158, 159, 175, 176–77; nicotine oil,

vinegar, 61, 95, 120, 130, 139, 189; squill, 148, 235

137 Toledo. See under universities tomatoes, 167, 169 toothache, 52, 54, 62, 122t, 159, 166 toothpastes, 62, 121, 122t topical medicines, 60, 94, 126, 139 tormentil, 39, 66t total substance, theory of, 70, 71–78, 103, 115–17, 217

violet, 19, 40t, 87, 137, 207, 238; common simple, 41, 63, 64t, 65, 66t, 67t; in compounds, 128, 130, 131, 144t, 190; distilled water, 200, 201t virtue, 32, 72, 99, 111; celestial, 75, 78-­85, 98, 117, 219, 277n40; weak and strong, 83, 86, 91, 92. See also dunamis vitriol, 59t, 61, 141, 208, 243; green, 59t, 61; red, 64; white, 205

trade, 14, 15, 37–38, 177, 255n31, 263n76, 268n128; Alexandria a center for, 191–92, 263n77; Giglio

water lily, 39t, 40, 137

pharmacy and, 129, 145; herbs, 41; long-­d istance,

watercress, 40t, 41

21, 67, 217; New Spain and, 151, 160, 164, 307n163;

wax, 54, 64t, 140–41, 142, 143–44

spices, 44–45; Roman imperial, 264n77; transat-

Wecker, Johann Jacob, 201, 202t, 204, 205, 210

lantic, 158, 175

“white earth,” 155, 167

trade routes, 21, 46, 49–50, 54, 263n76; Cinnamon

white lead, 59t, 61, 113, 139, 141, 188, 189

Route, 265n92; Incense Road, 48–49; Silk Roads,

wine, 96, 120, 134, 207; spirit of, 203, 206, 208

21, 265n92

women’s medicine, 167, 171–72; abortifacient, 45,

tragacanth, 42t, 64t. See also under gums

46, 47, 135, 147t; afterbirth, 41, 46; antifertility

translations, 9, 30, 33, 108, 111, 195, 196

agents, 39, 48, 50; childbirth, 39; gynecological

transmutation, 192, 193t, 194, 195, 208

recipes, 284n5; menstruation, 41, 165; miscar-

trituration, 93–94, 127, 128, 136, 282n113, 282n118; one

riage, 101; uterus problems, 160, 166; vagina, 122t

of four operations, 91, 126, 212, 278n49. See also

workshop practices, 15–16, 17, 18, 187, 255n31

coction; elixation; infusion; lavation

worms, 54, 56, 101, 131, 137, 144t, 158; on animal

troches, 4, 101, 121, 123t, 142, 184, 220; popular compound, 126t, 127t, 133, 142, 144t; as “secondary

simples, 89; intestinal, 41, 101, 158. See also earthworms

compound,” 134–36; the term, 292n143. See also

wormwood, 38t, 137, 141, 143, 156t, 171, 190

lozenges

wounds, 56, 140, 141, 200; Nahua treatments for,

turpentine, 39t, 42t, 136, 207; in Nahua pharmacology, 163t, 164; in ointments, 140, 142; in pills, 134,

155–56, 158, 165, 168; plant simples for, 40–41, 46, 47, 50, 54

135; in plaster, 141, 143–44; in recipes, 64t, 133; resin, 46, 48, 63

yarrow, 51t, 54, 156t

turpeth, 50, 51t, 52t, 133, 135, 200 zaragatona, 19, 40t universal remedies, 200, 201, 203, 213

zedoary, 19, 43t, 52, 129, 209

universities, 75, 108, 278n45; Bologna, 9, 15, 30, 78;

zootherapy, 54, 56, 58

Mexico City, 13; Montpellier, 9, 15, 30, 78, 117; Padua, 15; Paris, 9, 13, 15, 30, 75, 78, 109; Salerno, 9, 30, 33, 227t; Toledo, 9, 30, 110, 230t urination problems, 40, 41, 61, 136, 160, 166 urine, 56, 57, 173

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the Galenic tradition in t he seventeenth century. Alchemical pharmacy had developed out of the same context in which Mesue wrote—­the later thirteenth century, in which Latin scholars sought to make sense of Arabic medicine, natural philosophy, and alchemy. Like Mesue, these scholars accepted the idea that medicinal powers were imbued in substances from the heavens, and that they could be recovered and manipulated. Unlike Mesue, they advocated for isolation and concentration of these powers through alchemical means rather than the four operations, resulting in separate though parallel traditions that would eventually unite, as evident in the stills and sublimators found in the Herrera pharmacy and the variety of spirits, extracts, tinctures, and salts it contained. These developments, then, explain the variety of substances and equipment in Jacinto de Herrera’s shop in 1775, the longstanding product of centuries of dynamism and modification carried out upon a s trong, complex, and solid basis. Within a century and a half, the Industrial Revolution and rise of chemical manufactories would render Galenic practice almost obsolete in Western allopathic medicine, displacing this long tradition in a handful of decades. Yet the ideas and practices behind these developments arose out of Galenic pharmacy, ideas long and deeply embedded within it and influencing alchemical pharmacy as well. Historians have often looked to the age of European expansion to explain the advent of modernism; or they have sought to explain the roots of the Industrial Revolution in the application of “pure” science coming out of the Scientific Revolution. The Chemical Revolution, in turn, was traditionally attributed to Antoine Lavoisier’s identification of oxygen and work with the isolation of gases. Although the causes and consequences of these revolutions—­indeed, their very classification as such—­are much contested, there is general agreement that a fundamental shift occurred in the early modern abandonment of Aristotelian matter theory and the four elements that allowed these developments to take place. I would argue that the seeds of this shift began at the very same time and for the very same reason that allowed Galenic pharmacy to grow and flourish—­ with Ibn Sīnā’s conception of the specific form and the subsequent concept of the celestial virtue as defined by Mesue in the late thirteenth century. This key period in the development of medieval matter theory provided an alternative to the idea that powers derived from complexions and thus to the four-­element theory, hylomorphism, and all its accoutrements. While Mesue and his predecessors did not wholly abandon the influence of the complexion, it would now take a back seat to a different conception of a substance’s powers and how they worked. These powers were no longer fixed and continuous—­no longer homoeomerous—­but rather distinct, separable, and physically manipulable, Conclusion        219 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/7/2023 10:31 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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instilled from outside and thus recoverable. The implications for these ideas in pharmacy have been traced here, but their importance for overall matter theory and natural philosophy still need and deserve greater attention. For pharmacy, such a conception led to greater emphasis on technique and an expanding repertoire of manipulations, greater confidence in the efficacy of drug therapeutics, and greater recognition of the practitioner’s role in bringing the healing power of natural substances to fruition. As these developments took hold, particularly in a lchemical pharmacy, practitioners showed greater ability to isolate, identify, and later synthesize active ingredients, bioactive compounds. Historians of pharmacy and chemistry can point to a series of developments in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries that show the effects of these growing abilities and that would, in turn, hasten the general demise of Galenic pharmacy. These included the chemical isolation in the early to mid-­nineteenth century of a series of “alkaloids” (alkaline chemical compounds such as quinine, strychnine, nicotine, caffeine, and cocaine that are the “active ingredients” of bioactive plants); the rise of patenting proprietary drugs; the rise of the chemical industry and large-­scale manufacture of chemical compounds; and the use of these compounds in medicine, resulting in the rise of large-­scale pharmaceutical manufactories.1 After World War I, mass manufacture of patented drugs further transformed Western pharmacy and pharmacists into dispensers of prefabricated medicines: by 1973, compounded medicines made up only 1 percent (or less) of prescribed medicine in the United States, and courses in the art of compounding have almost disappeared from pharmacy schools.2 These developments can be traced back to this late thirteenth-­century shift and its long-­term consequences. Despite these effects of the shift toward alchemical pharmacy and its impacts, however, Galenic pharmacy has not wholly disappeared. Compounding pharmacies, which produce specialized medications for individual patients who cannot tolerate mass-­manufactured drugs, have experienced a resurgence due to increasing home health care, increasing allergies to substances (gluten or dyes, for example) in manufactured drugs, and the increasingly limited dosage forms, strengths, and even variety of medicines that are available as “unprofitable” drugs are discontinued and pulled from the market.3 Whereas most mass-­manufactured drugs come in the form of pill or injection, compounding pharmacists produce a va riety of different forms of medications that facilitate their use and application, including suspensions, suppositories, ointments, balms, capsules, troches, lollipops, syrups, powders, and pastes.4 Different flavors are also added to make medications more palatable. Herbal medicines

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have also made something of a resurgence, and government and industry support of bioprospecting have continued and received renewed emphasis as of late in initiatives for new drug discovery using plant and animal materials. The era of traditional Galenic pharmacy is certainly over—­but its ideas and practices set the stage and allowed for the current state of the field as well as ongoing tradition and innovation.

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APPENDIX 1 Archival Sources for Data Collection

Table 1: Documents with Prescriptions from Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City Year

Number of Prescriptions (approximate)

Number of Medicines Prescribed

Duration of Prescriptions

Document

Institution

1597 AGN/M Real Fisco

Prescriptions for

551

17 months

de la Inquisición,

Prisoner of the

(average of 2

10 December 1595

vol. 29, exp. 11, 1597

Inquisition

medicines per

to 1 May 1597

275

prescription) 1640 AGN/M Archivo

Prescriptions for

3,527

12 months

Historico de Hacienda,

Patients in the

1,795

(average of 2

1 January 1640 to

vol. 1943, exp. 8, 1640

Hospital of Espir-

medicines per

31 December 1640

itu Santo, Mexico

prescription)

City 1647 AGN/M Bienes

Prescriptions for

2,621

11 months

Nacionales, vol.

Patients in the

1,050

(average of 2 ½

29 November 1645

420, exp. 20, 1647

Convent of

medicines per

to 19 October 1646

Nuestra Señora

prescription)

de la Concepción, Mexico City 1668 AGN/M Tierras,

Prescriptions for

383

792

1667–1668

vol. 3272, exp. 9,

the Household of

(average of 2

(unable to

1668

D. Bernardino de

medicines per

determine

la Higuera y

prescription)

exact dates)

Amarilla, Hacendado Total

3,503

7,491

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Table 2: Documents with Inventories of Pharmacies in Archivo General de la Nación, Mexico City

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Year 1725

Document Bienes Nacionales, vol. 744, exp. 12

Number of Number of Number of Simples in Compounds Books in Inventory in Inventory Inventory 45

23

5

130

199

4

131

137

6

194

241

4

119

140

3

143

128

8

58

96

1

143

128

11

135

110

11

Dona Manuela Cordes, viuda, con votica en la esquina del Arco, sobre que con hypoteca de ella, se ceden a censo 200 pesos por 4 años pertenecentes a la Capellania de B. D. Manuel Pabia 1732

Bienes Nacionales, vol. 496, exp. 5 La Parte de el Licenciado D. Miguel Fernandes de Andrade Capellan Interino de la Capellania que fundo D. Antonio de Morgana contra Bienes de Don. Joseph Calderon M. de Botticario por Cantidad de 312 P.

1757

Civil, leg. 194, exp. 4 Reconocimiento a los bienes aperos en Botica, y de casa perteneciented a Don Francisco Vasques Rico Maestro de Pharmacopea, vezino de esta corte

1771

Civil, leg. 18, exp. 58 Balance y reconocimiento que los escriptos Maestros examinados hazemos de la Botica que se halla en este Puente Colorado perteneciente a la Testamentaria de Don Francisco Bazquez Rico, por nombramiento de todas las partes, y demanda del Senor Juez de los Inventarios, y es en la forma siguiente

1784

Bienes Nacionales, vol. 678, exp. 4 Balance hecho en la Botica del Real Hospital del Amor de Dios por fallecimiento del Maestro que le servia Don Francisco Ogirando a 17 Marzo de 1784

1800

Civil, vol. 183, exp. 3 Balance perteneciente a la Botica de la Calle de San Juan en su traspaso

1802

Civil, leg. 8, exp. 32/2 Formados por Don Manuel Gutierrez de Herradillo sobre sus vienes ereditarios contra el Albacea de Dona Anna Bazan que los es Don Geronimo Deza. Inventory: Cuernavaca y Octubre 10 de 1797. Reconocimiento y valanze de la Botica perteneciente a la Senora Ana Bazan a cuyo nombre la Traspasa Don Geronimo Deza a Don Jose Mariano Moncayao . . . a saber

1817

Civil, vol. 1175, exp. 3 Autos que sigue Dona Josefa Lopez Santana con Don Manuel Vargas, sobre cuentas de una Botica en Toluca

1818 Civil, leg. 129, 4ª Parte, exp. 1 Expediente promovido por Dona Micaela Cuevas viuda de Don. Juan Pulido capitan del Escuadro Urbano de Caba. De esta Capital contra el Sargento de Realistas de Tacubaya Don Juan Nepomuceno subeldia sobre por y entrega de la Botica de la C. Real que posee subeldia en resta

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APPENDIX 2 Textual Tradition of Galenic Pharmacy Table 1: Galenic and Chemico-Galenic Pharmacy Texts Listed in Mexican Pharmacy Inventories

Author

Title

Dioscorides, Pedacio De Materia Medica

Date Produced/ First Published 1st century, 1555

In Inv – Year(s) Found 1725, 1757, 1771

Found in How Many Pharmacies (Total of 9) 3

Juan Mesue;

De Re Medica en 3 Libris—Grabadin, Canones, 13th century (earliest 1774, 1818

2

pseudo-Mesue Luis de Oviedo

De Simplicibus Methodo de la coleccion y reposicion de las

1725, 1732, 1774

3

1732

1

1774, 1800, 1817,

4

extant source) Madrid, 1581

medicinas simples, y de su correcion y preparacion Juan Antonio Castels Theorica y Pratica de boticarios en que se trata Madrid, 1592 de la arte y forma como se han de componer las confectiones ANSI interiores como Lémery

Exteriores Cours de chimie, contenant la manière de faire Paris, 1675 les opérations qui sont en usage dans la

1818

médecine, par une méthode facile, avec des raisonnements sur chaque opération, pour l’instruction de ceux qui veulent s’appliquer à cette science Jerónimo de la Fuente Tyrocinio pharmacopeo: método medico y Pierola

Madrid, 1683

chimico en el qual se contienen los canones

1725, 1732, 1774,

4

1817

George Bate

de Ioanes Mesue Damasceno y su explicación Pharmacopoeia Bateana Quâ nongenta circiter London, 1691

1774, 1817, 1818

4

Félix Palacios

pharmaca, or Bate’s dispensatory Palestra Pharmaceutica Chymico-Galenica

1725, 1757, 1771,

9

1706, Madrid

1774, 1784, 1800, José Assín y Palacio

Florilegio Teórico-Practico

Madrid, 1712

1802, 1817, 1818 1774, 1800, 1802

3

de Ongoz Juan de Loeches

Tyrocinium pharmaceuticum, theorico-prácti-

1728

1732, 1757, 1771,

7

(mal tratado 1757)

cum, galeno-chymicum: auctum, correctum et reformatum Pharmacopea Matritensis Pharmacopea Hispana

1774, 1800, 1802, Madrid, 1739

1817 1774, 1784, 1800,

5

Madrid, 1794

1802, 1818 1817, 1818

2

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Table 2: Corpus of Early Modern Spanish Pharmacy Texts

Author

Date

Title

Used in Reference Survey (Results in Table 3)

Saladino/Tudela

1488/trans. 1515 Compendio de los boticarios

X

Petrus Benedictus Mattheo

1521

Loculentissimi viri . . . Petri B[e]n[e]dicti Mathei . . . Liber in exame[n] apothecariorum q[uam]

X

Fernando de Sepúlveda

1523

Manipulas Medicinarum

X

Bernardino Laredo (1482–1545/1540)

1527

Sobre el Mesue e Nicolao: Modus facie[n]di cu[m] ordine medicandi

Juan Navascués

1550

Ioannis Mesuae . . . Liber primus seu Methodus medicamenta purga[n]tia simplicia deligendi & castiga[n]di, theorematis quatuor absolutus Exposicion sobre las preparaciones de Mesue

Antonio de Aguilera

1569

Andreas de Laguna

1570

De materia medica

Juan Fragoso

1572

Discurso de las cosas Aromaticas, arboles y frutales, y de otras muchas medicinas simples que se traen de la India Oriental, y sirven al uso de medicina

X

Juan Fragoso

1575

De succedaneis medicamentis

X

Alonso de Jubera

1578

Dechado y reformación de todas las medicinas compuestas usuales

X

Juan Bravo

1592

De simplicium medicamentorum delectu & praeparatione libri duo: qui ars pharmacopoea dici possunt

Francisco Velez de Arciniega

1592

De Simplicium medicamentorum. . .

Juan Antonio Castels

1592

Theorica y Pratica de boticarios en que se trata de la arte y forma como se han de componer las confectiones ANSI interiores como Exteriores

X

Luis de Oviedo

1595

Methodo de la coleccion y reposicion de las medicinas simples, y de su correcion y preparación

X

Francisco Velez de Arciniega

1624

Theoriae pharmaceuticae septem sectionem

Cristóbal Suárez de Figueroa

1615

Plaza universal de todas ciencias y artes

X

Esteban de Villa

1632

Examen de Boticarios compuesto por Fray Estevan de Villa Monge de S. Benito. . .

X

Miguel Martínez de Leache

1652

Discurso Pharmaceutico sobre los canones de Mesue

X

Miguel Martínez de Leache

1662

Tratado de las condiciones que ha de tener el boticario para ser docto en su arte

X

Jerónimo de la Fuente Pierola 1683

Tyrocinio pharmacopeo: método medico y chimico

Miguel Martínez de Leache

Controversias Pharmacopales a donde se explican las preparaciones y elecciones de Mesue

1688

José Assín y Palacio de Ongoz 1712 Francisco de Brihuega

X

Florilegio Teórico-Practico

1739

Pharmacopea Matritense

1776

Examen farmaceútico galénico-químico, teórico-práctico extractado de las mejores farmacopeas

X

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Table 2 (continued) Juan de Loeches

1728

Tyrocinium pharmaceuticum, theorico-prácticum, galeno-chymicum

Félix Palacios

1706

Palestra Pharmaceutica Chymico-Galenica

Pedro de Vinaburu

1778

Cartilla Pharmaceutica Chimico-Galenica

Table 3: Top Ten Most Commonly Cited Authors in Survey of Early Modern Spanish Pharmaceutical Texts

Author

Number of Works That Refer to Author/Text (out of 14 , see Table 2)

Period

John Mesue (dates unknown)

Medieval Islamic Empires, Medieval Europe

14

Dioscorides, Pedacio, ca. 40–90

Roman Empire

13

Claudio Galeno (129–200 CE)

Roman Empire

12

Matthaeus Platerius (1120–1161)

Medieval Europe: Salerno

12

Plinio Segundo (23–79 CE)

Roman Empire

11

Pietro Andreas Matthiolo (1501–1577)

Early Modern Europe: Italy

11

Ibn Sina Avicenna (980–1037)

Medieval Islamic Empires

10

Juan Serapion; Yahya ibn Sarafyun (9th century)

Medieval Islamic Empires

9

Arnaldo de Villanova (ca. 1240/1235–1311)

Medieval Europe: Spain, France

9

Mattheus Sylvaticus (1285–1342)

Medieval Europe: Salerno

9

Table 4: Ancient and Medieval Authors Cited in Early Modern Spanish Pharmacy Texts Time Period

Number of Authors

400s–300s BCE

4

Hippocrates, Theophrastus, Aristotle, Plato

00s–100s CE

6

Dioscorides, Galen, Pliny, Celsus, Themistius, Strabo

Byzantine Empire

300s–600s CE

5

Paul of Aegina, Nicholas Myrepsus, Oribasius, Aetius of Amida,

Islamic Empires

800s–1100s CE

8

Avicenna, Mesue (?), Serapion, Al-Razi, Averroes, Haly Abbas,

Western Europe:

1100s–1300s CE

15

Nicholas Salernitanus, Bernard de Gordon, Arnald de Villanova,

Place Classical Greece Roman Empire

Author Names

Hesychius of Miletus Avenzoar, Maimonides Late Medieval

Mundinus de Liuzzi, Simon Genuense, Juan de Abano, Gentiles de Fulgineo, Gilberto Anglico (Salerno), Matthaeus Platerius (Salerno), Mattheo Silvantico (Salerno), Nicholaus Praepositus, Albertus Magnus, Jean de St. Amand, Benardi de Gordonio, Guy de Chauliac

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APPENDIX 3 Data Establishing the Significance of Mesue’s Works in Galenic Pharmacy

Table 1: Number of Editions of Incunabula in Klebs Catalogue: Comparisons with Mesue Number of Author

Title of Published Work

Incunabula Editions

Regimen Sanitano Salernitanus

28

Mesue

Opera Medicinalia

19 1

Pliny

Natural History

18

Ibn Sīnā/Avicenna

Canones Medicinae

15

Al-­Rāzī/Rhazes

Almansor

15

Galen

Various titles

14

Ptolemy

Cosmographia

10

Sylvaticus

Liber Pandectorum

10

Isidore of Seville

Etymologiae

8

Nicolas Salernitanus

Antidotario

6

Petrus Hispanus

Thesaurus pauperum

6

Peter of Abano

Consiliator

6

Hortus Sanitatus

5

Ben-­Maimon/Maimonides

Various titles

5

Celsus

De Medicina

4

Serapion the Younger (Ibn Wāfid)

Liber aggregatus in medicinis simplicibus

4

Simon of Genoa

Sinónimas

4

Ibn Sarafyun/Serapion the Elder

Breviarium Medicinae

3

Saladino de Ascoli

Compendium Aromatarium

3

al-­Zahrawī/Abulcasis

Liber Servitoris

2

Dioscorides

De Materia Medica

2

Vitruvius

De architectura

2

Arnald de Vilanova

Antidotario

1

Ibn Zuhr/Avenzoar

Antidotario

1

al-­Majusi/Haly Abbas

Liber Regalis

1

Source: Arnold C. Klebs, “Incunabula Scientifica et Medica,” Osiris 4 (1938): 1–359.

1. I was able to locate sixteen more incunabula editions of Mesue’s works in other catalogues, but I have included Klebs’s number here for the sake of consistency in comparison.

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Table 2: Published Editions, Commentaries, and Annotations of Mesue’s Works by Century

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Century

Number of Editions

15th

35

16th

65

17th

19

18th

4

Total

123

Table 3: Early Modern Spanish Editions of Mesue’s Works: Translations, Commentaries, and Annotations Translator/ Commentator

Title

Place of Publication Year and Publisher Published

Bernadino de Laredo

Modus facie[n]di cu[m] ordine medicandi: a medicos y boticarios muy comun y necessario: copilado nueuame[n]te con orden tan peregrina que no se aura visto otra vez ta[n] aclarada manera de platicar ni por la orden q[ue] esta lleua

Sevilla: Jacobo Cromberger

1527

Bernardino de Laredo

Sobre el Mesue & Nicolao. Modus faciendi. Nuevamente por el auctor corregido: y en esta impression tercera annedido un notable tractado de secretos curativos

Sevilla: Juan Cromberger

1534

Bernardino de Laredo

Sobre el Mesue & Nicolao. Modus faciendi. Nuevamente por el auctor corregido: y en esta impression tercera annedido un notable tractado de secretos curativos

Sevilla: Juan Cromberger

1542

Juan Navascués Sanguesano

Ioannis Mesuae . . . Liber primus seu Methodus medica- Zaragoza: apud Petrum menta purga[n]tia simplicia deligendi & castiga[n]di, Bernuz theorematis quatuor absolutus / Ioa[n]ne Nabascuesio . . . interprete tu[m] expositore Publicación

1550

Antonio de Aguilera

Exposición sobre los canones de Mesue

Alcalá: Iuan de Villanueua

1569

Francisco Veléz de Arciniega Francisci Velez ab Arciñega Toletani Pharmacopoei, de simplicium medicamentorum collectione, electione, praeparatione ac repositione: cum simplicium Mesues commentarijs ac nonnullis compositis liber

Toledo: Typis Petri Rodericij

1593

Francisco Veléz de Arciniega Pharmacopoea decem sectiones

Madrid: Typis Michaelis Serrani de Vargas

1603

Francisco Veléz de Arciniega Theoria pharmaceutica. Sectiones septem / [Al-­Mārdīnī Māsawaih]

Madrid: Ex typog. Regia

1624

Pamplona: Martin de LabAyen y Diego de Zabala

1652

Jerónimo de la Fuente Pierola Tyrocinio pharmacopeo: methodo medico y chimico en el cual se contienen los canones de Ioannes Mesue Damasceno. . .

Alcala: F. Garcia Fernandez for M. del Ribero

1673

Jerónimo de la Fuente Pierola Tyrocinio pharmacopeo: methodo medico y chimico en el cual se contienen los canones de Ioannes Mesue Damasceno. . .

Madrid: A. de Zafra

1683

Miguel Martínez de Leache

Discurso Pharmacéutico sobre los Canones de Mesue

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Table 3 (continued)

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Miguel Martínez de Leache

Controversias pharmacopales: adonde se explican las preparaciones y elecciones de Mesue. . .

Jerónimo de la Fuente Pierola Tyrocinio pharmacopeo: methodo medico y chimico en el cual se contienen los canones de Ioannes Mesue Damasceno. . .

Madrid: Iuan Garcia Infançon

1688

Zaragoza: por los Herederos de Diego Dormer

1695

Francisco Veléz de Arciniega Officina medicamentorum, et methodus recte eadem Zaragoza: Gaspar Tomas componendi, cum variis scholiis, & aliis. Segundo tomo. Martinez, a costa de Theoria pharmaceutica. Sectiones septem, Regularum Matias de Lezaun universalium a Joanne Mesue Damasceno scriptarum aliquot, simpliciumque medicaminum electiones, Hispanicam in linguam translatas, Latinis in ipsas annotationibus continens

1698

Jerónimo de la Fuente Pierola Tyrocinio pharmacopeo: methodo medico y chimico en el cual se contienen los canones de Ioannes Mesue Damasceno. . .

Zaragoza: en la Oficina de Manuel Roman

1698

Murcia: J. Diaz Cayuelas

1721

Jerónimo de la Fuente Pierola Tyrocinio pharmacopeo: methodo medico y chimico en el cual se contienen los canones de Ioannes Mesue Damasceno. . .

Pamplona: Joachin Joseph Martinez

1721

Pedro de Viñaburu

Cartilla pharmaceutica, chimico-­galenica, en la qual se trata de las diez consideraciones, de los canones de Mesue, y algunas deἀniciones chimicas

Pamplona: Joachin Joseph Martinez

1729

Pedro de Viñaburu

Cartilla pharmaceutica, chimico-­galenica, en la qual se trata de las diez consideraciones, de los canones de Mesue, y algunas deἀniciones chimicas

Pamplona: D. Josef Miguel de Esquerre, Impresor de los Reales Tribunales de S. M. y sus R. Tablas

1778

Jorge Basilio Flores

Mesue defendido, contra D. Felix Palacios

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APPENDIX 4 Herrera Pharmacy Inventory— Abridged and Translated1

AGN/M Civil, vol. 72, exp. 9, 1774, Autos de Concurso de Acreedores a Bienes de Don Jacinto Herrera Dueno de B otica en es ta Ciudad, fs. 340v–362v (also numbered 6v–26v): In the City of Mexico on the 14th of September 1775: in acco rdance with my orders I the notary went to San Juan Street, being present in the house and apothecary shop of Jacinto de H errera y C ampos with the assistance of Don Juan Nepomuceno Quiroga, Master apothecary, proceeding with the seizure and sequestration of the goods found in the said shop and house, and they are the following. First, in the main shop of the pharmacy Seedholders of Poblano ceramic 1 with 1 oz rue Another with 6 oz Kermes grains Another with 14 oz jujubes Another with 15 oz emblic myrobalan Another with 1 lb 1 oz chebulic myrobalan Another with 1 lb 12 oz beleric myrobalan Another with 2 lb juniper Another with 3 oz celery seed Another with 6 oz betony seed Another with 5 oz celery seed Another with 1 lb 6 oz anise Another with 3 oz blessed thistle seed 1. Please note that this is an abridged version of the full inventory. I have not included ellipses where I skipped material in the inventory itself.

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Another with 2 oz caraway seed

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Another with 1 lb 12oz Tabasco pepper Another with 12 oz zaragatona seed Another with 1 ½ lb culantro seed Another with 11 oz barberry seeds Another with 2 oz dill seeds Another with 1 oz long pepper Another with ½ lb lettuce seeds Another with 1 lb 11 oz nettle seeds Another with 8 oz fennel seeds Another with 11 oz pumpkin seeds Another with 12 oz black poppy seeds Another with 9 oz purslane seeds Another with 1 lb 4 oz sorrel seeds Another with 1 oz peony seeds Another with 12 oz parsley seeds Another with 5 oz mallow seeds Another with 7 oz plantain seeds Another with 4 oz turnip seed Another with 5 oz red cumin Another with 6 oz thistle Another with 3 oz cardamom Another with 9 oz linseed Another with 14 oz quince seeds Another with 7 oz fenugreek Another with 1 oz white poppy seeds

Small jars of Mexican ceramic 1 with 1 oz rose powders Another with 5 oz cocoa butter And in another 7 ½ oz white arsenic

Jars with tin plating 1 with 2 lb William ointment And in another 2 lb 12 oz ointment of the countess And in another 2 lb 4 oz artanita ointment And in another 2 lb juices And in another 2 lb 6 oz Egyptian ointment And in another 2 lb sandalwood ointment 234        Appendix 4 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/7/2023 10:31 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

And in another ½ lb heart ointment

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And in another 2 lb Aragon ointment And in another 1 lb minium ointment And in another 2 lb 9 oz white ointment And in another 2 lb quince And in another 1 ½ lb lead ointment And in another 2 ½lb minium ointment And in another 1 lb 2 oz Agrippa ointment And in another 1 lb tutty ointment And in another 1 lb 2 oz anti mange ointment And in another 2 ½ lb apostle ointment And in another 1 lb 2 oz alabaster ointment

Creole jars that are in between the 2 doors One with 9 oz gentian root Another with 1 lb 4 oz sugar candy Another with 1 ½ lb sugar candy Another with 2 oz periwinkle Another with 1 oz ginger root

Small bottles with juices 1 with 3 pints pomegranate juice Another with 4 pints rose juice Another with 3 ½ pints sour grape juice Another with 3 ½ pints apple juice Another with 4 pints quince juice Another with 3 pints squilled vinegar

In the cordial stand which is found between the 2 doors in small bottles of Creole glass 1 with ½ pint human flesh Another with 1 ½ pint human fat Another with ½ pint admirable balsam

In the said cordial stand, small flasks In one, 5 oz gentian extract In another, 6 oz manure extract In another, 5 oz rue extract In another, 5 oz saffron Appendix 4        235 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/7/2023 10:31 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

In another, 4 oz blessed thistle extract

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In another, 4 oz extract of black hellebore In another, 4 oz apoplexy balsam In another, 6 oz briony extract In another, 4 oz rhubarb extract In another, 3 oz tormentil extract

Jars for powders made of creole glass 1 with 14 oz amber powder Another with 9 oz anti worm powder Another with 12 oz anti flux powders Another with 9 oz soot powder Another with 12 oz powdered dog feces Another with 12 oz earthworm powder Another with 9 ½ oz quina Another with ½ oz snake powders Another with ½ lb anti falling powders Another with 6 oz powder of English bitters Another small flask with 3 oz turpentine oil Another with 4 oz mechoacan powders Another with 7 ½ oz powders of burned frogs Another with 6 oz burned toads Another with 15 oz jalap powders Another with a ½ lb anti miscarriage powders Another with 1 lb 1 oz stag penis Another with 14 oz bull penis

Collection of jars to the left of the dispatching counter 1 jar with 1 lb mint powder Another with 2 ½ lb diacatalicon Another with 14 oz borax Another with 2 lb 6 oz hiera logodion Another with 2 lb filonio persico Another with 2 lb 4 oz rose electuary Another with 2 ½ lb electuary of rose juice Another with 2 lb jojoba Another with 2 ½ lb laurel berry electuary Another with 1 lb 12 oz electuary diatartaro Another with 1 lb 12 oz prune pulp 236        Appendix 4 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/7/2023 10:31 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Another with 1 lb 10 oz electuary diafericon

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Another with 1 lb 2 oz sugared almonds Another with 1 lb 10 oz white lead Another with 1 lb 13 oz comfrey powders Another with 2 lb myrtle Another with 1 lb 6 oz tutty powder Another with 1 lb powdered hematite  Another with 1 lb 10 oz crab eyes Another with 1 lb 13 oz prepared coral Another with 1 lb 8 ½ oz prepared crystal Another with 1 lb 8 oz mineral powders Another with undetermined powders Another with 10 oz deer antler Another with 14 oz powdered mother of pearl Another with 1 lb 12 oz goat kid blood Another with 1 lb 2oz sal prunela Another with 1 lb powdered marble Another with 15 oz nut extract Another with 2 lb peach flower preserve Another with 1 lb canafistula pulp Another with 1 lb fox lung lincture Another with 1 lb 14 oz confection alquermes Another with 1 lb 2 oz filonio Romano Another with 1 lb 8 oz emerald theriac Another with 1 lb 2 oz cashews Another with 1 ½ lb diacatalicon Another with 1 lb 12 oz jacinth confection

Syrup jars to the right of the dispatching counter 1 filled with balsamic syrup Another with mint syrup Another with a little lemon syrup Another with 2 ½ pints poppy syrup Another with a quarter lb carnation syrup Another with 1 ½ pints pomegranate syrup Another with 1 pint apple syrup Another with a little bit of myrtle syrup Another with a little peony syrup Another with arrope of apples Appendix 4        237 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/7/2023 10:31 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Another full of manna syrup

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Another full of spiritous cider syrup Another full of orange syrup Another full of chicory syrup Another with a pint of peach flower Another with ½ pint maidenhair Another with ½ pint simple chicory Another full of absinthe syrup

Dadillos 1 with 4 oz scorpion oil Another with 1 oz rose oil Another with 1 oz sweet almond oil Another with 1 lb ½ oz bitter almond oil Another with ½ oz linseed oil Another with 2 lb saffron oil Another with 2 oz chamomile Another with 2 lb water lily oil Another with 4 oz poppies Another with 1 oz violet oil Another with 2 lb absinthe oil Another with 14 oz spikenard oil Another with 2 lb rue oil Another with 2 lb anodyne oil Another with 2 lb quince oil Another with 1 ½ lb spurge oil Another with 2 lb amber oil Another with 2 lb iris oil Another with 2 lb castor oil Another with 2 lb 2 oz caper oil Another with 4 oz egg oil Another with 2 oz Saint John’s wort oil Another with 1 lb 4 oz earthworm oil Another with 1 lb puppy oil

Large containers on the left side of the cordial stand across from the door In one 6 oz fennel gum Another with 4 oz mummy flesh Another with 1 lb 2 oz storax 238        Appendix 4 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/7/2023 10:31 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Another with 6 oz balsam of tolu

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Another with 8 oz amber Another with 1 lb 2 oz sagapen gum Another with 1 lb 1 oz Sonora gum Another with 4 oz juniper gum Another with 3 oz myrrh

On the right side of the cordial stand 1 with 7 oz aloe socotrina Another with 1 lb 4 oz refined laudanum  Another with 14 oz tragacanth gum Another with 1 lb 3 oz bdellium gum Another with 9 oz scammony Another with 1 lb 8 oz dragon’s blood Another with 14 oz sarcocola gum Another with 6 oz opium Another with ½ lb manna Another with 2 lb 2 oz mangle gum Another with 14 oz asafetida

In the cordial stand across from the door In a crystal flask, ½ pint spirit of anise Another with ½ lb spirit of sal ammoniac Another with 3 oz deer antler Another with 4 oz rose Another with 1 oz alkali spirit of sal ammoniac Another with 1 lb 4 oz lemon balm Another with 14 oz water of swallows Another with 9 oz spiritous lemon water Another with 6 oz water of life for women Another with 12 oz mint water Another with 10 oz chamomile water Another with 20 oz cherry spirit Another with 14 oz apoplexy water Another with 4 oz epidemic water Another with 4 oz embryo water Another with 1 lb theriac Another with 1 lb anodyne balsam Another with 12 oz cochineal tincture Appendix 4        239 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/7/2023 10:31 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Another with 10 oz aloe tincture

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Another with 14 oz cinnamon tincture Another with 1 lb liquid laudanum Another with 1 lb cinnamon water with quince Another with 3 oz tincture of lac gum Another with 6 oz tincture of myrrh Another with 1 lb 4 oz clove tincture Another with 10 oz English bitters Another with 6 oz anodyne tincture Another with 1 lb coral tincture Another with 18 oz amber tincture Another with 1 lb anti pleurisy tincture Another with 18 oz castor tincture

Small and medium-­size boxes to the left side of the cordial stand across from the door A box with 1 ½ oz of Lemor’s stomach plaster Another with 10 oz plaster for the womb Another with 2 lb 4 oz anti fracture plaster Another with 2 ½ lb tacamahaca gum Another with 10 lb 12 oz diaphoretic plaster Another with 2 lb black plaster Another with ½ lb bezoar stone Another with 2 lb 4 oz anti fracture plaster Another with 5 lb sulfur plaster

Small boxes found under the cordial stand In one 3 oz storax pills In another 5 oz pills for cough In another 1 oz amber pills In a lead flask ½ oz betony pills Another 1 empty In another box 1 oz antiepileptic pills In another 2 oz mastic pills in lead bottles In another little bottle lead 1 oz gum arabic In another 1 ½ oz rhubarb And another ½ oz catholic pills And another 3 oz tartar pills In a little lead bottle 1 oz unidentified pills 240        Appendix 4 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/7/2023 10:31 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

In a box 7 oz stomach pills

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In a large box with 18 small ones inside In one 3 ½ oz troches In another 3 ¼ oz soot In another 2 oz absinthe In another ½ oz white troche In another ½ oz minium troche 2 small lead bottles that are empty In another 1 ½ oz fat In another 1 oz myrrh In another 2 oz rhubarb In another 3 oz diarrodon And another 1 oz agaric And another 1 ½ oz caraway In another 2 oz sealed earth In another 1 ½ oz aljandar troche In another 3 ½ oz Hamech In another medium-­size box 2 oz hiera pills Another with 2 ½ lb cashews

In a large box which is called a lapidary with various little boxes filled with little glass bottles In one 1 oz hematite stone In another 1 ¾ oz Jews’ stone In another ½ oz lazuli stone In another ½ oz prepared emeralds In another 2 oz prepared garnets In another 2 oz emeralds And another 1/8 oz topaz In another 2 oz rubies In another 5 ½ oz garnets And another 1 oz jacinth

A well-­preserved wooden counter and on it a figure of a black man holding weights in 1 hand . . . and behind it a mirror in 3 parts. A table in the said apothecary shop [holding] 1 copper candlestick, scissors, a copper ink pot and small lead sandbox  In the 2 boxes on the side table, seven receipts Appendix 4        241 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/7/2023 10:31 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

One that says Josefa Gonzalez with an annotation of 7 pesos ½ real

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A piece of cloth with a paper saying Pantoja, 2 ½ reales Another that says Perez, 4 reales Another that says Valenzuela, ½ real Another that says sergeant the pardos, 2 reales A small sheet that says Maria Rita, 2 reales A cloth cigar holder without a name A piece of 3 oz sal ammoniac In a copper container, 4 copper spatulas, another small of the same

In another box on the table A box with various pieces paper Another box with various pieces of rags  And another tin box for gilding pills 2 lead weights A large balance made of fine copper and an iron rod 3 small spatulas of iron A portable stepladder

Also the following books A Lemeri A Mesue An Oviedo A Fuente An Augustana A Palacios in poor condition A Loeches A Matritense A Batheana Physic of Juanini Tratado de morbo Gallico Amato Lusitano Notebooks with particular recipe prescriptions, handwritten and looseleaf Surgery of Calvo

In the Workshop of the Pharmacy (Obrador) Cordial stand that is in front of the window holding small powder containers In one 1/4 oz tormentil sugar In another 3 oz aromatic powders 242        Appendix 4 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/7/2023 10:31 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Another with 4 oz bitter apple

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Another with 3 oz guayacan oil

A second group of larger ones 4 oz powder of diarrodon In another 9 ½ oz powder of briony root In another 7 oz powders of mallow In another 12 oz powders of lilies of Florence In another 6 oz powder of hiera simple In another 1 lb powders of burned toads In another 2 lb snake fat In another 1 lb 4 oz white colirio [eyewash] In a small bottle1 lb of paste, unknown what it is In another 1 oz white powders

Another cordial stand across from the door to the shop Small flask with 1 lb 12 oz red precipitate Another with 1 lb 13 oz calcinated vitriol Another with 1 lb 2 oz mallow salt Another with 1 lb 4 oz centaury salt Another with 15 oz absinthe salt Another with 15 oz powdered rock salt Another with 1 lb ½ oz English salt Another with 9 oz powdered human cranium Another with 1 lb powdered unicorn Another with 12 oz diagranacanto Another with 1 lb 6 oz bezoar stone Another with 4 oz gentian salt Another with 1 lb salt of blessed thistle Another with 9 oz scammony Another with 9 oz antimony  Another with 10 oz yellow sandalwood Another with 1 lb 4 oz astringent saffron powders Another with 9 oz red sandalwood Another with 12 oz the 3 sandalwoods

Above the door that enters into the workshop 9 pieces of creole glass made up of balances, syrup jars, and flasks, empty and broken Containers of ordinary ceramic to the side of the window Appendix 4        243 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/7/2023 10:31 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

1 with 6 lb mint

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Another with 5 lb 12 oz calcined deer antler powder Another with 10 lb powders mother of pearl Another with 6 lb dirt of swallow’s nest Another with 7 lb 4 oz bitter apple hiera Another with 6 ½ lb canafistula pulp

Containers of poblano ceramic facing the window 1 with 10 lb bitter almond 1 with 11 bl 4 oz peach flower Another poblano ceramic with 21 lb diacatalicon Another with 18 lb 12 oz quince pulp Another with 22 ½ lb arrope of mulberry Another with 1 arroba of the said arrope 1 with 18 lb 4 oz tamarind pulp Another with 20 lb 12 oz rose sugar Another with ½ arroba calcined powdered deer antler

In the other room named the Dorador [Gilding Room] 1 brazier 1 large press 1 regular cauldron 1 small alembic 1 skimmer of regular size with an iron handle 1 oil lamp with a tin handle 1 large mortar and pestle copper 4 large and medium-­size tin-­plated funnels Another small one of the same 1 large sieve 5 large and small sieves, already used 1 lantern for the counter with 5 good panels of glass and 1 broken 1 rod and inside the lantern some scissors 14 large and small baskets with various herbs on a wooden shelf 1 barrel 1/3 full of quince juice Another barrel ½ full of apple juice Various earthenware pots and casserole dishes Another barrel full of pure water 2 glass funnels 1 glass sublimator 244        Appendix 4 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/7/2023 10:31 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

Another small sublimator of the same

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Another sublimator of the same An earthenware sublimator A birdcage with iron bars Other various little boxes, sieves, and unusable junk A medium-­size portable ladder

In the room that leads from the said workshop, the following A divider of linen with portrait painted on it 2 small hats made of fine straw 1 brush 1 pair of suede boots 1 bag 1 small frying pan New reins and a lasso Straw hamper with the following inside A spool with thread and silk of various colors A pair of black silk stockings, old A skein of blue cotton In a recipe book, 75 prescriptions signed with various names

In the room off the patio, the following A large copper alembic with its respective mortar A large basket A hamper with a little tar A hamper with a few poppies An earthenware basin with damp linseed A large empty pot with a top A barrel with 4 rings made of iron, empty Another large pot 2 colander lids

A shelving unit and in it, the following 2 empty boxes 1 rope 1 large basket full of gall nuts 1 empty pitcher 2 empty boxes with tops 13 boxes painted red, empty Appendix 4        245 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/7/2023 10:31 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

15 glass bottles, empty

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A lantern with broken glass panels A stepladder with 3 steps

In the room above the pharmacy that serves as the bedroom of Don Jacinto de Herrera y Campos A wooden image of Our Lord crucified 1 Barrios 1 Mesue An old pipe A large key 2 benches painted green A wardrobe with its doors painted red with a lock and key A large guitar of ordinary wood without strings A copper alembic, medium-­size A large box on a shelf and in it the following A white jacket A brush 2 empty baskets And in the principal room of the living quarters, various piles of different herbs

246        Appendix 4 EBSCO Publishing : eBook Academic Collection (EBSCOhost) - printed on 3/7/2023 10:31 PM via RUSSIAN STATE LIBRARY AN: 2694724 ; Paula S. De Vos.; Compound Remedies : Galenic Pharmacy From the Ancient Mediterranean to New Spain

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NOTES

Introduction 1. Archivo General de la Nación, México (hereafter AGN/M) Civil, vol. 72, exp. 9, 1774, Autos de C oncurso de Acreedores a Bienes de D on Jacinto Herrera Dueño de B otica en esta Ciudad. All descriptions of the pharmacy and its contents come from two inventories included in this document beginning September 14, 1775, and June 7, 1776, on fs. 340v–362v (also numbered 6v–26v) and 397r–411v, respectively. 2. AGN/M Civil, V. 72, Exp. 9, 1774, f. 29v. The Herrera pharmacy had more books than was usual, but the number of simples, compounds, and alchemical medicines was comparable to the other inventories identified in appendix 1 and whose contents have been compiled in appendix 2 (books) and 5 (simples and compounds). For comparisons with early modern pharmacies in other locales, see Patrick Wallis, “Consumption, Retailing, and Medicine in Early-­Modern London,” Economic History Review 61, no. 1 (2008): 20–53; Richard Palmer, “Pharmacy in the Republic of Venice in the Sixteenth Century,” in The Medical Renaissance of the Sixteenth Century, ed. Andrew Wear, Roger Kenneth French, and Iain M. Lonie (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1985), 100–17; James Shaw and Evelyn Welch, Making and Marketing Medicine in Renaissance Florence (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2011); Mercedes Fernández-­Carrión and José Luis Valverde, Farmacia y sociedad en Sevilla en el siglo XVI (Seville: Servicio de Publicaciones del Ayuntamiento de Sevilla, 1985); Félix Francisco Pastor Frechoso, Boticas, boticarios y materia medica en Valladolid: Siglos XVI y XVII (Salamanca: Junta de Castilla y León, 1993); Juanita G. Burnby, A Study of the English Apothecary from 1660 to 1760 (London: Wellcome Institute for the History of Science, 1983); Harold B. Gill, The Apothecary in Colonial Virginia (Williamsburg, VA: Colonial Williamsburg Foundation, 1972); Enrique Laval Manríquez, Botica de los jesuitas de Santiago (Santiago: Asociación Chilena de Asistencia Social, 1953); Ana María Huerta Jaramillo, Los boticarios poblanos, 1536–1925: Un estudio regional sobre el ejercicio farmacéutico y su despacho (Puebla: Secretaria de Cultura, Gobierno del Estado de Puebla, 1994).

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3. Galen and Galenic medicine have been the subject of scores of books and articles. Especially helpful for understanding their widespread and long-­term impact are Owsei Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Temkin, Galenism: Rise and Decline of a Medical Philosophy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1974); essays in Owsei Temkin, “On Second Thought” and Other Essays in the History of Medicine and Science (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2002); and Owsei Temkin, The Double Face of Janus and Other Essays in the History of Medicine (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2006); Luis García-­Ballester, Jon Arrizabalaga, Montserrat Cabré, and Lluis Cifuentes, eds., Galen and Galenism: Theory and Medical Practice from Antiquity to the European Renaissance (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002); essays in Luis García-­Ballester, Medicine in a Multicultural Society: Christian, Jewish and Muslim Practitioners in the Spanish Kingdoms, 1220–1610 (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2001); García Ballester, Galeno en la sociedad y en la ciencia de su tiempo (Madrid: Ediciones Guadarrama, 1972); and John Scarborough, “The Galenic Question,” Sudhoffs Archiv 65, no. 1 (1981): 1–31. On the various topics of his medicine and natural philosophy, see Christopher Gill, Tim Whitmarsh, and John Wilkins, eds., Galen and the World of Knowledge (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); and R. J. Hankinson, ed., The Cambridge Companion to Galen (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008). García-­Ballester has argued that “Galenism (Alexandrian, Islamic, and Latin Galenism) was not something that was static and clearly defined from its very beginnings.” See Luis García-­Ballester, “On the Origin of the ‘Six Non-­natural Things’ in Galen,” in García-­Ballester, Arrizabalaga, Cabré, and Cifuentes, Galen and Galenism, 106. 4. On Ga len’s pharmacy and pharmacology, see Owsei Temkin, “Greek Medicine as Science and Craft,” Isis 44 part 3, no. 137 (1953): 213–25; Temkin, “Historical Aspects of Drug Therapy” and “Galenicals and Galenism in the History of Medicine,” in “On Second Thought”; Sabine Vogt, “Drugs and Pharmacology, ” in Hankinson, Cambridge Companion to Galen, 304–22; John Wilkins, “Galen’s Simple Medicines: Problems in Ancient Herbal Medicine,” in Critical Approaches to the History of Western Herbal Medicine: From Classical Antiquity to the Early Modern Period, ed. Susan Francis and Anne Stobart (London: Bloomsbury, 2014), 173–90; Caroline Petit, “Galen, Pharmacology and the Boundaries of Medicine: A Reassessment,” in Collecting Recipes: Byzantine and Jewish Pharmacology in Dialogue, ed. Lennart Lehmhaus and Matteo Martelli (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2017), 51–79; Armelle Debru, ed., Galen on Pharmacology: Philosophy, History, and Medicine (Leiden: Brill, 1997); and Clajus Fabricius, Galens Exzerpte aus älteren Pharmakologen (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1972). 5. Authors have contrasted Galen’s reputation with that of Hippocrates in the modern medical community. Whereas Hippocrates is looked upon as a heroic “father” of Western medicine, Galen is often treated with contempt, accused of disseminating faulty anatomy and applying dangerous and bizarre remedies. My purpose here is not to evaluate whether or not these remedies were effective: I assume that they provided some value to their users or they would not have had such longevity and served as the subject for much current pharmacological research. For further discussion, see Laurence M. V. Totelin, “Technologies of

248

Notes to Pages 6–7

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Knowledge: Pharmacology Botany, and Medical Recipes,” Oxford Handbooks Online (May 2016), doi:10.1093/oxfordhb/9780199935390.013.94; and John Riddle, Dioscorides on PharCopyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

macy and Medicine (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985), who have both addressed this subject very ably. See also responses to David Wootton, Bad Medicines: Doctors Doing Harm since Hippocrates (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2007); or Peregrine Horden, “What’s Wrong with Early Medieval Medicine?” Social History of Medicine 24, no. 1 (2011): 5–25. 6. See Mary Lindemann’s discussion in her introduction to Medicine and Society in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2010). Andrew Wear, in Knowledge and Practice in English Medicine, 1550–1680 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000), refers to the “strange neglect of remedies by modern medical historians” (5). 7. I have stated what this book purports to do—­but I would also like to explain what the book is not: it is not a social history of pharmacy that focuses on individual apothecaries or professional standards or requirements; it does not examine pharmacy regulations, weights and measures, laws, licensing requirements, professionalization, or professional ethics (which I have treated elsewhere). Nor does it examine the business of pharmacy, its retail transactions, commercial aspects, or the drug trade. It also focuses on institutional pharmacy, not folk or domestic practices. For work on these themes, see Paula De Vos, “The Art of Pharmacy in Seventeenth-­ and Eighteenth-­Century Mexico” (PhD diss., University of California, Berkeley, 2001); De Vos, “The Apothecary in Seventeenth-­ and Eighteenth-­ Century Mexico: Historiography and Case Studies in M edical Regulation, Charity, and Science,” Colonial Latin American Historical Review 13, no. 3 (2004): 249–85; and De Vos, “Medical Regulation in Viceregal Mexico City,” in “Viceregal Mexico City,” ed. John López and Luis Pelaez (forthcoming, Brill). 8. Pharmaka was a term that encompassed drugs and poisons—­thus it was not specific to substances considered healing to the body but rather was defined by the powers of these substances to alter the body for better or worse. See Laurence Totelin, Hippocratic Recipes: Oral and Written Transmission of Pharmacological Knowledge in Fifth-­and Fourth-­Century Greece (Leiden: Brill, 2009), 1; and Temkin, “Historical Aspects of Drug Therapy.” For modern pharmacodynamics, see Sara E. Rosenbaum, ed., Basic Pharmacokinetics and Pharmacodynamics: An Integrated Textbook and Computer Simulations (Hoboken, NJ: John Wiley and Sons, 2017); and Thomas N. Tozer and Malcolm Rowland, Introduction to Pharmacokinetics and Pharmacodynamics: The Quantitative Basis of Drug Therapy (Philadelphia: Lippincott, Williams & Wilkins, 2006). 9. John Riddle discusses the arrangement of simples in De materia medica at length in Dioscorides on Pharmacy and Medicine, arguing that Dioscorides ordered them largely by their powers as indicated by their actions or effects. Dioscorides, however, predated Galen and did not adhere to any particular pharmaceutical theory regarding pharmacodynamics. He relied on empirical evidence of drug action through careful observation of drug effects on patients. Notes to Pages 7–8

 249

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10. The original Mesue, the purported author, could not have written the texts, as studies of their language and content identify them clearly as works of the eleventh century Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

or later. For example, one cites Ibn al-­Jazzār (898–979), who died in the latter part of the tenth century. See Sieglinde Lieberknecht, Die Canones des Pseudo-­Mesue: Eine mittelalterliche Purgantien-­Lehre (Stuttgart: Wissenschaftliche Verlagsgesellschaft, 1995), introduction (by Fritz Krafft) and chapter 1; and Danielle Jacquart, “Principales étapes dans la transmission des textes de medicine XI–XIVe siècle,” in Rencontres de cultures dans la philosophie médiévale: traductions et traducteurs de l’antiquité tardive au XIVe siècle (Actes du Colloque international de Cassino, 15–17 juin 1989), ed. Jacqueline Hamesse and Marta Fattori (Louvain-­la-­Neuve: Université Catholique de Louvain, 1990), 251–71. 11.See Paula De Vos, “‘The Prince of Medicine’: Yūh·annā ibn Māsawayh and the Foun-

dations of the Western Pharmaceutical Tradition,” Isis 104, no. 4 (2013): 667–712; and data establishing his importance in appendix 3. Interestingly, Galen, Ibn Sīnā, and Mesue, three of the most foundational figures in pharmacy and pharmacodynamics, were all referred to as princes or kings of medicine—­see Susan Matterm, The Prince of Medicine: Galen in the Roman Empire (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013); and Dag Nikolaus Hasse, “King Avicenna: The Iconographic Consequences of a Mistranslation,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 60 (1997): 230–43. 12. I am not proposing that there was a shift toward atomism in Mesue’s matter theory; on the contrary, Mesue discusses simples’ complexions as one way to evaluate their actions. But the celestial virtue introduces the possibility of an entity that could be separated from matter, thus disrupting traditional concepts of homoeomerism and hylomorphism where substances were uniform throughout and thus indivisible in substance. This possibility may have influenced atomism and mechanism further on. However, see William Newman’s arguments concerning atomism in pseudo-­Geber’s Summa perfectionis, authored in the late thirteenth century by Paul of Taranto. Newman, The Summa perfectionis of Pseudo-­Geber: A Critical Edition, Translation and Study (Leiden: Brill, 1991). 13. Jorge Basilio Flores, Mesue defendido contra D. Felix Palacios: muy util para todos los profesores de la medicina (Murcia: Joseph Dias Cayuelas, 1721), 1. 14. I have also consulted the medical encyclopedias of Aetius of Amida and Oribasius; the ancient and medieval formularies of Scribonius Largus, Celsus, Sābūr ibn Sahl, al-­Kindi, ibn al-­Tilmīdh, al-­Samarkandī, al-­Kuhin al-­Attar, Al-­Zahrāwī/Abulcasis; and books of simples that span the Greco-­Roman, Arabic, and Latin traditions. 15. For an overview of this textual tradition, see Paula De Vos, “The Textual Tradition in Galenic Pharmacy,” in Drugs on the Page: Pharmacopoeias and Healing Knowledge in the Early Modern Atlantic World, ed. Matthew J. Crawford and Joseph Gabriel (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2019), 19–44. 16. The results of that work may be seen in a ppendix 6, a t upittpress.org/books /9780822946496.

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Notes to Pages 9–12

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17. See John Tate Lanning, The Royal Protomedicato: The Regulation of the Medical Professions in the Spanish Empire (Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1985), for the ways in Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

which the Spanish Empire implemented medical policies and practices. See also Pablo F. Gómez, Experiential Caribbean: Creating Knowledge and Healing in the Early Modern Atlantic (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017). 18. Roy MacLeod, “On Visiting the ‘Moving Metropolis’: Reflections on the Architecture of Imperial Science,” in Scientiἀc Colonialism: A Cross-­Cultural Comparison, edited by Nathan Reingold and Marc Rothenberg (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1986), 217–49; and “Introduction,” Nature and Empire: Science and the Colonial Enterprise, ed. Roy MacLeod Osiris 15 (2000): 1–13; David Wade Chambers and Richard Gillespie, “Locality in the History of Science: Colonial Science, Technoscience, and Indigenous Knowledge,” Nature and Empire: Science and the Colonial Enterprise, ed. Roy MacLeod, Osiris 15 (2000): 221–40; David Wade Chambers, “Locality and Science: Myths of Centre and Periphery,” in Mundialización de la ciencia y cultural nacional, ed. Antonio Lafuente, Alberto Elena, and Maria Luisa Ortega (Madrid: Doce Calles, 1993), 605–18; Bruno Latour, Science in Action: How to Follow Scientists and Engineers through Society (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1987); and Jorge Cañizares-­Esguerra, “How Derivative was Humboldt? Microcosmic Nature Narratives in Early Modern Spanish America and the (Other) Origins of Humboldt’s Ecological Sensibilities,” in Colonial Botany: Science, Commerce, and Politics in the Early Modern World, ed. Londa Schiebinger and Claudia Swan (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005), 149–65. 19. See Gómez, Experiential Caribbean, for recent work on indigenous healing traditions in the Americas and the varied options of the medical marketplace. 20. These include articles from three different focus sections in Isis between 2010 and 2013: “Focus: Global Histories of Science,” Isis 101, no. 1 (2010); “Focus: The Future of the History of Science,” Isis 104, no. 1 (2013); and “Focus: Global Currents in National Histories of Science: The ‘Global Turn’ and the History of Science in Latin America,” Isis 104, no. 4 (2013).The following discussion utilizes these articles and others, including Stuart McCook, “Introduction,” Isis 104, no. 4 (2013): 773–76; Fa-­Ti Fan, “The Global Turn in the History of Science,” EASTS 6, no. 2 (2010): 249–58; James Secord, “Knowledge in Transit,” Isis 95, no. 4 (2004): 654–72; Sujit Sivasundaram, “Sciences and the Global: On Methods, Questions, and Theory,” Isis 101, no. 1 (2010): 146–58; Carla Nappi, “The Global and Beyond: Adventures in the Local Historiographies of Science,” Isis 104, no. 1 (2013): 102–10; and Lissa Roberts, “Situating Science in Global History: Local Exchanges and Networks of Circulation,” Itinerario 33, no. 1 (2009): 9–30. 21. These include Schiebinger and Swan, Colonial Botany; Schiebinger, Plants and Empire: Colonial Bioprospecting in the Atlantic World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2007); Jorge Cañizares-­Esguerra, How to Write the History of the New World: Histories, Epistemologies, and Identities in the Eighteenth-­Century Atlantic World (Stanford, Notes to Pages 13–15

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CA: Stanford University Press, 1999); Antonio Barrera, Experiencing Nature: The Spanish American Empire and the Early Scientiἀc Revolution (Austin: University of Texas, 2006); Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Daniela Bleichmar, Visible Empire: Botanical Expeditions and Visual Culture in the Hispanic Enlightenment (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012); Maria Portuondo, Secret Science: Spanish Cosmography and the New World (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2009); James Delbourgo and Nicholas Dew, eds., Science and Empire in the Atlantic World (New York: Routledge, 2008); Judith Carney and Richard Nicholas Rosomoff, In the Shadow of Slavery: Africa’s Botanical Legacy in the Atlantic World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010); and Marcy Norton, Sacred Gifts, Profane Pleasures: A History of Tobacco and Chocolate in the Atlantic World (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008). Earlier models for these may be: John Elliott, The Old World and the New (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1970); and Anthony Grafton, New World, Ancient Texts: The Power of Tradition and the Shock of Discovery, with April Shelford and Nancy Siraisi (Cambridge, MA: Belknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1995). 22. See Harold Cook, Matters of Exchange: Commerce, Medicine, and Science in the Dutch Golden Age (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2007); Timothy D. Walker, “The Medicines Trade in the Portuguese Atlantic World: Acquisition and Dissemination of Healing Knowledge from Brazil (c. 1580–1800),” Social History of Medicine 26, no. 3 (2013): 403–31; Walker, “Acquisition and Circulation of Medical Knowledge within the Early Modern Portuguese Colonial Empire,” in Science in the Spanish and Portuguese Empires, 1500–1800, ed. Daniela Bleichmar, Paula De Vos, Kristin Huffine, and Kevin Sheehan (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2009), 247–70; J. Worth Estes, “The European Reception of the First Drugs from the New World,” Pharmacy in History 37, no. 1 (1995): 3–23; Teresa Huguet-­ Termes, “New World Materia Medica in S panish Renaissance Medicine: From Scholarly Reception to Practical Impact,” Medical History 45, no. 3 (2001): 359–76; Pratik Chakrabarti, “Empire and Alternatives: Swietenia febrifuga and the Cinchona Substitutes,” Medical History 54, no. 1 (2010): 75–94; Matthew Crawford, The Andean Wonder Drug: Cinchona Bark and Imperial Science in the Spanish Atlantic, 1630–1800 (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2016); Benjamin Breen, “Portugal, Early Modern Globalization and the Origins of the Global Drug Trade,” Perspectives on Europe 42, no. 1 (2012): 84–88; Sabine Anagnostou,“Jesuits in Spanish America: Contributions to the Exploration of the American Materia Medica,” Pharmacy in History 41, no. 1 (2005): 3–17; M. Jenner and P. Wallis, eds., Medicine and the Market in England and Its Colonies, c.1450–c.1850 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2007); Patrick Wallis, “Exotic Drugs and English Medicine: England’s Drug Trade, c.1550–c.1800,” Social History of Medicine, 25, no. 1 (2012): 20–46; and Wallis, “Consumption, Retailing, and Medicine in E arly-­Modern London,” 26–53. Anna Winterbottom, “Of the China Root: A Case Study of the Early Modern Circulation of Materia Medica,” Social History of Medicine 28, no. 1 (2015): 22–44; and Winterbottom, Hybrid Knowledge in the Early East India Company World (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016).

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23. I am happy to report, however, that the field is rapidly changing. See my comments in a panel at the 2019 American Association for the History of Medicine conference, expanded Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

and published as “The Past and Future of Early Modern Pharmacy History,” in Pharmacy in History 61, nos. 3–4 (2019): 154–59. 24. Matthew Crawford and Joseph Gabriel’s recent edited volume Drugs on the Page, based on a 2016 conference on pharmacopoeias in the early modern Atlantic world, constitutes an important step toward greater understanding of these sources. 25. For further discussion of the intellectual amnesia in European history regarding the significance of Arabic science and medicine to its intellectual heritage, see Peter E. Pormann, “The Dispute between the Philarabic and Philhellenic Physicians and the Forgotten Heritage of Arabic Medicine,” in Islamic Medical and Scientiἀc Tradition, vol. 2, ed. Pormann (London: Routledge, 2010), 283–316; see also Dag Nikolaus Hasse, Success and Suppression: Arabic Sciences and Philosophy in the Renaissance (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2017). On the issue of Arabic contributions to European science and medicine, see George Saliba, Islamic Science and the Making of the European Renaissance (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2011);A. I. Sa bra, “The Appropriation and Subsequent Naturalization of Greek Science in Medieval Islam: A Preliminary Statement,” History of Science 25, no. 3 (1987): 223–43; Sabra, “Situating Arabic Science: Locality versus Essence,” Isis 87, no. 4 (1996): 654–70; and Peter Pormann, “Islamic Medicine Crosspollinated: A Multilingual and Multiconfessional Maze,” in Islamic Crosspollinations: Interactions in the Medieval Middle East, ed. Peter Pormann, Anna Akasoy, and James E. Montgomery (Exeter: E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Trust, 2007), 76–93. 26. Comprehensive treatment of early pharmacy can be found in a textbook for pharmacy students, Edward Kremers and George Urdang, History of Pharmacy: A Guide and a Survey (Philadelaphia: J. B. Lippincott Company, 1940), with later editions published in 1951, 1963, and 1986. Other synthetic coverage may be found in A. C. Wootton, Chronicles of Pharmacy (London: Macmillan, 1910); and Charles H. LaWall, The Curious Lore of Drugs and Medicines: Four Thousand Years of Pharmacy (Garden City, NY: Garden City, 1927); Patrice Boussel, Henri Bonnemain, and Frank James Bové, History of Pharmacy and Pharmaceutical Industry (Paris: Asklepios, 1982). These works, however, are either outdated or overly schematic. Other works on early pharmacy include Gregory Higby and Elaine Stroud, eds., The Inside Story of Drugs: A Symposium (Madison, WI: American Institute for the History of Pharmacy, 1997); John Worth Estes, Dictionary of Protopharmacology: Therapeutic Practices, 1700–1850 (Canton, MA: Science History Publications, 1990); and Andreas-­Holger Maehle, Drugs on Trial: Experimental Pharmacology and Therapeutic Innovation in the Eighteenth Century (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1999). 27. Two exceptions to this are On the Powers of Foodstuffs, in Galen on Food and Diet, trans. Mark Grant (New York: Routledge, 2000); and Theriac to Piso in R. A. Leigh, “On Theriac to Piso, Attributed to Galen” (PhD diss., University of Exeter, 2013). John Wilkins Notes to Page 16

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and Caroline Petit are also working on translations and new editions of On the Mixtures and Powers of Simple Medicines and other works. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

28. See the special issue “Potent Substances: On the Boundaries of Food and Medicine,” edited by Vivienne Lo, Paul Kadetz, Marianne J. R. Datiles, and Michael Heinrich, Journal of Ethnopharmacology 167 (2015); as well as Sandra Cavallo and Tessa Storey, Healthy Living in Renaissance Florence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014); David Gentilcore, Food and Health in Early Modern Europe: Diet, Medicine and Society, 1450–1800 (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2015); and J. Worth Estes, “The Medical Properties of Food in the Eighteenth Century,” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 51, no. 2 (1996): 127–54. Rebecca Earle, The Body of the Conquistador: Food, Race and the Colonial Experience in Spanish America, 1492–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012); Ken Albala, Eating Right in the Renaissance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002); Jane O’Hara-­ May, “Foods or Medicines? A Study in the Relationship between Foodstuffs and Materia Medica from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Centuries,” Transactions of the British Society for the History of Pharmacy 1, no. 2 (1971): 61–97. García-­Ballester, “On the Origin of the ‘Six Non-­natural Things’ in Galen,” 5–15. 29. For artisans and material culture see Pamela H. Smith, The Body of the Artisan: Art and Experience in the Scientiἀc Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004); Pamela H. Smith and Benjamin Schmidt, Making Knowledge in Early Modern Europe: Practices, Objects, and Texts, 1400–1800 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2007); Pamela H. Smith, Amy R. W. Meyers, and Harold J. Cook, eds., Ways of Making and Knowing: The Material Culture of Empirical Knowledge (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2014); Ursula Klein and Wolfgang Lefèvre, Materials in Eighteenth-­Century Science: A Historical Ontology (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2007); Ursula Klein and Emma Spary, eds., Materials and Expertise in Early Modern Europe: Between Market and Laboratory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010); Lissa Roberts, Simon Schaffer, and Peter Dear, eds., The Mindful Hand: Inquiry and Invention from the Late Renaissance to Early Industrialisation (Amsterdam: Koninklijke Nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen, 2007). For recipes, books of secrets, and domestic medicine see Totelin, Hippocratic Recipes; Anne Stobart, Household Medicine in Seventeenth-­Century England (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2016); Alisha Rankin, Panaceia’s Daughters: Noblewomen as Healers in Early Modern Germany (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013); Alisha Rankin, “Exotic Materials and Treasured Knowledge: The Valuable Legacy of Noblewomen’s Pharmacy in Early Modern Germany,” Renaissance Studies 28, no. 4 (2014): 533–55; Elaine Leong, Recipes and Everyday Knowledge: Medicine, Science, and the Household in Early Modern England (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2018); Alisha Rankin and Elaine Leong, eds., Secrets and Knowledge in Medicine and Science, 1500–1800 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2011);Elaine Leong, “Making Medicines in the Early Modern Household,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 82, no. 1 (2008): 145–68; Elaine Leong and Sara Pennell, “Recipe Collections and the Currency of Medical Knowledge in the

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Early Modern ‘Medical Marketplace,’” in Jenner and Wallis, eds., Medicine and the Market, 133–52; Jo Wheeler, Renaissance Secrets, Recipes & Formulas (London: Victoria and Albert Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Museum, 2009); Marta E. Hanson and Gianna Pomata, “Medicinal Formulas and Experiential Knowledge in t he Seventeenth-­Century Epistemic Exchange between China and Europe,” Isis 108, no. 1 (2017): 1–25; Gianna Pomata, “The Recipe and the Case: Epistemic Genres and the Dynamics of Cognitive Practices,” in Wissenschaftsgeschichte und Geschichte des Wissens im Dialog/Connecting Science and Knowledge, ed. Kaspar von Greyerz, Silvia Flubacher, and Philipp Senn (Göttingen: Vanderhoeck & Ruprecht, 2013), 131–54; Lennart Lehmhaus and Matteo Martelli, eds., Collecting Recipes: Byzantine and Jewish Pharmacology in Dialogue (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2017); Lilia Zaouali, Medieval Cuisine of the Islamic World: A Concise History with 174 Recipes, trans. M. B. DeBevoise (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2007); Tony Hunt, Popular Medicine in Thirteenth-­Century England: Introduction and Texts (Boydell & Brewer, 1990); and Tony Hunt, eds., Three Receptaria from Medieval England: The Languages of Medicine in the Fourteenth Century (Oxford: Society for the Study of Medieval Languages and Literature, 2001). There is also a very active blog on historical recipes, “The Recipes Project: Food, Magic, Art, Science, and Medicines,” at https://recipes. hypotheses.org/. 30. “Testing Drugs and Trying Cures in the Pre-­Modern World,” special issue of Bulletin of the History of Medicine (July 2017), edited by Alisha Rankin and Elaine Leong. 31. For example, it is very valuable to concentrate on “works”—­artisanal workshop practices, and the material culture of science—­but as of yet there is little scholarship that looks into how pharmaceuticals were chosen, processed, or formulated. Recent scholarship on the testing of drugs can reveal much about experiment-­and experience-­based medicine in the past, but are limited by a lack of historical understanding of drug properties or “powers,” the history of that concept over time and its philosophical (in addition to its empirical) significance. Recent work on household medicines is also very valuable, but there is, at present, no adequate treatment of professionalized, institutional pharmacy with which to compare it and by which to assess it. Despite excellent work in European commercial expansion and increase in the early modern global drugs trade, finally, there is little understanding of the long history of exchanges in materia medica of the Galenic pharmaceutical tradition upon which it was built and from which it emerged. 32. Frederick W. Gibbs, “Specific Form and Poisonous Properties: Understanding Poison in the Fifteenth Century,” Preternature: Critical and Historical Studies on the Preternatural 2, no. 1 (2013): 19–46; Nicolas Weill-­Parot, “Astrology, Astral Influences, and Occult Properties in the Thirteen and Fourteenth Centuries,” Traditio 65 (2010): 201–30; Alisha Rankin, “On Anecdote and Antidotes: Poison Trials in Sixteenth-­Century Europe,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 91, no. 2 (2017): 274–302; Brian Copenhaver, “Scholastic Philosophy and Renaissance Magic in the ‘De vita’ of Marsilio Ficino,” Renaissance Quarterly 37, no. 4 (1984): 523–54; Liana Saif, The Arabic Influences on Early Modern Occult Philosophy (Basingstoke: Notes to Pages 17–18

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Palgrave Macmillan, 2015); and Liana Saif, “The Arabic Theory of Astral Influences in Early

Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Modern Medicine,” Renaissance Studies 25, no. 5 (2011): 609–26.

Chapter 1: Simples and Their Powers in Galenic Pharmacy 1. Archivo General de la Nación, México Civil, vol. 72, exp. 9, 1774, Autos de Concurso de Acreedores a Bienes de Don Jacinto Herrera Dueño de Botica en esta Ciudad. All descriptions of the pharmacy and its contents come from two different inventories included in this document beginning September 14, 1775, and June 7, 1776, on fs. 340v–362v and 397r–411v, respectively. 2. Paula De Vos, “Apothecaries, Artists, and Artisans: Early Industrial Material Culture in the Biological Old Regime,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 45, no. 3 (2015): 277–336, which examines the overlap between pharmaceuticals and material culture of the craft traditions in Europe and the Mediterranean since antiquity. 3. The inventory cites “unas observaciones de Lusitano” worth 4 pesos. Most likely this was an updated edition of Dioscorides’s De materia medica by João Rodrigues de Castelo Branco (1511–1568), known as Amato Lusitano, a Portuguese-­born physician trained at the University of Salamanca. 4. The cosmologies of Aristotle and Plato included a p lace for the role of the divine despite their emphasis on naturalistic explanation. For Aristotle, this was constituted by a “prime mover,” a divine entity that set the workings of the universe in motion. For Plato, this entity was identified as the “demiurge” or the “nous,” which acted as an agent of intelligent design, ensuring that the universe and its parts worked ultimately toward the best possible ends in the best possible way. 5. Ibn Wāfid argued that “in each one of [the works by Galen and Dioscorides] there is a part of the knowledge about [simples] that is not found in the other.” Quoted in Peter E. Pormann, “Yuhanna ibn Sarabiyun: Further Studies into the Transmission of His Works,” Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 14, no. 2 (2004): 237. 6. Recent work on On the Power of Simple Medicines includes Sabine Vogt, “Drugs and Pharmacology,” in The Cambridge Companion to Galen, ed. R. J. Hankinson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 304–22; John Wilkins, “Galen’s Simple Medicines: Problems in Ancient Herbal Medicine,” in Critical Approaches to the History of Western Herbal Medicine: From Classical Antiquity to the Early Modern Period, ed. Susan Francis and Anne Stobart (London: Bloomsbury Publishing, 2014), 173–90; Caroline Petit, “La tradition manuscrite du traité des simples de Galien. Editio princeps et traduction annotée des chapitres 1 à 3 du livre I,” in Histoire de la tradition et édition des médecins grecs—­Storia della tradizione e edizione dei medici greci, ed. Véronique Boudon-­Millot, Jacques Jouanna, Antonio Garzya, Amneris Roselli (Napoli: d’Auria, 2010), 143–48. The extent to which Galen relied on Dioscorides and his respect for him is noted by Wilkins and Petit (to the extent that Petit has pointed out the difficulty of tracing their respective manuscript traditions), as well as John

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Notes to Pages 19–22

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Riddle. Much Dioscoridean material “corrupts” the original Galen. The two parts (chapters 1–5 and chapters 6–11) of the manuscript were sometimes reproduced separately as well, Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

with chapters 1–5 often omitted. 7. Wilkins, “Galen’s Simple Medicines,” points to the importance of these treatises as the basis for the theoretical discussions in On Simples, and Petit in “La tradition manuscrite” helps to explain the order in which they were to be read. 8. He also wrote treatises on antidotes and purgatives (On Antidotes and On Theriac to Piso, though its authorship is questionable) that I have not dealt with here. 9. Vivian Nutton, “Galen and Medical Autobiography,” Proceedings of the Cambridge Philological Society 18 (1972): 53; and Heinrich von Staden, “Galen and the ‘Second Sophistic,’” Bulletin of the Institute of Classical Studies, suppl. 68, Aristotle and After (1997): 33–54. 10. See Vivian Nutton, Ancient Medicine, 2nd ed. (New York: Routledge, 2013); and John Riddle, Dioscorides on Pharmacy and Medicine (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985). 11.See J. T. Vallance, “The Medical System of Asclepiades of Bithynia,” in Aufstieg und Niedergang der Romischen Welt II, vol. 37, no. 1, ed. Wolfgang Haase (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1993), 693–727; and Vallance, The Lost Theory of Asclepiades of Bithynia (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1990); Nutton, Ancient Medicine; and Owsei Temkin, Galenism: Rise and Decline of a Medical Philosophy (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 1974) for an overview of Galen’s place within medical debates of the Second Sophistic. 12. Authors discussing Galen often focus on his placement within rival sects of the Empiricists, the Dogmatists, the Methodists, or the Rationalists, making arguments as to Galen’s epistemology, recently referred to as “qualified experience”—­see Philip Van der Eijk, “Galen’s Use of the Concept of ‘Qualified Experience’ in His Dietetic and Pharmacological Works,” in Galen on Pharmacology: Philosophy, History and Medicine, ed. Armelle Debru (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 35–57. Here I am not as concerned with Galen’s epistemology as with his natural philosophy and medical cosmology and where simples fit into that—­in order to understand how these ideas influenced Galenic pharmacy and how they changed later on, particular under Mesue. 13. The number of elements sometimes varied but by the time of Galen had solidified into four. G. E. R. Lloyd, “The Hot and the Cold, the Dry and the Wet in Greek Philosophy,” Journal of Hellenic Studies 84 (1964): 92–106. 14. However, Galen does refer to leptomeres, an Asclepiadian concept of particles, in On Simples 1.III.3, and see Armelle Debru, “Philosophie et pharmacologie: La dynamique des substances Leptomeres chez Galien,” in Debru, ed., Galen on Pharmacology, 85–102. 15. Vivian Nutton argues that the four-­element theory, which was treated in only one Hippocratic treatise, was canonized by Galen. See Nutton, “The Fatal Embrace: Galen and the History of Ancient Medicine,” Science in Context, 18, no. 1 (2005): 111–21. I thank Laurence Totelin for pointing this reference out to me.

Notes to Pages 22–24

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16. See John Scarborough, “The Galenic Question,” Sudhoffs Archiv 65, no. 1 (1981): 1–31, for the legacies and heritage of Galenic concepts. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

17. The term simples is not used among classical writers but appears in Dioscorides and Galen. It is not clear when or how this term came into existence (Laurence Totelin, personal correspondence), the medical writings of the intervening centuries being largely lost, but it may have to do with the consolidation of concepts of homogeneity and homoeomerism. For Hippocratic recipes and pharmacology, see Laurence Totelin, Hippocratic Recipes: Oral and Written Transmission of Pharmacological Knowledge in Fifth-­and Fourth-­Century Greece (Leiden: Brill, 2009). 18. Galen, Deux livres des simples de Galien, c’est assçavoir. Le cinquiesme et le neufviesme, trans. Jean Canappe (Lyon: Estienne Dolet, 1542), book 5 introduction, 9. It should be noted that Galen’s florid style of writing can make it somewhat difficult to translate. 19. Galen, On the Powers and Mixtures of Simple Medicines, book 1, part 1.2, from Petit’s translation in “La tradition manuscrite,” 155. 20. Galen, Deux livres des simples, book 5 introduction, 9. 21. Galen, On the Powers and Mixtures of Simple Medicines, book 1, part 1.2 in Petit, “La tradition manuscrite,” 155. 22. Jerónimo de la Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo: methodo medico y chimico en el cual se contienen los canones de Ioannes Mesue Damasceno (Madrid: Manuel Roman, 1698), 1; Luis de Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion y reposicion de las medicinas simples, y de su correccion y preparacion (Madrid: Luis Sanchez, 1595), f. 1v; Pedro de Viñaburu, Cartilla pharmaceutica chimico-­galenica: en la cual se trata de las diez consideraciones de los cánones de Mesue y algunas deἀniciones chimicas, para utilidad de la juventud (Pamplona: D. Josef Miguel de Esquerre, 1778), 14. 23. See Luis García-­Ballester, “On the Origin of the ‘Six Non-­natural Things in Galen,’” in Galen and Galenism: Theory and Medical Practice from Antiquity to the European Renaissance, ed. Luis García-­Ballester, Jon Arrizabalaga, Montserrat Cabré, and Lluis Cifuentes (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2002), 105–15; Sandra Cavallo and Tessa Storey, Healthy Living in Renaissance Florence (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014); and I. M. Lonie, “A Structural Pattern in Greek Dietetics and the Early History of Greek Medicine,” Medical History 21, no. 3 (1977): 235–60. 24. Laurence Totelin, “When Foods Become Remedies in Ancient Greece: The Curious Case of Garlic and Other Substances,” Journal of Ethnopharmacology 167 (2015): 30–37; Jane O’Hara-­May, “Foods or Medicines? A Study in t he Relationship between Foodstuffs and Materia Medica from the Sixteenth to the Nineteenth Centuries,” Transactions of the British Society for the History of Pharmacy 1, no. 2 (1971): 61–97. 25. See John Scarborough, “Theoretical Assumptions in Hippocratic Pharmacology,” in Formes de pensée dans la collection Hippocratique: Actes du IVe colloque international Hippocratique Lausanne, 21–26 Septembre 1981 (Geneva: Droz, 1983), 307–9; and Scarborough,

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Notes to Pages 24–25

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“Theophrastus on Herbals and Herbal Remedies,” in Pharmacy and Drug Lore in Antiquity: Greece, Rome, Byzantium (Burlington, VT: Ashgate Variorum, 2010), 356. Theophrastus Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

refers to “medicinal powers” of substances. 26. Galen, On the Powers and Mixtures of Simple Medicines, book 1, part 1.2, in Petit, “La tradition manuscrite,” 155. 27. Galen, Deux livres des simples, book 5 introduction, 8. 28. Petit discusses the difficulties of translating this term. She says, “La traduction de ce terme fundamental ne va pas sans difficulté: au pluriel, on parlera volontiers de ‘propriétés’ des medicaments.” “La tradition manuscrite,” 155n5. 29. For the concept of dunamis in Plato see Francis Macdonald Cornford, Plato’s Theory of Knowledge: The Theaetetus and Sophist of Plato (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1935); and Joseph Souilhé, Étude sur le terme δύναµις dans les dialogue de Platon (Paris: F. Alcan, 1919). Galen named three types of dumaneis or faculties: the generative faculty, the nutritive faculty, and the natural faculty. Here I am discussing the natural faculty. 30. Galen, On the Natural Faculties, trans. Arthur John Brock (London: W. Heinemann 1913), 185. 31. Galen, On the Natural Faculties, 185, 200. 32. Phillip De Lacy, ed., Galen: On the Elements according to Hippocrates (Berlin: Akademie, 1996), 158. 33. Galen, On the Natural Faculties, 179. 34. Galen, On the Natural Faculties, 172–73; De Lacy, Galen, 153. 35. De Lacy, Galen, 157. 36. See Lloyd, “Hot and the Cold,” and Lonie, “Structural Pattern in Greek Dietetics,” for the ways in which these concepts served to connect microcosm and macrocosm. 37. Scarborough, “Theoretical Assumptions,” and “Theophrastus on Herbals”; Lonie, “Structural Pattern in Greek Dietetics”; Nutton, Ancient Medicine. 38. Harold W. Miller, “The Concept of Dynamis in De victu,” Transactions of the American Philological Association 90 (1959): 147–49; and Miller, “Dynamis and Physis in On Ancient Medicine,” Transactions of the American Philological Association 83 (1952): 190–91. 39. Miller, “Dynamis and Physis,” 191. Miller cites a passage from Plato’s Phaedrus, 270d, in which Socrates discusses Hippocrates’s understanding of dunamis as a “natural power of acting upon [other things].” 40. Miller, “Dynamis and Physis,” 197. Miller argues that the author of the Hippocratic On Ancient Medicine understands the dunamis as that which makes “the inner reality of physis knowable at all, and which furnishes knowledge of Nature that is empirically real and certain.” 41. Galen, Deux livres des simples, book 5, ch. 25, 84. 42. Galen, Deux livres des simples, book 5 introduction. 43. The quality of a medicine, further, was its potentiality to act—­not its actual state, Notes to Pages 25–27

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but its potential. Each simple had within it the potential to act, a property or natural power that propelled it toward a certain action with a certain effect. Galen cautioned against simCopyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

plistic understanding and determination of a medicine’s classification, arguing that “hot” medicines would not be hot to the touch but rather had an inner potential for heating. That potential would be revealed by its effect on the body—­if it had a heating effect, in other words. He also argued at length about the fact that these effects would be relative to the situation as well. 44. Galen, On the Power and Mixture of Simple Medicines, book 1, part 1.4, in Petit, “La tradition manuscrite.” Galen, Deux livres des simples, book 5, ch. 25, 84. 45. Galen did allow for the possibility that a simple could be both heating and cooling in its actions, but for the most part the two opposites were not paired together. Heating and cooling were also sometimes emphasized over the drying/moistening powers, although there does not appear to be a particular order or hierarchy for Galen. 46. For recent work on taste in the ancient world, see Kelli C. Rudolph, ed., Taste and the Ancient Senses (New York: Routledge, 2017), particularly Laurence B. Totelin, “Tastes in Ancient Botany, Medicine, and Science: Bitter Herbs and Sweet Honey,” 60–71. 47. Philip M. Teigen, “Taste and Quality in 15th-­ and 16th-­Century Galenic Pharmacology” Pharmacy in History 29, no. 2 (1987): 60–68; Michael McVaugh, “Determining a Drug’s Properties: Medieval Experimental Protocols,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 91, no. 2 (2017): 183–209; Van der Eijk, “Galen’s Use of the Concept of ‘Qualified Experience.’” 48. Galen, Deux livres des simples, book 5, ch. 25, 85. 49. Galen, Deux livres des simples, book 5, ch. 25, 85. 50. Galen, Deux livres des simples, book 5, ch. 25, 84. 51. In this way, as John Riddle has argued in chapter 5 of Dioscorides on Pharmacy and Medicine, the focus for later commentators and students of pharmacology was on identifying the primary qualities of drugs from their effects, rather than a focus on the secondary qualities or drug actions themselves, which, according to Riddle, greatly hindered the development of chemistry. With regard to choosing medicines, however, it was far from a straightforward process: Galen argued that each individual had his or her own particular complexion and the physician needed to modulate cures with that in mind. 52. Vivian Nutton and John Scarborough, “The Preface of Dioscorides’ Materia Medica,” Transactions and Studies of the College of Physicians of Philadelphia 4, n o. 3 (1982): 187–227—­they translate dunamis as “properties.” See also Vivian Nutton, “Ancient Mediterranean Pharmacology and Cultural Transfer,” European Review 16, no. 2 (2008): 214–15. 53. Nutton and Scarborough, “Preface of Dioscorides’ Materia Medica”; and Riddle, Dioscorides on Pharmacy and Medicine. 54. See John Scarborough, ed., Symposium on Byzantine Medicine (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1985) and specifically within that collection, Scarborough, “Early Byzantine Pharmacology,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 38 (1984): 213–32; Jerry Stannard, “Aspects of

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Byzantine Materia Medica,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 38 (1984): 205–11;and Owsei Temkin, “Byzantine Medicine: Tradition and Empiricism,” Dumbarton Oaks Papers 16 (1962): 95–115. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

These “medical encyclopedists” were all from the Eastern Mediterranean, trained in Alexandria, and wrote in Greek. Oribasius was, like Galen, from Pergamon. 55. See Temkin, Galenism. 56. A r ecent conference, “Rethinking Ancient Pharmacology: The Transmission and Interpretation of Galen’s Treatise On Simple Drugs” (British School at Rome, September 22, 2017), shows that work is currently taking place on this issue. See also the work of Caroline Petit, “Galen’s Pharmacological Concepts and Terminology in Simon of Genoa’s Clavis Sanationis,” in Simon of Genoa’s Medical Lexicon, ed. B. Zipser (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2013), 129–48; Petit, “Galen, Pharmacology and the Boundaries of Medicine: A Reassessment,” in Collecting Recipes: Byzantine and Jewish Pharmacology in Dialogue, ed. Lennart Lehmhaus and Matteo Martelli (Berlin: De Gruyter, 2017), 51–79; Petit, “La tradition latine du traité des Simples de Galien. Étude préliminaire,” Medicina nei Secoli, n.s. 25, no. 3 (2013): 1063–109; and Petit, “Théorie et pratique: connaissance et diffusion du traité des Simples de Galien au Moyen Age,” in Fit-­zooterapia antigua y altomedieval: Textos y doctrinas, ed. Arsenio Ferraces Rodríguez (A Coruna: Universidade da Coruna, 2009), 79–95. 57. The term “virtue,” or virtud, in Spanish, comes from the Latin “virtus, virtutis,” meaning “strength, power, faculty, efficiency,” translated by Michael McVaugh in a medieval text as “power” or “force.” The use of the term to denote the medicine’s powers is also evident in the Latin writings of Bernard de Gordon, Arnald de Villanova, Taddeo Alderotti, and others of his school. Although the translation of the term and its emergence need to be traced out in more detail, dunamis is clearly translated in the Latin West and early modern Europe as “virtue.” 58. Juan Navascues, Ioannis Mesuae Damasceni Liber primus seu Methodus medicamenta purga[n]tia simplicia deligendi et castiga[n]di, theorematis quatuor absolutus ( Z aragoza: Caesaraugustae Bernuz, 1550), f. XLVIIr. 59. Johannes Mesue, Opera medicinalia (Canones universales, cum expositione Mundini Lutii. De medicinis simplicibus. Antidotarium, cum expositione Christophori de Honestis. Practica, cum additionibus Petri de Abano et Francisci Pedemontani) (Venice: Johannes et Gregorius de Gregoriis, 1497), f. 3v. See also Navascues, Ioannis Mesuae Damasceni, f. XLVIIr. 60. Navascues, Ioannis Mesuae Damasceni, f. XLVIIr. 61. Real Academia Española, Diccionario de autoridades, vol. 6 (1739), s.v. “virtud.” It is also defined, among a number of other entries, as “en los sacramentos, es la eficacia, y valor suyo, en orden a producir por si mismos el efecto sobrenatural, para que están destinados. Llamase tambien gracia. Lat. Virtus.” At http://web.frl.es/DA.html, accessed November 16, 2015. As late as 1887, virtud was defined in the Diccionario General Etimológico de la Lengua Española as “la facultad o potencia o actividad de las cosas para producir o causar sus Notes to Pages 29–32

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efectos. La eficacia o actividad propria de algunas cosas en orden a la sanidad o curacion. Fuerza, vigor, o valor. Poder o potestad de obrar. Etimologia: Del latín virtus, virtutis, valor, Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

espiritu, poder, facultad, merito, eficacia, milagro; derivado del sanscrito ver, var, preferir, amar; . . . italiano, virtu, frances, vertu, catalan, virtud.” 62. Real Academia Española, Diccionario de autoridades, vol. 6 (1739), s.v. “virtud.” 63. Charles Singer, “The Herbal in Antiquity and Its Transmission to Later Ages,” Journal of Hellenic Studies 47, no. 1 (1927), 1–52; Nutton and Scarborough, “The Preface of Dioscorides’ Materia Medica.” For histories of herbals, see Susan Francis and Anne Stobart, eds., Critical Approaches to the History of Western Herbal Medicine: From Classical Antiquity to the Early Modern Period (London: Bloomsbury, 2014); Agnes Arber, Herbals: Their Origin and Evolution: A Chapter In The History Of Botany, 1470–1670, Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1912); Graeme Tobyn, Alison Denham, and Margaret Whitelegg, The Western Herbal Tradition: 2000 Years of Medicinal Plant Knowledge (London: Churchill Livingstone, 2010); and Anne Van Arsdall and Timothy Graham, Herbs and Healers from the Ancient Mediterranean through the Medieval West: Essays in Honor of John M. Riddle (Farnham, Surrey, UK: Ashgate, 2012), and some recent works translating medieval herbals such as Van Arsdall, Medieval Herbal Remedies: The Old English Herbarium and Anglo-­Saxon Medicine (New York: Routledge, 2010); Nicholas Everett, The Alphabet of Galen: Pharmacy from Antiquity to the Middle Ages (Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2012); and Dan Choffnes, Nature’s Pharmacopeia: A World of Medicinal Plants (New York: Columbia University Press, 2016). 64. Riddle, Dioscorides, xviii–xix; Nutton, “Ancient Mediterranean Pharmacology,” 212; Singer, “Herbal in Antiquity.” Thus the number of medicinal substances in use had expanded since the time of Hippocrates, whose texts discussed about 250 different substances (see Totelin, Hippocratic Pharmacology and Riddle). 65. See supporting data and my arguments to that effect in Paula De Vos, “European Materia Medica in Historical Texts: Longevity of a Tradition and Implications for Future Use,” Journal of Ethnopharmacology 132, no. 1 (2010): 28–47. 66. Singer, “Herbal in A ntiquity.” For more recent work, see Marie Cronier, “Le Dioscoride alphabétique latin et les t raductions latines du ‘De materia medica,’” in Body, Disease and Treatment in a Changing World, ed. David Langslow and Brigitte Maire (Lausanne: Éditions Bibliothèque d’Histoire de la Médecine et de la Santé, 2010), 189–200. 67. See works by George Sarton, José Maria Millàs Vallicrosa, Juan Vernet, Julio Samsó, Luisa Fernanda Aguirre-­de-­Cárcer, and Cristina Alvarez Millan; Max Meyerhof, “Esquisse d’histoire de la pharmacologie et botanique chez les Musulmans d’Espagne,” Al-­Andalus 3 (1935): 1–41; Martin Levey, Early Arabic Pharmacology: An Introduction Based on Ancient and Medieval Sources (Leiden: Brill, 1973)—­though note Kahl’s strong warnings as to its accuracy; and Dag Nikolaus Hasse, Success and Suppression: Arabic Sciences and Philosophy in the Renaissance (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2017).

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Notes to Pages 32–33

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68. Peter Pormann, “The Formation of the Arabic Pharmacology between Tradition and Innovation,” Annals of Science 68, no. 4 (2011): 493–515. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

69. Saladino da Ascoli, Compendio de boticarios, trans. Alonso Rodríguez de Tudela (Salamanca, 1515), 3r. See also Thomas M. Capuano, “El Compendium aromatariorum de Saladino Ferro d’Ascoli (s. XV) y la traducción castellana de Alonso Rodríguez de Tudela (1515),” Romance Philology 71 (2017): 1–33. For a more in-­depth discussion of the textual tradition in Western pharmacology, see Paula De Vos, “Pharmacopoeias and the Textual Tradition in Galenic Pharmacy,” in Matthew James Crawford and Joseph M. Gabriel, eds., Drugs on the Page: Pharmacopoeias and Healing Knowledge in the Early Modern Atlantic World (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2019): 19–44. 70. Esteban de Villa, Examen de Boticarios (Burgos: Pedro de Huydobro, 1632), f. 12v. This is the title for the second chapter of the book—­“De los libros que el boticario ha de tener” (note that pages are misnumbered). 71. Villa, Examen de Boticarios, fs. 12r–13v (note that pages are misnumbered). Villa also recommended a treatise by Luis de Oviedo, a hallmark text on the selection and processing of simples. 72. The same survey revealed twelve works referring to Galen, indicating Galen and Dioscorides as the two pillars of the ancient world for Galenic pharmacy. See also De Vos, “Textual Tradition.” 73. De Vos, “European Materia Medica.” 74. The other 38 percent or so of substances came mainly from simples added to the pharmacopoeia later on (and discussed below). I h ave written about transplantation of materia medica in New Spain in an article manuscript tentatively titled “Medicine on the Margins of Colonial Mexico: Galenic Pharmacy in Home Remedies.” 75. Only two simples in the pharmacy inventories, both of American origins, were not named in the print sources. For more data concerning the texts and the pharmacy inventories, see appendices 1, 2, and 5. 76. In conducting this research, I r ecorded the native habitats for each of the 144 plants that I wa s able to identify out of the 172. I t hen recategorized the regions into a set of standardized geographic categories based not on climate (as in t he GRIN d atabase) but rather on the geopolitics of history—­the location of ancient empires and the movements of people and goods over historic trade routes (see appendix 5 for my categorization of native geographic regions, upittpress.org/books/9780822946496). I have discussed the issue of plant identification in De Vos, “European Materia Medica in Historical Texts.” 77. The focal point of the trade was Alexandria, with archaeological evidence showing that small shipments converged there it and its port was used continuously for the next millennium and a h alf from northern Europe and the North Sea to the Indian Ocean. James Miller’s “romantic” notion that fleets were sailing to East Africa or the Moluccas has Notes to Pages 33–36

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been critiqued by Vivian Nutton and John Riddle. On t he ancient Indo-­Mediterranean, see Frederico De Romanis and Marco Mauiro, eds., Across the Ocean: Nine Essays on Indo-­ Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Mediterranean Trade (Leiden: Brill, 2015); and Matthew P. Fitzpatrick, “Provincializing Rome: The Indian Ocean Trade Network and Roman Imperialism,” Journal of World History 22, no. 1 (2011):27–54, which places Roman imperial trade within the context of exchange in the Indian Ocean world. 78. See James Innes Miller, The Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 29 B.C. to A.D. 641 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1969), ch. 2. 79. The Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, trans. Francis Adams, vol. 3, book 7, 89, 249– 50. See also, for poppy, Roy Porter and Mikuláš Teich, Drugs and Narcotics in History (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997); and for tormentil, Tobyn, Denham, and Whitelegg, Western Herbal Tradition. 80. For histories of early contraception and abortifacients, see John M. Riddle, Contraception and Abortion from the Ancient World to the Renaissance (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1994); Riddle, Eve’s Herbs: A History of Contraception and Abortion in the West (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 1997); and Monica H. Green, Women’s Healthcare in the Medieval West: Texts and Contexts (Aldershot: Ashgate, 2000). 81. John Hill, A History of the Materia Medica (London: T. Longman, C. H itch, and L. Hawes, 1751), 373 and 603–4; and Christopher Vasey, Natural Remedies for Inflammation (Rochester, NY: Healing Arts, 2014). 82. Dioscorides, De materia medica. 83. Hill, History of the Materia Medica, 372, 419, 440, 588–89. 84. Marina Heilmeyer, Ancient Herbs (Los Angeles: Getty, 2007), Andrew Dalby, Food in the Ancient World from A to Z (New York: Routledge, 2013), 132; Christopher A. Faraone and Dirk Obbink, eds., Magika Hiera: Ancient Greek Magic and Religion (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1997); and Dioscorides, De materia medica. 85. Paul Freedman, Out of the East: Spices and the Medieval Imagination (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2008), 10–17. 86. See James A. Duke, CRC Handbook of Medicinal Spices (Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press, 2002). 87. Freedman, Out of the East, 8. 88. Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire; Martin Levey, “Babylonian Chemistry: A Study of Arabic and Second Mille[n]nium B.C. Perfumery,” Osiris 12 (1956): 377–78. For culinary and medical use of spices, see Felipe Fernández-­Armesto and Benjamin Sacks, “The Global Exchange of Food and Drugs,” in The Oxford Handbook of the History of Consumption, ed. Frank Tenenbaum (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012), 127–44; and Ken Albala, Eating Right in the Renaissance (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002); Bruno Laurioux, “Spices in the Medieval Diet: A N ew Approach,” Food and Foodways 1, no. 1–2 (1985): 43–75; Alain Touwaide and E. Appetiti, “Food and Medicines in the Mediterranean

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Notes to Pages 37–44

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Tradition: A Systematic Analysis of the Earliest Extant Body of Textual Evidence,” Journal of Ethnopharmacology 167 (2015): 11–29; and Terence Scully, The Art of Cookery in the Middle Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Ages (Woodbridge, Suffolk: Boydell, 2005). For the many uses of spices in early Christianity and the Mediterranean world, see Susan Ashbrook Harvey, Scenting Salvation: Ancient Christianity and the Olfactory Imagination (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2006). 89. Freedman, Out of the East; Andrew Dalby, Dangerous Tastes: Spices in World History (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000); Jack Turner, Spice: The History of a Temptation (New York: Knopf, 2004); and Fred Czarra, Spices: A Global History (London: Reaktion, 2009), Carmélia Opsomer-­Halleux, “La pharmacie du Paradis,” in Saveurs de Paradis. Les routes des épices; and Opsomer-­Halleux, “The Medieval Garden and Its Role in Medicine,” in Medieval Gardens, ed. Elisabeth B. MacDougall (Washington, DC: Dumbarton Oaks, 1987), 93–114. 90. These include Freedman, Out of the East; Fernández-­Armesto and Sacks, “Global Exchange of Food and Drugs”; and Duke, Handbook of Medicinal Spices. 91. See Totelin, Hippocratic Recipes, on medical value of spices as well as Peregrine Horden and Nicholas Purcell, eds., The Corrupting Sea: A Study of Mediterranean History (London: Blackwell, 2000). For the evolution of trade routes carrying spices, see Martin Jones, Harriet Hunt, Emma Lightfoot, Diane Lister, Xinyi Liu, and Giedrè Motuzaite-­ Matuzvicuite, “Food Globalization in Prehistory,” World Archaeology 43, no. 4 (2011):665– 75; and Nicole Boivin, Dorian Q. Fuller, and Alison Crowther, “Old World Globalization and the Columbian Exchange: Comparison and Contrast,” World Archaeology 44, no. 3 (2012): 452–69; Carl Sauer, Agricultural Origins and Dispersals (New York: American Geographical Society, 1952); John Keay, The Spice Route: A History (Berkeley, University of California Press, 2006); Gary Paul Nabhan, Cumin, Camels, and Caravans: A Spice Odyssey (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2014); David Christian, “Silk Roads or Steppe Roads? The Silk Roads in World History,” Journal of World History 11, no. 1 (2000): 1–26. 92. Most of the aromatic spices were known to the ancient Greeks and Romans and figure in the materia medica of Dioscorides, Galen, and Pliny. Most came from Asia along the Silk Roads and Cinnamon Route, though a few came from elsewhere: Celtic nard, a carminative, and saffron, used as an astringent and diuretic and also employed as a yellow dye, were cultivated in Europe, and camel grass, an aromatic emmenagogue, came from Africa. See Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire. 93. Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 42–43; and P. N. R avindran, K. Nirmal-­ Babu, and M. Shylaja, eds., Cinnamon and Cassia: The Genus Cinnamomum (Boca Raton, FL: CRC Press, 2003). Both spices were taken from the bark of the tree, which was stripped, dried, and rolled into tubes; both were widely known to Roman authors (Pliny, etc.) and had a long history of use and value to the ancient world. Cassia, for example, was included in the earliest Chinese herbals—­as early as 2700 BCE. 94. Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 80–81. There were several varieties of Notes to Page 44

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pepper, including long pepper—­the pungent tiny seeds of its long, spike-­like fruit—­and its less pungent relative, black pepper, the dried unripe seed/berries of the pepper tree. The Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

latter also produced white pepper, produced from the dried ripe seed. 95. Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 83, 91. 96. Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 63. 97. Antonio Pigafetta, The Voyage of Magellan, trans. Paula Spurlin Paige (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: P rentice-­Hall, 1969), 121. See also Robin Donkin, Between East and West: The Moluccas and the Traffic in Spices up to the Arrival of the Europeans (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 2003); Ian Burnet, The Spice Islands (Dural, Australia: Rosenberg, 2011); and Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 58–59. 98. It is important to note that Dioscorides named nutmeg but not mace, and the introduction of both to Western materia medica is attributed to exchanges in medieval Islamic world. 99. Cloves are named in Pliny’s Natural History but not Dioscorides’s De materia medica. 100. Robert Hooper and John Quincy, Quincy’s Lexicon-­medicum. A New Medical Dictionary (London: A. Strahan, 1802). 101. Jian-­Guo Jian, Xiao-­Juan Huang, Jian Chen, and Qing-­Sheng Lin, “Comparison of the Sedative and Hypnotic Effects of Flavonoids, Saponins, and Polysaccharides Extracted from Semen Ziziphus jujube,” Natural Product Research 21, no. 4 (2007): 310–20; and Jie-­Xin Cao, Qing-­Ying Zhang, Su-­Ying Cui, Xiang-­Yu Cui, Juan Zhang, Yong-­He Zhang, Yan-­Jing Bai, and Yu-­Ying Zhao, “Hypnotic Effect of Jujubosides from Semen Ziziphi spinosae,” Journal of Ethnopharmacology 130, no. 1 (2010): 163–66. 102. William Dymock, Pharmacographica Indica: A History of the Principal Drugs of Vegetable Origin, Met with in British India (Dehra Dun : Bishen Singh Mahondra Pal Singh, 1976), 5 and 6, and Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 440–43. 103. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 66–67. 104. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 4 6. It should be noted that these plants spread to the Mediterranean very early on. See Daniel Zohary, Maria Hopf, and Ehud Weiss, Domestication of Plants in the Old World: The Origin and Spread of Domesticated Plants in Southwest Asia, Europe, and the Mediterranean Basin, 4th ed. (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010). I thank Laurence Totelin for pointing out this reference. 105. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 251–52; see also Anne C. Wilson, The Book of Marmalade: Its Antecedents, Its History, and Its Role in the World Today, Together with a Collection of Recipes for Marmalades and Marmalade Cookery, rev. ed. (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1999). The name “marmalade” comes from Portuguese word for quince, marmelo. 106. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 40–41. 107. See Andreas Lardos, José Prieto-­Garcia, and Michael Heinrich, “Resins and Gums in Historical Iatrosophia Texts from Cyprus—­A Botanical and Medico-­pharmacological

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Notes to Pages 44–45

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Approach,” Frontiers in Pharmacology 32, no. 2 (2011):4, for scientific classifications of gums, resins, and oleoresins. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

108. See Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 98–99; and Shimshon Ben-­Yehoshua, Carole Borowitz, and Lumír OndĀej Hanuš, “Frankincense, Myrrh, and Balm of Gilead: Ancient Spices of Southern Arabia and Judea,” Horticultural Reviews 39 (2012). 109. Roy Genders, Perfume through the Ages (New York: G. P. Putnam’s Sons, 1972). 110. Lardos, Prieto-­Garcia, and Heinrich, “Resins and Gums in Historical Iatrosophia,” 2. 111.Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 101. It is a Semitic name signifying sweet or fragrant. 112. Dioscorides, De materia medica, 20. 113.Gus W. Van Beek, “Frankincense and Myrrh in Ancient South Arabia,” Journal of the American Oriental Society 78, no. 3 (1958): 141. See also Ben-­Yehoshua, Borowitz, and OndĀej Hanuš, “Frankincense, Myrrh, and Balm of Gilead”; and Ben-­Yehoshua and OndĀej Hanuš, “Apharsemon, Myrrh and Olibanum.” 114. John M. Riddle, “Oral Contraceptives and Early-­Term Abortifacients during Classical Antiquity and the Middle Ages,” Past and Present 132, no. 1 (1991): 3–32. See also Ben-­ Yehoshua, Borowitz, and OndĀej Hanuš, “Frankincense, Myrrh, and Balm of Gilead”; and Ben-­Yehoshua and OndĀej Hanuš, “Apharsemon, Myrrh and Olibanum.” 115.Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 443–45. 116. See Robin Donkin, Manna: An Historical Geography (New York: Springer, 1980). Manna also derives from certain types of lichen that can fall from the sky under particular conditions—­high temperatures during the day and cool nights, bringing wide temperature fluctuations. Stormy weather can produce the manna “dew” as well. Arabic authors also commented that it “falls from the heavens upon the trees.” See Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 444. 117. Riddle, “Oral Contraceptives” and Dioscorides, De materia medica. 118. Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 100. 119. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 184. See also Hill, History of the Materia Medica, 741–42; and Edward Balfour, ed., Cyclopædia of India and of Eastern and Southern Asia, vol. 1, 2nd ed. (Madras: Scottish and Adelphi Presses, 1871). Also known as acacia gum, gum arabic is still used as a thickener, binder, and emulsifying agent for a variety of commercial goods. 120. Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 69; Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 70. 121. Deepika Gupta, Bruce Bleakley, Rajinder K. Gupta, “Dragon’s Blood: Botany, Chemistry and Therapeutic Uses,” Journal of the American Pharmaceutical Association 9, n o. 2 (1920): 141–44. 122. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 369–70; and Lardos, Prieto-­Garcia, and Heinrich, “Resins and Gums in Historical Iatrosophia Texts from Cyprus.” Notes to Pages 46–48

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123. See Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire; Lardos, Prieto-­Garcia, and Heinrich, “Resins and Gums in Historical Iatrosophia Texts from Cyprus”; and Seven Books of Paulus Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 362, 341, 208–9, 294, and 374–75. There is some confusion over the exact identity of storax—­where it comes from, the identity of its solid versus its liquid form, and its relationship to benzoin and liquidambar, or sweetgum. See Jonathan Pereira, Elements of Materia Medica and Therapeutics, vol. 2 (Philadelphia: Lea and Blanchard, 1843), 567. 124. Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 106. 125. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 439–40. 126. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 431–32. 127. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 436. 128. Judith Carney and Richard Nicholas Rosomoff, In the Shadow of Slavery: Africa’s Botanical Legacy in the Atlantic World (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010), 27–36. As Carney and Rosomoff point out in In the Shadow of Slavery, scholarship on the Columbian Exchange has tended to leave out Africa, and African agricultural products are often misattributed as Asian, or Europeans given credit for discovering their worth. For example, both the grain of paradise (melagueta pepper) and sweet-­smelling camel grass were attributed Asian origins by Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 94, or were confused with Asian products (grains of paradise were called “amomum,” which were associated with cardamom). Carney and Rosomoff, however, show that Africa’s products are some of the richest in the world, domesticated thousands of years ago and traded for millennia. These findings are underscored by Abena Dove Osseo-­Asare’s work on the search for medicinal plants in modern Ghana. See Osseo-­Asare, Bitter Roots: The Search for Healing Plants in Africa (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2014), ch. 2. 129. Pereira, Elements of Materia Medica, 629, William Dymock, David Hooper, and C. J. H. Warden, Pharmacographia Indica: A History of the Principal Drugs of Vegetable Origin Met with in British India (London: Kegan Paul, Trench, Trubner, 1893), 496; and Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 114–16. 130. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 111. 131. William Dymock, The Vegetable Materia Medica of Western India, 2nd ed. (Bombay: Education Society’s Press, 1885), 650. Efraim Lev and Zohar Amar, Practical Materia Medica of the Medieval Eastern Mediterranean According to the Cairo Genizah (Leiden: Brill, 2008), 242–43; and Clifford A. Wright, Mediterranean Vegetables: A Cook’s ABC of Vegetables and Their Preparation (Boston: Houghton Mifflin Harcourt, 2012), 265–66. 132. Lev and Amar, Practical Materia Medica, 253–54, Wright, Mediterranean Vegetables, 277. 133. Lev and Amar, Practical Materia Medica, 307–8 and 138. See also Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 445–46 and 295–96. 134. For the widespread and sophisticated nature of exchange within the Islamic

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Empires, see Edmund Burke III, “Islam at the Center: Technological Complexes and the Roots of Modernity,” Journal of World History 20, no. 2 (2009): 165–86; John Obert Voll, Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

“Islam as a Special World-­System,” Journal of World History 5, no. 2 (1994): 213–26; Marshall G. S. Hodgson, “The Role of Islam in World History,” International Journal of Middle East Studies 1, no. 2 (1970): 99–123; Hodgson, “Hemispheric Interregional History as an Approach to World History,” in The New World History, ed. Ross E. Dunn (Boston: Bedford/ St. Martin’s, 2000); Peter Pormann, Anna Akasoy, and James E. Montgomery, eds., Islamic Crosspollinations: Interactions in the Medieval Middle East (Exeter: E. J. W. Gibb Memorial Trust, 2007); Leigh Chipman, “Islamic Pharmacy and the Mamlūk and Mongol Realms: Theory and Practice,” Asian Medicine 3, no. 2 (2007): 265–78. For the introduction of Eastern drugs into European materia medica, see John M. Riddle, “The Introduction and Use of Eastern Drugs in the Early Middle Ages,” Sudhoffs Archiv für Geschichte der Medizin und der Naturwissenschaften 49, vol. 2 (1965): 185–98; Alain Touwaide and E. Appetiti, “Knowledge of Eastern Materia Medica (Indian and Chinese) in Pre-­modern Mediterranean Medical Traditions: A Study in Comparative Historical Ethnopharmacology,” Journal of Ethnopharmacology 148, no. 2 (2013):361–78; and Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, 424–72. Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 28–29, shows that Romans knew of many of these plants, but they are generally not named by Dioscorides and historians have attributed them to Arabic introductions. 135. Andrew M. Watson, Agricultural Innovation in the Early Islamic World: The Diffusion of Crops and Farming Techniques, 700–1100 (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983), also discusses the major transformation of Afro-­Eurasian agriculture under the Islamic Empires, where irrigation, land use, and plant exchange underwent significant intensification—­and also would have led to greater knowledge, cultivation, and use of previously unknown or exotic spices. 136. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 427–29; Miller, Spice Trade of the Roman Empire, 40–41, 53. See also Robin Donkin, Dragon’s Brain Perfume: An Historical Geography of Camphor (Leiden: Brill, 1999). 137. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 433–34 138. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 448–50. 139. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 455–56. 140. Freedman, Out of the East. 141. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 434–36. 142. Lev and Amar, Practical Materia Medica, 429, 537; Anales del Instituto Médico Nacional, vol. 4, El Mangle (Mexico: Instituto Médico Nacional, 1900), 323–32; and Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 358. 143. See Loren C. MacKinney, “Animal Substances in Materia Medica: A Study in the Persistence of the Primitive,” Journal of History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 1, no. 1 (1946): 149–50, for earlier attitudes toward animal medicines. See also Richard Sugg, “‘Good Physic Notes to Pages 52–54

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but Bad Food’: Early Modern Attitudes to Medicinal Cannibalism and Its Suppliers,” Social History of Medicine 19, no. (2006): 225–40. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

144. Efraim Lev, “Traditional Healing with Animals (Zootherapy): Medieval to Present-­ Day Levantine Practice,” Journal of Ethnopharmacology 85, no. 1 (2003): 107. For domestication, movement of animals, and food over time see Kenneth F. Kiple, A Movable Feast: Ten Millennia of Food Globalization (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007). 145. Efraim Lev, “Healing with Animals in the Levant from the 10th to the 18th Century,” Journal of Ethnobiology and Ethnomedicine 2, no. 1 (2006): 2–11. 146. Castoreum is actually derived from follicles near the testicles of the beaver, or between the anus and the genitals. Lev, “Healing with Animals in the Levant,” 6. Coral was difficult to categorize, and ancients did not consider it in the animal category. For classification on coral in the ancient world, see Laurence Totelin, “What’s a Plant?” in The Cambridge Companion to Ancient Greek and Roman Science, edited by Liba Taub (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press): 141–59; MacKinney, “Animal Substances in Materia Medica.” The Ebers Papayrus of ancient Egypt, produced around the sixteenth century BCE, contains more than eight hundred prescriptions that included medicines from animal sources. 147. McKinney, “Animal Substances in Materia Medica,” 160. 148. Lev, “Healing with Animals in the Levant,” 2. 149. See De Vos, “European Materia Medica in H istorical Texts,” table 4. These substances are still used in t raditional/ethnic “folk” medicine in va rious parts of the world and provide sources of hormones for some hormonal therapies but overall experienced a decline in use over the centuries. For an example of modern zootherapy, see Rômulo R. N. Alves, Ierecê L. Rosa, and Gindomar G. Santana, “The Role of Animal-­Derived Remedies as Complementary Medicine in Brazil,” BioScience 57, no. 11 (2007): 949–55; and Elizabeth Siegel Watkins, The Estrogen Elixir: A History of Hormone Replacement Therapy in America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 2007). See also MacKinney, “Animal Substances in Materia Medica,” 149–50, for earlier attitudes toward animal medicines. 150. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 153–54 (beetle), 351–51 (sponge), 69 (frog); Lev and Amar, Practical Materia Medica, 493 (sponge). 151. Sugg, “‘Good Physic but Bad Food,’” 225–40. 152. For more on the topic of corpse medicine, see Richard Sugg, Mummies, Cannibals and Vampires: The History of Corpse Medicine from the Renaissance to the Victorians (New York: Taylor and Francis, 2015); and Sugg, “Skulls for Sale: English Conquest and Cannibal Medicines,” History Ireland 19, no. 3 (May/June 2011):22–25. For mummy, see Sugg, “‘Good Physic but Bad Food,’” and Karl H. Dannenfeldt, “Egyptian Mumia: The Sixteenth Century Experience and Debate,” Sixteenth Century Journal 16, no. 2 (1985): 163–80. See also Robert Forbes, Studies in Early Petroleum History (Leiden: Brill, 1958). 153. See, for example, Alfred Crosby, The Columbian Exchange: Biological and Cultural Consequences of 1492, 30th anniv. ed. (Westport, CT: Praeger, 2003); and Elinor Melville, A

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Plague of Sheep: Environmental Consequences of the Conquest of Mexico (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1997). For more recent research into the new animal history, see Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Marcy Norton, “The Chicken or the Iegue: Human-­Animal Relationships and the Columbian Exchange,”  American Historical Review 120, no. 1 (2015):28–60; Marcy Norton, “Going to the Birds: Animal as Things and Beings in Early Modernity,” in Early Modern Things, ed. Paula Findlen (New York: Routledge, 2013), 53–83; and Kathleen Kete and Linda Kalof, A Cultural History of Animals in the Age of Empire (London: Bloomsbury, 2014). 154. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 162–63. 155. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 426–27. 156. See De Vos, “Apothecaries, Artists, and Artisans,” for further discussion of alkaline ash and its uses. 157. See De Vos, “European Materia Medica in Historical Texts.” By comparison, inorganic substances constituted 5.2 percent of all simples in a study of the Levant in the medieval and early Ottoman period—­see E. Lev, “Medicinal Exploitation of Inorganic Substances in the Levant in the Medieval and Early Ottoman Periods,” Adler Museum Bulletin 28, no. 2–3 (2002): 11–16. 158. José Luis Fresquet Febrer, “El uso de productos del reino mineral en la terapéutica del siglo xvi: El libro de los Medicamentos simples de Juan Fragoso (1581) y el Antidotario de Juan Calvo (1580),” Asclepio 51, no. (1999): 62. See also George Frederick Kunz, The Curious Lore of Precious Stones (New York: Halcyon House, 1938), ch. 11,and for more recent work, Louise M. Bishop, Words, Stones, and Herbs: The Healing Word in Medieval and Early Modern England (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2007). Albertus Magnus produced a well-­known volume on this in the Middle Ages. See Michael R. Best, Frank Brightman, and Albertus, The Book of Secrets of Albertus Magnus of the Virtues of Herbs, Stones and Certain Beasts; Also A Book of the Marvels of the World (York Beach, ME: Samuel Weiser, 2004). 159. Kunz, Curious Lore of Precious Stones, ch. 11. 160. Kunz, Curious Lore of Precious Stones, ch. 11. 161. See De Vos, “Apothecaries, Artists, and Artisans”; Kunz, Curious Lore of Precious Stones; and Fresquet Febrer, “El uso de productos del reino mineral.” 162. Lev, “Medicinal Exploitation of Inorganic Substances in the Levant”; Lev and Amar, Practical Materia Medica; John M. R iddle, “Lithotherapy in t he Middle Ages: Lapidaries Considered as Medical Texts,” Pharmacy in History 12, no. 2 (1970): 39–50. For more on ancient and medieval medicine, see Riddle, “Folk Tradition and Folk Medicine: Recognition of Drugs in Classical Antiquity,” in Folklore and Folk Medicines, ed. John Scarborough (Madison, WI: American Institute for History of Pharmacy, 1987), 33–61. 163. For a hi story of lapidaries, see Kunz, Curious Lore of Precious Stones, Fresquet Febrer, “El uso de productos”; John M. Riddle and James A. Mulholland, “Albert on Stones and Minerals,” in Albertus Magnus and the Sciences: Commemorative Essays, ed. James A. Weisheipl (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1980), 203–34; Nichola Harris, Notes to Pages 57–60

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“The Idea of Lapidary Medicine: Its Circulation and Practical Application in Medieval and Early Modern England: 1000–1750” (PhD diss., Rutgers University, 2009); and John M. RidCopyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

dle, Marbode of Rennes’ De lapidibus: Considered as a Medical Treatise with Text, Commentary, and C. W. King’s Translation (Steiner: Sudhoffs Archiv, 1977). 164. On g emstones and the magical virtues attributed them, see Urban T. Holmes, “Mediaeval Gem Stones,” Speculum 9, n o. 2 (1934): 95–204; Fresquet Febrer, “El uso de productos del reino mineral,” 61, and the work of Joan Evans, especially Magical Jewels in the Middle Ages and Renaissance, Particularly in England (Oxford: Clarendon, 1922). See also Kunz, Curious Lore of Precious Stones. Within the Christian and Islamic traditions was the idea that God had made each stone with particular healing virtues, similar to medicinal plants. These virtues were often hidden, or secret, and it was up to the practitioner to uncover them 165. Riddle, Marbode of Rennes’ De lapidibus, Albertus Magnus, Book of Minerals, trans. Dorothy Wyckoff (Oxford: Clarendon, 1967), 214. Harris, “Idea of Lapidary Medicine”; Kunz, Curious Lore of Precious Stones. A b ook of secrets was also attributed to Albertus Magnus that would reveal the virtues of plants, animals, and minerals: Albertus Magnus, The Book of Secrets of Albertus Magnus: Of the Virtues of Herbs, Stones, and Certain Beasts, Also a Book of the Marvels of the World, ed. Michael R. Best and Frank Brightman (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1973). 166. See arguments of Keith Thomas, Religion and the Decline of Magic: Studies in Popular Beliefs in Sixteenth-­ and Seventeenth-­Century England (New York: Oxford University Press, 1999); and Lynn Thorndike, A History of Magic and Experimental Science (New York: Columbia University Press, 1964). 167. Harris, “Idea of Lapidary Medicine.” 168. Riddle, “Lithotherapy in t he Middle Ages,” 39. See also Pamela H. S mith, “The Codification of Vernacular Theories of Metallic Generation in Sixteenth-­Century European Mining and Metalworking,” in The Structures of Practical Knowledge: Toward Early Modern Science, ed. Matteo Valleriani (Dordrecht: Springer, 2016); Michael Bycroft, “Iatrochemistry and the Evaluation of Mineral Waters in France, 1600–1750,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 91, no. 2 (2017): 303–30. A recent workshop titled “Gems in Transit: Materials, Values and Knowledge in t he Early Modern World, 1400–1800” (Amsterdam, April 7–8, 2 016), indicates recent and growing interest in the subject. 169. Diccionario de Autoridades, vol. 4 (M adrid: Real Academia Española, 1734), s.v. “mineral”; see also Fresquet Febrer, “El uso de productos del reino mineral,” 59. 170. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 83. 171. Alvaro Alonso Barba, Arte de los metales (Madrid: La Imprenta del Reyno, 1640), 7. 172. Barba, Arte de los metales, 11. 173. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 129–30, 60. 174. Lev and Amar, Practical Materia Medica, 415 and 483.

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175. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 191, 389, 61, 255, 553, and 62. 176. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 104. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

177. Ashok Roy, ed., Artists’ Pigments: A Handbook of Their History and Characteristics, vols. 1 and 2 (Oxford: Oxford University Press and National Gallery of Art, 1993). Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 172. 178. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 538. 179. Lev and Amar, Practical Materia Medica, 189; Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 220–22. 180. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 399–402, 415–19, and 142–43. 181. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 418, 476. 182. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 376. 183. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 232–33. 184. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 31–32. 185. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 135. 186. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 227, 221–23, and 226; also Lev and Amar, Practical Materia Medica, 234. 187. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 187–88 and 473–74. 188. Seven Books of Paulus Aegineta, vol. 3, book 7, 221–29 and 475–76. See also Kris E. Lane, Colour of Paradise: The Emerald in the Age of Gunpowder Empires (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2010). 189. These numbers are approximate and were determined by multiplying the average number of prescriptions and medicines per page (determined by counting the first five full pages for each document and finding the average) by the number of pages listing prescriptions. In the case of Don Bernabe, the document specifies 383 prescriptions. 190. In carrying out this tabulation, I listed each medicine only once, no matter how many times it appeared in t he document, to get a s ense of the range of compounds and simples in use. 191. For historic use of roses, see Mia Touw, “Roses in the Middle Ages,” Economic Botany 36, no. 1 (1982): 71. 192. Duck, chicken, cow, bear, goose, snake, and pork fat were also included, but I categorized those as “vehicles” that provided the fat base for ointments and plasters, as they were probably more likely used as such. 193. I did n ot count those included in only one inventory in order to correct for any misidentification, or overlaps.

Chapter 2: Election and Correction: Optimizing the Powers of Simples 1. Archivo General de la Nación, México Civil, vol. 72, exp. 9, 1774, Autos de Concurso de Acreedores a Bienes de Don Jacinto Herrera Dueño de Botica en esta Ciudad. All descriptions of the pharmacy and its contents come from two different inventories included in this Notes to Pages 61–68

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document beginning September 14, 1775, and June 7, 1776, on fs. 340v–362v and 397r–411v, respectively. The latter inventory includes a section on “Aperos” on f. 406v. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

2. See essays in Christoph Lüthy, John E. Murdoch, and William R. Newman, eds., Late Medieval and Early Modern Corpuscular Matter Theories (Leiden: Brill, 2001). 3. In book 2 of the Canons, which deals with materia medica, Ibn Sīnā sometimes includes a section on the election or optimum selection of the simple. 4. See the introduction in Susan Francis and Anne Stobart, eds., Critical Approaches to the History of Western Herbal Medicine: From Classical Antiquity to the Early Modern Period (London: Bloomsbury, 2014), on tacit knowledge as well as various works discussed in the introduction on artisanal experience, workshop practices, and technical writing. 5. Sabine Vogt, “Drugs and Pharmacology,” in The Cambridge Companion to Galen, ed. R. J. Hankinson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 311;Peter Pormann, “The Formation of the Arabic Pharmacology between Tradition and Innovation,” Annals of Science 68, no. 4 (2011): 493–515. 6. Pormann discusses this in “Formation of Arabic Pharmacology” but it receives more complete treatment in Michael R. McVaugh, “The Development of Medieval Pharmaceutical Theory,” Arnaldi de Villanova Opera medica onmia, vol. 2, Aphorismi de Gradibus, by Arnald de Villanova, ed. Michael R. McVaugh (Granada-­Barcelona: University of Barcelona, 1975). 7. Brad Berman, “Aristotle on Like-­Partedness and the Like-­Parted Bodies,” Early Science and Medicine 20, no. 1 (2015): 27–47; Alan Chalmers, “Aristotle on Homoeomerous Substances,” in Greek Research in Australia, ed. Marietta Rossetto (Adelaide: Flinders University, 2009), 19–26; Paul Needham, “Aristotle’s Theory of Chemical Reaction and Chemical Substances,” in Philosophy of Chemistry, ed. Davis Baird, Eric Scerri, and Lee McIntyre (Dordrecht: Springer, 2006), 43–67; and Gideon Manning, ed., Matter and Form in Early Modern Science and Philosophy (Leiden: Brill, 2012). 8. This is not to say that there was no discussion of manipulation: the very premise of compounding requires manipulation. However, discussion of general techniques and ways to strengthen or weaken powers—­“procedural” or “operational” information—­was not a focus in Galen’s writing. 9. Galen, On Simples, book 5, introduction, 2. I focus here on Galen’s discussion of total substance in On the Natural Faculties, but he mentions it (especially with the example of the magnet) in several other texts. See also McVaugh, “Development of Medieval Pharmaceutical Theory”; Federick W. Gibbs, “Specific Form and Poisonous Properties: Understanding Poison in t he Fifteenth Century,” Preternature: Critical and Historical Studies on the Preternatural 2, no. 1 (2013): 22; Nicolas Weill-­Parot, “Astrology, Astral Influences, and Occult Properties in the Thirteenth and Fourteenth Centuries,” Traditio 65 (2010): 201–30; Keith Hutchison, “Dormitive Virtues, Scholastic Qualities, and the New Philosophies,” History of Science 29, no. 3 (1991): 245–77; Brian Copenhaver, “Scholastic Philosophy and Renaissance Magic in the ‘De vita’ of Marsilio Ficino,” Renaissance Quarterly 37, no. 4 (1984): 523–54.

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10. Galen, On the Natural Faculties, trans. Arthur John Brock (London: W. Heinemann, 1916), book 1, XIII, 69; book 1, XIV, 83. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

11. Galen, On the Natural Faculties, book 1, XIV, 83, 85. 12. Galen, On the Natural Faculties, book 1, XIV, 85. 13.The answers to these questions took centuries to work out and had a major impact on several different areas of natural philosophy, as indicated in works cited above. 14. I am using Gibbs’s translation of the Canons in “Specific Form and Poisonous Properties,” 23. 15. The active Intellect was for Ibn Sīnā “the cause of the appearance of abstracted universal forms in the soul.” For further discussion of the Intellect, see Dag Nikolaus Hasse, Avicenna’s De Anima in the Latin West: The Formation of a Peripatetic Philosophy of the Soul, 1160–1300 (London: Warburg Institute, 2000); and Herbert A. Davidson, Alfarabi, Avicenna, and Averroes, on Intellect; Their Cosmologies, Theories of the Active Intellect, and Theories of Human Intellect (New York: Oxford, 1992). See also Gad Freudenthal, “The Medieval Astrologization of Aristotle’s Biology: Averroes on the Role of the Celestial Bodies in the Generation of Animate Beings,” Arabic Sciences and Philosophy 12 (2002): 113–17. 16. I am using Gibbs’s translation of the Canons in “Specific Form and Poisonous Properties,” 23–27. See also McVaugh, “Development of Medieval Pharmaceutical Theory,” 18n9, for the Latin. The specific form came to be the way fourteenth-­century authors differentiated poisons from medicines: poisons caused damage to the body due to their specific form; strong medicines caused potential damage due to their very strong complexional qualities. These issues also affected ideas regarding generation and corruption and arguments about complete mixture of substances versus qualities, if matter could be wholly intermixed or just its qualities (which in turn affected Christian theological arguments concerning the soul and the Trinity). Copenhaver has also argued that the specific form was the substantial form, something that McVaugh had argued against. 17. According to Michael McVaugh, Ibn Sīnā’s following arguments were “his most notable departure from the classical analysis of medicinal properties.” 18. This tendency toward empiricism can be found in De materia medica, in which Dioscorides eschewed theorizing about drug action. Although Dioscorides accepted and used the idea that each simple had a particular power (and apparently organized his work according to drug powers), the nature or effect of that power could only be known through observation and experience, once it had been applied to the body. 19. McVaugh, “Development of Medieval Pharmaceutical Theory,” 17. 20. Freudenthal, “Medieval Astrologization.” 21. See, for example, Adam Takahashi, “Nature, Formative Power and Intellect in the Natural Philosophy of Albert the Great,” Early Science and Medicine 13, no. 5 (2008): 451–81; Tina Stiefel, “The Heresy of Science: A Twelfth-­Century Conceptual Revolution,” Isis 68, no. 3 (1977): 346–62. Notes to Pages 73–75

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22. See Luis García-­Ballester, “Arnau de V ilanova (c. 1240–1311) y l a reforma de los estudios médicos en Montpellier (1309): El Hipócrates latino y la introducción del nuevo Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Galeno,” Dynamis 2 (1982): 97–158. Walton O. Schalick, “Add One Part Pharmacy to One Part Surgery and One Part Medicine: Jean de Saint-­Amand and the Development of Medical Pharmacology in Thirteenth-­Century Paris” (PhD diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1997); Michael R. McVaugh, “The Nature and Limits of Medical Certitude at Early Fourteenth-­ Century Montpellier,” Osiris 2nd series 6 (1990): 62–84; McVaugh, “Arnald of Villanova and Bradwardine’s Law,” Isis 58, no. 1 (1967): 56–64; McVaugh, “Theriac at Montpellier, 1285– 1325,” Sudhoffs Archiv 56, no. 2 (1972): 113–44; Nancy Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti and His Pupils: Two Generations of Italian Medical Learning (Princeton, NJ: P rinceton University Press, 1981); Luke Demaitre, Doctor Bernard de Gordon: Professor and Practitioner (Toronto: Pontifical Institute of Mediaeval Studies, 1980); and Luke Demaitre, Medieval Medicine: The Art of Healing, from Head to Toe (Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2010). Roger Bacon also played a role in these debates but will be discussed in ch. 5. 23. Hutchison states in “Dormitive Virtues, Scholastic Qualities” that the Scholastic doctrine of the qualities needs further study. 24. These words are Siraisi’s (not Alderotti’s) in Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti and His Pupils, 159. 25. These words are Alderotti’s, quoted in Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti and His Pupils, 160. 26. These words are Siraisi’s, in Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti and His Pupils, 159–60. 27. See Latin text of Alderotti in Siraisi, Taddo Alderotti and His Pupils, 160–61n39, 40, 41, from his commentary on the Isagogue, f. 378r: “Dator autem huius forme est virtue exterior.” These ideas are also apparent in the works of Peter of Abano, Jean de Saint Amand, Arnald de Villanova, and Bernard de Gordon in their attempt to bring Galen and Aristotle into line. 28. See Brian Copenhaver, Magic in Western Culture: From Antiquity to the Enlightenment (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2015);and the work of Francis Yates, including Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1991). 29. The ideas and arguments that follow were influenced by several contributions in Christoph Herbert Lüthy, John Emery Murdoch, and William R. Newman, eds., Late Medieval and Early Modern Corpuscular Matter Theories, including Danielle Jacquart, “Minima in Twelfth-­Century Medical Texts from Salerno,” 39–56; Andrew George Molland, “Roger Bacon’s Corpuscular Tendencies (and Some of Grosseteste’s too),” 57–74; John E. Murdoch, “The Medieval and Renaissance Tradition of Minima Naturalia,” 91–132; and William R. Newman, “Experimental Corpuscular Theory in Aristotelian Alchemy: From Geber to Sennert,” 291–330. 30. McVaugh, “Development of Medieval Pharmaceutical Theory,” ch. 1. 31. Another possible impact that deserves further study is the increasing emphasis on drug therapeutics over regimen noted in t his period as well—­see Luis García-­Ballester,

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“Dietetic and Pharmacological Therapy: A Di lemma among Fourteenth-­Century Jewish Practitioners in the Montpellier Area,” Clio Medica 22 (1991): 23–37; Schalick, “Add One Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Part Pharmacy,” and Faye Marie Getz, Medicine in the English Middle Ages (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998). 32. I di scuss Mesue, his identity, his context, and his texts in g reater depth in “ The ‘Prince of Medicine’: Yūhannā ibn Māsawayh and the Foundations of the Western Pharmaceutical Tradition,” Isis 104, no. 4 (2013): 667–712. I refer to him throughout the book as “Mesue,” though it should be understood that in doing so, I am referring not to the Mesue of ninth-­century Baghdad but the later “pseudo-­Mesue,” whose exact identity is unknown. 33. Mesue, Opera medicinalia (Canones universales, cum expositione Mundini Lutii. De medicinis simplicibus. Antidotarium, cum expositione Christophori de Honestis. Practica, cum additionibus Petri de Abano et Francisci Pedemontani) (Venice: Johannes et Gregorius de Gregoriis, 1497), f. 3v; Jerónimo de la Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo: methodo medico y chimico . . . (Madrid: Diego Diaz de la Carrera, 1660), f. 1r.; Pedro de Viñaburu, Cartilla pharmaceutica chimico-­galenica en la cual se trata de las diez consideraciones de los cánones de Mesue, y algunas deἀniciones Chimicas, para utilidad de la juventud (Pamplona: D. Josef Miguel de Esquerre, 1778), 16; and Giovanni Mesue, I Libri di Giovanni Mesue dei semplici purgativi et delle medicine composte (Venice: Baldassare Costantino, 1559), 4. The excerpts of the Canons in later Latin, Italian, and Spanish editions were corroborated with one another to determine consistency and then compared with the complete version in the 1497 edition of Opera medicinalia, where it was determined that typically only the first two sets (or parts of those sets) were translated, while the third and fourth sets were omitted. For most translations below I relied on the 1694 edition by Vélez de Arciniega, who included Spanish translations of the Canons directly below the Latin text, which I then corroborated with the Latin of the 1497 edition. 34. Mesue, Dei semplici purgativi, 4. 35. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, f. 1r.; and Viñaburu, Cartilla Pharmaceutica, 16. 36. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo f. 1; Viñaburu, Cartilla Pharmaceutica, 16. 37. Mesue, Dei semplici purgativi, 1. 38. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, f. 1r. “Hoc quia virtute coelesti tale supra complexionem fertur.” See also Mesue, Opera medicinalia, f. 3v. 39. Mesue, Dei semplici purgativi, 1. 40. These verbs are taken largely from Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 2, ch. 4, but this kind of understanding of the virtue permeates all the early modern Spanish commentaries on Mesue. These ideas also influenced medieval alchemists who saw distillation as a way to separate out the virtue by releasing it from material trappings—­they were working within the same intellectual milieu although, as we shall see, they embraced thermochemical processing using extreme heat, which Mesue rejected, arguing that such high heat distorted the virtue. Notes to Pages 78–83

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41. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 37r. 42. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 37v. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

43. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 38. 44. John Riddle, “Fees and Feces: Laxatives in Ancient Medicine with Particular Emphasis on Pseudo-­Mesue,” in The Diffusion of Greco-­Roman Medicine into the Middle East and the Caucasus, ed. John A. C. Greppin, Emilie Savage-­Smith, and John L. Gueriguian (Delmar, NY: Caravan Books, 1999), 17. Ingrid Klimaschewski-­Bock includes a list of sixty-­five manuscripts and their locations throughout Europe, Die ‘Distinctio Sexta’ des Antidotarium Mesue, 298–305. 45. Peter of Abano (ca. 1250–1315), Jean de Saint Amand, Francis of Piedmont (d. 1319), Mondino de Liuzzi (1265–1326), Christopher de Honestis (d. 1392), and Jacques Despart (c.1380–1458), all of whom were highly respected scholars associated with the most distinguished medical schools in the late medieval period. For further treatment and evidence of Mesue’s widespread influence, see De Vos, “’Prince of Medicine.’” 46. To qualify as a work by or on Mesue, it had to be a clear translation of his pharmacy works, have his name in the title, or be identified by other historians as a copy or commented version of his work. 47. Miguel Martínez de Leache, Controversias pharmacopales sobre las preparaciones de Mesue (Madrid: Juan Garcia Infanzon, 1688), f. 5v; Juan Navascues, Ioannis Mesuae Damasceni Liber primus seu Methodus medicamenta purga[n]tia simplicia deligendi et castiga[n] di, theorematis quatuor absolutus (Zaragoza: Caesaraugustae Bernuz, 1550), dedication; Viñaburu, Cartilla pharmaceutica chimico, fs. 2r, 3r. “nuestro Doctisimo Heroe Autor.” 48. George Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science, vol. 1 (Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins Company for the Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1927), 728. See, for example, Canones universales divi Mesue de consolatione medicinarum et correctione operationum earundem (Venice: G. de Gregoriis, 1513)and Divi Mesue et nova quedam ultra ea que secum associari consueverunt opera (1527; repr., Venice: Guinta, 1538). 49. Jorge Basilio Flores, Mesue defendido contra D. Felix Palacios: muy util para todos los profesores de la medicina (Murcia: Joseph Dias Cayuelas, 1721), equates Galenic pharmacy with the practices laid out by Mesue in t he Universal Canons. In the “Discurso Prelliminar” (which first appeared in the 1724 edition) of the Palestra pharmaceutica, Palacios (the object of Basilio Flores’s critique) demonstrates similar assumptions, stating, “Those who are called Galenics, continue to derive [medicines] from their four operations, decoction, lavation, infusion, and trituration, according to Mesue, which they have followed, taught, and executed for centuries.” Félix Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (Madrid: Viuda de Don Joaquin Ibarra, 1792), 2. 50. Oviedo, Methodo, and Saladino da Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, trans. Alonso de Tudela (Valladolid, 1515). There is another important work that discuses operations and procedures in detail: a tenth-­century Arabic text that was the twenty-­eighth chapter of a

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treatise titled the Kitab al-­Tasrif, by the Cordoban physician Abulcasis/al-­Zahrāwī (936– 1013). This ch., called the Liber servitoris in its Latin translation, provides clear and detailed Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

instructions for operations and procedures to be carried out in recipes for formulating medicines from plant, mineral, and animal materials. The overall treatise fits clearly within the Galenic tradition, but the Liber servitoris is somewhat unusual in its major focus on thermochemical procedures, so I decided not to discuss it here. However, I do so in ch. 5 and in a separate essay, “Rosewater and Philosophers’ Oil: Thermo-­chemical Processing in Medieval and Early Modern Spanish Pharmacy,” Centaurus 60, no. 3 (2018): 159–72. 51. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 32v. 52. Bernardino de Laredo, Sobre el Mesue e Nicolao: Modus faciendi cum ordine medicandi (Seville: Jacobo Cromberger, 1527), facsimile edition ed. Milagro Laín and Doris Ruiz Otín (Madrid: Ediciones Doce Calles, 2001). Navascues, Ioannis Mesuae; Antonio Aguilera, Exposicion sobre las preparaciones de Mesue (Alcalá: Juan de Villanueva, 1569); Francisco Vélez de A rciniega, Theoriae pharmaceuticae septem sectionem (Madrid: ex Typographia Regia, 1624); Miguel Martínez de Leache, Discurso pharmaceutico, sobre los cánones de Mesue (Pamplona: Martin de Labayena and Diego de Zabala, 1652); and Martínez de Leache, Controversias pharmacopales: adonde se explican las preparaciones y elecciones de Mesue (Madrid: por Iuan Garcia Infanzón, 1688); and Basilio Flores, Mesue defendido. 53. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo; Viñaburu, Cartilla pharmaceutica; Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica. 54. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica, 2, 22, 23; Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, f. 9. 55. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica, 2. 56. Mesue was not the first to discuss the best way to choose simples: Dioscorides’s preface to De materia medica also included important generalized recommendations. For Dioscorides, it was of paramount importance to collect plants when their virtue was strongest, most potent, and “most efficacious”; otherwise they would be gathered “in vain, without any vigor whatsoever.” 57. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 13; and see Mesue, Opera Medicinalia, fs. 8v–10r. 58. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 14; and see Mesue, Opera Medicinalia, fs. 8v–10r. 59. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 13. 60. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 13. 61. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 13. 62. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 15. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (Madrid, 1706), 3, gives several of the same examples. 63. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 15. 64. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 14–15 Notes to Pages 84–86

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65. Indeed, one branch of astrology was referred to as “election.” For the relationship between medicine and astrology, see William R. Newman and Anthony Grafton, eds., Secrets Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

of Nature: Astrology and Alchemy in Early Modern Europe (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2001); especially Grafton and Nancy Siraisi, “Between Election and My Hopes: Girolamo Cardamo and Medical Astrology,” 69–131. For detailed advice by early modern authors of pharmaceutical texts regarding election based upon astrological considerations, see Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, facsimile, f. xxiiii r, who wrote that simples had to be collected “according to the different signs of the zodiac,” which affected their virtue. For example, simples with laxative properties—­with virtues that “moved” humors—­had to be collected during the “mobile” signs of Aries, Cancer, Leo, and Capricorn. The “fixed” and “stable” signs of Scorpio, Taurus, Aquarius, and Leo were the time to collect simples with “constricting” virtues “because as such they open better against flux, dysentery, and vomiting.” In the seventeenth century, Jerónimo de la Fuente Pierola, author of the chemico-­Galenic Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, wrote that astral factors influenced the plant simple’s complexion and virtue as well as the day and time it ought to be harvested (14–15). 66. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xxiii v. 67. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica, 100. 68. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, 8. 69. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 1, ch. 3. 70. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 10. 71. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xxv r-­v. 72. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 10. 73. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 1, ch. 3. 74. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xxv v–xxvi r. 75. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 11. 76. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 1, chs. 6 and 7, and Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica, 4. 77. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 12. 78. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xxiii r. 79. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 1, ch. 3. 80. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 12. 81. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, facsimile, f. xxvi r-­v. 82. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xxvi v. 83. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xxvi v. 84. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 1, ch. 13. 85. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 11. 86. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica, 24. 87. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xxiii v–xxix r. Later authors, including Fuente

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Pierola and Oviedo, cautioned against washing flowers and more delicate herbs so as not to damage their virtue. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

88. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xxiii v–xxix r. 89. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 1, ch. 7. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 15, gives the same directions. 90. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 1, ch. 5. 91. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 1, ch. 6. 92. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, facsimile, f. xvii v. 93. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 1, ch. 2. 94. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xliii v and f. xlv. 95. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica, 3, 6. 96. This discussion is based on Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica, 3, 6; Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, 30; Viñaburu, Cartilla pharmaceutica, 144; which are in turn all based upon Ibn Sīnā’s discussion in Canons, book 2, Tractatus 1, “De collectione medicamentorum et ipsarum conservatione,” Ibn Sīnāe medicorum Arabum principis, Liber Canonis de medicines cordialibus et cantica . . . (Basileae: Ioannes Hervagios, 1556), 175–76. 97. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 1, ch. 15. 98. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 1, ch. 16. 99. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica, 25; but see also Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 1, ch. 2. 100. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, facsimile, f. xvii v. 101. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, facsimile, f. xvii r. 102. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 1, ch. 5; Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 15. 103. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, facsimile, f. xlv v. 104. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 1, ch. 5. See also Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 15, which says that this advice comes from Galen. 105. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, fs. 32v–33r. 106. Aguilera, Exposicion, f. 15r. 107. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 32r. 108. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, fs. 32r-­v. 109. Its modern definition is more complex, and is considered a technical term in chemistry of crushing or grinding dry substances together for mixture, or adding additives to medicines to make them commercially viable. See Remington’s Pharmaceutical Sciences, 17th ed. (Mack, 1985); and James Swarbrick, Encyclopedia of Pharmaceutical Technology (New York: Informa Healthcare, 2003–2007). 110. First quote from Oviedo, second from Antonio Castels, Theorica y practica de boticarios en que se trata de la arte y forma como se han de componer las confectiones ansi interiores como exteriores (Barcelona: Sebastian de Cormellas, 1592), f. 77r. This operation was Notes to Pages 88–93

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carried out so commonly and ubiquitously in the early modern pharmacy that the profession itself came to be symbolized by the image of a mortar and pestle. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

111. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 82r. 112. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 82v. According to Oviedo, there were three main gradations of fine powders: powders ground so fine that they were indistinguishable by the fingers “but the tongue knows them”; powders that the tongue can differentiate but only vaguely; and finally, powders ground into grains so tiny that even the tongue cannot distinguish one from the other and that “if dried and shaken, would rise into the air like flour, which are called volatile.” 113.Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, fs. 82v–83r. Another way for the apothecary to know the appropriate size for a mediocre trituration was to rub the powder between his fingers, and if he could feel the particles, even “obscurely,” he could be assured that it was the proper size. 114. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 92r. 115. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 92v. 116. Vélez de Arciniega, Theoricae pharmaceuticae, 99. 117. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 85r. 118. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, fs. 85v–86r. In those cases, Oviedo recommended adding water so that the volatile parts of the simple not be lost, especially for triturations done on flagstone. 119. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 83r. 120. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 86v. 121. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 86v–87r. 122. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 87r. 123. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 87v–88r. 124. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 88v. 125. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, fs. 63v–64r. 126. Vélez de Arciniega, Theoricae pharmaceuticae, 81; Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 21. 127. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, fs. 64v-­65r. 128. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 65v and 66r-­v. 129. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 66v. 130. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 68r. 131. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 80r. Infusions were also sometimes carried out in preparation for a cocimiento, creating the liquid in which an elixation would take place. 132. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 78r. 133. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica, 78. 134. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 79r. 135. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 79v.

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136. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, fs. 79r-­v, 80r-­v. 137. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 80v. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

138. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 33r. 139. Fuente Pierola, Tyrocinio pharmacopeo, 20. 140. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, fs. 36r.–37r. 141. Vélez de Arciniega, Theoricae pharmaceuticae, 69. 142. Vélez de Arciniega, Theoricae pharmaceuticae, 71. 143. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, f. 37r. 144. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion, book 2, ch. 6, 41r-­v. 145. Cristóbal Suárez de Figueroa, Plaza universal de todas ciencias y artes (Madrid: Luis Sanchez, 1615), 300v. 146. Martínez de Leache, Discurso pharmaceutico, prologue, f. 3r. 147. Martínez de Leache, Discurso pharmaceutico, prologue, fs. 1r-­v. 148. Martínez de Leache, Discurso pharmaceutico, prologue, f. 3v. 149. Martínez de Leache, Discurso pharmaceutico, prologue, fs. 1v-­2r. 150. Castels, Theorica y practica, prologue; Martínez de Leache, Discurso pharmaceutico, prologue, f. 3r. 151. Martínez de Leache, Discurso pharmaceutico, prologue, f. 3r. 152. Martínez de Leache, Discurso pharmaceutico, prologue, f. 3r. 153. Laredo, Modus faciendi cum ordine medicandi. 154. Francisco Ximénez, Quatro libros de la Naturaleza y las virtudes de las plants y animales que estan recevidos en el uso de Medicina en la Nueva España (Mexico City, 1615), “Al Lector.” 155. Martínez de Leache, Discurso pharmaceutico, f. 5v. 156. For studies of the relationship between the natural and the artificial, see Bernadette Bensaude-­Vincent and William R. Newman, The Artiἀcial and the Natural: An Evolving Polarity (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2007); William R. Newman, “Technology and Alchemical Debate in the Late Middle Ages,” Isis 80 (1989): 423–45; and Barbara Obrist, “Art et nature dans l’alchimie v,” Revue d’histoire des sciences 49, no. 2–3 (1996): 215–86. 157. Vélez de Arciniega, Theoriae pharmaceuticae, 51.

Chapter 3: Mixtion 1. Archivo General de la Nación, México Civil, vol. 72, exp. 9, 1774, Autos de Concurso de Acreedores a Bienes de Don Jacinto Herrera Dueño de Botica en esta Ciudad. All descriptions of the pharmacy and its contents come from two different inventories included in this document beginning September 14, 1775, and June 7, 1776, on fs. 340v–362v and 397r–411v, respectively. 2. Félix Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica en l a qual se trata de la eleccion de los simples, sus preparaciones chymicas, y galenicas, y de las mas selectas composiciones antiguas, y Notes to Pages 96–102

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modernas (Madrid: Juan García Infancon, 1706), 65. For discussion of the increasing emphasis on polypharmacy and compound medicines in the later Middle Ages, see Walton O. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Schalick, “Add One Part Pharmacy to One Part Surgery and One Part Medicine: Jean de Saint-­Amand and the Development of Medical Pharmacology in Thirteenth-­Century Paris” (PhD diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1997); Luis García-­Ballester, “Dietetic and Pharmacological Therapy: A Dilemma among Fourteenth-­Century Jewish Practitioners in the Montpellier Area,” Clio Medica 22 (1991): 23–37; and Faye Marie Getz, Medicine in the English Middle Ages (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1998). 3. See Cajus Fabricius, Galens Exzerpte aus älteren Pharmakologen (Berlin: Walter de Gruyter, 1972). 4. Laurence Totelin, Hippocratic Recipes: Oral and Written Transmission of Pharmacological Knowledge in Fifth-­and Fourth-­Century Greece (Leiden: Brill, 2009). The recipes are concentrated mainly in the gynecological texts but some are also in nosological and surgical texts. See also John Riddle, “Folk Tradition and Folk Medicine: Recognition of Drugs in Classical Antiquity,” in Folklore and Folk Medicines, ed. John Scarborough (Madison, WI: American Institute for History of Pharmacy, 1987), 33–61; and John Scarborough, “Theophrastus on Herbals and Herbal Remedies,” in Pharmacy and Drug Lore in Antiquity: Greece, Rome, Byzantium (Burlinton, VT: Ashgate Variorum, 2010), 356. 5. Totelin, Hippocratic Recipes, ch. 1, especially 47–66. These recipes are largely embedded within the texts, mainly the gynecological texts, with certain grammatical markings to set them off from one another and signify a list. 6. These remedies had great longevity and widespread fame. See Laurence M. V. Totelin, “Mithradates’ Antidote: A P harmacological Ghost,” Early Science and Medicine 9, no. 1 (2004): 1–19; Gilbert Watson, Theriac and Mithridatium: A Study in Therapeutics (London: Clowes, 1966); Michael McVaugh, ”Theriac at Montpellier, 1285–1325,” Sudhoffs Archiv 56, no. 2 (1972): 113–44; Carla Nappi, “Bolatu’s Pharmacy Theriac in E arly Modern China,” Early Science and Medicine 14, no. 6 (2009): 737–64. Other authors include Apollonius the Herophilean, Heras of Cappadocia, Andromachus the Younger, Servilius Damocrates, Statilius Crito, and others “known to us almost solely by way of what Galen’s works preserve as quotations.” Sabine Vogt, “Drugs and Pharmacology,” in The Cambridge Companion to Galen, ed. R. J. Hankinson (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008), 316. For other authors and overview of Galen’s sources in De compositione see John Scarborough, “Drug Lore of Asclepiades of Bithynia,” Pharmacy in History 17, no. 2 (1975): 43–57; Vogt, “Drugs and Pharmacology,” 310. See Fabricius, Galens Exzerpte; Laurence Totelin, “And to End on a Poetic Note: Galen’s Authorial Strategies in the Pharmacological Books,” Studies in History and Philosophy of Science 43 (2012): 307–15; and Totelin, “Mithradates’ Antidote,” 8–9, for sources of Galen’s work on antidotes as well. 7. On S cribonius, see Barry Baldwin, “The Career and Work of Scribonius Largus,”

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Notes to Pages 103–105

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Rheinisches Museum für Philologie 135, no. 1 (1992): 74–82; Vivian Nutton, “Scribonius Largus, The Unknown Pharmacologist,” Pharmaceutical Historian 25, no. 1 (1995): 5–8; and Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Sergio Sconocchia, “L’opera di Scribonio Largo e la letteratura medica latina del 1 sec. d.C.,” in Aufstieg und Niedergang der Romischen Welt II, vol. 37, no. 1, ed. Wolfgang Haase (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1993), 843–922. Though it was organized in a head-­to-­toe order, in some sections certain preparations were singled out—­collyria, or eye salves, for example. The “head to foot” arrangement was common to medical treatises of the medieval period—­see Luke Demaitre, Medieval Medicine: The Art of Healing, from Head to Toe (Santa Barbara, CA: Praeger, 2013). 8. These texts were written between 180 and 193, probably simultaneously, and were rewritings of earlier works that had been destroyed in a fire. Vogt, “Drugs and Pharmacology,” 311.For an overview of ancient recipes and their medieval dissemination see Tony Hunt, Popular Medicine in Thirteenth-­Century England: Introduction and Texts (Boydell & Brewer, 1990). 9. Leigh Chipman, The World of Pharmacy and Pharmacists in Mamluk Cairo (Leiden: Brill, 2010), 13, finds that the Arabic tradition “had its origin in Galen’s De Compositione medicamentorum.” 10. Vogt, “Drugs and Pharmacology,” 314. 11. Michael R. McVaugh, “The Development of Medieval Pharmaceutical Theory,” in Arnaldi de Villanova Opera medica omnia, vol. 2, Aphorismi de gradibus, ed. Michael R. McVaugh (Granada-­Barcelona: University of Barcelona, 1975), 13–14n2. 12. Peter E. Pormann, The Oriental Tradition of Paul of Aegina’s Pragmateia (Leiden: Brill, 2004). 13.Peter E. Pormann and Emilie Savage-­Smith, Medieval Islamic Medicine (Washington, DC: Georgetown University Press, 2007), 19; and Ernest A. Wallis Budge, ed. and trans., The Syriac Book of Medicines: Syrian Anatomy, Pathology and Therapeutics in the Early Middle Ages (London: Oxford University Press, 1913). This book also included hundreds of compound recipes from “folk” or local Persian traditions. 14. Chipman, World of Pharmacy, 13. 15. For information on the etymology of the term, see Chipman, World of Pharmacy, 13; and Sābūr ibn Sahl, Dispensatorium parvum (al-­Aqrābādhīn al-­·saghīr), ed. and trans. Oliver

Kahl (Leiden: Brill, 1994), 3n8. See these and the following works regarding the structure and characteristics of the Arabic formulary discussed here: Oliver Kahl, The Dispensatory

of Ibn at-­Tilmīd (Leiden: Brill, 2007); Kahl, Sābūr ibn Sahl’s Dispensatory in the Recension of the ’Ad·udī Hospital (Leiden: Brill, 2009); and Kahl, Sābūr ibn Sahl, The Small Dispensatory (Leiden, Brill, 2003). See also Martin Levey, Early Arabic Pharmacology: An Introduction Based on Ancient and Medieval Sources (Leiden: Brill, 1973)—­though see Kahl’s serious reservations as to its reliability in Dispensatory of Ibn at-­Tilmīd, 3n6; Al-­Kindi, The Medical

Notes to Pages 105–107

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Formulary or Aqrabadhin of Al-­Kindi (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1966); and Martin Levey and Noury al-­Khaledy, The Medical Formulary of al-­Samarqandī and the RelaCopyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

tion of Early Arabic Simples to Those Found in the Indigenous Medicine of the Near East and India (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1967) and the overview in Hunt, Popular Medicine in Thirteenth-­Century England. 16. Chipman, World of Pharmacy, 13. Some later aqrabadhins contained listings of materia medica as well and were organized alphabetically—­but even in those cases, compound types were grouped together. 17. Oliver Kahl, “The Prolegomena to Sābūr Ibn Sahl’s Small Dispensatory,” Journal of Semitic Studies 57, no. 1 (2012): 146. See also Kahl, “A Note on Sābūr Ibn Sahl,” Journal of Semitic Studies, 44, no. 2 (1999): 245–49. 18. Kahl, “Prolegomena,” 156–48; Efraim Lev and Leigh N. Chipman, “A Fragment of a Judaeo-­Arabic Manuscipt of Sabur b. Sahl’s Al-­Aqrabadhin al-­Saghir Found in the Taylor-­ Schechter Cairo Genizah Collection,” Medieval Encounters 13(2007): 347–48, 352–53. Chipman and Lev refer to it as “one of the earliest and most famous Arabic pharmacopoeias known to scholars.” They found evidence of its use in t he Cairo Genizah in A rabic and Hebrew letters; there was at least one copy used by practitioners in the Jewish community of medieval Cairo and it is referred to eight times in al-­Kuhin al-­Attar’s Minhaj al dukkan. 19. Kahl, Dispensatory of Ibn at-­Tilmīd, 2. 20. Kahl, “Prolegomena.” 21. See editions by Kahl, Chipman, and Levey, above; see also P. Sbath, ed., “Le formulaire des h ôpitaux d’Ibn abil Bayan, médecin du Bimaristan annacery au Caire au XIIIe siècle,” Bulletin de l’Institut d’Egypte 15 (1932–1933): 13–78; and Sami Khalaf Hamarneh and Glen Allen Sonnedecker, A Pharmaceutical View of Abulcasis al-­Zahrāwī in Moorish Spain: With Special Reference to the “Adhān” (Leiden: Brill, 1963). Ibn Jazla’s Minhaf al-­bayan is still in manuscript and most of al-­Zahrāwī (Abulcasis) has not been translated from Arabic. 22. See Chipman, World of Pharmacy, 9–78. 23. See Luke Demaitre’s discussions of the definitions of scholasticism and medical scholasticism in “Scholasticism in Compendia of Practical Medicine, 1250–1450,” Manuscripta 20, no. 2 (1976): 81–95. 24. Monica H. Green and Kathleen Walker-­Meikle, “Antidotarium magnum—­An Online Edition,” Academia.edu, last updated June 2, 2015,https://www.academia.edu/4611623/Monica _H._Green_and_Kathleen_Walker-­Meikle_Antidotarium_magnum_-­_An_Online_Edition _2015_. 25. Schalick, “Add One Part Pharmacy,” 350–51, argues that the Antidotarium Nicolai had its “peak influence” in t he thirteenth century, but was still important into the fourteenth century. See also the introduction in Luis García-­Ballester, Jon Arrizabalaga, and Andrew Cunningham, eds., Practical Medicine from Salerno to the Black Death (Cambridge:

286

Notes to Pages 107–109

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Cambridge University Press, reissue 2010), 28; and Hunt, Popular Medicine in Thirteenth-­ Century England, introduction. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

26. Paul Dorveaux, ed., L’Antidotaire Nicolas: Deux traductions françaises de l’Antidotarium Nicolai (Paris: H. Welter, 1896), 2. 27. For provenance of recipes in early modern Spanish formularies, see Paula De Vos, “‘The Prince of Medicine’: Yūhannā ibn Māsawayh and the Foundations of the Western Pharmaceutical Tradition,” Isis 104, no. 4 (2013): 667–712. See also Emily Beck, “Authority, Authorship, and Copying: The Ricettario Fiorentino and Manuscript Recipe Culture in Sixteenth-­Century Florence,” in Matthew J. Crawford and Joseph Gabriel, eds., Drugs on the Page (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2019). The exact heritage of the recipes in the Arabic and Latin formularies still needs to be worked out and requires further research, as does the overall heritage of the Antidotario—­Green and Walker-­Meikle find Arabic influences in the Antidotarium magnum from which it derived. 28. See further discussion and evidence for Mesue’s popularity and importance in De Vos, “‘Prince of Medicine.’” 29. George Sarton, Introduction to the History of Science, vol. 1 (Baltimore: Williams and Wilkins Company for the Carnegie Institution of Washington, 1927), 728. 30. Edward Kremers and George Urdang, History of Pharmacy, 3rd ed., rev. by Glenn Sonnedecker (Philadelphia: J. B. Lippincott, 1963), 25. This text has gone through four editions, published in 1940, 1951, 1963, and 1986. 31. George Urdang, “The Development of Pharmacopoeias: A Review with Special Reference to the Pharmacopoea Internationalis,” Bulletin of the World Health Organization 4, no. 4 (1951): 580. 32. Rudolf Schmitz, Geschichte der Pharmazie, vol. 1, Von den Anfängen bis zum Ausgang des Mittelalters (Eschborn: Govi, 1988), 246. 33. This is another issue that would benefit from further research. 34. Danielle Jacquart, “Islamic Pharmacology in the Middle Ages: Theories and Substances,” European Review 16, no. 2 (2008): 219–27; and Teresa Huguet-­Termes, “Islamic Pharmacology and Pharmacy in the Latin West: An Approach to Early Pharmacopoeias,” European Review 16, no. 2 (2008): 229–39; George Urdang, “Development of Pharmacopoeias: A Review with Special Reference to the Pharmacopoea Internationalis,” Bulletin of the World Health Organization 4, no. 4 (1951): 580; and “Pharmacopoeias as Witnesses of World History,” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 1, no. 1 (1946): 46–70. 35. Bernardino de Laredo’s Sobre el Mesue e Nicolao: Modus faciendi cum ordine medicandi (Seville: Jacobo Cromberger, 1527); Alonso de Jubera, Dechado y reformacion de todas las medicinas compuestas usuales (Valladolid: Diego Fernandez de Cordova, 1578); Antonio Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios en que se trata de la arte y forma como se han de componer las confectiones ansi interiores como Exteriores (Barcelona: Sebastian de Cormellas, 1592); Francisco Vélez de Arciniega, Theoria Pharmacéutica, sectiones septem (Madrid: Ex Notes to Pages 110–112

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Typographia Regia, 1624). The most influential pharmacopoeia of the eighteenth century was Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica, which includes all of Mesue’s compound medicines Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

but also includes an overview of other types. 36. Galen, Method of Medicine, vol. 1, books 1–4, ed. Jeffrey Henderson (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2011), book 3, ch. 5, 196K, 299–301. 37. Galen, Method of Medicine, book 3, ch. 5, 200K, 305–7. 38. Kahl, “Prolegomena,” 158. 39. Kahl, “Prolegomena,” 159. 40. Kahl, “Prolegomena,” 162, 159–60. 41. Kahl, “Prolegomena,” 162, 159. 42. Kalh, “Prolegomena,” 162. 43. Martin Levey and Noury al-­Khaledy, The Medical Formulary of al-­Samarqandī and the Relation of Early Arabic Simples to Those Found in the Indigenous Medicine of the Near East and India (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1967), 56–57. 44. I am using McVaugh’s translation of “Development of Medieval Pharmaceutical Theory,” 14. He includes the Latin text in 14–15n3. 45. McVaugh, “Development of Medieval Pharmaceutical Theory,” 15, Latin text of footnote 4. M cVaugh points out that this supposed commentary actually antedates the Antidotario. 46. Antonio de Aguilera, Exposicion sobre las preparaciones de Mesue (Alcalá: Juan de Villanueva, 1569), f. 79v. See also f. 80v. 47. Aguilera, Exposicion sobre las preparaciones de Mesue, f. 79v. See also f. 80v. and 82r. 48. Luis de Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion y reposicion de las medicinas simples, y de su correccion y preparacion (Madrid: Alonso Gomez, impressor de su Catholica Majestad . . . a costa de Gaspar de Ortega, 1581), fs. 2r–v. 49. McVaugh, “Development of Medieval Pharmaceutical Theory,” 16; Vogt, “Drugs and Pharmacology,” 314. 50. Kahl, “Prolegomena,” 163. 51. Levey and al-­Khaledy, Medical Formulary of al-­Samarqandī, 57–58. 52. Peter Pormann, “The Formation of the Arabic Pharmacology between Tradition and Innovation,” Annals of Science 68, no. 4 (2011), quote is his, 506. 53. Pormann, “Formation of the Arabic Pharmacology,” 506–7. 54. The debates over this issue are laid out in a book-­length introductory essay to Arnald de Villanova’s writing on the subject in McVaugh’s “Medieval Pharmaceutical Theory” that has been cited extensively here. 55. McVaugh, “Theriac at Montpellier”; Michael R. McVaugh, “The Nature and Limits of Medical Certitude at Early Fourteenth-­Century Montpellier,” Osiris 2nd series, 6 (1990), and McVaugh, “Arnald of Villanova and Bradwardine’s Law,” Isis 58, no. 1 (1967): 56–64. 56. See chapter 2 and Nancy Siraisi, Taddeo Alderotti and His Pupils: Two Generations

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Notes to Pages 113–117

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of Italian Medical Learning (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981); and Siraisi, Avicenna in Renaissance Italy: The Canon and Medical Teaching in Italian Universities after Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

1500 (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1987). 57. Vélez de Arciniega, Theoria pharmacéutica, sectiones septem, 70. 58. Aguilera, Exposicion sobre las preparaciones de Mesue, f. 79v. 59. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 2; Aguilera, Exposicion sobre las preparaciones de Mesue, fs. 15r–v. 60. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion y reposicion de las medicinas simples. 61. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 65. 62. Aguilera, Exposicion sobre las preparaciones de Mesue, f. 80r. 63. Aguilera, Exposicion sobre las preparaciones de Mesue, f. 85v. 64. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion y reposicion, f. 50r. 65. Aguilera, Exposicion sobre las preparaciones de Mesue, f. 85v–86r. 66. Aguilera, Exposicion sobre las preparaciones de Mesue, f. 86r. 67. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion y reposicion, f. 50r. 68. The order is derived from three different lists given: Aguilera, Exposicion sobre las preparaciones de Mesue, f. 84v-­85r; Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion y reposicion, f. 50r; Saladino da Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, trans. Alonso de Tudela (Valladolid, 1515), f. xii v. This was a general rule of thumb, but the apothecary also had to know his substances and not always follow this exact order. Luis de O viedo, for example, cautioned, “Not all medicines of the same type should be cooked in [exactly] the same manner, as they do not all have the same substance and virtue.“ Rather, certain roots, seeds, and flowers had thicker substances and virtues than others, so that it was crucial for the apothecary to remember that “one must not only consider the part of the plant. . . . but also its substance and virtue.” Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion y reposicion, f. 50v. 69. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion y reposicion, fs. 49v–55r. 70. Oviedo, Methodo de la coleccion y reposicion, fs. 49v–55v. 71. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, fs. xliv v–xlv r. 72. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, fs. xlii r–xliv v. 73. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 25. 74. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xlv v. 75. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xlv v. 76. In this chapter I do n ot delve into the application-­ or action-­based compounds. Totelin, Hippocratic Recipes, discusses them in her work but this area deserves more research as well. 77. Chipman, World of Pharmacy, 105–7; Laura Mason, Sugar-­Plums and Sherbets: The Pre-­history of Sweets (Totnes: Prospect Books, 1998). 78. Sometimes there are fourteen sections in different editions, but this is because robs,

Notes to Pages 117–124

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juleps, and syrups might be separated or collapsed under a larger “parent” category—­which happened in Arabic pharmacopoeias, too. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

79. Different editions have slightly different numbers, with some “parent” categories like syrup or ointment having more than one category but overall these were the main twelve. Anecdotal evidence indicates that they became standard throughout Europe, although this topic requires further study. 80. John Mesue, Opera medicinalia (Canones universales, cum expositione Mundini Lutii. De medicinis simplicibus. Antidotarium, cum expositione Christophori de Honestis. Practica, cum additionibus Petri de Abano et Francisci Pedemontani) (Venice: Johannes et Gregorius de Gregoriis, 1497), f. 67v. 81. These compounds go by the same name as the operations used to formulate them, as described in chapter 2, but the difference is that compound infusions, decoctions, and powders were composed of multiple simples, not just one processed simple. 82. One of the main ways to differentiate and classify compounds, in fact, was through its main vehicle, or the substrate used to give the compound its particular form and consistency, to preserve it, and in some cases, to improve its taste. They served as emulsifiers and stabilizers to the compounds as well as levigating agents that allowed powders or liquids to spread (as with paints or cosmetics). 83. As with the terminology used to categorize compounds (application-­, reaction-­, and method-­based compounds as well as primary and secondary compounds), these are terms I have adopted to differentiate and distinguish them and the processes by which they were formulated. This terminology was not in use in the sources I consulted but rather represents my way of clarifying and explicating the material. 84. Juan Mesue, Ioannis Mesuae Damasceni, De re Medica, libri tres / Iacobo Syluio medico interprete. 85. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 72–76. 86. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 77. 87. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 76. 88. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 72; Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xliii recto. 89. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, 77. 90. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xliii. 91. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 199. 92. James Shaw and Evelyn Welch, Making and Marketing Medicine in Renaissance Florence (Amsterdam: Rodopi, 2011). 93. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 100. 94. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, fs. 1r–7r. Shaw and Welch discuss the different preparations that would have taken place at home but were also found in the pharmacies (254–56).

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95. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 1r. 96. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xlii v. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

97. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 1r. 98. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 100–101. 99. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 100. 100. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 101–5. 101. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, fs. L r ecto–verso and Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 100–105. 102. This was a process so common that Palacios did not feel the need to describe it, saying, “The way of making it is so notorious that there is no woman who does not know how to make it.” Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 111. See also Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, 13v; Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. vii v; Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 110–11. 103. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, 13v. 104. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 18v; Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 79. 105. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 18v; Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 80. 106. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 107. 107. See Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 107. 108. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, citing Nicolao, f. xv v; Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 117. 109. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. vii r. 110. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xlii v, from Mesue. 111. Laredo, Modus faciendi, 153. 112. See Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 117–58. 113. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 117–58. 114. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 136–37. 115.Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. vi v; Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, fs. 70v–71r. This may be the precursor to the modern lollipop, but the connection requires further research. 116. Laredo, Modus faciendi, 185; and Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xvii v. 117. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. vi v. 118. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 114. 119. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, fs. 70v–71r; Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 114. 120. Laredo, Modus faciendi, 185. 121. All: Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 114–16. See De Vos, “‘Prince of

Notes to Pages 129–132

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Medicine,’” for further discussion of linctures and Mesue’s possible role in standardizing their recipes. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

122. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 158. 123. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 125v–126r; Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 158. One other class of electuaries, opiates, differed from electuaries only in the fact that they traditionally contained opium “or some other narcotic or stupefactive . . . used by the ancients to help get to sleep or to soothe acute pain.” 124. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 158. 125. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 197–98; and Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 78v. 126. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 167–68. 127. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 174–75. 128. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 175–76. 129. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. vii v. 130. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 187v; Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 230. 131. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 230–31; Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, fs. 189r–v. 132. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 189v.; Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 231. 133. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xliii r. 134. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 189v. 135. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xliii r. 136. Laredo, Modus faciendi, 68. 137. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 230. 138. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 189r; Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 230. 139. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, fs. 188v–189r. 140. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 188r. 141. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 188r. 142. Félix Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (Madrid: Viuda de D. Joaquin Ibarra, 1792), 348. 143. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 216r; Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 220; Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. vii v. The Latin for troche was adapted from the original Greek term. The term pastille came from the Latin for parvus panis, or “small loaf of bread.” 144. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 216r; Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. vii v. 145. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xliii.

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146. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, fs. 216r–v. 147. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 221. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

148. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 220. 149. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 221. 150. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 223. 151. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 222. 152. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 247; and Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 246r–v. 153. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 247. 154. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, from description of sweet almond oil production. 155. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 248r–v. 156. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 249. 157. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 257. 158. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 251. 159. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 251–53. 160. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 251–52. 161. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 252. 162. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 252–59. 163. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 255–58. 164. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 257. 165. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica. 166. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 251–52. 167. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, fs. 280r–v. 168. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. viii r. 169. Laredo, Modus faciendi, 256; Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. viii r. 170. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 286; Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. xliii r; Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 280r. 171. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 280v. 172. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 288–89. 173. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 290. 174. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 291. 175. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 296–97. 176. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 311. 177. Laredo, Modus faciendi, 286; Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. viii r. 178. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 310r; Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 311. 179. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 310r–v.

Notes to Pages 135–140

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180. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 311;Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 310r. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

181. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 310r. 182. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 310v. 183. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 312; although Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. viii r, says that the cerote contains no oil, so that it would be thicker than the plaster. 184. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 312. 185. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 313. 186. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 314. 187. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 314, 315. 188. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 322–23. 189. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 323, 320–21. 190. Despite the value of these documents, there are limits to what can be learned from them. In the first place, it was impossible to determine the number of patients receiving the medicines. Only in the hospital documentation are the prescriptions listed by patient (or, rather, by bed number), and it is not clear—­and not likely—­that the same patient occupied that bed for the entire duration of the year documented. In addition, none of the documents lists the diseases or conditions for which the medicines were prescribed, so we are left to surmise the illnesses treated. Along the same lines, we cannot know how representative these medicines were, or if the medicines prescribed were concentrated on certain illnesses because of a recent outbreak. For this reason, I listed a medicine only once per document, no matter how many times it was prescribed, e­ ven if it was prescribed every day, or even several times a day, as some—­like syrups and waters made of endive, borage, and rose—­were. Nevertheless, I would argue that these lists give us a significant sampling, however incomplete, of the types of compounds prepared and prescribed in seventeenth-­century Mexico. 191. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 90. See also Al-­Kindi, Ibn Sīnā, etc. on colorios; Paul of Aegina, others on suppositories. 192. I make this assertion, however, with the caveat that we do not know if practitioners took shortcuts or substituted certain ingredients for others. 193. Recipe taken from Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1792), 453. 194. Paul Freedman, Out of the East: Spices and the Medieval Imagination (New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009), 69–70; and Shaw and Welch, Making and Marketing Medicines, ch. 8. 195. F. 15 of the 1800 inventory. 196. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 206, 99, and 226. 197. Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica (1706), 205.

Chapter 4: Galenic Pharmacy and the Materia Medica of the Nahuas Epigraph: Simon Varey, Rafael Chabrán, and Cynthia L. Chamberlin, eds., The Mexican

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Treasury: The Writings of Dr. Francisco Hernández (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2000), letter 3, November/December 1571, p. 48. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

1. For examination of pharmaceutical practice outside the cities, in rural areas associated with hospitals, encomiendas, and missions of the Spanish empire, see my article currently under review, “Medicine on the Margins of Colonial Mexico: Nahua and Galenic Pharmacy in Home Made Remedies.” 2. Although bioprospecting appears to be a modern phenomenon, historians of science and empire from the early modern period and into the nineteenth century have shown that in fact it has a very long history. See, for example, Londa Schiebinger and Claudia Swan, eds., Colonial Botany: Science, Commerce, and Politics in the Early Modern World (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2005); Londa Schiebinger, Plants and Empire: Colonial Bioprospecting in the Atlantic World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2004); Lucile H. Brockway, Science and Colonial Expansion: The Role of the British Royal Botanic Gardens (New York: Academic Press, 1979), Sabine Anagnostou, “Jesuits in Spanish America: Contributions to the Exploration of the American Materia Medica,” Pharmacy in History 47, no. 1 (2005): 3–17. For the ethical issues of ownership and intellectual property rights involved in modern bioprospecting see Cori Hayden, When Nature Goes Public: The Making and Unmaking of Bioprospecting in Mexico (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2003). 3. I refer in this chapter to a Nahua pharmacological tradition largely due to the source material that is available by which to study it. In identifying it as such, however, it should be understood that much of its materia medica originated outside Nahua areas (including the Caribbean) but were imported, transplanted, and cultivated in botanical gardens in areas under Nahua control. 4. George B. Griffenhagen, “The Materia Medica of Christopher Columbus,” Pharmacy in History 34, no. 2 (1992): 131–45. 5. William Cronon, Changes in the Land: Indians, Colonists, and the Ecology of New England (New York: Hill and Wang, 2011), chapter 1. 6. Gonzalo Fernández de Oviedo, La historia general y natural de las Indias. Con privilegio imperial (Seville, 1535), title page, book 1, f. 2r (no page numbers). 7. Varey, Chabrán, and Chamberlin, Mexican Treasury, instructions of Philip II to Dr. Francisco Hernández, 46. 8. Varey, Chabrán, and Chamberlin, Mexican Treasury, letter 3, November/December 1571, 48. It should be noted, however, that Crown authorities were very suspicious of narcotic and psychotropic substances such as peyote, hallucinogenic mushrooms, itzahuatl, and ololiuqui (morning glory seeds), and pursued Inquisition cases against those who used them—­see below for more detail on these substances. 9. David Carrasco, Quetzalcoatl and the Irony of Empire: Myths and Prophecies in the Aztec Tradition (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1982), 11–62. 10. For an extended discussion of the sources and methodology of the survey as well as Notes to Pages 149–152

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the methodological challenges that this exercise entailed, see Paula De Vos, “Methodological Challenges Involved in Compiling the Nahua Pharmacopoeia,” History of Science 55 (2017): Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

210–33. Other chroniclers and authors, including Peter Martyr, Diego Duran, Francisco Clavijero, and Ruiz de Alarcon also discussed indigenous materia medica, but these are the main sources for knowledge of the Nahua pharmacopoeia, and often provided the sources for later authors. 11.See Juan de Barrios Verdadera medicina, cirugia, y astrologia (Mexico City: Fernando Balli, 1607); and AGN/M Civil, vol. 72, exp. 9, 1774, Autos de C oncurso de Acreedores a Bienes de Don Jacinto Herrera Dueño de Botica en esta Ciudad, fs. 410r–v. 12. For studies of these and other medicine, and the mixing of Galenic and indigenous and other healing traditions in t he circum-­Caribbean, see Pablo F. Gómez, Experiential Caribbean (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2017). For Mexico, see Sherry Fields, Pestilence and Headcolds: Encountering Illness in Colonial Mexico (New York: Columbia University Press, 1998). 13. The sources used include the following: for Nicolás Monardes, La historia medicinal de las cosas que se traen de nuestras Indias Occidentales que sirven de medicina (Seville: Ministerio de Sanidad y Consumo, 1989); for the Badianus Manuscript, Emily Walcott Emmart, The Badianus Manuscript (Codex Barberini, Latin 241) Vatican Library: An Aztec Herbal of 1552 (Baltimore: The Johns Hopkins University Press, 1940); and William Gates, An Aztec Herbal: The Classic Codex of 1552 (Mineola, NY: Dover, 2012); for Sahagún, see Bernardino de Sahagún, The Florentine Codex: General History of the Things of New Spain, trans. Arthur J. O. Anderson and Charles E. Dibble (Salt Lake City, UT: University of Utah Press, 1950– 1982); for Hernández’s Index medicamentorum, see Juan de B arrios, Verdadera medicina, cirugia, y astrologia (Mexico City: Fernando Balli, 1607); and Juan Comas, “Influencia de la farmacopea y terapéutica indígenas de Nueva España en la obra de Juan de Barrios (1607),” Anales de Antropología 8 (1971): 125–50; and for the Relaciones questionnaires, Francisco del Paso y Troncoso, Papeles de Nueva España: Geografía y estadística (Madrid: “Sucesores de Rivadeneyra,” 1905). Hereafter, Papeles de Nueva España will be abbreviated to PNE. 14. See, for example, Mary Elizabeth Haude, “Identification of Colorants on Maps from the Early Colonial Period in New Spain,” Journal of the American Institute for Conservation 37, no. 3 (1998): 240–70. 15. For an account of the arts and crafts in the European/Mediterranean biological old regime, see Paula De Vos, “Apothecaries, Artists, and Artisans: Early Industrial Material Culture in the Biological Old Regime,” Journal of Interdisciplinary History 45, no. 2 (2015): 277–336. 16. Donald D. Brand, “The Origins and Early Distribution of New World Cultivated Plants,” Agricultural History 13, no. 2 (1939): 109–17; and William Dunmire, Gardens of New Spain: How Mediterranean Plants and Foods Changed America (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2004). Despite evidence of widespread domestication in areas throughout North and

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South America, some scholars have put forth a “Green Legend,” a counterpart to the “Black Legend” of Spanish cruelty in conquest, of native Americans living in harmony and balance Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

with nature, where cultural values of environmental conservation influenced cultivation as much as, if not more than, material needs or desire for wealth. It is often accompanied by the “pristine myth” that native Americans lived in an untouched landscape with little to no evidence of human manipulation. Arguments against these myths and legends may be found in Thomas M. Whitmore and B. L. Turner II, “Landscapes of Cultivation in Mesoamerica on the Eve of the Conquest,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 82, no. 2 (1992): 419. See also Karl W. Butzer, “The Americas before and after 1492: An Introduction to Current Geographical Research,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 82, no. 2 (1992): 345–68; William Denevan, “The Pristine Myth: The Landscape of the Americas in 1492,” Annals of the Association of American Geographers 82, no. 3 (1992): 369–85; and Charles C. Mann, 1491: New Revelations of the Americas before Columbus (New York: Knopf, 2005). 17. See Annibale Mottana, “Mineral Novelties from America during Renaissance: The ‘Stones’ in H ernández’ and Sahagún’s Treatises (1576–1577),” Rendiconti Lincei 23,  no.  2 (2012): 165–86. 18. Monardes, Historia medicinal, fs. 22r–v. 19. See Miruna Achim, “From Rustics to Savants: Indigenous Materia Medica in Eighteenth-­Century Mexico,” Studies in History and Philosophy of Science Part C 42, no. 3 (2011):275–84; and Lagartijas Medicinales: Remedios americanos y debates cientíἀcos en la ilustración (Mexico: Editorial UAM/Conacult, 2008). Laura Caso Barrera also works on the use of animal medicines in the Mayan Chilam Balam. As noted in tables 4.2 and 4.6, the word tlaquatzin derives from the word for “thing that is eaten” combined with the honorific -­tzin. Although some sources interpret it to mean opossum—­see “Animals with Pouches, or Tlaquatzin (Opossum),” featured in the Library of Congress online exhibition Exploring the Early Americas: Historia Naturae, https://www.loc.gov/exhibits/exploring-­the-­early-­ americas/interactives/historia-­naturae/index.html#4—­it should be noted that Achim refers to it as lizard. 20. Gates, Aztec Herbal, introduction, and Vania Smith-­Oka, Traditional Medicine among the Nahua: Contemporary and Ancient Medicinal Plants (Los Angeles: Foundation for the Advancement of Mesoamerican Studies, 2007). 21. Jan G. R. Elferink, “Ethnobotany of the Aztecs,” in Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-­Western Cultures, vol. 1, ed. Helaine Selin (New York: Springer, 2008), 830. 22. Marcy Norton, Sacred Gifts, Profane Pleasures: A History of Tobacco and Chocolate in the Atlantic World (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2008). 23. Norton, Sacred Gifts, Profane Pleasures; David T. Courtwright, Forces of Habit: Drugs and the Making of the Modern World (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2001); Notes to Pages 155–158

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Jordan Goodman, Tobacco in History: The Cultures of Dependence (London: Routledge, 1993). Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

24. Susan Deans-­Smith, Bureaucrats, Planters, and Workers: The Making of the Tobacco Monopoly in Bourbon Mexico (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2010). 25. Monardes, Historia medicinal, fs. 41r–49r. 26. Paso y Troncoso, PNE, vol. 4, Relaciones geograἀcas de la Diócesis de Oaxaca, 130. 27. PNE, vol. 6, 104, 111. 28. Monardes, Historia medicinal, fs. 41r–49r; Paso y Troncoso, PNE, vol. 4, 13. 29. PNE, vol. 6, 320. See also PNE, vol. 5, Relaciones geograἀcas de la Diócesis de Tlaxcala, 180–81. 30. Monardes, Historia medicinal, 48v. 31. For main sources on the history of cacao, see Norton, Sacred Gifts, Profane Pleasures; Cameron L. McNeil, Chocolate in Mesoamerica: A Cultural History of Cacao (Gainesville: University Press of Florida, 2006); Sophie Coe and Michael D. Coe, The True History of Chocolate (London: Thames and Hudson, 1996). 32. Laura Caso Barrera and Mario Aliphat Fernández, “Cacao, Vanilla and Annatto: Three Production and Exchange Systems in the Southern Maya Lowlands, XVI–XVII Centuries,” Journal of Latin American Geography 5, no. 2 (2006): 29–52. 33. While the Maya drank chocolate with vanilla and annatto, the Nahua often drank it with honey, vanilla, and fragrant flowers that were added for flavor and color. Spices, flowers, and herbs for flavoring the cacao beverage included mecaxochitl (pepper plant), tlilxochitl (vanilla), piztle (seeds of Calocarpum mammosum L.), ground kernels of Anacardium occidentale L., chile, maize, honey, and ceiba seeds. See Emmart, Badianus Manuscript; Jacqueline de D urand-­Forest, “El cacao entre los aztecas,” Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl 7 (1967): 155–81. 34. See Durand-­Forest, “El cacao entre los aztecas”; and Durand-­Forest, “Cambios económicos y moneda entre los aztecas,” Estudios de Cultura Náhuatl 9 (1971): 105–24. 35. Bernardo Ortiz de Montellano, Aztec Medicine, Health, and Nutrition (New Brunswick, NJ: Rutgers University Press, 1990); and Ortiz de Montellano, “Empirical Aztec Medicine,” Science, n.s., 188, no. 2185 (1975): 215–20. 36. PNE, vol. 6, 103, 111. 37. PNE, vol. 5, 7. 38. Pesach Lubinsky, Séverine Bory, Juan Hernández Hernández, Seung-­Chul Kim, and Arturo Gómez-­Pompa, “Origins and Dispersal of Cultivated Vanilla (Vanilla planifolia Jacks. [Orchidaceae]),” Economic Botany 62, no. 2 (2008): 127–38; and Henry Bruman, “The Culture History of Mexican Vanilla,” Hispanic American Historical Review 28, no. 3 (1948): 371–72. For later cultivation of vanilla, see Emilio Kouri, A Pueblo Divided: Business, Property, and Community in Papantla, Mexico (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2004). 39. Bruman, “Culture History of Mexican Vanilla,” 361.

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40. Bruman, “Culture History of Mexican Vanilla,” 361–62. 41. Bruman, “Culture History of Mexican Vanilla.” Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

42. Mann, 1491, chapter 6; and “Natural History and Commercial History of Cotton,” Transactions of the Society, Instituted at London, for the Encouragement of Arts, Manufactures, and Commerce, 52, part 1 (1837–38): 139–58. See also Humphrey John Denham, Gossypium in Pre-­Linnaean Literature (London: Oxford University Press, 1919); and Ezekiel J. Donnell, Chronological and Statistical History of Cotton (New York: James Sutton and Sons, 1872). 43. Barbara L. Stark, Lynette Heller, and Michael A. Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth: Mesoamerican Economic Change from the Perspective of Cotton in South-­Central Veracruz,” Latin American Antiquity 9, no. 2 (1998): 7–36; and Frances F. Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico: Production, Distribution and Uses,” Mexican Studies/Estudios Mexicanos 3, no. 2 (1987): 235–62. 44. Stark, Heller, and Ohnersorgen, “People with Cloth,” 8–9. 45. Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico.” 46. Berdan, “Cotton in Aztec Mexico.” 47. Denham, Gossypium in Pre-­Linnaean Literature; and Varey, Chabrán, and Chamberlin, Mexican Treasury, 187. 48. Michael J. Tarkanian and Dorothy Hosler, “America’s First Polymer Scientists: Rubber Processing, Use and Transport in Mesoamerica,” Latin American Antiquity 22, no. 2 (2011):470. See also Dorothy Hosler, Sandra L. Burkett, and Michael J. Tarkanian, “Prehistoric Polymers: Rubber Processing in Ancient Mesoamerica,” Science 284, no. 5422 (1999): 1988–91. 49. Tarkanian and Hosler, “America’s First Polymer Scientists”; and Laura Filloy Nadal, “Rubber and Rubber Balls in M esoamerica,” in The Sport of Life and Death: The Mesoamerican Ballgame, ed. E. Michael Whittington (London: Thames and Hudson, 2001); and “Rubber,” in The Oxford Encyclopedia of Mesoamerican Cultures, vol. 3, ed. David Carrasco (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2001), 92–93. 50. Tarkanian and Hosler, “America’s First Polymer Scientists,” 485. 51. Rubber trees were later discovered and exploited in the Amazon in the nineteenth century and then transplanted to plantations in Southeast Asia, and with the technique of vulcanization developed in 1839 by Charles Goodyear, its use in tires for bicycles and later cars made it a worldwide commodity. Barbara Weinstein, The Amazon Rubber Boom, 1850– 1920 (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1983). For more recent work on European interest in rubber prior to the nineteenth century, see Emma Reisz, “Curiosity and Rubber in the French Atlantic,” Atlantic Studies 4, no. 1 (2007): 5–26. 52. Elferink, “Ethnobotany of the Aztecs,” 831. 53. PNE, vol. 6, 141. 54. PNE, vol. 6, 141. Notes to Pages 160–162

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55. Monardes, Historia medicinal, f. 12r. 56. Monardes, Historia medicinal, f. 16v. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

57. See Anna Winterbottom, “Of the China Root: A Case Study of the Early Modern Circulation of Materia Medica,” Social History of Medicine 28, no. 2 (2015): 22–44; and more generally, Hybrid Knowledge in the Early East India Company World (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2016. See also John Hill, A History of the Materia Medica (London: T. Longman, C. Hitch, and L. Hawes, 1751), 612–14. 58. Monardes, Historia medicinal, fs. 16v–17r. 59. See Winterbottom, “Of the China Root.” 60. Monardes, Historia medicinal, fs. 18r–22v. 61. See Francisco Bravo, Opera Medicinalia (Mexico City: Pedro Ocharte, 1570); and Linnaeus Smilax (pseud.), Sarsaparilla and Sarsaparilla So-­called: A Popular Analysis of a Popular Medicine: Its Nature, Properties, and Uses (London: Aylott, 1854), 1–2. 62. Ruth Tobias, “Sarsaparilla,” in The Oxford Companion to American Food and Drink, ed. Andrew F. Smith (New York: Oxford University Press, 2007), 523. See also James Harvey Young, The Toadstool Millionaires: A Social History of Patent Medicines in America before Federal Regulation (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1961), 61–62, for sarsaparilla’s revival in the nineteenth century. 63. Hill, History of the Materia Medica, 614–16. 64. PNE, vol. 4, 25, 38–39. 65. Robert S. Munger, “Guaiacum, the Holy Wood from the New World,” Journal of the History of Medicine and Allied Sciences 4 (1949): 204–5. 66. For guayacan as an effective antivenereal and venereal disease in Europe, see Kevin Siena, Venereal Disease, Hospitals and the Urban Poor: London’s “Foul Wards,” 1600–1800 (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2004); and Kevin Siena, ed., Sins of the Flesh: Responding to Sexual Disease in Early Modern Europe (Toronto: Centre for Reformation and Renaissance Studies, 2005). 67. Monardes, Historia medicinal, f. 12v. 68. Monardes, Historia medicinal, fs. 13v–16r; and Munger, “Guaiacum, the Holy Wood.” 69. Monardes, Historia medicinal, f. 13r. 70. Munger, “Guaiacum, the Holy Wood.” 71. Elferink, “Ethnobotany of the Aztecs,” 831; Hill, History of the Materia Medica, 609–10. 72. Hill, History of the Materia Medica, 609–10; and PNE, vol. 6, 280. 73. PNE, vol. 7, 25. 74. PNE, vol. 4, 38–39; and PNE, vol. 6, 104. 75. R. J. Stacey, C. R. Cartwright, and C. McEwan, “Chemical Characterizations of Ancient Mesoamerican ‘Copal’ Resins: Preliminary Results,” Archaeometry 48, no. 2 (2006): 323–40, 333. See also Doménech Carbó, “Resins and Drying Oils of Precolumbian Painting: A Study from Historical Writings. Equivalences of Those of European Painting,” Arché:

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Notes to Pages 162–164

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Publicación del Instituto Universitario de Restauración del Patrimonio de la UPV 3 (2008): 185–90. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

76. Monardes, Historia medicinal, f. 8r. 77. Monardes, Historia medicinal, f. 8v. 78. PNE, vol. 5, 104; and PNE, vol. 6, 120–21. 79. Monardes, Historia medicinal, 9r–11v. 80. Brian Stross, “Mesoamerican Copal Resins,” University of Texas, Austin. F. Martinez Cortes, Pegamentos, gomas, y r esinas en e l México prehispanico (Mexico: Resistol, 1970); Frank Norman Howes, Vegetable Gums and Resins (Waltham, MA: C hronica Botanica, 1949); Jean Lagenheim, Plant Resins: Chemistry, Evolution, Ecology, and Ethnobotany (Cambridge: Timber, 2003); Frances Berdan and Patricia Anawalt, The Essential Codex Mendoza (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1997); Ryan J. Case, Arthur O. Tucker, Michael J. Maciarello, and Kraig A. Wheeler, “Chemistry and Ethnobotany of Commercial Incense Copals Copal Blanco, Copal Oro, and Copal Negro, of North America,” Economic Botany 57 (2003): 189–202. 81. PNE, vol. 4, 38–39. 82. Stross, “Mesoamerican Copal Resins,” 1, 10; see also R. J. Stacey, C. R. Cartwright, and C. M cEwan, “Chemical Characterizations of Ancient Mesoamerican ‘Copal’ Resins: Preliminary Results,” Archaeometry 48, no. 2 (2006): 323–40. 83. Stross, “Mesoamerican Copal Resins,” 14. Stacey, Cartwright, and McEwan argue that the processing of pine resin served different purposes from copal resin, but pine resins do fall under “the broad terminology today” of copal. Both were used as adhesives too. 84. Stacey, Cartwright, and McEwan, “Chemical Characterizations,” 326; and Stross, “Mesoamerican Copal Resins”; and Monardes, Historia medicinal, fs. 2v–3r. 85. PNE, vol. 6, 135. 86. Antonio de Alcedo, George Alexander Thompson, The Geographical and Historical Dictionary of America and the West Indies, vol. 5 (London: J. Carpenter, 1815), 96; Macdiel Acevedo, Pablo Nuñez, Leticia Gónzalez-­Maya, Alexandre Cardoso Taketa, and María Luisa Villarreal, “Cytotoxic and Anti-­inflammatory Activities of Bursera Species from Mexico,” Journal of Clinical Toxicology 5, no. 1 (2015): 1. See also Gates, Aztec Herbal, who says that tacamahaca was also called copal-­ihyac, or “smelling like copal.” 87. Monardes, Historia medicinal, fs. 3r–5r. 88. Monardes, Historia medicinal, fs. 3r–5r. 89. Monardes, Historia medicinal, f. 5r. 90. Varey, Chabrán, and Chamberlin, Mexican Treasury, 120–21. 91. Monardes, Historia medicinal, f. 25r. 92. See Emmart, Badianus Manuscript, 68–69. Juan Comas, “La medicina aborigen mexicana en la obra de Fray Augustín de Vetancurt (1698),” Anales de Antropología 5 (1968): 147. Monardes, Historia medicinal, f. 25r. Notes to Pages 165–166

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93. PNE, vol. 4, 160. 94. PNE, vol. 6, 160, 248. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

95. Monardes, Historia medicinal, f. 30v–31r. 96. Brand, “Origin and Early Distribution.” For historical treatment of New World foods, see Nelson Foster and Linda S. Cordell, Chilies to Chocolate: Food the Americas Gave the World (Tucson: University of Arizona Press, 1992); Sophie Coe, America’s First Cuisines (Austin: University of Texas Press, 1994); and Rebecca Earle, Body of the Conquistador: Food, Race and the Colonial Experience in Spanish America, 1492–1700 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2012). 97. Dunmire, Gardens of New Spain; Jean Andrews, “Diffusion of Mesoamerican Food Complex to Southeastern Europe,” Geographical Review 83, no. 2 (1993): 194–204; and Jean Andrews, Peppers: The Domesticated Capsicum; Henry J. Bruman, Alcohol in Ancient Mexico (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 2000); Ortiz de Montellano, Aztec Medicine, Health, and Nutrition. 98. Alfred W. Crosby, “The Potato Connection,” World History Bulletin 12 (1996): 1–5; Mann, 1491, chapter 6. 99. Charles Heiser Jr., “Origins of Some New World Cultivated Plants,” Annual Review of Ecology and Systematics 10 (1979): 311. 100. Arnold J. Bauer, “Millers and Grinders: Technology and Household Economy in Meso-­America,” Agricultural History 64, no. 2 (1990): 1–17. 101. Patrizia Granziera, “Concept of the Garden in Pre-­Hispanic Mexico,” Garden History 29, no. 2 (2001): 185–213; and Carlos Viesca Treviño, “Usos de las plantas medicinales mexicanas,” Arqueología Mexicana 7, no. 29 (1999): 30–37. 102. PNE, vol. 6, 245. 103. Carl Sauer, Land and Life: A Selection of Writings from Carl Ortwin Sauer, ed. John Leighly (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1963); and Susan T. Evans, “The Productivity of Maguey Terrace Agriculture in C entral Mexico during the Aztec Period,” Latin American Antiquity 1, no. 2 (1990): 117. 104. Dunmire, Gardens of New Spain, 40; and Bruman, Alcohol in Ancient Mexico. 105. Evans, “Productivity of Maguey Terrace Agriculture,” 124–27; for discussion of productivity and caloric contribution of maguey. 106. Dunmire, Gardens of New Spain, 40; Evans, “Productivity of Maguey Terrace Agriculture,” 127–28; and see also for the role of these crafts in household industry, David M. Carballo, “Advances in the Household Archaeology of Highland Mesoamerica,” Journal of Archaeological Research 19, no. 2 (2011): 133–89. 107. Evans, “Productivity of Maguey Terrace Agriculture,” 128; and for cochineal, see R. A. Donkin, Spanish Red: An Ethnogeographical Study of Cochineal and the Opuntia Cactus, Transactions of the American Philosophical Society 67 (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1977), pt. 5.

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Notes to Pages 166–168

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108. PNE, vol. 6, 37. 109. PNE, vol. 6, 98. PNE, vol. 6, 112. PNE, vol. 7, 6 (quote is from this reference). Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

110. Matthew J. Taylor, “The Mesquite Economy in the Mexican-­American Borderlands,” Journal of Latin American Geography 7, no. 2 (2008): 133–49. 111. Ken E. Rogers, The Magniἀcent Mesquite (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2010). 112. See David Gentilcore, Pomodoro! A History of the Tomato in Italy (New York: Columbia University Press, 2010); and J. A. Jenkins, “The Origin of the Cultivated Tomato,” Economic Botany 2 (1948): 379–92. 113.Julia Morton, Fruits of Warm Climates (Brattleboro, VT: Echo Point Books & Media, 2013), 356–63. 114. Geo. D. Ruehle, “The Common Guava: A Neglected Fruit with a Promising Future,” Economic Botany 2, no. 3 (1948): 306–25. 115.Ortiz de Montellano, Aztec Medicine, Health, and Nutrition and Ortiz de Montellano, “Empirical Aztec Medicine.” 116. Caso Barrera and Fernández, “Cacao, Vanilla and Annatto,” and R. A. Donkin, “Bixa orellana: The Eternal Shrub,” Anthropos 69, no. 1/2 (1974): 33–56. 117. Haude, “Identification of Colorants.” Today it is still used as a spice and natural food coloring, used to color a w ide variety of foods including cheese and butter. PNE, vol. 6, 120–21. 118. Andrews, “Diffusion of Mesoamerican Food Complex,” 195; and Andrews, Peppers. See also Heiser, “Origins of Some Cultivated New World Plants,” 315–16; and Charles B. Heiser and P. G. Smith, “Cultivated Capsicum Peppers,” Economic Botany 7, no. 2 (1953): 214–27. 119. PNE, vol. 5, 7. 120. Monardes, Historia medicinal, fs. 24v–25r. 121. See Ortiz de Montellano, “Empirical Aztec Medicine,” 215–20. and X. A. D omíngues S., “Algunos aspectos químicos y farmacológicos de sustancias aisladas de las plantas descritas en el Códice Badiano (Libellus de Medicinalibus Indorum Herbis),” Revista de la Sociedad Química de México 13, no. 2 (1969): 85–89 provides an excellent overview and bibliography of these efforts, which are discussed further below. 122. See Elferink, “Ethnobotany of the Aztecs,” 830; Jan G. R . Elferink, José Antonio Flores, Charles D. Kaplan, “The Use of Plants and Other Natural Products for Malevolent Practices Among the Aztecs and Their Successors,” Estudios de Cultura Nahuatl 24 (1994): 27–47; Richard Evans Schultes, “Ethnobotany in Mesoamerica,” in Encyclopaedia of the History of Science, Technology, and Medicine in Non-­Western Cultures, vol. 1, ed. Helaine Selin (New York: Springer, 2008), 317–20; R. Gordon Wasson, The Hallucinogenic Mushrooms of Mexico and Psilocybin (Cambridge, MA: Botanical Museum, Harvard University, 1963); Peter Furst, Flesh of the Gods: The Ritual Use of Hallucinogens (New York: Praeger, 1972); Hesham R. El-­Seedi, Peter A. G. M. D e Smet, Olof Beck, Göran Possnert, Jan G. Bruhn, Notes to Pages 168–170

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“Prehistoric Peyote Use: Alkaloid Analysis and Radiocarbon Dating of Archaeological Specimens of Lophophora from Texas,” Journal of Ethnopharmacology 101 (2005): 238–42. See also Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Jan G. Bruhn, Bo Holmstedt, “Early Peyote Research: An Interdisciplinary Study,” Economic Botany 28 (1974): 353–90; and Jan G. Bruhn, Peter A. G. M. De Smet, Hesham R. El-­Seedi, and Olof Beck, “Mescaline Use for 5700 Years,” Lancet 359 (2002): 1866. 123. Hesham, De Smet, Beck, Possnert, and Bruhn, “Prehistoric Peyote Use,” 242. 124. Bernard Ortiz de Montellano, “Las hierbas de Tlaloc,” Estudios de cultura Náhuatl 14 (1980): 287–314. For modern uses, see Karen Cowan Ford, Las Yerbas de la Gente: A Study of Hispano-­American Medicinal Plants (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1975); Maximino Martínez, Las plantas medicinales de México (Mexico City: Ediciones Botas, 1969); Sandra Orellana, Indian Medicine in Highland Guatemala: The Pre-­Hispanic and Colonial Periods (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 1987); William Madsen, “Hot and Cold in the Universe of San Francisco Tecospa, Valley of Mexico,” Journal of American Folklore 68, no. 268 (1955): 123–38; and Brad R. Huber and Alan R. Sandstrom, eds., Mesoamerican Healers (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2001). 125. Ortiz de Montellano, “Empirical Aztec Medicine,” 217–18; and Ortiz de Montellano, “Las hierbas de Tlaloc,” 301. See also Aguirre Beltrán, Medicina y magia: El proceso de aculturación en la estructura colonial (Mexico: Instituto Nacional Indigenista, 1963); and Noemí Quezada, “La herbolaria en el México Colonial,” Estado actual del conocimiento en plantas medicinales mexicanas, ed. Xavier Lozoya and Carlos Zolla (Mexico: Instituto Mexicano para el Estudio de las Plantas Medicinales, 1975), 51–70, for Inquisition cases in which these herbs were used; and Robert Trostle Neher, “The Ethnobotany of Tagetes,” Economic Botany 22, no. 4 (1968): 317–25. 126. Schultes, “Ethnobotany in Mesoamerica,” 318–20; Placer Marey-­Thibon, “De l’usage de l’ololiuhqui dans le Méxique colonial,” Caravelle 76–77 (2001): 289–94. 127. Abram Hoffer and Humphry Osmond, The Hallucinogens (Burlington: Elsevier, 2013); and David O. Kennedy, Plants and the Human Brain (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2014), 113–15. 128. Hoffer and Osmond, Hallucinogens, chapter 2B, 237. Schultes, “Ethnobotany in Mesoamerica,” 318. 129. Hoffer and Osmond, Hallucinogens, 241. 130. PNE, vol. 6, 104; and PNE, vol. 6, 125–26. 131. Christian Ratsch, The Encyclopedia of Psychoactive Plants: Ethnopharmacology and its Applications (Rochester, VT: Park Street, 1998); Richard Evans Schultes, “A Contribution to Our Knowledge of Rivea Corymbosa: The Narcotic Ololiuqui of the Aztecs” (Cambridge, MA: Botanical Museum, Harvard University, 1941); Hoffer and Osmond, Hallucinogens, chapter 2B; a nd H. O smond, “Ololiuqui: The Ancient Aztec Narcotic; Remarks on the Effects of Rivea corymbosa (ololiuqui),” Journal of Mental Science 101, no. 224 (1955): 526–37. 132. Ortiz de Montellano, “Empirical Aztec Medicine,” 218–19; and S. L. Cline, ed., The

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Notes to Pages 170–171

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Book of Tributes: Early Sixteenth-­Century Nahuatl Censuses from Morelos (Los Angeles: UCLA Latin American Studies Center, 1993). Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

133. Varey, Chabrán, and Chamberlin, Mexican Treasury, 168. 134. Stephanie Merrim, “The Work of Marketplaces in Colonialist Texts on Mexico City,” Hispanic Review 72, no. 2 (2004): 215–38. 135. Monardes, Historia medicinal, fs. 11 r–v. 136. Granziera, “Concept of the Garden in Pre-­Hispanic Mexico”; Louise M. Burkhart, “Flowery Heaven: The Aesthetic of Paradise in Nahuatl Devotional Literature,” RES: Anthropology and Aesthetics, no. 21 (1992): 88–109. See also Doris Heyden, Mitología y simbolismo de la flora en el México prehispánico (Mexico: Universidad Nacional de México, 1982); R. Gordon Wasson, “The Role of ‘Flowers’ in Nahuatl Culture: A Suggested Interpretation,” Botanical Museum Leaflets, Harvard University 23, no. 8 (1973): 305–24; and Berenice Alcántara Rojas, “In Nepapan Xochitl: The Power of Flowers in the Works of Sahagún,” in Colors between Two Worlds: The Florentine Codex of Bernardino de Sahagún, ed. Louis A. Waldman (Florence: Kunsthistorisches Institut, 2011), 106–32. 137. Ortiz de Montellano, “Empirical Aztec Medicine,” 218, 220. Robert Bye and Edelmira Linares, “Plantas medicinales del México prehispanico,” Aqueologia Mexicana 7(1999), 4–11. 138. Granziera, 210, note 29. 139. Ortiz de Montellano, “Empirical Aztec Medicine,” 218, 220; and José Waizel Bucay, “Uso tradicional e investigación científica de Talauma Mexicana (D.C.) Don., o flor del corazón,” Revista Mexicana de Cariología 13, no. 2 (2002): 31–38. 140. Emmart, Badianus Manuscript, 81; and Granziera, “Concept of the Garden in Pre-­ Hispanic Mexico,” 209n28. 141. Granziera, “Concept of the Garden in Pre-­Hispanic Mexico,” 210n31–32. 142. Diego Durán, The History of the Indies of New Spain (University of Oklahoma Press, 1994); 242 and Varey, Chabrán, and Chamberlin, Mexican Treasury, 197. 143. See Francisco Guerra, “Aztec Medicine,” Medical History 10, no. 2 (1966): 315–38; Alfredo López Austin, Human Body and Ideology: Concepts of the Ancient Nahuas (Salt Lake City: University of Utah Press, 1988); and Carlos Viesca Trevino, Medicina prehispánica de México: El conocimiento medico de los nahuas (Mexico: Panorama Editorial, 1986). 144. Francisco Hernández, “Antiquities of New Spain,” 72, 77; and Francisco Guerra, “Aztec Medicine.” 145. See De Vos, “Medicine on the Margins,” manuscript article submitted for review; and Wolfgang Hagen Hein, ed., Botanical Drugs to the Americas in the Old and New Worlds (Stuttgart: Wissenschaftische Verlagegeslschaft, 1984). 146. Monardes, Historia medicinal, fs. 6r–v. 147. Monardes, Historia medicinal, “Primera Parte del libro,” f. 1v. 148. Monardes, Historia medicinal, “Primera Parte del libro,” f. 1v. Notes to Pages 172–174

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149. Monardes, Historia medicinal, “Primera Parte del libro,” f. 2r. 150. Varey, Chabrán, and Chamberlin, Mexican Treasury, letter 3, November/December Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

1571, 48. 151. Varey, Chabrán, and Chamberlin, Mexican Treasury, letter 11, February 10, 1576, letter 5, December 12, 1572, 51. 152. Varey, Chabrán, and Chamberlin, Mexican Treasury, letter 12, March 24, 1576, 58. 153. This aspect of research has received attention in t he last twenty-­five years or so, much of it spurred by the Columbian quincentary publications and part of larger studies of the Columbian Exchange. See, for example, Herman J. Viola and Carolyn Margulis, eds., Seeds of Change: A Quincentenary Commemoration (Washington DC: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1991); and Fredi Chiappelli, Michael J. B. Allen, and Robert L. Benson, eds., First Images of America: The Impact of the New World on the Old, 2 vols. (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1976); J. Worth Estes, “The European Reception of the First Drugs from the New World,” Pharmacy in History 37, no. 1 (1995): 3–23. A number of Spanish scholars have worked on this topic; see, for example, José Pardo Tomás and María Luz López Terrada, Las primeras noticias sobre plantas americanas en las relaciones de viajes y crónicas de Indias (1493–1553) (Valencia: Instituto de estudios documentales e históricos sobre la ciencia, Universitat de Valencia-­CSIC, 1993); Jose Luis Fresquet Febrer, “Terapéutica y materia médica americana en la obra de Andrés Laguna (1555),” Asclepio 44 (1992): 53–82; Enrique Álvarez López, “Las plantas de América en la botánica europea del siglo XVI,” Revista de Indias 6 (1945): 221–88; José María López Piñero and José Pardo Tomás, Nuevos materiales y noticias sobre la historia de las plantas de Nueva España de Francisco Hernández (Valencia: Universitat de Valencia, CSIC, 1994); José María López Piñero, ed., Viejo y nuevo continente: La medicina en el encuentro de dos mundos (Madrid: Laboratorios Beecham, 1992). 154. Andrews, “Diffusion of Mesoamerican Food Complex,” 194. 155. Monardes, Historia medicinal, fs. 24v–25r. 156. Teresa Huguet-­Termes, “New World Materia Medica in Spanish Renaissance Medicine: From Scholarly Reception to Practical Impact,” Medical History 45, no. 3 (July 2001): 359–76. Mercedes Fernández-­Carrión and José Luis Valverde, Farmacia y sociedad en Sevilla en el siglo XVI (Seville: Servicio de Publicaciones del Ayuntamiento de Sevilla, 1985); José Luis Valverde, “Research Notes on Spanish-­American Drug Trade” Pharmacy in History 30, no. 1 (1988): 27–32. Scholars who argue this are Guenter Risse, J. Worth Estes, and Jonathan D. Sauer, “Changing Perception and Exploitation of the New World plants in Europe, 1492–1800,” in Chiappelli, First Images of America, 813–32; Charles H. Talbot, “America and the European Drug Trade,” in Chiappelli, First Images of America, 833–44; Guenter B. Risse, “Transcending Cultural Barriers: The European Reception of Medicinal Plants from the Americas,” in Wolfgang Hagen Hein, ed., Botanical Drugs of the Americas in the Old and New Worlds (Stuttgart, Wissenschaftische Verlagegeslschaft, 1984), 31–42; Anthony Grafton, New Worlds, Ancient Texts: The Power of Tradition and the Schock of Discovery, with April

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Notes to Pages 174–175

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Shelford and Nancy Siraisi (Cambridge, MA: B elknap Press of Harvard University Press, 1995), 161–93. The pharmacopoeias include those of Valladolid, Barcelona, and Valencia; the Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

herbals of Peter Treveris, Dodoens, Laguna’s sixteenth-­century translation of Dioscorides (which added in American medicines), Petrus Andreas Matthiolo, Matthias de Loebel, and Jacobus Theodorus Tabernaemontanus, John Gerard, John Parkinson, Charles Lecluse. A systematic study of the American substances in t hese and other pharmacopoeias of the period has yet to be done. 157. Estes, “European Reception,” 19. 158. Estes, “European Reception,” 11. 159. Estes, “European Reception,” 18. 160. Estes, “European reception,” 16–18. 161. This material is also cited in De Vos, “Natural History and the Pursuit of Empire,” 215–16. See Paula De Vos, “The Art of Pharmacy in Seventeenth-­ and Eighteenth-­Century Mexico” (PhD diss., University of California, Berkeley, 2001), 105–10, 305–10, for further discussion of New World medicines used in Mexican and Spanish pharmacies. 162. Archivo General de Indias, Sevilla Indiferente, L. 1552, Remitiendoles una memoria de los Generos medicinales que hacen falta en la Botica del Rey para que los embien, San Ildefonso, October 14, 1745. The order called for two arrobas each of sassafras, jalap root, and mechoacan root; four arrobas of Sarsaparilla root; six pounds of caranna gum; and four of liquidambar. 163. Alexander Von Humboldt, Ensayo político sobre el reino de la Nueva España (Mexico City: Instituto Cultural Helénico / Miguel Ángel Porrúa, 1985), vol. 4, book 5, chapter 12, 85, and vol. 4, note H, 365. The total exports for the year 1802 from Spanish America to Spain was approximately 82 million pesos, 55 million of which came from gold and silver, and 27 million from other “productions.” Quina and jalap thus made up about 2.5 percent of the trade. 164. Hayden, When Nature Goes Public, 1–3. 165. See De Vos, “Natural History and the Pursuit of Empire,” and Paula De Vos, “Research, Development, and Empire: State Support of Science in the Later Spanish Empire,” Colonial Latin American Review 15,no. 21 (2006), 55–79; Jorge Cañizares‐Esguerra, “Spanish America: From Baroque to Modern Colonial Science,” in The Cambridge History of Science, vol. 4, Eighteenth-­Century Science, ed. Roy Porter (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2003), 718–40; Gabriel B. Paquette, Enlightenment, Governance, and Reform in Spain and Its Empire, 1759–1808 (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2008); Gabriel Paquette, Enlightened Reform in Southern Europe and its Atlantic Colonies, c. 1750—­1830 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2009); Daniela Bleichmar, Visible Empire: Botanical Expeditions and Visual Culture in the Hispanic Enlightenment (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2012); Francisco Javier Puerto Sarmiento, La ilusión quebrada: Botánica, sanidad y política cientíἀca en la España ilustrada (Barcelona: Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1988). Notes to Pages 175–179

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166. De Vos, “Natural History and the Pursuit of Empire”; and Francisco de S olano, Cuestionarios para la formación de las relaciones geográἀcas de Indias (Madrid: Consejo Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Superior de Investigaciones Científicas, 1988). 167. For the results of those investigations, see De Vos, “Art of Pharmacy,” ch. 7. 168. Puerto Sarmiento, La ilusión quebrada. 169. D. A. Brading, The First America: The Spanish Monarchy, Creole Patriots, and the Liberal State, 1492–1867 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1993); Jacques Lafaye, Quetzalcóatl and Guadalupe: The Formation of Mexican National Consciousness, 1531–1813 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1987); Mauricio Tenorio-­Trillo, Mexico at the World’s Fairs: Crafting a Modern Nation (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1996); and Michael Johns, Mexico City in the Age of Díaz (Austin: University of Texas Press, 2011). 170. Virginia Guedea, Las gacetas de México y la medicina: Un índice (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 1991). José Alzate y Ramírez, a Creole intellectual, contributed much research to his Gazeta de literatura and argued for local naming practices for indigenous plants, rather than adherence to the Linnaean system. 171. See for example Alfredo de-­Micheli and Raúl Izaguirre-­Ávila, “De la herbolaria medicinal novohispana a los inicios de es tudios botánico–farmacológicos sistematizados (bosquejo histórico),” Archivos de Cardiología Mexicana 79 (2009): 95–101. 172. J. Joaquin Izquierdo, “Origins and Development of Mexican Pharmacopoeiae,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine, 26, no. 1 (1952): 55. 173. Antonio Cal y Bracho, Ensayo para la materia medica mexicana (Pubebla: Oficina del Hospital de San Pedro, 1832), v–vi. See also Vicente Cervantes, Ensayo a l a materia médica vegetal de México (México: Oficina Tipográfica de la Secretaría de Fomento, 1889). 174. Cal y Bracho, Ensayo para la materia medica mexicana, vi–vii. 175. Izquierdo, “Origins and Development,” 59–60. 176. Izquierdo, “Origins and Development,” 60. 177. Izquierdo, “Origins and Development,” 60–68; and Liliana Schifter Aceves, “La farmacopea mexicana: Guardiana de un patrimonio nacional viviente,” Pliegos de Rebotica 87 (2006): 12–15;.and Schifter Aceves, “Las farmacopeas mexicanas en la construcción de la identidad nacional,” Revista Mexicana de Ciencias Farmacéuticas 45, no. 2 (2014): 43–54. 178. Izquierdo, “Origins and Development,” 64–65; Datos para la Materia Médica Mexicana, part 1, 5–6, and J. Terres, “Reseña histórica del Instituto Médico Nacional,” Gaceta Médica Mexicana, 3rd series, 9 (1916): 132–38. Quote is from Hayden, When Nature Goes Public, 110. See also Ignacio de la Pena Páenz, “El estudio formal de la herbolaria mexicana y la creación del Instituto Médico Nacional: 1888–1915,” in La investigación cientíἀca de la herbolaria medicinal mexicana, ed. Mercedes Juan (Mexico City: Secretaria de Salud, 1993), 55–68; Xavier Lozoya and Carlos Zolla, eds., La medicina invisible: Introducción al estudio de la medicina tradicional de México (Mexico City: Folios, 1984), 269; and Nina Hinke and Laura Cházaro, El Instituto Médico Nacional. La política de las plantas y los laboratorios a

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Notes to Pages 179–181

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ἀnes del siglo XIX (México: Universidad Autónoma de México/Centro de Investigación y de Estudios avanzados del IPN, 2012). Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

179. Hayden, When Nature Goes Public, 110–16. For an overview of government efforts and findings, see Xavier Lozoya, “Two Decades of Mexican Ethnobotany and Research in Plant Drugs,” in Ethnobotany and the Search for New Drugs, ed. Ciba Foundation Symposium (New York: John Wiley and Sons, 1994), 130–52; and Lozoya, “El Instituto Mexicana para el Estudio de l as Plantas Medicinales, A.C. (IMEPLAM),” in Estado actual del conocimiento en plantas medicinales de México, ed. Xavier Lozoya and Carlos Zolla (Mexico City: Folios, 1976), 243–55. For results of this work and of individual research, see Ford, Las Yerbas de la Gente; Martínez, Las plantas medicinales de México; Xavier Lozoya and Mariana Lozoya, Flora medicinal de México, primera parte: plantas indigenas (Mexico: Instituto Mexicano del Seguro Social, 1982); Paul C. Standley, Trees and Shrubs of Mexico (Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, 1967); the many publications of Robert Bye; Margarita Artschwager Kay, Healing with Plants in the American and Mexican West (Tuscon: University of Arizona Press, 1996); and Paul Hersch, Plantas medicinales: Relato de una posibilidad conἀscada. El estatuto e la flora en la biomedicina mexicana (México: Instituto Nacional de Antropología e Historia, 2000).

Chapter 5: The Development of Alchemical Pharmacy and the Chemico-­Galenic Compromise 1. AGN/M Civil, vol. 72, exp. 9, 1774, Autos de Concurso de Acreedores a Bienes de Don Jacinto Herrera Dueño de Botica en esta Ciudad. All descriptions of the pharmacy and its contents come from two different inventories included in this document beginning September 14, 1775, and June 7, 1776, on fs. 340v–362v and 397r–411v, respectively. 2. See Paula De Vos, “From Herbs to Alchemy: The Introduction of Chemical Medicine to Mexican Pharmacies in the Seventeenth and Eighteenth Centuries,” Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies 8, no. 2 (2007): 135–67, esp. 157–60, for a discussion of two different sets of prescriptions filled by Mexico City apothecaries, one from the seventeenth century and one from the eighteenth, that show a similar and very distinctive change. 3. Allen G. Debus has written extensively about medical chemistry, especially the debates that ensued regarding these medicines in early modern England and France; for a few examples, see The Chemical Philosophy: Paracelsian Science and Medicine in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries (New York: Science History, 1977; rev. ed., Mineola, NY: Dover, 2002); The English Paracelsians (New York: F. Watts, 1966); The French Paracelsians: The Chemical Challenge to Medical and Scientiἀc Tradition in Early Modern France (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977). For examples of criticism of Debus’s tendency to “sanitize” chemical medicine of alchemical content, see Matthew Daniel Eddy, Seymour H. Mauskopf, and William R. Newman, “An Introduction to Chemical Knowledge in the Early Modern World,” Chemical Knowledge in the Early Modern World, ed. Matthew D. Eddy, Seymour Notes to Pages 182–184

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H. Mauskopf, and William R. Newman, Osiris 29 (2 014): 5. S ee also John Maxson Stillman, “Chemistry in Medicine in the Fifteenth Century,” Scientiἀc Monthly 6, no. 2 (1918): Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

167–75. The field of medical alchemy is growing—­see the list of presenters for the conference Alchemy and Medicine from Antiquity to the Enlightenment, held in 2011 at Cambridge University. 4. Some authors have written about the impact of medieval and early modern chemical medicine on pharmaceutical compounding; see Bruce Moran, Chemical Pharmacy Enters the University: Johannes Hartmann and the Didactic Care of Chymiatria in the Early Seventeenth Century (Madison, WI: A merican Institute for the History of Pharmacy, 1991); Moran, “A Survey of Chemical Medicine in the 17th Century: Spanning Court, Classroom, and Cultures,” Pharmacy in History 38, no. 3 (1996): 121–33; George Urdang, “How Chemicals Entered the Official Pharmacopoeias,” Archives Internationales d’Histoire des Sciences 28–29 (1954): 303–14; and for the medieval period, Michael R. McVaugh, “Chemical Medicine in the Medical Writings of Arnau de Vilanova,” in Actes de la “Il Trobada Internacional d’Estudis sobre Arnau de Vilanova”, ed. Josep Perarnau (Barcelona: Institut d’Estudis Catalans, 2005), 239–67. Generally, however, the field has received little attention, despite its long-­term ramifications. 5. In “From Herbs to Alchemy,” I too attributed the growth of chemical medicines to Paracelsus, but subsequent research into the topic led me to alter my conclusions. 6. In “Transmuting Sericon: Alchemy as ‘Practical Exegesis’ in Early Modern England,” Osiris 29 (2014): 20, Jennifer Rampling refers to the fact that, with a few notable exceptions, “pre-­Paracelsian chemical medicine remains relatively little studied in an English context”—­ and I would argue that that is the case for Europe generally. 7. The wording is taken from Jean de Roquetaillade, La vertu et propriété de la quinte essence de toutes choses, faite en l atin, par Joannes de Rupescissa et mise en f rançois, par Antoine DuMoulin Maasconnois (Lyon: de Tournes, 1581), 38. See Michela Pereira, “Heavens on Earth: From the Tabula Smaragdina to the Alchemical Fifth Essence,” Early Science and Medicine 5, no. 2 (2000): 131–44. 8. Examples of works discussing or carrying out an increased focus on practice—­or “words” over “works”—­include Tara E. Nummedal, “Words and Works in the History of Alchemy,” Isis 102, no. 2 (June 2011):330–37; Eddy, Mauskopf, and Newman, “Introduction to Chemical Knowledge”; Christoph Meinel, “Theory or Practice? The Eighteenth-­Century Debate on the Scientific Status of Chemistry,” Ambix 30 (1983): 121–32; Frederic L. Holmes, Eighteenth-­Century Chemistry as an Investigative Enterprise (Berkeley: Office of the History of Science and Technology, University of California, 1989). 9. For some key works on Paracelsus and “Paracelsian” practices, see Walter Pagel, Paracelsus: An Introduction to Philosophical Medicine in the Era of the Renaissance, 2nd rev. ed. (Basel: S. Karger, 1982); Ole Peter Grell, ed., Paracelsus: The Man and His Reputation, His Ideas and Their Transformation (Leiden: Brill, 1998). The association between chemical

310

Notes to Pages 185–187

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medicine and Paracelsus is also clear in Debus’s work. For specific arguments about Paracelsian influence in Spain, see José María López Piñero, “Alquimia y medicina en la España de Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

los siglos XVI y XVII. La Influencia de Paracelso,” in Medicina moderna y sociedad española, siglos XVI–XIX, ed. López Piñero (Valencia: Catedra e Instituto de Historia de la Medicina, 1976), 15–59; and Debus, “Paracelsus and the Delayed Scientific Revolution in Spain: A Legacy of Philip II,” in Reading the Book of Nature: The Other Side of the Scientiἀc Revolution, ed. Allen Debus and Michael Walton (Kirksville, MO: Sixteenth-­Century Journal Publishers, 1988), 147–62. 10. Owen Hannaway, The Chemist and the Word: The Didactic Origins of Chemistry (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1975); and Andrew Kent and Owen Hannaway, “Some New Considerations on Beguin and Libavius,” Annals of Science 16 (1960): 241–50. See also Antonio Clericuzio, “Teaching Chemistry and Chemical Textbooks in France. From Beguin to Lemery,” Science and Education 15, no. 2 (2006): 335–55; and John R. R. Christie and Jan Golinski, “The Spreading of the Word: New Directions in t he Historiography of Chemistry, 1600–1800,” History of Science 20, no. 4 (1982): 235–66. 11.In addition to the works on Paracelsus above, other works focus on later luminaries in medical chemistry, including George Starkey, Robert Boyle and Isaac Newton, Jean Baptiste van Helmont, and Herman Boerhaave. 12. Historians Robert Multhauf, Robert Halleux, and T. P. Sherlock have written insightfully regarding these ideas, but more work remains to complete the research program they have suggested. See Robert P. Multhauf, “John of Rupescissa and the Origin of Medical Chemistry,” Isis 45 (1954): 359–67; Multhauf, “Medical Chemistry and ‘The Paracelsians,’” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 28 (1954): 101–26; Multhauf, “The Beginnings of Mineralogical Chemistry,” Isis 49 (1958): 50–53; Multhauf, “The Significance of Distillation in Renaissance Medical Chemistry,” Bulletin of the History of Medicine 30 (1956): 329–46; Robert Halleux, “Les ouvrages alchimiques de Jean Roquetaillade,” Histoire littéraire de la France 41 (1981): 241–84; and T. P. Sherlock, “The Chemical Work of Paracelsus,” Ambix 3, no. 1 (1948): 33–63. 13. Some exceptions to this are: Allen G. Debus, “Chemistry, Pharmacy and Cosmology: A Renaissance Union,” Pharmacy in History 20, no. 4 (1978): 127–37; Jonathan Simon, Chemistry, Pharmacy, and Revolution in France, 1777–1809 (Burlington, VT: Ashgate, 2013); as well as Pamela H. Smith, The Body of the Artisan: Art and Experience in the Scientiἀc Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004); Ursula Klein, “Chemical Expertise: Chemistry in the Royal Prussian Porcelain Manufactory,” Osiris 29 (2014): 262–82; and Marco Beretta, “The Changing Role of the Historiography of Chemistry in C ontinental Europe since 1800,” Ambix 58 (2011): 257–76, which take into account the range of artisanal practitioners that contributed to the development of chemistry. Overall, however, the deep interconnection between pharmacy and the development of chemistry requires (and deserves) further research. Notes to Page 187

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14. See James R. Partington, Origins and Development of Applied Chemistry (1935; repr., New York, 1975); and Paul T. Nicholson and Ian Shaw, eds., Ancient Egyptian Materials and Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Technology (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2000); Marco Beretta, The Alchemy of Glass: Counterfeit, Imitation, and Transmutation in Ancient Glassmaking (Sagamore Beach, MA: Science History, 2009). 15.See Paula De Vos, “Apothecaries, Artists, and Artisans: Early Industrial Material Culture in t he Biological Old Regime,” Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies 45, n o. 3 (2015): 277–336. 16. William B. Jensen, ed., The Leyden and Stockholm Papyri: Greco-­Egyptian Chemical Documents from the Early 4th Century AD, trans. Earle Radcliffe Caley (Cincinnati: Oesper Collections in the History of Chemistry, University of Cincinnati, 2008); Robert Halleux, Les alchimistes grecs, vol. 1, Papyrus de Leyde, papyrus de Stockholm, recettes (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 1981); and Cyril S. Smith and John G. Hawthorne, Mappae Clavicula: A Little Key to the World of Medieval Techniques (Philadelphia: American Philosophical Society, 1974). See also Beretta, Alchemy of Glass. 17. The Liber was the twenty-­eighth chapter of the thirty-­chapter Kitab al-­Tasrif. The thirtieth chapter, which concerned surgical procedures, was also translated into Latin and widely known. For that reason, the author is generally better known in the history of surgery. However, the work in which chapter thirty existed was a very important pharmaceutical treatise—­the other twenty-­nine all concern issues of pharmacy. See Sami Khalaf Hamarneh and Glenn Allen Sonnedecker, A Pharmaceutical View of Abulcasis al-­Zahrāwī in Moorish Spain: With Special Reference to the “Adhān” (Leiden: Brill, 1963). For more in-­depth discussion of these arguments, see De Vos, “Rosewater and Philosophers’ Oil: Thermo-­chemical Processing in Medieval and Early Modern Spanish Pharmacy,” Centaurus 60, no. 3 (2018): 159–72. 18. Al-­Zahrāwī [Abulcasis], Servidor de Abulcasis, trans. Alonso Rodrigues de Tudela (Valladolid, 1515), for metals, ores, or “dross” see fs. xi r–xii v; for brick oil, fs. xxx r–v, and for distilled waters, fs. xxxii v–xxxiv r. See further examples of distilled waters in the edition of the Liber Servitoris published with the collection of Johannes Mesue, Opera medicinalia (Canones universals . . . ) (Venice: Johannes et Gregorius de Gregoriis, 1497), f. 345v. 19. See Paula De Vos, “’The Prince of Medicine’: Yūh·annā ibn Māsawayh and the Foundations of the Western Pharmaceutical Tradition,” Isis 104, no. 4 (December 2013): 667–712, table 3. 20. McVaugh, “Chemical Medicine,” 244–50. 21. McVaugh, “Chemical Medicine,” 244–50; and see also Nancy G. S iraisi, Taddeo Alderotti and His Pupils (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1981); and Luis García-­ Ballester, La búsqueda de la salud: Sanadores y enfermos en la España medieval (Barcelona: Editorial Península, 2001).

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Notes to Pages 188–189

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22. McVaugh, “Chemical Medicine,” 244–54. For a history of alcohol and distillation, see Robert Forbes, A Short History of the Art of Distillation (Leiden: Brill, 1948). Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

23. Giovanni Mesue, I Libri di Giovanni Mesue dei semplici purgativi et delle medicine compostee (Venice: Baldassare Costantino, 1559). 24. Mesue, Opera medicinalia, f. 68v. The limited incorporation of thermo-­chemical operations and techniques into Galenic pharmacy prior to the chemico-­Galenic compromise is treated in De Vos, “Rosewater and Philosophers’ Oil.” 25. Saladino da Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, trans. Alonso Rodríguez de Tudela (Salamanca, 1515), f. li r. He adds, “And more so when the quintessence is made from them.” 26. Ascoli, Compendio de los boticarios, f. lii v. 27. Bernardino de Laredo, Modus faciendi cum ordine medicandi (Seville: Jacobo Cromberger, 1527), facsimile ed., ed. Milagro Laín and Doris Ruiz Otín (Madrid: Doce Calles, 2001), f. cli (151) r–v; Fernando Sepulveda, Manipulus medicinarum in quo co[n]tinentur omnes medicine tam simplices quam composite (Vitoria, 1522; Salamanca, 1525; Valladolid, 1550), xxxviii r, and Alonso de Jubera, Dechado y reformación de todas las medicinas compuestas usuales . . . (Valladolid: Diego Fernandez de Cordova, 1578), f. 216r. 28. Juan Antonio Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios en que se trata de la arte y forma como se han de componer las confectiones ansi interiores como exteriores (Barcelona: Sebastian de Cormellas, 1592), f. 252v. 29. McVaugh, “Chemical Medicine,” 250. 30. McVaugh, “Chemical Medicine,” 250–55. 31. Mesue, I Libri di Giovanni Mesue dei semplici purgativi, 294. “Et questa e cosa precipua de gli alchimisti, et noi trattaremo de questo genere quell que potremo et se tu desideri intendere piu, trovati gli alchimisti, et fatti insegnare, et prattica con loro.” The Latin version from the 1497 Opera medicinalia, f. 82v, reads “Et nos de his experiemur que possumus. Tu autem aggredere alchimistas et agitare cum illis.” 32. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 251r. 33. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 255v. 34. Castels, Theorica y pratica de boticarios, f. 255v. 35. Some works on this topic include Mar Rey Bueno, Los señores del fuego: Destiladores y espagíricos en la corte de los Austrias (Madrid: Corona Borealis, 2002); Miguel López Pérez and Mar Rey Bueno, “Aguas destiladas y aguas alquímicas en la España moderna,” Azogue 5 (2007): 151–80; Francisco Javier Puerto Sarmiento, “La panacea áurea: Alquimia y destilación en la corte de Felipe II (1527–1598),” Dynamis 17 (1997): 107–40; William Eamon, “Masters of Fire: Italian Alchemists in the Court of Philip II,” in Chymia: Science and Nature in Early Modern Europe (1450–1750), ed. Miguel López Pérez and Didier Kahn (Cambridge: Cambridge Scholars, 2010), 138–56. For scientific and medical pursuits in the reign of Philip II, see F. Rodríguez Marín, Felipe II y la alquimia (Madrid: Revista de Archivos, Bibliotecas

Notes to Pages 189–191

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y Museos, 1927); David Goodman, Power and Penury: Government, Technology and Science in Philip II’s Spain (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1988); Enrique Martínez Ruiz, Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

José María López Piñero, eds., Felipe II, la ciencia y la técnica (Madrid: Actas Editorial, 1999). 36. Mar Rey Bueno, “El informe Valles: Los desdibujados límites del arte de boticarios a finales del siglo XVI (1589–1594),” Asclepio 56, no. 2 (2004): 243–68. 37. Francisco Vallés, Tratado de las aguas destiladas, pesos y medidas de que los boticarios deven vsar por nueua ordenança y mandato de su Magestad y su Real Consejo (Madrid: Luis Sanchez, 1592). 38. See Diego de Santiago, Arte separatoria y modo de apartar todos los Licores, que se sacan por via de destilacion para que las medicinas obren con mayor virtud y presteza (Seville: Francisco Perez, 1598); Francisco Teixidó Gómez, “Aspectos médicos del Arte Separatoria de Diego de Santiago,” Asclepio 51, no. 1 (1999): 227–45; and López Pérez and Rey Bueno, “Aguas destiladas y aguas alquímicas,” 156–58. 39. The use of these materials is still evident in the eighteenth century—­Félix Palacios noted that they were commonly in use and warned that these metals “can communicate bad impressions to the compounds.” Palacios, Palestra pharmaceutica en la qual se trata de la eleccion de los simples, sus preparaciones chymicas, y galenicas, y de las mas selectas composiciones antiguas, y modernas (Madrid: J. Garcia Infançon, 1706), 61. 40. For general treatments of the history of western alchemy and its origins, see Eric John Holmyard, Alchemy (Harmondsworth, UK: Penguin Books, 1957); Frank Sherwood Taylor, The Alchemists: Founders of Modern Chemistry (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1992); Robert J. Forbes, “On the Origin of Alchemy,” Chymia 4 (1953): 1–11. For more recent work, see Lawrence Principe, The Secrets of Alchemy (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2013); Lawrence M. Principe, ed., Chymists and Chymistry: Studies in the History of Alchemy and Early Modern Chemistry (Sagamore Beach, MA: Science History, 2007); Piyo Rattansi and Antonio Clericuzio, eds., Alchemy and Chemistry in the 16th and 17th Centuries (Dordrecht: Springer, 1994); William R. Newman, Promethean Ambitions: Alchemy and the Quest to Perfect Nature (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004); Atoms and Alchemy: Chymistry and the Experimental Origins of the Scientiἀc Revolution (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006); Robert Halleux, Les textes alchimiques (Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols, 1979); and Bruce Moran, Distilling Knowledge: Alchemy, Chemistry, and the Scientiἀc Revolution (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2005). 41. See De Vos, “Apothecaries, Artists, and Artisans”; and Jensen, Leyden and Stockholm Papyri, for further discussion of the decorative arts recipes. 42. I am indebted to Principe, Secrets of Alchemy, for much of the following discussion. 43. In these cases, mercury and sulfur were understood as theoretical substances, not the actual substances. For more on these very important substances and concepts, see William Royall Newman, “Mercury and Sulphur among the High Medieval Alchemists: From

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Notes to Pages 191–192

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Rāzī and Avicenna to Albertus Magnus and Pseudo-­Roger Bacon,” Ambix 61, no. 4 (2014): 327–44. Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

44. See Olivier Dufault, “Transmutation Theory in the Greek Alchemical Corpus,” Ambix 62, no. 3 (2015): 215–44. For discussions of the art/nature debates, see Bernadette Bensaude-­Vincent and William R. Newman, eds., The Artiἀcial and the Natural: An Evolving Polarity (Cambridge: MIT P ress, 2007); Newman, Promethean Ambitions; Newman, “Technology and Alchemical Debate”; and Barbara Obrist, “Art et nature dans l’alchimie médiévale,” Revue d’histoire des sciences 49, no. 2 (1996): 215–86. 45. For further discussion of Zosimos and the early alchemical manuscripts, see Michele Mertens, Les alchimistes grecs, vol. 4, part 1, Zosime de Panopolis—­Mémoires authentiques (Paris: Les Belles Lettres, 2002). For transcriptions of many of the manuscripts (though the translations have been criticized for being unreliable), see Marcellin Berthelot and C. E. Ruelle, Collections des anciens alchimistes grecs, 3 vols. (Paris, 1887–88). See also Matteo Martelli, “Greek Alchemists at Work: ‘Alchemical Laboratory’ in the Greco-­Roman Egypt,” Nuncius 26 (2011): 271–311. 46. See Principe, Secrets of Alchemy, 39. 47. Paul Kraus, Jabir ibn H· ayyan: Contribution à l’histoire des idées scientiἀques dans l’Islam, vol. 1, Le Corpus des écrits jabiriens (Cairo: L’Institut français d’archéologie orientale, 1943); and vol. 2, Jabir et la science grecque (Cairo: L’Institut français d’archéologie orientale, 1942). See also Jābir ibn H·ayyan, Kitab al īd·ah·, in Jābir ibn H·ayyan, The Arabic Works of Jabir

ibn H· ayyan, ed. and trans. E. J. Holmyard (Paris: Geuthner, 1928); and E. J. Holmyard, “Jabir ibn H·ayyan,” Proceedings of the Royal Society of Medicine 16 (1923): 46–57.

48. See Henry Ernest Stapleton; Rizkallah F. Azo; a nd Muh·ammad Hidāyat H·usain, “Chemistry in ‘Iraq and Persia in t he Tenth Century A.D.,” Memoirs of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal 8 (1927): 317–418; and Stapleton and Azo, “Alchemical Equipment in the Eleventh Century,” Memoirs of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal (Baptist Mission Press, 1905): 47–71. See also Stapleton, “Sal-­ammoniac: A Study in Primitive Chemistry,” Memoirs of the Royal Asiatic Society of Bengal 1, no. 2 (1905): 21–42. 49. Quoted in Principe, Secrets of Alchemy, 35. 50. Stapleton, Azoo, and H·usain, “Chemistry in Iraq and Persia,” 327. 51. Principe, Secrets of Alchemy.

52. Stapleton, Azoo, and H·usain, “Chemistry in Iraq and Persia,” Stapleton and Azoo,

“Alchemical Equipment.”

53. Principe, Secrets of Alchemy, chapter 2. 54. Stapleton, Azoo, and H·usain, “Chemistry in Iraq and Persia.”

55. For more on the Hermetic tradition, see Brian Copenhaver, Hermetica: The Greek Corpus Hermeticum and the Latin Asclepius (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Frances A. Yates, Giordano Bruno and the Hermetic Tradition (London: Routledge and

Notes to Pages 192–195

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Kegan Paul, 1964). For a history of the emerald table, see Didier Kahn, ed., La Table d’émeraude et sa tradition alchimique (Paris: Belles Lettres, 1994) and Pereira, “Heavens on Earth.” Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

56. Quoted in Gerald Joseph Gruman, A History of Ideas about the Prolongation of Life (New York: Springer, 2003), 100. 57. For key works on these figures, see Jeremiah Hackett, ed., Roger Bacon and the Sciences: Commemorative Essays (Leiden: Brill, 1997); Frances A. Yates, The Art of Memory (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1966); Yates, Llull and Bruno (London: Routledge, 1982); Yates, “The Art of Ramon Lull: An Approach to It through Lull’s Theory of the Elements,” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 17, no. 1/2 (1954): 115–73; and Joaquín Xirau, Vida y o bra de Ramón Llull: Filosofía y m ística (Mexico: Fondo de C ultura Económica, 2004). A number of alchemical works attributed to Llull, including the Testamentum discussed here, have been proven to be spurious. For these works, see Michela Pereira, The Alchemical Corpus Attributed to Raymond Lull (London: Warburg Institute, 1989); Pereira, “Medicine in the Alchemical Writings Attributed to Raimond Llull (14th–17th Centuries),” in Rattansi and Clericuzio, eds., Alchemy and Chemistry in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries, 1–16. For Rupescissa, see the work of Multhauf, Halleux, and Sherlock cited above, as well as Leah DeVun, Prophecy, Alchemy, and the End of Time: John of Rupescissa in the Late Middle Ages (New York: Columbia University Press. 2009). 58. Roger Bacon, The Cure of Old Age and Preservation of Youth, trans. Richard Browne (London: Printed for Tho. Flesher at the Angel and Crown, and Edward Evets, 1683), 17. He goes on to say, “And this is a Secret which our First Parents wholly kept secret, and to these our very times still remains secret.” See also William R. Newman, “An Overview of Roger Bacon’s Alchemy,” in Roger Bacon and the Sciences: Commemorative Essays, ed. Jeremiah Hacket (Leiden: Brill, 1997), 324–25; Newman, “The Philosophers’ Egg: Theory and Practice in the Alchemy of Roger Bacon,” Micrologus 3 (1995): 75–101; Bernard Joly, “Prolonger la vie: les attrayantes promesses des alchimistes,” Astérion 8 (2011);and Faye Marie Getz, “The Pharmaceutical Writings of Gilbertus Anglicus,” Pharmacy in History 34, no. 1 (1992): 17–25; and Getz, “To Prolong Life and Promote Health: Baconian Alchemy and Pharmacy in the English Learned Tradition,” in Health, Disease, and Healing in Medieval Culture, ed. Sheila Campbell (New York: St. Martin’s, 1991), 141–51. 59. Quote is from Bacon’s Opus maius, taken from Newman, “Overview of Roger Bacon’s Alchemy,” 332; and see Newman, “Philosophers’ Egg,” for more detail on the procedures for making the elixir. 60. Newman, “Overview of Roger Bacon’s Alchemy.” 61. It also appears that the concept of the elixir, originally a transmuting agent for the spirit or soul of the metal, became conflated with the spirit/soul of any material—­that the two came to mean the same thing and were also equated with the medicinal virtue. I believe that this is what happened, but the exact sequence needs to be studied further for full elucidation.

316

Notes to Pages 195–197

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62. Bacon, Cure of Old Age, 17–18, 19. 63. Mary Catharine Wellborn, “The Errors of the Doctors according to Friar Roger Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Bacon of the Minor Order” (translation), Isis 18, no. 1 (1932): 31–32; and Newman, “Overview of Roger Bacon’s Alchemy.” 64. Pseudo-­Geber, The Works of Geber, the Most Famous Arabian Prince and Philosopher of the Investigation and Perfection of The Philosophers Stone (London: William Cooper, 1686), 43. 65. Ramón Llull, Testamento, ed. prepared by Santiago Jubany I Closas and Núria García i Amat (Barcelona: Indigo, 2001), 8–11. The first manuscript first appeared in England but it is thought that it was probably a copy of the original Catalan version. 66. Llull, Testamento, 70. See also Pereira, “Heavens on Earth”; Eamon, “Masters of Fire”; and López Pérez and Rey Bueno, “Aguas destiladas y a guas alquímicas,” who all refer to Llull’s discussion of the quintessence, its significance for distillation, and its influence on subsequent authors, especially Rupescissa. 67. Llull, Testamento, 75. See Halleux, “Les ouvrages alchimiques de Jean de Roquetaillade,” 252–53, for further discussion of contemporary conceptualization of the quintessence as an Aristotelian fifth element. 68. Llull, Testamento, 356. 69. Halleux, “Les ouvrages alchimiques de Jean de Roquetaillade,” 253, also points out Jābir’s arguments in “Book of the Fifth Essence,” edited by Paul Kraus, that the fifth essence was the substrate of the four elements, an idea derived from the Pythagoreans; and that Roger Grosseteste, a m ajor influence on Bacon, had also stated that “tous les corps sont composés de 4 elements et d’une quinte essence, inalterable en soi, mais alterable une fois qu’elle est descendue dans les corps inferieurs.” Arnald de Villanova also equated the quinta esssentia to the elixir or lapis philosophicus. 70. Halleux, “Les ouvrages alchimiques de Jean de Roquetaillade,” 252; and DeVun, Prophecy, Alchemy, and the End of Time. 71. See Halleux, “Les ouvrages alchimiques de Jean de Roquetaillade,” 274–76. 72. Roquetaillade, La vertu et propriété de la quinte essence, 9–10. 73. Roquetaillade, La vertu et propriété de la quinte essence, 9, 12. 74. Roquetaillade, La vertu et propriété de la quinte essence, 38. 75. Roquetaillade, La vertu et propriété de la quinte essence, 20. 76. Roquetaillade, La vertu et propriété de la quinte essence, 16. 77. Roquetaillade, La vertu et propriété de la quinte essence, 38. 78. Roquetaillade, La vertu et propriété de la quinte essence, 38, and 41–42. 79. Roquetaillade, La vertu et propriété de la quinte essence, 56, 41–42. 80. On the universal remedies, see Michela Pereira, “Teorie dell’elixir nell’alchimia latina medieval,” Micrologus 3 (1995): 103–48; Chiara Crisciani and Michela Pereira, “Black Death and Golden Remedies: Some Remarks on Alchemy and the Plague,” in The Regulation of Notes to Pages 197–200

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Evil: Social and Cultural Attitudes to Epidemics in the Late Middle Ages, ed. Agostino Paravicini Bagliani and Francesco Santi (Florence: Sismel, 1998), 7–39; Chiara Crisciani and Copyright © 2021. University of Pittsburgh Press. All rights reserved. May not be reproduced in any form without permission from the publisher, except fair uses permitted under U.S. or applicable copyright law.

Michela Pereira, eds., L’arte del sole e della luna (Spoleto: Centro Italiano di Studi sull’Alto Medioevo, 1996); and Pereira, “Heavens on Earth,” 140–44. For some of Bacon’s remedies, both alchemical and traditional, see Wellborne, “On the Errors of the Doctors,” 45–54; and Newman, “Overview of Roger Bacon’s Alchemy,” and Getz, “To Prolong Life and Promote Health.” 81. Roquetaillade, La vertu et propriété de la quinte essence, 125, 129–31, 134, 140. 82. Esteban de Villa, Examen de boticarios (Burgos: Pedro de Huydobro, 1632), 9; advises apothecaries that they should read “De destilaciones, [libros de] muchos; pero los mas conocidos, Evonimo, Philip Ulstadio, Wuekherio, y en Romance Diego de Santiago.” See López Pérez and Rey Bueno, “Aguas destiladas y aguas alquímicas,” 162–67. I have also included Libavius here, even though he is not named in the Spanish sources, because he is such an important figure in the history and historiography, and because new medicines appear in his works. 83. I am indebted to López Pérez and Rey Bueno, “Aguas destiladas y aguas alquímicas,” which discusses the evolution of the idea of the quintessence and distilled waters through these writings. 84. Philippe Ulstadt, Le ciel des philosophes, ou sont contenuz les secretz de nature, comme l’homme se peut tenir en santé, longuement vivre (Paris: Vincent Gaultherot, 1550), 18. See also Edward R. Atkinson and Arthur H. Hughes, “The Coelum Philosophorum of Philipp Ulstad,” Journal of Chemical Education 16, no. 3 (1939): 103–7. 85. Hieronymus Brunschwig, Book of Distillation, facsimile of the English translation by Lawrence Andrew, London, ca. 1530, introduction by Harold J. Abrahams (New York: Johnson Reprint, 1971), 9. 86. Ulstadt, Le ciel des philosophes, 18; and Conrad Gesner and Evonyme Philiatre, Tresor des remedes secretz par Evonyme Philiatre, Livre physic, medical, alchymic, et dispensatif de toutes substantiales liqueurs, et appareil de vins de diverses saveur, necessaire à toutes gens, principalement à medicins, chirurigiens, et apothicaires (Lyon: Antoine Vincent, 1557), 129. 87. It must be emphasized that these are preliminary findings and I do not mean to indicate that these were the only, or even the first, texts to present these medicines, or that they appeared in exactly this order. Further research needs to be done in this area to determine more precise order and dates of appearance of these medicines. Taken as a whole, however, these texts demonstrate the overall development of the alchemical formulary over the course of the sixteenth century and into the seventeenth. 88. See De Vos, “Apothecaries, Artists, and Artisans,” 311;Robert P. Multhauf, Neptune’s Gift: A History of Common Salt (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1978); Mark Kurlansky, Salt: A World History (Toronto: Knopf Canada, 2011);and Levey, “Early History

318

Notes to Pages 200–205

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