Companion to Emblem Studies 9780404637200, 2007025831

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AMS STUDIES IN THE EMBLEM ISSN 0892 - 4201

COMPANION TO EMBLEM STUDIES edited by

Peter M. Daly

No. 20

COMPANION TO EMBLEM STUDIES

edited by Peter M. Daly ISBN-13: 978-0-404-63720-0

Maric Briot 72.

AMS

Press, Inc. New York

LIBRARY

CATALOGING-IN-PUBLICATION

OF CONGRESS

DATA

Companion to Emblem Studies / Edited by Peter M. Daly. p. cm. - (AMS studies in the emblem ; no. 20) Includes bibliographical references and

index.

ISBN 978-0-404-63720-0 (cloth : alk. paper)

1. Emblems—Themes, books—Bibliography.

PN56.E57C66 809’ .915—dc22

motives. 2. Emblem I. Daly, Peter M. (Peter Maurice)

2008

2007025831 CIP

CONTENTS Preface

1.

Emblems:

ix An Introduction

Peter M. Daly

McGill University, Montreal, Canada

Emblem Bibliography Stephen Rawles

University of Glasgow, Scotland

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

Peter M. Daly

43

McGill University, Montreal, Canada

Andrea Alciato, Pater et Princeps Denis L. Drysdall

79

The Jesuit Emblem

99

University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand

G. Richard Dimler, S.J.

Fordham University, New York, U.S.A.

The Neo-Latin Emblem: Humanist Learning, Classical Antiquity, and the Virtual “Wunderkammer” Karl A.E. Enenkel

129

University of Leiden, The Netherlands

All AMS books are printed on acid-free paper that meets the guidelines for

performance and durability of the Committee on Production Guidelines for Book Longevity of the Council on Library Resources.

Copyright © 2008 by AMS Press, Inc.

All rights reserved

AMS

Press, Inc.

Brooklyn, New York 11205-1005, U.S.A.

www.amspressinc.com in the

United

States

155

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

187

University of Pittsburgh, U.S.A.

Dietmar Peil

University of Munich, Germany

The Emblem in Hungary Eva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés

Brooklyn Navy Yard, 63 Flushing Avenue - Unit #221

Manufactured

The Emblem in France and French-Speaking Countries Daniel Russell

223

Budapest, Hungary

10. The /mpresa in the Italian Renaissance Liana De Girolami Cheney

251

14 The Emblem in the Low Countries

267

12. The Emblem in Poland

291

University of Massachusetts, Lowell, U.S.A.

of America

Els Stronks Utrecht University, The Netherlands

Janusz Pelc'

University of Warsaw, Poland

13. Emblem Books in Russia

309

Pedro F. Campa

University of Tennessee, Chattanooga, U.S.A.

14. The Emblem in Scandinavia Simon McKeown

323

15. The Emblem in Spain: History and Characteristics

347

King’s College School, London, England

Antonio Bernat Vistarini

Universitat de les Illes Balears, Palma de Mallorca, Spain

John T. Cull

College of the Holy Cross, Worcester, Massachusetts, U.S.A.

16. The Emblem in the United Kingdom and America Mary V. Silcox

369

McMaster University, Hamilton, Ontario, Canada

17. Emblematic Title Pages and Frontispieces: The Case of Early Modern England Karl Josef Holtgen

393

University of Erlangen-Niirnberg, Germany

18. The Emblem in Material Culture Peter M. Daly

411

19. The Emblem and Flags

457

McGill University, Montreal, Canada

Alan R. Young

Acadia University, Wolfville, Novia Scotia, Canada

20. The Emblem in Tournaments

Alan R. Young

477

Acadia University, Wolfville, Novia Scotia, Canada

21. The Nachleben of the Emblem in Some Modern Logos,

Advertisements, and Propaganda Peter M. Daly

489

McGill University, Montreal, Canada

Selective Bibliography for Further Reading Peter M. Daly

519

List of Illustrations

601

Nota Vitae

609

Index

617

This book is dedicated to the memory of the internationally known scholar Janusz Pelc, who died 9 May 2005. His essay “The Emblem in Poland” enriches this Companion.

The emblem reproduced on the cover and title page derives from Jean Boudoin’s Recueil d’emblemes divers . . . Seconde Partie. Paris: Iacques Villery, 1639, no. 60, p. 455. The design ultimately derives from Andrea Alciato’s Emblematum liber. Augsburg: Steyner, 1531, Blr, although the Paris editions of Alciato’s emblems are closer. See Wolfgang Hunger’s German version printed in Paris, 1542, no. 18, p. 52.

Preface This book is intended as a companion to emblem studies, and as an introduction to the large subject. It is concerned with the emblem itself, both in the print

and

material

cultures,

rather

than

with

the

purely

literature, which may, of course, exhibit qualities emblem.' But emblematic literature in this latter sense this book and therefore the bibliography, printed at the does not include such matters. I am grateful for permission to use in various material that appeared earlier in articles or essays.” It is a pleasure

to thank

the many

colleagues

verbal

arts

of

reminiscent of the is not the subject of end of this volume, places in this book

who

made

this book

possible. First and foremost my gratitude goes to the contributors, all acknowledged specialists in their fields, who found the time to write the essays. As editor, I gave them a free hand to organize their material in the manner that seemed to them most suitable, and many authors provided longer titles or subtitles. Many have chosen to discuss emblematic books in thematic groups; others have attempted to give a chronological overview. ' For an overview of the issues related to reading literature, poetry, prose, and drama, in the light of emblems, see Peter M. Daly, Literature in the Light of the Emblem: Structural Parallels between the Emblem and Literature in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. 1979. 2nd revised and expanded ed. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998. > I was able to use material from the following of my own essays: “The ‘Four Seasons’ Tapestries made for Sir John Tracy of Toddington.” In The Sudeleys—Lords of Toddington. Ed. Robert Smith. London: Manorial Society of Great Britain, 1987, 169189; “The Cultural Context of English Emblem Books.” In The English Emblem and the Continental Tradition. Ed. Peter M. Daly. New York: AMS Press, 1988, 1-60; “Alciato’s Emblem ‘Concordiae symbolum’: A Medusa’s Mirror for Rulers?” German Life and

Letters 41 (1988): 349-362; with Bari Hooper, “John Harvey’s Carved Mantle-Piece (ca. 1570): An Early Instance of the Use of Alciato Emblems in England.” In Andrea Alciato

and the Emblem Tradition: Essays in Honor of Virginia Woods Callahan. Ed. Peter M. Daly. New York: AMS Press, 1989, 177-204, rprt. Saffron Walden Historical Journal 3:6 (2003): 2-13; “Alciato’s ‘Spes proxima’ Emblem: General Allegory or Local Specificity?” Emblematica 9 (1995): 257-267; “The Place of the English Emblem Book in the Context of Continental Emblem Book Production.” In Anglo-Dutch Relations in the Field of the Emblem. Ed. Bart Westerweel. Leiden: Brill, 1997, 1-33; “Sixteenth-Century Emblems and Imprese as Indicators of Cultural Change.” In Allegory and Cultural Change. Ed. Jon Whitman. Leiden: Brill, 2000, 381-418.

Χ

Peter M. Daly

While I attempted to standardize punctuation, I allowed each author some leeway in matters of orthography. Readers will notice that many of the authors use British spelling. Each author provided footnotes, some of them bibliographic, that were deemed necessary for better understanding of the subject, which inevitably leads to the occasional repetition of bibliographic footnotes in this book. I have allowed a certain amount of this so that the intentions of each author are respected, and each essay is complete in itself and reader-friendly. Other essays direct readers to the bibliography at the end of this book for complete citation information. In their notes and bibliographies, some Europeans do not always provide the publisher’s name or the first names of authors, using only initials. This practice accounts for the occasional absence of such names in some footnotes and the bibliography appended to the end of this volume. Perhaps a word about the organization of the Companion will be useful. The emblem book was big business, especially in the early modern

period. At least 6,500 books with, or about, emblems were published in Neo-

Latin and the various vernacular languages from 1531 onwards. Statistics can, of course, be used to demonstrate anything. And the round number of 6,500 needs some explanation. It derives from the Union Catalogue of Emblem Books database,* which contains information on most known emblematic books, and that total was accurate on 28 October 2005. However, that total number includes the various printings and translations of a single work, and books that were reissued under a different cover title are listed as

many times as they were reprinted. It also includes titles of which we could

find no copy, but which are recorded in the standard bibliographies of Praz,

de Backer and Sommervogel, and Landwehr.

As far as language goes, books with Latin texts predominate. There were at least 2,844 of them. They were published in every country of Europe, and from the beginning of the seventeenth century especially by Jesuits. There were probably as many published in Hungary as elsewhere. The next largest group is made up of emblem books with German texts, at least 1,113 in number. Then comes the French group of some 811 books, followed by English with about 651, Italian with some 511, and Spanish with at least 301. These statistics also require some comment. Even deciding which “language” an emblem book belongs to is not always as simple as it * For an early description of the project, see Peter M. Daly, “The Union Catalogue of Emblem Books project and the Corpus Librorum Emblematum.” Emblematica 3 (1988): 121-133. On 20 December 2003, there were a total of 6,413 emblematic books listed in the database.

Preface

ΧΙ

might appear. Sometimes ἃ motto is in Latin, but the longer epigrams and

commentaries,

where present, are in a vernacular language.

In such a case

the book is assigned to the vernacular language, rather than to Latin. The numbers include polyglot works, which are listed as many times as the number of languages represented. Also the numbers are not written in stone; they will change somewhat as more titles and editions are discovered. It will be evident that it was impossible to discuss each and every emblem book ever published. The author of each essay made a selection of titles to discuss. Perhaps, not every specialist reader will agree with the selection. Latin texts are a case in point. Since they were published in all countries and number over 2,800, the selection was far from easy. Karl A.E. Enenkel chose to concentrate largely on the humanist production of the sixteenth century. The proverb tells us that there is more than one way to skin a cat. (My apologies to animal lovers. For what it is worth, I have two cats and a dog, who are cherished members

ways to organize the the publications of a report on emblems in can be said to be

of our household.) There are obviously several

information on emblems. One way is to draw together country printed in whatever language; another is to a given language, no matter where printed. No one way correct, and each method has its advantages and

disadvantages. Jesuit emblems would be lost as a group if all emblems were

arranged by language only, as would Neo-Latin emblems if all emblems were arranged solely by country. A glance at the beginnings of the genre will remind us that language is almost irrelevant as a category. Alciato was an Italian; his emblems were written in Latin but first published in Germany, illustrated with woodblocks produced by a German artist. The educated, who were still a minority in early modern Europe, were able to read more than their vernacular languages. Educated Scandinavians read German with ease, which may partly explain the dearth of Danish, Swedish, and Norwegian emblem books. Educated Hungarians, as other Europeans, could read Latin. I

have

production

elected

of emblems

to

combine

in different

approaches

countries,

by

and

concentrating

by

focusing

on

on

the

the

vernacular productions of each country. I do not have separate treatments of Denmark, Norway, Sweden, and the Baltic states since a volume appeared

recently that dealt with that region.* Most names of nation states are well

* See The Emblem in Scandinavia and the Baltic. Ed. Simon McKeown and R. Wade. Glasgow Emblem Studies, vol. 11. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies, The few emblematic books printed in Denmark, Norway, and Sweden tended translations of religious writers such as Herman Hugo, or they were political. It

Mara 2006. to be would

ΧΙ

Peter M. Daly

Preface

known, although their boundaries do change, but instead of trying to differentiate between Dutch and Belgian titles, 1 prefer to use the phrase “Low Countries.” Readers will look in vain for titles published in England and America. Instead I use the current names “United Kingdom” and “United States of America.” This approach by nation state and language is augmented by others that cut across national boundaries, which are themselves subject to change. These are the Neo-Latin emblem, the Jesuit emblem, and Andrea Alciato, who started it all. Bibliography, emblem theory, emblematically illustrated title pages and frontispieces, and emblems in the material culture are also important concerns that cut across national boundaries and languages, and they, too, are treated separately. The essay on emblematic title pages and frontispieces concentrates on the production in England. What Professor Hòltgen writes about English emblematic title pages will apply mutatis mutandis to the printed books in other cultures, all the more so, as some of the artists who created the emblematic title pages for English books were Continental artists working in England. A glance at the illustrated bibliographies of French emblem books by Alison Adams, Stephen Rawles, and Alison Saunders and the illustrated bibliographies by Peter M. Daly and G. Richard Dimler, S.J. on the publications in all languages by the Society of Jesus will illustrate the point. Those illustrated bibliographies will provide many more examples. Georg Philipp Harsd6rffer, an up-to-date and well informed writer in the midseventeenth century in Germany observed: “In these days almost no book can be sold without an engraved title, which presents to the reader its content not only through words but also through a picture.”* He was not exaggerating. Separate treatment is also accorded the various manifestations of the emblem and impresa in the material culture, which may range from architecture, both ephemeral and permanent, through paintings and weaponry to modest household furnishings. There are many more surviving instances than one might think, which will account for the length of that essay. Finally, some consideration is given to the survival of emblems and imprese in our

contemporary World of logos, advertisements, and propaganda. This Companion concludes with a Selective Bibliography for Further Reading organized for the most part according to the titles of the individual essays and incorporating many of bibliographic references in those individual essays. The reader will find, for example, a list of books and essays on the emblem in the Low Countries arranged alphabetically by author. Since some authors provided bibliographies of primary emblem books, these have also been included in the Selective Bibliography for Further Reading. They are of emblem books with Russian and Spanish texts. Perhaps one last observation may be allowed. Place names are given in their English equivalents (e.g., Lyons for Lyon, Munich for München, and

seem that most of the extant evidence is drawn from the material culture. The geographical area embraced by this book is huge, encompassing several nation states, as they are known today. The book fills a gap by concentrating on little known emblematic traditions, both in the print and material cultures. ° See Harsdérffer’s Frauenzimmer Gesprechspiele. Nuremberg, 1646, part 6, “Vorrede,” numbered paragraph 10: “Bey dieser Zeit, ist fast kein Buch verkaufflich / ohne einen Kupfertitel / welcher dem Leser desselben Inhalt nicht nur mit Worten / sondern auf mit einem Gemähl vorbildet.”

Cracow for Krak6w).

xiii

But for less well-known towns, that is less well known

to the average English reader, we often place in parentheses behind the modern place name the name as it was frequently printed in the Latin or vernacular texts of the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries.

Emblems:

An Introduction

PETER M. DALY McGill University, Montreal, Canada These days there is ἃ great deal of publication and conference! activity centering on the emblem. Much of that conference activity is reported in Emblematica

(New

York:

AMS

Press), the journal

founded

in 1986 that is

devoted entirely to emblem studies. This increase in scholarly presentations has also been matched by new publication outlets such as the journal Emblematica, several monographic series published by AMS Press, Brepols, Brill, and Glasgow University, and facsimile series published by Brepols, Brill, Olms, Scolar Press, and the University of Toronto Press.? A typical printed emblem combines a symbolic picture

sometimes more, brief texts.* The referred to as inscriptio, pictura, and labels that do not specify a particular In some emblem books the inscriptio the facing page; some emblems have

with

two,

motto, picture, and epigram are often subscriptio, which are the neutral Latin form or function for the part so named. is printed above the pictura, in others on a verse epigram as subscriptio, others

have a prose passage of any length. “Emblem” can be regarded as a mode of

thought, which combines pictured thing or word with meaning, and as an art form that combines visual image and text. To date, attempts to define the genre of illustrated books called emblem books have not been very successful.

' The renewed interest in the emblem may be seen in the increased numbers of papers presented to scholarly meetings, in the allocation of sessions to emblems at The International Medieval Congress at Western Michigan State University, at the Renaissance Society of America; in the regular international conferences of the Society for Emblem Studies (1987 in Glasgow, 1990 in Glasgow, 1993 in Pittsburgh, 1996 in Leuven, Belgium, 1999 in Munich, 2002 in La Coruña, Spain, 2005 in Urbana-Champaign, Illinois); and in many conferences and symposia held in such places as Chattanooga (Tennessee), Fordham University (New York), Glasgow, La Palma, Leiden, Leuven, Maryland, McGill University (Montreal), Minnesota, the Canadian Centre for Architecture (Montreal), Pittsburgh, Szeged (Hungary), and Wroclaw (Poland). >

AMS

Press (New York) has a series Studies in the Emblem,

with twenty titles;

Brepols publishes Imago Figurata, with twelve titles; Glasgow Emblem Studies has eight titles. These figures are from just three publishers active in emblem studies, and each publisher has more titles in preparation. In the following I draw in part upon previous publications, and I am indebted to various publishers for permission to use material.

2

Peter M. Daly

Emblems:

If definitions are too narrow they exclude too much; if they are too wide they embrace too much. There is also the problem of normative definitions that may exclude works considered emblematic by their creators. The term itself, and its various synonyms, have undergone mutations of meaning and use. The terms often differ from country to country, or language to language. For some the word “emblem” calls to mind badges of universities, schools, the armed services, coats-of-arms, and national symbols, which consist of a motto and symbolic picture. Such badges are the descendants of the emblem, survivors of a tradition of verbal and visual symbolism that was all-pervasive during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries in Europe. The first emblem book, entitled Emblematum liber, was published in 1531 by the noted Italian jurisconsult Andrea Alciato (also referred to as Alciat, Alciati, and Alciatus), and the most recent new emblem book in 1994

by Hugh Buchanan and Peter Davidson, The Eloquence of Shadows: A Book of Emblems. At least 6,500 books of, or about, emblems have been published in Neo-Latin and the various vernacular languages. The number includes the various printings and translations of a single work, and books that were reissued under a single and different cover title are listed as many times as they were printed, or reprinted. Obviously, it is difficult, if not impossible, to provide a definition or even description of the emblem. One example must suffice (Fig.

1). The emblem

combines texts and

symbolic graphics in a special way. The emblem picture is usually framed between motto and epigram. Typically, the emblem begins with an abstract statement of theme in the motto. Alciato’s Prometheus emblem bears the

abstract motto “Quae supra nos, nihil ad nos” [What is above us is no concern to us]. The picture embodies this abstract notion symbolically in a male figure attacked by an eagle. The knowing reader, then and now, will recognize the

figure as Prometheus even before reading the text beneath the picture. The Latin epigram, printed beneath the picture, relates briefly the situation:

Prometheus hangs eternally on the Caucasian rock, His liver is being shredded by the talon of the sacred bird. And he would wish not to have created man: despising potters, he renounces the spark enkindled from the stolen fire.‘ 4

+ Caucasia. aeternùm pedens in rupe Prometheus Diripitur sacri praepetis vngue iecur, Et nollet fecisse hominem: figulosq, perosus

An Introduction

3

That in all brevity explains why Prometheus suffers the eternal punishment of having his liver torn out by Zeus’s eagle; the liver grew again each night only to be ripped out anew each day by the eagle. Prometheus had aspired too high; he had vied with the gods by creating man and stealing divine fire for mortals. The concluding lines apply the meaning of this symbol in the human sphere, but not as a simple prohibition. We read: The hearts of wise men, who aspire to know the changes of heaven and the gods, are gnawed by various cares.” The message of this humanist emblem is addressed to “wise men” who aspire to know things supernatural and divine. We are told their quest is fraught with cares, and when we combine this final sentence with the firm statement in the motto—“What is above us, is of no concern to us” —recalling that Prometheus had been punished for betraying the secrets of the gods, then we are likely to conclude that the emblem as a whole suggests that even for wise men divine

mysteries should remain mysteries, and that there are some things humankind

is not supposed to know or do. The Prometheus emblem is characteristic insofar as a general moral is

enunciated in the motto, embodied in the picture through the fate of Prometheus, which in turn is elucidated in the epigram, and a general moral is affirmed. It is also characteristic of the emblem at its best that the three parts—motto, picture, and epigram—cooperate in communicating a complex notion, which is not fully contained in any one of the parts. Alciato’s Prometheus emblem draws its symbol from Greek and Roman tradition.

Another major source of emblem motifs is nature, as understood by medieval Christian tradition. Animals, plants, and stones—in fact all things— belong to a world that was understood as a mundus symbolicus—a symbolic world. All things were thought to bear significances, implanted in them by God at creation. Thus the chameleon could be regarded as signifying flattery,

because, so one believed, it fed on thin air and changed its color according to

its environment, taking on every hue except for red and white, the latter being the color of virtue and honesty. We are not surprised to find that Alciato has an emblem

«

5

(Fig. 2) with the motto

“In adulatores”

Accensam rapto damnat ab igne facem.” “Roduntur variis prudentum pectora curis, Qui coeli affectant scire, deumque vices.”

[On flatterers], which

4

Peter M. Daly

Emblems:

features the chameleon and draws on this information. Alciato is not inventing an equation between the chameleon and the concept flattery, but applying what were regarded as inherent qualities of the creature to moral concepts. This is an exercise not of private symbolism, but rather of public allegory. Shakespeare did something similar in Hamlet.° The Bible and Christian tradition also supplied the emblem with motifs, as did literary topoi and proverbs. Although writers were slow to press the emblem into the service of religion—forty years would elapse on the continent before Georgette de Montenay published what has been regarded as the first wholly Christian emblem book in 1571, although Stephen Bateman published his religious book in London in 1569—the Jesuits used the new form in hundreds of books and pamphlets, published in Latin and all the vernacular languages of Europe. Members of the Society of Jesus produced at least 1,500 editions of emblematic books, most illustrated, but some unillustrated.’ That represents Over a quarter all known books of imprese and emblems. Jesuits produced more books than any other identifiable group. The Society of Jesus published works by

named priests, as well as works, which do not name the author on the title page;

the various Jesuit colleges and occasionally provinces also published works. The emblem did not come from nowhere, even if the first printed books of emblems, those of Andrea Alciato, can be dated to 1531. In Literature in the

Light of the Emblem (2nd ed. 1998), I attempted to review what I consider the

most important forerunners of the emblem, and the literature on the subject of the relation of the emblem to the many other forms which, like tributaries, fed the mainstream of the emblem. Emblems incorporated ideas and materials from the Greek epigram, classical mythology and history, renaissance collections of loci communes, the Tabula Cebetis [The Tablet of Cebes], Egyptian and Renaissance hieroglyphics, imprese, commemorative medals, heraldry, medieval nature symbolism, and Bible exegesis. The emblematists of the sixteenth and $

See Peter M.

Daly,

“Hamlet’s Chameleon and Capon,

and Leartes’s Pelican:

Politics and Self-Fashioning through Emblematic Argument in Hamlet.” In Ars et Amicitia - . . Festschrift für Martin Bircher zum 60. Geburtstag am 3. Juni 1998. Chloe. Beihefte zum Daphnis. Amsterdam: Rodopi, 1998, 87-97. An illustrated bibliography of Jesuit emblem books is appearing under the title The Jesuit Series, edited by Peter M. Daly and G. Richard Dimler, S.J. The series is part of the Corpus Librorum Emblematum and is now published by the University of Toronto Press. Parts 1 to 4 have already appeared, Part 5 is in press, and one more is planned, which will complete the bibliographic listing of emblematic books printed by Jesuits.

An Introduction

5

seventeenth centuries drew upon these materials in different degrees, and their prefaces do not always adequately account for their actual practices. The function of the emblem is didactic in the broadest sense: it was intended to convey knowledge and truth in a brief and compelling form that will persuade the reader and imprint itself on memory. In this process the choice of picture symbol is essential, since it embodies the meaning of the emblem. But who was responsible for the picture? Alciato evidently did not provide pictures or describe them. In the vast majority of cases we simply do not know whether the writer designed his pictures or described in words his

pictures for the artist or printer. In the case of Alciato’s first translator into German we think that we know. Wolfgang Hunger says in his preface that the Paris publisher,

Wechel,

asked him

“to describe fully for the artist, who

would have insufficient knowledge, the picture which would express as exactly and elegantly as possible the meaning and implication of the Latin verse . . . so I made the descriptions of the pictures. . . .”$ “Emblem” originally meant mosaic, insert or inlay, and it is no coin-

cidence that individual emblems make miniature statements that are complete

in themselves. Emblems are closely related to popular collections of sayings

and epigrams, florilegia, and loci communes. In fact, emblems often derived from such collections, and then later in turn emblems were plundered for commonplace books, and used in various ways in schools. From the very beginning, emblems were printed in books containing scores, even hundreds, of discrete and usually unrelated statements. Only from the end of the sixteenth century do specialized emblem books on religion, love,

stoicism, political statecraft, princely power, and achievements begin to appear. Sixteenth-century treatises reveal a confusing use of terms, but the more personalized function and two-part form of the impresa clearly distin-

guish it from the more general application of the three-part emblem. The impresa, which comprises an image and a brief motto, is the personal badge of an aristocratic or powerful bourgeois personage or a group belonging, for example, to an academy. It makes a personal statement, and is an aspect of self-fashioning or self-representation. Initially, symbolic statements inscribed on objects, i.e., belonging to the material culture rather than the print culture, * The translation is by Denis ut vertam, & pictori idiotae fusiùs venutissimè Latini carminis sensum quiequid erat reliquium Emblematum

L. Drysdall and the Latin reads: “Eum quoque rogat describam eas imagines, quae quam proximé & vimque exprimant . . . & imagines deliniavi, & tumultuariè absolvi. . . .”

6

Peter M. Daly

Emblems:

such imprese were intended to be “read.” The picture motif carried symbolic, that is, verbal significance, related to the bearer. Hence the occasional relation to heraldry.” Some imprese, such as tournament imprese at the Accession Day tilts in Elizabethan London, were unique and particular to the event. In other words, they can only be interpreted when we know exactly who used the impresa on which occasion, and what the circumstances were. Other imprese became permanent badges of the person. The special meaning(s) of the motif were thus appropriated by the wearer. Originally, imprese were a part of the material culture rather than the print culture. Often worn by aristocrats on their clothing, as in the “Portrait of a Courtier” by Bartolomeo Veneto (reproduced in Praz, Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery [Rome, 1975], facing p. 8), imprese could take many forms, jewelry and broaches being the more obvious. Elizabeth I possessed several pieces that we know of. Her phoenix jewel has her profile on one side, while the obverse depicts the mythical bird in the flames, which had always signified uniqueness and solitariness. Elizabeth’s pelican jewel is now

only known from the famous pelican portrait, !! but the pelican-in-her-piety, 2

as the motif is known to students of art history in English, associated the queen not only with the divine right of kings, but also with Christ. The good monarch lives something of an imitatio Christi. Imprese also often adorned armor worn by man and horse, playing a symbolically significant role in jousts and tournaments. 13 We are not surprised * See Pedro F. Campa, “The Space between Heraldry and the Emblem: The Case for Spain.” In Emblem Scholarship: Directions and Developments. A Tribute to Gabriel Horn-

stein. Ed. Peter M. Daly. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 5. Turnhout: Brepols, 2005, 51-82. See Alan R. Young, The English Tournament Imprese. New York: AMS Press,

1988, and his essay “The English Tournament Imprese.” In The English Emblem and the Continental Tradition. Ed. Peter M. Daly. New York: AMS Press, 1988, 61-81. See also Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments. London: George Philip, 1987.

‘’ See Peter M. Daly, “The Cultural Context of English Emblem Books.” In The

English Emblem and the Continental Tradition. Ed. Peter M. Daly. New Press, 1988, fig. 23: The pelican jewel, a detail from the Pelican Portrait. '

See

Peter

M.

Daly,

“The

Pelican-in-Her-Piety.”

In

Emblem

York: AMS

Scholarship:

Directions and Developments. A Tribute to Gabriel Hornstein. Ed. Peter M. Daly. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 5. Turnhout: Brepols, 2005, 83-108. 8 See Young, English Tournament Imprese, 1988, fig. 4: Knights jousting. The heraldic signs on the horse bards identify the knights as Robert and Ambrose Dudley (ragged staff), William Howard (lion), and possibly the Earl of Sussex (star). Each knight’s impresa shield is depicted above him.

An Introduction

7

to find imprese in Shakespeare’s later play Pericles, where six knights appear

at the (1.11). world. create

lists, each presenting the Princess with a shield bearing an impresa Shakespeare is here drawing upon a common practice in his real We know that in 1613 Shakespeare was paid 44 shillings in gold to a tournament impresa for the Earl of Rutland. The Accession Day tilts in Elizabeth I’s England were an important spectacle and an aspect of what we would call today public relations. Alan R. Young has shown that over 800 tournament imprese are known to have been created in England alone up to the year 1611 for royal entertainments. A famous impresa portrait by Nicolas Hilliard shows the Earl of Cumberland, dressed for a tournament, and holding a tournament lance. Behind him on a tree hangs his impresa shield depicting sun, moon, and earth, and accompanied by the motto “Hasta quan[do]” [The spear until such time as]. '* The somewhat riddling motto, which as was often the case in an impresa makes an incomplete statement, is explained by the shield with its visual motifs. As the Queen’s champion Cumberland pledges to carry his lance (hasta) into the lists as long as sun, moon, and earth exist.

Many paintings and portraits of the early modern period were made the more significant through the addition of motifs and mottos from the tradition of the emblem and impresa. Some of the portraits of Queen Elizabeth I, as well as those of some of her favorites and courtiers, contain such mottos. Elizabeth’s ermine and rainbow portraits are briefly discussed and reproduced in color in David Cecil’s The Cecils of Hatfield House. An English Ruling Family (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1978). Elizabeth’s rainbow portrait bears the motto

“Non

sine sole Iris”

[No Iris (rainbow)

without the sun].

The

mosaic portrait of Robert Cecil, First Earl of Salisbury, dated 1608, also reproduced in color in David Cecil’s book, bears his impresa-like motto “Sero

sed serio” [Late but serious].

Emblems and imprese will also be discovered, or perhaps one should say rediscovered, on the flags'° and seals of some counties, provinces and states, schools and universities, not to speak of nation states. And then there were the flags and cornets created during the English Civil Wars. Mention should be made here of the important work done by Alan R. Young, which takes the form of a large documentation of emblematic flags created during '* The portrait is reproduced in Young, English Tournament Imprese, fig. 8.

5 See the essay in this volume on flags by Alan R. Young.

8

Emblems:

Peter M. Daly

the Civil Wars in England (1642-1660).

This will show again that far from

being merely a symbolic device for jousting gentlemen and lovers, imprese were being designed as part of the propaganda war in England between the parliamentarians and royalists. The propagandistic use of symbolic images and brief texts also played a role in both world wars of the twentieth century, and in Quebec’s attempt at secession from Canada at the end of the twentieth

century.”

It is now recognized that many products of the material culture including garments, armor and jewelry, embroidery and tapestry, carving in stone and wood, stained glass, paintings and portraits, wall and ceiling decorations, even tombstones were often embellished with significant decorations deriving

from the emblem tradition. !8

Much has been accomplished in emblem studies in the last forty or so years. Formerly an unclaimed interdisciplinary territory straddling literature and the visual arts, the emblem is currently being rediscovered and remapped. But much remains to be done. Modern perspectives from semiotics, the sociology of production and reception, and from communications theory, are being applied to the emblem in an attempt to arrive at a better understanding

of the role of the emblem

in its society, and of the interaction between

emblems proper and other cultural forms. It is also likely that advances in our

knowledge of the emblem will increase our understanding of other semiotic structures by providing a diachronic register of the mutations of particular signs and symbols. The emblematic mode helped shape the print and material cultures of Europe of the sixteenth to eighteenth centuries. A number of scholars have

'° The collection appeared as vol. 3 of The English Emblem Tradition. Toronto:

University of Toronto Press, 1995.

‘7 See Peter M. Daly, “The Nachleben of the Emblem: Emblematic Structures in

Modern Advertising and Propaganda.” In Polyvalenz und Multifunktionalität der Emblematik. Akten des 5. Internationalen Kongresses der Society for Emblem Studies. Ed. jase Harms and Dietmar Peil with Michael Waltenberger. Bern: Peter Lang: 2002, !8 For a brief overview of the situation in England, see Peter M. Daly, “The Cultural Context of English Emblem Books.” In The English Emblem and the Continental Tradition. Ed. Peter M. Daly. New York: AMS Press, 1988, 1-60.

An Introduction

9

shown how emblematic modes will be discovered in some title pages’? and frontispieces,? and also in some printers’ and publishers’ devices.”! As far as the material culture is concerned, veritable emblem programs

adorn the walls and ceilings of many buildings in Europe and South America erected from the sixteenth to the nineteenth centuries. To literary historians emblem books are the most widely known manifestation of this allegorical mode, but for historians of art and architecture the use of emblem and impresa in the material culture may be even more important. In terms of reception, buildings may have been more influential than books. A seventeenth-century example from Nuremberg may serve as an instance. The council room of the townhall was decorated with a series of emblematic paintings, and these were recorded in a book entitled Emblematica politica, printed in Nuremberg in 1617 and 1640. Whereas the book was probably issued in only 200 or 300 copies, hundreds, perhaps thousands of persons visited the Nuremberg townhall where these political emblems adorned the walls of the council room. As people waited there for 19 See especially Alfred Forbes Johnson’s A Catalogue of Engraved and Etched English Title-Pages down to the Death of William Faithorne, 1691. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1934.

2 See Margery Corbett, and R.W. Lightbown, The Comely Frontispiece. The

Emblematic Title-Page in England, 1550-1650. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979; Karl Josef Héltgen, “Emblematic Title-Pages and Brasses.” In his Aspects of the Emblem. Studies in the English Emblem Tradition and the European Context. Kassel: Edition Reichenberger,

1986,

91-140;

Dietmar

them

Quarterly 48 (1978):

Peil,

“Architectural

Motifs

as

Significant

or

Decorative Elements in Emblems and Frontispieces.” In The Emblem and Architecture: Studies in Applied Emblematics from the Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries. Ed. Peter M. Daly with Hans J. Boker. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 2. Turnhout: Brepols, 1999, 209229. 21 See Ronald B. McKerrow, Printers’ and Publishers’ Devices in England and Scotland, 1485-1640. London: Bibliographic Society, 1949; P. van Huisstede and J.P.J. Brandhorst, Dutch Printer’s Devices. 15th-17th Century. A Catalogue. Nieuwkoop: De Graaf Publishers, 1999 (accompanied by a CD-ROM); Anja Wolkenauer, “Zu schwer für Apoll.” Die Antike in humanistischen Druckerzeichen des 16. Jahrhunderts. Wolfenbütteler Schriften zur Geschichte des Buchwesens, vol. 35. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2002. The Library Quarterly has also published a series of short essays devoted to the individual devices of many English and Continental printers. From 1931 to 1975 the journal published 176 printers’ marks, and John L. Sharpe III produced an alphabetical index to in Library

studies of European printers’ devices.

40-59.

The

index concludes

with a useful list of

10

Peter M. Daly

Emblems:

appointments with officials and judges they doubtless pondered the emblematic decorations which represent the social and political program of the governing oligarchy. Probably many more persons contemplated the decorations in the building than read the book. South Germany, Austria, and Switzerland have churches and chapels that have important emblematic programs. England and Scotland also have examples that have survived to the present day, sometimes now in museums, sometimes in their original sites. In the early modern period, imprese and impresa-like structures also frequently adorned buildings, and could express a territorial claim or make a statement of importance to the patron. One example must suffice: the salamander of François I of France. It should perhaps be stressed that a royal impresa, such as the salamander, could appear alone, i.e., without any motto or text, and still be recognizable as an impresa. Architecture tended to be embellished emblematically with two-part structures, i.e., lacking the third part of the printed emblem, the subscriptio or epigram, and buildings could also be adorned with reference to imprese by motif alone, dispensing with the textual

component. It was also not uncommon in France for architectural reference to

the king to be made by means of the initial letter of the king’s name.

By the end of the Middle Ages, members of the French royal family

and certain nobles had their own devices and mottos. The device of Louis XII

(1462-1515) was the porcupine with the motto “Cominus ac Eminus” or “De près et de loin” [From near and from far]. Even before becoming king of

France, François d’Angouléme had the salamander as his device. The medal struck to commemorate François’s tenth birthday shows on one side the salamander amidst flames with the motto “Notrisco al buono, stingo el reo”

[I

feed on the good and extinguish the bad]. According to a tradition going back to Aristotle, the salamander was believed to extinguish fire while also able to live in it. Once adopted as a device, the attributes of the salamander, which included wisdom, sincerity, and endurance, were claimed by its bearer. The salamander became the most recognizable device of Francois d’ Angoulême, later king of France. This device was not newly created, but inherited from his father Charles, count of Angouléme. It is also thought to have been used during festivities in 1461 by Francois’s grandfather Jean d’ Angouléme.”

:

Ξ R.J.

University Press,

Knecht, 1994,

Renaissance

11.

Warrior and Patron.

Cambridge:

Cambridge

An Introduction

11

After François’s ascendancy to the throne, the salamander appears on royal residences and churches throughout his domains.” The north transept of the cathedral of Notre-Dame at Senlis in France was decorated with the salamander, the royal initial, and imperial crown. These latter, while no longer present, are still visible in outline. Such unmistakable references to the monarch reappear in the interior. The

exterior and

interior of the chateau

at Chambord

(1519-1547)

contain the royal initial and the salamander. The alternate coffers of the ceiling bear the salamander, which can be read as an impresa without its motto. The crown above the salamander indicates the monarch. At Beauvais cathedral, the “F” of Frangois I can be seen flanking the north transept portal together with the salamander. Not only architecture but also more humble objects in everyday use, such as cabinets and cupboards, drinking glasses and trenchers, could be enhanced with emblems. Michael Bath has shown how some trenchers were decorated with emblematic designs.* Many, in fact most, examples of such

emblematic decorations are now lost. We need only recall how often we ourselves have repainted rooms and stripped off wallpaper, as tastes change. Alciato’s Ocnus motif, albeit with a different meaning, had appeared early in Elizabethan England in the material culture where it is encoded with a decidedly entrepreneurial significance. John Harvey, father of the scholar and poet Gabriel Harvey, was a successful yeoman farmer, rope-maker, and business man in Saffron Walden, Essex. Sometime around 1570 he had his 3 royaume, règne de inclusion restricted

According to Anne-Marie Lecog (1975): “L’animal s’est répandu par tout le et il n’est pas un chateau, pas une maison bourgeoise, pas une église bâtie sous le ce Roi qui n’en comporte au moins un exemplaire.” Sawkins finds Lecoq’s of bourgeois residences doubtful since the appearance of royal devices was to royalty and prominent members of the nobility including the king’s ministers

of finance.

The

chateaux,

Azay-le-Rideau

(1518-1527)

and

Chenonceau

(1513-1521),

which display the impresa of the king were commissioned, respectively, by Gilles Berthelot and Thomas Bohier, both conseilleurs des finances. Similarly, the salamander is a sign of

fealty to the king on the chateau at Nantouillet (1515-1535) built for Antoine Duprat,

chancellor of France and first councillor of the king, and on the chateau at Sarcus, Oise, rebuilt 1520-1523, for Jean de Sarcus, maîtres d'hôtel, uncle of Anne de Pisseleu, Duchess

of Estampes and mistress of Frangois I. 4 See Michael Bath, “Emblems from Alciato in Jacobean Trencher Decorations. ἢ Emblematica 8 (1994): 359-370; Bath and Malcolm Jones, “Emblems and Trencher Decorations: Further Examples.” Emblematica 10 (1996): 205-210.

12

fireplace in the parlor of his townhouse decorated with a large mantelpiece (see Daly and Hooper). The emblematic decoration is based on three of Alciato’s emblems, which receive new mottos. Ocnus the rope-maker is centered, flanked by an ass eating thistles and ἃ beehive. The emblematic program celebrates the new capitalist virtues of labor and effort. À burdened ass eats thistles with the motto “Aliis non nobis” [For others not for ourselves]; centered is Ocnus making rope, which is destroyed by an ass with the

motto “Nec aliis nec nobis” [Neither for others nor for ourselves]; bees return to the hive with the motto “Aliis et nobis” [For others and ourselves]. The

three panels make a statement about labor and reward, moving from the negative to the positive. Alciato’s emblems have been re-encoded to make an economic and moral statement about labor and profit. This notion is then encapsulated in a motto that literally underlines the three panels, i.e., is written beneath the three emblems. Emendated it reads “Nostrae placentae sunt labor” [Our cakes are our labor], i.e., our labor brings its own rewards.

Alciato’s warning about spendthrift wives or harlots in the original book emblem is re-encoded as a celebration of mercantile entrepreneurialism. On the Iberian Peninsula and in South America, Jesuit emblem books

have been the basis for decorative programs. Santiago Sebastian” has studied

in detail the iconographical program of the Sanctuary of Our Lady of Victory in Malaga, where some of the decorative and architectural elements were inspired by emblems from Hugo’s Pia desideria and St. Ignatius’s Spiritual Exercises. Rafael Garcia Mahiques has researched the decorative program of the Monastery of Santa Catalina de Arequipa in Viceregal Pert.”° Located in the Cloister of the Oranges, it comprises a set of twenty-four paintings from the eighteenth century, depicting the journey of the soul, deriving largely from Hugo’s book and from van Haeften’s Schola cordis. The author believes

that there is enough evidence to conclude that the paintings in the monastery were inspired directly from Pedro Salas’s version of Pia desideria and not from the original engravings in Hugo’s Latin edition. Jesuit emblematic images also decorate some Scandinavian Protestant churches. a pea

ou :

Emblems:

Peter M. Daly

25

+4 : è è Sebastian Santiago, “El Pia Desideria de Herman Hugo y el Santuario de la = = τῶν νη ensayo de lectura.” Boletin de arte (Universidad de Malaga) 2

9-30. pr Seeace also

Sebastian Santiago, g ontrareforma y barroco. Madrid: Cont id: Alianza Ali

j * Rafael Garcia ‘ Mahi ques, “Gemi “Gemidos, deseos y suspiros. i El programa mistico de Santa Catalina de Arequipa.” Boletin del Museo e Instituto Camôn Aznar 48-49 (1992): 83-113.

An Introduction

13

Scholars in different disciplines now recognize the emblem as an important expression of the cultural life of the Renaissance and the Baroque, reflecting a panoply of interests, ranging from war to love, from religion to philosophy and politics, from the sciences to the occult, from social mores to encyclopedic knowledge, and from serious speculation to entertainment. Poets and preachers, writers and dramatists frequently employed emblems and emblem-like structures in speeches, sermons, and conversations as well as in written texts. Emblems and imprese were also used in the significant decoration of buildings; they helped to shape virtually every form of verbal and visual communication during the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. The nineteenth century paid virtually no critical attention to emblems, thus their important role in earlier cultures was largely ignored. It is only in the last thirty or forty years with the advent of interdisciplinary approaches that this bi-medial form has been accorded its due of attention. The book is the primary medium through which the emblematic combination of text and picture was disseminated. A mode of symbolic communication, the emblem is today a subject of interdisciplinary study embracing the Neo-Latin and vernacular literatures, the visual arts, and the material culture. The books themselves have become rare, scattered throughout the world’s libraries. As I have observed in several places, most printed emblem and impresa literature can be divided into five main groups: illustrated emblem books in the strict sense, i.e., the tight three-part 1. form associated with name Andrea Alciato; unillustrated collections of emblems or imprese, where the graphic 2. element is replaced with a verbal description, e.g., Andrew Willet, or some editions of Henricus Engelgrave Lux evangelica, some of which 3. 4. 5.

are illustrated (Antwerp,

1654), others not (Mainz,

1661);

expanded forms, e.g., Jan Van der Noot, who adds ἃ book-length prose commentary to his collection of emblems, or Henry Hawkins, who employs a complex nine-part structure; emblematically illustrated works such as devotions and meditations, where the plate becomes an integral if minor part, e.g., Jeremias Drexel; theoretical discussions of emblem and impresa, which may also be contained in poetological works, and which provide many examples of actual imprese, e.g., Paolo Giovio, Dominique Bouhours, and Henri Estienne.

Peter M. Daly

Emblems:

Rendering the corpus of emblematic books accessible for modern readers remains the greatest single challenge facing international scholarship. This is being accomplished in several ways: through the publication of individual editions usually in facsimile; through the creation of indexes: through the provision of microforms; and most recently through the creation of digital editions, which, hopefully, do more than scan the original pages. i In addition to the IDC microforms and the handful of reprints or facsimile editions, there are several important individual publications Mention Should be made of Klaus Conermann’s substantial three volumes dedicated to the German literary society “Die Fruchtbringende Gesell-

schaft,

and the Italian imprese collection Le Pale della Crusca.”® A further

contribution to impresa studies is Alan Young’s edition of 521 English tournament imprese,” and Alan Young’s large documentation of emblematic

flags and cornets created during the Civil Wars in England. *°

l The handbooks and indexes include Arthur Henkel’s and Albrecht Schône’s, Emblemata. Handbuch zur Sinnbildkunst des XVI. und XVII Jahr-

hunderts (Stuttgart: Metzler, 1967, 2nd ed. 1976) and Huston Diehl’s an Index

of Icons

in English

Emblem

Books,

1500-1700

(Norman

and

London:

University of Oklahoma Press, 1986). Unfortunately, Diehl’s /ndex is based

on Rosemary Freeman’s bibliography, which seriously compromises Diehl’s claim to completeness.*! The Index Emblematicus Series started with two

volumes devoted to Alciato” and continued with five on the English Emblem Tradition.*’ Antonio Bernat Vistarini and John T. Cull published the 27

~ Der Fruchtbringenden ‘ I Gesellschaft gedffneter Erzschrein.i gedf Das Kôthener Gesellschafisbuch Fürst Ludwigs I. von Anhalt-Kôthen 1617-1650. Ed. Klaus Conermann 3 vols. Weinheim: Verlag Acta humaniora, 1985. | Fa 28 Le Pale della Crusca. Cultura e simbologia. Ed. Roberto Paolo Ciardi and Lucia Fongiori Tomasi. Florence: Presso I’ Accademia, 1983. ie ‘ dSe? bee R. Young, The English Tournament Imprese. New York: AMS Press, . ; an se The English Tournament Imprese.” In The English Emblem and the ne Tradition. Ed. Peter M. Daly. New York: AMS Press, 1988, 61-81. See also Sans, ΤΟΥ and Jacobean Tournaments. London: George Philip, 1987. ΤῊ ae appeared as vol. 3 of The English Emblem Tradition _ see the reviews by Alan R. Young. Emblematica 2 (1987): 203:

Mary silcox, MRDE 6

(1993): 287-289.

(1937

2002

a

! * Peter M. Daly with Virginia V W. ; Callahan and Paola Valeri-Tomaszuk, assisted b i Slr(l;oLq CEE. Index Emblematicus: Andreas Alciatus. Volume 1: The Latin Emblems. nr an ΜΙ ; Volume I: Emblems in Translation. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1985. Also published by the University of Toronto Press. j

An Introduction

Enciclopedia des Emblemas Españoles Ilustrados (Madrid: Akal,

15

1999), an

illustrated index to the icons and mottos in Spanish emblems. There are several large microform collections that also contain emblem books. The largest is the IDC microfiche emblem project,** already mentioned. Then there are also the microfilm collections of Curt von Faber

du Faur,* Harold Janz,* and Early English Books,*’ which contain many emblem books.

I was surprised to find so many web sites with emblems.* Since developments in digital editions are likely to be quick in coming—but readers #

IDC (Inter Documentation Company [Leiden, The Netherlands]) has an ongoing

project to provide all emblem books on microfiche. 35. Curt von Faber du Faur’s microfilm series is known as German Baroque Literature: Yale Collection. New Haven: Research Publications, Inc. The catalogue is entitled German Baroque Literature: A Catalogue of the Collection in the Yale University Library. 2 vols. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1958 and 1969. Microfilm reel numbers are given in Bibliography-Index to the Microfilm Edition of the Yale University Library Collection of German Baroque Literature. New Haven: Research Publications, Inc., 1971. 36 The microfilm collection is known as German Baroque Literature: Harold Janz Collection. New Haven: Research Publications, Inc. The printed catalogue with reel numbers is entitled German Baroque Literature: A Descriptive Catalogue of the Collection of Harold Janz and a Guide to the Collection on Microfilm. 2 vols. New Haven: Research Publications, Inc., 1974. 7 Early English Books 1475-1640. A series of microfilms published by University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan. Early English Books 1641-1700. A series of microfilms published by University Microfilms, Ann Arbor, Michigan. There are also the following microfilm collections: German Books Before 1601 French Books Before 1601 Italian Books Before 1601 Books Printed in the Low Countries Before 1601 French Books 1601-1700 Italian Books 1601-1700 Hispanic Culture (15th-1 7th Centuries)

published by General Microfilm Company, Cambridge, Massachusetts. Finally, there is the Vatican Library Collection: Microfilms of Rare and Out-of-Print Books in the Vatican Library. List no. 38, Renaissance Literature: Emblem Books, Formularies, Dictionaries, Mythologies. These are available through interlibrary loan in North America from Saint Louis University (The Pius XII Memorial Library: Vatican Film Library). # See Peter M. Daly, Digitizing the European Emblem. New York: AMS Press, 2002.

16

Peter M. Daly

Emblems:

need to know what is planned—I included in my book on digitizing emblems several projects that have announced an intention to scan certain emblem books. Digitization is the latest technology which can render more accessible emblematic books. What “accessible” means is another question. A couple of decades ago microforms were being used for a similar purpose. One of the greatest differences between the two forms of technology lies in the initiative behind the enterprises, and in a sense, in the ownership of the results. Whereas publishing firms such as IDC took the initiative to make microfiches of many emblem books and sold the resulting products, it seems to have been individual scholars or small teams of scholars rather than companies who have taken the lead in digitizing emblems, especially when they take the form of online editions. This is likely to change again as publishing companies recognize the value of digital versions. CD-ROM rather than internet versions are more likely to interest firms driven by economic considerations. But some scholars also find CD-ROM distribution a valuable alternative. Perhaps the most important difference between print or microform editions and online or CD-ROM editions lies in the simple fact that editions in print and microform are static and fixed, whereas online and CD-ROM versions can be updated. It costs too much to reprint the small run emblem edition when improvements

could subsequently be made. On the other hand, online or CD-ROM

editions

can be improved and updated at no or little cost to the user. There are a number of large-scale digitizing projects underway: two in Spain, two in Germany,

two in the U.S., two in The Netherlands,

publisher.

of emblematic

one in

Canada, one in Hungary, and one is being planned in Glasgow with an Italian The

number

books

that are,

or will

become

available in digital form is impressive. By my count in 2002, the number of individual titles was 574, which includes different editions and translations of the same work. There is also considerable duplication. No less than 55 of these titles will be digitized twice, 27 three times, and 7 four times. ; Digitizing projects should ultimately include not only emblem books with the three-part form associated with the name of Andrea Alciato, but also imprese, collections of prose and poetry in which emblematic plates form an integral part, and unillustrated collections of emblems and imprese. : Until the recent increase in digitizing emblem books scholars had few choices. They could use microforms, the very few available reprints, or they could travel many hundreds or thousands of miles to the libraries, which possess copies of the originals.

17

An Introduction

Although the emblem is becoming increasingly important in the study of Renaissance and Baroque culture, research is still hampered by the relative inaccessibility of the emblem books themselves. The books may have become rare, but, as was already indicated, there are several large microform collections containing emblem books, and digitizing projects are underway. There have also been important developments in bibliography. In addition to Green’s unsurpassed bibliography of Alciato editions, and Praz’s pioneering publication, we now have recent bibliographies of Dutch-

Flemish,*® French,’ Spanish,*! and Jesuit** emblem books. G. Richard Dimler,

S.J.

published

a short-title listing of Jesuit emblem

books

in

Emblematica® and Daly and Mary Silcox published a similar short-title listing

of English emblem books printed up to 1900 also in Emblematica.“ In addition to such general bibliographies as those of Adams et al., Campa, Landwehr, and Praz there are also invaluable library catalogues. Doubtless

the most famous is the short-title list of the holdings of the Stirling Maxwell Collection in Glasgow University Library. The updated list prepared by David Weston was published in 1988.*° Then there is the collection of nearly 800 emblem books in the Herzog August Bibliothek in Wolfenbiittel, Germany; a 39. John Landwehr, Dutch Emblem Books: A Bibliography. Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1962; and Emblem and Fable Books Printed in the Low Countries 1542-1813: A Bibliography. Utrecht: HES Publishers, 1988.

4 See Alison Adams, Stephen Rawles, and Alison Saunders, A Bibliography of

French Emblem Books of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Vol. 1, A-K. Geneva: Droz, 1999; and their A Bibliography of French Emblem Books of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Vol. 2: L-Z. Geneva: Droz, 2002. 41 Pedro F. Campa, Emblematica Hispanica. An Annotated Bibliography of Spanish Emblem Literature to the Year 1700. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1990. Campa published corrections and additions in his “Emblemata Hispanica Addenda et Corrigenda.”

Emblematica 11 (2001): 327-376. 2 See Peter M. Daly and G. Richard Dimler, S.J., The Jesuit Series, Part One: AD-E. D. Montreal: McGill-Queen’s University Press, 1997; The Jesuit Series, Part Two: Toronto: F-L. Three: Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2000; The Jesuit Series, Part University of Toronto Press, 2002; and The Jesuit Series, Part Four: L-P. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 2005.

43 In Emblematica 2 (1987): 139-187.

4 In Emblematica 4 (1989): 333-376. 45 The updated list prepared by David Weston was published in 1988. A Short Title

Catalogue of the Emblem Books and Related Works in the Stirling Maxwell Collection of

Black. Ed. Glasgow University Library (1499-1917). Originally compiled by Hester M. 1988. and revised David Weston. Aldershot: Scolar Press,

18

Peter M. Daly

Emblems:

short-title list was published in the Wolfenbiitteler Barock-Nachrichten.* The Princeton University Collection of some 800 items is described in a published

catalogue prepared by William S. Heckscher and Agnes Sherman.“ So, too,

is the small but interesting collection at Trier. An exhibition catalogue from the Stadtbibliothek Trier in Germany is available and is entitled Sinnbild— Bildsinn containing essays and a bibliography. The substantial collection of emblem books at the University of Leiden in the Netherlands has been described in an unusually informative catalogue Emblem Books in Leiden.“

The 503 books are listed with information on format, pagination, illustrations,

and shelfmarks. The University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign deserves mention with its collection of about 600 emblem books; its catalogue was

published in 1993.”

Opinions differ on what constitutes an emblem, and this has influenced bibliography. Mario Praz had a broad understanding of the emblem, and his

bibliography is still the most valuable and informative general bibliography. Rosemary Freeman,” on the other hand, had a narrower conception. She

restricted the use of the term to the three-part combination of motto, picture, and epigram associated with Alciato. Consequently her bibliography of English emblem books is restrictive, omitting more works than it includes. *

See Carsten-Peter Warncke, “Emblembiicher in der Herzog August Bibliothek.

Ein Bestandverzeichnis.”

Wolfenbiitteler Barock-Nachrichten 9:2 (1982): 346-370.

“7 Emblem Books in the Princeton University Library. A Short-Title Catalogue.

Compiled by William 5. Heckscher and Agnes B. Sherman with the assistance of Stephen Ferguson. Princeton: Princeton University Library, 1984.

“ Compiled and edited by A.S.Q. Visser, co-edited by P.G. Hoftizer and B.

Westerweel. Leiden: Primavera Pers, 1999.

“ Emblem

Books

at the University

of Illinois: A Bibliographic

Catalogue.

Compiled by Thomas McGeary and N. Frederick Nash. Boston: G.K. Hall, 1993. Ὁ Τῃ fact, no one really knows how many emblematic books there once were, or still exist. Knowledge tends to be partial. There are a total of at least 1,514 Jesuit titles, which number includes subsequent reprintings and translations. (See Peter M. Daly and G. Richard Dimler, $.J., The Jesuit Series.) But of the 1,514 records for Jesuit publications, 903 will not be found in Praz and a further 310 are not recorded in the major Jesuit bibliography of Augustine and Aloys de Backer, Bibliothèque de la compagnie de Jésus.

New edition by Carlos Sommervogel. 9 vols. Brussels: Oscar Schepens, 1890-1900; Paris:

A. Picard,

1890-1932; supplement by Ernest M. Rivière, S.J. Louvain:

Editions de la

Bibliothéque S.J., 1960. *! See Rosemary Freeman, English Emblem Books. London: Chatto & Windus. 1948; rprt. 1967.

An Introduction

19

There is no doubt that the seventeenth century was the heyday of the emblem in Europe. But did the emblem die out in the following centuries?

The bibliographical evidence suggests that especially religious emblem books were published continuously during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. In the twentieth century some poets created montages of images and texts that hark back to emblematic practice. Bertolt Brecht constructed a Kriegsfibel out

of war photographs and his own new texts, in which Reinhold Grimm” is not alone in finding emblematic procedures. Imprese and impresa-like structures were important both before and after the early modern period. In the twentieth century images such as the Christian fish, Nazi swastika, and Jewish menorah have not only identified

religious, national, or cultural groups, they have also emphasized a sense of belonging, the identification of the individual with that group. One Christian example may illustrate the point: the century-old symbolic image of the fish. The early persecuted Christians used the diagrammatic sign of a fish to show that they belonged to Christ and the new religion. For the largely illiterate first Christians the fish was a reminder of Christ, the Galilean fishermen, and of the miracle of the loaves and fishes. Three interlocking fish

drawn in the sand outside of a house indicated that the sacrament would be celebrated secretly in that early Christian home. The same fish decorated Christian burial places in the Roman catacombs, as did the swastika.** For educated speakers of Greek, however, the Greek word for “fish,” transliterated into English as “ichthus,” could produce an acrostic meaning “Jesus Christ, Son of God, Savior.” Here the visual sign called up a word, the individual Greek letters of which were used to mean something quite different from “fish.” Is this history, perhaps a form of cultural archaeology, or does this diagrammatic fish also belong to our contemporary world? This fish is not simply cultural archaeology. The same diagrammatic fish will be observed on the back of some cars in the United States, and although less frequently, also in Canada and in Germany (Fig. 3). The cars

that display this fish are never the oldest and rustiest, but seldom the most 2 See

Reinhold

Grimm,

“Marxistische

Emblematik.

Zu

Bertolt

Brechts

‘Kriegsfibel.’” In Wissenschaft als Dialog. Studien zur Literatur und Kunst seit der Jahrhundertwende. Ed. R. von Heydebrand and K.G. Just. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1969, 351379,

518-514;

rprt.

in Emblem

und Emblematikrezeption.

Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1978, 502-542.

Ed.

S. Penkert.

Darmstadt:

°3 The fish symbol and Christian swastika in the Roman catacombs are documented

in slides at the Department of Art History, McGill University.

20

Peter M. Daly

Emblems:

expensive either, although I have seen in Florida ἃ new Hummer embellished with the Christian fish. In Munich I saw a new Jetta sporting such a fish, in Montreal ἃ new white Ford, and in Florida ἃ new Camaro. A Ford Explorer with a Florida license plate was decorated with a school of such diagrammatic Christian fish: two larger ones and two small ones. In March, 2001, I saw the chromium-plated diagrammatic fish, with a small cross instead of an eye, on the back of a red Volvo 740 parked at the Countryside Country Club in Clearwater, Florida. As the driver was entering his car, it Was an irresistible opportunity to find out about his fish. 1 had always wondered precisely which Christian church-goers were placing the fish on the back of their cars as a kind of impresa or visiting card. The Volvo 740 is not ἃ cheap car, and the Country Club is also not for the indigent. The somewhat surprised driver, who was also the owner, informed me that he had

indeed affixed the fish to his car, and that he attended an Episcopalian church in Tarpon Springs, north of Clearwater. The drivers of such cars admit to attending Lutheran, Methodist and, as noted above, Episcopalian churches. In the United States the use of such Christian symbols by secular and public institutions does not always pass without controversy. The small American town of Republic in Missouri, west of Springfield, has had the Christian fish in its town seal only since 1990, and in 1998 the fish became the subject of dispute. The Montreal Gazette of October 19, 1998 ran a short piece on the clash of symbols in that township under the title “ACLU [American Civil Liberties Union] vs. Ichthus. Witch vows to fight town’s Christian fish symbol.” Mother of two teenage daughters, Jean Webb, who had earlier joined the pagan cult of Wicca, was allegedly being persecuted by the Christian majority in Republic, Missouri. The woman demanded that the town

remove

the Christian

fish from

its seal,

which

in her view

was

a

violation of the separation of church and state. Her cause was taken up by the American Civil Liberties Union. Context is always important. The diagrammatic Christian fish in the United States has a decidedly Christian meaning. But what does it mean in Mexico today? It has appeared in Mexico since the success of Vicente Fox Quesada and his center-right political party, the National Action Party (PAN), in the elections that brought Vicente Fox to the presidency of Mexico on December 1, 2000. Christianity is now “politically correct” in Mexico. The

An Introduction

21

Christian fish is displayed on the backs of cars combined with the initials of the successful political party PAN.** Combining graphics and brief texts some modern logos” and advertisements can be regarded as utilizing persuasive techniques that are reminiscent of the Baroque emblem.* Although the authors of the new 1994 postmodern emblem book, The Eloquence of Shadows,*’ are not alone in noting certain similarities between the emblem and advertising, there has been remarkably little discussion of the emblematic character of some symbolic

advertising. ὃ Largely because the emblem itself was never part of the canon of high art or high literature, it was ignored by generations of scholars. The creators of The Eloquence of Shadows wrote an epistle dedicatory asking why one should publish emblems,

“an art form . . . which died a natural death

with the Baroque?” By way of answer the authors observe: “The emblem is distinguished by its brevity, asking no more time than that required by an advertisement for aftershave. This suits the requirements of an age which likes its pictures best when they are moving,

and demands

brevity (if not

silence) of its poets.” I would not agree that an emblem takes no more time than an ad for aftershave, but the creators of these new emblems are correct in discovering a link between some forms of advertising and emblems.

°

Tam indebted to Professsor Jorge Alcazar of Mexico City for this information.

°° See Peter M. Daly, “Telling Images in Emblems, Advertisements and Logos.”

In Telling Images: The Ages of Life and Learning. Ed. Ayers Bagley and Alison M. Saunders. Minneapolis: University of Minnesota, 1996, 109-120, 151-155; and “The European Impresa: From Fifteenth-Century Aristocratic Device to Twenty-First-Century Logo.” Emblematica 13 (2003): 301-330. > See Peter M. Daly, “The Nachleben of the Emblem: Emblematic Structures in Modern Advertising and Propaganda.” In Polyvalenz und Multifunktionalität der Emblematik. Multivalenz und Multifuntionality of the Emblem. Proceedings of the 5th International Conference of the Society for Emblem Studies. Ed. Wolfgang Harms and Dietmar Peil with Michael Waltenberger. Bern: Peter Lang, 2002, 47-69. °7 Hugh Buchanan and Peter Davidson, The Eloquence of Shadows. Fife:

Thirdpart,

1994. Reviewed by Alistair Fowler in Emblematica 9 (1995): 201-203.

%

See Pierre J. Vinken, “The Modern Advertisement as an Emblem.” Gazette 5 (1959): 234-243; rprt. in German translation as “Die moderne Anzeige als Emblem.” In Emblem und Emblematikrezeption. Ed. Sybille Penkert. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1978, 57-71. See also Bodo Wiirfel, “Emblematik und Werbung.” Sprache im technischen Zeitalter 21 (1981):

158-178.

2

Peter M. Daly

Emblems:

When we discover similarities between texts separated by centuries, we cannot avoid asking what accounts for the similarities. Although I, too, find some modern advertising “emblematic,” I do not share Vinken’s view that the enigmatic

and

esoteric

are

defining

characteristics

of the

emblem,

and

consequently I do not regard these as an adequate demonstration of the emblematic quality of some advertising. There are also examples of emblematic political advertising. Governments frequently call on the same advertising and public relations agencies as do manufacturers. Thus political propaganda is often packaged in the same way that commercial advertising is packaged. From sixteenth-century England to contemporary America and Germany emblematic images have been used to convey political messages.” They can be as simple as the appeal to patriotism: YOUR COUNTRY NEEDS YOU. They can be cleverly constructed to appeal to nationalism and separatism. The last Quebec referendum may have veiled the question “To be or not to be in Canada,” but the posters that appeared on lamp posts, traffic lights and in house windows seemed to address the issue directly, if often symbolically. Government agencies also resort to announcements, which use the telling image. The Health Education Board for Scotland produced a twenty-four page, pocket-sized publication entitled The Guide to Preventing Cancer. It included four full-page illustrations that are remarkable. They resemble the iconographical images known from Ripa’s frequently printed and translated /conologia. They present historical rather than contemporary figures, and the colored plates have the cracked look of old oil paintings. Commercial advertisers also sometimes employ graphic techniques that remind one of the emblem. Over the centuries the essentials of advertising have scarcely changed, although texts and the images have changed. To be effective today the printed ad must catch the reader’s eye in the few seconds that it takes to turn a page. When the ad has got our attention the famous formula known as AIDA comes into play. AIDA stands for Attention,

An Introduction

23

In the case of commercial advertising, the desired action, of course, is the

purchase of a product, or service. In illustrated advertising, the “telling image” is important; this symbolic image, which is not an illustration that reproduces so-called reality, can resemble the emblem. Not unlike the Renaissance emblem, modern symbolic advertising is an exercise in communication and persuasion. In terms of reader response, the picture is primary and central both to the emblem and to the modern advertisement. Advertisements combine rhetorical strategies with psychological persuasion through the appeal to shared values. That appeal is often made through visual symbolism. Readers may think of some of the ads for Tanqueray gin and Absolut vodka. O GI AL a,

SOOCVOQI0OVAt

|

“σε

ὦ

ὀφοθοσον

gages

||

APE Caucaff s ecerniim pendens in rupe Prometheus AA] Diripitur facri praperis vague iecur. Pad] Et noller féciffe bominem:feulssé perofus |

Al :

Ὁ D:

Accenfxmrapro d amnat4b see facem.

è

Rodun'ur varis prudentuin pettora curss, Quical afetbant fire Lémghe vices.

Interest, Desire, and Action:

ATTRACTING ATTENTION AROUSING INTEREST CREATING DESIRE MOTIVATING ACTION #

See note 33.

τ P

ἐς I

2

AA

LEUR

D ἀ

i

è

APS

DOI

τος

ù

;

-

Figure

1

Alciato, Emblemata,

Lyons, 1584, 112.

24

Peter M. Daly

Emblem Bibliography 196

AND.

ALC.

EMBLEM.

In adulatores.

LIB,

LXXXVIIL

STEPHEN RAWLES University of Glasgow, Scotland The term “bibliography” covers a wide field, from the brief list of works cited at the end of an undergraduate essay, to huge monuments like Greg’s Bibliography of the English Printed Drama to the Restoration. This essay is mainly concerned with descriptive or analytical bibliography of printed books,” with some reference to what are, strictly speaking, catalogues. It will therefore be useful to define the distinction adopted here at the outset. Catalogues aim fundamentally to put books into the hands of readers, and

Semper biat,femper tenuem qua uefätur auram, Redprocst chamsleon, Et must fidem,uarios fumit7, colores,

therefore usually describe single copies found in a given place at a given time. Descriptive bibliographies describe the physical attributes of books in order to distinguish editions, and within editions, issues and states; they may interpret this physical evidence. They require the examination

: Preter rubrum uel andidum: Steer adulstor populari uefcitur aura,

Hiansq, ants, deuorat, Et foliem mores imitatur prinapis atros, Albi cr pudid πείάμε,

Figure 2 Alciato, Emblemata,

Paris,

1542. no. 88.

'

Walter Greg, A Bibliography of the English Printed Drama to the Restoration. London: Bibliographical Society, 1939-1959. 2 1 have not dealt here with secondary bibliographies, with bibliographies of modern editions, or with manuscript material. Important secondary bibliographies include: Peter M. Daly and Mary V. Silcox, The English Emblem: A Bibliography of Secondary Literature. Munich:

Saur,

1990. Updated in Emblematica

12 (2002): 329-348.

Laurence Grove and Daniel Russell, The French Emblem: Bibliography of Secondary Sources. Geneva: Droz, 2000. G. Richard Dimler, S.J., The Jesuit Emblem: A Bibliography of Secondary Literature with Select Commentary and Descriptions. New York: AMS Press, 2005.

An important online bibliography of secondary sources is found on the Universidade da Coruña, Grupo de Investigacién sobre Literatura Emblemätica Hispanica web site: http://rosalia.dc.fi.udc.es/emblematica/index.jsp Figure 3

Diagrammatic fish, symbol of Christ and some Christian groups, as a car-sticker.

The standard bibliography of emblematic manuscripts is Sandra Sider with Barbara Obrist, Bibliography of Emblematic Manuscripts. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press,

1997.

26

Stephen Rawles

Emblem Bibliography

of as many copies as possible, and the elaboration of effective means of comparison of these copies.

crudely commercial, with myriad other forces relating to popularity or lack of it, approval or lack of it from secular or religious authority, literary fashion, or political or religious situations and ideologies, to name only ἃ few. Whatever these circumstances, the set of copies constituting an edition reflects a decision to invest time, effort, and money into a relatively complex technological and financial operation; states and issues within the edition reflect consequences of the original decision to print, and the manner in which the printing was carried out. Notwithstanding this insistence on the primacy of the edition as the basis for description, every book of the hand-press period should be

It is obvious that there can be and are occurrences where catalogues and descriptive bibliographies, in the senses defined, fulfil similar or identica l purposes, such that the distinction becomes blurred.? Greater blurrin g or convergence of the two is inevitable as the Internet makes it at least possible to envisage a vast catalogue and/or bibliography of all books; more likely in the short term is a set of smaller works dealing with individual corpor a of printed (and other) material. A prophetic start in the domain of the emblem = been made by the Union Catalogue of Emblem Books which is discussed elow. Books of the hand press period (up to about 1840) exist in differe nt editions and states, and potentially different issues. The distin ctions between

these are as follows:*

Edition: “An Edition is the whole number of copies of a book printed at any time or times from substantially the same setting of type pages. . . . Edition thus also includes all issues and variant states existing within its basic type setting. . . .” Issue: “An Issue is the whole number of copies of a form of a book put on sale at any time or times as a consciously planned printe d unit. . . .” State: “In its narrowest sense State is synonymous with Variant. . . . In its broadest sense State covers all alterations to a book . . . where no change is made to the title page by cancellation.”

As stated, it is the business of bibliographies, as oppos ed to catalogues, to

establish and define the characteristics of Editions, and within these, Issues and States. The establishment of the edition as the staple of a bibliography

allows all variations to be identified in relation to a clearl y defined base. The primacy of edition as the basis for description is justified because it defines the unit in which the books that constitute it were conceived in the context of a complex of circumstances ranging from the purel y artistic to the See, ’ for example, 3 Emblem Books at the University of / Illinoisis: A y of Illino

Catalogue, discussed below.

bli

PNAT

/

ἊΝ These definitions are drawn from the best authority: Fredso n Bowers, Principles of Bibliographical Description. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1949, 39-42.

27

considered as a unique artefact, distinct from every other copy, even within

the same edition. This is due to the way in which books were produced until

increasing industrialisation imposed greater uniformity: the ways in which press-corrections were effected in the course of printing, and the later use of

cancellation as a means of achieving textual revision, allow for great variety of actual content.’ At the same time non-uniform bindings resulted in huge variations of presentation. Bibliographical Desiderata

The classic exemplars of theory and practice for bibliographical description are Fredson Bowers’s Principles of Bibliographical Description and Walter Greg’s Bibliography of the English Printed Drama, mentioned above. However, these works were prepared very much with English material in mind. This is by no means necessarily suited to continental material, or to emblem books. Jean-Francois Gilmont, the bibliographer responsible more than any other for applying and adapting “Anglo-Saxon” norms of bibliographical practice to continental requirements, presents a forceful discussion of generic and other requirements in his Le livre & ses secrets: L'application

de

la

méthode

champs doit entraîner Lorsqu'une bibliographie textuelle,

grego-bowersienne

a d'autres

nécessairement des adaptations. n'est pas orientée vers la critique

certains relevés offrent moins

d'intérét.

[. . .] Par

ailleurs, certaines pratiques très révélatrices pour l'imprimerie

Hence Bowers's careful use of the expression “substantially the same setting of type pages” in his definition of the edition.

28

Stephen Rawles

Emblem Bibliography

anglaise du XVII siècle ne se trouvent pas toujours dans d'autres

A: The Work

pays et d’autres siècles. °

A bibliography should meet two basic criteria: firstly it should be elaborated in a Way suited to its subject; secondly it should be presented in a way which is helpful to users, in the light of the subject matter. Gilmont again makes the point clearly:

It may seem odd that such attention has to be drawn to what seems obvious, but such is the power and influence of the Greg/Bowers conventions, that it is appropriate to emphasise the requirements of the subject matter, and the user. It follows that the bibliographer should take all reasonable steps to present results in a digestible form; it has been reasonably complained that some bibliographies can be read and understood only by bibliographers.

Requirements of a Bibliography of Emblem Books Begging the not inconsiderable question of the definition of an emblem book, a bibliography of a body of emblem books would therefore reasonably, on the exact

context,

be expected

to provide

answers

to the

following questions about any copy; having dealt with the questions, the answers should be presented in a form which allows easy consultation and meets the reasonable requirements of the emblem scholar. Jean François Gilmont, Le livre & ses secrets.

Geneva:

Droz;

1. 2.

What is the book called? Is this the original title?

4.

In what language or languages is the book presented?

3.

B: Place 1:

C: Time

Il n'est pas réaliste d'imaginer une seule forme de description bibliographique qui serait valable pour tous et imposée de façon autoritaire. Les objectifs poursuivies par chaque bibliographe et le degré de précision souhaité justifient une certaine diversité. Il importe donc que chaque bibliographe fasse un choix d'un modèle de description après une réflexion qui tienne compte de ses objectifs et de ses moyens. ?

depending

29

Louvain-la-

Neuve: UCL, 2003, 384. In fairness Bowers recognises the same point, even if he has on

occasion been accused of putting the cart before the horse: “ [A bibliography] should be complete and authoritative within the limits chosen for the subject. Its description should

be contrived according to sound principles of bibliographical notation; and, after certain basic requirements have been met, it should be adjusted to the expressed purpose of the bibliography.” Principles, 18. Gilmont, Le livre, 117.

1. 2. D: People ile 2. 2 4. 5. 6. 7. 8.

Under what other titles is the work known?

In what place or places was the book published?

|

When was the book printed and/or published? What is the evidence for dating?

|

Who wrote the book? If no author is given, what evidence οἵ authorship is there? When appropriate, who translated the book? When appropriate, who edited or adapted the book? Who illustrated the book? Who printed and/or published the book? Did anyone seek legal permission to publish the book, and protection from rivals?

| |

To whom,

if anyone,

was the book,

or individual emblems,

dedicated? 9. Which other people are mentioned in the book? E: Construction 1: What is the physical construction of the book? 2. How are the contents arranged? a How are the individual emblems constructed? F: Illustration

In what medium or media is the book illustrated? 1. G: Copies 1. | Where are copies of the book now kept? Which of the copies have been examined? Which are 2: incomplete? How are the copies bound? Are they bound with other works? 3, Do the copies give details of provenance and ownership? 4. Do the copies include any further significant body of annotation, 5 or other manuscript or additions? H: Relationships

LA

How are the copies of the book divided into editions and further subdivided into states and/or issues?

|

Stephen Rawles

Emblem Bibliography

What is the relationship of each edition/state/issue of the book with others (e.g., as to title, language, intellectual responsibility, physical structure, contents, presentation, dedication)? I: References i, What other publications refer to the book?

what matters is to seek and present the right information. A standard, fairly traditional, and workable pattern follows with the relevant “Requirements” set out above ascribed to various sections”:

2.

The justification for this list is the need for a bibliography to provide the groundwork for the emblem-scholar to work in an environment where he or she may be reasonably certain of the nature and extent of the genre (however defined). Details of authorship, title, and dating are required to answer the requirements of historical placement; in this category matters of what would now be called copyright should also be placed. Physical structure is central to the identification of copies of an edition. The identification of edition enables study of the staple unit from which to work: the edition is the economic and textual unit into which the author and/or publisher put money and/or intellectual and/or artistic effort, and from which they derived financial and/or intellectual and/or artistic benefit. Other subdivisions, such as state and issue, within the edition reflect the requirements of the market—e.g., the

efficacy of having more than one point of sale, or attempts to boost sales in the face of competition or lack of interest. Illustration is self-evidently central to the emblem genre, and hence details of the artists involved. Physical layout is important in assessing the ways in which emblem books were used and received. Ownership and provenance add to the evidence for the reception of the work. Current locations provide a means of access to

primary

material.

Scholarly

references

information and scope for discussion.

to a work

provide

supplementary

Presentation

It is obvious that answers to many of the questions given above can only be satisfactorily answered once a critical mass of copies has been examined. It is also obvious that the answers to these questions may be closely linked: for example, the granting of a privilege to an author, printer, or publisher is clearly relevant to the human or commercial context of the work, but may also provide important evidence as to exact dating. Presentation in a bibliography is therefore paramount in juxtaposing the answers and their relationships to each other in a clear and helpful way. In this respect rather more uniformity between bibliographies is possible, and usual. But

_ ee

30

2: 3:

4:

5:

31

Running Number: to define the description of an edition succinctly. Summary: to give author, short title, and basic publication details of the edition in question, including brief details of reissues. A; B; C; D: 1-4. Title: traditionally titles were given in “quasi-facsimile,” a system of transcription devised to indicate line breaks and changes of typographical style; current bibliographical practice has moved towards the use of a photographic reproduction of the title. Here and in other illustrations, an indication of scale is desirable. A: 1. Collation: a statement of the physical construction of the book. The most comprehensive, if complicated, means of description is the so called “Bowers formulary.”’ No existing emblem bibliography uses the full Bowers convention. E: 1. Fingerprint: ἃ term for the machine readable notation of arbitrarily defined elements from a book, allowing easy comparison of copies with a norm. Two conventions exist, called for convenience “French” !° and

“Dutch.”!! Both are useful, but neither is foolproof in achieving the

6:

reliable identification of editions, nor absolutely straightforward in application. H. Contents: a listing of the contents of the entire book; every page

7:

should be included. D: 1-9; E: 2. Layout: a generic requirement of the emblem book, where the dispo-

should be accounted for. Elements of human involvement, and dating

sition of the various textual and pictorial elements

is central to the

reading of the work. Typographical style and type sizes, the use of There is an element of immodesty in the use here of Alison Adams, Stephen Rawles, and Alison Saunders, A Bibliography of French Emblem Books. Geneva: Droz, 1999-2002. 2 vols. Vol. 1, XXV-XXXII, as the model, for which excuse is sought. For a general view of the question, see Gilmont, Le livre, 117-122, in his chapter 8, “L'organisation d'une bibliographie.” 8

°

Bowers, Principles, 193-254.

‘0 Fingerprints: 1, Manual = Empreintes: 1, Guide du releveur = Impronte: 1, Regoli per il rilevamente. Paris: Institut de Recherche et d'Histoire des Textes, 1984. 94-100.

1 p.C.A. Vriesema, “The STCN

Fingerprint.” Studies in Bibliography 39 (1986):

Emblem Bibliography

Stephen Rawles verse and prose for various textual elements, and the medium of illustration should be noted, together with the names of the graphic artists involved. Reproductions of typical emblem layouts are invaluable here. E: 3; F.

8:

Remarks: an area for the discussion of the relationship of states and issues within editions, as well as other pertinent information, such as the notation of the derivation of editions, either textually, visually, or commercially. H. References: a listing of external references (e.g., in existing catalogues and bibliographies) to the edition described. I. Copies Located: a listing of copies located, and within this, those examined during the preparation of the bibliography.'* Evidence of

9: 10:

annotation, ownership, and provenance should be noted here. G.

11:

Indexing: a listing of all reasonably recordable data enabling easy reference to all entries in a bibliography: authors, titles, editors, artists, printers/publishers, places of publication, dates.

Depending on the amount of detail presented, bibliographies will be more or less easy to use; for example, the physical structure of early books may be

very complicated, and when it is there is no way out of the problem of presenting it. Again, the structure of emblems varies, and a bibliography must meet the reasonable needs of the user in describing it.

A Selective List of Bibliographical Works Relating to the Emblem Bibliographies exist for various constituencies of users. Thus a bibliography of a printer may well serve to provide important information on, say, the reception of a literary genre in a particular place, or at a particular time. The emblem scholar should not restrict his or her attention exclusively to bibliographies labelled as pertaining to emblem books. The following list therefore includes material whose primary content is not connected to emblematics, but nonetheless will frequently provide important information. Some commentary is offered in terms of the list of Requirements and of Presentation. ;

There is no standard listing of libraries. The UCAT (see below) provides a very

useful shorthand means of identifying libraries, based on the usage of the NUC, which was adopted for the Bibliography of French Emblem Books.

33

1. General Works of Bibliography Concerning the Emblem: Mario PRAZ, Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery, 2nd edition, considerably increased. Rome: Storia e Letteratura, 1964.

The second part of Praz's work (“A Bibliography of Emblem Books,” 233-543, with an appendix of “Emblems and Devices for Festivities,

Funerals, Degrees, etc,” 544-576) is a listing of the whole field of emblematic publication, based on his own researches over a considerable

period. It is arranged alphabetically by author or anonymous work. It covers

the whole field but is not, and does not claim to be, comprehensive. '° It is far

from systematic in presentation, and offers next to no technical descriptive apparatus, and with a minimal identification of copies. Notwithstanding this, it is the starting point for all modern bibliographical work: more than any other printed work it defines the parameters within which emblem bibliographers should work.

John LANDWEHR, Dutch Emblem Books: A Bibliography. Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, [1962]; Emblem Books in the Low Countries, 1554-1949:

A Bibliography. Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1970; Emblem and Fable Books Printed in the Low Countries, 1542-1813: A Bibliography. Utrecht: HES Publishers, 1988; German Emblem Books,

1531-1888: A Bib-

liography. Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert; Leiden: Sijthoff, 1972; French, Italian, Spanish and Portuguese Books of Devices and Emblems, 1534-1827: A Bibliography. Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1976. Taken together Landwehr’s works constitute a relatively systematic survey of European emblematic publication, but a minimalist presentation (except for the third edition of the Dutch volume), and, especially for the Romanic and German material, what appears to be an excessive reliance on published rather than primary sources in the attribution of copies to editions, reduce their value in terms of accurate description and the identification of editions (as opposed to books carrying identical imprints). Technical apparatus is sparse and inconsistently presented. There is no evidence that a systematic comparison of copies was made, and little evidence that more than relatively few copies were actually examined. '3 E.g., of Alciato, after referring to the excellence of Green’s bibliography (see below), Praz writes: “Here we can give only a very brief account of the chief editions” (248).

34

Stephen Rawles

Emblem Bibliography

Union Catalogue of Emblem Books: http://unbc.ca/ucat/ (UCAT). This database of emblematic and related publications, established by Peter Daly, and now maintained by Stan Beeler at the University of Northern British Columbia, is a capriciously inclusive resource, in that any reference to what might be an edition of an emblem book may be listed, although no effort to define editions, as opposed to states or issues, is attempted. Its database structure imposes uniformity of presentation; variation in the degree of detail presented is a consequence of its intention, which was to provide the relatively unanalytic background to a series of more systematic works in the

work within the Jesuit emblematic canon, and thus includes an element of

Jesuit series (see below), although the Bibliography was originally commissioned as part of this series. of technical detail, although it does use “French” copies have been examined. It provides for a very

Rosemary FREEMAN, English Emblem Books. London: Chatto & Windus, 1948.

“Corpus librorum emblematum,” which in the event has been restricted to the

of French Emblem Books It offers variable amounts fingerprints when actual full set of information on

relevant people and dates, and for the recording of relationships with other

iterations of the works listed. Its simple search engine means that there is

great flexibility of access,

with the concurrent problem

of “false drops”;

however, the advantages greatly outweigh the disadvantages since any combination of information can be used to access records such as author and

library code, illustrator and date, and so on ad infinitum. A huge number of copies are identified, often with call numbers. Provenances are recorded when

known. Facsimile editions and published microforms are given. While not strictly a bibliography, the UCAT, used with care, provides infinitely more than a simple catalogue.

2. Emblem Bibliographies on Specific Subjects or Groups Peter M. DALY and G. Richard DIMLER, S.J., The Jesuit Series, Vol. 1-. Montreal: McGill-Queen's University Press, 1997- [subsequent volumes 2-4

published: Toronto: Toronto University Press]. From the “Corpus librorum emblematum” series. A bibliography based on information refined from the UCAT (see

above), this resource will list the entire Jesuit output of emblematic material.

Like the UCAT it is not rigorous in identifying editions, states, and issues; ins major question apart, and with a few shortcomings, it amply fulfills the Requirements” set out above. It illustrates title pages and typical emblems in photographic reproductions of varying quality from uncredited sources, and with no indication of scale. It includes a classification of the nature of each

35

interpretation. The chief means of differentiation between entries is by title, and by “French” fingerprint. Large numbers of copies are cited and “Collation copies” named; it is not clear which other copies have been examined.

3. Emblem Books by Country Over and above the Landwehr bibliographies (see above), which form a group usefully taken together, several other national bibliographies of emblems should be noted. The first substantial monograph on the English emblem. Appendix 1 (229-242) is a “Bibliography of English Emblem Books to 1700.” A basic listing of English emblem literature, including references to manuscripts and to continental emblem books, including English texts (e.g., Montenay, Paradin, Vaenius). Not technically sophisticated, but with listings of new editions, up to the early eighteenth century. A.G.C. DE VRIES, De nederlandse emblemata: Geschiedenis en bibliographie tot de 18e eeuw. Amsterdam: Ten Brink & De Vries, 1899. This work consists of a monograph followed by the earliest bibliography dedicated to a national tradition of emblematics; now superseded by Landwehr's Dutch bibliography, but nonetheless a valuable resource. Technically it is fairly sophisticated, but based on the observation of relatively few copies; nonetheless these copies are identified. The 245 entries are arranged by work in the order of first appearance, beginning with Dutch editions of Brant’s Narrenschiff. Identification by author and publisher are possible using indexes. Pedro F. CAMPA, Emblemata Hispanica: An Annotated Bibliography of Spanish Emblem Literature to the Year 1700. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1990.

Some 240 entries are arranged as follows: Alciato editions in Spanish and Alciato published in Spain; emblem books in Spanish; translations of foreign emblem books published in Spanish; emblem books written by Spaniards in languages other than Spanish; polyglot emblem books including a Spanish text. Facsimile and modern editions are included in the numbering. No attempt is made to differentiate edition, states, and issues. The technical

36

Stephen Rawles

Emblem Bibliography

description is fairly detailed, but not always consistently recorded. It contains separate and valuable sets of secondary bibliographical information. A comprehensive set of addenda is found in Emblematica 11 (2001): 327-376.

libraries. His “Preliminary Notice” to the listing which follows is exemplary in setting out his principles of description and the layout of the entries. Carefully read, the entries are quite clear as to the degree of credence to be given to any particular piece of information. There is little in the list of “Requirements” given above which is not covered by his entries. Green’s coverage was exhaustive, and consequently he lists a number of what are now considered to be bibliographical “ghosts,” and inevitably he missed some editions. Green’s bibliography should now be used in conjunction with:

Alison

ADAMS,

Stephen

RAWLES,

Alison

SAUNDERS,

À

Bibliography

of

French Emblem Books to 1700. 2 vols. Geneva: Droz, 1999-2000. Lists roughly 650 editions of works published in all languages in what is now France, plus Geneva and towns in francophone Flanders (notably Brussels), and works published in or including French wheresoever published. This geographical restriction leads to anomalous lacunae in the cases of certain authors, notably Alciato, Junius, Paradin, and Sambucus, mainly because of the

exclusion of Antwerp—a

major

centre of emblem

production

in several

languages. The presentation adopted is essentially that described above (28-30).

37

Mason TUNG, “Towards a New Census of Alciati’s Editions.” Emblematica 4

(1989): 135-176. Tung’s listing revises a number of Green’s findings and lists a number

of editions,

states, and issues (without distinguishing them) not known

to

4. Author-Specific Bibliographies and Catalogues

Green, and lists a far greater number of copies.

Andrea Alciato Henry GREEN, Andrea Alciati and His Book of Emblems: A Biographical and Bibliographical Study. London: Triibner, 1872. This is the earliest systematic bibliography of a body of emblem books. The second part of Green’s book is entitled A Bibliographical Catalogue of the Various Editions of the Books of Emblems of Andrea Alciati. Green was

Théodore de Béze Frédéric GARDY, Bibliographie des oeuvres théologiques, littéraires, historiques, et juridiques de Théodore de Béze. Geneva: Droz, 1960. This work describes more than just Béze’s fairly meagre emblematic

writing before the distinction of edition, state, and issue had been identified as

central to bibliographical descriptions, and they are consequently not noted. * Even so, his work is a relatively unsung exemplar of good practice and clarity of presentation, astonishing for a time in which photocopying did not exist, when travel to examine volumes was difficult, or impractical, '° and when, in consequence, information had to be collated from descriptions provided in various formats and degrees of detail and quality from a wide range of “Nonetheless Green was aware that certain of his entries concerned books which could be identical, but for details of imprint; e.g., à propos of the two states of the Diverse imprese of 1549 (his nos. 41 and 42), he writes: “The catalogues do not always make a distinction between editions by Roville, and editions by Bonhomme.

They are indeed as

our Nos. 41 and 42, essentially the same, but appear to have been issued each by its respective publisher” (166).

| 1° Green did, however, venture as far as Keir, to examine copies from the already existent Stirling Maxwell Collection, and he also systematically examined the copies in Henry Yates Thompson’s collection at Thingwall, near Liverpool.

output (which accounts for only five entries), and consequently cannot be

expected to furnish full details in accordance with the “Requirements” set out above. Technically unsophisticated, the strength of Gardy’s bibliography lies mainly in its relatively full listing of contents, and in the detail furnished about the presence or absence of individual texts. No awareness of the dis-

tinction between edition, state, and issue is revealed. Few copies appear to have been consulted.

Jacob Cats Jan Bos,

J.A.

GRUYS,

Cats Catalogus: De werken

van Jacob

Cats in de

Short-title Catalogue, Netherlands. Den Haag: Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 1996.

This is what it says it is, a short-title catalogue, and listing those works of Cats which were published in the current Netherlands. But importantly, it

includes a technical apparatus with collation statements (without pagination) and “Dutch” fingerprinting. It goes further than most listings in seeking to identify editions and states: thus two states of the 1618 Silenus Alcibiadis are rightly recognised as such, although they are separately listed. The practical application of “Dutch” fingerprints is largely successful. The catalogue has

38

Stephen Rawles

Emblem Bibliography

the added virtue of placing the emblematic productions of a major author in ἃ fuller context.

5. Library-Specific Catalogues The degree of detail in published catalogues of emblem collections in libraries varies greatly; the most detailed present enough bibliographical information to enable sophisticated bibliographical judgements to be made.

Hester M. BLACK, Books and Related University Library À Catalogue

publication

this

David WESTON, À Short-Title Catalogue of the Emblem Works in the Stirling Maxwell Collection of Glasgow (1499-1917). Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1988. presenting minimal detail in brief form: at the time of

was

an

excellent

indicator

of the

works

in the

largest

collection of emblem books in existence, but not meant to be anything more than that. As such it neatly defines the difference between a catalogue and ἃ bibliography. A.S.Q. VISSER, P.G. HOFTUZER, B. WESTERWEEL, Emblem Books in Leiden:

A Catalogue of “Maatschappij der Leiden: Primavera À catalogue

the Collections of Leiden University Library, the Nederlandse Letterkunde” and Bibliotheca Thysiana. Pers, 1999. with little technical apparatus but listing ἃ major con-

centration of emblem books, with exemplary notes on the individual copies.

The aim here was not full description, but to provide “a list of all emblem books in the collections of the Leiden University Library.” An apparatus of indexes allows full exploitation of the entries. The potential user of the Leiden collection is well served, and illustrations of high quality (some in colour) encourage the use of the catalogue for other, more general purposes. As well as providing ἃ useful working tool, the catalogue also provides a means of illustrating visually the wide variety of emblem books. William 5. HECKSCHER,

Agnes B. SHERMAN,

Stephen FERGUSON,

Emblem

Books in the Princeton University Library: Short-Title Catalogue. Princeton: Princeton University Library, 1984. This is indeed a short-title catalogue, but with a valuable apparatus of indexes enabling a relatively sophisticated overview of a major collection.

Thomas MCGEARY,

39

N. Frederick NASH, Emblem Books at the University of

Illinois: A Bibliographic Catalogue. Boston: G.K. Hall, 1993. This catalogue is “bibliographic” in the sense that original editions of emblem books are listed with quasi-facsimile transcriptions of their title, comparatively full collations, helpful descriptive notes, and good sets of references to secondary sources. Much helpful material is presented, comparing editions and the printing materials used in them, notably in the presentation of the Illinois Alicatos. 6. Printers

Leon VOET, Jenny VOET-GRISOLLE,

The Plantin Press (1555-1589): A Bib-

liography of the Works Printed and Published by Christopher Plantin at Antwerp and Leiden. Amsterdam: Van Hoeve, 1980-1983. A full descriptive bibliography of perhaps the most important printer of the sixteenth century, and certainly one of the most prolific. Full technical descriptions are offered, with variant states listed together (e.g., the 1584 Leiden/Antwerp Alciato as 32A and 32B). Massive indexes back up the descriptions, which come closer than the other bibliographies listed here in fulfilling the “Requirements” given above. The unparalleled resources of the Plantin-Moretus Museum in Antwerp, where the business records of the Plantin press survive, means that no other bibliography gives as much detail on the human, material, and financial circumstances of the production of

emblem books. Indeed, the only reliable information on edition sizes for early emblem books comes from the Plantin archive and is fully discussed here, along with equally valuable information on such production costs as paper, composition, presswork, and preparation of woodcuts. While emblems were not hugely important in terms of numbers in Plantin’s production, Voet’s bibliography is one of the most important published resources for the understanding of the circumstances surrounding their production. Alfred CARTIER,

Bibliographie des éditions des De Tournes,

imprimeurs

lyonnais. Paris: Editions des Bibliothéques nationales de France, 1937. The hugely important De Tournes dynasty in Lyons and Geneva was

highly influential in the early production and dissemination of emblem books,

from the 1540s until well into the seventeenth century, notably for Alciato and Guillaume de La Perriére, as well as for the production of a number of

illustrated works on the margins of the emblematic. Cartier’s bibliography

40

Stephen Rawles

Emblem Bibliography

had initially been intended as a contribution to Baudrier’s massive bibliography of Lyons. The treatment of emblem books is thorough, with relatively full technical descriptions, and ample treatment of illustration and relationships with other editions.

dedicated to Lyons. Here, however, the work was conceived and executed in

7. City

This final section gives only two examples of large-scale descriptive bibliographies of important printing centres. They both describe reasonable numbers of emblem books; they both suffer from the eternal problem of the grandiose scheme: neither of them is complete, and there is little prospect of their completion. Lyons Henri Louis BAUDRIER, Bibliographie lyonnaise: recherches sur les imprimeurs, libraires, relieurs et fondeurs de lettres de Lyon au XVIe siecle.

Lyons: Auguste Brun, 1895-1921.

|

It is self-evident that a bibliography on this scale (12 large cannot privilege emblem books, but it nonetheless serves to place books in a wider context. Baudrier’s bibliography is not easy to use be consulted using two different sets of indexes, elaborated well

main (and still incomplete) volumes

volumes) emblem and must after the

were published. '° It is also typical of

continental scholarship of its period, in that it does not attempt to identify editions, states, and issues. The emblem books printed, for example by the Rouille/Bonhomme partnership in the 1540s and 1550s, are well described, and the work presents a salutary perspective on the relative unimportance of emblem material in the overall publishing patterns of large printing centres. Paris

Philippe RENOUARD, Imprimeurs & libraires parisiens du XVIe siècle: ouyrage publié d’après les manuscrits de Philippe Renouard. Paris: Travaux historiques de la Ville de Paris, 1964-. Much the same comments can be made a propos what is known as the “grand Renouard,” which covers Paris in the way that Baudrier’s work is '

41

the knowledge of the Greg/Bowers conventions and the identification of editions, states, and issues is exemplary;'’ each volume contains a complete set of indexes. The description of the 1573/1574 Paris Alciato fulfils most of the “Requirements” given above, even down to the identification of the woodcuts as copies of Bernard Saloman’s set executed for Jean de Tournes; reasonable numbers of copies are cited and examined. Conclusion

The quotations from Jean-François Gilmont given above should sound a

warning note to the bibliographer of emblems: bibliography as a discipline does not exist for the gratification of the bibliographer. Bibliographical research can be immensely satisfying especially when mysteries are solved, new editions discovered, and relationships between books firmly established, but it fundamentally

exists

to

help

scholars

other

than

the

bibliographer.

A

bibliography stand or falls on its utility. It may be that the printed bibliography has reached the end of its useful life: internet resources, or works published in other electronic media, can provide the user with far more useful information than traditional bibliographies. But the fundamentals of sound bibliographical practice should not be breached in the adoption of new

formats. This writer will continue to insist that the edition is the staple unit of

description, and that the full and accurate physical description of books is the first duty of the bibliographer. Electronic media will need to reflect this. Essential to the use of any bibliography is the knowledge and understanding of its limitations.

None

of the works

discussed

here approaches

perfection; equally none is useless to the emblem scholar; some are more useful than others. It is a salutary lesson to bibliographers to realise that, in the final analysis, nothing is as useful, or satisfying, as handling the actual thing—an original copy of any early modern book. Here emblem scholars (as well as emblem bibliographers, who are often the same people) are lucky: the variety and attractiveness of emblem books means they are frequently among the most rewarding early modern books to examine and read.

° Georges Tricou, Bibliographie lyonnaise . . . Tables. Geneva: Droz; Lille:

Giard, 1950; Henry Joly, Bibliographie lyonnaise de Baudrier: complément à la table des Imprimeurs & libraires de Georges Tricou. Lyons: Société des Amis de la Biblioth èque, 1963. See also Y. de la Perriére, Supplement provisoire à la Bibliographie lyonnais e du Président Baudrier, fascicule 1. Paris: Bibliothèque nationale , 1967.

7 However, each issue is presented in a separate entry connected by a crossreference. 8 See Fascicule Cavellat, Marnef & Cavellat, 1986, nos. 292, 307.

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern PETER M. DALY McGill University, Montreal, Canada

One needs to separate the views of modern scholarship, which attempt to look back over the history of the genre, from early modern statements written when the early emblem books were being published, although there will be some overlap. There is also no reason to expect that early modern theory, to the extent it exists in prefaces and poetic treatises, will always conform to actual practice. Modern

Theories of the Emblem

Modern theorizing about the emblem begins with Henry Green’ in the

1870s. Rosemary Freeman? and Mario Praz’ wrote important studies in the 1940s, which were reprinted with few alterations into the 1970s. However, William S. Heckscher and Karl-August Wirth* provided a different theoretical basis in the late 1950s. Emblem studies then received a new impetus in the work of Albrecht Schüne* and Dietrich Walter Jüns° in the 1960s. A different view of the emblem is found in the studies of Dieter Sulzer’ with his emphasis ' See Henry Green, Andrea Alciati and His Book of Emblems. A Biographical and Bibliographical Study. Bibliography and Reference Series, 131. New York: Franklin, 1964(?). Originally published London: Trübner, 1872. ? See Rosemary Freeman, English Emblem Books. London: Chatto & Windus, 1948. 3 See Mario Praz, Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery. 2nd ed. Rome: Storia e Letteratura, 1964. * See William S. Heckscher, and Karl-August Wirth. “Emblem, Emblembuch.” In Reallexikon zur Deutschen Kunstgeschichte. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1959, vol. 5, cols. 85-228. Beck,

> See Albrecht Schone, Emblematik und Drama im Zeitalter des Barock. Munich: 1964; 3rd ed., Munich: Beck, 1993.

6 See Dietrich Walter Jéns, Das “Sinnen-Bild.” Bildlichkeit bei Andreas Gryphius. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1966.

Studien

zur allegorischen

See Dieter Sulzer, “Zu einer Geschichte der Emblemtheorien,” Euphorion 64 (1970): 23-50; Traktate zur Emblematik. Studien zu einer Geschichte der Emblemtheorien. 7

Ed. Gerhard Sauder. St. Ingbert: Werner J. ROhrig Verlag, 1992. This is the posthumous publication of Sulzer’s 1977 Heidelberg dissertation.

Peter M. Daly

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

on “synthesis” and “correlation.” Michael Bath, * Bernhard F. Scholz,° and John Manning"® have provided somewhat different points of view in their

substantial articles. Although there is no dearth of excellent scholarship, there remain areas of substantial disagreement. It is only natural that modern critics offer divergent, at times contradictory accounts, since critics have approached the emblem from different angles, with different assumptions and perspectives. Heckscher and Wirth take the view that enigma and riddle are essential to the emblem genre (see cols. 88-96).”° The notion has not gone

44

studies, published in the mid 1990s and in the first years of the present millennium. An unusually perceptive review of some of the problems inherent in modern theorizing about the emblem will be found in the brief introduction by Karl A.E. Enenkel and Arnoud S.Q. Visser to their Mundus

Emblematicus."' Henri Stegemeier ἡ observed in a footnote that Thompson, '° Praz, and

45

unchallenged. ”!

others give adequate definitions of emblem terminology, and to those names

8 See Daniel Russell, “The Term ‘Embléme’ in Sixteenth-Century France.” Neophilologus 69 (1975): 337-351; “Two Seventeenth-Century French Treatises on the Art of

Schône, Jéns, Daniel Russell,'* Sulzer, Bath, and Manning with their booklength contributions, and Sulzer, Hessel Miedema, '° Holger Homann," Wolfgang Harms, '’ Russell,'* Bath, Scholz, and Karel Porteman!® with their

the Device.” Emblematica 1 (1986): 79-106; “More French Translations of Alciato’s Emblems.” Emblematica 5 (1991): 121-125; “Emblems in Nineteenth-Century France:

must now be added, among others, those of Freeman, Heckscher and Wirth,

See Michael Bath, Speaking Pictures: English Emblem Books and Renaissance Culture. London: Longman, 1994. i

”

See Bernhard F. Scholz, “Emblematik: Entstehung und Erscheinungsweisen.” In

Literatur und Bildende Kunst. tistischen Grenzgebietes.

Ein Handbuch

Berlin: Erich Schmidt,

zur Theorie und Praxis eines kompara1992,

113-137;

“Didaktische Funktion

und Textkonstitution im Emblem,” Jahrbuch fiir Internationale Germanistik 13 (1981): 1035; “Reading Emblematic Pictures,” Komparatistische Hefte 5-6 (1982): 77-88.

. See John Manning, The Emblem. London: Reaktion Books, 2002.

See their Mundus Emblematicus. Studies in Neo-Latin Emblem Books. Turnhout: Brepols, 2003, i-v.

2? See Henri Stegemeier, “Problems and Germanic Philology 45 (1946): 26-37.

| 3 E.N.S. Thompson, University Press, 1924.

in Emblem

Literature.” Journal of English

Literary Bypaths of the Renaissance.

New

Haven:

Yale

# See Daniel Russell, The Emblem and Device in France. Lexington, Kentucky:

French Forum, 1985; Emblematic Structures in Renaissance French Culture. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995. 15

.

See Hessel Miedema,

“

è

“The Term Emblema in Alciati.” Journal ofthe Warburg

and Courtauld Institutes 31 (1968): 234-250; Miedema, “Alciato’s Emblema Once Again.” Emblematica 7 (1993): 365-367. 1

: See Holger Homann, “Prologomena zu einer Geschichte der Emblematik.” Colloquia Germanica 1 (1968): 244-257; Homann, Studien zur Emblematik des 16. Jahrhunderts. Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1971. , See Wolfgang Harms, “On Natural History and Emblematics in the Sixteenth Century.” In The Natural Sciences and the Arts. Aspects of Interaction from the Renaissance to the 20th Century. Ed. Allan Ellenius. Acta Universitatis Upsaliensis. Figura, nov. ser. 22. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, Emblematica 5 (1991): 3-29.

1985, 67-83;

“The Authority of the Emblem.”

The Examples of Sainte-Beuve, Baudelaire and Pontsevrez.” Emblematica 5 (1991): 357375; “Directions in French Emblem Studies.” Emblematica 5 (1991): 129-150.

' See

Karel

Porteman,

/nleiding

tot de Nederlandse

emblemataliteratuur.

Groningen: Wolters-Noordhoff, 1977; “The Early Reception of Alciato in the Netherlands.” Emblematica 4 (1989): 243-255; “Cats’s Concept of the Emblem and the Role of Occasional Meditation.” Emblematica 6 (1992): 65-82; “The Dutch Emblem: An Introduction.” Emblematica 8 (1994): 201-208; “The Emblem as ‘Genus Jocosum’: Theory and Praxis (Jacob Cats and Roemer Visscher).” Emblematica 8 (1994): 243-260.

Introduction to Vaenius’s Amorum Emblemata. Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1996. The edition includes an introduction (21 pp.); Emblematic Exhibitions (affixiones) at the Brussels Jesuit College (1630-1685). Turnhout: Brepols, and Brussels: Royal Library, 1996; “The Use of the Visual in Classical Jesuit Teaching and Education.” Paedagogica Historica 36 (2000): 179-196; “‘Met nieuwe Nederduytsche dichten, synde van anderen sin, vertoont’: Jacob van Zevecote en de Emblemata van Florentius Schoonhoven.” Verslagen und Mededelingen van de Koninkliijke Academie voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde (2000): 81-94.

2 “Man hat es beim Emblem demnach mit einer Vereinigung vom Wort des

Lemma mit dem Bild der Icon zu einem Rätsel zu tun, dessen Auflôsung durch das Epigram ermôglicht wird” (col. 95) [In the emblem one is dealing with the combination of the word of the lemma with the picture of the icon, which produces an enigma, the resolution of which is made possible by the epigram]. Heckscher repeats this view in “Renaissance Emblems: Observations suggested by some emblem books in the Princeton University Library.” University Library Chronicle 15 (1954): 55-68. See also William S. Heckscher, “Alciato.” In Die deutsche Literatur. Biographisches und bibliographisches Lexikon, Series II “Die deutsche Literatur zwischen 1450 und 1620” (Bern, 1991), vol. 2,

90-136. Here we read: “the epigram provides the reader-viewer with an indication of the solution of the inscriptio-pictura-enigma . . .” (94). 71 See Albrecht Schône; Peter M. Daly, “Emblem und Enigma: Erkennen und Erinnern.” In Erkennen und Erinnern in Kunst und Literatur. Ed Dietmar Peil, Michael Schilling, and Peter Strohschneider. Tiibingen: Niemeyer, 1998, 325-349.

47

Peter M. Daly

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

If Heckscher and Wirth stressed the element of wit and enigma in the emblem, Schône played down these aspects, insisting on the necessary relationship between word (i.e., meaning) and picture, which derives from the tradition of medieval bestiaries and hieroglyphics, a tradition in which objects are assumed to convey inherent meanings (26-30, 45-50). Jons emphasized the tradition of religious exegesis in the emblem as a mode of thought (“Denkform”), while insisting on the neutrality of the form in the Alciato type of emblem as an artistic form (“Kunstform”). On the whole, the general and descriptive accounts of the emblem (Praz, de Vries,” and Freeman) have made way for more specific and at times more normative definitions

the emblem writer, which functions as a subscriptio. On the facing page it is not uncommon to find an explanatory poem in the vernacular tongue of the

46

(Heckscher and Wirth, Schéne, and Jôns).

As was noted in the introduction, the typical printed emblem is composed of three parts, for which the Latin names seem most useful: inscriptio,

pictura, and subscriptio.** A short motto or quotation introduces the emblem.

It is usually printed above the pictura, and it functions as the inscriptio. The pictura itself may depict one or several objects, persons, events, or actions, in some instances set against an imaginary or real background (cf. Daniel Meisner, Politisches Schatzkästlein [Frankfurt am Main, 1623-1626] with its engravings

of cities as backdrop

to the emblematic

objects shown

in the

foreground). Some of the objects are real (that is, found in world of man or nature), while others are imaginary, which does not imply that during the early modern period they were necessarily considered fictitious or false. These objects are found in organic and inorganic combinations, or real and unreal combinations—provided no value judgment about the truth or value of the emblem is implied by the words “real” and “unreal.” Beneath the pictura comes a prose or verse quotation from some learned source or from 2 Anne Gerard Christiaan de Vries, De Nederlandsche Emblemata. Geschiedenis

en Bibliographie tot de 18e eeuw. Amsterdam, 1899. ~ Schône’s terminology, although generally adopted by German scholars, is judged by Heckscher and Bunker in their review of Emblemata to be a “half-hearted attempt to introduce new ad hoc terminology by speaking of pictura (instead of Bild or icon), of inscriptio (instead of motto or lemma) and of subscriptio (instead of epigram)”: 61n 5. On oe other hand, Sulzer finds Heckscher and Wirth’s terminology Lemma, Ikon, Epigramm ‘ist nur für die frühe Emblematik geeignet, die eine Dreiteilung in dieser Form vornimmt, die spatere verfahrt oft anders, deshalb ist die lateinische Terminologie vorzuziehen” [is only suited to early emblem books, which comprise a tripartite structure in this form; later

emblem books often proceed differently, consequently the Latin terminology is preferable],

23. For Heckscher and Wirth’s use of terms, see cols. 88-95.

emblematist, or a prose commentary.”

Various scholars called for critical comparison between the views of Schéne and Jéns on the subject. In 1979 I published such a critical juxtaposition. Perhaps I may be allowed to reproduce some of the reflections on modern emblem theory that informed the second edition of my Literature in the Light of the Emblem (Toronto, 1998). The revaluation of the emblem that was carried out in German studies during the 1970s is associated with the names Albrecht Schone and Dietrich

Jòns. Schéne’s theory of the emblem, first published in article form in 1963,”° was included in his Emblematik und Drama im Zeitalter des Barock (Munich,

1964, 2nd edition 1968, and 3rd edition 1993), and incorporated into the introduction of the handbook Emblemata, which quickly established itself as the standard work on the subject. However, Schéne’s theory of the emblem was largely neglected outside Germanistic circles, presumably because no translation exists. Independent of each other, Schéne and Jons were viewing the emblem in the light of medieval typological thought and biblical exegesis that carried over into the seventeenth century. It was inevitable that they should be in fundamental agreement on most essential matters. Furthermore, both acknowledge an indebtedness to Friedrich Ohly, whose essay “Vom geistigen Sinn des Wortes im Mittelalter” ?7 has been influential in Baroque studies generally. * Commentary can, of course, take different forms. There are the learned prose glosses provided by Alciato’s commentators such as Mignault, but there are also poetic commentaries such as the sonnets provided by Pierre Joly for Jean-Jacques Boissard’s Emblematum

liber. Emblemes

latins (Metz:

A. Faber,

1588).

It can be argued that the

reader of the French versions read the French sonnet with its inscriptio and the engraved pictura, which has but a tiny engraved Latin inscriptio, rather than the Latin texts. In some cases such a reader of the French version would have received a slightly different

impression of the meaning of the whole emblem. See the facsimile edition with its excellent

introduction and notes by Alison Adams (Turnhout: Brepols, 2005). ?5 My own critical comparison of modern theories, especially those of Schône and Jôns, appeared as Emblem Theory: Recent German Contributions to the Characterization of the Emblem Genre. Nendeln: KTO, 1979. 26 Published in Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift fiir Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte 37 (1963): 197-321. 27 Published in Zeitschrift für deutsches Altertum und deutsche Literatur 89 (19581959): 1-21.

48

Peter M. Daly

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

The view that the function of the subscriptio is to resolve the enigma produced by the combination of inscriptio and pictura was widely shared by scholars, both modern and early modern. It was succinctly stated by Heckscher and Wirth in their book-length article in the Reallexikon zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte (vol. 5, col. 95), noted above. Schône rejects this narrow view because it does not describe the functional relationships found in many emblems. In its place he offers a characterization that is at once broader and more elastic; the function of the individual parts of the emblem is a “dual function of representation and interpretation”: One is probably more likely to do justice to the variety of forms if one characterizes the emblem in the direction that its three-part structure corresponds to a dual function of representation and interpretation, description and explanation. Inasmuch as the inscriptio appears only as an object-related title, it can contribute to the representational function of the pictura as can the subscriptio—if part of the epigram merely describes the picture or depicts more exhaustively what is presented by the pictura. On the other hand, the inscriptio can also participate in the interpretative function of the subscriptio, or that part of the subscriptio directed towards interpretation; through its sententious abbreviation the inscriptio can, in relation to the pictura, take on the character of an enigma that requires a solution in the subscriptio. Finally, in isolated instances the pictura itself can contribute to the epigram’s interpretation of that which

background

is depicted,

when,

for example,

of the picture with the same

an action

meaning

explain the sense of action in the foreground. (21)”*

what they were wont to call “die eigentliche Bedeutung,” the real, natural, or inherent meaning. Behind the conception of “necessary likeness” lurks a modern notion of organic or natural relationships and the more complex modern symbol. Schéne argues that the “dual function of representation and interpretation” assumes the symbolic status of the pictured motif, which is not merely a res picta but a res significans:

in the

helps to

subscriptio (oder jedenfalls ihres der eigentlichen Deutung zugewandten Teils) auch die ihre

sentenzenhafte

Kurzfassung

kann

sie

dabei

emblem embraces formal, ontological, semantic, and functional elements. While remaining clear in focus, it is broader and more tolerant than any view

inherent or to be seen from the outset” (159). German critics also missed

Leistung der pictura kann sich aber sowohl die inscriptio beteiligen, sofern sie namlich nur

durch

It emerges from these quotations that Schéne’s characterization of the

always to evolve meaning by creating likenesses; the likenesses are rarely

als gegenstandsbezogene Bildiiberschrift erscheint, wie auch die subscription — dann, wenn ein Teil des Epigramms blofe Bildbeschreibung oder eine eingehendere Darstellung des von der pictura Gezeigten gibt. Andererseits vermag an der auslegenden Leistung der teilzunehmen;

res significans. (22)”

between the picture and its meaning.”*’ For Freeman, Herbert’s “method is

Emblem dahingehend bestimmt, daB seiner dreiteiligen Bauform eine Doppelfunktion des Abbildens and Auslegens oder des Darstellens und Deutens entspricht. An der abbildenden

inscriptio

function of representation and interpretation, descripexplanation, which the tripartite construction of the assumes, is based upon the fact that that which is means more than it portrays. The res picta of the is endowed with the power to refer beyond itself; it is a

advanced to date. In the past the most serious adverse criticism of the emblem centered on the relationship of pictura to scriptura, i.e., the relationship of visual motif to its meaning, thing (res picta) to thought, or to the application of that meaning. For the greater part of the twentieth century readers judged emblems to be arbitrary. Of the emblematic imagery in the poetry of Quarles and Herbert, Rosemary Freeman observed: “there was never any necessary likeness

2 “Man wird der Fülle der Erscheinungen offenbar eher gerecht, wenn man das

Verhaltnis zur pictura jenen Rätselcharakter gewinnen,

The dual tion and emblem depicted emblem

49

im

der einer Auflésung durch die

subscriptio bedarf. SchlieBlich beteiligt sich an der Deutung des Dargestellten durch das

Epigramm

in vereinzelten Fallen schon die pictura selbst, wenn etwa ein im Bild-

hintergrund dargestellter gleichbedeutender Vorgang den Sinn des Vordergrundgeschehens erklaren hilft.”

” “Die Doppelfunktion des Abbildens und Auslegens, Darstellens und Deutens,

welche die dreiteilige Bauform des Emblems übernimmt, beruht darauf, daB das Abgebildete mehr bedeutet, als es darstellt. Die res picta des Emblems besitzt verweisende Kraft, ist res significans.” 30 Rosemary Freeman, “George Herbert and the Emblem Books.” Review of

English Studies 17 (1941): 154.

Peter M. Daly

That which transcends the res picta, which the picture refers to and which the inscriptio, in interpreting the picture, seeks to put into words, is called by Harsdérffer “. . . the soul of the emblem, whose translator is the caption [motto and epigram] and whose body is the picture or figure [pictura] itself.” His formulation, which derives from Paolo Giovio’s definition of the impresa, suggests thinking of the res significans and the significatio in the same close relationship that exists between body and soul, and correspondingly it suggests understanding all interpretation through inscriptio and subscriptio as grasping a

pre-existent and unchangeable meaning. (22-23)!

It follows that the pictura is central and primary in that the reader perceives the picture first; this Schéne calls “the priority of the picture”:

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

51

This notion of “priority of picture” has gained further support in a recent essay on Hadrianus Junius.*’ Heesakkers suggests that for Junius “the starting point was not so much the motto, nor the epigram, but the picture” (58). Junius’s emblems were influential through their many sixteenth-century

editions (1569, 1575, 1585 [twice], 1596 [three times]) and translations (into Dutch in 1576, 1575, and into French in 1567, 1568, 1570, 1575).

Schône proceeds to characterize the priority of the pictura more closely, shifting attention from the reader to emblematist, from reception to creation, in describing what he later names the “priority of idea in the

emblematic

pictura”

(28).

emblematist insists that he Schône shows how (creator’s perception) and hinge on the credibility of depends on its facticity or

It is therefore of no consequence whether the subscriptio was present first, as was the Greek epigram in the case of Alciato, or whether later emblematists proceed from the pictura and then add the epigram: the emblem places the picture that is to be interpreted ahead of the interpretation deriving from the subscriptio and requires the reader and viewer to accept the

In some

cases

(such as that of Taurellus)

the

was inspired by an actual observation. the “priority of idea in the emblematic pictura” the primacy of pictura (reader’s reception) both the motif, and Schéne holds that this credibility “potential facticity” (28):

Thus the pictura and the textual parts of the emblem that participate in its representative function depict either what actually exists or may possibly exist—something that is admittedly not always visible, or not yet visible, but could at any time appear on man’s horizon or in his sphere of experience. Besides the priority of idea in the emblematic pictura (vis-a-vis the

priority of the picture. (26)

subscriptio),

indeed

the precondition

of such

primacy

is the

potential facticity of the image content, which determines the

emblem. (28)* *

“Den die res picta übersteigenden Sachverhalt aber, auf den das Bild hindeuten und den die das Bild auslegende subscriptio in Worte fassen will, nannte Harsdôrf fer . . ‘die Seele des Sinnbildes / dessen Dolmetscher die Obschrift [Motto und Epigramm] / und der Leib ist das Bild oder die Figur [pictura] an sich selbsten’. Seine Formulierung, die sich von Paolo Giovios Bestimmungen der Imprese herleitet, legt es nahe, res significans und significatio in jener festen Beziehung zueinander zu denken, die zwischen Leib und Seele herrscht, alle Deutung durch inscriptio und subscriptio entsprechend als Erfassung eines vorgegebenen und unauswechselbaren Sinngehal ts zu verstehen. ἢ È 32 “Gleichgiiltig deshalb, ob zunächst die subscriptio da war, hier bei Alciati als griechisches Epigramm, oder ob andere, spätere Emblematiker von der pictura ausgehen und ihr das Epigramm dann hinzufügen: das Emblem setzt die zu deutende pictura der Deutung durch die subscriptio voran und nôtigt seinen Betrach ter und Leser, die Prioritat des Bildes anzunehmen.”

This

“potential

emblematist.

facticity”

Schéne

also

refers primarily to the attitude of the creative shows

that

classical

authority

frequently

lent

credibility to motifs which could not be factually verified (27-28). However, ‘3 See Chris L. Heesakkers,

“Hadriani Iunii Medici Emblemata

(1565).”

In

Mundus Emblematicus. Studies in Neo-Latin Emblem Books. Ed. Karl A.E. Enenkel and Arnoud 5.0. Visser. Turnhout: Brepols, 2003, 33-69. * “So stellen die pictura und die an ihrer abbildenden Leistung mitwirkenden Textteile des Emblems dar, was tatsächlich oder doch der Môglichkeit nach existiert, was zwar nicht immer oder noch nicht vor Augen stehen muf, aber jederzeit doch in den Gesichts- und Erfahrungskreis des Menschen treten kénnte. Neben der ideellen Priorität

der emblematischen pictura (gegeniiber der subscriptio), ja als Voraussetzung solcher Priorität bestimmt eine potentielle Faktizität seines Bildinhaltes das Emblem.”

Peter M. Daly

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

when the credibility of a motif was called into question, the motif no longer appeared in an emblem (see Schéne, 27). “Potential facticity” is the one facet of Schône’s theory that has been called into question. But that took over a decade to happen. Apart from the reservations expressed by Barbara Tiemann in her article on Sebastian Frank

the Creator, and sought to reveal the significance implanted into things by God, to uncover their christological relevance directed towards the divine centre of meaning. Omnis mundi creatura, / Quasi liber, et pictura / Nobis est, et speculum, wrote Alan of Lille in the twelfth century. (47)°?

52

(598-644), the first attack on Schéne’s theory is to be found in Dieter Sulzer’s

review of Holger Homann’s Studien zur Emblematik des 16. Jahrhunderts, in

which Sulzer opposes Schéne’s theory of the emblem.* Sulzer rejects Schône’s concept of “potential facticity,” as did Scholz a little later.*° It is

true that something either is a fact or is not, and the modification inherent in the word “potential” is illogical. However, it seems to me that some such term as “credibility” or “assumed facticity” would probably suffice to name what Schône describes. Sulzer’s perspective on the genre is also somewhat different in that he regards the emblem as a “hybrid genre” in which two arts are equally involved. Schéne’s view (which I tend to share) is that the emblem in a general

sense is a “symbolic” mode,

essentially literary in so far as its mode of

thought is determined by the manner in which things are associated with

concepts. It was never clear what alternative theory of the emblem Sulzer had to offer beyond reference to the correlation of the arts or their “synthesis.” His posthumously published dissertation provides little clue. Jôns and Schéne concur in regarding the medieval typological and exegetical tradition as the essential root of the emblem. This recognition, which

Schône

shares with Praz,

leads him

to conclude

that “the relation

between the symbolism of the Middle Ages and the emblem” may be traced to a “related mode of perception” (46). Schéne elaborates: If it is correct that the emblematic picture is characterized by potential facticity and priority of idea vis-à-vis the interpretative text, which discovers in it a higher meaning, unlocks an inherent significance, then one will have to trace this back to the typological exegesis and the allegorical procedures of medieval

theology which understood everything created as an indication of * See Sulzer’s review in Daphnis 4 (1975): 99-104.

“See Scholz, “Semantik oder Ontologie. Zur Bestimmung des ‘Verhältnisses Zu

Wirklichkeit’ in der neueren Emblemtheorie.” Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift fiir Literaturwissenschaft und Geistesgeschichte 53 (1979): 362-377.

53

According to the patristic-scholastic doctrine of the four-fold meaning of the Scriptures medieval exegesis had differentiated between a literal and spiritual meaning: the sensus litteralis seu historicus and the sensus spiritualis, subdividing the spiritual sense into a sensus allegoricus, a sensus tropologicus, and a sensus anagogicus. Above all, the interest in the sensus tropologicus appears to survive in the emblematists’ conception and interpretation of the world. It [the sensus tropologicus] refers to

the significance of things and facts for the individual and his destiny, for his path to salvation and his conduct in the world. In this sense, the emblematic mode still conceives of all that exists

as at the same time embodying significance. Everything existing in the historia naturalis vel artificialis incorporated by the huge encyclopaedia of emblematic works and reflected in their res pictae points, as res significans, beyond itself, its transcendent meaning in

its tropological sense determined in the subscriptio. (47-48)*

7 “Wenn es richtig ist, daB das emblematische Bild eine potentielle Faktizität besitzt und eine ideelle Priorität gegenüber dem auslegenden Text, der einen hôheren Sinn in ihm entdeckt, eine in ihm gleichsam angelegte Bedeutung aufschlieSt, so wird man das zuriickbeziehen miissen auf die typologische Exegese und das allegorische Verfahren der mittelalterlichen Theologie, die alles Geschaffene als Hinweis auf den Schôpfer verstand und die von Gott in die Dinge gelegte Bedeutung ihren auf die gôttliche Sinnmitte hingeordneten heilsgeschichtlichen Bezug aufzudecken suchte. ‘Omnis mundi creatura, / Quasi liber, et pictura / Nobis est, et speculum’, schrieb im 12. Jahrhundert Alanus ab Insulis.”

38 “Nach der patristisch-scholastischen Lehre vom vierfachen Sinn der Schrift hatte

die mittelalterliche Exegese eine buchstäbliche, wortliche und eine geistliche Bedeutung: einen sensus litteralis seu historicus und einen sensus spiritualis unterschieden, den spirituellen Schriftsinn dabei in einen sensus allegoricus, einen sensus tropologicus und einen sensus anagogicus untergliedert. Vor allem das Interesse am sensus tropologicus scheint in der Weltauffassung und Weltauslegung der Emblematiker fortzuleben. Er meint die Bedeutung der Realien für den einzelnen Menschen und seine Bestimmung, fiir seinen Weg zum Heil und sein Verhalten in der Welt. In solchem Sinne versteht die Emblematik noch immer das Seiende als ein zugleich Bedeutendes. Alles in der historia naturalis vel

54

Peter M. Daly

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

Nature can be interpreted in bonam partem and in malam partem because the observer recognizes good and evil qualities in the objects of nature. Although the meaning read out of nature was derived from essential qualities, it was not always easy to depict those qualities in such a way as to make their inherent meanings accessible. Recognition of meaning depends on an understanding of the thing portrayed. Harsdürffer comments “that one cannot judge an emblem without first having thoroughly studied the nature and qualities of the figures, which are often hidden and cannot be depicted; hence the meaning of the emblem becomes difficult and obscure” (FG, IV, 244). In stressing the active participation of the reader, whose knowledge of the properties of things portrayed in the emblem is assumed by the emblemwriter, Harsdürffer is in agreement with established opinion. Edgar Wind pointed out that Erasmus makes a similar observation regarding the content of hieroglyphs which

“presupposed

in the reader a full acquaintance with the

properties of each animal, plant, or thing represented.”*° In another context

Harsdôürffer suggests that the “comparison . . . must not be drawn with accidental, but rather with essential, qualities of a thing” (FG, VII, 39). Here once more Harsdôrffer allies himself with received opinion. Estienne states categorically: “You must have a care that (in placing the figures of naturall subjects) you doe not destroy their essential properties, or that (for expressing your conceptions) you doe not name their proper quality, by abusing the use of them.”* In Estienne’s view, the writers of emblems “are obliged to be strict observers of the truth.”

In this view, the meanings associated with the pictured motif, which

were regarded as inherent in nature, are objective and general; however, they artificialis Existierende, das die riesenhafte Bilderenzyklopadie der emblematischen Biicher aufnimmt und widerspiegelt in den res pictae, weist so als res significans tiber sich hinaus und

wird

in dieser verweisenden

Bedeutung,

in seinem

tropologischen

Sinn durch die

subscriptio bestimmt.” ” “. . daf man von keinem Sinnbilde urtheilen kan / man habe dann zuvor der Figuren Natur und Eigenschaften griindlich erlernet / welche vielmals verborgen ist / und nicht

ausgemahlet werden kan / daher dann des Sinnbildes Verstand schwer und tunkel wird.” =

See Edgar Wind, Pagan Mysteries in the Renaissance. Harmondsworth, 1967, 208. Diese GleichniB . . . muB nicht von zufälligen / sondern wesentlichen

Eigenschaften eines Dings hergenommen seyn.” 42 Estienne, trans. Blount, 45. 43 Estienne, trans. Blount, 46.

55

allow of specific application. It is perhaps unwise to speak of the arbitrary imposition of meaning upon object, unless “arbitrary” is related to Harsd6rffer’s sense of “essential qualities.” Details aside, the only substantial criticism of Schéne’s emblem theory, of which I am aware, has focused on the notion of “potential facticity” discussed

above and the question concerning the relationship of emblem to conceit. The introductory chapters of Jons’s monograph on Andreas Gryphius, Das “Sinnen-Bild.” Studien zur allegorischen Bildlichkeit bei Andreas Gryphius (Stuttgart, 1966), represent a theory of the emblem that in most essential

respects

harmonizes

with

Schéne’s

theory.

Jons

distinguishes

between the emblem as an “art form” and as a “mode of thought.” Taking

Alciato as his model, Jéns defines the relationship of the three parts of the emblem as “art form” as follows: “Between the motto and the picture there existed a more or less hidden relationship in meaning which the epigram illuminated” (3).** For Jôns the “formal law” of the emblem is “a relationship

of tension between pictura and meaning resulting from the desire to create an enigma” (28),*> whereby there is no necessary or inherent connection between and

picture

meaning

(see 28).

Creation

of meaning

is a function

of the

ingenious inventio of the emblem-writer, who is the sole authority, “without asserting any necessary relationship between picture and meaning that extends beyond the aesthetic”*° (23; see also 20-21, 28). At this point Schéne and Jôns appear to part company. Schône insists on “potential facticity” and inherent thing-meaning relationships as the characteristics of the emblem. Jéns’s rejection of this definition, however, applies only to the “mode of thought” roots in the Middle interpreting reality,

emblem as “art form.” In reference to the emblem as a (see 28-58), Jôns also emphasizes that with its allegorical Ages the emblem is an instrument of knowledge, a way of the basis of which is the Christian medieval belief in the

significance of the qualities of things (see 56). If the cosmos is a system of correspondences and analogies in which each object carries meaning imprinted in its qualities by God at creation, then the interpretation of

# «7wischen der Uberschrift und dem Bild bestand ein mehr oder weniger

verborgener Sinnzusammenhang,

45

“

Bedeutung.”

den das Epigramm erhellte.”

von Bild und . ein durch Verrätselung gewonnenes Spannungsverhältnis

Cu

die über 46 «ohne daf eine verbindliche Beziehung von Bild und Bedeutung, das Asthetische hinausreicht, behauptet wird.”

56

Peter M. Daly

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

reality —the meanings read out of individual objects—is not capricious and

without indicating the perspective implied. This makes it difficult to follow an argument which is based on those concepts. This is not to say that a case cannot be made out for the emblem as a form of miniature allegory. Campe is correct in noting that secularization (13) underpins much of Schéne’s thinking, and I would add that religious emblems play an unrepresentatively small role in the Henkel/Schéne Handbuch, which contains no Jesuit emblem book, although the Jesuits probably produced over a quarter of all printed emblematic books. Campe seems to imply that most emblem scholars assume a “full meaning,” (13, 21) deriving from some medieval way of thinking, which may or may not be discovered in early modern emblems. If that is the implication, then Campe is wrong. It is clear that an emblem writer will interpret a thing or creature in bonam partem or in malem partem, which requires taking not the “full meaning” but rather one aspect of the meaning of the whole. For Campe the humanist contexts of sixteenth-century emblem books “in Schône’s conception become marginal” (15), and he argues that with the

accidental; it is not an invention of the poet,*’ but a recognition of inherent

meaning. Here Schône and Jôns are in agreement. Furthermore, no critic has challenged this assumption, which is a significant departure from the traditional English view as stated by Freeman, whose study is still the basis of much English criticism. The question arises as to the relationship of the emblem as “art form,” characterized by an “absolute neutrality of form” (56) and a certain “veiling for the sake of the pleasure of unveiling,”** to the emblem as a “mode of thought,” which Jéns describes as the “final realization of a spiritual interpretation of the world based on Christian allegory” (56).*° Jéns sees the relationship between emblematic form and mode of thought as follows: “And if this allegorical thinking uses the emblematic art form as invented by Alciato

then it does so as a means to achieve clarity and greater effect” (57).*

- It is perhaps inevitable that a later generation of scholars will exercise criticism of an earlier generation. We need no mythological or psychological paradigm to account for it. For me the only question is whether the new theoretical view enables one to understand better the concrete particulars of, in this case, an emblem. The most recent critical view of Schéne’s emblem theory comes from Riidiger Campe in a thought-provoking and wide-ranging essay.°' Campe’s immediate intellectual models are provided by Pierre Legendre, a French historian of Roman legal thought, and Lacan, although his springboard is Kantorowicz’s reading of Shakespeare’s Richard II. Campe uses concepts such as allegory, symbol, and structure without definition and 9 “Die sinnbildliche Qualität eines Dinges ist nicht als das Resultat einer subjektiven Setzung zu interpretieren, sondern beruht darauf, daB es als solches etwas “abbildet”, das den physischen oder faktischen Bereich seiner Wirklichkeit übersteigt” [The

emblematic quality of a thing is not to be interpreted as the result of a subjective

assumption, but rather depends on its ‘representing’ something that transcends the physical and factual domain of its reality], 79. 8 “_ |. verschliisselt wird um des Reizes der Entschliisselung willen.” 49 ὡς ΝΕ - . letzte Verwirklichung eines in der christlichen Allegorese begründeten spirituellen Weltverständnisses.”

” “Und wenn sich dies allegorische Denken der von Alciatus geprägten Kunstform

des Ἐπιϑιεπις bedient, dann als Mittel zur Verdeutlichung und grôBeren Wirkung.” τῷ See his “Questions of Emblematic Evidence: Phaeton’s Disaster, with Reference to Pierre Legendre’s Theory of Emblems.” In New Directions in Emblem Studies. Ed. Amy Wygand. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies, 1999, 1-24.

+

appearance

of the form

of Alciato’s emblem

book,

57

the “deterioration of

‘emblematic thinking’” (15) already seems to have started for Schone. That requires some demonstration. Campe suggests that emblem books for Sch6ne stand between “the order of things in medieval allegory, which was an order of thinking that did not need a systematic representation, and the modern scientific order of things, whose evidence is given by the systematicity of its representational technique.” (15) It boils down to a question of “emblematic evidence” (15), and the relationship between evidence in the sense of credibility and scientific demonstration (16-17). Campe recognizes that the attempt to connect Legendre’s use of the term emblematics, which for the French historian means an image represented

is through words, with emblem books, is a “dangerous undertaking” (18). It possible when Campe moves on to discuss “the great Other” (19-20) and its

relevance to emblem studies that one may entertain serious doubts about the usefulness of such abstractions for the interpretation of actual emblems. If the proof of the pudding is in the eating, then the value of any theory or

abstraction

lies in its applicability.

And

we

should

never

forget

the

implications of intention and reception.

Michael Bath’s book Speaking Pictures,” published in 1994, sets out to

place English emblem books into the context of Renaissance culture. Unlike ” See note 8.

59

Peter M. Daly

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

Rosemary Freeman, Bath is interested in how emblematic meaning is produced. In his introductory chapter Bath suggests that English emblems can

the whole genre of the European emblem. Anywhere from half a million to a million emblems must have been printed, if the total number of printed books of imprese and emblems even approaches the 6,500 titles recorded in the Union Catalogue database, and this says nothing about emblems and imprese in the material culture. If each printed emblem had appeared in a book with a small print run of just 200 copies, it would mean that those emblems must have been available at least 100 million times. 200 copies per print run is a rather conservative estimate, since we know that three publishers in Munich printed 170,000 copies of Drexel’s books.

58

be divided

into two kinds.

The

first he calls

“moralising”

(2), based on

classical and humanist fopoi in the wake of Alciato and his immediate followers. The second he calls “religious” (2), although he brackets after this term the words

“spiritual,”

“devotional,”

and

“meditative.”

In itself this

distinction says nothing about the relation of pictura to scriptura, or the relation of thing to meaning. Nonetheless, Bath immediately addresses the issue of the relationship of thing to meaning, which he takes to be the “relation between natural and conventional signs” (3). He writes: Put quite simply the issue is whether the emblem depends on the invention of original but arbitrary connections between image and meaning, or whether the relation between sign and referent depends on some deeper and more intrinsic (‘natural’) affinity.

(3)

In Bath’s view both types are found. To the extent that emblem belongs to the art of rhetorical invention” (3), novel or witty connections will be discovered. However, emblems will also be found that are based on some notion of a “mundus symbolicus,” where “inherent meanings (were) already inscribed in the Book of Nature by the finger of God.” (3) But Bath knows that the

distinction is in fact not so clear (see 6). In fact, the very terms “natural” and

“conventional” are not as clear as one might wish. A peach may be a natural object, but the notion that it conveys ideas of “heart” or “love” could be considered a convention that is neither natural nor universal. Bath also reviews modern attempts to describe or define the emblem genre (Praz, Heckscher and Wirth, Schône, Jüns), and he comes to the reasonable conclusion that we need

a “different theory of authority and of probability”

(5). He suggests the

structuralist concept of the vraisemblable, which he defines, using a quotation

from Culler, as “a discourse which requires no justification because it seems 10 derive directly from the structure of the world.” The linguist de Saussure was evidently an important influence with his concepts of language as both “par ole” and “langue,” although Saussure does not feature in the index.

' For a discussion of the relationship of pictura to scriptura, or pictured thing to verbally fixed meaning in the whole genre of the emblem, Bath’s book on the English emblem may well be too narrow a choice of printed examples. But his purpose was not to provide a new basis for understanding

John Manning’s

emblems.

The Emblem*

is the most recent book to discuss

The title raises the expectation that the book will be about the

emblem, rather than about emblems. If we assume (as I do) that half a million

to a million or so emblems were printed, spanning nearly five centuries and composed in many languages, it would be difficult, if not impossible, to write an account of the emblem. Yet that is the implication of the title, and Manning deals with the question “what is an emblem?” in his introduction. We are told that it is not even a good question (21), and yet it has been posed

by many modern scholars, and by erudite Jesuits of the early modern period

such as Jakob Masen and Silvestro Pietrasanta (in his De symbolis heroici

libri IX, chapter 2). and Manning appreciates the pervasiveness of the emblem genre, cultural believes that it “can only be understood in terms of the broad

assumptions that produced it . . . setting the emblem against the backdrop of a

shared European neo-Latin culture of festive celebration” (9). This leads him form to perhaps overstress the culture of “holiday mirth . . . that shapes the

and content of many emblem books” (10).*

an ideal It is not difficult to make fun of theoretical attempts to describe

now like that of type, and yet the seminal work of Albrecht Schéne, which deal to Henry Green seems more maligned than actually read, did a great

advance the study of emblems. It is also not difficult to debunk modern theory

discussion, or to by drawing attention to exceptions, to the lack of historical

an discussions of subgenres, as if these necessarily vitiated a notion of what emblem

is and how it works.

I certainly would not wish to imply anything

static about the genre. But it hardly takes a genius to recognize that Alciato’s

See note 10. I certainly undervalued in my 34 This is an aspect that if Manning overemphasizes, 1998. Literature in the Light of the Emblem. 2nd ed. Toronto, 53

60

Peter M. Daly

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

emblems, as printed, could not be the same as those produced decades and

may not have been conscious of the ribald implications of certain of Alciato’s emblem texts. The Jesuits, who produced about quarter of all printed books of

centuries later. Manning may make fun of attempts to define the emblem, but he recognizes its pervasiveness and he knows that life was “essentially emblematic” (29), even though he may not want to define what that is. Rather than define the genre, he will “allow the emblem practitioners to answer for us” (36). Readers will want to know if those emblem practitioners are answering in their theoretical prefaces or through the emblems printed on the page. In other words, through theory or through practice. But whose practice is it, and does it matter as far as reception is concerned? Manning suggests that the “festive, saturnalian provenance” of Alciato’s emblems

“is not to be underestimated,

and was to exert an enor-

mous influence on the tone and substance of the emblem tradition as a whole” (38-39). He argues that Alciato’s emblems are often scatological (215-218),

licentious (49), ludic, even salacious (42, 253), ribald (238), or they embody jokes or jests (247). Alciato’s so-called obscene emblem of a man defecating

is too well-known to bear revisiting here. But in most editions it was ex-

cluded. Manning is, of course, correct in noting that a modern reader may not

always find the jokes or jests funny (249). But jokes could be used to point to the vanity of the world, as was the wont of the Jesuit Adrian Poirters (250).

Are they still jokes, or have they become examples for a serious purpose? It is true that the festive is an aspect that has been overlooked by scholars, who tend to be serious and unfunny people. But who were the readers that caught the double entendres, sexual innuendoes, and ribald verbal references, sometimes supposedly activated by puns? Did they read the

commentators Mignault and Thiulius as closely as Manning has? Assuming

that Manning is right, how representative is this aspect of emblems? The

double entendres and sexual references, which Manning quotes from Alciato, have to be seen in the context of Alciato’s 212 emblems and their of Latin verse. Then again we are dealing with a printed genre larger, as our knowledge expands. The question is whether handful of examples suffices to stress the scatological, saturnine,

1,270 lines that grows Manning’s or festive

nature of the genre. Probably most modern readers will not even notice many

of Manning’s examples—that is, without his help—and it is likely that many early modern readers also overlooked them. Certainly, Alciato’s translators either failed to notice them, or knowingly—and how glossed over them. Were it otherwise, we would

do we know that?— be hard pressed to

understand how Alciato’s emblems came to be used in schools. Schoolmasters

or about emblems,

61

made use of Alciato and the genre. They would hardly

have done so if Alciato and the emblem genre had been known as licentious or frivolous. This is not to suggest that Manning’s readings are necessarily wrong. However, just how representative are they? In my view, Alciato’s concerns were not primarily unserious. It is difficult to know whether many early modern emblem books were, as Manning suggests, “little more than a voyeuristic peep show, revealing sexual practices and proclivities” (265). After reading so many of them, I tend to doubt it. It is also difficult to know how early modern readers responded to the illustrations that Manning finds comic or absurd. For instance, does the picture in Colonna’s Hypnerotomachia of a half-seated girl, who has one hand

weighed down by a tortoise and the other hand uplifted by wings, bespeak a

“delight in oxymoronic absurdity” (70)? The question is all the more relevant, since Manning, rightly in my view, stresses elsewhere that illustrations tended not to be mimetic, or to accord with everyday reality.

It appears that Manning sometimes confuses production with reception. What he says about the detachable pictura (85) doubtless corresponds with the realities of much emblem production. But not necessarily with reception.

When a reader, then or now, has a printed emblem book in front of him or

her, it matters little whether the emblem picture had been used previously. It is now part of an emblem. Again, a writer may or may not have had a festive and ilor jocular purpose in mind when he penned his text, but once printed lustrated, that emblem is received, read, and understood in ways that may not always correspond with the assumed festive or jocular purpose of the writer. There is no one to close Pandora’s Box, once opened. The New Year’s gifts

funny. πὶ of emblems by the Jesuit Adrian Poirters are not particularly printing Manning also imputes intention to an author on the basis of the How point. In case a is Wither of his book and a comparison with its source.

do we know that the change from Rollenhagen’s octavo format to a folio

to format “chiefly undoes Wither” (103)? How do we know that the decision

print a folio book required Wither “to fill a lot of white paper with his original compositions” (103)? In point of fact, it would appear that Wither “is not so much

thrown back entirely on his own verbal resources”

as he is

obliged to proceed from the original picturae, which he tends to describe in accurately, and then interpret for his own purposes. There is also no point charging Wither with “distorting the neat proportion between image and text

Pee

62

ear

Peter M. Daly

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

(103) found in Rollenhagen, if Wither never intended to write two- and four-

line epigrams.

The chapter “Carnal Devotions” (166-184) opens with a statement that

applies in differing degrees to different representatives of the subgenre of love emblem books: namely that they “mix advice with teasing eroticism, ribaldry,

jocosity, and the softest of soft porn” (166). That is the problem with general-

izations;

they may

not be wrong,

but to what

extent do they apply to

individual books? To which, and to how many? Given Manning’s stress on

the licentious inevitable that addition to the that Le centre

middle region”

and salacious aspects of the emblem genre, it is perhaps such aspects of love emblems should attract his attention. In sexual implications in some of Vaenius’s emblems, we are told de l’Amour “unashamedly steers its course directly to the (175).

This unrepresentative emblem

book

seems

to have

appeared in only one undated edition [1697] or [1698], accordi ng to Praz (302), according to Manning,

Paris, 1680. In Praz’s view the book is rare,

although it features in Manning’s list of 41 “major emblem books” (374). One

can quibble about which of the perhaps 6,500 printed emblematic books were major, but Le centre de l’Amour is hardly one of them. . Sometimes a term is open to different use. “Ephemeral” (186) may be ἃ case in point. The opposite of ephemeral is presumably permanent. In some contexts the opposition is clear. A permanent piece of architecture is a building that was built to last, an ephemeral piece of architecture is a construction that was only intended to last for a day or so. Examples of such ephemeral

things would be the temporary structures erected for entries and processions,

as decorations of towns and buildings, and the castra doloris erected in churches to mark the funeral solemnities of the powerful. Frequently, no records of ephemeral constructions remain. Sometimes, however, these ephem-

ἐν constructions were rendered permanent through printed and often illustrated ooks. Is anything to be gained by insisting on the “ necessarily ephemeral nature

of the genre”

(186) of the emblem?

And

what does that really mean?

Occasional” does not necessarily mean unimportant. The occasions of birth, marriage, and death are always important to those concerned, and when those concerned happen to be rulers, whole peoples may be touched by the events. ΤΩ ges key concept in Manning’s treatment of emblems is “festive.” ities | some emblems and certain emblem books were associated with

Iva s, religious or otherwise, does not necessarily make them festive in the sense of jocular or mirthful. We know that Alciato, according to his letter to

Calvo,

composed

some

(which?)

emblems

during

“his Saturnalibus.”

63 But

whether the “time and occasion shape the content and style of the poems” (221) is another matter. And Alciato’s use of “libellus” may or may not be intended as a pun with the sense of lampoon or pasquinade (see 222). Earlier Manning had suggested that this word “libellus nudges us towards the possible ‘Egyptian’ provenance of his book” (58). Why? Because the word “could refer to a papyrus scroll” (58). Secondary meanings of words are called upon to provide clues about Alciato’s emblems. Does Manning offer a new view of the way in which emblem picture

and emblem texts collaborate in the production of meaning? Many readers will likely be familiar with the views of Albrecht Schéne, William S.

Heckscher, and Dieter Sulzer, who provided clear if different views of the way in which pictura and scriptura work together. Manning does not provide

a new way of looking at how the emblem works. For some emblems he is right in noting that it is the text “that does the work in making the cut [pictura] convey the meaning” (86), but for other emblems, such as those of Rollenhagen, this is not correct. Rollenhagen’s brief subscriptiones indicate at best the direction of meaning of the emblem as a whole, and the picturae often contain background scenes that are never explicated in Rollenhagen’s texts. And yet those background scenes can be identified and they clearly

enhance the meaning of the pictures and therefore the emblems.”

Manning may lament the lack of historicity in some modern attempts to describe the workings of emblems, but early modern prefaces and book introductions tend not to say much about the way in which picture and text work together, or how “meaning” is established.

One of Manning’s welcome re-accentuations is the importance he attaches to notions of children and childish gazers in chapter 4, which he associates with serious play. It is not so much that children will be found in many emblems, nor that emblem books descended from the study to the nursery (which they did not really), but that childhood and play are important to people of all ages, and that childhood games were frequently given moral applications. But more than this; “it was a basic humanist principle to instruct children in morality from their earliest youth” (154). The book concludes with a consideration of “Last things,” which are, of course, Death, Judgment, Heaven, and Hell. These are not “festive,” and

Emblems. The Role 55 See Peter M. Daly and Alan R. Young, “George Wither’s of Picture Background and Reader/Viewer.” Emblematica 14 (2005): 223-250.

64

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

Peter M. Daly

no attempt is made to make them so, although why Neo-Stoicism should be ἃ “fashionable pose” (287) is not explained. Such Neo-Stoicism can be regarded as an almost inevitable response on the part of some of the educated to the vagaries of life. | Manning writes lucidly and wittily, wearing his own erudition lightly. That is perhaps the danger of the book. The unsuspecting reader can easily be led astray. By way of conclusion, I would say that we are always grateful when a scholar devotes his or her time and effort to writing a new account of the genre, even if one may not agree with some of the accentuations. The reader

Will find much to ponder over in this book. Hopefully, it will join Michael

Bath’s earlier study Speaking Pictures* and replace, or at least loosen the stranglehold, of Rosemary Freeman’s book on English scholarship, a book that in so many ways belongs to the 1940s. There is as yet no one study which fully takes into account the variety

of emblem books in terms of their phenomenology, ontology, and semantics;

their relationship development.

to illustrated

forerunners;

and

finally

their historical

(Theatre

n.d.,

but probably

1540,

Morosophie

with

Latin

65

and

French

subscriptiones 1553); Gilles Corrozet (1540); and Barthélemy Aneau (1552).

However, actual practice does not always coincide with the theoretical statements of authors or their publishers, which in any case tend to be short. Furthermore, the terminology is not constant. “Emblem” has meant different things at different times to different emblematists. À number of scholars have looked at the different uses of the term “emblem” and its various synonyms in an attempt to determine what early practitioners actually understood by those terms. Such historical accounts are valuable correctives to modern attempts to characterize the whole genre, which always carry with them the danger of ahistorical tidiness. Nonetheless, the discussion of early modern theory must begin with Alciato. One question, which will continue to haunt modern scholarship, has to do with the relation of writer to graphic artist and publisher. This will im-

pinge on emblem theory, whether inferred by modern scholars or contained in

early modern writings. Who was really responsible for what was printed and thereafter read? Did the artist “merely” illustrate the texts he received either from the writer or the publisher? Did he have a free hand to create picturae? Or did the writer or publisher provide oral or written instructions to guide the

artist? In his chapter on Alciato, printed in this Companion, Denis Drysdall

Early Modern Theories of the Emblem Since a total of well over 6,500 emblematic books were printed and are

known, any discussion of early modern theory will necessarily be selective.

and not everyone will agree on the choice of works to discuss. The humanist

spi

ip ous

has shown that Alciato himself probably did not conceive of his emblems as being illustrated. In most cases of the 6,500 or so printed books of emblems and imprese, known to scholarship, we simply do not know, and we will never know, what the relationship was between writer and artist. But there are exceptions. Harms and Kuechen inform us that Sambucus (1564) was

of the sixteenth century, largely written in Latin, differ in

many essential respects from the vernacular works of the seventeenth century,

and later. One needs to consider at least Andrea Alciato, Hadrianus Junius, Mathias Holtzwart, Nikolaus

Johannes Sambucus, Reusner, Joachim

Camerarius, Nicolaus Taurellus, Geffrey Whitney, and the various collections of imprese by Paolo Giovio, Claude Paradin, and the Italians.5’ There were also emblem books written only in French in this early modern period, some

of which were later translated into other vernaculars: Guillaume de la Perrière % See note 8. 57

Italian

I

d

-

:

enth-Century ee diorougi 4 scussion in Dorigin Caldwell, “Studies in Sixte ry

ematica 11 (2001): 3-257; and her book The Sixteenth-Centu Itali ahan. Impre sa in Embl Imprese.. Theory and Practice. New York: AMS Press, 2004.

from

#

m’ and ‘Device’ See Ayres Bagley, “English Dictionary Definitions of ‘Emble

Elyot to Johnson.”

Emblematica

4 (1989):

177-199;

Daniel Russell,

“The Term

337-351; Peter M. ‘Embléme’ in Sixteenth-Century France.” Neophilologus 59 (1975): In The Art of ion.” iderat Recons A s: Daly, “The Arbitrariness of George Wither’s Emblem

Manning, the Emblem. Studies in Honour of Karl Josef Holtgen. Ed. Michael Bath, John “Terms for and Alan R. Young. New York: AMS Press, 1993, 201-224; Pedro F. Campa,

Theory, Emblem in the Spanish Tradition.” In Aspects of Renaissance and Baroque Symbol 13-26. 1999, Press, AMS York: 1500-1700. Ed. Peter M. Daly and John Manning. New y Literar s: Variant atic An invaluable source is the compendium of terms entitled Emblem

Title Pages of Emblem Echoes of Alciati’s Term Emblema. A Vocabulary Drawn from the ed as vol. 11 Books, compiled by William 5. Heckscher and Agnes B. Sherman and publish

in AMS Studies in the Emblem (New York, 1995).

66

Peter M. Daly

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

involved in considerable costs for the graphic work.” They discuss in some detail the collaboration between Sambucus and the artists Lucas D’Heere and Peter Huys, as well as the decisive role played by the publisher Plantin (281282). They note that the initial verses of Sambucus’s epigrams follow closely the preceding picturae. This leads the editors to assume oral agreements between author and graphic artist, all the more so as both were living in Ghent at the time. This is a reasonable enough inference, although one must still assume that the texts were written first, and the pictures were produced

1531,™ but the poem to Peutinger, which was often reprinted, might have been written in the early 1520s. Steiner’s preface is more concerned with the publisher’s addition of illustrations than anything else. However, Alciato’s Latin dedication to Peutinger has been the subject of striking differences of opinion among modern critics. The Latin in the most ambiguous passage reads as follows: Hec nos festiuis Emblemata cudimus horis, Artificium illustri sigaque facta manu. Vestibus vt torulos, petasis vt figere parmas, Et valeat tacitis scribere quisque notis.

later to “illustrate” them. We know that Nikolaus Reusner (Emblemata 1581)

made extensive use of woodcuts that had appeared earlier in works issued by Feyerabend.”

emblems

The

same

Reusner

carried

out

(1581) in his Aureola Emblemata

a remake

of Holtzwart’s

(1587), retaining the original

illustrations and sharpening the Latin subscriptiones.°' We also know that Geffrey Whitney (1585) took most of his picturae from Plantin’s stock. It can

thus be assumed that Whitney proceeded from the pictures. It is also known that George

Wither

(1635)

took over

from

Gabriel

Rollenhagen

the 200

engraved picturae with their engraved mottos largely in Latin, but some in French, Greek, and Italian. Wither only changed one picture. Wither makes it clear that he was working from the graphic images of someone else. But what hand, if any, did Rollenhagen have in the original creation of the pictures in his emblem book? Rollenhagen’s brief subscriptiones never explicate the background scenes, which were evidently the initiative of Crispin de Passe,

who could certainly read the Latin texts of Rollenhagen.”

I shall begin with Alciato and his German translators. The first printed emblem book proper is Andrea Alciato’s Liber emblematum (Augsburg: Steiner, 1531). What does the publisher’s preface and Alciato’s dedicatory

poem to Conrad Peutinger tell us about his emblems and their relations to

what went before? These were both published in the editio princeps of 3 See their facsimile edition with “Nachwort,” published by Olms, 2002, 279.

67

Rather than give a single translation, I will point out the salient differences that will be found if one compares interpretations. While there is no doubt that the word “Emblemata” may be translated as “emblems,” this does not necessarily mean that Alciato intended the printed pictures to be understood as belonging to his emblems. “Festivis horis” is usually understood as “leisure hours,” but may perhaps refer to the ancient saturnalia that were revived among certain humanists. The greatest stumbling block is Alciato’s choice of the word “cudimus,” which has been taken literally (cudere in the sense of “to emboss” or “to cut” as implying the work of the graphic artist cutting a wood block, or an engraving, and therefore suggesting Alciato’s participation Hessel Miedema, “The Term Emblema in Alciati.” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 31 (1968): 234-250; Miedema revisited the issue in “Alciato’s Emblema Once Again.” Emblematica 7 (1993): 365-367. Between these dates of 1968 and 1993, the following considered the matter: In Holger Homann, “Andrea Alciato, Libellum composui, cui titelum fece emblemata.” & Dekker Haentjens Utrecht: Jahrhunderts. 16. des Emblematik zur Studien Homann’s

Gumbert, 1971, 25-40. Claudie

Balavoine,

“L’Archéologie

de

l’embléme

littéraire:

La

Dédicace

à Conrad

° See Elisabeth Klecker and Sonja Schreiner, “How to Gild Emblems. From Mathias Holtzwart’s Emblematum Tyrocinia to Nicolaus Reusner’s Aureola Emblemata.”

Peutinger des Emblemata d’ André Alciat.” In Emblèmes et Devises au Temps de la Renaissance. Ed. M.T. Jones-Davies. Paris: Jean Touzot, 1981, 9-21. Bernhard F. Scholz, “‘Libellum composui epigrammaton, cui titulum feci Emblemata’: Alciatus’s Use of the Expression Emblemata Once Again.” Emblematica 1 (1986): 212-226.

Brepols, 2003, 160-166.

Emblematica 6 (1992): 201-204.

See Michael Schilling’s “Nachwort” pp. Reusner’s Emblemata. Hildesheim: Olms, 1990. In Mundus

;

emblematicus.

2 See note 55. 63

Ed.

Karl A.E.

.

Enenkel

6*-7*

in his facsimile edition of

and Arnoud

5.0.

Visser.

Many scholars have written about the use of the term “emblema”

They include:

Turnhout:

Virginia

W.

Callahan,

“A

Comment

on

the

1531

Edition

of Alciato’s

Emblems.”

“ A valuable survey of research on the 1531 edition is contained in Bernhard F.

in Alciato.

Scholz, “The 1531 Augsburg Edition of Alciato’s Emblemata: A Survey of Research.” Emblematica 5 (1991): 213-254.

68

Peter M. Daly

in the creation of illustrations). But cudere has also been understood meta-

phorically as “to make,” which would then mean “writing” or “editing” the texts of the epigrams. The last two lines speak of adding trimmings to clothing and badges to hats—in other words, additions to objects of the material culture, and writing with or on silent signs, which may refer to literature or to objects of the material culture. If the Latin leaves many questions unanswered, the various printed translations bring decisions. The German translations of the early modern period stress the application of these emblems to the material culture. Alciato’s Emblemata were first and foremost epigrams. Their subjects were drawn from Greek and Roman history, mythology, and natural history. In this process the Greek Anthology played a large role. In the introduction, I reviewed briefly the important forerunners of the

emblem: they include ideas and materials from the Greek epigram, classical mythology and history, Renaissance collections of loci communes, the Tabula

Cebetis [The Tablet of Cebes], Egyptian and Renaissance hieroglyphics, imprese, commemorative medals, heraldry, medieval nature symbolism, and Bible exegesis. It is perhaps no surprise that sixteenth-century practitioners never refer to all of these in their prefaces and forewords. The Parisian publisher Wechel printed Latin, and bilingual LatinFrench and Latin-German editions of Alciato’s emblems in the 1530s and 1540s. The Latin preface to the German translation by Wolfgang Hunger

(1542) has been studied by Denis Drysdall® and the German translation of the

emblem texts by Peter M. Daly.” In his preface, dated May 1, 1539, Hunger explains that his purpose in translating Alciato’s emblems had been primarily linguistic. He does not deal with the question of the meaning of the term, nor with the forerunners of the emblem. Hunger does, however, stress the moral

value of the work, “the beauty of the different virtues and the ugliness of the vices” [virtutum splendorem & vitiorem Joeditatem]. Who does Hunger see as

his readers? He mentions children, especially those of princes, teachers and 65

r See Denis L. Dysdall, “Defenc e and Illustration of the German Language: Wolfgang Hunger’s Preface to Alciati’s Emblems (Text and Translation),” Emblematica 3 (1988): 137-160. 66 See Peter M. Daly, “The Intertextuality of Word and Image in Wolfgang .

Hunger’s German Translation of Alciato’s Emblematum liber.” In Intertextuality: German

Literature and the Visual Arts. Ed. Ingeborg Hoesterey and Ulrich Weisstein. Columbia, SC: Camden House,

1993, 30-46.

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

69

“every sort of artist” [omni artificum genere]. But it is Alciato’s legal works that Hunger recommends towards the end of his preface. Held’s German prefaces to his German translation of Alciato (1567) are different. Whereas Held’s first preface is personal, containing praise for the dedicatee, the second preface addresses the reader. Here Held says that he knows that his translation of Alciato will bring forth critics and detracters [verbunstige MiBgünner / lose Tadler / Meister klügel / neidische / héhnische Spôtter vnd Gaufferer A7r], who will consider the work only suitable for artisans

[Handwercker], such as painters and goldsmiths [Malern / Gold-schmiden]. Held does not consider such criticism worthy of reply. But since the simple may be poisoned by such criticism, Held will explain the values of the book. He does

this in thirteen numbered points and a longer final discussion. Firstly, emblems have an ancient provenance. The Egyptians possessed not only a common vernacular language but also a sacred language reserved to the priests, which used only images [von den Thieren vnd gewechsen / etc vnd deren Gliedern vnd theilen seind Gebildet gewesen A8r]. Secondly, emblems were used by what we would today call the Italians [welsche Volker A8r]. Thirdly, in these pages the dumb speaks [das stummend redt A8r], and that which is without reason none the less gives reason [das on vernunfft / gibt eine grosse vernunfft von sich A8r]. Fourthly, emblems contain a hidden sense and secret [grosser verstandt vnd geheimnuf A8r] that not everyone will grasp. His eighth point concerns the secrets of nature [geheimnuf der Natur A8v]. In this connection, Held cites the theologian, lawyer, medical doctor, physicist, mathematician, astronomer, and

astrologer, all of whom require this knowledge of the secrets of nature. The translator next stresses the novelty of the book, which may be of ancient origin, but brings things which are new to Germans [neuw vor bey uns Teutschen nit viel gesehen Bir]. The book contains new and beautiful illustrations, which Held

asserts will be contemplated more often and commended to memory [offter besehen vnd der gedechtnup fleissiger befohlen werden Bir]. This makes an interesting claim for the value of pictures, which many modern readers,

bombarded by illustrations from magazines, billboards and TV, will perhaps not always appreciate. Held also stresses the mnemotechnical function of such pictures. His eleventh point deals with the verses, which also serve the memorial function of the emblem. Point twelve concerns the ethical value of the book. The emblems warn against evil and harm, while exhorting good. He then expands on the notion of ethical value by insisting that from the book readers will learn various teachings, warnings, virtue, good ways, and bourgeois honorableness

70

Peter M. Daly

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

[Lehr / Vermahnung / Zucht / Tugend / gute Sitten vnd alle Bürgerliche ehrlichkeit B1v]. The stress on middle-class or bourgeois values is significant. Held concludes this point with the practical application of such emblems in the material culture. He does so by recommending their use on household wares, such as clothing, carpets, shields, weapons (perhaps coats of arms),

ancient provenance of emblems with a passing reference to the Egyptians and Horapollo with their hieroglyphic figures (A iiliv). The only contemporary writer named is Alciato. Thomas Combe included his translation of La Perriére’s preface in his London editions that also include a new preface “To the Reader,” which make comments on the pictures as “helps to the weaknes

Teppich / Schild / Wappen / Helm / Bitschier / Wend / Pfosten / Küssin vnd ander ding mehr B1v-B2r]. This point was originally made by Alciato himself in his poem to Peutinger. Held concludes his preface to the reader with an indication of the reasons why he has published this work. It is the usual explanation. People asked him to do it. Persons of nobility and other honorable people who do not know Latin had seen Alciato’s emblems, asking him for the meaning of the illustrations. They asked him to produce a German version in rhyme. But he was busy with other matters, and the material was difficult, with many hidden old stories, fables and poems, some unknown to Germans [die Materi schwer / darinnen vil

for these pictures. He writes: “Wherein if the verse be anything obscure, the Impreses or pictures make it more lively, and in a manner more actuall” (A

helmets, walls, posts, cushions, and other such things [HauBrath / Gewand /

verborgner alter Historien

/ Geschicht / Fabeln

vnd Gedicht

...

die uns

Te eutschen unbekannt B2r]. Over the next three folios Held gives an account of his busy life, his attempts to translate Alciato’s texts, his presentation of samples

of his work

to the judgment

of other

scholars.

He

entered

into

discussions with Feyerabend and Raben who decided to publish his translation of Alciato’s emblems. Part of his intended readership is the common man [gemeinen Mann B3v]. Held insists that the material is not childish [Kindisch

B3v] and may not be entrusted to frivolous persons [leichfertigen Personen B4r]. The translator reminds the reader that not only has Alciato drawn on the Greek Anthology but also, among others, Erasmus and Melancthon. Martin Luther is also named as an authority who translated Aesop’s fables. Held only refers to hieroglyphs through his mention of Egyptians, and fables as forerunners of the emblem. But like Alciato and Hunger before him he does highlight the use of emblems in the material culture. Going back a few years, La Perriére had published in French Le

Theatre des bons engins in Paris, probably in 1540. An English translation by

Thomas Combe appeared probably in 1593, and a different edition in 1614. La Perriére’s brief preface to Marguerite, Queen of Navarre, mentions the i

in

199067

i

See the facsimile editions edited by Mary V. Silcox, published by Scolar Press,

71

of common vnderstandings” (A 5r). Combe uses the technical term “imprese”

5v). The translator insists on the ethical value precepts and rebukes to our behaviours” (A 5v).

of the book

“contayning

La Perriére’s longer, twelve-page preface to La Morosophie names certain philosophers such as Diogenes and Cicero, but says nothing about the term “emblem” or the provenance of the form.

The Latin emblems of Johannes Sambucus (1564) have appeared now in two facsimile editions, which make available the first (1564) and second (1566)

editions. Both contain Sambucus’s brief preface, written in a very difficult Latin. Sambucus’s short tract “De Emblemate” is dated Ghent, January 1, 1564. It precedes all the Latin editions of his emblems,” only the first three paragraphs

of which offer a “theory.” It is a short theoretical work that is so rich in Latin allusions and Greek elements that it could only have been understood by highly

learned individuals.” Written a little over 30 years after the initial publication of Alciato’s emblems in 1531, Sambucus is fairly close to the views expressed by °8

In 1982 a facsimile reprint of the first edition (Antwerp,

1564) of the Latin

emblems of Joannes Sambucus appeared: Emblemata, cum aliquot nummis antiqui operas, with an introduction by August Buck. It appeared as vol. 11 in the series Bibliotheca Hungarica Antiqua by the Akadémiai Kiadé. The second edition appeared also as a facsimile in 2002: Emblemata et aliquot nummi antiqui operis. Altera editio (Antwerp:

Plantin, 1656), with an afterword by Wolfgang Harms and Ulla-Britta Kuechen. It was

printed in the series Emblematisches Cabinet (Hildesheim, Zurich, New York: Georg Olms Verlag, 2002). ®

See Denis L. Drysdall,

“Joannes Sambucus,

‘De Emblemate’ (Text and Trans-

lation).” Emblematica 5 (1991): 111-120, and the discussion by Ari Wesserling, “Testing

Modern Emblem Theory: The Earliest Views of the Genre (1564-1566).” In The Emblem

Tradition and the Low Countries. Ed. John Manning, Karel Porteman, and Mare van Vaeck. Turnhout: Brepols, 1999, 3-22. Wesserling also provides the text and a translation

of Sambucus’s notoriously difficult preface “De Emblemate.” ” Unlike Holger Homann, I do not expect Sambucus to show awareness of what

Albrecht Schone calls the “ideelle Priorität des emblematischen Bildes” (Studien zur Emblematik des 16. Jahrunderts. Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1971, 50-51).

72

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

Peter M. Daly

Alciato himself, although his choice of the words “carving, cooking, and finally spewing forth” [cudant, coquant, denique extrudant] to describe the methods of other practitioners of the emblem during the preceding 30 or so years, suggests that he has a critical view of Alciato’s followers. Sambucus begins by describing his understanding of “emblem.” For him “emblem” is, in Drysdall’s words, “an accessory ornament with symbolic meaning, whose interpretation requires some reflection” (111). Writing of the genre Sambucus holds that there are three types of emblem: moral,

natural, historical [de moribus,

& natura,

& historical],

which are

composed of attributes and symbolic signs. Like all early emblem writers, Sambucus holds strong moral views. Emblems should teach good living.

Although Sambucus says little about the relationship of image to text,

he does insist that the emblem should strike the eye and stimulate the mind. But for him they should be “veiled, ingenious, pleasing with a variety of meaning” [/faque tecta, arguta, iucunda, & variè significante sint]. He also believes that the visual element should be present in the pictura as well as the subscriptio. In other words, by the 1560s the picture was considered an essential element of the emblem, although Alciato may never have thought of

it that way. Sambucus concentrates on the tension between pictura and sub-

scriptio, which both conceals and makes accessible the moral teaching of the

emblem. He notes the intellectual labor of discovery on the part of the learned reader. I stress this aspect because the question of tension and concealing were central to the modern conception of the emblem associated with the

names Heckscher and Wirth. Sambucus’s emblem theory did not influence the

necessary.

The

vernacular

transmission

of Sambucus’s

73

emblems

started

almost immediately with translations into Dutch (1566) and French (1567). In

using 51 emblems of Sambucus, ” Geffrey Whitney (1586) employed the

picturae that were among Plantin’s blocks. Sambucus’s emblems in the material culture century “Four Seasons” tapestries with assumed to have been designed by Francis

at Hatfield House.”?

Among the little known uses of of England are early seventeenththeir 170 emblematic roundels, Hyckes. The tapestries now hang

Junius also needs to be considered, even though his “theoretical” reflections are rather short.’? For Junius emblems should provoke thought and

sharpen the reader’s mind (ingenium acuere); they should fascinate the reader

by keeping him or her in suspense (quo suspensum diutius et sollicitum Lectoris animum tenent). He insists on the necessity of intellectual effort and believes that the reader’s pleasure will be greater once the enigma is resolved. A good emblem for Junius contains a moral notion that is veiled by a pleasant obscurity (praeclari iucunda obscuritate quasi obtento velo tegunt). Although not further elaborated, this notion of obscurity and veiling are in harmony with Sambucus’s views. Some 50 years after Alciato’s first edition of emblems had appeared in Augsburg, and fourteen years after Held’s German translation of Alciato was

printed, two emblem books were published in Germany with important prefaces: Nikolaus Reusner and Mathias Holtzwart. There is an excellent

edition of the emblems of Holtzwart, produced by Peter von Düffel and Klaus

Schmidt,” but relatively few studies of Holtzwart’s emblems. The few that

further history of the emblem, while Sambucus’s own emblems through their

many printings and translations had a convincing impact. This is again the important distinction that must always be made between theory and practice.

|

Sambucus never mentions the inscriptiones that he wrote for nearly all

his emblems and that had been an integral part of Alciato’s emblems. This leads Harms and Kuechen to suggest (284) that Sambucus’s conception of the

emblem is closer to the motto-less emblems of La Perriére (1540). By way of forerunners, Sambucus only mentions the Egyptians and Pythagoreans. - As was the case with Alciato, the emblems of Sambucus were a considerable success, which could not have been known in advance. There

were five new editions of the Latin emblems (1569, 1576, 1584, 1591, and 1599), and translations into Dutch ( 1566) and French (1567) became

” See Mason Tung, “Whitney’s A Choice of Emblemes Revisited:

A Comparative

Study of the Manuscript and the Printed Version,” Studies in Bibliography 29 (1976): 32101. See also Gabor Tiiskés, “Imitation and Adaptation in Late Humanist Emblematic Poetry: Zsämboky (Sambucus) and Whitney,” Emblematica 11 (2001): 261-292.

House: 7 See Peter M. Daly, “The Sheldon ‘Four Seasons’ Tapestries at Hatfield

A Seventeenth-Century

Instance

Decorative Arts.” Emblematica are found

of Significant

Emblematic

14 (2005): 251-296.

in his epistle to the reader

(65).

Decoration

in the English

See the discussion

by Ari

a

They

™

and German The edition, which has facsimiles of the images and newly set Latin

Wesserling in a forthcoming essay on “Emblems Emblemata in the Light of Erasmus’ Adagia.”

and

Proverbs:

texts, is provided with a thorough introduction as a “Nachwort.” Reclam in its series Universal-Bibliothek 8555-8557.

Hardianus

Junius

It was published by

.

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

exist were published by Holger Homann, ”° Ken Fowler,” and more recently by Elisabeth Klecker and Sonja Schreiner.” Holtzwart’s Emblematum tyrocinia (StraBburg: Jobin, 1581) contains a lengthy preface in German by Johann Fischart dealing with the “origin, name and use of emblems” [von Vrsprung / Namen vnd Gebrauch der Emblematen /

believe that emblems derive from such military forms. He also mentions the Phrygians, Franks, Persians, Athenians, and Egyptians who used one creature as their sign, and he provides examples of emblematic decoration of armor and weapons in Homer and Virgil. Fischart strikes a patriotic note in observing that no people were more industrious in creating such signs of war [Kriegszeychen] than the Germans. As demonstration, he names Giovio’s Dialogo dell’ Imprese. Giovio is cited

oder Eingeblômeten Zierwercken.|

Fischart was

the first to deal with this

question in German. Since this is also the first vernacular preface since La Perriére, and much longer, it will likely suggest what was deemed useful for a German readership in the late 1570s. Holtzwart’s own short Latin preface is dated 1576. Fischart begins by noting that the word “emblem” comes from the Greek and refers to poetic pictures that teach secrets or mysteries [Poetischen Geheymnuflehrigen Gemälen]. He proceeds to observe that emblems have been used to decorate what we would now call the material culture. He singles out sculptors, goldsmiths, engravers of seals and gems, and various materials, such as linen and silk, used in wall coverings. He also refers to the use of inlaid materials on walls, ceilings, pillars and stone floors, and weapons. Glazed tiles and carpentry are also named. Fischart insists that emblematic decoration is often more reflective and rich in meaning [nachsinnlicher vnd verstandreicher] than the object so decorated. This brings Fischart to praise Holtzwart’s collection of emblems as painted mysteries and pictures with concealed teachings [Gemälmysterien vnd verdeckten Lehrgemälen]

since,

for him, emblems

mostly

convey

beautiful, didactic,

deeply sought, useful and pleasant opinions, and reminders [schdne lehrhaffte / Tiefgesuchte / Niitzliche vnd ergétzliche Meynungen vnd Manungen].

Fischart returns to the origin of the term “emblem,” noting that there

again to substantiate the historical account of the Italians learning of imprese from the French during the wars in Italy (1494-1495 and 1498 onwards).

Fischart complains of the contemporary fashion for such imprese, which he calls “Wappen.” But he also provides honorable examples, the old bishop of Mainz, and such aristocratic orders as the Golden Fleece, and the Order of the Garter. This brings him to note that not only princes and lords, but also scholars have had such imprese. And he lists a number of writers who have shown the correct way to create true emblems [den rechten weg / wie die ware Emblemata nach rechter Art weren zustellen]. They are Alciato, Sambucus, Giovio, Paradin, Valeriano, Becanus, La Perriérre, Coustau, Aneau, Bocchi, Calcagnini, Herold, Cittolini, Symeoni, and Junius. The list,

which lumps together writers of imprese, hieroglyphs, and emblems,

is a

virtual “who’s who” of the genre up to the year 1580. Not that Holtzwart

discusses their theories of the emblem, nor does he get into the dispute as to what characterizes the perfect impresa or emblem. As we have seen, his interest is largely historical, and his reflections bear witness to the uncertainty about the origin and meaning of “emblem” at the time. Fischart does not forget printers with their printers’ devices [verstandreichen Signet]. And he concludes by mentioning tournaments and tournament imprese—again he calls them “Wappen ”__that exercise at once the

oder Waffengemerck] came later. But Fischart does allow that some scholars

das mind with meaningful invention and the body with adroit speed [zugleich er geschickt mit Leib Gemiit mit sinnreicher Erfindung / vnd den Geschwindigkeit erübe].

: © See Holger Homann. Studien zur Emblematik des 16. Jahrhunderts. Utrecht:

1717.” The theoretical statements in his short preface may be considered to

are many

opinions.

But for him the most certain origin

building [Baukiinstlichkeyt].

Signs on shields and weapons

is in the arts of

[Schildzeychen

Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1971 (with essays on Brant, Alciato, Sambucus, Holtzwart, and Taurellus). + See Ken

Fowler,

“Social

Content

in

Tyrocinia.” Emblematica 4 (1989): 15-38. i

77

,

Mathias

See Elisabeth Klecker and Sonja Schreiner,

Holtzwart’s

“How

Emblematum

to Gild Emblems.

From

Mathias Holtzwart’s Emblematum Tyrocinia to Nicolaus Reusner’s Aureola Emblemata.” In Mundus

emblematicus.

Brepols, 2003, 131-172.

à

75

Peter M. Daly

74

Ed.

Karl A.E.

Enenkel

and Arnoud

S.Q.

Visser.

Turnhout:

three The name of Nicolaus Taurellus (1547-1606) is associated with editions of his Emblemata physico-ethica, published in 1595, 1602, and

correspond

in many

respects

with modern

theory.

As a professor of

that his publication of a philosophy and medicine he is almost painfully aware

collection of emblems could leave him open to criticism. He argues that the

to mind the emblem is not jocular, but related to philosophy. Taurellus calls

78 See the useful account in Holger Homann Studien zur Emblematik des 16.

Jahrhunderts. Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1971, 106-122.

|

>

76

>

>

B21,

etymology of the word “emblem,” and insists that his emblems are images of virtue and vice, and that the motifs derive from the works of God and nature.

He also asserts that his emblems are Christian and lead to a contemplation of God and of virtue [Nos certe foelicitatem nostram ei philosophiae acceptam ferimus, quae nos a vera operum Dei contemplatione & voluntatis eius cognitition ad perfecta virtutum opera deducit. Hic idem quoque finis est emblematum Christianorum]. Nature is not only God’s work but also offers motifs for emblems that truly exist and can influence our senses [41 natura

wroughte in plate, or in stones in the pauementes, or on the waules, or such like, for the adorning of the place. . . .” Whitney notes that emblems have “some wittie deuise expressed with cunning woorkemanship” and rather like Sambucus and Junius he stresses the element of obscurity. Emblems should have “something obscure to be perceiued at the first, whereby, when with further

consideration

is

it vnderstood,

modo nostros afficiunt sensus]. Taurellus describes how some emblems derived from direct observation of nature or man’s activities in nature,

Another emblem writer, frequently named in early emblem books, is Nikolaus Reusner (1581).” His brother Jeremias Reusner contributed the

the forerunners of the emblem.

tamen res nobis offert, quae verau sunt, certoque & stablili eseentiae suae

whether it is a field of corn, or a man splitting wood.

to his Emblemata

(1581),

which

stresses the literary

qualities of the work by referring to such authors as Strabo, Horace, and Socrates. In fact, this epistle quotes Horace’s famous dictum “Aut prodesse volunt, aut delectare poéte,” thereby making an implicit claim for his brother’s emblems. Jeremias is intent on asserting for the emblem a special role in poetry. His epistle names the following emblem writers: Alciato, Coustau, Aneau, Bocchi, Paradin, Beza, Sambucus, and Junius, but he does

not characterize either their “emblems” or the relationship of pictura to scriptura. No consideration is given to the forerunners of the emblem. Geffrey Whitney published A Choice of Emblemes in Leiden in 1586. Dedicated

to Robert,

Earl of Leicester,

the initial preface

is an “Epistle

dedicatorie” to the Earl, replete with praise and ingratiation. It is only in the second preface “To the Reader,” dated May 1586, that Whitney says anything

of consequence about emblems. He justifies his emblem dedications with a passing nod at Reusner, Junius, Sambucus, and unnamed others, and stresses

the moral value of the collection, which will reprove “wickednes” and “sinne” and extol “vertue.” He then proceeds to explain the term emblem, some 55 years after Alciato had published his little book in 1531. Whitney

gives the Greek term, which he translates as “To set in, or to put in” and then provides examples in the material culture of “suche figures, or worke, as are ”

See

Emblemata.

Michael

Hildesheim,

Schilling’s

facsimile

Ziirich, New

edition

York: Olms.

dedicatory epistle by Ingrid Hépel, Emblem Erbauungsbuch. Frankfurt am Main: Athenäum,

with

“Nachwort”

of Reusner’s

1990. See also the discussion of the

und Sinnbild. 1987, 157-162.

Vom

Kunstbuch

zum

it maie

the

greater

delighte

the

Again, like his predecessors, Whitney holds that “all Emblemes parte, maie be reduced to these three kinds, which is Historicall, Morall.” He gives examples of each. Whitney refers the reader more information to “And. Alciatus, Guielll. Perrerius, Achilles to diuerse others.”

behoulder.” for the most Naturall, & who wishes Bochius and

epistola dedicatoria

77

Emblem Theory: Modern and Early Modern

Peter M. Daly

Perriére, Apart from naming Reusner, Junius, Sambucus, Alciato, La of and Bocchi, whose emblems are not described, Whitney offers no account

In the three prefaces that Camerarius* wrote to the first three centuries

of his Symbola et Emblemata,

and in the fourth that was written after his

death by his son, there is little by way of discussion of forerunners of the the emblem, beyond the list of writers of emblems and imprese given in remarks directed to the reader. The four collections, each of one hundred

emblems, are devoted to plants (Centuria una, 1590), animals, i.e., quad-

(Centuria tertia, 1596), and rupeds (Centuria altera, 1595), birds and insects fish and reptiles (Centuria quarta, 1604). In the preface to his first century,

A3v). Camerarius twice mentions the properties of natural things (A2v and or as He also refers to the Italian tradition of imprese, naming brief dictum, um We might say inscriptio or motto, the soul [anima, id est, breue ac succint

dictum|, and the body as the picture [corpori siue pictura additum). address Camerarius also mentions by name Giovio, Ruscelli and Contile. The to the reader (F3-F4v) concludes with a list of writers that includes Alciato, Ammirato, Becanus, Borja, Camilli, Coustau, Flamin, Paradin, Reusner, Ruscelli, Sambucus, and Valeriano.

Giovio,

Mignault, |

ius In his preface to the second century of animal emblems, Camerar

again twice mentions

the properties of natural things (A3v),

which can

ritta Kuechen of Joachim ® See the facsimile reprint by Wofgang Harms and Ulla-B che

Camerarius, Symbola et Emblemata (Nuremberg, 1590-1604). 2 vols. Graz: Akademis

Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1986 and 1988. The introduction, printed at the end of vol. 2,

n of these important provides information on the collaboration that went into the productio impresa. and works and situates Camerarius’s emblems between emblem

Peter M. Daly

78

provide examples of the virtues and vices. In his address to the reader (Cc2vCc4v) he again refers to Italian imprese, and the soul and body of the impresa, and the emblem commentaries of Claude Mignault. Camerarius also mentions by name Giovio, Ruscelli, and Contile. The address to the reader

concludes with two lists of authors. The second list is of recent writers and includes Alciato, Ammirato, Bargagli, Bocchi, Camilli, Cappaci, Contile, Junius, Faerno, Giovio, Reusner, and Sambucus. In the preface to his third century of emblems of birds and insects, Camerarius again mentions the properties of natural things (a2v), which can provide examples of the virtues and vices. He again mentions Italian imprese,

and this time the Altdorf emblems (4r). There is no address to the reader, but

the volume concludes with two lists of authors. The second list is of recent writers and includes Alciato, Bargagli, Borja, Cappaci, Contile, Junius, Giovio, de Montenay, Paradin, Reusner, Ruscelli, and Valeriano.

In the preface to the fourth century of emblems on fish and reptiles, Camerarius’s son refers to the Italian use of the term impresa for what they call emblems or symbols. For the first time in these prefaces reference is made to Egyptian priests (4r). There is neither an address to the reader nor

appended lists of authors. A number of things strike one about these early modern prefaces or

introductions to collections of emblems. They seldom speak to the issue of

graphic

illustration.

This

would

have

implications

for the actual

act of

creation, or intention, rather than reception of printed collections where the pictura is usually present, either as a woodcut or an engraving. Even though

emblem writers may draw in differing degrees upon materials from the Greek epigram, classical mythology and history, Renaissance collections of loci

Andrea Alciato, Pater et Princeps DENIS L. DRYSDALL

University of Waikato, Hamilton, New Zealand

father and That Andrea Alciato, the eminent humanist lawyer,’ was in fact the

is not initiator of the illustrated poetic genre which is now called the emblem ping in doubt. During the 1520s his correspondence shows him to be develo the urely, premat the idea, which appeared in print in 1531 though perhaps y first published work to use the term in its title. It was a seventeenth-centur plenty writer who gave Alciato the title used for this chapter,” but there were as of imitators and successors of the sixteenth century who acknowledged him : the first to produce what they too called emblems. * to m” “emble What is in doubt is how Alciato himself intended the word be understood when he first used it. Nothing he says can be construed with assurance as ἃ definition; he does not specify the number or the relationship to of the parts of the composition in the way some modern theorists have tried as formulate definitions, nor does he explain how his subjects function ns. questio and symbols. All the evidence available gives rise to uncertainties

Alciato’s contemporaries and successors did not agree among themselves

to survey about how the term should be used. Since it is not appropriate here

all the research which the problem has inspired,* we shall try to summarise

à ote | the conclusions which seem reasonably certain. almost 15 Writing The first occasion on which Alciato used the word in Francesco Calvo. In this certainly in a letter to his friend and onetime publisher ng stateletter, now known to be correctly dated 9 January 1523, is the followi

ment:

communes, the Tabula Cebetis, Egyptian and Renaissance hieroglyphics, imprese, commemorative medals, heraldry, medieval nature symbolism, and Bible exegesis, no theoretical statement from the early modern period ever

These past Saturnalia, Visconti, I put together the title Emblems, for which is taken from

refers to all of these. There is also a certain amount of namedropping, which

is understandable.

in order to gratify the noble Ambrogio a little book of epigrams to which I gave in each epigram I describe something history or from nature and can mean

! For Alciato’s biography, see Abbondanza. [Note: For complete citation information for this chapter, ict 4 Section H (pp. 536-544) of this volume s Selective

Bibliography for Further Reading. } 24 ne, 24. blemes.

i ins : Îî%gxl‘lrsièrqeuogîd“lglîîîtoa pareillementé greca, de nostre τραῖθοξ suo libro dal d’un re per titolo usata temps, ., ” Contile, 24r: “la voce emblema

divin Alciato. . . .” + For a survey of such work up to 1991, see Scholz.

80

Denis L. Drysdall

Alciato, Pater et Princeps

something refined (elegans), and from which artists, goldsmiths metalworkers, can fashion the kind of objects which we call badges and which we attach to our hats or use as trade-marks, like Aldus’ anchor, Froben’s dove or Calvo’s elephant which is in

the text of the epigram itself, can be such a transposable ornament.’ Thus, although it seems clear that Alciato used the term here as a title for his epigrams, the idea of a representation of the subject is also implied. His successors, influenced by their knowledge of the classical meanings, were not slow to see the implication and to shift the meaning of the new name in that direction; the “emblem” came to be primarily the illustration.

labour so long and gives birth to nothing.*

It is now agreed by most scholars that Alciato used the word “Emblems” here not to specify illustrated poems but as a title for the collection of verses he had composed. These epigrams were to have a symbolic meaning in that they rns rr to the thing described (an object, animal, person, or event) a Ra : Te sun means the opposite of banal; history or natural ana and early modern culture suggests familiar, traditional gory, but elegans Suggests something more esoteric. Alciato seems to be sh that his epigrams, while retaining the basis of commonplace knowledge is wee are chosen to demonstrate his ability to make novel x ae

τὰ ω re the choice of the word “emblem ” we have to see how ly e unc erstood by contemporaries. Of all the meanings which lumanists found in classical texts—and of which they had already made considerable use°—the common factor is the notion of an ornament which can

ὃς inserted in or attached to something else: a badge to a hat, a carved stone in

oe embroideries to furniture, moldings to architecture, figures of speech to ewe What explains the choice of the word is not the symbolic use to which the epigrams are put but the notion that what the epigram describe s, or 5.

ery:

è

4

4

i cpigrammaton,cui titulum feci Emblemata: singulis enim epigrammatibus τα εκ node PSAS a’u(iificesx PR [sic] vel ex rebus naturalibus aliquid elegans significet,

: = genus conficere possint, quae scuta appellamus et figimus vel RERSOUS petasis gestamus, qualis anchora Aldi, columba Frobenii, et Calvi elephas ee ns been holding some of Fes

no. 5, ll. 44-46). The te

The Visconti famil 6

See ee a

es

hia all,

three decades of the e century text (see for exampl nn or

nihil pariens.” Barni, no. 24, 46, Il. 28-35. Calvo had

; legal works without publishing them for some time (Barni,

i alla were what the humanists called the end-of-year holidays.

a the time Alciato’s patrons in Milan.

little to this. Amerbach had met Alciato in Avignon during the previous year and even had a manuscript copy of some of his epigrams.* Alciato would have no need to explain to him what “emblems” were, although his remark does suggest the word

is now

being used generically to mean

a type of poetic

composition, with a subject (inventio) or theme suitable for elaboration in multiple poems or by several writers:

Some of us here are producing emblems too; I am sending you two pages of them for your pleasure. The author of the verses is Albucio, the subject was set by Ambrogio Visconti, one of our leading aristocrats. I too have composed a book of verse in this genre, but I did not want to mix my material with others’. This will be published with the rest of my epigrams. . . i Amerbach’s reply says clearly that these emblems were verses and makes no mention of illustrations:

’

“que toutes et Barthélemy Aneau seems also to have envisaged this possibility: aux

par fiction applicquer quantesfoys que aulcun voudra attribuer, ou pour le moins parolle, aux brutes muetes aux nt, aorneme choses vuydes accomplissement, aux nues tout ce qu’il pourra, n garny) tresbie cabinet raison, il aura en ce petit livre (comme en ung s, aux tapis, verriere aux & vouldra inscripre, ou pindre aux murailles de la maison, tables, lictz, ns, vesteme signetz, , couvertures, tableaux, vaisseaulx, images, aneaulx des choses ce l’essen que affin armes, brief à toute piece et utensile, & en tous lieux:

e, et au appartenantes au commun usage soit en tout, et par tout quasi vivement parlant

i re cases suggest that the term was not only used in the first

fying Alciato’s Emblems. regard plaisante.” (Italics added.) See also Drysdall, “Classi Leeman, 12 and note 52. See also Scholz, 237. 9 gustus causa, “Eduntur apud nos et emblemata, quorum duo folia ad te mitto

(see the uses made by Budé and Erasmus), but it may even have

miscere nolui; argumenti et ipse carmine libellum composui sed res meas cum alienis

Seve διοῖτο É Drysdall,

“Epimetheus,”

380-382;

Drysdall,

sea) Hl ; e sense of an affixed or inserted ornament, be it picture Or itian s complaint), and in the rhetorical sense of a commonplace

purple passage”

A letter to Boniface Amerbach dated four months later on 10 May adds

f

His Saturnalibus ut illustri Ambrosio Vicecomiti morem gererem, libellum CET epi

co

81

carminis auctor est Albutius, inventionis Ambrosius Vicecomes ex primariis patritiis. Eius ll. 14-18; Hartmann, II, divulgabitur inter caetera nostra epigrammata.” Barni, no. 32, 59,(3), 511 (10), 537 (159). 1:510 at, Chomar see no. 918. For “argumentum” as “genre”

Ps > Fes

82

Denis L. Drysdall

Alciato, Pater et Princeps

Thank you for the emblems. These are verses which, even if you discount the shrewdness of the subject-matter, show very clearly

time before 1531. It does not perhaps date from as early as 1518-1519, as one scholar has suggested (on the grounds that the emperor in question was

the learned mind of Albucio. !°

The third piece of evidence is the dedication to Conrad Peutinger which appeared in the first edition, published by Heinrich Steyner in Augsburg in 1531:

While a walnut beguiles boys and dice beguile young men And old men waste their time with picture cards I forge these emblems in my leisure hours, And the tokens were made by the master-hand of craftsmen.

Just as [we can] attach embroideries to clothing and badges to hats

So each should be able to write with mute signs. The supreme emperor may make you possessor of precious coins And the exquisite crafts of the ancients. For my part I shall give, as one poet to another, paper gifts Which you should accept as a pledge of my friendship."

This dedication appeared in all subsequent editions. While it is true that it was

not necessarily written for the first edition, it was presumably composed some 10

«

o 3 : v = è . ᾿ Pro emblematis5 habeo gratiam. Carmina sunt, etiam si ab inventionis acumine

discesseris, eruditum illud Albutii ingenium ad assem exprimentia.” Hartmann, II, no. 925.

Dum pueros iuglans, iuvenes dum tessera fallit,

detinet et segnes chartula picta viros, Haec nos festivis emblemata cudimus horis, artificum illustri signaque facta manu, Vestibus ut torulos, petasis ut figere parmas, et valeat tacitis scribere quisque notis. At tibi supremus pretiosa nomismata Caesar, et veterum eximias donet habere manus. Ipse dabo vati chartacea munera vates, quae Chonrade mei pignus amoris habe.

It has been suggested that the “festivae horae” of the third line refer to the the letter to Calvo. The existence of this dedication and the connection of at emblems of 1531 with Conrad may be associated with the presence in Claudius who studied in Bourges in 1528 and completed his doctorate under

83

Maximilian rather than Charles V);'* the nature of the statement in the letter

of 9 January 1523 suggests that that is Alciato’s introduction of the term. On the other hand, since there was also a collection of emblems dedicated to Ambrogio Visconti, the possibility arises that there were circulating between 1522 and 1531, within or beyond Alciato’s control, more than one manuscript collection, and that these were combined along with some of the epigrams in Cornarius’s anthology (described below) in the printed collection. * The reference to tokens (“signa”) in the fourth line does not warrant the assumption that Alciato himself had a hand in making them or that they were

produced at this stage as pictures accompanying the poems. The same is true of the reference to “mute signs” (“tacitis notis”) in the sixth line, but again

visual representations of the objects named in the epigrams are implied as possibilities. There has been much discussion about whether Alciato is referring in his letters and in this poem to the illustrations which eventually accompanied his emblems, whether he had a hand in preparing them and even

whether he, as a learned humanist writing epigrams for an erudite circle of friends, was indifferent to them or would have wanted pictures at all, allegedly regarding them as required only to help the less educated to understand the verses. The allusions he himself made, all of them casual and not such as can be taken as deliberate definitions, can be read as referring to the epigrams alone. But it is also true that he never expressed any surprise at

the inclusion of the pictures or any desire to eliminate them, though he did

complain about their inaccuracies. In a letter to Emilio Ferretti of 24 March 1532, referring to the Augsburg edition he remarks:

That book was published, I assure you, without my knowledge,

as I also wrote to our friend Palma. In truth, since it is so full of

© See Balavoine.

Saturnalia, as in least some of the Italy of his son Alciato’s friend

Ludovico Cato in Ferrara in 1532. See Roth, 114: and Barni, no. 80, 139, 1124-1126.

Peak

ont

pe

1ì Most scholars seem to assume that there was only one manuscript circulating before 1531. The corrections to certain epigrams communicated to Amerbach in two letters

dated 3 February 1529 and 3 August 1530 (Leeman, 10) and entered by him ee Manuscript

that

had

been

in his

possession

since

1522,

which

found

their way ante

Steyner’s edition, could. of course, have reached the latter by another route. It is not necessary to suppose that Amerbach’s manuscript went to Steyner.

Denis L. Drysdall

Alciato, Pater et Princeps

mistakes, whether we consider the absurdities of the pictures or the corrupt text of the poems, I am forced to put my hand to the work and to acknowledge this disowned and exposed offspring, just when it was near the point of death, and to bring it forth

found in his native Lombardy. '® This was a work of his early years, dating from 1508 to 1518 or 1519 and intended to accompany his history of the region (which also remained unpublished until long after his death). Here one sees the development of what has been recognised as a wholly new method in epigraphy, a method which included, most importantly for emblematics, careful attention to the reproduction of carvings and inscriptions and a developing awareness of new symbolic thinking to be applied in deriving meanings from

again enlarged and better prepared. . . .'* [Italics added.]

The question is whether Steyner, in providing the illustrations, has given expression to his own inspiration or to a suggestion either made to him by an intermediary such as Peutinger or coming ultimately from Alciato himself. Steyner says: It would be unfair, worthy reader, if you were to find us wanting in diligence in these figures which are added to this work, and it is

true the standing of the very important author and the value of the little book deserved more elegant illustrations. This indeed we admit and we wanted to present these quite illustrious inventions to you as if we set them before your eyes painted in the most accomplished way; and, as far as I know,

this purpose. "°

we lacked nothing for

The letter to Ferretti provides no proof, but it does give the impression that Alciato was not surprised by the presence of the pictures, and it does not exclude the possibility that he expected them. But perhaps the best evidence for Alciato’s attitude to the illustration of texts is to be drawn from his unpublished collection of Roman inscriptions

works such as Artemidorus’s Oneirocriticon and the Hieroglyphics of Horapollo. There can be little doubt that the association of text and illustration in

this work and the application of symbolic method to the interpretation of the material were contributing factors in the development of the idea for his

emblems.'’ Furthermore, even if Alciato never accepted any responsibility for the illustrations actually used in the various editions, he must by 1534 at the

latest have been aware of their success and accepted their desirability. He had after all indicated that his public included artisans and printers, as well as

erudite humanists; it would also include the patrons, those who would finance the work, and for them, too, illustrations might well be desirable.

The fourth piece of evidence is found in his treatise on duelling, De singulari certamine liber, written for Francois I in 1528. Here Alciato uses the word three times in a way which can only be understood as intending a

personal device.!# The first equates emblema

It is not known who Palma was nor is any letter to such a person extant. He was possibly Johann Bebelius, publisher of the 1529 Selecta epigrammata graeca (see below) whose device was a palm tree. . '° “Haud merito candide lector, nostram desiderabis diligentiam, in hiis tabellis quae huic operi adiectae sunt, elegantiores nanque picturas, et authoris gravissiml authoritas, et libelli dignitas merebantur, quod quidem nos fatemur, cupiebamusque inventiones has illustriores tibi tradere ita, si eas quam artficiosissime depictas, nate [sic: ante?] oculos poneremus, nihilque (quod sciam) ad eam rem nobis defuit.” Alciato, 1531, alv. Steyner eventually excused the poor quality of his pictures on the grounds of expense.

with items of apparel or

Ornament, which were used to display the aspiration or the loyalty of the knight in the joust: It is accepted by a number of scholars that the practice of duelling was invented by the Mantineans, mainly on the argument that the military cloak and ancient armour are called mantineae. For this reason [mantineae] can be said in present terms [to be] the ephestris, which we

“Editus sane est ille libellus me insciente, quod et ad Palmam nostrum scrips!, verum cum adeo sit inemendatus, sive ineptias picturarum, sive corruptiones carminum inspiciamus, cogor manum operi admovere, et abdicatum exposititumque partum, nunc demum cum fere periit, agnoscere, auctioremque et melius curatum rursus

producere. . . .” See Drysdall, “Emblems in Two Unnoticed Items,” 383 and 385 note | 1.

85

Ὡξ

τ

τ 16

ὦ

-

a T

.

See Laurens and Vuilleumier.

17 See also in this connection the letter to Amerbach of 26 May 1528 in which the

Possibility of an illustrated edition of Pliny’s Natural History to be prepared by Beatus Rhenanus is discussed (Barni, no. 42; Hartmann, no. 1261). It is quoted by Callahan, “A Comment,” 202. One may add that Filippo Fasanini also wanted illustrations for his edition

Of the hieroglyphs of Horapollo in 1517 (f. XLIX r-v).

|

iB Alciato, 1544. The first edition (unauthorised) was by Kerver (Paris, 1541). See

Barni, no. 42, dated 26 May

1528; and Grünberg-Drôge.

>

>

F_ Fer. iT |

86

Alciato, Pater et Princeps

Denis L. Drysdall

commonly call the “surcoat,” the apex of helmets, pennons and emblems

and combatants’ ornaments of that sort. !”

The second mentions an emblem called the image of Mars worn apparently as a talisman on helmets: There are those who think anyone who had on his helmet the emblem which is called the image of Mars would be invincible.” The third mention is in the passage quoted by Alciato’s commentators to explain the emblem assigned to the duchy of Milan: In the Annals there is the well known encounter of Otho Visconti with a

certain Saracen in Asia. Having defeated him and struck him down, he

took the ornament from his helmet and added it to his own family insignia, that is, a viper vomiting out of its mouth a newly born infant still

covered in blood—in fact the emblem taken by Alexander the Great. Indeed you can see the same image on ancient coins of his, to show how that ruler claimed enigmatically that he was born of Jupiter. For Jupiter was worshipped in many places in Greece in the form of a serpent, and there are in Asia types of serpents which men say give birth through the mouth.”

In the same period this usage is supported by an occurrence in a memorial publication for the chancellor of Charles V, Cardinal Mercurino Gattinara. “Duelli usum a Mantineis in Graecia repertum, eruditorum quorundam consensu fere receptum est, eo potissimum argumento, quod bellicum sagum, veteresque armaturas ma{n]tineas appellant: quo nomine et ephestridem, quam uulgo supravestem vocamus, εἰ conos, et pennas, et emblemata, huiusmodique pugnantium ornamenta dici in praesentia possunt.” Ch. 2, 7-8. 19

“ “Sunt qui putent, quisquis in casside emblema habuerit quod Arietis sigillum

appellant, invictum fore.” Ch. 37, 69. *!

Celebre est in Annalibus Othonis Vicecomitis cum quodam

Sarraceno in Asia

certamen, quem ille manu captum confossumque galeae ornamento privavit, idque gentilitiis insignibus suis addidit, hoc est, vipera vix natum et adhuc manantem sanguine infantem ore evomens: nimirum ab Alexandro Magno acceptum emblema. Si quidem in clus antiquis nomismatis idem sigillum reperire est, quo love se natum rex ille per ambages ostendebat. Etenim serpentis forma pluribus Graeciae locis Jupiter colebatur. Suntque In a genera serpentum, quos ore parere hominum opinione receptum est. Hactenus ille.

h. 43, 81.

87

Jan Dantyszek, Polish ambassador to the imperial court, describes an epigram he contributed to this publication, which appeared in 1530, as pertaining to the “emblem” of the chancellor, which was apparently the image of a phoenix symbolising Faith. There is possibly further support, again in the circle of the imperial court, in the “emblem”

of Willibald Pirckheimer, described in his

Opera of 1610.” Pirckheimer also died in 1530, but it is yet to be established

that the word actually occurs in a work of his published before that time. It seems possible that this was the meaning in Alciato’s mind when he dedicated his “Emblemata” to Visconti in 1522, and that these devices were the original

core of the later collection.” The

last document

from

this prepublication period

which

provides

evidence for Alciato’s notion of emblems is his De verborum significatione, a

treatise and commentary on legal language and definitions which appeared 1530. In an aside at the beginning of the commentary Alciato mentions emblems and compares them to the hieroglyphs of Horapollo; that is, considers them at this stage not in the context of artistic production but

in his he of

linguistics, or more precisely of semantics.”* He says:

Words signify, things are signified. However, sometimes things too can even signify, like the hieroglyphs in Horapollo and Chaeremon; I too have composed a book of epigrams in this genre; its title is

Emblemata.

The mention of “mute signs” in the dedication to Peutinger may also be an

allusion to the hieroglyphs. The significance of these allusions lies in the question of how Alciato understood the functioning of such symbols, to which he here compares his epigrams as being of the same genre. The collections of ᾿ Pirckheimer, 1610, 22.

See Drysdall, “Devices as ‘Emblems.””

~

+

:

one Alciato had composed this commentary on the De verborum st gnificatione,

°

of the last books of the Digest (50.16), when he lectured on it at Avignon in 1520-1521 (Barni, that, in Amerbach’s no. 5, p. 12, 1. 44). Professor Roberto Abbondanza reports privately C VI 13, p. 34, mse. Universitätsbibliothek, manuscript notes of Alciato’s lectures (Basel, col. 1), although the hieroglyphs are mentioned at this point, the reference to the emblems does not appear. >

etiam significent, “Verba significant, res significantur. Tametsi et res quandoque

ut hieroglyphica apud Horum et Chaeremonem, cuius argumenti et nos carnime libellum

Composuimus, cui titulus est Emblemata.” Alciato, 1530, 102.

>

88

EM

SB

B41»),

Denis L. Drysdall

Alciato, Pater et Princeps

Hieroglyphica published at this time” consisted of verbal descriptions of symbolic objects without illustrations. One may understand Alciato’s remark therefore as drawing a parallel with them: his Emblemata contains epigrammatic descriptions of “things which signify.” The question is: how do these “things” signify? Students of the emblems have usually referred to Ficino and his commentary on some lines of Plotinus to deduce that the hieroglyphs were

thought of as “natural” signs; these do not represent, like verbal language, a

discursive, linear account of the meaning, but provide a total, unmediated access to its reality, which is the platonic idea itself and is beyond words. But there was another possibility. In Bologna, Giovanni Battista Pio and Filippo Beroaldo the Elder read the hieroglyphs with the help of Diodorus Siculus and Lucius Apuleius. For these writers, the starting point for the creation of the symbol is a natural property of the object. The hieroglyph in this case is seen

as a representation of that property, a sign which is not the idea itself but an intermediary between the idea and the reader, but with this difference from

the arbitrary verbal sign that it is rooted in a natural quality of the object portrayed and functions like a simple metaphor in the manner known to all from Aristotle. As Alberti observed, such signs might be considered universal

because to understand them, the reader needs no other knowledge than what

natural history and technology teach him. The emblems can be understood as a form of hieroglyph and both symbols can be thought of as conventional in the sense that they retain the basis of commonplace knowledge and assumed significances as, for example, in traditional allegories. Alciato, following

Erasmus in his famous commentary on the adage “Festina lente,”*’ seems t0

have understood the hieroglyphs

in this way,

not as esoteric

signs whose

meaning was fixed by a religious tradition, but as symbols to which he could attribute his own “refined,” and surprising, interpretations. ἡ

89

The history of the work after its first publication on 6 February 1531 is

rather clearer.2° The letter of 24 March 1532 quoted above states emphatically

that it was published without Alciato’s knowledge. Moreover, it seems from the following sentences that he had at some time before the publication decided that it was not worthy to appear (which seems to run contrary to the declarations in the letter to Amerbach and the De verborum significatione). It had been a “disowned and exposed offspring . . . near the point of death,” which he now felt forced to acknowledge and bring forth again “enlarged and better prepared.” At first he attempted to have corrections made to the Augsburg edition, as a letter to Viglio van Zwickum dated 2 October 1532 shows:

I wanted Francesco [Rupilio] to pass on to him [Claudius Peutinger, Conrad’s son] the errata of the Emblems, when he passed this way on his return to Germany, so that the printer could, even if belatedly, correct the errors he had made, with great harm to my reputation. My intention was that, since I could not be a Prometheus [man of forethought], I could at least become an Epimetheus [man of afterthoughts] and be seen in the end to know

what I was talking about. I handed the errata to Rupilio himself

with the letters I gave him in June.”

Despite the fact that Steyner produced a further edition in 1534, “newly emended and revised,” Alciato appears to have changed tack and resorted to the Paris printer, Christian Wechel, later in 1532 or very early in 1533. On

g Wechel of his 30 January of this year we find him apparently remindin responsibility for the emblems: ©

” For example, that of Fasanini, who taught rhetoric at Bologna when Alciato was

there completing his doctoral studies. See also Drysdall, “A Note on the Relationship.” = Adagia 11.1.1. This commentary appeared first in the Venice edition of 1508. i ~ Drysdall, “The Hieroglyphics at Bologna,” 234-237. This understanding of the hieroglyphs seems to be compatible with that described by Laurens and Vuilleumier in the context of Alciato’s epigrahical studies (see note 16). :

”

up to For the most complete bibliography of editions of the Emblemata produced

”

“Cuperem cum isthac transiit, ut in Germaniam reverteretur, ei D. Franciscus

1872, see Green.

errata emblematum tradidisset, ut impressor tametsi sero emendaret tamen quae magna

“um nominis mei nota peccaverat: ut postquam Promethei esse non potuimus Epimethei Saltem fieremus et sapere denique videremur. Missi autem ea errata ad ipsum Rupillium

hisce litteris, quas mense Iunio ad eum dedi.” Barni, no. 80, 139, Il. 24-30.

Denis L. Drysdall

Alciato, Pater et Princeps

I assume that it has slipped your memory that you have the task of bringing out the Emblemata, for which reason I do not think of mentioning that subject to γοιι.

. it occurred to me to send you this little work. I composed it when I was a teenager;*’ it was somehow lost and published in a very corrupt form in Augsburg, which made me unwilling to recognise that offspring. But recently I have taken it back into my favour as edited more correctly in Paris by a more careful workman and

90

And in 1534 Wechel in fact brought out a much improved and slightly enlarged edition entitled Emblematum libellus. In his dedication Wechel writes: . . . this little book of emblems by Andrea Alciato, which was published in Germany in the last few years, without the author’s consent at that, and so carelessly, not to say worse, that many concluded that it was the work of ill-willed people attempting to harm his reputation. . . . Although Alciato was reluctant to put the first fruits of his studies into the hands of the public . . . I easily persuaded him to repolish them. . . . For my part I have striven to my utmost in making the illustrations, of which there are as many as can be expected in such a book,

have sent it to my principal friends. . . .*

Bembo’s reply repeats in a rather curious way Alciato’s claim that these are poems written in his youth, so that one wonders if Bembo is discreetly criticising their quality:

I was greatly delighted to receive the letter you sent me with the gift of the verses, which you call “emblems,” composed by you in your adolescence. And at the end of the letter he declines to comment on them:

As for your poems, there is certainly no chance that I could say anything new to you, a thoroughly learned man and one of

to ensure that no-one could

justly object that I had shirked any effort or expense.*”

Somewhat inconsistently with the implications of the letter of 1533, he here claims to be the one who persuaded Alciato to overcome his reluctance to publish. More importantly perhaps, it now seems that Wechel at least regards illustrations as an essential part of the work. The last documents in this story, an exchange of letters with Pietro Bembo, add little to what is now known but are not without interest: - *' “Emblematum edendorum curam arbitror tibi excidisse, quae ratio facit {ut} ea de re interpellandum te non putem.” Biihler, 203. According to Biihler the “ut” is can-

celled in the manuscript by a stroke of the pen. I follow Scholz (232) in translating the first part of the sentence. Biihler translates: “I believe the task of editing the Emblems has fallen to your lot”—a meaning of excido which Lewis and Short describe as very rare. Scholz’s translation seems to be supported if the second part of the sentence is taken as sarcastic. 32 « . AI

.

. ν τς . . . hic And. Alciati Emblematum libellus , qui . superiεἰoribus annis,- idque

autoris iniussu, tam neglecte, ut ne quid gravius addam, apud Germanos invulgatus fuit, ut illius minuendae existi mationis ergo, a malevolis quibusdam id fuisse factum, plurimi inter-

pretarentur. . . . Quamquam autem, Alciatus invitus fecit, ut studiorum suorum tyrocinia 7 manus hominum emitteret. . . . Facile ab eo impetravi, ut ad limam revocaret . . . Quod ad

me attinet, pro viribus contendi, ne in formandis iconibus, quae sane ut in eo libello

quam plurimae sunt, neque laborem me ullum, neque impensas subterf ugisse quisquam lure obiicere queat.” Alciato, 1534, alv.

91

exceptional judgement. *

For the history of the must refer to sources other

longer traditions in which the emblem should be seen—the epigram and illustration and the development of allegory—we specialised works.* Alciato himself says nothing about his than the very general indication: “I describe something . . .

years a NS HS % Strictly speaking, “praetextatus” means under seventeen ed be ore compos i ms were y, Alciato literall iato’’s statement would mean that the epigra i the latest. «quae

| hoc ad te munusculum mittere. venisset mentem in mihi ut causa fuit

en Composueram praetextatus et nescio quo casu amissum Vindelici edidere ie ἰδὲ τόσον quae res effecerat ut agnoscere foetum illum nollem. Nuper vero Lutetiae Pp meorum um amicor et diligentiore opifice editum recepi in gratiam ὯΝ 1535. y Februar 25 11-18, 11. , 156-157 communicavi. . . .” Barni, no. 93,

or es san 35. “Epistola tua cum munere versiculorum abs te adolescente tuis sig = ᾳ +

Emblemata appellas, mihi missa magnopere sum delectatus. ce De est. . . . tibi noui afferam homini pererudito & singularis iudicii viro, nihil sane i

ω

ee ΨΩ

;

gy in Greek Anthology in France; Hutton, The Greek Antholo

Italy; and Laurens. See also Bath, Russell, and Daly.

92

Denis L. Drysdall

Alciato, Pater et Princeps

taken from history or from nature . . .”—which in fact means “from the historical and scientific tradition transmitted in books.” The commentators of the Emblemata in the later sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries however— Mignault, Sanchez de las Brozas, Pignorius, Thuilius—noted his bookish sources assiduously and their identifications provide the best starting point for a survey. The emblem was in the first place an epigram probably describing a device, and Alciato’s most immediate model was the Greek epigram as found in the Planudean Anthology. As we know from his letters, he practised the translation and imitation of such poems from his earliest youth, offered collections of them to friends and patrons and hoped to publish an anthology of his own. This last venture never happened, but in 1529 he contributed some 160 translations to a selective anthology based on the Planudean one and

including translations by other well-known humanists.*” Of Alciato’s trans-

lations 30 reappeared without significant change in Steyner’s edition of the

emblems and one more (“In dona hostium”) in Wechel’s edition. Another seven emblems of the 1531 edition, one of 1534, one of 1542 and five of

1546, are traced by the commentators to the Anthology.** The fact that the 30

unchanged epigrams are translations and show no adaptation on Alciato’s part might suggest that they are not like those he referred to in the letter to Calvo,

where he seemed to speak of original compositions and to emphasise his own “refined” meaning. However, it has been shown that they are such as to satisfy his requirements for an emblem, consisting in effect of three types: ekphrases of works of art (e. g., the statue of “Occasio,” no.

122), funerary

epigrams with symbolic subjects (the eagle on the tomb of Aristomenes, no. 33, “Signa fortium”) and short descriptions or narratives giving rise to symbolic

«ἂς ” Selecta epigrammata graeca latine versa, ex septem epigrammatum Graecorum libris. Accesserunt omnibus omnium prioribus editionibus ac versibus plus quam quingenta

Epigrammata, recens versa, ab Andrea Alciato, Ottomaro Luscinio, ac lano Cornario Zuiccauiensi. Basle: Bebelii, 1529. % Alciato, 1531, A6r, Amicitia etiam post mortem durans: B8v, In fertilitatem 510] ipsi damnosam; C7r, In astrologos; D5r, Pietas filiorum in parentes; D6r, In studiosum captum amore; Elr, Pax; E8v, Ei qui semel sua prodegerit aliena credi non oportere.

1534,

114, Musicam diis curae esse.

1542, 246. Vino prudentiam augeri.

1546,

10v,

Cavendum a meretricibus; 11r, Strenuorum immortale nomen; 16r, Sapientia humana, Stultitia est apud deum; 32r, Dicta septem sapientum; 37r, Maledicentia. Unless otherwise stated, further references, including those identified by numbers, are to the composite edition of 1621.

93

interpretation (a flourishing vine entwined around a withered elm, no. 160,

“Amicitia etiam post mortem durans”).*?

The range of these examples demonstrates the sort of material on which

Alciato draws,

and

it is apparent

that he does

so mainly

from

classical

mythology, history, and natural history. But while one can say, in round figures, that some 60 emblems are based on elements taken from mythology —images of the gods and heroes traceable to Homer, the tragedians, Virgil, Ovid, and so on—another 60 from what may loosely be called “natural history,” (including the elder Pliny, Aristotle, Aelian)—and some 25 from

“history” (including Livy, Tacitus, the lawyers)—these general categories are unsatisfactory in that they are difficult to delimit, suggest in many cases multiple possible sources, and are obviously incomplete. It is more fruitful to look, as do the commentators, at particular works to which the emblems show more immediate relationships. Thus they point to 12 emblems that are derived mainly from Horapollo and to some 15 from the fables of Aesop. Here, too, individual emblems often suggest multiple possibilities, so that a modern researcher is able for example to list 26 emblems in this last category,“ the difference being accounted for by commentators’ references to more general works of “natural history” such as those of Pliny and Aristotle. However, the work which shows up in the commentaries as the most common immediate source for the emblems, the work through which their material was most commonly filtered by Alciato, was undoubtedly the Adagia of Erasmus. The commentators mention this work in connection with 35 emblems, but careful examination shows that more than 60 derive some or all of their material (title, elements of the image or the text) from it. One further source, unknown for the most part to Alciato’s commentators though certainly contributing both to his considerable knowledge of Roman history and to his notions of symbolism, were his archeological studies. Emblems which can be traced, at least for their image, to this source

include “Fidei symbolum,” “Unum nihil, duos plurimum posse, ” “Gratiae,”

and “In fidem uxoriam.”*! The similarity of the representations on the orig-

” See Laurens and Vuilleumier, 221.

‘ Tung, 321-329. * “Unum nihil, duos plurimum posse” is traced by one commentator to a contemporary painting made from an ancient marble (Alciato, 1621, 218). Alciato claims in his

Parergon iuris (Alciato, 1548b, 1.40) that he has himself seen a marble carving of the three Graces with an epigram which clearly inspired his own, but this may be a confused

Alciato, Pater et Princeps

Denis L. Drysdall

94

inal marbles, as reproduced in Alciato’s manuscript notes, to those in these emblems, is persuasive evidence for his interest in illustration. The themes which run through the “refined” meanings that Alciato attributes to emblematic objects could be described in terms of the categories into which the emblems were divided from 1548 onwards by Barthélemy Aneau.“ There is even some evidence that Alciato himself agreed with the proposal to arrange his emblems in this way.“ Certainly, many of the emblems can be described as symbolising the sort of moral concepts on which this classification is based and which later in the century were seen as appropriate to the emblem, as opposed to the individual and occasional ideals embodied in imprese. But there is clearly a risk that Aneau distorted the intention of some emblems by fitting them into categories derived from the commonplace book tradition of rhetorical topics. Apart from the fact that the original editions are not ordered in any way

and the contents do not appear to conform to the sort of distinctions made at this time or later in the century between emblems and imprese or other sorts of symbols,“ an examination of the “refined” meaning of the individual epigrams shows immediately that the categories of the traditional virtues and vices for example do not distinguish between the institutional or social and the individual. The first group, classed under the heading “Fidelity” (Fides—but not religious faith), contains five emblems of which two concern personal virtues (no. 9 “Fidei symbolum”—on personal fidelity, no. 13 “Nec quaestioni quidem cedendum”—on keeping a heroic silence) and two refer to political desiderata

(no. 10 “Foedera”—on keeping alliances, no. 12 “Non vulganda consilia”—on

political secrecy).

The placing of the other one

in this group

(no.

11

“In

silentium”) is problematic; it could be an emblem of common prudence but

memory of a description in Pausmias and an epigram recorded by Giraldi (Syntagma XIII, 574; this appeared as Syntagma VIII in the first edition of 1507, which was entitled “Syntagma de Musis”). See also Alciato, 1621. 687.

En Aneau’s topics are: Deus sive Religio. Virtutes: Fides, Prudentia, Iustitia, Fortitudo, Concordia, Spes. Vitia: Perfidia, Stultitia, Superbia, Luxuria, Desidia, Avaritia, Gula. Natura. Astrologia. Amor. Fortuna. Honor. Princeps. Respublica. Vita. Mors. Amicitia. Hostilitas. Vindicta. Pax. Scientia. Ignorantia. Matrimoniun. Arbores.

In a letter to the reader, dated Lyons 4 July 1559 and first printed in the Opera

of 1560 (Lyons: P. Fradin), vol. 6, f. 344v, Pardulphus Prateius (Pardoux du Prat) claims

that

some years” before his death Alciato approved Aneau’s rearrangement. Du Prat’s

letter is given some authority by Alciato’s nephew and heir, Cardinal Francesco Alciato, who reprinted it in the Opera of 1571. It is quoted in Drysdall,

See Drysdall, “Classifying Alciato’s Emblems.”

“Epimetheus,”

385.

95

seems more likely to be a satirical allusion to someone who concealed his ignorance under a mask of pretended discretion. Aneau’s categories do not distinguish any better between the universal and the occasional, although some which are in the nature of personal or institutional devices are placed in an introductory section. No. 32 (“Bonis a divitibus, nihil timendum”) describes almost certainly a personal situation of the author. The commentators tell us that no. 128 (“Nil reliqui”) and no. 155 (“De Morte, et Amore”) refer respectively to a swarm of locusts in Lombardy

in 1542. and to an occurrence of the plague. Some are explicitly devices for individuals like no. 134 “Tumulus Ioannis Galeacii Vicecomitis.” “Numquam procrastinandum” (no. 3), and “Virtuti fortunae comes” (no. 119) were created by Alciato for his family and for himself. Perhaps as many as four 43 emblems allude to Charles V (no. 42 “Firmissima convelli non posse,” no. Others “Spes proxima,” no. 45 “In dies meliora,” no. 211 “Laurus. Aliud”). no. seem to recall personal losses (no. 156 “In formosam fato praereptam,” or a 157 “In mortem praeproperam”). Many emblems portray, not a vice astrolvirtue in the abstract, but clearly designated types such as courtiers, ts ogers, scholars, and even priests (no. 7 “Non tibi sed religioni” )—subjec visible which were certainly topical and perhaps contained particular allusions to Alciato’s contemporaries though lost to us. : for Many emblems contain a clear element of satire and topicality two the example, no. 140 “Imparilitas” and no. 142 “Aemulatio impar” (in these falcon may stand for Alciato himself and the other birds for professional rivals);

suadentis no. 180 “Doctos doctis obloqui nefas esse”; “ Albutii ad D. Alciatum invites Alciato .. .” (no. 143, composed by Alciato’s protégé Aurelio Albucio) as early as to exchange his post in Milan for one in France and may date from

1518; “Nupta contagioso” (no. 198) probably recalls a contemporary scandal. emblems are also In addition to their variety of subject matter Alciato’s of the characterised by a variety of form. This is visible not only in the length lines (no. 114 “In statuam epigram, which ranges from two to thirty-two ation between Amoris”), but also in the distribution of description and interpret of 9 January the title and the epigram. The latter may contain, as the letter

by an 1523 leads us to expect, a description of the object or event followed of interpretation (no. 4 “In deo laetandum”), or sequential interpretations

ation may come various elements, as in “In statuam Amoris,” or the interpret

also show before the description (no. 11 “In silentium”). But these examples that 1s that the title may embody the descriptive element or the meaning

96

Alciato, Pater et Princeps

Denis L. Drysdall

attributed to it. There are cases where the epigram contains description and the interpretation is found only in the title (no. 57 “Furor et rabies”), and many

others where the title simply names the object (four statues, no.

118 “In

colores,” no. 26 “Gramen” and the whole series of the trees). There are even

cases where there is no explicit interpretation, it apparently being assumed that the meaning is sufficiently obvious, as for example no. 139 “In nothos,” where the story of Hercules put to Juno’s breast by Jupiter shows that bastards can be legitimised by the ruler. As with the subject matter one cannot discern in the form any regularity that allows us to apply to Alciato constricting definitions based on later practice. After the first apparently pirated edition of Steyner, Wechel produced between 1534 and 1544 a series which included a French translation by Jehan le Févre in 1536 and a German one by Wolfgang Hunger in 1542. An additional collection of some 86 emblems, apparently originally promised to

Wechel,* were eventually published by the sons of Aldus in Venice in 1546.

The two collections were combined by Jean de Tournes of Lyons in 1547, retaining the original order in two books, and this order continued to appear in

the editions of Stockhamer and the French translation of Le Fèvre until 1639.”

However, Barthélemy Aneau’s rearrangment of the emblems, first published by

Rouille and Bonhomme in Lyons in the Latin edition of 1548, became the commoner form for the work. His arrangement was used in the important editions by Sanchez de las Brozas (1573) and Claude Mignault (from 1571 to

1602) published by Plantin whose house subsequently dominated production of the work in this period. It was also used, of course, in Aneau’s own French translation (1549) and in the third French version by Mignault (1584). The editions by Sigismund Feyerabend (Frankfurt,

1566 and

1580—a

Latin and

German edition containing a second German translation by Jeremias Held) present a third independent arrangement. A Spanish translation by Bernardino

Daza, although produced by Rouille in 1549, keeps the arrangement in two

books but Marquale 1551 180. Countries,

contains ten new emblems. The follows Aneau’s order but in 1549 Surprisingly, given the enormous no Dutch translation appeared in

Italian translation by Giovanni contained only 136 emblems, in interest in emblems in the Low the early modern period. There

of 1586, 86 of

97

114 emblems are taken from Alciato.*” Henry Green’s bibliogra-

phy records about 180 editions and printings of the work in the sixteenth and

seventeenth centuries and the number has since reached nearly 200. The interest of particular topical references and the occasional personal glimpses of the author—a certain disabused if not pessimistic view of life (no. 29 “Etiam ferocissimos

domari,”

no.

35

“In adulari nescientem,”

no. 44 “In

simulachrum Spei,” no. 90 “In avaros . . .”), the common contemporary distrust of women (no. 67 “Superbia,” no. 68 “Impudentia”)—together with the pleasure of the unexpected in reading, which Aneau obliterated when he reorganised the work as an ordered commonplace book, may explain in some measure the continued existence of editions of the original unordered collections. It is true that Alciato did intend his collection of epigrams to be a sort of commonplace book, but his original intention—in part at least—was to provide a source book for artists or craftsmen, not only for schoolboys or other students of rhetoric. It is possible to be misled by Aneau’s moralising to place logic, which is certainly motivated by pedagogical concerns—and decidedly Ramist in spirit—and, with the added deflection provided by later commentaries, to misrepresent all Alciato’s emblems as moralising symbols of universal application. Short commentaries on each emblem were added by Aneau, appearing first in his French translation in 1549 as “briefves expositions Epimythiques” ;

from 1564 on these were translated into Latin and called “Epimythia.”™

Rather longer commentaries (“Commentariola”) on the emblems of the first book were produced by Sebastian Stockhamer in 1556. The extended commentaries we have referred to were published by Claude Mignault (from 1571

to 1602), and in 1573 by Sanchez de las Brozas.“ These were further

amplified by Laurentius Pignorius in 1618 and conflated by Joannes Thuilius in the composite editio optima of 1621. Such commentaries, especially the

moralisations, became an increasingly regular part of emblem books in the later sixteenth and seventeenth centuries.

Latin in ‘7 One emblem, no. 80 “Adversus naturam peccantes,” which appeared in

1546, 1547, and 1548 and in French in 1549, was subsequently judged offensive and

was no English one either, although in Geffrey Whitney’s Choice of Emblems

in omitted. Mignault included it in his appendix and it was restored to the body of the work

μὴ Drysdall, “Defence and Illustration,” 141 and 143; and Drysdall, “Emblems in Two Unnoticed Items,” 386. * Adams, Rawles, and Saunders, Bibliography, vol. 1, F.072.

(Sanctius # Although published in 1573, the commentaries of Sanchez de las BrozasUreña.

1621. One emblem, no. 97 “Doctorum agnomina,” was added in 1550. # In certain editions some “epimythia” are shortened.

and Brocensis) were actually composed, in part at least, by 1554. See Merino

Re

The Jesuit Emblem G. RICHARD DIMLER, S.J. Fordham University, New York, U.S.A. The

emblem

past

few

book

is an

important

source

of information

on

the Jesuit

culture of the Renaissance and Baroque ages. The printed book of emblems is, however, only one medium through which the emblematic combination of text and pictura was disseminated. Emblems played a role in the material culture of the early modern period. Emblematic designs were incorporated into various artistic forms such as stained glass windows, jewelry, needle work, tapestry, painting, and architecture. Emblems were also used as theatrical properties in street processions, and dramas, which were particularly cultivated in Jesuit colleges. An important but somewhat neglected area of emblematics until the decades

is the

Jesuit

contribution

to emblem

literature.”

The

Society of Jesus (Jesuits) contributed greatly to this new literary phenomenon. Only now are we beginning to realize how great was their contribution. The bibliographic project known as The Jesuit Series, edited by Peter Daly and G. Richard Dimler, S.J. will, when completed, encompass all extant books of emblems, works illustrated with emblems, by and books dealing with the theory and practice of emblematics written

will probably members of the Society of Jesus. The complete bibliography a further 1,100 comprise over 1,600 entries: about 500 first editions and first four subsequent editions, issues, and translations or adaptations. The

volumes have been published and Part Five, Q-Z, is currently in press. religious order Who were the Jesuits? The Society of Jesus is a themselves founded by Ignatius Loyola in 1540. The first Jesuits called close bond “The Company of Jesus” to indicate their true leader and their with one another.

The Society was not founded with the avowed intention

of approbation nor the of opposing Protestantism. Neither the papal letters dual Jesuits, see G. Richard Dimler, ' For studies on the emblem books of indivi 2007. See also G. Richard S.J., Studies in the Jesuit Emblem. New York: AMS Press, dary Literature with Select ComDimler, S.J., The Jesuit Emblem. A Bibliography of Secon Studiolum will release a CDmentary and Descriptions. New York: AMS Press, 2005. a valuable cross-section for make will ROM disk with some 40 Jesuit emblem books. This tation by G. Richard Dimler, S.J. the reader. See www.studiolum.com for a brief presen

100

The Jesuit Emblem

G. Richard Dimler, S.J.

Constitutions of the Order mention this as the object of the new

founda-

tion.” When Ignatius Loyola began to devote himself to the service of the Church, he had probably not even heard of the names of the Protestant reformers. His early plan was rather the conversion of Mohammedans, an idea which, a few decades after the final triumph of the Christians over the Moors in Spain, must have strongly appealed to the chivalrous Spaniard. The early Jesuits were sent by Ignatius first to pagan lands or to Catholic countries. They only went to Protestant countries at the special request of the pope and to Germany, the cradle of the Reformation, at the urgent solicitation of the imperial ambassador. * From the very beginning the missionary labors of the Jesuits among the pagans of India, Japan, China, Canada, Central and South America were as important as was their activity in Christian countries. Since the purpose of the Society was the propagation and strengthening of the Catholic faith everywhere, the Jesuits naturally endeavored to counteract the spread of Protestantism. They became the main instruments of the Counter-Reformation; the re-conquest of southern and western Germany and Austria for the Catholic Church, and the preservation of the Catholic faith in France and other countries were due chiefly to their exertions. One

of the best known

Jesuit emblem

books

is the

Imago

Primi

Saeculi published in Antwerp in 1640 to commemorate the first centenary

of the founding of the Order. This book, written in Latin—a Dutch version

also exists—contains a wealth of information about the Order, its principle

and most well-known

saints and leaders, and documents

much

of the his-

tory during its first 100 years. The Jmago discusses the intellectual and apostolic aspects of the fledgling order. The intellectual apostolate of the Society is treated specifically in Book III, 471 with the motto “Scholae Humaniorum litterarum” [Schools of humane letters].* (See Fig. 1.)

A major force in the renaissance of Catholicism in Germany in the latter part of the sixteenth century were the Jesuit schools. For example, to stem the tide and chaos brought on by the Reformation which found many 2

See J.F.

Broderick,

“The Jesuits.”

In New

Catholic Encyclopedia.

New

York, 1967, 7:900; and Jean Lacouture, Jesuits A Multibiography. Trans. Jeremy Leggatt. Washington, DC: Counterpoint, 1995, 53 and 79. Peter Faber. one of the first

Jesuits,

complained

that

“earthly

Powers”

wanted

nothing

students leaving

their own

called on the Jesuits.

By

country

101

for universities

helped to save and preserve university life within the Empire.” What was the Jesuit educational blueprint? With their aggressive founding of colleges throughout

Europe,

their influence was considerable

in the years prior to their suppression in 1773 when they numbered about 23.000. At the time of Ignatius Loyola’s death in 1556 there were 35 Jesuit schools; forty years later there were 245, and in 1615 there were 372." Although the Order is organized by provinces, it is necessary to realize that these provinces can cross national borders. Hungary, for example, was included in the Province of Austria, and Lithuania was included in the Province of Poland. To understand the Jesuit emblem and to determine its origins and its Sitz im Leben during its early years one must examine the influence of Renaissance humanism on the Society of Jesus.’ This influence resulted in the gradual formulation of the most important document in the history of Jesuit which also makes perti-

(Plan of Studies),

education, the Ratio Studiorum

nent statements on the use of emblems in the educational context. There are many aspects of this Jesuit educational blueprint which have a heavily humanistic flavor as well as a strong emphasis on grammar, the arts, and rhetoric. The use of rhetoric had a strong influence on Jesuit education and writings. The Ratio Studiorum of 1599, the most important educational blueprint for the early Society, influenced such prominent Jesuit emblematists and theoreticians as Jakob Masen, Jeremias Drexel, Bohuslas Balbinus, and Maciej Kazimierz Sarbiewski.’ Likewise the emphasis on teaching morality and touching hearts

and

minds

is evident

in the teaching

Bangert, 1986, 71-72.

Martin P. Harney, Four Centuries. New :

S.J., The Jesuits in History: erica Press, 1941, 201.

S.J.,

OM, 7 See ἌΝ W University Press, 253-264.

The

First

the Society of Jesus. Dissertation,

all

Cambridge:

See The Jesuit Ratio Studiorum: 400th Anniversary Perspectives. See Allan

P. Farrell,

S.J.,

The Jesuit

Code

theories of

The Society of Jesus through -

Jesuits.

. |. G. Richard Dimler, S.J., Studies in the Jesuit Emblem; and “The Imago Primi Saeculi: Jesuit Emblems and the Secular Tradition.” Thought 56 (1981): 440f.

Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources, 1986, 23.

and

ee)

J. Duminuco. New York: Fordham University Press, 2000.

than

the bishops

the early part of the seventeenth century Jesuits

to extirpate notorious Lutherans rather than returning them to the ways of the early Christians. | See WilliamV. Bangert, S.J., A History of the Society of Jesus. 2nd ed. St.

more

abroad,

Harvard l

Ed. Vincent

of Liberal Education:

Develop-

ment and Scope of the Ratio Studiorum. Milwaukee: Bruce, 1938, 3451; es Lynch, S.J., The Origin and Development of Rhetoric in the Plan of Studies of J Northwestern University,

Dimler, 5.1. Studies in the Jesuit Emblem.

1968; see also G. Richar

J# ο

102

G. Richard Dimler, S.J.

Jesuit emblem

writers such as Jakob

Masen,

The Jesuit Emblem

Claude-François

Menestrier,

Pierre Le Moyne, Claude Le Jay, and Silvestro Pietrasanta among others. It is in the Ratio Studiorum that the earliest traces of Jesuit interest in emblematics can be documented." Not surprisingly, it is in the sections on thetoric where we find the first mention of the word “emblem” in an official Jesuit document. The term “emblem” occurs throughout the final official Jesuit document of 1599; for example, in the third rule of the Academy for Students of Rhetoric and Humanities: “At another time let the members compose inscriptions, symbolic devices (emblemata), and descriptions, or make and solve enigmas. . . .”'' In the Ratio of 1599 there are references to emblems under the “Special Rules for Humanities and Rhetoric.” Here we read: “Explain this or that figure of speech. Interpret this hieroglyph, Pythagorean symbol, apothegm, adage, emblem, or enigma of this or that ancient writer.” !? In the fourth rule under the “Rules of the Prefect of Lower Studies” the following statement appears: “Emblematic compositions and poems that are to be displayed on the greater feast days should be read by two Judges appointed by the Rector.”'’ The fifteenth rule for the Professor of Rhetoric states: “For the sake of erudition, other and more recondite subjects may be introduced on the weekly holidays in place of the historical work, for example, hieroglyphics, emblems, questions of poetic technique, epigrams . . . and other kindred

subjects, but in moderation.”'* This prescription is repeated in similar words under rule 10 in the “Rules for the Teacher of Humanities”: 15. “Let

choice poems written by the pupils be affixed to the walls of the schoolroom, nearly every other month. . .. according to the custom of the region, there may be short prose selections, such as inscriptions for coats of arms . . . _

; See essays 1 and 2 in Dimler, Studies in the Jesuit Emblem.

“Suo

marte

aut

ad

scriptoris

eximii

imita

descriptiones, harrationes, orationes, inscriptiones, embletionem elaboratas mata vel carmina Ratio aique instituti Studiorum Societatis Jesu. Paris: Didot, 1850, 153. | “

“Semel Saltem

singulis annis festus aliquis Beatae

epistolas,

recitent.”

Virgi

nis vel Patroni dies, quem collegii Rector constituet . . . poemitis, versuum ad parietes afflixorum, emblematum item, et insignium variorum exornabitur.” Ratio, 1850, 154.

© See St. Ignatius and

the Ratio Studi torum. Ed. Edward A. Fitzpatrick. ick. New Ne York: McGraw-Hill, 1933, 176. 4 The Latin reads: “ Eruditionis causa die vacationi licea pro historico cationis : ; : istori iceat interdum alia magis recondita proferre P nes ad artificium , ut emblemata, ut quaestio pee spectantes, de epigrammate, epitaphio .

5 See Farrell, The Jesuit Code, 78, 84.

- . modice tamen.” Cf. Ratio, 1850,

103

and there may be added, but not without the consent of the Rector, drawings which represent some motto or some proposed subject.” This

prescription on the use of affixiones is repeated in similar words under rule 18 in the Rules for Professors of Rhetoric. '’

The term “emblem” also occurs in the section “Quid sit aenigma” in 1709), a doc-

Josephi Juvencii Ratio Discendi et Docendi (Paris: Delalain,

ument based on the earlier Ratio which was enormously influential within the Society during the eighteenth century. On page 50 Jouvency writes: “The emblem differs from the enigma in this that the thing signified in the emblem pertains to mores that is it looks to virtues and vices. Thus the pictured dog represents fidelity.”'* It is this linkage between the emblem and morality added to the functionality of the emblem in the Ratio that in turn becomes a distinct modus operandi for Jesuit emblem writers. Further emblematic references occur in the Ratio in the Rules of the Academy of Students of Rhetoric and Humanities, where two other interesting references to enigmas and emblems appear:

5. At times prizes may be awarded to those who do especially well in writing, reciting or solving enigmas and puzzling problems. 7. At least once a year, some feast of the Blessed Virgin, by the rector of the college,

designated

with a great display of speeches,

poems,

should be celebrated

verses, as well as

symbols and mottoes, posted on the walls of the college.

16 Quoted from Fitzpatrick, 221-222. The Latin reads: “Affigantur carmina scholae parietibus alternis fere mensibus ad aliquem celebroirem diem exornandum. vee Imo etiam pro regionum more aliquid prosae brevioris; quales sunt inscriptions . . . non tamen sine Rectoris permissu, picturis, quae emblemati, vel argumento proposito respondeant.” Ratio,

1850, 99.

7 See Fitzpatrick, 215-216.

,

8 The Latin reads: “Emblema in eo discrepat ab aenigmate, quod Fes emblemate significata pertineat ad mores, hoc est virtutes aut vitia spectet. Ita canis

pictus fidelitatem adumbrat.”

(105) See François de Dainville, L'éducation des jésuites

(XVIe-XVIIe siècles), especially the chapter entitled “Le “Ratio discendi et es

Jouvancy,”

209ff.;

and

“Le

Historicum Societatis Jesu 20

Ratio

discendi

et

docendi

de

Jouvancy.”

(1951): 3-58.

de

Archivum =

110: Jean-Marie Valentin, Le Théâtre des Ratio A 19 See ne (1554-1680). Salut des ame 5 ordre τῆν allemande Jésuites dans las pays de langue cités. Bern: Lang, textes de

1978, I. 224:

bienvenue.

Luers

vers,

“Les élèves se mettent à composer ade ornés

d’emblèmes,

de

devises

omen

et d’énigmes,

e

sont

104

The Jesuit Emblem

G. Richard Dimler, S.J.

This citation provides a clear reference showing the use of affixiones in the early Jesuit educational system. On the other hand, although Renaissance humanism influenced the Je-

suit endeavor, one might ask how Jesuit humanism influenced the emblem in the seventeenth century. What forms did Jesuit rhetoric and concomitantly the Jesuit emblem take? What particular elements of Jesuit humanism helped to form the Jesuit emblem and Jesuit theories of the emblem? In a partial answer to these questions at least one leading authority states that no other group in the Baroque age used the humanistic-

rhetorical tradition for its own purposes as well as did the Jesuits.? In

Bavaria, for example, the Jesuits became the dominant educational and social force with their colleges in Dillingen, Ingolstadt, Augsburg, Munich, and elsewhere. Jesuits such as Pontanus, Rader, Bidermann,

Balde, Drexel,

Stengel, Contzen, and Scheiner figured prominently in this early movement.*' This success can be attributed to the philosophy of the Ratio Studiorum, and the overall Jesuit educational system with its profoundly humanistic foundation. But it was eventually the rhetorical principles of humanism adopted by the early Society that offered the Jesuits expertise and effectiveness for their program. The rhetoricization of the emblem for

affichés sur les murs de l'établissement, parois de l’Aula et enceintes extérieures.”

These academicians were an elite group of students. Emblems are also mentioned in other official documents and correspondence: e. g., on the occasion of the Jesuit Visitator’s stay

in Dillingen in 1609 [Monumenta Germaniae Paedagogica. Berlin: Hofmann,

9:189, no.

19] and in the customs on the Upper German

1890,

Province in 1693, 405, no.

12.

and

the

For insight into the nature and obligations of the Jesuit academy, see the official document relating to the governance of the academy in the Province of Austria in 1658 in

Monumenta

Germaniae

Paedagogica,

9:356-359,

also

the

“Rules

Academy” in Fitzpatrick, 243-246, especially rules 1 to 6. ” See Wilfried Barner, Barockrhetorik. Untersuchungen geschichtlichen Grundlagen. Tübingen, 1970, 354.

=

zu

for

thren

See Richard van Diilmen, “Die Gesellschaft Jesu und der bayeri

sche Spathumanismus. Ein Uberblick. Mit dem Briefwechsel von Jakob Bidermann.” Zeitschrift fiir bayerische Landesgeschichte 31 ( 1974): 358-415. For the Jesuit impact on French and European culture in general, see Farrell, Jesuit Code, 371-376 . See also Bangert, History, chapters Emblem.

2-4.

For a discussion

of Stengel,

see Dimler,

Studies

in the Jesuit

105

example in Masen’s Speculum Imaginis gave them the means by which they

could attain influence and prestige in the context of the Catholic Reformation.” Jesuits fully realized the emblem’s potential as a means to “propagandize” (Praz’s word”), to refresh man’s spirit, to spread the new Ignatian vision of the universe, and to give glory to God. However, Jesuits did not merely propagandize with their emblem books. With their considerable erudition and profound training in classical literature and mythology, they quickly produced books which expounded the nature, purpose, and philosophy of the emblem. Few of the great emblem theoreticians surpassed the erudition and penetrating analyses of the emblem by such Jesuits as Pierre Le Moyne, Claude-François Menestrier, Joseph Jouvency, Jakob Masen, and Nicolaus Caussin. Moreover, it was the Jesuit Bohuslas Balbinus’s reference to Andrea Alciato as “emblematum pater et princeps” [father and prince of emblems] that has perdured over the ages.

One of the earliest Jesuit emblem books was Jeronimo Nadal’s et Meditationes and Adnotationes Imagines Evangelicae Historiae published in 1593 and

1594. Although not emblematic in the proper sense,

it is rather what we might term “proto-emblematic”; this important work sets out the visual steps in Ignatian meditation.” Ignatian meditation adopts the emblematic form by connecting the viewer with the object of the meditation through the pictura and subscriptio. The pictura contains the scene for the meditation or contemplation, the subscriptio the colloquy.

The colloquy is the prayerful response of the one meditating on the scene.

Nadal was a close friend of Ignatius, and he wrote the Adnotationes at the urging of Ignatius. Nadal’s book is the first systematic conceptualization, in the Exercises ἀπά using text and picture, of the method of meditation therefore the first emblematic or proto-emblematic creation by a Jesuit”

(see Fig. 2). s2 See Barbara Bauer, Jesuitische “Ars rhetorica” im Zeitalter der Glauben Masen’s on chapter the kämpfe. Mikrosmos, vol. 18. Frankfurt: Lang, 1986, especially Speculum Imaginum. '

. *

See Mario Praz, Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery. Rome, s jesuita. See Pedro F. Campa, “La génesis del libro de emblema

1975, ne rites

emblemätica hispänica. Actas del I Simposio Internacional La Coruna, 14-17 Ἢ septiembre, 1996, 46f. = 1994. Ed. Sagrario Lopez Poza. La Corufia: Universidade da Coruña, Sule: Bangert, Ν: William see Society, early the * On Nadal’s role in

Nadal,

5...

1507-1580:

Tracking

the

First

Generation

of Jesuits.

Ed.

et er Ὁ

ΠΈΡΙ

Μ'

McCoog, S.J. Chicago: Loyola University Press, 1993; Joseph de Guibert, he Jesuits, Their Spiritual Doctrine and Practice. St. Louis: Institute of Jesuit Sources,

The Jesuit Emblem

G. Richard Dimler, S.J.

was

The most popular religious emblem book of the seventeenth century written by the Jesuit, Herman Hugo (1588-1629).*° Hugo’s Pia

Desideria (1624), which had enormous influence both on the continent and in England through Francis Quarles’s Emblemes (1635). The Pia Desideria

appeared in over 44 Latin editions and in many translations. Other prolific Jesuit emblem authors were Jeremias Drexel, Claude-Francois Menestrier,”’

Joannes

David,*

Antonius

Sucquet,

Maximilian

Sandaeus,

Adrian

Poirters, Jakob Bosch, and Carlo Bovio among others. Perhaps the most interesting Jesuit emblem book is Georg Stengel’s Ova Paschalia (1634) in which 100 figures of eggs are used to represent the mysteries of faith.”° Did leading secular writers have an influence on the choice and type of Jesuit emblems? Did Jesuit writers make use of the “common market” of 1986, 207; and Jonathan D. Spence, The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci.

Penguin,

1983, 62-63.

* On Hugo,

untersuchung desideria”

zur

(1624)

see Gabriele Dorothea

emblematischen des

Herman

Rédter,

Verkniipfung

Hugo

S.J.

von

Via piae animae. Bild

(1588-1629).

und

Wort

New York:

Grundlagen-

in

Mikrokosmos,

den

“Pia

vol.

32.

Frankfurt: Lang, 1992; G. Richard Dimler, S.J.. “Herman Hugo’s Pia Desideria.” In

Mundus

emblematicus.

Ed.

Karl

AE.

Enenkel

and

Arnoud

S.Q.

Visser.

Imago

Figurata Studies, vol. 4. Turnhout: Brepols, 2003, 351-370. See also Dimler, Studies in the Jesuit Emblem.

7 On Menestrier, see Judi Loach,

“Menestrier’s Emblem Theory.” Emblem-

atica 2 (1987): 317-336; Loach, “Jesuit Emblematics and the Opening of the School Year at the Collége Louis-le-Grand.” Emblematica 9 (1995): 133-176; Loach, “The

Teaching of Emblematics and Other Symbolic Imagery by Jesuits within Town Colleges in Seventeenth-

and

Eighteenth-Century

France”;

Loach,

“Why

Menestrier

about Emblems, and What Audience(s) He Had in Mind.” Emblematica

Wrote

12 (2002):

223-281. See also The Jesuits and the Emblem T radition. Ed. John Manning and Marc

van Vaeck.

Imago

Figurata Studies,

Dimler, Studies in the Jesuit Emblem.

vol.

1A.

Turnhout:

Brepols,

1999.

See also

me On David, see Ludger Lieb, “Emblematische Experimente. Formen und Funktionen der frühen Jesuiten-Emblematik am Beispiel der Emblembiiche r Jan Davids.” In The Jesuits and the Emblem Tradition. Ed. John Manning and Mare van Vaeck. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 1A. Turnhout: Brepols, 1999, 307-321.

On Stengel, see G. Richard Dimler, S.J . “The Egg as Emblem: Genesis and Structure of a Jesuit Emblem Book.” Studies in Iconography 2 (1977): 85-104; Helmut Zäh, “Die Welt im Ei: Georg Stengel’s Ova paschalia.” In Emblematik und Kunst der Jesuiten in Bayern: Einfluf und Wirkung. Ed. Peter M. Daly, G. Richard Dimler, 5.1.» and Rita Haub. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 3. Turnhout: Brepols, 2000,

also Dimler, Studies in the Jesuit Emblem.

145-161. See

emblem

books

create

or did they

their own

107

pool

of emblems?

Jesuits

created emblems from the fields of mathematics, science, and technology; for example, zodiacs, optical images, mirrors, telescopes, musical instruments and so forth. The Jmago Primi Saeculi (1640), with its 126 illustrations

offers a sufficiently

collection

diverse

of emblems

needed

for a proper

comparison with the secular tradition.” About 25% of the emblem pictures

and icons in the Jmago are somehow related to secular emblem books. Although this percentage does not suggest an overwhelming Jesuit dependency on the secular tradition, it does indicate that the Jesuits and their engravers were aware of secular emblem books. It is also clear that the Jesuit writer did not write in religious isolation. Although the Jesuits borrowed their mottos and epigrams less frequently than the picturae, this is not surprising since they had their own message to convey. Thus they ne quently incorporated the pictura, the “body” of the emblem to use Giovio’s terminology, and infused a new “soul” by changing the motto and, above all, the epigram. The epigram or subscriptio conveys the distinctly Jesuit

message. The Jesuit emblematists saw the emblem as a means to a noble end: the spread of the Gospel, God’s Kingdom, and the betterment of

| society—all key concepts in Ignatius’s spiritual exercises. ἢ Jesuit The Jesuit emblem is by no means monolithic in form. emblem books deal with a multiplicity of themes and topics, and they were

also written to accomplish a multitude of purposes: didactic, congratulatory, moral, dedicatory, and commendatory to name but a few. Jesuit

emblems include perhaps more than any other class of emblem national and linguistic divisions,

nations,

diverse

and

cultures.

First,

the Jesuits pro-

duced more books in this genre than did any other identifiable group of Writers, and

second,

published

they

languages but predominantly

Statistical overview

Latin

in Latin.

was

in all major

European

vernacular

As can be seen from the following

the dominant

language

in Jesuit emblem

books. There are 1,027 Latin works which amounts to 16.1% of total of all

emblem books, or 58.65% of the Jesuit total. There were 196 Jesuit works in French equaling 3.06% of all emblem books published, or 11.19% of the Jesuit total. There were 168 works in German, which represents 2.62% of all emblem books, or 9.59% of the Jesuit total. Dutch works amount to 161, Which is 2.51% of all emblem book, or 9.19% of the Jesuit total. Spanish

Ὁ See G. Richard Dimler, S.J., “The Imago Primi Saeculi.” Thought mere Gin * See de Guibert,

The Jesuits,

Their Spiritual Doctrine OLEH

108

The Jesuit Emblem

G. Richard Dimler, S.J.

Jesuit works number 76, representing 1.19% of all emblem books or 4.34% of the Jesuit total. English Jesuit works number 65, which equals 1.01% of all emblem books or 3.71% of the Jesuit total. Italian works by Jesuits number 43, which represents some 0.6%

of all emblem books or 2.45% of

the Jesuit total. These statistics derive from the computer base known as the Union Catalogue of Emblem Books* and were extracted in 2001. There are few countries during the sixteenth, seventeenth,

and eigh-

teenth centuries where a Jesuit emblem book or its translation did not appear. Perhaps only in Moslem territories was there no Jesuit emblem book. The types and varieties of Jesuit emblem books are wide ranging and all encompassing, as Daly and Dimler have indicated in their bibliographic

project, The Jesuit Series.** The Jesuit emblem book embodies collections

of imprese, devices, emblems of specific persons, biblical figures, dignitaries of the church,

spiritual

and

religious institutions, secular rulers and

theological,

didactic,

occasional polemics, and education.

There

published

were

between

approximately 1580

and

symbology

1,589**

1800;

1,143

and

emblem

Jesuit emblematic books

were

leaders,

the

theory,

publications

published

before

1700. This number dropped to 446 between 1700 and 1800. In his essay entitled “Emblematic Publications by the Jesuits of the Flanders-Belgium Province to the Year 1700” Peter Daly states that 51% of all emblematic books were published in the seventeenth century and the Jesuits were responsible for no less than 34% of the total production of emblematic books. His statistics date from July 1996. These Jesuit publications comprise original editions, later editions and translations, also by nonJesuits. Based on those books published between 1580 and 1700 we can draw the following conclusions. These approximately 1,143 editions and

translations of Jesuit emblem books represent 72.8% of all known Jesuit 32

Catalogue

ee

5

;

For an early description of that database, see Peter M. Daly, “The Union of

Emblem

Emblematica 3 (1988):

Books

121-133.

Pr oject

and

the

Corpus

Librorum

Emblematum.”

“ See The Jesuit Series. Ed. Peter M. Daly and G. Richard Dimler, 5.1}. The

first part was

published

in Montreal

by

McGill-Queen’s

University

Press

in

1997;

subsequent volumes have been published in Toronto by the University of Toronto Press.

_

z This number also includes translations of Jesuit works by non-Jesuits. See Peter M. Daly, “Emblematic Publications by the Jesuits of the Flanders-

Belgium Province to the Year

1700.”

In The Jesuits and the Emblem Tradition. Ed. John Manning and Marc van Vaeck. Turnhout: : AP urnhout: Brepols, 1999, 249-278. The reference is to note 42:

emblem

The

books.

of

years

109

occurred

productivity

greatest

in

the

seventeenth century between 1621 and 1690 when 1,066 books were printed, which represents 67% of all Jesuit emblem books.* The two greatest decades of productivity were from 1621 to 1640 when 330 books appeared or almost 21% of the total. Interestingly, these decades saw the of the

publication

quintessential

Jesuit

emblem

Jmago

the

book,

Primi

Saeculi in 1640, the centenary year of the Society’s foundation. The production of emblem books during these two decades from 162 1 to 1640 approaches in number all the books produced during the entire eighteenth century when 446 or 26% appeared. Of the 446 books written during the eighteenth century, 418 appeared before the date of the Suppression in 1773, and only 28 thereafter. The most popular Jesuit emblem writers in the seventeenth century were, in descending order of publications and translations, Jeremias Drexel

(239);>” Herman Hugo (106); Adrian Poirters (72); Dominique Bouhours (45);

% See G. Richard Dimler, S.J., “The Jesuit Emblem in the 18th Century: A Taxonomical Inquiry.” In A Florilegium of Studies on Emblematics. Proceedings of the 6th International Conference of the Society for Emblem Studies. Ed. Sagrario Lopez Poza. A Coruña: Ferrol, Sociedad de Cultura Valle Inclan, 2004, 283-289. in 37 On Drexel, see Paul Begheyn, S.J., “The Emblem Books of Jeremias Drexel der Kunst und k Emblemati In 1866.” and 1622 the Low Countries. Editions between Jesuiten in Bayern: Einfluf und Wirkung. Ed. Peter M. Daly, G. Richard Dimler, $.J., and Rita Haub. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 3. Turnhout: Brepols, 2000, 269-288; Lynette C. Black. “Popular Devotional Emblematics: A Comparison of Sucquet s Le Chemin de la Vie and Hugo’s Les Pieux Desirs.” Emblematica 9 (1995): 1-20; Black, - Une doctrine sans estude’: Herman Hugo’s Pia Desideria as Les Pieux Desirs.” In The Jesuits and the Emblem Tradition. Ed. John Manning and Marc van Vaeck. Imago Figurata Studies, vol.

1A. Turnhout: Brepols, Adaptations of Herman

1999, 233-247; Pedro F. Campa, “The Spanish and Portuguese Hugo’s Pia Desideria.” In Emblematic Perceptions. Essays in

Honor of William 5. Heckscher. Valentin Koerner,

1997,

43-60;

Ed. Peter M. Daly and Daniel 5. Russell. Baden-Baden: Toon

van

Houdt,

“Hieremias

Drexel 5 Emblem

Book

In Mundus of Persuasion. Orbis Phaéthon (1629): Moral Message and Strategies emblematicus. Studies in Neo-Latin Emblem Books. Ed. Karl A.E. Enenkel and Arnoud 5.0. Visser. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 4. Turnhout: Brepols, 2003, 325-350; James Latham, S.J., “Text and Image in Jeremias Drexel’s Orbis Phaéthon.”

In Emblematik und

Peter M. Daly, G. rs Kunst der Jesuiten in Bayern: Einfluf und Wirkung.vol.Ed.3. Turnhout: 85Brepols, 2000, Dimler, S.J., and Rita Haub. Imago Figurata Studies, 105;

Alan

R.

Young,

“Protestant

Meditation

Jeremias Drexel’s Zodiacus charistianus.”

and

Two

1647

English

Translations

of

In Emblematik und Kunst der Jesuiten in

Bayern: BinfluB und Wirkung. Ed. Peter M. Daly, G. Richard Dimler, S.J., and eae Haub. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 3. Turnhout: Brepols, 2000, 251-268. See also Dimler,

Studies in the Jesuit Emblem.

110

The Jesuit Emblem

G. Richard Dimler, S.J.

Claude-François Menestrier (39); Wilhelm Stanyhurst (35); Heinrich Engelgrave (34); and Jeronimo Nadal (22). Drexel was the most prolific

publisher in the seventeenth century. His De aeternitate considerationes, which contains nine reflections on eternity, went through 26 Latin editions and some 48 vernacular editions. All told his books sold over a million copies, which is truly astounding for the seventeenth century. What types of Jesuit emblem books were most popular before 1700? Individual Jesuit authors produced some 916 books during this time. Of these 916 there were 301 books of devotion, the largest category, followed by books devoted to the Four Last Things and memento mori with 225. Other leading categories were books on symbology and emblem theory (70)

and

the treatment

of ethical

issues

(52).

These

statistics derive

from

the

Union Catalogue of Emblem books database and were extracted in 2001. What about Jesuit books dedicated to secular rulers and leaders? Jesuits served as counselors to kings and rulers.** The Maison Professe in Paris housed the royal confessors who were primarily Jesuits from 1604 to 1764. The question has always been asked if their overly close association with secular rulers might have been a contributing factor in the suppression of the Society. The following are examples of Jesuits closely linked to royalty: Nicolaus Caussin and Louis XIII; Père de la Chaize and Louis XIV;

de Sacy and Louis XV gence about Madame

(one author” maintains that Pere Sacy’s intransi-

de Pompadour’s presence at the French court helped

bring about the Suppression); and Pierre Coton and Henri IV. Adam Contzen was confessor to Kurfürst Maximilian of Bavaria from 1624 to 1635 and Lamormaini was confessor to Emperor Ferdinand II from 1624

to 1637." The following are the provisional results of my survey extracted

from the Union Catalogue of Emblem Books database 2001: before 1700 the Jesuits dedicated approximately 116 books to the praise of secular * See the article on “Confes ores de Reyes.” In Diccionario Histérico de la Charl es O'Neill and Joaquin M. Dominguez. Madrid:

Compania de Jesus. 11. Ed. Comillos, 2000, 898-901.

” John

McManners,

Oxford: Clarendon,

Ὁ See J.F.

Chur ch

1998, 2:523.

Broderick,

“The

and

Society

Jesuits,”

903;

in

Eighteenth-Century

Robert

Bireley,

The

France.

Counter-

Reformation Prince: Anti-Machiavellianism or Catholic Statecraft in Early Modern Europe. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolin a Press, 1990, in particular his discussion of Adam Contzen, 136-161: and Religi on a nd Politics in the Age of the Counterreformation: Emperor Ferdinand II, Willia m Lamormaini, S.J. and the Formation of Imperial Policy. Chapel Hill: University of No rth Carolina Press, 1981.

rulers, entries books books

111

their dynasties (46), royal marriages (15), exequies (32), triumphal (6), and the celebration of a victory (5). There were also some 38 on various saints and 16 written on the Virgin Mary. Twenty-four were devoted to dignitaries of the Church: popes, cardinals,

archbishops, and religious superiors before 1700; most were dedicated to bishops upon their installation in a new see (10) and to cardinals (10).

Three were dedicated to superiors of religious orders. In addition to publications by named priests, Jesuit colleges produced 57 emblem books in the seventeenth century dedicated to “Dignitaries of the Church” and 33 in “Praise of Secular Rulers.” Books commemorating bishops and archbishops were the most popular with 48, followed by books in praise of secular rulers (24) and their exequies (23). Jesuit colleges also dedicated 12 books to saints. How large was Jesuit emblem production during the eighteenth century? Which individual Jesuit authors were most productive? Which emblem categories were most affected? Did any new emblem types emerge, perhaps

blossom

topics dominated

and

flourish?

We

can

the Jesuit emblem

period presently under discussion.

How

now

book

establish

which

in the eighteenth

themes

century,

and

the

do the themes in eighteenth-century

emblem books compare with those of the so-called “Golden Age of the cu Society, the seventeenth century? Devices, and In the category “Collections of Emblems, Imprese whereas there were

12 of these books printed before

1700, none appeared

in the eighteenth century. Books in the eighteenth century dedicated to religious dignitaries decreased in number from ten to nine. Books dedicated to secular rulers and leaders including exequies decreased during the eighteenth century from 82 to 15. The subcategory that showed the largest decrease was in books written “in praise of secular rulers,” a decrease from 50 to 15. This perhaps reflects the tension between the Society ἀπά secular tulers leading up to the Suppression in 1773. In the category of spiritual and theological” books, there was a decline from 560 to 165. Devotional

books also dropped from 301 to 99 and those on the four last things decreased from 225 to 57. In the category of didactic emblem books, production dropped from 141 before 1700 to 101 between 1700 and 1800: The only increase during the eighteenth century occurred in the category poetry and rhetoric,” which increased from one to six. Books written on ethical topics fell from 52 to 27. All of the emblem books on cosmology were

112

G. Richard Dimler,

S.J.

written by Franz Reinzer.*' His Meteorologica appeared three times before 1700 and three times after 1700. This radical decline is due at least in part to the general political and religious turmoil in the early eighteenth century, both within and Outside the Society, as well as to the impact of the Suppression. We pointed out above that of the 423 emblem books written durin the eighteenth century only 28 were published after the Suppression in 1773 a

δῷ es Jesuit authors were Herman Hugo (45), Jeremias Drexel Kate — tanyhurst (23), Adrian Poirters (18), Franziscus Garau (15), Rae ours (13), Joseph Jouvency (11), Claude Le Jay (11), Heinric h

nge es (8), Antoine Vanossi (7), and Claude-François NEA urning to college publications, we can draw the lusions. There were à total of 56 emblem books ro ο ee colleges during the eighteenth century .

oe

aoe

Menestrier (6). following general written under the This is a decrease

prior to 1700. Those dedicated to the saints decreased

penis =e the seventeenth century to just four in the eighteenth = sas ἐν “ = for bishops and archbishops decreased from 49 to — 5 ae Se dedicated to ἃ cardinal although there were 25 pres ae ooks in praise of secular rulers dropped from 21 to 8

noe

ee Ἢ 2

ne + Ως

ecreased from 23 to 10. This, too, reflects the tension

τῆ uits and secular courts. Devotional books decreased from vl Τρία collèges produced no books on the Four

PE MRL: : αν

se ie,

Heart, the Liturgy, emblem theory,

Τ'

E: ; eke . of Jesuit. emble m books show the Jesuit connection pees rites in the Seventeenth and eighteenth centuries. The

pido mer:

u purposes

ee em books written by Jesuits in honor of secular rulers . : MS category during the years prior to 1700, 120 books

€n by individual Jesuits and 59 by Jesuit college s. The leading for these books were either praise of a ruler (46) or royal

exequies (32). Among Jesui Suit colleges the same two categories were also the most popular: 29g

number by individual ere

the it

praise and 23 for exequies. After 1700 the

2e es

ritten in praise decreases from 46 to 15; and

ules drop from 32 to 15. Jesuit college books in praise ofof secular dropped secular rulers rulers dropped from 24 to 8 and from 23 to 10 for exequies ; 41

See

Chri

istoph t

Meinel, 1

“

“Natur als moralische

113

The Jesuit Emblem

Anstalt:

Die

‘Meteorologia

With regard to those books written by individual Jesuit authors in

praise of secular rulers and dynasties, during the time period 1580-1700,

the following may be said: the leading dedicatees were Louis XIV (20), followed by various Polish kings and personages (6), Bavarian dukes (4), Austrian Rulers (3), St. Louis, King of France (3), and Maria of Austria (2). The principal Jesuit authors with more than one publication were Sarbiewski, Menestrier, all of whose books were dedicated to Louis XIV (9); Jouvency

(2); Brunner (4); La Rue (8); Le Moyne

(3); and Pakenius

(2). The French Jesuits dominate this category with their dedications to Louis XIV and other French rulers.

Books in praise of secular rulers by individual Jesuit authors from

1700-1800 were dedicated to Louis XIV (6), Austrian rulers (3), Charles Eugen (1). VI (3), Louis XV (2), Leopold of Austria (1), and Prince

and Bomer, with his dedications to Leopold of Austria and Charles VI, Menestrier, with his dedications to Louis XIV, are the principal authors. 1580Books written in praise of secular rulers by Jesuit colleges from 1700 were dedicated to Ferdinand III (3), Polish leaders (8), and one each to

de Louis XIV, Maximilian Henry, Duke of Rhineland Palatinate, Francisco Mello, Governor of Belgium and Burgundy, Leopold, Archduke of Austria, Ferdinand II, Johann

Friedrich,

Duke

of Braunschweig,

and Ernst August,

Duke of Braunschweig-Luneburg. The most representative Jesuit colleges were Vilnius (3), Poznan (2), Graz (2), Louvain (2), Passau (2); Dillingen, Lyons,

each. Liege, Olmutz, Brussels, Osnabriick, Pinsk, and Kalisz published one period the during Jesuit colleges also dedicated books to secular rulers

VI (2); the from 1700 to 1800: Maximilian Emanuel of Bavaria (3); Charles of house of Bavaria (1); Duke of Burgundy and Duke de Berry (1); Queen

Hungary

(1);

and

Francis

of Austria.

Jesuit colleges

producing

these

(3), Ghent, emblem books were Grenoble, the Upper German Province Jesuit Province of Bohemia, Tournai, and Liege. We proCan we detect basic structures present in the Jesuit emblem? model. pose four main models of the Jesuit emblem. The first is the argutial types of Here the subscriptio is brief and pithy somewhat like the earliest y appealing emblems produced in the age of Alciato. This form was especiall Tesauro for Jesuits such as Jakob Masen, Baltasar Gracian, and Emmanuel

literaria. This would help who were intent on forming their own respublica society: their audience and students achieve a special identity in th e “courtly” maximum influence for their of the seventeenth century and thereby obtain

114

G. Richard Dimler, S.J.

The Jesuit Emblem

program and apostolate. Expertise in the area of rhetoric and poetry was one

of the chief ways toward upward mobility in the new absolutistic state.” As

Ὁ)

a result Jesuits were extremely influential in the courts of Bavaria, Spain,

and France.

I. Examples of the argutial emblem, characterized by a brief subscriptio or none at all, and favored by Masen, are found in:

a)

The Imago Primi Saeculi. In Book IV of the Imago, which is devoted to the variou s honors given to the Society, pp. 714-719, six succes sive emblems extol the virtues of its founder, St. Ignatius Loyola. Among these emblems appears the bird of paradise (p. 715). It

symbolizes the otherworldliness and austerity of Ignatius. The

bird has no feet (it does not touch the earth) and its head looks to the Sky (it yearns for heaven) exemplifying Ignatius’s

saintliness and concern for the things of God.“ Ignatius lived in continual fasting and his spirit sought God alone, which is

summed up in the Imago epigram: “Exiguo vivit, quia proxi ma caelo” [He lives austerely because he is close to heaven]. &

‘’ Pontanus urges the study of classical lan Ἢ as the door guages and the humanities : " τον aay

Pontane Sus civitates” the literary nobility of the age. See Barbara Bauer, “Jacob

Gethart Ἢ se

compellin

iS a

eh

für bayerische Landesgeschichte 47 (1984), 5. 77-12086; and

ves = eutsche

und Europaische

Barockliteratur,

120-121.

Another

Pesoa. torcentersthe viseof in Lipsianism and the stylus concisus along with brevitas is © with Poa ction power and influence in the seventeenth century:

This together with the riserise of absolutiÀ sm and the absolutisti i stic influenc e on style and rhetoric. Brevity, SE

the court. i i te 185 20, a

c)

115

Ignaz Querck’s life of Ignatius Acta Sancti Ignatii de Loyola Emblem LXXXVI: Ignatius’s gift of prophecy (III. “Spiritu prophetiæ claret” [He makes clear with the spirit of prophecy]). Emblem XLVII from Bovio’s Jgnatius Insignium. Insign XLVII.

“Decem

Patribus”

[To the ten Fathers]. This refers to

the ten original companions of Ignatius, of whom the first was Ignatius with the motto “Ex conjunctione perfectio” [Perfection from union] (Fig. 3). The arithmetic perfection of numbers comes from the union of 1 and 0. The first companions grew into such perfect virtue because the one body of the Society came together in a union of ten souls. II. Emblems with an extended subscriptio. These emblem books, criticized by Masen for their length and lack of esoteric elements and argutia, underwent a significant structural change in their subscriptiones. Examples are Sucquet’s Via Vitae Æternae, and Hugo’s Pia Desideria. An example occurs in Book II, chapter 1 of the Pia Desideria, Ps. 119, 16. “My soul is consumed with longing for thy ordinances at all times. My whole body trembles before you, your judgments fill me with fear” (Fig. 4). Psalm

119 is one of the longest of the psalms.

termed an acrostic poem

It has been

since all 22 letters of the Hebrew alphabet are

included in each of the 22 stanzas of eight verses. It has also been called a

Torah Psalm, since it is a composite of several types: lament, hymn, and

fundamentally a praise of the law.“ In the first two sections containing Verse 20, the psalmist begs Yahweh not to let her stray from the command-

ments, to teach the statutes that her delight will be in the way of his decrees. He professes his delight in Yahweh’s statues and that he will fix his eyes on

God’s ways. “Open my eyes that I may behold the wonders of your law.”

In Hugo’s elegy he stresses the idea of choice between heavenly and

earthly love under the image of a ship.‘ Anima confesses to be like the

errant horse that wishes to go wherever it pleases, or the tired heifer that 43

εἰ See Dülmen, For ἃ similar c

is based on Nicolaus Fite

ee. “Die Gesellschaft Jesu,”

358-364. :

Both

the Prince-Elector

: Ne entary, see emblem 98 in Stengel’s Ova Paschalia, which

© See Dimler, “Hugo,” 370-371. * See The New Jerome Bible Commentary. Ed. Raymond E. Brown, Joseph A. Fitzmyer, $.J., and Roland E. Murphy. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1990, 547. * See Mark Carter Leach, The Literary and Emblematic Activity of Herman Hugo, S.J. (1588-1629). Dissertation, University of Delaware, 1979, 177f.

116

G. Richard Dimler, S.J.

The Jesuit Emblem

runs away and rolls wantonly in the meadow and refuses to halter. Classical allusions such as Phaeton and Icarus are many are misguided by their entreaties and wander from ments as the psalmist points out. Anima cries out in anguish

accept yoke or mentioned. But the commandas she is being

consumed by vain desires, a mirror of the sentiments that can be found in

Ps. 119: Bolswert’s engraving echoes the themes of choice, inconstancy, and indecision in his engraving. Anima ostensibly finds some resolution to her anguish and desires. She is pictured grasping the tablets of the Law with her right hand. Hanging from the tablet is what Mark Carter Leach has termed “the yoke of obedience and servitude” (186). Anima’s left hand is pictured pushing away the liberty cap held by a scantily clad Eros. We note that the figures on the left side of the pictura are bright. The beloved’s face is glowing and enshrined in light. But darkness seems to dominate on the right side of the picture.

As Leach points out, on Anima’s

left side and

above Eros we see a bucking horse. On the right side, the favored side, a bull is lying placidly on the grass. Bolswert’s choice of icons brilliantly

illuminates the choices facing Anima. Will she opt for the law and the

commandments, or will she choose pleasure symbolized by the liberty cap?

Thus her final prayer that God will let her breast grow warm with the love of His law alone. Ill. The rhetorical emblem. In this emblem model the subscriptio takes the form of a sermon or homily. A good example is found in Emblema CXLIII

in Kreihing’s** Emblemata ethico-politica (Fig. 5). Frequently the emblems

in the Emblemata ethico-politica follow the second part of classical rhetoric,

dispositio, or the arrangement of the parts of an oration. The seven traditional divisions are the exordium which catches the audience’s attention, narratio which sets forth the facts, expositio, propositio, confirmatio,

refutatio,

and finally the epilogue

or peroratio.

The

two

mottos of

inscriptiones of Emblema CXLIII can be taken as the initial statement of the Propositio of the emblem’s thesis. The first motto above the pictura, “Auctoritas sit penes Regem; Executio fiat per Ministros” [Let authority be the king’s; let execution be carried out by the ministers] makes explicit the ’

48

τὰ...

On Kreihing,

see G.

i

Richard

Dimler,

S.J.,

j introduction to facsimile edition

of Johannes Kreihing’s Emblematica Ethico-Politica. Antwerp 1661. Imago Figurat a Editions, vol. 2. Turnhout: Studies in the Jesuit Emblem, Brepols, pols,

1999 ; 7-24 , and indices indi 177-227. See also Di imler -

117

more general statement which continues the proposition beneath the pictura: “Sol facit, at factas populo stylus indicat horas” [The sun creates time (horas), but the sundial displays the hours he has made]. The second motto beneath the pictura speaks in general terms of the sun whose rays indicate the passage of time on the sundial by means of the pointer. It is the function of the sun to enable the sundial to indicate the time of day for mankind. However, the more specific upper motto relates the sun explicitly to the King’s auctoritas, whereas the sundial in its execution and the redirection of the sun represents the King’s ministers who carry out his auctoritas. In the background of the pictura we see the sun shining high in the heavens, whereas in the foreground we see two sundials: one centered on a pedestal in the midst of a pleasant garden and the other a wall sundial with pointer. The subscriptio following Emblema CXLIII is structured somewhat like the classical rhetorical dispositio. Kreihing’s verse subscriptiones are written with a combination of an initial verse in dactylic hexameter followed by the so-called dactylic pentameter. This is known as the elegiac distich. The first twenty lines narrate and elaborate on the apparent elements of the pictura with an expositio based on the pictura. In the pictura the sun is portrayed as the source of light while the moon and stars are introduced as emulators and refractors of the sun. Kreihing elaborates and amplifies the power of the sun by means of

further exempla

(amplificatio).

For example,

the stars have their own

divine function (lines 5 and 6) but they do not approach the luminosity or glory of the sun (line 8). The stars all reflect light to the sun to whom the greatest glory is due (line 10). Line 13 repeats the second motto and lines

17 and 18 introduce the comparatio or similitudo, which lies at the very

heart of the probatio and serves as a form of confirmatio.

Line 21 applies

the sun for the first time to the King (repeating the function of the first motto) and the stars to the King’s ministers. Kreihing continues the process of demonstrating the original statement of the thesis in the upper motto with another extended comparatio. Just as the stars get light from the sun 80, too, the King’s ministers get their “light” from the King’s glory (lines 24-26). Laws and wisdom likewise proceed from the King and the ministers propagate his laws (lines 32-33). Lines 37-42 introduce the final epilogue or peroratio. Because the king is like the sun he should not concede power or equality in law to others. For neither the moon nor the morning star carry the chariot of the sun even though the latter may be the forerunner and the former may be the sister of the sun (Speculum, 453 and 455).

G. Richard Dimler, S.J.

IV. appealed example, (Prague:

The Jesuit Emblem

The syllogistic emblem. The syllogistic nature of the emblem to the Jesuit emblem theorists of the seventeenth century. For Bohuslas Balbinus states in Verisimilia humaniorum disciplinarum Jesuit Press Prague, 1666): “First in every emblem there is ἃ

comparison

or similitude,

and

it is required

necessarily;

then

an object

depicted from which ἃ similitude is sought, is called the protasis, and an application is called apodosis, for example, a Parthian is depicted as wounding an enemy in flight while fleeing himself with the inscription: flight is our victory, thus it should be put forth: just as the Parthian when he himself flees wounds the enemy and conquers; (this is the protasis) so I

will triumph in fleeing pleasure (this is the apodosis).”“ In his Via regia,

Caspar Knittel states: “Secondly, the thing from which the similitude is sought, is called the protasis, the application is called the apodosis. A lemma or inscriptio is added.”* For Jakob Masen the argumentative character of the figurative image occurs when the res picta is seen as the protasis, the res significata as the apodosis, and the entire comparison Of collatio as an enthymematic conclusion made by the observer.”

As a rule Masen sees the imago figurata as a double construct. For

Masen the subscriptio is not essential for the imago figurata.” It is like the 49

CRI

abodosis slot

nie

.

i

Îgeuli}zî::xî reads:

F

“Primo, in omni emblemate est comparatio vel similitudo, &

N q Parth; ae ex qua similitudo petitur & pictura, protasis vocatur, applicatio

Hii

- mts epictus fugiendo hostem vulnerans,

» Sic

debet exponi:

cum

inscriptione:

fuga est

sicut Parthus, quando fugit, hostem vulnerat, & vincit;

St Protasis] ita ago fugiendo voluptatem triumphabo. [haec est Apodosis]” (234).

The Latin reads: “Secundo, res, ex qua similitudo petitur, vocatur protasis; applicatio vocatur apodosis. Additur lemma sive inscriptio.” | #

See Jakob Masen, Speculum, 453, 455.

a ice

#8: = : “Lemma figurae definiendae servit, quae in lemmate saepe

soluta absolvatur gs

es

© reperitur. Expositio vero, sive illa versibus, sive oratione

apodosi instituit” [The = iguram significatam explicat, ac comparationem protasis cum often found to be no 1 emma serves to explicate the figure of speech which in a /emma 1S

summed up briefl

prodices’® com ἀ

ess varied than in the symbol. However, the exposition, whether it is

ee sad

obscurely in a fi n ἈΠ Dae pt

nicki als P

re

or verse, explains the object signified by the figure and

between a protasis and an apodosis so that whatever is hidden more reveals even less to the learned] (561). As Bauer states: “Der

einer poetischen imago figurata wird deutlich, wenn man die res

(collatio) aberae als poenthms agrise cher Schluss εἰς, Apodosis gesaniten oder Bildvergicic® pe asin betrachtet,abffasst, der vomdenBetrachter Leser erst

appari Ἢ

8

€ argumentative character of the poetic imago figurata becomes

one conceives the res picta as the protasis and the res significata as apodosis

119

apodosis to a protasis. Perhaps this has to do with the influence of Giovio who speaks of the “corpus” and the “anima,” the motto being the soul of the device and the pictura the body. Pierre L’Abbé, in Elogia sacra (Venice: Charvys,

1674), states in the section De Emblemate:

“Many have

discoursed on the art of the emblem and its precepts but few accept these. An emblem consists for the most part in pictures and words and the total corpus is allegorical: sometimes revealing things, suggesting another; it allows the use of many human and divine figures and these in toto; and the lemma adds many poems and words explaining the allegory: and it can make use of some lemma or epigram which addresses the person sketched in outline and applies the emblem to it. And this apodosis although extraneous to the emblem nevertheless helps the reader to realize that the emblem seen

is not an enigma.”*

Friederich Reiffenberg,

in his Selectiora Poemata

(Cologne: 1758), confirms in Affixio Rhetorum Confluentiae, 1730, authored

by Francisco Ortmann, a professor of rhetoric at that time, that the structure

of the eucharistic “affixiones” takes the form of a syllogism: the Caption, Symbolum, lemma, and subscriptio are basically divided into a “protasis” and an “apodosis” (109-122). An example is found on page 110, with the caption “Eucharistia est Cibus Fidelium, & praecipuum Ecclesiae decus” [The Eucharist is the food of the faithful and the special glory of the

church]. The picture, labeled Symbolum, reads “Fons in horto” [fountain in a garden]. The inscriptio, here called Lemma, reads “Nutrit & ornat” [It nourishes and adorns]. Thereupon follow two divisions, one called Protasis

and the second Apodosis. Under Protasis there is a general bucolic description of a fountain: “Splendidior vitro/ Fons has Favonii divitias suo/

and the entire collatio as an enthymematic conclusion that is to be completed by the viewer or reader] (512). One might compare Masen’s formulation: “Siquidem in poetica Imagine non est idem, quod pignitur, quodque a nobis res significans, repraesentans, figura protasis graece dicitur: cum illo, quod significatur: repraesentatur, & reditio, graece apodosis

is the res nuncupatur” [To be sure that which is pictured in the poetic image which is not Greek in protasis called (the signifying thing) and representing the figure

Significans the same as that which

is signified

or represented,

à returning,

called

in Greek

the

| apodosis| (453). multi: hæc °3 The Latin reads: “Artem Emblematis & præceptiones tradidére

corpus Pauca accipe. Emblema picturis, & verbis constat plerunque, & totum & humanas figuras plures admittit adumbrans; aliud & ostentans, allegoricum est, aliud

divinas, easque integras; & plura carmina & verba allegoriam explicantia: Et pati potest lemma aliquod aut Epigramma

applicet;

atque

hæc

apodosis

quod adumbratam

quamvis

extranea

emblema quod videt ænigma putet” (426).

personam

emblemati,

appellet, eique emblema

juvat

tamen

lectorem

ne

G. Richard Dimler,

S.J.

The Jesuit Emblem

Nutrit liquore, hortique cultum/ Non modico decorat nitore [splendor]” [A fountain more splendid than glass holds the riches of Favonius (Roman rustic god Pan)]. Under the second division, the Apodosis, Christ is viewed as a fountain dispensing himself in the Eucharist: “Tu gemma nostri, tu decus ordinis - .. / Esca, decus, columenque gentis” [You the gem and glory of our Order . . . the food, glory, the summit of (our) race]. . The emblem in the form of a syllogism frequently elaborates upon the proposition by means of rhetorical confirmatio.

Through

amplification

the writer then attempts to confirm or prove the main thesis by means of exempla. It is also typical of this type of emblem that the final conclusion is stated forcefully and clearly within the concluding lines of the epigram or subscriptio, somewhat like the protasis to a previous apodosis as ina hypothetical syllogism. As we have shown above the protasis-apodosis nomenclature

leading

Jesuit

occurs

frequently

emblematists

of

in the context

the

of emblem

seventeenth

theory

century.

These

among

terms

originated with Aristotle, above all in his Rhetorica I. 2 and Ill, 10, and it is well known that Aristotle’s book was a mainstay in the Jesuit educational

curriculum. In sum, the protasis-apodosis enthymeme directs the flow of meaning from the emblematic res significans, the combination of pictura and

lemma,

subscriptio.™*

to

the

res

significata

of the

conclusion

articulated

in the

A syllogistic model is also found in Mendo’s Principe Perfecto” in Documento XX: “Loquentia principes ornat” [Speech, the ornament of sophie Bodega eee “Pro cure exercitarse en la eloquencia, par amie Gass SE abras. Seek to exercise yourself in eloquence ee Sree eke to your words] (Fig. 6). In this Documento res RE

nae

=! dar

to the practice of solid rhetoric

COR

à ee

in his diplomatic

is 9 capture our initial attention. Here we

cap lacking arms and winged with aWhy © Mercury legs. g Our interest πρὸ mediately aroused. does Mercury appear with

no arms

o r legs? ? Our

7 ; the two lemmas: eyes take in

See

Imaginum,

Se ae mS

Speculum

ea

significata and res significans.

453

and

454

à:

where

the one Masen

in Latin above

uses

the

terms

[és

”“ On Mτ, ris ; = Richard ic i rest Dimler, S.J., “Mendo’s Principe perfecto: A ae shouts À T τὸ ysis of Documento XX.” In Emblem Scholarship: Directions

>. 4

{DU to Gabriel Hornstein. Ed. Peter M. Daly. Imago Figurata

Studies, vol. 5. Turnhout: nhout: Jesuit Emblem.

Brepols,S

2005,5

109-130.

See also Dimler,

Studies in the

121

and the second beneath in Spanish: “Loquentia principes ornat” and “Pro cure exercitarse en la eloquencia, par dar major fuerza a sus palabras,” both translated above. These /emmas form the proposition for structure of the “mini-sermon” that we proposed above. Eloquence embellishes the prince’s stature because eloquence gives greater power to words. Mendo offers a further description of the pictura and defines the propositio in the lengthy subscriptio, which may be thought of as combining narratio and expositio. Eloquence, he tells us, is the luster of the gold of wisdom, providing clarity and energia, attracting the will. The ancients depicted Mercury, the father of eloquence, with neither arms nor legs since

through the efficacy of his words he achieved his purpose without the necessity of arms or legs. We notice the frequent use of footnotes by Mendo in the subscriptio that he uses to reinforce his proofs through the argument of authority. In the body of the subscriptio Mendo adds a list of exempla taken from mythology, which includes Hercules Tyrinthio, Amphion, Orpheus, Hermes,

Janus,

Caesar,

and

and

Agamemnon,

and

from

history:

Hieron,

Tyrant

of

serve

as

Sicily, the Ambassador Cyneas, Philip of Macedonia, Alexander the Great, Charles

V,

among

others.

These

citations

all

confirmatio by proving the thesis that eloquence is a necessary requirement for the prince to be an effective leader. In the final lines of the subscriptio,

Mendo stresses that brevity and prudence are constituent elements of eloquence. The more we speak the less significant our words. But, above all, in the final epilogue, wisdom and prudence must be joined to eloquence; wisdom without eloquence is not harmful but eloquence without wisdom is damaging (107). rarely advantageous and in some instances it may be what

someIn conclusion, Mendo, like Kreihing, structured his emblems like mini-orations or sermons using all the properties of rhetorical

dispositio and the hypothetical syllogism in order not merely to entertain but above all to persuade and move his readers in a logical, reasonable fashion. His emblematic modus procedendi emulates the orator or preacher, and even the logician. It was a prime concern of the seventeenth-century Jesuit em-

to persuade and blem writer, so indebted to and influenced by rhetoric, dosis strucmove the reader through convincing arguments. The protasis-apo

ture of the emblematic syllogism reinforces the substance and force of the analogy with the help of argumentation through the use of comparatio and Classical dispositio. Furthermore, the enthymematic structure demonstrates Clearly the role of rhetoric and the tools of rhetoric in persuading and moving the reader to adopt the proposed moral attitude or lesson contained in the emblem.

Ss

120

EJE

122

iE

CAAO

The Jesuit Emblem

G. Richard Dimler, S.J.

The emblem has indeed evolved from the esoteric, succinct subscriptio of Alciato, the father of the emblem, and the early writers of emblems in the sixteenth century. The esoteric aspect of the emblem has given way to logic and extended rhetorical argumentation. The emblem is now no longer written for the selecti quidem but for a much wider audience as it takes on its new role in the context of seventeenth-century culture and

123

IMAGO. PRIMI SÆCVLI SOC, IESV. Inftitutio iuuentutis,

society. The parts of the emblem unite into one message and meaning. The

protasis-apodosis structure is part of this process of joining together two parts to complete the meaning of the emblem.

Thus within the diversity of

the emblem we can also detect its unity. Further study will be needed to determine just how widespread this “syllogistic emblem” was among seventeenth-century emblem writers. Among

the issues still awaiting resolution in Jesuit emblem

studies

are the following. Is the use of rhetoric a principal factor in the structure of the Jesuit emblem? What was the impact of the Enlightenment and the new scientism on the Jesuit emblem? What contributed to the emblem’s demise?

Meinel’s work on Reinzer will provide a useful beginning. There is need for more work on the material culture, that is, the use of applied emblems

Ayers d μορφωϑῇ XPAETOZ ἂν ὑμῖν. Donec.formetur Curistys in vobis. Gal. 4.

in the decoration of churches, ephemeral architecture, and splendid ceremonies, and the place of the emblem in Jesuit pedagogy. Did the Jesuit emblem undergo structural as well as iconographic changes over time, particularly in the eighteenth century? Here we might mention Masen’s serious criticism of some of his fellow Jesuits for their expansion of the subscriptio. A considerable number of Jesuit emblem books fall into the category of Fiirstenspiegel. Miihleisen’s article on Mendo™ might serve as

&

ἀφιφονόριο

T dune cig KTT

WAG περξιτέλοςς

ΕἾ δὲ ὀχαγλυύίφεμδμ Νέμεσιν, τὸ γλυφεϊον ἀμίτερις Φεῤζακὸν καμαΐτεις trrge πλιοιονοίχιξ,

Οὐχὶ À Αἰλεξαύόμω τῳ μορφόγϑυ Dr εύσωπον Adams@v λαλεπὸὼς ὀξετέλερσε «ὄνοις,

Εἴϑε γλύφημεν ἑοῖσι Pas τα, My τε, Gé τε,

a good Starting point and model for further investigation of this theme. In

Γλύμμασὶ ! P τυέϑοι drome ῥὶ ἀθάνατον,

Περξντέλίω ahaQe ἐδὲν ἴοι Farell" Aad oe Οὐδὲ out ‘Trés aos Πολύκλεσε iNEO

this regard, works by Le Moyne, Bouhours, Reinzer, and Nüñez de Cepeda come to mind. The connection between Jesuits and other writers 00

AN drgnadra μίνως Said rpg oe 761050

τ

emblem theory requires further study. The theories of Masen, Menestrier, Le Jay, Kircher, Pietrasanta, Knittel, Le Moyne,

IÀ)E{I}"U τύπος aes,

a Πολιχλείτω κήδεα λυγρὰ Std. Hi salou, πολλὲς, xg} πλείονας ἐχὶ σελύνας,

ΑἸἰνδρρμίων, κρὴ œufr' ἄπνοα, warre nant,

Ὑἱμᾶς νεύγλυφοι μεγάλυ ἕταροι pp τ α oF,

Τῶν μορφιζῴντων ere πλεπέτεροι; Κέρινον ἐς χακίαν χῶρφν, x9 τ᾽ ϑε᾽ d'idppor Σύμμνρφὸν τ' ἀρετῇ γλάδην, τοῦτα wr.

and Balbinus need to be

compared with the works of their non-Jesuit counterparts. These are just some of the areas dealing with the history and nature of the Jesuit emblem that require future investigation.

Νεραέμλρ' αἰνόμδμοι χραότιζᾳ αδρ ast γλυφείῳ

Μορφῶντὰς χίλομδμ' steer xess Svar.

Πλάττετε τρσμάχαμς >

Er τοῖν pe

à

᾿γλάηθε;, a sey Wee,

Sad nore πλιέϊροι ar.

Οὐ μρρφεὶς μορφῶτε Bert , popqde τε ϑιάων,

ΧΊΜμιον SR mine γλύμμστα vers HGH

a

ἘΞitioneller See Hans-Otto Miihleisen, Herrschaftsordnung

panien

des

17.

Jahrhunderts,

und

“Weisheit-Tugend-Macht. humanistischer

nachgezeichnet

am

Beispiel

Fiirstenspiegel ‘Principe perfecto.’” In Polit : i sche Tugendlehre : oliti Studia Augustana 2. Tübingen: Niem eyer, 1990, 141-196,

εν 7

Die Spannung νοῦ

Neubegründung

der

Andres

Politik

In

Mendos

Imago primi saeculi, book 3, 468.

und Regierun gskunst. i i i

_

__—

—

BE

124

G. Richard Dimler,

>>,

S.J.

The Jesuit Emblem

140

3H

|

LM

ADNOTATIONES ET MEDITATIONES IN EVANGELIA QVAE IN SACROSANCTO SAE

SACRIFICIO

TOTS

125

VorTa:.

À

MIS

ANNO

LUGVHTVA;

CrM Evancruoarm CONCORDANTIA hiflorix integritati fufficienti

M

.Àn'_ej;u &© Index: bus )toriam

ἢ

Euangelicam in ondinem

Cf

Faso An

foe

ipsam

tempons nee

difénibuens

Doubs

Concupmet emma mes τον mes tmas. Dial. ul

\C3 ἘΣ wc

Figure 2 Title page to Jeronimo Nadal, Adnotationes et Meditationes in Evanglia, Antwerp, INSIGNE

XXXVH.

109

IMPORTVNAS ILLVSTRATIONES MALO A DAËEMO.

martin té

ty Figure 4 Herman Hugo, Pia Desideria, book 2, chapter 1.

1594. EMBLEMA

CXLIIL

An forit [it panes Fesem; Exccutio fiat per Miniflrose

NE IMMISSAS OBTRVDI 5181 SENTIT , EASQVE REPELLIT IGNATIVS «

Parenti libro impofitum accenfa cum face candelabrum legenti

NON

EXPEDIT, DVM

IMPEDIT obregédo. Ex quæ animü auocaré: a Rudi , interiefta malo à Demone impc« dimenta, non collata à Deo munera,impor ‘nas repulie 1llaftrationes Ignatiu s .

Figure 3

Carlo Bovio, Ignatius Insign ium, emblem 37,

Sil facit,at [εἴκε popuio Fylas indicat horas. Præecipuus fol eft labentis any : si

Quaigneannum motu conficiriple fuo: _ ' Nos cit vmbra dicm,gignirmeque Cyochia noctem; Arbitrio man Solis ar δα vices.

Αὔτα licercælo niteant diverfa fereno, _

Officiumguc habeane fingula quæque foums Nulla ramen, cacti quans regione moretir, Æsmula Phetbacis lumina lampas haber, Nee dibs pra Phœbo primas fax poltulac vila, Summated ad Solem gloria,lixque redit.

Via quidem radios Solis feiorerica monftrant, Sed vrius accipiunt Sole fauente diem

Figure 5 Johann Kreihing, Emblemata ethico-politica, Antwerp, 1661, emblem 143.

126

The Jesuit Emblem

G. Richard Dimler, 5.1. APPENDIX Statistics on Jesuit Emblem

Production

in 2001. Extracted from the Union Catalogue of Emblem Books database Statistics by Before 1699 1700-1800 = 1800-1900 = 1900-2000 =

Pro cure exercitar(e en La eloquencia » para

dar mayor fuerza à fiss palabr

Lefmalte del oro de la Sabiduria es la epee que rigcla lengua parahaἡ blar conalifio , con rechorica , y enerAs?) + fuerza para reduzir los enBOAR

bis ba

tc

tos , y atraer las volunrades. » Padrede la Eloquencia , en τ Natalis Co

ἐμὰ mga on 5 pe 13 Fer

; sur à entender, "Mr lib. U l svoces, εἰ bate confeguia quanto intentaba ἣν one P ioui | re ercules Tyrinthio, tenia en fu lengu a ἐὰν m n ° u::ig 3 ve fuauemente acraya À todos , ἡ de i prs os fin refiftenci a de la dulzura de las

3]

Eslacloquencia la L Y Orpheo, que felleuaban ia i y canto de Amphion fi las plantas, Ὄρος ’ pin

los

Figure 6 Andrés Mendo, Principe Perf ecto, documento 20

de

Century = 1168 446 91 19

Statistics by Decade 1580-1590 = 4 1591-1600 = 21 1601-1610 = 37 1611-1620 = 30 1621-1630 = 165 1631-1640 = 165 1641-1650 = 112 1651-1660 = 134 1661-1670 = 143 1671-1680 = 128 1681-1690 = 131 1691-1700 = 88 1701-1710 = 75 1711-1720 = 77 1721-1730 = 69 1731-1740 = 40 1741-1750 = 62 1751-1760 = 41 1761-1770 = 23 1771-1780 = 16 1781-1790 = 10 1791-1800 = 10 1801-1810 = 2 1811-1820 = 2 1821-1830 = 7 1831-1840 = 6 1841-1850 = 13 1851-1860 = 18 1861-1870 = 9 1871-1880 = 3 1881-1890 = 13 1891-1900 = 2 1901-1910 = 2 1900-1950 = 1 14 1950-2000 = 3

127

Sar)

The Neo-Latin Emblem: Humanist Learning, Classical Antiquity, and the Virtual “Wunderkammer” KARL A.E. ENENKEL University of Leiden, The Netherlands

SEE

Se

nt for the genre The Latin language and humanist learning are especially releva emblem book, the of the emblem book. Latin is the language of the first

ΠΩΣ

δ.

in Southern Germany, ' and Emblematum libellus, which was printed in 1531

sixteenth and early Latin is the language of leading emblem authors of the , Achille Bocchi, seventeenth centuries as well, of Barthélemy Aneau

de Béze, Nicolaus Reusner, Hadrianus Junius, Joannes Sambucus, Théodore Schoonhoven, to name but Joachim Camerarius, Otto van Veen, and Florens s, the North-Italian a few.? The author of the seminal Emblematum libellu

humanist, jurist,

collector of antiquities Andrea

and

Alciato,

composed

am poetry of classical learned Latin poems rooted in the discourse of the epigr

unusual idea of the antiquity (e.g., Greek Anthology).° It was a somewhat Alciato’s learned Latin poetry in Augsburg printer Heinrich Steyner to publish accompany

would normally combination with small woodcut illustrations that s, however, turned out to vernacular texts. The bi-medial Emblematum libellu

r of editions were to be a highly successful invention: an impressive numbe appear in the sixteenth

and

seventeenth

centuries.

Moreover,

its success

ry genre on the European helped to establish the Neo-Latin emblem as a litera book market. '

Survey of

From

the other the 1560s on, one Latin emblem book after

A burg Edition of Alciato’s Emblemata: Bernhard F. Scholz, “The 1531 Augs 254. Research.” Emblematica 5.2 (1991): em213-book s is not adequately reflected in the embl The importance of the Neo-Latin Neo-Latin emblematists and their

? pioneering role of present state of research, despite the Mario a literary genre in the sixteenth century. Since into em dominance in developing the embl been has tion atten genre, the majority of scholarly Praz’s groundbreaking assessment of the es studi to or y, theor em c explorations, to embl devoted either to obviously urgent bibliographi an , ntly Rece nds. ce, Britain, and the Netherla of the vernacular emblem traditions in Fran the of some articles on the gap with a collection of seminal attempt has been made to partly fill s: Mundus emblematicus. Studies in Neo-Latin Emblem most important Latin emblem book _ Visser. Turnhout: Brepols, 2003. Books. Ed. Karl A.E. Enenkel and Arnoud S.Q. ato, rea Alci volume by Denis L. Drysdall, “And > On Alciato, see the essay in this Pater et Princeps.”

ὀΠ

>.

130

Karl A.E.

the Neo-Latin emblem production and demonstrate them by discussing a limited number of important emblem books of the sixteenth and early

seventeenth centuries.‘

It is a common feature of the Neo-Latin emblem books that they function in a learned literary discourse that is indissolubly connected with the study of classical antiquity. In the dedication of the Emblematum libellus, directed to patrician,

humanist,

and

collector

of

antiquities

Conrad

Peutinger, Alciato calls himself a “vates,” the lofty Latin concept of the

learned poet used

by Augustan

writers

such

as Horace

manifold intertextuality with classical texts displayed

libellus

demonstrates

the

impact

of

Alciato’s

and

Virgil.

The

in the Emblematum

programmatic

self-

understanding. Moreover, Alciato ascribes to the emblems of his collection a

similar function as to archaeological

or numismatic

collector’s items.”

Emblems are valuable objects especially appreciated by the connoisseurs of

classical antiquity.

The bi-mediality of the booklet, however, was initially not essential to

this idea of a humanist’s collection. Learned readers (“docti”) were supposed to assess the literary collector’s items without the illustrations, as the publisher Heinrich Steyner admitted in his preface “Candido lectori.” But Steyner obviously attributed to the illustrations a didactic function that was intended to

help less learned readers grasp the sense of the sophisticated Latin poems.° In

this respect, one may compare the Augsburg Alciato edition to similar proj-

ects directed by Steyner, aiming at the dissemination of humanism among a broader Northern audience, such as the illustrated edition of Petrarch’s Gliicksbuch (De remediis utriusque fortune) in 1532.’ The invention of the

eo __ n Although Latin was the lingua franca of the Society of Jesus, I exclude the Jesuit emblem from this survey sinc e it is dealt with in this volume by G. Richard Dimler, 5.1.

°

6

discussion.

è

f. A2r (dedication ad D[ominum] Chonradum Peutigerum Augustanum). f. Alv (Candido lect

a2 ,,,

The Neo-Latin Emblem

any sense. Therefore, I shall focus on certain characteristics and specifics of

Augsburg

eS

Enenkel

appeared, and with each new publication the range and potential of the genre increased. In a short survey it is, of course, impossible to analyze all the NeoLatin emblem books that have come down to us or to pretend completeness in

the

=

ori). Whether he succeed with this, however, is open for

Cf. my “Der Pe frarca des PetrarcaMeisters: zum Text-Bild-Verhältnis in illustrierten De-Remediis-A usgaben.” In Petrarch and His Readers in the Renaissance. Ed. Karl A.E. Enenkel and Jan Papy. Intersections, vol. 6. Leiden: Brill, 2006.

131

illustrated Alciato, however, opened up a stimulating potential which in the

course of the second half of the sixteenth century turned out to make sense

also for a learned readership. Like Alciato, the sixteenth-century pioneers who explored the potential of the new genre were learned humanists and outstanding Latinists.

Barthélemy Aneau (* ca. 1500), the author of the Picta Poesis, was a Latin

schoolmaster and commentator Junius,

born

in the small

Dutch

on classical authors in Lyons; town

of Hoorn

(1511),

was

Hadrianus

a classical

philologist and physician active in Northern Italy, England, Belgium, Denmark, and Holland; Achille Bocchi (* 1488), the author of the Symbolicae quaestiones, was a first-rate scholar and Latinist in Bologna, where he guided an “Accademia,” a scholarly circle devoted to the study of classical antiquity; Joannes Sambucus (* 1531) was a Hungarian Latin scholar who studied in Vienna, Leipzig, Wittenberg, Ingolstadt, Strasbourg, and Paris and became the historiographer of the Roman Emperor in Vienna; Nicolaus Reusner, born in Silesia (1545), the author of several emblematic works, was a philologist and physician and an extremely productive Latin poet, adorned with the title of poet laureate by the Roman Emperor; Joachim Camerarius 6 1534) was a classical scholar, specialist in Greek, physician, and botanist in Nuremberg; the Frenchman Théodore de Béze (* 1519) was a classical scholar and Calvinist pastor active in Geneva; Florens Schoonhoven, born in the Dutch town of Gouda (1594) and an alumnus of the University of Leiden, was a jurist and Latin poet. All of them share a common background constituted from a profound knowledge of the classics of Latin and Greek literature—in the first place, of the Latin poets, such as Virgil, Ovid, Catullus, Statius, Tibullus, Martialis,

Propertius, and Horace. These texts formed a rich repository of iti authoritative quotations, and literary models, which were imitated an emulated in a wide spectrum of transformations. The learning of Aneau,

Junius, Reusner, Camerarius, and others, however, was not confined to the

Latin poets. Equally important was their knowledge of the na Scientific, and philological tradition of antiquity, of works auch as

on Pliny’s

Naturalis historia, Macrobius’s Saturnalia, Isidore of Seville’s Etymologiae,

Servius’s comments on Virgil, or Porphyrius’s and Ps. Acro’s comments on

Horace. . | eae This large stock of humanist knowledge is of pivotal importance for . inventio of the emblematic epigrams, for the bi-medial combination of wor

se

132

Karl A.E.

21,

133

The Neo-Latin Emblem

Enenkel

of the Latin emblem books as well. The most striking device of the paratextual presentation was the Latin comment. At first sight, it may seem

In the spring of 1564 Junius traveled to Antwerp to discuss publishing matters, among them the Emblemata, with Christopher Plantin. 13 Tt was the same Plantin who, interestingly enough in the same period, prepared a

published commentaries to their own poems. if a modern poet would do such a thing. The however, was inspired by the father of Emblemata usually appeared, from 1556 on, commentaries.

Obviously, there is a connection between these two publications, at least with respect to the strategy of the publisher; besides, it is hard to imagine that Junius was not aware of Plantin’s Alciato-Stockhamer project. Junius’s Emblemata is, with respect to its aesthetics, a very agreeable book. The emblematic epigrams were adorned by woodcuts of a much higher

and image (from Bocchi and Junius on), and for the paratextual presentation

odd that emblem

What

was

writers like Junius,

the sense

Camerarius,

and Schoonhoven have

It would cause practice of the emblematics accompanied

of these commentaries?

As

a puzzling effect Latin comment, himself, whose by learned Latin

Daniel

Russell has

convincingly argued,’ they must be interpreted as part of a process that led to the new usage of the emblem books as commonplace books: !° storehouses of

knowledge, images, anecdotes, and motifs from classical antiquity. This new

use was initiated by the reorganization of Alciato’s emblems in commonplace

categories in 1548. Landmarks were the commented editions by Sebastian

Stockhamer (Lyons: Jean de Tournes, 1556), Claude Mignault (first published in 1571), and Thuilius (first published in 1606).'' Especially Mignault set the standard for the Latin emblem

commentary:

his editions of Alciato were

published over and over again, some 20 times before 1606. i Bis sain tie booklet with Hadrianus Junius’s Emblemata" is one of avr

VERS

aise

Les

re

te

emblem

in 1565

publications

in Antwerp

isher Christopher

of the pioneers

Plantin.

of the sixteenth

at the press of the young and

Junius’s

Emblemata

were

most

probably inspired by Stockhamer’s commented edition of Alciato’s emblems. ———— Ἐς 6 τ 8

Ῥώμη ὩΣCf. RS

θοὸν

; Schoonhovius’s Emblemata partim moralia,| Enenkel, “ “Florentius

tvilia: Text and Paratext.” Historical Perspective. Ed. Ali

In Emblems

of the Low

Countries: A Book

Emblem Studies, 2003, 129.147 - Adams and Marleen van der Weij. Glasgow: Glasgow ’ See Daniel Russell, “Claude Mignault, Erasmus and Simon Bouquet: The Function of the Commen

taries o n Alciato’s Emblems.” in Neo-Latin Emblem Books. Ed. Karl A.E. Enenkel

Figurata Studies, vol. 4. Tur a Meg. Mt

Commonplace-Books pes τ Fe fm

University Press, 1996. 11

€

In Mundus emblematicus. Studies

and Arnoud 5.0. Visser. Imago

Brepols, 2003, 17-32, especially 17-18.

commonplace

book,

structuring of Renaissance

; See Russell, “Claude MiI gnault, ” “ See Heesakkers, Hadriani

see

Ann

Thought.

Oxford:

Erasmus and Simon Bouquet.”

Iunii Emblemata.”

Moss,

;

Printed Oxford

publication of Stockhamer’s

comment

on Alciato (appeared

in 1565). εν

quality than for instance those in Steyner’s Alciato edition (1531). The il-

lustrations were made by skillful craftsmen: the drawings being designed mostly by Geoffrey Ballain and a few by Peter Huys. The woodblocks were

cut by Gerard Jansen van Kampen, and a few others by Arnold Nicolai.'° The collection consists of 58 emblems; the fact that a separate page is reserved for

each emblem, that each emblem is organized according to the same formula (motto, one illustration,

one epigram),

and that each epigram

consists of

exactly four lines produces an extraordinarily harmonious and consistent effect (Fig. 1). This impression is further enhanced by the use of identical borders for the illustrations. Chris Heesakkers has rightly called the booklet a The commentary is printed separately from the emblems “genuine bijou.” (65-149). In the preface to the commentary Junius tells us why he had decided to make the separation: he did not want to spoil the pleasure of the learned he invites first to enjoy the process of “solving the emblem’s

reader whom

enigma” before consulting the commentary.

Junius, however, attached great importance to his learned commentary, set up as consistently as the emblems themselves. Each commentary lemma deals with four categories: (1) the description of the meter; (2) the listing and

discussion

of the philological

interpretation

of

sources

with

sources

respect

(“origo

to

their

emblematum”); emblematic

(3) the

application

13 See Junius, Epistolae, Dordrecht 1652, 386 (letter to Joannes Sambucus, dated

24 May 1544).

Andrea Alciato, Emblematum libri II. In eadem succincta commentariola Sebastiano Stockhamero Germano auctore (Leiden University Library 764 G 5). Cf. Amoud 5.0. Visser, “Why Did Christopher Plantin Publish Emblem Books?” In Emblems of the Low Countries: A Book Historical Perspective. Ed. Alison Adams and Marleen van

der Weij. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies, 2003, 63-78.

'S Cf. Heesakkers, “Hadriani Iunii Emblemata,” 43. 16 Cf. Heesakkers, “Hadriani Iunii Emblemata,” 45.

BE

134

Karl A.E.

designed. With regard to categories 2 and 3, Junius closely follows Stockhamer’s method. The fourth category is entirely new. It emphasizes the importance a humanist placed on the illustrations: Junius tried to safeguard the—always endangered—continuity between word and image. With respect to the contents of the emblem book, certain tendencies can

be observed. In this it is important to make a distinction between source/image and the topic/meaning/application. Upon close analysis of the collection it appears that Junius considered natural history the most important source of his emblems. Animals appear in almost half of the emblems and in one fifth plants figure as the emblematic picturae.'® In a sense, Junius’s emblem collection resembles a collection of an early modern “Wunderkammer.” Several exotic animals appear in the emblems: the elephant (no. 2; see Fig. 1), the lion (nos. 10, 22, and 46), the hippopotamus (nos. 17 and 45), the crocodile (no. 19), and the monkey (no. 22). As in most of the “Wunderkammer” of the sixteenth century, the animals and plants are not presented according to a certain order of species. “Variatio” is the guiding principle of composition. Another important source is, as in Alciato’s emblems, classical

mythology (e.g., nos. 6, 11, 13, 34, 36, 37, 44, and 49). The topics (meaning, usus) generally refer to moral philosophy, sometimes to political ethics. As is the case with the sources, the topics are not organized in any systematic

order: here again, the guiding principle of organization is “variatio.” The mottos generally represent moral “sententiae,” as for instance, “Gloria

Ἱππποτίδῃς labore parta” (no. 3) [One achieves immortal glory by hard labor] i

PBXs»

The Neo-Latin Emblem

Enenkel

(“usus”);'’ and (4) a description of the way in which the illustration should be

or

BP

“Vita mortalium vigilia” (no. 5) [The meaning of life is to be awake].

Emblem no. 2, “Rabularum odium” [The detestation of lawyers] (Fig. ), May serve as an example of Junius’s emblematic method. The source

comes from natural history. It offers the odd information that elephants abhor

pigs. For instance, in book VIII of Pliny’s Naturalis historia, the first book of the zoology, the section on the elephant (27) discusses to what degree this

animal could be used in war. As Pliny states, the use of elephants in war is a

135

in the course of a military campaign, they were terrified even by such harmless animals as pigs. In his emblematic epigram, Junius applies this information to moral philosophy, in the sense of a general disapproval of lawyers; the elephant stands for the prince, and the pigs for the lawyers: therefore the prince should be repulsed by lawyers in a similar way that the elephant is repulsed by pigs. In the poem Junius takes the odd information on the relationship between elephants and pigs for granted. One wonders to what degree he may have counted on the erudite knowledge of his readers. Probably he was eager to construct an enigma. In the commentary, however, Junius discusses the reliability of the “fact” of natural history at length. He presents his discussion as rational criticism. First of all, he is eager to establish the correctness of his information. This he tries to achieve by a kind of philological and historical criticism that resembles the traditional method of historiography. As Junius

states, the historical fact is established by the consensus of authors (Pliny the Elder,

Seneca,

Aelianus,

Horapollo,

and

Zoroaster). 19 Without

such

a

consensus one would have to discuss first the question of which author(s) should be preferred. In the present case, however, a more difficult problem consists of the interpretation of the elephant’s behavior. Should one ascribe it

to a natural dislike of the species pig or to something else? Junius prefers the

rational argument that the “dislike” is caused by the awful noise pigs are able to produce. Junius’s description of the design of the illustration in the commentary is exactly followed on the picture (Fig. 1): the elephant, indeed, turns his head away from the pig in deep disgust, and his skin is wrinkled because of his abhorrence. The pig (in the right corner below) aggressively approaches him, as if it does not respect the elephant’s majesty.

Equally learned is the emblem book of the Hungarian scholar Joannes Sambucus, composed in the same years as Junius’s and also printed by Christopher Plantin (the first edition appeared Antwerp, 1564). The emblem

authors were acquainted with each other, as a couple of letters testify.”°

Junius’s and Sambucus’s emblem books are, however, not dependent on each

risky business since they are inclined to panic. He tells us the story that once, 7 Consult 65. 18

:

45, 46 Pr

39, 42, 2,4,7,8,9, 10, 15, 17, 18, 19, 20, 22, 25, 30, 31, 38,

14, 15, 20, 23, 27, 28, 31, 33, 37, and 43. Natural histor, 5, 56, and 57. Plants: nos. 9, sense, as in Pliny’s Historia naturalis. broad ory 15 here conceived in a inéludine Ε cluding fabulous animals (like the phoenix) and domestic animals.

Aelianus, De natura animalium 1,38; Plutarch, De soll. anim. 32 ou

Seneca, De ira I1,11,5. 0. See. for example, Sambucus’s letter to Junius, dated 1 February 1564 (Junius, Emblemata, fol. A3y).

a

136

Karl A.E.

other.

As

Sambucus’s

letter to Junius

shows,”!

his Emblemata

were

in

monograph on the work, by Arnoud Visser.” Like Junius, Sambucus was a

philologist, and a lover of antiquity. More specifically, Sambucus was a collector of ancient coins and rare manuscripts.”*

It seems to me that Sambucus also conceived of his Emblemata as a

collection, a collection of intriguing picturae hanging on the wall of a virtual “Wunderkammer.” The title page suggests this: the Emblemata are presented together with Sambucus’s collection of ancient coins: Emblemata cum aliquot nummis antiqui operis. The pictures of the “exhibition” of emblems have broad and elaborate frames in the style of sixteenth-century gilded cassetta frames (Fig. 2, 3, 4, and 6).* These frames, designed with considerable

variety (the first eight frames are all different) and with much care, bestow on the collection an elegant and luxurious flavor, which one would encounter ina

prince’s gallery of precious paintings. On the “paintings” the spectator is to admire scenes from Roman history, classical mythology, natural history, personifications, heraldics, and so on. In fact, the tone is set in the first ten

emblems: the collection is dominated by Roman antiquity (no. 2 triumph of a Roman emperor [Fig. 4]), classical mythology (no. 3 Daphne; no. 5 Fortuna; no. 8 Venus), natural history (no. 6 Ibis and Basiliscus; no.

7 monkey and

fox; no. 9 crocodile and cow [Fig. 6]), and personifications (no. 10 Death). The precise illustrations of the precious Roman coins (rectos and versos)

Printed on page 7 of Junius’s Emblemata. 9 Joannes Sambucus and the Learned Image. The Use of the Emblem in LateRenaissance Humanism, Leiden: Brill, 2005: originally Leiden Ph.D. dissertation Joannes Sambucus (1531-1584) and the Learned Image. Forms and Functions of a Humanist Emblem Book. Leiden, 2003. \ On the philologist, see Visser, Joannes Sambucus and the Learned Image, 38-40. E On this aspect, see Visser, Joannes Sambucus and the Learned Image, 40-46. ~ Cf. Paul Mitchell and Lynn Roberts, A History of European Picture Frames. London:

Merrell

Holberton,

1996;

Claus Grimm,

137

The Neo-Latin Emblem

Enenkel

production (though not yet printed) when he received Junius’s emblematic epigrams (not yet in the printed and illustrated form). In the case of Sambucus’s Emblemata we are in the fortunate position to possess a modern

Material. Munich: Callweg, Publications, 1997.

>2,:

Alte Bilderrahmen:

1978; Nicholas Penny, Frames.

London:

Epochen-Typen-

National Gallery

showing a series of Roman “Wunderkammer”

emperors” contribute to the discourse of the

(Fig. 5).

The structure and the layout of Sambucus’s Emblemata differ from

Junius’s.

First,

Sambucus’s

book

emblem

makes

a less homogenous

and

harmonious impression. The main reason is that his emblematic epigrams vary considerably in length. Some have a “normal” epigram length (six to eight lines), but more have a length rather unusual for the genre (e.g., no. 87:

26 lines). This causes a somewhat irregular layout. Unlike Junius, Sambucus does not provide the reader with a learned commentary. This does not mean, however, that his emblems are less learned. Sambucus presents some

discussions and explanations Junius dealt with in his commentary in a poetical

form within the Latin epigrams.?’ The learning provided by the literature of classical antiquity is obviously of the highest importance to Sambucus.” Like Junius, Sambucus heavily draws on the encyclopedic and commentary

tradition of classical antiquity. Among the sources of the emblems, mythology

and natural history take a prominent place, but in comparison with Junius, one may observe that mythology is for Sambucus somewhat more important.

In marked difference with Junius, Sambucus has included historical exempla as a main category of emblematic sources.?” Emblem no. 9, “Superfluum inutile” (Fig. 6), is a good example of

Sambucus’s emblematic method. The emblematic sources are provided by natural history:

Sambucus

discusses

certain

features

of six animals:

the

crocodile, cow, crane, swan, goose, and stork. The animal that is decisive for the emblematic

inventio, however,

is an exotic animal, the crocodile. The

point of departure is probably the oddest peculiarity of the crocodile, that it is according to certain authors the only “terrestrial animal” which lacks a burden, while tongue: “What a long tongue the cow stretches out, tired by its does not you, crocodile, have not got a tongue at all” (v. 3-4). This feature

__ —_—

“Zu den frühen “ For the numismatic illustrations, see Maria Alfoldy, s, 1531-1584.” Sambucu s Johanne des ata Emblem Îllustrationen numismatischer Werke: die Rainer Albert and Reiner Cunz. Speyer: i Wissensc haftsgeschichte der Numismatik. Ed. Numismatische Gesellschaft Speyer e.V., 1995, 71-95. rmed knowledge “7 Visser has observed that Sambucus in his poems has transfo Visser, Joannes f. C style. poetic a re into literatu taken from Roman learned prose

Sambucus and the Learned Image, 189.

ch. 6, “The Uses of * See Visser, Joannes ‘Sambucus and the Learned Image,

Classical Sources,” 163-214.

© Visser, Joannes Sambucus and the Learned Image,

198-214.

|

ΕΣ 2 AES

138

Karl A.E.

correspond to reality, but goes back to ancient literary descriptions, for example in Herodotus’s historiography, which found their way into natural history, e.g., Pliny’s Naturalis historia (Sambucus’s main source).* Unlike Junius, Sambucus does not discuss the philological reliability of his sources. For this purpose,

of course,

an epigram

would

not be the most adequate

medium. But Sambucus tries to render the odd feature more plausible by combining it with other known and undisputable facts of natural history. Nobody would doubt, for example, that the swan, crane, goose, and stork all have long necks. If one takes as a point of departure Sambucus’s theoretical remarks on the emblem, in which he stresses the “obscure” and enigmatic aspects of the genre, one might expect that he constructed his emblematic epigrams accordingly.

But upon

closer analysis,

one detects

little obscurity

in the

epigrams, as Visser has convincingly shown.*! Instead of obscurity, we get explicit and often rather circumstantial explanations that take away most aspects that could be labeled “enigmatic.” In the case of emblem no. 9, one could have made a beautiful guesswork of the animal’s lacking tongue. Sambucus, however, was not interested in doing so. On the contrary, he gives away right from the start even the moral interpretation:

1) Only useful things

are true possessions. 2) Useful things are provided by God. 3) The crocodile

does not need a tongue and, therefore, it has none (from God). In the end of the epigram, Sambucus doubles his explanation: God the creator has given to everybody his right and useful features. Nature is perfect. Thus, Sambucus’s Emblemata make an agreeable “Wunderkammer”; its objects are in part very remarkable. In his epigrammatic descriptions, however, he furnishes them with clear and didactic explanations that leave little room for the enigmatic.

The Emblemata of the French Calvinist scholar and theologian Théodore

de Beze, published in 1580, are as well part of a “special collection.”*” In de

Beze s case, the emblems are connected with yet another distinct group of objects that were usually collected in the “Wunderkammer”: portraits. De Béze’s Emblemata actually represent a kind of appendix to his portrait gallery /cones,

id est verae imagines virorum doctrina simul et pietate illustrium (Geneva, Jean

de Laon). De Béze’s Calvinist belief is the guiding principle of his portrait Fs Naturalis historia VIII,89, and Herodotus 1,68. Visser, Joannes Sambucus and the Learned Image, 32

“ See Alis Emblemau'(-uî, get

Adams,

“ “The Emblemata

139

The Neo-Latin Emblem

Enenkel

gallery; the heroes of the reformed church are in, whereas Catholics are out. The same tendency can be detected with regard to the emblems; the “pietas” of the true religion is a keyword for the understanding of the moral messages of

de Béze’s emblems. ὁ

The pictures of his collection, which consists of 44 emblems, are presented in artful, even suggestively three-dimensional, frames (Fig. 7). As is the case with Sambucus’s collection, the frames display a considerable variety. The first eight emblems

show seven different types. The epigrams

are, compared with Sambucus, much shorter. The majority have exactly four lines“ and resemble in this respect, Junius’s collection. In marked difference from Alciato, Junius, and Sambucus,

de Béze refrains from mottos (Fig. 7

and 8). In his case, the emblem is constructed only with two elements, the picture and the epigram. The pictures show geometrical figures (circle, cube,

lines), religious symbols (lamb),*° “human affairs,”*” technical inventions

ical (cannon),** topography (e.g., Rome, Castel 5. Angelo), astronom figures,“ and natural history.‘ Each emblem is printed on a separate page. The topics or the moral interpretations are always related to protestant religion. The cannon, for instance, is interpreted as a warning for the enemies

of the Protestants (Fig. 7).

Emblem no. 36 may serve as an example of de Béze’s emblematic

method (Fig. 8). The picture shows in the background a man who runs after a crocodile and in the foreground the (same) crocodile that persecutes the man. Thus, the central object of the picture is a true “Wunderkammer” animal, the

crocodile.

The

source

is once

more

Pliny’s

learned

of Thé Théodore

ee de Bèze.”

In Mundus \

historia

t odd information that (VIII,92), Pliny provides the reader with the somewha

the crocodile is only dangerous to people who anxiously run away from it. If, on the other hand, one hunts the crocodile, it will flee. In his epigram, de Bèze does not discuss the reliability of the information from the natural

* Ibid., 73.

* Exceptions from the dominant four-liners are: no. 2 (8 lines), no. 7 (6 lines), no.

14 (6 lines), no. 28 (8 lines), nos. 31 and 32 (6 lines), nos. 33 and 37 (2 lines), no. 35 (11 lines), no. 38 (6 lines), 39 (10 lines), no. 42 (8 lines), and no. 44 (9 lines). For example emblems nos. 1-3. 36 For example emblem no. 4.

For example emblem nos. 7, 11, 19, 20, and 23.

152 ff.

Naturalis

Emblem no. 8 (Fig. 7). Emblem no. 25. Emblems nos. 40, 41, and 42.

For example emblems nos. 32, 34, and 36.

140

Karl A.E.

The Neo-Latin Emblem

Enenkel

history. Taking it for granted, he engages in the religious interpretation of this phenomenon: it gives a proper example of the way in which one must deal with the devil. The crocodile, which he calls “Niliacus serpens” [Snake from the Nile], stands for the devil. If one acts cowardly, the devil will be dangerous, but if one encounters him without fear, he will flee (“Sic vetus ille

draco, saevus mortalibus hostis,/ Te reprimente fugit, te fugiente premit” [In this way the old dragon, the fierce enemy of mortals / flees if you persecute him, but persecutes you, if you run away]). Similar to Sambucus, de Bèze did not really make much use of the enigmatic potential of the genre. In his epigrams, he gives clear information on the object of the picture and on its emblematic interpretation. With his collection, he clearly had didactic goals in mind: the religious instruction of the spectator/reader. In the same year as de Bèze’s Emblemata appeared the first collection of a German

emblem

author,

Nicolaus

Reusner’s

Picta

Poesis

Ovidiana

(Frankfurt: Sigmund Feyerabend). Recently, I have argued that the Picta Poesis Ovidiana should be regarded as an emblem book in the proper sense.” It is a substantial emblem publication in which Reusner has increased the range and the potential of the genre. The Picta Poesis Ovidiana proves once more that Henkel and Schéne’s “Idealtypologie” does not correspond with the emblematic reality.“ Instead of one epigram, Reusner combines one picture mostly with several poems, in many cases poems by different (emblem) authors, such as Alciato, Aneau, Sambucus, and Reusner himself, as well as other Latin poets of Classical antiquity and Renaissance Humanism. These epigrams, combined with a set of illustrations of Ovid’s Metamorphoses, are presented as an authoritative emblematic collection that could have a wide range of purposes and applications. It is no coincidence that Reusner has included the poems of important emblem

authors like Alciato, Aneau, and

Sambucus; it is proof of his effort to construct an emblematic manual. Guthmüller”s view that the epigrams and the pictures do not fit each other should

be dismissed. Reusner’s criteria to select epigrams and illustrations were, in fact, very much different from the ones of the “Idealtypologie.” The well-

* “Ovid-Emblematik als Scherenschnitt und Montage. Aneaus Picta Poesis in Reusners Picta Poesis Ovidiana.” In The Stone of Alciato: Literature and Visual Culture in the Low Countries. Ed. Mark van Vaeck, Hugo Brems, and Geert H. M. Claassen. Leuven: Peeters, 729-749. I have argued in this against B. Guthmiiller, “Picta Poes!s Ovidiana,” in Renatae litterae. Studien zum Nachleben der Antike und zur Europäischen

Renaissance. Ed. Klaus Heitman and Eckhart Schréder. See ibid.

Frankfurt:

Athenäum,

1973.

141

known illustrations of Ovid’s Metamorphoses function as mnemonic figures that enable the users to memorize the text and the contents of the emblem poems. Moreover,

the illustrations indicate an “inter-imaginal” and an inter-

textual relationship with Aneau’s emblem book Picta Poesis, first published in Lyons in 1552. For Aneau’s emblem book, Ovid’s Metamorphoses is of pivotal importance.“ In the very period Aneau composed his emblems he was busy with Ovid, preparing an edition of a French translation and a commentary on several books of the Metamorphoses.” The set of woodcut illustrations of Ovid’s Metamorphoses used by Reusner was designed by Virgil Solis, who was inspired by the Ovid illustrations printed by Macé \ Bonhomme, Aneau’s publisher. Although Reusner regarded Aneau’s work as a challenging and inspiring emblem book, he did not just take over the text of the poems. As I have shown, Reusner was not only a more advanced Latin poet who replaced Aneau’s clumsy wordings and wrong meter but he also was guided by different emblem poetics. Unlike Aneau, Reusner was not fond of words of abuse, filthy allusions, and coarse sexuality, which point to the tradition of

Martialis’s epigram poetics.“ Especially unpleasant is Aneau’s hatred of

women shown by words of sexual abuse. According to Reusner, DIRE epigrams should radiate the dignity of the lofty poetry of the “vates,’ which was to express high moral

standards.

Reusner also did not agree with too

narrow thoughts as emblematic conceptions, in a sense of too close an involvement of the text in day-to-day reality. For example, Aneau freely

expressed his frustrations as a school teacher who was tempted more than

once by homosexual feelings towards his pupils. According to Reusner, such stuff was not in correspondence with the decorum of an emblem book, and he eliminated it consciously.

See Alison Saunders, “The Influence of Ovid on a Sixteenth-Century Emblem

Book: Barthélemy Aneau’s /magination poetique.” Nottingham French Studies 16 (1977):

in the βουτᾷ 1-19; Saunders, “Picta Poesis: The Relationship between Figure and Text

Century French Emblem Book.” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 48 (1986):

621-652.

à

s # Marie-Claude Malenfant and Jean-Claude Moisan, “Aneau, des Emblème

d’Alciat et de l’Imagination poétique aux Métamorphoses d'Ovide, genese ε mis commentaire.” Renaissance et Réforme 17 (1993): 35-52; Clément Marot, Barthé ds

Aneau, Les trois premiers livres de la Métamorphoses d’Ovide. Ed. Jean-Claude Moisan and Marie-Claude Malenfant.

Paris: Champion,

1997.

“© See “Ovid-Emblematik als Scherenschnitt und Montage.

a

Karl A.E.

The Neo-Latin Emblem

Enenkel

Reusner used his high standard of emblem poetics also in his most important emblem book, the Emblemata partim ethica et physica, partim vero historica et hieroglyphica published in the next year by Sigmund Feyerabend

(Frankfurt am Main, 1581).*’ In this emblem book, Reusner enlarged the

“Ovid connection” with other sets of illustrations, e.g., with the figures of Alciato’s emblems and of Pliny’s Naturalis historia. The second book of the Emblemata is dedicated to the natural history. A good example of Reusner’s emblematic method is emblem II,3, “Gloria Crocodilus” [Glory/fame of the crocodile] (Fig. 9), which is especially interesting because it helps us understand Reusner’s emblem poetics in relation to Sambucus, Junius, and de Bèze. The source of the emblem is Pliny, Naturalis historia VIII,92 (The crocodile is dangerous for the one who runs away from it, not for the one who hunts it). The illustration was not made for Reusner’s poem, but reveals the connection to Pliny: it was taken from Sigmund Feyerabend’s natural histories, by Schaller and Pliny. In his epigrams, Reusner always sketches the emblematic “source” as briefly as possible in the first lines. He usually dedicates the greater part of the poem to the emblematic explanation. Like Sambucus’s epigrams, Reusner’s are longer than the ones of Alciato, Junius and de Béze. The average length is about 12 lines. Only very rarely is Reusner satisfied with fewer than eight lines. The epigram of Emblemata 11,3 has exactly 12 lines, the first two dedicated to the emblematic source, lines 3

to 12 to the explanation. Whereas Sambucus often doubles both emblematic sources and explanations, Reusner focuses entirely on the explanation. Usually there is a remarkable stylistic difference between the first lines (brevity, simple style of the “narratio”) and the rest of the poem (elaborate, broad, flourishing style). The epigram of Emblemata II,3 reveals this

difference in style.“

Unlike Junius and most of the Alciato editions, Reusner did not offer a prose commentary to his emblems. The—much emphasized—explanatory part of his epigrams, however, takes over some of the tasks of the commentary. In 47

. I am currently preparing

5

a monograph on this emblem book.

“ Lines 1-2: “Terribilis profugum sequitur crocodilus: et hostem/ Adversum

tamquam

territa dama

fugit” [This terrible crocodile persecutes the one who

from it/ If one does not run away, it flees like a timid lines 7-8: “Pone sequens sic te beat ardua gloria caelo,/ lyrae” [Following your footsteps, glory will bless you, you, fame and glory of the Aeonian lyre] (flourishing

runs away

deer] (simple narrative, brevity); Sambuce, Aeoniae fama decusque glory high as heaven / Sambucus, style, close to epic style).

143

this, Reusner is usually less concerned with discussions on the emblematic

sources than with elaborations of his moral explanations. Like Sambucus, Reusner does his best to provide clear moral messages—at the end of the poem, nothing obscure or enigmatic should be left. Reusner did not really care about a close relationship between word and image. This is not only due to the fact that his publisher, Feyerabend, used images he had in stock but also because in the majority of cases Reusner knew how these illustrations looked when he composed the epigrams. Nevertheless, Reusner did nothing to refer more closely to the images in the poems. It happens more than once that, at the level of the details, the poem even contradicts the image. This, however, did not bother him. For Reusner, the picture was in the first place a mnemonic figure that would help the reader memorize the Latin epigram. The picture of emblem II,3 is an example of this pattern. Unlike the image in de Béze’s Emblemata, Reusner’s picture does not show how the crocodile persecutes a man (and how a man runs after a crocodile),

but simply a crocodile in profile, as The mouth of the crocodile is shown animal’s unique feature, its lack of Reusner’s illustration would fit better

one would expect in a natural history. wide open in order to demonstrate the a tongue (Fig. 9). With this respect, Sambucus’s emblem no. 8 (see above).

For the purpose of mnemonics, however, a close correspondence on the level

of details is less important than it may seem at first sight. In fact, anything goes, if it is recognizable and somehow connected to the emblematic source. In the case of emblem II,3, the image of an exotic animal is certainly good enough to memorize the contents of the epigram—the dangerous crocodile

will firmly stay in the reader’s mind. In his more free and associative use of

the illustrations, however, Reusner differs from Junius and Sambucus, who did their best to establish a closer relationship between word and image.

In his emblematic interpretations, his “emblematic twists,” Reusner usually employs more subtlety than for example de Béze and Sambucus. De

Béze’s interpretation of the crocodile as the devil in emblem no. 36 is somehe what obvious, if not obsolete. Reusner’s explanation is more exciting since interprets the awesome crocodile as the most positive category of humanist

: if people are thought, “glory” (gloria). Glory works like the crocodile ambitious and hunt for it, it will run away from them, if one does not hunt for

applied glory, it will follow spontaneously. It is interesting that Reusner has

this thought exactly to Sambucus, his emblematic example and the author who Wrote a poetic preface to Reusner’s Emblemata (“Ad lectorem,” f. C 3r-v).

È

144

Karl A.E.

=

=

a

The Neo-Latin Emblem

Enenkel

Emblem 11,3 is not only dedicated to Sambucus but the Hungarian humanist is also presented in the epigram as an example of right behavior—he was not driven by ambition but nevertheless achieved eternal fame as a poet. In emblem II,3 Reusner offers at the same time a praise of his emblematic predecessor Sambucus and an aemulatio in which he surpasses his predecessor’s crocodile emblem. The same is true for Reusner’s relationship with de Béze, whose Emblemata had appeared just one year before. Reusner included as a second poem of emblem II,3 de Béze’s epigram no. 36. This, again, is a homage to the French emblematist and an aemulatio at the same time. If one compares Reusner’s and de Béze’s poems little doubt is left about who is the better poet. Florens Schoonhoven is the author of a beautiful and influential emblem book, the Emblemata partim Moralia, partim Civilia, first published in 1618 in Gouda by Andreas Burier.*” Schoonhoven wrote the texts somewhat earlier, during his years as a student at the University of Leiden, when he also

collected as a student at the University of Leiden. In my view, Schoonhoven’s Emblemata is a commonplace book, a fine and tiny but very well-organized of knowledge. is, in fact, true for most of the Neo-Latin emblem last len ag books of the sixteenth and seventeenth century. They offer the vast knowledge of classical and humanist scholarship in a nutshell, packed in small portions and presented in a very agreeable form. The elegant humanist poetry and the comments

learned

his essays

transmitters

of knowledge,

while

the

early modern period.”

most remarkable feature of his emblematic method is probably the large prose commentary he added to each of the epigrams (Fig. 10).°' His main source of inspiration was Mignault’s commented edition of Alciato, although he was also acquainted with Junius’s Emblemata. Compared with the comments on Alciato, Schoonhoven developed a new type of emblematic commentary. In marked difference with Mignault’s and Junius’s, Schoonhoven’s commentaries are texts in their own right. His main point of interest is (moral) philosophy. Schoonhoven offers in fact a collection of 74 essays on In a sense,

efficient

were

illustrations served as mnemonic devices. Using the book or memorizing its contents, the reader could walk in his mind through an attractive and amazing virtual “Wunderkammer,” the storehouse of knowledge par excellence in the

composed impressive Latin poetry in congenial imitation of Horace.” The

ethical and political issues.

145

EMBLEMA

11,

Rabularom odium.

resemble the Essais by

Michel Montaigne, in that a considerable part of the essay consists of quotations of ancient authors. Schoonhoven has designed the emblem book as a commonplace book on ethics and politics. The motto of the emblem

functions as the header of the commonplaces. I believe that the collection of

quotations in the Emblemata goes back to the commonplaces Schoonhoven

® See Karl A.E. Enenkel, “A Leyden Emblem Book: Florentius Schoonhovius’s

Emblemata partim moralia, partim etiam civilian.” In The Emblem Tradition and the Low Countries. Ed. John Manning, Karel Porteman, and Marc van Vaeck. Turnhout: Brepols,

1999, 177-195.

” Ibid., 177-179. On Schoonhoven’s Latin poems, see Karl A.E. Enenkel, “Ein

hollandischer Horaz: Florentius Schoonhovius’s Poemata.” Ibid., 197-225. 51 ò

On the commentary, see Enenkel, “Florentius Schoonhovius’s Emblemata partim; moralia, partim etiam civilia: Text and Paratext. ” ;

Mere

Figure 1 Junius, Emblemata.

Antwerp:

Plantin,

1565. emblem no. 2, p.

8

5.

' i son. °? For the correction of my English, I express my gr atitude to Todd Richardso

146

Karl A.E.

EMBLEMATA.

Enenkel

The Neo-Latin Emblem

147

33

Οὐ χρὴ πευνύχιον tudLew. δες. Figure 3 Sienese cassetta frame, ca. 1510 (Penny, 35).

EMBLEMATA. Memor vtriufque fortunæ.

1

A

ode

RAT

EXERCITY S curam

Eft, nec profundè he

ger ns fomno lenis

Negotiofus femper, y paratior

P

Ad arma, primus prodiens.

Viéloriss celebyes tulit Macedo vigil, Laudes, trophea maxima,

Sopore nunquam paffas eft fe comprimi: Sed altera globus manu Detentus, eveum incidebat vafculum, Quiete mox fe colligens,

τ Qusque cauere decet, fimbolon vie erat.

De Julio fertur minus nec Cefare, Ad fingulis vigili Vices,

Αἰ

e

Confi-

πε pren te

Quam facile in luctus mutat fortuna triumphos, Et victor ferui conditione venit ? Fortune efto memor Jemper fortuna in vtraque,

Non facile eft +qua commoda mente pati.

Figure 2

pee

μὲ eas

cum aliquot nummis antiqui operis. Antwerp: Plantin, 1564,

Figure 4

Sambucus, Emblemata cum a liquot nummis emblem no. 2, Ρ. 13.

antiqui operis. Antwerp: Plantin, 1564,

148

Karl A.E. Enenkel

I.

SAMB.

NVMMI

VET.

The Neo-Latin Emblem

233

23

L

SAMBVCI

Superfluum inutile.

Ad Vitum ‘Rechnicz;

ἘΝ 2

AC

ΤΣ

(DS ge CRE

4a

dé

AS

EST ae A

Ξ

Divirras reputo"veras quas exigit vfs, Et fortem infignem, quam dat habere Deus.

Porrigit en quantam bos laffus pondere linguam, E linguis nulla eft fed crocodile tibi. criubus, cygnis, anfer tibi care, πεελάργοις Eft

Collum, non fitiens an opus ales habet §

Cuique finm tribuit varium qui condidit Orbem,

Quique dedit totum, parte deeffe nequit.

or

Figure 5

Sambucus, Emblemata cum aliquot nummis antiqui operis. Antwerp: Plantin, 1564,

p. 233. Coins of the emperors Trajan and Hadrian.

|

|

Que

Sambucus, Emblemata cum aliquot nummis antiqui operis. Antwerp: Plantin, 1564,

emblem no. 9, p. 22.

149

150

Karl A.E.

EMBLEMA EN EME

EM ete

Vaile lig iin tiniishint al ihr ΚΣ

es

See

J wae

Enenkel

151

The Neo-Latin Emblem

VIII SV ara

lal'aliniinilalialintia! ΡΥ, ea se

Gloria Crocodilus.. EMBLEMA Cernisyt in cælum fuerat que machina torta, Fit iaculatori mors properata [fo ? In fanttos quicunque Dei ruis impie, feruos, onatus merces hacmanet una twos,

ὙΠ

Ad loannem Sambucum , Cafaris Historicum.

Figure 7 De Bèze, Emblemata,

1580, no. 8.

EMBLEMA

XXXVI.

U

A À 9 LES a

WEG

ETE SET]

bay

Y

us :& hottems P' Erribilis profagumfegnitur Crovodil Aduerfum, tanquam territa damsa, fugit. L 3

Niliacus qualis ferpens fugientibus inftat,

| Inftantes fugiens quanliber ante feroxs Stevetus illé draco feuus mortalibus hoftis, Te reprimente fugitsre fugiente premit.

Figure 8

De Béze, Emblemata,

1580, no. 36.

Figure 9

Reusner, Emblemata, I, 3.

Gloris

152

Karl A.E. Enenkel

120

FLORENTII

SCHOONHOVI1

EMBLEMATA.

etiam imperator (ut eft apud Ælium Spartianum) la

Diffidendum. EMBLEMA

153

The Neo-Latin Emblem

121

aba-

fratres, tur,quoties aut mentio fieret,aut magnos videret Getz Auitillat; feriat,t ue ajunt) (ut Aranea quem occiderat.

demerceps,& mulier quem fallere yult,delinit,Polypus quem& nomen , r imitatu nam -huma git, amplectitur. Hyena vocem Vid. Plin s edifcit,quém pofteà devoret. Crocodilus denique Nili

XXXIX.

alicaja are fta- a animal, terra pariter ac flumine infeftum , quem dilacer t

ταῖς, infequentem fugit, fagientem fequitur. Sunt qui fcriban in Adaeum etiä lachrymas emittere,confpeéto homine. Vnde r,nihi l monemu is gio eft, Crocodili lachrymz. Quibus exempl us, Tragic at Exclam habere. a credere, atque omnia fufpedt O pita fallax abditos fenfys geris. itur ** Multis fimulationum involucris, & quafi velis obtend uniufcujufque natura, Frons, oculi , nag!

οι

05,8 mentiun- ig

ille, cum inquit; Epift.r. tur, oratio verd fepiffimé. Quod expertus Epicharoccinit nobis meritd O amici, nemo amicus, Itaque eft, Soid φρενῶν, τῶν ταῦτα $ dpleg dmsér; mus, vee, à μέμνασο iæ. fapient fant brius efto,8& memor fis ne quid credas, nervi hi Occurrit & illud Euripidis; σώφρονί" δ᾽ amas

8' ἐσιν ἀλλο χρησιμώτερον ἐρογοῖς, id eft,

Sapiente diffidentia non ‘hind atilius eft mortalibus;citius opPræcipuè adverfus hoftis infidias. Quoniam nulli initiuM primuntur,quam qui nihil timent, Etfrequentiffimam nencalamitatis , eft fecuritas. Nihil itaque in hofte e contem Scorpium. dum ,fed cogitandum , fub omni lapide dormir tes,repafequen paffim ac Frequenter jam fufaacies, difperfos, Trafybulo, ratis viribus interemit. Narrat Cornelius Nepos inum in Attica caftell eum ,cum Phylem confugiffet , quod eft quam triginta de fuis. munitiffimum , non plus habuiffe fecum, robur libertatis clarifhoc , ram Attico Hoc initium fuit falutis à Tyrannis,atque

=a.

Afpiciens hominem lachrymas Crocodilus acerbè

Fundit, & in caffes fugiendo ducere tentat,

Huc ubi perduxit, conantem cedere retro

Imvadit, roffroque illwrs difcerpit avaro:

Nufquam tuta fides, hofti diffidito femper,

Nam nihil utilius quam diffidentia prudens. COMMENTARIVS.

Effimi hominum nun quam terribili ibili ores fi ἃ p= & geftu fefe leniffimos onload, Pubi ἐπα è AE Malus ubi fe bonum fingit , tunceft peffimus. i

Quodinprimis de Domitiano Principe {c&um eft, Baffianus ctlam

Figure 10

Schoonhoven, Emblemata,

1618,

120-121.

fimæ civitatis. Contemptus enim eft primò nentibus perniejus folitudo ; qua quidem res & ipfis contem ad perfequen-

ciei, & huic defpecto faluti fuit. Hæc enim illos dato, rodum fegnes , hos autem , tempore ad comparandum

illud , omnium 1n ant buftiores fecit. Qud magis preceptum ni;Nec fine caucontem re oporte bello in Nihil mis effe debet; fa dicitur, Matrem timidi flere non folere. MoroFigure 10 (continued)

vell.Pater 2-4. Veger.lib.;

—

Countries The Emblem in France and French-Speaking DANIEL RUSSELL University of Pittsburgh, U.S.A.

universally credited with the The humanist and jurist Andrea Alciato is n are not so simple. First, he creation of the emblem, but matters of origi as a consciously generic label. uses the term as part of a title rather than imagined his compositions to be He must, in the first instance at least, have presented that way in the earliest illustrated epigrams. They were certainly in Augsburg between 1531 and editions, published by Heinrich Steyner with these editions, published 1534 (Fig. 1).' But Alciato was unhappy series of editions was issued in apparently without his consent. The next nine new emblems and Alciato’s Paris by Christian Wechel, this time with established the canonical three-part approval. These are the editions that iption, a picture, and a short, structure comprising à titular inscr together for epigrammatic

text (Fig.

2). The three components

were held

ted by a single page, Or a doublethe reader by the unified field represen by on of unity was later reinforced page opening (Fig. 3). The impressi sing, decorative frame. placing the components within an enclo with the first French emblem The beginnings of a genre appear Guillaume de La Perriére and Gilles books, Le Theatre des bons engins by in published by Denys Janot in Paris Corrozet’s Hecatomgraphie, both not appeat in either title, we do find 1540. While the word “emblem” does tle and in Corrozet’s introductory it in La Perriére’s continuing subti these early sense of an emerging genre in explanation of his project. The La Perrière published his second

collections collection, illustrez

de

was confirmed La Morosophie. Cent

when . . . Contenant

Tetrastiques

Latins,

reduitz

Cent en

Emblemes

autant

de

moraux,

quatrains

in another small group of emblems d ishe publ ozet Corr 1553. in François, by published in Lyons in the 1550s 1543, and other collections were u, and Pierre Coustau.” Guillaume Guéroult, Barthélemy Anea wards a New Alciato, see Mason Tung, “To For a recent list of editions of atica 4 (1989): 135-176. Census of Alciati’s Editions.” Emblem Lyons: Baltasar ier Livre des emblemes. Guillaume Guéroult, Le Prem a poesis. Lyons: Macé Bonhomme, 1552; Pict Arnoullet, 1550; Barthélemy Aneau, cal details on homme, 1555. For bibliographi Bon é Mac s: Lyon ma. Peg tau, ders, Pierre Cous Stephen Rawles, and Alison Saun '

all French

emblem

books,

see Alison

Adams,

I

156

ries The Emblem in France and French-Speaking Count

Daniel Russell

Each of these collections presents its emblems in a

has

in

di

ue collection, the emblems are two-part Rs

dirain facing cach other on a doublons

ae

opening (Fig 4 Th ae

eee

Pen.

composition

ae

eau’s Picta poesis, where the emblems follow Alciato’s tri eae εἶ VER Es te = 7 quite closely with a titular inscription, picture, and is the en

" lengths. The only constant in these diverse collections

τηρεῖν ais is

Oe in the combination rather than the combination itself

La Perriére’s full titles and C of picture and text. But it would appearthe from term “embleme” referred to the ses s preface to the reader that

ΒΝει

SA

ieee

Ep

y

he case with Maurice Scéve’s Délie of 1544 where the

permission

to Sulpice

SR

us

Sabon

and

Antoine

Constantin to

Be n of love poetry with or without the 50 emblesmes

French

rte

SRB

on

ee

Viki

on

the publication

of Alciato’s

fret in Paris dit, CROSSedi-

as the music printer, Jacques Moderne’s

tion of Alciato’s fe A

ems in 1544. Activity in Lyons was divided among

print

two teams of

ne

to dominate

Gazeau; and Macé # Pa: booksellers: Jean de Tournes and Guillaume

mb ie Velie

à

omme and Guillaume Rouille. Denys de Harsy also wa ον à editions of the first three emblem books by Alciato thus showing that emblems were not always understood to be the se he Panes eee P res. The French domination lasted until Christo-

id 15608.

Οἱ

πω ates editions of Alciato’s emblems in Antwerp in the are ly 70 editions of Alciato’s emblems published before pe

Steyner, were published outside E

iti ome of Lefevre’s eee

Barthélemy Aneau

to ee

Alciato’s Latin in a RE

were

P

; in French.

PO ee

Wechel

was hardly a translation—in

ni the challenge

of matching

published

Jean

1536. In 1549

the concision of

translation Published in Lyons by Rouille and Bonhomme, Claude= Mig ignault, best known for his erudite commentaries

on Ale

a lets

1584, together

;

With

with

an also published a French translation of the emblems in

an abridged version of his commentaries in French.

traditi radition, see Laurence Grove and pe The French Emblem: the French d’Humanisme et Renaissance, Sines Bibliography of Secondary Sources. Travaux Daniel Russell. ussell, Th ’

157

ion to seven genreDuring the middle years of the century, in addit produced the first collection of defining books of emblems, the French also heroiques of 1551 (expanded noble devices, Claude Paradin’s Devises major emblematic form. The edition: 1557). The device was the other was a strictly regulated two-part device, or impresa as it was called in Italy, iduals and express their noble invention intended to identify and define indiv ly looser emblem that commuthoughts and projects, unlike the structural everyone. Even Paolo Giovio’s nicated universal truths applicable to the impresa or device, the Dialogo groundbreaking anthology and treatise on first illustrated edition as well as its dell’ imprese miltari e amorose, had its in Lyons at the shop of Guillaume French and Spanish translations printed e over the art and theory of the Rouille. Giovio’s work initiated the debat second half of the sixteenth century. device in Italy that lasted through the considerable impact on French theory This theoretical dispute was to have a and practice in the seventeenth century. books were produced before Elsewhere in Europe, no new emblem s of 1555. All this publishing Achille Bocchi’s Symbolicae quaestione le investment since each book of activity in France entailed a considerab woodblocks, only some of which could emblems required an extensive set of emblem idea linked pictures ever more the since ses purpo other for used be s up that investment, then, these book closely with a specific text. To reco ed for an audience, and publishers look were certainly aimed at a Europe ous other € mblem books. In a fam

mes in other uses for their blocks, someti shop one day he was in Macé Bonhomme’s anecdote, Aneau recounts how He asked their apparently abandoned woodblocks.

and noticed a set of

thing,” and when Bonhomme replied “No owner what they were used for, is lems. The result was his Picta poes emb into m the turn to ed pos pro Aneau for an edition of Ovid’s

had been used of 1552. In reality, these blocks be used for another in 1556. Metamorphoses in 1550 and would never have been undertaken lishing activity probably would

Such pub ation of a picly French interest in the combin live a t hou wit ce pla t firs the in se hybrid combinations of vely short epigrammatic text. The

ture with a relati derived of moral wisdom in metaphors es sag mes d rie car text and e pictur s, many the humanist classicizing emblem from many sources. Among , Pythagorean dicta, or

Greek Anthology looked back to the epigrams of the lematists drew on the same sources as the hieroglyphics of Horapollo. Emb looked back to the commonplace literErasmus in his adages, but they also to-emblematic works have ature of the Middle

Ages.

A number of pro

ΓΝEx

158

ries The Emblem in France and French-Speaking Count

Daniel Russell

pean ction of pve ti ted wih cht Yen a a

i

Baude’s Dictz morau

1

\

Cl

while Shine! and wall paintings, rae ἊΣ EES ors principis” presents its wisdom to the young dauphin sears a Es ΝΗ! me, in the form of traditional proverbs and adages sc ae

In a way quite similar to emblems. At the same time, the

ae

Seas i

> interest in hieroglyphics as they were understood in the

of pee sixteenth century there were French editions

and ΕΝ

Horapollo ieroglyphics recorded in French royal manuscripts aes es og LE emblems and hieroglyphics to be closely pra st ele Fe in Jacques Kerver’s first illustrated edition of A ἜΗΝ

Corrozet : Ἢ 1543, and from allusions to hieroglyphics by La Perrière, Re τε others. Kerver and other printers continued to

bte

1llustrated editions of Horapollo in the second half of

y

pre

:

Althou GiCT unonh(î?oînlîrlîms îeemed to appeal in particular to Protestants and Ομ the first religious emblem book, Emblemes ou devises chrestienn

de Montenay, was not published until 1567 Thi the Protestant, atGeorgette the end of the period of French ook, coming

τ bcs

domination of the

break with the ek πέτα ἀπά, publication oF emiblem books, ri er ways as well. It is illustrated with copperplate engravings by the cos

ΤῊΝ cabs

Pierre Woeiriot.

artist from the Lorraine,

Wek τὰ retin

and

Irst to use copperplate illustrations in France,

UE the G4 Fisch cna

Against the back em book illustrated by a truly international artist.

Por

Bocas Stee

topher Plantin began y

Symeoni in 1561 ae oe :

dé

»

many

European phenomenon in the 1560s. When Chrisite

the devices

and

of Paradin

Gabriello

his printing house

with several presses

was expanding

€ quickly captured a sizable portion of the market. At that

Henri Baude,

Geneva: 4 Droz, 1959. M

interests,

related

en issued the first of many editions of Alciato’s

emblems in 1565. his nie

of these various,

ae through multiple editions before the emblem

Began ih δοξογηρ swe

, Di Dict

| : Ed. Annette Scoumanne. tapisserie. faire Z moraulx pour

Jean Michel Massi assing, Erasmia ; oral ig mn for a ἐξ ne

being one. The de LV n

;

Ms

2»

)

:

naieitine | ess .

ns

ma Were probably Protestants, and Aneau was accused of Li

y S move to Geneva suggests where their sympathies lay.

159

tage since, after many editions, time, French printers were at ἃ disadvan sures and the beginnings of the their blocks were worn, and inflationary pres renew their stocks. As a result, religious wars made it difficult for them to more editions in France after the de Tournes and Gazeau published only two nes family moved their business decade of the sixties and before the de Tour d to publish some editions of to Geneva. While Rouille’s heirs continue did so with re-cut blocks. Alciato into the seventeenth century, they , did continue to publish While other French printers, mainly in Paris monopoly was broken, and by the editions of Alciato’s emblems, the French editions of Alciato were published seventeenth century the majority of rn of publishing the first and most abroad. To a certain extent, this patte history of the emblem in France. In influential book of emblems mirrors the ury few new emblem books were the last third of the sixteenth cent r provincial like Jean Mercier’s produced, and those that were eithe opolitan like the Emblemata (Bourges,

1592) or truly international and cosm

published in Lorraine and Germany books of Jean-Jacques Boissard, nteenth century, with copperplate illusbetween the 1580s and the early seve de Bry. While there was little other trations by the Flemish artist Theodore this may ces in France before the 1620s, devi and ems embl of ng ishi publ the such collections had been met for simply mean that the demand for forms were firmly embedded in court moment, for clearly the emblematic iving of royal entries and numerous surv culture, as attested by accounts in ed part of the rhetoric of spectacle emblematic broadsheets.° They form minIV used devices composed by his courtly entertainments, and Henri e of medals paganda messages on the revers pro te ina sem dis to y, Sull r, iste the New Year. and jetons he would distribute at the end of French emblems published at g zin ali mor the t, even any In the humanproduced in France to follow the century were among the last not to undbreaking collection. That is gro o’s iat Alc in out set el istic mod they imported ned the moral emblem, but ndo aba had nch Fre the that say Countries for an international Low the and y man Ger in ed volumes produc of works the form of French translations in e cam they , mes eti Som dish market. es nouveaux, or the Netherlan like Andreas Friedrich’s Emblem Simuled into French in 1657. Mikrokosmos

that Simon

Goulart

translat

aissance French Royal Enblematic Discourse in Ren “French Royal 6 See Daniel Russell, “Em the interdisisciplinary symposium er 2004. tries.” Forthcoming in the proceedings of Octob 22-23 ge, Smith Colle

Image, Text.” Entries in the 16th Century: Event,

< —

N

OE

160

a,

Daniel Russell

taneous editions

in French

and

German

of Friedric

h’s Emblemata nova, das ist New Bilderbuch were issu ed in Frankfurt by the printer and engraver J. de Zetter in 1617; the French edition appears to have been shared with the Parisian bookseller Abr aham Pacard.’ Occasionally, anthologies like Jean Baudoin’s Recueil d’emblemes divers (1638-1639) presented fore ign emblems to French readers. In Baudoin’s collection he draws on Alciato, Bruck, and Covarrubias. ® Baudoin’s “emblems” look nothing like those in the canonical editions of Alciato (Fig. 6). The copperplate illustration with no text fills an entire verso; on the facing page begins a “discours” whose commentary ofte n runs on for several pages. It would appear from this collection that the emblem is breaking apart as the image sepa rates from the text. That text is also changing into a commentary inst ead of sharing the work of prod ucing

however, imported emblem books took the that could be sold in different coun tries. Clearly, the exigencies of the Eur opean to internationalize bourgeois culture in ways French publishers did not engage in the kind

implied and encouraged

and Flemish pri

in the production

form of polyglot publications

printing trade were beginning that had not been seen before. of big business that this trend

of emblem

books,

but German

Among emblem books produced outside France, this was as 'î of love emblems like those of Otto van Veen and, toward the δ O : Ayres those of J. Van Vianen’s Emblemata amatoria, and Philip ὑπ oe rer of Love.'° The emblems, both religious and amorous, of poly PAR issued in several artist and Rubens’si teacher, Otto van Veen, ; were Aisa pp This scattersrte inati ons over the early years 0 f the century. combinati | ld suggest that the emblem boo ks were | now being addre 2 à τ er an heterogeneous, and as yet rather oe

The Emblem in France and French-Speaking Countries

Daniel Russell

as Charles

=

1956, 191-203.

171

ry viewers could heights will he not climb?] was omnipresent. But contempora of me many bea ace easily recognize the device without the motto because ne’s fables. to it in courtly communication and even one of La Fontai understood Elsewhere, mythological or allegorical décors were surely we would not consider emblematically, as emblémes héroiques. Much work eenth century. In his emblematic today was viewed that way in the sevent s as emblematic some description of Fontainebleau, Pierre Dan characterize as the scene showing ee of the wall paintings in the Galerie Francois I, such idea of the emblem ha king chasing Ignorance from the temple.** The y, there were now broadened considerably by the middle of the centur

well as moral, emblems. They heroic, amorous, political, and historical, as

and by the way they were emblems by their interaction of text and image, ned within a particular interacted. These texts did not describe, but explai sed epigrams that did this thematic context. Mathieu de Mourgues compo paintings of the life of Marie kind of contextualization for Rubens’s series of and noble décors were published de Medici. Occasionally, scenes from royal

emblems. When ‘Aang with texts making the engraved scenes into e d'Ulysse at FER Tavernier published the décors of the Galerie of the subject and. moralizing appended to each engraving an explanation ; an emblem. commentary that effectively turned each scene into with Charles Lebrun on the The academician Paul Tallement worked me?

at Versailles. Tallement design for the décor of he Galerie des Glaces that wo originally

commissioned

“emblematize”

by François

these scenes.

Charpentier

to

prepare

the

inscriptions

But in an academic dispute he was ne

whose

long

inscriptions | were

criticized

è

y

Academicians also Racine.” Boileau, who redid them with help from the four seasons je two sets invented a program of the four elements and

by the Gobe τοὺς of royal tapestries designed by Lebrun and executed epee less Some As in Italy, devices and other more or the sc

When also found their way into programs of wall decoration.

è ) iterature French Liter 37 See Laurence Grove, Emblematics and 17th-Century (Charlottesville: Rookwood Press, 2000, 143-154. s: le de Fontainebleau. Pari 38 Le tresor des merveilles de la maison roya ἜΣ i 1649, 88. isy, Sebastien C décors grands des Lecture Versailles. a Ε See Nicol Milovanovic, Du Louvre monarchiques. Paris: Belles Lettres, 2005, 147-149. ‘0 Milovanovic, 150-151.

172

The Emblem in France and French-Speaking Countries

Daniel Russell

Bussy-Rabutin was banished from the court and exiled to his pro i gundy, he decorated several galleries in his château with eel ur: attacking his enemies at court. In the Chateau de Bussy, where the Salle des devises still displays the satirical devices Bussy-Rabutin composed for his unfaithful mistresses and other denizens of the courtly deep in mid-seventeenth-century France.* The walls of this salle are covered with three rows of paneling. The top row contains views of various royal chateaux; the row beneath these paintings by Lefevre displays a variety of devices that may well

be related to the chateaux pictured above. For example, beneath the Chateau

de Berni where Bussy-Rabutin had attended a party in 1669,

we see the

device of a snail in a decorous landscape with the motto In me ne involvo [I

retreat into myself]. This juxtaposition will give pause to any amateur of the emblematic forms who recalls Martinet’s emblem of 1655 Domus amica domus optima [The amicable house is the best house] and the tradition within which it was contained (see above, p. 165), for against that background, we

may speculate—and it is likely Bussy’s friends would have done so too—that

Bussy considered it safer to keep to his own house than to venture out into the

+ cro

ace ke was decorated with emblems from Van Veen’s rep emata. As such, iti served as the model for Honoré é d'Urfé's d'Urfé'

173

preserved in the rather ephemeral phenomenon. These devices have been nces are known to Château de Bussy, but most other devices in noble reside s by M. Clement at us only through published accounts, as with the device

St. Cloud.”

complex. The Satire was easy because courtly symbolism was so Pierre Le Moyne cites courtly device was ἃ subtle and complicated thing. e estoit l’ouvrage de Malherbes as being of the opinion that “une bonne devis

la vie d’un homme,”“

and Dominique Bouhours recalls that his favorite

estoit à peu prés des “auteur” of devices told him one day “en riant qu’il

bonne; il y en avoit cent devises, comme des melons: que pour une sufficiently complex and mauvaises. . . .”* In any case, the device was

communication to spawn a sufficiently important as a medium of courtly device. The first two in whole literature of theoretical treatises on the Henri Estienne. Although France were those of Francois d’Amboise and ry, d’Amboise’s text dates published in the first half of the seventeenth centu shed his book in 1645, but from the last years of the sixteenth. Estienne publi of Louis XIII, and his little was initiated into the art early in the reign uncle Robert (III) Estienne, a treatise relies heavily on the expertise of his ng of Italian theorists of the reputed master of the form, and on the writi

one Bargagli.*” After second half of the sixteenth century, especially Scipi were the most

rte hdi ae a4 js biographical speculation here with a certain confiVins ae 2 des were often used to present a life, whether of the θα Ἐν se : - Ignatius Loyola, or Anne of Austria. And it is clear that ya: ar oes to discuss his own life. His portrait in the Salle des

Menestrier mid-century, Le Moyne, Bouhours, and on their Italian predecessors influential theorists and the relied less heavily

ert din

brilliance, he should hire a device of mannerist distinction and intellectual

D

ne

τ

ed by

such

devices, of which

the most

self-reflexive

e with the motto, De mi amori me canto [I sing to myself

witty Sais see what he meant by this device, we need only turn to the wigan. ert directed against his fickle mistress, Mme de Montglas ead tens Hommes. There we see the lady in question prenn ἐν on ortune, with the motto Leves Ambo, Ambo ingratae

πα

mc

ἢ & ungrateful]

(Fig.

9). Bussy

was

proud

of his art,

— s0 μὰ x 5. cousin, Mme de Sévigné, and had only grudging pa ES or the devices of his rivals in this most difficult of all the ’ s château is probably the major surviving monument to this *' For a more detailed

to Bussy.” FMR 34 (1988): yl

:

iE

ai

#

see Christiane Lorgues-Lapouge,

:

“Banished

“2 For an idea of the intens=e interest in the composition of devices and their use at

the time, see my introduction to of the Device.”

wo Seventeenth-Century

French Treatises on the Art

with the possible exception of Emanuele Tesauro.*

i

is not up to the delicate Le Moyne sternly warns that if the courtier feelings Into a

ations, and operation of distilling his finer qualities, aspir

and if he does not good “secretaire de son coeur & de son Esprit” (14), 43 M. l'abbé de Morelet, Petit, 1681; BNF 4° Lk7. 8595.

n. Paris: Pierre le Saint-Clou et les devises du salo

ien Cramoisy & Sebastien # Le Moyne, De l'art des devises. Paris: Sebast

Mabre-Cramoisy, 1666, 35.

ien et d "Eugene. Paris: Sebast # Dominique Bouhours, Les Entretiens d’Ariste

Mabre-Cramoisy, 1671, 325. te ice in “© See my study of the early theory of the device in The Emblem and Dev France, ch. 2.

. Venice: Francesco de’ ‘ Dell’ Imprese, 2nd edition with an adde d third part

Franeschi Senese,

1594.

48. ἢ Cannocchiale Aristotelico. Venice, 1655.

=>

174

Portiques & dans le en marbre. & ὡς Tablettes des jeunes its point of de ole device should ae a

too clear. The motto should be short and in a foreign language. Human beings were to be excluded. These rather unremarkable rules fueled debate in Italy for the next seventy years and then in France for sixty more. It would appear that the prescriptions of these treatises were really followed by précieux poets like the Marquis de Montplaisir, for example, who ma have consulted the guidelines proposed by M. de Boissiére in cot πὶ

his own unpublished emblems.°°

de

The device truly obtained the status of a major and even quasi-official ican for State propaganda with the foundation of the Petite Académie in 1'

his new academy was one of the components of Colbert’s strategy to

evelop a system of self-serving historiography for the realm. He began b acer the academician Louis Douvrier, who had cheated the ing's de pluribus impar [Capable of (illuminating) more than one ἡμὴ a - ert a consulted the founder of the Academie Francaise, =. Roa es a two other academicians, Bourseis and Cassagnes, were oe ἣν ss ive founding members of the Petite Académie. The only ee be Ss new team not from the Académie Francaise was Charles

» Whose Memoires form one of the important sources of information

Be

RÉ ‘’ The nile

sae apa a

second ἢ v

>

;

on rad

ἃ SR

=

2H

pate of thisi Sentence

student’s

wanderings

from

is to the custom of carrying university

to

university

to

τῆ, and devices of comrades or teachers, in part no doubt eally ad visited the universities he claimed to have attended. as In particular favor among German students beginning early in the

+ i alf of the sixteenth century, and these books were often formed by interleaving

M

33.070.3

wea i

a

eee

iere’s collection of devicces that he

i a : with prefaced

(Paris:is ces ae ee isi Les Devises » ature “

gnature

Montplaisir de Bruc”

175

The Emblem in France and French-Speaking Countries

figure and a motto, a body and soul. It should be neither too obscure nor

ἊΣ

=

Daniel Russell

choose someone good, “l’on remarquera sur les Galeries | de ses Maisons, que de la Pedanterie incongruitez en peintures, que des rebus pour les Alemans qui voyagent” (5).” All theorizing took as Giovio’s five rules formulated in the 1550s. The

i

=

᾽

1654-

on the title page. Arsenal 8° B. L.

on the

work

of this

Petite

Académie,

the

Académie des Inscriptions et Belles-Lettres.”

forerunner

of the

modern

e-François This group of experts did not include the great Claud as Judi Loach has Menestrier, and he remained bitter at his exclusion,

t some reason shown. For Menestrier considered himself, and not withou

field, to be the prime given his wide research and great experience in the trier published two expert in the composition of this kind of devices. Menes devices as well as a treatises on the art of the emblem, at least two on He also designed much history of the reign of Louis XIV in devices. Lyons, and he became festival décor and many entertainments, mainly in the art of the heraldic an acknowledged authority on tournaments and blason as well. entrusted to this new The design of official devices was now to be academy,

is, this new group a creature of the political establishment. That

displayed on the medals that composed devices for revers de medailles to be ries at the New Year. For were distributed by different government minist dered sufficiently newsworthy to many years, these compositions were consi in the Mercure Galant. The be reported and described at some length

l decorations, wall and ceiling academicians also invented devices for funera the

paintings at Versailles

and

elsewhere,

and the famous

tapestries of

the Gobelins in the 1670s. seasons and elements produced for the king by product of is perhaps the most notable and famous

This group of tapestries the devices are relegated to the the new Academy’s early efforts. And while small medallion-like frames at elaborate borders where they are set within not do adequate justice to the corners of each tapestry, this small role does ct. their importance within the economy of the proje the fame of these magnificent tapAs part of this project to spread

the devices and the whole tapestries estries and the message they contained, y, in

ed miniaturist, Jacques Baill were painted for the King by the celebrat manuscript, each device claims the 1660s. In this magnificent presentation painted first; then, each complete an entire page (Fig. 10), and they were

academy appears in the 51. The best modern account of the founding of le this manuscrit de Londres B. M. de Louis XIV d ‘apres introduction to Médailles et jetons Imprimerie Nati ionale/C. Klinsieck,

Add 31.908. Ed. Josèphe Jacquiot. 4 vols. Paris: 1968, i.e., 1970. a 2 (1987): 317-336. 2 “Menestrier’s Emblem Theory.” Emblematic

ΕΞ

176

ἘΠ

Ψ'

tapestry was painted on ἃ double-page opening.” Bailly’s part of the project was completed in 1668, and his manuscript served as a model for several printed editions of the devices and tapestries that gave even wider dissemination to the propagandistic messages contained in the devices.5 Although each member of the group composed texts for the tapestry devices, Perrault’s compositions dominate the group. Colbert chose all sixteen of Perrault’s sixains for the devices accompanying the tapestries of

the four elements,

and

nine

of Perrault’s

texts

for the tapestries

of the

seasons. Charpentier did four, Cassagnes, two and Chapelain, one of the others Colbert picked. One of Perrault’s compositions will give the somewhat insipid flavor of the whole collection. The device “pour la valeur” in the tapestry of the earth shows a lion at rest with the motto Quis hunc impunè lacesset? [Who will provoke him and go unpunished?] The prose explanation continues: “La Valeur de sa Majesté n’a pas seulement fait la Paix en obligeant ses ennemis a la demander: mais elle la conserve en les empéchant de rien faire qui la puisse rompre. Et c’est en quoy on peut bien dire que sa Majesté ressemble à un Lion qui ne craint point qu’on trouble son repos, parce qu’on ne le peut faire impunément.” The sixain comments this way: Dans ces climats heureux si charmans & si calmes, Et sous l’ombre de tant de Palmes

Il peut bien prendre du repos:

Qui seroit assez temeraire

53 This manuscript now at the Bibliothéque Nationale (ms. fr. 7819) has recently been published in a handsome facsimile edition entitled Devises pour les tapisseries du

roi. Ed. Marianne Grivel and Marc Fumaroli. Paris: Herscher, 1988. Two miniatures of exactly the same format, and also by Jacques Bailly, were sold at auction by Sotheby’s in

1937; they contain devices memori alizing the “reduction” of Marsala in 1662. It would

appear that these two miniatures are now contained in a recueil factice in the Hofer collection at Harvard,

177

The Emblem in France and French-Speaking Countries

Daniel Russell

along with 22 other similar devices by the authors of this collection,

and pasted by Bailly in the same style and with the same care [MS Typ 699 (Hofer)]. ” The first rather summary edition dates from 1668, but the collection is best

known through the expanded version by André Felibien, Tapisseries du Roy, oii sont

representetez les Quatre Elemens et les Quatre saisons. Paris: Imprimerie royale, par Sebastien Mabre-Cramoisy,

1670. There was another edition in 1679, and German and Dutch translations appeared by the end of the century. In addition, the devices were Le On separate small sheets with no accompanying text. The dissemination, then, of

this collection of propagandistic devices must have been very wide indeed.

ler mal à propos Et fens à sa plas (ed. cit., p. 63) occurred, as we have The same process and the same heated competition ì at Versailles. seen, for the inscriptions in the Galerie des Glaces society that their art | The emblematic media were so central to this from an early Ηρ ir and mechanics were inculcated in young people

beginnings

the very

of the

forms,

they

bad played

ἃ di ide

of Seger 8 θῶ e: pedagogical role. In the dedication of his translation explains how t τὸν: fa to the young Scottish Comte d’Aran, Aneau by the seventeen ἐῶν psd serve as a useful tool for learning French. And into one of the rhe ae the Jesuits made the composition of emblems and devices played a perva exercises of their curriculum. But emblems : hout scholastic culture of time.

of the Pres ; th{?î’)ggget a fascinating glimpse into the role ceremonies

Triomphe of scholastic culture in Gabriel Le Jay s Le

ee

the pec se religion sous Louis le Grand. This work describes eo fo school year at the Collège de Louis-le-Grand.

the 1686-1687 was a Lee: ο ina à piece of this ceremony, located beneath the dais, by Wis ἐμ ue supported on one side by Piety and on the other hung : Les og ie being crowned by Felicity. At the entry to the hall

ick ee

triumph representing Religion accompanied by the King

saw à new ef Ù aîllery a Heresy. At the other end of the hall, the audience ain i Oe gion expressing her gratitude to the king in two ee = dev and draped with a “riche tapisserie” bearing inscriptions

Re

the means by which the King had stamped out heresy In PR ration

was

intended

to

complement

and

as

if meri Rails sr

decorated ὦ À “harangue,” or in Le Jay’s words, the hall was

ἊΝ

re

δα Ù for. as l’orner d’une manière proportionnée au dessein du hai: The Ù 0 aie’ Jay was responsible for the Latin verse explanations, French

translations,

and

the

drawings

were

by

J.- se

Ὅτ

Ἐν ae

speech to be 1 “= Le in Reverend Philibert Quartier delivered the easly decorations, and they gave some of his metaphors a concre ; oes oratorical effectiveness, must have added considerably to their

turned some of them into real emblems.”

55 : : haeresi ; i magno no p pro extincta ‘ Ludovico ; eee 1687. Paris: G. Martin, “ Quartier’s speech was also published: % : j Sociejet. Jesu. panegyricus dictus Parisiis in regio Ludovic Magni Collegio G. Martin, 1687.

Daniel Russell

178

A prime example of the tendency to present emble i courtly pedagogy is Le Roy de Gomberville’s Doctrine We nese Modeled very closely on Otto van Veen’s polyglot Quinti Horatii emblemata of 1607, but not quite a translation as some have claimed, this hands folio volume was designed for youth, pour la jeunesse, and addres ; specifically to the young King Louis XIV. These emblems served as ὍΣ monplaces around which quotations from Horace and other classical ‘thats a grouped together with a short prose commentary. Like the illustrations fons qu the plates for this collection were sold separately. They je μὴ e used in making manuscript collections that followed

erville more or less closely.” Emblem manuscripts appear to have

been understood as personal moral testaments that defined their owner in much the same way as devices although in much greater nuance and detail

ἂν

πὶ Aaa

al

century,

179

The Emblem in France and French-Speaking Countries

interest in the forms

began to decline, at

arr mi oe The Mercure Galant devoted less and less space to ro oe εἶα see production of devices by the Petite Académie, and des Hees er in 1758. One reason Was surely that by the 1730s, some es x Pi simply copied from ones used fifty years earlier. At SS ere was no new theorizing on the forms in France even ee τὴ è SR substantial entries in the Jesuit Dictionnaire de Pre μι τὰ Τὴ τ s Encyclopédie. But there, for example, the editors Au. Le ouhours, and labeled their definition as such. VO Be ces Ar only one that continued to be published after

anonymously ἃ nineteenth century. In 1717 Mme Guyon published the title French version of the emblems of Hugo and van Veen under deeply mystical L'ame amante de son Dieu. It was colored by her

Quietism, and saw further editions in 1790 and 1191."

were While the use οἵ emblems turned inward in religion, they ally published in completely demystified in their artistic applications. Origin Nicolas Verrien’s the late seventeenth century (1685, 1696), the engraver in the eighteenth manual for artists and artisans continued to be published small emblems century (1724, 1726). This collection of nearly a thousand monograms and is displayed on 62 plates; 150 other plates contain as “très utile aux alphabets. This model book is advertised on the title page Graveurs,

Peintres,

Sculpteurs,

Orfevres,

Brodeurs,

Serruriers,

& à tous

y saw the ceux qui travaillent au dessin.”* The second half of the centur publication of Jean-Baptiste and Gravelot and Cochin’s serially in the Almanach published in several volumes These manuals for

Boudard’s rococo Iconologie (Parma, 1759) Iconologie par les figures, first published iconologique (1764-1773), and then later by C.-N. Cochin. artists are the last book-length emblematic

e saw no nineteenthproductions in France. Unlike Great Britain, Franc , and traces of an century revival of the forms, but cultures are conservative time.‘! In France the earlier emblematic culture do surface from time to

age of the emblem ended early in the eighteenth century.

ied es! à y Ρ ecause of other material it contained on language PR eal er than a continuing interest in emblems. Programs of

peer

ἀρὰς : Ποῖ had been developed

in the seventeenth

century by

oe oo but after 1690, that work fell increasingly to re : y the end of the eighteenth century emblems were finding Ἣν sd tale books for greeting cards and wallpaper. πὴ E ρα pow lost interest in the forms, the same cannot be said tine “ Fa inty about Church and religion generally. In 1702

A

pertuy published a new

French version of Hugo’s Pia

at went through several editions through

”7 See Dani

?

of Gomberville’sagzlctlr{i\tlîsesîî:v he, Mine eis Laurence Grove. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem

the first third of the

PR

Studies ee

queen

mr ds

a

Mn à 5:

* Jean-Baptiste Drouet de Maupertuy,

d’un véritable Sentimens d’un chrétien touché

1702. amour de Dieu, tirez de divers passages de l’Ecriture sainte. Par is: N. Devaux, ® Cologne (i.e., Amsterdam): Jean de la Pierre, 1717. illes et figures % Nicolas Verrien, Recueil d’emblémes, devises, meda slyphiques. Paris: Joubert, 1724.

hiero-

The Examples ‘ See Daniel Russell, “Emblems in Nineteenth- Century France:

375. of Sainte-Beuve, Baudelaire and Pontsevrez.” Emblematica 5 (1991): 357-

Daniel aniel Russell Russe

180

evan pa

Kap MORE bic) mn nom

barcsre

ns

The Emblem in France and French-Speaking Countries

oye — Sic {μετὰ quercus ere firmis radicibue adftant. Sicca licent went concinant foie, CVMLARVIS NON DVM.

ΤΙ

EA ten mA DAT — ALIQVID κ᾿MALI PROPTER

cr bibss, Turca

AND. ALC, EMBLEM-LIB, - fs Dave

e

pcan

Liuret des Æmblemes3 de Anse Alciat

.

“a

De fa decffe Decafion. : [upe Decafioy

ain Qu lee as nba

Ra

μι comerctacer

ee

cre upici

DiArabite ut libitum eft fie M is Conte last barbaon wel tamidi leporcss Fi

Ipfa ego ego te fragulis fofprte fola terar. PRINCIPIS,

62

ANDREAE

ALCIATI

ENBLEMATVM

LIBELLYS.

Ca {τον iecournc/acoup pute efchap Di que derriere

ù

puiffe Sappec.

μοι naplou Lormi (per:

es

D montane ἡβοίες

Al caufe de Bo? 10°/fouurier feifiinon Bi: bie

Æper di ἢ fecap mage pouree jante eee age

Ipfa egy te fragelis fofpite fola terar,

tee

ἝΞ

|

| |

| ee

a

ataiò ronord an

cucu

1

hai i Alciato, ndrea Alciato, Emblematum ematum liber, ; 1531 , sig. Sig. C8v-D -D.

Ace chcueufy au front feutimonienc

‘allo,

inibi proximitat bac male mali fret. Nan ex te nobls,feu nos Hbi confirat unde,

i SENATOR BOR!

ane.

die,

que ie p apime fort plus fore .

Bon vafoir figne rend /que tout oultreie

Hane igur τορι illa welt bi proxima ferri, Lund at predpites atrag fifi aquas: CuiNelutea, Hand nobis tua fit commerda cure

Nam feu te nobis feunos tibi conferat unda, ali -

Ye SS

Lavcent fotos fils se.

Ne ntibi proxumicas bec mala mules fer.its

Acacideide moriens mori percuffie eufpidis idi Hector, Qu toftes hostcis uicerat ante fos,

—

NS

lunéta ut precipites utrag, fiat aquas.

tim currn ET pedibus

ἔμπα!

wa du «air tonps

£a voc ap fous mes pic55 dont we puis arre

Dee

que Lpfippus

hs ré Pars que {bonea.

LVCTA Ks

.

Figure 3 ' 127 Andrea Alciato, Emblematum libellus, 1542, 126-127.

63.

Aliquid mali propter uicinum malurs.

΄ 7

=e AL , I/"."‘*L Se en

D OS LOR age gman is

‘en moy 2" euleinefeurec ] rece. E qu'en moy.a'ch

A

voici mi

τοῦτ au travers,

Celluy qui donc a fait tia pourtraiéture cena rem pra gra À

Que défiance eft deffoubz moy enclofe,

Ec que ie fuis de bon port inctrtaine Pres de de feureté loingraine, )

Commgen fufpens de plorer ou de rire, De bien,ou de mal,ainfi que la nauire

'eflàrmdavnde?lagiée, gnhmfcmfuy:'uddohdkeponée

i

— — n Ni od CS Shent DEN 4 CPS PR) LS EPA I

=~

pee

ἡ

Ses Aerig ἐδ

à

es

ce qu'on void en mon ymage vraye

Fm

Ir

dre

aa

O beubim cordes σάρη

ÿ

Bon calum dedi (oder

Puraat furs manibits .

ΤᾺ

; Figure 5 Gilles Corrozet, Hecatomgraphie,

;

_Anempse puer verre,

Monsira tua v rt terre,

Tere tuas pedines .

Figure 7

Etienne Luzvic, Le Coeur devot, 1672, 55. Newberry Library, Chicago.

1540, sig. f7v-f8r.

SEPTIEME Vne

DU

ul

VRS

EMBLEME.

tortué vis à vis d’vn Palais,

DOMYS AMICA, DOMVS OPTIMA,

AZO

Hae diletta domns, quèm celfa Palatia

Ace EE fram quàm Louis aula placer.

Qu'il n'y a point de profperité perdurable. DICO

κε

SACREZ.

EMBLEMES

4

[I

: incommode doncl'on eft de fa maifon Aà la contrainte > Elle

GRA ES periffables grandeurs du

qu'elle preferoit la douceliberté

Ils adjouftent que cer-

ἢ

M monde ne peuuent mieux ® “tre demonfirées que par

fentence que Jupiter pro-

44 cer ingenieux Apologue de

Ja Citroüille.

Autrefois

on

de la grene aupres d'vn Pin; que

la nature du

perament de

ἫΝ

l'air,

playes qui l'arroufoient,

les

Notre

Cr

elbé

inuiré Ρ

r:

L

,

€

Et foic

faux Dieu des Chreftiens , au fuperbe feftin de la Tera re, où il lay promertoit de cepauftre fes fens d'vne in.

frequentes

viandes que l'on ferr fur ceure Table fonc emporton-

terroir, ou ou

en fema

le tem-

fice

ose

la fiffent croi-

, {tre & groflir, tant y a qu'elle porta fes

branches fi haut, qu'à force d'étreindie NEO à celles du Pin, & de remper à l'entour s

A ij

Figure 6 Jen Baudoin, Recueil d’emblemes divers, 1638-1639, discours 1.

i

Mais

T

ich

point crom~ fe laiffant

nées, où du incins qu'elles ne

bien quecoutes κα qu

la

faim, & caufe me a deee(oifou fie de l'elteindre,

u

sep. |

apreferé la doucelibertédes enfans de Dieu, dont , aux troimpea. lement dans fa Cellule il D e

Figure 8 J. Martin, Le paradis terrestre, 1655, emblem 7.

183

184

Daniel Russell

The Emblem in France and French-Speaking Countries

Brac

POVR

L'ESTE:

LA PIECE DE LA SAISON DE LESTE.

BDANS

erbe debled. & ce mot VITA MELIORIS IN VSVM. Le Bled que

LEVES AMBO, AMBO

INGRATA - 5%

be pre adit ayant

fuccedé au el: uid dont fes premiers homies le nouriloient

i vie plus nsagreable qu'elle n'eftoit :auparavant. Orr peur dire de melme que ‘elté rai: ila Preah pour rengstre fes habtranss p tus heurcux qu'ils n'ont jamais TR ete.

πον Dr

DRE

ie Le

fais

gue la de

le S

content

T OUT ES εν,

NSIS

ἘΠῚ

TOVTES DÌ vx LINGRATES:

ΩΣ

ΣΝ

Figure 9 Device at the Chateau de Bussy. Leves ambo, ambo ingratae.

14 TR

Mu

21401” τοῖν

Mene “it

LS RGEANTES

tél

ur. Tie, x ONE

CODE que

fable

one,

PACOTIEC 1? cin,

PUCIRECES

t

lib VE?

. abe fou

ὦies” He: P

plus

id eo

4s

device

LOUE

A st as»

Figure 10 Devises pour les tapisseries du roi, fol. 30.

la ς

|e

CLEC; »

CHCOT;

ENO fréck

d'or:

.

185

aking Regions The Emblem in the German-Spe DIETMAR PEIL University of Munich, Germany Preliminary Comments

the emblem in German emblematics or about To answer the question about is not the framework of the Companion hin wit s ion reg ing eak -sp the German such as John would be a pragmatic solution re The ms. ble pro its t hou wit are emblem phy." German emblem books y Landwehr tried in his bibliogra were published in German (but

what

is an emblem

book’),

which

tzerland, irrespective boundaries?), Austria or Swi l tica poli ch whi hin wit (but may have appeared that , or those books wherever they

books

of the languages used ents, ationship to the emblematic compon rel r clea a h (wit s text man Ger have poem). “German” emblems in y tor ica ded a as xts ate par h and not only suc n of the so defined. But the conceptio be also may lm rea ry the extra-litera emblem books h a delimitation. Numerous suc nst agai aks spe ion , and Compan nd contain Latin texts only rla tze Swi and a, tri Aus from Germany, lem books, of the essay on Neo-Latin emb in with t deal be ore ref are should the Also Jesuit emblems, which s. der bor S CTOS to as way course in such as n 1n the lands, receive special attentio man Ger the in ed ent res substantially rep material culture, and true of emblems in the is e sam The . ks to ion Compan to find a solution, which see ary ess nec , ore ref the is, It emblem theory. the less omits nothing

other essays but none cannot avoid overlaps with the of the wealth of material, e aus bec r, eve how , to selected essential. The solution and must be limited , ion tat sen pre te ple com even attempt a this field. Otherwise this her scholarly work in furt te invi ch whi y: many examples, to the telephone director ry nda bou the s Cros essay threatens to and no pictures!

action, names, many numbers, but no

nth Century The Beginnings in the Sixtee

ics 1s irrelevant for emblemat y tel ple com are es Andrea Alciato 5 That national boundari nding of the genre. fou the in y arl cle was already documented by an Italian jurist and in Lat in n tte wri rk a Wo iner) and Emblematum liber is German printer (Heinrich Ste

by a first published in Germany ! See

John

Landwehr,

German

Gumbert, Utrecht: Haentjens, Dekker &

Emblem

1972, vi.

Books

1531-1 888.

A

Bibliography.

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

Dietmar Peil

188

illustrated with the woodcuts of a German artist

(Jor

hand, the first German-Latin edition of rae eH te ἐκεῖ translation of Wolfgang Hunger was published in 1542 in Paris is

Christian Wechel. Twenty-five years later in 1567 there is anoth : bilingual edition of the emblems of Alciato on German soil with the be translation by Jeremias Held. Two essential principles at the beginnings of

German emblematics can be read out of the “German” history τῷ the editions of the Emblematum liber. Emblem books printed in Germany are

first written in Latin or they appear as bilingual or polyglot editions, The gi cu of Reusner (Emblemata partim ethica et physica, 1581), De

: da rads lemata nobilitati . . . digna, 1592), Camerarius (Symbolorum et nia

eee

oo

is

centuria,

1593),

and

Taurellus

(Emblemata

physico-

pcan eee park while Boissard provides German itions 2 i RS from the outset in eng 1i AS a oltzwart announces the bilinguality of the work already on the ti aoe Sin tyrocinia: Sive Picta Poesis ere Das ΕἾ

Fe

Mr

nee pedis

ms he me

/ oder Gemiilpoesy.* His book is regarded as the

: erman-Latin emblem book by a German author. Holtzwart,

RARE a of Rappoltsweiler in the Elsass, was active in the circle of trs εἰ 8 gare Bernhard Jobin, who also published the Emblematum oe er ἂ his circle belonged the poet Johann Fischart (1546-1590), de = eee concerning the history and use of emblems and natant Sd = the first German theoretical contribution, and the

Te a

re

timmer

(1539-1584),

who

was

responsible

for the

hae me emblems are ordered according to the groups education, ei ἃ et fame, friendship, love, virtue and vice, and religion;

Pa MS een

Sie Sete be strictly designated as systematic. The blocks or ized in Nicolaus Reusner’s emblem book Aureolorum

(1587 and 1591),* a publishing procedure of recyclingeee thatΑι i n eink the history of emblem book production was used time and sits gain.

2 3

As in the case of other emblem books published in sixteenth-

See Landwehr, German Emblem Books, nos. 133-136. 3

SinnBilderWelten. Emblematische Medien in der Frühen Neuzeit. Ed. Wolf?

189

wart’s work may be century Germany an ethical-moral direction in Holtz was followed by a determined, which in the seventeenth century on. content, form, and functi diversification and differentiation in terms of

Moral-Ethical Emblematics

emblematics Julius In the realm of seventeenth-century moral-ethical ematum ethico-politicorum Wilhelm Zincgref’s (1591-1635) collection Embl sentative among “German” centuria can be regarded as an outstanding repre the three printings of the emblem books. The first edition (1619) like of the 100 circular emblematic second edition of 1624 provides for each riptio in the form of a French medallions with their Latin mottos a subsc commentary on the following Alexandrine quatrain and a Latin prose appeared two further printings page.’ In 1624, at the same time, there contain instead of the French under the title Sapientia picta, which nse with the prose commentary. ° Alexandrines German quatrains, and dispe under the title Fahnenbilder. Four This edition was printed again in 1633 nal title between 1664 and 1698: further editions appeared under the origi by Georg and a new German translation they offer again the French verses be regarded

as which may Greflinger, each time with captions 1). Also the prose commentaries corresponding to the Latin motto (Fig. are reprinted so that instead of the (1681 and 1698 in shortened form) a form seven parts are provided. The tripartite ideal form of the emblem is dedicated to Friedrich V of the first edition of Zincgref’s collection calvinistically colored theory of the , usive “incl an s offer and inate Palat Staats- und “umfassende, calvinistisch gefarbte state and governance” it follows the

and thematically Regierungslehre”’). Methodologically Lipsius (1547-1606),* but it is not Politicorum libri sex (1604) of Justus today’s sense of the word, but also limited to “political” teachings in of indications of the imponderability as such ghts insi l era gen e mor provides or the general transience (no. 89), 87), (no. t hear an hum | the | (no. 92). tion recognizability of God in His crea

ons with a German emblematic collecti One of the most extensive which was Das Politische Schatzkästlein, is n ctio dire l mora calethi general iften. helm Zincgref, Gesammelte Schr en. Wil us Juli see s, ting prin ous 5 On the vari Theodor Verwey ica. Ed. Dieter Mertens and Vol. 2: Emblemata ethico-polit

http:/ j /mdz1.ξνὰ bib-bv ς b.de/ —1emblem/loadframe.hmu?toc_name=honz_emb1em.hm11&ixng_ id=

34-40. Tiibingen: Niemeyer, band 2, been Daniel Meisner. verses is assumed to have ] 6 The author of the German | 2, 41.

S ee Landwehr German Emblem Books, nos. 497-98. Digitized edition: http:// mdz1 .bib-b pat el vb.de/ rd — embl em/loadframe.html?toc_name=reusn_aureol. html&img_i

und Werke

ang gang

H

i t Hess, and Dietmar Peil. Munich, Harms, Gilber

1999, no.

142. Digitized edition:

4

d=img_

2, band Mertens and Verweyen (eds.), vol.

See

Autoren elm.” In Literatur Lexikon., 12:5 Wilh s Juliu f, cgre “Zin g, 02. llin Schi 1992 7 Michael Killy. Giitersloh: Bertelsmanns, deutscher Sprache. Ed. Walter .), vol. 2, band 2, 30f. 8 See Mertens and Verweyen (eds

se

oe

Meisner Spi 1625) and Eberhard Kieser between 1623

Main under the title Thesaurus Philo-Politi | Frankfurt am : es ist: Politisches Schatzkästlein guter Herren vnnd bestendiger ites: in dm parts of which appeared at the Frankfurt book fair.” fa the edition the work comprises two books, each with eight parts

ae

which

πὰ sie pes 2 pers cu contains 52 full-sided plates. The total of part of

ird

ἘΞ,

ii

on

a Latin.

beneath

plates —offers

a

i second book only has 50 instead the DAC

of

52

also a German motto, '° a pictura

reader after scarcely noticeable and is probably only perceived by the precedes it. reading the Latin and German verses or the explanation that public: “Aeolijs The Latin distich is formulated from the perspective of the nos mutamur in ceu lamna Notis in turribus altis / Vertitur, et varias sic h the aeolian horas” [As the weather vane on high towers turns throug quatrain is more winds, so we change with the hours]. The German expansive, and is pronounced by the weather cock:

representation, the ions of age an Se soe! eee what i and verses, German and Latin e oe NE . .. L beginning of the work in the “Embl is” ematum sive Picturarum ; ΛΟ : A μίας oe armee in Latin and German in the “short en ce of

the emblematic

der Emblematischen Figuren”).

figures”

Figuren”).

;

!

(“Kurtze

e

Erkla

reveals a certain porousness

views of

of genres.

of the boundaries

The

is added as ἃ further image component. In addition will the emblems other framing texts and illustrations

Mt 0 ce

be found: illu ath

OE BAe dies. .which partially: apeieee μὴ emblematic motifs, '* title pages as well

j Sats Cie ee NSI

differing pe

D

ent

:

-

2

4:

motif is seen Ei egy 2. = of the townscape over the emblematic book of the ple, in the thirty-fifth emblem of the fifth second vol SIC NOS” [As

pains ume (Fig. 2). Under the motto “UT TEMPORA,

“Ich οὐδ as mee which is translated with the standing German phrase [I accommodate

in die Zeit”

appears a a

myself to time] there

of Odense. The emblematic motif of view of thea town the weather cock yesurmounting tower on the right edge of the pictura is 9

Th

426-429. oe

.

sti

oe

ee,

are listed in Landwehr, German Emblem Books, as 00S.

edited by Klaus Eymann (Untersctneidheien- u uote largely from the facsimile reprint Peil,

For more detail on this work, see Dietmar

Untersuchungen zur Staats. ae ae

der Antike ἑω zur Gegenwart. PRE

a.

i

a ae are however, cies in engravings to I, 4 and I, 7, which, translated ite ta fond in I 8 and II. 1.8. ons. German explanations of the Latin mottos will be e

And orientate myself completely by the wind. My art has become very common, s it.] The big person (great) uses it, the little one learn

partakes in the

book

it is often—especially in the second volume— dominated by the rare aie οὐ μας we latter fills the image. In the later editions (from 1629) RL

Der gro gebrauchts, so lernts der klein. [I turn as I find the weather,

in the Schatzkdstlein is located in the foreground of the

a a

ee

Jch dreh mich wie ich wetter find, Und richt mich gentzlich nach dem Wind. Mein kunst ist worden sehr gemein,

Ershirang vn Relea

Thus the emblem

ns de τεῳ transmission of those collected works that an éniblernag

-

l

’

Vol. IT only contains G erman and i : © 2 See the illustrations to vol. I » 1-6, pe a

191

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

Dietmar Peil

190

: ere

That

such

explanation:

behavior “ES

ist bekandt

/ welche

viewed

is made

Leuthe wir Teutsche

clear by

the

Wetterhanen

Winde kehren / vnd sich trahen heissen / die nemlich den Mantel nach dem Zeit die Welt voll ist”! [It is / wie die Lufft gehet / deren zu dieser vnser weather cocks; they turn their well known, which people we Germans call to the air; in this our time the coats to the wind and they act according world is full of them].

The

combination

Zincgref’s emblem

of emblems

book,“

with

townscapes

will be

found

in

e even though no consistent formal principl

one may have been occasionally appears to have been followed, although f remains central in Zincgref’s used. Besides, the emblematic moti es only provide the background. collection, while townscapes and landscap representations have a much higher In the Thesaurus Philo-Politicus these the title pages of some parts. In later value, and are therefore mentioned on in the public’s expectations in so editions, the title pages reflect a change Paulus Fürst entitled his editions far as the emblematic components follow. ist Newes Das Cosmica. Sciographia 1678): 1642, (1637/38, Statt, in acht Centurijs die Vornembsten Emblematisches Biichlein darinen Welt, gleichsamb adumbrirt vnd in Vestung, Schlésser etc. der ganizen n, jdes einischen vnd Teutschen versicul Lat n ône sch mit hen toc ges Kupffer PL Se

ῳ aigue

is to be negatively

works. 4 Merian collaborated as artist on both

=

192

=

>,

Dietmar Peil

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

orths proprietet betreffent, ad Vivum abgebiltet werde n.

The

evident privileging of the townscapes is reflected in the title of Johann Rudolf Helmer’s new edition of 1700; now the coats of arms are named before the

emblems:

POLITICA

POLITICA

[.. .] Oder

Statistisches

Städte-Buc

h / Darinnen Neben eigentlicher Abbildung 800. meistentheils Jürnehmer Städte / Vestungen und Schlésser / auch viel Adeli che Sitz vnd Land-Güter zu finden; Deren jedem sein zu führendes Wappen / über das auch Sinnreiche / zur Staats-Klugheit und Sitten-Leh r dienliche Sinn-Bilder / Leib- und Denck-Spriiche / sambt deren artigund deutlicher Erklärung in

gut Lateinischen Versen und alt-teutschen Klugen Reim en beigefiiget.'° One may concl

ude from this reorientation that the advertising effectiveness of the emblem was waning around 1700, although the genre was certainly not facing its end. Above all in the field of extra -literary and religious emblematics, '’ but also in the most diverse realm s of printed emblems an unbroken productivity down into the eighteenth century may be observed. A work may also be accounted as belonging to ethical-moral emblematics, the title of which already indicates a crossing of genre boundaries, In 1677 the Augsburg engraver Christoph Schmidt published Æsopisch

es Fabel-büchlein: mit 50. schünen Figur en auBgezieret / Und in Lehr-reiche Reimen kiirzlich verfasset.

von neüem Although its

title suggests the genre of the fable, the shaping of the work allows it to be

understood as a collection of emblems. Alciato had already used on occasion the fable tradition as a source for his embl ems, '° and in France an autho

r such as Gilles Corrozet (1510-1568) published colle ctions of fables that in their arrangement scarcely differ from

the emblem book that Corrozet in 1542 had printed.” More than 100 years later Schmidt follows a different marketing strategy by placing his collection in the tradition of eee '

=

© See the reproduction of the engraved titlitle

in Landwehr, 16

ς

4 differently.

German Emblem Books, nî. 430. ? ,

Ε

1

NS

orme

i

aes

σῖν ymann (ed.), ill. 5; Landwehr, German Emblem Books, no. 432, records

193

fable books and by veiling through the term “Figuren” the proximity to the emblem, although his plates are more indebted to the emblem tradition than the fable tradition. The 50 whole-page engravings are formed like the engraved title; they are accompanied by a Latin verse and a German couplet.*! The Latin verse, which interprets the pictorial motif in a general statement, can be considered as a motto. The German couplet, which also often considers the pictorial motif, can be regarded as a German motto variant, since the rendering of a Latin verse through a German couplet is not unusual in emblem books. Thus engraving no. 24 shows a dog, which, with a bag in its mouth, crosses a stream on a plank and regards its own reflection

(Fig.

3).

The

Latin

“motto”

reads

“Fraudatur

merito

certis,

incerta sequutus” [That which is certain is rightly removed from him who seeks that which is uncertain], which transmits a general statement, rather sententious, and is translated into a couplet, which combines the general moral with the image: “Wer ungewises sucht, wird was gewif verliehren, / Gleich wie der Hund den Schein sich närrisch lieB verführe[n]” [He who seeks the uncertain, will lose the certain, / Just as the dog foolishly allowed its reflection to lead it astray].

In order to understand this combination of text and image one must know the corresponding fable. A dog crossing a stream with a piece of meat in its mouth, snaps greedily at the reflection of the piece of meat and thereby loses is booty.” By comparison with usual fable collections the narrative part of the fable is strongly reduced in this volume so that the reader has to rely on his own knowledge of fables in order to make the connection between the image and the moral.” And the pictorial motifs are by no means exclusively derived from the fable tradition, in spite of the title. That the weasel strengthens itself with rue in its successful struggle with the basilisk (or snake), was known from classical nature lore and

? The first plate after the engraved title is signed by Aegidius Sadeler as “inventor” and by Christoph Schmidt as engraver. The author (or authors) of the Latin

‘7 Las See, for exampl ample, Corneliai Kemp, Angewandt RE n A Barock-kirchen. Munich: PIC Kuntsverlag, e Emblematik in siiddeutsché

and German verses is not known.

digitized edition: : http http:://mdz1 .bib i bvb.de/ — name=schmi_fabelb. html&img i ? id= img_schmi πως pee '° See, ἢ (the ass with the in à le, emblem no. 57 (the bronze and earthenware pot), or no. 35

frühen Neuzeit. Munich: Fink, 1987, no. 307. 3 Schmidt’s possible model was the XL Emblemata miscella nova of 1622 (see Landwehr, German Emblem Books, no. 512; Hueck, Textstruktur, 143) with engravings by Christoph Murer and verses by Johann Heinrich Rordorf. It has brief thematic inscriptions in German and Latin as mottos, and German six-line verses as subscriptiones, which allow for greater detail; in any case, only 12 plates of Murer’s can be traced back

Se “Se ee 20

ru

.

rm Tiemann, Fabel und Emblem. Gilles Corrozet und die franzôsische

and emblem: se mis fable NANIO ἀν

1974, ill. 23, 32, and 36; in general on the relationship of

e also Monika Hueck, Textstruktur und Gattungssystem. Studien zum em und Fabel im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert. Kronberg, Scriptor, 1975.

2 See Gerd Dicke and Klaus Grubmiiller, Die Fabein des Mittelalters und der

to fables.

See

digitized

edition:

http://mdz1.bib-bvb.de/ — emblem/loadframe.html?toc_

name=rordo_emblem.html&img_id=img_rordo_emblem00001

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

Dietmar Peil

194

emblem books.” Similarly, nature lore and emblems knew i if in. whereby a whale could be distracted from attackin a ship,

8Π|Ρ,ΠΕΡΟΠΙΟΗΒΙΟΙ

A

the cargo were thrown at it. ”°

the trick

Religious Emblematics

Among German emblem books may b i representatives of the religious emblem in its Se vara ER participation of Catholics and Protestants. Most of the books (above all on

ἐκ

Hem

side)

are

μόνα rs oe

written

in Latin,

but

there

are

also

innumerable

editions, as well as works which only use the

The series of emblematic meditative works is opened b de Montenay (1540-1571). Her Emblemes ou es per appeared in 1571, firstly in ἃ French version (Lyons 1571), and in 1584 ἃ Latin translation was published in Ziirich,’’ and then in 1619 a polyglot a ge as. an album amicorum was published in Frankfurt by τοὶ nn Karl Unkel. Now the 100 engravings with Latin mottos are no ger elucidated in a French eight-line swbscriptio, they are also URSS by two Latin and one Spanish, Italian, German, English, and

Pa e

ρου Reg βίου ni are by no means to be understood as LEE enone og original, but rather as variants, which

SRO Sen ee eh eS ( ΟΝ 163)

APE

airs a

devotional works of the Rostock theologian may be seen in a certain connection with the

O SDe Montenay. Admittedly, the first 40 of the emblems

Sei « acra had already appeared in 1617, but this edition rs ει Ι i Èîm texts—only the Biblical quotations are given in ges gh the title is bilingual and therefore suggests a thorough8 German-Latin edition. The new edition of 1622 does not only

# Schmidt, Ù plate 28; ; on the correspondence with C amerarius i and examples of pres XVII. und zur Sinnbildkunst des XVI. Handbuch abet andge Ed ì fine Eg enkel Albrecht Schòne. 2nd ed. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1976, col. 463. natu

25

the corr and SchéneOn (eds.), cee

Ace between Schmidt’s plate 6 and Camerarius, see Henkel

* See John Landwehr,

French, Ita and Emblems 1534-1827. Utrecht: Hacntjens, Deter & 1 See Landwehr. Fren -ntjens, Dekker, &

ae

’

ch, Italian, no. 530;

1602 mg{gxdelberî; see Landwehr, French

Fre See Landwehr, “Seca tk co

Sabine Médersheim. AS

ati

Cree

Βυοῖα af Dee

Gumbert, no. 529. ated το. i

μή aa Annie

i

2 è a. C a ΤΑΣ Ee Italian, no. 532; Henkel and Schüne (eds.), xlvii-xlix.

D

σὴς Den. irate, Ainblemata SE

195

ations of the increase the number of emblems to 50, but also provides transl the Bible Latin subscriptiones into German, French, and Italian. Also the three into ed render quotation, which had suggested the pictura, is motto that is vernacular languages, while the German version of the Latin n to the engraved in the framework of the medallion appears as a captio of the Latin German subscriptio. Also a second expanded version makeup was same subscriptio is provided.” This collection with the ed as an early extended in 1624 by a further 50 emblems and is regard representative of religious heart emblems. ἢ the center of The imperial free city of Nuremberg can be regarded as 1624/1625 Johann Protestant emblematic devotional literature. Already in al collection of Mannich had his Sacra emblemata appear here, ἃ bilingu Sundays and feast emblems, which are orientated to the gospel sermons of as motto and a days. Each pictura receives a Latin quotation from the Bible n couplet and Latin epigram. Mannich translates the motto with a Germa subscriptio which is out of the epigram he develops a longer German

With this likewise written in couplets, each line with four stresses.” of

ch created a type emblematically illustrated collection of sermons Manni imitators on both the book in devotional literature that would find many ves of this type of Protestant and Catholic side. Outstanding representati )* and Carlo Labia, book are the Jesuit Heinrich Engelgrave (1610-1670 tant theologian and archbishop of Corfu on the one side, and the Protes on the other side. Dilherr pedagogue Johann Michael Dilherr (1604-1669)

life of Nuremberg in was one of the most important men in the intellectual schools, taught eenth century. He was responsible for Nuremberg the sevent

at the Auditorium as professor of theology, philosophy, and philology library, and as an Egidianum, assumed the governance of the town clergy. Among his excellent preacher was named Senior of the Nuremberg numerous

Latin and German

books there are also several emblematically

an subscriptio is assumed to have been 30 The author of the second Latin and Germ author of the French and Italian verses the GieBen professor Conrad Bachmann, while the Rief: see Médersheim (ed.), 118-122. is assumed to have been Frankfurt resident Conrad the uding the use of four languages)Octogin inta Nearly the same principles (incl the book em embl ral al-mo er’s ethic Emblemata Sacra are taken over in Cram Ù

Emblemata Moralia Nova (1630).

l and Schone (eds.); for a are all reproduced in Henkean 2 Mannich’s emblems Emblem Books, no. 416. Germ , wehr Land and ; description of the edition, see p. xlviii The

G. Dimler Dimler, S.J., n, no. 17; and Peter Daly and 5 See SinnBilderWelte J.505-538. 2000, , to: University of Toronto Press

Jesuit Series. Part 2. Toron

197

Dietmar Peil

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

illustrated works,** which are likely indebted to his collaboration with the

l engravers the “design” of the emblems,” in the execution of which severa

196

“Pegnitz shepherds,” and above all to his close friendship with Georg Philipp Harsdôrffer, the leading mind in German emblem theory in the seventeenth century. Dilherr’s first and conceptually the most complicated of his emblematically illustrated collections of sermons is the HeiligeSonn- und Festtags-arbeit. Beneath a biblical quotation from the appropriate Sunday gospel there appears a triple emblem, which combines three individual emblems into a composite form. The form of a three-fold or multiple emblem appears to be a special form developed in German

emblematics.

The mottos of the individual emblems

torial objects are usually virtually identical.

Thus

rhyme,

while the pic-

the emblem

for New

Year’s Day features in each medallion a combination lock;* only the third

medallion brings the correct combination of letters that opens the lock: “IESUS SALVS

MUNDI”

[Jesus, health of the world]. The mottos rhyme

(“Such hier mit weil Den besten Theil Der zeigt das Heil” —the

added since the rhyme

is impossible to recreate in translation)

italics are

[Seek here

with patience The best part Which shows salvation]. This triple rhyme is scarcely understandable without looking at the pictura. The idea for the image goes back to the biblical quotation “Es wird sein Nam genannt JESUS” [His name is called Jesus] (Luc. 2:21) which serves as a “compos-

ite motto.” The background scene illustrates the gospel text literally by

showing Jesus in the temple. The epigram indicates the saving power of the name of Jesus without thereby completely unlocking the sense of the image. The three New Year’s Day sermons from different years that follow the illustration make no reference to the emblem, which is only understood through the Erklärung der Dreiständigen Sinnbilder [xplanation of the

in 1674. That = were engaged. The substantial work was newly issued by the appearance ο emblematic presentation found interest is documented which contains only the a shortened edition (with no te of publication), and the engravings. ion of Dilherr’s sermons seems to have been ae DE be und Seelen-Speise, vs well received by the public. His collection Hertzbrought emblems, which, appeared in 1661 (and 1663 in a new issue), also immediately taken up however, were less complexly formed, but were le of the collection As again in the text of the sermon. The subtit his the same yest appeared Emblematische Haus- und Reise-Postill. In serbes 2. Hertzens-Lust, representative gospel collection Augen- und ‘3 of epistles pe | later the formally corresponding collection = à

und Festtags-arbett Epistolischer Bericht.* As in the Heilige Sonnepigrams, μ Fe und Seelen-Speise, the quatrains function as

the Hertzinscription. The function ὁ Le direction of meaning is given in a brief printed above the pictura. a motto is taken over by a rhyming couplet function, yet there δι. ἘΦ re framework no longer has any interpretive : ἣν»

which, although relatively . references to the emblems in the texts, stimulate ἃ broader treatment. / νὴ “si

sketches for sermons that could ns, make reference again concluding songs, which follow the sermo

to

ns, could be eae books, as well as collections of sermo Tae books of this kind wa de. emblematically. One of the most successful s

by

the

nobleman

Freiherr

von

Hohberg

ee

(1612-1688),

ngende Gesellscha Protestant. He was taken into the “Fruchtbri

triple emblems] which introduces the complete collection. The Erklärung [explanation] also elucidates the framework of the medallions: “Die

chten Hertzbewegliche Sonntagsanda 36 Harsdôrffer prepared under the title : ted = oe dwehr, of a already in 1649 an emblematically illustrated collection

welche die Annehm- und Lieblichkeit de Nahmens JESU bedeuten” [The

German Emblem Books, no. 337; part 2 of 1652 was overlooked = εἰν discmsaiot of Frauenzimmer Gesprächspiele, Harsdôrffer not only furthered de nie mblems (under

Einfassung hat / in der mitten eine Rosen / und auf den Seiten grosse Lilien:

framework has a rose in the middle and on the sides large lilies which mean

the pleasant and lovely nature of the name of JESU].

In the preface Dilherr

thanks Harsdôrffer for the “invention” and Georg Strauch (1613-1675) for

different forms of religi emblem theory, but also experimented with τον the influence of Herman Hugo and Hesius).

7 The shortened edition is also the basis for the reprint: nu

and Georg Philipp Harsdôürffer, Drei-ständige Sonn- und ese

bilder. Emblematisches Cabinet, vol. 18. Hildesheim: Olms

3. On Dilherr, see SinnBilderWelten, nos. 18f; Dietmar Peil, Zur andten Emblematik In protestantischen Erbauungsbiichern. Heidelberg: Winter, 1978,‘angew 9-45. For the following, see SinnBilderWelten, no. 18.

i

APO

# See digitized edition: http://mdz1.bib-bvb.de/ — emblem

’

i

ilherr

A

=

πῶς i RE genu 00001 d=1mg_dllhe_au name=dil;he au enu.html&ung_l a him! . oadframe byb.de/ ~ emblem/l % See dipiized edition: hitp://mdz1_bib-

naxne=dilhe_heilig.html&img_id=img_dilhe_heilig00001

=

=

=»)

as Der Sinnreiche, and had written in addition to his two verse epics a voluminous work of broadly economic interest (“Hausvaterbuch”) ‘en the Lust- und Artzneigarten des Küniglichen Propheten Davids (first printed in

[The foolish elephant leans on a tree which is half sawed through, and with it falls to the ground. Thus, when many a one considers himself safest,

Regensburg in 1675).*” The work combines a verse translation in German

of the psalms with new melodies and prayers, and a double cycle of =o Each psalm Is preceded by a rhymed inscription, followed by a rief prose synopsis of the psalm. An interleafed engraved page offers on the recto side in an Oval frame with Latin Motto a “normal” emblem with a four-line Latin subscriptio and a short German quotation from the psalm as a motto-like inscription, which is followed by a German rhymed quatrain On the verso appears the representation of a plant, with no frame, with the i of the plant in Latin and in German, and a German quatrain, which is ἃ ιν ny te by a quotation from the psalms like a motto. Psalm no. 146 à ~ ey sie inscription “Menschen Rath / kommt zuspat” [Human Re px a The synopsis reads: “DJser Psalm unterweiset dab a Vira vas eS a und Trost allein bey GOtt dem barmhertzigen

sr

ete +

pac

en sollen

μῶν par aaa

tego ra a ee , Which

ere ps falls Sn ee ioe aa

agent

ὉΠ

Alexandrine example:

μὰ

the most

merciful

with it.“ The Latin motto “DANT [The supports cause the fall] is replaced

ἃ rain with a verse from the Psalms (146,3) “verlasst

Fürsten”

[Do

t he

not rely on

princes].

and

emblem

: interpret

The

cross

: it as

a

rhymed

’ Warning

wan(n) mancher Sich am sichersten seyn wehnet

u grunde spôttlich geht, wan er vertraut der welt. ο΄ :

40

See SinnBi innBilderWelten, no. 29; Landwehr, 353. The repri f

50

y

41

a

German Emblem Books, nos. 349-

print by Grete Lesky (Graz: Akademische Druck-u. Verlagsanstalt, 1969) p

:

h

.

Ρ

:

On this motif, see Henkel and Schône (eds.), cols. 416f.

flower on the verso of the

couplet subscriptio to the may

ist” [Well is he psalm quotation “wol dem, def hülffe der Gott Jacob d first as motto which whose help is the God of Jacob] (Ps. 146,5) is printe

tion: compares the healing power of the plant with God’s protec

Die meyblum wolbewehrt vil tugenden vermag

hirn u. herz, verwahret vor dem schlag:

stärckt magen,

schwebet Also wan(n) Gottes hülff ob einem menschen

er sicher in gefahr, in ruh und freuden lebet. virtues [The mayflower, well preserved, contains many strengthens attack

the

stomach,

brain

and

preserves

heart,

against

heart

Thus when God’s help hovers over a person

joy.] he lives safely in danger, in peace and in

and mild father,

who are only transitory humans]. The pictura leans on a tree that has been sawed half through,

line 5. describe i

eS

The rhyming

[This psalm teaches that we should seek

in God,

Der thôricht Elephant an einen baum sich lehnet i halb ist abgesägt, samt ihm zu boden fellt. es

He is ruined derisively, when he trusts the world.]

os nicht bey grossen Fiirsten / die nur vergängliche

ee

ee

199

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

Dietmar Peil

198

Hohberg’s

emblem

book,

which with its “technique of multi-media

”] is orientated to an older combination” [multimediale Verbund-Technik* books, was a success; it was tradition of devotional works and emblem uence in extra-literary forms. reprinted several times, and it was an infl r of devotional works in The most successful Protestant write His main work Vom wahren Germany is Johann Arndt (1555-1621). through many editions into the Christentum (first published in 1609) went twentieth century,

and was translated into many

languages.

In 1678/1679

Riga, which contained in addition an edition of this bestseller appeared in whole-sided emblematic plates. to an engraved title page some 56 further, or less changed, in numerous later These emblems were reprinted, more ** Each emblem is accompanied editions down to the last edition of 1996. Embleme.” Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift 44 42 Albrecht Schéne, “Hohbergs Psalter: (1970): 656. ‘3 See Peil, Zur literature:

“Zur

for other Arndt

‘angewandten

Emblematik, ’ 46-62,

illustration cycles,

Illustrationsgeschichte von Johann

which

were,

Arndts

with references to further

however,

‘Vom

less successful,

wahren Christentum.’

see

Mit

des Buchwesens 18 (1977): cols. 1011-1013. einer Bibliographie.” Archiv für Geschichte ohannis wahren Christentum. Lahr: St.-J Peil,

Druckerei, Verlag.

vom

Arndt, Sechs Bücher the editions of the Stuttgart Steinkopf1996. The illustrations are taken from

44 Johann

oe | | z=

|

by a short German motto and a longer German poem in rhymed lines of differing lengths as ἃ subscriptio, and by ἃ biblical quotation. Since the edition of Leipzig 1696, ἃ prose explanation is provided in order to secure the understanding of the emblematic sense. Admittedly, the emblems are assigned to ἃ particular chapter of the devotional book, but they are not bound to Arndt’s reflections so that it made sense to provide ἃ separate printing, as was the case in 1855 and 1876. Originating in the northeast of Germany’s cultural space, this emblem cycle traveled in the eighteenth century through central and northern Germany (Leipzig, Halle, Erfurt Schiffbeck bei Hamburg, Stade), and in the nineteenth century it was also reprinted in the southwest (Schaffhausen, Reutlingen, Stuttgart). From here

it also

made

its way

into

the

German

Arndt

editions

of the

(Philadelphia). * With at least 160 different editions the emblem

U.S.A

cycle for

Arndt’s Vom wahren Christen-tum is the most successful representative of

German printed emblems, at least with respect to its dissemination.

On

the Catholic side, the production of emblematically

devotional

books

begins

with

the Jesuit

201

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

Dietmar Peil

200

Jeremias

Drexel,

illustrated

whose

works

firstly appeared in Latin, but were very quickly translated into German. The Zodiacus christianus appeared in 1618, and a year later a German translation came out under the title Christlicher Himmelcirckel. Also in the

case of later works, Latin and German versions followed quickly.“ Generally it can be seen that for decades Latin had the priority in Catholic

emblem books. This changed about 1700 with the printing in quick succession of the works of Abraham a Sancta Clara, which were largely

illustrated emblematically. On the other hand, there still appeared in 1780

the Regula Emblematica Sancti Benedicti of Bonifacius Gallner with its 187

amor

divinus,

as

in Otto

published in Antwerp

van

Veen’s

Amoris

in 1615) and Michael

divini

Emblemata

(first

Snijders’s Antipathia Amoris

Divini et humani (first published in Antwerp in 1629) and the most successful author: Herman Hugo. The Jesuit Herman Hugo (1588-1629) published first in 1624 in is Antwerp a devotional book under the title Pia desideria. The work divided into three books, each with fifteen chapters (gemitus, vota, suspiria), each of which is introduced with an image,

which with certain

is limitations may be understood as an emblematic pictura and Song of accompanied by a biblical quotation (mostly from the psalms or the for the motto; Solomon). The Bible verse can be understood as a substitute

it comes it is printed above the elegy, which follows the pictura, and the Patristics before the compilation of prose and verse quotations from connection between that conclude each chapter, and in this way assures the

soul in the the various parts of the chapter. Each picture shows the human divinus that form of a full cheeked little girl together with the winged Amor the relationship of resembles a putto, encouraging the reader to “consider n. ” **) man to God” (“das Verhaltnis des Menschen zu Gott zu bedenke successful work Hugo’s emblem book went on to become the “most

of spiritual

emblematics

of all time”

(“zum

erfolgreichsten

Werk

der

1770 at least 55 Latin and geistlichen Emblematik aller Zeiten.”*°) Up to many German and not a 63 vernacular editions are known, among them

is by the Nuremberg few Protestant versions. One of these re-workings has engaged as a reader polyhistor Erasmus Francisci (1627-1694) who Goldkammer he goes for the publisher house of Endter. In Die geistliche prayers and songs, back to an expanded Latin edition and completes it with

writers that is by four but also with further quotations from contemporary engraved, but

in connection with

newly new reflections in the third book. The illustrations are taken into account remain unchanged in essentials. All in all, Francisci had

Netherlandic emblem books that devote much attention to the motif of the heart, as in the case of the Schola cordis of Benedictus van Haeften, or which treat the relation of the soul to God with the image of anima and

che Hugo’. Deutschsprachige Uber48 Michael Schilling, “‘Der rechte Teuts Hermann Hugos SJ. Germanischsetzungen und Bearbeitungen der ‘Pia Desideria’ 24, with no. , see also SinnBilderWelten Romanische Monatsschrift 39 (1989): 284: -770. J.628 s. Part 3,

emblems that are only in Latin.*’

a

Α further important aspect is to be considered

atholic religious

emblematics,

which

; Si

.

S

‘

à

:

εἰς ’

Ge)

a

n

Emblem

is the widespread

eil,

Zur

Books,

‘7 See the digitized edition: http://mdz1 h

Illustrati

nos.

229-260;

: .bib-bvb.de/

ition: Ξ regula00001 — _hame=galln__regula.html&img_id=img_galln

reception of

hi Daly

,’” 283. This judgment does not contra# Schilling, “Der rechte Teutsche Hugo g role of the Protestant Johann Arndt, dict the above statement concerning the outstandin d as an emblem book, but Arndt’s devotional book was not originally conceive since this point of view, Johann Arndt and rather was later emblematically illustrated. From

" and

t Serie further references. See also Daly and Dimler, The Jesui

Dimler

?

emblem/loadframe.html?toc m/loadirame

Herman Hugo are not comparable.

50 On Francisci and his various uses

Peil, Zur ‘angewandten Emblematik, ’ 63-76.

of the emblem

in his devotional works,

see

203

Dietmar Peil

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

Protestant needs in his expansions. “With the sequence of biblical word sermon-like interpretation, communal prayer and concluding oe i gational song he clearly orientated himself on forms of evangelical divine service and thereby brought the Catholic devotional book also in AE terms closer to a Protestant public.”°! The possibility of the transition from the religious emblem book of a Jesuit to a Protestant work of devotion makes it clear that the boundaries between the confessions are decidedl nes à devotional literature and not only in emblematic literature This ; cîlse Pet easier because emblematics seldom made use of confessional

The exclamations appearing above the illustration take the place of the to motto, the verses below the pictura may be understood as corresponding formal such whether the subscriptio, but it is more than doubtful tic. correspondences alone suffice to designate the illustrations as emblema as ion translat German The Elogia mariana, which also appeared in a with an Marianische Ehren-Titlen in 1703, associates each exclamation tio. subscrip ἃ by d occasionally complex illustration, which is followe onding Extensive songs deepen the complexity associated with the corresp ting illustra plate the titles; they are elucidated through Annotationes. Thus a cloud pulling the address “virgo fidelis” [faithful virgin] shows Mary in ed “hoc (inscrib rosary a one man out of the labyrinth of the world with

202

A striking difference between the i i perceivable in the adoration of Mary and the ay ea oe Re on emblematics. When the Augsburg engraver and publisher à Mesa Kolb (1680-1743)—he worked for both confessions— nes ; 26 copied the Marian cycle of emblems of the important expanldniîen Îlrllgrayqr, etcher and draughtsman Jacques Callot (1592-1635), | ng e bilingual text (in Latin and French) with a German νοι βίο, one hardly assumes that he would find purchasers amon

erman Protestants. °*

i

ane ea Elogia mariana® of the Capuchian Isaac von Ochsenfurt (died FRA

» W ich was

ra

also

translated

into

German,

belongs

to the type of

illustrated Lauretanische Litanei and stands in the tradition

οἱ oe

Las

which the Marian congregation in Linz had compiled

οι 2 ne principle of works of this kind rests in the ee ustrations to the individual exclamations of the litany. The purely formal closeness to the emblem is seen in the tripartite structure. 31

redi

gemeinsamem Gebet und abschlieBendem Gottesdienstes orientiert und somit das ck des ers strukturell

auch

nahegebracht.”

einem

protestantischen

Publikum

? An example of such i an emblem em boo bo k would be Kaspar Màndl’s andl’ a polemicic i in 5 | HaimbDimler d ‘ Dimer, 1709); see SinnBilderWelten, PA no. 45; Cr and Dalaly and Garten Part 4, J.947-949 Series.(Augsburg, ee e Jesuit ML

: See4: http://mdz1.bib-bvb.de/ img. kolbx_viedel0000! — emblem/loadframe.html?toc_name=kolbx_viedel.

ab

wimpy a

no. 33, with further literature. In a similar way, Kolb re-

édition: hap:/ i ee ae poe sees see SinnBilderWelten, no. 41. See digitized img id=img lux cl austri00001 55

it into an anagram subscriptio at first repeats the title and then changes splendor of the “VIRGO FIDELIS — FULGOR DIEI” [faithful virgin, with a prayer. In the day], before a quatrain comments on the picture German translation of 1703 the poem reads:

Ach Trewe Mutter spring uns bey Im meer der welt; irrgarten; Ein ancker un8, richt schnur verleyh Wie wir von dir erwarten. [Oh, faithful mother, help us In the sea of the world; labyrinth; Grant us an anchor, a rope As we may expect from you. |

115

Schilling, “‘Der rechte; Teutsche e Hugo,” Hugo,’” 288: “Mit der Abfolge von Bibelwort, i hat ie

Er ee Erb hin katholische

fiend cig

an anchor (inscribed filo” [with this thread]) and pulling a second man with of the world.* The “hoc anchora” [with this anchor]) from the sea

See

emblem/loadframe.html?toc_name= luxcl_austri.html&

http://mdz1.bib-

elogma.html&img_ id= fia

ches See

tat "pl

amie PRAT

DEES

In a formal orientation with emblems,

traditional pictorial elements are

In such complexity the contaminated for the purpose of visual meditation. ems. There

rwise in embl illustrations far exceed the use of litany found othe that draw their pictorial motifs are many instances of emblem programs exclamation as motto and from the litany, placing the corresponding n-Titlen in der Lauretanischen Lytaney 56 Isaac von Ochsenfurt, Marianische Ehre = ) erklart und —Arth durch Sentenz und Figuren (. begrieffen, und in gebundener Redens is the Litaniae book esentative of this type of aupgeleget, Würzburg, 1703. A further repr German, see into likewise translated Lauretanae

of Franz

SinnBilderWelten,

Xaver

Dorn,

which

was

e. no. 31; http://mdz1.bib-bvb.de/ ~ emblem/loadfram

00005 =dornx _lilaur.html&img_id= img_dornx_lilaur

html?toc_name

204

ners: such litany-emblems with normal emblems which “follow the rules.” The emblematic dance-of-death may be regarded as a special type of emblem book, to the extent that the artist does not remain exclusivel

indebted to the late medieval tradition of the dance-of-death. The id

sense of the dance-of-death is the representation of dance partners, in which the figure of Death is always one of the partners, while the other partner continually changes. Usually texts accompany the illustration which makes clear that all estates are equally subject to death. The motif of the dance recedes when it is only shown that Death fetches off all estates of man, whereby the rows of pairs of dancers are replaced by a series of single illustrations,

in which the partner of Death is shown

in a situation

that is typical for him or her, and from which Death tears the person away. According to this principle, the most famous representative of the genre is

Holbein 5 Dance of Death.

The emblematic

dance-of-death

can be organ-

ized in different ways. An augmented type of image is used by Michael Heinrich Rentz (1701-1758). His series of engravings that appeared in 1753 under the title Geistliche Todts=Gedancken contains 52 leaves that

derive largely from the “Imagines mortis”

of Hans Holbein,

the Younger

(1497-1543). In the upper part of the frame of the engravings are additional

emblematic

medallions

with German

rhymed

mottos.

These

“genuine”

emblems (even without their own subscriptiones) refer in very different ways to the main illustration, which receives comment in the rhymed quatrain. Thus the emblem commenting on the death of a cardinal has its motto “Es trifft die Ceder auch / so, wie den kleinsten Strauch” [It also strikes the cedar / like the smallest bush]. The pictura shows how lightning

strikes both a cedar and a bush.” The text to the main picture names the

status of the individual and interprets as follows:

F”7 See, e.g., the hortus-conclususus emblems emblems ini Kemp, Angewandte, 161, 175, 205.

Totentanz der Marienkirche in Lübeck und der Nikolaikirche in Reval

ig ; ΙΝ — Freytag. Cologne: Bohlau, 1993; Landwehr, German Emblem a : ἰ genera excluded the dance-of-death from the corpus of embl em books (see p. nd thus does not do justice to the influence of emblematics on the older genre. 12

” See digitized edition: : ἢ http://mdz1.bib-byb.de/ i +

hame=rentz_geitod.html&img id=img_rentz geitod00009

[You were a great cardinal! The support and pillar of the church. The poison and pestilence of heretics and a heavy thunderbolt. None the less, the lot falls to you, to follow in my dance: Therefore, you can renounce your erudition on earth.]

Another integrated type is presented by the Τὶ odten-Capelle of Abraham a Sancta Clara. Many of the 68 engravings, each of which is accompanied by a biblical quotation and a rhymed German translation as motto; the prose commentary assumes the function of a subscriptio. They which can be regarded as “proper” emblems. For instance, there is the tree quod loses its leaves, with a quotation from the Book of Job “Folium the German vento” [Like a leaf in the wind] (Job 13,25) accompanied by ” [The leaves couplet “Die Blatter fallen ab, / Und du wirst auch schabab

fall off, / And it is up with you] as motto.*' On occasion, Death is shown

with the motto in “emblematic action,” as when he cuts a hedge (Esth. 7,10), in “Suspensus est igitur Aman” [Thus they hanged Haman] vom schnellen Tod the German “Auch der Hofmann, der so stutzt / wird / Is overpowered by getrutzt” [Also the courtier who acts so boastfully

when a hunter swift Death]. The usual composition for a pictura is used

an arrow at him. But shoots his rifle at a deer while behind him Death aims motto reads “Sagittae at least the form is close to that of the emblem: the the German states tuae acutae” [Your arrows are sharp] (Ps. 44,6), while

is good, / It never “Mein Pfeil ist gut,/ Nie fehlen thut.” [My arrow y understood r, not every dance-of-death is to be generall

fails.]* Howeve as emblematic, but

if the

formal

influence

is so evident,

then

nothing

f-death as a subgenre of speaks against recognizing the emblematic dance-o Political Emblematics

Du warst ein Groser Cardinal! der Kirchen Stütz und Säule. Der Ketzer Gifft und Pestilenz und schwehrer Donner =Keile. ps a

Jedoch, die Loosung trifft dich nun, zu folgen meinem Reyhen: Drum magstdu deiner Wissenschafft, auf Erden dich verzeyhen.

emblem books.

Der Cardinal.

ἘΠῚ

205

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

Dietmar Peil

--

ger SE ee

9

Ed

ly separated off from other Political emblem books cannot be so clear ic mirror emblem. Even if one identifies the emblemat

thematic realms of the 60

A

Pac This is “verzeihen”

lossagen von. s in the sense of “verzichten auf” or “sich at the end of the p. 232. The rhyming coup let is repeated

Ἂς

‘| The plate follows prose commentary. 2 The plate follows p. 56. ‘3 The plate follows p. 92.

206

Dietmar Peil

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

of the prince, as it is found in Saavedra’s Idea de inci iti Christiano (first printing in 1640 in = Seeds τ a Betis representative of the political emblem, one must consider that in mb. chapters of this work general ethical-moral themes are treated just as de other way round, many ethical-moral emblem books occasionally contain statements about state governance and about the expectations made of rulers and political officials. There is certain overlap with religious emblematics where in the mirror of the prince the relationship of the ruler to God is contemplated or when in funereal emblematics the “last things” are treated Collections of imprese, such as that of Francesco Terzio about the Habsburgers certainly serve panegyric purposes and are comparable to those aie se writings such as were produced on various occasions in the Rx υ oe As in the realm of Catholic emblematic devotional books, = e an evident abundance of Latin works also for this political ubgenre. Purely German texts are extremely rare, bilingual German-Latin editions are, on the other hand, more frequent, but by no means the rule. ote. nr Roi the imprese books and the possibility of thematic He à εἶ perhaps rank Peter Isselburg’s Emblemata politica in aula a bis oribergensis depicta (Nurnberg 1617) as the first German Pe ke se book. The work is in so far a special case, since it does ses ὌΝ τ ε basis for an extra-literary program, but rather emblems

German translation of the subscriptiones in the first edition are in six lines of four stresses. A heading “Kurtze erklärung nachfolgender Emblematum” [Short explanation of the following emblems] precedes the emblem plates. In 1640 a second edition appeared, which used the same engraved plates as the first edition, but now the German translations of the Latin verses are printed on the previous side, facing the emblem. The emblematic statements cover the usual broad spectrum of meanings. Under the motto “Pro grege” [For the flock] (no. 21)“ the crane warns higher powers to protect the subjects from threatening danger, and under the motto “Dulcis concordiae fructus”

eaves sas applied emblematics are transferred to the medium of the tee at τὸ y accessible ἴ0 ἃ new circle of addressees. It transmits the

Es se components of the interior decoration of the Sys . Ὁ n ha from 1613, which in addition to emblems embraces nee ER The engravings may be attributed to the ee Ῥω Isselburg (1580 or 1568-1630), while the Latin eh o g Le à. € German translations are the work of the jurist Georg

a

ye

The 32 numbered emblems

embrace on each engraved

aun motto, a pictura and a Latin four-line verse subscriptio. The % Admitted! y in Spanish;

Amsterdam.

the first German

5 See SinnBilderWelten, nos. 152-153.

66

ice

a

recently Sabine Médersheim,

translation

appeared

in

1655

in

:

ἐς ARSE

(no. 24) the bees exhort the citizens to unity,

and like the crane they thematize “politically” relevant virtues, while the peacock beneath the motto “Nosce te ipsum” [Know yourself] (no. 3)” expects self-knowledge and associated with it insight in one’s own weakness as rather an individual ethical-moral virtue. More complicated than the case of the Nuremberg town hall emblems in the is the relationship of the emblem book to extra-literary emblems

the Tapisseries du Roy made for Louis XIV.” Charles Le Brun, director of

with the French royal Gobelin-works, had designed in close collaboration of the cycle a Petite Académie two series of tapestries, which consisted of cycles are largely four seasons and the four elements. In formal terms, both

a border with identical. Each wall tapestry consists of a centered image and of each tapestry ornamental-allegorical and emblematic motifs. In the center are four emblems, stand two mythological figures while in the borders there goodness and which refer to the four regal virtues (piety, magnanimity, Félibien published bravery). Even before the tapestries were finished, André devices. The second in 1665 a description of Le Brun’s designs with their

had written edition (1667) also contained the epigrams that Charles Perrault the (1629-1679) and for the emblems. The miniaturist Jacques Bailly an illuminated calligrapher Nicolaus Jarry presented the king with mottos and epigrams. manuscript that contained the emblems with their

Following

engravings

Bailly’s

that

he

miniatures

completed

Sébastien

with

full

Leclerc

to Peter Isselburg and George Rem,

(1637-1714)

representations

created

of the tapestries.

with Félibien’s descriptive These engravings were published in 1670 together

“Duce virtute, comite fortuna. Das

des Emblems: Auperliterc des Goldenen Saals im Nürnberger Rathaus.” In Die Domänen th i der Emblematik. Ed.Gerhard F. Strasser em and Mara R. Wade sist Harrassowitz, 2004, hae utteler Arbeiten zur Barockforschung, 39. Wiesbaden: % Seea Wolfgang H Er Enblémañé î Bîmzalr,r:xîgînl

[The sweet fruit of concord]

207

68 See Médersheim, “Duce virtute,” 52. See Müdersheim, “Duce virtute,” 48.

182-185. τὸ For the following, see SinnBilderWelten, nos.

Dietmar Peil

208 SRA EE “ge a sx mess wo vin

τῷ compositional ollowing example PM | ! which provides, as in the

the

individual

epigrams. The work was reissued several to expand his manuscript with the complete principle of the tapestries may be demonstrated in from a German version, which the Augsbur eq Ulrich Kraus (1655-1719) published “aa er format with a complete German translati French original i - -

representations

caer

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

of de

“ts

a Et

κι

- = = — (Fig. 4) is dominated by Juno and τής, cloud and ἃ rainbow. They hold a shield with the monogram of the sun king and the device “Citius v i it” [Faster than the winds(8. he{πε drives è away the clouds ]. Inot the German ti version de seg.) thease Ben ne = = geschwind / die Wolken und der ‘ | uds and wind]. Near the two goddesses, a personificatio i n of the wind endeav | ors to press hailstones out of the cl ouds sa css oe scenery is framed with trees and enlivened with many si : Mn inscription on the lower edge of the picture praises Louis διὰ

sie ats

ee

ss

en

- se

Nat 6

ie » 2 ae A

he

8

enemies and over himself, one who had brought

through his peace accords and his marriage (with

Maria Theresia) - The pictorial motifs in the borders suit

coat of arms with lilies on the upper edge is flanked by two som

are added as ornamental motifs, and rainbow, bird

= à RE οἱ bees, and eagle carry emblematic significance. eng age ra at seem somewhat imperceptible in the tapestry as ἃ ἐμ he eir individual presentations in a substantial frame (Fig. 5)

ors Seat

ae

ἡ motto and its German translation in rhyming couplets.

oe

is described and elucidated, ahead of the concluding

oe inten 0 Perrault With its German translation. The bee emblem in or air with its motto SIGNAT CLEMENTIA REGEM” [Mercy rizes the king] (“Gelindigkeit und Gnad / def K6nigs Zeichen hat”

[Mildness and me

goodness. 71

72

virtue of ΤΟΥ / are a sign of the King]) speaks to the regal

See Landwehr, French, Italian, nos. 285-289a.

“ See the facsimile edit

;

Grivel and Marc Fumaroli. aoe

©

His wife, Johanna Siby

;

è

pene: les-tapisteries du Ret: by Maren

Le

while he was indebted for the Seti Supported him in the preparation of the engravings, in the

preface with the initials H.S. gere Pres

to two friends whom he indicates

209

In his preface Kraus justifies his publishing interest in an emblematic of work from the circle surrounding the French king with the purpose lag wanting to demonstrate that the German art of engraving does not give to behind the French. He also wishes to stimulate other German artists ndom, honor and fame to Emperor Joseph,” “the highest head of Christe 5 But he our invincible and all-glorious Emperor, the great Joseph. .. .” a smaller also admits that economic considerations had made him choose rating that format than the French original.” This may be taken as demonst centuries th emblematics in the late seventeenth and early eighteen graphics. possessed a considerable value on the market for books and mottos An example of congratulatory writing (which apart from the

Seule,” is a totally German emblem book) is the Pyramis oder Ehren=

1680 to the Saxon which Johann Franz Griendl von Ach dedicated in of his assumption of Electoral Prince Johann Georg III on the occasion not erected office. In his preface, von Ach insists that he has

a monument

Steinwerck / “aus zerbrechlichen / und durch das Alter verderblichen Politico-Mystico Hieroglyphischen Sinnreichen von sondern stone, but rather with Sinn=Bildern” [out of brittle and with age perishable In so doing he uses significant hieroglyphic political-mystical emblems]. emblematic pictura, which each letter of the Electoral Prince’s name as an by the emblem genre, he supplies with a motto and subscriptio, as required the letter “R” he chooses and elucidates them in a prose commentary. For

as a motif the pelican” religious emblems.”

The

(Fig. 6), which can be found in political and motto,

which

appears

in Latin and German,

ld naturally appears here. 74 In the earlier editions, the name of Emperor Leopo der Christenheit | unsern passage reads: “das Allerhéchste Haupt

7 The ihre ten Kayser / den Grossen Joseph / durch Unüberwindlichen und Aller =Glorwürdigs Kunst=reiche Hand. . . .” lbigen Formen etwas verkleinern / damit 76 The passage reads: “Wollen aber derse / die Müh verringernn // alsak auch den ich beydes mir selber / in Beschne idung der Zeit want in solcher Form verkauffen mòchte [We Kunstliebenden um einen billichern PreiB , as effort my e I might sav e time and reduc to reduce somewhat the same forms so that price]. well as being able to sell to art lovers at a lower dframe.html?toc_

/ — emblem/loa digitized edition: http://mdz1 bib-bvb.de 001 mi00 pyrami.html&img_id=img_grien |pyra de/ ~ emblem/loadframe.html?toc_ digitized edition: htip://mdz1.bib-bvb. ; E mi00034 pyrami.html&img_id=img_grien _ pyra anPelic “The -her-piety , see Peter M. Daly, to ” For a recent study of the pelican-in te Directions and Developments. A Tribu : in-Her-Piety.” In Emblem Scholarship: hout 5. Turn

77 See name = grien | 78 See name = grien |

Gabriel Hornstein.

es, vol. Ed. Peter M. Daly. Imago Figurate Studi

Brepols, 2005, 83-108.

210

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

Dietmar Peil

indicates the meaning of the pictorial subject: “Amor Patriae” [Love of one’s country]. “Liebe gegen den Vaterland” [Love for the fatherland] (fol. D 1. The pictura depicts a pelican which rips open its breast with its beak and sprinkles with its gushing blood its young sitting in a nest in front of it. In clumsy Alexandrine lines the subscriptio again describes the image and interprets it as the duty of the ruler to sacrifice himself in his work of governance:

The

And now out of love of his country bears all the cares.]*° The Elogia heroum Caesareorum in Italia. Sinn-Bilder iiber die kayserliche Helden in Welschland, which appeared in Vienna in 1702,*! can also be regarded as congratulatory writing. But it also shows that political emblematics could serve not only panegyrical purposes but also polemical and satirical ends. The work consists of eight emblems, which refer directly to the events of the war of the Spanish succession in Italy (1701-1714). In February and August 1702 Habsburgian troops had beaten

the French in two battles in Cremona and Luzzara.*’

Each emblem is

ascribed to an imperial general, who was involved in the attack; only the sixth emblem is not addressed to an individual, but ascribed generally to the German soldiers. The emblems aim to deride the French as cowardly losers, stressing that the Germans were especially brave. Each pictura is

supplied with a Latin and German motto (a rhyming couplet), and a verse

subscriptio also in both languages. However, the German subscriptio is not to be taken as a literal translation of the Latin, since it places different accentuations. * The picture is reproduced in SinnBilderWelten, no. 174. *' See digitized edition: http://mdz1.bib-bvb.de/ — emblem/loadframe.html?toc_ name=elogi_heroum.html&img_id=img elogi heroum00001 * See SinnBilderWelten, no. 178. νὰ

emblem

(Fig.

7),

which

in its caption

(or dedication?)

shows itself to be an emblem of German soldiers against the enemies of bravery (“Emblema, Germanorum militum contra hostes fortitudinis” [Emblem of the bravery of German soldiers against the enemy]), shows in the pictura ἃ figure clothed in the German fashion removing ἃ boot inscribed “Italia” from another figure lying on the ground, extravagantly dressed in the French manner. The emblem uses the motif of 4-la-modecriticism,

Der bruffene Pelican sein Liebs-Brust scharpff auffritzet/ Und unter seine Jung hauffig da$ Blut ausspritzet Jann Georg der Dritte siehet nun was Herschen sey/ Und tragt zu Lieb def Lands ietzt alle Sorgen bey. [The famous pelican sharply rips open its breast of love, And often sprinkles blood onto its young Johann Georg the Third now sees what governing is,

sixth

211

which

is directed

against

fashionable

innovations

in German

clothing and gestures, and below the surface against the corruption of the German language through foreign words from Romanic languages. Since 1628, disseminated in pamphlets and single sheets, this criticism now finds a medium in the emblem. The rejection of French fashion here receives ἃ

political reinterpretation. The German verses emphasize the preference of France for continual innovation in fashion, and metaphorize the entry of

French troops into Italy as an attempt to put on again “Welsche Stieffeln [Italian boots]. This intention is criticized as unfitting (“unangemessen ) in the truest sense of the word, since the boot could press even though the many creases (princes) had been “oiled,” so that the rewards evidently lagged behind the effort. The German subscriptio concludes with a massive warning against a French engagement in Italy: “Dir wird / wilt du mir nicht trauen / Fu8 und Stieffel abgehauen”

[If you don’t trust me / Your

a | foot and boot will be cut off]. satiricthe This example is a comparatively rare demonstration of

polemical orientation of political emblematics, since this topical orientation

the domain 4 (going back to earlier allegorical-symbolic imagery) is rather

the early modern period of the illustrated single sheet. At the same time, 1

shows that there can be relationships between the political emblem and the be modern political caricature. The image of the Italian boot can surely encountered often in

|

political iconography.

from the wale of political emblematics derives Ne The last AR the surroundings of the Wittelsbach family to. whom numerous ve} ἐπι

books were devoted into the eighteenth century." They were mostly a : and frequently by Jesuits. One of the exceptions 15 a German-Latin ee

was written in connection with the death of Electoral Prince Max (1662-1726). Max Emanuel died on 26 February

1726. The chma>1(7(2)6

funeral solemnities were the three-day exequies (from 12-14 March Munich’s

Theatinerkirche.

In the church

53 See SinnBilderWelten, nos. 189-205.

mafmtîe

ἃ castrum

doloris

was

)

)ue

erected,

i

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

Dietmar Peil

212

designed by the court builder Josef Effner (1687-1745). The complex program of images and inscriptions that was conceived for this occasion, with which the church was adorned, goes back to the Theatiner Joseph Cajetan Khuen, and together with an engraving of the castrum doloris is recorded with a complete commentary in the richly illustrated German-Latin work Magnus in ortu.** The emblem program is based on the traditional view of the ruler as the “sun of the country,” linking the yearly cycle of the sun with the passage of the day. The cycle begins at the Kajetan-Altar with four emblems of the sunrise, which refer to the birth of Max

Emanuel and

are continued in the nave with twelve emblems, which show the sun passing through the zodiac signs, each covering a period of five years in the biography of the prince. The four emblems before the altar of the Holy Family are devoted to sunset, the eight emblems

in the choir serve as the

“Vorbildung deB Stands der Sonnen / nachdem sie nider-gangen” [Image of the status of the sun after it has set]. Four further emblems on the sarcophagus depict the mourning of members of the family and the country. Thus the program fulfils the functions expected of a funeral sermon: laudatio, consolatio, and lamentatio, but it also allows for the recognition of didactic components. In this sense the introductory emblem may be

understood.% Beneath the motto “ORIENS

SUA

FUNERA

SPECTAT”

[Rising he contemplates his burial] (“Jm Aufgang ich schon schaue / Wo ich mir mein Grabstatt baue” [Rising I already see / where I shall build my grave]) stands the pictura depicting the rising sun illuminating the Theatiner church. Both the Latin “oriens” and the German phrase “Jm Aufgang” may

be understood as referring to the sun and the prince. In this the emblem recalls the erection and the purpose of this church.

The parents of Max

Emanuel had vowed to erect a church to Saint Kajetan, if a successor to the throne was born to them; on the thirteenth birthday of the crown prince (11

July 1675) the Theatinerkirche was dedicated. Since then it has served as the

funeral place of the Wittelsbach family. The memento mori appeal of this

emblem, unfolded As emblem

which expresses itself in a concealed manner in the motto, iS broadly in the verse subscriptio. in the case of the Nuremberg town hall emblems, in Khuen’s program the book publication followed in time the ephemeral

τ See Dietmar Peil, “Ephemere Emblematik der Wittelsbacher in München.” In Wort trifft Text — Bild — Kunst. Embleme und Allegorien in Architektur, Graphik und

Literatur.

Forthcoming.

Digitized edition:

http://mdz1.bib-bvb.de/ — emblem/loadframe.

html?toc_name=khuen_magnus.html&img_id=img khuen_magnus00002

See SinnBilderWelten,

/ no. 205a; http://mdz1.bib-bvb.de — emblem/loadframe.

html?toc_name=khuen_magnus.html&img id=img_khuen_magnus00045

213

emblems of the funeral ceremony. Nothing remains of the emblems and inscriptions set up in 1726 in the Theatinerkirche. Through the transmission in the medium of the book the initially ephemeral emblems are given a permanence that goes far beyond the actual occasion. Furthermore, the new medium offers the possibility to comment in more detail, and through the book’s bilinguality to reach a much wider circle of recipients than it was possible in the Latin texts in the church. Emblem Encyclopedias

The emblem encyclopedia is a special type of book, which above all

to its seeks to persuade through the breadth of its material, and with regard

function cannot be pinned down. Jakob Typotius’s collection Symbola d as divina et humana (first printed in Prague 1601-1603) can be regarde would precursor of emblem encyclopedias, although, strictly speaking, it and have to be designated an imprese encyclopedia. It brings together nobility of comments on over 900 imprese of the secular and spiritual with his 1679) Europe. On the other hand, Filippo Picinelli (1604 to ca.

raises a Mondo simbolico (first published in Italian in Milan in 1653) man, by different claim, introducing the natural world and things created explaining how

slightly

other authors have made emblems

illustrated

encyclopedia

connection with “German”

should

out of them. This only

unmentioned

remain

not

in

emblematics, since the work was translated into

and in the Latin by the Augustinian monk Augustinus Erath (1648-1729),

process

also

expanded

expanded.

This

rather

elucidates

Latin

edition

(first published

in

and can be regarded Cologne in 1681) went through several new editions which should no longer as the most comprehensive emblem encyclopedia, initially planned by serve only as a preparation for making sermons, as Picinelli,

but

the

emblematic

horizon

of

the

whole

l world determined universe. Whereas in Picinelli the natural and artificia Jacobus Boschius 1 his the organization of the collection, the Jesuit

n in 1701) elucidates Symbolographia (first published Augsburg / Dillingeg 2,052 of them on emblems from their significance, preparin 3,347

ly brief, and his sources still engraved plates. His elucidations are extreme , the

ical tractates await decoding. Together with its emblem-theoret handbook for well-heeled substantial presentation makes the collection a of

overview of the world connoisseurs of art who wanted to obtain an for extra-literary emblems, For example, the artist who sought models buildings tended to draw emblem cycles in secular (and ecclesiastical?)

his needs with such emblematic upon other publications. He could satisfy

books

as

the

Emblematische

Gemiiths-Vergniigung

(first

published

in

Augsburg in 1693).* The collection contains 715 emblematic medallions

on 51 plates, which are briefly described on the facing page with suggested mottos in Latin, German, French and Emblematische Gemiiths-Vergniigung goes back to the Devises Anciennes & Modernes of Daniel de La Feuille (first

and provided Italian. The et Emblemes published in

Amsterdam 1691),*’ which, for its part, was inspired by the Livre curieux

et utile pour les sçavans et artistes (first published in Paris in 1685) of the French engraver Nicolas Verien, and from which he took over the organization of the collection and numerous single motifs, but offered variant mottos in seven different languages. The Augsburg version takes over unchanged the sequence of the plates, but can still claim to be a “German” rendering. The medallions are newly engraved, the descriptions of images are translated from French into German, and the German mottos in the source are revised, that is, newly formulated. The success of the

Emblematische Gemiiths-Vergniigung is not only deduced from the number of further editions, but is also supported by the fact that the collection served several times as a source for extra-literary emblem programs. There also appeared in Augsburg in the years 1727-1730 the three volumes of the Emblematischer Parnassus of Laurentius Wolfgang Woytt

(1673-1739). The author was a Protestant preacher, since 1701 a member

of the Pegnesischer Blumenorden. Each of the three parts of the Emblematischer Parnassus presents 500 emblems on 42 plates for a total of 1,500 emblems. Each emblem is accompanied by four engraved mottos in Latin,

French,

Italian, and German.

Each plate is preceded

by a printed

page with picture descriptions and distiches in German. The plates are followed with new numbering by an appendix of “moral applications” (“Moralische Applicationes”), which interpret the emblems. Thereby each

emblem receives a spiritual and secular interpretation. ®®

Prospect

As was observed in the preliminary comments, the many different ed in manifestations of the German emblem can hardly be more than indicat there this contribution. In addition to the variety of types of emblem book“ culture. The are also the different uses of emblems in the print and material understood be use of emblems in titles and in illustrated single sheets may instances where as examples of the “print” culture, but there are also happens in many references are made to emblems without illustrations as

re texts as baroque dramas”’ or in devotional works.”! They can also structu in many

speeches.”

Too

little attention has been paid to extra-literary

graphic works,” emblematics in secular and ecclesiastical buildings,” in glasses,” clocks on coins and medals, but also on drinking goblets and ion of emblem and targets.” Also the German contributions to the discuss

critically evaluated to theory in the seventeenth century have not yet been emblematics remains a the extent that they deserve. The realm of German wide but also rewarding field of research.

Heckscher and Karl August ° See, for example, the overview by William S. chen Kunstgeschichte.

In Reallexikon zur Deuts Wirth, “Emblem, Emblembuch.” Stuttgart: Metzler, 1959, vol. 5, cols. 85-228. Drama im Zeitalter des Barock. 3rd ed. 90 See Albrecht Schône, Emblematik und : ee Munich: Beck, 1993. in

% See Peil, Zur

Christian Scriver.

citations ‘angewandten Emblematik,’ 77-85, for emblem

% See Peil, “Ephemere Emblematik.”

|

9

See digitized edition:

http://mdz1 .bib-bvb.de/ — emblem/loadframe.html?toc_

name= gemue_augsbu -html&img _id=img_gemue_augsbu00001 i See digitized edition: http://emblems.let.uu.nl/emblems/html/f1691front001.html

For examples, see Dietmar Peil, “Nobody’s Perfect: Problems in Constructing

an Emblem Database.” In Digital Collections and the Management of Knowledge:

Renaissance Emblem

Literature as a Case Study for the Digitization of Rare

Images. Ed. Mara R. Wade. Salzburg, 2004, 45-64.

|

igsburg (see Hartmut Lax, 1988), the “bunte Kammer” in Ludw des Barock. Die Embleme im der Bunten r Harms, and Michael Schilling, Gespréichskultu Eckernforde. Kiel: Ludwig, 2001). and the

86 Further editions appeared in quick succession: 1695, 1697, 1699, 1702, 1703,

1704.

A

hes of upper Bavaria alone is impressive % The presence of emblems in the churc discovered in other numerous examples can also be (see Kemp, Angewandte), but in secular anding examples of emblem programs regions, not only in Germany. Outst Kohler, nes Johan tiles in Wrisbergholzen (see buildings are provided by the room of sheim: Hilde . l von Wrisbergholzen bei Hildesheim Angewandte Emblematik im Fliesensaa gang Wolf Freytag,

Kammer im Herrenhaus Ludwigsburg bei

and

215

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

Dietmar Peil

214

Texts and

Die Embleme Hohen Luckow (see Dietmar Peil, knights’ hall in the manor house Luckow, 2004). Rittersaal auf Gut Hohen Luckow. Hohen

201. % See SinnBilderWelten, nos. 198 and % See SinnBilderWelten, 46-108.

im

ts, see Carsten Peter lten, nos. 161-163; for goble % For glasses, see SinnBilderWe cher aus dem Jahr auf einem Satz Nürnberger Silberbe Warncke, “Erérternde Embleme .

museums (1982): 43-62 1628.” Anzeiger des Germansischen National

7 See SinnBilderWelten, nos. 164-166.

è

; : i The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

Dietmar Peil

NON

LXXX. OMNIA POSSUMUS NES.

ὌΧΙ Figure 2 Das ist Politisches Daniel Meisner / Eberhard Kieser, Thesaurus Philo-Politicus. Schatzkästlein, vol. 2, 5, emblem no. 35.

Chacun pour le fer,

Vaeclefne peut pas ouurir rouce ferrure:

Auffi tous les humains divers font en humeur, L’un profond en confeils; l’autre bon orateur: Ainfñ l’a voulu Dieu, ainfile veut Nature. Wee Ean inallem HTeiffer fyn Tran nennet wns swar alle

=

bint bee ber dort

si ees

Sy

Figure 1

: ὑπ bike RE

Zincgref, Emblematum ethico-politicorum centuria, Heidelberg, 1664,

tur mertlo

certs,

ri

enaus |

er uiteewifes tucht, wird was gemif perlichren. ὃς Sicich wie der Dund os. À ΡΣ] lick verhibré

| Figure 3 Christoph Schmidt, Æsopisches Fabel-büchlein, Augsburg, 1677, fol. 20.

#

ὡὼ

@

,,

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

a

219

ΕΞ ):C 19 ): HE

POUR

VII.

LA BONTE:

DE L'AIR. DANS LA PIECE DE L’ELEMENT NTIA REGEM. CLEME

Le Roy des Abeilles, avec ce Mot, SIGNAT

|

1

CeRoy

|

peuteft reconnoiffable entre fes fujers,en ce qu'il n'a point d'eguillon ; & de cette forte il être confideré, comme leSimbole des bons Princes, cels, que Sa Majeité, dont la Clemence eft le veritable Caraëtere. def Ronigs Seichen ba: ARS. Helindigheit ind nad:

@

|

Der inte Ronig:

Bic Shtigfcit PRE

der tLuffe vorgebilder dure Bird in dem Gemahide vom Clemen

Sa

oe

oes

a earner coat 9o τῇ

Kinigrvird von fein hat. Dieler nigs Seichen auf folde es ec Feinen Stachel bat.« Ran alfo ὃ .Maieftât

frommen Sdeften/ Oe

Now par ux momvtrsent de craintts Mau par amour © fans contraintes

Mon Penple obéit a pia Ley: Εἰ ce weft pas tant ma Puiffance , Que ma X ‘Donceur & ma Clemence, Qui me font connviftre peur Roy.

noir moe

One ah Gitigteit if. Nicht aus eer ;

Ù

| o Ted age eines |

ΉΩ aus 3mang/aud nidt aus

|

agieb τοῖν e8/baf mir mela Dold gebordt/

legen, ug:fl::î::……‘m ben farffen ReicGehs dike Daë ade mi vache fs |ipen À sais fl ID guira ait ad Ὁ n τςinget

————E—

Johann Ulrich Kraus, Tapisseries du Roy, Augsburg, 1710, 19.

—

2 Johann Ulrich KrauB, Tapisseries du Roy, Augsburg, 1710, plate

EE

he Figure 4

ee

220

Dietmar Peil

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

Emblema,

: Germanorum militum contra Loltes fortitudinis

Amor

Patriæ.

Liebe gegen den Vaterland,

Non bené quadrat,

Spanfhe Sriefeln drucden febe/ Wel fdye aber nod) viel mebe, Ermanus trahit ocream

fequacem

Connifus

famula

manûs

rumpas

ocream

, caveto

labore 5

ip& ER hac preffa nimis, quadrat nec ἱρβ, nec pedi , um Pes amplus nimi Intrufus. patulæ nimis profunde Pes audax ocreæ, domo occupata εἴ, Won cedit ? domos ergo fubtrahenda Ne

Hares , & quid

Teuto!

agas requiris}

Ut. parcas ocreæ peclem fecato.. nicht woh ber Go. fet dit die der Sub © r Eraÿt

bat fn feine Mandkreleh

Der b ruffene Pelican fein Liebs-Brult (harpff aufriget/ Det yung hduffig dab Blutwasausfpνιriset (eo eine r nb unte te fiehet nun a L

Georg der Deit i i def Lands iegt

tragt qu Lieb

rh pi ee δι Re Wel(heSricieln γάρ nmebr

Gann dant Dad gefében fait

πώς

7

é

Mug man vir den Guf erf meffen ;

ae Sorgen ben.

Darn / wird pis dab Mag verge

Figure 6

Johann Fr: anz Griendl i von Ach, Pyramis oder Ehren=Seule,

h τῷ Se

Eich jum offteres imgetleidety’ Und weil εὖ die Zeit(0 leidety ΚΙ εὐ qud / mit aller Madt /

Dresden.

1680,

fol.

D1v

Figure 7

Elogia heroum

P e

ἐν, As

>

mals wird did) Rapol Urice: rt / Much der Abfan fich-nicht (dicen Da dif bu nicht gerobnt s g::l;g:ît;î:;g!d;: g“gî:f‘{balml . ¢

Hehe alé Dir die db belobnts.

ir witd/ wilk du mir nicht taueny

Gu id Scie Fel. abgehauert,

Caesareorum in Italia, Vienna,

1702, fol. 3v.

|

221

The Emblem in Hungary

ÉVA KNAPP and GABOR TUSKES Budapest, Hungary

an outside observer— On the European map of emblematics—at least, for ry, too, as in most Hungary is one of the last blank spaces.’ In Hunga a differentiated literary European countries, emblematics is integrated into with definite ideological, system, and has always had a close connection ial political,

religious,

other

and

trends.

Emblems

and

emblematic

mater

developments but also an were not only a mirror of cultural and literary Hungarian culture and that active and creative factor in the history of literature. summarize that Hungarian In an international context one can of European importance, even emblematics did not include theoreticians y present, and the influence of though theoretical reflection was continuall And although the relative dearth of European authors can easily be shown. h of practice, in Hungary nobody theory was coupled with significant wealt ranked with the great European who cultivated the emblem has been is the authors,

except

for Janos

Zsamboky

(Sambucus).

A main

feature

activity of second- and thirdreception of European tendencies and the was pushed into the Cultivating the emblem for its own sake

ranked authors. ying it in the various genres. A background by comparison with emplo with that of southern and Western typological variety commensurate In connection between emblematics European countries is missing; the has at best an occasional character. literature and in the visual arts as it does, for example,

definite profile Emblematics in Hungary has no such the inventive. This can be explained by in the Netherlands: and it was lessdid not appear as the result of an organic that in Hungary emblematics fact development

for example,

as it did,

in Italy and

in France,

but only

ways. borrowings and in various indirect established itself in the wake of divided into three

in Hungary can be The literary use of emblematics o sensu; (ii) printed books with emble main types: (i) emblem books, strict | This

essay

is based

illustrations,

a

list

on the following book of

emblem

books

and

in which further details,

emblematic — prints,

and

a

Tüskés, Emblematics be found: Éva Knapp and Gäbor comprehensive bibliography can in Renaissance and ory of Symbolic Representation in Hungary. A Study of the Hist t, vol. 86. Tübingen, 2003. Baroque Literature. Frühe Neuzei references,

225

Eva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés

The Emblem in Hungary

matic illustrations; and (iii) literary texts, in which the picture element is

roots no difference between them.* These forms of expression had common

224

replaced by a textual description of something visual, which can be either a description or a quotation. A list of emblem books and emblematic prints includes a total of some 150 items from the period 1542-1826. The list shows that a significant number of the main types of emblem book of the genres which incorporated or had contact with the emblem and of the interaction between picture and text were known also in Hetsary But all

this surfaced with a certain time lag, in reduced

form,

and with ἃ strong

predominance of the edifying, religious-moral purpose and of the verbal component. The strong influence of the German language is conspicuous even at first glance. Among the engraving centers abroad Vienna had the chief role; beside it the engravers of Augsburg, Graz, Nuremberg, and ee appear in the corpus. Among the foreign locations of printing presses Vienna stands in the first place, followed by Antwerp and Graz. Altdorf indicates the connection with a further important workshop of European TE The breakdown by language shows a clear preponderance of E : about three-quarters of the publications were printed in Latin. Hence e presence of those Latin emblematic books here. The proportion of

prints in Hungarian does not even amount to one-fifth of the total: those printed in German amount to one-half of those in Hungarian Beale the

constant presence of Latin, emblematic works in the veriacalnt begin to Kae in the first third of the seventeenth century, first in German and ater in

Hungarian.

Only

from

the middle

of the eighteenth

century

do

publications in the vernacular begin to take place of those in Latin.

has been done so far on literary emblematics

at progress is being hampered not only by the a inherent complexi ere δὼ : ty o emblematic forms of expression and their protean

Ets siege 2 a >= except ἐν

as such,

haziness about the theoretical basis involved.’

Was little theoretical writing about the emblem

ere

occasional remark a a Etes ee aces 10 emblem books and the made eee of imprese. In poetic treatises of the time, imprese, ’

2

other symbol systems are treated as though there were little or

:

See Tibor Klaniczay, “Marôt Κά Egyetemes Philolégiai Küzlüny 70 (1947): ἜΤ 1

t

.

Ù Mr

ions such and this may explain why, in both in theory and practice, express impresa, symbol, and imago, were used as hieroglyph, emblem, synonymously—or, rather, as blanket terms to cover them all. not pure Emblem theories in Hungary—as in the rest of Europe—were . Only seldom theories but rather peculiar admixtures of theory and practice e was always more did theory have a direct impact upon practice, and practic theory there was powerful than theory. To a significant extent, what practice which described and systematized the practice of the time—a theories allows.* remained a good deal more complex than any of the

red to be a new form In the sixteenth century, the emblem was conside

of things had not been of expression, and its place in the theoretical scheme This is one reason why its fixed in classical or medieval works on rhetoric. varies as much as it does. treatment in handbooks of rhetoric and in poetics emblematic material can be What works of this nature do have to say about consisting of a compilation divided into four main categories: (i) information often

explicit theories, of examples; (ii) implicit theoretical statements:° (iii) often appear tive attitudes.® All four supported by examples; ’ and (iv) nega 3

in

ik. Studien zu einer Geschichte der See Dieter Sulzer, Traktate zur Emblemat i man, L ig Volk Ludw Ed. Gerhard Sauder. St. Ingbert, 1992;2;

Emblemtheorien. und Emblematik in ihrer Beziehungen Bilderschriften der Renaissance. Hieroglyphik a" À und Fortwirkungen. Leipzig, 1923. l. olata kapcs ista human et emblémaelmél 4 See Eva Knapp, “A jezsuita | | 607-610.

595-611, especially Irodalomtôrténeti Kézlemények 99 (1995): in specie, extemporaneus. Varad, 1656, Il: ° See Georgius Beckher, Orator 382-383, 394-395, 401,

Emblematics in Literary Theory

À HuIÈZÉ tiltlei res

to another, and what was said about any one of them could easily be adapted

”

mi

j

270-275, 299-305, 322, 194-195, 198-199, 244-251, 268-270, czay“A véradi Orator extemporaneus.” In Klani | 418, 421-422. See also Andor Tarnai, 365-378. Ed. J6zsef Jankovics. Budapest, 1994,

emlékkünyv. Scholae Solnensis a poetices praecepta in usum 6 See Andreas Graff, Methodic absolutum, 1. iae uent eloq , Lex mihi ars studium edita. Trencsén, 1642; Andreas Graff Bucanus, us ielm Guil asio. Lôcse, 1643; Elemental, 1. Systemate, I. Gymn ndi tractatus duo. Warad, 1650; Michael conciona Ecclesiastes: Seu De methodo libri duo. Patak, 1658. Buzinkai, /nstitutionum rhetoricarum e han met a cept tor, Artis poeticae prae 7 See Philippus Ludovicus Pisca . Gyulafehervar, 1642, 144-147; Lucas a illustrata concinnata et perspicuis exemplis us deducta. poetica per omnes aetatum grad Vita cs), Lukä m. Pozsony, S. Edmundo (Moesch idiu subs Losontzi (Hanyoki), Artis poeticae AustriacoNagyszombat, 1693; Stephanus us In Laur

urengedichte im Spätbarock.” 1769; see also Istvan Kilian, “Fig n und Politik in der zweiten Hungarica. Literarische Gattunge

Hälfte

des

17.

226

Éva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés

The Emblem in Hungary

the same work and in different combinations. The theoretical remarks of emblem authors can be divided into two, chronologically separate groups: @) comments directed fundamentally at the creative element of the emblem:? (ii) theories orientated towards reception. !° | The Hungarian material reflects, though on a small scale, the gamut of European theories—and this despite the fact that in Hungary no independent emblem and impresa treatises were generated, no translations made from European treatises, and no rhetorical or poetic work centered on the emblem is known to us. Research has also demonstrated that in Hungary emblem theorists, concerned as they were mainly with reception and reproduction, produced nothing radically different from what we find in the

rest of Europe, either in theory or practice. One feature they shared with

porn

Ed. Béla Kôpeczi and Andor Tarnai. Budapest and Vienna,

1988,

119-

Gs tion y 137; Imre Ban, “Losontzi Istvan poétikäja és a kései magyar barokk ὦ zet. tudia Litteraria 2 (1964): 29-42; Cyprianus Soarius (Soarez), Tabulae

Hi Cypriani Soarii. Lôcse, 1675, 77-78; Imre Ban, /rodalomelméleti core Magyarorszägon a XVI-XVIII. szézadban. Budapest, 1971, 52; Cyprianus 80: us (Soarez), Manuductio ad eloquentiam. Nagyszombat, 1709, 193, 201-203; tonius Hellmayr, Institutio ad litteras humaniores, facili methodo ad usum

ne discendi docendique accomodata, Dictata anno primo repetitionis in d — Te inchoatae, nempe 1734. R.P. Antonio H . . . y professore latino.”

era

oe

i

nn pla rs “en

Sie

Aa

Fi

MS F 33; see also Floris Szabé,

ἃ

jezsuitak

gyôri

“A kültészet tanitasanak

tanärképzôjében

(1742-1773).”

5 OZ emények 84 ( 1980): 469-485; Georgius Szerdahely, “Aesthetica es gustus ex philosophia pulchre deducta in scientias et artes ἦ : Budapest University Library MS F 20; i Szerdahely, Aesthetica

be a a Fe ne

Buda, 1778; Szerdahely, Aesthetika avagy a j6 izlésnek . . .

Pacis ry : ἐρῶ elyi Gyôrgy .. utdn ira Szép Janos. Buda, 1794. See also Béla εἰ » Szer ahely Gyürgy Aesthetikäja. Budapest, 1914; Istvan Margcsy, “Szerdahe ly std

rt

mess

71 Trodalomtérténeti Küzlemények 93 (1989):

1763. 1:38-4, ἘΞΌΝ PDE

age

rent be

a

1-33.

sacrae. 2 vols. Kassa, 1758-

Re Sambucus (Zsämboky), Emblemata. Antwerp, 1564: “De frs EPA sith: égläsy, A nyelv- és irodalomelmélet kezdetei Magyarorszagon. ins de Zsû oky Janosig. Budapest, 1988, 92-117; Christophorus Lackner, as Sa bee i agro Semproniensi. Keresztir, 1617, A5/b-A7/b. See also basics ee | Emblematika, hieroglifika, manierizmus. Fejezet Lackner ne i agabél, I-II.” Soproni Szemle 25 (1971): 3-17, 97-108; Kovacs,

ner _

us és kora (1571-1631). Sopron, 1972. see Antonius Vanossi, Idea sapientis theo-politici

Vi

> ‘atio authoris ad lectorem”: Péter Bod, Szent Iràs oe eee Mess ons Kolozsvar, 1746; “Elül-jâr6 b AS ” the Lind RA inca ἮΝ eszéd az Isten-félô 16 indulatu Olvaséhoz” [Foreword to

their

counterparts

from

the

beyond

227

is,

that

borders—apart,

from

uncertainties over terminology and the co existence of different points of view—was their inability to locate the emblem in any systematic account of literary devices and genres, and that, in their attempts to define it, they continued to confuse it with other forms of expression. Hungarian theorists continued also to regard the emblem not merely as a literary form but as one that had close connections with the understanding and communication of ideas and religion. The Hungarian material also charts the stages of the process by which the emblematic genre came to be fixed, specialized, and popular, and enables us to trace the penetration of this form of expression

into other genres. The direct influence of humanist and late humanist emblem theories was insignificant. What influence these may have brought to bear occurred indirectly, affecting in some measure creative practice and occasioning certain shifts in emphasis over time. Jesuit emblem theories, which grew clear rapidly from the end of the sixteenth century onwards, did have a like impact. Some of the elements we find in humanist theory and practice, Lutheran the syncretist tendencies demonstrable in such South German

the ideas of authors as Arndt, Gerhard, and Harsdôrffer, appear alongside on literary theory, Jesuit authors in the oeuvre of two Protestant writers

Georgius

Beckher

and

Ludwig

Philipp

Piscator.

Historical

and

cultural

factors apart, this strong Jesuit influence also ensured that the humanist

world appeared hidden fashion,

in Hungarian emblematics only in a relatively weak and At the same time the influence of so called “secondary

and practice— emblematics,” developed by the reshaping of humanist theory more specific occasions—is together with those genres that were linked to examples, and in emblem of marked in theoretical writing, in collections

practice.

One

further

peculiarity

is that the

argutia

theory

of such

was never seventeenth-century Jesuit emblematists as Masen and Tesauro Hungarian literary taken up and linked directly with emblematics by ; theorists.

importance, then we If we were to suggest that theories were of prime which is far richer would have to admit that Hungarian emblem practice, It is clear be understood only with difficulty or not at all. than theory, can

as something dependent that, in Hungary, practice cannot be viewed merely of a whole variety of on theory. Theories may contain the foundations us an accurate never give practical applications, but the theories themselves

description of actual practice.

The

disquisitions

we

do find concerning

229

Eva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés

The Emblem in Hungary

principles only deal with some of the questions that matter from the point of view of actual practice, and the influence of many of those theories made itself felt only indirectly, if at all. The Hungarian experience also illustrates the mutual influence of independent emblem theories, of remarks made about emblems in handbooks of rhetoric and poetics, and of practice. The channels of reception of both theory and practice do not always coincide: the real extent of any international influence can be assessed only from the manuscripts and printed editions of European works of rhetoric, poetics, and emblem theory that can be found in Hungarian archives and libraries, from editions produced in Hungary of European writers on the subject (some of them in Hungarian translation), and from the emblem books which were in use in Hungarian educational establishments. The three main characteristics of emblem theory discourse in Hungary are as follows: (i) Prologues, remarks found in poetics and treatises on rhetoric, and lists of authors and works cited as models to be imitated do not—except in the case of Zsamboky—conform to humanist or late humanist criteria of theoria. They also betray a peculiarly limited terminology of emblem theory, and do not provide for any independent and coherent system of precepts.

at tendency not only in the “double view” that appears in emblem theory ian Hungar by aken this time, but also in the writings and translations undert s of aristocrats who were also devotees of literature. In the private librarie late the the aristocrats there appeared, alongside humanist emblematics, is the humanist and Jesuit emblem books of the seventeenth century. This ces liveliest period of emblematic activity in Hungary, when outside influen were felt most strongly and were sought most actively. The eighteenth century is characterized above all by passive been the reception and belated adaptation. One reason for this must have to do with effectiveness of Jesuit efforts at overregulation. But it also has symbol, the fact that the theoretical framework of concepts such as imago, decline in the and emblem slowly disintegrated and evolved, leading to a vogue for emblems in Hungary as well as in the rest of Europe.

228

(ii)

(iii)

The

humanist

view

of the

emblem,

which

theories of genre, can be found in Hungary, leading role here.

influenced

Renaissance

but it never played a

From the mid-seventeenth century, theoretical writing on the subject

came under the sway of the Jesuit-inspired functional and normative

view of the emblem, designed to direct attention to reception and

production.

Watching how these theories took shape over time, we can also see that, in the second half of the sixteenth century and at the beginning of the seventeenth,

the influence of mannerism

was predominant.

The

influence

of the writings of some European authors on emblematics (Alciati, Valeriano, Giovio, and Achille Bocchi) can be traced. From the beginning

of the seventeenth century,

the ideas of Jesuit theorists (Caussin,

Masen,

Pietrasanta, and Balbin), which would in turn help to shape those of the

later

humanists

(Aresi

and

Picinelli),

become

mixed

up

with

other

influences. The rhetorical handbooks published at this time in Hungary indicate the penetration of emblematic modes of expression into the area of prose writing, and they preserve the new formal and functional variants and help turn them into the prevailing orthodoxy. We can find this

Emblematic Material

Mirror

of

the

Prince

(Fiirstenspiegel)

Associated

and

type known as the mirror of the prince, as well as Works of the e in places where collections of advice hi rulers, usually sprang up in Europ ase in the number courtly culture was especially highly developed. The incre teenth —_— of such productions in Hungary at the beginning of the seven the eighteen ; went hand in hand with a transformation in their quality. By r, rather, ἰῷ century the fashion for such works had begun to die out—o examples of works origina 7 grown in a different direction. There are Hungarian; Sas written in Hungary and of others that were translated into es Protestant politic of those that are of Hungarian origin are (pone | | bourgeois and aristocratic ideology. ith thinki of the mirror of the Les ye taping eet work in the tradition 5 It was re that can be considered emblematic is by Kristôf Lackner. 0 I g ee 1615, ἃ mere three years after the first seventeenth-century 7 by Gyorgy Szepsi genre, the translation of Antonio de Guevara ns noble Re Dedicated to Mathias II, King of Hungary, and to the country, 1 whom it praises as responsible for bringing peace to the views of an emblematic crown closely engraving showing the front and rear

" See

Emil

Hargitay,

“A

fejedelmi

tükôr

müfaja

ἃ

17.

szazadi

éneti Kézlemények 99 (1995): 441-443. Magyarorszägon és Erdélyben.” Irodalomtért Emblematica descriptio. e See Christoph Lackner, Coronae Hungaria Lauingen,

1615.

230

Éva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés

The Emblem in Hungary

modeled on the Holy Crown of Hungary. Both engravings have symbolic motifs slotted into the cloisonné enamel panels decorating the crown and its plinth. The 32 pictures, which were also printed separately by Lackner come complete with mottos and symbolize the virtues of an ideal ruler. Their meanings are explained by classical, biblical, and humanist quotations as well as by prose subscriptiones supplemented by exempla. Lackne r also provides a detailed description of the gems decorating the crown, thus furnishing his reader with a symbolic mineralogy as well as a set of moral precepts. One can assign to this same group another work by Lackner, the Maiestatis Hungariae aquila (Keresztur 1617), which consist s of an emblematic representation of the royal virtues of the kings of Hungar y. On the copper engraving that follows the title page, there is an emble m showing an eagle with the coats of arms of Hungary and of the city of Sopron and, beneath

these,

the

much

smaller

coat

of

arms

of

Demeter

Napragyi,

archbishop of Kalocsa and administrator of the bishopric of Gyér. The motif

of the eagle on the town gate of Sopron was Lackner’s idea; it was also he

who designed and engraved the illustration in the book. The first chapter of

the work

explains

the coat of arms

of the dedicatee,

Napragyi;

the rest

consists of an interpretation of the emblem at the beginning of the book and of the symbolic meaning of the other two coats of arms. The most important writer in Hungary to work in this genre of the emblematic mirror of the prince during the second half of the sevente enth century was Janos Weber, a physician and apothecary by training and, later, chief Justice of Eperjes (PreSov). A talented man-of-affai rs, he published his

Latin and German work Janus bifrons at Lécse (Levoéa) in 1662, on the

occasion of his inauguration as chief justice.13 The title page is decorated with nine emblems on the themes of the power of the ruler and city prac The edition survives in two states (or variant s), each with a cai

Ba

dedication. One is dedicated to Count Johann Rottal, administrator

pi

NS ae

ee

) leap

ata tele

ἀν a tee

in Vienna,

and

the

other

to Gyérgy

Szelepcsényi,

Of the three further engravings in the first variant,

lor, the second the city of Eperjes (Presov), and the third

ee

e nee of the Lutheran church in Eperjes (PreSov), filled crowd of people. The second variant has another engrav ing Ing the title page, and this one bears the legend “Felicitas Principum” 13

.

.

Weber Neer » “Zur Geschichte der deutschen Literatur in Ungarn. Johann ).” Berliner Beiträge zur Hungarologie 7 (1994): 77-94.

231

[Felicity of princes]; on each of the two columns supporting the structure are thirteen symbolic representations of royal virtues. This variant also boasts a further engraving depicting the exemplum of the asinus vulgi with, running beneath it, a Latin epigram containing the moral of the story for the ruler and a German proverb. An appendix contains four more emblems, each with a six-line epigram on the subject of the author’s children. After Weber had been elected chief justice of Eperjes (PreSov) for a fourth time, he again turned to the genre of the mirror of the prince. The bilingual Lectio principum published on this occasion at Lôcse (Levoéa) in 1655 has also come down to us in two variants: one without pictures and the other a deluxe version illustrated with four engravings, some of them familiar to readers of the earlier work. In the deluxe version, the ornamental title page has as its background a portrait of Emperor Leopold together with one of the author and a representation of his coat of arms, just as we find it in the Janus bifrons. On page 3, which has the inscription “Sic itur ad astra” [This is the way to the stars] there is an illustration of Weber’s transfiguration in impresa style, showing him rising into the air on an allegorical carriage, while page 4 is identical to the “Felicitas principum” [Felicity of princes] from the earlier work, with its 26 royal virtues. The reuse of these two engravings suggests that the two works really belong together, and the identical pages show the enduring taste for emblematic modes of expression. Weber’s third work combines the genre of the emblematic mirror of the prince and the symbolic interpretation of the coat of arms granted to the city of Eperjes in 1588 by Ferdinand I.'* On the first page of this 430-page work, published in 1668 on the occasion of his resigning his judicial office and dedicated to the 45 trade guilds of the city, is an engraved depiction of the city’s coat of arms, set above a townscape of Eperjes (Presov). The

eight chapters that follow interpret the elements of that coat of arms.’

According to Weber, each of the symbolic figures and objects in the coat

of arms symbolizes

one of the virtues essential to a ruler.

earlier works—to which he serve Weber as a pretext to ruler and the governance of here, too, Weber develops through a moral and political 1

As in his two

himself makes reference—the emblems only develop his ideas about the personality of the a country or a city. A further similarity is that ideas concerning the prince and the realm interpretation of parts of the human body.

Wappen der kénigl. Freyen Stadt Epperies. . . . Locse, | 668.

5 See Orsolya Bubryäk, “Weber Janos Wappen der kéniglichen freyen Stadt

Epperies cimü miivérél.” Irodalomtérténeti Kôzlemények 99 (1995): 335-343.

232

The Emblem in Hungary

Eva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés Apart from these three works by Weber,

there is a courtly, ethical

work published in 1674 in Latin and Hungarian by Istvan Csdky.'° The reason

for including

here

a work

like this,

is that,

in addition

to many

historical examples and references, it contains no fewer than 40 descriptions of textual emblems. The most frequently quoted emblem author, among the many cited, is Jakob Masen, and there are 31 references to his Speculum. The work contains three references to Alciato, two to Valeriano and Typotius, and one each to Achille Bocchi and Saavedra Fajardo. This translation is significant, above all, because it is one of the first to express in Hungarian some mid-seventeenth-century Jesuit political theories and, with along them, the humanist and Jesuit emblematic

the work appeared in copies as well attest to universities. The prime secure the attention of

Hungary and the its being used as purpose of citing the reader and to

tradition.

Two

editions of

existence of several manuscript a reference work in schools and and describing emblems here is to justify the propositions advanced,

making, at the same time, abstract discussions visual and thus helping to fix

233

Also connected with the emblematic mirror of the prince tradition are the symbolic advice collections intended for rulers. An early example of this small subgenre comes in the form of a congratulatory publication of 1618, compiled by the Jesuits living in the Nagyszombat (Trnava) college to mark the coronation of Ferdinand II.'7 The work lists the kings of nth Hungary from St. Stephen down to the beginning of the seventee symbolic century and then proceeds to offer advice, based on the the center representation of the kings involved, about how best to rule. At

o refers of each symbol stands a king. After naming the ruler, the inscripti o in explicati an by to the moral lesson in question and this is then followed the Symbola distiches. A pioneering example of publications of this kind is edition was imperatorum of Nicolaus Reusner, of which the Hungarian in 1588. a published more than 150 years after the first edition appeared of the The Buda edition follows exactly the tripartite division of Janos Sigray’s original and its text, and was published on the occasion doctoral examination in philosophy.

them in the memory.

The Emblem in Manuals of Philosophy, Politics, and Ethics

mirror of the prince and emblematics proper is the fact that the most widely known and influential European compilation of political emblematics, the

Idea principis christiano-politici of Diego Saavedra Fajardo (Munich 1640),

relatively well defined One area of didactic literature which can be philosophical, political, consists of the compilation of manuals dealing with Quite a number of works of and ethical questions affecting everyday life. ies

Nadasdi. The latter variant was published as an appendix to a doctoral

el (Frankfurt 1618) depic page of the Emblematischer Tugend Spieg eight further engravings emblems representing individual virtues, while the by a

_

Characteristic of the late arrival in Hungary of both the genre of the

was not published in Hungary until more than 100 years after the appearance of the first Latin edition. Two eighteenth-century Hungarian editions of the work were published by J.G. Mauss in Pest, in 1748 and 1759 respectively. The earlier edition was printed by Schilgin in Vienna and the oe one in Buda, by Landerer. Of the 1748 edition two variants are known: one paid for by Nicholas Pälffy of Erdéd and the other by Leopold dissertation. The publication of the 1759 edition was financed by Gyérgy

Fekete of Galänta. Save for ἃ few minor discrepancies, the two editions are

identical both with each other and with the earlier Latin editions: each contains 101 emblems and prose texts as well as a further emblem composed

to mark the death of Saavedra Fajardo himself. The pictures were newly engraved,

here and there in ἃ somewhat

reversed.

’

found in some of th e earlier i editions, iti See Istvan Csaky,

Politica

simplified manner,

and

the

rdinel

i

images are accordingly

phi ag philosophiai Okoskodäs-szeri

? példäjafi (1664-1674). Ed. Emil Hargittay. Budapest, 1992.

the picturae

;

For

rendes életnek

selves of the possibilit this kind in the early modern period availed them examples from Hungary offered by emblematic modes of expression. Early providing emblematic illuswould include the two works by Kristof Lackner of those virtues necessary trations of Christian virtues—or, more precisely, the verso of the title for the successful pursuit of a war. The engraving on ts all the

, with each accompanied in the work proper depict them individuallyng of a series of exempla. The prose explicatio of varying length, consisti

into seven so called classes, Galea Martis (Tübingen 1625) comes divided The central core of the interwith a oval-shaped emblem at the end of each. s taken from of many quotations, maxims, and aphorism

pretations consists classical, medieval,

refers several and humanist authors, and Lackner also

to his own earlier work. He times to European emblematic literature and 7 Apparatus regius. . . . Vienna, 1618. . 8 Symbola imperatorum. . . . Buda, 1761

234

Eva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés

dedicated the work to Ferdinand II but wrote it, according to a title page, in the public interest and, to judge by what is said hi age was intended equally for civilians and soldiers. _ In Hungary, most authors of emblematic manual Jesuits and thus represented the tradition of eda, ba Hevenesi compiled his Succus prudentiae, which was twice Vienna in 1690 and at Nagyszombat

[Trnava]

in 1701),

note on the in its two i

ag printed

(at

as an emblematic

compendium of Christian wisdom and virtue, supported by quotations and paraphrases of Seneca. The work consists of 50 chapters and at the head of each there IS a motto, beneath which comes an allegorical-symbolic See followed by a moralizing thesis and a detailed interpretation of μα re Written in à spirit similar to that of Hevenesi, the Meteorologia οἱ or zerdahelyi, published at Nagyszombat (Trnava) in 1702, presents e author S philosophical and political ideas, Starting with questions concerning natural phenomena. The detailed responses to each questio many of which include mention of recent advances in the natural sciences, apes a “conclusio politica” which is always headed by a picture Ke rs i 3 sai to a symbolic meaning. In addition to the double Pats : : e rontispiece, there are a total of 83 emblematic pictures in

ae

.

by various

artists.

The

work,

although

author

oubt = seems related to the Jesuit Reinzer’s Meteorologia.

ἘΣ

—

attribution

is

virtues and the idea of the immortality of the soul are central

ae

compiled

by

Ferenc ‘Partinger,

an Austrian

Jesuit

who

had

εν or years in the Jesuit mission at Nagyszeben (Sibiu). Of this work, ane ge at Nagyszombat (Trnava) as Ratio status animae in 1715 and δεν τ ἐρᾷν later, we do not have ἃ copy with engravings, but we do have ee de. illustrated manuscript, which served as the basis for paris πὰ mi ions. “ This four-part treatise of more than 500 pages

d

s

gs

Bn Bree

e the’ch

à over the course of 40 chapters, “symbolice, ascetice et

ἘΝ

has ἃ full-page emblem linked with it, consisting of

iblical quotation; the emblems encapsulate the main idea

apter concerned. Most of the pictorial motifs are known to us from

other emblem books; the links be tween the th ’ D however, to be the work of the author.

19

See

[Franciscus

Parti inger],

“Ratio “Rati

status

tl

animae

(seventeenth century), Budapest University Library MS A 155 =

235

The Emblem in Hungary

i

pe

a

i

Aig

0

The Idea sapientis (1724) of Antal Vanossi,”” a man of Italian origin who had worked for some time in Hungary, can be seen as one of the ing signal achievements of eighteenth-century Jesuit emblematics, continu tic as it does the traditions of the previous century. The tripartite emblema a into . . structure “develops the material of Aristotle’s ethics and politics . in the spirit manual of Christian politics and moral philosophy, and does so ng to the of Saavedra and with the technique of Hevenesi.””! Accordi and Lipsius include prologue addressed to the reader, the sources used here laws and rules Barclay. Vanossi summarizes the main religious and moral questions of good governing human existence and groups them into ethics, social

and

political

order,

and

family

life.

In each category,

he asks

a

are introduced number of questions, and the answers he gives (“Doctrina”) In and by emblems consisting of motto, pictura, work the addition to its emblematic frontispiece,

four-line epigram. contains a total of 51

views canvassed in this emblems. The pictorial matter and the social enth-century way of compilation reflect a characteristically sevente emblem books of the thinking. Yet this was one of the most popular eighteenth

century.

Vienna

The

editions

of 1724,

1725,

and

1727

were

), first in installments followed by its publication at Nagyszombat (Trnava complete edition we have no and then in its entirety, and of this latter, in 1751 at Gyôr and fewer than three variants. It was later published

Kolozsvär

(Cluj-Napoca)

and

in

1766

once

again

in Nagyszombat

editions are the work of the (Trnava). The engravings to these Hungarian Joseph Jager, who simplified well-known Nagyszombat (Trnava) engraver, and adapted them for an somewhat those he found in the Vienna editions octavo format.

Emblematic

Collections

of Meditations

and Prayers,

and Theological

Tracts

amount in Europe, on average, Emblem books with religious content 15 lem output. In Hungary that ratio to about one-third of the entire emb ialized types of emblem we find somewhat higher, and yet some of the spec publications

n one looks closely at in the rest of Europe are missing. Whe ks by Hungarian , it quickly becomes apparent that wor in this category

ὁ es. Part 5, forthcoming, J.1440-1446. késel a 20 See Daly and Dimler, The Jesuit Seri k zete Feje “Keresztény Seneca: Jézsef Turdczi-Trostler, dalom— 21 See

a.

}

humanizmus

eurdpai

és

magyarorszagi

torténetébol.”

. vilagirodalom: Tanulmanyok. Budapest, 1961, 2:205

In his

Magyar

iro

236

authors are in the minority and that most of th i po = re-editions of originals published Go canoe pu _ A typical, early example of Jesuit emblematics is th ecti meditations by Matyas Hajnal, published first in 1629 with on nese

(n.p., of another collection of meditations and prayers, the Lelki paradicsom 1700), he refers to one of Alciato’s emblems.

Only

one

author in Hungary

pr

these compositions,

is missing,

and a six-line poem

beneath

the picture

e m up the meaning of the illustrative material. The meaning of ποὶ sage becomes ἃ substitute for the Ignatian compositio loci and is sum7. rs ee mee and then developed in prose meditations, both picture poate à = erving as integral elements in the Jesuit program of formal

“Speciale”

a

of the Graz

congregation of Our

e unciation. For each day of the twelve months of the year gives a story of the ways Mary has helped men and women; and,

μίοῃ μον the emblematic frontispiece, there is a picture for each month.

qe ae A pete τ

a the emblematic illustrations to Jesuit prayer books iaticum spirituale (Kolozsvär 1695). As well as the

ms

ed to the excerpts he reproduces from prayers. Baranyi’s

harm ἴω se

With its heraldic engraving, there are 21 emblems,

st in emblematics is further attested by the fact that, in the dedication

ΠΥ

Sc Daly Di

” Az Jesus szivet szereté sziveknek

des estampes de ἢ ees ue a US

S

ὡς ÉOvO

5. Matyas Haj

ig pe

ἘΣ Yale

aytat

ΩΝ è

.

Les estampes des Wierix conservées au Cabinet

Albert le. Première partie. Brussels, 1978, 68-79.

ercitia spiritualia. Nagyszombat 1679.

(Vienna, 1629) ARR ᾿Ξ Jesus szivet szeretò sziveknek aytatossagara . . . künyvechke sé ne ἀρᾷ; “er ς Ì. Béla Holl. Budapest, 1992, 16. See Daly and Dimler, The

re 29; see also Ferenc Zemplényi, “Egy jezsuita emblematikus: Hajnal Matyas ” In A reneszans z szimbolizmus. Ikonografia, emblematika, Shakespeare. = Ed. Tibor Fabin

y, Jozsef Pal, and Gyérgy Endre Szônyi. Szeged, 1987, 203-214.

is built around one of the

which

he christens

“allegoria,”

the name

of the bird

explicatio,

each illustrated by a number

of stories,

tiones. and adagia. Some of the birds receive two explica

mildly

to members

Ornithica

the equivalent supplied in given above the picture is always in German, with In every case, this is then other languages, including Hungarian, beneath. the “Cordiale,” and the followed by the “Rede” [speech], the “Naturale,” quotations,

PHL sige

(xenium)

a Lutheran

birds. On the title favorite sources of motifs for emblematics: the world of ornithology— page, Sinapius claims to have composed this emblematic he puts it—and dedi“spiritual bird catching” (“geistliche Vogel-Beitze”) as Within the covers of cated it to the Magdeburg Margraves Louis and Philip. 26 birds with supposed this volume are woodcut pictures of a total of by prose explanations of symbolic meanings; the pictures are accompanied placed at their center. In various lengths, with the Christian virtue concerned

best

ores

from

1682) of Johannes Sinapius, a Lutheran pastor from

Trencsén (Trenéin) living in exile in Germany,

One example of Jesuit exemplum collections is found in Gabor ὥσθ 8 Calendarium Marianum, published at Graz in 1685 and distrirene

of meditations

to us. This, the Latin and German

is known

sacra (Hall in Saxony

a heart motif, particularly prevalent in religious emblematics, was taken from the well-known Heart-of-Jesus series by Antoine Wierix:” and Hajnal te familiar with the Luzvic-Binet collection of meditations. In the pere eme those copper engravings were replaced by woodcuts, which ee a separated from the work and appeared independently as illustrasie Ὁ other publications, among them the Spiritual exercises of St — Loyola. In this development, the traditional structure of the em— — attenuated: as happens with the Luzvic-Binet edition, the

collection

emblematic

and then in 1642 with 20.” The model for the engravings organized around

οἱ es pictures

237

The Emblem in Hungary

Eva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés

theological tracts 1s The characteristically Jesuit strain of emblematic Itinerarium Athet, represented by Janos Rajcsanyi’s compilation at in 1704, later at Passau in 1710, and

published first in Vienna Nagyszombat (Trnava) in 1737.

apologetic

in

tone,

This work,

consists

of

neo-Stoic

seven

in character and

dialogues

charting

the

for each dialogue. The focus of conversion of an atheist, with an emblem of God, Providence,

the existence the dialogues is provided by ideas about soul, Hell, and the Resurrection. the of nation, the immortality fate, predesti

of the dialogues, most of which The emblematic pictures that preface each means the main points of the dialogue by come without a motto, summarize

quotation used as the inscriptio. i gary, pride of place must now turn to authors from outside Hun of seventeenth-century of the most popular Jesuit wr ters through repeatedly broke who a man and literature xel’s el. About one-quarter of Dre denominational boundaries, Jeremias Drex works—can be counted as entire output—put, that is to say, some ten r work, take just one examp le, his most popula

of a biblical If we g0 to one devotional

emblematic literature. To

The Jesuit Series. Part 1: 26 Peter M. Daly and G. Richard Dimler, S.J.,

Montreal, 1997; part 2: Toronto, 2000.

238

The Emblem in Hungary

ἀφο ee (Munich 1620), went through a total of editions, half of them in the vernacular. Gergely Szentgyérgyi’s Hungarian translation.’ rig ar one aca ἐφ ἧς ae season, De of a total of nine meditations each

claim to (Jo illattal fiistélg6 Igaz sziv), nor the 1741 edition with its false edition, have been printed in Sopron is illustrated. By contrast, the second tsom edited by Matyas Bél (Kerestyéni josagos tselekedetekkel tellyes Paradi

= =

mn contain

e

RAR A

a

¢ illustrations,

ree parts. ile the Hungarian translation does not the majority of editions have. ; for each of the: : i

a Copper engraving which serves as the basis for the meditation

further type of emblematic Jesuit meditation is oe collection published at Antwerp in 1620 pa

ἀντι nc Rs

2

τὰν by Gyorgy Derekay.* This is a work consisting of 32

τ pte ον to attain life everlasting; an engraving precedes each of Poe as weg s version of Sucquet’s text is in a much shorter οὐ Ἂν a μὸν € prayers, the supplications with which the meditations pone: oe ms textual Interpretations of the pictures, the anonymous

are

g

his best to copy faithfully the Bolswert engravings. that

erve a models for each of his 32 illustrations, Ne ap rar in an abridged translation, like Sucquet’s work, but

Ne

RRQ

He Se

nus

ja A

RUES

ge eee eye

cas time lapse between its original appearance and

a

SE

edition,

Was

Herman

Hugo’s

Pia

desideria

(first

in 1624). In 1753, an abridged German translation of εἰ Work of Johann Baptist Huttner, was published at

πε Ἀ ralle

egierden sechs erste Elegien. The Buda edition gives

with biblical quotations in both Latin and German, but

ans oes οἴω pictures and it remains impossible to know why it only UT = elegies. This version constitutes a significant mutilation ee

kites

wk

cn

ἐν x

ae

ey be 20% a is

Ar

am

εἰ

ἴο ἃ great extent, lost its emblematic character.

as re

that the first emblematic edition of Johann

hristentum,

a

work

published

several

times

in

at Riga in 1678/9, more than 50 years after the death

ne feature of the reception of Arndt in Hungary is that

e 1708 edition printed at Lôcse (Levoéa) by Kata Szid6nia Petrôczi az 6rékkévalosd è ”7 Elmélkedések : évalosdgrol. ie : se SJ. The Jonas Dimer, Gc Richard 29 oe

he

Erbauungsbiichern: Dilh

hp i pa szombat, 1678. See also Daly and Dimler, J.1429. L,

ZUr

“angewandten

Bibliographie.”

Archiv Jür Geschichte des Buchwesens

kertetske,

in

Emblematik” 18 (4 M

B

protestantischen y © eae

re

“Μὲ

:

Nuremberg

1754),

of

Istvan

Huszti’s

translation

of

another

printed at popular collection of prayers by Arndt, the Paradiesgärtlein, first ations. illustr Magdeburg in 1612, has six randomly distributed emblematic below it, in a Above the pictura in an oval frame is a Latin motto and The role of the separate cartouche, a six-line verse inscriptio in Hungarian. the work is to emblems here, apart from signalling structural divisions in the text. stress and summarize the central idea of the relevant part of atically ilA further example of the Hungarian reception of emblem Inczédi’s Hungarian lustrated Protestant collections of meditations is Jozsef translation of Johann

Gerhard’s

Quinquaginta

meditationes

(Jena

sacrae

century. In 1606), a work published many times during the seventeenth

editions of the work, place of the 51 engravings usually found in illustrated ian edition. The there are just the ten symbolic pictures in the Hungar in rhymed prose and translator has reproduced the texts of the meditations summing up the main added to a few selected sections of text a picture by a framed motto and theme of that section. The pictures are surmounted

are all engravings beneath is printed a four-line verse explanation.*! These independently of the of familiar emblematic motifs but were made quite work.” earlier, emblematically illustrated, German editions of the

expression in other One can also find different types of emblematic drama, and the sermon. genres of religious literature, such as the school atic declamation are The drama symbolicum and the purely emblem in this

hybrids relatively rare, while plays which are effectively generic

relatively common as late as the respect (the so called drama mixtum) are percentage of drama second half of the eighteenth century. The greatest of the seventeenth century, the so fictum was staged in the second half Symbolic elements called Golden Age of emblematics in Hungary. plot summaries and the affecting the whole of a play are best seen in the acquire a symbolic aura action on stage, while performances tended to play was interpreted. when the scenery had a direct bearing on the way the

1643. See also Peter M. Daly and

Peil, “Zur RES Ghaberscipeatticlic aes «7 rndts Re ann À vai tin : : 1.12

&

239

Éva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés

% Liliomok vélgye. Szeben, 1745.

:

9

protestàns barokk konyv. Az elsò magyar 1 See Zoltan Trécsänyi, “Egy illusztrält drnyékaban. Budapest, 1936, 99-104.

makäma.” In Zoltan Trocsanyi, A térténelem

ematy W drukach polskich i polski 2 See Paulina Buchwald-Pelcowa, Embl taw, Warsaw, Cracow, Gdañsk, and Wroc dotyczacych XVI-XVIII. wieku. Bibliografia. Lédz,

1981, nos. 55, 56.

240

Éva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés

241

The Emblem in Hungary

en

me anid

The emblem examples cited by some Hungarian orators indicate that they were familiar with what Henricus Engelgrave, one of the most popular and influential seventeenth-century authors of emblem sermons , had to say on the matter, and Engelgrave’s works are recorded in many Hungarian libraries at this period. An analysis of the terms used in sermons for emblematic forms of expression, make it possible to conclud e both that the various terms used reflect a familiarity with Europe an

is the publication of the Kolozsvar A

Hungary shows evidence of a close assimilation of that practice. For the sermon writer there are two basic forms of emblematic materia l: the sermon structured around a single emblematic picture (the emblema tic

in the text are reproduced in smaller format. At the end shes RE “ΟΝ of the pic is in Latin, there is a Hungarian se âzattva”):

emblematic

sermon)

practice and a penchant

and the use of emblematic

sermons at the time also in Hungary.

for it, and

motifs.

Both

that sermon

forms

were

literature in

common

in

yi.

atalin

ee

ae

et

elogia praising her family, her life, and her sic

picture. into the r ie r ation, pangand aste saexplan ion th that τuts en ceiptio biblical quotat subscr often several pages

the elogia,

then follow

:

ength,

in

is er, st is appended an ode or picture poem. The ornamental ps 224 an emblematic coat of arms on which some of the mures tie P:

i:

à

cen, 8

ee

publications

praising

te

monarchs

takes the form of Er

us

and generals

in PE τ Fa με tod

involved

at political events that shaped the image of ἃ particular rs ee FR example is the little-known work by Janos Zsamboky ie eb fe piel Rn

Emblematics in Laudatory Writing A feature of Hungarian emblematic

of the Transylvanian noblewoman

STE

literature is the high proportion

of printed material produced for special occasions and fulfill ing what is basically a laudatory function. The genres and forms of expres sion encountered most often are laudatory orations, poems, and biographies, as well as emblem (or symbol) series of different kinds and lengths. A special place among authors of Neo-Latin laudatory writings must be reserved for Janos Bocatius (Bock), whose epigrams, written for various occasions,

of the Battle of Lepanto,

Don

John

ee

of Austria, wi

depicting his military deeds and virtues.” The work i a se an emblem book, a chronicle of a military victory, an

——

recat Ba

a,

Snot

ea in the Roman style. The depictions form, 80 to speak, a rp r ne. the emblematic picture, the humanist architectural ente illustration normally associated with travelogues, the princip ep emeral triumphal ili to us from om eph triumphal arches and other features familiar isti ng of motto and epigigram, text consisti art. On the page facing the picture is a È morial

187 in all, are—

together with the inscriptions on the triumphal archesan’ Mette columns. In addition, in his introduction, Zsamboky has 36 Bighteenth-

eleven with a picture without a motto; and three more without a picture but

century examples of works of this kind sexe et the occasion of his text emblems glorifying Prince Eugene of bh y ob the Pauline monk

were later worked up into a book.*? One-third of the six-line Bocatius

poems,

addressed to a variety of individuals and totaling

unlike the author’s earlier collections of poems—emblematic in structu re. Fifty-one epigrams were published with a woodcut framed by a motto;

with a motto (sententia). The woodcuts were originally been made for other purposes: for calendars and books of fortunetelling. The mottos, and

explanation of the pictorial components of the Se

cas

victory at Zenta (Senta),” and three compilations

Dy

also sometimes the pictures, are closely linked with the epigrams and usually refer to the name, office, personal qualiti es, or character of the

addressee. The use of emblematic forms stresses the moral and didacti c purpose of the composition and also the mythological allusions. Nearly one-third of panegyrical writings with emblematic elemen ts consists of printed material dealing with death and funerals. A good example % Hexasticha votiva. Bartfa, 1612.

series of 44

1693. See also Peter M. Dalyly 4 Brachy ton areton. . . . Kolozsvär,

Richard Dimler, S.J., The Jesuit Series, 1.119. Ì

Si

:

1. Antwerp,

1572:

τὰ

and

πετῶ.

G.

Ἃ

y re Gomez, “Entre la emblematica ᾿ EE Joannes 1cae de n i classi we i hal et Monumen ta victor liquot triump

Emblem α TE τὸς An pan 1996, n, Louvai 1996. Abstracts.

7 Collata mutuo. Nagyszombat, 1710.

Conference,

U. Leuven

242

Hermann Schmauchler consisting of a number of textual emblems glorifying the political and military achievements of Charles ΠῚ (VI).* ats A third category involves emblematic prints published to mark an individual’s assumption of, or retirement from certain civic and ecclesiastical office. We have one such compilation, for example, by the noble Janos Pälfy for the coronation of Maria Theresa.* It shows a triumphal arch made of sweetmeats for the coronation itself, on which the royal virtues of Clementia and Justitia are each depicted by four emblems and the hereditary provinces that now fell under the rule of Maria Theresa by twelve emblems. Pälfy’s interest in emblematics is further demonstrated by the fact that, on his election as overlord, a publication appeared containing descriptions of the twelve emblems on the triumphal arch made of sweetmeats for that occasion and illustrating the life of the ruler and the

virtues expected of him in office.ἢ

In Hungary, all the authors of laudatory emblematic material produced in connection with the conferring of academic distinctions (the so called libri graduales) were Jesuits. The man behind a_ publication congratulating three new holders of bachelors’

degrees from the university

of Graz, was Gabor Szerdahelyi.* This work glorifies the victory of Leopold I over the Turks the previous year and links it with the miraculous Shedding of tears by the Mariapécs icon, which the Emperor had had

transferred to Vienna in 1697." Of the five full-page engravings in the work, the first depicts the Mâriapécs devotional picture complete with laurel

wreath and military insignia; the frame supporting the laurel wreath also has miniature

elsewhere

versions

in the

of

work,

the

four

each

other

with

emblematic

its accompanying

illustrations

motto.

All

found

five

engravings are followed by short prose interpretations and a laudatory ode rich in mythological and symbolic elements. A quite separate category would include congratulatory publications produced to mark significant occasions in the life of a family: a birth or

% Stupenda solis miracula! Vienna,

1712: Gaudi

ivi

ictionis

corona. . FS Vienna, 1716; Omne trinum perfectum. : a rs cong EL # Inscriptiones. Pozsony, 1741. : | E Symbola quibus exornatus. N.p., 1741. ls,aurealtae lacrymae. Graz, 1698. 42 ee also the sermon- and emblem-collection Abgetrocknete Thränen.

re de age 1698. See Eva Knapp ang oe à nie in der Wiener Verehrung ahre 1698.”

243

The Emblem in Hungary

Eva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés

and Gabor Tüskés, “Abgetrocknete des marianischen Gnadenbildes von

Bayerisches Jahrbuch für Volkskunde (1998): 93-104.

birthday, a saint’s day, or a wedding. Most of these were intended as a record of the event, but some may also have had a further representational of purpose. Series of this kind, with ἃ number of textual descriptions emblems, were composed, for example, on the occasion of the long-awaited birth of Crown Prince Leopold.“ The terms “exhibitus” and “exhibitum,” also which figure in the headings, refer to the fact that the series was ava). publicly exhibited in the colleges at Szeben (Sibiu) and Pozsony (Bratisl the qualities Common topics for such emblems are the praise of parents and glory that would expected in the newborn child, his future career, and the

for the birth eventually come his way. Similar compilations were produced

In the of Jozsef Illéshäzy“ and the birthday of Pal Antal Eszterhazy.*

emblems; the former, the terms “rota” and “figura” appear for the text g. latter includes the interpretation of a single allegorical engravin of publications A further category of laudatory composition consists ed with religious printed for jubilees of the Church and anniversaries associat is Janos Gyalogi’s orders. An example of a production of this kind Jesuit mission at compilation to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the

, structured Marosväsärhely (Targu Mures).*° Here we have twelve symbols and in the usual way to include picture explicatio in distiches. The emblematic biographies laudatory writings. They constitute Jesuit emblem, and the Hungarian

inscription and description, lemma,

of Jesuit saints form the final group of a particular episode in the history of the examples of the genre differ very little

from the forms elsewhere in Europe.” Conclusions

stics found in emblematic It would appear that the general characteri ered in Hungary. Conspicuous material across Europe will also be rediscov based on amorous and erotic by its absence is the printed emblem book visual side of sophisticated court themes, and also the emblems stressing the Spes inclyta regni. Nagyszombat, ‘3 Plausus genethliacus. Vienna, 1716; s Austriacae Cunae. Vienna, 1716. Csaky, Emericus de Keresztszegh, Domu ; “4 Venustae laudis. Pozsony, 1722. 1720.

Haus. Vienna, 45 Aemilianus Ludwigsdorff, Der von dem. Kolozsvar, 1750. , jubilaeo missionis Societatis Jesu

]

1716;

2

és, “Emblematische Viten von Jesuitenheiligen 4 See Eva Knapp and Gabor Tüskrgesc hichte 80 (1998): 105-142.

# Anno

im 17./18. Jahrhundert.” Archiv für Kultu

244

Eva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés

The Emblem in Hungary

and city culture. There is also little or no indigenous Hungarian engagement with alchemy, music, or emblem theory. The delay in the arrival of the emblem in Hungary as well as its comparatively slight impact can largely be explained in terms of the local historical and social situation, different literary traditions, and other circumstances. By comparison with the rest of Europe, the Hungarian material has a higher proportion of what we might call “occasional” publications; emblem books proper also appeared later and in smaller numbers. The proportion of emblematic works with pictorial illustrations is also much lower than in most western and southern European countries. If we turn our attention to the relationship between picture and text, we can distinguish three main categories. The first consists of regular series of emblems with frequent links made between picture and text. Works of

The list of foreign authors involved provides incontrovertible evidence of the vogue for European emblematics in Hungary. But, although one of Drexel’s works may have been published in Hungary only five years after the death of its author, there are clear indications of Hungarian dilatoriness with regard to what was going on beyond the national frontiers: Sucquet’s work was only published in Hungary 51 years after it first appeared, and several others had to wait more than 100 years before they, too, were published there. This delay is significant; in other eastern European countries the situation was different: works by Hugo and Gerhard were published in Poland very much more quickly. The majority of Hungarian authors were Catholics and most belonged to a religious order; a smaller number were secular priests. The Jesuits predominate: about one-fifth of the entire corpus consists of Jesuit emblem

this kind—if we count second and later editions of the same title—make up

almost half the entire corpus. The number of emblems in any given work varies enormously—between 3 and 130—but most have between 10 and 50. On occasion, a picture will be reused in another work. The second of our three types consists of unillustrated prints in printed books containing a textual description of the emblems. There are almost as many works of this kind as there are in our first category. Most have a textual description that has replaced the image itself; some, however, do not even have that. This high Proportion of unillustrated emblems can be considered a further peculiarity of the Hungarian situation. There are even instances of emblem

books, originally published elsewhere complete with in Hungary without engravings, or with a smaller extreme cases, with excerpts only. The reasons shortage of patronage and of skilled engravers.

pictures, being reiussed number of them, or, in for this may include a This reduction of the

emblematic to the merely verbal—what we might term the “rhetorization” of

the emblem—is also an indication of a decline in the fashion for works of this kind. Our third category consists of printed material with an emblematic

engraving on or alongside the title page. Such engravings are used mostly as a frontispiece or ornamental title page, only appearing less frequently on the

first page of the text as a header, or after the title page. The relationship of the picture to the work varies. Normally it has some connection with the sag of the work as a whole, but sometimes it simply refers to just a part it. _ An examination of the circumstances surrounding the creation of printed emblematic material shows that about 80 per cent of the authors involved were Hungarian, with the other 20 percent coming from abroad.

books,

a figure comparable

245

to the international average.

After the Jesuits

come—some way behind—the Piarists. Apart from these, we have the odd author or two who was a Benedictine, Augustinian, Pauline, or Franciscan. but Jesuit and Piarist publications were often not the work of a single person rather of an entire religious community. Protestant authors involved were, we without exception, Lutheran preachers, and among the secular compilers school find nobles, doctors, pharmacists, mayors, city judges, secondary of secondary teachers, university professors, historians, and principals in Hungary that schools for girls. This breadth of authorship shows

aristocracy emblematics was cultivated primarily by members of the upper A few Church. the in direct touch with court culture, by nobles, and by handful of members of the upper middle class were also interested, as was a yet few intellectuals. Some of these authors are known to literary historians, who did not were significant literary figures. There are other authors

compile emblem

books and used emblematic

forms of expression only

emblematics between occasionally but who played a role in shaping literary the sixteenth century and the eighteenth (e.g., Janos Adam,

Janos Rimay,

Péter Beniczky, Istvan Kohary, Ferenc Faludi, Pal Anyos). of emblems Turning to the dates of publication, the late appearance one side the Zsamboky in Hungary becomes even clearer. If we leave to do not emblematics editions, which date from the sixteenth century, printed

activity of Kristof Lackner. appear in Hungary until the 1610s with the lasting—at Following this, there was an upsurge from the 1660s onwards, 1720. From the least with respect to first editions—until approximately text (and these were 1710s, new editions and publications containing only century) come to normally texts available elsewhere in the seventeenth

246

Eva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés

The Emblem in Hungary

dominate the scene. This second flowering of interest lasts until around 1770. Overall, some two-thirds of the entire corpus was published in the eighteenth century, which is clear evidence of the length of time this kind of publication was flourished on Hungarian soil. The ratio of translations is relatively low, a figure that suggests that, in comparison to vernacular adaptations, re-editions of Latin works and the production of autonomous Latin emblems was dominant. New publications account for about one-quarter of the total. Apart from emblematists with several works to their names, it is the authors of works published more

From the mid-seventeenth century onwards—about the same time that emblematic works in the vernacular first appeared in Hungary—one can see emblematic modes of expression taking on a popular guise for the first time, as part of a process in which didacticism becomes more important, and the role of the pictorial component dwindles by comparison. Propaganda began to assume center stage. The range of pictorial motifs narrowed; and one gets the distinct impression that the imagination of emblematists was becoming exhausted. At the same time, while emblematic modes of expression continued to enjoy great favor in courtly circles, they also began—thanks largely to the Jesuits—to penetrate other layers of society, first the nobility and then the bourgeoisie. They began to play an important role as a mediator between different social classes and groups, thanks to the emergence of a standardized educational interpret curriculum and a shared educational experience. Thus, one can of how the history of emblematics in Hungary also as the history

than

once,

who

were

best

known

in Hungary—Janos

Zsämboky,

Antal

Vanossi, Gabor Hevenesi, Péter Bod, Janos Rajcsényi, and Matyas Hajnal; and, among foreign authors, Johann Gerhard, Jeremias Drexel, Andreas Maximilianus Fredro, and Saavedra Fajardo.

At the end of this survey we can see that in Hungary, as in the rest of Europe, the emblem did not constitute a discrete and clearly defined literary genre. It would be more accurate to call it a particular mode of expression and process of transmission, the two defining features of which were the disintegration of traditional semiotic systems inherited from classical antiquity and situating conventional modes of expression in new contexts which imbued them with fresh meaning. From a historical standpoint, the emblem proved to be, in Hungary as elsewhere, a transitional form between

the period when signs and motifs were regarded as having specific and fixed meanings and the modern period when we have developed a different and shifting concept of language and meaning. It was a period when what until

then had been regarded as an essential and immutable link between signifier and signified gradually became an accidental one. In this sense, the emblem

paved

the Way,

Romantics,

with

80 to speak, their

for the

emphasis

on

a

way

metaphor

subjective,

was

personal

used

by the

connection

between signifier and signified. The way that the interdependence of signifier and signified was transformed into a relationship that was basically accidental may also explain why, in Hungary as throughout the rest of

Europe, the various emblem compendia and iconographic handbooks cease

to furnish us with an authoritative guide to the meanings involved in works written in the emblematic mode.

One significant feature of the Hungarian

experience was the way mythological

commonplaces

and, more generally,

the world of Classical antiquity continued up to the middle of the eighteenth century to stimulate emblematic productions which, in their turn, played an : : :

important role in keeping classical mythol ogy gy and an interest in classical y i alive. ure literat i

representational

models

and

the

various

traditional

247

features

of

the

most closely educational curriculum—among them the literary genres in one sense. The associated with the emblematic mode—were popularized, find in the rest of Hungarian material displays the same tendency we and an affinity Europe in favor of social mobility, artistic openness, that appeared between emblematic forms of expression and the demands for new subject matter and fresh techniques. the more popular At the same time as emblems began to penetrate also became more levels of national culture, they, paradoxically, specialized. emblematic

We can trace the emergence publication: the first markedly

of two main categories of moralizing and didactic, the

Emblematic material second mainly serving religious and pious purposes. as a result of the teaching belonging to the first category arises principally around classical and of poetics and rhetoric in schools, and is structured and adages. The second group humanist topoi, and collections of proverbs exegesis and

of biblical is born out of Christian meditation and the tradition by Jesuits of and is given a fresh impetus by the use symbolic theology, is a good deal of traffic between pictorial rhetoric, or visibilitas. There t, we see a wide variety of hybrid these two main categories and, as resul ng rise to thematic and and clear evidence of mutual interaction, givi

forms nist emblem books, which were structural variants. In the wake of the huma ning, as they did, pieces that essentially anthological in character—contai her—we can trace the emergence in were largely independent one of anot of series of of the seventeenth century, Hungary, in the first third

249

Eva Knapp and Gabor Tüskés

The Emblem in Hungary

compositions arranged around a single theme, with individual emblems forming an integral part of a larger, overarching structure. By the middle of the eighteenth century, emblematic forms have become repetitive and hollow, and, by the turn of the century, they begin to disappear altogether. : The overriding purpose of employing emblematic forms of expression to illustrate works of literature was to explain and advocate behavior of a particular kind. As did their fellow practitioners elsewhere in Europe Hungarian emblematists used, for the most part, existing pictorial and

light on the issues involved, enliven the composition, expand on the theme, and provide variety; they also focus attention on the theme and direct the In attention of the reader/spectator towards the message being conveyed. to rhetoric at the end of the seventeenth century, symbols were beginning A disappear from the glosses and explanations accompanying literary works. to common element of the emblem and the simile is the way they are used closely extend meaning—a feature often dubbed translatio and which is of systems the in role related to the ways metaphor assumed an ever larger rhetorical Renaissance and Baroque rhetoric. In this connection, the Jesuit rest of the in tradition clearly played a significant role in Hungary as zed the Europe; from the very beginning, Jesuit rhetoric had always emphasi of argutia role of ekphrasis and metaphor in satisfying the twin requirements and simplicitas.

248

textual formulae, familiar combinations of pictures and text, to direct the reader’s attention and thought processes, and to transmit received wisdom.

The underlying message of such compositions was often a complex one. The process is one in which one can trace the influence of emblematic ways of thinking across a wide range of genres and types of text, with form and function often very closely interconnected. Changes in form reflect the nature of the genre and the type of text in which emblematic modes of expression were now being employed. They also provided the emblematist with a wide variety of possibilities without his ever having to break entirely with tradition. The use of emblematic modes of expression in genres and texts, which had previously been uncharted territory for expressions of this

kind, led to the creation of new way of articulating personal,

ei

religious, and

εροώτς writers employed the emblem in particular in

exts the gen us demonstrativum, which ES of τὸ i referred to matters that

αὶ

LUE Research has confirmed our hypothesis that, beyond a certain stage, it is neither useful nor productive to divorce the layers of meaning present in st Es concepts from the symbolic forms of expression based on pictures

μὲν τ

to do so would be as arbitrary as any hard and fast definition of

τὰ μεν critical concepts like picture, allegory, or symbol. In the poetics of με i ie rage: Symbols—including emblems—were primarily component ee epigram; and in seventeenth-century poetics they appear

ee

ae = ih

se Stale

is à

se

è

(tiga

Ρ

In such poems,

overlap between the pictorial interpretation of reality

me

its associated rhetorical devices such as simile are not

Lay

Sai

written for particular occasions.

nee

of departure for linguistic expression. In poems like

a particular interpretation of the world, but rather belong

e sp fere of rhetoric and ornatus. They furnish vital clues as to the

nee τ ss à

and ss genre, as well as providing information about

em itself. In this sense, many emblems are not unlike the amiliar to us from rhetorical texts: they enhance the argument, shed

The Impresa in the Italian Renaissance LIANA DE GIROLAMI CHENEY University of Massachusetts, Lowell, U.S.A.

and North of the Alps and in the lands to the west of Italy the Neo-Latin with or vernacular print culture was dominated by the three-part emblem, Italian without commentary, rather than the two-part impresa. It was in the which re states that the impresa took firm root and produced a rich literatu that the lands attempted to codify this emblematic form. But that is not to say some books of to north and west knew nothing of the impresa. Similarly, tion of Andrea emblems were produced with Italian texts. An early transla and Alciato Alciato’s emblems was an Italian version printed in Lyons, account of the theory himself was an Italian. The most recent monographic

Caldwell.’ and practice of the impresa in Italian culture is by Dorigen fused with several The Italian Renaissance conception of an impresa is defines, explains, and epigrammatic portrayals (Figs. 1-7).2 This essay discusses the meaning, origin, and history of the term. “impresum,” past “Impresa” is a term derived from the Latin “prendere sopra di sé” [to participle of “imprendere” [to engage], meaning self]. The impresa is, in reach above oneself, or to grasp above the

Caldwell’s words

“an expression both of individuality, of the innermost

personality of the sixteenththoughts and feelings, revealing the intellectual academic, humanistic and century Italian men and women, and the courtly, consists of a symbolic vernacular culture in which they live.”> The impresa

or “taken over.” The image revealing what is desired to be undertaken a figure or body (pictura) or impresa is manifested through the depiction of g. or soul (anima) that self-reflects the implied meanin in a sentence, motto,

Century Italian Impresa in Theory and ' See Dorigen Caldwell, The Sixteenthalso Peter M. Daly, Literature in the Light Practice. New York: AMS Press, 2004. See | : _ to Press, 1979, 27-30. of the Emblem. Toronto: University of Toron the of are taken from the facsimile edition 2 The illustrations of Giovio’s imprese Jr. r, introduction by Norman K. Farme illustrated Lyons edition of 1559, with an The in n also consult the copy of a Giovio editio Delmar: Scholar’s, 1976. Readers may amorose di H 16: Dialogo dell ‘imprese militari et Hague, Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 488 Con un tino. ni Fioren Monsignor

Giovio

Vescovo

di Nocera;

ragionamento di Lodovico Domenichi,

org/mia/showmanu?id = embmne_gio1574

et del S.

Gabriel

Symeo

nel medesimo soggetto. See www.mnemosyne.

sa, 278. 3 Caldwell, Sixteenth-Century Italian Impre

253

Liana de Girolami Cheney

The /mpresa in the Italian Renaissance

An impresa (plural: imprese) first appeared in the Burgundian French courts in the late fourteenth century. Rapidly, imprese became popular with the European nobility, who displayed them in heraldry, on embroidered clothing, in tournaments, painted them in portraits, described them in literature, and even carved them into wooden ceilings. Then, the impresa as a badge or insignia continued to be popularized during the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries. The employment of pictorial figures such as birds (Fig.

example, included in their impresa Mount Olympus with an altar, together with the motto fides [faith]. Olympus, in Greek letters, was long a motto of the Gonzaga family and inscribed on the ring of their coronet as dukes of Mantua.» Mount Olympus became the crest of the Gonzaga dynasty, and the motto fides was inscribed on the rim of the ducal crown they used. resting Another example is the impresa of Francesco Sforza depicting a one greyhound (veltro) with the motto “quietum nemo impune lacessit” [No

252

1), animals

(Figs. 4, 5, and 6) plants,

and objects

(Fig.

7), to symbolize

moral praise or the conduct of an individual or lineage derives from antiquity, and is found on coins, funerary reliefs or triumphal arches. In the Middle Ages, the impresa was reflected in heraldry, as in the broom plant of the Plantagenets.* In late medieval and Renaissance tournaments, shields were frequently decorated with imprese.

Knights often included an impresa

in their clothing, and that of their entourage In English tournaments during

the reign of Queen Elizabeth, the knight presented to the Queen his impresa,

usually accompanied by a song or poem. In the fifteenth century, Antonio Pollaioulo created a pageant shield with the mythical athlete Milos of Croton. The athlete’s body was molded in plaster and then gilded. A motto was painted around the edge of the shield. In a portrait, the impresa might incorporate the sitter’s pose in the design, as is the case in Nicholas Hilliard’s impresa for George Clifford, Earl of Cumberland, shown in tournament armor. The motto, “Fulmen aquasque fero” [I bear lighting and waters], is painted along the rim of the

miniature. Embroidered imprese appeared on bedcovers, clothing, tapestries, and banners. Mary Queen of Scots’ embroidery with a tortoise climbing a crowned palm tree is accompanied by the motto

“Dat Gloria

Imprese were employed coinage and medals.

but also on

Vires”

[Glory Gives Strength], alluding to her ambitious husband Darnell.

abundantly

in interior decoration,

In the Renaissance, in particular in the fifteenth century, the insignia

was often accompanied by a short motto,

giving origin to what now is

called Italian impresa. It consists of an image or figura, called the body of

the badge, plus a motto (Italian for “word”) called the soul. The image and the word have a symbiotic relation, both alluding to the moral character of the patron who commissioned the impresa (Fig. 4). | Italian noble or military families, but mostly individuals, employed the impresa to aggrandize the family or the self. The Gonzaga family, for 4

See Michel Pastoureau, Traité d'héraldique. Paris: Picard, 1993, 218-219.

Cosimo I insults the quiet man (person) with impunity] (Fig. 5).° Whereas off, with the Medici includes in the impresa a tree with a branch broken

other is not motto “uno avulso non deficit alter” [with one torn away the of Art, is missing]. The Gubbio studiolo, now in the Metropolitan Museum it incorporates an example of Italian Renaissance decorative arts in that Montefeltro, Duke several imprese of the owner of the place, Federico da by mud, with the of Urbino (1422-1482), including an ermine, surrounded prefer death to soiling motto non mai [never]: the animal being reputed to

its immaculate coat.’

the Greco-Roman The origin of the term “impresa,” employed during in the French courts, in period, continued to be used during the Middle Ages XII. As a late French particular during the reign of Charles VII and Louis the Italian Renaissance medieval art form, the impresa was introduced into d three imprese with by Francesco Petrarca, who in the Canzionere compose poet Angelo Poliziano emverses and motti.® In the fifteenth century, the

Donati: “Quello vuole un ployed the term “impresa” in a letter to Geronimo questo

a dell’annello, motto per il pomo della spada, O per Vemblem per i cocci di casa” [That one un’impresa non dico per la sua argenteria ma for the emblem of the ring, this wants a motto for the head of the sword or the house’s coat of arms].” In one an impresa not for the silverware but manipulated the form of Orlando Furioso, Ludovico Ariosto, another poet, The

5

impresa

Gonzaga

derives

from

Giancarlo

Malacarre

and

Rodolfo

dei Gonzaga dal XII al XIX secolo. See A. Signorini, Monete et Medaglie di Mantua e und XVII. Handbuch zur Sinnbildkunst des XVI. Henkel and A. Schône, Emblemata: nth1976, and M. Praz, Studies in Seventee Jahrhunderts. Stuttgart, 1967; 2nd. ed.,

Century Imagery. Rome, 1964-1974. 6

i “ i Crown 5 motto “Nemo me impune This motto is reminiscent of the Scottish er one insults me with impunity].

8

See Paolo Giovio, Dialogo dell Impr

Modena: Edizioni Panini, 1977, 66-76. , Τ See Wolfgang Liebenwein, Studiolo. ese Militari et Amorose. Venice, 1559

lacessit” [No 3a, 84a.

° See

Mauda

Bregoli-Russo,

Naples: Lofredo, 1990, 5.

L ’Impresa

come

Ritratto

del

Rinascimento.

255

Liana de Girolami Cheney

The Jmpresa in the Italian Renaissance

the wmpresa with devices, allegories, and emblems 10 embellish his epic poem when describing the military armatures of the knights. And an extension of the epic love symbols is the poem of Francesco Colonna, Hypneroto-

With the dissemination of the language and symbolism of hieroglyphic, the impresa achieved a greater fascination in the Renaissance humanist milieu, developing into a new form of entertainment for the court. “Tra In the Cortegiano (The Courtier), Baldassare Castiglione commented, giochi l’altre piacevoli feste e musiche e danze, talor si faceano alcuni [Among ingegnosi, spesso si faceano imprese, come oggi di chiamiamo” some other pleasant feasts and musicals and dances, there were played * inventive games, among them the imprese, as they are called today]. to love In the Italian Renaissance, the impresa was at first limited to include and military themes. However, it quickly expanded its subject new inclusions political, philosophical, and pedagogical applications. These sm. Because of always contained a subjective, pictorial and erotic symboli

254

machia Poliphili (Venice, 1499), which combines chivalry and love. °

Early in its formation, the impresa was composed for knights im epic

and romantic poetry as well as in masquerades

Imprese Illustri, Girolamo

Ruscelli

observed

and comedies.’

In Le

that the Sienese composed

imprese for their jousts and carnivals but they were never published. Ê But

the was the and

impresa was not only composed for theatrical and leisure-time events; it also used for humanistic endeavors. The academies created them for identification and for the embellishment of their printed works. Royal noble families such as the d’Este, Sforza, Gonzaga, and Medici. as

well as such popes and cardinals as Ercole Gonzaga. Ippolito de’ Medici,

and

Alessandro

Farnese

(Fig.

7),

commissioned

artists,

poets,

and

humanists to compose imprese for them. Their purpose was to aggrandize

their family’s name and accomplishments. Numerous artists assisted in the creation of this ingenious form, including Giorgio Vasari and Benvenuto Cellini. The latter, in particular, transmigrated the art of the impresa

outside of Italy. In France, Cellini composed for Francis I, King of France, an impresa with the depiction of a deer and a salamander to honor the king’s accomplishments as a good ruler (Fig. 6).

The enterprise of the impresa called for a poet who invented the

conceit and of an artist who depicted the conceit. If the impresa was applied to a surface such as stone, wood, metal or cloth, then a third

person was involved. the artisan, who completed the task of imprinting the

impresa.”

Thus, the impresa fuses the classical concept of “ut pictura

poesis” [as is painting, so is poetry]. =

i0

sere

See Francesco Colonna’sΦ Hypnerotomachia Poliphili: The Strife of Love in a es

Joscelyn Godwin. London: Thames and Hudson,

Mauda Bregoli-Russo, “Il Gioco e L’

Quarterly (1988): 5-13.

“αὶ

1999.

pr

i

oh

” Halian

See Girolamo Ruscelli, Le Imprese Illustri. Venice:

Comin da Trino di

intorono all invenzioni dell’ Imprese. Venice: Giordano Ziletti, Rusceil, Le impresse illustri. Venice: Giordano Ziletti, 1583.

1556, and Geronimo

12

es en,

Rone,

rie

.

.

1572, 6b. See also an earlier edition of Girolamo

Ruscelli, Discorso

See Baldassare Castiglione, Il Cortegiano. Venice: Aldus, 1528. The English

on by George Bull (The Book of the Courtier. Baltimore: Penguin Books, 1967)

scribes on page 130 the decoration of a knight’s horse for a joust.

s, nobles and rulers the versatile nature of the impresa, academies, cardinal

aggrandizement and adopted this form for self-recognition, for personal fame. popular in Italy, In the sixteenth century, the imprese became very of imprese. For example, where many books were written on the subject

dell’Imprese Paolo Giovio’s Ragionamento™ and Paolo Giovio’s Dialogo ed in , first published in Rome in 1555 (only illustrat

Militari et Amorose its proliferation in any 1559),'° influenced the inventions of imprese and provided

Militari et Amorose artistic form. Giovio’s Dialogo dell’Imprese well as the artistic conception guidance on questions of origin and theory as in Le imprese illustri of the impresa. His follower Girolamo Ruscelli the signification of the impresa, (Venice, 1566) continued to elaborate on ons and explanations: while expressing admiration for Giovio’s reflecti

dell’imprese” [a brilliant “Bellissimo ed utilissimo pensiero e trovamento Tasso’s Della

the imprese]. Ercole and purposeful thought and discovery of explained the richness of the realta e perfettione delle Imprese further symbolism of the impresa. rules on delle Imprese described In addition, Giovio’s Ragionamento

listing of examples. Giovio's rules how to conceive imprese, including a : o “Be 4 See Castiglione, Cortegiano, 5. ore, d'am e e disegni d'arme, sopra i motti, 15 See Paolo Giovio, Ragionamento

ce, 1556. che communemente chiamano imprese. Veni See

16 See Paolo Giovio, Dialogo dell’Imp ose imprese. Lyons: also Gabriello Simeoni, Le sententi

:

;

io. Militari et amorose. Ed. Maria Luisa Dogl And Paolo Giovio, Dialogo dell’Imprese Rome:

Bulzoni,

1978.

256

for the conception of an impresa metade an adequate chape

between the

Body and soul (figura and mono). Bots siowid be newher me obscure or be

too obvious. ambiguous.

The mage

should be

and preferably

pleasme

m

appearence. pecicrably

mot writen m the vernacular.

Giono, there are six rules for the impresa:" L

2.

we

3.

According τὸ

®

There should be a proper proportion between body ᾿ amd suesoul | (pi amd Tons). : ΡΒ k…kmwmm&sfigîmminw obvious that every plebeian may comprehend i it should have a beautiful mage, making use of sexs. the sm the moon. fire. water. green tees. mechanical mstruments, stranse animals and fantastic birds. i j it should contain no human form. it should have 2 moto that is the soul of the body and should be

expressed in a language other than the native language of the bearer,

6.

90 that the meaning may be more obscure. It should be brief, but not so much so that it creates uncertaimty.

Two

or three words may be sufficient, unless they are in the form of verse.

In Italy, the diffusion of the impresa occurred when its meaning was

codified in rules. The impresa became elaborated and codified under

beautiful

manifests

image

its virtuosity

and

ingenious

and complexity. Thus, the qualities, and its signification reveals aloofness

impresa became symbol. “Impresa”

an ingenious

concept of the mind through a common

is an Italian word

that also means

“device.”

In 1605,

picture” with the motto, William Camden defined “impresa” as a “device in ar to notify some particul or word, born by noble or learned personages,

Duke of Florence, conceit of the bearer.'® For example, Cosimo de’ Medici, under which ascendant at his nativities the sign Capricorn,

be a combination of the picture or Camden considered the impresa to also noted that the impresa was

pe î à

whose

into an in the seventeenth century, the impresa evolved

pene ricercar | invenzione, hanno ritrovato essersi avuta da Dw.

sua bocca ἃ quei primi sacerdoti del vecchio testamento, nel fare il eeEE Rape τς oui νοῖστα char νὶ τὰ Es

Those

artifice

Moreover,

had in the princes, were also born. Augustus and Charles V, two great and good Capricorn, with his motto However, Cosimo employed the celestial sign follow Sequemur [With faith, virtue on our side, we will

Andrea Palazzi embellished the symbolism of the impresa with religious tes ‘Coloro _adunque che dell’imprese hanno voluto pu =

(Pavia, 1574). Contile stated that “il pubblicar l’imprese tocca a coloro nati nobili di sangue e ricchi di robba e di titoli signorili” [making the impresa ions public is in the custody of those of noble birth and wealthy in possess 1556), and titles]. In Ragionamento sulle imprese d'armi e d’amori (Venice, impresa Lodovico Domenichi expanded the discussion on the potential of the centers, literary by referring to its use in the humanistic academies and mi concetti, “tante onorate academie e letterati, che avendo tutti bellissi honorable verisimilmente devono aver fatto argutissime imprese” [many obviously must academies and literati, which all composed beautiful conceits de le imprese have created very ingenious imprese]. But in Il Conte overo o specie d’una (Napoli, 1594), Torquato Tasso viewed the impresa as “parte muta poesia” [a part or section of a mute poem].

ae opens (értcent contes) 20h SEE In Discorso sopra le imprese (Bologna. 1575).

CÉSAR. SOKA seventeenth century). ee

257

The /mpresa in the Italian Renaissance

Liana de Grolams Chenes

se ge

€

diligently

mm… το

priests :

devised

study

the

imprese’s

inventions

have

Oat through the word of Old Testament's

gures required for the design of the arc and

Fidem Fati Virtus to good hope (Fig. 4). the promise of destiny] for his impresa, alluding

body and the motto or soul. Camden

while the picture should be fair, employed for individual self-expression, in a foreign language. Camden and the motto should be witty and imprese to express different recognized that an individual might use various

of honorific occasions. ideas and moods or to commemorate a range

Other sixteenth-century studies focus on the properties of the impresa,

such as Luca Contile’s Ragionamento sopra la proprieta delle imprese | 7 See Giovio , Dialogo dell’ mprese, ed. Doglio, 37. See also Alan Young, The i

English Tournamem Imprese. New York: AMS Press, 1988, passim.

8 See William Camden, Rema

ng Britaine, the ines of a Greater Worke, concerni i

surnames, empresses, wise speeches, inhabitants thereof, their languages, names frequently reprinted. poesies, and epitaphs (1605). Camden's work was

258

The subjects and objects of the imprese are selected from natural and artificial components.” The natural form included references to flora and fauna.

The

artificial

form

consisted

of

259

The Impresa in the Italian Renaissance

Liana de Girolami Cheney

artistic

forms,

architecture,

or

technological constructions. The meaning of the imprese embraced historical events, mythical (fable) adaptations, and allegory (hieroglyphics). Some imprese were composed with ciphers or codes in order to hide its symbolic meaning from the general public and stimulate the intellectual curiosity of the literati. Pietro Martire Scardona, for example, composed an impresa with L’8 troppo, which may be decoded as amo Ottavia troppo, meaning “I love Ottavia too much.” Or there is the motto of Isabella d’ Este with the number 27, decoded as tutte le sette dei nemici vinte, which signifies that “all the enemy’s sects are conquered.” ? In his Dialogo de’ giuochi (Siena, 1572), Girolamo Bargagli

emphasized the literal signification (proprio significato) of the impresa.”'

He discussed the application of imprese portrayed in ciphers or in figures, in particular, in the leisure-time diversions. These types of games were

Accademia di Urbino.* Sipione Bargagli (1594) quest for the creation of Biralli, Jmprese (1600),

Contile’s writings influenced the conceits of and Torquato Tasso (1594), and continued the imprese in the seventeenth century by Simone Ercole Tasso’s Della realta e perfettione delle

(1623). Imprese (1612), and Giovanni Ferro’s Teatro d'imprese

literary In the sixteenth century, the affinity of the imprese with other ion of Pierio forms of figurative composition stimulated the invent ’s Simbolicarum Valeriano’s Hieroglyphica (Basel, 1556); Achille Bocchi Varij discorsi e questionum (Lyons, 1555); Giulio Cesare Giacomini’s l'imprese, che si concetti intorno all'armi di molte famiglie illustri, et anco Giacomini da Pesaro tranno da loro. Del reuerendo D.Giulio Cesare i, 1589); and the canonico lateranense (Ancona: Francesco Salvion thus often creating a numerous editions of Andrea Alciato’s Emblemata, n the impresa and the complex and not always clear differentiation betwee newly evolved conceit, the emblem. in that

from the emblem In its early formation, the impresa differed

meanings were to be decoded by the members of the academy.” But in

(pittura), lacking a motto that the impresa had focused largely on the image philosophical, and religious, conveyed a universal message, i.e., cultural, In Dialoghi piacevoli imitating the format of a proverb or apologue.

Contile redefined the impresa in terms of ἃ composition with a figure and ἃ

“Assai più regolate,

popular in the Accademici di Siena. The imprese composed by its members included

the

insertion

Raggionamento

sopra

of proverbs,

la proprieta

and

delle

as

a diversion,

imprese

(Pavia,

their

esoteric

1574),*

Luca

motto revealing the virtuosity and magnanimity of its design. In the explanation of the nature of the motto, Contile separated its meaning from

the inclusion of proverbs, sentences, jokes, precepts, and other literary inclusions. For Contile, the conceit of the impresa must honor and reflect the aptitude and cleverness of the individual. For this reason, the members

of the Italian academies not only adapted Contile’s methodology but also became centers for the invention and development of imprese. One need only

ΤΩΣ

think 19

eorists.” Ed. A. Sn

566

of 5. -

Denis

Evasio

L.

di Casalmonferrato,

Drysdall,

“The

Emblem

Occulti

According

to

di

Brescia,

the

Italian

and

.

è

A

See Bregoli-Russo, L’Impresa, 8.

onnam * See Luca Contile, ’ Ragi 8 Bartoli, 1574, 31.

ent

1586),

are

imprese

Stefano

Guazzo

referred

to the

rules

imprese:

for the

più difficili € più eccellenti degli emblemi”

formulated

with

more

rules,

are

more

difficult

and

[the

more

The term “emblem” from sophisticated in their meanings than emblems]. “insertion”

emblema, means the Latin emblema, deriving from the Greek cation of a is inserted.” It received its modern signifi or “something that

Emblematum liber (first edition, symbolic image in Andrea Alciato’s symbolic images, adding to them a 1531). Alciato collected a series of to provide clarity in the allegorical motto or sentence, in verse or prose,

then infiltrated as a new conceit significations. The non-academic impresa in the form of an emblem.

impresa

In The Emblem in Renaissance and Baroque Europe: Tradition and Variety. and A.J. Harper. Leiden: Brill, 1992, 22-32. See Bregoli-Russo, L’Impresa, 7.

> See Girolamo Bargagli, Dialogo de’ giuochi. Siena: L. Bonnetti, 1572, 148. 21

(Venice,

i -G. : i o sopra la proprieta delle imprese. Pavia: G

4

See

Andrea

Palazzi,

Discorsi,

1585.

Francesco

Caburacci,

Discorsi.

llo Camilli, Rolo, 1596 and 1591. Bologna: Giorgio Rossi, 1580. And Cami o on the Ill Fortune of Learned Men. 25 See Julia Haig Gaisser, Pierio Valerian 1-78. , 1999, Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press

260

16

The Impresa in the Italian Renaissance

Liana de Girolami Cheney

DIALOGO

DELL'

IMPRESE

to, & pegliato delle facultà,& confnaro à Napoli, doue fini [ua vita.

DI MONS. GIOVIO.

=

voi 1 vedere (colpiti77 nella camera , ow'ioto dorme e fiudtodio; ; ma» à dirui il hee

ogni diligenza cercandolo , nom potei mai tro-

war precifamente quelsche volelfero figmificare; e ne Pette fem-

prein dubbio Papa Clemente,che dormiua anchor egli im minor

fortuna in quella camera medefima.

Non lafciero di dirui,che [arebbe troppo gran cantafaucla, il voler taffar'i diferri dell’ imprefe , ae comparfe a questo

Secolocompofte da fetocchi, & portate da cerue thufi ; come fu

quella d quel fiero Soldato ( per non dir ruff iano) Bafliano del

Mancino; ancor che à quel cen fill nome hono rato fra Pa-

daccini : che vso di portare nella berretta vna picci ola fuola di Fes

di

con la lettera Tin mezzo, & vna perla pl a in Punta

detta fuola,volendo che s'intende[Tè il nome

questo modo, Margheritate [ola ds cor’ amo.

4fuadama à

Un altro fuo concorente chiamato Pan molena ,fece il medéfimo,po

nendo ore di martelloin cambio di cuoio perche s'in ten-

Figure 1 Paolo Giovio, Imprese, 16. The impresa of Emperor Charles V.

de

Figure 2

’

Paolo Giovio, Imprese, 41. The impresa of Lorenzo ace

ταὶ

' ; The Impresa in the Italian Renaissance

Liana de Girolami Cheney

262

4

DI

DIALOGO DELL’ IMPRESE

MONS.

$1

GIOVIO.

tile, erudito ingegno.anchor che pata che'l detto gioro fulfe pri. ma del gran (of πάσα oad 4 age py. oll

patria, figuro in vna medaglia Fiorenza affettata fopr’ vna

fediacol gogo fotte i preds,per dinotare quai quel derro di Cicerone , Roma Patrem Patrie Ciceronem libera dixit. E perla

bellezza {fu continuato il portarlo nel ponteficaro di Leone, e meritod {Jere iftampatonelle monete di Fiorenza.

TRE

DRE

ET.

as, NUS ae ale : REA

γον

kg

ἡ

:)

Z to anchora di dir qualche cole di quelle, che porta [ Eccellensifismo Signor Duca (ofmo,delle qualitante fene veggono in palaz:

to de ἀειεὶ Atrdici. G 1 0. Certo che il giorno delle nozze [ve to ne vide molre fabricare da genuil' ingezni na fopra tutte vna πὲς ne

piacque per effer melto accorrodaca à fua Eccellenzelacusle ba D O M. Piacemi molto quefla impre[ase la giudico molto bel-

la:ma di gratia «Monfignore , non V'increcaraccontarmi an-

chor l'altredell' Iluftrift. Cafe dé A edici, e con effe toccar

diff:famenteil perche dell imprefe ; percioche l'hifforia porta

gran luce ,e diletteno!notitiaà quefto difcorfo.G 1 0.0 non polfe

andar pin altode' tre dsamantische porto gra n Come, i quals “οἱ Figure 3

RE /mprese, 40. The impresa of the Medici Pope, Clement VII. Paolo Giovio,

nenaojerhorofcope & afcendente fue il Capricorne , εἰ ε εἰ ε anche Auguflo Ce/are{come dice Sueronie) e pero fece Latter la monera con tale imagine,mi parue quefto bizarre animele molto forte le Quinto Imperacare al propofite,malimamente che Carlo CHE protettione forilee il principato del prefate Signer Puce, hebbe anch’ gli il medefimo afcendece.E parue cofa faralr,chel Duca Cofmosguel medefimo di di (alende d'Agelto,mel gual

frm cAuguilo confeguì la vittoria contra ACarcantenie € £

Figure 4

2

i

; ΕΠ of Cosimo I, Duke of Florence. Imprese, 51. The impresa Paolo Giovio,

263

264

Liana de Girolami Cheney

DI

MONS.

GIOVIO.

35

peccati di quell anno. E ciò fu proprio à imitatione de glantichs Athensef,iquali fecero lo Paruco dell 4mneft « ia ,che fignifca

obliusone di tutto palato; anchor che al buon Re Federigo cio non gionalfe molto; perche fra cingue anni per la impenfata cofrratione di Ferdinando Re di Spagna con Lodowico X11. dé Soak nb a,ato abbandonare sl fu sforz Franci è ques 0 ar lafet e o, Regn due Re,che/e l'hauean diuifo.

The Impresa in the Italian Renaissance

22

DIALOGO

tar chi gli da ποίαda ciando Fine

DELL'

IMPRESE

prefo, dalomano gli faetra, fcotendo e lan.

rf

il che ue

Fe l'arme [ue

crano pronte e gaglsarde dapre/fo e da loncano:e benche nelle (6.

praueffe non με motto alcuno,mi ricordo nondimeno hauer

vsfto in più luoghi questa imprefa dipinta con vn breue di fopra: COMINVS ET EMIN VS. fl chequadraua molto. Holacaro l'imprefa di (arlo Oceano, percio εἰν εἴα non hebbe corpo e Joggetto,anchor chy ella haueffe bellfimo morto d anima,dicendo; SI DEVS PRO NOBIS, QVIS CONTRA NOS? ne gli flendardi, e fopra ifaioni de gliarcieri della guardia non V'era pot alero,che la lettera K, con la corona ds fopra, che volewa /ignificaresl nome proprio ds Carle.

6

ANG = = O N= CE )

DA

E

ΚΑ RC EN

KY

Furono altri Prencipid Italia e ποῖ capirans, che fi dilertarono di moffra i concerti re loro con varie efe e diusfe,frale quals fu tenuta bella à quel tem, che gh a

cost aguzzati , quella di Francefco Sforza Duca di ile. no, che hauendo prefoil ρα 79 dello pa per vigore dell'heredit à e

2

Figure 5 Paolo Giovio, Imprese, 35. The impresa of the Sforza family.

Figure 6

;

'

of France. Paolo Giovio, Imprese, 22. The impresa of Francis I, King

266

Liana de Girolami Cheney

The Emblem in the Low Countries ELS STRONKS Utrecht University, The Netherlands DI

MONS.

GIOVIO.

119

This study focuses on sixteenth- and seventeenth-century emblems with primarily Dutch texts. A broader perspective, however, would yield considerably more material for a discussion of “The Emblem in the Low Countries.” Issues such as the textual influence of D. Erasmus’s Adagia on Alciato’s Emblematum liber, the contribution of H. Junius and J. Sambucus

to Neo-Latin emblems, specifically Jesuit emblem collections, and Dutch translations of foreign emblem books, such as A. Roemer Visscher’s adaptation of G. de Montenay’s Cent emblemes chrestiens, fall outside the scope of this study. Similarly, no attention is given to new genres that developed as offshoots of the emblem, such as the combined fable and emblem book exemplified by J. van den Vondel’s Vorsteliicke warande der dieren. Since these broader and international features of Dutch emblematics are dealt with elsewhere in this volume, the emphasis here is on the specific character of the primarily Dutch-language emblem. The term “Dutch” will henceforth be used to indicate volumes with Dutch texts

Sono pei ati duo luminaria

della corte

Romana,due

giowani | ‘vn dietro all aire Hippoie de Hodis, de Aleffan-

dro Farntfe; e erche di quello habbiamo narrate la fua impre[a peculsare dell Inter omnes,della fella di Venere in forma di

Cometa,e quella dell Ecli(%i della Luna; narreremo hora

del Cerdinal Farnefe,che

fone frate rre,cio, vn dardo che ferifee

i bercagliocon νη mortoGreco,che dieu: BAAN OYT AE:

che volewa dire in {uo

carta;e fu inuentione

lingwa o ,chebifogna darein

Pita Shes te

denefe,sl qualfis molto amatec larga mente

bensficato cost dal prefate

Medici, comeda que.

;Ρ

4

Figure 7 Paolo Giovio, /mprese, 119. The impresa of Cardinal Alessandro Farnese.

published in what was then the Southern and Northern Netherlands.

Stimuli for the Rise of Dutch-Language Emblematics

In the development of a characteristically Dutch emblematics the Antwerp printer C. Plantijn (1520-1589) played a crucial role. In 1564 he published the volume Emblemata cum aliquot nummis antiqui operas by J. Sambucus (1531-1584). This was followed in 1565 by the first Dutch edition of Alciato’s Emblematum Emblemata, by the Dutchman H.

liber. A second Neo-Latin volume, Junius (1511-1575), appeared in that

same year. Soon thereafter Plantijn, together with the geographer A. Ortelius (1527-1598), took the initiative to put on the market Dutch translations of the volumes of Junius and Sambucus. Consequently, the first Dutch version of Sambucus’s Emblemata appeared in 1566, followed in 1567 by

The Emblem

a translation of Junius’s Emblemata.

Both Dutch publications were edited

by M.A. Gillis van Diest (? - ?, sixteenth century).

Plantijn very likely had personal reasons for publishing the Dutchlanguage versions of Junius and Sambucus. The preface he wrote in 1567 for the French Sambucus translation by J. Grévin clearly testifies to an enthusiasm for the didactic and entertainment potential of the emblem. Economic motives probably played a role as well: the copper plates of the Latin editions of Sambucus and Junius could be reused for the Dutch publications and thus be made doubly profitable. What Plantijn could not have foreseen was that these editions would eventually yield much greater financial gain. With the publication of the Dutch versions the emblem genre came to interest an entirely new, and much larger, public. Until then the Latin emblem collections had appealed primarily to a lettered and learned public. With the shift to volumes in the vernacular, that segment of the Netherlandic population unschooled in Latin also became a target group for the makers and printers of emblem books. The targeting of even the female segment of the Dutch public after 1600 shows how far the search extended for “other readers” of the genre. Trends and Topics in Dutch Emblematics: Love Emblems—Secular and Religious The literary and commercial success of Plantijn’s first Dutch translations of emblem books continued after 1600 with the publication of original Dutch volumes. A stimulus for further Dutchification of the genre came

from

D.

Heinsius

(1580-1655),

a professor

in

Leiden.

Heinsius

combined the efforts of several of his friends (among them the engraver J. de Gheyn and jurist/historian/statesman H. Grotius) in the volume Quaeris sit amor? (Do you seek/ask what love is?). In 1601 the publication of this volume was a fact. Quaeris sit amor? proved a resounding success. Reprints appeared in rapid succession, and the new title given to the volume with the third printing—Emblemata amatoria—would grow into the label for a subgenre in international emblematics.

'

See www.mnemosyne.org/mia/showmanu?id=embmne_sam1566 for illustra-

tions of the picturae from the Dutch translation of this volume. A digital edition with

text is not available. I would like to thank A.J. Gelderblom, P. Boot, and M.J. ScholzHeerspink (translations) for their help and advice.

in the Low Countries

269

In a sense the innovative stimulus of Heinsius’s Quaeris sit amor? was a limited one: Alciato’s Emblematum liber had already included emblems on love, and after Alciato many volumes appeared with emblems devoted to this theme. The newness consisted in the emphasis Heinsius and his followers placed on the emotional dimension of love: the human feelings and reactions to the love god Cupid—though often expressed in literary clichés—occupy a central place in love emblematics. Characteristic for this first flourishing of Dutch love emblems is the lighthearted way in which they deal with the caprices of love, in a series of emblems that display a high degree of coherence thanks to their clear thematic grouping and use of common sources. The many guises assumed by Cupid in the emblems lightened the tone of the genre. Initially love emblems were mainly Petrarchistic in tone and content. The suffering of the lover caused by the whimsical hard-heartedness of the beloved is expressed in clever antitheses and paradoxes. The perspective of the male lover is dominant,

although his role is that of victim. Often it is

the male feelings that predominate. Nevertheless, female readers were also actively recruited for the genre: Heinsius, for example, explicitly addresses “maidens” in the prefaces to his volume. Perhaps the woman was the prototype of the “other reader,” who knew no Latin but for whom the emblematic genre was considered suitable after 1600, once it had taken root in the Netherlands. With the preface to Quaeris sit amor? Heinsius had also introduced another innovation, one that would have an impact outside the genre as well. Addressing the “Maidens of Holland,” he describes how Venus came to prosperous Holland in order to ask the poet to teach her son Dutch: Self Venus van dit jaer (het is niet langh’ gheleden)

Quam vroyelick en bly naer Hollandts rycke steden // Den silveren dau quam // ghedruppelt hier en daer Waer zy gingh ofte stondt // van haer schoon gouden haer Zy wou dat haren zoon // by my wat zou Verkeeren // Op dat hy onse spraeck van Hollandt mochte leeren/

[Venus herself this year (not long ago this was) Came full of glad good cheer to Holland’s prosperous towns. Where’er she walked or stood, her lovely golden hair Left scatterings of silver dewdrops here and there. She came with a request, she said: that her young son Could spend some time with me to learn our Holland tongue. |

==

Els Stronks

268

ES

270

Els Stronks

In this preface Heinsius justified the existence of Dutch-language poetry. Around 1600 it was taken for granted that he, as poeta doctus, would choose to express himself in (Neo-)Latin. By then opting for Dutch he became the emancipator of the Dutch language. He evidently felt some hesitation, however, for Quaeris sit amor? appeared in 1601 under a pseudonym. This can perhaps be explained by the subject matter of the volume, but the choice of the vernacular may have played a role as well. Be that as it may, by 1613 Heinsius had lost his timidity. In his second volume of love emblems, entitled Het ambacht van Cupido (The Trade of Cupid), Heinsius did more than justify the existence of Dutch love emblems. The emblem “In lubrico” shows Cupid on ice-skates, with the

following text as the subscriptio:?

Cupid learns the game invented here in Holland, He tries to walk on ice, he wears a pair of skates. He’s tied onto his feet the two sharp iron blades — They’ll keep him firm, he thinks, and steady on the water. The ice is slippery, the blade against it, too, It’s easy to fall down, or even right straight through. With wooing it’s the same: those lacking well-honed skill Will lose their footing fast, their love will come to nil.?

The Emblem

in the Low

Countries

271

Heinsius now claims that Cupid, during his stay in Holland, learned more than just the Dutch language. In passing, the god of love also mastered the skill of ice-skating (Fig. 1). The Netherlanders—inventors of the “skating game”—taught him how to skate on their frozen canals. In the pictura we see a Dutch winter landscape and the typical wooden skates of the Low Countries. In gaining mastery over the slippery ice, this emblem suggests, Cupid also learned the fine points of the art of love. The situation in love is no different from that on the ice. Like skating, the game of love seems deceptively simple, but can only be learned by trial and error—by falling, getting up, and trying again. Now that Cupid has learned from the Dutch experts how to stay on his feet on the ice, he can be considered truly | accomplished in the art of love. Heinsius may have employed this positive image of the energetic, skilled Dutchman to counter the idea current elsewhere in Europe that in the cold, wet climate of the Netherlands only people of a crude, unrefined sort could thrive. The point here would then be that only in the Netherlands | did Cupid truly learn the fine art of loving. By 1613, in Het ambacht van Cupido, Heinsius could speak with authority. The example he had set in 1601 with Quaeris sit amor? had been followed on ἃ large scale, both at home and abroad. Love emblematics fully flourished within just a few years. In the Low Countries and far

beyond their borders, O. Vaenius (1556-1629),

teacher of Rubens,

set the

tone with his polyglot Amorum emblemata. In 1611 P.C. Hooft (15811641) followed with his similarly multilingual Emblemata amatoria. Many

would follow this example, in the Netherlands and elsewhere.

? For our purposes here the motto, pictura, and subscriptio are presented as ἃ visual unity. In the original each page shows at the top two pictures plus mottos side by side, with beneath them the two subscriptiones (under each other) belongin g to the two picturae. The motto of this emblem contains an allusion to Psalm 71 of the Vulgate, which declares that “the rich” find themselves in “slippery places” and in imminent danger of destruction. * Cupido leert het spel dat Hollandt heeft gevonden, Hy proeft te gaen op ’t ys, hy heeft twee schaetsen aen. Hy heeft twee ysers scherp aen zyne voet gebonden, Daetr mede dat hy meynt Op ‘t water vast te staen. Het ys van selfs is glat, de ysers glat daer tegen, Men valt seer lichtelick daer op, of oock daer in. Het vryen gaet alsoo. Die niet en is te degen Geslepen op het werck, die duyselt in de min.

The many early volumes of love emblems that rolled off the presses were intended for the “courting youth,” young men and women in search of a spouse. Research has shown that the flourishing of the genre coincided —at least in the well-to-do provinces, like Holland—with a relatively long period of stable prosperity. In Amsterdam it appears that a large number of Marriages took place in the period 1600-1620, partly perhaps as à

Consequence of that prosperity. Emblem books were offered as gifts during courtship—the title page of Heinsius’s Emblemata amatoria, for example, includes a blank space intended for the coat of arms of the person to whom

the book was given. Love emblematics, therefore, benefited from favorable economic and social circumstances. The heyday of love emblems also brought the publication of several volumes containing both emblems and songs. Hooft’s Emblemata amatoria is one example (with 71 pages devoted to emblems and 73 to songs and sonnets), but also the less ambitiously

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The Emblem

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published Cupido’s lusthof (Cupid’s Garden of Delight) of 1613. Combination volumes like these allowed for optimal social use. As the genre evolved, the playful and often Petrarchistic tone of the first volumes made way for greater seriousness. The Sinne- en minnebeelden (Images of Meaning and Love) by J. Cats (1577-1660) of 1618 approaches the choosing of a spouse almost as a business transaction: the religion and family background of the future partner, as well as a few other practical issues, should be given careful consideration before entering into marriage. New in the genre of the love emblem is the addition of subscriptiones for married couples and the elderly. In a suitable tone these readers are admonished to practice different virtues from those recommended to the young; they thus learn a different lesson from the same pictura. Once again there were publishers behind the great success of the genre.

D.P.

Pers

(1581-1659)—who

edited

the

Dutch

version

of Ripa’s

Iconologia (1644) and introduced the term “zinnebeeld” for emblem (literally “image of meaning”) into the Dutch language—and his fellow Amsterdam publisher W.J. Blaeu (1571-1638) entered into fierce competition. It was largely thanks to their efforts that Amsterdam—to judge from the most important bibliography of Dutch emblematics, compiled by J. Landwehr—came to rival Antwerp as the most important producer of Dutch emblem collections. We might go so far as to say that without the initiative of publishers there would have been less of a flowering, for the emblem genre was not so highly regarded that poets themselves would make strenuous attempts to have such work published. This is evident from the lack of clarity surrounding the authorship, editions of emblem books and emblem anthologies from the period 1600-1630. A question worth asking is whether the quantity of volumes on the market might not have been considerably less if the publishers had not dealt so creatively with the material. It is important to note here, however, that a large number of authors in the Netherlands composed emblems. And among them were the great names

in Dutch

_In

the

literature.

The genre,

in other words,

appreciated by poets than by the general public.

1615

love

emblem

acquired

a new

publication of Vaenius’s Amoris divini emblemata,

previously published Amorum between secular and spiritual behind this adaptation:

was no less

dimension

with the

a free adaptation of his

emblemata. The similarity Vaenius saw love was an important motivating factor

in the Low Countries

273

The emblems about secular love that I wrote a good many years ago in my youth I published as a favor to a friend; I have understood that they were very well received by all educated people. When Your Highness,’ as friends have told me, saw them and asked whether the emblems could easily be adapted for a religious or divine meaning, because divine and human love have approximately the same effect on the object of love, I did not want to disappoint the express wish of the Duchess or to neglect my own duty.”

Thus the concept “love,” according to Vaenius, has approximately the same meaning in the religious and secular sense, because the person toward whom love is directed will in both cases experience the same feelings. À key word here for Vaenius seems to be “approximately” (“pene” in the Latin original); the feelings of love are not completely interchangeable. Just where they overlap or are mutually exclusive remains to be seen. Closer

inquiry

should

reveal

on

what

(abstract)

level

differences

and

that similarities exist between Vaenius’s two volumes. Immediately clear is suitable Vaenius did not consider all the emblems from Amatora emblemata , as for religious use. The Amoris divini emblemata consists of 60 emblems opposed

to 124 in Amorum

emblemata.

Recent research has revealed an

overlap of sixteen emblems. ed by Religious love emblematics was to a large extent influenc y antholog Cats’s Sinne- and minnebeelden. The Counter-Reformation and published by Amoris divini et humani antipathia (1628/29), initiated from Cats. His M. Snijders (?-?), for example, contains many borrowings e for the Sinne- and minne-beelden served as the point of departur a good many of the engravings of Amoris divini et humani antipathia, and divine love Latin texts were taken over as well. Here, as in Vaenius, Vaenius claims to have produced 4 The archduchess Isabella, on whose request te this volume. mijn in ik al heel wat jaren geleden 5 De Emblemen over de wereldse liefde die om een vriend een plezier te doen; ik heb jeugd heb geschreven, heb ik gepubliceerd Hare

de smaak zijn gevallen. Toen begrepen dat ze bij alle ontwikkelden zeer in d, ze had bekeken en had gevraagd of Doorluchtigheid, zoals vrienden me hebben vertel en goddelijke betekenis overgebracht de Emblemen gemakkelijk naar een geestelijke de uitwerking

eer dezelf konden worden omdat goddelijke en menselijke liefde ongev de Vorstin object van de liefde, wilde ik de onuitgesproken wens van hebben naar het niet teleurstellen en mijn eigen plicht niet verzaken.

The Emblem

Els Stronks

274

(Amor divinus) in most cases takes the place of Cupid. The Amoris divini et humani antipathia in addition shows influences of Heinsius and of the Pia desideria by H. Hugo (1558-1629). This Jesuit-produced volume, therefore, served as a prime example of love emblematics as a melting-pot genre. Emblems about Daily Life

Characteristic of Dutch emblematics, besides the emphasis on the subject of love, was a preference for daily life as a source of motifs and as a possibility for concretizing moralizations. Ordinary objects, scenes, and landscapes provided emblematists like R. Visscher (1547-1620) (Fig. 2), Cats, J. de Brune (1588-1658), and J. Luyken (1649-1712) with occasions

to teach the reading public a variety of moral lessons. The aim of the realistic representations was to give visual form to the underlying constants of human life. They heightened the awareness that sin and transience can reveal themselves in many guises. Visscher’s volume Sinnepoppen (Figures of Meaning) (1614) shows how this general message could be geared to a specific public. B.F. Scholz has characterized this volume as a collection of “economic emblems”: emblems that deal with the skills and habits people need to cultivate in order to earn their living. Visscher offered concrete advice: don’t live beyond your means, guard your reputation, don’t give up too quickly, make sure you are well instructed in what you do, let everyone practice his trade well, make intelligent use of possibilities offered by sea and land, be frugal and sensible. The reader is called upon to enter the turmoil of commerce. In the third section (schock) of the volume, which breaks Giovio’s rules by including unusually many depictions of human figures, the pictura of the ninth emblem (“In the churning is fat”) shows a woman using a butter churn. The accompanying text reads: . . . the person who wants to engage in business has to join the merchants in the turmoil of commerce if he wants to become rich; for these people are the ones who conduct business. °

A person who does not want about wealth and prosperity. appears in the emblem about warning against speculation in

in the Low Countries

275

to enter the turmoil should have no illusions A similarly topical observation by Visscher the tulip trade, where the lesson is a clear tulip bulbs:

A fool and his money are soon parted

This emblem is not unlike the preceding one, since the reasoning behind it is the same, therefore enough has been said on this point already, because an unusual seashell or a new

flower

is nothing but foolishness;

not need to spend as much

but the shell-fools do

on travel or on purchasing and

maintaining large farms as the florists.’

Visscher’s observations of merchant life in Amsterdam included reflections on the world outside the Republic. Sailors bring back knowledge and habits from other countries, and those who stay at home are only too willing to believe all the stories about things they have not encountered themselves (Section 3, emblem 34, Hy leut / die’t leut / ick en leut naet) [Let them prattle all they like, I won’t follow suit].

Both the strange and the familiar are viewed by Visscher with some

distance.

In his view the “rude Hollanders”

(Section

1, emblem

19), for

example, is not all that negative, and the general message of the volume is strikingly positive as well. It is enough to strive for great things—people must not be judged in terms of their achievements but by their efforts al” [There you see]). (“Beslach” [Conclusion] of Section 3, “Daer hebdy In many cases, as indicated above, the realia are to be seen and read

in keeping with the idea that God’s second book, nature, can be read like the Bible. Pictures from daily life then serve as images of transience. They remind

mortal

human

beings

of divine judgment,

which

is inextricably

bound up with earthly life.

7 Een dwaes en zijn gelt zijn haest ghescheyden.

een Dese Sinnepop is de voorgaende niet seer onghelijck, als spruytende uyt ‘

. . . dat de geen die koopmanschap doen wil, die moet hem in't gewoel vanden koophandel onder de Koopluy begeven, wil hy rijck worden; want by de luyden is de neeringh.

zijn; want een selve reden, daerom sal in ’t voorgaende ghenoegh geseyt maer de hoortuylery: dan niet vreemt hoorn-ken of nieuw bloemken, ’t is te koopen en niet sotten behoeven soo groote spilpenningen of hoven onderhouden als de Bloemisten.

276

Els Stronks

The Emblem in the Low Countries

In Luyken’s emblems the realistic representations invite the reader to use reality as a reflection of the eternal, the divine. Earthly beauty, in this view, offers a glimpse of God’s eternal beauty. In the volume Het menselyk bedryf (Human Enterprise) (1694), Luyken illustrates this message with emblems about Dutch trades. Artisans are depicted in their workshops plying their trades, which—as the views from the workshops onto the outside world suggest—offer a perspective on eternal life. The baker bakes bread to nourish the body, but that body is at the same time the prison of the human soul. The divine light shining through the window of the bakery should enlighten the soul, enabling it to emerge from the body and take wing toward eternal light. The emblems encourage the reader to use the visible world as a stimulus for this spiritual flight. Art, as Luyken shows in the emblem “The painter” from this volume, is also capable of making the eternal visible (Fig. 3). A painting

can be read like nature, as a depiction of “Het Weesen”

(The Essence). But

a warning is included: the artist shown with this subscriptio is painting a preliminary study of a scene quite different from the one suggested by the view outside the studio. If he finishes the piece, this aspect will be lost on

an unwitting admirer of the painting. A person seeing the completed picture will very likely conclude that the painter recorded reality on his canvas. Nothing could be farther from the truth, for as the motto warns: “Nothing that the eye sees is the principal thing.” The Painter

It is precisely the tension between appearance (semblance) and reality that is exploited in Dutch emblematics in order to intrigue readers. Dutch emblem poets challenged them to see in the emblems more than is depicted, and to read in them messages that they might possibly contain. Theoretical Approaches

The emblem “The painter” by Luyken makes it clear: Dutch emblematics enriched the international genre not only with its practical slant but with its underlying theory as well. It may be going too far to speak of systematic theorizing here, but in their attempts to assimilate the genre and to optimally exploit its specific features Dutch emblem poets explored and defined the boundaries of the genre. It was again Plantijn who, indirectly, gave the stimulus on this point. One of the works he published was Alciato’s Emblematum liber in the 1573 edition of C. Mignault (1536-1606). In the introduction to this work Mignault introduced a new notion into emblem theory. He argued that the emblem should be viewed in relation to the symbola: the emblem, like a symbol, is a vehicle of hidden knowledge. It is the task of the reader to ferret out the underlying significance of the visible unit of word and image.” In making his point, Mignault also drew a distinction between an emblem and a symbol: the emblem makes use of more specific, less

generic imagery than the symbol. !°

All that the eye sees is still not the principal thing

Art presents us with a semblance Of how things are in essence, As the large painting Of the TOTALITY of visible things, Assigned their place by wisdom,

Reveals what was in the beginning.ὃ $ De Schilder De Kunst steld ons een Schijn te vooren,

Hoe ’t in het Weesen staat beschooren, Gelijk de groote Schilderij

Van ’t AL der sienelijke dingen,

277

Die door de Wijsheid stant ontfingen, Vertoond wat in den Oorspronck zy.

’ See “Syntagma de symbolis” in the edition of 1577, newly edited by Denis

Drysdall (www.emblems.arts.gla.ac.uk/Mignault_syntagma.html): “Septimo, pro argumento, seu etymo, seu denique vaticinio aut nota quadam qua quidpiam occultatur, sed tamen doctis auribus intelligendum proponitur. Quo sensu postremo nos symbolum ad emblematis naturam accommodamus, et veluti ad finem nostri huius Syntagmatis explanare conamur.” Translated as: “In seventh place, it is used to mean the subject matter, or etymology, or finally prophecy or some sign by which something is hidden, but which is proposed for the understanding of informed ears. In this last sense we adapt ‘symbol’ to the nature of the emblem, and undertake to explain it for the purpose

of our treatise.”

See Drysdall edition of “Syntagma de symbolis” (www.emblems.arts.gla.ac.uk/

Mignault_syntagma.html):

“Fatemur emblematis quidem vim in symbolo sitam esse: sed

differunt, inquam, ut homo et animal: alterum enim hic maxime generalius accipi, Specialius vero alterum norunt omnes qui aliquid iudicii habeant.” Translated as: “I

D

278

The Emblem

Els Stronks

The notion of the emblem as a vehicle of hidden significance, whether indebted to Mignault or not—similar ideas had been formulated earlier by other emblematists (Giovio, Sambucus)—found an eager reception among Dutch writers. This is most clearly evident in R. Visscher’s Sinnepoppen. The genesis of this collection indicates that for Visscher the ideal emblem was an enigmatic unit consisting in a short text (motto) with an attractive image. Before the Sinnepoppen was published, in 1614, the emblems were already circulating in a cryptic form (picturae with mottos) among Visscher’s friends. At the request of his publisher, Blaeu, Visscher agreed to add explanatory prose texts; but he did so with some reluctance. In several of the prose pieces attached to his emblems Visscher remarks that the added texts are in fact superfluous: pictura and motto speak for themselves. At some points he even declares his refusal to provide any further explanation in the prose text, in order to allow everyone the freedom to interpret the pictura and motto for themselves. '! In the preface to the Sinnepoppen Visscher emphasized the view that a “sinnepop”—a neologism of his own, an enrichment of the Dutch language that in his view precisely rendered the meaning of the emblem—should consist of a short, (moderately) cryptic text and an attractive picture: Sinnepop dan is een korte scherpe reden, die van Ian alleman, soo met het eerste aensien niet verstaen kan worden: maer even wel niet soo duyster datmer nae raden, jae of nae slaen moet: dan eyscht eenighe na bedencken ende overlegginge, om alsoo de soetheydt van de kerle of pit te smaecken. Dus vriendt wie ghy zijt, houdt my dit ten besten, u biddende dat ghy meer wilt achten op de kluchtigheydt van de Poppen, dan op de simpel-heyd van de glosen, die soo sober zijn alsse immermeer wesen moghen: want mijn meeninghe is noyt gheweest u verstant te quellen met veel lesen, dan u oogen

'' See for example the explanatory text of emblem 36, first section, “Licht en

dicht” (“Light and closed”): “Dit en behoeft gheen vorder uytlegginghe, dan een yeder mach het ghebruycken daer 't hem te passe komt” [This requires no further explanation, rather everyone may use it as it suits him].

Countries

279

wilde ick wel vermaken met aenschouwen van dit lodderlijck

voorgeven. |?

[“Sinnepop” is a short, pithy saying which cannot at first sight be understood by the ordinary person but which is nevertheless not so obscure that one simply has to guess randomly at the meaning; but it requires some thought and reflection to taste the sweetness of the core or pith. Therefore, friend that you are, do not judge me harshly as I ask you to pay more attention to the amusing cleverness of the figures than to the simplicity of the glosses, which are as sober as they can possibly be; for it has never been my intention to torment your mind with much reading, but I did want to delight your eyes with the sight of this attractive fabrication. ]

In this view, too many words detract from the forceful, cryptic combination of a short text and a carefully composed image. In keeping with the idea that the reader should approach an emblematic unity of word and image like a puzzle, Cats in 1618 wrote in his preface to Silenus Alcibiadis, sive Proteus about the deeper levels of meaning to be found in emblems: so my yemant vraeght wat Emblemata inder daet zijn? dien sal ick antwoorden, dattet zijn stomme beelden, ende nochtans

sprekende: geringe saecken, ende niet te min van gewichte: belachelijcke dingen, ende nochtans niet sonder wijsheyt: In dewelcke men de goede zeden als met vinghers wysen, ende met

tasten

handen

dewelcke

in

kan,

ick)

(segg'

men

WNT The word “voorgeven” is difficult to interpret here. According to the often ven” “voorge (Multivolume historical dictionary of the Dutch language) the verb has a negative

admit of course that the special quality of the emblem derives from the symbol; but they differ, in my opinion, in the same way as man and animal: for anyone who has any judgement knows that the latter in this context particularly is taken more generically, and the former more specifically.”

in the Low

Visscher

connotation

it seems,

“voorgever”

again

is a person

(“to do something

according

who

to the

conceives,

under

WNT,

designs,

false pretenses”),

to be

used

fabricates,

but in Roemer

in another

and/or

makes,

sense:

a

executes,

ions as produces (something). In this sense the word does not carry the same connotat neutral the has times at verb the verb “voorgeven.” The substantive form of the meaning

of “statements,

assertions”

but

often

has

overtones

of “fabrication,

(false)

fantasy,” according to the WNT. Brummel adds the following note here: “that which is

offered, put forward, here perhaps best translated as enterprise,” which (perhaps wrongly?) eliminates the ambiguity of “deliberately constructed, or fabricated.”

280

Els Stronks gemeenlijck altijt meer denckt, alsmen siet. ®

leest,

alsser staet:

The Emblem in the Low Countries

ende

noch

which are nevertheless equally correct.” J. Cats and J. de Brune elaborated on this idea. De Brune eventually went so far with his emphasis on writing that he subordinated the image in the emblem to the word. In the foreword

meer

[if someone asks me what Emblemata actually are, 1 will answer that they are mute images, and nevertheless ones that speak: small things, and yet weighty; ridiculous things, but not without wisdom, in which moral behavior can be pointed to as

to his Emblemata of zinne-werck (1624), he argues that language, on the condition that it is “smooth and polished” and imbued with “lively colors,”

if with one’s fingers, and touched with one’s hands, in which (I say) one usually reads more than is written, and thinks even more than one sees. |

Cats is alluding here to Alciato’s

idea that emblems

are

“mute

signs”

(“tacitis . . . notis”'*) and adds to this the dimension of entertainment. The

picturae are good for a laugh. They invite the reader to see and read what

at first sight does not seem to be there.” The texts function in a similar

way. Because so many of Cats’s emblems appear to make direct use of “realia” (real events and objects), this warning may have been necessary. It stimulated the reader to judge nothing in the volume at face value. Since seventeenth-century readers were accustomed to reading nature as God’s “second book of revelation”—or, as Calvin put it, conversely: creation was there before God gave humankind the Bible—and seeking metaphysical implications behind every apparently realistic depiction, they were open to these functional and interpretive possibilities of the emblem genre. The idea that the emblem should be cryptic in character gave rise to a second school of thought, first articulated in M.A. Gillis’s preface to his translation of Sambucus’s Emblemata. Gillis characterizes the emblem as a “manner of writing.” In addition he argues: “one can also easily make from

a figure

two,

three,

or more

emblemata

with

'3 Quoted from the 1627 edition of Silenus Alcibiadis, Sinne- en minnebeelden.

different sive Proteus,

meanings, then titled

' From the preface to Emblematum liber, quoted from www.mun.ca/alciato/ 000. html

' By choosing the rather obscure title of Silenus Alcibiadis, sive Proteus for his first Dutch volume, Cats clearly indicated that he conceived of the emblem in these terms. He probably owed the title (he makes no mention of his source) to a passage

from Erasmus’s Adagia. Erasmus followed Plato in identifying Silenus of Alcibiadis with the famously ugly Socrates, behind whose repulsive face lay a wealth of virtue and wisdom. Proteus, the god to whom Poseidon entrusted his seals, was able to continually

change his form and appear in the most unexpected places. Subsequent editions of the volume appeared under the subtitle of 1618, Sinne- en minnebeelden.

281

has a greater potential than visual art. This did not mean that De Brune had no eye for the power of the image. He formulated special requirements for the text in order to ensure that it, like a painting, would acquire “depth and perspective.” But it did mean that De Brune, who in preparing his Emblemata of zinne-werck worked together with the best engravers of his time, and thus was not compensating for a lack of high-quality picturae, considered the image inferior to the word because it was less univocal. The meanings of picturae, he maintained, are always open to debate, while texts are not inherently ambiguous. This would explain why De Brune’s Emblemata of zinne-werck contains so much more text than visual material: the 51 prints are accompanied by subscriptiones, if that term still applies here, consisting of short poems and prose explanations covering several pages. De Brune’s ideas and the form he gave to his volume were, of course, in keeping with the Protestant idea of the primacy of the word, of Scripture.

In

background

the

we

can

also

of

echoes

hear

a

broader

discussion among Protestant artists about the legitimacy of images. The use of images was viewed as a concession to (weak) human nature. Humankind is by nature quickly stimulated and amused by visual representations and

can easily remember them as well. They can be employed to good purpose in supporting the word. In this connection Protestant readers are

encouraged “to seek beyond the literal.”'® The visible is a clue to that which remains invisible to human beings, the divine. Here the ideas about the cryptic nature of the emblematic genre and the emphasis on the textual aspects of the emblem converge. It should

be

noted

here,

however,

that the

idea

of the

word

as

superior to the image was not an exclusively Protestant one. The popular Roman Catholic emblem poet A. Poirters (1605-1674) also emphasizes the textual aspect of the emblem in his Het Masker van de wereldt afgetrocken

For an analysis of the sixteenth-century situation, see M. Crew, Calvinisont

Preaching and Iconoclasm in the Netherlands 1544-1569. from p. 57.

Cambridge,

1978. Quotati

Els Stronks

The Emblem in the Low Countries

(Mask of the World Torn Off). Aspects of the emblem are discussed in Poirters's preface to Het Masker van de wereldt afgetrocken. A striking feature of specifically religious Dutch emblem books, however, is the absence of any significant philosophizing about how images can and cannot be used in the emblem. When Vaenius published the religious adaptation of his own Amorum emblemata under the title Amoris divini emblemata in 1615, the figure of the secular god of love, Cupid, was replaced without authorial comment by a cherub with a halo to represent divine love. After this work by Vaenius had inspired numerous Roman Catholic emblem writers, the Protestant J. Luyken finally, in 1678, also produced

in his emblems. This makes him one of the few who openly showed an awareness of the limitations inherent in the religious emblem. The idea that the making of an emblem is a “manner of writing” was pursued to its ultimate conclusion by Cats, who in 1647 published a volume with so called emblemata nuda, emblems without pictures. An example of such emblemata nuda, here by W. Sluiter in his Psalmen, lofsanghen en geestelicke liedekens (Amsterdam 1661) is the following:

282

an emblem book modeled on the Amoris divini emblemata,

There’s scarce a thing here, that we see, That cannot a fair symbol be Of something of a nobler kind. This pleases and improves man’s mind.

entitled Jesus

One may from birds, beasts, herbs and trees,

en de Ziel (Jesus and the Soul). Here Luyken went one step further by choosing not an angel but the man Jesus as the image of divine love. This decision apparently required some explanation in the preface: In this rose garden you for the most part see JESUS and the SOUL portrayed in the prints; but the viewer should while reading (when there is mention of the Eternal Godhead) never

imagine that with this illustration we mean anything more than the physically portrayed humanity of Christ, in his assumed form of Servant, as he walked here on earth among us human beings, visible and tangible for our outer eyes and hands [i.e., human

senses;

seeing

and

feeling

Jesus

therefore

necessarily affect the inner person]. For in Godhead he cannot and may not be depicted. !?

his

does

not

eternal

283

Even from gnats, from ants and bees Draw lessons that are, in all parts,

Sweet and instructive to our hearts. *

Oddly

incongruent

with

development

the

the

of

emblem

as

primarily textual genre was the contribution to the fame of Dutch emblem

a

books made by a number of outstanding engravers, J. de Geyn II (1565-

1629), C. Boel (1576-1621), A. van der Venne (1589-1662), B. a Bolswert (1580-1633), and J. Luyken, among others. Thanks to them, the pictorial

element underwent such a vigorous development that Dutch emblematics became a model for foreign poets and engravers.

To counteract the impression that he was encouraging physical worship of the (human) figure of Jesus—as in the Roman Catholic practice of feeling,

tasting, and smelling the image with all one’s senses—the Protestant Luyken gave explicit instructions for the correct interpretation of the prints

!8 AI wat by na hier komt voor d’oogen, Kan haest een Sinne-beelt vertogen Van d’een of d’ander goede saek, Te saem tot stichting en vermaeck.

‘7 In deezen Roozenhof ziet gy meest doorgaans JEZUS en de ZIEL, in prent

Men mag uit boomen,

Veel lessen trekken, die heel soet En leersaem zijn voor elks gemoet.

beelding iets anders meenen, als alleen de lichaamelyke beeldelycke Menschheid van

Christus, in zyne aangenomen Knechtelyke gestalte, zo als hy hier op Aarden, by ons Menschen, heeft gewandeld, zichtelyk en tastelyk, voor de uitterlyke Oogen en Handen. Want na zyn Eeuwige Godheid en mag noch kan hy niet uitgebeeld worden.

kruiden, dieren,

Ja selfs uit muggen, mieren, sieren,

uitgebeeld; maar den Beschouwer moet zich onder ’t leezen (wanneer ‘er van de Eeuwige Godheid gesprooken word) nooit verbeelden dat wy met deze prentver-

The

English

translation

derives

from

M.A.

Schenkeveld-van

Literature in the Age of Rembrandt. Amsterdam/Philadelphia,

der

Dussen,

1991, 230.

Dutch

The Emblem

Els Stronks

284 Scope of the Dutch Emblem

Owing to the quality of the engravings and the “invention” of the love emblem, the influence of Dutch emblematics extended beyond the borders of the Northern and Southern Netherlands. Dutch emblems also left traces in European art via a different route. In the Low Countries there was a lively interaction between emblematics and painting. First indications of this can be found in emblem books on paintings and in the quotation of picturae in paintings (as in J. Vermeer’s “Woman Standing at a Virginal” [1672-1673]. with its recognizable reference to emblem Amorum emblemata).

2 from Vaenius’s

Less obvious but more common were their shared concretizations of abstract themes and motifs. In many cases borrowings from Dutch emblems were a matter of hidden erotica. To give just one example: vogelen (“bird catching”) was in the seventeenth century a term frequently used for “sexual intercourse,” with a caged bird representing the preservation or protection of virginity. In Cats’s Sinne- en minnebeelden, we see in emblem 21 how the young female reader is warned to keep the bird safely confined (Fig. 4):

in the Low

Countries

Exactly the same image carries the message couple” by Jan Steen (Fig. 5).

in the painting

285

“Romping

In summary, it can be said that Dutch emblem poets emphasized the cryptic nature of the emblem and the relation between word and image; in addition they had an eye for points of contact between the emblematic genre and other artistic disciplines and literary fashions. It is also clear that the emblematic genre attracted a large number of Dutch poets, and that emblem books were used to emancipate and develop the Dutch language, as well as to shape the life and morals of the Low Countries.

20.

Inlubrico.

It flies away if given air

In her young years Els asked her nurse quite frequently Where her virginity was kept — said she’d ask Dick If no one else would say. At last the nurse declared, Child, keep this box well closed, it has virginity

Inside (the box contained a finch). The nurse had hardly

20.

Inlubrico.

Cupido Icert het fpel dat Holland heeft gevonden,

Left when open went the box, the bird flew out. Ah! tender thing, virginity, so quickly gone! It vanishes with searching, gets lost when it is found.

Hy presi gaen opt ys,hy heeft twee {chaetfen aen.

19 *t Viucht, krijghet het luch

Het ys van felfs is σίας, de yfers glat daer tegen,

Els in haer eerste jeucht quam veel haer minne vraghen Waer dat haer maegdom was; ja woudet Ritsaert klagen, Indien men't haer versweegh: ten lesten sprack de min, Kint houdt dit doosjen toe, hier is de maeghdom in; (Int kistjen sat een vinck) de min is nau vertoghen, De doos is opghedaen, de voghel uytghevlogen; Ach! maeghdom, teer gewas, dat ons soo licht ontglijt! Met soecken raecktet wech, met vinden isset quijt.

Hy heeft twee yfers fcherp aen zijne νοοῖ gebonden, Daet mede dat hy meynt opt water vatt te ftaen. Menvalt feer lichtelick daer op, of oock daerin. Het vryen gaet alfoo. die niet en is te degen

Geflepen op het werck, dic duyfelt in de min.

Figure 1 Emblem from Danial Heinsius, Ambacht van Cupido. Nederdyutse poemata, Amsterdam, 1611.

Reproduced from D. Heinsius,

The Emblem in the Low Countries

Els Stronks

286

VAN ;

DE

SINNEPOPPEN. :

V

in gelt 508 Gen dinaes enscheu den. paejt ghef

5

|

ten dues | ci hacht

en zin gelt . ghefclteggen

Ihe

Ben)

:

as

ae

|

DE

SCHILD

Alions wathet 006 oag beefs sk Js

ER.

pere) prinfepaal nog

ni.

:

Dlîfc Sinnepop is de voor-

gaende niet feer onghelijck , als fpruytende uyt een

felve reden , daerom {al in’t

voorgaende ghenoech geleyt

zijnywant cen yreemt hoornken ofnieuw bloemken , *tis nict-dan tuylery

: macr de

hogrn-forren behoeven foo

Mu

ven niet te

M

;

ρει ho-

De Kiryt ped ons een Sehijn te voo

koopenen onder-

Hoe't in het Weefen flaat befchoor

houden als de Bloemilten.

Figure 2 Emblem from R. Visscher, Sinnepoppen, Amsterdam,

“]

Celiik de greote Schilderij ;

|

οι AL der fienelijke dingen 5 Die door de Ujfhe® ftant ontfingens 2y Vertaond wat inden Oorfpronk

1611.

Figure 3 Emblem from J. Luyken, Het menselyk bedryf, Amsterdam,

194.

287

The Emblem

Els Stronks

288

289

Countries

in the Low

; j

4

vf

q

Figure 4

Emblem from J. Cats, Sinne- en minnebelden, Amstderdam,

Figure 5

1627.

*

,

Jan Steen's painting Stoeiend paar. Leiden, Stedelijk Museum De Lakenhal.

A2

346

Simon

222)

McKeown

The Emblem in Spain: History and Characteristics ANTONIO BERNAT VISTARINI, Palma de Mallorca, Spain

JOHN

T. CULL,

setts, U.S.A.

Universitat

College of the Holy

de

Cross,

les

Illes

Worcester,

Balears,

Massachu-

Traditionally, Spanish literary historiography has preferred to have little to do with emblems. However, over the course of the last fifteen years or so, this important area has recuperated—or perhaps it would be more accurate to say achieved for the first time—the recognition that it deserves. The great manuals dedicated to Spanish literature (from the nineteenth century on, and including such classics as those by Menéndez Pelayo, Hurtado y Palencia, Diaz-Plaja, Alborg, Pedraza, and Rodriguez, and even those

histories dealing specifically with the Golden Age, such as that by Pfandl) tend to give short shrift to emblematics.

R.O. Jones, in his volume Siglo de

Oro: prosa y poesia for Ariel’s Historia de la literatura española is one of the few literary historians who gives more than a passing mention of the

{5 INNE BI "

LDS

genre. Jones characterizes emblems as “allegorical engravings with clarifying verses (lengthier than the lemmas) conceived with the purpose of teaching a moral truth” (Barcelona: Ariel, 1978, 219-220), and he is astute

: 11) |

enough

/

to

recognize

that

the

emblem

was

a powerful

instrument

of

instruction, a visual conceit, and that a great deal of poetic imagery of the

seventeenth century shows the influence of emblematics by means of its symbolic imagery (220). In most other cases, when a reference to emblems

surfaces, such as in L. Pfandl, it is generally relegated to an emphasis on the Baroque taste for games of wit, enigmas, and the like. Or, more

commonly, an allusion to emblems serves the purpose of framing or contextualizing the work of a given author such as Saavedra Fajardo, a

figure appreciated in Spanish literature for many other reasons. The genre itself—that

is to say,

separate

and

attentive

observation

of the emblem

books themselves—escaped the notice of all but a few scholars and their sporadic and truly pioneering studies (K.L. Selig,’ 1.4. Maravall,~

Figure 6 Frontisp Sp iece to| Abraha é m Sahlstedt’s Sinnebilds Konstens , Stoc permission of the Librarian, Glasgow Universit y Library. oa

Publishing,

: ai

Texas.

See

Karl-Ludwig

1990.

Selig,

Studies

A reprint of the author’s

on

Alciato

in

Spain.

York:

Garland

la sociedad

barroca.

New

1955 doctoral dissertation, University of

See José Antonio Maravall, Teatro y literatura Madrid: Seminarios y Ediciones, 1972, 147-188.

en

348

Antonio Bernat Vistarini and John T. Cull

A. Sanchez

Pérez,°

and

G.

Ledda,*

to

name

the

most

The Emblem in Spain important)

and

349

merited only a few editions. On the one hand, some facsimiles were reproduced without due care or adequate study, such as those by C. BravoVillasante,° or on the other hand, grossly defective editio ns appeared, such as the Spanish translation of Alciato by Daza Pinciano, issued by Madrid’s Editora Nacional. Fortunately, things have changed recently, and Spanish emblematic literature has become the object of intense scrutiny. The definitive impulse for this dramatic change in the status of the emblem must be imputed both to the late Santiago Sebastian’ who, from the perspective of an art historian with an interest in iconography, trained a select group of students who have followed in his footsteps and who continue publishing and researching in this rich field of study, as well as to the cohesive efforts of the research team led by Sagrario Lépez Poza of the Universidad de La Coruña. The second step was the constitution of the Spanish Emble matics Society and the nearly simultaneous appearance in 1990 of Pedro Campa’s seminal

and analysis of the global panorama that can be deduced from a reading of the Spanish emblem books inventoried by Pedro Campa. This modest goal precludes us from commenting on so many other emblematic manifestations that inundated the cultural life of Spain’s Golden Age. Mario Praz’ has pointed out Spain's important role as “the natural nursery of wit” in developing the literary conceit (Martial and Gracian) and therefore the emblem, both of which have a shared origin in the Greek epigram. Certainly, the Spain of the beginning of the seventeenth century, so absorbent of all European cultural currents and so vigorous, could not help but be connected to the same phenomena that gave rise to the emblem, issuing from the hand of Alciato and certain printers, as a differentiated literary entity. That is to say, the origins of Spanish emblematics can be found in an attraction to hieroglyphics and the ciphered symbolic image (with humanist authors such as Palmireno, for example, who edited

time from a global appearance, Campa’s and correction, due These basic building

iconographical traces of the Hypnerotomachia Polifilii), in eye with a strong tradition of devices, imprese, blazons, and hera ἧς material,!° as is fitting in a country with a long chivalric tradition, t ; presence of an especially “conceptista” spirit in the cancionero poetry = the fifteenth century and in the warm reception of Spanish culture at ἐν beginning of the sixteenth century to the ideas of Erasmus ae ‘ truncated thereafter). Reviewing these elements it is easy to conclude = Spain must have been a country where emblem sae was flouris rapid n a massive scale. But this was not exactly t he st of that is underestimated that should not be i tin emblem books require a well-established printing industry. It 5 ἃ es ex : de printing never developed in Spain to the same extent that it

bibliography,’ which allowed researchers to consid er the genre for the first

perspective. bibliography in part to the blocks in the

In the years intervening since its initial has undergone considerable amplification explosion of critical inquiry in this field. history of research into Spanish emblem

literature have served as the foundation upon which an enormous enterp

rise has been erected, including specific studies, conferences, publications, monographs devoted to individual authors, editio ns of texts in hard copy as well as in digital format, and even encyclopedias that analyze the content of Spanish emblem books. We will endeavor here to provide a brief summary

* See Aquilino Sanchez Pérez, La literatura emble mätica espanola de los siglos XVI y XVII. Madrid: SGEL, 1977. See Giuseppina Ledda, Contributo allo studio della letteratura emblematica in Spagna 1549-1613.

Pisa: Universita di Pisa, 1970. See her editions of Sebastian de Covarrubias Horoz co, Emblemas morales. Madrid: Fundacion Universitaria Espafiola, 1978: Juan de Borja, Empresas morales. Madrid: Fundaciôn Universitaria Española, 1981; and Hernando de Soto, Emblemas moralizadas. Madrid: Fundacion Unive rsitaria Española, 1983. See Santiago Sebastian, Emblemätica e Historia del Arte. Madrid: Câtedra, 1996. Published after his death withou t his revisions.

See

Pedro F. Campa, Emblematica Hispanica. An Annot ated Bibliography of Spanish Emblem Literature to the Year 1700. Durham, See Pedro

Emblematica

F. Campa,

11 (2001): 327-376.

“Emblemata

NC: Duke University Press, 1990.

Hispanica:

Addenda

et Corrigenda.”

Horapollo, University

but also in architectural manifestations: in the cloister of =e of Salamanca, for example, where there are some ear y

countries.

And

although

e

se

2nd ed.

Rome:

the material printingof a given

certainly take place abroad, the lack of outlets in Spain prove ; 31 e the impediment that affected the development of the genre. One of curiosities of which we must take note is that in spite of a very early

Edizioni

°

See Mario di i

Praz, Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery. tteratura, 1964, 32.

; D opus “The Space between Heraldry and the Emblem: The Case for Spain.” In Emblem Scholarship: Directions and pei io “ ses

Gabriel Hornstein. Ed. Peter M. Daly. Imago Figurata Studies,

Brepols, 2005, 51-82.

vol.

5.

350

Antonio Bernat Vistarini and John T. Cull

Spanish translation of Alciato, original Spanish emblem books decidedly late-blooming phenomenon that did not begin to bear fruits until the end of the sixteenth century. The daunting task of characterizing the Spanish emblem and entiating it from other European national produ ctions has yet undertaken in a serious and systematic fashion. Based on a rather

The Emblem in Spain

are a its first differto be limited

selection of Spanish emblem books, Aquilino Sanch ez Pérez'! concluded that, with the exception of the books by Saavedra Fajardo and Solérzano Pereira, which deal with advice to the prince or ruler on questions of good

governance,

Spanish

emblem

books

all share

the characteristic

of being moralizing, with a religious intentionality based on the medieval philosophy or theology of divinization (“La intencionalidad parece ser mas bien religiosa y esta basada en la filosofia o teologia medieval de la ‘divinizacién,’” 72). He further asserts that an important factor in understanding Spanish emblem books is that the majority of their autho rs were priests (77), which results in the artistic sense didactic and catechistic Purpose of winning souls for God (80). To his credit, Sanchez Pérez admits to a certain compl exity among Spanish emblem books which makes it difficult to divide them into arbitrary groups (88). And while this author’s early attempt to make sense of the Spanish emblematic corpus is partially valid, he analyzed only a small representation of Spanish emblem books. We would be remiss not to mention the appendix to

351

In order to be able to describe this corpus with some semblance of coherence, we have established some general groupings into which we can comfortably fit most Spanish emblem books. 1. The Reception of Alciato: Translators and Scholiasts object

As is widely known, Alciato’s Emblematum liber quickly became a of

new

editions,

translations,

and

commentaries.

In

1549. Although

Daza’s translating skills, as manifested in ce RER

negligible and fails to meet the standards of quality we might sige ’ re edition must be taken into account. Alciato at this time was providing 2

books in Spanish, Juan de Borja’s Empres as mora

!1 See note 3.

se

press of Rouillé and Bonhomme with new emblems, and as a as

this Spanish translation enjoyed the surprising distinction of unvei δ. S emblems that had never appeared in print up until then. That is to ae ae emblems held their world premiere in Spanish, appearing even before igi rsion in Latin. } : svcèeîîl}î.l the of humanists Spanish renowned most the of Ongumslo\;xîes century paid very serious attention to Alciato’s book: such figures τ a ἐπ Arias Montano and Francisco Sanchez de las Brozas took an oe fs emblems. The former even authored his own emblematic books, ptt oe place

in Europe

with

his Humanae

salutis

eats

Section S of this volume’s Selective Bibliography for Se

les (Prague, 1581, and amplified in the edition of Brussels, 1680). And this would continue to be the case in general until the end of the seventeenth century, especially as implemented by the ecclesiastical or sermonistic dimension. Indeed, this focus will bind together all of the other com ponents of Spanish emblematics, from animal symbology or nature in general, to fables, proverbs, and the like.

> τ

The ἡ , phenomenon was an interesting process for several reasons. translation into Spanish was carried out by Bernardino Daza, a native οἱ Valladolid, and it was published in Lyons by Rouillé and Bonhomme À

an eminent

primary moral-didactic composition intended for the edification of an unlearned audience (190), but that the Span ish emblem is richer than its British counterpart, with a greater abundance of themes and more originality (192). In spite of his Oversimplification of the issue, Sanchez Pérez is indeed correct in his intuition that Spanish embl ematics is preponderantly doctrinal, moralizing, or political. This is certainl y true of the very first of the emblem

Lee

the

complete

reference).

Sanchez

de

las

Brozas,

on

undertook an early edition of Alciato with scholarly se (Lyons,

1573),

commentary.

oriented

fundamentally

in

the

the o

aa

2 spt

pic

direction

os F

ar

His refined notes were subsequently utilized, alo ten

commentaries of Thuilius, Mignault, and Pignorio in Tozzi’s tes

the Emblematum

liber

(Padua,

1621).

Decades

later,

yes

would issue a landmark commentary, this time in some translator of Virgil and a disciple of el Brocense, ao magistral

fae

(1615

and

1655),

a work

A

a

Re

en

)

: μὰν 3

ina

deena

that was

to be widely

es

interesting

commentaries

0

among Spanish writers as a source of erudition. It is also pane εν to mention here the recuperation of the manuscript of ano À Alciato’;

Juan

de

book. *’

Valencia,

which

contains

? See F.J. Talavera Esteso’s edition: Juan de ane } ie ‘Scholia in

Andreae Alciati Emblemata.’ Malaga:

Universidad de Malaga,

:

352

Antonio Bernat Vistarini and John T. Cull

The Emblem in Spain

2. The First Original Emblem Books in Spanish Chronologically,

considered

to be

the

first

Francisco

de

Spanish

Guzmän’s

emblem

T riumphos

books

are

morales

generally

(Antwerp,

1557) and Francisco de Monzén’s Norte de Ydiotas (Lisbon, 1563). In our view, both works present problems in terms of their adherence to the defining characteristics of the genre. Monz6n’s contribution is a meditational book in which the visual image serves to trigger mental prayer, within the framework of a narrative structure, in prose, in which the author

pretends to find himself in the penumbra of a church with an illiterat e woman whose soul is absorbed in the contemplation of the pious images of a book. Without attempting to set in motion a rigorous art of memory or to provide a collection of loci on which to meditate, a practice that the Jesuits would later develop, Monzén demonstrates the pedagogical strength of images, both as transmitters of doctrinal content, as well as suasive and emotional elements. The tradition within which his book is inscribed is, above all, that of the Bibliae pauperum or the libri idiotarum, but with the addition of a narrative fiction in which each image generates the text of its commentary. They are not, therefore, images that illustra te a text, but just

the reverse. This reciprocal relationship between image and text certainly

draws the Norte de Idiotas close to the genre of emblem books, but it stops just short of actually being one. The illustrations, of rather crude execution,

lack an inscriptio and their purpose is essentially one of demonstrating the legitimacy of the sacred image, questioned by the Reformation, and of

giving

renewed

value

to

its

didactic

efficacy

and

making

the

reader

appreciate that meditation by means of images can be devoid of any idolatrous content. On the other hand, Guzman’s book is inscribed in the Petrarc han

tradition of the Triomfi and in direct imitation of this model, it develops the images

appropriate to its moral allegory, utilizing in the illustra tions an iconography similar, in part, to that found in the illustrated editions of Petrarch’s Triomfi. Nevertheless, the relationship between image and text,

verse in this case, is tightly linked and fecund. The book is structured thematically as a journey from the earth to heaven, and features a series of triumphal processions dedicated to love, chastity, death, fame, time, and eternity. The triumphs themselves include a wide gamut of standar d themes: will,

reason,

knowledge,

prudence,

justice,

friendship,

piety,

obedience,

353

fortitude, patience, constancy, fortune, temperance, humility, fame, and 80 on. Guzman intersperses a number of curious historical and theoretical disquisitions throughout the book. He also includes a part dedicated to glorifying the Spanish monarchy, relating recent political events. 3. Books with a Moral Content

This may be viewed as a somewhat arbitrary designation, since we have already hinted that a heavy-handed moralizing content can be found in practically all Spanish emblem books. But in this category we have grouped together those books in which a vital preoccupation with moral matters is found in its purest state. Among these works can be found some of the very best Spanish emblem books. To our way of thinking, the works by Juan de Borja, S. de Covarrubias, J. de Horozco (the former s brother),

and Hernando de Soto, all characterized by a predominantly moral preoccupation, represent the highest achievement of Spanish emblematics. Borja’s Empresas morales (Prague, 1581) is characterized by an appreciable air of disillusionment, that repeatedly underscores the vanity of all things terrestrial (Fig. 1). However, it is not a book of religious meditation but rather an excellent example of the pessimistic ideological posture so typical of the Spanish Baroque,

which has led F. Rodriguez de

la Flor’? to speak of a “metaphysical peninsula” when referring to es Spain of those years. With only slightly different shades, this same attitude

is present in the emblem books of Horozco and Soto. The 100 imprese with Latin mottos and prose commentary in Spanish were reproduced in a Brussels edition of 1680, to which the author’s grandson, Francisco de

Borja, added

124 further emblems

in a Segunda Parte, some of which

: | have been left in manuscript by Juan. eb was the author of two emblem books in see he Peat distributed his various preoccupations, both moral rames ee = (Fig. 2) and religious (Sacra symbola), the latter in Latin. The = 2 on were

morales (Segovia,

1589,

=

1591, and 1604, editions with slight varia τ

τοὶ unique in the history of Spanish emblematics in several respects. ' emblems represent the first Spanish emblem book whose editio ne es published in Spain. In addition, the first part of the book CO?SIStSin few lengthy theoretical treatise penned by Horozco, one of very 5 See F. Rodriguez de la Flor, La peninsula metafisica. Arte, ne

Pensamiento en la España de la Contrarreforma. Madrid: Biblioteca Nueva,

si y :

354

Antonio Bernat Vistarini and John T. Cull

Spanish tradition, on the composition of emblems, imprese, devices, and the like. Horozco published a Latin version of the Emblemas morales, the Emblemata moralia, amplified to the extent of including 200 emblems (Agrigento, 1601). Hernando de Soto’s Emblemas moralizadas (Madrid,

1599) manifests

a peculiar didactic tone in many of its 60 emblems, in order, we believe, to reach a broader audience (Fig. 3). Its Latin motto, external to the engraving and placed above it, is accompanied by its immediate translation into Spanish. The execution of the woodcut picturae is quite rudimentary, though often charming. For the subscriptio, Soto opted for popular stanzaic forms, most

notably

the

redondilla,

a

octosyllabic lines with full rhyme.

stanza

normally

consisting

of

It is in the prose commentaries,

four

of a

sententious formulation, where Soto introduces his erudition, synthesized in

abundant marginalia, thereby infusing the discourse with explicit references. Both in his verses, with their fable-like quality, and in his prose, Soto displays the aforementioned moral preoccupations typical of the Spanish Baroque man, with its strong dose of disillusionment or undeceiving, its contemplation of the world as something essentially destructive and

deceitful, against which one must defend oneself, reserve oneself, make use

of silence, find utility in that which is harmful, and where traditional values have been forever displaced. Federico Revilla'* has correctly observed in this book the “horizon and portrait of a lay intellectual under the Austrias,” since the religious preoccupations are minimal, a point of contact that relates

him to other writers such as Pérez de Herrera, a friend of his. Judging by

the numerous quotations and echoes found in other authors, Soto’s book enjoyed immense success. Sebastian de Covarrubias (H)orozco’s much more extensive emblem book, the Emblemas morales (Madrid,

1610), merits singular attention (Fig.

4). It is structured in three groups of “centurias,” or units of 100 emblems each, without an appreciable thematic coherence within the group. The recto of each folio contains the emblematic engraving, generally of a superior quality than that found in most Spanish emblem books. The pictura tends to

bear a phylactery with the emblem’s motto in Latin, although there are also

a few in Italian, Spanish, or French. Beneath the engraving appears the subscriptio in the form of a poem of eight lines of eleven syllables each, known in Spanish as an octava real. The verso of the folio contains a ae

11 See Federico Revilla, “Las Emblemas moralizada s de Hernando de Soto. y retrato de un intelectual laico bajo los Austrias.” Goya 187-188 (1985):

succinct commentary

The Emblem in Spain

355

in prose (but, on occasion,

there is also some verse)

where the origin and meaning of the motto are developed, and the meaning of the entire emblem is often made explicit. Here the exegetical orientation is declaredly moral, and Covarrubias tends to rely on quotations from classical authorities to finish off his text and hammer home its meaning. Covarrubias establishes a direct and intimate communication with the reader, using a rather flat tone, in spite of the erudition he sometimes flashes. In this we can readily see the personal preoccupations of this great lexicographer, who was the author of the first widely disseminated dictionary of the Spanish language, his Tesoro de la lengua espanola o castellana, 1610. The advice that Covarrubias directs to his reader attemptsto persuade him towards the exercise of virtues as acceptable as “generosity, charity, honor,

prudence,

loyalty,

or deceit,

lust, adulation,

good

fame,

fidelity

in

friendship, Lee

moderation, honesty, resignation, perseverance, serenity, education, 800 governance, faith and conscience” (Bravo-Villasante, 18), at the su ges that it warns against the dangers of “avarice, envy, ingratitude, vanity, lying presumption,

madness

and verbosity. What pre-

dominates is the idea of disillusionment, of the vanity of vanities, of the passing of time, of the transitoriness of life and the triumph of be (Bravo-Villasante, 19). And yet at the same time Covarrubias includes ot a

isolated emblems that are playful and fanciful. Another feature of the boo

that attracts our attention is its abundant reflections on education that appear throughout. Covarrubias displays a consistently critical attitude towards a teachers and protests against the excessive use of punishments. He μά 4 ponent of teaching

based

on conviction and delectare,

an attitude

Without doubt, this 1s one 0

=

from his own biographical experiences. Spanish emblem books. reat we need to isolate in a separate group the pines this ma in ; books

by Juan

Baños

de Velasco,

L. Anneo

Seneca

(Madrid,

eur

Le

Francisco de Zärraga, Séneca juez de si mismo (Burgos, 1684), de se : ie ἵν the discussion (at times as a mere pretext to exhibit their Re abilities and wit) of some of the basic propositions Of Senecism. books, on the other hand, that connect with the preoccupations

Of

nye O À

of À ‘i books that deal with the education and rules of the basic re 1 whether as such ideal governor, extending the discussion to RE convenient to

possess

many

books, taxation, and

so on.

re de Herrera above, who wrote two reve We have otis a books (or, more appropriately stated, books with emblems). One οἱ Lo Proverbios morales (Madrid, 1618), we include here as a represen

Antonio Bernat Vistarini and John T. Cull

The Emblem in Spain

another variant, one which connects emblems from the very origins of the genre to sententious phrases, proverbs, and adagia. It is a book of heterogeneous content where the emblems seem to be more at the service of a display of ingenious discourse, as a parallel to the book’s proverbs or enigmas, rather than with the intention of forming ἃ tightly woven and unified discourse.

translation), “the prince must be warned about the many deceits and vile acts that other rulers can perpetrate on him, in order to be able to avoid them; at the same time, he must exercise a politics based on Christian

4. Political Emblematics

arsenal of his practical activity. Thus, based on the saying “Qui nescit disimulare, nescit regnare” [He who does not know how to dissimulate, does not know how to rule] by Louis XI of France, Saavedra constructed his

356

Included in this section is the best known and most influential emblem book, published in numerous editions and translated into languages. Diego de Saavedra Fajardo’s Idea de un principe christiano representada en cien empresas (Munich, 1640, but editio Milan, 1642), which often also bears the title Empresas politicas, is

Spanish several politico optima a work

in which many thematic lines intersect (Fig. 5). In addition to its main goal

of being a mirror of the prince in which the discourse strings together, more or less, the distinct stages in the life of the ruler, Saavedra’s book has as its center of gravity the theme of reason of state. Towards the end of the sixteenth century Spain experienced a lively reflection on the limits and lines of demarcation between politics understood as a technique to maintain and extend power and traditional Christian morality linked, generally, to a Providential idea of the state. During Saavedra’s life there were notable

milestones that fell within the context of this debate,

such as the works of

Pedro de Rivadeneyra (Tratado de la Religion y virtudes que debe tener el principe cristiano, 1595), Juan de Mariana (De rege et de regis institutione, 1599), or Juan Eusebio Nieremberg (Maquiavelismo degollado, 1637), not to mention the Politica de Dios (1626 and 1655) by Quevedo or the

dissemination of these ideas in some of the texts of Graciän (El Héroe, El Politico,

the

Ordculo

manual).

These

are

works

that,

like

Saavedra’s,

combine recommendations regarding the virtues that should adorn the ruler with theoretical political reflection seasoned with examples and historical dicta et facta. However, as Sagrario Lépez Poza has indicated in her edition of the Empresas politicas, we must acknowledge as a primary source of Saavedra’s ideas—and especially the Neo-Stoic ideas, as well as a similar utilization of history and a shared civil ethic—the Belgian writer Justus Lipsius

in his Politicorum

sive civilis doctrina

libri sex (1589).

Saavedra

attempts to distinguish, as too did the aforementioned Pedro de Rivadeneyra, between good and bad reason of state. In the final analysis a certain degree of pessimism triumphs, but in the words of Sagrario Lépez Poza (in our

357

virtues” (111). The problem that arises and begs resolution is that Christian

virtues do not harmonize easily with political exigencies such as lies, hypoc-

risy, dissimulation, and a whole series of “contratretas” (counter-tricks), to use a word dear to Graciän, that the good ruler needs to admit into the

impresa 43: “Ut sciat regnare” [So that he might know how to rule]. The choice of the emblematic mode allowed Saavedra to compose

each impresa as a small essay with a great deal of autonomy from the others. Indeed, beginning with impresa 44 Saavedra abandons the order oP propriate to the education of the prince in order to elaborate advice of a political nature. Saavedra was well aware of the rather inorganic manner Fe

which he presented his book and attempted to fix this shortcoming in : second edition, regrouping the imprese, and dividing the material into eig

great sections preceded by an index, which in turn Is meant as a ange ο guide to be read straight through or as ἃ clarification of the MESDInE γϑ e whole. This all seems to point to something written originally in ἃ Îragmentary manner, without an initial plan of constructing à unified ae beyond the rather simplistic external device of dedicating the first on ve the newborn prince and the final one to his death. Saavedra s utilization the emblematic form obeys a didactic end, where the interplay among

pictura, motto, and commentary

(discourse, according to his own term-

inology) is undertaken in the service of mnemotechnic goals, asec a τ : certain extent, the recommendation of Erasmus that, in order to teach prince maxims,

it is necessary

to “present them before his memory

wit

earnestness, whether with a sentence, an anecdote, a simile, an example, an

apothegm, or with a proverb” (Educaciôn del principe cristiano). ae

The other great Spanish book of political emblems is the Em ie regio politica in centuriam unam redacta (Madrid, 1653) by the ene in

Juan de Solérzano

Pereira,

written

originally

in Latin but Share

Spanish in 1660. To a certain extent, Solérzano wanted to imitate

es

aan τἰς

to a Fajardo, but the Emblemata are best understood in relationship works by Solérzano, in particular the Politica indiana and its See Ἣν tra 7 Ie With the philosophy of law. Solérzano’s emblems are In WI concretely deal and books most politically motivated emblem

a

358

cation of the prince, although this is not their central feature in spite of what has been generally asserted. The words of this emblem book are tinged with the defense—so characteristically Spanish—of the monarchy of the Austrias within the ideological framework of the politics of the Counter-Reformation. A clear providentialism attributed to the “Catholic Monarchy” drives Solorzano’s argumentation at a historical moment in which the loss of any former grandeur was painfully apparent. For this reason any reading of this work is greatly enriched if viewed in the context of Saavedra Fajardo’s Empresas politicas, from which it most certainly derives inspiration, and if it is then contrasted

with

the

later version

of Andrés

Mendo’s

359

The Emblem in Spain

Antonio Bernat Vistarini and John T. Cull

Principe

perfecto. In contrast to the other two books, both in Spanish, Solérzano’s choice of Latin for his book presupposes a desire to elevate his text above the excessive vulgarization into which emblematics had fallen and to place it on the same level with his more serious treatises on law in the Indies, and intended for a similar audience, that is to say, readers with an adequate uni-

versity education. Its tone is severe and it features a wide array of authorities, quotations, and erudition since, as he says in the beginning, “Nil dictum, quod non dictum prius” [Nothing is said that has not been said before]. The work deals with the origin and nature of royal power (emblems 1-23); the education of the prince in the exercise of virtue (emblems 24-41);

the means by which power should be enacted (emblems 42-52); and the exercises of power by means of the administration of justice and the use of

grace (emblems 53-80); the use and administration of the goods of the republic (emblems 81-86); and the conservation of peace and the waging of

war (emblems 87-94). He ends with six emblems on diverse considerations of a general nature. In this division of the book’s materials we can see an organic, tightly structured discourse that can hardly be reduced to a mere doctrinal of princes. The religious component is strong in Solérzano’s text, and extends to theological notions applied to moral practice, and impregnates the labor of the Catholic “universal monarch” with providentialism.

One last book that deserves to be mentioned here is the Amparo de

pobres (Madrid, 1598) by the physician Cristébal Pérez de Herrera, a man who was deeply troubled by Spain’s social situation. He was especially concerned with the country’s progressive impoverishment and urgent need

for even a minimal sanitary structure. Pérez de Herrera took advantage of the peculiarities of the emblematic structure to add interest and a broad moral sense to the very concrete issues of trying to provide assistance to the

overwhelming number of beggars that plagued the Spanish capital. The full title, Discursos del amparo de los legitimos pobres, y reduccién de los

fingidos . . . , points to the curious social problem of fake diverted charitable alms from the truly indigent. There are emblems in the book, but its unique status as an emblem book of a particular social cause makes it an important milestone in of the Spanish emblematic tradition.

beggars who only thirteen in the service the evolution

5. Preaching Manuals

In this section we will consider apart the books by the Jesuit priest Francisco Garau. The sum of his contributions constitutes a vast undertaking that can now be studied exhaustively in the edition by Studiolum. Garau’s works are fully representative of one of the primary aims of the Baroque emblem book in Spain, providing a resource that allows the sae deliverer

“to

localization

quotations,

preach

of and

to the

ability

and preachable

eyes.”

to recall

concepts

That

is to say,

an organized

on diverse

Garau

repertory

facilitates

of images,

e

subjects related to né

preacher’s homiletic labor—along the same lines, for example, = what the preacher in p ee Engelgrave'> had done earlier—in order to assist

u before the eyes of the faithful a convincing array of sensorial arguments. ideas their with Garau’s books, which on occasion include tables and indices

organized for this purpose, are also a curious place of encounter for πεν

diverse concerns as naturalistic wisdom, fables, treatises on the education 0 of the ruler with an intense anti-Machiavellian strain, and a defense

Counter-Reformation Catholicism. Villava’s book also displays a degree οἱ

this thematic organization against vices and ἃ defense of virtues SRE)

related to preaching, but above all it contains ἃ significant section to the criticism of the sect of the Illuminati (Jos alumbrados). 6. Jesuit Emblem

dedic

Books

It is a curious oddity that the Jesuit emblem book, so popular eee

European countries, never really took root in Spain. There are eae

pan

possible explanations. In the first place, the number of Spanish css the never really that large, and many of them were primarity cai

Missionary goals of the order. In the second place, the Jesuit Ὁ nié system his that flourished outside of the peninsula, where the composition ΟἹ em ;

'° See Henricus Engelgrave, Lux Evangelica sub velum Srila recondita in Anni Dominicas Selecta Historia & Morali Doctrina.

ai ’

atum

“145.

360

Sebastian Izquierdo, who demonstrated his intellectual acumen in the

field of logic with his Pharus scientiarum, authored a compendious treatise purpose

was

to

abbreviate

and

facilitate

established by Saint Ignatius of Loyola. With his ejercicios espirituales (a huge editorial success and and Latin), Izquierdo aimed to provide a substitute spiritual director. The retreat participant, then, by

the

spiritual

exercises

book Practica translated into for the figure following the

de los Italian of the book’s

pages and contemplating its images, should be able to attain the same goals

of meditation, introspection, compositio loci, and spiritual catharsis intended by the Ignatian Exercises. Lorenzo Ortiz was a brother coadjutor from Seville who, in spite of his rudimentary formal training, wrote two beautiful emblem books in which he set out to demonstrate his literary sensibilities, mixing verse and prose, quotations from famous

poets of his generation,

Zarate and Bocangel, and a reflection on the senses soul. These works continuously develop the Baroque interior and exterior, senses and spirit, the sensory and Francisco Nüñez de Cepeda’s book, with

engravings,

far superior to the norm

such as Lopez de

and faculties of the dialectics between the transcendent. beautifully crafted

for Spanish emblem

books,

is aimed

at prelates (Fig. 6). It is in fact a “regiment for prelates” written by an author who reveals a high level of culture and who utilizes in his

argumentation

great

erudition

and

a

profound

361

The Emblem in Spain

Antonio Bernat Vistarini and John T. Cull

was at times part of the curriculum, was not particularly successful in Spain. Nevertheless, Spain did produce some important Jesuit emblem books, such as those by Andrés Mendo, Sebastian Izquierdo, Lorenzo Ortiz, and Francisco Nüûñez de Cepeda (as well as the previously mentioned Francisco Garau). Of course, there is abundant paraemblematic material in authors such as Juan Eusebio Nieremberg or Alonso de Ledesma, an author of a spirit so similar to that of the Society. The list would be almost interminable. Each of these members of the Society of Jesus had a markedly different purpose in their respective books. Andrés Mendo composed a work that derived directly from Solérzano’s emblem book, going so far as to utilize 80 of his engravings (in the 1662 edition), and to translate his text almost literally. In essence, Mendo did little more than select that part of Solorzano that had most to do with advice to the ruler, abbreviating his source somewhat and making it more accessible, according to his own declaration in the prologue. In addition, he included a didactic component similar to that used by Saavedra Fajardo. whose

= See

understanding

of

the

the most symbolic culture appropriate to these works, from Horapollo to Rafael (as modern Baroque emblematists, especially his fellow Jesuits Garcia Mahiques'® has pointed out in the notes to his edition). 7. Thematic Emblem

Books

that are In this section we have grouped a number of emblems books nce. Fray each structured around a unifying theme that gives them cohere d, 1674) Antonio de Lorea’s David Pecador y David Penitente (Madri didactic advice makes use of the biblical story of David to convey its moral30 woodcut on the education of the prince and the art of governance. Its road that the s imprese, crudely executed, attempt to persuade men toward cler of his order leads to God. This prolific Dominican author and chroni the title; his are makes transparent his design in the long version of imprese). Empresas morales politico-cristianas (political-Christian moral Hercules (Madrid, Juan F. Fernandez de Heredia’s Trabajos, y afanes de author, a 1682) dedicates its 55 emblems to the labors of Hercules. The

ed his member of the prestigious Order of Alcantara, claims to have author to = book on the pagan hero during his youth. His emblems are intended

e could 4150 moral examples to the Prince, and therefore the book the education of the prmcî : τ grouped among the many others devoted to his Ausa used the fifteen emblems of

Juan

de

Representaciones

sixteenth-century

Rojas de

la

y

mystical

verdad

vestida

treatise

by

(Madrid,

Santa

1677)

Teresa

de

to ee.

Jesus, Casti :

allegorical wor interior. Also known as Las siete moradas, this important

union was ἐσθ at on the soul’s journey towards perfection and mystical and devotee of emblem literature, the urging of the famous Spanish Jesuit, Graciän. = peg The Mercedarian priest Father Alonso Remôn, a | to e dedicate friend of Lope de Vega, authored a book of impres founder of his order:

the Discursos

elôgicos y apologéhicos,

divisas sobre las triunfantes vida y muerte Nolasco (Madrid: Viuda de Luis Sanchez, excellent example of how emblematics Writers, apologists, and hagiographers. majority of the sixteen imprese included upper part of each device

is the motto

te

;

del glorioso patriarca San e = | 1627). This work L'on Were appropriated by τὸ Lars The second part 15 sae δε in the book are inserted.

; ; Latin, above the woodcut, in

rather

el Garc:ia Mahiques to his 16 See ç «tion and abundant notes by Rafa Tuero, 1988. eda. Madrid: abu and the introduction edition (partial) of the Empresas sacras of Nunez de Cep

362

Antonio Bernat Vistarini and John T. Cull

The Emblem in Spain

crude in execution. Beneath the pictura there is always text in Latin followed by text in Spanish. On the verso of the folio Rem6n provides the reader with ἃ “Scholium to prove the appropriateness of the application. ” !? The subsequent folios offer an “interpretative praise”!® of the impresa in question that amplifies it and comments on its meaning.

Occasional emblematic literature, whether festive (epithalamia, or the inauguration of new monarchs, or triumphal entries of viceroys) or solemn (funeral rites), was relatively frequent in the Hispanic emblematic tradition. A few of the most important works of this nature include Pedro Rodriguez

de Monforte’s Descripciôn de las honras (Madrid,

1666) to commemorate

las

reales

exequias

de

Maria

Luisa

de

Borbôn

(Palermo,

1689),

Edicién

completa

(Studiolum)—an

overview

of which

can be

seen at www.studiolum.com—aims to establish and publish the complete corpus of books that comprise the genre in Spain, with full text and

completely

searchable,

translations,

indices,

and

useful

tools

for their

analysis. To this end, we include all emblem books written by Spaniards in Spanish or Latin, as well as translations into Spanish of other books, translations of Spanish books into other languages, and polyglot editions that

include Spanish texts. Viewed from this rather broad—and hopefully more

the death of Philip IV; Francisco Antonio de Montalvo’s Noticias funebres

de

to introduce a basic taxonomy for the most important Spanish emblem books. It is our hope that it might serve as a point of departure for deeper analysis in the future. Any attempt to classify the corpus presupposes that there is agreement on what constitutes it. This is perhaps not currently the case for Spanish emblematics. Our digital edition, Libros de emblemas españoles.

8. Ephemeral Emblem Books

363

a

description of the symbolic program that adorned the principal church of Palermo to honor the memory of the queen, with the reproduction of 20 hieroglyphs or imprese; and Marco Antonio Orti’s Siglo quarto de la conquista de Valencia (Valencia, 1640). Because no expense was spared on these courtly and propagandistic spectacles of regal grandeur, the artistic quality of the emblem plates tends to be excellent in this category of books.

As will be evident to anyone who has read this far, Spanish emblem books conform to the entire broad spectrum of uses developed for the emblem throughout Europe. Their period of maximum splendor occurred somewhat late in Spain, when compared to other countries—the second half of the seventeenth century—and this fact helps explain some of their characteristics: a distancing from the earlier humanist ideals and a delight in Baroque amplification, a strong moralizing tendency blended with political

cohesive—perspective, we identify the titles reproduced below as belonging to the Spanish emblematic corpus. We are fully aware that some of these

a

titles have only a tangential relation to canonical emblem dep

believe that their publication alongside the more normative works will al ὅν;

the reader to appreciate the full scope and richness of all manifestations 0 Spanish emblematic literature.

EMPRESAS

MORALES.

i9

or even social interests of a Spain that was beginning to perceive its own

decadence and to express a well-known type of disillusionment. At the same time, we must not forget the special character impressed upon these works due to their being the fruits of religious writers, imbued with a Catholic Counter-Reformation spirituality at a time when the rest of Europe was beginning to develop a more open culture. No classification system can account for all of the variations of emblem books produced in a given country. In this essay we have attempted ‘ The quotation in English reproduces the Spani sh original. The quotation in English reproduces the Spani sh original.

Figure 1

Juan de Borja, Empresas morales. Brussels: Francisco Foppens, da from the first edition, Prague, 1581.

:

has see

ἌΡ. 2 s eS

364

365

The Emblem in Spain

Antonio Bernat Vistarini and John T. Cull

MORALIZADAS. 67 Nihil tam volucre guain maledifiun,

ΝΣ

Je MO ENT

”

ER

A RAA

ENT

-

. EMBLE

τσὶ

As

.

M

“ἢ

eAntes que la lengua mueuas Tara ofender al mas trifle,

τ

=

;E

A;

ΓΑ

;

ΗΝ

D

RONDES

+

>

’

—

-

4

n

a

NP

;

1

>

_

CE

ANI

OP

No ay aue que tanto buele Como lo que mal fe habla.

)

CEI

PS ”

Per

CPi)

ΕἾ,

AS

\

;

Puedes creer que le difle De fu agrauio trifles nueuas. Elque agrauia;tarde apela

13]

Mona, lds a "Rage le confumey.

Por mas que la mjuria barre:

Que lo bien hablado corre, lo mal hablado bucla, 13

Figure 3

|

ΠΟ ‘ > ἘΝ Lex Hernando de Soto, Emblemas moralizadas. Madrid: Heirs of Juan Iñigue z de

Figure 2 Juan de Horozco y Covarrubias, Emblemas morales, Zaragoza,

ES

1604, book 3, emblem

18.

Lequerica, 1599.

«

(422

366

22%

2%

367

The Emblem in Spain

Antonio Bernat Vistarini and John T. Cull

408

EMPRESAS

las particulares,no pareze,que habld como Predica-

dor,fino como Rei. No fe à dedeciren el pulpito,lo q

fe prohive en las efquinas,i fe caftigazen @ fuele engañarfe el zelo,d por mui ardiéce,d porque le deslum-

brael aplaufo popular, que corre à oir los defetos del Principe,o del Magiltrado.

NY

E MBLE M

A, or.

Z/niñotierno es como La cera, “di Que le podeis formar a vuefiro modo,

|

'doincñar [u voluntadfincera,

Quanaofe rinde,y obedece en todo:

| Masfielcaftigo,y ta enfenaga ejpera A la madura edad;daraos de! cod,

| Siendovara Podreis endereçalle,

D

DE Ses arbol,corress rie/go de quebralle. Bb

3

El entendimiento, no de Ia plumaesel oficiode

Secretario. Si fuefe de pintar las letras, ferian buenos SecretarioslosIm prefores.A eltoca el conful-

Εἰ.

tar,difponer, i perficionar las materias. Es vna mano de la voluntad del Principe, i vn inftrumento de fu govierno, vn indice, por quien feñala fus refoluciones , +% 9 Pa“ 3 como dijo el Rei Don Alonfo el Chanciller (a quien 01

correfponde el Secretario) es el fegumdo Oficial τ ri [1

Figure 4 Sebastian de Covarrubias.

Horozco,

Emblemas morales.

Madrid:

Luis Sanchez,

1610.

Figure 5

sa : Milan, cristiano, “ico cristia FE ὃ : À politico i Idea de un principe Fajardo, de Saavedra Diego

47 1642.

AIT ss

e

Antonio Bernat Vistarini and John T. Cull

368

m and America The Emblem in the United Kingdo SACRAS.

119

MARY V. SILCOX Ontario, Canada McMaster University, Hamilton, The amount

of emblematic

staggering.’

This essay’s

and

of England

paintings

and in the literature, decorative arts,

material

particularly

Scotland,

focus,

however,

in the Renaissance,

is much

more

is

modest than that

lem books published in Great Britain broad cultural panorama—English emb ay of emblems in England was the and America up to 1900. The heyd will and therefore most of our attention sixteenth and seventeenth centuries ished emblem books continued to be publ be directed to that period, though tion, I will not be discussing related through the nineteenth century. In addi ies and pageants,

heraldry,” records of entr forms such as books of arms and lem books, and so on. Manuscript emb masques, illustrated Bibles, fable the scope of this essay. books are also, unfortunately, beyond and a later development in England

Emblems

experienced

books

ce, Spain, or the Low Countries, not Fran as such s trie coun in than land Scot ish translation the 1560s. Oddly enough, no Engl

appearing until the end of ished until very recent scholarly ediof Alciato’s Emblematum liber was publ s from Alciato

individual emblem tions, though of course adaptations of

EMPRESA

XIE

᾿ς MS. Ὁ es ran candid lla fenci y + ndic cae ' fda ’ . .

D:

ἢ]

-

re i

|| | 1 |

la

ἂν

ι

do ee , Fran FA 4 o cite elmalradade CX= chritu ae

ia ἡ d tas te Saxi e: yDi fagacida quia thi lulit sect netic, Ἢ» ce À ‘ aver5Fees 3 esate ebieigai iefrefcarfe en las aguas rect MEN com deti:per ini. cris 32s como ze τς

|

ad

ἔν

τ Oo: tui colunbartre, wl pa- ce Robe ii

sy

E

; a

a

li acalo el

‘O'JVÌIJ.D‘

irata embol-

ant ἣν n , eE: AT j imena acça v:j1 esfobr PCT snub 4e fc ntrcs la î)gcereca

con que no foto ΔΙ

en

lantis vinbrain agiits ir

7

TRAME ὃς NN ί petty cia Fraitὁδο

criflale we lombra, pila

nya ree mee

atl fino a. vi LÉ afr losel gavi ps .Las Son ados oins l'xlaritignitiauur +19 Prellan, tambien de tu ΠΩ agen wg i

Da : Elgure 6 rancisco Nûñez de Cepeda, Idea de el B Lyons,

1682.

|

uen pastor representada en Empresas Sacras,

nnings of the emblem in the United pervade English emblematics. The begi pean countries where not as clear-cut as in other Euro Kingdom are therefore translations of Emblematum

departure. liber provide a convenient point . of

symbolic representation led to the While many elements of visual and 10 s have s seem i spread of emblems, in England emblem .

popularity and developed from :

repr

| sapere

À

a

with

joining .

imported

argely secular, and imprese.

3

together ’

of

:

epigrammatic

native

a

allegorical f

me

wit

religious

creation,

s

em “A Short Title Listing of English Embl Peter M. Daly and Mary V. Silcox, See Emblematica 4 (1989): 333-376. s Printed to 1900,” enda V. Mary and Emblematic Work Daly M. Books and M. Peter to “Add Daly and Mary V. Silcox, also Peter on, Lond Munich, '

aphy of Secondary Literature. Silcox, The English Emblem: Bibliogr ematica 12 (2002): 329-348. ; _ New York, Paris: K.G. Saur, 1990,” Embl s air ὃν La Fa at ar popul 2 Books on arms and heraldry were very ce of Armorie (1562), ‘ON OSSEWE century and include Gerard Legh’s Accendan ce umcee SY mbol Gentr of hic orumie et hen ’sm, Blaz Ferne Johnemblem roglyp ), armand hieon (1572 atu Armorie Works of Lati m, oru m, gniu /nsi theory. n bol sym Fraunce’s along with an important discussion of

contains a discussion of heraldry

É

~

£22 s s 22>

371

Mary V. Silcox

The Emblem in the United Kingdom and America

The result is an emblem tradition with two streams, religious and secular. Religious emblem books appeared before the secular, and that is therefore where our story begins.

prefatory material, emblems are what are referred to as naked emblems. The ated into English. mottos, and verses are in Latin, with only the verses transl als, perhaps not The translated poems are inferior to the Latin origin Their reliance upon surprising given the Latin basis of education at the time.

370

Religious Emblem Books

ma 89: visual cues is evident in the verse of, for example, Emble

Stephen Bateman’s A Christall Glasse of Christian Reformation’ and Jan van der Noot’s A Theatre for Worldlings were both published in 1569, and both of them are strongly anti-Catholic. Bateman’s A Christall Glasse is a

Of beastes most great in might The Elephant call by right Whose picture to thy sight is set forth here.

a reliance upon emblematic pictures and interpretive texts (including a motto, signification, and longer prose discussion) which the reader must actively interrelate. The images are often built around Catholic clerics as demonstrating the vices most emphatically for the English, Protestant reader

The Lord his power to show Hath placed this beast below That we to God might bow, Of so great strength.

warning to its readers to eschew the seven vices and embrace the eight virtues. This is, of course, a traditional message, but it is conveyed through

(Fig. 1). There are no references to emblems or Alciato in A Christall Glasse, which has led some critics, intent upon an ahistorically narrow

definition of the emblem, to leave it out of bibliographies of emblem books.

The work’s image-text combinations, however, clearly function as emblems

and it demonstrates for us the strong allegorical and native underpinnings to the English emblem. religious, introduces

Jan van der Noot’s emblem book, though also the importation of emblem influences from the

continent and the reliance of English emblem books upon translations or adaptations from continental emblem books. Van der Noot was an outspoken Protestant who fled from Antwerp to avoid persecution from the Spanish authorities. A Flemish and a French edition of A Theatre for Worldlings were published in London in the year before the English translation. The young Edmund

Spenser translated its visionary and vehemently anti-Roman

poems, though not the long prose commentary. While emblem books in the Low Countries were blessed with a choice of talented engravers, English emblem books were often illustrated by Dutch engravers working temporarily in England or by copies or plates from continental books; or they possessed no picturae at all. Andrew Willet’s Sacrorum emblematum centuria una (1592) is just such a book, and its 100 3

Abusers’: Stephen ‘ See Mary: V. Silcox, ’ “‘Manifest Shew of A ll Coloured i area s A Christall Glasse of Christian Reformation as an Emblem ae In a oT cape Directions and Developments. A Tribute to Gabriel Hornstein. . Peter M. Daly. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 5. Turnhout: Brepols, 2005, 211-227.

On his title page,

Willet refers to his emblems

as “all derived from the

claims that his purest founts of Scripture,” and his dedicatory epistle also from Holy Scripture.” “emblems . . . have been all collected and transferred

these were already As Michael Bath points out, “The suggestion is that

mode of the Sacrorum emblems before Willet collected them, and the whole of the most important emblemata centuria supports the assumption that some in the Bible.”* The antique examples of emblematic signs were to be found

integral part of it, not an Biblical reference for each emblem is thus an concept of the emblem is based in the optional ornamentation, and Willet’s

wit. nature found in allegory rather than in the ingenious nature of Jenner, as for the English The value of emblem books for Thomas their educational and religious emblematists writing before him, was in Soules Solace (1626), polemical possibilities for Protestantism. Jenner’s The

readers Ages of Sin (1656) provide their The Path of Life (1656), and The beliefs. The Soules Solace with explanations of Protestant practices and contains emblems on topics such as “The way to get Riches,” “A Remedy

the wicked,” illustrated with scenes against Dispaire,” and “The Bridle of to slaughter,

a farmer driving a pig from contemporary English life, such as tic scenes like a man riding a horse in the rain, and a tailor’s shop. Realis hnes of

these are very

unusual

in English

emblem

books.

“The

foolis

’ Renaissance OKs and Rel lem Books Michael Bath, Speaking Pictures: English Emb Latin is Bath's. Culture. London: Longman, 1994, 171. The trans lation here from Willet’s

“5

2227225

Mary V. Silcox

The Emblem in the United Kingdom and America

Transubstantiation” draws on a street scene of ἃ tavern to argue that just as

Ignatian meditation can be followed in the movement through each chapter, with the engraved images acting as catalysts for contemplation. Each chapter is built around one of 24 symbols, and all but the last two chapters have nine parts, opening with the engraved “Devise” of, for example, the bee, which

372

one would not suck on the sign of a tavern (a bush) rather than on the wine

within, so the bread and wine of the Eucharist are merely signs of Christ, not Christ himself (Fig. 2). The Path of Life traces what its title page calls “the steps to heaven” that one needs to follow to be saved, starting with vocation and ending with glorification, each step being composed of a pictura, ἃ short prose explanation with a Biblical reference, and a longer prose elaboration. The Biblical references provided in many religious emblem books serve to expand the arena of thought for the active reader. The Ages of Sin then follows the sad process of becoming habituated to sin, from its beginning in Suggestion, to Rumination, Delectation, Consent, Act, Iteration,

Gloriation,

Obduration,

and

Finall-Impenitency.

As

Jenner

explains on the title page to The Path of Life, these works are “Set forth in Copper Prints, that by the outward and visible we may the easier see that which is inward and invisible”—a suitably Protestant view of the value of

images. Jenner was an engraver, writer, printer, and publisher, and although

his engravings may not be fine, they are lively and expressive. The Soules Solace was popular enough to be printed in more than one edition. The publication of Henry Hawkins’s two emblem books, Partheneia sacra in 1633 and The Devout Hart in 1634 marks an important change in the nature of religious English emblem books. Hawkins was a Jesuit priest, and both these books incorporate the techniques of Ignatian meditation, relying on a careful imaginative evocation of a scene or image, followed by an analysis of its spiritual significance to the meditator, and a consequent

action,

such as a colloquy

with God.

Partheneia sacra seems

particularly

close to Counter-Reformation attempts to renew spiritual devotion through

the cultivation of the senses. Its prose is both sensually beautiful and allegorical as it meditates on the Virgin Mary through picturing her as, for

example, a garden, a lily, a star, a nightingale, a hen, a fountain, and a ship. In his “Preface to the Reader” Hawkins defends his use of secular genres: “though the instruments I use, may seeme prophane, so profanely used now adayes, as Devises consisting of Impreses, and Mottoes, Characters, Essayes, Emblemes, and Poesies: yet they may be like that

Pantheon, once sacred to the feigned Deities, and piously since sanctified,

converted, and consecrated to the honour of the glorious Queene [i.e., the Virgin Mary], and al the blessed Saints of Heaven.” The complex organization of Partheneia Sacra is unusual for both

meditations and emblem books, though the simple three-part process of

373

a vivid description of the qualities of the

is followed by “The Character,”

bee, then “The Morals,” which explains the Motto of the Devise and begins the allegorical application of this symbol from nature’s book. This is followed by “The Essay” and “The Discourse,” which expand on the two preceding

sections.

“The

Emblem”

versified

section,

acts

as

bee placed

refreshes us with an engraving

in a setting with other figures,

and

epigrams

emblem

“The

Poesie,” do,

usually

of the

the only

combining

descriptive and interpretive elements. “The Theories” continues to deepen the contemplation of the Virgin through the symbol of the bee, while the final section, “The Apostrophe,” enacts the conclusion of the meditation,

with its colloquy to Mary emphasizing the individual voice of the meditator: “O Great Monarkesse

and Princesse of intercession in heaven

...

O help

me then to guard this inestimable treasure of Chastitie in my state of life! by that sweetest Honie-comb thou bredst within thee” (80). The close relationship between meditation and emblem in the sevenis not

teenth

century

same

conjunction

to

restricted

Catholic

examples,

either

in English

culture in general or in emblem books. Meditative techniques spread quickly from Catholic, Counter-Reformation sources and were adapted by Protestant writers, preachers, and laypeople. Joseph Hall, a Bishop of the Church of England, published meditations that could well be considered naked emblems, though his work has not typically been categorized as such. The

of image

and

word

as the emblem

appears

im his

Occasional Meditations (1630), with headings such as “On the sight of a pitcher carried,” “On the sight of a tree full blossomed,” and “On occasion

of a spider in his window.” Hall frequently refers to the images as emblems;

is this bat an = for example, in the meditation on the spider he asks, “What blem of those spiritual freebooters, that lie in wait for our own souls (1 19) The remaining major religious emblem books follow this meditative,

Spiritual, and largely nonsectarian development. Robert Farley (or Farlie), a

Scot who traveled to London to publish his Lychnocausia sive moralia facum

emblemata

/ Lights

Morall

Emblems

(1638),

centered

his emblems,

most often composed in both Latin and English, on the image of light, tallow represented by a candle. The candle’s dual nature, a combination of

—

ον € © A,

374

am. In some ways, poem, quotations from patristic sources, and an epigr s of English emblems Quarles joins the epigrammatic and allegorical strain are composed of allegory, together in that his picturae and their applications tury masques, but his quite often allegory in motion, as in seventeenth-cen His emblems introduce verse is also filled with the clever wordplay of wit. Divinus) and the Soul into England the figures of young Divine Love (Amor 3) and in the verse, where (Anima) interacting, both in the picturae (Fig. influence of the Song of dialogue with self and other often develops.° The Songs in Quarles’s Emblemes is striking.

(animal fat) and a flame, lends itself perfectly to his exploration of our dual nature as possessing both body and soul. Francis Quarles’s Hieroglyphikes of the Life of Man, also first published in 1638, likewise uses the image of the candle to consider man’s constitution and relationship with God, but it is a far more sophisticated work than Farley’s, both in the quality of its picturae and the complexity of its meditations. Quarles’s

other emblem

book,

entitled

simply

was

Emblemes,

first

printed in 1635, and it has enjoyed a long publishing history, having appeared in over 50 editions throughout the seventeenth, eighteenth, and nineteenth centuries. It was an enormously popular work, particularly with nonconformist Protestants (who generally came from the middle and lower classes), and perhaps for that very reason it was disparaged in high literary circles, particularly in the eighteenth century. It is certainly time for a reconsideration of its virtues. Bringing together many of the characteristics of English religious emblem books, it is clearly a Protestant work, though its emblems were derived from two continental Jesuit sources, Herman Hugo’s Pia desideria, first published

Like

century,

a quotation

from

not the

the Bible,

each

it continued

to play

| | | eenth eight the in have been marginalized

ἃ role in nonconformist approaches

to

ts of Quarles’s meditation on religious matters, largely conveyed by reprin Progress. A im’s Pilgr matic and Harvey’s books, and John Bunyan’s emble nineteenth century, and revival of emblematic influence took place in the as and John Thurston’s Religious new emblem books, such as Joseph Thom of

Emblems, Emblems (1809), Jonathan Birch’s Divine

Quarles’s Emblemes is also typical in expanding the form of each of his emblems beyond the three parts of the Alciatian norm. His possess five or a motto,

cordis

squeezing it In a wine activities with a human heart—bathing it, gh these explorations of the releasing a winged heart, and so on—and throu trace the progress of the heart in its metaphors of the Bible, the reader can

relationship with God (Fig. 4).° Though the emblem may

knowledge of letters, GOD was knowne by Hierogliphicks; And, indeed, what are the Heavens, the Earth, nay every Creature, but Hierogliphicks and Emblemes of His Glory?

a pictura,

Schola

nature is emphasized. Rather of van Haeften’s emblems, their meditative spiritual messages, these than meditating on elements of nature that carry that open the textual portion emblems meditate upon the Biblical quotations are engaged in a variety of of each. In the picturae, Divine Love and Anima press,

An Embleme is but a silent parable. Let not the tender Eye checke, to see the allusion to our blessed SAVIOUR figured, in the Types. In holy Scripture, He is sometimes called a Sower;

including

Harvey's

engravings, and since he removed the learn

is necessary to justify his use of visual materials in his preface to the reader, and his defense refers to the ancient lineage of emblems, their presence in the Bible, and the emblematic nature of all of the created world:

six sections

Christopher

al contributions to “Epigram” and “Ode” are Harvey’s origin ed lecture that accompanied

Quarles feels it

sometimes a Physitian: And why to the eye, as to the eare. Before

Emblemes,

several characteristics Emblemes and Hieroglyphikes, and it shares of Divine Love and Anima, Quarles’s Emblemes, most notably the figures each emblem. The English and the multiple sections that make up the copied

1624 (for Books III-V) and the Typus

theological or doctrinal. Like earlier English emblematists,

Quarles’s

Heart, was adapted from a (1647), often referred to as The School of the Schola cordis. It was printed Catholic emblem book, Benedict van Haeften’s beyond, often with Quarles 8 several times in the seventeenth century and with

mundi, first published 1627 (for Books I and II). Quarles only occasionally changes the picturae, which were copied from their sources by English engravers, but his poetry shows considerable independence. Because Quarles’s interest lies in creating a meditative and spiritual experience for his readers, the differences between Quarles and his Jesuit models are rarely

sometimes, a Fisher; presented so, as well

375

The Emblem in the United Kingdom and America

Mary V. Silcox

a

after the Manner

from erotic me 5 The transformation of the figures of Cupid andwasPsyche performed by Otto van s emblem us religio in Anima and Love Divine to s emblem > : Veen, who adapted his own love emblems to religious ones. ee μὴ found be to also ‘ These figures of Divine Love and Anima are

Emblems with Elegant Figures (1658) and Edmund Arwaker’s trans'ation desideria (1686).

422

376

Mary V. Silcox

the continued reading of religious life in emblematic terms. All three of these books are indebted to Quarles. John Thurston’s romantic and very accomplished wood engravings are loosely based on Quarles’s and are combined with Thomas’s associative prose discussions of traditional Christian values. Holmes and Barber’s Religious Emblems, created and published in many states of the United States, was reprinted and revised a number of times. Its technique is familiar: a scene from human life is shown to the reader, a quotation from the Bible begins its spiritual reading, a title prothe subject,

a poem

describes

the scene,

and a longer prose piece

presented to the Earl of Leicester before he traveled to the Low Countries the commander of the English forces against the Spanish occupation, Choice of Emblemes was revised and expanded by Whitney in Leiden, Netherlands. There he had the great good fortune to have access to famous Plantin Press’s large store of woodblocks made to illustrate many

editions

are prowling, is described at length. Only a small portion is reproduced here:

applications,

The travelers retire to rest; wooed by fatigue, “balmy sleep” soon lights upon their eyelids; their slumbers are deep; but they are soon to be disturbed; night gives the signal for the beasts of to come

forth

from

their dens;

hungry

blood they come; roaming, ravening, and the woods echo their fearful howlings; travelers; they surround the tent ... . The traveler from the fury of the wild beasts

and

thirsty

for

roaring they come; they scent out the preservation of the by means of fire,

represents the preservation of the Christian from the attacks of

Satan and his helpers, by the Almighty... .

The emblem book has evolved into a nineteenth-century form, incorporating both the high passions of the Romantics and the novelistic expectations of its readers. Secular Emblem

Books

Geoffrey Whitney’s A Choice of Emblemes

emblem

and

use of these emblematists’

Whitney’s

garb, flanked by two blazing bonfires around which two lions and a leopard

of other

fable

books

as À the the the

had previously

Plantin

published. Fifteen of Whitney’s woodcuts are newly devised, while 207 are from Plantin’s stores, and 25 copied from emblem books Plantin had not published. A Choice thus has woodcuts from books by Alciato, Sambucus, Junius, Paradin, Simeoni, De Montenay, Faerno, La Perriere, and Aneau.

expands upon the scene in a narrative fashion and completes its application to the life of each Christian. The descriptions are lively and clearly intended to engage the reader’s imagination and emotions. In “The Protected Traveler,” for instance, the scene of three travelers in nineteenth-century

prey

377

The Emblem in the United Kingdom and America

Master Francis Quarles (1838), William Holmes and John Barber’s Religious Emblems (1846), and Religious Allegories (1856) bear witness to

Claims

222s

mottos

and epigrams

varies widely,

from fairly straightforward translations to entirely new texts and interpretations for the picturae.’ Generally, though, Whitney S anthology treats its sources with much freedom, particularly since most of the originals had very short texts. Although Whitney is often inventive in his thus demonstrating

wit, his verses are not epigrammatic

cr

contain little wordplay. His Choice illustrates a characteristic common to a : English emblem books—they lack the succinct, often riddling quality x Alciato’s epigrams

and are instead ethical commentaries

and social behavior of humankind.

The enigma

on me

hes

in Whitney's emblems

1s

thus located in the moment between the reader’s sight of the motto and fit together. In sale pictura, and the explanation in the verse of how they he 46, for example, dedicated to Sir Henry Woodhouse, the motto 1s

hominum sensus [Various are the opinions of men]. But what does that uk : to do with the pictura of two women kneeling down and pea into their aprons, while in the background a chapel has skulls piled

=

e ;

and a horse prances proudly by? The answer comes In the epigram ¥ Fe is explained that while a woman, “in reverence Οἱ the dead,” care : y a placed skulls on a hill, she stumbled and all the skulls “here, and there, t ranne abowt

the hill.”

The

epigram

then moves

on to the application

by

quoting the woman: With that, quoth shee, no maruaile is this happe,

(1586) was the first secular

English emblem book to be published and had a significant influence on both literature and the decorative arts in Britain. Originally a manuscript

Since men aliue, in myndes do differ still:

ney's I relationship of Whit Mason Tung has published several articarti les on the emblems to their sources, most notably, “Whitney s AC noice of Emblemes Revisited: A in Bibliography of the Manuscript and the Printed Versions, ” Studies

Comparative Study

29 (1976): 32-101.

The Emblem in the United Kingdom and America

Mary V. Silcox

other: Samuel

And like as theise, in sunder downe do fall.

So varried they, in their opinions all.

Domenichi’s

The horse, by the way, is never explained in the text. To interpret that aspect of the emblem, one would need to return to the pictura after reading the epigram, and recognize the horse as the traditional symbol of willful pride. Many of the changes Whitney made when preparing his manuscript for publication seem to have been designed to alter it from being simply a

private,

complimentary

gift

dedicated

to

a powerful

patron.

Instead,

it

became an attempt to sway public opinion—the public of the Low Countries and even more of England—into believing in the need for Protestant, English military intervention in the Low Countries, led by Leicester in particular.* Because Whitney’s emblems are so varied, covering all sorts of topics, there is no overarching narrative or thematic organization, though there are certainly repeated areas of interest. The emblems at the beginning of his second book, for example, are dedicated to members of Leicester’s forces and deal with military and Roman themes. What links Whitney’s emblems together is the repeated page layout for each emblem unit, his interest in the well-being of the community and the state, and the framework he constructs through his exploration of the psychological and social effects of human mortality. Like many of the religious emblem books, A Choice provides extra commentary and authorities in its marginal glosses, though Whitney’s references are usually to other emblematists or classical authors, not the Bible. Whitney also expands the signifying value of his emblems by

dedicating many of them to individuals—friends, family, neighbors, officers

in Leicester’s expeditionary force, and well-known public figures—adding

his own personal and country’s social network to A Choice’s political agenda of aiding Leicester’s aspirations. Thus, while Whitney’s emblem book is

developing, transmitting, and enlarging on moral tropes commonplace in his culture, he is also locating them in his own and in his patron’s particular place and situation. Four

early

modern

emblematic devices number of imprese.

works

that

contain

theoretical

discussions

of

provided English readers with samples of a great Three of them appeared within a few years of each

€ . C1 dic ᾿ For ἃe much% fuller discussion of the political positioning of Whitney’s emblem book, see John Manning’s “Whitney’y's Choice ic of Emblemes: A :’ ; Reasses RenaisςReassessment,” ϑ f sance Studies 4 (1990): 155-200. 3

Daniel’s Certain

The Noble

Worthy Tract of Paulus Jovius and Lodovico Devises

P.S.’s The Heroicall Devises of M.

or

of

Emblemes

Camden’s

chapter

Britaine

Concerning

Simeon,

Gabriel

on

379

imprese

in

The

(1605).

Militarie

both

(1585),

and Amorous

Claudius Paradin and The Purtratures A

his

Florentine

fourth

Remaines

(1591),

of a

is Thomas

and

Greater

Blount’s

William

Worke

The Art of

Making Devises treating of hieroglyphicks, symbols, emblemes, aenigmas, reverses of medals, anagrams, cyphres and rebus (1646), largely a translation of a work by Henri Estienne. Added to the editions of Blount’s The Art printed after 1646 was “a catalogue of the coronet-devises on both sides in the late warres, and those of the Scots taken at the great battails of

Dunbar and Preston.” Daniel’s and P.S.’s books are translations of continental discussions of imprese. These discussions not only describe the pictorial element (in Daniel’s case) or have a woodcut of it (in P.S.’s case)

but also provide an explanation of why the owner of an impresa chose his or her representation; for example, in Daniel’s Worthy Tract, Jovius explains: Lewes

the twelft,

King

of France,

...

for that it fitted the

noble nature of that Martiall Prince, . . . caused to be worne on

the upper garments of the Archers of his Garde, a hedgehogge

crowned, which pricketh those, that come neere to annoy it, & casteth most sharp thornes at those which stande farther of: signifying thereby that his forces were readie nere at hand and

also abroad. On which subject I remember to have seene this mot, Comminus & eminus [Near and far].

Camden’s chapter on imprese is part of his description and praise of Britain,

as his book’s full title indicates: Remaines of a greater worke, concerning Britaine,

the

inhabitants

thereof,

their

languages,

names,

surnames,

ugh Camden’s empreses, wise speeches, poésies, and epitaphes. Altho examples are unillustrated, they are described in enough detail that the reader can easily visualize them. In keeping with his subject of Britain, all but one of his examples have English bearers. Imprese played an important role in noble and courtly culture in England during the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries, and these books were instrumental in spreading knowledge of the form.’ While imprese are not the same thing as emblems, traditionn in England. Alan Young has published extensively on the impresa Philip, 1987. See, for example, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments. Lon don: George °

380

Mary V. Silcox

they are closely related,

and many

imprese

books as their significance was expanded expression to a general moral statement. te

The Emblem in the United Kingdom and America found

from

their way

one

into emblem

individual’s

self-

The Mirrour of Majestie (1618), whose author is known simply by the

initials H.G., is one of a number of works that fed the same interest in heraldry and devices as those in the preceding paragraph. It is distinct from other compendia of arms, however, and therefore included in this survey, in that it treats the arms of each dedicatee in a moralistic fashion and, even further, accompanies each individual’s arms with an emblem on the facing page. The coats of arms and emblems are dedicated to members of the royal family and powerful members of the nobility, and both the arms and the emblem are interpreted by accompanying poems as being expressive of the dedicatee’s nature. The three lions rampant on the arms dedicated to the Lord Chamberlain, for example, are explained as not indicating his rage, but rather his courage, and the figure of barefooted Piety in his emblem is described as well suited to him because of his love of piety. In the case of this emblem book, imprese become emblems as the messages communicated by the picturae are not chosen by the bearers, but by the complimentary emblematist, who moralizes the images rather than allowing them to stand alone as riddles. | Returning to a slightly earlier emblem book, Henry Peacham’s Minerva Britanna (1612) is one of only a few emblem books whose woodcuts were made by the same person who wrote the verses. In addition to Minerva Britanna, Peacham also created three manuscript Latin emblem books that still exist, based on King James’s book of advice to his son

Prince Henry, Basilicon Doron.'° Peacham’s

wide-ranging

interests and

abilities—he was a writer, artist, teacher, and soldier—are in evidence in his

Minerva Britanna,

which presents a lively variety of subjects.

The basic

three parts of his emblems are Supplemented with dedications, anagrams woodcut borders, quotations, and annotations, and his sources include

emblems

from

his own

manuscript

emblem

books,

Cesare

Ripa’s

/co-

nologia, Giovio’s imprese, Whitney’s A Choice of Emblemes, various personal imprese, Alciato, Aesopic material, and other emblems Peacham’s

habit of turning 10

ἜΤΗ D Ro

pa

P

imprese

or heraldic

badges,

which

convey

personal

or

See Young Henry Peacham "δ Manuscript Emblem Books (English Emre Sp 5. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998) for Peacham’s

em

books, and his Henry Peacham (Boston: Twayne,

1979) for further

scussion on the manuscripts and emblems in Peacham’s The Gentlemans Exercise.

381

family symbolic statements, into emblems with general moral applications is particularly interesting and speaks to the interrelated qualities of these visual-verbal forms. Even in the emblems that he dedicates to particular individuals Peacham makes sure the moral is one with a general application. Emblem 89, for example, is dedicated “To my worshipfull and kind frend Mr. William Stallenge, searcher of the Port of London, and first Author of making Silke in our Land,” and the pictura shows us the silk worms in an English landscape (Fig. 5). Its motto, however,

is Sic vos non vobis [Thus

you (labor), not for yourselves] and the epigram reads:

These little creatures heere, as white as milke, That shame to sloth, are busie at their loome. All summer long in weauing of their Silke, Doe make their webs, both winding sheete and toombe. Thus to th’ingratefull world, bequeathing all Their liues haue gotten, at their funerall.

Even so the webs, our wits for others weaue, Even from the highest to the meanest, worne, But Siren-like i’th end, our selues deceiue,

Who spend our time, to serue anothers turne: Or painte a foole, with coate, or cullors gay, To giue good wordes, or thankes, so goe his way. The advice here is not directed at Mr. William Stallenge, who would be understandably piqued at being publicly lectured thus. Rather, the emblem providing the plays a double role of commemorating Stallenge and Whitney’s and opportunity for a memorable lesson for every reader. Both Peacham’s emblem books are collections of various kinds of emblems, and both offer advice on all kinds of situations and ethical questions. Both Peacham’s promote England as a center of justice, prosperity, and learning. emblem book, however, reveals his position as being much more precarious

than Whitney’s. One theme running throughout Minerva Britanna is the lack of reward

for writers,

and the need for courage

in the face of repeated

discouragements.

of the One of the most beautiful and expensive English emblem books

seventeenth century, appearing in folio rather than quarto or duodecimo size s, Ancient and as others did, is George Wither’s A Collection of Embleme

Moderne

(1635).

This

work

consists of 200 emblems

divided

into four

1f

382

#

2

s

s

E

The Emblem in the United Kingdom and America

Mary V. Silcox

books, each one prefaced by one or two long verse dedications to the royal family or members of the court. At the end of the book there is a lottery game with spinner and rules. The engravings are actually from an earlier work

by Gabriel

Rollenhagen,

but Wither

has

written

his own

long

and

expansive verses to accompany each engraving. Although it is clear he believes that some of his icons are so naturally tied to one meaning that they are hieroglyphics (for example the pelican stabbing her breast to feed her starving chicks is sacrifice, or harvest is death), in other instances he draws attention to the freely inventive quality of his emblems. He even goes so far as to occasionally explain that he is not sure what the original author intended an engraving to mean. According to Wither, however, that does not matter, because his and the present reader’s interpretation of their moral significance is what counts as he takes us through his widely varying topics.

Throughout A Collection, Wither is determined to draw readers into an active participation with his text and to lead them into a serious examination of their spiritual health. Through the strong authorial voice present in the introductory material, the dedicatory poems, and each emblem’s subscriptio,

the reader is taught how to read the emblem form and apply the lessons to him/herself. The lottery game is another way in which Wither seeks to inculcate moral and spiritual lessons. Each player spins an arrow and is then directed to an appropriate emblem to contemplate as a means to selfknowledge and self-improvement. This

Collection,

with

its

strong

moralizing,

calm

tone,

royal

dedications, and a number of topics that reflect courtly interests and values, has been seen as something of an anomaly in the career of a political writer of such strong and outspoken “puritan” sympathies as Wither. Several critics have seen Wither as abandoning his political purpose and voice in the 1630s, especially in this work which seems more concerned with matters of private conscience than with public good. It is important to remember, however, that in the seventeenth century, the private and the public met in

the king and his circle, and that morality, religion, and politics were inseparable. In book I, emblem 32, for example, Wither manages to

combine all these areas of concern. Following figure (Fig. 6), Wither’s verse explains: Right blest are they on whom

the picture of the kingly

God hath bestowne

A King, whose Vertues have approved him To be an Ornament unto his Throne,

And as a Lustre to his Diadem.

He seekes not onely how to keepe in awe, His People, by those meanes that rightfull are; But, doth unto himselfe, become a Law, And by Example, Pious Wayes declare.

After expanding on how such a king pursues peace, yet 15 skilled in war, advances the liberal arts, and drives false religion and schism from his land, Wither concludes by saying that if you wish to be such a king, or have such a king take notice of you, you have to become skilled in war and in knowledge. For Wither, who both upheld the king’s authority and yet maintained a number of dissenting views, the choice of the emblem form was a particularly astute rhetorical strategy. The emblem allows for pea age and shifting levels of meaning through its interplay in picture, ee epigram. As well, the emblem form is more sophisticated and less stri ent than the forms previously used by Wither, such as the satire and the pe warning. In A Collection, Wither unquestionably appeals to and oh epee the king and court. But that does not prevent him from continuing his campaign to correct the wrongs he sees around him; in fact, to correct those Bae A (especially political ones) he must go to the center of his world, the “aes its comp many ways he represents the period of the 1630s and sensibilities very well. Robert Farley’s Kalendarium Humanae Vitae: The Kalender ae eae Life (1638) is a bilingual work in Latin and English (printed on re: οἱ pages) that merges the old device of the calendar with its esi man’s

life to the seasonal

based

on

cycle,

the meditation

form,

em

ome ὸ

corresponding

to ἴδ;

and a

produce a unique text. Farley organizes the Kalendarium into the

four

seasons

and

into

twelve

poems

τ

tour sec

months of the year. Each section and its three poems represent ἃ ERA part of man’s life from conception to burial. The emblem form is et ἂν “AB ai mediately apparent in the Kalendarium as it 18 in the more usua books of this time, but it is there in the relationship between the woo

and the twelve poems (and also between the frontispiece, 115 pa

ae

cl

For example, the woodcut or pic +

poem, and the work as a whole).

the first month of the work, March, presents a man carrying a ee ee ee on his side and guiding a plow being pulled by two nr farming activity. The motto is “I dig the ground and rein seg ee of the picture,

spring

plowing

and

sowing.

On

its own,

t ae

essentially a simple representation of the season OF of one ὁ activities

with

no

other

meaning

or

significance.

However,

:

pee

tue the

g

384

The Emblem in the United Kingdom and America

Mary V. Silcox

interpretative poem or subscriptio that accompanies it places it in a moral and spiritual context. The interaction among the pictura, inscriptio, and subscriptio moves the woodcut beyond a merely illustrative function to an emblematic one. In March we move from the simple representation of plowing, the preparing of the ground for new life, through God’s cosmic creation out of “Chaos and confused masse” that held “the jarring seeds of al things,” to the embryo before it receives the soul. The embryo is “clothed like seede with huskes” and it is only the soul that makes “this vilenesse” into a “glorious creature.” Birth itself is described as a war between the

infant and its mother, and each detail of birth is given a moral and spiritual

with childish vanities that “We

The hen so soon as she an Egg doth lay, (Spreads the Fame of her doing what she may.) About the Yard she kackling now doth go, To tell what ’twas she at her Nest did do.

Just thus it is with some Professing men, If they do ought that good is, like our Hen, They can’t but kackle on’t, where ’ere they go, What their right hand doth, their left hand must know.

is here that the presence of the meditation form, in particular the colloquy,

hopeless picture of man’s life, but here, in this final section, he presents the

way out, the only hope for man, the second birth of salvation. Farley maintains a delicate balance by placing man firmly in the earthly round, yet at the same time insisting that he does not ultimately belong there. His use

of the emblem form, combined with the calendar and the meditation, allows

him to do many things at once without sacrificing an overall and meaningful

unity. The pictura maintains a firm connection between the natural and human world, while the interaction between it and the subscriptio grounds the moral and spiritual interpretation in physicality. The colloquy at the end of the subscriptio moves the reader to apply the interpretation to him/herself and to shift the focus from the earthly to the heavenly. Farley uses this structure and reading process throughout the Kalendarium to move his reader beyond the life of the flesh to contemplation of the eternal life of the spirit. Although Farley’s religious and moral ideas are neither new nor original, his experimentation with the emblem form indicates the flexibility and endless possibilities inherent in the form. The next step in the development of emblem books can perhaps be seen as a step down. John Bunyan’s A Book for Boys and Girls was first

published in 1686, with 74 unillustrated emblems intended for the young reader, though in his preface he declares that adults are now so caught up

now have Boys with beards, and Girls that

be / Big as old Women, wanting Gravity,” who could certainly benefit from his book. It was published a number of times throughout the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, though the number of emblems declines and the title changes to Divine Emblems from 1724 onward. Starting in 1724 it is illustrated. A Book for Boys and Girls combines moral and religious emblems on everyday subjects such as “Upon a Penny Loaf, ” “Upon the whipping of a Top,” and “On the Post-boy.” “On the Kackling of a Hen, number 52, demonstrates for us Bunyan’s homely examples:

meaning, with the conclusion that the misery of birth foretells the misery of life. At the end of the description of birth we see only sorrow for man in his life on earth with a waiting grave (a hole in the earth) at the end. Farley, however, does not stop there but moves to a further expansion of his subject—from physical birth he turns to a greater birth, that of the spirit. It

makes itself most strongly felt. Besides moving the focus upwards towards God, a colloquy usually helps resolve problems explored in the meditation as a whole. In the first part of the swbscriptio, Farley paints a dark and

385

The focus of the meditation has moved from the sometimes puzzling and bizarre pictures of earlier emblem books to everyday sights and from the larger social commentary of earlier emblem books to a child’s lessons. Indeed, the first edition of Bunyan’s emblem book is prefaced by three to pages that help children with the alphabet and numbers and with learning spell their names. During the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries several more emblem books were published that addressed children: for example, the anonymous Emblems for the Entertainment and Improvement of Youth

(1729), John Huddlestone Wynne’s Choice Emblems . . . For the Instruction

and Amusement of Youth (1772, with several further editions), acted

Gatty’s A Book of Emblems

Moral Emblems, stepson,

rag

(1872). Robert Louis Stevenson s little boo

created on a toy printing press in 1881 to amuse his

brings the allegorical

moralizing

of nineteenth-century

canted

emblem books to a close. Its humor plays on the reader's expectation © serious moral lessons arising from emblems (Fig. 7):

Reader, your soul upraise to see, In yon fair cut designed by me, The pauper by the highwayside

386

The Emblem in the United Kingdom and America

Mary V. Silcox

387

Vainly soliciting from pride. Mark how the Beau with easy air Contemns the anxious rustic’s prayer, And, casting a disdainful eye,

Goes gaily gallivanting by. He from the poor averts his head . . . He will regret it when he’s dead.

Thou nothing art, whilft thou art but meere nature. Stocks, Stones, & Beafts,each one of chem's a creature

The moral lesson is seriously undercut here by Stevenson’s detached mockery of didacticism, and any complex interaction between the picture and verse has disappeared. What remains is a parody of the emblem form. As

we

examine

emblem

books

in English

over

time,

we

see

use

of

the

emblem

form

in

sixteenth

and

seventeenth-century

England reveals the ability of the English emblematists to take a continental

genre and make

it wholly their own,

to make

Let Gods word new transforme, and fafhion thee:

As Infiruments,vnlefie in tune, are lighted ;

So men, except new made, ne're Ged del'ghicd, Εν

an

evolution, or perhaps devolution is more accurate, from works that express the thought processes of an age and embody the religious, moral, and cultural sensibilities of its writers and readers to didactic works for children that present the simplistic precepts of the schoolroom. The variety in the

creative

And thea no more ; But wilt chou better be ?

it serve their own religious,

political and cultural purposes. It is that creativity which is so lacking in the use of the form in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries.

28. Τῆς foolifhnes of Tran/ubflantiation. “THe 84/h that hangsat Tavern doredoth thew That there is (Wine within ; This all men know. Wee'de count him madd,who'le ran to thar,and

He can there-out fufficient liquour drinke:

j

And will

É

P

= A

bckingat the Bujh,when true

Lis, that hangeth there vnto the νείας Figure 1 “Wrath.” Stephen Bateman, A Christall Glasse of Christian Reformation, London, Dly.

1569,

roar _

Figure 2 “The foolishnes of Transubstantiation.’ > Thomas

1616, F6v and F7r.

Of Jenner,

Zhe

Soules

Solace,

London,

==>

388

289

Mary V. Silcox

EMBLEMES,

The Emblem in the United Kingdom and America

389

Book5,

Figure 4 “The seeding of the heart.” Christopher Harvey, School of the Heart, London,

1647,

ARE

O

>

Ξ ΦᾺΣ

112.

Figure 3 “Bring my soule out of Prison.” emblem 10.

Francis Quarles,

Emblemes,

London,

1635,

book 5,

Figure 5

lem “Sic vos non vobis.” Henry Peacham, Minerva Britanna, London, 1612, emblen

89.

390

Mary V. Silcox

391

A Princes moft ennobling Parts, Are Skillin Armes, and Loyeto Arts.

32

ILLYsTR. XXXIL Book, 1, he bleft are they on whom Ged hath beftowne in King, whofe Fertues have approved him To be an Ornament unto his Throne, And asa Luftreto his Disdem, Hee (eckes not onely howtokeepein awe His People, by thofe meanes that rightfull are ; But, doth unto himfelfe, become a Law, And, by Example, Pious Wayes declare, He, loveth Peace, and afterit purfues ; Yet, if of Warre a juft occafion come, i Doth nor Beloma’s Challenges refufe, i Nor feare, to beat Defyance on his Drum ; He is as ready, alfo, to advance The Lib’rall Arts, and from his Lands to drive All falfe Religion, Schifmme, and Ignorance, As other publike profits to contrive, a

| | |

| | |

And, fuch a Prince is nota Cafaall.thing, The Glories of a Throne, by Chance,

| | | | | | |

The Emblem in the United Kingdom and America

|

Nor meerely from his Parents, doth he fpring, Bur, he is rather Gods immediate Blefing, If thoudefireft fach a Prince to Or, to acquire that Worth which may allure Such Princes to vouchfafe fome Grace to thee ; Their Kingly Vertues, labour to procure, In Military Practices delighr, Norfora wicked, or vaine-glorious end ; Bur, to

;

maintaine the Caufe thatis uprighr,

Or thy diftrefled Countrey to defend,

And, ftrivethat thou, as excellent mayft In Knowledge, as thouarrin thy Degree, bee True

Figure 6 George Wither, À Collection of Emblemes, London,

a 1635, book I, emblem 32.

Figure 7 Det

Louis Stevenson. Moral Emblems.

7 Davos-Platz,

1881, book : 1, 1, etemblem 2, p. 11.

A% = SSeS

of Emblematic Title Pages and Frontispieces: The Case Early Modern England

KARL JOSEF HOLTGEN

University of Erlangen-Nürnberg, Germany a verbal and visual In the early modern period the emblem emerges as e (pictura), and an artifact that typically includes a motto, a symbolic pictur edge and practical epigram.' An emblem was meant to convey knowl persuade the user and wisdom in a brief and compelling manner that would m, the reader/viewer imprint itself on memory. In ἃ well-constructed emble the three separate parts should be able to combine the semantic messages of at ἃ specific meaning, and, by excluding a host of other possibilities, arrive emblem books, and the a general truth, or a remarkable insight. Emblems, lly every form of verbal emblematic mode of thought helped to shape virtua an invention of the late or visual communication. Emblematic title pages are matics because they Renaissance. They belong to the field of applied emble book or other emblem involve the transfer of a pictura from an emblem new function. source to ἃ new visual and verbal composition with ἃ a title page “that’s In 1635 George Wither expressed his wish to have page” and “emblematic Emblematicall.” The terms “emblematic title convenient modern frontispiece” are often regarded as synonyms but a

for those designs which bibliographical distinction would reserve the former pages belong to the include details of title and imprint. Emblematic title

nicate with the preliminaries of a book where author or publisher can commu rae loquentes, intended reader in a special and direct way. They are pictu knew that the title page is speaking pictures. The German writer Jean Paul is by the face that the most important page of the whole book because “it must make it one judges the unknown parts of a human being.” The author |

at the Southeastern and SouthEarlier versions of this essay were read in 1999 ng of the Inter-

at the meeti Central Renaissance Conference in Savannah and in 2001 (IAUPE) in Bamberg. An sh Engli of national Association of University Professors shed in a forthcoming collection of expanded version of this essay is expected to be publi r and published by Jonas articles, Frontispiece and Title Page, edited by Joachim Mélle nen des Emblems: AufperVerlag, Marburg. A German version is available in Die Domä er and Mara Wade. literarische Anwendungnen der Emblematik. Ed. Gerhard F. Strass Wolfenbütteler Arbeiten zur Barockforschung, 39. Wiesbaden, 2004.

xo-——

{#

394

#

2222

395

Karl Josef Hôltgen

Emblematic Title Pages and Frontispieces

as attractive as he can but he need not fulfill all the expectations raised.? The object is to give a striking first impression of the book and to arouse curiosity. Early books had no bindings and these title pages were the only means of sales promotion when they lay open in the bookseller’s shop. Emblematic methods allow an accumulation and compression of meaning in a limited space. Some title pages constitute such complex semantic systems that whole monographs could be, and have been, devoted to their description and interpretation. Many early books provide what they call

This well-worn woodcut (Fig. 1) would have been seen by William Shakespeare and other Elizabethan schoolboys. It is the emblematic colophon in Lily’s and Colet’s Shorte Introduction of Grammar (1549) from which schoolboys learned their Latin. It shows three boys throwing sticks at a pear tree and gathering the fruit. The picture is framed by Greek and Latin lines in praise of charity from the First Letter of the Corinthians, “Charitas non quaerit quae sua sunt . . .” [Charity seeketh not her own]. The prototype of the woodcut has been attributed to Cranach; here it serves as the printer’s device of the King’s Latin printer Reginald Wolfe. It has been

“The Mind (or explanation) of the Frontispiece,” verses which indicate the

principal meanings of the design. In terms of the threefold structure of the emblem, they would represent the subscriptio or epigram. Instead of a single inscriptio or lemma,

we usually find several mottos,

labels, or inscriptions

in the picture. In some cases the words of the title itself may be regarded as the inscriptio, as in Henry Vaughan’s collection of divine poems of 1650, Silex Scintillans [The Flashing Flint]. Emblematic title pages were popular; about 200 were produced from 1570 to 1660 in England alone, at first woodcuts,

engravings.

Lightbown’s

later mostly copperplate

An excellent standard work is Margery Corbett’s and Ronald The

Comely

Frontispiece

(1979).

I have

discussed

further

examples in my book Aspects of the Emblem (1986). As early as 1959 Walter Ong stated in an article “From Allegory to Diagram in the Renaissance Mind”* that such title pages may combine naturalistic representation with artificial, schematic, or diagrammatic spatial organization. The sources of the imagery of English title pages include the standard collections of Alciato,

Ripa,

Giovio,

and others.

Ruscelli,

As

Paradin,

Valerianus,

in the contemporary

Boccaccio,

court masque,

Cartari,

one

Conti,

finds the

dominance of literary over pictorial authority; the engraver usually carries

out the instructions of the author or inventor, though not always to the latter’s complete satisfaction. There are three main types of composition: single overall designs;

geometrical

panels,

compartments,

and

cartouches;

and

architectural

structures. The last one is the most important type. The earliest printed books did not have ἃ special title page but only a blank page to protect the first printed page. If details of imprint were given at all, they were usually mentioned in the colophon at the end of the book. ’ *

Werke. Ed. N. Miller and W. Schmidt-Biggemann. Darmstadt, 1974, 423. Journal of Aesthetics and Art Criticism 17 (1959): 423-440.

adapted from Alciato’s emblem

(Fig. 2), derived from Ovid and the Greek

Anthology, in which a nut tree complains that its fruitfulness is the cause of its suffering: In fertilitatem sibi ipsi damnosam [On fertility that is harmful to itself] (no. 39, edition 1542). In 1634 Henry Peacham, emblematist and writer on art, told an interesting story about the woodcut in the schoolbook revealing a widespread Protestant-Puritan hostility towards painting in Elizabethan culture. As a schoolboy he was caught by the master

drawing out with my penne that pear-tree and boyes throwing at it, at the end of the Latine Grammar: which hee perceiving in a rage strocke me with that great end of the rodde, and rent my paper, swearing . . . that I was placed with him to be made a Scholler and not a Painter . . . Painting is a quality I love . . . yet I have been cruelly beaten by ill and ignorant School-

masters . . . yet could they never beat it out of me.*

Peacham demands

that the education of gentlemen

and noblemen

should

include some knowledge and practice of art so that they may become ΠΡ lightened patrons. “It is no more disgrace to a Lord to draw ἃ je picture,

then to cut his Hawks meat, or play football with his men.”° He rejects superstitious pictures and representations of God the Father as an old man

with a beard. Later he defends religious pictures ad historicum usum against the destructive fury of some Puritans. For a time, Peacham was employed as a tutor by the Earl of Arundel, the great art collector and virtuoso. Another

schoolbook

would

have been equally well known

to Jo

boys, a short catechism entitled Catechismus parvus pueris primum Latiné,

printed by John Day (London,

1573). The title page, though not

* The Compleat Gentleman (1634), 126. °

The Arte of Drawing (1606), 5-6.

a

emblematic, depicts the schoolmaster offering his pupils the choice of apples or the birch, depending on their performance.° Richard Haydocke’s Tracte of Curious Paintinge (1598, Fig. 3}}.8 translation of the Trattato del arte by Giovanni Paolo (sometimes contracted as Giampaolo) Lomazzo, is the first English work on the theory of art. “Curious” painting means art painting as distinct from painting inn signs or coaches. Haydocke was a Fellow of New College, Oxford and later a physician in Salisbury. He was ἃ virtuoso and enthusiastic promoter of art but even better known as the “sleeping preacher.” He used to preach while asleep—Latin in Oxford, English in the country—and his sermons had ἃ marked Protestant, anti-Roman drift. King James 1 had been told about his strange talents, summoned him to London to sleep and preach before the Privy Council and, after due consideration, the Royal Philosopher charged him with fraud. Haydocke confessed, explaining that he had thought of this novelty

because

he felt himself underrated

in the university.

=

=

π᾿

397

Emblematic Title Pages and Frontispieces

Karl Josef Hôltgen

396

SE

His

lengthy

“Confession” is in the Public Record Office. As a further token of repentance, he dedicated a manuscript tract on dreams to the King, “Oneirologia,” in which he supported his royal master’s views on the irrationality of dreams and the abuses of their interpretation (Folger Library, MS Jal). He himself designed and engraved the title page of his book on art. It includes his own portrait at the bottom and that of Lomazzo at the top, a strapwork cartouche in the centre and four representations of the arts as divine or superhuman inventions, an important point of Italian mannerist art theory. Embroidery is represented by Athene with the spider’s web of Arachne (top right), architecture by Dedalus with the Minotaur and labyrinth, sculpture by Prometheus forming human bodies, and painting by Juno with her peacock. Haydocke’s portrait is of a better artistic quality than the rest; it may be the work of his friend, the miniaturist Nicholas Hilliard.

The Authorized Version or the King James Bible of 1611 (Fig. 4) is, together with the Book of Common Prayer, one of the two basic books of the Church of England. It has proved an enduring monument of sonorous, ° Reproduced as frontispiece to volume 2 of T.W. Baldwin, William Shakspeare’s Small Latine & Lesse Greek. Urbana, 1944. À This is discussed by Corbett and Lightbown, The Comely Frontispiece, 67-78. ΚΙ]. Héltgen, “Richard Haydocke: Translator, Engraver, Physician.” Zhe Library 23 (1978): 15-32. I no longer believe that Haydocke traveled to Italy. There is no evidence and one could learn Italian in England.

church people and even by timeless English prose, still much loved by many support the new version Was some outside the church. With strong royal hed scholars in six workproduced between 1607 and 1611 by 46 distinguis marked by greater accuracy ing groups and à joint final revision. It is by an essentially Anglican through increased philological knowledge and Its ecclesiology,

orientation.

but Catholic

reformed

and

Apostolic,

Epis-

on in Cornelis Boel’s title copal, and established by law, finds visual expressi bly means that this firstpage.’ He signed it “fecit in Richmont” which proba um Emblemata, lived as a rate Antwerp artist, the engraver of Vaenius’s Amor e Henry and Prince Charles. guest in Richmond Palace, the residence of Princ shillings per week and Each of the 46 translators received 30 agrammaton appears In a preferment. At the top of the picture, the Tetr Ghost hovers over the apostles, circle of light, under it the dove of the Holy

cartouche, held by Peter who are distinguished by their attributes. An oval of the cross, the sign of the and Paul, displays the Lamb with the ensign of the trinity are meant to risen Christ. These representations of the persons Church of England against affirm the orthodox Trinitarian faith of the who denied the divinity of heretics in Poland, England, and elsewhere,

Socinians of Rakov had Christ. Without the King’s permission, the Polish order of dedicated

their catechism

to James

in

1609;

it was

burned

by

shown seated on the Parliament. The four evangelists with their symbols are

above, Luke and cornices and plinths of the two pillars, Matthew and Mark

gospels, with pens, John below. All are engaged in the act of writing their invites the viewer to books, and inkwells clearly visible. The title page contemplate

the progress

through chosen

of the word

of God

from

its divine

inspiration

ed page of the intermediaries and their tools to the print

bottom, a pelican sprinkling present Bible. In the centre of the recess at the

uche, an allusion to her young with her blood is depicted in another carto rist. Christ’s sacrifice on the cross and its reenactment in the Eucha of Moses (left) with a staff and Two arched niches contain the figures ments as the tables of the law,

and Aaron

(right) wearing the priestly vest

hand a knife and a described in Exodus 28: 4-29 and holding in his left ament dimension is vessel for ritual sacrifices in the Temple. The Old Test affixed to the cornice. The enhanced by the patriarchs’ tents on small disks

stant Bible is rare, if not presence of Aaron on the title page of a Prote the Eucharist unique. It shows that the priesthood, the authority to celebrate ° This is discussed by Corbett and Lightbown, The Comely Frontispiece, 107-142.

1#

398

s

2

a

wider appeal. !° When

the great old Queen,

Elizabeth

I, died

in 1603,

there was

a

smooth and well-prepared transition of the reign to her cousin James VI of Scotland, now James I of England, the first of several Stuart monarchs. At last he sat on the cherished throne of the woman who had executed his mother, the unfortunate Mary Stuart. Recent historians have been sympathetic to James.

He was vain, tactless, and indiscreet, but, as the Venetian

envoy reported, “able in negotiation, timid and averse from war, a man of letters and business, capable of governing, a Prince of culture and intelligence.” Others called him “the wisest fool in Christendom.” Well-versed in divinity, philosophy, and political theory he wished, most of all, to be a man of peace. Beati pacifici [Blessed are the peacemakers] was his motto.

sits on a throne flanked by the figures of Faith and Vigilance. Allegories of Justice and Fortitude stand on the cornice between obelisks. A Dutch gable formed by two mighty fish alludes to the importance of the Dutch fishing trade. The gable is surmounted by ἃ woman standing on a globe—not Fortune, but Divine Providence. Such “Magnificent Entertainments were intended to extol the virtues and ideals of the new ruler. Their emblem-like cryptograms, made up of words and pictures, would flatter the mighty, nn please the learned, and satisfy the common people. The Workes of King James (1616, Fig. 6) is a splendid piece of Jacobean book production. Ronald Elstrack’s title page’* is most elaborate and ornate and a remarkable combination of emblem and architecture. It was Pindar’s opinion “that every great and goodly Edifice, Doth aske to haue a comely Frontispiece.” Like a building, a book needs an appropriate

entrance. ® Sidney Colvin called the title page a “characteristic example of Tudor taste, or tastelessness . . . a jumble of miscellaneous elements, allegorical, emblematical, and heraldic, would-be classical and misunderstood Gothic decorative forms ... absurd, and yet rich and rather agreeably

on his state entry in

fantastic.”'* It befits the exalted royal author and articulates his aspirations

galleries, niches, obelisks, balconies, and platforms offer places

The icoprosperity and the full union of England and Scotland to his people. nography includes the figure of Religio (left) with the cross of faith and the bridle of moderation, standing on a skeleton, i.e., overcoming death. Opposite is Pax, with cornucopia and olive branch, trampling underfoot weapons of war. On the cornice one sees the royal arms and badges, sup-

“Prince of Peace and Plenty,”

he was welcomed

London in 1604. The City and the foreign merchants had provided seven triumphal arches. They have been called “Frontispieces to the Jacobean Age,” elaborate constructions encrusted with significant images and emblems. Numerous

399

Emblematic Title Pages and Frontispieces

Karl Josef Héltgen

and, by implication, the Episcopal as opposed to the Presbyterian system are true marks of the Church of England. The figure of Aaron was adapted from a design of Arias Montanus in an Antwerp Catholic bible. The fact that other pictorial material was taken from the earlier Anglican Bishops’ Bible and from the Puritan Geneva version would give the Authorized Version a

As

= #

where allegorical figures and real musicians and actors performed a grand public spectacle directed by Jonson and Dekker. “The Pegme of the Dutchmen” (Fig. 5) exhibits a figure of the King on the top storey under a Dutch gable. John Harrison, the architect of most of these ephemeral structures, rightly calls them “without precedent in this land.” They were inspired by Cornelius Scribonius’s illustrations of the Spanish Prince Philip’s

entry in Antwerp in 1549 and by other Continental triumphal arches. Like emblematic title pages, they display visual scenes and semi-dramatic performances.'' At the centre of the structure is a room with seventeen damsels for the seventeen provinces of “Belgia.” Above, King James, in imperial robes,

1° Corbett and Lightbown, The Comely Frontispiece, 108, 111.

! Stephen Harrison, Archs of Triumph. London, 1604, British Library C. 10868; Cornelius Scribonius, Spectaculorum in susceptione Philippi. . . . Antwerp, 1580, Folger Library DH 811H63528; Thomas Dekker, The Magnificent Entertainment, in Dramatic

Works. Ed. F. Bowers. Cambridge, Restor'd. Manchester, 1981.

1955,

vol.

2;

Graham

Parry,

The

Golden

Age

and ideals. He thought that God had chosen him to bring peace, true faith,

the four crowns ported by lions and unicorns; on the central obelisk by the (England, Scotland, Ireland, and, nominally, France), surmounted

The two strange Gothic baldachins containing burning

crown of Heaven. lamps

probably

symbolize

the

Churches

of

England

and

Scotland.

To

wishful represent these very different churches in the same manner betrays English thinking. Later, Charles I committed the fatal mistake of forcing the Prayer

Book

upon

the

Presbyterian

Scots,

Bishops’ War and, eventually, the Civil War.

which

caused

the

disastrous

νη

ἂν

The inscription on the central panel claims for James the title “King of Great Brittaine, France and Ireland,” actually an illegal title. While he

2 This is discussed by Corbett and Lightbown, Comely Frontispiece, 137-142. 3 John Guillim, A Displaye of Heraldrie (1610), after Pindar’s sixth Olympian Ode.

és Sidney Colvin, Early Engraving and Engravers in England 1545-1695. London,

1905, no. XV.

1#

400

nation will be in foreign parts obscured.”

Oracles,

1646

(Fig.

7).

With

this

The Act of Union and the

pastoral-political

allegory,

Quarles

established his religious and political stance as a true son of the Church of

England and loyal subject of the King.'° The plate gives a Royalist-Anglican

view of the activities strove to bring about the Genevan model King Charles defends

401

Emblematic Title Pages and Frontispieces

Kingdom of Great Britain had to wait till 1707. Today some Scottish nationalists would like to dissolve the Union. Apart from learned treatises on demonology and on smoking (A Counterblast to Tobacco), the royal author wrote at great length on the political theory of the Divine Right of Kings, their absolute sovereignty, unrestricted executive power, and sole responsibility to God. It was not a new theory. James cherished it without getting into serious political trouble. The constitutional and military confrontation of Charles I and the Puritan party in Parliament in the early 1640s is reflected in William Marshall’s lively and populist title page to Francis Quarles’s The Shepheards

of the Root and Branch faction. From about 1640 they a radical Presbyterian reformation of the church after and to abolish episcopacy by “root and by branch.” the Tree of Religion with a large sword while a mild

Anglican priest waters its roots and a malicious Jesuit cuts its bark. Two Puritan roundheads cut off branches called Faith, Hope, Charitie, Good

workes, and Obedience, while another group dig up the roots with great determination. A Puritan rebel standing in a tub (a tub preacher) fires a rifle at the tree and has the books of the Cannons and the Liturgy and a bishop’s hat transfixed on a lance. A heavenly hand extends a very large sword to protect the tree which signifies the Church of England. The King’s drawn sword suggests that the title page was made after the outbreak of the Civil © DH. Willson, King James VI and I. London, 1963, 250-253.

1° For a recent assessment of Quarles’s political and religious position, see the entry by K.J. Hôltgen in the Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford, 2004.

—

2228 >

Karl Josef Héltgen

had brought about the personal union of the crowns of England and Scotland he vigorously strove for the grander union of the two kingdoms, nations, and parliaments. In his quaint manner, he complained that he did not want to be a polygamous husband married to two nations. The names of England and Scotland must disappear in the name of Britain. But Parliament refused to alter the name of England, and he could only assume the cherished title by royal proclamation with doubtful legality in October 1604. It was argued in Parliament “that the loss of a name even in private families, is much regardfull. . . . that the glory and good acceptation of the English name and

s

%

War in August 1642. Despite the anti-Puritan propaganda of the picture, ῖς Quarles did in fact propose—in this and other topical works—such πιράετα “reduced reforms as “mixed government” by King and Parliament and a s excesse the episcopacy” modified by synodical elements. He also criticized Laud of church discipline and ritual uniformity enforced by Archbishop whom he calls in his book, slightly disguised, an Arminian | Master antiShepherd.” Arminians were Laudians, ritualists, and other English Calvinists named after the Dutch theologian Jacobus Arminius. Today most historians agree that the causes of the Civil War were financial, political, and religious. In the 1630s latent dissatisfaction reached and ἃ critical point through the absolutist and ritualist innovations of Charles shed Laud, which seemed to threaten ancient English liberties and the establi ed, Protestant religion. Charles’s character did not help. He was dignifi a had also aloof, romantic, chivalrous, but sometimes given to duplicity. He came fatal habit of obstinately pursuing lost causes to the bitter end. The end on 30 January 1649 (New Style) after a lost war and ἃ revolution. Under Cromwell’s

decisive

influence,

he

was

tried for his

life by

a politically

motivated special court. He died with great dignity and courage on the scaffold outside the Banqueting House in Whitehall. The execution of an anointed king caused outcries of horror throughout Europe. ve oe Only a few days after the execution appeared the most effecti μ of emblematic propaganda, the frontispiece to Eikon Basilike (Fig. 8). “a royal image, “The Portraiture of His Sacred Majesty in his Sines Sufferings,”

presents

Charles

as a saintly royal martyr.

In spite 0

La

confiscation, it proved immensely popular through 57 editions and ne, the floodgates of renewed sympathy for the martyr and his cause. er je is written in the first person, ostensibly by Charles himself but actually

Σ

John Gauden, ἃ priest, who made use of the King s own prayers an meditations. The Eikon defended the King’s character, not his actions. In the frontispiece, designed and engraved by William Marshall, an artist es Oe royalist leanings, the King is portrayed kneeling in prayer in a kin o chapel, in his hand a crown of thorns, at his foot his earthly crown, his -

firmly fixed on the heavenly crown, the martyr’s crown of glory. On the e εἰ are two emblems of constancy in adversity: the rock amidst the waves x the motto “Immota triumphans” [Unmoved and triumphant] and the μὰ m a tree hung with weights, “Crescit sub pondere virtus’ [Virtue grows under eee in Pliny, burden]. Both emblems have a long history and occur and an additiona me Emble the Giovio, and Borja. “The Explanation of explanation in some editions only expand the interpretation.

1#

402

#

#

s

>

Emblematic Title Pages and Frontispieces

Karl Josef Hôltgen Though clogg’d with weights of miseries Palm-like Depress’d, I higher rise . . . And as th’ unmoved Rock out-brave’s The boistrous windes and rageing waves: So triumph I and shine more bright In sad Affliction’s Darksome night.

In view

of the

known

events

of Charles’s

kneeling King, Christ-like in his acceptance of undeniable pathos, and the Greek inscription encoded bold assertion of unjust persecution, justice: “Neither Chi [Christos] nor Kappa state.” The German

poet,

Andreas

Gryphius,

execution,

the

figure

of the

the crown of thorns, has at the bottom conveys regicide, and miscarriage [Karolus] have harmed effectively transmitted

an an of the

these

emblems of the frontispiece to his Carolus Stuardus, a Baroque Christian martyr’s tragedy. He used a Latin edition of the Eikon Basilike of 1649." I want to conclude with the title page of one of the most famous books of early modern political theory, Thomas Hobbes’s Leviathan (1651, Fig. 9). The book was written when Hobbes resided in Paris with royalist English exiles, and although the engraving is unsigned it was probably executed by the French artist Abraham Bosse after the author’s instructions. The full title reads: Leviathan Or the Matter, Forme, and Power of A Commonwealth Ecclesiasticall and Civil. Behind a pleasant rural landscape and a fortified town looms the upper half of the body of a huge man. He wears an imperial crown and wields the sword of secular power and the bishop’s crosier of ecclesiastical power, both reaching almost beyond the plate-mark. He is Leviathan, the most powerful creature on earth. Hobbes gives him the name of the mighty fish of which the Book of Job says that there is no power on earth that can be compared to him: Non est potestas Super Terram quae Comparetur ei. Iob. 41.24. Leviathan’s body is composed of innumerable men. His Hebrew name suggests a composite creature. He is an anthropomorphous figure of power. In the introduction, Hobbes calls him “Artificial Man” or “Artificial body.” He is the perfect image of the State or Commonwealth as an “Artificial Covenant,” a contract into which people enter in order to establish an all-embracing power to protect themselves against foreign invasion and civil disorder. In Hobbes’s view, the state is not ‘7 Albrecht Schéne, Emblematik und Drama

1968, 221.

im Zeitalter des Barock.

Munich,

' This is discussed by Corbett and Lightbown, The Comely Frontispiece, 219-230.

403

something natural but a work of art or pragmatic thought. The multitude of people abstains from acting out their individual potentials of power and will; they delegate these to one all-powerful sovereign. The people may confer their power upon one Man or upon one Assembly, creating either a monarchical or a republican state. The people who make up the sovereign state are not totally amorphous. One notices representatives of different social classes: gentlemen, workmen, clergy, and soldiers. But all turn their faces towards Leviathan’s head, as the sunflower follows the sun, which was

itself an old emblem of religious, political, or erotic conformity. The lower half of the page consists of a wall with a central opening and a curtain that exhibits the title. Left and right are two pillars with five panels, each of which displays symbols and scenes of secular and ecclesiastical power in compartments of different but corresponding size. On

the left, a castle, a peer’s coronet, a cannon, a trophy, and a battle scene; on

the

right,

a

church,

a

bishop’s

miter,

the

thunderbolt

or

fulmen

excommunicationis, then the instruments of scholastic logic (their names are engraved in small script) such as the horns of a dilemma, the trident of a

syllogism, and the forks of distinction; and finally, the scenario of a theological disputation or a duellum logicum, perhaps modeled after such an event taking place in the Sorbonne. These ten panels are neatly arranged under the sword and the crosier respectively and in corresponding pairs so that they can be read downwards

of a diagram.

and across. The impression is almost that

But this and other emblematic title pages constructed in a

similar way (including that of Robert Burton’s Anatomy of Melancholy) go

beyond the structural blueprint in order to incorporate aspects of nature and

landscape, plants, animals, allegorical figures or real persons, artifacts, and semi-dramatic scenes. All this makes for human interest and attraction but

should

meaning.

support

the

overriding

function

of constituting

the

These secular and ecclesiastical activities, weapons,

emblematic

instruments,

and powers symbolized in Hobbes’s title page tend, in the reality of social and political life, to clash in endless strife and conflict. But here, under the protection and roof formed by Leviathan’s head, sword and staff, they are contained, ordered, balanced, and united. Leviathan is the creation of man, “a Mortall God,” a Moses-like healer and ruler to whom

we owe, under the Immortal God, our peace and

404

Emblematic Title Pages and Frontispieces

Karl Josef Holtgen

defense.'° Hobbes no longer looks for a metaphysical foundation of the state’s or ruler’s power. Having experienced the collapse of the old order in the British civil and religious wars, he now sees the chance for a new beginning by proposing the all-important contract and exchange, oboedientia pro protectione, which would create peace through a monopoly of power and undivided sovereignty. On his return from French exile in 1652, he was prepared to accept this power in the person of Cromwell, the de facto ruler, and later, at the Restoration, in that of King Charles II. Leviathan’s face on the title page is a portrait of the author, hinting at the close relationship between Hobbes, his political theory, and its literary and emblematic representation. He has made the best possible use of the potential of an emblematic title page to explain and commend an important and controversial political theory.

94

AND. ALC,

EMBLEM,

In fertilisacem fibi ipfi damnofam,

405

LIB,

XXXIX

Figure 2 Andrea Alciato, Emblematum libellus, 1542, no. 39, nut tree, rprt. Anglistische Institutsbibliothek, Erlangen.

sane Wie Rae R Reginaldum

Figure 1

in L "5 ot ÆNNO

227.

grapbum,

DOMINI

© Thomas

William Lily and John Colet, Shorte

Introduction of Grammar,

M. D. XLIX.

Hobbes, Leviathan.

See Hans-Dieter Metzger,

1549, facsimile.

Anglistische Institutsbibliothek, Erlange

Ed. C.B.

Macpherson.

“Die Bedeutung des Leviathan:

Harmondsworth,

Englische

Revolution.

Stuttgart,

1991;

also

Noel

merebe γῶν,»

1985,

Malcom,

Aspects

of Hobbes.

London, 2002. Keith Browne (“The Artist of the Leviathan Title-Page.” British Library

Journal 4 [1978]: 24-36) discusses discrepancies between the engraved title page and the

earlier drawing attributed to Wenceslaus Hollar.

(ini bent oi fll

Politischer Mythos oder

politischer Begriff?” Hobbes Studies 5 (1992): 23-52. Cf. Metzger, Thomas Hobbes und die

BSA,

\ Figure 3 Richard Haydocke, A Tracte of Curious Paintinge, 1598. Victoria and Albert Museum,

London.

406

Karl Josef Héltgen

Emblematic Title Pages and Frontispieces

Figure 4 King James Bible. The Authorized Version, 1611, facsimile. Anglistische Institutsbibliothek, Erlangen.

| Al

JA © |=

OF THE MOST My) AMD MIGNTY PRINCE

Figure 5 The Pegme of the Dutchmen, in Stephen Harrison, The Archs of Triumph, 1604, rprt. Private owner.

Figure 6

The Workes of King James,

=

1616. Anglistische Institutsbibliothek, Erlangen.

407

408

μFE

409

Emblematic Title Pages and Frontispieces

Karl Josef Hdltgen

HE SHEPHERDS

|

72)

\Faith

| Obedience “

The Explan ation of the E MBLEME fonde

mbhus

“Ψ““

mme

sus

Ds |

a:

N

πω

Fluclu.

Venturi

/ a terri factlem.

nunclem

À -"

t

ie

r

ds

bie

Fran:

Quurler.,

London Printed for John

i

γῆ. tt

=

τὸς

gad

Cwtae

/

.”

/

(hill

Gloria

nee

Eikon Basilike,

thuOM:

e

tage

are.

Ι]

|

|

\L

Ϊ

|

}

1x }

ναι ι

a Ῥ

ἴον. -

'

the

g

# bright L more: ἢ

CAS

mnt

E

Croson of: thout i bedin

:

ἔοι

j Ping 1’

eur

LA

1649. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich.

=

| j alrradyÀ

ΞΘ p

wet

Tobe

patie

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|

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and rageita waves

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]

SRtian’:E FAli

ad

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|

:

windes

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Rock

unmoved

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e

7

FE X3 07 Figure 8

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mulet res tam

stareL

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mea.(

è

ana

Figure 7 Francis Quarles, The Shepheards Oracles, 1646. Private owner.

i Specto

{|

ἐφcalce Coronam

Jus Spes «

The

ΓΝ

Πα

σα

|

ea

| hirher

d.

pret

D:

And 2;

À

e L camphe

tre

, pompern

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5

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56

idee,

‘annum

rilen

fl tea

en

fraw

Lternsm a1

ly

Palmeiike

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Gravidam

ei:

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oh rinse 1

Trough

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weights

cloagd with

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:

410

Karl Josef Héltgen

The Emblem in Material Culture PETER M. DALY McGill University, Montreal, Canada

rship that My purpose is to review a representative selection of the schola )

5 ca

of has addressed the manifestations of the emblem in the material culture panied by England.' English emblems are thus emblematic picturae accom is to report inscriptiones in any language, and used in England. The goal that has on emblems outside of printed books, or manuscripts, something -literary” been variously called the “applied,” “non-literary,” or “extra visual arts, emblem. “Applied emblematics,” meaning the emblem in the derives from the German

Heckscher

S.

William

“angewandte Emblematik,” which was coined by

Wolfgang

Wirth.*

Karl-August

and

Harms

[auferliterarisch| for the same introduced the term “extra-literary” of emblems may phenomenon. In terms of reception, the non-literary use

have

been

more

distinction between Peil* seems

emblematic

“applied

influential

literary

than

and

to follow both Schéne

illustrations

inner-literary

printed

books.

“extra-literary” and Harms,

Harms

advocates

emblematics.

Dietmar

insofar as he regards the

of

in Protestant books of devotion as examples

emblematics”

a

innerliterarische

[angewandie,

the advantage Emblematik]. 1 shall use the term “extra-literary,” which has

ta) Poy ER Wy

ÆALTH

of AC OMMON* E

Eocpes1AsT1CAL aad CIVIL

notof being a neutral term indicating the difference in medium, for the printed manifestations of the emblem. and coins, Emblems adorned a multitude of objects such as medals glassware, flags, standards, weapons and armor, clothing and jewelry, tapestries, re, furnitu plates, goblets, silver cups, and trenchers but also rs. cushion covers, and other decorative elements of architectural interio

‘Av Tamas Honpes

ἐπὶ

F MALMESBVRY -

'

reflections that were first In compiling this overview I have made use of some Critical Reception of the n Moder Daly and Mary V. Silcox, The

published in Peter M.

English Emblem. Munich: Saur, 1991.

Wirth, “Emblem, Emblembuch.” In ? See William S. Heckscher and Karl-August . Reallexikon zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1959, vol. 5, cols. 85-221 in her mbiic Emble er barock * See Wolfgang Harms, Auferliterarische Wirkungen

Ludwigsburg,

Fi

e Thomas Hobbes, Leviathan,

Gaarz und Pommersfelden.

Munich:

7ff. “Einleitung. Zur auferliterarischen Emblematik,”

1651. Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Munich.

* See Er ie.

verlag, 1978, 1.

Wilhelm

i

Fink,

a

1975, especially |

matik” in protestantischen Dietmar Peil, Zur “angewandten Emble Winter UniversitatsBeihefte zum Euphorion, 11. Heidelberg: Carl

ee”

——

if

412

decorative

ee

The Emblem

programs.

And

emblems

will

still be

found

decorating

some

paintings and portraits, jewelry and clothing, weapons and armor (of man

and horse) but also household furnishings, such as cabinets, cupboards, beds, and trenchers. Ephemeral and fragile, but no less significant, were the

emblematic designs often etched onto glass, embroidered on cushions and bed valances, and woven into table carpets and tapestry wall hangings. But most extant examples are preserved today in museums, although once they were part of the significant decoration of the homes of the wealthy and the not-so-wealthy. I have stressed the word “still” because what is left is likely

|

#

Peter M. Daly

Emblems and imprese also played an important role in the decoration of buildings and in the arrangement of such three-dimensional, exterior forms as pillars, statues, whole façades, and window moldings. Emblematic thinking could also influence the layout of a floor plan. Emblems and imprese were used in what may be called the ephemeral material culture of the early modern period: in pageants, processions, and entries into towns, and in the castra doloris celebrating the burial of the powerful, who might be princes of the church or state. Although these have often disappeared, they are often also recorded in emblematic fête books.” I shall concentrate on examples in the permanent material culture, although on occasion it will be necessary to refer to records of such examples where the originals have now disappeared or been long since demolished. Some buildings in Europe and South America still contain emblematic

{ll

#

to be but a pale reflection of what once was. Tastes change and the desire to modernize has meant that most examples have disappeared. The emblematic material culture is an interesting demonstration of the reception of emblems in different ways: private secular buildings such as personal residences, as distinct from such public secular buildings as town halls, libraries, and universities, are likely to have been seen by fewer 5

1

Coronations

and

Η

exequies

»

in

2

Spain

are

.

attracting

.

.

increasing

.

attention.

See

people than many. The likely to be a church. From

in Material Culture

413

ecclesiastical buildings because churches were frequented by the intentions and interests of the patron of a private residence are different from those that prompted the emblematic decoration of Portugal to Poland, from Sicily to Sweden and Russia, not to emblematic programs still decorate

forget the countries of South America,

some ecclesiastical and secular buildings. Historians of art and literature have been studying some of these emblematic programs. ° I will begin with buildings. However, most architectural emblems have only two parts, pictura and inscriptio, seldom the third part of the printed emblem,

the subscriptio. The question then arises how the architec-

tural emblem is to be interpreted in cases of apparent uncertainty. Normally, the surroundings of the emblem, and the purpose of the building, create the context for the individual emblems. Perhaps the most searching exploration of the issues involved in discussing emblems in architecture will be found in essays by Wolfgang Harms and the art historian Egon Verheyen. ’ Other valuable reflections on the same issue will be found in the essays by Judi Loach* and Sabine Médersheim.’ The extent to which printed emblems were °

Bibliographical

information

on many

Heckscher and Karl-August Wirth, “Emblem,

Kunstgeschichte.

Stuttgart:

Metzler,

1959,

buildings

Emblembuch.”

vol.

5,

in William

will be found

cols.

S.

In Reallexikon zur deutschen

193-221. Also

Boletin

the

Informativo of the Sociedad Española de Emblemätica regularly carries information on Spanish publications, which increasingly deal with the emblematic decoration of buildings.

7

See

Wolfgang

Harms,

Investigation

“The

of

Emblem

Programmes in

Buildings: Assumptions and Tasks.” In The Emblem and Architecture: Studies in Applied

Emblematics from the Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 2. Ed. Peter M. Daly and Hans J. Boker. Turnhout: Brepols, 1999, 3-16. And in the same

collection, see Egon Verheyen, “On Meaning in Architecture.” published a set of reflections as an introduction (“Einleitung.

17-41. Earlier, Harms Zur auBerliterarischen

Emblematik”) in the volume of essays entitled Auferliterarische Wirkungen barocker

Emblembiicher. Emblematik in Ludwigsburg,

1975,

Gaarz und Pommersfelden.

Munich:

Fink,

Leopoldo Fernandez Gasalla, “Arquitectura efimera y emblemätica: las exequias reales en Galicia durante el reinado de Carlos IL.” In Florilegio de Estudios de Emblemätica. À Florilegium of Studies on Emblematics. Actas del VI Congresso Internacionale de Emblemätica de The Society for Emblem Studies. Proceedings of the 6th International Conference of The Society for Emblem Studies. A Coruna, 2002. Ed. Sagrario Lépez Poza in collaboration with José Julio Garcia Arranz, Jestis Ureña Bracero, Sandra M.* Fernandez Vales, and Reyes Abad Castelos. A Corufia: Sociedad de Cultura Valle

Emblems and Art History. Ed. Alison Adams assisted by Laurence Grove. Glasgow Emblem Studies, vol. 1. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies, 1996, 1-21. See also Judi Loach, “Inscriptions templorum, et aedium frontibus appositae’: An Aspect of the Theory and Practice of ‘Built Emblems’ in Seventeenth-Century Lyons.” In Polyvalenz und Multifunktionalitét der Emblematik. Multivalence and Multifunctionality of the

“Alegorias y aparatos efimeros en la fiesta de proclamacién de Carlos ΠῚ en la Ciudad de La Laguna (1760).” 439-446.

Emblem Studies. Proceedings of the 5th International Conference of the Society for Ed. Wolfgang Harms and Dietmar Peil with Michael Waltenberger. Mikrokosmos, vol. 65. 2 vols. Frankfurt a. M.: Lang, 2002, 977-986.

Inclan, 2004, 335-345. See also in the same volume Pedro Jorge Hernandez Murillo,

*

Emblem.

See Judi Loach, “Architecture and Emblematics: Issues in Interpretation.” In

Akten des 5. Internationalen

Kongresses

der Society for Emblem

Studies.

s2

414

2

FFFSE

The Emblem

Peter M. Daly

in Material Culture

415

the source for architectural decoration is likely to differ from building to building. Clearly some decorations of some buildings show a freer use of printed emblem sources than others. On the whole, it appears that the book emblem was more often than not the source, and when literary historians have been unable to locate ἃ printed source, they often assume one or offer parallels. Some historians of art and architecture have tended to underrate the relationship of architectural emblems to printed sources or models. But insisting on the importance of printed traditions should not blind us to the fact that designers of buildings frequently devised new emblematic materials. They also often reinterpreted and combined existing materials in new ways. Ecclesiastical buildings probably contain more examples than secular buildings because churches and chapels tend not to be modernized as often or as quickly as private homes and even palatial residences. Occasionally, the correspondences between printed emblems and those decorating a building are striking. Sabine Médersheim has juxtaposed Cramer’s printed emblems with photographs of pew decorations, based on those Cramer emblems, in the chapel of Läckô Castle, Sweden, dating from

paintings of New Testament subjects, Christ, the Virgin Mary, or the lives

for decorations

the church is shown in a diagram. Each emblem is briefly identified by the wording of the inscriptio, with reference; the pictura is briefly described,

the mid-seventeenth century.” Manuscripts can also have been the model

Hortus

regius

in the

(ca.

material

1645)

and

culture,

the

Rosenhaneska Palatset in Stockholm. !!

as is the case

wall

paintings

of

with

his

Rosenhane’s

palace

the

Cornelia Kemp has done more than anyone to document emblematic programs in Baroque churches of southern Germany." Most such ecclesiastical emblems comprise a picture and short motto. The context for interpreting these emblems is usually provided by the themes in church

’ See Sabine Müdersheim, “The Emblem in Architecture.” In Emblem Scholarship: Directions and Developments. A Tribute to Gabriel Hornstein. Ed. Peter M. Daly. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 5. Turnhout: Brepols, 2005, 159-176.

See Sabine Médersheim,

“Theologia

Cordfis:

Daniel

Cramer’s

Emblemata

Sacra in Northern European Architecture.” In The Emblem in Scandinavia and the Baltic, edited by Simon McKeown and Mara R. Wade. Glasgow Emblem Studies, vol. 11. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies, 2006, 295-329. ' Tbid., 179-203. ë See Cornelia Kemp, Angewandte Emblematik in süddeutschen Barockkirchen.

Kunstwissenschaftliche Studien, vol. 53. Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1981. See also

Cornelia Kemp, “Die Embleme des Klosters Wessobrunn und ihre Vorlage. Ein Beitrag zur Marienverehrung des 18. Jahrhunderts in Süddeutschland.” Das Miinster 28 (1975): 309-319.

of

the

saints.

In

her

Angewandte

in

Emblematik

süddeutschen

Barockkirchen, Kemp begins with reflections from the early modern period on the emblem, as well as on the role of “applied emblematics” before proceeding to her own consideration of “applied emblematics” in the mirror of modern scholarship. Kemp then reviews the “formal elements of the emblem” (22-31): pictura, inscriptio, and subscriptio. Today, one would be less likely to limit even the printed emblem to three parts. Next, she discusses the relation of word and image (35-43).

These

discussions

lead

to

a

consideration

of

the

themes

that

constitute the decoration of churches in southern Germany (53-114). These include Christ, the Holy Ghost, the Trinity, and saints; then she considers

the various religious orders, the Church itself, and Christian life, meaning the virtues of Christian life. The next section deals Vorlagen rather than Quellen).

with the “sources” (she uses the word The largest section of the book is devoted

to a catalogue of south German churches (145-334) with significant emblematic decorations. These churches are listed alphabetically from Adelsried to Züschingen. Each church is named; the patron or person who commissioned the decoration is named; the artist, where known,

and secondary literature is also named.

is named;

|

In addition to the usual bibliographies there are valuable indexes

(Register), representing an alphabetical listing of inscriptiones (347-364),

picturae (365-383),

and artists (383-384).

Since these “applied emblems

do not usually have the third part, known from printed emblems, there 15 ? : no index of subscriptiones. The book concludes with a selection of illustrations from the churches and very occasionally ἃ printed “source” but not always with subscriptio. Modern scholars will, of course, want to know whether applied emblems in these churches depend on parallels, analogues, Sources. But what will constitute a source as distinct from a parallel

its the or or

analogue? Today a source will only be considered as such, if there is a Close, preferably an exact, correspondence between pictures, or mottos. It is also now recognized that applied emblems do not necessarily follow in every textual or visual detail the assumed source. Indeed, printed emblems Often reveal a certain freedom in the disposition of earlier materials. Kemp

is prepared to identify a printed emblem as a source for one of the painted

416

The Emblem

Peter M. Daly

emblems in ἃ church (see, e.g., 116), when the correspondence between the pictures is evident. Not that she supposes that each program of church emblems may be derived from one single source (117-119). However, parallels often suffice (118), which may in fact have different explanations. There is much to be learned from this richly illustrated book, published in 1981. Grete Lesky has studied baroque emblems in some of Austria’s

ecclesiastical buildings. ‘

These early studies tended to rely on literary parallels rather than actual emblem book sources when comparing architectural emblems with printed books, a point emphasized by Michael Schilling in his essay “Die literarischen Vorbilder der Ludwigsburger und Gaarzer Embleme.” !‘

Dieter Bitterli” has also studied the Marian chapel Unserer Lieben

417

in Material Culture

reference to literature (Literatur), where possible including the HenkelSchéne Handbuch. This is the way to do it. Bitterli assumes that the artist Meglinger must have received precise written instructions, drawings, and engravings from Father Ludwig (26). Bitterli argues that Picinelli’s Mondo simbolico (Milan, 1653), which had just appeared, Aresi’s Zmprese sacre (1613/1640) with its 201 engraved imprese, and Typotius’s Symbola divina & humana (1601/ 1603) are the main sources. A third of the Hergiswald emblems have Picinelli as their model, but only half of these are literal, i.e., unaltered borrowings. Sixty of the emblems derive from Aresi. Twenty come from Typotius, but with alterations, which is understandable when one recalls that Typotius’s collection was of personal imprese. However, according to Bitterli, for a good 40 emblems

no

“relevant

correspondences”

(30)

can be

in

found

Frau in Hergiswald, Switzerland. Bitterli uses the terminology that is current today: pictura, inscriptio, and subscriptio, although he also writes of motto and epigram. There may be no preliminary discussion of what emblems are and how they communicate, but he has evidently read Albrecht Schéne. We may hear Schône behind the statement that creatures and things “point beyond themselves and can mean something different”

emblem books, and these were likely the inventions of Father Ludwig. The ceiling program of Hergiswald is not an ordered universe. For example, lion, panther, and tiger do not appear in proximity to each other.

known collection of emblems anywhere in the material culture. The book has a great deal of important historical information about the church building, its patrons, the artist, and a 320-page catalogue of illustrations. The individual illustrations of the Hergiswald emblems are in color; these are often accompanied by black-and-white illustrations of printed sources’ images, by textual reference to sources carefully indicated by the German double nouns Quelle/Vorlage, and by further textual

Mary.

(31).

The

321

emblems,

mostly

painted

on

the ceiling,

are

the

largest

What links the various

together

is their connection

(Bezug 32) to

Mary. Bitterli reminds the reader of the theological traditions that inform the use of individual motifs, and the way in which certain Christological

motifs, such as pelican, phoenix, and bird of paradise, are appropriated for

In his discussion of the rediscovery of these Marian emblems (3638), Bitterli gives credit to the earlier, if not always accurate, work of

Grete Lesky whom he calls a pioneer in the area of “applied emblematics.

However, he does note that she did not notice that a third of the Hergiswald emblems derive from Picinelli. For emblem scholars, Bitterli’s contains Lesky’s Study replaces the older book on the same subject, which

discussion of the ceiling emblems.'° Other churches in Switzerland have also been

Ein

motifs

considered

from

perspective, ἡ as have

the

and Grete Lesky, Geschichte Luzern: Schill Druck, 1964.

und The

this emblematic

lî See Grete Lesky, Barocke Embleme in Vorau und anderen Stiften Osterreichs.

Vademecum

Auslieferungsstelle:

fiir

den

Kunstwanderer.

Buchhandlung

Styria,

1963;

Graz:

Lesky,

Chorherrenschaft “Barocke

Vorau;

Embleme

der

Chorherrenkirche in Ranshofen.” In Jahrbuch des Stiftes Klosterneuburg N.F. 6 (1966): 179-219; Lesky, Die Marienembleme der Prunkstiege im Grazer Priesterhaus. Graz: Moser, 1970.

“In

Ludwigsburg,

Auferliterarische

Wirkungen

Gaarz und Pommersfelden.

Munich: Fink, 1975. Here 41. © See Dieter Bitterli,

Der

barocker

Emblembiicher.

Ed. Wolfgang

Bilderhimmel

von

Harms

Emblematik

in

and Hartmut Freytag.

Hergiswald:

Der

barocke

Emblemzyklus der Wallfahrtskirche Unserer Lieben Frau in Hergiswald bei Luzern, seine

Quellen, sein mariologisches Programm und seine Bedeutung. Basel: Wiese, 1997.

1° See Joseph Scherer, Joseph Zemp, Beschreibung der Wallfahrtskirche Hergiswald.

discussion of emblems is by Grete Lesky. 7 See Joseph Imorde,

“Gebaute Emblematik.

arent

Die Jesuitenkirche Franz Xaver in

Luzern.” In Emblematik und Kunst der Jesuiten in Bayern: EinfluB und Wirkung. Ed. Peter 209-225. M. Daly, G. Richard Dimler, S.J., and Rita Haub. Turnhout: Brepols, 2000,

o2

418

Fee

Peter M. Daly

The Emblem

emblem cycles painted on glass in the chaplain’s house near the pilgrimage

church of Saint Judoc at Blatten in Luzern. '®

Ecclesiastical buildings in Spain are attracting increased these days.” Pedro F. Campa has studied broadly the emblematic Hispanic world, and he reports that Jesuit emblem books were the many architectural programs on the Iberian peninsula and in the

attention art of the basis for countries

of South America.” Santiago Sebastian?! was able to show that the icono-

graphical program of the Sanctuary of Our Lady of Victory in Malaga was inspired by emblems from Herman Hugo’s Pia desideria. Rafael Garcia Mahiques has studied the decorative program of the Monastery of Santa Catalina de Arequipa in Viceregal Perû.?? That program comprises a set of 24 paintings deriving largely from Hugo’s Pia desideria and from Van Haeften’s Schola cordis. But it would be wrong to assume that only Catholic churches made use of emblematic decorative programs. The emblems in the village church at Herrenbreitungen in Germany are based on Johann Arndt’s Vom Wahren !8 See Dieter Bitterli, “Imago Sancti Judoci: An Unknown Cycle of Applied Emblems in Central Switzerland.” In Visual Words and Verbal Pictures: Essays in Honour of Michael Bath. Ed. Alison Saunders and Peter Davidson. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies, 2005, 13-36. See Patricia Andrés Gonzälez, “Vicios y virtudes en las torres de la catedral de Astorga.” In Florilegio de Estudios de Emblemätica. A Florilegium of Studies on Emblematics. Actas del VI Congresso Intemacionale de Emblemätica de The Society for Emblem Studies. Proceedings of the 6th International Conference of The Society for Emblem Studies. A Coruña, 2002. Ed. Sagrario Lopez Poza in collaboration with José Julio Garcia Arranz, Jesus Urefia Bracero, Sandra M.* Fernandez Vales, and Reyes Abad Castelos. A Coruña: Sociedad de Cultura Valle Inclan, 2004, 127-136. See also in the

same

#2

collection,

emblematica

Reyes

Escalera

Pérez

and

José

Fernandez

al servicio de los ideales de la contrarreforma.

Lopez,

“Pintura

y

El techo del salôn principal

del palacio arzobispal de Sevilla.” 299-312. And José Julio Garcia Arranz, “Las Obras de Misericordia y la emblemätica: los azulejos de la iglesia de la Santa Casa da Misericérdia en Evora (Portugal).” 359-370. * See Pedro F. Campa, “The Spanish and Portuguese Adaptations of Herman Hugo’s Pia Desideria.” In Emblematic Perceptions: Festschrift for William S. Heckscher. Ed. Peter M. Daly and Daniel Russell. Baden-Baden: Koerner Verlag, 1997, 43-60. *! See Sebastian Santiago, “El Pia Desideria de Herman Hugo y el Santuario de la Virgen de la Victoria: un ensayo de lectura.” Boletin de arte 2 (1981): 9-30. See also Contrareforma y barroco. Madrid: Alianza Editorial. 1989, 65-75.

” See Rafael Garcia Mahiques,

“Gemidos,

deseos y suspiros.

El programa

mistico de Santa Catalina de Arequipa.” Boletin del Museo e Instituto Camôn Aznar 4849 (1992): 83-113.

in Material Culture

419

Christenthum.** Hermann Oertel has studied the programs in Lower Saxony, and in particular Lucklum.* Heinrich Schulz has considered the decorative programs in Pommeranian village churches.” In the early modern period German-speaking Danzig, today known as GORE knew of the Protestant use of emblems in Lutheran church architecture.” Cramer | and Arndt were the most often used sources. Many churches in Hungary, Poland, the Baltic States, and Russia have emblematic decorations that have never been studied.” Questions of theology, or differences between Catholic and Protestant Christianity, are not always relevant. One would expect a Catholic Baroque church to draw on Catholic emblem books and present Catholic dogma when emblematic decorations were designed. In such churches and chapels one would also expect to find emblematic images of the Virgin Mary and the saints. But many Protestant churches in Scandinavia were also decorated with emblematic images that derive from Jesuit emblem books.” Some

3

See William S. Heckscher and Karl-August Wirth, “Emblem, Emblembuch.

In Reallexikon zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1959, vol. 5, col. 195. 24 See

Deutschen

Hermann

Ritterordens

zu

Oertel,

“Die

Lucklum.”

emblematische

Niederdeutsche

der Kirche

Bildausstattung

Beitrage zur sneering ἐρόρο

ὅθε 1

(1975): 175-204; Oertel, “Die protestantischen Bilderzyklen im nn':dersachmsc.htîrè7 Îlggl

und ihre Vorbilder.”

17 (1978):

Niederdeutsche Beitràge zur Kunstgeschichte

Oertel, “Die emblematische Bilderpredigt in der Ordenskirche zu ne

Niederdeutsche Beiträge zur Kunstgeschichte 20 (1981):

101-126. See also

“Protestantische Barockemblematik am Lettner der Buttforder Kirche. Beitriige zur Kunstgeschichte 14 (1975): 205-216. re

2% See Heinrich Schulz, Pommersche Dorfkirchen dstlich

Westfalen: Beck, 1963. ° See Katarzyna

Cieslak,

: “Emblematic

der

x

μαι ΕΝ

) τ ν

Niederdeu Oder.

;

rant

Herford,

' teenth-Century in in Seven Protestantism: An Essay and

Programs

Gdansk Churches in the Light of Contemporary Documentation.” Emblematica 9 (1995): 21-44.

;

Ὁ

“The 7 Of the very few that have been noted, see Lubomir Konetny, “yes Emblematics of J.B. Santini’s Church Our Lady of the Visitation at Sages

Emblem and Architecture: Studies in Applied Emblematics from 8 seg ὌΝ Eighteenth Centuries. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 2. Ed. Peter M. | Υ passat e Büker. Turnhout: Brepols, 1999, 191-206. See also Ojars ne tie kate interpretation of the cycle of emblematic paintings in the church ἐν

x

;

:

es

The German-Language Emblem in its European Context. Βα.

n né Peer

1999,

y

Ingrid Hôpel. Glasgow Emblem Studies, vol. 5. Glasgow: Glasgo 145-166.

| ΕἸ ar Lisbet Juul Nicolaisen, Samlinger 1 (1969): 121-151.

“Emblemmaleri

:

des

re

i danske kirker. ’ Kirkehistoriske

420

Peter M. Daly

The Emblem

seventeenth-century Lutheran churches in Danzig also used small numbers

of Catholic emblems.’

Not only churches and chapels but also some

libraries,

refectories,

and Jesuit colleges, were decorated with emblematic programs.* Some civic buildings, such as town halls erected or expanded during the early modern period, also bear emblematic programs. Examples are Augsburg,*’ Nuremberg, and Danzig. Nuremberg’s town hall is rightly famous. Although now lost, the emblems that once decorated the town hall were engraved in an emblem

Gdansk

” See Katarzyna Cieslak, “Emblematic Programs in Seventeenth-Century Churches in the Light of Contemporary Protestantism: An Essay and

Documentation.” Emblematica 9 (1995): 22, 25, 26, 31, 37, 38, 39.

‘° See

Refectory

Léränt

(1737)

and

Bencze,

the

“The

Classical

Iconography

Library

(1832)

of

the

of the

Frescoes

Benedictine

in

the

Baroque

Archabbey

of

Pannonhalma (Hungary).” In The Emblem and Architecture: Studies in Applied Emblematics from the Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries. Ed. Peter M. Daly and Hans J. Boker. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 2. Turnhout: Brepols, 1999, 85-105; Bencze, “Function Oriented Iconography: A Case Study of the Baroque Refectory of the Abbey of Pannonhalma.” In European Iconography East and West. Selected Papers from the

Szeged International Conference, June 9-12, 1993. Ed. Gyôürgy E. Sz6nyi. Brill: Leiden, 1996, 63-76.

Lambrecht between

See also Grete Lesky, Die Bibliotheksembleme der Benediktinerabtei St.

in Steiermark.

Decoration

and

Graz:

Books

Imago,

1970

in Early

and

Modern

Eric

Garberson,

Libraries:

Three

“The

Relation

Examples

from

Germany and Austria.” In The Emblem and Architecture: Studies in Applied Emblematics

from the Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries. Ed. Peter M. Daly and Hans J. Boker. Imago

Figurata Studies, vol. 2. Turnhout: Brepols, 1999, 107-122. See also Eva Knapp and Gabor Tiiskés, “Rhetorisches Konzept und ikonographisches Programm des Freskenzyklus in der Prunkstiege des Raaber Jesuitenkollegs.” In Polyvalenz und

Multifunktionalität der Emblematik. Multivalence and Multifunctionality of the Emblem.

Akten des 5. Internationalen Kongresses der Society for Emblem Studies. Proceedings of the Sth International Conference of the Society for Emblem Studies. Ed. Wolfgang

Harms and Dietmar Peil with Michael Waltenberger.

Mikrokosmos,

vol. 65. 2 vols.

Frankfurt a. M.: Lang, 2002, 949-975. See also Judi Loach, “The Seventeenth-Century Restoration of the Temple De Lyon.” In The Emblem and Architecture: Studies in Applied Emblematics from the Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries. Ed. Peter M. Daly and Hans J. Boker. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 2. Turnhout:

Daniel Russell, Emblematic Structures University of Toronto Press, 1995, 213.

in

Renaissance

Brepols,

French

1999, 45-56. See also

Culture.

Toronto:

* See Sabine Médersheim, “Matthäus Rader und das allegorische Programm im Augsburger Rathaussaal.” In Emblematik und Kunst der Jesuiten in Bayern: Einflug und Wirkung. Ed. Peter M. Daly, G. Richard Dimler, S.J.. and Rita Haub. Imago Figurata

Studies, vol. 3. Turnhout: Brepols, 2000, 227-247.

in Material Culture

421

book by Peter Isselburg entitled Emblemata politica in aula magna curiae Noribergensis depicta (1617 and 1640) with explanatory subscriptiones in Latin and German by Georg Rem, which were not part of the original

and

was first studied by Matthias Mende,”

decoration. The program

most recently by Sabine Môdersheim.* The program of emblems Was in fact added in the early seventeenth century to an iconographic complex of murals and paintings of scenes from Greek and Roman history designed by Willibald Pirckheimer and executed by, among others, Albrecht Dürer. The whole program represents the virtues of good governance a understood by the senate and leading families of Nuremberg. The series 0 32 emblems, comprising picture and motto, were painted in pairs In the window embrasures of the town hall. Some derive from medals produced at the nearby Altdorf Academy, others from Camerarius and Alciato. The town hall of Kiel has also been studied from the perspective of

emblems by Ingrid Hôpel.* The town hall of Danzig has been considered

|

by Susan Tripton.*’

Some ere residences still contain emblematic programs. On occaà sion, the choice of emblems was made in order to present the owner 5 Introduction to the facsimile ed. of the 1640 ed. of

32 See Wolfgang Harms,

politica. Bern/Frankfurt a. M.: Lang, 1982. Emblemata Mende, Das alte Nürnberger - = pee Nue

grofen

des

Ausstattung

Saales

Ratsstube,

der

und

Baugeschichte

Rathaus.

rts,

ie ca

Stadtgeschichtlichen Museen Niirnberg, vol. 15. Nuremberg: Stadtgeschichtliche Nürnberg, 1979, 383ff. ΤΕ “Duce virtute,

Saals

im

Nürnberger

Anwendungen

Das

comite fortuna.

Rathaus.”

der Emblematik.

: emblematisc he

In Die Domänen

des ot:

Per

bütteler Arbeiten zur Barockforschung, 39. en also

i

:

lu

k Dekor und Decorum,

des Goldenen

Programm

Ed. Gerhard F. Strasser and Mara :

α

=

θα

i

QE

As ”

5 54

ù

me ze Canine ohn Stopp, The Emblems of the Altdorf Academy: ee

=

;

βὰν

-

ed i Ἐ

Medal Orations, 1577-1626. London: Modern Humanities Research ae

ὁ See Ingrid Hôpel, “An Emblematic Illumination of the pere Actas Florilegio de Estudios de Emblemética. A Florilegium of Studies on Emblematics. τῶ

del VI Congresso Internacionale de Emblemätica de The Society ps sca Annee Ce. Proceedings of the 6th International Conference of The Society for Arranz, Jesus -Ureña Sagrario

Lopez

Poza

in collaboration

with

José

Julio

Garcia

Bracero, Sandra M.* Fernandez Vales, and Reyes Abad Castelos.

de Cultura Val e

RE an

vom

guten

Inclan, 2004. 23, 459-466.

Regiment.

ah

ry?

sofia’ Sociedad

LT

;

i ‘Res publica bene ordinata. Regentenspiegel und Bilder zur

Rathausdekorationen

Kunstgeschichte 104. Hildesheim: Olms, 1996.

ini

der

ji Frühen

Neuzeit.Î

tudien Studi

422

Peter M. Daly

The Emblem

personal beliefs or his image of himself. Duke Ferdinand Albrecht’s Castle Bevern in northern Germany is a good example. In this program, the preference for religious imagery and emblematic admonition indicates both the duke’s piety and melancholic predisposition. Sabine Médersheim shows how the emblematic decoration of the Duke’s library culminates in a mirror image presumably intended to remind visitors of their own mortality and the

vanity of life.**

Daniel Russell devotes part of his chapter on “Emblematics and Court Culture”* to the emblematic decorations of French châteaux. He suggests that “the more luxurious chateaux were often decorated with device-like motifs that tended to nourish a narcissistic cult of the owner’s personality” (207). Chambord,

Blois, and Fontainebleau do in fact bear the

ubiquitous salamander with which Francois I stamped his many architectural constructions. Annemarie Sawkins*’ observes this salamander in the cathedrals of Beauvais and Senlis. Emblems and imprese were frequently used in the ceiling decoration of halls and galleries in Renaissance chateaux. The ceiling of the “Haute Galerie” in the chateau of Dampierre-sur-Boutonne

comprises

61

emblems

and

imprese

(Russell,

212-213).* Maria Antonietta de Angelis” has determined that many may

derive from Covarrubias,

Alciato, Aneau, de Borja, Bruck, Camerarius, Corrozet, and La Perriére, and 20 of these painted emblems reproduce

their printed sources. History has documented the love affair between Henri II and Diane

de Poitiers, as do the decorations in Fontainebleau and Anet, the residence

of the king’s mistress

(Russell,

210-212).

The ceiling of the “Salle de

# Sabine Médersheim, “Duke Ferdinand Albrecht’s Self-Portrayal in the Emblematic Programme of Castle Bevern.” In The Emblem and Architecture: Studies in Applied Emblematics from the Sixteenth Century to the Eighteenth Centuries. Ed. Hans J. Boker and Peter M. Daly. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 2. Turnhout: Brepols, 1999, 125147.

* See Daniel Russell, Emblematic Structures in Renaissance French

Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1995, 207-213.

Culture.

‘° See Annemarie Sawkins, “Royal and Imperial Emblematics in the Architecture of Frangois I.” In The Emblem and Architecture: Studies in Applied Emblematics from the Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries. Ed. Peter M. Daly and Hans J. Boker. Figurata Studies, vol. 2. Turnhout: Brepols, 1999, 179-189.

* See Louis Audiat, Epigraphie santone et aunisienne.

Gebelin, Le Chateaux de la Renaissance. Paris: Beaux-arts,

de Angelis,

“Emblems

Niort,

1875; François

1927; and Maria Antonietta

and Devices on a Ceiling in the Chateau of Dampierresur-

Boutonne.” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 46 (1983): 221-228.

* See note 41.

Imago

423

in Material Culture

Gardes” at Anet contains not only the coats-of-arms of Diane and Henri but also several imprese. One depicts an arrow and two intertwined olive branches with the motto “Bola vivit in illo” [It lives only in him]. Another is Henri’s famous impresa of three crescent moons with the motto “Donec totem impleat orbem” [Until he fill the whole world]. Johann Anton von Eggenberg had decorated his castle, SchloB a, as Eggenberg, near Graz in Austria with emblems based on Saavedr interpret the Grete Lesky shows.* Lesky’s purpose is to describe and 26 rooms that “artistic decoration” [kiinstlerischen Schmuck] of the on the walls comprise SchloB Eggenberg. The decorations are paintings The book is and ceilings, some of which are allegories, others emblems. In Schloÿ richly illustrated with photographs of some of the decorations and

Eggenberg,

however,

which,

emblems,

many

are deprived

of their

|

subscriptiones, which Lesky occasionally quotes in her text.

what an emblem is, Almost at the outset, Lesky informs the reader

logy that Was still and recounts briefly the three parts, using the termino Schone (mentioned in current especially among art historians in the 1960s. note

18)

and

are

who

Jéns,

Germanists

rather

than

art historians

like

for Lesky to take es Lesky, were presumably in the late 1960s too recent does refer to the Henkel and Schone Handbuc ἢ

account, although she

takes issue with the Thus she writes of Zkon, Lemma, and Carmen. Lesky and a game [Spielerei]. idea, then still current, that the emblem is a fashion

She

briefly

iconologies,

the

imprese,

mentions

compilations,

and

the

not stay Im Jesuits as prelude to the generalization that such emblems did

walls and ceilings of books on bookshelves, but were used to adorn the churches and palaces. The ache

Saavedra ce of the Eggenberg emblems derive from

books and emblem a But parallels are discovered in many emblem s, and Pietrasanta. In

tions, such as those of Bauer,

Bosch,

Typotiu

a-

is

Handbuch. Lesky 1s context, reference is often made to the Henkel-Schone es allows her associations prepared to indulge in speculation, and sometim free rein: the image of eyes on a scepter reminds her of an Alciato emblem ed in the as well as the eyes and ears on the gown of Elizabeth I as depict famous rainbow portrait. ἐπ γε ; While

there

allegorical material

is

wealth

in this book,

‘3 See Grete Lesky, Graz: Styria, 1970.

a

of

some

iconographical, and emblematic, of itRE in the notes, the quest ion

Schlol Eggenberg.

Das Programm für den Bildschmuck.

424

The Emblem

Peter M. Daly

remains: for whom was the book intended? Scholars, students, cultural tourists? Lesky often addresses herself to a “you” [Sie]. In its assumptions and judgments the book today is open to question. Needless to say, writing in the late 1960s, Lesky was heir to notions that are not always current today. She quotes or refers to Mario Praz, Henry Green, Heckscher and Wirth’s well-known piece in the Reallexikon zur deutschen Kunstgeschichte, among others. English scholars would doubtless disagree with Lesky when she observes in a note that England had no emblem books of any rank (282). Furthermore, Whitney’s book has not “disappeared” [verschollen 283]. I know of some 29 locations for copies of the original print, and at least seven facsimiles are available. Lesky knew of Whitney thanks to Henry Green (283). She also seems to refer to the Four Seasons tapestries, one of which is dated 1611. The emblematic wall and ceiling decorations of the manor house in

Ludwigsburg near Eckernférde,

northern Germany,

in Gaarz, and in Pom-

mersfelden were the object of a set of exemplary studies on the emblematic decoration of the material culture, published over 40 years ago as Auferliterarische Wirkungen barocker Emblembiicher.** The work contains a valuable inventory of the emblems in Ludwigsburg and Gaarz that comprise mottos and translations into German, brief descriptions of the picturae, sources or parallels in printed emblem books, and a brief statement of the

meaning of the source emblem (171-193). The total number of emblems in

Ludwigsburg is 175, which makes it one of the most emblematically decorated buildings known. Gaarz is recorded as having no fewer than 54 emblems. In “Die literarischen Vorbilder der Ludwigsburger und Gaarzer Embleme,” published in Auferliterarische Wirkungen barocker Emblem-

biicher (41-71), Michael Schilling demonstrates that 19 emblematic books served as models (if one includes Johann Wilhelm Baur’s Iconographia).

For the theme of love, they are Otto van Veen’s Amorum emblemata: Daniel

425

in Material Culture

moralia partim etiam civilia; and Joachim Camerarius’s Symbolorum ac emblematum ethico, politicorum. Centuriae quatuor. More generally si are the emblems that derive from Camillo Camilli’s /mprese sitll a; Hadrianus Junius’s Emblemata; Theodor de Brys’s Emblemata seculari Gabriel Rollenhagen’s Nucleus emblematum selectissimorum; Denis Lebey s de Batilly’s Emblemata; Johan de Brune’s Emblemata; Jakob Bornitz civilium miscellaneorum _ sylloge; Johann οἱ sacrorum Emblematum from this Mannich’s Sacra emblemata (no religious emblems are taken collection);

and

Albert

Flamen’s

Devises et

emblesmes.

Some

οἱ αι

px; drawn background scenes in the emblems at Ludwigsburg were also n Vorhabe / the collection Der Fruchtbringenden Gesellschaft Nahmen Some Gemälde und Wôrter and from Johann Wilhelm Baur’s Iconographia. that over of the sources could not be established, and so pcre assumes nt printed works must have been source DOOKS. — i in number, but the A dlffg;arzpmay comprise fewer emblematic panels, 54

8 emblems are no less impressive. The printed sources are Daniel Cramer es anciennes et Emblemata sacra; Heinrich Offelen’s Devises et emblem assumes that modernes; and Roemer Visscher’s Sinnepoppen. Schilling have not been other printed emblem books were also sources although they Harms treats the emblematic decorations of a a sai εξ Ἂ in the essay “Die emblematische Selbstdarstellung des ie the € ane Pommersfelden” (135-154). Unlike Ludwigsburg and Gaarz, ee ἀρὰς matic decoration of Pommersfelden threads through many nes one room seems to represent a highpoint, although there ΠΣ been both losses and restoration (Harms,

136 and notes 5 and 6).

pe

eke see blems painted on walls and ceilings have to be seen in the φρο earlier emblem tradition, but also in the light of the religious

des ag

ambitions of the man responsible for them, Lothar Franz Fée

Proteus ofte Minne-beelden and Spiegel van den ouden ende niewen Tijat. The political emblems tend to treat issues of governance. Source books here were Peter Isselburg’s Emblemata politica; Diego de Saavedra Fajardo’s

x A g: Archbishop of Mainz and Electoral Prince, Bishop of Bamber ΤῊΝ cellor of the German Reich. Harms shows that the uen ce e : Eggenberg Emperor was not unusual. Johann Anton von idee sesh decorated his castle with emblems based on Saavedra, as

politicorum

be seen as both praising the Emperor,

Heinsius’s Quaeris quid sit amor or Emblemata amatoria; and Jacob Cats’s

Idea de un principe politico christiano; Julius Zincgref’s Emblematum ethico-

centuria;

Florentius

“ See Auferliterarische

Schoonhoven’s

Wirkungen

Ludwigsburg, Gaarz und Pommersfelden. Munich: Fink, 1975.

barocker

Ed. Wolfgang

Emblemata

Emblembiicher. Harms

.. ., partim Emblematik

and Hartmut

in

Freytag.

ees demonstrated. Schénborn’s eagle, lion, sun, and sunflower em expressing een

and also indicating the political ambitions of the Electora family members (Harms,

ω Lee

ie

138-141). This is perhaps most ae

in the painting that shows ἃ crowned zodiac lion, the βοτὰ

natural-looking the Schénborn family, in the sky above seven

ἢ

ie

ate

γον,

τ

ἀρνὶ

426

Peter M. Daly

The Emblem

ground, in a group of four in the light and three in the shadows, with the motto “Bibi similes” [They should be like him]. This must refer to the seven nephews, four of whom were already prince bishops, one a cathedral cleric and two holding high secular office. This far-ranging study, Auferliterarische Wirkungen barocker Emblembücher, was followed up recently in a book entitled Gesprächskultur des Barock,* which reproduces all the Ludwigsburg emblems in color and includes mottos and translations into German, brief descriptions of the picturae, sources or parallels in printed emblem books, and ἃ brief statement of the meaning of the source emblem (43-157). Many of the earlier parallels have now been replaced with sources, as in the case of L. 37, which had earlier been compared with Burgundia and is now attributed to Harsdérffer’s Geschichtspiegel, or L. 78, which earlier had been compared with Bouhours and Camerarius but is now attributed to Typotius. Occasionally, an earlier unidentified source is replaced with a source, such as Engelgrave (see L. 133). Some emblems remain unidentified, and some parallels are retained. But Schilling’s earlier assumption that over 20 printed books served as models proved correct. Now Engelgrave’s Lucis evangelicae, Harsdôürffer’s Frauenzimmer Gesprächspiele, Harsdôrffer’s Geschichtspiegel, and the Symbola divina et humana of Typotius join the sources for a total of 23. In German studies, the decorated ceiling in the Kügelgenhaus in

Dresden has attracted recent scholarly attention with its 35 emblems.“

The walls of the knights’ hall of the manor house at Hohen Luckow in northern Germany was decorated in 1708 with 86 emblematic paintings that derive with a single exception from the popular compendium Emblematische Gemiiths = Vergniigung, which first appeared anonymously in 1693 in Augsburg. Dietmar Peil published an illustrated study of this

program.*’

instances

more

of the emblematic

buildings in Austria,“ Germany,” and Switzerland.”

Carl and Deert Lafrenz,

Gesprächskultur des Barock.

Die Embleme der bunten Kammer

im Herrenhaus Ludwigsburg bei Eckernfürde. Kiel: Ludwig, 2001.

Harmut

Freytag

and

Dietmar

Peil

with

contributions

from

Hartmut

Freytag, Wolfgang Harms, Ludger Lieb, Diemar Peil, Michael Schilling, and Peter Strohschneider, Das Kiigelgenhaus in Dresden und seine emblematische Deckendekoration. Neustadt an der Aisch: Schmidt, 2001. ‘ See Dietmar Peil, Die Embleme im Rittersaal auf Gut Hohen Luckow. Hohen Luckow, 2004.

decoration of

But not only in the German lands: examples may also be found in England and Scotland. Hawstead Hall in Suffolk, home of Sir Robert earlier Drury, contained a painted paneled room often referred to in 61 scholarship as the oratory of Lady Drury. The walls are decorated with Jr. painted panels and 7 thematic statements. Norman K. Farmer, tic established Continental sources or parallels for many of the emblema Valeriano, paintings in the printed works of Camerarius, Paradin, Reusner, and Ripa, and England’s emblem writer Whitney. feet long, ὡς Blickling Hall in Norfolk includes a Long Gallery, 123 motifs, ceiling of which has eleven central panels dedicated to five heraldic

the five senses and learning.” The side rows on the ceiling depict the perfrom Peacham’s sonifications of virtues and have emblems deriving largely

ΜΒ

|

Minerva Britanna (London, 1612).

=

noted by Scotland preserves many examples, which were first

ceilings in Apted, who provides some fine illustrations of the painted rs at Grandtully, Rossend Castle in Fife, Pinkie House Mary’s Church

his understanding Edinburgh, and Provost Skene’s House in Aberdeen. But

# See Alison Adams, “The Murder of Osbold

atic von Moshardt and the Emblem

2): 425-435; Program of the Hofwirt, Seckau, Styria (Austria).” Emblematica 12 (200 Geis Deckenschmuck.” Wiener

stenau,

Hanns

e

Jager-Sun “Emblem und Wappen a ‘ in der schichtsblétter 27 (1972): 476-490; Karl Môsender, “Adi ficata Poesis’: Devisen tKuns Jahrbuch für ôsterreichischen

und

franzôsischen

geschichte 35 (1982):

Barockarchitektur.”

139-175.

Wiener

pielen ischen Deckenmalerei an Beis

See Werner Meyer, “Studien zur emblemat

amies fiir aus dem Landkreis Dillingen an der Donau.” Berich t des Bayerischen Landes ’

Denkmalpflege 26 (1967): 133-169.

50° See Werner Vogler, “Der Emblemzyklus in Magdenau.;

* See Hartmut Freytag, Wolfgang Harms, and Michael Schilling with Wolfgang

* See

are many

There

427

in Material Culture

1244-1994.

Magdenau,

Rosenburg

in

Stans

1994;

Dieter Bitterli,

(NW).”

Kunstgeschichte 49 (1992): 201-220.

Zeitschrift

;

In Kloster

ia

“Die εἰηρϊοιπαμδολθ rer

fiir

Nag

SchweizerlsC e

ποer

aissance England. ! See Norman K. Farmer, Poets and the Visual Arts in Ren

Austin: University of Texas Press, 1984.

# ® See the “Auditus,” showing

°3 See Peter

National Trust guide, a man playing alute.

which

reproduces

1966,

representation

of

lem Books.” In The M. Daly, The Cultural Context of English Emb New York: AMS

English Emblem and the Continental Tradition. Ed. Peter M.

Press, 1988, 11.

the Daly.

% See M.R. Apted, The Painted Ceilings of Scotland. Edinburgh:

‘ H:M.S:0., .

i

428

The Emblem

Peter M. Daly

of the emblematic tradition was limited, as is revealed by his comment “significance unknown” on plate 53 depicting the crane standing on one leg and holding a stone in its claw. This was ἃ common emblem of vigilance from Alciato onwards, transmitting a tradition that went back through Valeriano and Horapollo to Aristotle, Plutarch, and Pliny.*° Michael Bath’s earlier studies of painted ceilings in Scotland have been updated and expanded in his most recent and richly illustrated book, with a detailed inventory (215-275 that provides examples and locations.” I shall omit the sections dealing with grotesques and engravings, allegorical pictures, and inscriptions without pictures, which are quite properly part of Bath’s project, in order to concentrate on things broadly emblematic. Bath notes that in its material culture Scottish culture was “deeply impregnated with applied emblematics” (18). Again, religious differences did not prevent Quarles’s Emblemes (1635), which are based on Jesuit sources, from being

used in reformation Scotland. some of Quarles’s emblems

Bath shows that the Earl of Nithsdale used

for the carved lintels in the new classical wing

of his castle at Caerlaverock (30). Gardyne’s House in Dundee, pulled down in the nineteenth century, is known to have had a painted ceiling incorporating

some

of Quarles’s

emblems

(Bath,

31,

52).

so-called

The

Guise Palace in Edinburgh, home of Mary of Guise, was also demolished in the nineteenth century, but the remains of painted decorations were discovered that included six imprese from Paradin’s printed collection

Devises

heroiques

(1551)

(Bath,

34-35).

The

facade

of Huntly

House

in

Canongate, Edinburgh, bears a panel carved in stone with an image and motto that also derive from Paradin (Bath, 41-42). Rossend Castle in Fife

% Michael Bath has provided the appropriate information, including illustrations, in his Renaissance Decorative Painting in Scotland. Edinburgh: National Museums of

Scotland, 2003, 94-96.

% See Michael Bath, “Applied Emblematics in Scotland: Painted Ceilings, 15501650.” Emblematica 7 (1993): 259-305; Bath, “Alexander Seton’s Painted Gallery.” In Albion’s Classicism: The Visual Arts in Britain 1550-1660. Ed. Lucy Gent. New Haven: Yale

University

Press

and

the Paul

Mellon

.4{1!“.&}:

Foundation,

1996,

97-108;

Bath,

“Quarles

Goes North: Scottish Applications of the Emblemes.” In Polyvalenz und Multifunktionalität der Emblematik. Multivalence and Multi Functionality of the Emblem. Akten des 5. Internationalen Kongresses der Society for Emblem Studies. Proceedings of the 5th International Conference of the Society for Emblem Studies. Ed. Wolfgang Harms, and Dietmar Peil with Michael Waltenberger, Mikrokosmos, vol. 65. 2 vols, Frankfurt a. M.: Lang, 2002, 987-1004; Bath, Renaissance Decorative Painting in Scotland. Edinburgh: National Museums of Scotland, 2003.

429

in Material Culture

ematic images . . . including “preserves one of the richest gatherings of embl

as it does

or

fifteen

more

devices

from

Paradin,

from

more

à couple

Alciato” (Bath, 43). Bath Simeoni, and another that copies an emblem from emblem was one of e that the printed source for Alciato’s is able to determin ᾿ς editions (44-45).

;

lf at Culross in weChellB\Îte?lìlgîow(rlh()usg that George Bruce built for himse tive application” of emblems Fife in 1597 has the most “extensive and inven

s (Bath, 57). The sixteen allegorical paintings of the ceiling are adaptation of

_ Whitney’s emblems, augmented with allegorical figures (Bath, 59-77). Alexander Seaton, who had been educated in Rome by thei a aves

extended the house held high office in reformed Scotland. He Musselburgh, near Edinburgh. The new long gallery, some 89

ua

fie

s, and ie si 3μά has a painted ceiling with emblems, Latin inscripuon 1s a tiana (1607) Moralia Hora Bath not only shows that van Veen’s

$ emblems ν᾽ D is source but that the artist altered one of van Veen face of the man drawing water is in ἃ portrait of Seaton himself (82-097

th a

Another emblem book source is Denis de Lebey (87-89).

ῷ dE. Earlshall castle near Leuchars in Fife also has a long πλ ( ts E

and animal images painted ceiling, made up largely of heraldic the Bruce tion to the cardinal virtues, shields of 167). But in addi Earlshall, and the arms

of historical and legendary

book:

Thomas

Combe’s

The

engins

(Bath,

148-151).

Bath

Theatre

of Fine Devices

rotor

ὕες

ee

images without mottos that Bath shows derive from an

a

= 15 ἃ 1614)

Ge

ea

$ bon;

which is a translation of Guillaume de la Perrière 8 sakes pie sa only may

be correct

In ere

tive painting, (si)

used in spent other place La Perriére is known to have been

tee

In Combe’s a in Britain is in Bury St. Edmunds,*’ and again ner 0 ére and Combe were used by the desig

but La

Perri

The nes

hes and

LA

Seasons” tapestries now hanging in Hatfield House.

” walls and ceilings of the many pee

chapels studied by Lesky, Kemp, and Bitterli, and se ie: halls and such residences as Ludwigsburg,

Gaarz,

ing

town

Hit

examples

Pommer

in

Luckow, Hawstead Hall, and Blickling Hall, and ἐν ie or parallels Scotland are not only emblematic because emblem boo

: Ἰς € picture with

have been established but because they combine syn veiling decoration emblematic motto. There are, however, also examples of Malcom

Jones,

fi om 3 “Emblems 5 fr

Thomas

th and 3. 57 See Michael Ba 10 (1996): 195-20 Wall Paintings at Bury St. Edmunds.” Emblematica

Combe

on

430

that lack mottos. The Great Gallery at Llanhydroc House near Bodmin in Cornwall, some 116 feet long, is all that remains of the original Jacobean house built 1630-1640. The plasterwork on the barrel-vaulted ceiling comprises some 24 panels of Old Testament scenes interspersed with depictions of creatures, unaccompanied by mottos, but many of them known from books of emblems, where they are associated with specific concepts.*

But not only walls and ceilings could be decorated with emblematic paintings. Floors, tiles, carved panels, and chimney pieces also offered opportunities for that combination of word and image that has always characterized the emblem and impresa. Many examples of emblematic tiles will be found in the documentation

assembled by Christian Biihler” and Karl Frei.® Johannes Kohler has studied

the 680 largely emblematic tiles, measuring 23 cm X 27 cm, in the room of tiles

[Fliesensaal]

in

the

castle

of

Wrisbergholzen

near

Hildesheim.°

Germany. Nine tiles bear the date 1749. Kohler is able to show that Camerarius, Saavedra, van Veen, and the compendium Emblematische Gemiiths = Vergniigung (Augsburg, 1703) were the sources for the pictures and mottos on these tiles. Tania Tribe has documented a tile program by Bartholomeu Antunes in the convent of Sao Franciso de Assisi in

Salvador,

Horatiana.”

Mexico,

which

is

based

on

van

Veen’s

Emblemata

A sixteenth-century house in Saffron Walden, built by John Harvey, once boasted a clunch fire-place decorated with newly encoded Alciato emblems. Today it may be seen in the Museum at Saffron Walden.

% See Peter M. Daly, “The Cultural Context of English Emblem Books.” In The

English Emblem and the Continental Tradition. Press, 1988, 11-12.

Ed. Peter M.

Daly.

New

York:

AMS

° See Christian Bühler, Die Kachelôfen in Graubiinden aus dem 16.-18. Jahr-

hundert. Zürich, 1880. ® See Karl Frei,

“Bemalte

Steckborner

antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Ziirich 31 (1932).

*' See Johannes Kohler, Angewandte Wrisbergholzen bei Hildesheim. Beitrage zur Hildesheim: Verlag August Lax, 1988.

Keramik.”

Emblematik Historischen

Mitteilungen

der

im Fliesensaal von Bildungsforschung 7.

“’ See Tania C. Tribe, “Word and Image in Emblematic Painting.” In The

Emblem in Renaissance and Baroque Europe: Tradition and Variety. Selected Papers of the Glasgow International Emblem

Conference,

13-17 August 1990. Ed. Alison Adams

and Anthony J. Harper. Leiden: Brill, 1992, 247-271.

431

The Emblem in Material Culture

Peter M. Daly

,” which may date from Barri Hooper and I have studied the chimney piece idual motifs derive from the 1570s. The three panels and certain indiv ass flank the much larger Alciato’s emblems: the beehive and the laden dress, making rope. Since central panel depicting Ocnus, in contemporary his wealth from rope-making, John Harvey was a farmer who made much of of Ocnus. Each of Alciato’s it was natural that he should choose the motif form

motto, so that together they emblem pictures is given a new moralizing labor. Alciato is the source for a series of related statements on the value of ney mantle, but they convey quite the emblematic motifs on Harvey’s chim s

Alciato’s beehive stand different meanings in the Italian’s emblem book. thistles connotes

ass eating for the clemency of the prince, and the laden about the reinterpretation on greed. There is, however, nothing capricious pretation remains within . spectrum Harvey’s fireplace, since the new inter for each of the motifs. sp of possible meanings established by tradition evidently decorated wi ‘ W i An English house built in 1572 was Er : -

ty-eight carved oak carvings that derive from Alciato. Twen ge, Oxford.” Peter

C. Bay y grace the Summer Room in University Colle ee res derive from the an has shown that 20 of these carved pictu eagle, Tantalus, ae Alciato. They include Prometheus and the

three girls sede na the eagle, the ass bearing Isis on its back, the figure of constrained 8 the lame man carrying the blind man, and the

whose

ighted down by a stone.

i

embellished

couldy be

\l\l/Î)n:delrîlwîÉLÈniture

to

SR

embody

impresa-like pts compliments to the Elizabeth 1 and to make

subject’s loyalty.

Roy

Strong”

comments on ἃ heavy

ee

i

oe

i

. The carver ha ἐν ἐμὴν decorated on the instructions of Bess of Hardwick LÀ : wood, the eae been instructed to cut ἃ verbal motto into the knowing the E er RER replace actual emblem pictures. Without rs and animals, rs ne emblematic

Hardwick

meanings

Hall

would

of

be

certain

hard

flowe

pressed

the

to understand

fo

inscription carved deep into the table:

a ee Hooper, “John Harvey5 ee a ncn: Ea. Bari and y Dal M. r Pete “ See Alciato EmblemsIn oe (ca. 1570): An Early Instance of the Use of Woo anon Walle Honor of Virginia in ays Alciato and the Emblem Tradition: Ess -204; rprt. In M. Daly. New York: AMS Press, 1989, 177 Lori a we . 2-13 : istorical Jou

mer Room bles ra “The Sum Peter οἰ -20 à See 8): ty College Record ersi Univ 1; The 192 Record 3 (195

5 (1960): 341-346. University College ng,Record Cult of Elizabeth, 70. ® See Stro

AIS :

ee ἐξέ :

432

The redolent smell of Eglantine We stags exalt to the Divine. The stag was the heraldic animal of the Cavendish family and the eglantine was one of the most important floral emblems of Elizabeth I. Bess of Hardwick was expressing the loyalty of the Cavendish family to the crown. Across Europe palaces and residences were enriched with emblematic decorations. Not only interiors but also façades became speaking pictures. At times we know the precise sources for these decorations. In Horst and Mondaue in the Low Countries, the illustrations of Rollenhagen’s emblems served as patterns for the interior stucco ornamentation.” Switzerland still has many examples of emblematic programs in

buildings.ὃ

Many paintings and portraits® may also be considered emblematic. Much European painting of the early modern period uses emblematic

% See Charles Burroughs, “Hieroglyphs in the Street: Architectural Emblematics

and the Idea of the Façade in Early Sixteenth-Century Palace Design.” In The Emblem and Architecture: Studies in Applied Emblematics from the Sixteenth to Eighteenth

Centuries.

Ed. Peter M.

Daly and Hans J. Büker.

Imago

Figurata Studies, vol. 2.

Turnhout: Brepols, 1999, 57-82. See also Peter Davidson, “The Inscribed House.” In Emblem Studies in Honor of Peter M. Daly. Ed. Michael Bath, Pedro F. Campa, and Daniel 5. Russell. Baden-Baden: Koerner, 2002, 41-62. % See Marc van Vaeck, “The Stuccoes of J.C. Hansche at Horst and Modave: Applied Emblematics and the Reception of De Passe’s and Rollenhagen’s Nucleus Emblematum Selectissimorum in the Low Countries.” In The Emblem and Architecture: Studies in Applied Emblematics from the Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries. Imago Figurata

Studies,

vol.

2.

Ed.

Peter

M.

Daly

and

Hans

J. Boker.

Turnhout:

Brepols,

1999, 149-176. % See Fritz Graf, “Emblematica Helvetica. Zu einer Sammlung angewandter Embleme der deutschprachigen Schweizer Kantone.” Zeitschrift fiir Schweizerische

Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte 31 (1974):

145-179.

See also Reinhard Frauenfelder,

“Vorlagen für die emblematischen Bilder am Hause zum GroBen Käfig in Schaffhausen.”

Zeitschrift fiir Schweizerische Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte 14 (1953): 103-106.

® For a brief overview, see Michael Bath, Speaking Pictures. English Emblem

Books and Renaissance Culture.

“The

Cultural

London:

Context of the English

Longman,

Emblem.”

433

The Emblem in Material Culture

Peter M. Daly

1994,

10-12; and Peter M.

In The English

Emblem

Continental Tradition. Ed. Peter M. Daly. New York: AMS Press, 1998, 6-11.

Daly,

and the

is so was the subject of some motifs, although the extent to which that e debate.” Elizabethan painting and portraitur aimed at the stylized, ae δὲ its subjects. Roy Strong and often allegorical representation of i Elizabethan period, with hé written extensively on the art of the νῶι μέν; 15 unparalleled in So political, social, and cultural history that upon a deep u e In interpreting these paintings and e

e traditions of the emblem and Im

i

Standllî% iîfvtvt:ìll known that English back to the symbolic modes of the hieroglyphs, imprese, and emblems and psychological individualization

-

painting of the sixteenth ne Middle Ages, but wrk sare pa et : εἰ ADR to produce a style that characterizes muc et

erned to project ¢ Lage a the same period. The sitter Was just as conc pee and role in society as with the pee

ception of self ὀρθοῦν artists often resorte physical likeness. To fulfill this purpose even verbal statements, Ὁ NES costume, accoutrements, and symbols, social and ρον : quali ἐφ into visual terms notions of self that included gs were endowe te es Strong has shown, portraits of Elizabeth I

on i” The associated with icons. The way of thinking that produce oe e emblems thus shaped the art of portraiture during a se e in the ae ai emblematic quality of this art takes many forms: imp explanatory poems or statements, inserted emblem or ἃ : isolated emblematic motifs. '

be of os re The mottos on impresa portraits tend to ppt des either chosen by the sitter to convey a personal ’ by regnare herself, e.g., Queen Anne’s “Seruo per

[I serve

ia ature of rd’s minmini liaard’s g, as is the case inτ HilHilli hint darkly at a hidden meanin S

PER . ation Οἱ a lic pub a the h lee wit ό sy ρ ver π tro of a i something d one asi occ i ers Alp Sveltana

” her book The Art of Describing: Dutch Art in the | , 1983. i Universi

οὗ

riraiture. 2

Elizabethan aa Espen os ae mvers}'tysoefeclgcl)c;gsotrîîxî,s The English Icon:

vols. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1969; Strong, Sple ‘fli REA Spectacle and the Theater of Power. Boston: Houghton

: Strong, The Cult a Hudson,

ee

Thames and Hudson,Port1983: of Elizabeth: Elizabethan Portraiture and Pageantry. rait τ The do ish Renaissance Miniature. Lon 1977;

Sa,

Om

ou

ue

of the ee _ “cum. 1983: from V.J. Murrell, Artistsoria ἐμὰ ἃ mes and Hudson,

London: Vict Miniature Rediscovered, 1520-1620. on: s of Queen Elizabeth 1. Lond Strong, Gloriana: The Portrait Duchess of 1987. sual Design in The Vi t: Poe the and 2 See Leslie Duer, “The Painter

Malfi.” Emblematica 1 (1986): 293-316.

cad 2 AANT

Peter M. Daly

434

The Emblem

Mr. W.H. with the motto “Dat poenas laudata fides” [Loyalty, when praised, brings its own punishment].” Perhaps the best known motto on a portrait of Elizabeth is the famous “Non sine sole Iris” [No rainbow (Iris) without the sun], which accompanies the Rainbow Portrait” of the queen as the royal Astraea. Holding the rainbow in her left hand, Elizabeth I is associated with the sun, without which there can be no rainbow. This is as much a political statement, underscoring the divine right of the sovereign, as it is a promise of peace for the realm. It also contains an echo of the Old Testament, where the rainbow is a sign of the covenant between God and his people, thereby reinforcing the notion of the divinely sanctioned monarch. Elizabeth I’s courtiers frequently chose to incorporate mottos, indeed impresa-like statements, in their portraits, which were often intended as a compliment or plea to the sovereign. Thus Sir Walter Raleigh stresses both his love and his personal excellence in the motto “Amor et virtute” [Love and by virtue] in a portrait, which abounds with visual, symbolic

references to the queen.” Similarly, Robert Cecil, first Earl of Salisbury,

included in his portrait the motto “Sero sed serio” [Late, but serious], an impresa-like statement of his own high seriousness. Evidently Cecil had been delayed for an important meeting of the Council, and had excused

himself wittily with these words.” champion

at the Accession

Day

Sir Henry

Lee,

longtime Queen’s

Tilts, had his portrait rendered

the more

significant by the inclusion of his impresa-like motto “Fide et constantia”

[By faith and constancy].”’

The interpretation of impresa portraits can be at times difficult, even

when the identity of the sitter is known,

because the impresa was intended

to be esoteric and allusive. In structural terms a portrait becomes most obviously emblematic when the pictured subject is accompanied not only by a motto but also by an explanatory poem, usually placed in a cartouche. The poem, like the subscriptio of a printed emblem, explicates the picture by both describing ” See Leslie Hotson, Shakespeare by Hilliard. Berkeley: University of California

Press, 1977, 19.

” Reproduced

in color in Strong,

Cult of Elizabeth,

plate

discusses the portrait and its emblematic sources in Gloriana, 157-161.

© Reproduced in Strong, Cult of Elizabeth, 74.

” See Strong, English Icon, 260: and Strong, vols. London: H.M.S.O., 1969, 1:275.

1 [p. 9]; Strong

Tudor and Jacobean Portraits. 2

77 Marcus Gheeraerts the Younger’s portrait is reproduced and discussed by

Strong in Strong, English Icon, 281; see also 282 and 290.

435

in Material Culture

crts the and interpreting individual motifs. A picture by Marcus Ghéera The Lady in Younger, which is known as either “The Persian Lady "OF next to a stag. Fancy Dress,” shows a woman in rich floral dress, standing is inscribed Above her head a swallow sits on the branch of a tree, which n situation is with three mottos. A sonnet explaining the lady’s lovelor the restless inscribed in the cartouche, bottom right. The poem equates “restless minde ; the swallow,” shown in the picture, with the speaker's The stag 8 oe stag with her “pensive thoughtes” and “Melancholy.” be the only pl ee “ tears, together with the speaker’s sighs, are said to speaks of the ge ἣν that my Harmes redresse.” The concluding sestet The but to no avail. tree” of the picture that the speaker “did plant Im love” it stag and swallow, but “love tree” is not identified in the sonnet, as were ted with love in ee appears to be a peach tree, a fruit often associa emblematic and literary picture the three m ω

tradition.” In this highly

and stag serve to sx = e and the three motifs of swallow, peach tree, gh the sonnet offers a “ εἶ pensiveness of the standing woman. Althou subscriptio, much 0 elucidation, somewhat in the manner of an emblematic aed rather than stated in ot the meaning is implied by the visual motifs emblem pictures ae i hore Some portraits even contain complete

ae corner. In his study The English Icon, Roy Strong repro ts pee appears In OF benea examples.% In many instances a Latin motto ra. to a lost emblem picture. The references are now frequently

ing of impor emblematic pictures were meant to convey someth

the sitter. i 18i usually clear ini the case to sitter oe f The relationship of inset picture :

of an impresa. A miniature portrait by Nicholas Hilliard epee Cumberland wearing armor; in the background we MA fork of lightning and the motto “Fulmen acquasque fern”

[

7 ΜΡ lightning

by d most recently discussed iS Art i The In .” its Reconsidered New York AMS a Th a “‘My weepinge ee Strong inah ae I crowne’: anaes Stagg Ne Young. R. Alan and Manning, of the Emblem. Ed. Michael Bath, John Press, 1993, 103-141. Veen’s Amorum emblemata o van

” A characteristic example may be found in Ott i with

peach

leaves

and

fruit,

aaa Peter M. Daly, Emblem eae gesturing silence. The emblem is reproduced and tee Genre. Nendeln:

(Antwerp,

1608), 70, where a Cupid holds a bra

of the Theory: Recent Contributions to the Characterization Kraus Thomson Organization, 1979, 103-107.

® Strong, English Icon, 31.

cee

The Emblem

Peter M. Daly

436

and the waters].*! Equally emblematic is the use in portraits of isolated motifs, which are intended to make allegorical statements about the sitter.

The Ermine Portrait of Elizabeth I (1585) shows Elizabeth with a small ermine, a gold coronet around its neck, placed above her left wrist. The

ermine was a common emblem of purity, but in this case the golden coronet directly associates the purity of the ermine with the queen. Elizabeth holds in her right hand an olive branch,

while the handle of the

massive sword of state is close to her left hand. The sword and olive branch are emblems of justice and peace, which she embodies, just as the

ermine alludes to her personal moral virtue.” There

is also the famous

Sieve Portrait (ca.

1580),

celebrating the

queen as the Roman vestal virgin Tuccia by virtue of the sieve she carries in her hand. Educated Elizabethans might well have recognized in the sieve an emblem or impresa of discerning knowledge and virtue, for such was its meaning in Paradin’s collection of Heroicall Devices (184), published in

English translation by P.S. in 1591.*°

Daniel Russell considers emblematic portraiture in his study Emblematic Structures in Renaissance French Culture.“ French culture of the early

&PPBEey

modern

period

used

emblems

and

imprese

in

ways

that

were

prevalent in Renaissance Europe. Russell reproduces the engraved portrait by Clouet of Catherine de Medicis (192), which includes a motto directly

beneath her portrait “Ardorem extincta testantur vivere flamma”

[In spite

of the extinct flame, they attest that the fire is alive], and also her impresa

picture of tears falling onto quicklime.

Her

likeness

is flanked by two

unnamed female figures. To her left, Prudence, her left arm encircled by a snake, holds a book; and to the right stands Fame with trumpet and palm

branch. There are also many Continental examples of such impresa portraits and emblematic paintings, including Swedish examples, based on Otto van

Veen’s

printed

McKeown.*

Horatian

emblems,

437

in Material Culture

which

have been

studied by Simon

Very occasionally, a painting actually contains a representation emblem book, as in the famous painting by Edward Collier “Still Life a a Volume of Wither’s Emblemes.” Propped open on a table is the showing the title page of Wither’s A Collection of Emblemes and

with the portrait of George Wither." This is, in fact, an impossibility since

from the the title page is a recto while the portrait is verso page separated seen at be cannot title page by some 12 pages.” The title page and portrait Collier also the same time in the printed book of Wither’s emblems.

open to page 113.

. The Ships, too, could be decorated with emblems and imprese Bear has been emblematic decorations of Elizabeth I’s warship the White and redecostudied by Alan R. Young.” The White Bear was refurbished known German rated in 1599. Using Exchequer accounts and a little

manuscript

Young

source,”

is able to describe 27 of the impresa-like

Sklokloster: A Philosophical 85 See Simon McKeown, “The Emblem Paintings at 213-266; McKeown, (2003): 13 atica Gallery from Sweden’s Age of Greatness.” Emblem and their Polish ngs Painti al Politic “The Emblem Panels at Venngarn: Some Swedish aphic study of monogr wn’s McKoe Sources.” Konsthistorisk tidskrift 74:3 (2005): 1-13. unusual set of an records n in Swede the large emblematic paintings at Sklokloster Castle engravings. m emble an Horati Veen’s paintings that can be shown to derive from van model for the as serving engravings This may well be a unique instance of emblem ess. Greatn of Age 's Sweden ngs from paintings. See Simon McKeown, Emblematic Painti | Turnhout: Brepols, 2006. by Peggy Munoz Simonds, “The 86 See the perhaps over-ingenious discussion ’s ‘Still life with a Volume of Aesthetics of Magic and Meaning in Edward Collier h Renaissance Emblem and its Wither’s Emblemes.’” In Deviceful Settings: The Englis AMS Press, 1999, 225-247. Contexts. Ed. Michael Bath and Daniel Russell. New York: “It should be noted here that no 87 Simonds notices this but expresses it poorly: to the portrait in this manner” known copy of the book has the title page juxtaposed (236). and is

painting

belongs

to the

Rheinisches

Landesmuseum,

Emblemata Amatoria. reproduced in black-and-white in P. C. Hooft Leiden: Martinus Nijhoff, 1983, 30.

Toronto:

Culture,”

191-220.

emblematum

painted another still life, this time with van Veen’s Amorum

88 The

Reproduced in Strong, Cult of Elizabeth, 142. Reproduced in color in Strong, Cult of Elizabeth, 148f. See Leslie Hotson, Shakespeare by Hilliard, 29-31. See Daniel Russell, Emblematic Structures in Renaissance French Culture. University of Toronto Press, 1995, chapter 8, “Emblematics and Court

of an with book page

9 See Alan R. Young,

“The Emblematic

Bonn,

Ed. K. Porteman. i

Decoration of Queen Elizabeth 15

Warship the White Bear.” Emblematica 3 (1988): 65-77.

accompanied the young Landgraf % The diarist, probably Georg Dehn-Rotfelser,161 1, and left an account of what he Otto of Hessen-Kassel on his journey to England in von Cassell aus rarium des Reise saw on his journey across Europe and in England. “Ttine in Engelandt

A[nno]

1611”

is in the

Landesbibliothek

und

Murhardsche

Bibliothek

in

:

438

Peter M. Daly

The Emblem

devices with which Richard Isackson of the Painter-Stainer’s Company decorated the stateroom of the great ship. The emblems are taken from three sources: Claude Paradin’s Devises heroiques, Geffrey Whitney’s A Choice of Emblemes, and from an “extra-literary” source, the tournament shields that hung in the gallery at Whitehall. Most of the devices “express some form of aggressive martial statement” (Young, 71); a few are Tudor badges or compliments to Elizabeth, e.g., “Te stante virebo” [While you stand, I shall flourish]; others are nautical. From the evidence that remains it would

seem that “ship decoration was influenced by the contemporary fashion for the emblem and impresa, and its subject matter was increasingly (though not exclusively) mythological or emblematic rather than heraldic or religious” (Young, 65).

Young followed this study with an account of the emblematic exterior decoration of Charles I’s ship the Sovereign of the Seas (1637), which in its day was the greatest ship in the world.91 Thomas Heywood, who had been involved in seven Lord Mayors’ pageants between 1631 and 1639, is considered to have designed the visual program for Charles’s ship. The central figure on the stern is Victory, who points to Hercules, who in turn points to Aeolus, god of the winds. Jason the Argonaut is also present. As Young notes, “the same particular interest in emblem literature” (131) may be observed here, in the pageants, in Heywood’s

Hierarchie of the Blessed Angells (1635), and the Pleasant Dialogues and Dramma’s (1637), all of which were produced in the same decade.

in Material Culture

439

Other figures, such as the beakhead figure of King Edgar, have political import, legitimizing Charles I’s claim to sovereignty on the seas. Young uses the contemporary illustrations to complete the description of the exterior decorations of this great ship. His conclusion is that the iconographic scheme: is something of a potpourri of legendary British history, classical mythology, heraldic symbolism, “Emblemes and Impresses” . , personified figures with their emblematic attributes, looking as though they had stepped from the pages of Caesar Ripa’s /conologie, and accompanying mottoes and inscriptions. (Young, 133) Young published a critical edition of Heywood’s description of the ship, accompanied by an introduction.” Museums, manuscripts, and some printed sources provide evidence

of the

emblematic

decoration

of

flags

and

standards,

weapons

and

armor. A major source of information on emblematic flags and standards used in war is the documentation published by Alan Young on the English Civil Wars.” For this collection of nearly 500 flags used by the Royalists and Parliamentarians in the English Civil Wars, most of which are illustrated, Young drew upon thirteen manuscript and three printed

sources, as well as the few surviving flags that could be found. Adapting the procedures used in other volumes of the Index Emblematicus series, he

The Morall is, that in all high first Counsell, to undertake; Industry, to performe: and in ability and strength to oppose,

Enterprizes there ought to be then Care, to manage; and the next place, where there is and Vertue to direct, Victory

transcribes the motto, translates it into English if the motto was in a language other than English, describes the picture, provides information on sources, bearer, party, and date. Where possible and useful, Young also provides a brief biography of the bearer, his rank, and supplies comments. The combination of motto and picture recalls imprese. Some mottos, such as “Pro lege et pro grege,” were well known in books of emblems and imprese, and occasionally it is evident that printed imprese were sources.

taking.

(sigs F4b-Gla, cit. Young,

were being used in the serious business of war and propaganda. Far from

Heywood was clearly guided by a conceptual program. personifications on the beakhead bulkhead, Heywood writes:

consequently

is alwayes

at hand

ready

to crowne

Of the six

These standards and flags demonstrate that such emblematic combinations

the under-

131)

See Alan R. Young, His Majesty’s Royal Ship. A Critical Edition of Thomas

Kassel in two copies: Quarto MS. Hass. 67, 112 fols.; and Quarto MS. Hass. 68, 141 fols. For an account of the various versions of the manuscripts, see Young, The English Tournament Imprese. New York: AMS Press, 1988, 29-33.

Heywood’s “A True Description” (1637). New York: AMS Press, 1990. ° Published as Emblematic Flag Devices of the English Civil Wars, 1642-1660.

Evidence.” Research Opportunities in Renaissance Drama 30 (1988): 129-148.

1995,

”” See

Alan

R.

Young,

“Thomas

Heywood’s

Pageants:

New

Forms

of

Index Emblematicus.

The English

Series, vol. 3. Toronto:

University of Toronto Press,

iid

440

D

2

>

z

the almost obsessive European fashion for imprese.”” The use of imprese

in the tiltyard is well documented in the 1560s and 1570s. Continental books of imprese, such as those by Giovio, Domenichi, and Paradin, were influential long before English translations appeared. It is generally known that the Accession Day tilts during the reign of Elizabeth were characterized by an elaborate use of emblem and impresa. However, the extent of that usage is only now becoming apparent. Our fuller understanding owes much to the work of careful compilation and interpretation by Alan Young. In his monograph The English Tournament Imprese, he put together documentation on 521 imprese used in English tournaments. This was largely made possible by the study of a little-known German manuscript source, the Kassel travel diary prepared by Johann Georg Dehn-Rotfelser, who performed the services of a secretary to Landgraf Otto of Hessen-Kassel during his visit to London in 1611.* The Dehn-Rotfelser travel diary lists 414 imprese, some of which are duplicated. He reports that his party was able to describe only about half of the shields in the gallery, which suggests there must have been at least 800 in all. Since shields were added to the collection until 1625, when the tournaments came to an end, the total number would have been even greater, and Young’s documentation probably accounts for less than half of the imprese used in English tournaments. The 521 imprese are organized alphabetically by Young according to the first key word in the motto. Each printed impress contains information, to the extent that it is available, under the headings motto, translation,

date, bearer, picture, source, and comment. The alphabetical listing is then complemented by a motto index, made up of an alphabetical listing of lem% See Alan R. Young,

“A Note on the Tournament

Impresas

in Pericles.”

Shakespeare Quarterly 36 (1985): 453-456; Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments.

Philip,

1987;

Young,

“The

English Tournament

Imprese.”

London:

In The English

Emblem and the Continental Tradition. Ed. Peter M. Daly. New York: AMS Press, 1988, 61-81; Young, The English Tournament Imprese. New York: AMS Press, 1988. ” Young, English Tournament Imprese, 4. % The manuscript, Quarto MS. Hass. 68, 141 fols., belongs to the Landesbibliothek and Murhardsche Bilbiothek in Kassel,

441

The Emblem in Material Culture

Peter M. Daly

being merely a device for lovers and aristocratic jousters, men could also fight and die under such impresa-like flags. One of the major sources of our information concerns the European joust or tilt. In a series of articles and an important monograph,” Alan Young has demonstrated that from about 1559 the English participated “in

George

£2

English translations; a picture matized key words including an index of os in English, French, Italian, index of key motifs; alphabetical lists of mott known). The rs with dates (where and Spanish; and a list of impresa beare

| and documentation. whole is an invaluable source of information by strict rules, the heraldic Although heraldry was always governed ed to the extent that they both coat-of-arms and the impresa are often relat one English authority on HAE use the same symbolic language. At least use of books of imprese an matters writing in the early 1570s made s that appear in heraldic arms. emblems in discussing dozens of motif drew upon Alciato 5 emblems, Young discovered that John Bossewell on Alciato and Claude Paradin’s Sebastian Stockhamer’s commentary y illustrated treatise Workes #4 Heroica symbola in Bossewell’s copiousl on dealing wit

In the long secti Armorie (London: Richard Tottel, 1572).° language ur,” Bossewell discusses the symbolic

“The Armorie of Hono In so doing he searches out a used to express nobility and virtue. à signs and motifs that jee ss symbolic meaning of the various not only refers 10 such well- uit symbolic codes of heraldry. He le, an the Physiologus, Isidore of Sevil authorities as Aristotle, Pliny, Alciato (and Stockhamer s oe? Bartholomaeus Anglicus but also Bossewell consulted these a on Alciato), Paradin, and Simeoni.

published animals,

works,

fish,

all dating

reptiles,

from

birds,

the mid-1560s,

other

natural

for a

phenomena

-

Fees

d the small number of weap mythological motifs. To this must be adde and calthrop, from the rp ® instruments and tools, such as portcullis table showing passages ITO collections. From Young’s comparative ishman use Bossewell

and

his

sources,

it

is

evident

a Alciato/Stockhamer 12 times, Paradin 221

that

the Engl

and nee

three times.

' possible borrowings. _ Mason Tung has since suggested other what it = discovery resides not only in r Ve nde tina Seni The = and the parallel traditions of poe

us of the links between heraldry

that “the Continenta μὰ μὰ ΩΣ emblem. More importantly, it demonstrates root Im England πεν ἢ τὸς ot emblems and devices had already taken ewell must now be credite δ μοτάνε and early 1570’s” (358). Indeed, Boss imprese, English on emblems and in on ussi disc est earli the ing published

A

i

” See Alan R. Young, ” Fe ere

“Alciato, Paradin, and John Bossewell’s Workes of

; : : | tica 3 (1988): 351-376. Borrowings from Paradin “A as on the Additional Possible

Sr) = 10 (1996): : 175 -181. by Bossewell in The Workes of Armorie (1572).” Emblematica

442

Peter M. Daly

The Emblem in Material Culture

and what is more, his book precedes Daniel’s translation of Giovio and Whitney’s translated compilation by more than a decade. Household furnishings could also be decorated with emblems. These

include

cabinets

and

cupboards,”

beds

trenchers,'”’ and drinking glasses. !°!

and

bed

valances,

Continental museums provide many examples of emblematically decorated furniture, especially cabinets and cupboards, wardrobes, boxes, and

trunks.

Tiled

stoves,

known

in German

as

“Kacheléfen,”

and

wall

tiles, as we have seen, also bear witness to the all-pervasive emblem. England seems to have preserved fewer such pieces of furniture. However, some published accounts record descriptions of now-lost pieces. The Gentleman’s Magazine of 1811 describes a decorated bedstead at Hinkley: “a curious and very antient oak wooden bedstead, much gilt and

ornamented, with various panelled compartments neatly painted, with emblematic devices, and Latin mottoes in capital letters” (416). The writer describes 29 emblems which appear to derive from Alciato and several impresa writers. William Drummond saw in 1619 in Edinburgh a royal bed embroidered with 32 emblems and imprese, which he described in a letter to Ben

Jonson, dated July 1, 1619. The embroideries are attributed to Mary Queen

of Scots.

Although

the bed

no

longer

survives,

we

have

Drummond’s

” See Ingrid Hépel, “Embleme auf Môbeln des 18. Jahrhunderts im Umkreis

Husums.” In Die Domänen des Emblems: Auferliterarische Anwendungen der Emblematik. Ed. Gerhard F. Strasser and Mara R. Wade. Wolfenbiitteler Arbeiten zur Barockforschung, vol. 39. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2004, 173-209. Hépel, “Emblemprogramme auf nordfriesischen Bauernschranken des 18. Jahrhunderts.” In The Emblem Tradition and the Low Countries. Ed. John Manning, Karel Porteman, and Marc van Vaeck.

Imago Figurata Studies, vol.

1B. Turnhout:

Brepols,

1999, 389-421.

In the same

volume, see also Ria Fabri, “Amor, amor divinus—anima, virtus: Emblematic Scenes on Seventeenth Century Antwerp Cabinets.” 357-388. ‘See Michael Bath, “Emblems from Alciato in Jacobean Trencher Decorations.” Emblematica 8 (1994): 359-370; Bath and Malcolm Jones, “Emblems and Trencher Decorations: Further Examples.” Emblematica 10 (1996): 205-210.

description.” That he should have described the imprese in such detail

suggests the importance of emblems and imprese in the cultural life of the times. The imprese include some of the French court, Mary’s uncle, the Cardinal of Lorrain, Henry VIII, and the Duke of Savoy. Many are well known from such printed works as Paradin’s Devises heroiques. Drummond gives Mary’s own impresa pride of place in his description, perhaps because it was the central element in the political and moral program of emblematic

embellishments, but also, one assumes, because the Queen of Scots was no

longer the enemy of Elizabeth’s England, but in Drummond’s words “the late Queen mother to our sacred Soveraign.”' Mary’s impresa was a lodestone turned towards the pole, its motto was her name and its anagram: “Maria

Wirth

In their wide-ranging

reproduce

as

essay on “Emblem”

illustration

42

a glass

anniversary of the KreB couple, made around See Willam

S.

Heckscher

and

Karl-August

lexikon zur Deutschen Kunstgeschichte. 219.

and

goblet

“Emblembuch”

made

for the

Heckscher and

golden

wedding

Wirth,

“Emblem,

Emblembuch.”

In Real-

1959, vol. 5, cols.

196 and

sa vertue m'attire”

comments

[Maria Stuart,

its strength draws

me].

on the political implications of two imprese which

appear to allude to Elizabeth.

“Two

Women

upon the Wheels of Fortune,

the one holding a Lance, the other a Cornucopia; which Jmpressa seemeth to

glaunce at Queen Elizabeth and her self, the word [i.e., motto] Fortunae Comites [Companions of Fortune].” The other impresa features an eclipse of

the sun and moon. From the early sixteenth century onwards wealthy Englishmen began adorning their manors and mansions with tapestries from the Continent. Henry VIII collected over 2,000 pieces of tapestry. By the end of the

century,

however,

tapestry

had

ceased

to be collected

only

by the very

wealthy. Visiting London in 1598, Hentzner noted that Englishmen’s “beds are covered with tapestry, even those of farmers.”' In 1611, Johannes Georg Dehn-Rotfelser filled two pages of his diary with a description of the “emblems worked into the old tapestry,” which he observed in the great hall

at Richmond.'* In 1638 the historiographer of France, Sieur de la Serre,

recorded the visit of Marie de Medicis, the Queen Mother of France, to England. Like earlier Continental visitors he, too, was struck by the

richness of the tapestries hanging at the Palace of Whitehall.

' Drummond’s

London,

De la Serre

description of the bed is quoted in its entirety in George

Wingfield Digby, Elizabethan Embroidery.

1635, and Vivat-goblets (illustration 60).

Stuttgart: Metzler,

Stuart,

Drummond

! See Carsten-Peter Warncke, “Erôrtende Embleme auf dem Satz Nürnberger Silberbecher aus dem Jahr 1621.” Anzeiger des Germanischen Nationalmuseums (1982):

43-62.

443

London:

Faber & Faber,

1963, 49.

'3 Digby, 49. 104 See Paul Hentzner, “Travels in England.” In Beeverell, The Pleasures of 139.

105 See note 84, MS. Hass. 68, fol. 79v.

exe

444

2

©

#

P>

Peter M. Daly

The Emblem

admits that “to express to you the great number of chambers,

all covered

with tapestry . . . would be impossible.” !°

While the themes of these tapestries derive largely from Biblical, classical, and mythological sources, as well as from contemporary Elizabethan life, the borders are frequently embellished with heraldic, allegorical, and emblematic devices. Art historians and literary scholars today still have insufficient information to allow them to know just how pervasive the emblem tradition was in this particular art form. Such tapestries are rare and frequently belong to inaccessible private collections. One of the greatest examples of Jacobean tapestry to have survived is the set of “Four Seasons” tapestries, originally made about 1611 for Sir John Tracy of Toddington, now hanging in Hatfield House. The designer, Francis Hyckes, had enjoyed a classical education at Oxford and retained a life-long interest in Latin and especially Greek. As I have shown, 7 Francis Hyckes was also knowledgeable about Continental emblems and imprese. Although Hyckes based his designs for the “Four Seasons” upon engravings by Maarten de Vos, he added wide borders containing no fewer

than 170 emblems, each comprising a Latin motto and a circular picture, 9 inches in diameter. Comparison of the tapestry emblems with emblem books reveals that there are three apparent sources for the 42 emblems that frame the “Spring” panel. These are Geffrey Whitney’s A Choice of Emblemes (Ley-

den, 1586), as A.F. Kendrick'® had suggested earlier, but even more importantly,

Joannes

Sambucus’s

Emblemata,

in the Antwerp

edition of

1566, and Andrea Alciato’s Emblemata, in all likelihood a Plantin edition.

In his design for the other three tapestries it is evident that Francis

Hyckes utilized at least the following Continental emblem

Alciato,

Joannes

Sambucus,

Guillaume

de

writers: Andrea

la Perriére

and

his English

in Material Culture

445

translator Thomas Combe, and Georgette de Montenay, in addition to the collection made by Geffrey Whitney. Another Sheldon tapestry, measuring 16'3' X 6' 2" and depicting the Expulsion from Paradise, hangs in the library at Sudeley Castle in Gloucestershire, England. I regard the tapestry medallions as emblematic by virtue of their mottos, one Latin and six English, and their iconographically significant details. The Christian virtues, labeled “Hope,” “Faithe” and “Charatie,” are depicted with their usual symbols. Other figures are Judith holding the head of Holofernes, a Janus figure representing prudence, and a seated lion, which is frequently associated with power or vengeance. A trinity of moral virtues—Temperance, Justice, and Prudence, with their usual attributes—balance the Christian virtues on the left of the panel. In the center are two panels dedicated to the Expulsion and Justice. The top panel depicts Adam and Eve being expelled from Paradise; the apple tree stands in the background. Directly beneath this is a medallion inscribed “INDICES” [Judges], showing a pair of scales surmounting an open book inscribed “SECVND LEGEM,” which means either “according to the

law”

legem]

[Secund(um)

or

“second

a robed judge

stands

law”

on

[Secund(am)

a pedestal

legem].

or cube,

Beneath the inscription denoting constancy. The Expulsion from Paradise, INDICES, and Judith embody the themes of justice and retribution. The motif of the open book with its LEGEM

inscription SECVND

may

hold a clue to the central meaning

of

the whole tapestry, a meaning that seems to have eluded earlier commentators. I construe the inscription as referring to the second law or

commandment:

“Thou

shalt

not

make

unto

thee

any

graven

image”

(Exodus 20,4). The two panels can be regarded as embodying in pictorial form

the first two

commandments.

The

transgression

of Adam

and

Eve

was in two ways a sin against what would later be established as the first

10° See Sieur de la Serre, “History of the Entry of Mary de Medicis, the Queen

Mother of France, into England, anno 1638.” In Beeverell, Pleasures of London, 89.

"7 See Peter M. Daly, “The ‘Four Seasons’ Tapestries made for Sir John Tracy

of Toddington.” Manorial

Seasons’ 296.

Society

In The Sudeleys—Lords of

Great

Britain,

1987,

Tapestries At Hatfield House:

of Toddington. 169-189;

and

Ed.

Robert

Daly,

A Seventeenth-Century

“The

Smith.

London:

Sheldon

‘Four

commandment:

“Thou shalt have no other gods before me” (Exodus 20,3).

commandment,

the whole tapestry centers, quite literally, on the first two

If, then, the reference to “SECVND

of the ten commandments,

in the Old Testament. '

LEGEM”

is an allusion to the second

which enshrine the worship of God as laid out

Instance of Significant

blematic Decoration in the English Decorative Arts.” Emblematica 14 (2005): 251108 A.F. Kendrick, “The Hatfield Tapestries of the Seasons.”

(1913): 89-97.

Walpole Society 2

109 For a fuller discussion see Peter M. Daly, “The Cultural Context of English

Emblem Books.” In The English Emblem and the Continental Tradition, 17-20.

FILLES

RRLE

The Emblem in Material Culture

Peter M. Daly

446 Emblems,

imprese, and allegories also contributed to the designs in

embroidery,!!° whether used as cushion covers, table carpets, decorative

panels for wall hangings, bed valances, or simply to embellish garments. One set of Hardwick embroideries depicts Penelope and other worthies of antiquity flanked by the iconographically represented virtues of Sapientia

and Prudentia.''' Roy Strong suggests that Bess of Hardwick was celebrating herself through Penelope as the exemplary

wife and widow,

both in

this embroidery and in the painting “Ulysses and Penelope.”''* In such cases the emblem imprese.

or iconograph

takes on the function associated

with

Mary Queen of Scots!! has gone down in history as, amongst other

things, a great needlewoman. She was brought up from the age of six in France by her grandmother, the Duchess Antoinette de Guise, and by her powerful uncles. In her carefully supervised education, languages played a significant role: French, Italian, Latin, Spanish, and some Greek.

She also

learned the social graces and activities prized at a Renaissance court: horse riding, dancing, singing, playing the lute, sewing, and embroidery. The Continental tradition of imprese, augmented by the growing emblem literature, was imprinting its stamp on the cultural life of the French court. Emblems and imprese would play a significant role in the embroidery of the Queen of Scots. She returned to Scotland in August

1561

to claim the

throne, bringing with her not only hangings and tapestries but also two professional embroiderers and three upholsterers to improve her Scottish William which royal bed, Probably the embroidered residences. Drummond saw in Edinburgh in 1619, dates from this period. After a series of scandals and murders, Mary’s subjects rose up against her, her forces were defeated, and she was taken to Edinburgh as a 110 For English examples, see George Wingfield Digby, Elizabethan Embroidery. London: Faber & Faber, 1963; A.F. Kendrick, English Needlework. 2nd ed. revised by

Patricia Wardle. London: Black, 1967; John L. Nevinson, Catalogue of English Domestic Embroidery of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. 2nd ed. London: H.M.S.O., 1950; Patricia Wardle, Guide to English Embroidery, London: H.M.S.O.,

1970.

EH

!1 Reproduced in Strong, English Icon, 41.

'2 See Strong, English Icon, 41.

113 The fullest account of the embroidery done by Mary Queen of Scots during her captivity in Scotland and in England is found in Marguerite Swain’s book, The Needlework of Mary Queen of Scots. London: Nostrand-Reinhold, 1973. This study describes and reproduces all the work bearing her monogram or cipher, as well as pieces attributed to her. This is also the subject of a forthcoming study by Michael Bath.

447

prisoner. She remained a captive in the castle on Lochleuen for the next ten and a half months, during which time it is presumed she produced a number of large pieces of embroidery subsequently attributed to her. Mary escaped, but was defeated in her attempt to regain the Scottish throne and was forced to seek sanctuary in Elizabeth’s England. Her uninvited presence in England was both an embarrassment and a threat to Elizabeth, who had little choice but to keep the Catholic Queen and heir to England’s throne in near regal captivity. Nearly eighteen years later, execution ended her imprisonment. From the beginning of 1569, Mary was in the custody of George sixth Earl of Shrewsbury,

Talbot,

and his second wife, Elizabeth, known

as Bess of Hardwick. Mary and Bess spent a great deal of time together devising and executing various embroideries. Continental imprese and emblems frequently served as models for their work. Mary was an intelligent and scheming woman, who used her needle as well as her pen to communicate with her allies. She had a political purpose

in mind

when

in

1570

she sent to the Duke

of Norfolk

a cushion

embroidered by her own hand, depicting a hand holding a pruning knife, cutting away the unfruitful branch of green vine. The emblem bears the motto “Virescit vulnere virtus” [Virtue flourishes by wounding]. While the motif of the pruning of the vine could be understood as a religious emblem, admonishing patience and pious resignation, or a personal impresa, witnessing stoic fortitude, Mary’s intention was different. Norfolk understood the message,

which encouraged him to cut down the unfruitful branch,

Eliza-

beth, to make way for the flourishing of the fruitful branch, Mary. Mary’s use of emblem and impresa was frequently allusive, conveying a hidden meaning to the alert and sympathetic observer. The story is told that she received an English envoy sitting under her cloth of estate, which was decorated with Marie de Guise’s impresa of the phoenix. The envoy, Nicholas White, failed to understand the “riddle,”! but it was presumably intended as a statement of personal commitment, to make a new beginning herself when she had arisen from the ashes of her captivity. A piece of emblematic embroidery exists, which, it is thought, Mary made for the ill-fated Philip Howard. It depicts an armillary sphere above a stormy sea with sea monsters and ships. The Spanish motto reads “Las pass but hopes arise]. A pennas passan y queda la speranza” [Sorrows series of imprese fills the border urging fortitude and apparently expressing "4 Quoted from Swain, 63.

ASE # 22

448

The Emblem

Peter M. Daly

the hope for succor or reward. The borders also contain the arms of France, Spain, England, and Scotland. Some of the emblems derive from Paradin’s collection of imprese, although Marguerite Swain does not note this.! A particularly interesting and complicated example of emblematic

embroidery is the coverlet depicting “The Shepheard Buss.”!!° The love-

sick shepherd, whose name is embroidered above his head, strikes a languishing pose in a stylized arbor. A Latin motto surrounds the picture, accompanied by four impresa pictures, which make visual statements on the dangers of love. The rectangular outside border explains the meaning of the whole design in a statement made up of words and rebus devices: False Cupid with misfortunes wheel hath wounded hand and heart. Who siren like did /ure me with lute and charmed harp. The cup of care and sorrow’s cross do clip my star and sun. My rose is blasted and my bones, lo, death inters in urn.'"’ The four impresa pictures derive from Paradin’s Devises: a snake in a strawberry plant, the sunflower drawn to the sun, a dog jumping from a sinking ship, and a hand holding a fan of peacock’s feathers with bees. Whether the imprese, which lack mottos, derive from the translation of Paradin published in 1591, as Roy Strong asserts, or from the earlier

original is not clear. ἰδ Jewelry,

silverware,

timepieces,

and

clothing

were

also

at times

decorated with emblematic designs. Jewelry has always been personal, and in the Age of the Emblem it is only natural that jewelry should often be emblematic and impresa-like when decorated symbolically. Unfortunately, the Civil War in England destroyed much of the art of the English Renaissance, just as the Reformation had earlier destroyed many of the treasures of the Middle Ages. Many of the surviving pieces of Tudor and Jacobean jewelry were reset in the course of time as tastes changed. As Lesley Parker nicely put it, settings “were modified to comply with the demands of

fashion, fortune and felony.”!!? 115

Quoted from Swain, 78. This armillary embroidery is also reproduced in Wardle,

Guide, plate 28C. For ἃ fuller account of the Oxburgh hangings, see Swain, 95-120.

!1° The coverlet belongs to the Victoria and Albert Museum and is reproduced in

Strong, Cult of Elizabeth, 76; and Wardle, Guide, plate 29.

117 ] have supplied the rebus, pictured in the original, in italics here. 118 See Strong, Cult of Elizabeth, 76. ' See Lesley Parker, Renaissance Jewels and Jeweled Objects.

Baltimore Museum of Art, 1958, 15.

in Material Culture

449

Two famous examples from Elizabeth I’s collection will illustrate emblematic jewelry: the Pelican Jewel and the Phoenix Jewel. The Pelican

Jewel,

prominent

in the

Pelican

Portrait

that

is attributed

to Nicholas

Hilliard, features the pelican-in-her-piety, thereby associating the monarch with Christ and underscoring not only the divine right of the monarch but perhaps more importantly the notion that the good ruler lives a life of

imitatio Christi. '*°

The Phoenix Jewel shows the profile image of the queen cut from a gold medal struck in 1574, while the obverse depicts the mythical bird in a flaming fire, signifying legendary uniqueness and solitariness. The queen’s heraldic flowers, Tudor roses and eglantine, surround the royal portrait in

translucent red and green enamel. !!

There also still exist some designs for jewels for Catherine de Medicis done by Jean Passerat (Russell, 218). During the Renaissance,

men also decorated rings and cap broaches with emblems and imprese. '” Household

designs.

silverware

was

often

embellished

with

emblematic

One of the rare pieces to have survived is the Vyvyan Salt, once

owned by the Vyvyan family of Trelowarren in Cornwall and now in the Victoria and Albert Museum in London. The verre eglomisé panels are

decorated with designs which, as Joan Evans noted,'*? were probably copied

from

some

“Prudente[s]

of Whitney’s vino

emblems.

abstinent”

There are: a vine encircling a tree,

[Prudent

men

abstain

from

wine];

a snake

hiding in strawberry plants, “Latet anguis in herba” [The snake lurks in the grass]; crowned Tantalus, trapped in a lake, unable to pluck fruit from a nearby tree, “Avaritiae stipendium” [The reward of avarice]; and roses, from which spiders and flies draw nourishment,

“Vitae auf morti” [For life

and for death]. If Whitney was the source, the Vyvyan Salt is no slavish

120 Reproduced in Strong, English Icon, 161. 21 Reproduced in Strong, Cult of Elizabeth, 73; and Joan Evans, English Jewelry from the Fifth Century A.D. to 1800. London: Methuen, 1962, plate 19. 2 See Edgar Wind, “‘Aenigma Termini’: The Emblem of Erasmus.” Journal of the Warburg Institute 1 (1937): 66-69; James McConica, “The Riddle of Terminus.” Erasmus in English 2 (1971): 2-7. On cap broaches, see Praz, Studies, 52-53, and the reproduction on [9] of the portrait of a courtier by Bartolomeo Veneto; Charles R. Beard, “Cap-broaches of the Renaissance.” The Connoisseur 104 (1939): 287-293.

Baltimore:

to

15 See Joan Evans, Pattern: A Study of Ornament in Western Europe from 1180

1900. New York: Hacker Art Books, 1975; rprt. of Oxford:Clarendon Press, 1931.

ELA

450

*

Æ

Peter M. Daly

The Emblem

copy. Whereas Whitney entitles the Tantalus emblem simply artist, or the person who commissioned the Salt, improved motto by adding the interpretational key word “stipendium” Some watches and watchcases'* are known to have

in Material Culture

451

“Avaritia,” the on the original [reward]. been decorated

letters. The earlier letters show an arrow piercing ἃ heart from which drops fall downwards, and a flower rising on a stalk. Hôltgen points out that this is “a version of St. Augustine’s ‘cor caritate divina sagittatum’. It combines two emblems from the Schola Cordfis, ‘The Wounding of the

memento mori. If abstract notions of time and death are often related, so were skulls and watches in the period of the Baroque. It is no coincidence that Collier’s painting “Still Life with a Volume of Wither’s Emblemes,” discussed earlier, contains both a skull and watch. Henry III of France and Mary Queen of Scots are both said to have possessed skull-shaped watches.

resembles the frontispiece to Vaughan’s Silex Scintillans of 1650. Later letters show the impression of a flower, which might be the heliotrope. The Victorian and Edwardian delight in impresa-like seals, watch fobs, and jewelry is but a modern version of this tradition. Probably nothing is so ephemeral as clothing, which is usually worn out or cast aside when fashion dictates. It is only by chance that any objects of clothing have been preserved at all from the early modern period. And then they only escaped alteration, modernization, and reuse if they were handed down as museum pieces. Yet ladies also used their embroidery needles to embellish emblematically articles of clothing. In his essay on the

with emblematic

motifs,

including the skull, that ever-present reminder of

These cannot have been unique.

The

silver skull-watch,

assumed

to have

belonged to Mary Queen of Scots,'*° depicts the fall of Adam and Eve on one side, while the forehead of the skull shows Death holding his scythe with one foot at the door of a palace and the other foot at a cottage. This is Death the leveler. Death as the permanent presence in life is the visual message of this skull-watch. One had to open the head of death to read the time, a graphic reminder that each hour and every minute brings the human being closer to death. But time and death were not only related in the experience of the aristocratic and artistic elite. The material culture presented commoners with similar images. Townsfolk passing beneath the astronomical clock on the town hall in Prague saw the traditional figure of Death pulling a rope to

activate the bell on the hour. Thousands of people saw this as they passed across the Prague square.

Not only the rich and powerful but also the more modestly situated gave and received such significant gifts. The use of personal emblems and emblematic seals was quite common in England during the early modern

period. John Donne chose Christ and an anchor with the motto “Crux anchora mihi” [The cross is anchor to me]. Andrew Marvell is known to

have used six seals during the years 1659-1678. 126 Henry Vaughan used a

personal emblem,

virtually an impresa without a motto, to seal some of his

4 See Simon McKeown,

“An Emblematic Watchcase in Oxford.” Society for

Emblem Studies Newsletter 30 (January 2002): 6-11.

125 The silver skull-watch, assumed to have belonged to Mary Queen of Scots, is reproduced in Roland Mushat Frye, The Renaissance Hamlet. Princeton: Princeton University Press,

1984, 211.

20 See Hilton Kelliher, Andrew Marvell, Catalogue. London: British Library, 1978, 95-96,

Poet

and

Politician.

Exhibition

Heart’

and

‘The Flowers

of the Heart’.”'’’ The pierced heart closely

Hatfield tapestries, A.F. Kendrick'’* also refers to an embroidered tunic,

which is thought to have belonged to Queen Elizabeth herself. It is a linen tunic embroidered in black silk adorned with flowers, birds, animals, and mythical beasts, as well as “a few emblematical subjects, and three οὗ these

are

in Whitney’s

found

book.”'”

Neither

Kendrick,

nor

Nevinson,~”

Jourdain! identifies the emblems and their precise sources. The most recent

and fullest discussion is by Susan North.!'*?

Although very few garments have survived from the early modern period, contemporary paintings and portraits give us a lively impression of what embroidered garments looked like. In the Rainbow Portrait the left sleeve of Elizabeth I’s dress is embroidered with a curled snake from the mouth of which hangs what appears to be a jeweled heart, red in color, probably indicating that wisdom governs the heart or emotions of the monarch.

Elizabeth

"7 See

Karl

also wears

Josef Hôltgen,

a cloak embroidered

“Henry

Vaughan’s

with eyes and ears,

Silex Scintillans:

Emblematic

Tradition and Meaning.” Emblematica 4 (1989): 292. _ + LI LI. Ἂν 8 See Kendrick, “The Hatfield Tapestries of the Seasons, 96, and plate 129 See Kendrick, “The Hatfield Tapestries of the Seasons,” 97; and Kendrick, English Needlework, 75.

0 See Nevinson, 78.

Ù

:

5 Margaret Jourdain’s is the fullest account: “Sixteenth Century Embroidery

with Emblems.” Burlington Magazine 10 (1907): 328.

' See

Susan Res

“The

Falkland

Jacket:

,

Sources,

aa

Provenance

Interpretation of an Emblematic Artifact.” Emblematica 14 (2005): 127-153.

i

and

seni 2 = S 2

452

Peter M. Daly

The Emblem

signifying either the constant watchfulness of the ruler or the omniscience of the sovereign. Death, as well as life, was frequently depicted emblematically. It will suffice to call to mind that skeletons and grinning death’s-heads often decorated paintings and portraits. The portraits were of living people. But the castra doloris and transi-tombs of the mighty, and the gravestones of the humble were not infrequently made the more significant with the addition of emblematic motifs.'*’ But this is yet another manifestation of the emblem that has attracted little attention from emblem scholars. Those who have written on the subject have only begun to explore the relationships between funerary sculpture and the tradition of emblem and impresa, and at times their claims are exaggerated. The standard work on English tombstones and gravestones is Katherine A. Esdaile’s English Church Monuments 1510 to 1840 (London: B.T. Batsford, 1946). Written before the appearance of Praz’s and Freeman’s studies of the emblem, Esdaile’s knowledge of emblematics is rudimentary, and some of her assumptions are no longer acceptable. Of the period 1580 to 1640, she rightly observes that this was “the age par excellence of the Books of Emblems” (75), but her comment that “everything in heaven or earth was twisted into conveying a moral” (75)'** shows a

misunderstanding of the semantics and semiology of the emblem. Esdaile is

'® See Lucien L. Agosta, “Speaking Stones: New England Grave Carvings and the Emblematic Tradition.” Markers 3 (1985): 47-70; Michael Bath, “Applied Emblematics in Scotland: Painted Ceilings, 1550-1650.” Emblematica 7 (1993): 259-305; Bath and Malcolm Jones, “Emblems from Thomas Combe in Wall Paintings at Bury St.

in Material Culture

453

more concerned with such isolated motifs as emblems of time (scythe, span death

hour-glass),

measure,

(skull),

and

resurrection

(skull

ears

with

of

corn), or the flaming heart and brazen serpent than she is with larger structures combining text and image. When she does discuss complete (91), Esdaile frequently makes unsupported monuments” “Emblem assertions. We are told that two oak trees and skeletons hanging an inscription on a broken oak-tree “are also definitely of Emblem origin” (92)

but no source is given. Indeed, Esdaile never once mentions an emblem book by title or an emblem writer by name. In the context of a discussion of Heywood’s pageants, Alan Young points to the allegorical funerary sculptures done by the Christmas family,

sculptors and carvers, who worked with Thomas Heywood in London in the

16305.

(1635),

Surrey

The tomb for Archbishop George Abbot at Guildford,

is decorated with nine female personifications with their attributes,

and two further figures with complex attributes. In the absence of a written explanation, such as Heywood provided for the program of decorations for Charles I’s ship Sovereign of the Seas, some interpretations will remain it is important to note that the same poets and artists

speculative. However,

who created pageants and decorated ships also erected funerary monuments. Some gravestone carvers in New England were evidently aware of '° popular English emblem books, such as those by Wither and Quarles.

Lucien L. Agosta'’’ is able to demonstrate that a Wither emblem is the

source for one gravestone picture and inscription. Wither’s memento mori of a death’s-head surmounting a winged hourglass (Emblemes, IV, 27) appears Wakefield, on the gravestone of Captain Jonathon Poole, 1678, in Massachusetts (48-51). Two Latin mottos and an English epigram complete

Edmunds.” Emblematica 10 (1996): 195-203; Bath and Betty Willshire, “Emblems from

Quarles on Scottish Gravestones.” In Emblems and Art History. Ed. Alison Adams assisted by Laurence Grove. Glasgow Emblem Studies, vol. 1. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies, 1996, 169-201. See also Simon McKeown, “More on Quarles and Funerary Art: An Emblematic Tombstone in Cornwall.” Emblematica 13 (2003): 425432. See also Peggy Muñoz-Simonds and Roger T. Simonds, “The Aesthetics of Speaking Stones: Multilingual Emblems on a 17th-century English Transi Tomb.” In European Iconography East and West. Selected Papers from the Szeged International

Conference, June 9-12, 1993. Ed. Gyorgy E. Szônyi. Brill: Leiden,

also Dieter Bitterli, “Barockemblematik,

Memento mori, and Totentanz:

1996, 49-62. See Die Embleme

in

der Beinhauskapelle von Ettiswil (LU).” Zeitschrift fiir Schweizerische Archäologie and Kunstgeschichte 58 (2001): 143-158.

This comment is repeated with amplification: “.

. Books of Emblems, in

which every thing in heaven and earth was illustrated and twisted to convey a moral, obvious or the reverse” (92).

$ See

Alan

Young,

R.

“Thomas

Pageants:

Heywood’s

New

Forms

of

and

Its

Evidence.” Research Opportunities in Renaissance Drama 30 (1988): 129-148, especially 134-138 on funerary sculpture. 136 See

Allan

I.

Ludwig,

Graven

Images:

New

England

'

Stonecarving

Symbols. 1650-1815. Middletown, CT: Wesleyan University Press, 1966, 263, 274; Ludwig, “Eros and Agape: Classical and Early Christian Survivals in New England Stone-carving.” In Puritan Gravestone Art. Ed. Peter Benes. Boston: Boston University

Press, 1977: Harriette Merrifield Forbes, Gravestones of Early New England and the

Men Who Made Them, 1653-1800. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1927, 7; and Dickran and

England StoneAnn Tashjian, Memorials for Children of Change: The Art of Early New

carving. Middletown,

CT:

Wesleyan University Press,

137 See Lucien L. Agosta,

1974,

176, and figs. 119-120.

“Speaking Stones: New England Grave Carvings and

the Emblematic Tradition.” Markers 3 (1985): 47-70.

'

pet

454

E

2%2

Peter M. Daly

The Emblem

the emblematic epitaph. Allan I. Ludwig’ shows that Joseph Tappings’s gravestone, 1678, in the King’s Chapel at Boston, derives from Quarles’s hieroglyph VI, which depicts Time restraining Death, who is about to snuff out the candle of life. But was the emblematic tradition as a mode of thought and an art form as influential in New England as some students of funerary monuments have argued? My reading of the literature, and occasional visits to graveyards, suggest that there are relatively few truly emblematic gravestones. As is so often the case, the problem is one of genre definition and generic relationships. When we leave printed emblems of the Alciato kind

SE

and

proceed

to

illustrated

religious

texts,

and

from

there

to

unillustrated literature, e.g., Shakespeare, or to manifestations in the visual arts, the emblem as a generic concept is in danger of becoming stretched to the breaking point. There comes a point in this continuum of artworks where the concept “emblem” loses its precision and therefore its usefulness. Anything that combines a picture and text becomes an emblem. The term becomes at best a metaphor. When may a picture on a gravestone be properly or usefully labeled emblematic? The same problem confronts those studying illustrated religious literature. Many, though not all, of the illustrations in the religious works of the nineteenth-century Americans William Holmes and John W. Barber are scenes from the Bible or contemporary life. In such cases the pictures lack that metaphorical, symbolic, or allegorical dimension that points to a meaning beyond that which is depicted. The emblematic picture must point beyond itself and require an interpretation that transcends the “reality” of the objects, figures, and actions depicted. An emblematic illustration of Brutus is never simply Brutus; he stands paradigmatically for concepts or values beyond his private self, whether such notions be positive, such as virtue or the removal of tyranny, or negative, such as bad conscience or murder. Many of the gravestones that Agosta considers emblems have illustrations that lack this symbolic dimension. They are typically human faces, or figures, or angels. Even “schematized portraits” (52) of the dead obviously refer to the dead individual rather than hieroglyphically or symbolically to notions that transcend that individual.

455

Agosta uses the term loosely and metaphorically.'* enthusiasm for the discovery of emblematic gravestones, exaggerates when he suggests:

In his Agosta

The Puritans, trained in ways of seeing by the emblem tradition, perceived their gravestones themselves as emblems. . . . The communal Puritan burial ground may thus be seen as an emblem book with each separate stone a page in that book. (47-48)

Closely related in function to gravestones are those monumental brasses designed to commemorate the dead. Funeral brasses may also contain

images of death.'* The medium of brass provides the artist with greater

flexibility and allows more detail than is possible in stone. As in the case of the emblem

scholarly

study

itself,

it was

the Victorians

of monumental

brasses.

who

H.W.

laid the foundation

Macklin’s

for

Monumental

Brasses'*' and The Brasses of England'” became standard works and were

regarded as the last word on the subject for over half a century. The craze for brass rubbing that began in the 1950s drew popular attention to what had been for decades a largely antiquarian interest. Although there is a considerable body of information on brasses, little attention has been paid

to their emblematic aspects. Hôltgen describes for the first time the sub-

It may appear uncharitable to criticize oversimplifying the complicated problems inherent remains disagreement on many theoretical issues, but comments on emblems tend to derive from Praz and

a specialist in another field for in emblem studies where there we must note that Agosta’s general Freeman. This is regrettable in a

Study that appeared in 1985. Certain of his generalizations are dubious, if not dangerous.

He suggests that “the emblem tradition. . . . early forked into two streams according to which aspect of the emblem, the verbal or the visual, the emblematist wished to empha-

size. Those emblematists who emphasized the verbal component of the emblem belonged

to the epigrammatic or rhetorical stream of the emblem tradition . . . those emblematists who emphasized the visual or pictorial component of the emblem belonged to the representational or hieroglyphic stream of the tradition” (52). No examples are given, norIs any authority cited. This simplistic statement bristles with problems. Agosta also misunderstands the rhetorical position of a Giovio whose body-soul theory is cited as an instance of “iconomystical animation of images” (57). : 140 See Karl Josef Hòltgen,

135 See Ludwig, Graven Images, 263, 274, and plate 14.

in Material Culture

“Emblematic

Title-Pages and Brasses.”

the Emblem, 121-131. 41 Published London: Swan Sonnenschein, 1890. ‘ Published London: Methuen, 1907.

In Aspects of

456

Peter M. Daly

genre of emblematic brasses: they are monumental mural brasses. engraved in a shallow technique, and for the most part executed during the first half of the seventeenth century. They often show striking similarities to the emblematic title page or frontispiece, and in the case of Richard Haydocke, this is natural since he worked in both genres. Hôltgen discusses six different wall brasses by Haydocke, which in varying degrees reveal an emblematic combination of picture and text, and a Strong propensity for allegorical and hieroglyphical designs. The brass to Erasmus

Williams

(1608)

in Tingewick

Church,

Buckinghamshire

is a

complex emblematic design with its mottos, symbolic picture, and epigram. The kneeling and praying figure of Erasmus Williams is framed by two pillars. He has his back to the Corinthian column of the world with small symbols of the arts and books, and he looks towards the biblical pillar of the temple of Solomon. As H6ltgen points out, this contrast between the world and heaven is “reaffirmed by means of darkness and light, owl and dove, night and day, moon and sun” (125).

The Emblem and Flags ALAN R. YOUNG Acadia University, Wolfville, Novia Scotia, Canada

The rich history of flags reaches back long before the birth of such emblematic forms as the impresa and the emblem.' Flags appear to have been used by the ancient Egyptians, the Assyrians, the ancient Greeks, and the Jews, and there are numerous Biblical allusions to flags.* In the eleventh century,

more

than

30

flags

were

embroidered

in the

so-called

Bayeux

Tapestry that recorded the victory of Duke William (William the Conqueror) over the English King Harold at the Battle of Hastings in 1066. During the First Crusade (1095-1099), flags appear to have fulfilled an important military necessity by permitting units of soldiers to be differentiated according to nationality and fiefdom within the multinational and multilingual armyof Christians en route to Jerusalem.’ Intricately bound up with heraldry, which itself appropriated ready-made a great deal of preexisting symbolism, flags are only one of a number of possible means for communicating in visual and symbolic terms the identity, the allegiance, or the ideals and aspirations of those who displayed them atop buildings, on ships, in processions, at tournaments, or in battle.* Flags, it hardly needs to be said, can be used to signify the identity of nations, states, counties, or cities. They can signify the

identity of institutions such as universities and schools or the identity of government departments and of businesses. They can signify religious allegiances, or identify armies and the smaller military units within them. They may also be dynastic and serve to identify individuals within royal and

aristocratic families. From the Middle Ages, flags generally have made use of ' The word flag is used throughout as a generic term to refer to a number of different entities that often have specific purposes and shapes. Examples are banners, Standards, ensigns, guidons, cornets, banderoles, gonfalons, gonfanons, jacks, pennons, pennoncells, and streamers. For the most part, it will not be necessary to employ these

terms here. I à À * Foxe-Davies, 6, 9-11. [For full citation information for references to secondary

sources in this essay, see Section V (pp. 593-595) of this volume’s bibliography. } \ Scott-Giles, 23, 35-38, 51; Woodcock and Robinson, 7.

mar

Whatever appears on flags frequently, of course, appears in ὑπ ma a : forms, among them seals, coins, paper money, medals, shields, jewelry, sso Langs dete bindings, stained glass, furniture, fire screens, embroideries, costume, is pr hes 2 on ae 0 one any of ration, tombs, postage stamps, and letterheads. Examination material culture would, I suspect, reveal material equally relevant to the subjec volume,

LE

476

Day,

Alan R. Young

as in the past, to seek these goals by force of arms if necessary, and above all the people’s celebration of their political freedom since 1821.

As I hope I have been able to show, flags® often have much in com-

mon with various emblematic genres, particularly the impresa. Color and number symbolism, the use of symbolic charges, and the addition of mottos are all features of flags that have counterparts in impresa and emblems. Especially significant is that the interconnections among these different parts to create a symbolic statement is a feature of both flags and emblematic forms. During the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, those who composed the designs of flags appear often to have been familiar with emblems and imprese. On occasion, as we have seen, composers of flag designs even appropriated what they knew of emblematic forms, whether from books, seals, or paper money, to create flags that expressed their allegiances, and their hopes and aspirations. Whenever many people shared a common allegiance to a single flag, that flag might express, often in emblematic fashion, their collective identity and common purpose, serving such diverse groups as a troop of soldiers, the citizens of a state or country, the allies ina military alliance, or those working for a multinational organization. In modern times, when familiarity with the traditional iconographic codes of imprese and emblems are largely unfamiliar and when the traditional codes of heraldry may seem too restrictive, numbers of flags continue to be created that often unconsciously function in emblematic ways. Indeed, flag design can at times be seen as a vibrant substitute for emblematic genres that, in spite of

a few notable exceptions, are now no longer practiced.

The Emblem

in Tournaments

ALAN R. YOUNG Acadia University, Wolfville, Novia Scotia, Canada

To understand the connection between tournaments and emblem atics and in particular the role of tournament imprese, it is helpful to know someth ing of the development of the tournament, an event variously termed burdicia, tourneamentum, hastiludium, or ludi equestri. Its origins in the ninth or tenth centuries are obscure, but it began in France and Germany as mock (and sometimes not so “mock”) combat between two Opposing groups of horsemen. Loss of life and limb were common. There were no rules and no Judges to see fair play. In the twelfth century the holding of tourna ments spread throughout Christendom. Knights might travel widely throughout Europe from one tournament to another, their chief motive often being the financial profit it was possible to derive from ransoms and booty that could be gained if they captured or defeated their tournament adversaries. Such was the pattern that we can observe in the well-documented life of the English King Henry III’s friend William Marshal. Frequently justified as providing training for war, tournaments changed radically over time. Particularly significant were changes in format. Originally, in answer to a formal challenge that was issued weeks or even

months in advance, combatants in tournaments fought for unspecified lengths

of time over undefined tracts of land, all too frequently to the discomfort and

annoyance of those who owned and/or farmed the land. In time, however, venues became fixed arenas surrounded by specially built staging for

% Many of the flags referred to will be found reproduced in color in the larger editions of Webster’s dictionary.

spectators that was often richly furnished and decorated for royal and aristocratic attendees. Important to the changing character of tournaments was the addition of other types of combat. To cavalry combats between groups were added jousts between individuals, single combats with swords, and combats between individuals on foot. Important, too, was the transformation of the original warlike character of the tournament into an event carefully controlled by the restrictions imposed by secular and religious authorities. Indeed, beginning with Pope Innocent II’s ban in 1130, successive injunctions by the Church attempted with little effect to prohibit participation in tournaments. During the thirteenth century, the shift towards a less bloody and anarchic type of tournament was accompanied by the introduction of various safety features such as the wearing of plate armor as well as heavy

The Emblem

Alan R. Young

478

and helmets that covered the entire head, the use of blunted (rebated) swords

lances tipped with coronels, strict rules of combat, restrictions on the number of participants and their retinues, supervision by heralds, the limitation of participants to those of high birth, and somewhat later the introduction of a tilt barrier to separate the two combatants in a joust. In addition, there appeared alongside jousting such formalized versions of the tournament as the defense of a mock fortress or the pas d’armes. In this latter, the challengers would defend a bridge or defile against the answerers, often in imitation of some knightly adventure already familiar from chivalric literature. An even more significant change occurred as a result of the influence of chivalric ideals and the whole apparatus of courtly love. By the beginning of the thirteenth century, tournaments began to be seen as occasions for the display of individual chivalric prowess, usually in supposed service to the knight’s lady. As a consequence, women began to play an important role as spectators, as presenters of favors and prizes, which often included a kiss, and as the inspiration for the challenges issued when a tournament was announced. Not surprisingly, the chivalric context encouraged the wearing of sumptuous costumes, feasting, dancing, minstrelsy, and the creation of a fictional context for individual tournaments that permitted participants to disguise themselves and act out the kind of stories and situations familiar from chivalric romance literature. The tournament thus became less a form of brutal mock warfare and more a social and courtly diversion. Though very much associated with various courts throughout Europe, tournaments were often civic affairs (though never in England), and in the Low Countries and

Germany, they were frequently sponsored by jousting societies. The financial resources required to put on a tournament could be enormous. As a result, from the fourteenth century, and like certain other types of court entertainment, the tournament began to serve powerful and wealthy rulers as a means of political propaganda. Particularly when associated with coronations,

knightings,

dynastic

marriages,

royal

births,

and

state visits,

tournaments became recognized as opportunities for extravagant display and a means of expressing power and magnificence. They were also a means by which a ruler could strengthen the often rather frail bonds between himself and his lords by encouraging their “vocation” to serve him as knights. With the introduction of mimetic features, disguises (knights appearing as characters from Arthurian romance were common), speeches, music, scenic spectacle, and sometimes complex allegorical features, the tournament increasingly became a cross between pageantry and heroic drama, particularly when a single creative intelligence produced a unified thematic and artistic

in Tournaments

479

design that governed the event as a whole. Examples of such sophistication are to be found in the tournaments at the courts of René d’Anjou and Philip the Good

(Duke

of Burgundy)

and

his successor

Charles

the Bold

in the

fifteenth century, and at the courts of the Hapsburgs, the Valois, the Bourbons, and the Medici. In England, good examples of the exploitation of the full potential of the tournament as a vehicle for courtly pageantry, lavish

display, and chivalric festivity can be found in tournaments at the courts of

Edward

ΠῚ and Richard

fifteenth century,

II in the fourteenth century,’

and Henry

VII,

succeeding centuries.* Throughout

Henry

Edward

IV in the

VIII, Elizabeth I, and James

I in

Europe during the seventeenth century,

tournaments were largely superseded by other forms of courtly entertainment

although they occurred sporadically in the eighteenth century, though not in England.

manner

The tournament is of great significance to emblematics because of the in which, from the fourteenth century on, it frequently offered a

showplace for the imprese composed by each knight (or by someone he had

hired). Apart from providing a challenging exercise in interpretation for spectators, and apart from demonstrating their inventor’s powers of wit and literary invention, the tournament impresa had two primary functions. Firstly, it was a means of identifying individual participants. As with the very different visual code of heraldry, a distinguishing impresa served to help make known the identity of a knight who was otherwise concealed by his protective armor. Although the trappings of heraldry might also be present as a means of identification, the use of imprese helped underline the ludic character of tournaments that had become so very much removed from anything

resembling

the combat

of war.

Furthermore,

though

an impresa

might offer a teasing clue to a knight’s identity, it might at the same time

permit him to keep that identity secret, especially if he appeared in disguise as some fictional and often allegorical character such as “the Black Knight,” or “Callophisus (Lover of Beauty),” or “the Knight of the Tree of the Sun,” or

'

See Juliet Vale, Edward III and Chivalry: Chivalric Society and Its Context,

1270-1350. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1982, 64; Juliet R.V. Barker, The Tournament in

England, 1100-1400. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1986, 100, 181, 183-186; Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments. London: George Philip, 1987, 124. See Sydney Anglo, The Great Tournament Roll of Westminster. Clarendon, Clarendon,

1968; 1969;

Anglo, Young,

Spectacle, Pageantry, Tudor and Jacobean

Tournament Imprese. New York: AMS Press, 1988.

and Early Tudor Policy. Tournaments; Young, The

Alan

R.

Oxford:

Oxtord: English

“the

The Emblem

Alan R. Young

480 Unknown

Knight”

(this

last

an

especial

favorite).

Secondly,

the

express tournament impresa was a means whereby its individual bearer could on inventi an in his situation, aim, guiding moral principle, or state of mind As ἃ usually created specifically for the context of a single tournament. their number of modern historians and theorists of emblematics (along with impresa the ed, sixteenth- and seventeenth-century predecessors) have indicat (devise and emprise in France) evolved before the emblem.

Furthermore,

it

was quite distinct from the emblem since this latter form tended to express general truths that were universally applicable to all human beings, whereas lar the impresa sought to express the ideas or aspirations of ἃ particu person individual (or the character he was disguised as), often with a specific or group of persons as intended recipients of the impresa’s meaning. As an expression of a sense of self and of a specific individual’s passions and state of of mind, the impresa was arguably a new art form. It was this appreciation the potential of the impresa to express the self that seems to have excited those early sixteenth-century compilers and theorists, such as Paolo Giovio, who wrote about imprese. Another crucial distinction between emblem and impresa is that whereas the emblem was typically constructed of three interrelated parts (motto, picture, poem), the impresa usually had only two parts (motto and picture). This at least was the usual definition given by sixteenth-century theorists, even though throughout the fifteenth century an ” impresa might appear as a freestanding motto or a freestanding picture. Again, though many theorists liked to maintain that there were all kinds of strict rules governing the invention of imprese, such strictures were not necessarily followed. Supposedly, for example, neither of the two parts of an should impresa should be comprehensible without the other; no human form

be represented; the language used should not be the native language of the bearer; and the motto should be very succinct (possibly no longer than three words, unless a line of verse is involved). However, actual practice varied considerably, with the composers of imprese often following their own fancies, while the theorists often contradicted each other with conflicting codifications. When a knight appeared at a tournament, his impresa might be shield. displayed in a number of places. Most obviously, it might be on his

This was not necessarily a shield that would be used in the events to follow. *

? See Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments, 93, 135, 149, 154, 160. Jmpresa. Italian the of ce Significan and Genesis See Kristen Lippincott, “The

In Chivalry in the Renaissance. Ed. Sydney Anglo. Woodbridge: Boydell Press, 1990, 65.

in Tournaments

481

From the middle of the fourteenth century, the development of certain types of plate armor made carrying a defensive shield unnecessary, so it might be made of cardboard or wood. Its prime purpose was to act as an identifying token, and it could be hung up on a so-called tree of chivalry or displayed elsewhere in the tournament arena to show the knight’s acceptance of the challenge originally issued to announce the tournament. A rare surviving example of such a shield, Flemish in origin and dating from the late fifteenth century, may be seen in the British Museum and alongside it hangs an English impresa shield of Sir William Belknap.*° Much later in date is the impresa shield depicted in Nicholas Hilliard’s miniature portrait of the Earl of Cumberland

(now

Cumberland

in

in the

National

Maritime

Museum,

Greenwich).

This

portrait was probably painted in 1590 to commemorate Cumberland’s appointment as Queen Elizabeth I’s Champion and his appearance in the Accession Day tournament on 17 November 1590. The portrait depicts his

tournament

armor,

and

it shows

his

impresa

shield

hanging on a tree. A knight’s tournament impresa might also appear on his clothing, particularly the surcoat that was worn over his armor, or the trapper or bard of his horse. In Paolo Giovio’s posthumously published Dialogo dell’ imprese militari

e amorose

(Rome,

1555), the author noted that French and Italian

military forces employed imprese in warfare to distinguish one company from another by placing the impresa of each captain on the breast and back of each of his soldiers. Other appropriate places, according to Giovio were on a soldier’s standard or banner, his shield, or his horse bard.° When Samuel Daniel wrote the introduction to his 1585 translation of Giovio’s treatise, he reminded his readers that imprese had an established use as distinguishing signs not only in warfare but in tournaments, and he noted, too, other locations on the individual or his accoutrements where they might be worn:

. . . they are neuer worne but either in true or fained warre, or

at Iusts, Turneis,

Maskes,

or at such like extrauagant shewes.

The place fit for them, are on armed men or such place as they best like about their Helmet, the Shielde, the Bardes, the borders the breast, are the fittest places appointed for

Maskers, worne in persons: albeit the of the garment, or them.’

See Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments, 130-131. Giovio 1556, 5. The Worthy Tract of Paulus louius. London, 1585, sig. A3r.

a

The Emblem

Alan R. Young

482

One knight, Sir Thomas Knyvet, who appeared in Henry VIIl’s tournament in February 1511, even experimented with another location for his impresa. The

tournament

was

to celebrate the birth of a royal son.

Knyvet’s

horse

bard, like those of other participants, was decorated with the letter “K” (for

Katherine of Aragon, the child’s mother), together with the character name of

Knyvet’s distinguishing allegorical identity assumed for the tournament: “WALYANT DESYR.” This same title, functioning as an impresa, was lettered on his costume in gold; however, the word “DESYR” was daringly

placed on his codpiece.*

Earlier examples of the use of imprese are not difficult to find. At a tournament held in Rome in 1332, for example, the participants entered the tiltyard, each displaying his device on a pennon. Galeotto Malatesta da Rimini, who was dressed in green, had the motto “Seul comme Horace”; Lodovico da Polenta, dressed in red, had “Si dans le sang je meurs noyé, oh! Quelle douce mort!”; and Pietro Cappoci, dressed in rose, had “De Lucréce la romaine je suis l’esclave.”° Ten years later, Edward III used “It is as it is” at a tournament to celebrate the betrothal of his three-year-old son Lionel." Such devices would have been considered incomplete as imprese by later theorists since they consisted only of mottos, and the same point would have

been made about other early devices that consisted only of pictorial motifs. In 1390 at a tournament in Smithfield, Richard II, for example,

is said to have

distributed livery badges of a white hart with a crown and gold chain to his supporters. Then, in 1398 at a tournament in Smithfield, Richard II led 20 knights who all wore on their clothing, armor, shields, and trappers the

of a white

device

hart chained

and

gorged

with

a golden

crown."

Technically, perhaps, the device would best be described as a rebus rather than an impresa since the viewer who saw the white hart and golden crown was meant, it has been suggested, to see the combination as representing

* See Anglo, Great Tournament Roll of Westminster, 56, 91. ° See Elena Povoledo, “Le théâtre de tournoi en Italie.” In Le lieu théâtral à la renaissance. Ed. Jean Jacquot. Paris: Editions du Centre Nationale de la Recherche Scientifique, 1964, 98-99.

10 See Vale, Edward III and Chivalry, 64. '!

See Barker, The Tournament in England,

100, 181, 183-186.

in Tournaments

483

“Rich-Hart,” though other more subtle and complex interpretations have been proposed.'* Similarly, the golden sunburst of Edward III, Richard’s grandfather, was probably intended as a punning representation of his favorite

residence: “Winds-or.”'° Closer,

perhaps,

to

what

Giovio

and

his

successors

would

have

approved of were two of a number of imprese used in the 1449 pas d’armes at Tarascon, one of the series of elaborate tournaments organized by René d’Anjou in the ten-year period he spent in enforced absence from Naples. This event was entitled the Pas de la bergiére, and it was described in some detail in a poem by Loys de Beauvau. The challengers were two shepherds

who offered combat to anyone who touched one of the two black and white

shields representing fristesse (sadness) and liesse (gaiety) hung up in a tree close to the dwelling of a shepherdess. Those discontented in love touched the black shield, and those happily in love touched the white. The prize for the winner in the tournament was a gold ring and a kiss from the shepherdess, who

was

in

reality

Jeanne

de

Laval,

René’s

mistress.

One

of the

two

defending shepherds was Philibert de l’Aigue. His devise or impresa was a shield and the punning motto “En arrousant de l’aigue.” The other shepherd, Philippe de Lenoncourt, had a gold heart and the words “Ayant le vent” [Having the wind] on a white banderole at the tip of a lance.'* A similar use of a combination of picture and motto in the fifteenth century occurred during the reign of Edward IV at the tournament in 1477 to celebrate the marriage of the English Prince Richard. Anthony Woodville, Earl Rivers, entered the tiltyard beneath a portable pavilion of a type common in Burgundian tournaments and subsequently to become a feature at a number of early Tudor tournaments. The pavilion was made to resemble a hermit’s house, and the Earl was himself dressed as a hermit all in white. From the top of his helmet to the crupper of his horse, he wore a pale of tawny satin, decorated with gold tears. His motto on what was surely intended to be a

'2 See Michael Bath, The Image of the Stag: Iconographic Themes in Western Art. Baden-Baden: Koerner, 1992, 180-188. 3 See Barker, The Tournament in England, 183-186. 1{ See Georges Adrien Crapelet, Le pas d'armes de la Bergère maintenu au Tournoi de Tarascon. Paris, 1828, 41.

pet

484

#

Bases

Alan R. Young

The Emblem

joyful occasion was “Bane deplesance.”!° Seventeen years later in November 1494, Henry VII, the first Tudor monarch, held a sumptuous tournament at Westminster to celebrate the creation of Prince Henry as Duke of York. Among the various imprese recorded was that of Henry Wynslow. On his horse’s trapper were painted two men playing dice. This picture was accompanied by a motto of some kind, consisting of certain oaths. Unfortunately, the chronicler of this tournament seems to have objected to the

oaths and he refused to record them for posterity. '° same

#

Tournament imprese in the early sixteenth century tend to follow the loose patterns already established in earlier centuries. At the great

tournament extravaganza at Guines

in 1520,

now

known

as “The

Field of

Cloth of Gold,” when the English and French kings (Henry VIII and Francis I respectively) and fourteen others challenged all comers, imprese (different ones for different events and different days) provided an important part of the

spectacle.'’ During the jousting, for example, the Earl of Devonshire and his

fellow answerers had their horse bards decorated on one side with images of a man’s heart burning in a lady’s hand. In her other hand, the lady held a garden pot or watering can with which she watered the heart. On the other side of the bard was embroidered the impresa motto: “pour reveiller” [to awaken]. On a different day during the extended series of combats, King Henry appeared with a picture on his horse bard of a great rock or mountain. Riding up it was an armed knight. Extending from a cloud was a woman’s hand, which struck him with a deadly blow from an arrow. The accompanying motto, which appeared in the border of the bard, was “In love

who so mounteth passeth in perill.” The most complex of all the various imprese recorded was probably one used by King Francis that was revealed over a period of three days. On the first day his bard was embroidered with black raven’s feathers that were fastened with a buckle. The raven was a pictorial pun for “cor” (heart) and “corbin” (raven); the feathers for “peine” (pain)

and

“pennes”

(feathers);

and

the

buckle

fastening

the

feathers

represented steadfastness. The whole was to be interpreted as “the heart fastened in endless pain.” On the second day, the French king’s bard had the 'S

See Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments,

124.

See Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments, 124. See Jocelyne G. Russell, The Field of the Cloth of Gold: Men and Manners in

1520. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1969, 128, 134-139; Anglo, Spectacle, Pageantry, and Early Tudor Policy, 153-154; Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments, 125:

in Tournaments

485

word “quando” (when) and the letter “L” (“elle”), the whole meaning “when

she.” Then, on the third day, Francis appeared with his bard decorated with small books in each of which were the words “a me.” Spectators were intended to remember that the Latin for book was “Liber” so that the phrase

could be read as “Libera me”

[Free me].

In addition in the borders of the

bard was a chain to represent bondage. Thus the extended imprese stated “my heart is fastened in endless pain when she delivers me not from bondage.” Clearly, then, the use of imprese at tournaments preceded the 1551 publication of Claude Paradin’s treatise on imprese and the published works of other and 60s (1556), (1562),

important early collectors and commentators (only those of the 1550s are named here) such as Paolo Giovio (1555), Lodovico Domenichi Etienne Jodelle (1558), Gabriele Simeoni (1559), Scipione Ammirato Lodovico Dolce (1562), Girolamo Ruscelli (1556 and 1566), and

their successors in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries. However, once the works of these writers were published and became widely read throughout Europe, tournament imprese tended to become more sophisticated, even on occasion taking material directly from such books. A number of English tournament imprese, for example, appear to have been taken from Paradin and Giovio.'* However, borrowing of this kind is relatively rare, no doubt because the imprese recorded in published collections had already been used, whereas tournament participants were expected to invent something witty and ingenious designed specifically for each tournament. Just taking something from someone else would not do. During the second half of the sixteenth century and on into the seventeenth, the great fashion for composing imprese and employing them in such places as portraits, jewelry, needlecraft, wall and ceiling paintings, the doorways to academies, decorated fireplaces, plaster ceiling work, armor, and personal clothing was matched by their use in literary romances, masques, plays, and all manner of other court and civic entertainments. In addition, as is being increasingly well documented in recent years, collections of imprese connected with religious, academic, and civic organizations have survived in both manuscript and printed records. Tournament imprese are only part of this much larger context but they demand our attention because of their long history that predates the sixteenth

century. Furthermore, records of a large number of them have survived. One

8 See Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments, 125-127.

eee

ee

M

pct

486

Alan R. Young

of Lancastre

&

Yorke

(1548),

a

work generally referred to as Hall’s Chronicle; or the illustrated records in Recueil des choses notables faites à Bayonne (1566) of the imprese employed in the Bayonne tournament of June 1565.'° A particularly rich record consists of the 414 English tournament imprese recorded in the manuscript travel diary of the Landgraf Otto of Hessen-Kassel

À s

2

The Emblem

thinks of such examples as the descriptions in the Turnierbiicher of Johannes des Bestandigen between 1487 and 1513; the Turnierbuch of Wilhelm IV of Bavaria with its illustrations of tournaments between 1510 and 1545; the descriptions of early Tudor tournament imprese in Edward Hall’s The Union of the Two Noble and Illustrate Famelies

2

(Hass. 68. [1611.]). The diary

was kept by the Landgraf’s secretary, Johann Georg Dehn-Rotfelser. When the Landgraf visited London in 1611, Dehn-Rotfelser went to Whitehall during his free time one afternoon and inspected the tournament shields that had been hung up in the tiltyard gallery there following the annual Accession Day tournaments held in honor of Elizabeth I and James I. Dehn-Rotfelser’s list by his own account records only about half the shields in the gallery. By 1625 when English tournaments came to an end, the total number of shields

in the gallery would have been far greater than the 800 or so hanging there in igi” However, although records of a large number of tournament imprese have survived, the problems of interpreting them are often insuperable. Firstly, it is not always possible to identify the original bearer, and in such cases we are immediately denied the chance of deciphering what personal meaning the impresa may have been intended to express. Secondly,

we may

not be able to identify the specific tournament for which a tournament impresa was composed. Thirdly, there are the difficulties of interpretation that arise from the expectation that an impresa should display to advantage its composer’s wit and inventive prowess. Concern about this sometimes led tournament participants to employ the aid of others more skilled than themselves. Occasionally, a participant might even hire a professional writer, Shakespeare being one such author who earned a

fee in this way.°!

’ See Frances A. Yates, The Valois Tapestries. London:

Paul, 1975, 55-56. See Young, The English Tournament Imprese, 29-33. *! See Young, Tudor and Jacobean Tournaments, 72.

in Tournaments

487

was critical of this practice, which he compared to having someone write one’s letters.**Assuming, however, that the tournament participant ended up with an impresa that offered a challenge to the interpretive skills of spectators, we share in facing that challenge. At times, it seems, inventors’ created imprese that proved to be too obscure for others to interpret, and there are records of complaints to this effect. How much greater, then, may be our own difficulty in interpreting a tournament impresa that was deliberately obscure. Do we recognize, for example, any visual or verbal puns? Can we decipher the language used for the motto? Can we identify any motto that has been derived from a literary, heraldic, or Biblical source? And if the use of such a tag involves the deliberate omission or variation of part of the original text, can we recall the missing words?

Can we understand the

relationship between the verbal and pictorial parts of the impresa, and can we understand the relationship between the impresa and any scenic device, speech, costume, and disguise that may have been employed for the arrival of a knight in the tiltyard? Above all, can we then see how the impresa relates to the personal situation of its bearer and the specific occasion of the tournament for which that impresa has been created? In recent decades a number of scholars have attempted to apply some

of the above questions to such tournament imprese as are known from manuscript and printed records, commemorative portraits, and other sources. Examples of tournament imprese in literature have also provided the subject for a number of studies. Though the meaning of the majority of tournament imprese may forever remain elusive, enough work has been done to show that tournaments contributed considerably to this art form that predated the

emblem and from which the emblem in part grew.

Ruscelli

Routledge and Kegan

” Ruscelli 1566, sig. Dir.

Selective Bibliography for Further Reading Compiled by Peter M. Daly On the whole, I do not include here various editions of emblem books, with the exception of some of the editions of Andrea Alciato, but rather books, essays, and articles about emblematic works. Works have been largely limited to those written in western European languages. Studies of literature per se and art are omitted unless the art forms part of the decoration or architecture of buildings. Some items are listed more than once. if they belong under different categories. Important monographs have been published on the secondary literature on English, French and Jesuit emblems. That material is usually arranged under the name of the emblematist, e.g., under Claude Paradin, modern editions and studies by Manning, Tung, and Young are listed in Grove and Russell, The French Emblem: Bibliography of Secondary Sources. Geneva: Droz, 2000. 148-149 . Section

A. B. C. D. E. F. G. H.

I. J.

General Studies of the Emblem and Related Genres Indexes Collections of Essays on Emblematic Topics Digital Editions and Procedures The Emblem in Title Pages, Frontispieces, and Printers’ Devices Bibliographic Studies: Bibliographies and Lists Emblem Theory and Terms: Early Modern and Modern Andrea Alciato, Pater et Princeps

The Neo-Latin Emblem The Jesuit Emblem

Page

520 527 527 530 530 531 535 536

544 549

K. The Emblem in France and French-Speaking Countries L. The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions M. The Emblem in Hungary

554 559 561

O. P. Q. R. S. T.

563 567 568 572

N. The Emblem in Italy

U.

V. W. X. Y.

The The The The The The

Emblem Emblem Emblem Emblem Emblem Emblem

in in in in in in

the Low Countries Poland Russia Scandinavia Spain the United Kingdom and America

The Use of the Emblem in Material Culture, Including Medals

The Emblem and Flags, Badges, and Seals The Emblem and Tournaments The Emblem and Logos, Advertisements, and Propaganda Websites

562

573 578

584

593 595 597 599

520

Peter M. Daly

A.

Bibliography for Further Reading ———.

General Studies of the Emblem and Related Genres

This includes motif studies.

Althaus, Thomas. “Differenzgewinn. Einwände gegen die Theorie von der Emblematik als synthetisierender Kunst.” See C 31, 91-109. Balavoine, Claudie. “La manipulation des images symboliques Démocrite entre rire et folie.” See C 24, 167-175.

à

la

Speaking

Longman,

Pictures:

1994.

English

Emblem

Books

and

Renaissance

Stanley W. “The Authority of Hearsay: The Evolution of Rosicrucian Symbols from Andreae to Bulwer-Lytton.” See C 4, 229-238.

Bolzoni,

Lina. “Emblemi wee C 24, 15-31.

note su invenzione

Bowen, Barbara C. “Changing Places at the Crossroads.” Emblematica ———.

“Two Literary Genres: The Emblem Renaissance Studies 15 (1985): 29-35.

e ricezione.

14 (2005): 1-22.

and the Joke.” Journal of Medieval and

Braungart, Georg. “Emblematik und Mediengeschichte. Die Diskursivität des Emblems und seine Stellung in der hôfischen Rede.” See C 31, 415-429. Calogero, Elena. “‘The little Orpheus of the woods’: The Nightingale Motif in Renaissance Emblems and Poems.” See C 24, 225-235. Campa,

“The Pelican-in-Her-Piety.” See C 10, 83-108.

-----

Beeler,

alcune

——.

London:

Bagley, Ayers L. “Hercules in Emblem Books and Schools.” See C 32, 69-95.

e arte della memoria:

and expanded. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998. . “The Nachleben of the Emblem. Emblematic Structures in Modern Advertising and Propaganda.” See C 31, 47-69.

— Culture.

“Emblem und Enigma. Erkennen und Verkennen im Emblem .” In Erkennen und Erinnern in Kunst und Literatur. Ed. Dietmar Peil. Michael Schilling, and Peter Strohschneider. Tiibingen: Niemeyer, 1998, 325-349. . Literature in the Light of the Emblem: Structural Parallel s between the Emblem and Literature in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. 1979. 2nd ed., revised

Renaissance:

Bath, Michael. “The Iconography of Time.” See C 32, 29-68. ——.

—

Pedro F. “L’Age d’Or des Emblémes.” In Histoire comparée des Littératures de Longues européennes. L’Epoque de la Renaissance. Crises et Essors nouveaux (1560-1610). Amsterdam: John Benjamins, 2000, 4:199-210.

Clements, Robert J. Picta Poesis: Literary and Humanistic Theory in Renaissance Emblem Books. Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1960.

“Sixteenth-Century Emblems and Imprese as Indicators of Cultural Change. ” In Allegory and Cultural Change. Ed. Jon Whitman. Leiden: Brill. 2000, 381-418. ———. “Telling Images in Emblems, Advertisements and Logos.” See C 33, 109-120 and 151-155.

———.

“What Happened to English Emblem Nineteenth Centuries?” See C 32, 227-272.

———

and

Present.”

Emblematica

1 (1986):

Emblem Theory: Recent German Contributions to the Characterization Emblem Genre. Nendeln: Kraus-Thomson, 1979.

of the

Eighteenth

and

Drysdall, Denis L. “Authorities for Symbolism in the Sixteenth Century.” See C 4, 111124. —

. “The Hieroglyphs at Bologna.” Emblematica 2 (1987): 225-247.

Dundas, Judith. “Vox 291-298.

Research—Past

the

Dieckmann, Liselotte. Hieroglyphics: The History of a Literary Symbol. St. Louis, MO: Washington University Press, 1970. Doueihi, Milad. “Apertum Pectus: Emblems of the Heart and the Secrets of Interiority .” See C 31, 25-41.

———.

in Emblem

During

Dicke, Gerd, and Klaus Grubmiiller. Die Fabeln des Mittelalters und der frühen Neuzeit. ein Katalog der deutschen Versionen und ihrer lateinischen Entsprechungen. Miinstersche Mittelalter-Schriften, vol. 60. Munich: Fink, 1987.

—

“Directions

Books

DeLong, Marilyn R., and Patricia A. Hemmis. “Historic Costume and Image: A Factor in Emblem Analysis.” See C 32, 117-138.

Corbett, Margery, and R.W. Lightbown. The Comely Frontispiece: The Emblematic TitlePage in England, 1550-1650. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979. Daly, Peter M. “Digitizing the European Emblem: Issues, Problems and Prospects.” In C 24, 49-64. 159-174.

521

——.

“A Note on the Relationships of the Latin and Vernacular Translations Horapollo from Fasanini to Caussin.” Emblematica 4 (1989): 225-241. “Occurrences of the Word ‘Emblema’ Emblematica 14 (2005): 299-325,

in

Printed

Works

before

of

Alciato.”

Psitacci’: The Emblematic Significance of the Parrot.” See C 24,

Engel, William E. “Mnemonic Emblems and the Humanist Discourse of Knowledge.” See C 4, 125-142.

Fowler, Alastair. “The Emblem as a Literary Genre.” See C 6, 1-31.

522

Peter M. Daly

Bibliography for Further Reading

Freytag, Hartmut (ed.). Der Totentanz der Marienkirche in Lübeck und der Nikolaikirche in Reval (Tallinn). Edition, Kommentar, Interpretation, Rezeption. Niederdeutsche Studien, vol. 39. Cologne: Bohlau, 1993. Freytag, Hartmut, Wolfgang Harms, and Michael Schilling, with Wolfgang Carl and Deert Lafrenz. Gesprächskultur des Barock. Die Embleme der bunten Kammer im Herrenhaus Ludwigs-burg bei Eckernfürde. Kiel: Ludwig, 2001. Garcia Arranz, José Julio. “Image and Moral Teaching in Emblematic Animals.” See C 4,

93-108.

Giehlow, Karl. Die Hieroglyphenkunde des Humanismus in der Allegorie der Renaissance, besonders der Ehrenpforte Kaisers Maximilian I. Jahrbuch der Kunst-historischen Sammlungen des allerhéchsten Kaiserhauses, 22, Heft 1. Leipzig, 1915.

Gombrich,

Ernst.

“‘Icones Symbolicae’:

The Visual Image

in Neoplatonic Thought.

Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Intitutes 11 (1948): 163-192; rprt., much amplified, as “Jcones Symbolicae: Philosophies of Symbolism and Their Bearing on Art.” In Symbolic Images: Studies in the Art of the Renaissance. London, 1972,

123-195.

Gonzalez Martinez, Eloy. “El tema de la vanitas en la Schola Cordis: la emblemätica al servicio de la teologia ascética.” See C 24, 411-424.

Graham, ----Griffin,

David. “Emblema multiplex: Towards a Typology Structures and Functions.” See C 10, 131-158.

of Emblematic

Forms,

“Putting Old Wine in New Bottles: Emblem Books and Computer Technology.”

Emblematica 5 (1991): 271-285.

Edward M. “Cincinnatus and the ‘Shaw Memorial’: Monument Saint Gaudens, Dunbar, and Lowell.” See C 32, 171-205.

as Emblem

in

Grivel, Marianne, and Marc Fumaroli (eds.). Devises pour les tapisseries du Roi. Paris: Editions Herscher, 1988. Grove, Laurence.

———.

“Emblems with Speech Bubbles.” See C 34, 89-103.

“*Pour faire tapisserie”? / Moveable Woodcuts: Print / manuscript, text / image at the birth of the emblem.” See C 26, 95-119. . Text/Image Mosaics in French Culture: Emblems and Comic Strips. Aldershot: Ashgate, 2005.

Guiderdoni-Bruslé, Agnés. “La métamorphose des objets dans les emblémes sacrés: les marqueurs du processus emblématique.” See C 24, 431-438.

-----.

“La Polysémie des figures dans l’emblématique sacrée.” See C 14, 97-114.

Haass, Sabine.

“‘Speaking Flowers and Floral Emblems’:

Flowers.” See C 35, 241-267.

The Victorian Language of

Harms, Wolfgang. “The Authority of the Emblem.” Emblematica 5 (1991): 3-29.

———.

Hayaert,

523

“On Natural History and Emblematics in the Sixtee nth Century.” In The Natural Sciences and the Arts: Aspects of Interaction from the Renaissance to the 20th Century. Ed. Allan Ellenius. Acta Universitatis Upsali ensis. Figura, Nov. ser. 22. Stockholm: Almqvist & Wiksell, 1985, 67-83.

Valérie. “Pierre Coustau’s Le Pegme (1555) : Emblematics and Legal Humanism.” Emblematica 14 (2005): 55-99. Heckscher, William 5. “Renaissance Emblems.” Princeton University Library Chronicle 15 (1954): 55-67. Heckscher, William S., and Karl-August Wirth. “Embl em, Emblembuch.” In Reallexikon zur Deutschen Kunstgeschichte. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1959, vol. 5, cols. 85-228. HeB, Gilbert. “Emblematik im Dienste politischer Agitation und Argumentation auf Miinzen und Medaillen.” See C 31, 459-479, ———. “Rezeption und Produktion von Emblemen im Stammbuch.” See C 18, 211-232. Hinds, Leonard. “From Emblem to Portrait: Early Modern Notions of Selfhood in Novels by Honoré d’Urfé and Charles Sorel.” See C 31, 59-76. Hôltgen, Karl Josef. “Englische emblematische Titelblätter der frühen Neuzeit und ihr kultureller Kontext.” See C 7, 263-299. - “The Ruler between Two Columns: Political Iconography from Emperor Charles V to William of Orange.” See C 11, 143-168. Homann, Holger. “Prologomena zu einer Geschichte der Emblematik.” Colloquia Germanica 1 (1968): 244-257. ~——..

Studien zur Emblematik des 16. Jahrhunderts. Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1971. (With essays on Brant, Alciato, Sambucus, Holtzwar t, and

Taurellus. )

‘ Horden, John. “The Connotation of Symbols.” See C 3, 71-101. Hueck, Monika. Textstruktur und Gattungssystem. Studien zum Verhältni s von Emblem und Fabel im 16. und 17. Jahrhundert. Kronberg: Scriptor, 1975. Hutton, James. The Greek Anthology in France. New York, 1946. —

. The Greek Anthology in Italy to the Year 1800. New York, 1935.

Jones, Malcolm.

“The Hangman’s Stone and the Unwonted

Folkloric Origin.” Emblematica 5 (1991): 287-299. Jones-Davies, M.T. (ed.). Emblèmes Touzot, 1981.

Jüns,

Dietrich

Walter.

Das

et Devises au Temps de la Renaissance.

“Sinnen-Bild.”

Studien

Andreas Gryphius. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1966.

Kemp,

Cornelia,

“Emblem.”

Fruit: Two Emblems

zur

allegorischen

of

Paris: Jean

Bildlichkeit

bei

In Marienlexikon. Ed. Baumer, Remigius, and Scheffczyk.

St. Ottilien, 1989, 2:331-334.

524

Bibliography for Further Reading

Peter M. Daly

Koneënÿ,

Lubomir.

415.

“An Emblematic Epitaph in Prague.” Emblematica

Loach,

J.D. “The Influence of the Counter-Reformation Defense Contemporary Concept of the Emblem.” See C 4, 155-200.

Praz, Mario. Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery. 2nd ed. Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1964.

14 (2005): 409-

Kramer, Jürg. “Probleme ‘angewandter Emblematik’ in der Musik.” See C 31, 791-812.

of Images

on the

Raasveld, Paul Peter. “Musical Notation in Emble ms.” Emblematica 5 (1991): 31-56.

Rawles,

Maranini, Anna. Emblemi d'amore dal Petrarca ai Gesuiti. Bologna:

Libreria Bonomo,

2005.

Massing, Jean Michel. “Casting Flowers to Swine: From the Proverbial to the Emblematic Proverbial

Wisdom:

An

François I. London: Warburg Institute, 1995.

———.. ——.

Illustrated Moral

Compendium for

Scholarship

via les

——.

“Emblematics and Cultural Specificity: Two Examples from Sixteenth-Century France.” See C 13, 135-157.

—

. “Emblems and Hieroglyphics: Some Observations on the Beginni ngs and Nature of Emblematic Forms.” Emblematica

1 (1986): 227-244.

—

. “Emblems and the Ages of Life: Defining the Self in Early Modern France.” Emblematica 14 (2005): 23-53.

“Washing the Ethiopian, Once More.” See C 24, 509-520.

—

. “Icarus in the City: Emblems and Postmodernism.” Emblematica 13 (2003): 333358.

Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 58 (1995): 180-201.

308.

Médersheim, Sabine. “Skin Deep—Mind Deep. Emblematics and Modern Tattoos.” See C

τ

---

“Illustration, Hieroglyph, Icon. The Status of the Emblem Picture.” See C 11, 73-90.

18, 309-333.

~——.

- “Text als Bild—Bild als Text, Figurgedicht und Emblematik.” See C 11, 169190.

“Looking at the Emblem in a European Context.” Revue de Littérature Comparé e 4 (1990): 625-644.

—

. “The Ornamental Image: Memory, 213:

—

. “Perceiving, Seeing and Meaning: Emblems and Some Approaches to Reading Early Modern Culture.” See C 4, 77-92.

Nicholson, Eirwen E.C. “Emblem Sec C 16; 141-167.

v. Caricature:

A Tenacious

Conceptual

Framework.”

Panagl, Victoria. “Mille vocum. Musikalische Embleme in der Neulateinischen HabsburgPanegyrik.” See C 24, 559-566.

Dietmar.

———..

Interpretive

“From Greek Proverb to Soap Advert: Washing the Ethiopian.” Journal of the

— . “Washing the Ethiopian, or, the Semantics of an Impossibility.” See C 18, 289-

Peil,

Facilitating

Stéphane. “D’étranges objets hiéroglyphiques. Les monnai es antiques dans Hieroglyphica de Pierio Valeriano (1556).” See C 30, 813-84 4. Russell, Daniel S. “The Emblem and Authority.” Word and Image 4 (1988): 81-87.

Pig.” See C 31, 657-677. Wit and

Stephen. “French Emblem Books: Bibliography.” See C 32, 207-226.

Rolet,

Manning, John. The Emblem. London: Reaktion Books, 2002.

. Erasmian

525

“Emblematik

zwischen

Memoria

und

Geographie.

Der

Thesaurus Philo-

Decoration and Emblems.”

See C 11, 191-

Rypson, Piotr. “Visual? Emblematic? Poetry.” Emblematica 10 (1996): 1-13. Saunders,

Alison

M.

“Youth

and

the

Education

of

Youth

in

Early

French

Emblem

Politicus. Das ist: Politisches Schatzkästlein.” In Erkennen und Erinnern in Kunst und Literatur. Ed. Dietmar Peil, Michael Schilling, and Peter Strohschneider. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1998, 351-382.

Books.” See C 33, 31-55. Schilling, Michael. Imagines Mundi. Metaphorische Emblematik. Frankfurt a. M.: Lang, 1979.

. “Tradition and Error. On Mistakes and Emblems.” See C 10, 177-210.

Scholz, Bernhard F. “Counting the Figures in Emblems and Devices: Observations on a

Variants:

Problems

in the Reception of

Zur ‘angewandten Emblematik’ in protestantischen Erbauungsbiichern. Dilherr—

Arndt—Francisci—Scriver.

Heidelberg: Winter,

Pinkus, Karen. “Emblematic Time.” See C 31, 93-108.

der

Welt

in der

Topic of Renaissance and Baroque Poetics.” See C 23, 161-174.

—

1978.

Porteman, Karel. “Emblem Theory and Cultural Specificity.” See C 4, 3-12.

Darstellungen

~~~.

. “Didaktische Funktion und Textkonstitution im Emblem.” nationale Germanistik 13 (1981): 10-35.

Jahrbuch für Inter-

“Emblematik: Entstehung und Erscheinungsweisen.” In Literatur und Bildende

Kunst. Ein Handbuch zur Theorie und Praxis Grenzgebietes. Berlin: Erich Schmidt, 1992, 113-137.

eines

komparatistischen

ss

526

BRes

Peter M. Daly

———.. —

# #

Bibliography for Further Reading

“Learning from the Soldier’s Helmet and the Windmill: Pictures.” See C 32, 97-115.

Artifacts in Emblematic

— . “Reading Emblematic Pictures.” Komparatistische Hefte 5-6 (1982): 77-88.

Schone,

Albrecht.

Emblematik und Drama 3rd ed. Munich: Beck, 1993.

im Zeitalter des Barock.

Munich:

Beck,

1964:

Schwarz, Christiane. “Das Album amicorum als Ort fiir Produktion und Rezeption von Emblemen. Uberlegungen zu drei Stammbiichern (1639-1652 ) der Familie Maior aus Breslau.” See C 11, 907-929. Simonds, Peggy Muñoz. Iconographic Research in English Renaissance Literature: A Critical Guide. Garland Reference Library of the Humanities, 1344. New York: Garland, 1995.

Spica,

Anne-Elisabeth. “Pour une rhétorique du symbole: questions de méthodo logie a partir du traitement emblématique de la Vanité.” See C 18, 105-120. Stegemeier, Henri. “Problems in Emblem Literature.” Journal of English and Germanic Philology 45 (1946): 26-37. Sulzer, Dieter. Traktate zur Emblematik. Studien zu einer Geschichte der Emblemtheorien.

Ed. Gerhard Sauder. St. Ingbert: Werner J. Rohrig Verlag,

Talavera Esteso, Francisco J. “Las dos primeras ediciones de los Hieroglyphica de Pierio Valeriano.” See C 24, 625-631.

Gilles Corrozet und die franzôsische Renaissance-

Fabel. Humanistische Bibliothek, Reihe 1. Abhandlungen 18. Munich: Fink, 1974.

Volkmann, Ludwig. Bilderschriften der Renaissance, Hierogl yphik und Emblematik in ihren Beziehungen und Fortwirkungen. Leipzig: Hiersemann, 1923. Wagner, Anselm. “Begehrte Knaben. Zur Mehrdeutigkeit und Funktion der Putten in der religiôsen Emblematik.” See C 31, 615-632. Wallace, Nathaniel. “Architectural Poetics: The Hypner otomachia and the Rise of the European Emblem.” Emblematica 8 (1994): 1-27,

Warlick,

M.E. “The Domestic Alchemist: Emblems.” See C 13, 25-47.

Women

as

Carsten-Peter.

frühen Neuzeit. witz, 1987.

Sprechende Bilder—sichtbare

Wolfenbiittler Forschungen,

Worte.

Das Bildverstandnis in der

vol. 33. Wiesbaden:

Otto Harrasso-

Young, Alan R. “Sir John Tenniel’s Emblematic Shakespeare Cartoons for Punch.” See C 10, 229-247. Zymner, Rüdiger. “Das Emblem als offenes Kunstwerk.” See C 31, 9-24. B.

Indexes

Bernat Vistarini, Antonio, and John Cull. Enciclopedia de Emblemas Españoles Ilustrados Madrid: Akal, 1999, (Accompanied by a CD-ROM.) Diehl,

Huston. An Index of Icons in English Emblem London: University of Oklahoma Press, 1986.

Henkel,

Arthur,

and Albrecht Schéne.

Emblemata.

Books,

Handbuch

1500-1700.

Norman

and

zur Sinnbildkunst des XVI.

und XVII. Jahrunderts. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1967; rprt. 1978.

Tung, Mason. Two Concordances to Ripa’s Iconologia. New York: AMS Press, 1993.

1992. (Posthumous

publication of Sulzer’s 1977 Heidelberg dissertation.) — . “Zu einer Geschichte der Emblemtheorien.” Euphorion 64 (1970): 23-50. Suzuki, Shigeo. “‘Through my heart her eyes’ beamy darts be gone’: The Power of Seeing in Renaissance Poems and Emblems of Love.” See C 31, 725-734. Sz6nyi, Gyérgy E. “Architectural Symbolism and Fantasy Landsc apes in Alchemical and Occult Discourse: Revelatory Images.” See C 13, 49-69.

Tiemann, Barbara. Fabel und Emblem.

Warncke,

527

Housewives

in

Alchemical

C.

Collections of Essays on Emblematic Topics

These are arranged alphabetically by the first noun or adjective in the title. The individual €ssays are contained in the appropriate sections, only the titles of the books are listed here. 1.

Andrea Alciato and the Emblem Tradition: Essays in Honor of Virginia Callahan. Ed. Peter M. Daly. New York: AMS Press, 1989. Anglo-Dutch Relations in the Field of the Emblem. Brill, 1997.

Ed. Bart Westerweel.

Woods Leiden:

The Art of the Emblem: Essays in Honor of Karl Josef Héltgen. Ed. Michael Bath, John Manning, and Alan R. Young. New York: AMS Press, 1993. Aspects of Renaissance and Baroque Symbol Theory 1500-1700.

and John Manning. New York: AMS Press, 1999.

Ed. Peter M. Daly,

Auferliterarische Wirkungen barocker Emblembücher. Emblematik in Ludwigsburg, Gaarz und Pommersfelden. Ed. Wolfgang Harms and Hartmut Freytag. Munich: Fink, 1975. Deviceful Settings: The English Renaissance Emblem and lis Contexts. Selected Papers from the Third International Emblem Conference, Pittsburgh, 1993. Ed. Michael Bath and Daniel Russell. New York: AMS Press, 1999. Die Domänen des Emblems: Auferliterarische Anwendungen der Emblematik. Gerhard F. Strasser and Mara R. Wade. Wolfen-biitteler Arbeiten

Barockforschung, 39. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2004.

Ed zur

Peter M. Daly

Bibliography for Further Reading

The Emblem and Architecture: Studies in Applied Emblematics from the Sixteenth to Eighteenth Centuries. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 2. Ed. Peter M. Daly and Hans J. Boker. Turnhout: Brepols, 1999.

The Emblem in Renaissance and Baroque Europe: Tradition and Variety. Ed. Alison Adams and Anthony J. Harper. Leiden: Brill, 1992. Emblem Scholarship: Directions and Developments. A Tribute to Gabriel Hornstein. Ed. Peter M. Daly. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 5. Turnhout: Brepols, 2005.

Emblem Studies in Honor of Peter M. Daly. Ed. Michael Bath, Pedro F. Campa, and Daniel S. Russell. Baden-Baden: Koerner, 2002. The Emblem Tradition and the Low Countries. Ed. John Mannin g, Karel Porteman, and Marc van Vaeck. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 1B. Turnhout: Brepols, 1999. Emblematic Perceptions: Essays in Honor of William S. Hecksch er. Ed. Peter M. Daly and Daniel S. Russell. Baden-Baden: Valentin Koerner, 1997. Emblematik und Kunst der Jesuiten in Bayern: EinfluB und Wirkung. Ed. Peter M.

Daly, G. Richard Dimler, S.J., and Rita Haub. Imago Figurat a Studies, vol. 3.

Turnhout: Brepols, 2000.

Emblems and Alchemy. Ed. Alison Adams and Stanton Studies, vol. 3. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies, Emblems and Art History. Ed. Alison Adams. assisted Emblem Studies, vol. 1. Glasgow: Glasgow Emble m

J. Linden. Glasgow Emblem 1998.

by Laurence Grove. Glasgow Studies, 1996.

Emblems and the Manuscript Tradition, Including an Edition and Studies of a Newly Discovered Manuscript of Poetry by Tristan l’Hermite. Ed. Laurence Grove. Glasgow Emblem Studies, vol. 2. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies, 1997.

Emblems from Alciato to the Tattoo: Selected Papers from the Leuven International

Emblem Conference 18-23 August, 1996. Ed. Peter M. Daly, John Manning, and Marc van Vaeck. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 1C. Turnhout: Brepols, 2001. Emblems in Glasgow. Ed. Alison Adams. Glasgow: University of Glasgow French and German Publications, 1992. Emblems

of the Low

Countries: A Book Historical Perspective.

Ed.

Alison

Adams

and Marleen van der Weij. Glasgow Emblem Studie s, vol. 8. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies, 2003.

The English Emblem and the Continental Tradition. Ed. Peter M. Daly. New York: AMS Press, 1988. The European Emblem: Selected Papers from the Glasgo w Conference 11-14 August, ‘ oe

Ed.

Bernhard

F. Scholz,

Michael

Bath,

and

David

Weston.

Leiden:

Brill,

European Iconography East and West: Selected Papers from the Szeged International Conference, 9-12 June, 1993. Ed. Gy6rgy E. Sz6nyi. Brill: Leiden, 1996.

529

Florilegio de Estudios de Emblemätica. A Florilegium of Studies on Emblematics. Actas del VI Congresso Internacionale de Emblemdtica de The Society for Emblem Studies. Proceedings of the 6th International Conference of The Society for Emblem Studies. A Coruna, 2002. Ed. Sagrario Lopez Poza in collaboration with José Julio Garcia Arranz, Jesis Ureña Bracero, Sandra M.* Fernandez Vales, and Reyes Abad Castelos. A Coruña: Sociedad de Cultura Valle Inclan, 2004. The German-Language Emblem in Its European Context. Ed. Anthony J. Harper and Ingrid Hôpel. Glasgow Emblem Studies, vol. 5. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies,

1999,

An Interregnum of the Sign: The Emblematic Age in France: Essays in Honour of Daniel S. Russell. Ed. David Graham. Glasgow Emblem Studies, vol. 6. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies, 2001. Jean Terrier, Portraicts des S $ Vertus de la vierge contemplées par feue S.A.S.M. Isabelle Clere Eugenie Infante d’Espagne. Facsimile ed. with critical introduction by Cordula van Wyhe. Glasgow Emblem Studies, vol. 7. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies, 2002.

The Jesuits and the Emblem Tradition: Selected Papers of the Leuven International Emblem Conference 18-23 August, 1996. Ed. John Manning and Marc van Vaeck. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 1A. Turnhout: Brepols, 1999. Mundus emblematicus: Studies in Neo-Latin Emblem Books. Ed. Karl A.E. Enenkel,

and Arnoud S.Q. Visser. Imago Figurata Studies, vol. 4. Turnhout: Brepols, 2003.

New Directions in Emblem Studies. Ed. Amy Wygant. vol. 4. Glasgow: Glasgow Emblem Studies, 1999.

Glasgow Emblem

Studies,

Polyvalenz und Multifunktionalitàt der Emblematik. Multivalence and Multifunctionality of the Emblem. Akten des 5. Internationalen Kongresses der Society for Emblem Studies. Proceedings of the 5th International Conference of the Society for Emblem Studies. Ed. Wolfgang Harms and Dietmar Peil with Michael Waltenberger. 2 vols. Mikrokosmos, vol. 65. Frankfurt a. M.: Lang, 2002.

The Telling Image. Ed. Ayers Bagley, Edward Griffin, and Austin McLean. New York: AMS Press, 1996. Telling Images: The Ages of Life and Learning. Ed. Ayers Bagley and Alison M. Saunders. Minneapolis: Emblem Studies Group, 1996. Visual Words and Verbal Pictures: Essays in Honour of Michael Bath. Ed. Alison Saunders and Peter Davidson. Glasgow. Glasgow Emblem Studies, 2005. Word

and

Visual

Imagination.

Ed.

Karl

Josef

Héltgen,

Peter

M.

Daly,

Wolfgang Lottes. Erlangen: Universitätsbibliothek Erlangen-Nürnberg, 1988.

and

530 D.

Peter M. Daly

Bibliography for Further Reading

Digital Editions and Procedures

Kuechen,

Boot,

Marshal. “Digital Emblematica: The Scholarly Background Emblematica’ and Its New Direction.” See C 24, 185-190.

Peter. “Accessing Emblems Using XML. Project Utrecht.” See C 24, 191-197.

Digitisation

Practice

of

‘Digital

at the

Emblem

Brisaboa, Nieves R., Sagrario Lépes Poza, Miguel R. Penabad, and Angeles S. Places, “Federating Databases of Documents from Spanish Golden Age.” See C 24, 199-

213.

Daly, Peter M. Digitizing the European Emblem: Issues and Prospects. New York: AMS Press, 2002. ----.

“Digitizing the European Emblem: 49-64.

867-889.

The Library Quarterly published a series of short essays devoted to the individual devices of many English and Continental printers. From 1931 to 1975 the journal published 176 printers’ marks, and John L. Sharpe II produced an alphabetical index to them in Library Quarterly 48 (1978): 40-59. The index concludes with a useful list of studies of European printers’ devices. McKerrow, Ronald B. Printers’ and Publishers’ Devices in England and Scotland, 1640. London: The Bibliographic Society, 1949. Orgel,

Thomas D. “The Library as Publisher Emblematica.’” See C 24, 477-484.

of Its Own

1485-

Stephen Orgel. “Textual Icons: Reading Early Modern Illustrations.” In The Renaissance Computer. Ed. Neil Rhodes and Jonathon Sawday. London and New

York: Routledge, 2000, 59-94.

Issues, Problems and Prospects.” See C 24,

Peil, Dietmar. “Architectural Motifs as Significant or Decorative Elements in Emblems and Frontispieces.” See C 8, 209-229.

Grupo APES, “APES: Base de datos iconogräfica.” See C 24, 385-397. Kilton,

“Emblematische Titelblatter in naturkundlich-medizinischen Werken

des Christian Franz Paullini im Umkreis der Academia Leopoldina.” See C 31,

Bennet, Nuala A. “The Two Faces of ‘Digital Emblematica.’” See C 24, 1177-183. Billings,

Ulla-Britta.

531

Collection

and

‘Digital

Peil, Dietmar. “Nobody’s Perfect: Problems in Constructing an Emblem Database.” In

Wolkenauer,

Anja

“Druckerzeichen

und

Embleme

von

Alciato

bis

Rollenhagen.

Eine

Geschichte wechselseitiger Anregunen.” See C 31, 845-866.

“Zu schwer fiir Apoll.” Die Antike in humanistischen Druckerzeichen des 16.

——.

Jahrhunderts. Wolfenbiitteler Schriften Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2002.

Digital Collections and the Management of Knowledge: Renaissance Emblem Literature as a Case Study for the Digitization of Rare Texts and Images. Ed. Mara

zur Geschichte des Buchwesens,

vol.

35.

R. Wade. Salzburg 2004, 45-64.

F.

E.

The Emblem in Title Pages, Frontispieces, and Printers’ Devices

Bibliographic Studies: Bibliographies and Lists

Corbett, Margery, and R.W. Lightbown. The Comely Frontispiece: The Emblematic Title-

Adams, Alison, Stephen Rawles, and Alison Saunders. A Bibliography of French Emblem Books of the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. Volume 1: A-K. Geneva: Droz, 1999.

Dekoninck, Ralph.

——.

Page in England 1550-1650. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1979.

“Du frontispice emblématique au frontispice théatral dans les éditions

anversoises au tournant des XVIe et XVIIe siècles.” See C 31, 891-905.

Holtgen, Karl Josef. “Emblematic Title-Pages and Brasses.” In Aspects of the Emblem:

Studies in the English Emblem Tradition and the European Context. Kassel: Edition Reichenberger, 1986, 91-140.

———.

“Englische emblematische Kontext.” See C 7, 263-299.

Titelblätter der frühen

Neuzeit

Huisstede, Peter van, and J.P.J. Brandhorst. Dutch Printer’s Devices.

A Catalogue. 3 vols. Nieuwkoop: De Graaf Publishers, CD-ROM.)

und

ihr kultureller

15th—17th

Century.

1999. (Accompanied by a

Johnson, Alfred Forbes. A Catalogue of Engraved and Etched English Title-Pages down to the Death of William Faithorne, 1691. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1934.

ΒΕ

A Bibliography of French Emblem Books Centuries. Vol. 2: L-Z. Geneva: Droz, 2002.

of the Sixteenth

and Seventeenth

Baudrier, Henri Louis. Bibliographie lyonnaise: recherches sur les imprimeurs, libraires,

relieurs et fondeurs de lettres de Lyon au XVIe siecle. Lyons: Auguste Brun, 1895-

1921.

Black, Hester. Ed. and revised David Weston. A short title catalogue of the emblem books and related works in the Stirling Maxwell Collection of Glasgow University Library (1499-1917). Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1988. Bos, Jan, and J.A. Gruys. Cats Catalogus: De werken van Jacob Cats in de Short-title

Catalogue, Netherlands. Den Haag: Koninklijke Bibliotheek, 1996. Buchwald-Pelcowa, Paulina. Emblematy w Drukach Polskich i Polski dotyczacych XVIXVIII wieku. Bibliografia. Wroctaw: Ossolimeum, 1981.

EE

cae

ΞΕ ΞΞΞΕΞ.

532

Peter M. Daly

Bibliography for Further Reading

Campa, Pedro. “Emblemata Hispanica: Addenda et Corrigenda.” Emblematica 327-376.

11 (2001):

——.

Emblematica Hispanica. An Annotated Bibliography of Spanish Emblem Literature to the Year 1700. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1990. Cartier, Alfred. Bibliographie des Editions des de Tournes, imprimeurs lyonnais. Paris: Editions des Bibliothéques nationales de France, 1937.

533

De Vries, A.G.C. De nederlandse emblemata: Geschiedenis en bibliogr aphie tot de 18e eeuw. Amsterdam: Ten Brink & De Vries, 1899. Dimler, G. Richard, 5.1. “A Bibliographical Survey of Emblem Books Produced by Jesuit Colleges in the Early Society: Topography and Themes.” Archivu m Historicum Societatis Jesu 48 (1979): 297-309.

Cieslak,

— — — . “A Bibliographical Survey of Jesuit Emblem Authors in French Provinces (16181726): Topography and Themes.” Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu 47 (1978): 240-250.

Daly,

———.

“A Bibliographical Survey of Jesuit Emblem Territories: Topography and Themes.” Archivum (1976): 129-138,

———.

“Jesuit Emblem Books in the Belgian Provinces of the Society (1587-1710); Topography and Themes.” Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu 46 (1977): 377387.

Katarzyna. “Unbekannte Emblembiicher in der Herzog August Bibliothe k Wolfenbiittel.” Wolfenbiitteler Barock-Nachrichten 20 (1993): 90-94, Peter M. “The Bibliographic Basis of Emblem Studies.” Emblematica 8 (1994): 151-185.

———.

“The

Union

Catalogue

of

Emblem

Emblematum.” Emblematica 3 ( 1988):

Daly,

Books

121-133.

and

the

Peter M., and Andrea MacElewee. “A Selective Bibliography Emblem and Architecture.” See C 8, 247-308.

Corpus

Librorum

of Studies of the

Daly, Peter M., and G. Richard Dimler, 5.1. Jesuit Series. Part 1: A-D. Montreal: McGillQueen’s University Press, 1997.

-----

“Short Title Listing of Jesuit Emblem

Authors in German-speaking Historicum Societatis Jesu 45

Books.” Emblematica 2 (1987):

Emblem

Books at the University of Illinois: A Bibliographic Catalogue. Thomas McGeary and N. Frederick Nash. Boston: G.K. Hall, 1993. Estreicher, Karol. Bibliographia polska. Cracow, 1908.

139-187.

Compiled

by

Daly, Peter M., and G. Richard Dimler, University of Toronto Press, 2000.

5.1. The Jesuit Series.

Part 2: D-E.

Daly,

Peter M., and G. Richard Dimler, University of Toronto Press, 2002.

5.1. The Jesuit Series.

Part 3: F-L. Toronto:

Freeman, Rosemary. 1967.

Daly,

Peter M., and G. Richard Dimler, University of Toronto Press, 2005.

S.J. The Jesuit Series.

Part 4: L-P.

Toronto:

Gardy,

Daly,

Peter M., and G. Richard Dimler, 5.1. The Jesuit Series. University of Toronto Press, forthcoming.

Frédéric. Bibliographie des oeuvres theologiques, Juridiques de Théodore de Bèze. Geneva: Droz, 1960.

Part 5: P-Z. Toronto:

Green,

Henry. Andrea Alciati and His Book of Emblems: À Biographical and Bibliographical Study. London: Trübner 1872. Rprt. New York: Franklin, 1964(?).

Grove,

Laurence, and Daniel Russell. Sources. Geneva: Droz, 2000.

Harms,

Wolfgang, Gilbert Hess, and Dietmar Peil (eds.). SinnBilder Welten. Emblematische Medien in der Frühen Neuzeit. Katalog der Ausstellung in der Bayerischen Staatsbibliothek München 11. 8.-1. 10. 1999. Munich, 1999.

Toronto:

Daly, Peter M., and Mary V. Silcox. “Addenda to The English Emblem: Bibliography of

Secondary

Literature.

Munich,

Emblematica 12 (2002): 329-348.

London,

New

York:

K.G.

Saur,

1990.”

Daly, Peter M., and Mary V. Silcox. The English Emblem. Munich: Saur, 1990.

Daly,

Peter M., and Mary

V. Silcox.

Emblem. Munich: Saur, 1991.

The Modern

Critical Reception of the English

Daly, Peter M., and Mary V. Silcox. “A Short Title Listing of English Emblem Books and Emblematic Works Printed to 1900.” Emblematica 4 (1989): 333-376.

De Backer, Augustine and Aloys. Bibliotheque de la compagnie de Jésus. Nouvelle Edition par Carlos Sommervogel. 9 vols. Brussels: Oscar Schepens, 1890-1900; Paris: A. Picard, 1890-1932; Supplément par Ernest M. Riviére, S.J. Louvain: Editions de la Bibliothèque S.J., 1960.

English

Emblem

Books.

London:

Chatto &

The French Emblem.

Windus,

littéraires,

1948;

rprt.

historiques,

et

Bibliography of Secondary

Heckscher, William S., and Agnes Sherman. Emblem Books in the Princeton University Library. A Short-Title Catalogue. Princeton: Princeton University Library, 1984. Hoe, Robert. Catalogue of Books of Emblems in the Library of Robert Hoe. New York: private printing, 1908. 463 titles in 410 vols.

Kemp,

Cornelia, and Michael Schilling. “Unbekannte Emblembiicher, Addenda Bibliographien.” Wolfenbiitteler Barock-Nachrichten 5 (1978): 298-312.

Kolb, Hans Ulrich, and Dieter Sulzer. Henkel

and

Albrecht

Schône,

“Bibliographie zur Emblemforschung.” Emblemata.

Handbuch

zu den

In Arthur

zur Sinnbildkunst des XVI.

534

Bibliography for Further Reading

Peter M. Daly und XVII. Jahrhunderts. Supplement to the first edition. Stuttgart: J.B. 1976, 33-176. (2,338 bibliographic entries.)

Landwehr, John. Dutch Emblem Gumbert, 1962. —.

———.

Emblem

and

Fable

Books: A Bibliography. Books

Printed

in

the

Bibliography. Utrecht: HES Publishers 1988. Emblem Books in the Low Countries Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1970.

Utrecht: Low

1554-1949:

Haentjens

Countries

A

Dekker &

1542-1813:

Bibliography.

A

1534-

Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker

Praz,

Mario. “Bibliography of Emblem Books.” In Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery. 2nd ed. Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letteratura, 1964.

———.

Studies in Seventeenth-Century Imagery, Part II. 1. Mario Praz, Addenda et Corrigenda. 2. Hilary M.J. Sayles, Chronological List of Emblem Books. Rome: Edizioni di Storia e Letturatura, 1974.

Renouard, Philippe. Jmprimeurs & libraires parisiens du XVIe siècle: ouvrage publié d'après les manuscrits de Philippe Renouard. Paris: Travaux historiques de la Ville de Paris, 1964-. Sider, Sandra, with Barbara Obrist. Bibliography of Emblematic Manuscripts. McGill-Queen’s University Press,

Montreal:

1997.

Tung, Mason. “Towards a new Census of Alciati’s Editions.” Emblematica 4 (1989): 135176. Union Catalogue of Emblem Books: http://unbc.ca/ucat/ This database of emblematic and related publications, established by Peter Daly, is now maintained by Stan Beeler at the University of Northern British Columbia. Visser,

A.S.Q.,

with

P.G.

Hoftizer

and

B.

Westerweel.

Emblem

Books

in Leiden:

a

Catalogue of the Collections of Leiden University Library, the ‘Maatschappij der Nederlandse Letterkunde’ and Bibliotheca Thysiana. Leiden: Primavera Pers, 1999.

Voet, Leon, and Jenny Voet-Grisolle. The Plantin Press (1555-1589): A Bibliography of

the Works Printed and Published by Christopher Plantin at Antwerp and Leiden. Amsterdam: Van Hoeve, 1980-1983.

Young, Alan R. “Facsimiles, Microform Reproductions, and Modern Editions of Emblem Books.” Emblematica

Warncke,

Carsten-Peter.

Bestandverzeichnis.”

1 (1986):

109-156.

“Emblembiicher

in

der

Herzog

August

Bibliothek.

Wolfenbiitteler Barock-Nachrichten 9 (1982): 346-370.

Emblem Theory and Terms: Early Modern and Modern

Bagley, Ayers.

“English Dictionary Definitions of ‘Emblem’ and ‘Device’ from Elyot to

Johnson.” Emblematica 4 (1989):

177-199.

Balavoine, Claudie. “L’Archéologie de l’emblème littéraire: La Dédicace à Conrad Peutinger des Emblemata d’ André Alciat.” In Emblémes et Devises au Temps de la Renaissance. Ed. M.T. Jones-Davies. Paris: Jean Touzot, 1981, 9-21. Bath, Michael. “‘Emblem’ as Rhetorical Figure: John Hoskins and Thomas Blount.” See C 4, 51-61.

Utrecht:

. French, Italian, Spanish, and Portuguese Books of Devices and Emblems 1827: A Bibliography. Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert, 1976. . German Emblem Books 1531-1888: A Bibliography. & Gumbert, 1972.

G.

Metzler,

535

Ein

— . “Inserts and Suppressions: ‘Emblem.’” SeeC 11, 1-14. —

.

Seventeenth-Century

Usage

Poetic

of

the

Term

“Christopher Harvey’s School of the Heart.” See C 10, 1-23.

Campa, Pedro F. “Terms for Emblem in the Spanish Tradition.” See C 4, 13-26.

Daly, Peter M. Emblem Theory. Recent German Contributions to the Characterization of the Emblem Genre. Nendeln: Kraus-Thomson, 1979.

— — . “George Wither’s Use of Emblem Terminology.” See C 4, 27-38. . Literature in the Light of the Emblem. Structural Parallels between the Emblem and Literature in the Sixteenth and Seventeenth Centuries. 1979. 2nd ed., revised. Toronto: University of Toronto Press, 1998. Daly, Peter M., and Alan R. Young. “George Wither’s Emblems. The Role of Picture Background and Reader/Viewer.” Emblematica 14 (2005): 223-250. Drysdall, Denis L. “Occurrences of the Word Alciato.” Emblematica 14 (2005): 299-325.

__

“Préhistoire de l’emblème:

commentaires

‘Emblema’

in

Printed

Works

before

et emplois du terme avant Alciat.”

Nouvelle Revue du XVT Siècle 6 (1988): 29-44.

Fowler, Alastair. “The Emblem as a Literary Genre.” See C 6, 1-31. Heckscher, William S., and Karl-August Wirth, “Emblem, Emblembuch.” In Reallexikon zur Deutschen Kunstgeschichte. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1959, vol. 5, cols. 85-228. Heckscher, William S., and Agnes B. Sherman. Emblematic Variants: Literary Echoes of of Emblem Alciati’s Term Emblema. A Vocabulary Drawn from the Title Pages Books. New York: AMS Press, 1995. Jôns, Dietrich Walter. Das “Sinnen-Bild.” Studien zur allegorischen Bildlichkeit bei

Andreas Gryphius. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1966. Loach, Judi. “Body and Soul: A Transfer of Theological Terminology into the Aesthetic Realm.” Emblematica 12 (2002): 31-60.

the Mansueto, Donato. “The Impossible Proportion: Body and Soul in Some Theories of Impresa.” Emblematica

12 (2002): 5-29.

536

Peter M. Daly

Bibliography for Further Reading

Miedema, Hessel. “Alciato’s Emblema Once Again.” Emblem atica 7 (1993): 365-367.

———.

“The Term Emblema in Alciati.” Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 31 (1968): 234-250.

Russell, Daniel S. “The Term ‘Embléme’ in Sixteenth-Ce ntury France.” Neophilologus 69 (1975): 337-351.

Scholz,

———.

Bernhard F. “Das Emblem als Textsorte und als Genre: Uberlegungen zur Gattungsbestimmung des Emblems.” In Zur Terminologie der Literaturwissenschaft. Ed. Christian Wagenknecht. Stuttgart: J.B. Metzler, 1988. 289-308. “Didaktische

Funktion

Internationale Germanistik

———

“Emblematisches

und

Textkonstitution

13 (1981):

Abbilden

10-35.

als Notation:

im

Emblem.”

Uberlegungen

Jahrbuch

für

zur Hermeneutik

und

Semiotik des emblematischen Bildes.” Poetica 16 (1984): 61-90. Also in Modelle fiir eine semiotische Rekonstruktion der Geschi chte der Asthetik. Ed. H. Paetzold. Aachen: Rader, 1986, 35-63.

--Schône,

Albrecht. Emblematik und Drama 3rd ed. Munich: Beck, 1993.

Sulzer, Dieter.

Traktate zur Emblematik.

im Zeitalter des Barock.

Munich:

Beck,

1964

Studien zu einer Geschichte der Emblemtheorien.

Ed. Gerhard Sauder. St. Ingbert: Werner J. Rohrig Verlag,

1992. (Posthumous

publication of Sulzer’s 1977 Heidelberg disser tation.) ~——.. “Zu einer Geschichte der Emblemtheo rien.” Euphorion 64 (1970): 23-50. Wesserling, Ari. “Emblems and Proverbs: Hardi anus Junius’ Emblemata in the Light of Erasmus’ Adagia.” Forthcoming. ———. “Testing Modern Emblem Theory: The Earliest Views of the Genre (15641566). See ς

23,

3-22.

(Also

provides

the text and

notoriously difficult preface “De emblemate. ”)

translation of Sambucus’s

The following are Alciato editions referred to in different chapters of this Companion: Alciato, Andrea. 1530. D. Andreae Alciati lureconsulti clarissimi de verborum significatione libri quatuor. Eiusdem in tractatum eius argumenti veterum lureconsultorum Commentaria. Lyons, S. Gryphius. ——

Augsburg, Heinrich Steyner. (Rprt. 1532 and again, revised, in 1534.) —

of Alciati’s Emblems. Garland Reference Library of the Humanities, vol. 1067. New York: Garland, 1989,

. 1534. Andreae Alciati Emblematum libellus. Paris, Christian Wechel.

— —

. .

1536. Livret des Emblemes de maistre Andre Alciat mis en rime francoyse ... Paris, Christian Wechel. 1542. Clarissimi viri D. Andreae Alciati Emblematum libellus . . . et iam recens per Wolphgangum Hungerum rhythmis germanicis versus. Paris, Christian Wechel. 1546. Andreae Alciati Emblematum libellus . . . Venice. Sons of Aldus.

------

1547. Clarissimi viri D. Andreae Alciati Emblematum libri duo. Lyons, Jean de Tournes.

——.

1548a. Emblemata Andreae Alciati lurisconsulti clarissimi. Lyons, Guillaume Rouille. This edition and the following ones by Rouille were also published by Macé Bonhomme.

———.

1548b. Parergon iuris libri . . . In Omnia opera. Basle, M. Isingrin, 2:hh [7v]-uu [6v], cols 173-462. References are to book and chapter.

———.

1549a. Los Emblemas Guillaume Rouille.

———..

1549b. Emblemes de seigneur André Alciat, de nouveau translatez en françois vers pour vers iouxte la diction latine. Lyons, Guillaume Rouille.

,

——. ———.. —.

H.

Andrea Alciato, Pater et Princeps The following largely represent additions to the Alciato Bibliography compiled by Willi am S. Heckscher and Agnes Sherman and published as The Princeton Alciati Companion: A Glossary of Neo-Latin Words and Phrases Used by Andrea Alciati and the Emblem Book Writers of His Time, Including a Bibliography of Secondary Sources Relevant to the Study

1531. Viri clarissimi D. Andreae Alciati iurisconsultissimi Mediolanensis ad D. Chonradum Peutingerum Augustanum, iurisconsultum Emblematum _ liber.

-----

*"Libellum composui epigrammaton, cui titulum feci Emblemata’: Alciatus’s Use of the Expression Emblemata Once Again.” Emble matica 1 (1986): 212-22 τες 6.

537

1549c.

de

Alciato

traducidos

en

rimas

españolas.

Lyons,

Diverse Imprese accommodate a diverse moralita . . . tratte da gli

Emblemi dell’ Alciato. Lyons, Guillaume Rouille.

1550. Emblemata D.A. Alciati. Lyons, Guillaume Rouille. 1571. Omnia And. Alciati V.C. Divionensem. (Mignault published

Emblemata . . . per Claudium Minoem several further editions with expanded

commentaries the principal ones being those of 1573, 1577, and 1602.)

----

1573. Francisci Sancti Brocensis . . . Comment. in And. Alciati Emblemata . . . Lyons, Guillaume Rouille.

---

1584. Emblemata Andreae Alciati I.C. clariss. latino-gallica. Paris, Jean Richer.

———.,

1621.

Andreae

Alciati Emblemata

cum

commentariis

Claudii Minois,

Francisci

Sanctii Brocensis et notis Laurentii Pignorii . . . opera et vigiliis Ioannis Thuilii . . . Padua, P.P.Tozzi.

538

Peter M. Daly

Abbondanza, Roberto. 1960. Rome. 2: 69-77.

“Alciato. Andrea.”

Bibliography for Further Reading

In Dizionario biografico degli Italiani.

Adams, Alison. “Cupid and the Bees: A Transl ator’s View.” Emblematica 5 (1990): 171176. ——

———. ———.

“The Role of the Translator in SixteenthCentury Alciato Bibliothèque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 52 (1990): 369-383.

———.

Translations.”

Sixteenth

and

Seventeenth

Centuries.

Travaux

d’Humanisme

et

Renaissance.

Ed. M.T. Jones-Davies. Paris: Jean Touzo t,

1981, 9-21.

Bath, Michael.

“Alciato and the Earl of Arran.” Embl ematica

“Emblems from (1994): 359-370.

————.

Alciato

in Jacobean

Trencher

Emblematica

—

. “Some Early English Translations of Alciat o: Edward Topsell’s Beastes and Serpents.” Emblematica 11 (2001): 393-402. ———. Speaking Pictures. English Emblem Books and Renaissance Culture. London: Longman, 1994.

“Two

Early-owned

Alciato

Emblematica 2 (1987): 387-388.

Michael,

and

Malcolm

Jones.

Editions “Emblems

in

Glasgow

University

and

Trencher

Decorations:

—

Further

14-23,

Curt F. “A Letter Written by Andr ea (1961): 201-205.

“Andrea Alciato’s Palm Tree Emblem—A (1992): 219-235. .

“Andreas

Alciatus

and

Boniface

8

Alciato to Christian Wechel.” Libr ary 5

Humanist Document.”

Amerbach:

the

Chronicle

Friendship.” In Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Guelpherbytana. al. Binghamton, NY, 1988, 193-200.

In

Emblematica 6

of a

Renaissance

Ed. Stella Revard et

“A Comment on the 1531 Edition of Alciato’s Emblems.” Emblematica 6 (1992): 201-204. Element

in

the

Emblems

of

Alciato.”

—

. “An Interpretation of Four of Alciato’s Latin Emblems.” Emblematica 5 (1991): 255-270.

———.

“Proto-Emblematica in Andrea Alciati’s Oration in Praise of Civil Law (Avignon 1520).” Emblematica 4 (1989): 3-13.

~——..

“Ramifications of the Nut Tree Fable in Classical and Renaissance Literature.” In Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Turonensis. Ed. Jean-Claude Margolin. Paris: Vrin, 1980, 197-204.

~——.

“Uses of the Planudean Anthology:

Conventus

Library.”

Examples.” Emblematica 10 (1996): 205-210. Bembo, Pietro. Petri Bembi Card inalis epistolarum familiarum, libri vi . . . Venice, Gualterus Scottus, 1552. Bowen, Barbara, and David F. Brigh t. “Emblems, Elephants and Alex ander.” Studies in Philology 80 (1983): Bühler,

Prudent Cunctator and Bold Counselor.”

“Erasmus’s Adages—A Pervasive Emblematica 9 (1995): 241-256.

“Honey and Gall or: Cupid and the Bees. A Case of Iconographic Slippage.” See C 1, 59-94,

.

“Andrea Alciati’s View of Erasmus:

———..

13 (2003): 39-52.

Decorations.”

University of Toronto Press

1986, 203-210.

. “Christopher Harvey’s School of the Heart.” See C 10, 1-23.

———.

Toronto:

Acta Conventus Neo-Latini Sanctandreani. Ed. 1.D. McFarlane. Bingham ton, NY,

———.

Barni, Gian Luigi. Le lettere di Andrea Alcia to, giureconsulto. Florence, 1953.

“Andrea Alciati.” Spenser Encyclopedia. and London: Routledge, 1990, 14.

— . “Andrea Alciati of Milan, 8 May 1492 - 12 January 1550.” In Contemporaries of Erasmus. Toronto: University of Toronto Press. 1985, 1: 23-26.

“The Woodcuts of Alciati’s Death Emblems.” Emblematica 6 (1992): 391-397.

Renaissance, nos CCCXXXI and CCCLXII. Geneva: Droz, 1999 and 2002. Balavoine, Claudie. “L'Archéologie de l'emb lème littéraire: La Dédicace 4 Conrad Peutinger des Emblemata d' André Alciat.” In Emblèmes et devises au temps de la

Bath,

.

—

of the

—

—

“From Print to Manuscript: The Use of Alciato in Stirling Maxwell Manuscript SMMS.”

Adams, Alison, Stephen Rawles. and Alison Saund ers. A Bibliography of French Emblem Books

—

Callahan, Virginia Woods. “Alciato and the Precocious Student .” See C 33, 57-78. ——. “Alciato’s Cypress Tree.” See C 13, 33-41.

Neo-Latini

1985, 203-210.

Boloniensis.

Ed.

Thomas Richard

More and Andrea J.

Schoeck.

Alciati.” Acta

Binghamton,

NY,

Chomarat, Jacques. Grammaire et rhétorique chez Erasme. Paris, 1981. Contile, Luca. Ragionamento. . . . Pavia, 1574. Cummings, Robert. “Alciato’s Emblem Emblematica 10 (1996): 399-413. ~——. Daly,

41:

‘Unum

nihil,

duos

plurimum

“Alciato’s Emblemata as an Imaginary Museum.” Emblematica 281. Peter M. “Alciato’s Emblem ‘Concordiae symbolum’: Rulers?” German Life and Letters 41 (1988): 349-362.

A

posse.’”

10 (1996): 245-

Medusa’s

Mirror

for

(ce # 2

540

Peter M. Daly —.

———.

“Alciato’s ‘Spes proxima’ Emblem: Emblematica 9 (1995): 257-267.

General

Bibliography for Further Reading Allegory

or Local

Specificity?”

“The ‘Four Seasons’ Tapestries Made for Sir John Tracy of Toddington.” In The Sudeleys—Lords of Toddington. Ed. Robert Smith. London: Manorial Society of Great Britain, 1987, 169-189.

“The Intertextuality of Word and Image in Wolfgang Hunger’s German Translation of Alciato’s Emblematum liber.” In Intertextuality: German Literatur e and the Visual Arts. Ed. Ingeborg Hoesterey and Ulrich Weisstein. Columbia, SC: Camden House, 1993, 30-46. ———.

“The Sheldon ‘Four Seasons’ Tapestries at Hatfield House: A SeventeenthCentury Instance of Significant Emblematic Decoration in the English Decorativ e

Arts.” Emblematica

14 (2005): 251-296.

Daly, Peter M., and Bari Hooper. “John Harvey’s Carved MantlePiece (ca. 1570): An Early Instance of the Use of Alciato Emblems in England.” See C 1, 177-204. Rprt. Saffron Walden Historical Journal 3:6 (2003): 2-13. Drysdall, Denis L. “Classifying Alciato’s Emblems: Is There an Alternat ive to Aneau?” See C 31, 125-132.

———.

———-.

——. —

“Defence and Illustration of the German Language: Wolfgang Hunger’ s Preface to Alciati’s Emblems (Text and Translation).” Emblematica 3 (1988): 137-160.

“Devices as ‘Emblems’ before 1531.” To appear in the proceed ings of the Seventh International Conference of the Society for Emblem Studies, Urbana, 2430 July 2005.

“The

Emblems

in

Two

Unnoticed

Items

Emblematica 11 (2001): 379-391.

of

Alciato’s

Correspondence.”

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—

———.

~———.

“The Hieroglyphics at Bologna.” Emblematica 2 (1987): 225-247.

“A

Lawyer’s

Language

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Emblematica 9 (1995): 269-292.

—

——. ——. ——.

>»

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De

verborum

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Hutton, James. The Greek Anthology in France. New York. 1935. . The Greek Anthology in Italy to the year 1800. New York. 1946. Knott, Betty I. “An Emendation in Alciato Emblem 111.” Emblematica 385. ——.

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“Marginalien im Emblematum Liber von Andrea Alciato. Herzog August Bibliothek Wolfenbüttel P 572.8° Helmstedt.” See C 18. 123-135. . “Uber einen politischen Aspekt der Augsburger Erstausgabe der Embleme von

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——. ———..

~——. ~———.

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~——.

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—

—

543

~——..

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Silcox, Mary V. “‘Gleaninges out of other mens harvestes’: Alciato in Whitney’s A Choice of Emblemes.” See C 3, 161-200. Simonds, Peggy M. “Alciati’s Two Venuses as Letter and Spirit of the Law.” See C 1, 95125. Tung, Mason. “A Concordance of the Fifteen Principal Editions of Alciati.” Emblematica 1 (1986): 319-339. ———..

“A List of Flora and Fauna in Peacham’s Minerva Britanna and Alciati’s Emblemata.” Emblematica 1 (1986): 341-357.

———.

“More on the Woodcuts of Alciato’s Death Emblems.” 29-41.

-----.

“A Note on the Influence of Alciato on Aneau’s Picta Poesis.” Emblematica (2002): 413-422. . “Notes on Alciato’s Medea Emblem.” Emblematica

———.

12

12 (2002): 403-411.

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Emblematica

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Emblemes, and Peacham’s Minerva Britanna.” Emblematica 4 (1989): 315-329.

------- “Towards a New Census of Alciati’s Editions: A Research Report that Solicits Help Help from the Scholarly Community and Curators of Rare Books and Special Collections.” Emblematica 4 (1989):

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—

“An Expensive Compositorial Misreadi ng: The Reset Gathering in Hadrianu s Junius’s Emblemata, 1565.” Library 6th series, 17 (1995): 345-348. Alféldy, Maria. “Zu den frühen Illus trationen numismatischer Werke: die Emblemata des Johannes Sambucus, 1531-1584.” In Rainer Albert and Rainer Cunz. Wissen-schafisgeschichte der Numismatik. Speyer, 1995, 71-95. Ashworth, William B., Jr. “Emblematic Natural History of the Renaissance.” In N. Jardine, J.A. Secord, and E.C. Spary (eds.). Cultures of Natural History. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press , 1996, 17-37. Buck, August. “Leben und Werk des Joann es Sambucus (Zsambocky Janos).” Introduction to the facsimile reproduction of the 1564 ed. of Sambucus’s Emblemata, Budapest 1982.

Dimler, G. Richard, 5.1. “Herman Hugo’s Pia Desideria.” See C 29. 351-379. Dongen, Wim van. “The Case of the Curio us Cure. Vices and Virtues depicted in Hot Water Emblems.” See C 31, 231-254.

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———..

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—

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——.

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545

~——.

. “Ein holländischer Horaz: 225.

Florentius Schoonhovius Poemata.” See C 12. 197-

. “A Leyden Emblem Book: Florentius Schoonhovius’s Emblemata partim moralia, partim etiam civilia.” See C 9, 177-195. . “Florentius Schoonhovius’s Emblemata partim moralia, partim etiam civilia:

Text and Paratext.” See C 18, 129-147.

“Ovid-Emblematik als Scherenschnitt und Montage: Aneaus Picta Poesis in Reusners Picta Poesis Ovidiana.” In The Stone of Alciato: Literature and Visual Culture in the Low Countries. Essays in Honor of Karel Porteman. Ed. Marc van Vaeck, Hugo Brems, and Geert H.M. Claassens. Turnhout: Peeters, 2003,

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Harms, Wolfgang, and Ulla-Britta Kuechen. Afterword to facsimile rprt. of Joachim Camerarius, Symbola et Emblemata (Nuremberg, 1590-1604). 2 vols. Graz, Austria: Akademische Druck- und Verlagsanstalt, 1986 and 1988.

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. Afterword to facsimile rprt. of Johannes Sambucus, Emblemata et aliquot nummi antiqui operis. Altera editio (Antwerp: Plantin, 1656). “Emblematisches Cabinet.” Hildesheim: Georg Olms Verlag, 2002. Harper, Anthony J. “Zingref’s Emblem Book of 1619: Local and European Significance.” See C 25, 79-95. Heesakkers, Chris L. “Hadriani Iunii Medici Emblemata

———.

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. “Mathias Holtzwart. Allerhand GeheymnuBlehren durch kunstfiindige Gemäl angepracht.” In Homann’s Studien zur Emblematik des 16. Jahrhunderts. Utrecht: Haentjens Dekker & Gumbert,

———.

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Porteman,

—

Karel. Emblematic Exhibitions at the Brussels Jesuit College (1630-1685 AE

Brussels: Royal Library and Turnhout: Brepols, 1996. Introduction to Vaenius’s Amorum Emblemata. Aldershot: Scolar Press, 1996. (Comprises an introduction [21 pp.], facsimile ed., and transcr ibed texts [46 pp.].)

Rolet, Anne. “Achille Bocchi’s Symbolicae Quaestiones.” See C 29, 101-130. ———.. ““De l’explicite à l’indicdible’; jeu littéraire et discour s philosophique dans le ‘Symbolon’ 28 des Symbolicae Quaestiones d’ Achille Bocchi .” See C 18, 53-80.

—

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Les Symbolicae Quaestiones d’Achille Bocchi (1555): Recher che sur les modèles littéraires, philosophiques et spirituels d’un receuil d’emblémes à l’époque de la Réforme. 4 vols. Ph.D. Thesis University of Tours, 1998.

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Russell, Daniel 5. “Claude Mignault, Erasmus and Simon Bouquet: The Function of the Commentaries on Alciato’s Emblems.” See C 29, 17-32. Saunders, Alison. “The Influence of Ovid on a Sixtee nth-Century Emblem Book: Barthélemy Aneau’s Imagination poetique.” Nottingham French Studies 16

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----

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Its Reception in France (1659-1743).” In Organ isation of Knowledge

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Tiiskes, Gabor. “Imitation and Adaptation in Late Humanist Emblematic Poetry: Zsamboky (Sambucus) and Whitney.” Emblematica 11 (2001): 261-292. Van Vaeck, Marc. “Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Dutch Emblematic Fable Books from the Gheeraerdt’s Filiation.” Emblematica 7 (1993): 25-38. Veldman, Ilja, and Clara Klein. “The Painter and the Poet: The Nucleus Emblematum by De Passe and Rollenhagen.” See C 29, 267-299. Visser, Arnoud. Joannes Sambucus and the Learned Image: The Use of the Emblem in Late-Renaissance Humanism. Leiden: Brill, 2005. (Originally “Joannes Sambucus (1531-1584) and the Learned Image.

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Humanist Emblem Book.” Ph.D. dissertation. Leiden, 2003.)

———.

“Name-dropping and Networking. Dedications as a Social Instrument in the

Emblems of Joannes Sambucus.” See C 31, 355-368.

——.

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Werner.

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1691.” See C 18, 243-257.

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j Scholz, Bernhard F. “Emblematic Word-Image Relations in Benedictus van Haeften’s Schola cordis (Antwerp, 1629) and Christopher Harve y’s School of the Heart (London, 1647/1664).” See C 2, 149-176. | Schreiner, Sonja M. “Traditionsbildung in emblematis chen Gratulationen zu Hochzeiten im Hause Habsburg.” See C 24, 615-624. Smith, Paul J. “Arnold Freitag’s Mythologia Ethica ( 1579) and the Tradition of the Emblematic Fable.” See C 29, 173-200.

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The Jesuit Emblem

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Bibliography for Further Reading

Bauer, Barbara. Jesuitische ‘ars rhetorica’ im Zeitalter der Glaubenskämpe. Mikrokosmos, vol. 18. Frankfurt a. M.: Peter Lang, 1986.

Begheyn, Paul, S.J. “The Emblem Books of Jeremias Drexel in the Low Countries. Editions between 1622 and 1866.” See C 14, 269-288. Black, Lynette C. “Popular Devotional Emblematics: A Compar ison of Sucquet’s Le Chemin de la Vie and Hugo’s Les Pieux Desirs.” Emblematica 9 (1995): 1-20.

———.

. “The Emblematum Liber of Andreas Alciato and Jakob Masen’s Theory of the Imago Figurata.” Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu — — — — . “Emblems.”

. “Friedrich Spee und die frühe Jesuitische Emblem-Tradition. ” Friedrich Spee

. “A Geographic and Genetic Survey of Jesuit Drama in German-Speaking Territories (1555-1601).” Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu LXIII (1974): 133-146.

Choné, Paulette. “Domus optima. Un manuscrit emblématique au collège des jésuites de Verdun (1585).” See C 28, 35-68. Daly, Peter M. “Emblematic Publications by the Jesuits of the Flanders-Belgium Province to the Year 1700.” See C 28, 249-278.

See C 24, 267-274.

Dimler, G. Richard, S.J. “Arwaker’s Translation of the Pia Desideria: The Reception of a Continental Jesuit Emblem Book in SeventeenthCentury England.” See C 11, 203-225.

———. ———..

. “Herman Hugo’s Pia Desideria.” See C 29, 351-379. . “Humanism

Studies: An Overview.”

See C

—. “Imitatio, Inventio and Jesuit1 Emblem

“Emblemas,

2:1237-1238. -----

“Emblemas y retérica: ejemplos silogisticos del Principe perfecto de Andrés Mendo (1662).” In Los Dias del Alciôn Emblemas, Literature y Arte del siglo de Oro. Barcelona: Liber duplex, 2002, 171-17 8.

τς. “Emblematic Structures in Celebrations of Franci s Borgia’s Canonization.” See C 31, 521-546.

Theory.”

”

Ca 99 9 ES À See C 22, 209-222.

-. “Jakob Masen’s Imago figurata From Theory to Practice.” Emblematica 6 (1992): 283-306. . “The Jesuit Emblem in 17th Century Protestant England.” In Festschrift for

Miguel Batllori. Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu LIII (1984): 357-369.

. “The Jesuit Emblem in the 18th Century, a Taxonomical Inquiry.” See C 24, | 283-289.

11, 63-122.

Madrid: Comillos, 2001.

i

. “Jakob Masen’s Critique of the /mago Primi Saeculi.” See C 28, 279-295.

. “The Jesuit Emblem: A Bibliographical Jesus 1996. Rome, 1996, 104-105. >

. The Jesuit Emblem:

Libro de.” In Diccionario Histérico De la Compania de Jesus.

Ed. Charles O’Neill and Joaquin M. Dominguez.

See C 13, 93-109.

. Introduction to facsimile ed. of Johannes Kreihing’s Emblematica Ethico | Politica. Antwerp 1661. Imago Figurata Editions, vol. 2. Turnhout: Brepols, 1999, 7-24, and indices, 177-227.

-- “Egg as Emblem: Genesis and Structure of a Jesuit Emblem Book.” Studies in Iconography 2 (1976): 85-106. —

and the Rise of the Jesuit Emblem.”

. “The Imago Primi Saeculi: The Secular Tradition and the 17th Century Jesuit Emblem.” Thought 56 (1981): 433-448.

“The Bee-Topos in the 17th Century Jesuit Emblem Book: Themes and Contrast.” See C 9, 229-246. “Current Jesuit Emblem

Ed. John B.

zum 400 Geburtstag. Kolloquium der Friedrich Spee Gesellschaft Trier. Paderborn: Bonifatius, 1995, 151-158.

Campa, Pedro F. “The Spanish and Portuguese Adaptations of Herman Hugo’s Pia Desideria.” See C 13, 43-60.

. “A Survey of Emblematic Publications of the Jesuits of the Upper German Province to the Year 1800.” See C 14, 45-68. Dekonick, Ralph. “Ad imaginem. ” Status, fonctions et usages de l'image dans la littérature spirituell jésuite du XVIlième siècle. Geneva: Droz, 2005. — . “L’emblématique jésuite à l’épreuve de l'illustration des Exercices spirituels.”

1540-1773.

Atteberry and John Russell. Boston: Boston College, 1999, 20-24.

“Une doctrine sans estude’: Herman Hugo’s Pia Desideria as Les Pieux Desirs.” See C 28, 233-247.

—

In Ratio Studiorum: Jesuit Education,

LX VII (1998): 293-304.

A Bibliography

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24

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a .\'mn.H gs; Sinnb!/dîBl/d In — . “Jesuitenemblembiicher. Zum Forschungsstand.” Emblem-bücher der Stadtbibliothek Trier. Katalogbuch zur Ausstellung. [rier University,

1991,

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|

.

ss

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Bibliography for Further Reading

. “Literary Considerations in the Classification of the Jesuit Emblem.” Jahrbuch fiir Internationale Germanistik, Jahrgang XIV, Heft 1, 1983, 101-110. ———. “Mendo’s Principe perfecto: A Historical and Textual Analysis of Documento XX.” See C 10, 109-130. -----

“Octiduum S. Francisco Borgiae (1671): The Munich Jesuits Celebrate the

Canonization of Francis Borgia.” See C 14, 107-131. - “Rhetorical Principles in Emblems of Education in Johannes Kreihing’s

Emblematica Ethico Politica.” Archivum Histor icum Societatis Jesu LXV (1996): 129-137.

. “A Short Title Listing of Jesuit Emblem

187.

. Studies in the Jesuit Emblem.

New

Books.” Emblematica 2 (1987):

York: AMS

139-

Press, 2006.

Dimler, G. Richard, 5.1, and Peter M. Daly, “The New Edition of Hugo’s Pia Desideria in Polish and Recent Hugo Scholarship. ” Emblematica 12 (2002):

351-360.

Dequeker, Luc. “The Brussels Miraculous Sacra ment in the Emblems of Martinus De Buscher’s Index Divinorum Operum (Brugge, 1686).” See C 28, 69-86. Giordano, Michael J. “Maurice Scéve’s Délie (1544): The Impresa and the Humanization of Meditation.” See C 28, 11-23. Grove, Laurence F.R. “Jesuit Emblematics at La Fléche (Sarthe) and Their Influence upon René Descartes.” See C 28, 87-113.

. “A Note on Use and Re-Use of Jesuit Devices.” Emblematica 10 (1996): 185193.

Guiderdoni-Bruslé, Agnès. “Les formes emblématiq ues de ‘l’humanisme devot’: Une lecture du 251.

Catéchisme royal (1607) du Louis Richeome, S.J.” See C 26, 227-

Hôltgen, Karl Josef. “The Authors of Embl emata VII Artes Liberales Agalmatice Declarantia.” Society for Emblem Studies Newsletter 31 (July 2002): 8-15. - “Emblem and Meditation: Some English Emblem Books and Their Jesuit Models.” Explorations in Renaissance Culture 18 (1992): 55-91, - “The Illustrations of Louis Richeome’s La peinture spirituelle (1611) and Jesuit Iconography.” See C 24, 447-458. Houdt, Toon van. “Hieremias Drexel’s Embl em Book Orbis Phaéthon (1629): Moral Message and Strategies of Persuasion.” See C 29, 325-350. Ijsewijn, Jozef. “Emblems in Honor of a Dead Poet (Natalis Rondininus).” See C 28, 297-306.

Jankovics, J6zsef (ed.). The Sopron Collection of Jesuit stage designs. Budapest: Enciklopédia, 1999,

Kandler, Johannes. “Ignatius of Loyola and the Stone-Clashing Moment - Notes on the Light-Imagery of a Saint in Jacob Bosch’s Symbolografia.” See C 24, 467-476. Klecker, Elisabeth. “Regiae virtutis et felicitatis XII symbola (Dilling en 1636). Panegyrik und Paränese in einem Emblembuch für Ferdinand III.” See C 14, 163-180. Knapp, Eva, and Gabor Tiiskés. “Emblematische Viten von Jesuitenheiligen im 17./18. Jahrhundert.” Archiv fiir Kulturgeschichte 80 (1998): 105-142. ------ “Rhetorisches Konzept und ikonographisches Programm des Freskenzyklus in der Prunkstiege des Raaber Jesuitenkollegs.” See C 31, 949-975, ———.

“Sources for the Teaching of Emblematics in the Jesuit Colleges in Hungary .” See C 28, 115-145.

Konetny, Lubomir. ——.

“Edmund Campion, S.J., as Emblematist.” See C 28, 147-159.

“Karel Skréta und francois le Roy, S.J., oder fast eine Detektivgeschichte.” Bulletin of the National Gallery in Prague 10 (2000): 27-35.

Koneënÿ, Lubomir, and Jaromir OlSovsky. “The Seven Liberal Arts into Emblems, in Olomouc, 1597.” See C 29, 235-266. (Deals with the Emblemata VII artes liberales of Andrzef and Krzyzstof Korycinski [Andreas and Christophorus Coricynius].) Latham, James, S.J. “Text and Image in Jeremias Drexel’s Orbis Phaéthon.” See C 14,

85-105.

Lieb, Ludger. “Emblematische Experimente. Formen und Funktionen der frühen Jesuiten-Emblematik am Beispiel der Emblembiicher Jan Davids.” See C 28.

307-321.

Loach, Judi. “Jesuit Emblematics and the Opening of the School Year at the Collége Louis-le-Grand.” Emblematica 9 (1995): 133-176. —

. “Menestrier’s Emblem Theory.” Emblematica 2 (1987): 317-336.

~——.

“The Teaching of Emblematics and Other Symbolic Imagery By Jesuits Within Town Colleges in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century France.” See C 28, 161-

186.

—

.

“Why Menestrier Wrote about Emblems, and What Audience(s) He Had in Mind.” Emblematica 12 (2002): 223-281.

Manning, John. “Tres potentiae animae: The Aims and Methodology of Royal Library, Brussels MS 4040.” See C 28, 323-329.

Porteman, Karel. Emblematic Exhibitions (affixiones) at the Brussels Jesuit College (1630-1685). Turnhout: Brepols, and Brussels: Royal Library, 1996.

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———.

“The Use of the Visual in Classical Jesuit Teaching and Education.” Paedagogica Historica 36 (2000): 179-196.

Bibliography for Further Reading

555

———.

Raspa, Anthony. “The Jesuit Aesthetics of Henry Hawkins’ Partheneia Sacra.” See C 28, 25-32.

“Les Emblemes ou devise chrestiennes de Georgette de Montenay: édition de 1567.” Bibliotheque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 62 (2000): 637-639.

———.

“Manuscript Texts from Glasgow University Library SMAdd.392.” See C 27, 119-139.

Rédter, Gabriele Dorothea.

———

“New Light on the 1691 Edition of Claude-François Menestrier’s Histoire du Roy Louis le Grand.” See C 34, 1-11.

Via piae animae. Grundlagenuntersuchung zur emble-

matischen Verkniipfung von Bild und Wort in den “Pia desideria” (1624) des Herman Hugo S.J. (1588-1629). Mikrokosmos, vol. 32. Frankfurt a. M.: Peter

Lang, 1992.

Romer, Franz, and Elisabeth Klecker, “Bibel- und Antikerezeption in jesuitischer Huldigungsemblematik.” See C 24, 579-587. Saunders, Alison. “Make the Pupils Do It Themselves: Emblems, Plays and Public Performances in French Jesuit Colleges in the Seventernth Century.” See C 28,

187-206.

-----.

“Sacred, Secular or Both: Jesuit Exploitation of the Emblem in SeventeenthCentury France.” See C 24, 607-613.

Savard-Skory, Frédérique. “Les Images de tous les saints de Jacques Callot. Hagiographie emblématiques et spiritualité mariale 4 Nancy au premier tiers du

XVIF siècle.” See C 28, 207-229.

Simoni, Anna E.C. “Laurels for the Bishop: a school celebration in words and images, Antwerp, 1711.’” In Koninklijk Museum voor Schone Kunsten-Antwerpen, Jaarboek 1985, 289-308. Verberckmoes,

Johan.

“Comic Traditions in Adrianus Poirters’ Het Masker van de

Wereldt aufgetrocken.” See C 28, 341-352.

Waterschoot, Werner. “Joannes David Editing Duodecim Specula.” See C 28, 353-364. Young, Alan. “Protestant Meditation and Two 1647 English Translations of Jeremias Drexel’s Zodiacus charistianus.” See C 13, 251-268. Zäh, Helmut, “Die Welt im Ei: Georg Stengel’s Ova paschalia.” See C 14, 145-161.

K.

The Emblem in France and French-Speaking Countries

——. ———..

“The Role of the Translator in Sixteenth-Century Alciato Translations.” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 52 (1990): 369-383.

———..

“Textual Development in Corrozet’s Hecatomgraphie.” Emblematica 8 (1994): 43-59.

Adams, Alison, and Stephen Rawles, “Jean de Tournes and the Theatre des bons engins.” See C 18, 21-52. Bergal, Irene. “Discursive Strategies in Early French Emblem Books.” Emblematica 2 (1987): 273-291.

Black, Lynette C. “Popular Devotional Emblematics:

Campe, Rüdiger. “Questions of Emblematic Evidence: Phaeton’s Disaster, with Reference to Pierre Legendre’s Theory of Emblems.” See C 31, 1-24. Choné, Paulette. “L’Embléme comme théâtre de la finesse: Acteurs et personages dans les deux receuils de Jacques Callot.” Emblematica 5 (1991): 75-92.

. “Lorraine and Germany.” See C 25, 1-22. . “Pierre Woeiriot ou la pensée du simulacre.” See C 26, 171-203. Giordano, Michael J. “The Blason Anatomique and Related Fields: Emblematics, Nominalism, Mannerism, and Descriptive Anatomy as Illustrated by Maurice Scéve’s Blason de la Gorge.” See C 26, 121-148.

— — . “Glasgow University Library SMAdd.392 and the Printed Versions of Tristan l’Hermite’s Poetry.” See C 27, 141-157.

———.

Junius.” De gulden Passer 73 (1995): 37-66.

———.

“Jacques Grévin and His Translation of Sambucus’ Emblemata.” De gulden

Passer 75 (1997):

138-182.

1-20.

Burin, Elizabeth. “Pierre Sala’s Pre-Emblematic Manuscripts.” Emblematica 3 (1988): 1-30.

———.

“Jacques Grévin et sa traduction française des Emblemata d’Hardianus

A Comparison of Sucquet’s Le

Chemin de la Vie and Hugo’s Les Pieux Desirs.” Emblematica 9 (1995):

Adams, Alison, “Cupid and the Bees: A Translator’s View.” Emblematica 5 (1990): 171-176.

———.

“Reading Georgette de Montenay.” See C 26, 17-28.

“Maurice Scéve’s Délie (1544): The Impresa and the Humanization of Meditation.” See C 31, 11-23. “Maurice Scéve’s Délie: The Imprese, Mythological Periphrasis and the Style of the Individual Dizain.” Emblematica 8 (1994): 61-79.

Graham, David. “The Ape and Its Offspring in French Emblems and Fables, from La Perriére to Albert Flamen.” See C 31, 287-302. . “A Context for Albert Flamen’s Devises et Emblesmes d’Amour Moralisez.” Emblematica 13 (2003): 173-211.

ΠΥs 2

556

Peter M. Daly

Bibliography for Further Reading

———.

“Heroes, Maidens, Monsters: Dynamics of Male-Female Relationships in Sixteenth-Century French Emblem Books.” Emblematica 10 (1996): 15-40.

—.

“Pictures Speaking, Pictures Spoken to: Guillaume de la Perrière and Emblematic ‘Illustration.”” See C 43, 69-87.

———.

“Topical Political and Religious Content in French Emblem Books.” See C 26, 73-93.

Randal-Coats, Catharine. “Reading Emblematically: Text, Tapestry and Transcen dence in d’Aubigney’s Avantures du Baron de Feneste.” Emblematica 2 ( 1987): 95107. Randal-Coats, and Daniel Russell (eds.). Simon Bouquet’s Imitation et traduction de cent dix-huits emblémes d’Alciat. New York: AMS Press, 1996. Rawles, Stephen. “The Bibliographical Context of Glasgow University Library SMAdd. 392: a Preliminary Analysis.” See C 27, 105-117.

““Voiez icy en ceste histoire . . .’: Cross-Reference, Self-Reference and FrameBreaking in Some French Emblems.” Emblematica 7 (1993): 1-24.

—.

Grove, Laurence. “Discours Sur l'Art de Devises: Edition of A Previously Unidentified and Unpublished Text by Charles Perrault.” Emblematica 7 (1993): 99-144.

———.

------ Emblematics and 17th-Century French Literature. Charlottesville, VA: Rookwood Press, 2000. ——..

“Glasgow University Library SMAdd.392:

104.

An Introduction.” See C 27, 101-

------

“La Fontaine, Emblematics and the Plastic Arts: Les Amours de Psyché and Le Songe de Vaux.” See C 16, 23-39.

———.

“Reading Scève’s Délie: The Case of the Emblematic Ivy.” Emblematica 6 (1992): 1-15.

—

. “Tristan l’Hermite, Emblematics and Early Modern Reading Practices in the Light of Glasgow University Library SMAdd.392.” See C 27, 159-175.

———..

“Visual Cultures, National Visions: the Ninth Art of France.” 57.

See C 31, 43-

Guiderdoni-Bruslé, Agnès. “Les formes emblématiques de ‘l’humanisme devot’: Une lecture du Catéchisme royal (1607) du Louis Richeome,

251.

S.J.” See C 26, 227-

Hayaert, Valérie. “Pierre Coustau’s Le Pegme (1555): Emblematics and Legal Humanism.”

Emblematica

Massing, Jean Michel. Erasmian Wit and Proverbial Wisdom: An Illustrated Moral Compendium for François I. London: Warburg Institute, 1995.

———.

“A New Work by François Du Moulin and the Problem of Pre-Emblematic Traditions.” Emblematica 2 (1987): 249-271.

Mathieu-Castellani, Giséle.

“Les Emblémes du celer dans Délie.” See C 26,

1-15.

Pace, Claire. “‘La Vie des champs est la vie des héros’: Images of Landscap e and Rural Life and Gomberville’s La Doctrine des moeurs.”

See C 16, 41-68.

“Corrozet’s Hecatomgraphie: Where Did the Wooducts Come from and Where Did They Go?” Emblematica 3 (1988): 31-64. “The Earliest Editions of Guillaume de la Perriére’s Theatre des bons engins.”

Emblematica 2 (1987): 381-386.

———.

“The Full Truth about Daedalus: Denis de Harsy’s Introduction of Emblem Books to the Lyons Market.” Emblematica 7 (1993): 205-215.

———.

“Layout, Typography and Chronology in Chrétien Wechel’s Editions of Alciato.” See C 26, 49-71.

— — . “An Unrecorded Edition of Jean Lefevre’s Translation of Alciato, with New Translations of Emblems from the ‘Venice’ Collection.” Emblematica 9 (1995): 209-216. Reynolds-Cornell, Régine. Witnessing an Era: Georgette de Montenay and the Emblemes ou Devises Chrestiennes. Birmingham, AL: Summa Publications, 1987. Russell, Daniel 5. “Directions in French Emblem 129-150.

— —

14 (2005): 55-99.

Manning, John. “An Unlisted and Unrecorded Sixteenth-Century French Emblem Book: Charles Jourdain’s Le Blason des Fleurs.” Emblematica 6 (1992): 195199.

397

———.

—

Studies.” Emblematica 5 (1991):

. The Emblem and Device in France. Lexington, Kentucky: French Forum, 1985. . “Emblematic Discourse in Renaissance French Royal Entries.” Forthcoming in the proceedings of the symposium “French Royal Entries in the 16th Century: Event, Image, Text.” Smith College, 22-23 October 2004. Emblematic Structures in Renaissance French Culture. Toronto: Toronto Press, 1995.

University of

. “Emblems and the Ages of Life: Defining the Self in Early Modern France.” Emblematica

14 (2005): 23-53.

—

. “Emblems in Nineteenth-Century France: The Examples of Sainte-Beuve, Baudelaire and Pontsevrez.” Emblematica 5 (1991): 357-375.

——.

“More French Translations of Alciato’s Emblems.” 121-125.

~———.

Emblematica 5 (1991):

“The Term ‘Embléme’ in Sixteenth-Century France.” Neophilologus 69 (1975): 337-351.

se

558 —_——. —.

#

2

Bibliography for Further Reading

Peter M. Daly “Thoughts on a Newly Discovered Manuscript Version of Gomberville’s Doctrine des Moeurs (1646).” See C 27, 1-18. “Two Seventeenth-Century French Treatises on the Art of the Device.” Emblematica

——.

#

1 (1986): 79-106.

“Wives and Widows: the Emblematics of Marriage and Mourning in France at the End of the Renaissance.” See C 34, 141-160.

Saunders, Alison. “The Bifocal Emblem Book: or How Two Distinct Audiences.” See C 18, 113-133.

τ

559

“Wenceslaus Hollar, the London Book Trade, and Two Unidentified English Emblem Books.” See C 11, 151-202.

Young, Miriam. “Emblems in Eighteenth-Century French Literature. Possible Fields of Exploration.” See C 31, 211-228. Zinguer, Ilana. “Les frontispices emblématiques: intentions de Béroalde de Verville.” See C 13, 171-185.

to Make One Work Cater for

L.

The Emblem in the German-Speaking Regions

———.

“Emblematic Theory and Practice: The Case of the Sixteenth-Century French Emblem Book.” Emblematica 2 (1987): 293-315.

——..

“‘Quis, quid, ubi, quibus auxilis, cur, quomodo, quando?’ or: The Curious Case of Pierre Coustau’s Pegma.” See C 26, 29-48.

-----

The Seventeenth-Century French Emblem: A Study in Diversity. Travaux du Grand Siécle, 18. Geneva, 2000.

———..

The Sixteenth-Century French Emblem Book: A Decorative and Useful Genre. Geneva: Droz, 1988.

———..

“‘The Sun whose rays are all ablaze’: Emblematic Glorification of Louis XIV.” See C 31, 481-499,

Falkner, Silke. “Hens and Snails: Emblematic Representations of Women in Johann

“When Is It a Device and When Is It an Emblem: Theory and Practice (but Mainly the Latter) in Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century France.” Emblematica

Fowler, Ken. “Social Content in Mathias Holtzwart’s Emblematum Tyrocinia.” Emblematica 4 (1989):15-38.

———.

7 (1993): 239-257. ——. ——..

“Whose Intellectual Property? The Liber Fortunae of Jean Cousin, Imbert d’Anlèzy or Ludovic Lalanne?” See C 16, 19-62. “Word and Image: The Relationship between Figure and Text in 16th- and 17th-Century Emblems in France.” See C 24, 175-189.

Schwarz, Jerome. “Some Emblematic Marriage Topoi in the French Renaissance.” Emblematica 1 (1986): 245-266. Spica, Anne-Elisabeth. “L’emblématique catholique de dévotion en France au XVII‘ siécle: Quelques proposition de lecture.” See C 26, 205-226. Teyssandier, Bernard. “La Doctrine des moeurs, un cas limite dans l’histoire de Vembléme.”

Emblematica

12 (2002):

165-184.

Choné, Paulette. “Lorraine and Germany.” See C 18, 1-22. Conermann.

Klaus.

“Luther’s Rose: Observations on a Device in the Context of

Reformation Art and Theology.” Emblematica 2 (1987):

1-60.

Daly, Peter M. Dichtung und Emblematik bei Catharina Regina von Greiffenberg. Bonn: Bouvier, 1976.

Drysdall, Denis L. “Defence and Illustration of the German Language: Wolfgang Hunger’s Preface to Alciati’s Emblems (Text and Translation).” Emblematica 3 (1988): 137-160. Michael Dilherr’s Sermons on Matrimony.”

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12 (2002):

Harms, Wolfgang. “Einige Embleme Julius Wilhelm Zincgrefs als Basis für Hybridisierung verbaler Emblemteile.” See C 11, 123-142. —

__

“Emblemata secreta. Anonyme emblematische Verständigungen über

politische Ereignisse von 1620 bis 1630 unter pfälzisch-reformierten Autoren. SeeC 18, 193-210. Harper, Anthony J. “Zincgref s Emblem-book of 1619: Local and European Significance.” See C 24, 79-95.

Hôüpel, Ingrid. “Aktualisieriung und Assimilierung einer Manuskriptvorlage. Die

Dreiständigen Sinnbilder.” See C 24, 97-120.

——_.

Emblem und Sinnbild. Athenäum, 1987.

Vom Kunstbuch zum Erbauungsbuch. Frankfurt a. M.:

“Schottel’s View of the Relation of Proverb to Emblem Motto.” See C 4, 6373.

Tung, Mason. “A Note on the Influence of Alciato on Aneau’s Picta Poesis.”

-

Young, Alan R. “Alciato, Paradin, and John Bossewell’s Workes of Armorie (1572).” Emblematica 3 (1988): 351-376.

Jéns, Dietrich Walter. Das

———.

ns in Literary Knapp, Eva, and Gabor Tüskés. “German-Hungarian Relatio Emblematics.” See C 24, 41-60.

Emblematica

12 (2002): 413-422.

“George Wither, the Netherlands, and an Emblem of Two

177-187.

Pots.” See C 2,

185-221.

“Sinnen-Bild.” Studien zur allegorischen Bildlichkeit bei

Andreas Gryphius. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1966.

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—.

Laufhiitte, Hartmut. “Geistlich-literarische Zusammenarbeit im Dienste der ‘Deoglori.” Sigmund von Birkens Emblem-Erfindungen für die Andachtswerke der Catharina Regina von Greiffenberg.” See C 31, 581-596.

“Zincgref, Julius Wilhelm.” In Literatur Lexikon. Autoren und Werke deutscher Sprache. Ed. Walther Killy. Munich: Bertelsmann, 1988-1993, 12:501-503.

Lieb, Ludger. “Perle und Kaufmannschaft. Kollektivsymbolik in einem Dresdner Emblembuch von 1716.” See C 31, 931-948.

Schone, Albrecht. Emblematik und Drama im Zeitalter des Barock. 1964; 3rd ed. Munich: Beck, 1993.

Moamai, Marion. “Dame d’Honneur and Biedermann: The German Translation of Georgette de Montenay’s Emblemes, ou devises chrestiennes.” Emblematica 4 (1989): 39-62.

___—.

Môdersheim, Sabine. “Biblische Metaphorik in Daniel Cramers ‘80 Emblemata Moralia Nova.’” See C 23, 107-116. —

_. “Christo et Rei publicae. Martin Marstaller’s Emblematum Liber Philippi II (Stettin 1609): An Unknown Calligraphic Emblem Book Manuscript and Its Context.” Emblematica 10 (1996): 41-73.

— — . ‘Domine Doctrina Coronat’: Die geistliche Emblematik Daniel Cramers (15681637).

Mikrokosmos,

vol. 38. Frankfurt a. M.: Peter Lang,

1994.

—

— . “Duce virtute, comite fortuna. Das emblematische Programm des Goldenen Saals im Nürnberger Rathaus.” See C 7, 29-54.

—

—

“Tägliches Hertzens Opfer (Wolfenbüttel 1686): Henning Wedemanns

Emblem-tafeln zu Savonarolas Meditationen über den 51. Psalm.” 121-143.

See C 24,

Peil, Dietmar. “Emblematik zwischen Memoria und Geographie. Der Thesaurus PhiloPoliticus. Das ist: Politisches Schatzkästlein.” In Erkennen und Erinnern in Kunst und Literatur. Tübingen: Niemeyer, 1998, 351-382.

— — . “Ephemere Emblematik der Wittelsbacher in München.” In Wort trifft Text — Bild — Kunst. Embleme und Allegorien in Architektur, Graphik und Literatur. Ed. Dietmar Peil. Forthcoming.

———.

“Zur Illustrationsgeschichte von Johann Arndts ‘Vom wahren Christentum. ’ Mit einer Bibliographie.” Archiv fiir Geschichte des Buchwesens 18 (1977): cols. 963-1066.

Schilling, Michael. “‘Der rechte Teutschte Hugo.’ Deutschsprachige Ubersetzungen und Bearbeitungen der ‘Pia Desideria’ Herman Hugos SJ.” GermanischRomanische-Monatsschrift 39 (1989): 283-300. —.

“Handschrift und Druck, Anagramm und Emblem. Ein unbekanntes Emblembuch des Jakob von Bruck-Angermundt mit Stichen von Matthaeus Merian.” See C 31, 753-772.

“Hohbergs Psalter-Embleme.” Deutsche Vierteljahrsschrift 44 (1970): 655669.

Senger, M.W. “‘For now we see through a glass darkly’: On the Typology of the Emblematic Image in the German Sermon of the Seventeenth Century.” Daphnis 18 (1989): 127-144. Wade. Mara R. “Embleme der sächsisch-polnischen Union. Emblematik bei der Danziger Huldigung des Kônigs August IL. von Polen im Jahre 1698.” See C 31, 501517: “Emblems and German Protestant Court Culture: Duchess Marie Elisabeth’s Ballet in Gottorf (1650).” Emblematica 9 (1995): 45-109.

__

M.

The Emblem in Hungary

The list includes titles in English and in German only.

Bencze, Léränt.“Function oriented iconography. A case study of the Baroque refectory of the Abbey of Pannonhalma.” In European Iconography East and West: Selected E. Papers of the Szeged International Conference, 9-12 June, 1993. Ed. Gyérgy Sz6nyi. Leiden: Brill, 1995, 63-76. Fabiny,

11. Heidelberg:

Winter, 1978.

Beck,

Strasser, Gerhard F. “Ein ‘dreistandiges Sinnbild’ oder dreifaches emblematisches Hochzeitsgedicht aus der Mitte des 17. Jahrhunderts.” See C 18, 233-242.

. Zur ‘angewandten Emblematik'in protestantischen Erbauungsbiichern. Dilherr — Arndt — Francisci — Scriver. Beihefte zum Euphorion,

Munich:

Tibor

(ed.).

“Catholic

Eyes

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Protestant

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(The

Conflict of Visuality

and

Cultural Studies: Aurality in a Hermeneutical Perspective).” In Iconography in East and West. hy Papers from the International Conference European Iconograp Ed. Attila Kiss. Szeged: Jozsef Attila University, 1996, 39-49.

. Hamlet, Cordelia, and —— — . “‘The eye’ as a Metaphor in Shakespearean Tragedy tivism: Papers Edgar, Blinded Parents Seeing Children.” In Celebrating Compara

and Jozsef Pal. Offered for Gyorgy M. Vajda and Istvan Fried. Ed. Katalin Kürtôsi

Szeged: Gold Press, 1994, 461-478.

raphy and Iconology. Shakespeare and the Emblem: Studies in Renaissance Iconog in English and Papers tae: Acta Universitatis Szegediensis de Attila Jézsef nomina 1984. American Studies, 3. Szeged: Jozsef Attila University, 17th Century.” In Géméri, George. “Some Hungarian alba amicorum from the Fechner. Munich, ich Stammbiicher als kulturhistorische Quellen. Ed. Jérg-Ulr

-

1981, 97-110.

sf

562

22s

Peter M. Daly

Jankovics, Jézsef (ed.). The Enciklopédia, 1999.

Sopron

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Bibliography for Further Reading of Jesuit

Stage

Designs.

Budapest:

Knapp,

Eva, and Gabor Tiiskés. ““Abgetrocknete Thranen.’ Elemente in der Wiener Verehrung des marianischen Gnadenbildes von Pétsch im Jahre 1698.” Bayerisches Jahrbuch fiir Volkskunde (1998): 93-104.

Knapp,

Eva, and Gabor Tiiskés. Emblematics in Hungary. A Study of the History of Symbolic Representation in Renaissance and Baroque Literature. Frühe Neuzeit. 86. Tiibingen: Niemeyer, 2003.

Knapp,

Eva, and Gabor Tiiskés. “Emblematische Viten von Jesuitenheiligen im Jahrhundert.” Archiv fiir Kulturgeschichte 80 (1998): 105-142.

17./18.

Knapp, Eva, and Gabor Tiiskés. “German-Hungarian Relations in Literary Emblematics.” See C 24, 41-60. Knapp, Eva, and Gabor Tiiskés. “Rhetorisches Konzept und ikonographisches Programm des Freskenzyklus in der Prunkstiege des Raaber Jesuitenkollegs.” See C 31, 949975.

Knapp, Eva, and Gabor Tiiskés. “Sources for the Teaching of Emblematics in the Jesuit Colleges in Hungary.” See C 28, 115-145, Rézsa,

Gyérgy. “Thesenblätter mit ungarischen Hungariae 33 (1987-1988): 257-289.

Beziehungen.”

Acta

Historiae Artium

Szônyi, Gyürgy E. (ed.). European Iconography East and West: Selected Papers of the Szeged International Conference, 9-12 June, 1993. Symbola et Emblemata, 7. Leiden: Brill, 1996.

Caldwell, Dorigin. The Sixteenth-Century Italian Impresa in Theory and Practice. York: AMS Press, 2004.

Drysdall, Denis L. “The Hieroglyphs at Bologna.” Emblematica 2 ( 1987): 225-247. Greenwood, Richard. “Marquale’s Italian Version (Lyons, 1551) of Alciato’s Emblema tum Liber.” See C 18, 47-58. Gregol-Russo, Mauda. L ’impresa come ritratto del Rinascimento. Naples: Loffredo, 1990. Klein, Robert. “La Théorie de L’expression Figurée dans les Traités Italiens sur les Imprese, 1555-1612.” Bibliothèque d’Humanisme et Renaissance 19 (1957): 320342; and in La Forme et l’intelligible. Paris, 1970, 125-150. Trans. Madeline Jay and Leon Wieseltier as “The Theory of Figurative Expression in Italian Treatises on the /mpresa.” Luca,

Elena de. “Silent Meanings. Emblems, Lay Culture, and Political Awareness in Sixteenth-Century Bologna.” Emblematica 12 (2002): 61-81. Mansueto, Donato. “‘Do angels conceive symbolic imprese?’ Emanuele Tesauro on impresa and concetto.” See C 24, 493-498. -----.

“The Impossible Proportion: Body and Soul in Some Theories of the Impresa. ” Emblematica 12 (2002): 5-29.

Maranini, Anna. 2005.

Emblemi d’amore dal Petrarca ai Gesuiti. Bologna: Libreria Bonomo,

Moffatt, Constance J. “MERITO ET TEMPORE: Vigevano.” Emblematica 3 (1988): 229-262.

—

O.

“Imitation

and

Adaptation

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Humanist

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11 (2001): 261-292.

Poetry:

Zsämboky

Tüskés, Gabor, and Eva Knapp. “Towards a Corpus of the Hungarian Emblem Tradition (Literary Emblematics and Emblem-Reception in Hungary, 1564-1796).” See C 23, 190-208. N.

The Emblem in Italy

Calabritto, Monica. “Garzoni’s L’Hospedale de’ Pazzi incurabili and the Ambiguous Relation between Word and Image in Sixteenth-C entury /mprese.” Emblematica 13

(2003): 97-130.

New

— — . “Studies in Sixteenth-Century Italian Imprese.” Emblematica 11 (2001): 3-257. Cheney, Liana De Girolami. “The Imprese of the Accademia della Crusca.” See C 24, 259-266.

Tüskés, Gabor. “Cross-Cultural Texts and Pictures: The Emblematic Paradigm.” In From Academic Art to Popular Pictures: Principles of Representation, Reproduction and Transformation. Proceedings from the Sth S.1.E.F. Conference, Voss, Norway, 1995. Ed. Nils Georg Brekke. Bergen: Bergen Museum, University of Bergen, 2000, 141-169.

.

563

The Emblem

The Impresa of Lodovico Sforza At

in the Low Countries

Astington, John H. “From 315-335.

Emblem

to Polemic:

Hollar’s Emblemata Nova.” See C 12,

Bath, Michael. “Anglo-Dutch Relations in the Field of the Emblem.” See C 18, 25-46. ———. ~——.

“Vaenius Abroad: English and Scottish Reception of the Emblemata Horatiana.”

See C 2, 67-106.

“Verse Form and Pictorial Space in Van der Noot’s Theatre for Worldlings.” See

C 35, 73-1056.

Bostoen, Karl.

“Van der Noot’s Apocalyptic Visions:

See C 2, 49-61.

Do You ‘See’ What You Read?”

oS

564

Peter M. Daly

Buschhoff,

Anne.

“Zur gedanklichen

Bibliography for Further Reading

Struktur der Amoris divini emblemata

Veen (Antwerpen 1615).” See C 12, 39-76. Coelen,

Peter van der. “Emblemata ture.” See C 1, 261-278.

Daeman-de Gelder, Katrien A.L.

Bellerophon (Amersterdam,

Sacra?

“H.

Biblical

Damman

Picture

Books

and the Emblems

1614).” See C 12, 157-176.

Karl. “Ein hollandischer Horaz: 197-225.

Florentius Schoonhovius

———.

“A Leyden Emblem Book: Florentius Schoonhovius’s moralia, partim etiam civila.” See C 12, 177-195.

Fabri,

Ria. “Amor, amor divinus—anima: Emblematic Antwerp Cabinets.” See C 12, 357-388.

Geirnaert, Dirk, and Paul warachtighe fabulen

Scenes

ΕΚ. “Picturae in Words: Emblematica 8 (1994): 293-301.

———.

“Jan van der Veen’s Zinne-beelden, 259.

The

Moralia

of

Litera-

in Scotland and the Poemata.”

See C

Emblemata

12;

partim

on Seventeenth-Century

J. Smith. “The Sources of the Emblematic der dieren (1567).” See C 12, 23-38.

Grootes,

Emblem

in Dirck Pietersz Pers’s

Davidson, Peter. “Paper Gardens: Garden Ideas and Garden Poems Netherlands in the Seventeenth Century.” See C 18, 171-183. Enenkel,

and

des Otto van

Joannes

Fable

Barbonius

Book

De

(1646).”

oft Adams Appel (1642).” See C 12, 243-

—_—.

“‘Dolci ire, dolci sdegni, e dolci paci’: The Role of the Italian Collaborator in the Making of Otto Vaenius’s Amorum emblemata (1608).” See C 18, 45-61.

----

“The Dutch Emblem:

——. —

Hôpel,

Ingrid. “Emblemprogramme auf Jahrhunderts.” See C 20, 389-421.

Houdt,

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van.

“The

Governing

nordfriesischen

of the Tongue:

. “The Early Reception of Alciato in the Netherlands.” Emblematica 4 (1989): 243255.

-----

“Embellished with Emblems: About the Incorporation Genres in Dutch Literature.” See C 9, 70-82.

—

. “The Emblem as ‘Genus Jocosum’: Theory and Praxis (Jacob Cats and Roemer

Bauernschränken

Language

and

Ethics

des

—.

—.

Jansen, Jeroen. “The Emblem Theory and Audience of Jacob Cats.” See C 12, 227-242.

“Het emblem als ‘genus iocosum.’ Theorie en praktijk bij Cats en Roemer Visscher.” In De Gouden Eeuw in honderd artikelen. Ed. R. van Stipriaan. www.dbnil.nl/tekst/port004embl01. 2001. Inleiding tot Noordhoff, 1977.

de

Nederlandse

Mourits, Esther. “Emblem Books in the Library of Joannes Thysius (1622-1653).” See C 18, 95-110. Porteman, Karel. “Cats’s Concept of the Emblem and the Role of Occasional Meditation.” Emblematica 6 (1992): 65-82.

“Cornelis Plemp ‘Sells’ His Emblemata to Pieter Cornelisz Hooft.” See C 18, 93112.

emblemataliteratuur.

Groningen:

Wolters-

“La Paix douze fois représentée. Les punkten poétiques au landjuweel anversois (1561).” See C 34, 123-140.

—.,

“‘Met nieuwe Nederduytsche dichten, synde van anderen sin, vertoont’: Jacob van Zevecote en de Emblemata yan Florentius Schoonhoven.” Verslagen und Mededelingen van de Koninkliijke Academie voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde (2000): 81-94. Van Marcus Antonius Gillis (1566) tot Jacob

Cats (1618). In Wort und Bild in der niederländischen Kunst und Literatur des 16. und 17. Jahrhunderts. Ed. H. Vekeman. Erfstadt, 1984. 1-6.

Raasveld,

Paul P. “The Visualization of Imagined Music and Sound in Dutch Books of

Religious Emblems.” Emblematica 8 (1994): 321-335.

Scholz,

Mantz, D.C., S.E. Gardner, and E.M. Ramsden. “‘The Benefit of an Image, Without the Offence’: Anglo-Dutch Emblematics and Hall’s Liberation of the Lyric Soul.” See C 2, 253-276.

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Visscher).” Emblematica 8 (1994): 243-260.

— . “Nederlandse embleemliteratuur:

Lingua (1525) and Burgundia’s Linguae vitia et remedia ( 1613).” See C 12, 77-90.

——.

An Introduction.” Emblematica 8 (1994): 201-208.

“The Earliest Reception of the ‘Ars emblematica’ in Dutch: An Investigation into Preliminary Matters.” See C 22, 33-53.

Hennebry, Charles W. “Wrestling Proteus: Explication as Metaphoric Struggle in Jacob Cats’s Silenus Alcibiadis, sive Proteus.” Emblematica 13 (2003): 131-172.

Hoftijzer, Paul. “Emblem Books in Leiden.” See C 18, 79-94.

565

Bernhard F. “Alchemy, Metallurgy and Emblematics in the Works of the Seventeenth-Century Dutch ‘Bergmeester’ Goossen van Vreeswijck (1626-after

1689).” See C 13, 3-23.

— _ _.

—.

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Roemer Bakker.

566

Bibliography for Further Reading

Peter M. Daly

Smedt, Marcel de. “Emblems in an Eighteenth-Century Flemish Manuscript.” See 91-108. Smith,

Paul J. “Dispositio in the Emblematic (1567-1617).” See C 18, 149-169.

——.

“Fable and Emblem See C 12, 281-302.

——.

“Les fables emblématiques d’Etienne Perret (1578).” Emblematica 8 (1994): 221242.

--

“The Viper and the File: Metamorphoses of an Emblematic Fable (from Corrozet to Barlow).” See C 2, 63-86.

Stevenson, Jane. 161-201. Storme,

Fable

in the The Fall of Man

“The Emblem

Books

of the Gheeraerts

C 12,

Filiation

(1592) by Cornelis van Haarlem.”

Book of Margareta Godewijk

(1627-1677).”

See C 34,

Hans. “Spiritual New Year’s Gifts: Symbolic Presents and Moral Teaching in Seventeenth-Century Sermons for New Year’s Day.” Emblematica 8 (1994): 303320.

—__——.,

567

“Sixteenth- and Seventeenth-Century Dutch ‘Emblematic’ Fable Books from the Gheeraerts Filiation.” Emblematica 7 (1993): 25-38.

Veldman, Ilja M. “Love Emblems by Crispijn de Passe the Elder: Rollenhagen’s ‘Emblemata’, ‘Cupid’s Bow’, ‘Youthful Pleasures’ and Other ‘Charming and Useful’ Prints.” See C 12, 111-156.

Visser, Arnoud. 78.

“Why

Did Christopher Plantin Publish Emblem Books?” See C 18, 63-

Wade, Mara R. “Simon de Pas and Karel van Mander III at the Court of King Christian IV: The Dutch Emblem Tradition in Denmark.” See C 31, 303-313.

Waterschoot, Werner. 35-47.

“An Author’s Strategy: Jan van der Noot’s Het Theatre.” See C 2,

__

“Emblematica in Jan van der Noot’s Poeticshe Werken.” Emblematica 8 (1994): 209-219.

—

. “George Wither, the Netherlands, and an Emblem of Two Pots.” See C 2, 177187.

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Carel.

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en

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cultuur

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12, 337-353.

Thofner,

Margit.

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Veen’s Amoris Divini Emblemata.” Emblematica

Teresian

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and Otto van

12 (2002): 83-103.

——.

“Making a Chimera: Invention, Collaboration Vaenius’s Emblemata Horatiana.” See C 18, 17-44.

Vaeck,

Marc van. “Adriaen de Venne and His Use of Homonymy as a Device in the Emblematical Process of a Bimedial Genre.” Emblematica 3 (1988): 101-119.

——.

Adriaen van de Vennes Tafereel van de Belacchende Werelt (Den Haag, 1635). Prolegomena, Facsimile-editie, Studie. Three volumes. Ghent, Belgium: Koninklijke Academie voor Nederlandse Taal- en Letterkunde (Royal Academy of Dutch Language and Literature), 1994.

——.

“Moral Emblems Adorned with Rhymes: Anna Roemers Visscher’s Adaptation (1620) of Roemer Visscher’s Sinnepoppen (1614).” See C 34, 203-223.

“The

Openhertighe

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———

and

Remarkable

the

Production

Specimens

of Otto

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Heart

“Printed Emblem Picturae in Seventeenth- and Eighteenth-Century Leuven University College Notes.” Emblematica 12 (2002): 285-326.

P.

The Emblem in Poland

Buchwald-Pelcowa, Paulina. Emblematy w drukach polskich i Polski dotyczacych XVIII wieku. Bibliografia. Wroclaw, 1981.

XVI-

“Emblematyka w polskich kolegiach jezuickich.” In Artes atque humaniora: studia Stanislao Mossakowski sexagedario dicata. Warsaw, 1998, 169-179. Studia — — — . “The Typology of Polish Emblem Books in the 16th-18th Centuries.” In slavistica et humanistica in honorem Nullo Minissi. Ed. J. Opacki et al. Katowice,

—

_.

1997, 92-99.

Grosmane, Elita. “Die Illustrationen der lettischen Gesangbücher des 18. Jahrhunderts als emblematisches Phänomen.” See C31, 173-185. Mrowcewicz, Krysztof. Introduction to Teodor Lacki, Poboëne pragnienia. Warsaw, 1997.

Pelc. Janusz. Obraz - slowo - znak. Studium o emlematach w literaturze staropolskiej. Wroclaw, 1973. nia Rodzajow “Qld Polish Emblems: Introduction to the Problems.” Zagdadnie — __ Literackich 12 (1970): 21-53.

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Ojars.

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der

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katholischer Tradition.” See C 31, 187-210.

zwischen

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Bibliography for Further Reading

The Emblem in Russia

Kniga

Marsova

Nestor

Maximovitch

(ed.).

Emblemi

i Simvoli

Izbranie

. . . Emblemata

et

Symbola Selecta . . . St. Petersburg: Imperial Printers, 1788. Facsimile ed.: Hippisley, Anthony (ed.). Emblemy i Simvoli: The First Russian Emblem Book. Leiden: Brill, 1989.

—

. Izbranie Emblemi i Simvoli . . . Selecta Emblemata et Symbola . . . St. Petersburg: Imperial Typographers, 1811 [re-edition of the 1788 imprint]. Facsimile ed. with introduction, notes, commentary, and indices by A.E. Mahova. Moscow: Litrada, 2000.

Drexel, Jeremias. Eliotropon . . . Chernigov,

1714. (Unconfirmed imprint.)

. Eliotropon . . . Trans. loann Maksimovich. Dimler, Jesuit Series. Part 2, J.372.

Moscow:

Novikov,

1784. Daly and

. Eliotropon . . . Kiev, 1896. Daly and Dimler, Jesuit Series. Part 3, J.373. Emblemat Dukhovny. Ko obucheniju christjanskija very ispolnenymi slovami. s.1., 1743. See Hippisley 1992.

so

utjshitelnymi

è figurami

Gossner, Johannes. Serdce chelovecheskoe est . . . ili zilische satanij [The Heart of Man

Hugo,

Book

of Mars].

St.

Petersburg,

1713-1727.

Bound

fascicles

with

emblems and illustrations of fireworks, commemorating military triumphs, displayed during the reign of Peter the Great. The first book printed in St. Petersburg. Reported by Kroll, 162, samples of illustrations can be seen in Alekseeva, 1990.

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|The

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Saavedra Fajardo, Diego de. Zzobrazenie christiana polichestogo vlastleina simvolani obJasnennoe ot Didakoa Saavedry Faksarda, nyne ze latinskogo na dialekt russkij . . . s.1., s.a. [Amsterdam; MS trans. by Andrej Dikenson]. Reported by Kroll, 158. . Izobrazenie christiana polichestogo vlastleina simvolani . . . s.1., s.a.[MS trans. by Feofan Prokopovich 1681-1736]. Reported by Kroll, 159. Sucquet, A. Razuzdenija bogoduchovennyja, eze uklonjatisja ot zla i tvoriti blagoe . . . s.1., s.a. (c. 18th-century MS trans. of Sucquet, without illustrations).

Triumfalnaia Kniga [Book of Triumphs]. 1704. (Describes and illustrates with engravings Tsar Peter’s fireworks displays and emblems that celebrated the successful conclusion of the 1703 military campaign. See Hughes, 1998, 271. Symbola

et Emblemata . . . atque auspiciis . . . Imperatoris Moschoviae Alexeidis. . . . Amsterdam: Henricus Westenium, 1705.

. . .

Petri

the Temple of God or the Workshop of Satan]. St. Petersburg, Tschichesvki 1965, and by Kroll, 157.

1828. Reported by

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A. van Huissteen,

1787. Reported by Daly and

Symbola

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et Emblemata . . . Verzameling van uitgekorene zin-spreuken Herman van den Burg, 1743. Without the Russian text.

. . . Haarlem

———..

Blagochestivyja zelanija. . . . Selections trans. Mihail Ilinski. Moscow : A Reshetnikof, 1795. Reported by Daly and Dimler, Jesuit Series. Part 3, J. 767.

Van Haeften, Benedictus. Tsarskij put Kresta Gospodina . . . [Regia via crucis] Trans Ivan Maksimovich. Chernigov, 1709. Reported by Kroll, 157.

—

. Zelanija blagogovejnaja. [Extracts from the 1718 ed.] In Pamjatniki Literatury Drvenj Rusi XVII v. Moscow: Chudozetsvennaja literatura, 1994, 344-348.

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-----. Zelanija blagogovejnaja. Reported by Kroll, trans. Old Church Slavonic.)

157, no. 294. (MS c. 18th century

ffika leropolitika, ili Filosofija nravuchitelnaja . . . [Political Ethics attaining religious morals . . .] Ed. Athanasius Mislavskogo. copper engravings by Ivan Zubritsky; St. Petersburg, 1718; without engravings; Livov, 1760, with copper engravings by Petersburg,

1764

(not confirmed);

Vienna,

1774;

Moscow,

or the Philosophy of Kiev, 1712, with 67 St. Petersburg, 1724, Ivan Filipovitch; St. 1796.

(Tamas

ϑα]ό

with a former student in Budapest is preparing a composite edition of the /fika on

CD-ROM.)

Istomin, Karion. 1689. Kniga ljubve znak v chestem brak. Facsimile ed. Moscow,

Alekseeva, M.A. Graviura petrosvkogo vremeni. Leningrad: Iskutssvo, 1990. Campa, Pedro F. “Heraldry, Insignia and the Rise of the Russian Emblem.” See C 11, 1 39. Charipova, Liudmila V. “Latin Books and the Orthodox Church in Ruthenia: Ty Catalogues of Books Purchased by Peter Mohyla in 1632 and 1633.” Librar Transactions of the Bibliographical Society 4 (2003): 129-149.

Cracraft,

James.

Orthodoxy

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1978.

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Ed.

and

the Kiev

Robert

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In Russic

Theofanis

Stavrou. Minneapolis: University of Minneapolis Press, 1978, 44-64.

Geors

570

Bibliography for Further Reading

Peter M. Daly

———..

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———.

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Simiaon Polaski’s Early Verse.” Harvard Ukrainian Studies 16 (1982): 67-86.

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——.

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——.

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— _ . “Emblematische Literature bei den Slaven.” Archiv für das Studium der neuren Sprachen und Literaturen 201 (1965): 175-184. ——,

Wallin,

Sigurd. “Visdom i sentenser och figuren.” Svenska kulturbilder. Ny Fôljd. Ed. Sigurd Erixon and Sigurd Wallin. Vols. 3 and 4. Stockholm: Aktiebolaget Skoglunds Bokforlag, 1935.

5.

The Emblem in Spain

“Pia Desideria. Literarische Lesefrüchte.” Zeitschrift für Slavische Philologie 13 (1936): 315-319.

Wortman, Richard S. Scenarios of Power: Myth and Ceremony in Russian Monarchy. Vol. 1. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1995.

573

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Lyons,

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Ekholmen

and

Ellenius, Allan. “Bild och bildsprak Lychnos (1973-74): 160-192.

pa

Magnus

Gabriel

———.

in

Sweden

in

——.

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McKeown, Simon. “Death and a Maiden: Memorial Engravings from the Circle of Erik Dahlbergh.” Emblematica 14 (2005): 417-439.

— — . “The Emblem Paintings at Skokloster: A Philosophical Gallery from Sweden's Age of Greatness.” Emblematica 13 (2003): 213-266. —

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———.

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Emblems

in Cult Culture in Caroline

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Rangstrôm, Lena. “Bardisaner med bilder.” Livrustkammaren 13:4 (1974): 277-312.

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Books at

Nicolaisen, Lisbet Juul. “Emblemata i danske Kirker. Et bidrag til belysning af emnet.” Kirkehistoriske samlingar (1969):

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“Emblematic Thinking: The Visual Language of Schering Rosenhane.” 1648: War and Peace in Europe. Ed. Klaus Bussmann and Heinz Schilling. Vol. 1. Politics, Religion, Law & Society. Munich: Bruckmann,

——.

Bulletin for

1549.

--

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1691.

. Tercera parte del Sabio instruido de la Naturaleza. Madrid, 1700. Gômez de Castro, Alvar. Publica laetitia. Alcala de Henares, 1546.

Guzman, Francisco de. Triumphos morales. Alcala de Henares, 1565. Holbein, Hans. Retratos o tablas de las historias del Testamento Viejo. Lyons, 1543 (and its Latin original, Lyons, 1540).

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Iglesia, Nicolas de la. Flores de Miraflores: Geroglificos sagrados. Burgos, 1659. Izquierdo, Sebastian. Practica de los Exercicios Espirituales de Nuestro Padre San Ignacio. Rome, 1675; with versions in Latin, Rome, 1695; and Italian, Rome, 1695. Libro de las honras que hizo la Compania Madrid, 1603.

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Saavedra Fajardo, Diego de. Idea de un principe politico cristiano. Milan, 1642: with translations into Italian, Venice, 1648; Latin, Brussels, 1649: German, Amsterdam, 1655; French, Amsterdam, 1668; and English, London, 1700. Solérzano Pereira, Juan. Emblemata regio-politica in centuriam una redacta. Madrid, 1650; with its Spanish translation, Emblemas regio-politicos, Trans. Lorenzo Mateu y Sanz, and the manuscript edition in Portuguese, Principe perfeito, Emblemas parafrazeados em Sonetos portugueses, 1790. Soto, Hernando de. Emblemas moralizadas. Madrid.

Vaenius, Otto. Amoris divini emblemata. Antwerp, ——.

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Andrés. Principe perfecto y ministros ajustados, documentos politicos y morales. Lyons, 1662, editio optima; and its Italian translation by Prince Carlos Luis de Borbén, Rome,1816.

Montalvo, Francisco Antonio de. Noticias fiinebres de las Exequias de Maria Luisa, Reina de las Españas. Palermo, 1689. Monz6n,

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The definitive bibliography of primary works and secondary sources is Pedro F. Campa’s Emblematica Hispanica: An Annotated Bibliography of Spanish Emblem Literature to the Year 1700. Durham, NC: Duke University Press, 1990.

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Nüñez de Cepeda, Francisco. Idea de el Buen Pastor copiada por los sanctos doctores representada en empresas. Lyons, 1688, editio optima.

Orti, Marco Antonio. Siglo cuarto de la conquista de Valencia. Valencia, 1640. Ortiz, Lorenzo. Memoria, entendimiento y voluntad. Empresas que enseñan y persuaden su buen uso en lo moral y en lo politico. Seville, 1677. ———..

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Pérez, Antonio. Retrato al vivo del natural de la fortuna. Rhodanusia [Paris?], 1625.

Alcantara Ramirez, Alejandrina. “Elementos prehispänicos y europeos del criollismo, en un fragmento de literatura emblematica novohispana.” See C 24, 119-126.

Pérez de Herrera, Cristébal. Discursos del amparo de los legitimos pobres, y reducciôn de los fingidos. Madrid, 1598.

Andrés Gonzalez, Patricia. “Vicios y virtudes en las torres de la catedral de Astorga.” See C 24, 127-136.

Pérez de Herrera, Cristébal. Proverbios morales y consejos cristianos. Madrid, 1618. Remôn, Alonso. Discursos elôgicos y apologéticos. Empresas y divisas sobre san Pedro de Nolasco. Madrid, 1627.

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Rodriguez de Monforte, Pedro. Descripciôn de las honras que se Quarto. Madrid, 1666. Rojas y Ausa, Juan de. Representaciones de la verdad vestida Santa Teresa de Jestis. Madrid, 1679, editio optima.

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148.

Arnaud, Sabine. “Prise et déprise de l’impresa.” See C 24, 149-154. Azanza Lôpez, José Javier. “Lectura emblematica de dos retratos de Antonio Ricci en las agustinas recoletas de Pamplona.” See C 24, 155-165. Bernat Vistarini, Antonio and John T. Cull. See C 10, 25-50.

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Bouzy,

Christian. “L’emblématique dans le Tesoro de la Covarrubias: à la devise du cerf.” See C 18. 163-190.

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Garcia

Cacheda Barreiro, Rosa Margarita. “Emblemas, humanismo y religién. Las portadas de la Biblia Sacra de Felipe IL.” See C 24, 215-224. Campa,

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Pedro F. “The Space between Heraldry and the Emblem: See C 10, 51-82.

-----

la pintura

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de

Oro.

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XVI

v

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Marcuello. ” See

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en

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modernes?

et de Francisco

aves

la

literatura

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traités C

Philip.

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University

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__

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Maravall, José Antonio. Teatro y literatura en la sociedad barraca. Madrid: Seminarios Ediciones, 1972 (chapter, “La literatura de embiemas en el contexto de la sociedad barroca” (147-188) Minguez,

Dixon, Victor. “The Emblemas morales of Sebastian de Covarrubias and the Plays of Lope

en

ou

emblematica. los

Lôpez Poza, Sagario (ed.). Estudios sobre Literatura Embiemätica Espanola. Trabaios grupo de investigacion Literatura emblemätica hispänica (Universidade Coruna). Ferrol: Sociedad de Cultura del Vaile Inclan, 2000.

Dimler, G. Richard, S.J. “Mendo’s Principe perfecto: A Historical and Textual Analysis of Documento XX.” See C 10, 109-130.

Julian. Visiôn y simbolos Câtedra, 1987.

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Giuseppina. Contrtbuto alle studio della letteratura emblemanca 1613. Pisa: Universita di Pisa. 1970, and

Los reyes distantes. Imâgenes del poder en el México virreinal. Castellé: Publicaciones de la Universitat Jaume I, 1995. Digéguez Rodriguez, Ana. “El retrato como espacio para los Memento mori. El caso de Adrian van Cronenburgh y su obra del Museo del Prado Dama y nitia.” See C 24, 275-282.

. “La imagen del mundo. Emblemätica y contrarreforma.” See C 24, 65-77. ——. Teatro de la Memoria. Siete ensayos sobre mnemotecnia española de los siglos XVII y XVII. Salamanca: Junta de Castilla y Leon, 1989; reissued in 1996.

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Lubomir.

Lloyd-Bostock,

——.

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Cuadriello, Jaime. “Una biblia para el Nuevo Mundo: la Conquista de México y los emblemas poliglotas de Matthaeus Merian.” See C 24, 33-48. Cornelles, Victor Minguez. Emblemätica y cultura simbélica en la Valencia Barroca (jeroglificos, enigmas, divisas y laberintos). Valencia: Edicions Alfons el Magnanim, 1997.

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Konecny,

-----. “Terms for Emblem in the Spanish Tradition.” See C 4. 13-26. Chaparro Gémez, César. “Emblema, epigrama y apotegma en la Rhetorica cristiana de Diego Valadés.” See C 24, 245-257.

Fernandez Lopez, Jorge. “Retérica y emblematica en España: los emblema s 181 y 182 de Alciato y sus comentaristas.” See C 24, 347-358. Flor, Fernando R. de la. Emblemas. Lecturas de la imagen simbôlica. Madrid: Alianza Editorial, 1995.

Extremadura,

Julio.

Ferrer de Valdecebro

— “The Spanish and Portuguese Adaptations of Herman Hugo’s Pia Desideria .” See C 13, 43-60.

Fernandez, Martha. “El significado simbélico del retablo novohispano. Tres tipologias .” See C 24, 323-334.

Europa

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The Case for Spain.”

de Vega.” Emblematica 6 (1992): 83-101.

Arranz, José lustrada en

LA

576

Victor

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Olivares Zorrilla, Rocio. “Tradicién de la poesia visionaria y emblematica mistica y moral en el Primero sueño,, de Sor Juana,” See C 24, 553-55 +: Rey Sierra,

Robledo Rosa a

=

Sanchez

Ana Marfa.

Estaire,

Pereira.” “Mendo, a la sombra de Spidrzano Solérzano Pereira.”

Luis.“Gemido

del aire.

en la emblematica española

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2

Santamarina

;

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Novillo,

P

“El-: principe

La 1977 Carlos.

À

literatura “Un

nostalgia del centro,

de los Siglos de Oro.” See

without

his revisions

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C 24, 567-5

679-46oF CC 11)31. 679-690.

silencio y cosmos

y la mûsica en Juan de Nr Solérzane.” emblemérica

emblema Granados.” See C 24. 599-605 " ἈΞ κω Sebastian, Santiago. Emblemätica e Historia death

See See

o

española

Lac

de los

” SeeSee C d

siglos

PI

TA FRO 24. 589

XVI y

v

¥V

XVII.

tepaneca

whiena Cadiro nn Garri novohispan o en en οἱel Côdice Garcia

2 del

dry Catedra

À Arte.

100! 1996,

ished published

afte r his

578

Peter M. Daly

Bibliography for Further Reading

Sider, Sandra. “Luis Nunes Tinoco’s Architectural Emblematic Imagery in SeventeenthCentury Portugal: Making a Name for a Palatine Princess.” See C 16, 63-79,

|

| |

| Ϊ |

Spica,

Anne-Elisabeth.

“The

Prince’s

Mirror:

Politics

! (| |

| |

|

Symbolism

in

Luc. “Humanismo, predicaciôn y jeroglificos ‘a lo divino’ en la Monarqui a Mystica de la Iglesia de Fray Lorenzo de Zamora.” See C 24, 643-651.

Ureña

Bracero, Jestis.

“Tipologia de los comentarios

del Brocense a los Emblemas de

Viola Nevado, José Enrique. “El norte de las empresas: la repercusién de las nuevas técnicas de orientacién en la emblematica hispana.” See C 24, 661-669. ἐκ στ i è Volterrani, Silvia. “Emblems and Renaiss ance Oneiric Theory.” See C 24, 671-679. Zafra; Molina, Rafael. i ; ἰό moderna del Emblematum Liber ; “Problemas en la recepcion de

—

—

la Hoz,

Teresa.

i“

oe

Jeroglificos

;

alusivos

Neoburgo a las costas españolas.” See C 24, 697-710.

Ὡς ς

al viaje

de

ù

Maria

Bath,

Ana

de

Bagley, Ayers.

—

: Bath, Michael.

—

— —

Renaissance

Culture.

London

Jones.

“Emblems

and

Trencher

Decorations:

Further

10 (1996): 205-210.

. “The

Case

for the

1593

Edition of Thomas

Combe’s

Theater of Fine Device

ournal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 49 (1986): 255-257 Journal of the Warburg and Co in

Emblem

Research—Past

and

Present.”

Emblematica

1 (1986)

C 11, 1-60. . “George Wither’s UseUse ofof Emblem Emblem Terminology.” See. C 4, 27-38 I George Wither’s Terminology “Parad Sixteenth-Century England: An Aspect Paradin in n Sixteenth-Century Englan pe of the Reception Continental Imprese.” See C 13, 61-91.

~

“The Book

Place of the English Production.”

“The

Political

Emblem

See C 2,

Book

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Emblem

1-33.

Intertextuality

of Whitney's

Concluding

Emblem.”

See C

34,

37

49

“English Dictionary Definitions of ‘Emblem’ and ‘Device’ from Elyot to

“The

177-199.

Printing History of Philip

the Connection

&

“Joseph Thomas and John Thurston’s Religious Emblems (1809).” Emblematica 7 (1993): 201-204.

and

“England and the Emblem: The Cultural Context of English Emblem Books.” See

; ; 2 = “Anglo-Dutch Relations in the Field of the Emblem.” See C 18, 25-46. i ———. “Christopher Harvery’s School of the Heart. See C 10, 1-23. -———. “ Emblem’ as Rhetorical Figure: John Hoskins and T homas Blount.” See C 4, 51-61.

———..

Malcolm

159-174

101-126.

Johnson.” Emblematica 4 (1989):

Books

Daly, Peter M. “The Arbitrariness of George Wither’s Emblems: A Reconsideration.~ See 201-234. C 3,3, 201-234

———.

“Edward Kelly’s Hieroglyph.” See C 13, 95-108. Astington, John H. “The Illustrations to Ashrea, 1665.” See C 6, 207-224. Austen, Gillian. “‘Newyeres gyftes’: Five Emblematic Devices by George Gascoigne.”

Emblem

Borris. Kenneth, and M. Morgan Holmes. “Whitney’s Choice of Emblemes: Anglo-Dutch Politics and the Order of Ideal Repatriation.” Emblematica 8 (1994): 81-132

Abraham, Lyndy. “Arthur Dee’s Hieroglyph.” See C 6, 97-111. i ;

14 (2005):

and

Examples.” Emblematica

The Emblem ini the United i Kingdom and America

Emblematica

Michael,

“Directions

| T.

1994.

English

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en la Arte y la Literatura del Siglo de Oro. Madrid: Akal, 2000. de

Pictures:

See C 31, 987-

. “Vaenius Abroad: English and Scottish Reception of the Emblemata Horatiana.” See C 2, 67-106.

Andrea Alciato en Espafia.” See C 24, 681-695.

+ Anc Fernandez

. Speaking

Longman,

i è i Azanza (eds.). Emblemata aurea. La Emblemética Zafra Molina, ae Rafael, and José & Javier Zapata

.

— . “Quarles Goes North: Scottish Applications of the Emblemes.” 1004.

Saavedra

Torres,

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Il

and

Fajardo’s Idea de un Principe politico cristano.” Emblematica 10 (1996): 85-105. Terukina, Jorge L. “Entre emblemätica y anotacién filologica: Camerarius y Schoonhovius en el Apologético de Espinosa Medrano.” See C 24. 633-641.

579

nf

ζ

with the Low 10

4

Ayres’s Engraved Books of Love Emblem

Countries.”

Vins CHa ROE Le’ CANINE Peters, 2003, 1003-1020

?

ssavs

CERES

“What Happened to English Emblem Nineteenth Centuries?” See C 33, 227-272

Daly.

:

Daly.

In The Stone of Alciato:

OS

in Honour of Karel

SOREN

Books

During

the

Literature

Portman.

and and

Leuven

Eighteenth

and

Se «AN Be Peter M. and Mary V. Silcox. “William Marshall's Emblems (1650) Ke discovered.” English Literary Renaissance 19 (1989): 346-374 : al Receotion of the Enelish Peter M. and Mary V. Sileox. The Modern Critical Reception of the Enge Emblem

Corpus

Librorum

Emblematum

Munich:

ς; Saur,

91 1991

sss

580

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Bibliography for Further Reading

Daly, Peter M., and Paola Valeri-Tomaszuk. “Andrew Willet—England’s First Religious Emblem Writer.” Renaissance and Reformation 10 (1986): 181-200. Daly, Peter M., and Alan R. Young. “The German Diary of Johann Dehn-Rotfelser (1611): A Unique Source of Information on English Impresas.” Emblematica 1 (1986): 205. Daly, Peter M., and Alan R. Young. “George Wither’s Emblems: The Role of Picture Background and Reader/Viewer.” Emblematica 14 (2005): 223-250. Davidson, Clifford. “Repentance and the Fountain: The Transformation of Symbols in

English Emblem Books.” See C 3, 5-37,

Davidson, Peter. “Continental Shadows in Renaissance Scotland: The Opening Pagaent of the University (Leiden, 1575) and The Entertainment of the High and Mighty Monarch

Charles (Edinburgh,

Dimler, G. Richard.

1633).” See C 2, 212-226.

“Arwaker’s Translation of the Pia Desideria:

The Reception of a

Continental Jesuit Emblem Book in Seventeenth-Century England.” See C 11, 203225.

—..

“The

Jesuit

Emblem

in

17th

Century

Protestant

England.”

In Festschrift for

Miguel Batllori. Archivum Historicum Societatis Jesu LIU (1984): 357-369. Drysdall, Denis L. “Samuel Daniel and Abraham Fraunce on the Device and Emblem.” See C 3, 143-160.

the

Dundas, Judith. “De morte et amore: A Story-Telling Emblem and Its Dimensions.” See C 3, 39-70. ———.

“Imitation and Originality in Peacham’s Emblems.” See C 2, 107-121. ———. “Unriddling the Antique: Peacham’s Emblematic Art.” See C 6, 55-81. Farmer, Norman K. Poets and the Visual Arts in Renaissance England . Austin: University of Texas Press, 1984. Farnsworth, Jane. “‘An equall, and mutuall flame’: George Wither’s A Emblemes 1635 and Caroline Court Culture.” See C 6, 83-96.

———. ———.

“Robert Farley’s Kalendarium Humanae Strategies.” Emblematica 7 (1993): 79-96,

Vitae:

A

Study

Collection of

in

Emblematic

“The springing hopes of Armes and Arts’: Imprese in The King and Queenes

Entertainement at Richmond.” Emblematica

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English Emblem

Books.

10 (1996): 75-84.

London:

Chatto

&

1948;

rprt.

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Haass,

Sabine. “‘Speaking Flowers and Flowers.” See C 35, 241-267.

Floral Emblems’:

The

Holtgen, Karl Josef. Aspects of the Emblem: Studies in the English Emblem Tradition and the European Context. Kassel: Edition Reichenberger, 1986.

—

— . “Catholic Pictures versus Protestant Words? The Adaptation of Jesuit Sources in Quarles’s Emblemes.” Emblematica 9 (1995): 221-231.

———.

Victorian

Language

“Emblem

and

Meditation:

Some

English

Emblem

Books

and

Models.” Explorations in Renaissance Culture 18 (1992): 55-91.

———.

“Englische emblematische Kontext.” See C 7, 263-299.

———.

“Francis Quarles’s Emblems Perspectives.” See C 32, 1-28.7.

Titelblätter der frühen and

Neuzeit

Hieroglyphikes:

und

Their

Jesuit

ihr kultureller

Historical

and

Critical

------

“Francis Quarles’s Hieroglyphikes of the Life of Man (1638).” See C 33, 65-67.

———.

“Francis Quarles and the Low Countries.” See C 2, 123-148.

———.

“Francis Quarles’s Second Emblem Book: Hieroglyphikes of the Life of Man.” See C 35, 183-207.

———.

“Lord Compton’s Tournament Device of 1610.” Emblematica 2 (1987): 211-222.

-----

“Religious Emblems (1809) by John Thurston and Joseph Thomas and Its Links with Francis Quarles and William Blake.” Emblematica 10 (1996): 107-143.

Horden,

John. “The Christian Pilgrim, 1652, and Francis Hieroglyphikes, 1642.” Emblematica 4 (1989): 63-90.

—

. “A New Emblem 181.

Quarles’s

Emblemes

and

Manuscript by Patrick Cary (1623/24-1657).” See C 35, 147-

Katz, Wendy R. “Emblematic Form and Reading Strategy in the Emblems of Margaret Gatty.” See C 3, 235-249. ———. ———.

The Emblems of Margaret Gatty: A Study of Allegory in Nineteenth-Century Children’s Literature. New York: AMS Press, 1993. “John

Aiken’s

‘On

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——. ——.

Windus,

581

Emblems’:

The

Source

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Dialogue.”

145-155.

“‘Mark Printed on the Opposing Page’: Emblems.” Emblematica 2 (1987): 337-354.

Robert

Louis

Stevenson’s

Moral

“Miss Thoughtful’s Instructive and Entertaining Emblems: An American Emblem Book for Children.” See C 13, 111-121.

Lawson, Bruce. “The Body as a Political Construct: Oliver Cromwell’s Image in William Faithorne’s 1658 Emblematic Engraving.” See C 6, 113-138.

Linden, Stanton J. “Reading the ‘Ripley Scrolls’: Iconographic Patterns in Renaissance Alchemy.” See C 22, 236-249.

of ———.

“The Ripley Scrolls and The Compound of Alchymy.” See C 13, 73-94.

582

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Bibliography for Further Reading

Luborsky, Ruth Samson. “Further Evidence for the 1593 Edition of Combe’s Emblems: The Title Page of Robert Greene’s Arbasto.” Emblematica 8 (1994): 179-180.

—

Lukic, Averill. “Geffrey and Isabella Whitney.” Emblematica 14 (2005): 395-408.

-

Manning, John. (ed.). Abraham Fraunce Symbolicæ philosophie liber quartus et ultimus. Trans. Estelle Haan. New York: AMS Press, 1991. ———.

“Continental Emblem Books in Sixteenth-Century Sloane MS. 3794.” Emblematica 1 (1986): 1-11.

———

(ed.). The Emblems of Thomas Palmer: Two Hundred Poosees. Sloane MS 3794. New York: AMS Press, 1988.

———..

“Geffrey Whitney’s Unpublished Emblems: Continental Traditions.” See C 11, 83-107.

------

England:

The

Evidence

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Further Evidence of Indebtedness to

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and

Interpretation

of

an

Nicholson, Eirwen E.C. “English Political Prints ca. 1640-ca. 1830: The Potential for Emblematic Research and the Failures of Prints Scholarship.” See C 6, 139-165. ———. “The Oak v. the Orange Tree: Emblematizing Dynastic Union and Conflict,

1600-1796.” See C 2, 227-252.

Sarlos,

Scholz,

Beatrice. “Patriotic Emblems Books.” See C 33, 89-102.

Bernhard

F.

“Emblematic

Schola cordis (Antwerp, (London,

in Nineteenth-Century

Word-Image

Relations

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in Benedictus

van

School

Haeften’s

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238.

History

See C 11, 215-

. “The Device in Puttenham’s Arte of English Poesie.” See C 4, 39-49. ----. ““Gleaninges out of other mens harvestes’: Alciato in Whitney’s A Choice of Emblemes.” See C 3, 161-200. —

. “A Manifest Shew of all coloured Abuses’: Stephen Bateman’s A Christall Glasse of Christian Reformation as an Emblem Book.” See C 10, 211-227.

. “Three(?) Editions of Combe’s Theater of Fine Devices.” Emblematica 9 (1995): 217-219. “The Translation of La Perriére’s Le Theatre des bons engins into Combe’s The Theater of Fine Devices.” Emblematica 2 (1987): 61-94.

Simonds, Peggy Muñoz. /conographic Research in English Renaissance Literature: A Critical Guide. Garland Reference Library of the Humanities, 1344. New York and London: Garland, 1995. Tanis, James R. “Arms of the States. A Political Emblem Book by John Warner Barber.” Emblematica 11 (2001): 403-481. . “John Warner Barber and the American Emblem Tradition.” See C 31, 133-153.

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—_ _

“A List of Flora and Fauna in Peacham’s Minerva Britanna and Alciati’s Emblemata.” Emblematica \ (1986): 341-357.

—

—

. “From Natural History to Emblem: A Study of Peacham’s Use of Camerarius’s Symbola et Emblemata.” Emblematica 1 (1986): 53-76.

—

“A Note on the Additional Possible Borrowings from Paradin by Bossewell in The Workes of Armorie (1572).” Emblematica 10 (1996): 175-181.

“An Unedited and Unpublished Manuscript Translation of Herman Hugo’s Pia Desideria.” Emblematica 6 (1992): 147-179. (An English translation of the French translation by Mme de Guyon.)

Mantz, D.C., S.E. Gardner and E.M. Ramsden. “‘The Benefit of an Image, Without the Offence’: Anglo-Dutch Emblematics and Hall’s Liberation of the Lyric Soul.” See C 2, 253-276.

North,

—

583

— — — . “From Personifications to Emblems: A Study of Peacham’s Use of Ripa’s /conologia in Minerva Britanna.” See C 11, 109-150. — —_—.

“A Reference Index to Peacham’s Manuscript Emblem Books and Minerva Bri-

tanna.” Emblematica 6 (1992):

105-146.

“A Serial List of Aesopic Fables in Alciati’s Emblemata, Whitney’s A Choice of Emblemes. and Peacham’s Minerva Britanna.” Emblematica 4 (1989): 315-329.

“Thomas Jenner’s The Soules Solace (1626): A Study of Its Standing in the Development of the English Emblem Tradition.” Emblematica 14 (2005): 181-222. “Whitney’s A Choice of Emblemes Revisited: A Comparative Study of the ——. Manuscript and Printed Version.” Studies in Bibliography 29 (1976): 32-101. —

_.

Tüskés,

Gabor. “Imitation and Adaptation in Late Humanist Emblematic Zsämboky (Sambucus) and Whitney.” Emblematica 11 (2001): 261-292.

Poetry:

of Armorie

(1572).”

Westerweel, Bart. “Philip Ayres and the Love emblem Tradition.” See C 2, 189-212. Young, ς

——.

Alan R. “Alciato, Paradin, and Emblematica 3 (1988): 351-376. “The

Emblematic

John

Decoration of Queen

Emblematica 3 (1988): 65-77.

Bossewell’s

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Elizabeth ls Warship

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tica 5 (1991): 341-356.

584

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Bibliography for Further Reading

——.

The English Tournament Imprese. New York: AMS Press, 1988. ———. “Jacobean Authority and Peacham’s Manus cript Emblems.” See C 6, 33-53. ——.. “Te stante virebo’: Thomas Hardy’s ‘The Ivy Wife’ and Emblematic Tradition.” See C 35, 327-347.

—

. “Thomas Blount’s The Art of Making Devices and the Translation of Authority.” See C 4, 201-228.

----. —

—

“Wither’s Other Emblems.” ge 199,

Ziegler,

Second

Emblem

See C 13, 205-241. Book:

Divine

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Emblematica

Georgiana. “Devising a Queen: Elizabeth Stuart’s Emblematic Tradition.” Emblematica 14 (2005) : 155-179.

7 (1993):

Representation

189-

in

the

U.

The Use of the Emblem in Material Culture, Including Medals Adams, Alison. “The Murder of Osbold von Mosha rdt and the Emblematic Program of the Hofwir t, Seckau, Styria (Austria).” Emblematic a

12 (2002): 425-435.

Agosta, Lucien L. “Speaking Stones: New Engla nd Grave Carvings and the Emblematic Tradition. ” Markers 3 (1985): 47-70.

Aguya ere ,

be 99-107.

“La mitologia y la arquitectura jerezana del Renacimiento.”

See C

Andrés Gonzalez, Patricia. “Vicios y virtudes en las torres de la catedral de Astorga.” See C 24, 127-1

36.

Angelis,

Maria

Antonietta de.

“Emblems

and Devices on a Ceiling in the Chateau of Dampierre-sur-Boutonne.” Journal of the Warbu rg and Courtauld Institutes 46 (1983): 221-228.

Apted, M.R. The Painted Ceilings of Scotl and. Edinburgh: H.M.S.O., 1966. Audiat, Louis. Epigraphie santone et aunis ienne. Niort 1875; Francois Chateaux de la Renaissance. Paris: Les Beaux-arts, 1927.

Gebelin.

Le

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the Paul Mellon Foundation,

1996, 97-108.

———.

Renaissance Decorative Painting in Scotland. Edinburgh: Scotland, 2003.

———.

Speaking Pictures: English Emblem Longman, 1994.

Bath,

Michael, and Malcolm Jones. “Emblems and Examples.” Emblematica 10 (1996): 205-210.

Trencher

Bayley, ———. —

Peter C. “The Summer 102-201.

Room

Carvings.”

=

ee

Goes

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Scottish

Applications

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Emblematicica 8 See C 31, 987-

Decorations:

Further

University College Record 3 (1958):

“The Summer Room Carvings II.” University College Record 4 (1959): 252-256. . “The Summer Room Carvings III. University College Record 5 (1960): 341-346.

Beard, Charles R. “Cap-broaches of the Renaissance.” Connoisseur 104 (1939): 287-293. Bencze, Léränt. “Function Oriented Iconography: A Case Study of the Baroque Refectory of the Abbey of Pannonhalma.” See C 23, 63-76. ———.

“The Iconography of the Frescoes in the Baroque Refectory (1737) and the Classical Library (1832) of the Benedictine Archabbey of Pannonhalma (Hungary).” See C 8, 85-105.

Bitterli, Dieter. “Barockemblematik, Memento mori, und Totentanz: Die Embleme in der Beinhaus-kapelle von Ettiswil (LU).” Zeitschrift fiir Schweizerische Archäologie und Kunst-geschichte 58 (2001): 143-158. ———.

“Die emblematische

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Zeitschrift

——.

Der Bilderhimmel von Hergiswald: Der barocke Emblemzyklus der Wallfahrtskirche Unserer Lieben Frau in Hergiswald bei Luzern, seine Quellen, sein mariologisches Programm und seine Bedeutung. Basel: Wiese, 1997.

——.

“Imago Sancti Judoci: an Unknown Switzerland.” See C 34, 13-36.

Cycle

of Applied

Bühler,

Decor ation ecorat s.” ions.”

London:

Bath, Michael, and Betty Willshir. “Emblems from Quarles on Scottish Gravestones.” See C 16, 169-201.

———. ogi. “Emblems 220from

Trencher

Culture.

Bath, Michael, and Malcolm Jones. “Emblems from Thomas Combe in Wall Paintings at Bury St Edmunds.” Emblematica 10 (1996): 195-203.

Breymeyer, Reinhard. “Die geistesgeschichtlichen Quellen Wrisbergholzen.” Alt-Hildesheim 39 (1968): 43-52.

in Jacobean

National Museums of

Books and Renaissance

———. eno “Applne ied Embl aneematics in Scotland: Painted Ceili ings, 1550-0-1650.” i Emblematica ica 7

Alciato

585

Emblems

für die

in Central

Spruchfliesen

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Christian. Die Kachelôfen in Graubiinden aus dem 16.—18. Jahrhundert. Zürich, 1880.

Burroughs, Charles. “Hieroglyphs in the Street: Architectural Emblematics and the Idea of the Facade in Early Sixteenth-Century Palace Design.” See C 8, 57-82.

ER=

586

2

Peter M. Daly

Bibliography for Further Reading

Cieslak, Katarzyna. “Emblematic Programs in Seventeenth-Century Gdansk Churches in the Light of Contemporary Protestantism: An Essay and Documentation.”

Fernandez Gasalla, Leopoldo. “Arquitectura efimera y emblematica: las exequias reales en Galicia durante el reinado de Carlos II.” See C 24, 335-345.

Daly,

Peter M. “England and the Emblem: Books.” See C 11, 1-60.

Forbes, Harriette Merrifield. Gravestones of Early New England and the Men Who Made Them, 1653-1800. Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1927.

———.

“The ‘Four Seasons’ Tapestries made for Sir John Tracy of Toddington.” In The Sudeleys—Lords of Toddington. Ed. Robert Smith. London: The Manorial Society of Great Britain, 1987, 169-189.

———.

“The Sheldon ‘Four Seasons’ Tapestries At Hatfield House: A SeventeenthCentury Instance of Significant Emblematic Decoration in the English Decorative

Emblematica 9 (1995): 21-44.

Arts.” Emblematica

. with Bari Hooper,

The Cultural

Context of English Emblem

14 (2005): 251-296.

“John Harvey’s Carved

Mantle-Piece (ca.

1570):

An Early

Instance of the Use of Alciato Emblems in England.” See C 1, 177-204. Reprinted

in the Saffron Walden Historical Journal 3:6 (2003): 2-13.

Daly,

Peter M., and Mary V. Silcox. Emblem. Munich: Saur, 1991.

The Modern

Critical Reception

of the English

. “Mute Emblems and a Lost Room:

———.

Frauenfelder, Reinhard. “Vorlagen für die emblematischen Bilder am Hause zum Grofen Käfig in Schaffhausen.” Zeitschrift für schweizerische Archdologie und Kunstgeschichte 14 (1953): 103-106. Frei, Karl. “Bemalte Steckborner Keramik.” Mitteilungen der antiquarischen Gesellschaft in Ziirich 31 (1932).

Freytag,

Gardyne’s House, Dundee.”

“Paper Gardens: Garden Ideas and Garden Poems in Netherlands in the Seventeenth Century.” See C 18, 171-183.

See C 34, 51-67.

Scotland

and

the

Duer, Leslie Duer. “The Painter and the Poet: Visual Design in The Duchess of Malfi.” Emblematica | (1986): 293-316.

Judith.

“Ben

Jonson

and Van

Dyck:

A

Study

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Emblematica 7 (1993): 61-78.

Escalera Pérez,

Dolores Reyes,

and José Fernandez

Lôpez.

arzobispal de Sevilla.” See C 24, 299-312.

to 1800.

London:

Methuen,

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Ria.

“Amor,

amor

divinus—anima,

virtus:

Emblematic

Century Antwerp Cabinets.” See C 12, 357-388.

vor dem

Hintergrund

Garcia Arranz, José Julio. “Las Obras de Misericordia y la emblemätica: los azulejos de la iglesia de la Santa Casa da Misericérdia en Evora (Portugal).” See C 24, 359-370.

Graf,

Scenes

on

Seventeenth

Farmer, Norman K. Poets and the Visual Arts in Renaissance England. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1984. (Lady Drury’s painted paneled room at Hawsted Hall.)

Fritz. “Emblemata Helvetica. Zu einer Sammlung angewandter Embleme der deutschsprachigen Schweizer Kantone.” Zeitschrift fiir Schweizerische Archäologie und Kunstgeschichte 31 (1974):

145-179.

Guarino, Gabriel. “Pictorial Representations for the Neapolitan Obsequies of the Spanish Habsburgs.” See C 24, 425-430. Harms,

Wolfgang, and Hartmut Freytag (eds.). Auferliterarische Wirkungen barocker Emblembiicher. Emblematik in Ludwigsburg, Gaarz und Pommersfelden. Munich:

Fink, 1975.

“Pintura y emblematica al

servicio de los ideales de la contrarreforma. El techo del sal6n principal del palacio

Evans, Joan. English Jewelry from the Fifth Century A.D. 1962.

Gaarz

Freytag, Hartmut, and Dietmar Peil with contributions from Hartmut Freytag, Wolfgang Harms, Ludger Lieb, Diemar Peil, Michael Schilling, and Peter Strohschneider. Das Kügelgen-haus in Dresden und seine emblematische Deckendekoration. Neustadt an der Aisch: Schmidt, 2001?

Digby, George Wingfield. Elizabethan Embroidery. London: Faber & Faber, 1963.

Dundas,

Hartmut. “Die Embleme in Ludwigsburg und zeitgendssischer Emblemtheorie.” See C 5, 19-39.

Garberson, Eric. “The Relation between Decoration and Books in Early Modern Libraries: Three Examples from Germany and Austria.” See C 8, 107-122.

Davidson, Peter. “The Inscribed House.” See C 11, 41-62. —

587

Wolfgang, and Hartmut Freytag. Introduction to facsimile of the 1640 ed. of at Emblemata politica. Bern: Peter Lang, 1982. (Emblem program in the Rathaus Nuremberg.) in Harms, Wolfgang, and Hartmut Freytag. “The Investigation of Emblem Programmes Buildings: Assumptions and Tasks.” See C 8, 3-16.

Harms,

n Heckscher, William S., and Karl-August Wirth, “Emblem, Emblembuch.” In Reallexiko 194-221. cols. 5, vol. zur Deutschen Kunstgeschichte. Stuttgart: Metzler, 1959, Heinz, Dora. Europäische Wandteppiche. Braunschweig: Klinkhardt & Bierman, 1963.

Hernandez Murillo, Pedro Jorge. “Alegorfas y aparatos efimeros ee la fiesta de proclamacion de Carlos ΠῚ en la Ciudad de La Laguna (1760).” See C 24, 439446.

588

Peter M. Daly

Héltgen, Karl Josef. 121-131.

“Emblematic

Bibliography for Further Reading

Title-Pages and Brasses.”

H6pel, Ingrid. “An Emblematic Illumination of the Town

466.

In Aspects of the Emblem.

Hall in Kiel.” See C 24, 459-

—— — . “Embleme auf Môbeln des 18. Jahrhunderts im Umkreis Husums.” 209.

——.

See C 7, 173-

“Emblemprogramme auf nordfriesischen Bauernschranken des 18. Jahrhunderts.” See C 12, 389-421.

Humphreys, John. 1929.

Elizabethan

Sheldon

Tapestries.

—_—.

London:

Oxford

University

Press

589

Barocke Embleme in Vorau und anderen Stiften Osterreichs. Ein Vade-mecum für den Kunstwanderer. Graz: Chorherrenschaft Vorau; Auslieferungsstelle: Buchhandlung Styria, 1963.

——,

———. —_——. ————.

Die Bibliotheksembleme der Benediktinerabtei St. Lambrecht in Steiermark. Graz:

Imago,

1970.

Die Marienembleme Komm., 1970.

der Prunkstiege im Grazer Priesterhaus.

Graz:

Moser

SchloB Eggenberg. Das Programm für den Bildschmuck. Graz: Styria, 1970. “Unpublizierte Emblemstiicke des 1785 aufgehobenen Chorherrenstiftes von Püllau, Oststeiermark.” In Emblemata. 26. Ausstellung des Graphischen Kabinetts und der Stiftsbibliothek (Géttweig). Krems, 1977, 82-88.

Imorde, Joseph. “Gebaute Emblematik. Die Jesuitenkirche Franz Xaver in Luzern.” See C 13, 209-225.

Loach, Judi. “Architecture and Emblematics: Issues in Interpretation.” See C 16, 1-21.

Jager-Sunstenau,

Ge-

——.

Cornelia. Angewandte Emblematik in Bildprogrammen süddeutscher Barockkirchen. Kunstwissenschaftliche Studien, vol. 53. Munich: Deutscher Kunstverlag, 1981.

——.

“On Words and Walls.” See C 26, 149-170.

—_——.,

“The Seventeenth-Century Restoration of the Temple De Lyon.” See C 8, 45-56.

Hanns.

“Embleme

und

Wappen

als

Deckenschmuck.”

Wiener

schichtsblatter 27 (1972): 476-490. Kemp,

——.

“Cycles d’emblémes dans les églises de |’Allemagne du Sud au dix huitième siécle.” Figures du Baroque. Ed. Jean-Marie Benoist. Paris: Presse universitaire de France, 1983, 57-72.

———.

“Die Embleme des Klosters Wessobrunn und ihre Vorlage. Ein Beitrag zur Marien-verehrung des 18. Jahrhunderts in Siiddeutschland.” Das Münster 28

(1975): 309-319. Kendrick, A.F. 97.

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88.

347.

Albucio, Aurelio 82, 95. Alciato, Andrea 2, 3, 5, 13, 14, 16, 18,

36, 39, 46, 50, 55, 56, 57, 58, 59, 60, 61, 62, 63, 64, 65, 66, 67, 68, 69-97, 103, 113, 122, 129, 130, 131, 1327; 133 ; 139, 140, 142, 155; 156, 158, 159, 160, 177. 188, 192, 227, 228, 232, 233, 251, 259, 267, 269, 777: 280, 292 ..293, 294, 298, 313, 325. 348, 349, 350, 351. 352, 369, 374, 377, 380, 394, 401, 421, 428, 430, 440, 441, 442, 444. 462, 492.

144, 187, 237, 291, 339, 370, 422, 453,

Aldus 80, 96. Aleksei Aleksievich, Tsarevich 306. Alexander the Great 86, 121. Alexander I, Tsar 310, 314, 316. Alfa Romeo 492. Altdorf 78. Ambodick 314. Amboise, Francois d’ Amerbach, Bonifacius

Ammirato, Scipione

173. 51.

77, 78, 485.

Amoris divini et humani AMS Press 1.

Aneau, Barthélemy 65, 75, 76, 94, 95, 96, 97, 130, 131, 140, 141, 155, 156,:157, 1627 .163.-1|77,.377. Angelis, Maria Antonietta de 422. Anglicus, Bartholomaeus 440. Anne of Austria 167, 172. Anne, Queen of England 433. Anjou, René d’ 479, 483.

273, 284, 282.

Apted, M.R. 427. Apuleius, Lucius 88. Aran, Count of 174. Aresi 417. Ariel 341. Ariosto, Ludovico 253. Aristotle 88, 93, 120, 235, 303, 428, 441, 499. Arminius, Jacobus 401. Arndt, Johann 199, 200, 227, 238, 239, 332, 334, 418, 419. Artenski, Kazimierz 302. Artemidorus 85. Arundel, Earl of 395. Arwaker, Edmund 462. Augustus 257. Aunt Jemima 496. Ayres, Philip 161. Bach-Nielsen, Carsten 333. Bailly, Jacques 175, 176, 207. Balbinus (Balbin), Bohuslas 101, 105, 118, 122. Balde, Jacob 104. Ballain, Geoffrey 133. Baños de Velasco, Juan 355. Baranyi, Pal 236. Barber, John W. 375, 376, 455. Barclay 235. Bargagli, Girolamo 258.

Ἢ

2223,

618

Index

Bargagli, Scipione 78, 173, 259. Bartholomaeus Anglicus, 441. Bateman, Stephen 370. Bath, Michael 11, 44, 57, 58, 64, 371, 427, 428, 429, 509. Batory, Stephen, King of Poland 293. Baude, Henri 158. Baudoin, Jean 160. Baudrier, Henri Louis 39-40. Baur, Wilhelm 424, 425. Bayley, Peter 169, 431. Beauvau, Loys de 483. Becanus 77. Beckher, Georgius 227. Bél, Matyas 239. Belgische Vereeniging (Union Belge) 495. Belknap, Sir William 481. Bembo, Pietro 90, 91. Beniczky, Péter 245. Bernat Vistarini, Antonio 14. Beroaldo, Filippo 88. Berry, Duke of 113. Berthod, François

Bess of Hardwick

169.

431, 446, 447.

Bèze (Beza), Théodore de

37, 76, 129.

131, 134, 135, 138, 139, 140, 142, 143, 144. Bible, Anglican Bishops’ 398. Bible, Geneva 399. Bible, King James, or Authorized Version 396, 398. Bible, Vulgate 331. Bidermann, Ernst 104. Bielke, Nils 338. Biezanowski, Stanistaw Josef 293, 302. Bildziukiewicz, H. 289. Binet, Etienne 166, 167, 169, 172, 236. Biralli, Simone 259. Birch, Jonathan 373. Bitterli, Dieter 416, 429. Black, Hester 38. Blaeu, W. J. 272, 278.

619 Blount, Thomas 379, 469, 470. BMW 492. Bocatius (Bock), Janos 240. Boccaccio 394.

Bocchi, Achille 73, 75, 76, 77, 78, 129, 131,457, 228.232. 259. 302. Bod, Péter 246. Boel, Cornelius 293, 397. Bohomolec, Franciszek 303.

Boij, Anton von Boileau

Bunyan, John

157, 159, 188.

Boissiére, M. de 174. Bolswert, Boétius 4 116, 238, 283, 294. Bômer, Anton 113. Bonhomme, Macé 40, 96, 141, 156,

157. 163, 351. Borja, Francisco de 347. Borja, Juan de 77, 78, 332, 332, 350, 353, 401, 422. Bornitz, 424. Bos, Jan 37. Bosch (Boschius), Jakob (Jacobius)

106,

214, 423. Bosse, Abraham 402. Boston Amateur Athletic Association

(BAA)

495, 496. 440, 441.

Bottens, Fulgentius 165. Boudard, Jean-Baptiste 179, 316. Bouhours, Dominique 13, 109, 112, 122, 173, 178, 426. Bourseis, 174. Bovio, Carlo 106, 115. Bowers, Fredson 27, 28. Boxhorn, Marcus Zuerius 329. Bravo-Villasante, C. 348, 355. Brecht, Berthold 18.

Brepols 1. Breu, Jorg 188. Brill 1.

Brozas, Francisco Sanchez de las

96, 97, 351.

92,

298, 299.

375, 384, 385.

Bureus, Johannes

171.

Bossewell, John

Bry, Theodore de 159, 188. Buchanan, Hugh 2, 490. Buchwald-Pelcowa, Paulina Buhler, Christian 430.

337, 338.

Boissard, Jean-Jacques

Bruc, René de 163. Bruck, Jakob von 160, 422. Brune, J. de 274, 281. Brunner, Andreas 113.

327.

Burg, van den 313. Burgundy, Duke of 113. Burier, Andreas 144. Burton, Robert 403.

Bussy-Rabutin Caesar

172.

Charles VI, Emperor

121.

Calcagnini 75. Caldwell, Dorigen 247. Callot, Jacques 163, 164, 202. Calvin 280. Calvo, Francesco 63, 79, 80, 92. Camden, William 257, 379. Camerarius, Joachim 56, 64, 77, 78,

129, 131, 132, 313,:329,330,:339; 421, 422, 424, 427, 430, 463, 465, 499, 500. Camilli, Camilo 77, 78, 424. Campa, Pedro F. 17, 35, 348, 349. Campe, Riidiger 56, 57, 417. Capocci, Pietro 78, 482. Capuchin, Father 299, 300. Cartari, Vicenzo 394. Cartier, Alfred 39. Cassagnes, 174, 176, Castiglione, Baldassare 251. Catherine II, the Great 314, 315, 316. Cats, Jacob 37, 272, 273, 274, 279, 280, 281, 283, 284, 297, 313, 339, 424. Catullus 131. Caussin, Nicolas Cecil, David 7.

Cecil, Robert, First Earl of Salisbury 7, 434. Cellini, Benvenuto 254. Cepeda, Francisco Nüñez de 122, 360. Chaeremon 87. Chaize, Pere de la 108. Chapelain, Jean 174, 176. Charles, Count of Angoulême 10. Charles, Prince 397. Charles the Bold 479. Charles I, King of England 399, 400, 401, 438, 473, 474. Charles II, King of England 404, 462. Charles V, Emperor 83, 86, 95, 121, 257, 291.

105,

110, 228.

113, 242.

Charles VII 253. Charles XI, King of Sweden 330, 336, 357. Charpentier, François 171, 176. Charvys, Philipp 117. Chesneau, Augustin 168. Child’s Bank (London)

497.

Chmielowski, Benedykt 304. Christian IV, King of Denmark 325, 326, 336. Christian, Prince of Denmark 325. Christina, Queen of Sweden

323, 324,

328: 329331: Cicero 71. Cittolini 75. Clement, M. 173. Clifford, George, Earl of Cumberland 7, 252, 435, 481. Coca-Cola 491, 492. Cochin, C.-N. 179. Colbert, 174, 176. Colet 393. Collier, Edward 436, 437, 449. Colonna, Francesco 61, 254, 349. Collona, Vittoria 471, 472. Combe, Thomas 70, 71, 429, 444.

Companhia de Seguros (Lisbon) 495.

Index

620

onermarnn,

Klaus

onstantin,

Antoine

onti

154

Derekay,

392

ontile, Luca 77, 74, 256, 25%, ontzen, Adam 94, 104, 110 openhagen

orbett,

Castle

Margery

orneille, ornarius

orrozet,

J.-B,

ostalius,

192,

Pierre

‘ramer,

32%

175

328,

57, 64, 292,

354, Daniel

155,

156,

499

110 74, 75,

355,

155

Juan de 353, 354 Sebastiän de 160,

422,

194,

76, 77,

499

195,

330,

331,

432, 341, 425, 441, 481 ‘ramoisy, Sebastien 164 ranach, 395 romwell, Oliver 401, 404 ‘hAky, Imre 241 ‘saky, Istvan 232 ‘ull, John T, 14 ‘uller, John 58, ‘unard, William 496 ‘yneas 121

Samuel

378,

331,

194,

195,

196,

334.

Dimler, G. Richard, S.J. 17, 34, 89, 99, 10% Diogenes 71 Dolce, Lodovico 485. Dolivar, Juan 163. Domaniewski, Jésef 294, Domenichi, Lodovico 257, 399, 439, 485, Donati, Geronimo 253, Donne, John 450. Douvier, Louis 174, Drexel, Jeremias 13, 59, 101, 104, 106, 109, 110, 112, 200, 237, 245, 246, 314, 322.

William

Drysdall, Denis

379

Diiffel, Dürer, d'Este d’Este, d'Urté,

96,

348,

Dehn-Rotfelser, Johann Georg

440,

Improvement of Youth

Endter

68, 72.

13, 112, 195,

240, 353, 426. Enenkel, Karl A.E. 44. Erasmus 54, 70, 88, 93, 357.

Esdaile, Katherine A,

452.

Esterhazy, Pal Antal 242, Estienne, Henri, Sieur de Fossez 173, 379, 469. Estienne, Robert III

384. Farmer, Norman

Feketa, Gyérgy

173.

Edward IV, King of England

479, 483.

Effner, Josef 212.

Eggenberg, Johann Anton von

422.

Ehrenstrahl, David Klécker 330. Eimmert, Georg Christoph 333. Ekblad, C.P. 341

113, 241.

373, 374, 383, 427.

232.

Ferdinand II, Emperor

110, 113

234. Ferdinand ΠῚ 113. Ferdinand Albrecht, Duke

Ferguson, Stephen,

13, 54,

14.

K., Jr.

Félibien, André 207. Ferdinand I 231.

479, 482,

|

158, 267, 349,

Erath, Augustinus 214. Ernst August, Duke of BraunschweigLüneburg 113.

Farley (Farlei), Robert

Early English Books 15. Edward ΠῚ, King of England

395,

197.

Engelgrave, Henricus

Faber du Faur, Curt von Faerno 78, 375. Faludi, Ferenc 245.

442, 446.

6, 7,

251, 398, 423, 431, 433, 435, 437, 439, 442, 443, 446, 448, 450, 451, 479, 481, 503. Ellenius, Allan 327, 340. Elstrack, Ronald 399. Emblematische Gemiits-Vergniigung 214, 426, 430. Emblems of Entertainment and

Eugen, Prince of Savoy

Peter von 73, Albrecht 420. 254, Isabella 258, Honoré 172.

483,

151

443, 486

330,

Drummond,

Dantyszek, Jan 87, 291 David, Jan 96, 106, 164 Davidson, Peter 2, 489 Day, John 395 Daza Pinciano, Bernardino

238

Drottningholm Palace 330, Drouet de Maupertuy 178. Drurey, Sir Robert 427.

Dahlbergh, Charlotta Juliana 336, Dahlbergh, Erik 336 Daly, Peter M, 17, 34, 68, 99, 108, 430 Dan, Pierre 171 Daniel,

15%,

477

ovarrubias Horozco, ovarrubias Horozco, 349,

Gyérgy

Diaz-Plaja 347 Diderot 17% Diehl, Huston 14 Diest, Gillis van 26% Dilherr, Johann Michael

392

Petrus

oton, Pierre oustau,

326,

259

#3

Gilles

164,

Elizabeth 1, Queen of England

Dekker, Thomas 396 Demoulin, François 158

13

621

Index

421.

38.

Fernandez de Heredia, Juan F. Ferne, John 458, 459. Ferretti, Emilio 83, 84.

Ferro, Giovanni 259. Feyerabend, Sigmund 66, 70, 96, 130, 141, 142, 143. Ficino, Marsilio 88. Fidelity-Phenix Fire Insurance Company 494. Firley, Henryk 301. Fischart, Johann 72, 74, 75, 188. Flamen, Albert 77, 163, 175, 424. Fleetwood, George 473. Flor, F. Rodriguez de la 352. Flower, Lt. Co. Benjamin 463. Fontenelle 175. Ford Motor Company 491, 492. Foucet 170. Fowler, Ken

74.

Francisci, Erasmus 201. François I, King of France 10, 83, 171, 254, 422, 484. François d'Angoulême 158. Franck, Sebastian 51. Franklin, Benjamin 463, 464, 465, 466, 468, 469. Frederick II, King of Denmark 326. Fredericksborg Castle 332. Fredro, Andrzej Maksymilian 246, 298, 299, 303, 304, 329. Freeman, Rosemary 14, 19, 35, 43, 44, 46, 49, 55, 56, 57, 64, 452, 489. Frei, Karl 430. Friedrich, Andreas 159, 160. Friedrich V, of the Palatinate 189. Frobe 80. Fiirst, Paulus 191. G., H. 380. Gap, The 500. Gadsden, Christopher

469.

Galle, Cornelis 165, 296. Gallner, Bonifacius 200. Garau, Fransisco 112, 359, 360.

Gardie, Magnus Gabriel De la 329, 330, 331.

PARA, EE NN

622

Index

Gardy, Frédéric 37. Gattinara, Cardinal Mercurino Gatty, Margaret 385, 497.

85, 291.

Gauden, John 401. Gawiñski, Jan 298. Gazeau, Guillaume 156, 159.

Geer III, Louis de 340. General Insurance Company of Ireland 493. Gerhard, Johann 227, 239, 245, 246. Geyn II, J. de 283. Gheerharts, Marcus 434. Gheyn, J. de 268. Gillis, M. A. 280. Gilmont, Jean-François 27, 41. Giovio, Paolo 13, 49, 62, 63, 73, 75, 78, 107, 115, 119, 157, 174, 228, 255, 256, 274, 278, 301, 378, 380, 394, 439, 441, 467, 471, 472, 479, 481, 483, 485. Glasgow University 1, 17. Golitsin, Prince 315. Gomberville, Le Roy de 177, 178. Gonzaga 252, 253, 253. Gonzaga, Ercole 254 Gossner 316, 341. Goulart, Simon 159. Gracian, Baltasar

361. Gravelot 179. Greek Anthology 157, 395. Green, Henry

113, 349, 356, 357,

Guevera, Antonio de 229. Gustavus, Charles 323, Gustavus ΠῚ 340. Guthmiiller, B. 140.

Guyon, Mme 176. Gyalogi, Janos 243. Guzman,

H.G.

Francisco de

68, 70, 78, 91, 129, 16, 36, 37, 43, 59, 97,

Reinhold

18.

Grotius, H. 268. Gruys, J.A. 37. Gryphius Andreas 54, 402. Guazzo, Stefano 259. Guéroult, Guillaume

155, 163.

348, 349.

380

Haeften, Benedikt (Benedictus) van 12,

200, 295, 296, 303, 314, 332, 341, 373. Hajnal, Matyas 236, 246. Hall, Edward

486.

Hall, Joseph

373.

Hals, Anna-Stina 325. Halvorson, Samuel 338. Harrison, John 398.

Harms, Wolfgang

44, 65, 72, 411, 413,

425. Harold, King of England 457. Harsdürffer, Georg Philipp 49, 53, 54, 196, 227, 328, 426. Harsy, Denys de 156. Hartop, Sir Edward 471, 472. Harvey, Gabriel 11. Harvey, John 11, 430, 431. Harvey, Christopher

Haydocke, Richard

423. Greflinger, Georg 189. Greg, Walter 25, 27, 28. Grévin, L. 268. Grimm,

Index

Hawkins,

Henry

341, 375.

395, 455. 13, 165, 372.

Heckscher, William 5. 17, 38, 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 57, 58, 63, 72, 411, 423, 489. Hedwig Eleonora, Dowager Queen of

Sweden

330.

Heere, Lucas D’ 65. Heesekkers, Chris 50, 129,

133.

Heinsius, Daniel 268, 269, 270, 271, 274, 309, 329, 424. Held, Jeremias

69, 70, 73, 96,

Helmer, Johann Rudolf Helwig, Jan Jerzy

296.

Henebry, Charles

482.

192.

188.

Henkel, Arthur 14, 47, 130, 140, 416. 423, 491. Henri II, King of France 422. Henri Ill, King of France 449. Henri IV, King of France 110, 159, Henry VII, King of England 484, Henry VIII, King of England 442, 443, 479, 481, 484. Henry, Prince, son of James, King of England

380, 397.

Hentzner, Paul 443, 484. Herbert, George 49. Heredia, Juan F. Fernandez de 361. Herodotus 137. Herold 75. Herre, Lucas D’ 58, Herzog, Roman 503. Herzog August Bibliothek, Wolfenbiittel, Germany 17. Hessen-Kassel, Otto, Landgraf of 486. Hevenesi, Gabor 234, 235, 236, 246. Heywood,

Thomas

437, 438, 452.

Hieron, Tyrant of Sicily 121. Hilfiger, Tommy 491, 500. Hilliard, Nicolas 7, 252, 433, 435, 481. Hiñcza, Marcin 295, 296, 303. Hippisley, Anthony R. 314. Hobbes, Thomas 404, 403, 404. Hoftijzer, Paul B. 38. Hohberg, Freiherr von 198, 199. Holbein, Hans, the Younger 204. Holmes, William 375, 376, 454. Holsteyn, Pieter 328. Hôltgen, Karl Josef 455. Holtzwart, Mathias 56, 58, 64, 66, 73, 75, 188, 189. Homann, Holger 44, 51, 74. Homer 75, 93. Hooft, P.C. 271. Hooper, Bari 430. Hopkins, Commodore Esek 468, 469. Hôpel, Ingrid 421. Horace 76, 130, 131, 144, 178.

623 Horapollo 83, 87, 135, 157, 158, 343, 361, 427. Horsens Friary Church (Jutland) 332. 333. Howard, Philip 447. Hozjusz, Stanistaw 294. Hugo, Herman 12, 106, 109, 112, 115, 175, 178, 179, 201, 238, 245, 274, 298, 303, 314, 332, 374, 418. Huldberg, P.A. 341. Hunger, Wolfgang 5, 68, 69, 96. Hurtado y Palencia 343. Huszti, Istvan 239. Hutner, Johann Baptist 238. Huys, Peter 65. Hyckes, Francis 73, 443, 444. IDC 16. Ignatius, St. of Loyola 12, 99, 100, 101, 105, 107, 114, 115, 172, 236, 360, 3572. Illéshazy, Jozsef 242. Illinois University 18 Imago Primi Saeculi 100, 105, 107, 109, 114, 115. Inczédi, Jézsef 239. Innocent II, Pope 477. Isackson, Richard 437. Isidore (Isidorus) of Seville

121, 440.

Isogæus, Simon 336. Isselburg, Peter 206, 207, 329, 420, 424. Istomin, Karion 306. Izquierdo, Sebastian 360. Jager, Joseph 235. Jaguar Cars 492. James I, King of England 398, 399, 400, 479. Janicjuz (Janicius) 293. Janot, Denys 155. Jantz, Harold 15. Jarry, Nicholas 207.

380, 396,

624 Jean d'Angoulême 10. Jenner, Thomas 371, 372. Jerome, St. 331. Jesuit. See Society of Jesus. Jobin, Bernhard 188. Jodelle, Etienne 485. Johann Friedrich, Duke of Braunschweig 113. Johann Georg III, King of Saxony 209. Johannes, der Beständige

Kampen, Gerard Jansen van

133.

56.

Kendrick, A.F. 444, 450. Kemp, Cornelia 414, 415, 429. Kerver, Jacques 158. Khuen, Josef Cajetan 212, 213. Kieser, Eberhard 190. Kircher, Athanasius 122.

Klein, Naomi 491, 500. Knittel, Caspar 118, 122.

Knyvet, Sir Thomas 481. Kobyliñski, Krzysztof 292. Kochanowski, Jan 292, 293, 294, 297. Kochanowski, Mikotaj 293. Kochowski, Wespazjan Kohary, Istvan 245. Kohler, Johannes

430.

L’ Abbey, Pierre Labia, Carol

119.

195.

Lacan, Jacques

56.

La Chaise, Pere de 110. Lacki, Aleksander 298, 303. Lackner, Krist6f 229, 230, 233, 245.

Lacko Chapel

331.

Lacoste 500. La Feuille, Daniel de 214, 312. La Fontaine 171. Lallerstedt, Anders 340. Lambrechtz, Arendt 327. Lamormaini 110. Landerer 228.

Landwehr, John 33, 35, 187, 272. Lapczyñski, Antoni Chryzanty 302, 303. La Perriére, Guillaume de 39, 56, 64, TOR TENTE, ISIZ ASA 55 156, 158, 375, 422, 429, 444. La Rue, Charles de 113. La Serre, Siere de 443.

Klecker, Elisabeth 74. Klein, Calvin 492, 500.

Kochanowski, Samuel

Kolb, Johann Christoph 202. Koldinghus Castle 326. Koon, Faith Tay Suan 459. Korotz, Gyürgi Szepsi 225. Kraus, Johann Ulrich 208, 209, 339. Kreihing, Johannes 116, 117, 121. Kruus, Johann Jaspersson 329. Krzycki 293. Kuechen, Britta-Ulla 65, 72.

486.

Jones, R.O. 343. Jôns, Dietrich Walter 43, 44, 46, 47, 52, 53, 54, 55, 56, 57, 58, 429. Jonson, Ben 398, 442. Joseph, Emperor 209. Jourdain, Margaret 451. Jouvency, Joseph 103, 105, 112, 113. Junius, Hadrianus 36, 50, 64, 71, 72, 73; 74, 75;, 16,78, 129, 131,132: 133, 134, 135, 136, 137, 139, 142, 144, 267, 268, 375, 424, 472, 499, 500.

Kantorowicz, Ernst

625

Index

294.

298.

Laud, Archbishop 401. Lassenius (Lassen), Johannes Lavad Chapel 327. Laval, Jeanne de 483. Leach, Mark Carter 116.

Lebey, Denis de 429. Le Brun, Charles

171, 207.

Leclerk, Sébastien

208.

Le centre de l'Amour

Ledda, G.

62.

348.

Ledesma, Alonso de

360.

334.

Lee, Sir Henry 434. Lefèvre, Jean 96, 156. Legendre, Pierre 56, 57. Leicester, Robert, Earl of 76, 378. Leiden University 18. Leigh, Gerard 458, 459. Le Jay, Claude 102, 112, 122, 177. Le Moyne, Pierre 102, 105, 113, 122, 163, 170, 173. Lenoncourt, Philippe de 483. Leopold, Archduke of Austria 113. Leopold, Crown Prince 243. Leopold, Emperor 111, 231, 242. Lesky, Grete 415, 417, 422, 423, 425, 429. Lightbown, Ronald 394. Lille, Alan of 52. Lily 395. Lidkôping Chapel 331. Lipsius, Justus 189, 235, 356. Livy 93. Loach, Judi 170, 175, 413. Loccenius, Johannes 327. Lochowski, Stanislaw 296. Lomazzo, Giovanni Paolo 396. Lépez, Diego 351. Lopez de Zarrata 254. Lôpez Poza, Sagrario 348, 356. Lorea, Antonio de 361. Louis, Margrave of Magdeburg 237. Louis XI, King of France 357. Louis XII, King of France 10, 253. Louis XIII, King of France 110, 170, 173. Louis XIV, King of France 110, 113, 175, 178, 208. Louis XV, King of France 110, 113. Louis, St., King of France 113. Loyola. See Ignatius of Loyola Lubomirski, Stanistaw Herakliusz

299, 300, 301, 302, 304. Ludwig, Allan 1 453. Ludwig, Father 416, 417.

298,

Luther, Martin 70. Luyken, J. 274, 276, 277, 282. Luzvic, Etienne 164, 165, 166, 236.

Macklin, H.W. 455. Macrobius 131. Magdalena Sibylla, Princess of Saxony 325. Mahiques, Rafael Garcia 12, 224, 361, 418. Makowski, T. 293. Malherbes 173. Mannich, Johann 195, 424. Manning, John 44, 59-64. Maraval, J.A. 347. Marguerite, Queen of Navarre 70. Maria Euphrosyne 331. Maria of Austria 113. Maria Theresia of Spain 208, 242. Mariana, Juan de 356. Marija Milovslaskaya, Tsaritsa 310. Marshall, William 400, 401, 477. Marquale, Giovanni 96. Martial 349. Martialis 131, 141. Martin, J. 167, 168, 172. Martinet, 170. Marvell, Andrew 324, 450. Mary, Queen of Scots 252, 442, 445, 446, 447, 449. Mary, Virgin 164, 165, 170, 202, 203. Masen, Jakob 59, 101, 105, 113, 114, 115; 118, 122, 227,228, 232. Matthias, Emperor of Denmark 336. Matthias II, King of Hungary 225. Mauss, J.G. 228. Max Emanuel of Bavaria 212, 213. Maximilian, Electoral Prince of Bavaria 110. Maximilian, Emanuel of Bavaria 113. Maximilian Heinrich, Duke of Rhineland Palatinate 113. Maximilian, Emperor 83.

ca

222,

626 McDonald's

491, 492.

McGeary, Thomas Medici 250.

38.

Mourgues, Mathieu de 171. Médersheim, Sabine 413, 420, 421. Mulder, Joseph 336.

Medici, Catherine 436, 448. Medici, Cosimo I 253, 254, 257.

Musart, Charles 165. Miihleisen, Hans-Otto

Medici, Marie de

Naborowski,

Medici, Ippolito Meglinger

254.

171, 443.

416.

Melanchthon

70.

Meinl, Christoph

122.

Meisner, Daniel 46, 190. Mello, Francisco de 113. Mende, Matthias 420. Mendo, Andrés 120, 121, 122, 358,

360. Menestrier, Claude-François 102, 105, 106, 110, 112, 113, 122, 173, 175, 304. Mercedes Benz 492. Mercier, Jean 159. Mercure Galant 175, 176, 178. Messenius, Johannes 373.

Mieder, Wolfgang Miedema,

627

Index

Hessel

507. 44.

Mignault, Claude 60, 77, 78, 92, 96, 97,132, 1440156, 277.278, 351. Moderne, Jacques 156. Mohyla, Peter 311, 312. Monforte, Pedro Rodriguuez de 362. Montaigne, Michel 144. Montalvo, Frencisco Antonio de 362. Montano, Benito Arias 351, 398. Montefeltro, Federico da, Duke of Urbino 253.

Montenay, Georgette de 4, 78, 150, 158, 165, 194, 263, 290, 375, 444. Montglas, Mme de 172. Montplaisir, Marquis de 174. Montreal Gazette 20. Monzén, Francisco de 352. Morsztyn, Jan Andrzej 299. Morsztyn, Zbigniew 298, 299, 300, 304.

Daniel

Paradin, Claude 36, 64, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 78, 157, 158, 375, 394, 427, 428, 436, 437, 439, 440, 441, 442, 447, 462, 485. Parker, Lesley 448. Parizeau, Jacques 506, 507, 508.

Nadal, Jeronimo 105, 110. Nadasdi, Leopold 232. Napragyi, Demeter 230. Nash, N. Frederick 38. Nevinson, John 450. Nicolai, Arnold

Nieremberg, Juan Eusebio Nike 492. Noot, Jan van der

Partiner, Ferenc

330.

133.

356, 360.

13, 370.

494.

Norwich Union Fire Insurance Society

495. Nuñez de Cepeda, Francisco Nutius, Martin

120.

9, 207, 213.

164.

Ochsenfurt, Isaac von 202. Offelen, Heinrich 425.

Ohly, Friedrich Olms

1.

Ong, Walter

47.

394.

Ortelius, A. 267. Orti, Marco Antonio Ortiz, Lorenzo 360. Ortmann, Francisco Orzechowski 293. Ossolinski 300.

Ovid

362. 119.

89, 131, 140, 141, 155, 295, 395.

Pacard, Abraham 160. Pachius, Petrus 327. Pakenius, Johannes 113.

234.

Passe, Crispin de 66, 162.

Norfolk, Duke of 446. Norse Merkantile Forsikrings North, Susan 451. Norup Church (Jutland) 332

Nuremberg town hall

256.

Palffy, Janos 238. Palffy, Nicholas 232. Palma, Biagio 165. Palmireno 349. Pallavicino 313.

122. 294.

Neugebauer, Salomon

Palazzi, Andrea

Pastoureau, Michel 162. Paul, Jean 393. Paul I, Tsar 315, 316.

Peacham, Henry 472. Pedraza

380, 395, 417, 470,

347.

Peil, Dietmar 238, 411, 416. Pelayo, Menédez 347. Pelc, Janusz

298, 299.

Perényi, Katalin 241. Pérez de Herrera, Christobel 358. Perrault, Charles Pers, D. P. 272.

Peter the 313. Peter II, Petrarch 292,

170,

Great, Tsar

174,

354, 355, 176, 207.

309, 310, 312,

Tsar 313, 315. (Petrarca) 130, 253, 269, 272, 352.

Petri, Jonas 324, 325, 340. Petréczi, Kata Szidônia 238.

Peutinger, Claudius 89. Peutinger, Conrad 66, 67, 70, 82, 87, 129. Pfandl 347. Philip IV of Spain 362. Philip of Macedonia 121.

Philip, Margrave of Magdeburg

237.

Philip the Good, Duke of Burgundy 479. Phoenix Assurance Company 493. Physiologus 440. Picineili, Filippo 213, 228, 416. Pietrasanta, Silvestro 59, 102, 122, 228, 339, 423. Pignorius, Laurentius 92, 97, 351. Pio, Giovanni Battista 88. Pirckheimer, Willibald 87, 420. Piskorski, Sebastian Jan 227, 302. Plantin (Plantijn), Christopher 65, 73, 96, 132, 133, 135, 156, 158, 267, 268, 277, 375, 444, 492. Planudean Anthology 92. Pliny 93, 130, 131, 133, 134, 135, 137, 139, 142, 247, 401, 440, 499. Plotinus 88. Plutarch 247. Poirters, Adrian 59, 61, 106, 109, 112, 165, 281, 282. Poitiers, Diane de 422. Polenta, Lodovico da 482. Polizano, Angelo 253. Pollaiolo, Antonio 252. Polotsky, Simeon 309, 310, 312. Poole, Captain Jonathon 453. Pompadour, Madame de 110. Pontanus 104. Porphyrius 121. Porsche 492. Porteman, Karel 44. Possevino, Antonio 311. Potocki, Krzysztof Sedziw6j 297. Praz, Mario 6, 16, 18, 33, 43, 44, 46, 52, 57, 58, 59, 105, 164, 343, 423, 452. Princeton University 17. Prokopovitch, Feofan 312, 313: Propertius 131. Prudential Insurance Company of America 493. Pythagoras 157.

s E

628 Quarles, 375, Quartier, Querck, Quevedo

u

#

δ᾽

Index Francis 49, 96, 106, 373, 374, 376, 400, 428, 453, 462. Philibert 177. Ignatius 115. 350.

Raben 70. Racine 171. Rader 104. Radziwill 294. Radziwill, Janusz 295. Radziwitlowa, Princess Katarzyna 300. Rajcsanyi, Janos 237, 246. Raleigh, Sir Walter 424. Ranizowski, Jerzy 297. Ramus, Petrus 97. Ratio Studiorum 101, 103, 104. Rawles, Stephen 36. Reiffenberg, Friedrich 119. Reinzer, Franz 112, 122, 234. Rej, Mikolaj 291, 292, 293. Rem, Georg 207. Remon, Alonso 351, 362. Renouard, Philippe 40. Renz, Michael Heinrich 204. Reusner, Jeremias 76. Reusner, Nikolaus 56, 58, 63, 64, 66, 13, 14,15, 16; 777-78, 129. 131, 136, 140, 141, 142, 143, 144, 188, 233, 427. Revilla, Federico 354. Richard II, King of England 479, 482, 483. Richard, Prince of England 483. Rimay, Janos 245. Rimini, Galeotto Malatesta da 482. Ripa, Caesar 22, 272, 304, 340, 380, 394, 427, 509. Rivadeneyra, Pedro de 356. Rodrigez 347. Rojas y Ausa, Juan de 361. Rollenhagen, Gabriel 63, 66, 162, 382, 424, 431, 462.

Rollos, Peter

162.

Romanof dynasty Roots

Sahlstedt, Abraham 339. Saint Phalle, Niki de 499, 500.

309.

Salamander Fire Insurance Company 494,

500.

Rosenhane, Schering

328.

Rottal, Count Johann 230. Rouille, Guillaume 40, 96,

159; 351. Royal Bank of Canada

156,

157,

492, 496, 497.

Rubens, Peter Paul 159, 169, 271, 292. Rudbeckius, Johannes 327.

Rupilio, Franceso 89. Ruscelli, Girolamo 78, 254, 255, 394, 485. Russell, Daniel S. 44, 122, 132, 421, 436. Rutland, Earl of 7.

Rysiñski, Salomon

294.

S., P. 376, 379, 436. Saavedra Fajardo, Diego de 206, 232, 246, 299, 313, 328, 343, 350, 353, 356, 358, 424, 430, 463. Sabon, Sulpice 156. Sacy, de 110. Sanchez Pérez, A.

246, 343.

Savoy, Duke of 442. Scardona, Pietro 254. Seaton, Alexander 428, 429. Sahlstedt, Abraham 335.

Saint Phalle, Niki de 499, 500. Salamander Fire Insurance Company

494.

Salas, Pedro

12.

Sales, St. Francois de

165.

Saloman, Bernard 41. Sambucus, Joannes. See also Zsämboky

36, 56, 57, 63, 64, 73, 74, 75, 76, 77, 135, 136, 137, 138, 143, 219, 224, 237, 264, 274, 276, 288, 500. Sanchez Pérez, A. 341,

65, 69, 71, 72, 78, 129, 131, 139, 140, 142, 241, 242, 263, 375, 444, 499, 344, 348.

Salas, Pedro 12. Sales, St. François de 167. Saloman, Bernard 41.

Sambucus, Joannes. 36, 56, 57, 63, 73:74 75:16. 135, 136, 137, 143, 223, 228, 268, 278, 280, 500.

See 64, 71]. 138, 241, 292,

also Zsämboky 65, 69, 71, 72, 18. 129..131; 139, 140, 142, 245, 246, 267, 375, 444, 499,

Sandt (Sandaeus), Maximilian van der

106. Santa Clara, Abraham a 200, 205. Sarbiewski, Maciej Kazimierz 101, 113, 296, 304. Saubert, Johann 314. Saunders, Alison 36. Saussure, Ferdinand de

58.

Savoy, Duke of 442. Sawicki, Karol Piotr 302. Sawkins, Annemaria 422. Scardono, Pietro Martire 258. Scéve, Maurice 156. Schaller 142. Scheiner 104.

Schilgin 232. Schilling, Michael 416, 424. Schmauchler, Hermann 242. Schmidt, Christoph 192. Schmidt, Klaus 73. Scholz, Bernhard F.

44, 52, 270.

Schnénborn, Lothar Franz 425. Schéne, Albrecht 14, 43, 44, 46, 47, 49, 50, 51, 52, 54, 56, 57, 58, 59, 61, 63, 140, 145, 411, 416, 423, 491. Schoonhovius,

Florentius (Schoonhoven,

Florens) 129, 131, 132, 144, 330, 424, 499, 500.

Schoor, Gilles van 296. Schreiner, Sonja 75. Scolar Press 1. Scribonius, Cornelius 398. Seaton, Alexander 428, 429. Sebastian, Santiago 12, 348, 418. Selig, KL. 347, Seneca 131, 135, 328, 355. Sévigné, Mme de 172. Servius 131. Sforza, Fancesco 253, 254, 467. Shakespeare, William 4, 6, 7, 56, 395, 453. Shell Oil 492. Sherman, Agnes B. 18, 38. Siculus, Diodorus 88. Siemiginowski, Jerzy Eleuter 302. Sierakowski, Waclaw 303. Sigismund III, King of Poland 293, 295. Signac, Pierre 331. Sigray, Janos 233. Silcox, Mary V. 17. Simeoni, Gabriele 72, 428, 441, 485. Sinapius, Johannes 237. Skokloster Castle 338. Slizien, Michal 302. Sluiter, W. 283. Stupski, Stanistaw 297. Snyders (Snijders), Michael 201, 273, 296. Sobieski III, Jan, King of Poland 303. Society of Jesus (Jesuits) 4, 12, 17, 56, 57, 59, 60, 61, 99-127, 164, 165, 166, 167, 168, 169, 178, 187, 195, 200, 202, 212, 227, 228, 229, 230, 231, 232, 233, 234, 235, 237, 238, 241, 242, 243, 245, 247, 249, 274, 293, 294, 259, 300, 311, 312, 314, 315, 316, 352, 359, 360, 361, 428, 429. Socrates

76. Solorzano, Pereira

350, 357, 358, 360.

630

Index

Sophie Amalie, Princess of Denmark 335. Sophia, Tsarevna 315. Soto, Hernando de 353, 354, 359, 499. Sender Sogn Church (Viborg) 332. Spegel, Haquin 335. Spenser, Edmund 368. Stallenge, William 379. Stanyhurst, Wilhelm 110, 112. Statius 131. Steen, Jan 285. Stegemeier, Henri 44. Stengel, Georg 106. Stephen, St., King of Hungary 232. Steyner (Steiner), Heinrich 67, 82, 84, 89, 92, 96, 129, 130, 133, 155, 156, 187. Stevenson, Robert Louis 383, 384. Stiernhielm, Georg 323. Stimmer, Tobias 188. Stockhamer,

Sebastian

96, 97, 129,

440, 441, Stora Lassäna Manor House (Laxa/Tividen) 337.

Strabo

133,

76.

Strauch, Georg 196. Strong, Sir Roy 431, 432, 435, 445, 447. Stuart, Mary See Mary, Queen of Scots

Sucquet, Antoine

106, 115, 238, 245,

314. Sudermann, Daniel 234. Sully 159. Sulzer, Dieter 43, 44, 51, 52, 63. Symeoni, Gabriello 75, 158, 375. Szarzyñski, Mikotaj Sep 293. Szczesny, Stanislaw 298. Szelepcsényi, Gyürgi 230. Szentgyôrgi, Gergley 238. Szerdahelyi, Gabor 234, 242. Szulc, Stanistaw 297. Szymonowic, Szymon 293, 297.

Tabula Cebetis (Tablet of Cebes) Tacitus 93, 329. Talavera Esteo, F.J. 352.

4, 77.

Talbot, George, Sixth Earl of Shrewsbury 446. Tallement, Paul

171.

Tapping, Joseph Tasso, Ercole

Tasso, Torquato Taurellus,

453.

259.

257, 259.

Nicolaus

188,

51, 56, 64, 75, 76,

Tavernier, Melchior 171. Teresa de Jesus, St. 361. Terzio, Francesco 206. Tesauro, Emmanuelle 113,

Tesing, Jan

312.

Tessin, Nicodemus,

the Elder

Thurzé, Gyérgi Tibullus

173, 227. 330.

229.

Tiemann, Barbara 51. Thomas, Joseph 373, 374.

Tozzi

75, 77, 78, 228, 232,

259, 394, 427. 323.

123.

Vanossi, Antal 112, 231, 242. Van der Venne, A. 283.

Vasari, Giorgio 250. Vaughan, Henry 394, 450. Veen (Vaenius), Otto van

60, 129, 161,

172: 178, 1795 200; 271; 279,273; 282, 295, 296, 299, 313, 329, 330, 334, 337, 338, 397, 424, 428, 429, 430, 437. Vega, Lope de 361.

284.

Verheyen, Egon

156, 159.

Vianen, J. van

Villava

Vinken,

359.

413.

161.

Pierre J.

22, 490.

Virgil 75, 93, 130, 131. Visconti, Ambrogio 79, 81, 83, 87.

351.

Treter, Tomasz 294, 304. Trier Stadtbibliothek 18. Tribe, Tania 430.

Pierio

Vermeer, J.

327.

Tracy, Sir John 443. Trenchard, Captain Douglas

Valeriano,

Veneto, Bartolomeo 6. Verrien, Nicolas 179, 214, 313, 466.

131.

Tranum Chapel

Ulrike Eleonora, consort of Charles ΧΙ, King of Sweden 336. Unckel (Unkel), Johann Karl 160, 194. Union Catalogue of Emblem Books (UCAT) 26, 34, 56, 58, 108, 111. University of Toronto Press 1.

Van Kampen, Gerard Jansen

375, 376.

Thurston, John 373, 374. Tournes, Jean de 39, 41, 96, Tottel, Richard 440.

Vyvyan, family of Trelowarren, Cornwall 448.

300, 374.

Vallari, Nicolas

Thomas, Joseph 375, 376. Thompson, Elbert N.S. 44. Thrane, Mogens Christian 332. Thuilius, Joannes 60, 92, 98, 351. Thurston, John

Typus mundi

470, 471.

Tripton, Susan 421. Tung, Mason 37, 441. Twardoski, Kasper 295. Twardoski, Samuel 298. Tylman from Gameren 300, 301. Typotius, Jakob 223, 232, 299, 329, 416, 423, 426.

Visconti, Otho 84. Visscher, Roemer 267, 27, 275, 278,

425.

Visser, Arnoud S.Q. 38, 44, 136, 138. Vistarini, Antonio Bernat 14. Voet, Leon 39.

Voet-Grisole, Jenny 39. Volkswagen (VW) 491, 492.

Vondel, Jan van den 267. Voss, Maarten de 444. Vries, Anne Gerard Christian de

35, 46.

Wade, Mara 325, 334, 336. Webb, Jean 20. Weber, Janos 230, 231, 232. Wechel, Chrestian (Christian) 5, 68, 89, 92, 96, 155, 156, 188. Weigel, Christoph 333. Westerweel, Bart 38. Westhovius, Willich 336. Weston, David 38. White, Nicholas 447. Whitney, Geffrey 56, 58, 64, 66, 73, 76, 77, 97, 376, 377, 378, 380, 381, 423, 427, 437, 441, 444, 450, 472. Wierix, Antoine 164, 330, 341. Wieszczycki, Adrian 297. Wilhelm IV, of Bavaria 486. Willet, Andrew 13, 370, 371. William, Duke (William the Conqueror) 457. Wind, Edgar 54. Wirth, Karl-August 43, 44, 45, 46, 47, 57, 58, 72, 411, 423. Wither, George 61, 62, 64, 66, 162, 381, 382, 383, 393, 437, 449, 453, 462. Wittelsbach family 213, 221. Wladyslaw IV, King of Poland 301. Woeiriot, Pierre 158, 165. Wolfe, Reginald 395. Wojakowski, Jerzy 303. Woodhouse, Sir Henry 377. Woodville, Anthony, Earl of Rivers 483. Woytt, Laurentius Wolfgang 214. Wrangel, Carl Gustav 328, 329. Wulfila, Bishop 331. Wiirfel, Stephan Bodo 491. Wynne, John Huddlestone 385. Wynslow, Henry 484.

ey“anc EE ,

AMS STUDIES IN THE EMBLEM Edited by Peter M. Daly and Daniel S. Russell

Young, Alan R. 7, 14, 437, 438, 439, 440, 441, 452. Jan

Zaba,

ò

jski

i Zemojski, Tomasz 160. Zetter, J. de : 300.

Zincgref, Julius Wilhelm 135

189, 191, 424.

Sas samboky, Janos. See Johannes Sambucus.

Zwickum, Viglio van

2,

MANNING,

Emblem and the Continental

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-

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Zeuner, Johann Joachim 329.

Ziarnko

1.

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360.

Francisco

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Kosciesza

Zarate, Lépez de

;

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TRE

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CATHERINE AND

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John

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