Community: Pursuing the Dream, Living the Reality 9780691186665, 9780691123257, 2002072253

This book tells the story of how a human community comes to be and how aspirations for the good life confront the dilemm

195 63 27MB

English Pages 352 [341] Year 2018

Report DMCA / Copyright

DOWNLOAD PDF FILE

Recommend Papers

Community: Pursuing the Dream, Living the Reality
 9780691186665, 9780691123257, 2002072253

  • 0 0 0
  • Like this paper and download? You can publish your own PDF file online for free in a few minutes! Sign Up
File loading please wait...
Citation preview

COMMUNITY

P R I N C E T O N STUDIES IN CULTURAL S O C I O L O G Y EDITORS Paul DiMaggio Michèle Lamont Robert WUthnow Viviana Zelizer A list of books in the series appears at the back of the book.

COMMUNITY PURSUING T H E DREAM,

SUZANNE

KELLER

PRINCETON UNIVERSITY PRESS PRINCETON AND OXFORD

L I V I N G T H E REALITY

COPYRIGHT ©

2003

BY

PRINCETON

UNIVERSITY

PRESS

Published by Princeton University Press, 41 William Street, Princeton, N e w Jersey 08540 In the United Kingdom: Princeton University Press, 3 Market Place, Woodstock, Oxfordshire O X 2 0 1SY All Rights Reserved Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data Keller, Suzanne. Community : pursuing the dream, living the reality / Suzanne Keller. p. cm. — (Princeton studies in cultural sociology) Includes bibliographical references and index. ISBN: 978-0-691-12325-7 1. Community. 2. Community life — Case studies. 3. Community life — N e w Jersey — Case studies. I. Title. II. Series. H M 7 5 6 .k44 2002 307-dc21

2002072253

British Library Cataloging-in-Publication

Data is available

This book has been composed in Sabon with Futura display Printed on acid-free paper. www.pupress.princeton.edu

10

9

8

7

6

5

4

3

2

1

FOR C H A R L E S "My true love hath my

CONTENTS LIST O F T A B L E S

ix

PREFACE

xi

Part I

C o m m u n i t y as I m a g e a n d I d e a l

1

1 . C o m m u n i t y : The P a s s i o n a t e Q u e s t

Part

3

2. H i s t o r i c M o d e l s of C o m m u n i t y

16

3. Key T h e o r i e s a n d C o n c e p t s

37

II

A C o m m u n i t y Is L a u n c h e d Twin

Rivers

Time

Line

49

1970-2000

51

A . CreatingRoots

49

4. Twin R i v e r s : The First P l a n n e d Development

Unit

in N e w J e r s e y

5. The R e s i d e n t s A p p r a i s e T h e i r E n v i r o n s

53 75

6. S e c u r i n g the V o x P o p u l i : The S t r u g g l e for S e l f - G o v e r n m e n t B.

Creating

a

Collective

87 Self

109

7. J o i n e r s a n d O r g a n i z e r s : Community

Participation

8. S o c i a b i l i t y in a N e w C o m m u n i t y C.

BuildingtheFoundations 9. S p a c e , P l a c e , a n d D e s i g n

111 123 147 149

1 0. P r i v a t e a n d P u b l i c : W h o s e Rights, W h o s e Responsibilities?

168

1 1 . G o Fight C i t y H a l l : The First Lawsuit

190

12. L e a d e r s as L i g h t n i n g Rods

202

13. U n i t y a n d D i v i s i o n , Conflict and Consensus

216

Contents

viii

Summary Part

of K e y F i n d i n g s

233

III

Old Imperatives, New 14. The C o n t i n u i n g

Directions

S a l i e n c e of

245

the

Local Community 15. C o n c l u d i n g Reflections

247 265

Epilogue

Is T h e r e C o m m u n i t y

in C y b e r s p a c e ?

291

APPENDIX

299

BIBLIOGRAPHY

309

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

325

INDEX

327

TABLES Table 4.1

U.S. Home Ownership Rates, 1920-2000

59

Table 4.2

Twin Rivers Land Allocation

62

Table 4.3

Housing Types in Twin Rivers

65

Table 4.4

Summary Table

74

Table 5.1

Feelings about Twin Rivers

76

Table 5.2

Reasons for Liking Twin Rivers (all three decades)

77

Table 5.3

Reasons for Moving to the New Community

78

Table 5.4

Ratings of Privacy in Twin Rivers by Decade: Townhouse Dwellers

79

Ratings of Privacy by Liking of Twin Rivers: Townhouse Dwellers

79

Table 5.5 Table 5.6

Percent of Residents Designating Particular Characteristics as Especially Good

83

Table 7.1

Self-Identification

113

Table 7.2

Voted in Last Board Election: 1990s Respondents by Age Twin Rivers Is "Worse" Re: "People Pulling Together

114

When Needed"

114

Table 7.4

1990s Residents: Reactions by Age

114

Table 7.5

1990s Residents: Liking of Twin Rivers by Age

115

Table 8.1

Husbands' Occupations, by Decade

124

Table 8.2

Residents' Approval of Social Mix

127

Table 8.3

Views of Neighbors

130

Table 8.4

Percent Expressing Positive Feelings toward

Table 7.3

Other Residents

130

Table 8.5

Basis for Cliques in Twin Rivers

130

Table 8.6

Spatial Location of Friends

131

Table 8.7

Extent of At-Home Entertainment

131

χ

Table 8.8

List of Tables

Dwelling Type and Acquaintanceship in Twin Rivers: 1970s

133

Table 8.9

Where Do You Meet New People?

133

Table 9.1

What Is the Key Ingredient of an Ideal Community?

153

Table 9.2

Ratings of Privacy by Decade

155

Table 9.3

Satisfaction with Twin Rivers Community by Rating of Privacy Residents' Designations of Areas as Private or Public

Table 10.1 Table 10.2 Table 12.1

Responsibility for Maintenance of Property around the House

155 169 170

Leaders' "Best and Worst" Features of Twin Rivers: 1970s

204

Table 12.2

Goals Realized and Unrealized: Leaders' Views

204

Table 12.3

Residents' Ratings of Community Features: 1990s

210

Table 12.4

Priorities of 1990s Residents

210

Table 13.1

Ranking Dimensions of the Female Role: 1970s

222

Table 13.2

Perceived Gender Similarity: 1970s and 1980s

223

Table 13.3

Teenagers' Perceptions of How Others Feel about Them: 1970s and 1980s How Teenagers Feel about Others: 1970s and 1980s

226

Top Five Countries of Origin of Immigrants to the U.S. in 2000

248

Table 13.4 Table 14.1

226

PREFACE W h y does one w r i t e a b o o k ? It is a question I have often asked myself d u r i n g the past few years. Specifically, w h y this b o o k ? T h e r e are t w o answers, one short a n d one l o n g . T h e short answer takes me b a c k to a dinner party. I h a d just j o i n e d P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y ' s s o c i o l o g y department f o l l o w i n g a four-year stay i n Greece. A s is c u s t o m a r y o n such occasions, there w a s the usual ex­ change o f pleasantries a r o u n d the table d u r i n g the first course. B y the second, I discovered that the diner o n m y right w a s a developer w h o h a d just c o m p l e t e d a " n e w c o m m u n i t y . " W h e n I t o l d h i m o f m y w o r k at the A t h e n s Center o f Ekistics headed b y the c h a r i s m a t i c architectplanner, C . A . D o x i a d i s , he seemed m o r e t h a n p o l i t e l y interested. A s I elaborated o n m y research o n A t h e n ' s n e i g h b o r h o o d s , he sat u p a n d said " W h y d o n ' t y o u take a l o o k at the c o m m u n i t y I have just put together?" Little d i d I k n o w that this i n v i t a t i o n f r o m H e r b e r t K e n d a l l , the developer a l o n g w i t h G e r a l d F i n n o f T w i n R i v e r s , w o u l d affect m y future for decades. T h e l o n g answer to the question is that this b o o k reflects m y a b i d ­ i n g interest i n a n endangered species c a l l e d c o m m u n i t y . It reflects m y deep c o n v i c t i o n that m o d e r n life suffers f r o m b o t h a n excess a n d a defi­ ciency: t o o m u c h emphasis o n "the great b i g I , " as the Shakers termed it, a n d t o o little o n c o m m u n i t y . W h y this gap? W e l l , modernity, for one. M o d e r n i t y altered the basic c o n d i t i o n s o f life i n the society-in-the-making a l o n g w i t h extensive m o b i l i t y , u r b a n ­ i z a t i o n , a n d a n accent o n achievement a n d self-determination. T h e n e w society, it seemed, h a d n o need o f c o m m u n i t y . T h i s w o u l d have stunned the citizens o f ancient Greece or m e d i e v a l Florence w h o appreciated i n d i v i d u a l excellence, but assumed the indispensability o f c o m m u n i t y . W h a t the ancients d i d grapple w i t h w a s h o w to m a k e c o m m u n i t i e s m o r e v i t a l a n d just, so as to enable h u m a n beings to live together c o o p ­ eratively a n d h a r m o n i o u s l y . T h a t ideal still beckons, but i n a subdued way, o v e r s h a d o w e d by an o v e r r i d i n g focus o n personal success a n d w e l l - b e i n g . T h i s liberating thrust tends to undervalue the h u m a n need for security, f e l l o w s h i p , a n d , m o s t significantly, meaningful p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n a t o t a l i t y greater t h a n one's self. W e d o a c k n o w l e d g e the need for c o m m u n i t y for the u p r o o t e d o r the c u l t u r a l l y adrift, but even those o n t o p o f the s u r v i v a l c h a i n have need o f it. Privilege does not shield one f r o m the question that the F r e n c h w r i t e r A l b e r t C a m u s c a l l e d the most p a i n f u l , the most heartbreaking, question o f o u r time — " W h e r e c a n I be at h o m e ? "

xii

Preface

T h i s is a question that resonates i n m a n y quarters t o d a y — f o r the native b o r n n o less t h a n for i m m i g r a n t s — as they search for h o m e i n c o m m u n i t y or c o m m u n i t y as h o m e . W e tend to confine the idea o f h o m e to the s m a l l , domestic nest, w h i c h has placed burdens o n the f a m i l y that the f a m i l y w a s n o t de­ signed to meet. B u t historically, h o m e w a s b l e n d e d w i t h c o m m u n i t y — as i n such place names as B i r m i n g h a m , N o t t i n g h a m , F r a m i n g h a m — w h e r e one h a d roots, ancestors, collective m e m o r i e s , shared experiences. T h e radius o f h u m a n connections e x p a n d e d w i t h the advent o f i n ­ d u s t r i a l i s m a n d the m a c h i n e age, a n d the g u i d i n g image became the i n d i v i d u a l w h o strove a n d succeeded — the "self-made m a n " ascendant. W h e n the mores o f the m e t r o p o l i s d i s p l a c e d the mores o f m a i n street, the n e w w a t c h w o r d s became a u t o n o m y , independence, self-realiza­ t i o n — w o n d e r f u l qualities i f w i t h i n a w i d e r context. A s m o d e r n life u n f o l d e d , however, the virtues e x t o l l e d early o n lost their luster for many. P r i v a c y became i s o l a t i o n . A n o n y m i t y i m p e r i l e d one's sense o f identity. T h e self, severed f r o m t r a d i t i o n a l m o o r i n g s , s t o o d apart f r o m c o m m u n i t y . G r a d u a l l y , m o d e r n s became so adept at the p u r s u i t o f self-interest that they i g n o r e d their dependence o n others — o n the people, resources, t r a d i t i o n s , a n d ideas o n w h i c h h u m a n s u r v i v a l u l t i m a t e l y rests. B u t the tide w o u l d t u r n as early as the nineteenth century, w h e n the theme o f c o m m u n i t y lost w a s s o u n d e d i n literature a n d i n life. A cen­ t u r y later, the theme persists as people realize that their choices m a y be t o o n a r r o w l y self-centered a n d t o o disconnected f r o m b r o a d social goals. O u r ample c u l t u r a l a n d m a t e r i a l resources n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g , the Tower of Babel ( n o n c o m m u n i c a t i o n ) a n d the Tragedy of the Commons (noncaring) cast their s h a d o w s b e h i n d the scene a n d m o v e d o u r gaze to c o m m u n i t y once again. Several questions have i m p e l l e d this b o o k . H o w does a sense o f c o m m u n i t y take h o l d ? H o w , at c r i t i c a l junctures, c a n w e become each other's keepers? A n d where m i g h t one best study the c o n d i t i o n s under w h i c h community can grow? I f o u n d the o p p o r t u n i t y to e x p l o r e these questions at close range w h e n I accepted the i n v i t a t i o n to take a l o o k at the l i v i n g texture o f a c o m m u n i t y i n the m a k i n g . T h i s p e r m i t t e d me to test ideas I h a d ex­ p l o r e d i n the c l a s s r o o m . It w a s a l a b o r i o u s , a r d u o u s , yet also fascinat­ ing undertaking. I began m y research w i t h the g o a l o f d i s c o v e r i n g h o w a "new, p l a n n e d " c o m m u n i t y comes to life once the p h y s i c a l infrastructure is i n place. After t w o years o f s t u d y i n g the charter o f T w i n R i v e r s , i n t e r v i e w ­ i n g residents, f o r m a l l y assessing the architecture a n d design, a n d m o n ­ i t o r i n g the settling-in phase, a m o r e f u n d a m e n t a l question n o t unrelated

Preface

xiii

to the first, emerged: W h a t are the characteristics o f c o m m u n i t y that the p l a n n e d design intended to foster? H o w d o w e identify them? W h o needs c o m m u n i t y most? H o w does a p l a n c o m e to life? So m y questions e v o l v e d as I w a t c h e d a c o m m u n i t y evolve. H u ­ m a n beings a n d their creations are so c o m p l e x that n o one-shot survey w o u l d suffice. T o study the genesis o f a c o m m u n i t y requires time a n d deep acquaintance to distill wheat f r o m chaff, the e n d u r i n g f r o m the ephemeral. T h e b o o k is d i v i d e d i n t o three parts. Part I, Community As Image and Ideal (chapters 1-3) reviews classic a n d c o n t e m p o r a r y theories o f c o m m u n i t y . Part II, A Community Is Launched, presents the e m p i r i c a l analysis o f a c o m m u n i t y i n process o f f o r m a t i o n , i n c l u d i n g the nature o f a p l a n n e d u n i t development ( P U D ) (chapter 4); the residents re­ sponses to house, space, place a n d people (chapters 5, 7, 8, a n d 9); the struggle for self-government (chapter 6); private a n d p u b l i c obligations (chapter 10); governance a n d leadership (chapters 11 a n d 12); a n d sources o f u n i t y a n d d i v i s i o n (chapter 13). Part III, Old Imperatives, New Directions (chapters 14 a n d 15) re­ flects o n the meanings o f the e m p i r i c a l analysis a n d the vicissitudes a n d vagaries o f this collective experiment over time. A single study, even i f it takes a l o n g a n d in-depth view, c a n n o t be definitive o f course. H o p e f u l l y , it w i l l inspire future studies to e n r i c h o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f h o w to create v i t a l a n d fulfilling c o m m u n i t i e s . I s h o u l d also a d d that I see the l o c a l , t e r r i t o r i a l c o m m u n i t y not as a n alternative to the m o d e r n m e g a l o p o l i s but as a c o m p a n i o n to it. N o r d o I have any illusions a b o u t the dangers o f b i g o t r y a n d B a b b i t r y i n s m a l l circumferences. B u t I d o argue for the c o m m u n i t y as a counterforce to the T V - d i r e c t e d l o n e l y c r o w d i n the mass society o f the twentyfirst century. T o ignore the need for c o m m u n i t y is to invite its reaction­ ary manifestations i n a lockstep mass c o n f o r m i t y that feeds o n the p o t e n t i a l for hatred a n d destructiveness b e h i n d the intricate façade o f c o n t e m p o r a r y society.

COMMUNITY

CHAPTER 1 C O M M U N I T Y : THE P A S S I O N A T E Q U E S T

A l l of us carry within us more love and above all more longing than . . . society is able to satisfy. — K a r l Mannheim W h e n I asked the undergraduates i n m y P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y seminars o n i d e a l c o m m u n i t i e s w h a t , i f a n y t h i n g , they w o u l d w a n t to change a b o u t their P r i n c e t o n experience, their answers startled me. M o s t o f the h u n d r e d o r so students w i s h e d there were m o r e o f a sense o f c o m m u ­ nity. B u t w h y ? I p r o b e d . T h e n u m b e r o f undergraduates is s m a l l , the university merits its r e p u t a t i o n for its c o m m i t m e n t that students be a m ­ p l y s u p p l i e d w i t h a great variety o f activities a n d o p p o r t u n i t i e s for so­ c i a l contacts a n d a s o c i a l life b e y o n d the c l a s s r o o m , a n d p r i v a c y w h e n desired. W h a t m o r e c o u l d one p o s s i b l y w a n t ? T h e replies o f the students v a r i e d , o f course, but the u n d e r l y i n g themes were a l m o s t u n a n i m o u s . T h e y m e n t i o n e d the fragmentation a n d the l a c k o f a u n i f y i n g p r i n ­ ciple that w o u l d help to bridge distances across departments a n d help t h e m integrate the e x c i t i n g intellectual fare offered. T h i s u n i f y i n g p r i n c i 3

4

Chapter 1

ple w o u l d assist t h e m i n s o r t i n g o u t relevant f r o m irrelevant, essential f r o m t r i v i a l , i n f o r m a t i o n . T h e y w a n t e d to locate some basis for c h o o s ­ i n g one subject over another, other t h a n the e x p a n s i o n o f intellectual h o r i z o n s , a star professor, o r delight i n l e a r n i n g , i m p o r t a n t as these o b ­ v i o u s l y were. T h e y a c k n o w l e d g e d also feelings o f i s o l a t i o n a m i d a l l the l a v i s h resources a n d sought to o v e r c o m e these i n v a r i o u s w a y s : Some t u r n e d to r e l i g i o n , others t h r e w themselves i n t o s o c i a l life, volunteer w o r k , o r m o r e intensive studies, w h i l e others sought r o m a n t i c partners to c l i n g to. C h o o s i n g a major resolved the smaller q u e s t i o n o f focus a n d i d e n t i t y but left h a n g i n g the larger q u e s t i o n o f purpose a n d m e a n i n g — w h a t to work toward. T h e accelerated t e m p o o f their lives w a s another recurrent theme. T h e i r p a c k e d days a n d evenings left little time for reflection. Some also suggested that the l a c k o f c o m m u n i t y m a y have h e l p e d lead to the u n i n t e n d e d — a n d often d e p l o r e d — segregation o f students by race, r e g i o n a l o r i g i n s , w e a l t h , o r religious affiliation. Instead o f i n ­ f o r m a l social contacts across g r o u p s , b l a c k students ate at one table, H i s p a n i c s at another, A s i a n s at a t h i r d . O t h e r tables were separated b y prep s c h o o l o r major— engineering, for e x a m p l e . Some o f this m a y be desirable for b o n d i n g , but m u c h o f it is antithetical to p l u r a l i s m — a defensive b a n d i n g together for solace t h r o u g h g r o u p affiliation. A s I listened to these y o u n g , b r i g h t students p r i v i l e g e d i n the o p p o r ­ tunities offered by a great university, I w a s struck by h o w their concerns reflected the often-cited c o m p l a i n t s a b o u t m o d e r n i t y : s p e c i a l i z a t i o n , a sense o f aimlessness, loneliness a m i d m u l t i t u d e s , the l a c k o f a center a n d a g r o u n d e d self. In a w o r d , the m i s s i n g c o m m u n i t y . T h i s must c o m e as a surprise to those w h o consider c o m m u n i t y as superfluous for the m o s t m o d e r n sectors o f c o n t e m p o r a r y societies — the y o u n g , h i g h l y educated, t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y sophisticated, success-bent — w h i c h these students o b v i o u s l y are. O f course, c o m m u n i t y is a c h a m e l e o n t e r m that is used i n m a n y , often c o n t r a d i c t o r y , w a y s . It m i g h t be h e l p f u l to begin this i n q u i r y w i t h t w o prevalent perspectives. O n e is that c o m m u n i t y is a k i n to a n o r g a n i s m where the w h o l e is m o r e i m p o r t a n t t h a n i n d i v i d u a l members. T h i s o r g a n i c m o d e l is h i s t o r i ­ c a l l y the oldest. It is also a l l - e m b r a c i n g , hence less w e l l suited to m o d ­ ern circumstances, t h o u g h it continues to p r e v a i l as a nostalgic fantasy o f a lost E d e n . A m o r e recent m o d e l , w h i c h developed i n the West i n response t o r e v o l u t i o n a r y p o l i t i c a l a n d e c o n o m i c developments i n the seventeenth a n d eighteenth centuries, the " a t o m i s t i c / c o n t r a c t a r i a n " m o d e l , is based

The Passionate Quest

5

o n the idea o f a social contract that binds "free persons" w h o have consented to live together. B o t h models are present i n the w o r l d t o d a y but to differing degrees. Sir H e n r y M a i n e (1864) saw a historic e v o l u t i o n f r o m the organic to the c o n t r a c t a r i a n m o d e l or, i n his w o r d s , f r o m status to contract, as i n the t e c h n o l o g i c a l l y developed societies. O n a w o r l d scale, however, the m a j o r i t y o f people continue to live i n relatively b o u n d e d c o m m u n i t i e s that f u n c t i o n as organisms r o o t e d i n t r a d i t i o n a n d precedent. E a c h c o n ­ c e p t i o n has strengths a n d weaknesses. T h e organic c o n c e p t i o n gives t o o m u c h p o w e r to the c o m m u n i t y a n d threatens to leave t o o little r o o m for i n d i v i d u a l freedom, t h o u g h this need n o t be so. W y l i e ' s p o r t r a i t o f the Vaucluse (1974) o r Colette's o f Saint-Saveur en Puisaye (1953) p o r t r a y c o m m u n i t i e s where people were r i c h i n i n d i v i d u a l i t y a n d tolerant o f diversity, yet m i n d f u l o f their interdependence a n d their need for one another. T h e social contract m o d e l o f c o m m u n i t y , most forcefully articulated by J o h n L o c k e a n d A d a m S m i t h , f o l l o w i n g , yet sharply divergent f r o m H o b b e s , stresses self-determination a n d a u t o n o m y , d e l i m i t e d govern­ ment, a n d the self-regulating m a r k e t . B u t the freedom a n d opportunities it exalts are double-edged, f a v o r i n g those w i t h p e r s o n a l a n d social re­ sources a n d neglecting the e c o n o m i c a l l y a n d socially disadvantaged for w h o m freedom m a y m e a n p o v e r t y a n d social inferiority. E a c h m o d e l also accords a different place to the c o m m o n g o o d a n d collective requirements. T h e organic m o d e l defines a n d structures the c o m m o n g o o d v i a divine o r secular authorities. T h e contract m o d e l leaves it to the invisible h a n d o r ignores it altogether unless p r o m p t e d by a n enlightened p u b l i c o r protesting m i n o r i t i e s . W h e n P l a t o w r o t e The Republic he d i d not question the idea o f c o m m u n i t y but assumed its indispensability, i f o n l y for l a c k o f m e a n i n g ­ ful alternatives. W h a t he wrestled w i t h w a s h o w to o b t a i n a n d preserve the just c o m m u n i t y w i t h i n w h i c h h u m a n i t y c o u l d live p r o d u c t i v e l y a n d peacefully i m b u e d w i t h a strong sense o f interdependence a n d empathy. In the several h u n d r e d years o f the m o d e m era, however, the ques­ tions have shifted a n d c o m m u n i t y has become p r o b l e m a t i c . A threat­ ened species w h o s e demise some w e l c o m e a n d others deplore, it is alter­ nately l o n g e d for o r i g n o r e d as passé, as people struggle w i t h C a m u s ' s question " W h e r e c a n I feel at h o m e ? " It is a question that surfaces not o n l y for the wanderers, the e x i l e d , the homeless but also for their m o r e settled confreres i n cities a n d suburbs at the t o p o f the s u r v i v a l c h a i n . O n e w a y this question resonates n o w is i n the search for c o m m u n i t y — h o w to find it, nurture it, a n d keep it. G i v e n the p r o f u s i o n o f definitions o f c o m m u n i t y , one is often at a

6

Chapter 1

loss as to h o w to separate the essential f r o m the superfluous, especially since there are a l w a y s exceptions to the general rule. F o r e x a m p l e , m o s t scholars define c o m m u n i t y as r o o t e d i n t e r r i t o r i a l / s p a t i a l a n d genera­ t i o n a l togetherness. B u t for the C h r i s t i a n G n o s t i c s , the r o o t o f c o m m u ­ n i t y rested o n the e m a n c i p a t i o n o f h u m a n beings f r o m earth, b l o o d ties, a n d place, a n d l i n k e d by u n i v e r s a l aspirations. In short, the t e r m " c o m m u n i t y " is a n a l l - e n c o m p a s s i n g one. T h e t e r r i t o r i a l c o n n o t a t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y is surely the most f a m i l i a r a n d , i n m y view, the most basic. B u t there is also c o m m u n i t y c o n s i d e r e d rhetor­ ically, as i n reference to the a c a d e m i c c o m m u n i t y , the sailing c o m m u ­ nity, o r the b o h e m i a n c o m m u n i t y . H e n c e there is the danger o f attach­ i n g the t e r m " c o m m u n i t y " s o m e w h a t i n d i s c r i m i n a t e l y to a l l h u m a n aggregates. C o m m u n i t y m a y be used i n a p h i l o s o p h i c a l sense, as a reference to a m o r a l o r s p i r i t u a l entity, engendering c o m m u n i o n w i t h one's fellows a n d a fate that is shared, o r as a t e r m to designate distinct units o f t e r r i t o r i a l a n d social o r g a n i z a t i o n , s u c h as hamlets, villages, t o w n s — a l l the t y p i c a l places i n w h i c h people m a i n t a i n their homes, raise families, a n d establish roots. Despite this p r o f u s i o n o f emphases, some basic agreements d o exist, a n d the f o l l o w i n g themes recur repeatedly.

Community as Place, Turf, Territory T h e idea o f a b o u n d e d , identifiable t e r r i t o r y is t a k e n for granted by v i r t u a l l y every serious c o m m e n t a t o r u n t i l w e get to cyberspace i n the late t w e n t i e t h a n d early twenty-first century, w h i c h w e shall discuss later. C o m m u n i t y is the antithesis o f G e r t r u d e Stein's d e s c r i p t i o n o f L o s Angeles: "There's n o there, there." W i t h few exceptions, c o m m u n i t y a l w a y s denotes a there. T h e t e r r i t o r y that encloses a c o m m u n i t y offers a p r o x i m i t y a n d density c o n d u c i v e to other k i n d s o f closeness. N o matter i n w h i c h c o n t a i n e r — village, t o w n , s u b u r b — c o m m u n i t y as c a p t u r e d , d e l i m i t e d space shapes the scale o f collective life a n d the patterns o f life created therein.

Community as Shared Ideals and Expectations T h e focus here is o n a life i n c o m m o n , resulting i n shared e m o t i o n a l stakes a n d strong sentimental attachments t o w a r d those w h o share one's life space. These are the "habits o f the h e a r t " i n de Tocqueville's m e m o -

The Passionate Quest

7

rabIe phrase; they are states o f m i n d that generate reciprocity, a sense of duty, a n d the m o r a l sentiments that forge collective coherence a n d endurance.

Community as a Network of Social Ties and Allegiances O f the ninety-four definitions o f c o m m u n i t y identified by H i l l e r y (1955), social bonds a n d social i n t e r a c t i o n were cited i n t w o - t h i r d s o f them. B u t social i n t e r a c t i o n does not operate alone. It reflects a n d reinforces a d d i ­ t i o n a l dimensions — a given scale, shared goals a n d sentiments that b i n d people to their c o m m o n enterprise. W h e n directed t o w a r d c o m m o n goals — let us say, support for schools o r recreational p r o g r a m s — social i n t e r a c t i o n c a n become a source o f unity. A n d u n i t y is a central c o m p o n e n t o f the w o r d " c o m m u n i t y , " w h i c h is a c o m b i n a t i o n o f t w o L a t i n terms w i t h opposite meanings: com, w i t h o r together; a n d unus, the n u m b e r one. H e n c e c o m m u n i t y is a u n i o n o f m a n y elements.

Community as a Collective Framework H e r e c o m m u n i t y defines, names, encloses, organizes aggregate activities a n d projects, a n d encompasses the institutions a n d rules that guide the collectivity, i n c l u d i n g : • • •

Legitimate governance, authority, a n d leadership d u r i n g emer­ gencies a n d crises Ideologies that justify collective arrangements a n d goals a n d Values that sustain social s o l i d a r i t y a n d c o m m i t m e n t s

C o l l e c t i v e f r a m e w o r k s interpenetrate w i t h the p h y s i c a l shell a n d the c u l t u r a l m o l d to create unique c o m m u n i t y configurations.

What Community Is Not T o arrive at a definitional s h o r t h a n d for c o m m u n i t y , it m a y be useful to pause for a m o m e n t to consider w h a t c o m m u n i t y is not. Interpersonal i n t i m a c y is often considered antithetical to c o m m u ­ nity. G o s s i p i n g across a fence, sharing secrets, j o i n i n g to d o battle for a c o m m o n cause d o not by themselves suffice for c o m m u n i t y . S u c h close­ ness needs structural, c u l t u r a l , a n d sentimental supports as w e l l as a n altruistic outreach o f affection a n d e m p a t h y to b i n d a totality.

8

Chapter 1

T h e same m i g h t be argued for f o r m a l o r g a n i z a t i o n a l m e m b e r s h i p . If organizations are j o i n e d to pursue p e r s o n a l interests, they are t o o l i m ­ ited for c o m m u n i t y : " W i t h such e g o i s m , there is n o love o f others for their sakes, n o identification o f their g o o d as one's o w n . . . n o tie that b i n d s " ( M a r y R o u s s e a u 1 9 9 1 , p . 52). F o r c o m m u n i t y to exist, i n d i v i d ­ uals must n o t o n l y be close to one another but m o v i n g t o w a r d collective goals as w e l l . N o r are g r o u p affiliation o r s o c i a l c a t e g o r i z a t i o n o n the basis o f race, class, gender, nationality, o r generation a u t o m a t i c a l l y insignias o f c o m m u n i t y . These have c o m m u n i t y p o t e n t i a l o n l y i f i n d i v i d u a l s c o n ­ sider t h e m significant bases for a shared identity. T o qualify for c o m m u ­ nity, s o c i a l categorization must be translated i n t o a consciousness o f k i n d , a sense o f b e l o n g i n g , a n d a shared destiny, past o r future. T h e n there is communitarianism, often confused w i t h c o m m u n i t y . B e y o n d their linguistic k i n s h i p , the t w o terms are o n l y tangentially re­ lated. C o m m u n i t y is concrete a n d r o o t e d i n place. C o m m u n i t a r i a n i s m is abstract, e m p h a s i z i n g a set o f m o r a l a n d p h i l o s o p h i c a l p r i n c i p l e s — so­ c i a l justice, civic responsibility, c o o p e r a t i o n — for citizens to strive for wherever they reside. C o m m u n i t a r i a n s , as represented i n k e y w o r k s by P o c o c k (1975), M a c l n t y r e (1980), Sandel (1982), W a l z e r (1983), S u l ­ l i v a n (1982), G u t m a n n (1985), a n d E t z i o n i (1993), oppose the imper­ sonality o f bureaucracies a n d advocate d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n a n d a h u m a n scale infused w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l h u m a n values. B u t w h i l e c o m m u n i t a r i a n s d o not deal w i t h actual c o m m u n i t i e s , they have been a c r i t i c a l force for d r a w i n g attention to the idea o f c o m ­ m u n i t y i n the p u b l i c dialogue. In essence, their message is that the c u l ­ ture o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m , the laissez-faire m a r k e t society o f c o n s u m e r i s m , a n d self-advancement have been c a r r i e d t o o far. A return to the basics — civic c o m m i t m e n t , social solidarity, p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n , a n d d e v o t i o n to the c o m m o n g o o d —is urgently c a l l e d for. N o t h i n g less t h a n h u m a n s u r v i v a l is at stake. T h e i r impressive b o d y o f w o r k n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g , there is one ques­ t i o n that c o m m u n i t a r i a n s d o not raise a n d therefore c a n n o t answer, namely, h o w their h i g h ideals c a n be realized. H o w c a n one m o v e f r o m m o r a l e x h o r t a t i o n to being just, cooperative, responsive, a n d responsi­ ble to the l i v i n g test a n d concrete texture o f c o m m u n i t y ? T h a t question is at the heart o f this b o o k , w h i c h seeks to separate the t e r m " c o m m u n i t y " f r o m all-encompassing generalizations, grasp its significant dimensions, a n d study its e v o l u t i o n over time. T h e course o f this e v o l u t i o n remains largely u n c h a r t e d , since most studies, m i r e d i n static d e s c r i p t i o n , focus o n a single m o m e n t i n time, thus m i s s i n g the long-range view. T h i s is where the study o f a n e w c o m m u n i t y is c r u c i a l . U n l i k e established c o m m u n i t i e s that have g r o w n i n u n p l a n n e d , piece-

The Passionate Quest

9

m e a l f a s h i o n , the secret o f their births w e l l h i d d e n f r o m view, a c o m m u ­ n i t y i n the m a k i n g permits one to m o n i t o r its often t o r t u o u s gestation. T h i s c a n tell us m u c h a b o u t h o w a c o m m u n i t y comes to life, w h o m a k e s it h a p p e n , the h i g h a n d l o w p o i n t s o f this development, a n d at w h a t p o i n t the " n e w b o r n " c a n l o o k f o r w a r d to a l o n g a n d p r o d u c t i v e life. These issues a n d others are e x p l o r e d i n this b o o k u s i n g the genesis of T w i n R i v e r s , the first p l a n n e d u n i t development i n the state o f N e w Jersey. T h i s l o n g i t u d i n a l e x c u r s i o n over several decades reveals the deeper forces that b u i l d u p a n d tear d o w n the tissue o f c o m m u n i t y . It also p r o v i d e s a c o n t e x t for addressing questions a b o u t the p o s s i b i l i t y o f c o m m u n i t y that have p r e o c c u p i e d thinkers for thousands o f years. So far, then, w e c a n say that c o m m u n i t y is b o t h archetype a n d elu­ sive ideal. E v e n i n o u r time, w h e n c o m m u n i t i e s are being envisaged for outer space as w e l l as for cyberspace, there are a l w a y s t w o recurrent questions: H o w c a n self be l i n k e d to c o m m u n i t y a n d h o w c a n c o m m u ­ n i t y be l i n k e d to society? D e T o c q u e v i l l e w a s one o f m a n y to underscore that l i n k a g e , espe­ c i a l l y i n his v o l u m e s o n nineteenth-century A m e r i c a ( 1 9 9 0 , vols. 1, 2). H e s a w collective responsibility, civic c o n c e r n , a n d a m o r a l l y s o u n d p r i ­ vate life as parts o f a w h o l e . T h e investment o f one's energies a n d pas­ sions i n the c o m m u n i t y gave shape a n d d i r e c t i o n to one's p e r s o n a l life, w h i c h i n t u r n fed b a c k i n t o c o m m u n i t y . B y contrast, c o n t e m p o r a r y i n d i v i d u a l i s m , w i t h its accent o n p r i v a c y a n d separateness makes c o m m u n i t y p r o b l e m a t i c . F o r those w h o c o n ­ sider c o m m u n i t y essential for h u m a n existence, the loss o f c o m m u n i t y means the loss o f a central part o f h u m a n identity, a " s i g n a l o f a h u ­ m a n i t y gone astray" ( L a s c h 1 9 9 1 ) . In the same v e i n , B e l l a h (1991) de­ scribes c o n t e m p o r a r y A m e r i c a n s as "suspended i n g l o r i o u s i s o l a t i o n . " T h o u g h they m a y n o t be aware o f it, they are m i s s i n g one language, w h i l e being t o o fluent i n the other —the language o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m , where people are separate a n d c o m p e t i t i v e . T h e m i s s i n g language is the language o f c o m m u n i t y , where i n d i v i d u a l s are seen as o r g a n i c a l l y c o n ­ nected to each other (ibid.). T h i s second language is m u c h m o r e difficult to l e a r n given the i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c bent o f m o d e r n societies where s t r i v i n g for the c o m m o n g o o d w h i l e p u r s u i n g one's o w n interests becomes i n ­ herently c o n t r a d i c t o r y . S t i l l , c o m m u n i t y continues to have a m a g i c a l r i n g . M o d e r n i t y , for a l l its t e c h n o l o g i c a l w o n d e r s , has n o t m a n a g e d to dispel the need for it. N e v e r a simple matter, this need has become vastly m o r e c o m p l e x . A l ­ w a y s s o m e w h a t mysterious a n d e n i g m a t i c , c o m m u n i t y c a n n o t s i m p l y be grafted o n t o the huge bureaucracies o f m o d e r n life. T h i s trivializes the concept o f c o m m u n i t y (Bender 1 9 7 8 , p p . 1 4 3 - 4 4 ) . For, " n o large-scale o r g a n i z a t i o n , " writes N i s b e t , " c a n really meet the p s y c h i c demands o f

10

Chapter 1

i n d i v i d u a l s because b y its very nature it is t o o large, t o o c o m p l e x , t o o b u r e a u c r a t i z e d a n d altogether t o o a l o o f f r o m the r e s i d u a l meanings b y w h i c h h u m a n s l i v e . " I n d i v i d u a l s need " c o m m u n i t i e s s m a l l i n scale b u t s o l i d i n structure" that w i l l offer t h e m a sense o f security a n d fulfillment (Nisbet 1960, p . 82). T h u s , those w h o predicted that i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n w o u l d cause the death o f c o m m u n i t y need t o reconsider their c o n c l u s i o n , as the c o n t i n ­ u e d salience o f c o m m u n i t y defies its premature b u r i a l . M o d e r n i t y , t o be sure, p r o m i s e d m u c h , b u t i t also t o o k m u c h away. In the past, c o m m u n i t y represented a t o t a l w e b o f life. T h e r e w a s a perceived o r d e r g u i d i n g the c o s m o s , a n d life, t h o u g h n o t secure, w a s s o m e h o w predictable. T o be e x p e l l e d f r o m one's c o m m u n i t y w a s a k i n to death. W i t h i n d u s t r i a l u r b a n i s m , the t a k e n - f o r - g r a n t e d - w o r l d c o l l a p s e d a n d the " d i s r u p t e d transcendence" a n d "great feeling o f meaninglessness" led t o a n often intense search f o r "one u n i f y i n g t h i n g " ( L u c k m a n 1 9 7 0 , p p . 5 8 5 - 8 6 ) . F o r many, the n e w l y w o n freedoms spelled rootlessness. It w a s harder t o fit the pieces o f one's life together. T h i s m i g h t w o r k w e l l f o r m o b i l e c o s m o p o l i t e s seeking adventure a n d o p p o r t u n i t y , but it left the m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l l y m i n d e d e m o t i o n a l l y stranded. I n t i m e , the desire f o r stability a n d security p r o p e l l e d m a n y t o search f o r ethnic, r a c i a l , o r religious roots i n a m o v e t o "escape f r o m f r e e d o m " ( F r o m m 1 9 6 9 ) . T o t h e m , c o m m u n i t y b e c k o n e d as the nucleus o f h u m a n connect­ edness a n d s o l i d a r i t y i n a w o r l d o f huge Kafka-esque institutions — cor­ p o r a t i o n s , city halls, s u b u r b a n m a l l s , g o v e r n m e n t bureaucracies. A n interesting h i s t o r i c e x a m p l e o f this struggle stems f r o m B o i m o n d a u , a F r e n c h factory p r o d u c i n g w a t c h cases i n V a l e n c e , F r a n c e . W h e n the employees t u r n e d the factory i n t o a cooperative venture they were at first e x h i l a r a t e d b y the l i b e r a t i o n f r o m the h i e r a r c h y o f the w o r k ­ place. B u t , t o their surprise, it s o o n became evident that t o o m u c h free­ d o m resulted i n a k i n d o f c h a o t i c a n a r c h y that w a s as destructive t o a c h i e v i n g their goals as excessive c o n t r o l a n d the suppression o f sponta­ neity h a d been. After considerable s o u l searching, the w o r k e r s realized their need f o r some k i n d o f b i n d i n g force a n d a shared ethical basis. H e n c e , i n t r i a l - a n d - e r r o r f a s h i o n they w e n t o n t o reestablish rules a n d w o r k t o w a r d a balance o f freedom a n d d i s c i p l i n e e m b o d i e d i n a l a w f u l community. T h e c r y for freedom a n d the need f o r o r d e r has a u n i v e r s a l cadence, one deeply l i n k e d t o the nature o f community. B a n i s h o r suppress the communal impulse, and it w i l l come b a c k w i t h a vengeance. Sometimes it does so i n relatively benign f o r m , as it d i d i n the Utopian experiments that proliferated d u r i n g the nineteenth century, b u t it c a n also emerge brutally, as it has i n v a r i o u s forms o f ethnic- a n d r a c i a l l y based genocide.

The Passionate Quest

11

Misconceptions about Community A c o m m o n m i s c o n c e p t i o n is that c o m m u n i t y must result i n the suppres­ s i o n , even the e x t i n c t i o n , o f i n d i v i d u a l i t y . A s a l w a y s , this depends i n part o n the definition e m p l o y e d . If i n d i v i d u a l i s m is seen as directly re­ lated to c o m m u n i t y , then c o m m u n i t y a n d i n d i v i d u a l i s m are a n d have been c o m p a t i b l e i n m a n y t r a d i t i o n a l a n d preliterate societies ( D i a m o n d 1981). In contrast, c o n t e m p o r a r y i n d i v i d u a l i s m , w i t h its accent o n ano­ n y m i t y a n d separation f r o m others, emphasizes the i n d i v i d u a l , n o t i n r e l a t i o n to a c o m m u n i t y , but as u n i q u e l y different f r o m it. T h e t w o are constructed as antagonists, w h i c h makes t h e m i n c o m p a t i b l e . A n o t h e r m i s c o n c e p t i o n speaks o f society a n d c o m m u n i t y inter­ changeably. T h i s effaces the distinctiveness o f each. Society m i g h t be t h o u g h t o f as a n o v e r a r c h i n g system o f s o c i a l , p o ­ l i t i c a l , a n d c u l t u r a l arrangements that encompass the totality. Its prac­ tices are f o r m a l i z e d a n d abstract; its scale is superpersonal. B y contrast, c o m m u n i t y is tangible, p r o x i m a t e , based o n direct c o n ­ tact, m u t u a l awareness, a n d a sense o f e m p a t h y w i t h those w i t h w h o m one shares one's life i n a definite place. In c o m m u n i t y , self a n d terrain are i n t e r t w i n e d . W i t h o u t c o m m u n a l u n d e r p i n n i n g s , society tends to become r i g i d , ritualistic, lifeless. People m a y go t h r o u g h the r e q u i r e d m o t i o n s but they d o so a m i d distrust, indifference, apathy. H e n c e w e m u s t m a k e r o o m i n o u r t h i n k i n g for the "little c o m m u n i t y " (Redfield 1 9 6 0 , p . 41) to nour­ ish the great society, n o t as its antithesis but as its c o m p l e m e n t . O n e fact attested to over a n d over a g a i n is h o w fragile c o m m u n i t i e s a c t u a l l y are a n d h o w easily they become u n d o n e . C a l a m i t i e s are thought to strengthen c o m m u n i t i e s but the c o n t r a r y is often the case. In the Buffalo C r e e k calamity, a n a l y z e d by E r i k s o n (1976), for ex­ a m p l e , a seventeen-mile-long c o a l - m i n i n g area w a s deluged by 1 3 2 m i l ­ l i o n gallons o f w a t e r w h e n the d a m c o l l a p s e d . In a m i n u t e , everything — houses, livestock, vehicles, a n d people —was swept away, l e a v i n g 80 percent o f the five t h o u s a n d residents homeless. In the aftermath o f the silence, numbness, a n d s h o c k , the integuments o f c o m m u n i t y were l a i d bare. T h e c o m m u n i t y w a s destroyed, n o t o n l y p h y s i c a l l y but c u l t u r a l l y and symbolically. Before the flood, Buffalo C r e e k h a d been h o m o g e n e o u s b o t h mate­ r i a l l y a n d c u l t u r a l l y . Its people w o r k e d , m a r r i e d , raised c h i l d r e n , a n d l i v e d by s i m i l a r rules a n d values. C o m m u n i t y w a s "the envelope i n w h i c h they l i v e d . " F a m i l i e s , neighbors, a n d friends f o r m e d a series o f c o n c e n t r i c circles that l i n k e d strangers a n d intimates i n a shared r o u n d

12

Chapter 1

o f life. W h e r e the w i d e r society e x t o l l e d the separate, self-propelled i n ­ d i v i d u a l , each a n i s l a n d u n t o h i m - o r herself, Buffalo C r e e k d r e w its b o u n d a r i e s a r o u n d w h o l e g r o u p s . N e i g h b o r w o u l d reach out to n e i g h ­ bor, a n d the fate o f one affected a l l . " L i k e w h e n s o m e b o d y w a s hurt, e v e r y b o d y w a s h u r t " (ibid.). In seeking to grasp the essence o f c o m m u n i t y for the shell-shocked s u r v i v o r s , E r i k s o n singled o u t the " n e t w o r k s o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g s , " a n d a "constant readiness to l o o k after one's neighbors, or, rather, to k n o w w i t h o u t being asked w h a t needed to be d o n e . " In contrast to the i n d i ­ v i d u a l i s t i c ethos o f the society at large, here the c o m m u n i t y w a s the k e y actor, a n d e m o t i o n s generally ascribed to i n d i v i d u a l s were ascribed to the c o m m u n i t y : "It is the c o m m u n i t y that cushions p a i n , the c o m m u ­ n i t y that p r o v i d e s a c o n t e x t for i n t i m a c y , the c o m m u n i t y that represents m o r a l i t y . " T h i s c o n f i r m e d E r i k s o n ' s c o n c l u s i o n that the loss a n d despair c o m m u n i t y members experienced w a s a r e a c t i o n n o t o n l y to the disaster itself but also to the destruction o f the w e b o f c o m m u n i t y . "There's a p a r t o f us a l l m i s s i n g s o m e w h e r e " ( i b i d . , p p . 1 8 9 , 1 9 3 - 1 9 4 , 196). It w a s the end o f the w o r l d , a w o u n d that w o u l d never heal. In the aftermath o f the deluge, t w o developments p r o v e d s u r p r i s i n g . O n e w a s the absence o f the c o m m u n i t y o u t r e a c h a n d e m p a t h y that of­ ten a c c o m p a n i e s such catastrophes a n d gathers the s u r v i v o r s i n t o a " c o m m u n i t y o f sufferers," a " d e m o c r a c y o f distress," o r a "post-disas­ ter U t o p i a " ( i b i d . , p . 2 0 0 ) . T r a u m a does, at times, strengthen c o m m u ­ nity, as shared p a i n m o b i l i z e s latent energies to repair the d a m a g e d tex­ ture o f collective life. T h a t d i d n o t h a p p e n i n Buffalo C r e e k , perhaps because the u b i q u i t y o f the disaster left its v i c t i m s disconnected. T h e r e w a s n o r e m n a n t intact o r s t r o n g e n o u g h o n w h i c h to r e b u i l d a n d regen­ erate. T h e other development w a s a surge o f i m m o r a l i t y that a c c o m p a n i e d the ensuing depression a n d d e m o r a l i z a t i o n . Thefts, delinquencies, a l c o ­ h o l i s m , a n d indifference m u l t i p l i e d , as "the b o u n d a r i e s o f m o r a l space began to c o l l a p s e . " L o n g - t e r m marriages fell apart, friendships faded. W h e n the m o r a l a n d m a t e r i a l f r a m e w o r k o f the c o m m u n i t y w a s de­ stroyed, so were the inner supports it h a d sustained. In the l o n g r u n perhaps, muses E r i k s o n , " m o r a l i t y is a f o r m o f c o m m u n i t y p a r t i c i p a ­ t i o n . " People's health deteriorated as w e l l w i t h ailments that n o m e d i c a l diagnosis c o u l d e x p l a i n . " H e a l t h has s o m e t h i n g to d o w i t h feeling w h o l e a n d i n h a r m o n y " w i t h the larger totality, w h i c h suggests that the h e a l t h o f the i n d i v i d u a l is dependent o n the state o f c o m m u n a l health. W h e n the c o m m u n i t y is intact, it c a n p r o v i d e a protective layer o f i n s u l a t i o n a n d a reassuring camouflage o f real life, since "one o f the c r u c i a l jobs o f a culture is to edit reality i n such a w a y that it seems m a n a g e a b l e " ( i b i d . , p p . 2 0 5 , 2 0 9 , 2 2 6 , 2 4 0 ) . A l l o f that w a s lost i n Buffalo C r e e k .

The Passionate Quest

13

E v e n t u a l l y , the people o f Buffalo C r e e k w o u l d w i n $ 1 3 . 5 b i l l i o n f r o m the c o a l c o m p a n y that was responsible for the collapse o f the d a m , but they w o u l d never recover their sense o f c o m m u n i t y , o f m e a n i n g , o f wholeness. Ironically, the help extended by outside agencies, i n this case b y H U D (Federal D e p a r t m e n t o f H o u s i n g a n d U r b a n D e v e l o p m e n t ) , i n a d vertently reinforced the c o m m u n i t y ' s b r e a k d o w n . H U D focused o n i n d i v i d u a l s , dispensing m a t e r i a l resources o n a first-come, first-served basis, regardless o f the n e i g h b o r h o o d i n w h i c h people h a d l i v e d o r h o w m u c h they h a d lost. W e l l - m e a n i n g a n d helpful to i n d i v i d u a l v i c t i m s as this m a y have been, it left the v i c t i m i z e d c o m m u n i t y unattended. B y ignori n g the c o m m u n i t y c o n t e x t o f the disaster, it froze the residents i n their isolation. T h i s is a g o o d i l l u s t r a t i o n o f the c o l l i s i o n between t w o different social orders, the one p e r s o n a l , r o o t e d , e m o t i o n a l l y coherent, the other i m p e r s o n a l , categorical, a n d based o n i n d i v i d u a l interest. M u c h o f w h a t w a s lost c o u l d n o t be retrieved because it rested o n things u n s p o k e n a n d tacitly u n d e r s t o o d . N e i g h b o r l y rituals a n d relations, for e x a m p l e , c o u l d n o t s i m p l y be transplanted. O n c e d i s r u p t e d , one c a n n o t c a r r y t h e m i n t o n e w situations " l i k e negotiable e m o t i o n a l c u r r e n c y " ( i b i d . , p . 191). T r a u m a t i z e d c o m m u n i t i e s differ f r o m a n assemblage o f t r a u m a t i z e d persons because a collective t r a u m a affects a l l simultaneously. C o l l e c t i v e t r a u m a , by d a m a g i n g the " b o n d s attaching p e o p l e " to one another, erodes the core, the heart, o f the afflicted c o m m u n i t i e s a n d precipitates their deaths.

Abiding Questions T h e nature o f c o m m u n i t y has engaged thinkers f r o m ancient times to the present. P l a t o , A r i s t o t l e , H o b b e s , de T o c q u e v i l l e , M a r x , Tônnies, a n d others posed the central questions that absorb us still. A m o n g t h e m are: • • •

How How How mon

are c o m m u n i t i e s created a n d m a i n t a i n e d over time? is a " s p i r i t o f c o m m u n i t y " generated? are h u m a n differences b r i d g e d for the sake o f the c o m good?

In ancient times, a n d for centuries u n t i l the m o d e r n age, there m a y have been t o o m u c h c o m m u n i t y , as c o m m u n i t y stifled i n d i v i d u a l s under the y o k e o f collective demands. Today, there m a y be t o o little c o m m u n i t y a n d the l o n g i n g for c o m m u n i t y is d i s p l a c e d i n t o substitute o r i l l u sory f o r m s . F r o m time to time, the need bursts t h r o u g h i n frantic, excès-

14

Chapter 1

sive, a n d at times, e x p l o s i v e w a y s sweeping o r d e r a n d reason aside i n favor o f a passionate but d i s r u p t i v e collective frenzy. O n e t h i n k s o f postsoccer m a y h e m , mass revelries, inflagrations o f hate, o r w o r s h i p f u l throngs teetering o n the edge o f hysteria. It is especially at s u c h times that questions a b o u t c o m m u n i t y — o r the l a c k t h e r e o f — c o m e to the fore. B u t w h a t also becomes p a i n f u l l y apparent is h o w little w e under­ stand a b o u t such mass p h e n o m e n a o r the l a c k o f c o m m u n i t y that per­ mits collective a n o n y m o u s violence to surface. T h i s b o o k is several b o o k s — a literal a c c o u n t o f a c o m m u n i t y i n f o r m a ­ t i o n ; a n o n g o i n g tale o f the trials a n d t r i b u l a t i o n s o f the c o m m o n life; a report o f h o w plans a n d p r o g r a m s become l i v i n g realities — but p r i n c i ­ p a l l y it is a b o o k a b o u t people a n d their struggle to f a s h i o n u n i t y a n d community. T h e b i g social questions y i e l d their answers but s l o w l y . T h e ex­ p l o r e r w h o wishes to penetrate t h e m requires t i m e , patience, a n d persis­ tence. T h e nature a n d genesis o f c o m m u n i t y is such a q u e s t i o n . If it is true that the "little c o m m u n i t y " is seen as " s o m e t h i n g to be m a d e g o o d " a n d as " s o m e t h i n g t h r o u g h w h i c h to m a k e the great society g o o d " (Redfield 1 9 6 0 , p . 154), it deserves careful a n d sustained study, w h i c h I have endeavored to d o . B y s t u d y i n g one c o m m u n i t y i n d e p t h , I hope also to i l l u m i n e ques­ tions a b o u t c o m m u n i t i e s i n general. M a n y forces are at w o r k here, b o t h local and global, historic and contemporary, internal and external, ideal and real. C h a p t e r s 2 - 3 o f Part I, C o m m u n i t y as Image a n d Ideal, e x a m i n e g u i d i n g theories, h i s t o r i c p r o t o t y p e s , a n d core concepts o f c o m m u n i t y as b a c k g r o u n d for the substantive analysis o f the i n - d e p t h e x p l o r a t i o n o f a n e w c o m m u n i t y i n the m a k i n g . P a r t II, A C o m m u n i t y Is L a u n c h e d , m o n i t o r s the course o f c o m m u ­ n i t y f o r m a t i o n for a middle-class A m e r i c a n p o p u l a t i o n . P a r t A , C r e a t i n g R o o t s , spells o u t the l a u n c h i n g o f T w i n R i v e r s , N e w Jersey, a p l a n n e d development — its p h y s i c a l setting; the s o c i a l characteristics o f its first inhabitants (chapter 4); a n d the residents' reac­ tions to their neighbors, houses, a n d facilities (chapter 5) as they m o v e t o w a r d self-governance (chapter 6). Part B , C r e a t i n g a C o l l e c t i v e Self, discusses the extent o f c o m m u n i t y p a r t i c i p a t i o n (chapter 7) a n d the nature o f friendships a n d s o c i a l rela­ tions (chapter 8). P a r t C , B u i l d i n g the F o u n d a t i o n s , focuses o n the role o f space a n d design (chapter 9); private a n d p u b l i c rights a n d responsibilities (chap­ ter 10); the first collective u n d e r t a k i n g , the l a w s u i t (chapter 11); the

The Passionate Quest

15

c r i t i c a l role o f leaders (chapter 12); a n d the forces for u n i t y a n d d i v i s i o n (chapter 13). Part III, O l d Imperatives, N e w D i r e c t i o n s , reflects o n k e y themes a n d issues for c o m m u n i t i e s i n the future (chapter 14) a n d o n the i m p o r t o f k e y findings (chapter 15). A n epilogue o n c o m m u n i t y i n cyberspace concludes the b o o k .

CHAPTER 2 HISTORIC M O D E L S O F C O M M U N I T Y

Utopias strive to turn over a new page. — Lewis M u m f o r d

In the quest to distill some essential properties o f c o m m u n i t y that are instructive for o u r o w n day, I have c h o s e n four h i s t o r i c prototypes: the G r e e k p o l i s o f the fifth century B . C . E . , the m o n a s t i c c o m m u n i t y o f West­ e r n C h r i s t i a n i t y , the P u r i t a n t o w n s o f seventeenth-century N e w E n g l a n d , a n d the U t o p i a n c o m m u n i t i e s o f the nineteenth a n d t w e n t i e t h centuries. E a c h o f the four p r o t o t y p e s h a d a m o m e n t i n the sun o n l y to be d i s p l a c e d by newer, later m o d e l s better suited to the c h a n g i n g times. E a c h h a d u n i q u e features a n d each w a s e x e m p l a r y i n i m p o r t a n t re­ spects. A l l have s o m e t h i n g to teach us a b o u t the forces that b u i l d , a n d the forces that erode, c o m m u n i t y .

The Greek Polis "Protagoras, as described by Plato, recapitulates the condition of hu­ manity before they had devised a binding social order. A t first, he 16

Historic Models of Community

17

says, there were no cities and people lived a scattered life. A n d so the wild beasts destroyed them. They lacked the political skill to live in concert —and they fought amongst themselves. Zeus then moved to preserve the human race and sent Hermes to bring aidos {mutual re­ spect) and dike {justice) to mortals so as to promote social order and social bonds." Indeed these were to be shared goods, shared skills; those who lack these were proof not of personal deficiencies but of collective defects. (Arthur Adkins, 1972, pp. 103-104) T h e p o l i s o f ancient Greece offers us a m o d e l o f c o m m u n i t y i n a c i v i l i ­ z a t i o n very different f r o m ours. A s a first effort at d e m o c r a c y — one discussed, c r i t i c i z e d , a n d a d m i r e d for thousands o f years — it continues to merit careful scrutiny. T h e usual t r a n s l a t i o n o f polis as "city-state" is m i s l e a d i n g , because the p o l i s w a s not a city a n d , at the same time, it was " m u c h m o r e t h a n a State" ( K i t t o 1 9 5 9 , p . 65). T h e earliest poleis were geographic units, s m a l l i n size a n d p o p u l a ­ t i o n , e c o n o m i c a l l y sustained by agriculture, a n d centralized w i t h respect to p o l i t i c a l , religious, a n d m i l i t a r y functions (Starr 1 9 9 1 , p . 37). O r i g i ­ n a t i n g a r o u n d the eighth century B . C . E . a n d lasting for several h u n d r e d years, the poleis seem to have a m a l g a m a t e d historic t r i b a l allegiances into larger t e r r i t o r i a l settlements, c h a l l e n g i n g the hereditary aristocratic social o r g a n i z a t i o n that was fueled by m i l i t a r y glory, hierarchy, a n d sta­ tus. In its historic resonance, however, the p o l i s refers n o t to an actual c o m m u n i t y but to the ideal o f c o m m u n i t y that e m p h a s i z e d l a w f u l selfgovernment by a l l citizens w i t h i n a s m a l l area demarcated by clear, of­ ten n a t u r a l , boundaries that fostered the s p i r i t u a l a n d religious u n i t y o f the inhabitants. H e l d together by " r e l i g i o n , by p r i d e , by l i f e " (ibid.), the bonds o f the p o l i s were p s y c h o l o g i c a l a n d s p i r i t u a l , n o t p h y s i c a l , a n d c o n t i n u a l emphasis w a s p l a c e d o n creating such bonds by celebrating c o m m u n i t y festivals, e m p h a s i z i n g legendary tales, b u i l d i n g temples, a n d m a k i n g sacrifices to the gods. T h e polis, w h i c h o r i g i n a l l y meant citadel, as i n A c r o p o l i s , w a s the center o f p u b l i c life. Its a i m w a s the attainment o f a just society able to reconcile the c o n t r a d i c t o r y tensions between i n d i v i d u a l a m b i t i o n a n d collective goals. A b o v e a l l , the p o l i s was a s y m b o l o f u n i t y i n a fragmented a n d fractured age. T h o u g h a u t o n o m o u s , each p o l i s w a s also part o f a w i d e r c u l t u r a l terrain — o f H e l l a s , o r G r e e k c i v i l i z a t i o n generally — that pre­ v a i l e d despite c o n t i n u o u s warfare. H e l l a s p u l l e d the G r e e k s together w i t h a c o m m o n language, shared m y t h s , a n d a special w o r l d v i e w . Nonetheless, there were patent c o n t r a d i c t i o n s i n the p o l i s , often u n ­ recognized by scholars e n a m o r e d o f its ideals. T h e d e m o c r a c y it e m b o d ­ ied w a s confined to a s m a l l segment o f the p o p u l a t i o n : O n l y adult m e n of b i r t h a n d status c o u l d become citizens. T h i s meant that d e m o c r a c y

18

Chapter 2

extended to one-tenth o f the p o p u l a t i o n a n d e x c l u d e d nine-tenths. Y e t it w a s inclusive, i n p r i n c i p l e at least, for it extended d e m o c r a t i c p a r t i c i p a ­ t i o n to a l l qualified citizens, w h o were encouraged — indeed expected — to debate, challenge, a n d deliberate i n o p e n assembly o n basic questions of social p o l i c y a n d law. W h a t e v e r its s h o r t c o m i n g s , the idea o f the p o l i s as the civic commu­ nity that tied a l l citizens to one another a n d to c o m m o n projects a n d purposes w a s a s t u n n i n g intellectual achievement for its time. T h o u g h it a l w a y s r e m a i n e d m o r e ideal t h a n real, it also m o v e d h u m a n i t y a huge step f o r w a r d by p r e p a r i n g citizens for self-government based o n i n ­ formed deliberation and public participation. A n d although democracy w a s available o n l y to one s t r a t u m o f the p o p u l a t i o n , the general a t m o ­ sphere o f these s m a l l , a u t o n o m o u s , self-contained units w a s c o n d u c i v e to a spirit o f c o m m u n i t y as geographic a n d e c o n o m i c characteristics c o m b i n e d to encourage a " c o m m u n a l p r e d i s p o s i t i o n a n d c h a r a c t e r " ( K i t t o 1 9 5 9 ) . Size a n d scale were able to strengthen the sense o f c o m ­ m u n i t y despite sharp class a n d status d i v i s i o n s . C i t i z e n s k n e w one an­ other by sight t h r o u g h frequent encounters i n shops, streets, p u b l i c squares, a n d places o f amusement. F a m i l i a r i t y a n d r e c i p r o c i t y encour­ aged a sense o f shared existence. Indeed every G r e e k c o u l d k n o w the p o l i s i n a w a y today's citizens c a n n o t k n o w , hence grasp, the society i n w h i c h they live. Less d i v i d e d i n t o separate s u b w o r l d s , citizens c o u l d experience the interconnectedness o f society directly. If the crops failed, the citizens " c o u l d see the fields" that gave t h e m sustenance; they c o u l d see " h o w agriculture, trade, a n d i n d u s t r y dovetailed i n t o one a n o t h e r " ; they k n e w "the f r o n ­ tiers where they were strong a n d where w e a k " ; they c o u l d " d i s c e r n shifts i n p u b l i c o p i n i o n . " A t b o t t o m , it w a s the " s m a l l scale o f t h i n g s " that p e r m i t t e d the ancient G r e e k s to perceive a n d grasp "the entire life of the p o l i s , a n d the r e l a t i o n between its p a r t s " (ibid., p . 72). P u b l i c affairs h a d a n " i m m e d i a c y a n d concreteness w h i c h they c a n ­ not p o s s i b l y have for us." " D u t y " w a s n o t a n idle w o r d but an unques­ t i o n e d c a l l to a c t i o n , concrete a n d direct. Instead o f p a y i n g taxes, for e x a m p l e , the r i c h A t h e n i a n w a s responsible for certain " l i t u r g i e s " — k e e p i n g a w a r s h i p for a given p e r i o d o f time o r financing plays for the great festivals. A l t h o u g h the o b l i g a t i o n s were burdensome, those w h o u n d e r t o o k t h e m were a d m i r e d , a n d this m a d e the c o n n e c t i o n between i n d i v i d u a l citizen a n d the p o l i s v i v i d a n d i m m e d i a t e . B y a c o n t i n u o u s process o f i n t e r a c t i o n , the p o l i s kept ideals o f citizenship aloft. W h e r e the m o d e r n attitude emphasizes the state "as a piece o f machinery, for the p r o d u c t i o n o f safety a n d c o n v e n i e n c e , " the p o l i s w a s a l i v i n g force a l w a y s i n the process o f c r e a t i o n , the s u m t o t a l o f "the w h o l e c o m m u ­ n a l life o f the people, p o l i t i c a l , c u l t u r a l , m o r a l —even e c o n o m i c " (ibid.).

Historie Models of Community

19

P l a t o , Socrates, A r i s t o t l e , a n d the great poets a n d p l a y w r i g h t s w e revere to this d a y were a l l deeply a part o f the p o l i s . A e s c h y l u s depicted it as "the very c r o w n a n d s u m m i t o f t h i n g s " (ibid., p . 75). A r i s t o t l e defined m a n as " a creature w h o lives i n a p o l i s " a n d o n l y w i t h i n it c o u l d he attain h u m a n i t y (Bosanquet 1 8 9 5 , p . 2 7 ) . T h e p o l i s a n d its r e l i g i o n , art, games, a n d debates were "necessary" i n a w a y that v o l u n ­ tary associations o f l i k e - m i n d e d people are not. " V i v i d a n d c o m p r e h e n ­ s i b l e , " the p o l i s w a s one w i t h the hills a n d sea, w i t h the a c r o p o l i s a n d the m a r k e t , w i t h one's self a n d one's w o r l d , a l i v i n g c o m m u n i t y . T h o u g h ancient A t h e n s scarcely represented the m o d e l o f the "faceto-face" society that m a n y have c l a i m e d , attributes o f a l o c a l c o m m u ­ nity, were clearly i n evidence: C l o s e i n t e r a c t i o n w i t h k n o w n others p r o ­ v i d e d the feeling o f c o m m u n i t y , a n d the crossing o f social boundaries v i a the exercise o f citizenship p r o v i d e d its substance. If i n the classical fifth-century B . O . E . Athens had evolved into a "an imagined c o m m u ­ n i t y " r u n by a n elite ( O b e r 1 9 8 9 , p p . 3 1 , 33), at a deeper level, it d r e w o n a c o m m o n ethnic heritage, ancestral ties to A t t i c s o i l , a n d a c o m m o n political and ecological framework. A t its height, the p o l i s w a s c o m p l e m e n t e d by elaborate p u b l i c b u i l d ­ ings. These i n c l u d e d a n a c r o p o l i s , protective w a l l s , the a g o r a , temples, a theater, a n d g y m n a s i a . P u b l i c assembly, r o t a t i o n o f office, a n d p e r i o d i c election o f officeholders characterized its governance. C i t i z e n s were ex­ pected to help shape p u b l i c p o l i c y directly, i n contrast to m o d e r n p o l i t i ­ cal democracies w i t h their representative institutions that m a k e govern­ ment seem distant a n d remote. W i t h o u t a p o l i s , one h a d n o h o m e a n d faced permanent exile. A t its noblest, p o l i s meant freedom, security, connectedness, a n d the g o o d life ( M a c l n t y r e 1 9 8 0 , p . 127). N o t u n l i k e t w o t h o u s a n d years later, however, another p r o m i n e n t theme v i e d w i t h the p o l i s to create f a m i l i a r a n d stressful c o n t r a d i c t i o n s : the theme o f i n d i v i d u a l glory, as exemplified by the victors i n athletic contests. These victors were a source o f p r i d e , since they b r o u g h t h o n o r to the entire p o l i s , a n d they were celebrated i n song a n d story. Yet the contests also encouraged a self-aggrandizement a n d self-centeredness i n ­ i m i c a l to the sense o f c o m m u n i t y . E v e n t u a l l y , the "fierce c o m p e t i t i o n for p u b l i c h o n o r a n d a raw, undisguised drive for riches scarcely ever a g a i n equaled i n ancient t i m e s " came close to destroying the s p i r i t u a l u n i t y o f the p o l i s . Yet another f a m i l i a r a n d c o n t i n u o u s source o f tension a n d disap­ p o i n t m e n t i n the ancient p o l i s w a s p u b l i c indifference to the o b l i g a t i o n s of c i t i z e n s h i p . C i t i z e n s d i d n o t a l w a y s live u p to their duties o r a p p r e c i ­ ate the rights granted t h e m . T h e ideals o f p u b l i c duty, self-governance, a n d c o m m i t m e n t were often elusive, u n d e r m i n e d by fractious c i v i l strife a n d social indifference. S t i l l , the structure — the f r a m e w o r k — w a s i n

20

Chapter 2

place. It s t o o d as a testament to the b r i l l i a n c e o f G r e e k c i v i l i z a t i o n a n d the i n s p i r a t i o n it offered i n the centuries to f o l l o w . It w a s the G r e e k s w h o were the first i n W e s t e r n c i v i l i z a t i o n to w o r k out the c o m p l e x l i n k s between the i n d i v i d u a l a n d the c o m m u n i t y : T h e c o m m u n i t y expressed the " c o m m o n m i n d , " one reflected i n every i n d i ­ v i d u a l ; but i n t u r n , the i n d i v i d u a l needed the c o m m u n i t y for full h u ­ m a n i t y (Bosanquet 1 8 9 5 ) . T h e p o l i s was the f r a m e w o r k w i t h i n w h i c h every citizen w a s ex­ pected to take part a n d j o i n w i t h others to address c o m m o n concerns. A s a f o r u m it w o u l d enable the citizens to deliberate as a b o d y ; as a c o u r t , it w o u l d judge w r o n g s done to citizens. A m o d e r n person forced to choose between f a m i l y a n d c o u n t r y m i g h t w e l l choose family. S u c h a choice w o u l d have been i n c o n c e i v a b l e to the ancients. W h o e v e r w o u l d pose such a choice o b v i o u s l y w a s a " c i t i z e n o f n o w h e r e , an i n t e r n a l exile wherever he l i v e d . " H e n c e a bar­ b a r i a n l a c k e d a p o l i s a n d the p o l i t i c a l relationships based o n freedom a n d n e g o t i a t i o n a m o n g sovereign subjects (ibid., p . 146). A l t h o u g h remote i n h i s t o r i c t i m e , the G r e e k s suffered f r o m some very m o d e r n ills that w o u l d eventually b r i n g d o w n the society o f w h i c h the p o l i s w a s a p r i m e c r e a t i o n . W a r r i n g city-states, i n t e r n a l f a c t i o n a l ­ i s m , a n d a n a r r o w c o n c e p t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y a n d citizenship that ex­ c l u d e d a m a j o r i t y o f the people w o u l d seriously u n d e r m i n e the b o d y p o l i t i c ( G o u l d n e r 1 9 6 5 , p . 166). T h e p r o m i s e o f full citizenship i n ancient Greece was a bit l i k e the p r o m i s e o f equality i n the m o d e r n U n i t e d States. It w a s a n i d e a l deeply e m b e d d e d i n institutions a n d belief systems, a theory available to a l l , yet reality fell short. S u c h c u l t u r a l inconsistencies, then as n o w , are n o t w i t h o u t serious psychic a n d p o l i t i c a l consequences. W h i l e the actual poleis o f the ancient G r e e k s have a l l perished, the ideal remains alive, not o n l y because o f its salience i n the w r i t t e n legacy o f the greatest m i n d s o f the day but because o f the grandeur o f its v i s i o n o f a just a n d v i t a l c o m m u n i t y . Socrates, P l a t o , a n d A r i s t o t l e , each i n a s o m e w h a t different w a y , sought to a n c h o r c o m m u n i t y " i n d e p e n d e n t l y o f society" since society w a s i n the process o f i n s t i t u t i o n a l a n d m o r a l b r e a k d o w n ; hence each stressed the i m p o r t a n c e o f the m o r a l u n d e r p i n n i n g s o f c o m m u n i t y . F o r P l a t o , especially, social d i s u n i t y w a s v i e w e d as the greatest e v i l , reflect­ i n g a b r e a k d o w n o f social hierarchies a n d a l a c k o f consensus o n basic values a n d standards. Indeed, i n The Republic, the guardians u p o n reach­ i n g the age o f fifty were, above a l l , to reflect o n the nature o f c o m m u ­ nity. T o w a r d this a i m , g r o u p goals a n d l o y a l t y to the t o t a l i t y were to be p u t above i n d i v i d u a l s t r i v i n g for w e a l t h a n d fame. T h e highest h o n o r s were a c c o r d e d to those w h o put the c o m m o n g o o d above i n d i v i d u a l gain.

Historie Models of Community

21

L i k e a w e l l - f u n c t i o n i n g o r g a n i s m , the g o o d c o m m u n i t y w o u l d be m a i n t a i n e d by s o u n d l a w s , shared values, leadership b y a m o r a l a n d d i s c i p l i n e d elite o f p h i l o s o p h e r - k i n g s , a n d citizens v a l u i n g a life o f rea­ son, justice, a n d m o r a l probity. T h e c o m m u n i t y P l a t o a n d his teacher Socrates envisioned rested o n a v i e w o f h u m a n nature that differed sharply f r o m that o f today. T h e e x e m p l a r y citizens o f The Republic practiced self-constraint, t o o k the long-range perspective, a n d deferred gratification. T h e y aspired to vir­ tue, not happiness, a n d virtue w a s r o o t e d i n c o m m u n a l w e l l - b e i n g . It is n o t that the ancient G r e e k s abjured self-interest, w h i c h focuses i n d i v i d u a l s o n their o w n w e l l - b e i n g . T h e y u n d e r s t o o d its lures o n l y t o o w e l l . W h a t they urged w a s that it become enlightened self-interest, w h i c h rests o n people's awareness that they need others a n d have a stake i n each other's lives. Therefore, the g o o d life depends o n the r e a l i z a t i o n that it involves everyone's p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d effective leadership. C o r ­ rupt leaders c o u l d spell disaster for a c o m m u n i t y . S u c h ideas, notes M a c l n t y r e , are alien to the " m o d e r n l i b e r a l i n d i v i d u a l i s t w o r l d " where there is " n o c o n c e p t i o n o f such a f o r m o f c o m m u n i t y " ( M a c l n t y r e 1 9 8 0 , p. 46). W h i l e P l a t o a n d A r i s t o t l e agreed o n the necessity for a v i t a l , cohe­ sive, self-governing c o m m u n i t y , they differed strongly o n h o w such a c o m m u n i t y w a s to be attained. F o r P l a t o , the c o h e s i o n a n d integrity o f the p o l i s rested fundamentally o n the c r e a t i o n o f a special elite —the guardians o r philosopher-kings — w h o w o u l d be selected at b i r t h a n d reared c o m m u n a l l y i n order to fulfill their great o b l i g a t i o n s . T h e y w o u l d k n o w neither private p r o p e r t y n o r the private family, p r e s u m a b l y to eliminate the strongest sources o f vested g r o u p - a n d self-interest. T h e i r e d u c a t i o n w o u l d stress an abstemious style o f life, i m m e r s i o n i n heroic ideals, a n d the readiness to defend the c o m m u n i t y i n case o f attack a n d to sacrifice their lives for its sake. V o e g e l i n speaks o f "the somatic u n i t y o f the P o l i s , " a n o b s e r v a t i o n that stems f r o m the c o m m u n a l m a t i n g scheme P l a t o devised for the elite guardians. W h y , he asks, w a s P l a t o not content to strive for a s p i r i t u a l u n i t y achieved by a sharing o f ideals a n d c o m m i t m e n t s ? T h i s w a s , after a l l , the historic " s o l u t i o n " to the p r o b l e m o f f o r m i n g c o m m u n i t i e s be­ y o n d real o r fictitious f a m i l y relationships (Voegelin 1 9 9 1 , p . 118). T h e answer lies i n Plato's belief i n the inseparability o f b o d y a n d psyche; a c c o r d i n g to h i m , c o m m u n i t y has to become o r g a n i c a l l y merged w i t h its constituents. A r i s t o t l e also focused o n the leadership o f the ideal p o l i s , but he felt that the a i m s h o u l d be to educate a l l the citizens so that they w o u l d be capable o f electing their o w n rulers. P l a t o , by contrast, endeavored to fuse his " g u a r d i a n s " i n t o a separate entity that w o u l d enact the p u b l i c interest for the c o m m u n i t y .

22

Chapter 2

T h e use of the p r o n o u n " m i n e " illustrates the difference clearly. " M i n e " for A r i s t o t l e refers to the s u m o f each i n d i v i d u a l ' s stake i n the c o m m o n interest. " M i n e " for P l a t o means a collective designation, i n w h i c h the i n d i v i d u a l is effaced. In A r i s t o t l e ' s view, this c o n f o u n d s self a n d society, the personal a n d the p o l i t i c a l . Instead o f a b o l i s h i n g private property, as d i d P l a t o , A r i s t o t l e w o u l d extend p r o p e r t y o w n e r s h i p widely, for he believed that it is out o f such p e r s o n a l interest a n d attachments that a c o m m o n interest m i g h t emerge. T h e philia or friendships that get translated i n t o shared goals a n d ideals are not the result o f "the c o m m u n i z a t i o n o f their p r o p e r t y " (ibid., p . 39). T h e reverse is true: F r i e n d s h i p s g r o w out o f shared experiences. N o s u p e r i m p o s e d g u a r d i a n elite c a n achieve the p r o p e r goals o f the p o l i s . O n l y e d u c a t i o n for excellence a m o n g citizens able a n d w i l l i n g to b u i l d a c o m m u n i t y c a n achieve t h e m . It appears, then, that P l a t o a n d A r i s t o t l e each a i m e d for u n i t y i n the p o l i s , but they entertained quite different conceptions o f unity. F o r P l a t o , u n i t y was for the l i k e - m i n d e d ; A r i s t o t l e believed that there w a s u n i t y i n interdependence. F o r b o t h t h i n k e r s , furthermore, u n i t y i n the polis w a s l i n k e d to size. P l a t o o p t e d for 5,040 citizens ( w h i c h w o u l d t o t a l some 2 0 , 0 0 0 people i f families, servants, foreigners, a n d slaves were i n c l u d e d ) , a n u m b e r he t h o u g h t s m a l l e n o u g h to be addressed by a single orator. A r i s t o t l e a d v o c a t e d limits o f size consistent w i t h f a m i l ­ iarity so that citizens c o u l d "get to k n o w one another p e r s o n a l l y , " w h i c h w o u l d then enable t h e m to "judge one another's s u i t a b i l i t y for h i g h office" ( O b e r 1 9 8 9 , p . 33). It w a s above a l l the spirit o f connected­ ness that the p o l i s w a s to encourage a n d sustain (Voegelin 1 9 9 1 , p . 247). Since the g o o d c o m m u n i t y requires citizens o f virtue, breadth, a n d c o m m i t m e n t to a m o r a l f r a m e w o r k g u i d e d by p h i l o s o p h e r - k i n g s , atten­ t i o n must be p a i d to b o t h e d u c a t i o n for citizenship a n d e d u c a t i o n for leadership. P l a t o focused m o r e o n leadership t h a n d i d A r i s t o t l e , but b o t h l o o k e d to the p o l i s to save the w o r l d the G r e e k s k n e w a n d l o v e d .

The Monastic Community Q u i t e a contrast to the p o l i s is the m o n a s t i c c o m m u n i t y , a c o m m u n i t y that eschews diversity a n d w o r l d l i n e s s i n favor o f a quiet, isolated, c o n ­ templative existence. T h o s e w h o w o u l d j o i n are chosen for their suit­ a b i l i t y to this w a y o f life. A s a v o l u n t a r y c o m m u n i t y , those w h o choose to r e m a i n must abide by a set o f distinctive values a n d goals that r e i n ­ force its m i s s i o n o n an o n g o i n g basis. T h o u g h m a r k e d by an intense spirituality, the monastery is s i m i l a r to other k i n d s o f c o m m u n i t i e s i n its

Historic Models of Community

23

reliance o n a n u m b e r of essential integrative mechanisms. In a d d i t i o n to selective recruitment a n d v o l u n t a r y p a r t i c i p a t i o n , there is a characteris­ tic spatial pattern w i t h clear-cut p h y s i c a l boundaries, a n ethos o f m u ­ t u a l a i d , shared beliefs a n d rituals, a n d the authoritative guidance o f the abbot. H i l l e r y ' s careful in-depth analysis (1992) o f T r a p p i s t m o n a s ­ teries — w h i c h have a history that dates back to the early C h r i s t i a n c o m ­ munities — depicts a w a y o f life dedicated to the c o m m u n a l i d e a l . Indeed H i l l e r y proposes that m e n c o m e to the monastery " u l t i m a t e l y because o f a need for l o v e " (p. 34), a n d that the "search for love becomes a search i n c o m m u n i t y . " B u t the love sought a n d i n s p i r e d is not as the w o r l d outside defines it. T h e love generated there is "unselfish, universalistic, a n d i n c l u s i v e , " a diffuse, benign feeling that unites the members i n t o one devout c o n ­ gregation. U n l i k e eros, or r o m a n t i c l o v e , w h i c h is possessive a n d selfcentered, agapic love requires detachment a n d unselfish d e v o t i o n to a l l the members. W h e r e eros divides a n d is antithetical to c o m m u n i t y , agape helps to solidify c o m m u n i t y . Agape is fostered i n n u m e r o u s w a y s — b y s p i r i t u a l readings a n d prayer, c o m m o n w o r s h i p , gatherings for the c o m ­ m o n d a i l y m e a l , a n d the rule o f celibacy — a l l o f w h i c h help diffuse sentimental attachments t h r o u g h o u t the c o m m u n i t y . T h e entire social o r g a n i z a t i o n o f the monastery is geared to realize this i d e a l . T o achieve it, however, requires e n o r m o u s effort i n v o l v i n g a c o n t i n u o u s struggle against c o n t r a r y impulses a n d often "unbearable tensions." A n o t h e r value central to furthering the m i s s i o n o f a l l - e m b r a c i n g c o m m i t m e n t o f self to c o m m u n i t y is " d i s c i p l i n e d f r e e d o m . " T h i s c o n ­ trasts w i t h egoistic freedom, the self-interest that is i n c o m p a t i b l e w i t h the intense c o m m u n a l goals o f the monastery. D i s c i p l i n e d freedom rests o n a balance between obedience to the rules, the liturgy, a n d the expec­ tations o f m o n a s t i c life. Its freedom lies i n the choice to c o m m i t one's self to the goals o f m o n a s t i c life ( H i l l e r y 1 9 9 2 , p . 2 0 9 ) . T h e a b b o t sets the s p i r i t u a l tone o f the monastery, coordinates schedules a n d activities, a n d adjudicates disagreements, m a k i n g the t o u g h decisions w h e n necessary. A l t h o u g h the m o d e r n a b b o t does not have quite as m u c h p o w e r as his m e d i e v a l counterpart, he is a c r i t i c a l focus o f the c o m m u n i t y . T h e role o f the a b b o t is m u c h like that o f the G u a r d i a n s i n Plato's Republic; o n his w i s d o m a n d integrity rests the fate o f the totality. A s b o t h s p i r i t u a l head a n d p o l i t i c a l leader, he must help the c o m m u n i t y find consensus a n d assure that the rules are observed (ibid., p . 125). G i v e n the supreme a n d c o n t i n u o u s emphasis o n the values r e q u i r e d to sustain the c o m m u n i t y — agape, celibacy, a n d d i s c i p l i n e d freedom — h o w successful has the monastery been i n a c h i e v i n g its stated goals? In

24

Chapter 2

a series o f surveys, H i l l e r y f o u n d a " s t r i k i n g u n i f o r m i t y , " a l o n g w i t h some i m p o r t a n t dissenting v i e w s . M o r e t h a n nine-tenths o f the m o n k s u n q u e s t i o n i n g l y supported the monastery's rituals, the a u t h o r i t y o f the a b b o t , a n d the values o f c a r i n g a n d sacrifice. T h e y endorsed: • • • • •

T h e d i g n i t y a n d w o r t h o f each person T h e indispensability o f s h a r i n g a n d sacrifice T h e value o f g r o u p discussion T h e leadership o f the a b b o t , subject to the same rules as the members Agapic love a n d c o m m u n i o n (ibid.)

B u t there were w i d e l y perceived p r o b l e m s as w e l l : I d e o l o g i c a l het­ erogeneity w a s seen to u n d e r m i n e value consensus a n d c l a r i t y o f pur­ pose. A l t h o u g h e m o t i o n a l c o h e s i o n a n d value consensus w a s strong, mistrust was there t o o , i m p e d i n g o p e n c o m m u n i c a t i o n . Consensus a n d allegiance were further challenged by the i m p a c t o f the outside w o r l d , w h i c h w e a k e n e d c o m m u n i t y c o h e s i o n . T h e monastery, set apart a n d self-contained as it strove to be, w a s not a n " i s o l a t e d capsule." Some o f the m o n k s w o r k e d outside the c o m m u n i t y a n d outside visitors regularly appeared, so that the lures o f m a t e r i a l possessions a n d c o n s u m e r i s m encroached o n their ideals. These w o r l d l y temptations were not so strong, however, as to endanger the m o n k s ' c o m m i t m e n t s to their basic p r i n c i p l e s . In a n i m p o r t a n t sense the m o n a s t i c c o m m u n i t y is ever i n process o f b e c o m i n g . Perhaps the chief lesson for m o d e r n s to be learned f r o m the m o n a s ­ tic c o m m u n i t y has to d o w i t h its concept o f love. " L o v e i n some f o r m , " notes H i l l e r y "is i m p o r t a n t to any c o m m u n a l o r g a n i z a t i o n , " a n d love can be b u i l t i n t o a c o l l e c t i v i t y o n a "diffused, detached, i n c l u s i v e , u n i versalistic . . . a n d s p i r i t u a l basis (ibid., p p . 2 1 2 , 2 1 4 ) . H o w c a n agape be m a d e part o f less s p i r i t u a l l y focused c o m m u ­ nities? In H i l l e r y ' s view, agape as a p r i n c i p l e o f togetherness m a y not develop u n t i l h u m a n k i n d is c o m p e l l e d to it by necessity — u n t i l the end o f o r g a n i z e d social life is signaled by poverty, c r i m e , f a m i l y disintegra­ t i o n , a n d i n s t i t u t i o n a l c o r r u p t i o n . B u t even i n as closely focused a c o m ­ m u n i t y as a T r a p p i s t monastery, the c u l t i v a t i o n o f selfless love requires constant vigilance a n d c o n t i n u o u s reinforcement. T h e m o n a s t i c c o m m u n i t y , s p i r i t u a l , selfless, a n d cooperative i n p r i n c i p l e , requires careful n u r t u r i n g i n practice. It c a n n o t be t a k e n for granted; n o r c a n it be created once a n d for a l l . It is the o u t c o m e o f c o n t i n u a l a n d p r o f o u n d d e v o t i o n to a w a y o f life, o f w o r k , a n d o f a b i d ­ i n g ideals. Agape m a i n t a i n s the m o n a s t i c c o m m u n i t y (ibid., p . 2 1 2 ) ; it plays the same role as f a m i l i a l love i n w o r l d l y c o m m u n i t i e s a n d thus fosters human evolution.

Historie Models of Community

25

H o w e v e r , H i l l e r y takes great pains to d i s t i n g u i s h the m o n a s t i c type o f c o m m u n i t y f r o m f a m i l i a l institutions i n secular c o m m u n i t i e s . In the monastery, the m o n k s ' allegiance is n o t to specific others but to G o d a n d their " c o m m o n m i s s i o n . " A l s o , the emphasis is o n a solitary, n o t a n interdependent, existence that is c o m m i t t e d to collective s u r v i v a l a n d s p i r i t u a l u n i t y ( i b i d . , p . 50).

The Puritan Commonwealth Between 1628 a n d 1 6 3 4 , ten t h o u s a n d Puritans settled i n the M a s s a ­ chusetts B a y C o l o n y o f N o r t h A m e r i c a , a n d the c o l o n i a l t o w n s they a n d later i m m i g r a n t s created were each " a little c o m m o n w e a l t h " a n d w o u l d become the m o d e l later settlers w o u l d strive to emulate. U n l i k e historic E u r o p e a n c o m m u n i t i e s , they h a d to focus o n s u r v i v a l under pressing a n d urgent circumstances a n d create c o m m u n i t y f r o m scratch ( P o w e l l 1 9 6 5 , p . x v i ) . A b l e to select their members a n d fashion their o w n l a w s , the P u r i t a n c o m m u n i t i e s o f N e w E n g l a n d p u t a permanent stamp o n A m e r i c a n society. U n d e r the aegis o f G o v e r n o r J o h n W i n t h r o p , this " m o d e l o f C h r i s ­ t i a n c h a r i t y . . . w a s to w o r k out its c o m m o n destiny under G o d i n the c o m m u n i t y they were a b o u t to b u i l d . " W i n t h r o p gave t h e m their as­ signment i n these r i n g i n g w o r d s : W e must delight i n each other, m a k e others' c o n d i t i o n s o u r o w n , rejoice together, a l w a y s h a v i n g before o u r eyes . . . o u r c o m m u n i t y i n the w o r k , o u r c o m m u n i t y as members o f the same b o n d . W e s h a l l be as a city u p o n a h i l l w i t h the eyes o f a l l people . . . u p o n us. (ibid., p . 6) T h e c o m m u n i t y fashioned by the Puritans became the m o d e l f o l l o w e d by countless others, a n d once f o r m e d , o n l y a nucleus o f the faithful was needed to m a i n t a i n it. B u t at the start, the c r u c i a l struggle w a s to de­ v e l o p a m o d e l that w o u l d h o l d the c o m m u n i t y together a n d preserve it f r o m disintegration. T h e r e w a s n o established place to r u n t o , n o " a n ­ cient w a l l s suggesting c o n t i n u i t y a n d stability amidst flux," n o " m a r k e t square stones w o r n by countless feet to give a reassuring sense o f per­ m a n e n c e . " Instead, the wilderness, the hazards o f fire, pestilence, a n d s t o r m a l l r e m i n d e d the inexperienced settlers o f the " p r e c a r i o u s , m a n m a d e , c o n s c i o u s l y fashioned character" o f their w o r l d (Smith 1 9 6 6 , p . 7). T h e terrors o f the wilderness were n o t as fearful as the p s y c h o l o g i ­ c a l terrors that beset the pioneers. One's sins i m p e r i l e d the g r o u p , a n d one's d e r e l i c t i o n o f d u t y c o u l d h u r t one's neighbors. " I n such a crucible w a s the spirit o f the covenanted c o m m u n i t y forged, w r a c k e d by anxiety

26

Chapter 2

a n d y e a r n i n g , t o r m e n t e d by self-doubt, e x a l t e d by hope, cemented by f a i t h " (ibid.). T h e i r ceaseless struggle c o n f i r m e d M a r t i n Buber's concept o f the true c o m m u n i t y as a " c o m m u n i t y o f t r i b u l a t i o n . . . w h i c h makes it a c o m m u n i t y o f s p i r i t " a n d also a c o m m u n i t y o f s a l v a t i o n ( H e r b e r g 1 9 5 6 , p . 129). Indeed, a " c h r o n i c state o f c r i s i s " created anxieties that led to periodic p u b l i c confessions a n d punishments for "delinquent saints," w h i c h m o b i l i z e d the c o m m u n i t y to reaffirm its c o m m i t m e n t to the cove­ nant. M a n y a c o m m u n i t y p e r i o d i c a l l y r e n e w e d this c o m m i t m e n t i n p u b l i c ceremonies " o f e x t r a o r d i n a r y p o w e r a n d s o l e m n i t y " (ibid., p p . 8, 10). In fact, it has been suggested that the early E n g l i s h settlers estab­ lished a " m o r e deeply r o o t e d " c o m m u n a l life o n A m e r i c a n soil t h a n the one they h a d left b e h i n d i n E u r o p e . D u e to the d i s r u p t i o n o f their his­ t o r i c c o m m u n i t i e s by the forces o f i n d u s t r i a l i s m , they b r o u g h t w i t h t h e m a "threatened sense o f c o m m u n i t y " w h i c h reinforced their " c o m ­ m i t m e n t to l o c a l i s m " w h e n they reached these shores (Bender 1 9 7 8 , p . 63). T h e covenanted c o m m u n i t i e s o f N e w E n g l a n d like the early C h r i s ­ t i a n c o m m u n i t i e s a n d later nineteenth-century c o m m u n e s typify c o m ­ m u n i t y at its greatest intensity. "Its imperatives were passed o n to c h i l ­ d r e n a n d g r a n d c h i l d r e n " a n d s u r v i v e d i n secular v a r i a t i o n s over the centuries. " W i t h o u t covenants, the pioneers w o u l d s i m p l y have recre­ ated the E u r o p e a n system o f peasants a n d l a n d l o r d s . . . a n d so perpetu­ ated the o l d system o f ranks a n d a u t h o r i t y o n t o the n e w s o i l " (ibid., p . 11). B y the time o f the A m e r i c a n R e v o l u t i o n , the c o v e n a n t e d c o m m u ­ nities h a d p a v e d the w a y for u n i t y a m o n g the o r i g i n a l thirteen B r i t i s h colonies. It was i n these s m a l l , l o c a l c o m m u n i t i e s that future actors i n the n a t i o n a l d r a m a were s p a w n e d . T h e p o w e r o f collective purpose ex­ emplified by these i m p a s s i o n e d , inner-directed m e n a n d w o m e n w a s to inspire citizens to seek a c o m m o n destiny under the C o n s t i t u t i o n o f the U n i t e d States. A l t h o u g h f r o m the earliest days i n the A m e r i c a n c o l o n i e s t r a d i t i o n a l c o m m u n a l patterns coexisted w i t h m o r e diversified n o n c o m m u n a l ones, a t h r e a d o f c o m m u n a l i s m cemented a deep c o n n e c t i o n be­ t w e e n "the c o m m u n i t y o n the h i l l " a n d the n e w n a t i o n o f 1 7 7 6 . T h e covenant, it is generally agreed, w a s the distinctive feature o f the N e w E n g l a n d c o m m u n i t i e s o f the seventeenth century, e n d o w i n g these settlements w i t h a spirit o f f e l l o w s h i p a n d a d i v i n e l y sanctioned m i s s i o n that fused reason a n d e m o t i o n i n t o a n a b i d i n g w h o l e . S t i l l , c o m m u n i t y b u i l d i n g was n o t a n a u t o m a t i c process a n d the covenant d i d n o t create a m y s t i c b o n d w i t h o u t h a r d effort. T h e r e w a s m u c h unrest a n d i n s t a b i l i t y i n the early days, a n d m a n y settlers m o v e d f r o m one c o m m u n i t y to another i n r a p i d succession u n t i l they f o u n d one that suited t h e m i d e o l o g i c a l l y as w e l l as personally.

Historic Models of Community

27

A s the p o p u l a t i o n o f a c o m m u n i t y increased, entire groups m i g h t split off to seek m o r e o p p o r t u n e settings. B u t for those w h o r e m a i n e d , "the w e b o f c o m m u n i t y d r e w a l l i m p o r t a n t social n e t w o r k s together" (ibid., p p . 7 3 , 132). It w a s o b v i o u s to a l l that e c o n o m i c s u r v i v a l re­ q u i r e d everyone's c o o p e r a t i o n a n d the settlers j o i n e d i n b u i l d i n g roads, p l a n t i n g c r o p s , a n d harvesting, a l l o f w h i c h reinforced a p r o f o u n d sense of " t o t a l i t y a n d u n i t y " ( B u s h m a n 1 9 6 7 , p . 16). Between 1 7 6 0 a n d 1 7 7 6 , 2 6 4 n e w t o w n s were established i n n o r t h ­ ern N e w E n g l a n d by the G e n e r a l C o u r t , w h i c h granted the rights to establish such t o w n s to groups o f settlers. T h e center o f each c o l o n i a l settlement w a s the meetinghouse. A l w a y s the first i m p o r t a n t b u i l d i n g to be erected ( W r i g h t 1 9 8 1 , p p . 3 - 1 7 ) , it was the center o f s o c i a l a n d p u b l i c life as w e l l as o f religious w o r s h i p . A n d by a l l accounts, life was tightly integrated a n d focused o n h o m e , w o r s h i p , w o r k , a n d c o m m o n enterprise. These c o m m u n i t i e s became deeply r o o t e d quite q u i c k l y , helped i n i ­ tially by "diffuse s p i r i t u a l a n d e m o t i o n a l b o n d i n g " that stemmed f r o m the settlers' p r o f o u n d experiences o f m i g r a t i o n a n d u p r o o t i n g , their reli­ gious c o m m i t m e n t s , a n d their fears o f the u n k n o w n . T h e n t o o , the set­ tlers h a d some choice as to where to settle a n d c o u l d m o v e a n d sample u n t i l they f o u n d a site a n d people they l i k e d — w h i c h increased the p o ­ tential for c o h e s i o n . Ideology w a s also significant, as were spatial cent r a l i t y a n d interdependence. A n o t h e r impetus for c o h e s i o n , w i d e l y r e m a r k e d u p o n , was the h i g h degree o f h o m o g e n e i t y o f the P u r i t a n c o m m u n i t y w i t h its n a r r o w b a n d of o c c u p a t i o n s a n d a fairly even d i s t r i b u t i o n o f w e a l t h . It was sustained by religious belief, a unified p o l i t i c a l v i s i o n , the interpénétration o f f a m ­ ily a n d c o m m u n i t y , a n d the m e r g i n g o f private a n d p u b l i c life. I m b u e d w i t h a spirit o f c o m m u n i t y , the traditions they created w o u l d i n f o r m the c i v i l i z a t i o n - i n - t h e - m a k i n g for generations. L i k e the ancient p o l i s , the " l o c a l c o m m u n i t y was a concrete reality that w a s i m m e d i a t e l y seen, felt, a n d e x p e r i e n c e d " (Bender 1 9 7 8 , p . 88), whereas the larger society t a k i n g shape w a s remote a n d abstract. In n u m e r o u s w a y s , then, eigh­ teenth-century c o l o n i a l c o m m u n i t i e s were closed islands i n a n o p e n so­ ciety c o n c e n t r a t i n g e c o n o m i c , p o l i t i c a l , social, a n d religious forces w i t h i n a s m a l l compass. In time, extensive geographic m o b i l i t y w o u l d result i n a t w o - t i e r e d c o m m u n i t y . O n e tier was " a n e c o n o m i c a l l y successful permanent g r o u p that shaped the values a n d d i r e c t i o n o f s o c i a l life i n the t o w n , " the other w a s a less successful, m o r e transient p o p u l a t i o n i n search o f o p ­ p o r t u n i t y elsewhere. M u l t i p l e loyalties a n d identities fashioned " c o n t r a ­ d i c t o r y systems o f order," a n d eventually " t w o c u l t u r a l systems coex­ isted side by side —one, l o c a l , i n t i m a t e , face-to-face, a n d the other,

28

Chapter 2

abstract, f o r m a l , distant, a n d i n the c u s t o d y o f a n elite" (ibid., p p . 6 4 , 77). In the century to c o m e , p o l i t i c a l d i v i s i o n w o u l d increase a n d the c o m m u n i t y w o u l d cease t o speak to the larger w o r l d w i t h a single v o i c e . W h i l e family, c h u r c h , s c h o o l , w o r k , a n d g o v e r n m e n t c o n t i n u e d to find their m e a n i n g i n the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y t h r o u g h o u t the nineteenth cen­ tury, it n o longer reigned supreme. Some o f the flavor o f the early struggles is i l l u s t r a t e d by the story o f seventeenth-century Sudbury, M a s s a c h u s e t t s , a tale "replete w i t h the D e v i l , greed, a n d a m b i t i o n , " stock themes i n a " l o c a l m o r a l i t y p l a y . " In P o w e l l ' s careful analysis, the difficulties c o n f r o n t i n g the pioneers emerge i n sharp relief. T h e n e w c o m e r s came i n t o a wilderness w i t h o u t even m i n i m a l amenities — there were n o taverns, shops, o r markets. T h e y h a d n o f o r e k n o w l e d g e o f the c o n d i t i o n s they w o u l d face, a n d once faced w i t h t h e m , any u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f h o w to deal w i t h t h e m . N o i n s t i t u ­ tions were i n place a n d each c o m m u n i t y floundered a m i d c h a o t i c inde­ c i s i o n ( P o w e l l 1 9 6 5 , p p . x v i , 102). S t i l l , w i t h i n t w o years after settling Sudbury, a distinctive s o c i a l , e c o n o m i c , a n d p o l i t i c a l life h a d t a k e n h o l d . E v e r y male citizen h a d ac­ cess to some p o r t i o n o f l a n d as w e l l as to a " t o w n - r i g h t " i n the c o m ­ m o n s w h e r e the cattle c o u l d feed. T h e farmer w h o w a s seen to care m o r e a b o u t " h i s o w n selfish a i m s " t h a n a b o u t the c o m m o n g o o d faced fierce reactions f r o m his fellows. T w o decades later, however, m a j o r generational cleavages surfaced. Y o u n g e r sons, pitted against their elders, d e m a n d e d m o r e l a n d , a n d this w o u l d threaten the "entire order o f S u d b u r y , " despite the strong " s p i r i t of m u t u a l c o o p e r a t i o n " a n d social h a r m o n y . C o n t e n d i n g factions m u l t i ­ p l i e d ( i b i d . , p p . 1 2 1 , 123). F o r some years, differences were resolved by means o f n e g o t i a t i o n a n d d i s c u s s i o n u n t i l g r o u p consensus w a s reached, a process helped by the faithful under the guidance o f o u t s t a n d i n g t o w n leaders. H o w e v e r , the " n e w institutions o f S u d b u r y being hopelessly inadequate to h a n d l e the frustration a n d the h o s t i l i t y " engendered by m a j o r a n d g r o w i n g p o l ­ icy differences d i d n o t fare so w e l l ( i b i d . , p . 1 4 2 ) . S t i l l , the extent o f self-government between 1 6 3 9 a n d 1 6 5 5 w a s s t r i k i n g — m o r e t h a n oneh a l f o f the male l a n d grantees served as selectmen a n d r a n v i r t u a l l y every t o w n f u n c t i o n . H o w e v e r , w i t h i n a few decades there w a s t r o u b l e i n paradise f r o m several unexpected sources. O n e w a s the very nature o f self-govern­ ment: " T h e headiness o f p o w e r " m a d e citizens " a r r o g a n t a n d u n m a n ­ ageable," l e a d i n g the pastor o f C o n c o r d to declare that perhaps t o o m u c h l i b e r t y a n d p o w e r h a d been p u t i n t o the hands o f the m u l t i t u d e (ibid., p . 152).

Historie Models of Community

29

G e n e r a t i o n a l schisms over access to l a n d a n d to p o l i t i c a l office ac­ centuated i d e o l o g i c a l cleavages between conservatives a n d egalitarians a n d p i t t e d a r i g i d a n d exclusive o l d g u a r d against r a d i c a l y o u n g T u r k s seeking to e x p a n d access to the social h i e r a r c h y o r a b o l i s h it. These issues rent the c o m m u n i t y a n d despoiled the "peace a n d c o m f o r t o f o u r meetings b o t h i n c h u r c h a n d t o w n " (ibid., p . 159). E v e n t u a l l y , eco­ n o m i c self-interest a n d governance became such contested issues that a n entire g r o u p o f citizens decided to f o u n d another t o w n w i t h quite differ­ ent p o l i t i c a l institutions. B u t the rebels f o u n d e d a n e w c o m m u n i t y that w a s m o r e conserva­ tive t h a n the o l d . H a v i n g " l e a r n e d the necessity o f order," these break­ aways established even stricter entrance requirements a n d sharper crite­ r i a o f c i t i z e n s h i p . L a n d grants were dependent o n the extent o f citizen p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d d e v o t i o n to the n e w Sudbury. F o r m a l c o m m i t m e n t a n d service became k e y criteria o f social r a n k a n d resource a l l o c a t i o n . R e s p o n s i b i l i t y for creating a n d m a i n t a i n i n g the c o m m u n i t y became a p a r a m o u n t o b l i g a t i o n , a n d self-governance, a respect for law, o r d e r l y processes o f c o o p e r a t i o n , a n d a sensitivity to s o c i a l justice became p r i ­ m a r y virtues ( i b i d . , p . 177). T o w n leaders c o n f r o n t e d c r i t i c a l p r o b l e m s i n a l l o f the p i o n e e r i n g c o m m u n i t i e s a n d t o i l e d h a r d to forge a basis for a life i n c o m m o n , j o i n e d i n the tasks by groups o f k n o w l e d g e a b l e citizens. In Sudbury, some fifty-five o f these elected the m a y o r each year, a n d he, a l o n g w i t h the a l d e r m e n a n d burgesses, c o n d u c t e d "the mystery o f g o v e r n m e n t , " some o f it i n secret. These r a n v i r t u a l l y every t o w n f u n c t i o n . Initially, any citizen c o u l d volunteer for service, but i n time a f a m i l i a r d i v i s i o n emerged between those w h o assumed r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the t o w n a n d those w h o were p u l l e d a l o n g w i t h o u t c o n t r i b u t i n g their share. A l s o , one must note the p a r a d o x that, i f the first generation departed f r o m their E n g l i s h experience, the second generation returned to it. T h e y r e i n ­ t r o d u c e d E n g l i s h c o m m o n law, levied "the K i n g ' s t a x " a n d i n v o k e d the " u l t i m a t e a u t h o r i t y o f the K i n g . " G r o w i n g pains aside, one must m a r v e l at the a b i l i t y o f these s m a l l c o m m u n i t i e s to create a basis for s u r v i v a l by means o f their faith, their g o o d w i l l , their h a r d w o r k , a n d their s u p p o r t of s u c h k e y institutions as the t o w n meeting (ibid., p p . 1 8 4 , 185) i n w h i c h p r o b l e m s were aired a n d resolved by means o f n e g o t i a t i o n a n d discussion u n t i l g r o u p consensus w a s reached. T h e r e w a s c o n c e r n for every i n h a b i t a n t a n d anyone i n need c o u l d receive c o m m u n a l attention n o matter w h a t their e c o n o m i c a n d social r a n k . L e a d e r s h i p p r o v e d c r i t i ­ c a l t h r o u g h o u t the development o f the c o m m u n i t y . T h e conscientious few kept the early spirit alive, standing g u a r d a n d c a r i n g for the c o m ­ m u n i t y ' s present a n d future. O n e o f the forces sustaining c o m m u n i t y w a s a c o m m o n v i e w o f the

30

Chapter 2

future. T h e Puritans d i d not l o o k b a c k w a r d to a shared past but for­ w a r d to a shared future. N o t to be underestimated w a s the sense o f crisis: A c h r o n i c state o f a n x i e t y a n d self-blame, p a r t i a l l y relieved b y p e r i o d i c p u b l i c confessions a n d repentance, reaffirmed the covenant (Smith 1 9 6 6 , p . 8). A n i d e o l o g y o f social equality w a s also i m p o r t a n t to sustaining c o m m u n i t y . Despite the existence o f s o c i a l r a n k s a n d a s o c i a l hierarchy, this i d e o l o g y generated a one-for-all p h i l o s o p h y n u r t u r e d by bonds o f " c o m p a s s i o n a t e s y m p a t h y . " T h e r e were persistent efforts to balance "the i m p u l s e t o w a r d i n d i v i d u a l i s m " w i t h the " p r i m a c y o f the c o m m o n l i f e . " A l o c a l government created by p e r i o d i c l o c a l elections, a l o n g w i t h the debates a n d decisions t a k e n at the t o w n meetings, stressed g o v e r n ­ ment by consensus, hence a collective o r i e n t a t i o n (ibid., 1 1 8 , 1 9 7 , 2 0 7 ) . T h u s , despite s o c i a l diversity — b y ethnic o r i g i n s , time o f a r r i v a l , ideology, a n d generation — a " f u n d a m e n t a l u n i f o r m i t y " based o n " l e g a l equality, i n d i v i d u a l liberty, a n d r e p u b l i c a n i n s t i t u t i o n s " p r e v a i l e d ( i b i d . , p . 2 1 8 ) . Diverse loyalties, identities, a n d o b l i g a t i o n s a l o n g w i t h increas­ i n g s o c i a l a n d t e c h n i c a l c o m p l e x i t y rendered life m o r e c o n f u s i n g but also m o r e c h a l l e n g i n g . A n d i n the c h a n g i n g c u l t u r a l k a l e i d o s c o p e , the private d o m a i n began to assume g r o w i n g i m p o r t a n c e . T h e intense focus o n the collective spirit i n c o l o n i a l N e w E n g l a n d h a d n o t obliterated the desire for privacy. In fact, F l a h e r t y ( 1 9 7 2 , p . 2) notes that p r i v a c y w a s i m p o r t a n t to the P u r i t a n s a n d it c o l l i d e d w i t h the ever-present, w a t c h f u l c o m m u n i t y . M a r k e t fairs, house-raisings, q u i l t i n g bees, t o w n meetings, gossip n e t w o r k s , w e d d i n g s , a n d funerals kept a focus o n c o m m u n i t y , a n d , given the n o r m s o f collective o b l i g a t i o n a n d responsibility, p r i v a c y was n o t as greatly v a l u e d at first as it w a s to be later, but the p u l l between i n d i v i d u a l i s m a n d c o m m u n i t y w a s definitely i n evidence. In time, g r o w i n g w e a l t h , the rise o f industry, a n d p o p u l a t i o n g r o w t h w o u l d erode the p i o n e e r i n g focus o n c o m m u n i t y . T h e Y a n k e e spirit o f independence, shrewdness, a n d desire for m a t e r i a l g a i n w o u l d replace the P u r i t a n spirit a n d a c c o r d a n " h o n o r a b l e place for self-interest i n the s o c i a l order." T h u s , i n the century to f o l l o w , i n d i v i d u a l i s m w o u l d flower a l o n g w i t h the e c o n o m i c renaissance o f i n d u s t r i a l i s m , but w i t h these also came the " s o r r o w s o f rootlessness" a n d loneliness ( i b i d . , p p . 2 8 7 , 288). M u c h o f early c o m m u n i t y d e v e l o p m e n t rested o n the shoulders o f designated leaders w h o were expected to give their time a n d energies u n s t i n t i n g l y to t o w n affairs. In o l d Sudbury, for e x a m p l e , Peter N o y e s , its founder, a m e m b e r o f a l e a d i n g f a m i l y i n the s m a l l E n g l i s h village f r o m w h i c h he came, was responsible for establishing the f r a m e w o r k for the entire c o m m u n i t y . In his c a p a c i t y as c h u r c h elder, judge, legisla-

Historic Models of Community

31

tor, a n d t o w n selectman, his influence o n the shape o f the c o m m u n i t y w o u l d last hundreds o f years. T h e counterforces o f c o m m u n i t y surfaced t o o , however. C o m p e t i n g sects a n d factions i n r e l i g i o n , p o l i t i c s , a n d t h o u g h t w e a k e n e d the cove­ n a n t a n d dispersed collective energies. T h e result w a s a ceaseless strug­ gle to discover "substitutes for the p r i m i t i v e c o v e n a n t " i n a cause, a m o v e m e n t , a force p r o v i d i n g a sense o f u n i t y a m i d change a n d m o b i l i t y . A s the n a t i o n grew, n a t i o n w i d e allegiances a n d definitions o f success m u l t i p l i e d . T h e lure o f the city a n d q u i c k riches, the excitement o f the h i g h life, a n d a g r o w i n g focus o n self-interest a n d self-advancement as time passed p r o v e d irresistible to many. R a p i d social change a n d the t u r n o v e r o f ideas a n d patterns o f c o n d u c t also eroded the earlier uniformity. B u t the key force against c o m m u n i t y , manifested earlier t h a n gener­ ally realized, w a s the i n d i v i d u a l p u r s u i t o f m a t e r i a l g a i n i n the f o r m o f l a n d s p e c u l a t i o n , d i v i s i o n o f the c o m m o n s , a n d absentee investments. N e w groups v y i n g for supremacy created social instability, endemic so­ c i a l conflict, a n d social i r r e s p o n s i b i l i t y as they struggled to amass a n d augment property. E v e n t u a l l y , the tide o f e c o n o m i c advancement a n d social m o b i l i t y w o u l d o v e r w h e l m the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y a n d erode ties o f place. T h u s , the p r i z e d ideals o f i n d i v i d u a l self-reliance a n d acquisitive­ ness were also the potent forces i n the d i s s o l u t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y . In the classical view, i n d i v i d u a l self-interest a n d the g o o d c o m m u ­ nity were v i e w e d as interrelated, each r e i n f o r c i n g the other. T h e pros­ perity o f the i n d i v i d u a l depended o n that o f the c o m m u n i t y . B y the nineteenth century, the reverse w a s believed: Success a n d prosperity, p u r s u e d i n d i v i d u a l l y , w o u l d u l t i m a t e l y lead to the success a n d prosper­ ity o f the c o m m u n i t y . B y the nineteenth century, therefore, t w o types o f settlements were i n evidence: " c o l o n i z e d " t o w n s , w h i c h were e x p l i c i t l y created for l i k e m i n d e d ethnic, religious, o r p o l i t i c a l inhabitants to realize some collec­ tive g o a l , m a n y designed as experiments i n c o m m u n a l l i v i n g , a n d " c u ­ m u l a t i v e " t o w n s that g r e w w i t h o u t a p l a n or purpose except p o s s i b l y that o f m a t e r i a l advantage — these were "mere collections o f houses a n d stores, clustered a r o u n d a l a n d i n g , where n o t h i n g but mercantile a n d m e c h a n i c a l business is done; where the inhabitants f o r m n o connec­ tions, o r habits, besides those w h i c h n a t u r a l l y g r o w o u t o f b a r g a i n a n d sales . . . where beauty is disregarded, a n d every convenience, except that o f trade is f o r g o t t e n " (Smith 1 9 6 6 , p p . 17, 31). N o t a b l y " l a c k i n g i n c o m m u n i t y structure," such t o w n s were chaotic a n d lawless unless " a father-authority figure e m e r g e d " w h o t o o k c o n t r o l to help develop c o m m u n i t y i n places, such as the frontier t o w n s o f legend a n d late-night movies, where there were neither c o m m o n traditions n o r c o m m o n interests.

32

Chapter 2

S m i t h notes a sequence o r p h a s i n g process here — w h i c h w e shall e x p l o r e i n the case study o f T w i n R i v e r s — f r o m " a n inchoate a n d formless p e r i o d " to one w i t h a p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y coherent c o m m u n i t y . B u t the price p a i d for the early disorder "often left p e r m a n e n t scars" (ibid., p . 32). T h e t w o types o f c o m m u n i t i e s bore the m a r k s o f their o r i g i n s l o n g after they h a d coalesced i n t o f u n c t i o n i n g c o m m u n i t i e s , the one unified socially a n d religiously, self-restrained, a n t i - u r b a n , a n d d i s d a i n f u l o f the acquisitive society a n d its materialist excesses, the other g l o r y i n g i n its rugged i n d i v i d u a l i s m a n d the u n t r a m m e l e d p u r s u i t o f w e a l t h . In t i m e , the covenanted c o m m u n i t y w o u l d become but a nostalgic m e m o r y . A l t h o u g h the o r i g i n a l d r e a m o f the g o o d c o m m u n i t y that w o u l d d i s p e l greed, poverty, a n d f a c t i o n a l i s m w a s never entirely e x t i n ­ guished, it h a d to a c c o m m o d a t e itself to the large-scale forces o f a n i n d u s t r i a l social order that shifted the c u l t u r a l spotlight to m o r e distant horizons. T h e covenant, so essential for the l a u n c h i n g o f early A m e r i c a n c o m ­ m u n i t i e s , w a s a u n i q u e achievement: It p u t the c o m m o n g o o d ahead o f i n d i v i d u a l advantage w i t h o u t e x t i n g u i s h i n g the significance o f the i n d i ­ v i d u a l , a l t h o u g h i n d i v i d u a l i s m w a s far m o r e c i r c u m s c r i b e d then t h a n it w a s later.

Nineteenth-Century Utopian Communities F r o m the b e g i n n i n g , c o m m u n a l utopias p r o l i f e r a t e d i n the U n i t e d States as n o w h e r e else. T h e r e w a s space a n d the freedom to b u i l d , a n d there

were pioneers eager to construct brave new worlds. A Utopian aura permeated the country, attracting idealists, reformers, a n d dreamers of every stripe. T h e spirit o f progress, o p t i m i s m , a n d i n n o v a t i o n perme­ ated nineteenth-century A m e r i c a as it c o n f r o n t e d b o t h the o p p o r t u n i t i e s and dislocations of industrialism. Some o f these social experiments were short l i v e d w h i l e others lasted for hundreds o f years. Some sought s a l v a t i o n t h r o u g h s p i r i t u a l regener­ a t i o n w h i l e others sought a r a d i c a l t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f s o c i a l i n s t i t u t i o n s . A l l o f t h e m , however, are instructive for w h a t they c a n tell us a b o u t U t o p i a n experiments i n c o m m u n i t y a n d the sources o f their successes a n d failures. T h e r e are m a n y accounts available o f the m o r e t h a n t w o h u n d r e d U t o p i a n c o m m u n i t i e s that came i n t o being d u r i n g these f o r m a ­ tive years, alternately reflecting the desire to escape f r o m the w o r l d o r to b u i l d it anew. A n d whether these c o m m u n i t i e s s u r v i v e d , as d i d some, o r perished, as d i d m o s t , they attract o u r attention because they pur­ sued a d r e a m o f h u m a n togetherness that still beckons us.

Historie Models of Community

33

T h e i m p u l s e to construct better w o r l d s survives i n those " i n t e n ­ t i o n a l " c o m m u n i t i e s that emphasize sharing, c o o p e r a t i o n , a n d a set o f ideals that p u t the i n d i v i d u a l i n a context o f collective w e l l - b e i n g . O t h e r c o m m u n i t i e s i n s p i r e d by s i m i l a r ideals i n c l u d e the secular k i b b u t z i m o f Israel a n d the m o r e s h o r t - l i v e d u r b a n A m e r i c a n c o m m u n e s o f the de­ cades f o l l o w i n g the Second W o r l d W a r . C a r e f u l studies o f these help shed light o n such k e y questions as h o w c o m m u n i t y takes r o o t a n d w h a t are the m i n i m a l ingredients necessary for its s u r v i v a l . Ranter's c o m p a r i s o n o f nine c o m m u n e s that lasted w i t h twenty-one that d i d n o t y i e l d e d i m p o r t a n t insights i n t o the sources o f their success a n d failure. T h e e n d u r i n g c o m m u n e s possessed a structure o f leader­ ship, rules o f m e m b e r s h i p , a n d i d e o l o g i c a l justifications that the others l a c k e d , a l o n g w i t h identifiable p h y s i c a l sites; e x p l i c i t criteria o f member­ ship d e n o t i n g those w h o d i d a n d those w h o d i d n o t b e l o n g ; a l a b e l , o r name, for self-identification; a n d a n i d e o l o g y that g u i d e d members to­ w a r d desired goals (equity, justice, h a r m o n y , unity) a n d that justified the h a r d w o r k needed to get there (Kanter 1 9 7 2 , p . 5 2 ; K e l l e r 1 9 7 3 ) . C o m m u n a l existence, like s o c i a l life generally, is fraught w i t h strug­ gle a n d conflict. T h e successful c o m m u n e s find w a y s to cope w i t h c o n ­ flict so that they c a n stay alive; those that fail to d o so d o n o t survive. M o s t successful c o m m u n e s also develop structures o f a u t h o r i t y orga­ n i z e d a r o u n d a h i e r a r c h y o f leaders, as i n the case o f the Shakers, o r a single c h a r i s m a t i c figure, as i n the case o f the O n e i d a c o m m u n i t y led by H u m p h r e y N o y e s . These leaders e m b o d y collective u n i t y a n d help de­ vise a n acceptable f r a m e w o r k for the group's s u r v i v a l b e y o n d the eu­ p h o r i c a n d exalted expectations o f the earliest days. " C o m m i t m e n t m e c h a n i s m s " greatly a i d this process by l i n k i n g selfinterest to c o m m u n a l needs. Successful c o m m u n e s p r o m o t e a sense o f b e l o n g i n g a n d devise strategies to merge i n d i v i d u a l a n d c o m m u n a l o b ­ jectives, e x a c t i n g some sacrifices f r o m their members. F o r nineteenth-century c o m m u n e s , sacrifices m i g h t have i n c l u d e d , as they d i d for the Shakers, sexual abstinence; the f o r g o i n g o f a l c o h o l , t o b a c c o , o r favorite foods; the e l i m i n a t i o n o f a l l p e r s o n a l a d o r n m e n t . C l o s e l y a l l i e d to such p e r s o n a l sacrifices are investments o f t i m e , money, o r labor, w h i c h give members a stake i n the c o m m u n a l u n d e r t a k i n g . A n o t h e r c o m m i t m e n t m e c h a n i s m encourages the r e n u n c i a t i o n o f per­ s o n a l relationships i n favor o f g r o u p attachments a n d loyalties, a trade­ off that the successful c o m m u n e s a c c o m p l i s h o n l y after a h a r d struggle a n d the unsuccessful ones fail to achieve at a l l ( K a n t e r 1 9 7 2 , p . 93). I n d i v i d u a l s stand to reap i m p o r t a n t benefits w h e n they subordinate the private self to the larger totality, i n c l u d i n g a sense o f b e l o n g i n g , a m o r a l f r a m e w o r k , h u m a n f e l l o w s h i p , a n d goals to strive for. Nonetheless it

34

Chapter 2

remains a constant struggle. T h e Shakers h a d a phrase for it: " T h a t great b i g Ί , ' I ' l l m o r t i f y . "

Twentieth-Century Communes T h e c o m m u n a l experiments o f the 1960s d r e w some o f their i n s p i r a t i o n f r o m the utopias o f the nineteenth century, but most were p r o p e l l e d by the m o v e m e n t s for c i v i l rights, w o m e n ' s rights, a n d the a n t i w a r protests of the p e r i o d . T h e y attracted y o u n g , college-educated idealists seeking to t r a n s f o r m the w o r l d . T h e i r w e l l - i n t e n t i o n e d efforts were far m o r e fragile t h a n those o f their nineteenth-century predecessors, a n d failure rates were h i g h . Signal deficiencies i n c l u d e d s h a k y o r g a n i z a t i o n ; i n c o n ­ sistent leadership; r o m a n t i c , that is unrealistic, expectations; a n d a w a n ­ i n g o f c o m m i t m e n t over time for b o t h members a n d leaders; l a c k o f a coherent set o f p r i n c i p l e s e m p h a s i z i n g g r o u p values (Roberts 1 9 7 1 , p . 116); a n d ignorance o f w h a t it takes to create a v i a b l e c o m m u n e o n a day-to-day basis. A b o v e a l l , the enthusiastic a n d idealistic y o u n g people w h o sought to devise c o m m u n e s i n the 1960s were n o t aware that freedom needs to be tempered by some c o n t r o l s , or that the c o m m u n i o n they l o n g e d for r e q u i r e d a w i l l i n g n e s s to m a k e r o o m for other people's needs a n d de­ m a n d s . T h e y were not t r a i n e d for the life that intellectually b e c k o n e d t h e m , their attachments to p r i v a c y a n d i n d i v i d u a l i s m t o o deeply i m ­ planted. Leadership proved particularly problematic. A l t h o u g h c o m ­ munes need leaders, they rejected t h e m o n p r i n c i p l e . H e n c e they l a c k e d people w h o were able to c o n v e y a sense o f a u t h o r i t y a n d trust, to m a i n ­ t a i n a sense o f purpose, a n d to represent the c o m m u n e to the outside w o r l d . In a d d i t i o n , especially i n such s m a l l , intense g r o u p s , leaders must be available to m o n i t o r p e r s o n a l i t y conflicts that c a n u n d e r m i n e g r o u p h a r m o n y a n d to see to it that loves a n d hates d o n o t get out o f h a n d once the e u p h o r i a o f the early days fades. B u t w i t h o u t firm d i r e c t i o n , "the leaderless c o m m u n e is d o o m e d " ( i b i d . , p . 147). Despite their s h o r t c o m i n g s , there is m u c h to be learned f r o m Uto­ p i a n experiments i n l i v i n g . T h e y offer m o m e n t s o f freedom a n d h u m a n p o s s i b i l i t y a n d give e x p r e s s i o n to unmet needs for b e l o n g i n g , m e a n i n g , and participation. H e n c e the w o r d s uttered by a m e m b e r o f the I c a r i a n c o m m u n e to C h a r l e s N o r d h o f f i n 1 8 7 8 , w h e n the c o m m u n e w a s o n the b r i n k o f b r e a k u p , are still w o r t h heeding: D e a l gently a n d c a u t i o u s l y w i t h I c a r i a . T h e m a n w h o sees o n l y the c h a o t i c village a n d the w o o d e n shoes, a n d o n l y chronicles

Historic Models of Community

35

those, w i l l c o m m i t a serious error. In the village are b u r i e d for­ tunes, noble hopes, a n d the aspirations o f g o o d a n d great m e n . (ibid., p . 140) These brief historic examples are instructive i n several respects. T h e y s h o w that c o m m u n i t y is b u i l t slowly. O n c e l i k e - m i n d e d i n d i v i d u a l s have c o m e together, their most immediate need is a p h y s i c a l site o n w h i c h to begin their c o m m u n a l existence. B u t even before that, the g r o u p must fashion " a m y t h i c a l existence i n the m i n d s o f the w o u l d - b e p a r t i c i ­ p a n t s " ( H a l l 1 9 9 5 , p . 2 7 ) . T h e m y t h m a y derive f r o m historic o r ideo­ l o g i c a l precedents o r it m a y be forged i n the heady i n i t i a l days of c o m ­ m u n a l exuberance. A n i n s p i r i n g leader m a y coalesce the g r o u p by the force o f his o r her c h a r i s m a a n d inspire people to j o i n . It is the m y t h o f c o m m u n i t y that fuels the fusion o f i n d i v i d u a l w i l l s i n t o a force for unity. H o w e v e r diverse these examples, they a l l attest to the immense dif­ ficulties i n v o l v e d i n creating c o m m u n i t i e s — even w h e n s m a l l , voluntary, a n d self-contained. E v e n successful c o m m u n i t i e s are the precarious out­ c o m e o f forces sustaining a n d forces e r o d i n g c o m m u n i t y . T h e sustaining forces include: a. A t e r r i t o r i a l base that m a r k s the c o m m u n i t y off f r o m the outside w o r l d b. A n i d e o l o g y o f m u t u a l responsibility a n d a one-for-all a n d all-for-one p h i l o s o p h y that unites members across social ranks c. Institutions that b u i l d for the future d. M e m b e r s g i v i n g their time, effort, a n d d e v o t i o n to the p u b ­ lic g o o d e. S y m b o l s a n d rituals o f c o m m u n i t y — a name, a n e m b l e m , c o m m u n i t y rites. T h e e r o d i n g forces include: a. b. c. d.

F a c t i o n a l strife a n d dissension over l a n d , w e a l t h , goals T h e p u r s u i t o f self-advancement H i g h membership turnover Precarious leadership

Interestingly, m a n y o f these elements are spelled out i n Utopia, T h o m a s M o r e ' s sixteenth-century treatise that gives the name to a l l later versions o f ideal societies. A w a r e that p h y s i c a l a n d spatial identity w a s essential, M o r e made U t o p i a a n i s l a n d w h o s e leaders, the magis­ trates, presided i n central b u i l d i n g s i n its fifty-four cities a n d chief t o w n . In U t o p i a , a belief i n equality a n d s i m p l i c i t y made c o m m u n i t y possible, a n d c o m m u n i t y fostered c o o p e r a t i o n i n t u r n . In other w o r d s , a c o m m u -

36

Chapter 2

n i t y develops o n l y to the extent that its members share their possessions a n d abjure privilege ( M o r e 1 9 9 9 , p . 3 0 1 ) . Identity, unity, a n d justice are central ideals for utopias past a n d present. A n d , as w e shall see, they are c r i t i c a l for c o m m u n i t y s u r v i v a l t o this day.

CHAPTER 3 KEY THEORIES A N D C O N C E P T S

There is that "subtle but invincible conviction of solidarity that knits together the loneliness of innumerable hearts which binds together all humanity —the dead to the living and the living to the unborn." — Saul Bellow, quoting Joseph Conrad in his Nobel Prize acceptance speech

T h e h i s t o r y o f h u m a n t h o u g h t is studded w i t h i n q u i r i e s i n t o the nature a n d genesis o f c o m m u n i t y . F r o m P l a t o a n d A r i s t o t l e , apprehensive about the fate o f the ancient p o l i s , to H o b b e s , M o n t e s q u i e u , R o u s s e a u , a n d M a r x g r a p p l i n g w i t h the chaos o f the i n d u s t r i a l r e v o l u t i o n , thinkers have p o n d e r e d the nature o f collective life a n d h o w to achieve social c o n t i n u i t y , g o o d c i t i z e n s h i p , a n d a sense o f c o m m u n i t y . In this chapter w e w i l l briefly e x a m i n e the reflections o f several k e y thinkers o n the subject o f c o m m u n i t y . P l a t o stipulated the i d e a l p o l i s s h o u l d be s m a l l i n size (five t h o u s a n d male citizens a n d the s u p p o r t i n g p o p u l a t i o n c o n s i s t i n g o f w i v e s , ser37

38

Chapter 3

vants, slaves, foreign w o r k e r s , a n d , o f course, children) a n d unified a r o u n d themes o f justice a n d unity. A r u l i n g elite o f guardians, w h o s e v i r t u o u s character a n d lofty ideals were geared to the s u r v i v a l o f the entire c o m m u n i t y , w o u l d guide the p o l i s . Aristotle's polis was closer to a stratified v e r s i o n that r a n k e d m e n " n a t u r a l l y " higher t h a n w o m e n , a n d the w e a l t h y higher t h a n those o f modest means. F a v o r i n g u n i t y based o n diversity, A r i s t o t l e also p u t stress o n i n d i v i d u a l i s m a n d the p u r s u i t o f self-interest as desirable goals. P l a t o a n d A r i s t o t l e thus disagreed o n h o w the p o l i s s h o u l d be struc­ tured, but they agreed o n other aspects. E a c h made the face-to-face c o m m u n i t y i n w h i c h citizens l i v e d out their lives i n p u b l i c central to a m o r a l a n d p o l i t i c a l quest. B o t h also agreed that c o m m u n i t y comes i n t o being t h r o u g h collective effort, is spatially r o o t e d , a n d c a n be t a k e n i n t h r o u g h the senses — seen, t o u c h e d , a n d felt as part o f a concrete, f a m i l ­ iar experience. A n d they agreed that the p o l i s was a c r o w n i n g achieve­ m e n t o f h u m a n effort a n d i m a g i n a t i o n . It rested o n each citizen's g i v i n g up a part o f himself but regaining it i n the larger totality o f the g r o u p . Several h u n d r e d years after the ancient p o l i s h a d passed i n t o his­ tory, w e find C i c e r o deliberating o n the nature o f c o m m u n i t y i n his day. Projecting the image o f a d e c l i n i n g p o l i s , C i c e r o shifted the basis for c o m m u n i t y f r o m shared faith a n d feeling to b i n d i n g l a w s . A " l e g a l c o m ­ m o n w e a l t h " w o u l d be a sounder basis for collective life t h a n v o l a t i l e p u b l i c support (Friederich 1 9 5 9 , p . 6). M o v i n g to a still later p e r i o d , w e c o m e to St. A u g u s t i n e , w h o p l a c e d c o m m u n i t y at the " v e r y center o f his t h o u g h t . " D r a w i n g a contrast be­ tween civitas Dei a n d civitas terrena, he considered the true c o m m u n i t y to be the civitas Dei, w h i c h focused o n the "one Supreme a n d true G o d " a n d united citizens o f " a l l n a t i o n s " a n d " p i l g r i m s o f a l l l a n ­ guages" into a " u n i v e r s a l c o m m u n i t y o f the f a i t h f u l " (ibid., p . 8). T h i s i n t r o d u c e d a universal d i m e n s i o n i n t o the discussion a k i n to that o f the Stoics, w h o , h a v i n g witnessed the decline o f the ancient p o l i s , p r o p o s e d the " c o m m u n i t y o f the w i s e " as m o r e inclusive t h a n the p o l i s . T h i s also m o v e d the idea o f c o m m u n i t y b e y o n d the b o u n d s o f p h y s i c a l territory to a m o r e s p i r i t u a l perspective, w h i c h f o r e s h a d o w e d that o f later C h r i s ­ t i a n thinkers. T h e concepts o f A r i s t o t l e , C i c e r o , a n d St. A u g u s t i n e characterize discussions o n c o m m u n i t y t h r o u g h the subsequent course o f W e s t e r n history, alternately seeking the basis o f c o m m u n i t y i n l a w a n d r a t i o ­ nality or i n emotional and spiritual union. T h o m a s A q u i n a s , infused w i t h the n o t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y as o r g a n ­ i s m , a n idea derived f r o m A u g u s t i n i a n t h o u g h t , a d d e d as a n a d d i t i o n a l ingredient o f c o m m u n i t y the p u r s u i t o f the c o m m o n g o o d . " I f the c o m ­ m o n g o o d is being p u r s u e d i n a n d by a g r o u p o f h u m a n beings, a c o m -

Key Theories and Concepts

39

m u n i t y comes i n t o existence n o matter w h a t its size." T h e u n i t y created thereby is a c o m p l e x b l e n d o f sentiments geared to the " c o m m o n h a p p i ­ ness" (ibid., 1 9 5 9 , p p . 10, 11). T h e v a r y i n g emphases o f these thinkers i n t r o d u c e d c o n f u s i o n i n t o discussions o f c o m m u n i t y that persist to this day. T h e r e is c o m m u n i t y w r i t s m a l l a n d focused o n the l o c a l d o m a i n , as c o m p a r e d to c o m m u n i t y w r i t large, w h i c h m a y embrace the globe. C l e a r l y different i n scale, level o f abstraction, a n d comprehensiveness, the same w o r d , " c o m m u n i t y , " w h e n a p p l i e d to b o t h , muddies the c o n c e p t u a l waters. T h e n there is the c o m m u n i t y r o o t e d i n laws a n d institutions i n contrast to the c o m m u n i t y r o o t e d i n love a n d shared faith. T h i s contrast is s t r i k i n g l y evident i n the w o r k o f sixteenth-century scholar Johannes A l t h u s i u s , "the p o l i t i c a l theorist o f C a l v i n i s m par ex­ cellence." D r a w i n g o n the historic experience o f the s m a l l republics a n d city-states o f the Swiss F e d e r a t i o n , he anticipated the C a l v i n i s t future w i t h e x t r a o r d i n a r y prescience. C a u g h t between the d e c l i n i n g city-states a n d the emergent n a t i o n a l a n d t e r r i t o r i a l states, he w a s b o t h prophet a n d obituarist, (ibid.) T h e Política Methodica Digesta contains A l t h u s i u s ' s key ideas o n the p o l i t i c a l l y o r g a n i z e d c o m m u n i t y based o n p o p u l a r government — a r a d i c a l idea for this time — a n d a c o m m o n life based o n shared fellow­ ship a n d b r o t h e r h o o d . O p p o s e d to b o t h the masses, w h o m he c o n s i d ­ ered "inconstant, violent, envious, frivolous a n d t u r b u l e n t , " a n d the idea o f i n d i v i d u a l freedom, he argued for t w o essentials for c o m m u ­ nities: first, that the i n d i v i d u a l be submissive to the decisions o f the c o m m u n i t y , the majority, the g r o u p , hence s u b o r d i n a t i n g personal goals to the welfare o f the w h o l e , a n d second, that the c o m m u n i t y be gov­ erned by g o o d w i l l (benevolentia) a n d a m i t y {concordia). It w a s the "togetherness o f m e n i n their hearts" that constituted the n a t u r a l f o u n ­ d a t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y (Althusius 1 9 3 2 , p p . 1, l x x , l x x i i ) . F r o m these flowed m u t u a l need a n d r e c i p r o c i t y : "I need y o u r gifts a n d y o u need mine." In A l t h u s i u s w e c a n already discern the tension between c o m m u n i t y based o n e m o t i o n a l u n i o n a n d c o m m u n i t y o r g a n i z e d by a legally based central authority, reflecting the g r o w i n g p r o b l e m o f s o c i a l order i n a n e x p a n d i n g , diversified, increasingly u r b a n i z e d society. S t i l l , A l t h u s i u s c o n t i n u e d to put major emphasis o n faith a n d consensus as facilitators of c o m m u n i t y . T h e r e w a s also the idea o f a tacit c o m p a c t , a c o m p a c t for togetherness, f a m i l i a r to h i m f r o m the o a t h s w o r n by feudal lords a n d vassals, a n d fitting the doctrine o f "Protestant i n d i v i d u a l i s m , " w h i c h w a s a forerunner o f the c o n t r a c t u a l theorists o f the seventeenth a n d eighteenth centuries. B u t i n his day, the i n d i v i d u a l w a s greatly depen­ dent o n c o m m u n i t y , t h o u g h as A l t h u s i u s recognized, c o m m u n i t y m i g h t

40

Chapter 3

increasingly have to be o r g a n i z e d i n t o ascending hierarchies, f r o m v i l ­ lages, g u i l d s , a n d t o w n s to p r o v i n c e s a n d m e t a p h o r i c a l l y to entire k i n g ­ d o m s . A l w a y s , however, A l t h u s i u s stressed faith a n d feeling, e m p a t h y a n d r e c i p r o c i t y as the defining characteristics o f c o m m u n i t y . B y his a d v o c a c y o f people power, c o o p e r a t i o n , a n d a spirit o f m u ­ t u a l respect a n d affection, A l t h u s i u s reveals h i m s e l f as a h u m a n e a n d sympathetic p r o p o n e n t o f c o m m u n i t y , even as he accepts the need for a u t h o r i t y a n d c o m m a n d a n d for the s u b m i s s i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l s to the collectivity. A m o r e formalized social-contract theory w o u l d develop w i t h H o b b e s ( 1 5 8 8 - 1 6 6 9 ) , w h o was anti-community, and Rousseau ( 1 7 1 2 - 1 7 7 8 ) , w h o believed that the social contract m a r k e d the " a c t u a l b i r t h o f h u ­ m a n i t y proper." B o t h start f r o m h i g h l y i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c premises a n d reach a n t i - i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c c o n c l u s i o n s , a n d b o t h rely o n a transcendent p r i n c i p l e to unite the aggregate: the Sovereign for H o b b e s a n d the gen­ eral will for R o u s s e a u ( L o u i s D u m o n t 1 9 8 6 , p . 85). It is s o m e w h a t p a r a d o x i c a l to i n c l u d e H o b b e s a m o n g c o m m u n i t y theorists, since he w a s antagonistic to the idea o f c o m m u n i t y . B u t H o b b e s ' s stand has been so influential i n p o l i t i c a l thought that he w a r ­ rants i n c l u s i o n i n a c o m p a n y he w o u l d have d i s d a i n e d . A l o n g w i t h L o c k e , B e n t h a m , A d a m S m i t h , a n d de T o c q u e v i l l e , H o b b e s developed his theories o f h u m a n association as the m a r k e t society w a s t a k i n g shape, o l d institutions were t o p p l e d , a n d n e w ideals o f i n d i v i d u a l i s m took hold. H o b b e s (1651) is remembered by the generations that f o l l o w e d h i m for his designation o f the state o f nature as "solitary, poor, nasty, brut­ ish, a n d short." In the state o f nature, fear a n d h o s t i l i t y p r e v a i l so that there is a l w a y s a w a r o f each against a l l . In H o b b e s ' s view, i n contrast to those o f earlier thinkers, neither love n o r e m p a t h y characterizes h u ­ m a n nature. T o escape the b r u t a l c o n d i t i o n s o f the n a t u r a l state, h u m a n beings v o l u n t a r i l y j o i n w i t h others i n a c o m p a c t b i n d i n g o n a l l . A l ­ t h o u g h this curtails their freedom, it assures t h e m the security needed to survive. T h i s c o m p a c t (or covenant) is based p u r e l y o n self-interest. N e i t h e r the desire for h u m a n f e l l o w s h i p n o r a l o v i n g c o n c e r n for others plays a role i n this social r e v o l u t i o n . T h e t o t a l i t y is h e l d together b y a sovereign ruler c a l l e d the L e v i a t h a n , w h o exacts everyone's allegiance a n d secures the liberty a n d p r o p e r t y o f a l l . B y the time o f R o u s s e a u , the social contract, h a v i n g been debated for several centuries, w a s part o f the c o m m o n currency. T h e r e were anticipations o f it i n the w o r k o f A l t h u s i u s a n d other m e d i e v a l t h i n k e r s , a n d m o r e e x p l i c i t p o l i t i c a l f o r m u l a t i o n s o f it, as i n L o c k e ( 1 6 3 2 - 1 7 0 4 ) . F r o m there, it became a cornerstone o f A n g l o - A m e r i c a n p o l i t i c a l insti­ tutions. R o u s s e a u c o n t r i b u t e d the idea o f the "general w i l l , " w h i c h is

Key Theories and Concepts

41

reminiscent — i n a benign v e r s i o n — o f H o b b e s ' s L e v i a t h a n , but he u n ­ derscored the need for a shift f r o m w h a t he called the moi seul to the moi commun. T h i s w a s a d i s t i n c t i o n H o b b e s w o u l d have dismissed as irrelevant. A l l t o l d , the social p h i l o s o p h e r s o f the seventeenth a n d eigh­ teenth centuries f o r m u l a t e d a v i e w o f h u m a n nature that w o u l d render intelligible the shift f r o m feudalism to i n d u s t r i a l i s m . F o r o u r purposes, however, it is i m p o r t a n t to stress their atomistic c o n c e p t i o n o f society. P r i m a r i l y m o t i v a t e d by self-interest, persons re­ m a i n e d essentially isolated n o m a d s seeking self-sufficiency a n d a v o i d i n g social contact a n d h u m a n f e l l o w s h i p ( K i r k p a t r i c k 1 9 8 6 , p . 16). In this p h i l o s o p h y , c o m m u n i t y w a s bypassed i n favor o f the large-scale, imper­ s o n a l , f o r m a l l y o r g a n i z e d society r u l e d by a p r i m e mover. T h e struggle between c o m p e t i n g ideals reflecting different phases o f c i v i l i z a t i o n receives its most comprehensive treatment by a nineteenthcentury s o c i a l theorist w h o s e p a r a d i g m continues to be used to this day.

Ferdinand Tônnies T h e most influential m o d e r n treatise o n c o m m u n i t y is that o f F e r d i n a n d Tônnies. In his b o o k , Gemeinschaft una Gesellschaft (1887), he poses a contrast between c o m m u n i t y (gemeinschaft) a n d society (gesellschaft) that still stands, as d o his o r i g i n a l G e r m a n terms. Gemeinschaft, or c o m m u n i t y , refers to a pattern o f s o c i a l life based o n p e r s o n a l attach­ ments, t r a d i t i o n a l i s m , a n d deep interpersonal affinities r o o t e d i n h o l i s m , loyalty, shared experience, a n d c o m m i t m e n t to a totality. Its counterm o d e l , gesellschaft, denotes a m o r e abstract, i m p e r s o n a l , f o r m a l i z e d system o f s o c i a l rules, roles, a n d institutions m a r k e d by selective affini­ ties, r a t i o n a l c a l c u l a t i o n , f o r m a l exchange, a n d negotiated interests a n d goals ( C a h n m a n 1 9 9 5 , p . 81). Between these p o l a r opposites extends "the totality o f s o c i a l real­ ity." T h e p o l a r i t y itself seems to reach back to Aristotle's d i c h o t o m y between philia a n d koinonia, the first referring to intimate connected­ ness, the second to purposive association. A l t h o u g h a n a l y t i c a l l y distinct, i n life there is a n a d m i x t u r e , the ex­ tent o f w h i c h must be determined e m p i r i c a l l y . T h a t is to say, w e are not here dealing w i t h static categories a d m i t t i n g o f n o a m b i g u i t y but w i t h d y n a m i c a n d c o m p l e m e n t a r y processes ever i n flux. " W h a t the pure theorist isolates, the a p p l i e d analyst carries b a c k i n t o the stream o f life" (ibid.). A s a H o b b e s scholar, Tônnies b u i l t o n a n d supplemented the master, w h o postulated a n e v o l u t i o n a r y trend f r o m the state o f nature to a ra­ t i o n a l l y o r g a n i z e d society h e l d together by the L e v i a t h a n o r sovereign

42

Chapter 3

state. F o r H o b b e s , the counterimage to gesellschaft w a s not gemein­ schaft but chaos a n d b r e a k d o w n . G i v e n the d y n a m i c a n d fractious E n ­ glish society o f his time, H o b b e s s a w the social w o r l d i n ferment as a result o f c i v i l war, the rise o f m o d e r n science, the e r o s i o n o f c u s t o m , a n d the m i d d l e classes c h a l l e n g i n g the aristocracy for p o w e r a n d w e a l t h . T h i s is where H o b b e s developed his n o t i o n o f society as a necessary antidote to the state o f nature a n d the " w a r o f a l l against a l l . " T o offset the "chaos o f conflicting interests," H o b b e s p r o p o s e d a social c o n t r a c t w h e r e b y i n d i v i d u a l s v o l u n t a r i l y subjected themselves to the sovereign a n d a system o f m o r a l rules to guarantee social order. Tônnies also d r e w o n H e n r y M a i n e ' s p i o n e e r i n g analysis o f a k e y h i s t o r i c shift f r o m status to contract as the basis o f collective life, the one r o o t e d i n k i n s h i p , ascriptive social status, a n d j o i n t p r o p e r t y rights, the other i n social contract a n d i n d i v i d u a l rights ( M a i n e 1864). Tônnies used the entities i n his dichotomy—gemeinschaft a n d ge­ sellschaft—as b o t h ideal types a n d analytic categories. A t times, the designations reinforced one another, at other times they were treated as p o l a r opposites, m i r r o r i n g the c o n t r a d i c t o r y p u l l s o f m o d e r n society as it struggled t o w a r d u n i t y a m i d fragmentation ( C a h n m a n 1 9 9 5 , p . 189). I m b u e d w i t h the universalistic ideals o f the eighteenth-century en­ lightenment as w e l l as w i t h later nostalgic visions o f c o m m u n i t y , Tôn­ nies endeavored to steer a n intermediate course between c o m m u n i t y a n d society. Y e t also, a n d s o m e w h a t confusingly, he s a w gemeinschaft a n d gesellschaft as end points i n a h i s t o r i c trend f r o m one to the other. But he d i d grasp the essential difference between gemeinschaft a n d ge­ sellschaft, n o t i n g that i n gemeinschaft people " r e m a i n essentially u n i t e d i n spite o f a l l separating factors whereas i n gesellschaft they are essen­ t i a l l y separated i n spite o f a l l u n i t i n g factors" (ibid.). V i r t u a l l y a l l the great figures o f nineteenth-century social t h o u g h t — de T o c q u e v i l l e , H e g e l , M a r x , Weber, D u r k h e i m , a n d others — c o n c u r r e d that the o v e r r i d i n g p r o b l e m o f their time w a s the b r e a k d o w n o f t r a d i ­ t i o n a l society, a n d each sought w a y s to deal w i t h it. Tônnies, often cited, less often closely read, a n d rarely interpreted i n a c c o r d w i t h his professed principles a n d objectives, w a s the m o s t persistent. H a v i n g spent six years ( 1 8 8 1 - 8 7 ) o n his famous treatise, he h o p e d that his concept w o u l d p r o v i d e a base f r o m w h i c h to invigorate social life a n d advance h u m a n freedom (Samples 1 9 8 7 , p . 66). A t the end o f his life, his o p p o s i t i o n to n a t i o n a l s o c i a l i s m cost h i m his p o s i t i o n at K i e l U n i v e r s i t y as w e l l as his p e n s i o n , l e a v i n g h i m iso­ lated a n d p o v e r t y - s t r i c k e n . T h i s w a s a n i r o n i c t u r n o f events for one w h o h a d l o n g argued against the indifference a n d i m p e r s o n a l i t y o f the m o d e r n L e v i a t h a n a n d for the h u m a n d i m e n s i o n s o f c o m m u n i t y . Tônnies's concepts have entered m a i n s t r e a m sociology, t h o u g h often

Key Theories and Concepts

43

i n a simplistic, reductionist m a n n e r he w o u l d have o p p o s e d . M a n y have used t h e m to buttress i d e o l o g i c a l arguments for o r against modernity, a practice he w o u l d have d e p l o r e d . O t h e r s have p r o p o s e d their o w n read­ ings o f his concepts, chiefly T a l c o t t Parsons w h o elaborated t h e m i n t o the "pattern v a r i a b l e s " (1954). In a d d i t i o n to those w h o have d r a w n o n Tônnies's w o r k , not always e x p l i c i t l y c r e d i t i n g his ideas, there are those w h o seem to establish par­ allel d i c h o t o m i e s also bent o n c a p t u r i n g historic trends a w a y f r o m community.

Emile Durkheim's Counterproposal E m i l e D u r k h e i m , for e x a m p l e , p r o p o s e d t w o types o f s o l i d a r i t y — me­ c h a n i c a l a n d organic — that at first glance seem a k i n to those o f Tônnies. In fact, however, they are fundamentally different. D u r k h e i m m a y have been i n s p i r e d by Tônnies, w h o s e b o o k he r e v i e w e d f a v o r a b l y t w o years after its p u b l i c a t i o n (in 1889), but he d r e w very different, indeed o p p o ­ site, distinctions. T o be sure, as d i d m a n y nineteenth-century thinkers f o l l o w i n g D a r w i n a n d Spencer, he spotted a n e v o l u t i o n a r y trend f r o m simpler to m o r e c o m p l e x forms o f social o r g a n i z a t i o n . B u t the " m e ­ c h a n i c a l s o l i d a r i t y " o f an earlier p e r i o d refers to an externally mediated a n d orchestrated c o h e s i o n leading to a collective like-mindedness a n d lack o f i n d i v i d u a t i o n . T h i s is far f r o m Tônnies's n o t i o n o f gemeinschaft, a n o r g a n i c , h o l i s t i c social entity r o o t e d i n a sense o f personal attach­ ment a n d r e c i p r o c a l obligations c o n d u c i v e to i n d i v i d u a t i o n . D u r k h e i m differed also f r o m Tônnies i n his concept o f " o r g a n i c s o l i d a r i t y , " w h i c h he considered an e v o l u t i o n a r y advance t o w a r d greater i n d i v i d u a l free­ d o m . Tônnies w a s far less sanguine about m o d e r n i t y a n d the long-range prospects for h u m a n w e l l - b e i n g . M o r e o v e r , w h i l e he d i d see gesellschaft as part o f a historic trend a w a y f r o m gemeinschaft, he also v i e w e d t h e m as c o e x i s t i n g tendencies at any given time. F i n a l l y , Tônnies's concepts were m o r e sweeping a n d inclusive, e n c o m p a s s i n g m o r e t h a n the nature of social s o l i d a r i t y that i n t r i g u e d D u r k h e i m . A c t u a l l y , D u r k h e i m ' s c o n c e p t i o n o f "the collective conscience," w h i c h he defined as the " t o t a l i t y o f beliefs a n d sentiments h e l d i n c o m ­ m o n " by a g r o u p o r aggregate ( D u r k h e i m 1933) is closer to Tônnies's idea o f gemeinschaft. B o t h i n v o l v e mutuality, attachment to, a n d identi­ fication w i t h the collectivity as w e l l as a c o m m i t m e n t to it. D u r k h e i m also challenged the liberal v i e w embedded i n a profitoriented m a r k e t e c o n o m y that self-interest w o u l d be able to " p r o d u c e sufficient s o l i d a r i t y to m a i n t a i n social order." H e agreed that self-inter­ ested pursuits c o u l d p r o v i d e l i n k s a m o n g people but that these r e m a i n

44

Chapter 3

superficial due to the l a c k o f a " s h a r e d m o r a l code a n d n o r m a t i v e sanc­ t i o n i n g o f r e c i p r o c i t y " (Sullivan 1 9 8 2 , p . 35). B o t h D u r k h e i m a n d Tônnies o w e d m u c h to H e r b e r t Spencer's evo­ l u t i o n a r y scheme (1967), t h o u g h each bent it to his o w n needs. Spencer's o r i g i n a l state o f society w a s coercive i n essence, whereas Tônnies s a w the p r i m a r y f o u n d a t i o n o f h u m a n society as one o f n a t u r a l c o h e s i o n a n d empathie social b o n d s . M a x Weber, his great G e r m a n c o n t e m p o r a r y , a c k n o w l e d g e d his debt to Tônnies w h e n he described Gemeinschaft una Gesellschaft as " a beautiful w o r k " a n d d r e w o n it for his o w n d i s c u s s i o n o f " c o m m u n a l a n d associative r e l a t i o n s h i p s " ( C a h n m a n 1 9 9 5 , p . 117). Weber's The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism (1930) b u i l d s o n the c o n ­ trast d r a w n by Tônnies between a social order g r o u n d e d i n p e r s o n a l loyalties a n d i m p e r s o n a l c a l c u l a t i o n : deep p e r s o n a l b o n d i n g a n d c o m ­ m i t m e n t versus a f o r m a l , rule-based contract. A c c o r d i n g to Weber's thesis, the Protestant ethic w a s a means to assure d i v i n e blessings i n a n i m p e r s o n a l w o r l d v i a visible proofs o f i n d i v i d u a l w o r t h based o n the a c c u m u l a t i o n o f w e a l t h . T h i s became necessary i n a society that h a d g r o w n b e y o n d c o m m u n i t i e s w h e r e everyone c o u l d feel connected a n d be p e r s o n a l l y recognized, a n d w h e r e virtue w a s observable t h r o u g h l o n g a n d deep acquaintance (George E . G o r d o n C a t l i n i n F r i e d e r i c h 1 9 5 9 ) . Tônnies h a d witnessed such a development i n the social t r a n s i t i o n f r o m a r u r a l - a g r i c u l t u r a l to a capitalist ethos a n d the a b s o r p t i o n o f s m a l l t o w n s a n d villages i n t o larger u r b a n aggregations under the cen­ t r a l i z e d nation-state. Since he u n d e r s t o o d this development better t h a n most, Tônnies w a s w e l l aware that the coexistence o f gemeinschaft and gesellschaft created great c o m p l i c a t i o n s , as people h a d to learn to " l i v e i n distinct w o r l d s each w i t h its o w n rules a n d e x p e c t a t i o n s . " T h e r e w a s the s m a l l c o m m u n i t y o f day-to-day f a m i l y life, w o r k , a n d friendships, as w e l l as the larger, m o r e abstract social universe. These d i d n o t m e s h easily a n d m o d e r n citizens h a d to l e a r n t w o different, yet i n t e r t w i n e d repertoires (Bender 1 9 7 8 , p p . 1 3 6 - 3 7 ) . Tônnies s a w gesellschaft as g a i n i n g i n significance i n people's lives w i t h o u t , however, e l i m i n a t i n g gemeinschaft. B u t he w a s n o t entirely consistent o n this, hence the c o n f u s i o n i n the e x i s t i n g literature — be­ t w e e n gemeinschaft a n d gesellschaft as i d e a l types; as h i s t o r i c trends; a n d as types o f social relationships. T h e contrast between c o m m u n i t y a n d society, a c c o r d i n g to Tônnies, entails a l l three at times, but he m o s t e m p h a s i z e d t h e m as i d e a l types. Community is built on:

Society features:

G r o u p traditions

Self-interest

Faith

Skepticism

Key Theories and Concepts C u s t o m , habit

Rational calculation

Feelings

Reason

45

It is i m p o r t a n t to v i e w these as i d e a l types o r central tendencies, not as descriptions o f actual social c o n d i t i o n s . E v e n i f the contrast is not as sharp i n real life as these ideal expectations decree, it helps sort out characteristic tendencies.

Contemporary Adaptations of Tônnies T h e themes that Tônnies made central to his deliberations attracted the attention o f v i r t u a l l y every major figure i n nineteenth-century social thought. A n d the parameters o f the debate o n the salience o f c o m m u ­ nity i n m o d e r n societies are w i t h us still. T w o questions capture their key elements: (1) D o e s c o m m u n i t y arise spontaneously i f c o n d i t i o n s are favorable, o r must it be assiduously c o a x e d i n t o existence? (2) Is the cornerstone o f c o m m u n i t y love o r l a w ? T h e contrast between gemein­ schaft a n d gesellschaft w a s c a r r i e d over i n t o the twentieth century by R o b e r t P a r k , J o h n D e w e y , R o b e r t M a c l v e r , a n d others w h o considered their interplay a n i m p o r t a n t source o f c o n t e m p o r a r y vitality a n d cre­ ativity ( M a c l v e r a n d Page 1949). In the twentieth century, the study o f c o m m u n i t y t o o k several turns. O n e p a t h , that o f M a c l v e r (1949) a n d B e l l a h (1985), discussed below, c o n t i n u e d to focus o n the generic nature o f c o m m u n i t y a n d its theoreti­ cal f o u n d a t i o n s . A n o t h e r p a t h , based o n the C h i c a g o S c h o o l (Park, Burgess, H a w l e y , etc.) featured the e c o l o g i c a l determinants o f c o m m u n i t y . A t h i r d p a t h e x p l o r e d the i m p a c t o f the e x p a n d i n g m e t r o p o l i s o n c o m m u n i t y f o r m a ­ t i o n . T h i s led to i m p o r t a n t theoretical c o n t r i b u t i o n s n o t a b l y by J a n o w i t z (1967), Suttles (1972), a n d H u n t e r (1974) o n h y b r i d forms o f c o m m u n i t y i n u r b a n areas. R o b e r t M a c l v e r a n d R o b e r t B e l l a h present an interesting contrast i n their reflections o n c o m m u n i t y . M a c l v e r w r o t e f r o m a vantage p o i n t that a c k n o w l e d g e d u r b a n e x p a n s i o n a n d the s u b u r b a n exodus but t o o k for granted the persistence a n d necessity o f c o m m u n i t y . C o m m u n i t y is h o m e , "the permanent b a c k g r o u n d o f people's l i v e s " ( M a c l v e r a n d Page 1 9 4 9 , p . 2 9 2 ) . F o r the i n d i v i d u a l , c o m m u n i t y "is not an outer c o m p u l ­ s i o n but a n inner necessity" h e l d together by a " w e - f e e l i n g " r o o t e d i n shared traditions a n d c o m m o n interests. T h i s feeling reflects a c o n c e r n for the fate o f the totality seen as an " i n d i v i s i b l e u n i t y " (ibid., p . 2 9 3 ) . T h e " w e - f e e l i n g " is e q u a l i n i m p o r t a n c e to the structural supports o f

46

Chapter 3

c o m m u n i t y , a n d i n the m o d e r n w o r l d w i t h a l l its social d i v i s i o n s a n d c u l t u r a l p e r m u t a t i o n s , the feeling must be assiduously c u l t i v a t e d . S t i l l , this is the last comprehensive treatise to p u t the focus o n c o m ­ m u n i t y as such, a focus that h a d w e a k e n e d w h e n m o d e r n i s m came to frame the s o c i o l o g i c a l discourse. W i t h a few i m p o r t a n t exceptions, the subject h a d receded f r o m m a i n s t r e a m sociology, p u s h e d aside by m o d ­ ern developments. H o w e v e r , to the surprise o f many, c o m m u n i t y kept resurfacing. A p p a r e n t l y , n o t e d Bender, " c o m m u n i t y . . . is m o r e p e r v a ­ sive t h a n u r b a n theory w o u l d p r e d i c t " ( 1 9 8 2 , p . 2 5 ) . T h a t c o u l d p r o v e s u r p r i s i n g o n l y i n light o f a n unstated a s s u m p t i o n that c o m m u n i t y m u s t decline as societies m o d e r n i z e . T o be sure, c o m m u n i t y is not as selfc o n t a i n e d o r p r o m i n e n t as i n earlier epochs a n d as bigger systems en­ c o m p a s s it, but it d i d not disappear. " M o d e r n s " n o t e d R e d f i e l d , " n o longer b e l o n g to "one inclusive c o m m u n i t y but to nearer a n d w i d e r c o m m u n i t i e s at the same t i m e " (Redfield 1 9 6 0 , p . 113). S t i l l , it w o u l d take some time for the t o p i c to regain its earlier p r o m i n e n c e w i t h the shift to m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m a n d p l u r a l i s m . These shifts revitalized ethnic a n d i m m i g r a n t studies, at the center o f w h i c h stood community. A s Tônnies a n d D u r k h e i m a n t i c i p a t e d , m o d e r n societies embrace gemeinschaft a n d gesellschaft simultaneously. These are not antitheses but " t w o k i n d s o f collective l i v i n g " (Bender 1 9 7 8 , p . 43) w h o s e inter­ p l a y m a y be a source o f v i t a l i t y a n d creativity. H e n c e f o r t h , c o m m u n a l and n o n c o m m u n a l perspectives w o u l d enlist people's m u l t i p l e loyalties to " c o n t r a d i c t o r y systems o f o r d e r " (Weber 1 9 7 8 , p . 125). T h e m o s t penetrating recent e x p l o r a t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y is that o f R o b e r t N . B e l l a h a n d his colleagues, presented i n t w o v o l u m e s : entitled Habits of the Heart (1985) a n d The Good Society (1991). T h e analysis of c o m m u n i t y w a s not their p r i m a r y a i m but a fortunate b y - p r o d u c t o f their endeavor to delineate the attainment o f a m o r e just, h u m a n e , a n d m o r a l l y s o u n d society i n the twenty-first century. The w o r k o f B e l l a h echoes a n u m b e r o f t h o u g h t f u l observers earlier i n the century, a m o n g t h e m , J o h n D e w e y , L e w i s M u m f o r d , a n d W a l t e r L i p p m a n , w h o w o r r i e d a b o u t the fate o f d e m o c r a c y itself w h e n largescale bureaucratic o r g a n i z a t i o n s " g r o w over the heads o f the c i t i z e n s " and people lose a sense o f connectedness w i t h their government, c o r p o ­ rations, a n d other L e v i a t h a n s . H o w c a n one p a y attention to the w h o l e w h e n the w h o l e is out o f reach? A c o m m i t m e n t to place a n d a sense o f being r o o t e d helps a people to " u n d e r s t a n d its o w n h a b i t a t " so that they c a n trace out the conse­ quences o f collective policies a n d decisions. T h i s is w h y B e l l a h argues for the regeneration o f the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y w h e r e m u t u a l trust a n d v i t a l connections are sustained by the c u l t i v a t i o n o f " s u p p o r t i v e i n s t i t u -

Key Theories and Concepts

47

t i o n s " such as civic associations, churches, a n d family. These c a n m e d i ­ ate o n behalf o f the i n d i v i d u a l a n d u p h o l d decentralized power, w h i c h is c r i t i c a l for "genuine c o m m u n i t i e s to flourish" (Bellah et a l . , 1 9 9 1 , p p . 2 7 5 , 2 8 2 ) . R e s p o n s i b i l i t y a n d a c c o u n t a b i l i t y are learned best close to h o m e , i n active engagement w i t h others o n issues o f c o m m o n c o n c e r n . N o t i n g the social fragmentation a n d m o r a l decay o f m o d e r n times, B e l l a h reminds us that the " L o c k e a n ideal o f the a u t o n o m o u s i n d i v i d u a l w a s , i n the eighteenth century, embedded i n a c o m p l e x m o r a l e c o l o g y " a n d —as was true for the ancient p o l i s — society, e c o n o m y , a n d p o l i t y were still "sufficiently small-scale as to be understandable to the o r d i ­ n a r y c i t i z e n " (ibid., p . 2 6 5 ) . B e l l a h also reminds us that w e need b o t h generic a n d specialized conceptions o f c o m m u n i t y for a w o r l d that contains m a n y scales. H e n c e n e w models are c a l l e d for to guide us t h r o u g h the mazes o f collective life, models that manage to integrate t w o c o e x i s t i n g , t h o u g h antitheti­ c a l , emphases: spatial rootedness a n d spatial transcendence. In recent w o r k , a l l address this d u a l i t y i n some measure, using terms such as "the c o m m u n i t y o f l i m i t e d l i a b i l i t y " (Janowitz 1 9 6 7 ) , " s y m b o l i c c o m m u n i t i e s " ( H u n t e r 1 9 7 4 ) , "defended n e i g h b o r h o o d " ( H u n t e r a n d Suttles 1972), a n d "enclaves," a m o n g others. T h e first concept, that o f "the c o m m u n i t y o f l i m i t e d l i a b i l i t y , " re­ fers to the specialized nature o f c o n t e m p o r a r y c o m m u n i t i e s a n d to the d i v i s i o n o f u r b a n areas i n t o a " m o s a i c o f n o n c o i n c i d e n t but o v e r l a p p i n g c o m m u n i t i e s " (ibid.). P a r t i c i p a t i o n i n such c o m m u n i t i e s is v o l u n t a r y a n d l i m i t e d by one's interests. Residents are o n l y p a r t i a l l y focused o n the l o c a l area, hence their loyalties tend to be fragmented. T h e "defended n e i g h b o r h o o d " is t y p i c a l l y "the smallest area w h i c h possesses a corporate identity," a n d "the smallest spatial unit w i t h i n w h i c h co-residents assume a relative degree o f security o n the streets as c o m p a r e d to adjacent areas" (ibid., p . 57). Defended n e i g h b o r h o o d s are sustained by s y m b o l i c boundaries, self-labeling, a n d social exclusiveness. Defended n e i g h b o r h o o d s restrict access to n o n m e m b e r s a n d so cut themselves off f r o m others, thus b e c o m i n g t o o s m a l l a n d self-focused to constitute c o m m u n i t y . T w o other concepts for the current context are the "intermittent c o m m u n i t y " p r o p o s e d by R o b e r t Redfield —one "that is d o r m a n t u n t i l an issue o r crisis m o b i l i z e s i t " (Redfield 1 9 6 0 , p . 1) — a n d the " i m a g i n e d c o m m u n i t y " p r o p o s e d by A n d e r s o n (1991) w i t h reference to n a t i o n a l ­ i s m . A n d e r s o n denotes n a t i o n a l i s m a n d n a t i o n as " i m a g i n e d " i n the sense that "the members o f even the smallest n a t i o n w i l l never k n o w m o s t o f their fellow-members, meet t h e m , o r even hear o f t h e m , yet i n the m i n d s o f each lives the image o f their c o m m u n i o n " (ibid., p . 6). H e calls these " i m a g i n e d c o m m u n i t i e s , " but that is stretching the t e r m . F o r

48

Chapter 3

w h a t distinguishes the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y f r o m these " i m a g i n e d " n a t i o n a l a n d s u p r a n a t i o n a l associations is the direct, h u m a n , connectedness to a place a n d a people that is made p a l p a b l e by experience. T h u s w e a l w a y s c o m e b a c k to the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y as the f o u n d a t i o n o f m o r e distant, c o m p l e x , a n d abstract forms o f collective association: attachment, a sense o f b e l o n g i n g , a n d a deep, p e r s o n a l i z e d , h o l i s t i c focus. In a w o r l d that increasingly focuses o n the g l o b a l context, the l o c a l continues to be vital.

T W I N R I V E R S TIME LINE 1 9 7 0 - 2 0 0 0 May

1967

October

P U D e n a b l i n g legislation signed i n t o l a w i n N e w Jersey.

1967

February

1968

East W i n d s o r T o w n s h i p passes the P U D ordinance unanimously. East W i n d s o r P l a n n i n g B o a r d u n a n i m o u s l y approves the P U D a p p l i c a t i o n .

1969

T h e First C h a r t e r N a t i o n a l B a n k is a p p o i n t e d T w i n R i v e r s Trustee for seven years.

1970

First residents have m o v e d i n . T h e T r u s t A d v i s o r y B o a r d is f o r m e d to l i n k residents a n d the b a n k trustee. T h e T w i n R i v e r s H o m e o w n e r s A s s o c i a t i o n is f o r m e d to represent residents for i n t e r n a l c o m m u n i t y issues.

1971

A n A r c h i t e c t u r a l A d v i s o r y C o m m i t t e e is established to m a i n t a i n the design integrity o f T w i n Rivers.

1972

A r s o n destroys s i x t o w n h o u s e s . First C o u r t A c t i o n to c o m p e l a m i n o r i t y o f n o n p a y i n g residents to p a y their m o n t h l y fees.

September

1973

First l a w s u i t filed by the T R H A representing residents against the developer a n d trustee.

the

December

1973

Seventy percent o f the residents (2,000 by then) c o n t r i b u t e financially to the legal f u n d for the lawsuit.

1974

A pet registry is started. First time d r u g arrests made i n T w i n R i v e r s .

1975

F o u r h o m e o w n e r s t a k e n to c o u r t for v i o l a t i o n s of architectural a n d c o l o r standards.

August

1976

1976

P o w e r passes to the residents, 9 0 % o f w h o m vote for the T R H A a n d against the b a n k trustee. A p p o i n t m e n t o f first trust a d m i n i s t r a t o r by the T w i n R i v e r s b o a r d o f directors — out o f fifty-two applicants.

51

52

Twin Rivers Time Line

1977

T w i n R i v e r s D a y is l a u n c h e d .

1978-1984

F o r m a l rules a n d penalties established for recreational usage, safety, speed l i m i t s , noise, a n d disruptive b e h a v i o r at p o o l s a n d o n c o m m o n grounds.

1979

J o s e p h A . V u z z o selected trust administrator, a post he w i l l h o l d for eighteen years.

1982

Defeat o f p r o p o s e d changes to o r i g i n a l trust documents. T h e " Y e a r o f the L i b r a r y " is p r o c l a i m e d . Residents unite to defeat Belz M a l l p r o p o s a l .

1985

Defeat o f a fiercely d i s p u t e d p r o p o s a l for a p a r k - a n d - r i d e facility.

1987

A P a r k i n g R e v i e w C o m m i t t e e is established.

1995

C r i t i c a l election v i c t o r y .

1997

Jennifer W a r d succeeds J o s e p h A . V u z z o as T w i n R i v e r s trust administrator.

2001

L a w s u i t filed by f a c t i o n c h a l l e n g i n g b o a r d o f directors o n transparency.

CHAPTER 4 T W I N RIVERS: THE FIRST P L A N N E D D E V E L O P M E N T IN N E W JERSEY

UNIT

To plan is human, to implement, divine. — Charles M . Haar

Place, Space, and Land W h a t is the fate o f t r a d i t i o n a l cities, t o w n s , a n d c o m m u n i t i e s i n the twenty-first century, the era o f cyberspace? Some fear, others w e l c o m e the p o s s i b i l i t y that the electronic society w i l l m a k e t r a d i t i o n a l c o m m u ­ nities obsolete because instant c o m m u n i c a t i o n permits the c r e a t i o n o f instantaneous c o m m u n i t i e s independent o f a n y given site. T h i s strikes me as n o t o n l y premature — w i t h p o t e n t i a l l y destructive effects o n t r a d i ­ t i o n a l c o m m u n i t i e s — but based o n a m i s r e a d i n g o f c o n t e m p o r a r y trends. Place, space, a n d t e r r i t o r y c a n n o t be dispensed w i t h quite so easily. T o be sure, twentieth-century h u m a n s are p r o n e to m o b i l i t y , but they still

53

54

Chapter 4

need to reside somewhere. E v e n i f their roots are n o t permanent, they need to establish some k i n d o f h o m e base between moves. E v e n outerspace colonies w i l l be settlements i n place. L a n d has p l a y e d a c r u c i a l role i n the h i s t o r y o f A m e r i c a n c o m m u ­ nities. In c o l o n i a l N e w E n g l a n d , for e x a m p l e , l a n d w a s " a means o f s o c i a l fulfillment, a f o r m o f transferable property, a n d a p r o m i s i n g o b ­ ject o f s p e c u l a t i o n , " a n d they " b o u g h t a n d s o l d , bequeathed a n d inher­ ited, m o r t g a g e d a n d released l a n d i n a b e w i l d e r i n g maze o f transac­ t i o n s " ( W r i g h t 1 9 8 1 , p . 103). Battles over l a n d were stock themes i n these nascent c o m m u n i t i e s . E v e r y male citizen h a d access to some p o r t i o n o f l a n d as w e l l as to a " t o w n - r i g h t " i n the c o m m o n s w h e r e the cattle c o u l d feed. A n d w i t h i n t w o years after settling Sudbury, M a s s a c h u s e t t s , for e x a m p l e , a d i s t i n c ­ tive s o c i a l , e c o n o m i c , a n d p o l i t i c a l life h a d t a k e n h o l d . A s w o u l d be true for T w i n R i v e r s centuries later, however, genera­ t i o n a l cleavages w o u l d s o o n surface a n d m o s t o f these i n v o l v e d l a n d . T h e demands for l a n d p i t t e d y o u n g e r sons against their elders a n d threatened "the entire order o f S u d b u r y " ( P o w e l l 1 9 6 5 , p . 123). E v e n t u a l l y , the dissatisfied y o u n g seceded to f o u n d a n e w c o m m u n i t y w h i c h , i r o n i c a l l y , w a s to become m o r e conservative t h a n the parent community. In b o t h o l d a n d n e w Sudbury, however, a n ethic o f s o c i a l respon­ sibility w a s u p h e l d . T h o s e w h o were seen to care m o r e a b o u t their " o w n selfish a i m s " t h a n a b o u t the c o m m o n g o o d faced fierce reactions f r o m their fellows (ibid., p . 121). In the n e w Sudbury, the "pressure to pursue c o m m o n over i n d i v i d ­ u a l interests" w a s , i f a n y t h i n g , m o r e intense, w i t h stricter entrance re­ quirements a n d m o r e stringent c r i t e r i a for c i t i z e n s h i p . L a n d grants were n o w l i n k e d to the extent o f citizen p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d d e v o t i o n to c o m ­ munity undertakings. W h e t h e r w e are c o n s i d e r i n g the m a n y r a d i c a l c o m m u n a l experiments that have been a staple o f o u r n a t i o n a l h i s t o r y o r the s l o w l y e v o l v i n g s m a l l t o w n s that w e repair to i n m e m o r y , the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f l a n d w a s a l w a y s a p r i m e c o n s i d e r a t i o n . O n e w a y o f d i s t i n g u i s h i n g between U t o ­ p i a n fantasies a n d m o r e earthly developments is w h e t h e r o r n o t there is l a n d to translate the d a r i n g v i s i o n s o f the m i n d i n t o f l e s h - a n d - b l o o d creations. W i t h o u t l a n d , the best v i s i o n s m u s t r e m a i n u n r e a l i z e d .

The Evolution of Planned Residential Communities T h e P u r i t a n s connected l a n d use to society's m o r a l fiber. A s early as 1 6 4 2 , J o h n C o t t o n castigated N e w E n g l a n d e r s " w h o w a n t e d to live apart f r o m the meeting house, religious o r d i n a n c e s , a n d p a s t o r a l care."

Twin Rivers

55

H e a n d others i n v e i g h e d against " o u t l i v e r s w h o put their souls i n jeop­ a r d y for the sake o f e l b o w r o o m , " i n p u r s u i t o f " e l b o w r o o m e n o u g h , a n d m e a d o w e n o u g h . . . to live l i k e l a m b s i n a large p l a c e " (Stilgoe 1 9 8 8 , p . 7). A generation later, people's " s p a t i a l requirements h a d m u s h ­ r o o m e d " a n d they were n o longer content w i t h the a l l o t t e d acre per i n d i v i d u a l a n d t w e n t y acres per f a m i l y o f the o r i g i n a l settlers. T h i s t r e n d c o n t i n u e d t h r o u g h the eighteenth a n d nineteenth centuries i n a n e x p a n d i n g society w i t h its frontier still ahead. In the s u b u r b a n e x p a n s i o n f o l l o w i n g W o r l d W a r II, l a n d became c r i t i c a l once a g a i n as reunited families sought greener climes a n d o p e n spaces. S u b u r b i a has a l o n g h i s t o r y i n this country, b e g i n n i n g i n the 1870s, w i t h the great p o s t - C i v i l W a r s u b u r b a n m i g r a t i o n . It w a s fed by forces very s i m i l a r to those that w o u l d feed a s i m i l a r e x o d u s less t h a n a century later. E v e n the lures were s i m i l a r : a n e n v i r o n m e n t free o f the p r o b l e m s that beset the cities o f the t i m e . C r i m e , social unrest, a n d u r b a n b l i g h t c o u l d , it w a s suggested, be a v o i d e d b y m o v i n g to healthful suburbs w h e r e the chief goals o f middle-class families — a h o m e o f one's o w n a m i d safe, clean, o p e n spaces — c o u l d be r e a l i z e d . T h e n , as later, the idea o f h o m e as refuge w o u l d be featured i n b u i l d e r s ' plans a l o n g w i t h the i m p l i c i t l i n k s d r a w n between s u b u r b a n residence, u p w a r d so­ c i a l m o b i l i t y , a n d domestic contentment ( W r i g h t 1 9 8 1 , p . 107). T h e ideal w a s the single-family, detached house w i t h a l a w n a n d the prover­ b i a l p i c k e t fence. It w a s the A m e r i c a n D r e a m , s u p p o r t e d b y existing p o l i t i c a l a n d financial institutions a n d featured i n films a n d other m e d i a geared to s h a p i n g p u b l i c tastes. B u t as s u b u r b a n g r o w t h accelerated, a r c h i t e c t u r a l , z o n i n g , a n d aes­ thetic c o n t r o l s m u l t i p l i e d a l o n g w i t h h o m e o w n e r associations a n d deed restrictions. P l a n n e d residential e n v i r o n m e n t s , w h i c h m a y be traced b a c k to nineteenth-century c o m p a n y t o w n s , r a i l r o a d t o w n s , a n d b u n ­ g a l o w courts, assumed n e w forms i n the t w e n t i e t h century. In the nine­ teenth century some fifty-two c o m p a n y t o w n s were b u i l t , a m o n g w h i c h were L o w e l l , M a s s a c h u s e t t s , i n 1 8 3 2 , a n d P u l l m a n , Illinois i n 1 8 6 7 . T o these m u s t be a d d e d religious a n d Utopian c o m m u n i t i e s such as O n e i d a , N e w Y o r k , a n d the H a r m o n y Society t o w n s i n P e n n s y l v a n i a a n d I n d i ­ a n a . M o r e a m b i t i o u s i n scale, their aims were to create healthy, h a p p y c o m m u n i t i e s . M a r i e m o n t , O h i o , w a s advertised as " A N e w T o w n B u i l t to P r o d u c e L o c a l H a p p i n e s s " ( i b i d . , p . 184). C o m m u n i t y , h o m e o w n e r s h i p , a n d f a m i l y f o r m e d the core o f m i d ­ dle-class aspirations. B u t the house e x a l t e d w a s the freestanding, singlef a m i l y house, w h i c h w o u l d h a r b o r the m o d e l f a m i l y a n d shore up m o ­ rality, m o r a l e , a n d the virtues o f c o m m u n i t y . I m p o r t a n t departures f r o m the single-family house were t o w n houses a n d cluster h o u s i n g . W h i l e their o r i g i n s m a y be traced to the

56

Chapter 4

nineteenth century, s u c h types o f h o u s i n g received special emphasis i n the t w e n t i e t h , w h e n they became s t a n d a r d features o f s u b u r b a n s u b d i v i ­ sions. In the m i d - 1 9 6 0 s , the cluster concept reemerged, fueled by a c h a n g i n g h o u s i n g m a r k e t , d e c l i n i n g federal s u p p o r t , i n f l a t i o n , a n d the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f the middle-class A m e r i c a n family, w h i c h w a s n o w l i k e l y to have n o t one but t w o wage earners. A s h a d been the case i n the late nineteenth century, efficiency, easy h o m e care, e c o n o m y , a n d g o o d design became p r o m i n e n t themes. W h i l e spatial segregation a n d i s o l a t i o n h a d served a n e s t - b u i l d i n g generation w e a r y o f war, it w a s i n c r e a s i n g l y less suited to the c h a n g i n g d e m o g r a p h i c s o f j o b - h o l d i n g w i v e s , single parents, a n d self-supporting, u n m a r r i e d householders. T h i s created a d e m a n d for c o m p a c t , l o w - m a i n ­ tenance d w e l l i n g s w i t h n e w k i n d s o f amenities a n d s u p p o r t services s u c h as s h o p p i n g , e d u c a t i o n , a n d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n . T h e twentieth-century ver­ s i o n o f the nineteenth-century r o w house became the t o w n h o u s e a n d the c o n d o m i n i u m . T h e t o w n h o u s e w i t h shared w a l l s a n d c o n t i g u o u s n e i g h ­ bors h a d the advantage o f c o s t i n g less t h a n the single-family house a n d p r o v i d e d h o m e o w n e r s h i p to m i l l i o n s w h o c o u l d n o t have afforded it o t h e r w i s e . T h e e c o n o m y o f scale p r o v e d attractive to builders a n d p o ­ tential buyers alike. A s i m i l a r e c o n o m i c benefit w a s to be r e a l i z e d i n the c r e a t i o n o f the p l a n n e d u n i t development that w a s i n a u g u r a t e d i n the p o s t - W o r l d W a r II p e r i o d . Pioneered o n the W e s t C o a s t , P U D s were a p r e p l a n n e d m i x o f residential, i n d u s t r i a l , c o m m e r c i a l , a n d o p e n space i n t e n d e d to p r o v i d e affordable, healthful, safe, a n d c o n v e n i e n t l i v i n g e n v i r o n m e n t s . T h e y were designed to correct the flaws a n d deficiencies o f s u b u r b i a : e n v i r o n ­ m e n t a l neglect, the spatial profligacy o f the single-family house that re­ sulted i n c o s t l y d u p l i c a t i o n s — such as e q u i p m e n t for p r o v i d i n g w a t e r a n d sewerage — a n d the p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l f r a g m e n t a t i o n o f a c a r - d o m ­ inated culture. P U D s , e n v i s i o n e d as solutions for some o f the m o r e potent u r b a n ills, were designed to a l l o w g r o w t h w i t h less c o n g e s t i o n , s p r a w l , a n d p o l l u t i o n , a n d m o r e s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , a n d e c o n o m i c balance, t h a n suburbs. T h e B r i t i s h l a u n c h e d the m o v e m e n t for n e w t o w n s for the m o d e r n era. A k e y argument i n i t i a l l y w a s to find a w a y to defuse the p o p u l a t i o n pressure o f the m e t r o p o l i s a n d to recapture a m o r e n a t u r a l , a m o r e gracious a n d h u m a n e w a y o f life. T h e f o l l o w i n g c o m m e n t s u m m a r i z e s a constant theme: C i t y lights a n d c l a m o r c a n p r o v e e n t i c i n g , but there is a l i m i t — w h e n " c r o w d s become oppressive, brightness becomes p a i n f u l glare, a n d the sense o f fellow-feeling i n a c o m m u n i t y passes over i n t o that o f i s o l a t i o n i n a n a n o n y m o u s m o b . " B y contrast, the b u c o l i c n e w t o w n b e c k o n s to create a v i t a l alternative:

Twin Rivers

57

T h e m u l t i m i l l i o n m e t r o p o l i s , w i t h its layered apartment dwellers, its p a u c i t y o f recreation space, d i v o r c e o f w o r k p l a c e s f r o m homes a n d o f homes f r o m green s u r r o u n d i n g s , a n d its m o u n t i n g congestion o f m o v e m e n t , is about as pointless a n d u n c o m f o r t a b l e a fashion as h u m a n i t y has every e m b r a c e d . (Osb o r n a n d W h i t t i c k 1 9 6 3 , p p . 2 8 , 31) Based o n the k e y ideas o f the B r i t i s h n e w t o w n s , a P U D is characterized by the separation o f residential f r o m c o m m e r c i a l l a n d uses, a n d the separation o f v e h i c u l a r f r o m pedestrian traffic. T h e n e i g h b o r h o o d unit is focused o n the elementary s c h o o l a n d l o c a l shops. T h e theory was that higher residential densities a n d c o m p a c t r o a d n e t w o r k s w o u l d m a k e possible m o r e residential l a n d for p u b l i c c o n s u m p t i o n a n d aes­ thetic enjoyment. L a n d that t r a d i t i o n a l l y w o u l d be part o f the s u b u r b a n h o m e o w n e r ' s private space w o u l d b e l o n g to the entire c o m m u n i t y .

Twin Rivers as a Planned Unit Development T w i n R i v e r s , i n East W i n d s o r T o w n s h i p , fifteen miles east o f P r i n c e t o n , w a s the first p l a n n e d u n i t development i n the state o f N e w Jersey a n d served as a standard for others to emulate o r i m p r o v e u p o n . In the p o s t c o n s t r u c t i o n e v a l u a t i o n o f the c o m m u n i t y I a m a b o u t to present, a key objective w a s to be attentive to the development o f key institutions a n d a sense o f c o m m u n i t y over time. A precise d a t i n g o f the c o m m u ­ nity's b e g i n n i n g p e r m i t t e d the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a baseline against w h i c h to chart its c o m p l e x pattern o f g r o w t h a n d change at v a r i o u s phases. T h e c o m m u n i t y opened its d o o r s to the first o f a prospective ten t h o u s a n d residents i n 1 9 7 0 . T h e i n i t i a l p o p u l a t i o n m i x w a s i n m o s t respects t y p i c a l o f m o d e r n s u b u r b i a . So were the motives that p r o p e l l e d the n e w c o m e r s . M o s t h a d to d o , i n one w a y or another, w i t h l a n d a n d space: T h e y were seeking the g o o d life, the clean life, a h o m e o f one's o w n w i t h a l a w n a n d a b a c k y a r d — a place for c h i l d r e n to p l a y a n d be safe. "These were the things m o s t people w a n t e d w h e n they m o v e d to this c o m m u n i t y " (Periscope, September 1 9 7 5 , p . 32).* A s is true o f P U D s generally, the plans for T w i n R i v e r s conserved p u b l i c o p e n space for residents by means o f higher h o u s i n g densities, large areas o f c o m ­ m o n l a n d , a n d j u d i c i o u s l y designed r o a d w a y s a n d p a r k i n g lots. These elements w o u l d not o n l y reduce the costs o f c o n s t r u c t i o n , but also facil­ itate the c r e a t i o n o f a balance a m o n g d w e l l i n g s , recreation spaces, pe*Twin Rivers community newsletters, issued under varying names and irregularly over the decades, were an important source of information. The most frequently cited in the text include The Periscope, from 1983-93 and Twin Rivers Today, 1993-2002 along with Opus for the 1970s and the Windsor Heights Herald for all three decades.

58

Chapter 4

destrian access, a n d facilities. In k e e p i n g w i t h the c u l t u r a l preferences o f m o s t A m e r i c a n s , T w i n R i v e r s w a s p r i v a t e l y o r g a n i z e d , a l t h o u g h it gratefully accepted federal help w i t h mortgage f u n d i n g w h e n needed. T h e p r i m e m o v e r b e h i n d T w i n R i v e r s (and w i t h p l a n n e d c o m m u ­ nities, there is u s u a l l y a p r i m e mover) w a s G e r a l d F i n n , a v i s i o n a r y businessman a n d developer w h o presented the idea o f a P U D to the East W i n d s o r P l a n n i n g B o a r d i n 1 9 6 3 . It t o o k five years a n d nearly t w o h u n d r e d r e c o r d e d meetings w i t h authorities t o m a k e it a reality. T h e hurdles were m a n y —vested interests i n e x i s t i n g arrangements, o f course, a n d fear o f the n e w — i n this case o f a t o w n h o u s e d e v e l o p m e n t i n a n essentially single-family t e r r a i n . H e n c e , the a p p r o v a l o f t o w n s h i p officials w a s c r i t i c a l . T h e r e were legal requirements, i n c l u d i n g the pas­ sage o f a t o w n s h i p P U D o r d i n a n c e a n d state P U D e n a b l i n g l e g i s l a t i o n . A l l o f this w a s predicated o n l a n d assemblage a n d financing. These es­ sential prerequisites are a study i n themselves, s h o w i n g the e x t r a o r d i n ­ ary interconnections o f l o c a l a n d state p o l i t i c s , p e r s o n a l n e t w o r k s , b u s i ­ ness interests, a n d strategic actors i n a variety o f c r i t i c a l roles ( H a c k n e y 1 9 7 5 , p . 4 5 ) . T h e P U D - e n a b l i n g l e g i s l a t i o n w a s signed i n t o l a w o n M a y 2 3 , 1 9 6 7 , a n d the East W i n d s o r t o w n s h i p c o m m i t t e e u n a n i m o u s l y passed the P U D o r d i n a n c e i n O c t o b e r 1 9 6 7 . B y F e b r u a r y 1 9 6 8 , the P U D a p p l i c a t i o n w a s u n a n i m o u s l y a p p r o v e d by the East W i n d s o r P l a n ­ ning Board. T w i n R i v e r s benefited, as d i d other P U D s , f r o m the s u p p o r t o f the F e d e r a l H o u s i n g A g e n c y ( F H A ) , established i n 1 9 3 4 ; the Veterans A d m i n i s t r a t i o n ( V A ) mortgage guarantees, established i n 1 9 4 4 ; a n d the H o u s i n g A c t o f 1 9 4 9 , w h i c h offered favorable terms to builders, bankers, a n d developers. A l l o f these fueled the h o u s i n g b o o m a n d the A m e r i c a n e x o d u s f r o m the cities to the suburbs i n the p o s t - W o r l d W a r II era. H a v i n g ventured $ 1 . 2 5 m i l l i o n u p front, n o t i n c l u d i n g the cost o f the l a n d , before c o n s t r u c t i o n began, F i n n teamed u p w i t h a P r i n c e t o n based developer, H e r b e r t K e n d a l l , w h o invested $1 m i l l i o n o f his o w n a n d assumed the l a n d mortgage f r o m F i n n . S o o n thereafter, A m e r i c a n S t a n d a r d b o u g h t out the partners a n d , i n 1 9 7 4 , W . R . G r a c e b o u g h t o u t A m e r i c a n S t a n d a r d for $ 1 0 m i l l i o n . F r o m a v i s i o n a r y d r e a m it h a d be­ c o m e a m a r k e t a b l e p r o p e r t y w e d d e d to the b o t t o m line. H o w e v e r , h i d ­ den w i t h i n the b r i c k s a n d m o r t a r w a s the h o p e o f s o m e t h i n g grander a n d m o r e f u n d a m e n t a l . T w i n R i v e r s p r o m i s e d to recapture s o m e t h i n g of the t r a d i t i o n a l sense o f c o m m u n i t y that w o u l d have a n appeal to residents b e y o n d i m m e d i a t e p r a c t i c a l interests. T h e T w i n R i v e r s P l a n n e d U n i t D e v e l o p m e n t , like P U D s generally, w a s i n s p i r e d by the p i o n e e r i n g w o r k o f W i l l i a m J . L e v i t t w h o s e L e v i t t o w n s were to become the m o s t w i d e l y c o p i e d m a s s - p r o d u c e d house

Twin Rivers

59

Table 4.1

U.S. Home Ownership Rates, 1920-2000 (Owners As Percent of Householders) Date

Percent

1920 1930 1940 1950 1960 1970 1980 1990 2000

45.6 46.8 43.6 55 61.9 62.9 64.4 66.7 68

Source: Joint Center of Housing Studies, Harvard University 2001.

types i n the decades that f o l l o w e d W o r l d W a r II. T h e L e v i t t houses of 1 9 4 9 , set o n 6 0 - b y - l 0 0 - f o o t lots, featured b u i l t - i n refrigerators, w a s h ­ i n g machines, a n d w h a t were t r u l y n o v e l then, T V sets. P u b l i c s w i m ­ m i n g p o o l s , carports, a n d children's p l a y g r o u n d s were other i n n o v a ­ tions that l i n k e d houses a n d residents to m o r e p u b l i c activities. T h e s u b u r b i a o f the 1920s w a s for affluent h o m e o w n e r s . Several decades later, h o m e o w n e r s h i p came w i t h i n reach o f middle-class a n d lowermiddle-class families because o f the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f l o n g - t e r m mortgages a n d l o w interest rates. N o t surprisingly, the nation's h o u s i n g i n v e n t o r y increased by 21 m i l l i o n units i n the 1940s a n d 1950s (Sternlieb 1 9 8 2 , p . 2 9 ) . H o m e o w n e r s h i p a c c o r d i n g l y surged. Three-fourths o f the t o t a l U . S . h o u s i n g stock was b u i l t after 1 9 4 0 .

What New Communities Have to Offer A l t h o u g h T w i n R i v e r s w a s a " n e w " o r " p l a n n e d " c o m m u n i t y , its ances­ try reaches b a c k a century o r m o r e . There w a s R a d b u r n , N e w Jersey, l a u n c h e d i n 1928 as an offshoot o f Ebenezer H o w a r d ' s G a r d e n C i t y M o v e m e n t o f 1 8 9 8 . There were three greenbelt t o w n s b u i l t by the F e d ­ eral Resettlement A d m i n i s t r a t i o n i n the 1930s, as w e l l as c o m p a n y t o w n s to house w o r k e r s for large p o w e r projects such as the T V A ; B o u l ­ der D a m ; a n d L o s A l a m o s , N e w M e x i c o . N e w c o m m u n i t i e s i n the p o s t W o r l d W a r II era were i n large part a response to the d r a w b a c k s o f laissez-faire s u b u r b a n settlement patterns. T h e y were intended to c o u n ­ teract the p r o b l e m s a c c o m p a n y i n g a t o o r a p i d s u b u r b a n e x p a n s i o n — s u b u r b a n s p r a w l , e n v i r o n m e n t a l indifference, waste o f space, a n d over-

60

Chapter 4

a l l incoherence o f design ( B u r b y et a l . , 1 9 7 6 ) . T h e key goals o f s u c h c o m m u n i t i e s were to p l a n for g r o w t h a n d balance, to a v o i d s p r a w l a n d p o l l u t i o n , to achieve the i n t e g r a t i o n o f services, t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , w o r k , a n d h o u s i n g , a n d eventually to break b a d habits o f social a n d r a c i a l e x c l u s i o n by e x p l i c i t l y s t r i v i n g for a s o c i a l a n d h o u s i n g m i x . C o n v e n i ­ ence, safety, health, a n d a n integrated m o d e o f life were to create a m o r e attractive a n d satisfying h y b r i d o f small-scale c o m m u n i t y a n d large-scale u r b a n w o r l d s . T h e direct antecedents o f T w i n R i v e r s were the L e v i t t o w n s p i ­ oneered b y A b r a h a m L e v i t t a n d his sons A l f r e d a n d W i l l i a m , already a m o n g the largest h o m e builders i n the n a t i o n . L e v i t t o w n (called I s l a n d Trees i n its first version) t r a n s f o r m e d the process o f b u i l d i n g by its i n n o ­ vative techniques a n d e x t r a o r d i n a r y speed o f p r o d u c t i o n . T h e first C a p e C o d boxes were rentals for p o s t w a r veterans i n the m a i n , but this c h a n g e d q u i c k l y i n t o h o m e p u r c h a s i n g arrangements for middle-class families. E v e n t u a l l y , L e v i t t o w n , w i t h 8 2 , 0 0 0 residents i n m o r e t h a n 1 7 , 0 0 0 houses w a s the "largest h o u s i n g development ever put u p by a single b u i l d e r " (Jackson 1 9 8 5 , p . 2 3 5 ) . A l s o , the Levitts at first insisted o n c e r t a i n restrictive rules as to fences, l a w n s , a n d signage. T h e a i m w a s n o t , however, to p r o v i d e c o m m u n i t y but recreational amenities a l o n g w i t h the w e l l - e q u i p p e d houses. T h e L e v i t t s offered nine s w i m m i n g p o o l s , s i x t y p l a y g r o u n d s , ten baseball d i a m o n d s , a n d seven village greens. T h o u g h the critics scoffed at these m a s s - p r o d u c e d houses, the p u b ­ lic w a s enthusiastic. T h e houses offered m a n y n o v e l a n d attractive fea­ tures, i n c l u d i n g w a s h i n g machines, picture w i n d o w s , a n d later, televi­ s i o n sets. T h o u g h h e a v i l y c r i t i c i z e d for spatial a n d aesthetic m o n o t o n y , s o c i a l exclusiveness, a n d r a c i a l segregation, L e v i t t o w n w a s ahead o f its time i n e x t e n d i n g the A m e r i c a n D r e a m to m i l l i o n s . It w a s a tremendous achievement, p u t t i n g h o m e o w n e r s h i p , o p e n spaces, privacy, a n d safety w i t h i n reach o f countless families. T w i n R i v e r s , c o m b i n i n g features o f the n e w c o m m u n i t y concept a n d o f the earlier L e v i t t o w n s , offered a n e x t r a o r d i n a r y o p p o r t u n i t y to e x p l o r e the genesis o f c o m m u n i t y by f o l l o w i n g its course, n o t retroac­ tively as is so often done, but literally f r o m the g r o u n d u p , as it m o v e d f r o m the p h y s i c a l shell to a social a n d c u l t u r a l reality. In the vast literature o f c o m m u n i t y studies there are countless por­ traits o f c o m m u n i t i e s past a n d present. T h e best o f these p r o v i d e r i c h details o n h o w people go a b o u t creating a place, as distinct f r o m a site, for l i v i n g together m o r e o r less successfully over time. In general, these p o r t r a i t s remove any i l l u s i o n that c o m m u n i t i e s are based o n some s i m ­ ple, r e a d i l y grasped f o r m u l a . In fact, the closer y o u l o o k , the richer the

Twin Rivers

61

t e r r a i n a n d the m o r e intricate the w e b o f collective life. W h a t a great m a n y o f these studies l a c k , however, is a f r a m e w o r k that w o u l d p u t the r i c h details i n t o some order f r o m w h i c h general p r i n c i p l e s o f c o m m u ­ n i t y c o u l d be deduced. A s a departure f r o m t r a d i t i o n a l A m e r i c a n ideals o f private p r o p e r t y a n d i n d i v i d u a l h o m e o w n e r s h i p , T w i n R i v e r s w a s b o u n d t o raise m a n y f u n d a m e n t a l questions a m o n g h o m e builders a n d h o m e buyers. It p r o ­ v i d e d a u n i q u e o p p o r t u n i t y to track the p o t e n t i a l for c o m m u n i t y i n this unfinished site; to m o n i t o r the process w h e r e b y the p o t e n t i a l for c o m ­ m u n i t y becomes activated, a n d the i m p e d i m e n t s to it; to set u p timeta­ bles a n d stages o f c o m m u n i t y f o r m a t i o n ; a n d to evaluate h o w s o l i d , cohesive, a n d e n d u r i n g the c o m m u n i t y w o u l d be. O n e q u e s t i o n , w h i c h becomes m o r e c r i t i c a l a n d p r o b l e m a t i c as c o m m u n i t y becomes a matter o f choice rather t h a n inescapable legacy, is: H o w does a n aggregate o f strangers develop a sense o f c o m m u n i t y , a sense that they are part o f a bigger story i n v o l v i n g n u m e r o u s u n k n o w n others o n w h o s e c o m b i n e d actions a n d sentiments their destiny de­ pends? T h i s is the question at the heart o f this b o o k . A p l a n n e d u n i t development, w i t h its shared l a n d uses a n d higher p o p u l a t i o n density, differs f r o m c o n v e n t i o n a l suburbs i n its a i m to achieve a c o m p r o m i s e between u r b a n c o n c e n t r a t i o n a n d s u b u r b a n p r i ­ vacy. H o u s e h o l d s have s h r u n k i n size because o f r i s i n g rates o f d i v o r c e a n d single p a r e n t h o o d , a n d marriage at later ages. S u b u r b a n self-con­ t a i n m e n t spell i s o l a t i o n a n d loneliness for such h o u s e h o l d s a n d others w h o seek to reach b e y o n d the c o c o o n o f f a m i l y a n d h o u s e h o l d to a w i d e r social t e r r a i n . In T w i n R i v e r s , outreach w a s b u i l t i n t o the design o f houses, the r o a d n e t w o r k , a n d private as w e l l as p u b l i c spaces.

The Master Plan for Twin Rivers T h e master p l a n for T w i n R i v e r s , developed by the N e w Y o r k firm o f W h i t t l e s e y a n d C o n k l i n , a l l o t t e d acreage as s h o w n i n table 4 . 2 . T h e t o w n h o u s e , i n particular, l i n k e d residents physically, visually, a n d au­ r a l l y a n d m a d e every h o m e o w n e r a u t o m a t i c a l l y a l a n d sharer. H o w a n d w h e t h e r this w o u l d translate i n t o a sense o f c o m m u n i t y w a s thus o f considerable interest. T h e houses people choose to live i n tell us m u c h a b o u t their society, their values, their status, a n d their o p p o r t u n i t i e s . H o u s e a n d e n v i r o n ­ ment, house a n d c o m m u n i t y , t h o u g h often discussed as separate d o ­ m a i n s , are p r o f o u n d l y interconnected. H o w e v e r , the house occupies such a central focus i n i n d i v i d u a l aspirations that its l i n k s to w i d e r insti-

62

Chapter 4

Table 4.2

Twin Rivers Land Allocation Housing Light industry Schools, parks, open space Commercial Roads and parking Unassigned

249 198 164 55 34 19

acres (36%) acres (28%) acres (23%) acres (8%) acres (4%) acres (2%)

Total Acreage

719 acres

t u t i o n a l spheres are often disregarded. T h e house is for m o s t people a central p r e o c c u p a t i o n . M o s t o f their free t i m e is spent i n it, the h i g h p o i n t s o f the life course u n f o l d there, a n d it is a p r i z e d possession o f deep c u l t u r a l a n d p e r s o n a l significance. T h e house has also been a k e y impetus for t e c h n i c a l i n n o v a t i o n s , a l i v i n g l a b o r a t o r y for testing out c e n t r a l heating a n d c o o l i n g systems, i n d o o r w a t e r supply, p l u m b i n g , designer k i t c h e n s , avant-garde b a t h ­ r o o m s — m a r v e l s o f "efficiency a n d clever design . . . w i t h their a d ­ v a n c e d l i g h t i n g , electrical w i r i n g , l a u n d r y systems, a n d r u b b i s h dis­ p o s a l . " I n a l m o s t every respect . . . the A m e r i c a n house is a c o m p l e t e l y a p p r o p r i a t e capsule w o r l d , fleshing out the m a i n p r i n c i p l e s , m y t h s , a n d values o f the larger c u l t u r a l s y s t e m " ( Z e l i n s k y 1 9 7 3 , p p . 9 3 , 9 4 ) . W i t h i n this larger c o n t e x t , the badge o f achievement a n d respect­ a b i l i t y is a house o f one's o w n , certifying one's soundness o f character a n d self-respect a n d p r o v i d i n g the c o n d i t i o n s for a p r o p e r f a m i l y life — by its l i n k a g e to the central c u l t u r a l values o f privacy, property, inde­ pendence, the d i s t r i b u t i o n o f w e a l t h , as w e l l as to patterns o f w o r k a n d the structure o f domestic life. T h e r u r a l character o f eighteenth-century C o l o n i a l A m e r i c a a n d the peasant i m m i g r a n t heritage o f the nineteenth century m a k e current h o u s i n g aspirations resonate b a c k w a r d i n t i m e a n d o u t w a r d i n space. T h e n as n o w , a house meant rootedness, c o n t a c t w i t h terra firma, a sense o f permanence i n a transient w o r l d . A house also means freedom — a n d the right to one's o w n l i v i n g space, to m a k e noise, for c h i l d r e n to p l a y — creating a buffer thereby between one's self a n d the outside w o r l d . A house is t y p i c a l l y the largest a m o u n t o f p r o p e r t y that m o s t A m e r ­ icans w i l l ever o w n . It thereby binds i n d i v i d u a l s to the basic financial a n d legal institutions o f their w o r l d . H o m e o w n e r s h i p constitutes a n a b i d i n g g o a l a n d value for m o s t A m e r i c a n s . It is seen as a m a j o r p r i m a r y m a r k e r o f s o c i a l w o r t h , a p u b l i c p r o o f o f success a n d u l t i m a t e l y o f s e l f - w o r t h . E x - a p a r t m e n t

Twin Rivers

63

dwellers t u r n e d h o m e o w n e r s , for e x a m p l e , have been s h o w n to e x p e r i ­ ence notable boosts i n m o r a l e a n d w e l l - b e i n g , a n d h o m e o w n e r s h i p lessens stress for u r b a n residents, even at l o w i n c o m e levels a n d a m o n g the u n e m p l o y e d . A n d u n e m p l o y e d h o m e o w n e r s , research has s h o w n , were " m u c h m o r e l i k e l y t h a n n o n - o w n e r s to a v o i d m e n t a l strain, feel­ ings o f unhappiness, a n d m a r i t a l s t r a i n . " F o r t h e m the house w a s a " m a j o r buffer" against e c o n o m i c h a r d s h i p ( C a p l o v i t z 1 9 6 3 p p . 1 7 6 , 178), w h o s e purchase enhanced f a m i l y life, a n d s i m p l y fixing up the house boosted m o r a l e a n d f a m i l y togetherness ( G a n s 1 9 6 7 , p . 2 5 5 ; K e l ­ ler 1 9 8 9 ) . T h u s m a n y forces c o m b i n e to m a k e h o m e o w n e r s h i p a cornerstone of the A m e r i c a n w a y o f life. A l o n g w i t h the p s y c h o l o g i c a l quest for security o r status, it reflects a desire for s y m b o l i c closure. F o r the house has p o w e r as a s y m b o l o f b e l o n g i n g a n d respectability apart f r o m its p r o v i s i o n o f shelter a n d safety. In a m o b i l e , fluid, m o d e r n e n v i r o n m e n t , the house constitutes a rare theme o f constancy for i n d i v i d u a l s ever o n the m o v e yet searching for roots. T h e s u b u r b a n ethos captures the t w i n themes o f this c u l t u r a l d u a l ­ i s m for permanence a n d change i n its s t a n d a r d i z e d p h y s i c a l design. F r o m the late eighteenth century o n w a r d , as m a n y E u r o p e a n travelers observed, suburbs expressed A m e r i c a n s ' characteristic love o f newness, nearness to nature, i n d i v i d u a l i s m , a n d c o m p e t i t i v e e m u l a t i o n . A n d the suburbs o f the early nineteenth century forged a c u l t u r a l pattern that endures to this day, c o n t i n u i n g to be the place w h e r e the A m e r i c a n D r e a m has best been realized.

The Townhouse In the late 1970s, w h a t w i t h smaller families, two-job/career couples a n d h i g h costs o f h o m e o w n e r s h i p , the m a j o r i t y o f y o u n g couples began to q u e s t i o n the s u b u r b a n ideal. T w o b r e a d w i n n e r s m a d e the length a n d ease o f c o m m u t e m o r e c r i t i c a l t h a n it h a d been, a n d access to j o b sites a n d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n became d o u b l y p r o b l e m a t i c . In response, a n e w concept i n h o u s i n g reemerged i n a late t w e n ­ tieth-century v e r s i o n : cluster h o u s i n g . T h i s type o f h o u s i n g is based o n g r o u p i n g houses a r o u n d p u b l i c l y shared o p e n spaces as w e l l as shop­ p i n g areas, schools, w a l k w a y s , a n d r e c r e a t i o n a l facilities. C l u s t e r h o u s i n g h a d its precedents. First p r o p o s e d as w i n t e r hous­ i n g i n southern C a l i f o r n i a i n 1 9 1 0 , it w a s to p r o m o t e social s o l i d a r i t y a m o n g residents a l o n g w i t h less costly forms o f shelter. In the m i d - 1 9 6 0 s , the cluster concept reappeared, fueled by a c h a n g i n g h o u s i n g m a r k e t , d e c l i n i n g federal supports, inflation, a n d

64

Chapter 4

changes i n w o r k a n d f a m i l y arrangements. S u b u r b a n segregation a n d separatism h a d served a n e s t - b u i l d i n g generation after W o r l d W a r II, as w e a r y o f w a r a n d d o u b l i n g u p , they sought space a n d privacy. A gener­ a t i o n later, this m o d e o f l i v i n g , t h o u g h still c u l t u r a l l y idealized, seemed ever less suited to j o b - h o l d i n g w i v e s , single parents, a n d self-supporting single m e n a n d w o m e n . A n d so, as n e w c u l t u r a l ideals were f a s h i o n e d , a n e w concept o f h o u s i n g t o o k h o l d . M o s t people seem u n a w a r e o f the deep c o n n e c t i o n between house f o r m a n d the w e b o f c o m m u n i t y . A n d yet, as i n d i c a t e d earlier, the c u l ­ ture o f t r a d i t i o n a l s u b u r b i a rested h e a v i l y o n ideals o f p r i v a c y a n d sep­ a r a t i s m , w h i c h the freestanding, f a m i l y - f o c u s e d house encouraged. T h e subsequent shift to cluster h o u s i n g a n d the k i n d s o f c o m m u ­ nities it s p a w n e d likewise t a p p e d n e w concepts a n d ideals o f i n d i v i d u a l as w e l l as collective responsibilities. T o w n h o u s e s are attached houses i n r o w s o f t w o o r m o r e . T o w n ­ house aggregates are m a n a g e d by h o m e - o w n e r associations a n d c o n s t i ­ tute a c o m b i n a t i o n o f p u b l i c a n d private arrangements i n w h i c h resi­ dents o w n their houses a n d a p r o p o r t i o n a t e share o f the o p e n space, c o m m o n g r o u n d s , a n d recreation facilities ( N o r c r o s s 1 9 7 3 ) . S u c h aggregates represent a n a m a l g a m o f private a n d p u b l i c , retain­ i n g the ideal o f i n d i v i d u a l h o m e o w n e r s h i p a n d single f a m i l y o c c u p a n c y but e x p a n d i n g its t e r r i t o r i a l a n d s y m b o l i c l i m i t s . B y s h a r i n g c o m m o n w a l l s , o p e n spaces, a n d n u m e r o u s facilities a n d services, a n e w pastiche o f m i n e a n d y o u r s is created. In the process, t r a d i t i o n a l designs for l i v ­ i n g are t r a n s f o r m e d a n d n e w c u l t u r a l patterns a n d p r i o r i t i e s take center stage. T o w n h o u s e s , because they are attached to one o r m o r e adjacent d w e l l i n g s , challenge the image o f the house as one's castle a n d private refuge, a n ideal difficult to sustain w h e r e d w e l l i n g s are p h y s i c a l l y l i n k e d a n d i n v o l v e o w n e r s i n shared financial a n d spatial o b l i g a t i o n s .

Single-Family Houses versus Townhouses T w i n R i v e r s p e r m i t t e d a n e x p l o r a t i o n o f the response to t o w n h o u s e l i v i n g for A m e r i c a n s w h o were t r a d i t i o n a l i n their o r i e n t a t i o n to f a m i l y life a n d h o m e o w n e r s h i p . S u c h a t r a d i t i o n a l p o p u l a t i o n w o u l d have been expected to aspire to live i n freestanding houses. Instead, they were pioneers for a n e w m o d e o f l i v i n g . A n d c o n t r a r y to i n i t i a l m i s g i v ­ ings, the t o w n h o u s e p r o v e d very successful. It satisfied the need for separateness yet also gave to residents a j o i n t stake i n each other's lives a n d the l a n d they possessed i n c o m m o n . T h i s gave the residents a taste o f the i n t e g r a t i o n o f " f a m i l y , house, a n d v i l l a g e " that f o r m e d the pattern

Twin Rivers

65

o f the o r i g i n a l settlers o f N e w E n g l a n d (Jackson 1 9 8 5 , p p . 1 2 - 1 3 ) , w h i c h w a s lost i n the t r a n s i t i o n to i n d u s t r i a l i s m . In T w i n R i v e r s d u r i n g the 1970s, h o m e o w n e r s h i p w a s possible for as little as $ 1 0 0 d o w n a n d ten m o n t h l y c a r r y i n g charges o f $ 2 5 5 each. T h i s i n c l u d e d p r i n c i p a l , interest o n thirty-year V A o r F H A mortgage, estimated taxes a n d home-owner's insurance, a n d a m o n t h l y fee o f $ 1 7 for l a w n maintenance, s n o w r e m o v a l , garbage c o l l e c t i o n , a n d member­ ship i n one o f four tennis clubs a n d s w i m clubs. T h o s e w h o c o u l d n o t afford to b u y c o u l d rent a n apartment. D i v i d e d i n t o four quads o r n e i g h b o r h o o d s , each w i t h its o w n s w i m ­ m i n g p o o l a n d tennis courts, T w i n R i v e r s h a d a m i x o f h o u s i n g types arranged i n r o w s o f s i x to ten d w e l l i n g s . T o w n h o u s e s , w h i c h p r e d o m i ­ nated, generally faced o n t o p a r k i n g lots i n front a n d c o m m o n grassy areas i n b a c k . E a c h t o w n h o u s e also h a d as its o w n private space a p a t i o area enclosed by a five-foot-high fence i n b a c k . R e s i d e n t i a l densities ranged f r o m four to eighteen d w e l l i n g units per acre. A l l t o l d , there were three t h o u s a n d d w e l l i n g units o n 7 1 9 acres for a p o p u l a t i o n o f ten t h o u s a n d . See table 4 . 3 . T h e r e are t w o antithetical views o n the rise o f c o n d o m i n i u m a n d t o w n h o u s e developments. O n e h o l d s that they are evidence o f a p r o p e n ­ sity for stronger s o c i a l a n d n e i g h b o r h o o d ties because they i n v o l v e the s h a r i n g o f responsibilities a n d l a n d . T h e other h o l d s that such ties are w e a k e n e d by the transience a n d brevity o f s o c i a l contacts i n n e w devel­ opments, w h i c h precludes a deeper interdependency. T h e T w i n R i v e r s data s u p p o r t the p r o p o s i t i o n that t o w n h o u s e l i v i n g c a n foster s o c i a l a n d n e i g h b o r h o o d ties, but it does not d o so a u t o m a t i c a l l y o r w i t h o u t c o n ­ siderable effort. T o w n h o u s e s , despite shared w a l l s a n d c o m m o n spaces, were c o n ­ nected i n the m i n d s o f their o w n e r s , n o t w i t h apartments, w h i c h they resemble s o m e w h a t , but w i t h freestanding houses. A consistent pattern o f a s s o c i a t i o n between h o u s i n g type a n d life satisfaction s h o w e d the satisfaction o f apartment dwellers to be l o w a n d that o f t o w n h o u s e residents to be h i g h .

Table 4.3

Housing Types in Twin Rivers Town houses Condominiums Apartments Freestanding house

63% 5% 25% 7%

66

Chapter 4

H e r e , t o o , l a n d use p l a y e d a significant r o l e . T h e house w a s seen n o t o n l y as a shelter but also as a p r o v i d e r o f nearby o u t d o o r spaces for easily supervised p l a y space for c h i l d r e n a n d a site for adults to gather for gossip o r social celebrations. E v e n h i g h p o p u l a t i o n densities were t a k e n i n stride i f they a l l o w e d for some private space a n d amenities close by. T h u s , c o n t r a r y to m u c h expert o p i n i o n , residents o f T w i n R i v e r s were b o t h receptive a n d adaptable to w h a t w a s i n the 1970s c o n s i d e r e d a n o v e l f o r m o f h o u s i n g i n s u b u r b i a . L e v i t t o w n e r s , by c o n ­ trast, were n o t attracted to t o w n h o u s e s , l e a d i n g G a n s (1967) to the f o l l o w i n g c o n c l u s i o n : " U n l e s s future r o w houses are designed to m a x i ­ m i z e p r i v a c y a n d c a n also o v e r c o m e their present low-status image, they w i l l n o t be very p o p u l a r w i t h the next generation o f h o m e b u y e r s . " A n d Z e l i n s k y ( 1 9 7 3 , p . 93) refers to the A m e r i c a n " a v e r s i o n " to i n h a b i t i n g m u l t i - f a m i l y structures. Some residents (7 to 10 percent o n average) discovered a l m o s t i m m e d i a t e l y that t o w n h o u s e l i v i n g w a s n o t for t h e m a n d left T w i n R i v e r s as s o o n as they c o u l d . A larger p r o p o r t i o n (20 percent) stayed a n d c l u n g to the ideal o f h a v i n g a detached house some day. H o w e v e r , this ideal seems to have persisted i n fantasy w i t h o u t af­ fecting the satisfaction w i t h the house a c t u a l l y i n h a b i t e d . T h e m a j o r i t y of residents were m o r e t h a n w i l l i n g to give t o w n h o u s e s a try. Satisfaction seems to d e p e n d o n s k i l l f u l design. D e s i g n c a n p r o v i d e the i l l u s i o n o f spaciousness, thereby e n l a r g i n g w h a t B e c k e r has c a l l e d "the p s y c h o l o g i c a l size o f the h o u s e " (Becker 1 9 7 7 , p . 2 7 ) , a n d c a n m a k e a s m a l l house appear spacious, even l u x u r i o u s , by the use o f sky­ lights, h i g h ceilings, m i r r o r s , a n d o p e n floor p l a n s . In o u r i m a g e - c o n ­ scious culture, the i l l u s i o n o f space is at times as effective as the a c t u a l p r o v i s i o n o f space. B y a n d large, the T w i n R i v e r s t o w n h o u s e s seem to have p r o v i d e d b o t h the space needed by their i n h a b i t a n t s a n d the spa­ ciousness desired by t h e m .

A General Profile of the First Wave of Residents W h o were these pioneers w h o v e n t u r e d to live i n this e x - p o t a t o field w i t h g r a n d designs for c o m m u n i t y ? In contrast to the vast m a j o r i t y o f past c o m m u n i t i e s studied —eth­ n i c , i m m i g r a n t , s l u m , o r ghetto —this p o p u l a t i o n w a s squarely i n the m i d d l e class. T h e y were i m b u e d w i t h the c r e d o o f the A m e r i c a n D r e a m — o f h i g h aspirations, m o b i l i t y , a n d self-development. T h e y were eager to c l a i m their b i r t h r i g h t o f o p p o r t u n i t y . B u t they were also ready to take a chance o n the n e w patterns o f h o u s i n g tenure a n d l a n d ownership. T h e first w a v e o f residents w a s rather t y p i c a l o f N e w C o m m u n i t y

Twin Rivers

67

p o p u l a t i o n s : y o u n g m a r r i e d couples w i t h one to t w o c h i l d r e n w h o h a d m o v e d to a t o w n h o u s e o r garden apartment f r o m N e w Y o r k C i t y , L o n g Island, o r s u b u r b a n N e w Jersey. F o r the large majority, the m o v e repre­ sented a n o p p o r t u n i t y for first-time h o m e o w n e r s h i p . B y c o m p a r i s o n w i t h the L e v i t t o w n e r s studied by G a n s (1967), they were higher o n the s o c i o e c o n o m i c scale o c c u p a t i o n a l l y , financially, a n d educationally. T o w n h o u s e l i v i n g i n T w i n R i v e r s t u r n e d o u t to be a positive e x p e r i ­ ence for the first w a v e o f residents. W h i c h e v e r i n d i c a t o r w a s e x a m ­ i n e d — t h e reactions to the house as a w h o l e , the desired i m p r o v e m e n t s , the need for privacy, o r responses to density, noise, a n d neighbors — the house came out as a p l u s . N o n e o f the p r o p h e s i e d fears — f r o m ruthless invasions o f p r i v a c y to h o r r e n d o u s neighbors — m a t e r i a l i z e d for m o r e t h a n a fraction o f the p o p u l a t i o n . T h i s contradicts the c o n v e n t i o n a l w i s ­ d o m that A m e r i c a n s are n o t ready to give u p the single-family house w i t h its o w n front l a w n a n d private b a c k y a r d or that they experience extreme stress i n d o i n g so. T w o - t h i r d s o f T w i n R i v e r s residents l i k e d their houses; o n e - t h i r d w a s enthusiastic, a n d o n l y a m i n o r i t y h a d m i x e d feelings. T w o percent o r less, a m i n u s c u l e p r o p o r t i o n , d i s l i k e d their houses. T h e religious c o m p l e x i o n o f T w i n R i v e r s w a s also u n l i k e that o f the L e v i t t o w n s . It attracted a d i s p r o p o r t i o n a t e n u m b e r o f J e w i s h residents at the start — estimates v a r y f r o m 2 5 to 4 0 percent, a d i s p r o p o r t i o n that d i m i n i s h e d over time w i t h the a r r i v a l o f A s i a n s , A f r i c a n - A m e r i c a n s , a n d a variety o f other groups. Still the J e w i s h c o m p o n e n t far exceeded its n a t i o n a l representation o f a r o u n d 3 percent, t h o u g h it s h o u l d be em­ p h a s i z e d that the large m a j o r i t y o f these J e w i s h i n - m i g r a n t s , o r residents f r o m N e w Y o r k C i t y a n d L o n g Island, were secular i n o r i e n t a t i o n a n d c o m p a r a b l e i n this respect to the Protestant a n d R o m a n C a t h o l i c residents. T h e question o f social m i x , w h i c h w i l l be fully discussed later, sur­ faced early. Some outside observers hastened, w i t h o u t m u c h basis, to deplore T w i n R i v e r s ' homogeneity. A closer assessment, however, i n d i ­ cates considerable diversity i n regard to r e l i g i o n a n d o c c u p a t i o n ; social, ethnic, a n d r e g i o n a l b a c k g r o u n d s ; a n d p e r s o n a l aspirations a n d social priorities. A t the start, residents were t r a d i t i o n a l i n the domestic d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r —the m e n were the p r i n c i p a l b r e a d w i n n e r s ; the w o m e n focused o n house, h o m e , a n d c h i l d r e n , regardless o f their h i g h e d u c a t i o n a l at­ tainments a n d p r i o r j o b experience. T h e m e n were e m p l o y e d i n c o r p o ­ rations, professions, a n d s m a l l businesses. T h e fraction o f w o m e n w h o w o r k e d outside the h o m e i n the early years h e l d s k i l l e d , semi-profes­ s i o n a l , a n d professional part-time p o s i t i o n s as teachers, office w o r k e r s , nurses, o r l i b r a r i a n s . These p i o n e e r i n g twentieth-century A m e r i c a n s were i n some re-

68

Chapter 4

spects s i m i l a r to the pioneers w h o struggled to devise c o m m u n i t i e s i n the earliest years o f the r e p u b l i c . T h e y sought a " c l o s e - k n i t c o m m u n i t y that existed for the g o o d o f a l l its m e m b e r s a n d i n w h i c h each m a n w a s his brother's keeper" ( B a i l y n 1 9 8 6 , p . 39). S t i l l , b o t h sets o f pioneers h a d o n l y the d i m m e s t n o t i o n o f w h a t b u i l d i n g a c o m m u n i t y w o u l d be l i k e a n d they were quite u n p r e p a r e d for the a c t u a l tasks o f p i o n e e r i n g as distinct f r o m c o n t e m p l a t i n g the c o n ­ cept i n heroic fantasies. T h e culture s h o c k o c c a s i o n e d by this discrep­ ancy w a s clearly b e h i n d the p a n d e m o n i u m o f the earliest years i n b o t h cases. T w i n R i v e r s w a s thus a n extremely interesting case for questions a b o u t identity a n d c o m m u n i t y . These parallels aside, however, there were i m p o r t a n t differences. E a r l y A m e r i c a n settlers, w h o tended to c o m e i n g r o u p s , were i m b u e d w i t h a u n i f y i n g set o f beliefs that m a d e the idea o f s h a r i n g m o r e r e a d i l y acceptable. T h e r e w a s n o such o v e r a r c h i n g i d e o l o g y o r c o m m o n culture of c o m m u n i t y for T w i n R i v e r s . A n d t h o u g h there w a s a r h e t o r i c o f c o m m o n enterprise, m o s t residents t h o u g h t that c o m m u n i t y w o u l d c o m e a l o n g w i t h the purchase o f their homes a n d n o t d e m a n d m o r e than minimal participation. T h i s go-it-alone p h i l o s o p h y is h a r d l y s u r p r i s i n g given current c u l ­ t u r a l lessons a n d precepts e m p h a s i z e d i n A m e r i c a n society. T h e n , t o o , s o u t h e r n N e w Jersey is n o t a p r i m e v a l wilderness — residents h a d access to alternative sites a n d resources v i a jobs, s h o p p i n g , a n d friendships outside T w i n R i v e r s . If they were dissatisfied, they c o u l d r e a d i l y leave, as some d i d . B u t i f they chose to stay, as m o s t d i d , they d i s c o v e r e d it w a s u p to t h e m to create the s o c i a l institutions a n d forms o f c o o p e r a ­ t i o n o n w h i c h the d e v e l o p i n g c o m m u n i t y w o u l d rest. T h i s r e q u i r e d countless appeals to each resident to re-define the s i t u a t i o n by t a k i n g the " s o c i a l v i e w p o i n t " ( T h o m a s a n d Z n a n i e c k i 1 9 5 8 , p . 1 2 5 9 ) . M o s t residents were n o t p r e p a r e d for this difficult task; they assumed, o r were led to believe, that the purchase o f their homes w a s a speedy ticket to community. T h e early days were filled w i t h e x h o r t a t i o n s for residents to t h i n k i n terms o f c o m m u n i t y , the virtues o f w h i c h were depicted i n a l m o s t B i b l i ­ cal terms by the 1 9 7 4 sales b r o c h u r e : It a l l began as a d r e a m p r o p e l l e d i n t o a c t i o n by m e n o f a b i l i t y a n d d e t e r m i n a t i o n a n d is being t a k e n f o r w a r d to f r u i t i o n . F r o m it a l l has arisen a fine y o u n g t o w n a n d the magnificent people w h o live there. . . . there are thousands o f people f r o m a l l w a l k s o f life. T h e y w o r k h a r d a n d live i n the hectic content­ m e n t w h i c h is 1 9 7 4 .

Twin Rivers

69

H y p e r b o l e also m a r k e d the advertisements for L e v i t t o w n decades earlier, w h i c h left out a g o o d deal a l o n g w i t h w h a t w a s featured. T h e d w e l l i n g s were generally p i c t u r e d as freestanding a n d s u r r o u n d e d by greenery a n d trees, w h e n they a c t u a l l y were densely clustered t o w n houses a m i d p a r k i n g lots a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n e q u i p m e n t ( B a x a n d a l l a n d E w e n 2 0 0 0 , p . 137). U n p r e p a r e d for the trials ahead, a n d resistant to appeals for c o m ­ m u n i t y i n v o l v e m e n t , the n e w residents o f T w i n R i v e r s suffered u n a v o i d ­ able culture s h o c k . T h i s w a s magnified by the hype o f sales brochures that depicted " a c o m m u n i t y so complete, w h e n y o u drive h o m e o n F r i ­ day evening, y o u w o n ' t w a n t to leave u n t i l M o n d a y m o r n i n g . " A 1 9 7 0 sales b r o c h u r e asserted: U n t i l n o w , m o s t people have h a d a d i s m a l choice: city life, o r the suburbs w i t h their endless b l o c k s o f tract houses. T h e c o m ­ forts a n d joys o f city l i v i n g are fast d i s a p p e a r i n g . E v e n s u r v i v a l there is b e c o m i n g a d a i l y c h o r e , r a i s i n g a family, i m p o s s i b l e . T h e suburbs have their o w n p r o b l e m s : r i s i n g taxes, a l i m i t e d social a n d e c o n o m i c cross-section, a certain m o n o t o n o u s isola­ t i o n f r o m the w o r l d . B y contrast, T w i n R i v e r s w a s b i l l e d as the m o s t desirable alterna­ tive, " a t o t a l e n v i r o n m e n t . " G i v e n that the residents were generally e m p l o y e d a n d h a d m a n y contacts outside the borders o f T w i n R i v e r s , a self-contained e n v i r o n ­ ment w a s never to be realized. Still, t h o u g h n o t self-sufficient, it w a s able to p r o v i d e for a w i d e range o f needs — for shelter, recreation, mate­ r i a l goods, a n d sociability. T w i n R i v e r s w a s thus closer at the start to w h a t Redfield termed a n "intermittent c o m m u n i t y " — w h e r e families a n d households r e m a i n private a n d separate u n t i l a crisis o r issue m o b i ­ lizes t h e m (Redfield 1 9 6 0 ) . P r o d u c t i v e a n d subsistence activities, as w e l l as r e l i g i o u s , entertain­ ment, a n d health-care resources were l o c a t e d outside the development, whereas elementary e d u c a t i o n , domestic life, social celebrations, a n d as­ s o c i a t i o n memberships were concentrated w i t h i n its b o u n d a r i e s , thus m a k i n g T w i n R i v e r s a c o m p o s i t e c r e a t i o n , that t a p p e d i n t o l o c a l as w e l l as n o n l o c a l resources.

The Strains of Creating a New Social Code In a d d i t i o n to being a P U D a n d a " n e w " c o m m u n i t y , T w i n R i v e r s w a s n o t finished w h e n the first residents m o v e d i n . A n unfinished c o m m u -

70

Chapter 4

n i t y — w i t h c o n s t r u c t i o n e q u i p m e n t d o t t i n g the landscapes, houses i n v a r y i n g states o f c o m p l e t i o n , a n d large tracts o f e m p t y l a n d w a i t i n g for their c o m p l e m e n t o f b u i l d i n g s , o p e n spaces, a n d p a r k i n g lots —makes e n o r m o u s p s y c h o l o g i c a l demands o n its i n i t i a l residents i n regard to the m o s t elementary plane o f existence. In a d d i t i o n to the inconveniences o f d i r t a n d noise, adjustments to n e w n e i g h b o r s , a n d a house that one m u s t strive to m a k e one's o w n , is the l a c k o f reliable guides to help orient one's behavior. Indeed, the tasks c o n f r o n t i n g the residents were huge: T h e y needed to create v i a b l e routines o f l i v i n g a n d a shared s o c i a l code v i r t u a l l y overnight. T h i s m a d e the first decade o f residence i n T w i n R i v e r s very t r y i n g . Later, w h e n the social a n d p h y s i c a l structure o f the c o m m u n i t y w a s i n place, n e w c o m e r s w o u l d still have to grapple w i t h the d i s l o c a t i o n s o f a m o v e , but the general atmosphere h a d s t a b i l i z e d . S t i l l , the g r o w i n g pains persisted far longer t h a n one m i g h t have expected. In a d d i t i o n to the r e o r i e n t a t i o n needed i n regard to s h o p p i n g , t r a v e l i n g , a n d v i s i t i n g , f a m i l y life w a s disrupted a n d h u s b a n d - w i f e as w e l l as p a r e n t - c h i l d rela­ tions were e x p o s e d to u n a c c u s t o m e d strains. A frequent response to these strains w a s anger — anger at the p h y s i ­ c a l setting, the n e w neighbors, the real estate agents, the T r u s t A d m i n i s ­ t r a t i o n . O n e o r a l l were b l a m e d for the frustrations experienced. N e r ­ v o u s ailments were not u n u s u a l as i n d i v i d u a l s struggled to find their balance. M a n y couples f o u n d themselves m o r e o n edge, despite greater togetherness. A n a l m o s t u n i v e r s a l p r o b l e m w a s s p e n d i n g b e y o n d one's means as the expenses o f settling i n , i n c l u d i n g the purchase o f n e w ap­ pliances, a c c u m u l a t e d . T h e pressure to keep u p w i t h the Joneses fanned anxieties as w e l l as financial indebtedness. These p r o b l e m s c a l l e d for c o u n s e l i n g , but n o such services were a v a i l a b l e i n the first years. E v e n ­ tually, counselors a n d f a m i l y therapists i n s u r r o u n d i n g t o w n s were c o n ­ sulted, but this o c c u r r e d years after the m o v e a n d o n l y a m o n g the m o s t t r o u b l e d o r m o s t dissatisfied residents. Y o u n g people o f b o t h sexes faced special p r o b l e m s . P u b l i c officials n o t e d a rise i n juvenile d e l i n q u e n c y a n d c o m m e n t e d o n its greater i n c i ­ dence i n n e w c o m m u n i t i e s as c o m p a r e d to established c o m m u n i t i e s o f c o m p a r a b l e size. T h e y believed that the c h i l d r e n were " a c t i n g o u t " their parents' c o m p l a i n t s a n d d i s a p p o i n t m e n t s by petty stealing, v a n d a l i s m , a n d , later, d r u g use. These f a m i l y a n d y o u t h p r o b l e m s h a d n o t been a n t i c i p a t e d i n the plans for the c o m m u n i t y , but p r o v e d to be a c r i t i c a l source o f stress i n the early years. W h i l e the n e w c o m e r s were fairly t y p i c a l o f A m e r i c a n s generally, seeking to c l i m b u p the ladder o f success by investing i n a h o m e o f their o w n a n d s t a k i n g out a better life for their c h i l d r e n i n the safety a n d

Twin Rivers

71

o p e n spaces o f s u b u r b i a , they also w a n t e d s o m e t h i n g m o r e . T h e y were d r a w n to T w i n R i v e r s because o f the p r o m i s e d c o m m u n i t y . It w a s c o m m u n i t y that b e c k o n e d t h e m , t h o u g h w h a t exactly that meant to t h e m is n o t clear. B u t since they h a d been reared i n the i n d i ­ v i d u a l i s t i c ethos o f c o n t e m p o r a r y A m e r i c a n society, the c r i t i c a l question w a s , w o u l d they be able to create c o m m u n i t y ? A n d i f so, w h a t k i n d o f c o m m u n i t y w o u l d it be? A n d w h o w o u l d b r i n g it i n t o being?

Studying α Community in Progress I began the study o f T w i n R i v e r s as a naturalist m i g h t e x p l o r e the m i l i e u a n d b e h a v i o r o f a heretofore uninvestigated species, seeking to b u i l d u p a comprehensive picture o f a c o m m u n i t y i n progress, step by step. I h o p e d to a v o i d a n a l l - t o o - c o m m o n error o f generalizing f r o m evidence gathered early i n the life o f a c o m m u n i t y w h e n p r o b l e m s l o o m large a n d t r a n s i t o r y stresses are v i e w e d as permanent strains. T h i s is n o t to say that the formative p e r i o d i n a c o m m u n i t y ' s life is n o t c r i t i c a l for later developments. Indeed, one o f m y m a i n hypotheses postulates that the first years o f life o f a c o m m u n i t y are the f o u n d a t i o n for w h a t is to f o l l o w . B u t the extent o f their influence c a n n o t be assumed. It c a n be assessed o n l y by c o m p a r i n g the formative years w i t h a later p e r i o d o f relatively greater stability. It w a s the G e r m a n sociologist M a x W e b e r w h o p r o d d e d s o c i o l o g y to " e x a m i n e a p a r t i c u l a r c o m m u n i t y " by a s k i n g the " r e a l e m p i r i c a l so­ c i o l o g i c a l question: W h a t motives . . . lead i n d i v i d u a l s to participate i n this c o m m u n i t y ? " — w h a t caused this c o m m u n i t y to c o m e i n t o being i n the first place a n d w h a t makes it c o n t i n u e to exist? (Weber 1 9 7 8 , p . 70.) These are a m o n g the central questions w e shall be p u r s u i n g . H o w does a c o m m u n i t y c o m e to life? W h a t are the major g r o w i n g pains? W h o are its p r i m e movers? W h a t are the c r i t i c a l milestones? T h e answers s h o u l d i l l u m i n e the process by w h i c h thousands o f strangers become b o u n d to one another a n d c o m e to realize that their i n d i v i d u a l fates are j o i n e d , their lives i n t e r t w i n e d . T h e study o f the first P l a n n e d U n i t D e v e l o p m e n t i n N e w Jersey h a d b o t h scientific a n d p r a c t i c a l aims. I h o p e d to a d d to the general k n o w l ­ edge a n d u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f the f o r m a t i o n a n d endurance o f c o m m u n i t y as w e l l as to e x p l o r e questions o f interest to architects, planners, a n d designers charged w i t h translating p r i n c i p l e s i n t o practice. M y access to the i n i t i a l plans a n d the key figures responsible for the establishment o f T w i n R i v e r s enabled me to be present at its c r e a t i o n a n d to chart its course f r o m b i r t h to maturity.

72

Chapter 4

A variety o f methods w a s used to penetrate the mysteries o f s u c h a c o m p l e x — a n d e x h i l a r a t i n g — t r a n s f o r m a t i o n : direct o b s e r v a t i o n o f be­ havior, p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n , repeated surveys o f residents' attitudes a n d reactions, a n d p h o t o g r a p h i c analyses o f the c h a n g i n g landscape a n d p h y s i c a l ecology o f the site. T h e r e were three major c o m m u n i t y - w i d e attitude surveys. T h e first i n v o l v e d 3 5 0 i n - d e p t h interviews o f the earliest w a v e o f residents; these were the basis for t w o f o l l o w - u p surveys i n the 1980s a n d 1990s. C o m ­ p a r i s o n s were d r a w n between m e n , w o m e n , a n d c h i l d r e n ; between renters a n d o w n e r s ; a n d between o r i g i n a l a n d later settlers. T h e f o l l o w u p , w h i c h r o u n d e d out the i n t e r v i e w s , w a s a G a l l u p survey o f one t h o u ­ sand h o u s e h o l d s i n the 1980s. T h e t h i r d , a survey c o n d u c t e d by R e ­ sponse A n a l y s i s o f P r i n c e t o n i n 1 9 9 8 , t a p p e d a r a n d o m sample o f another one t h o u s a n d h o u s e h o l d s , also f o l l o w e d by one h u n d r e d i n d e p t h interviews. A p a n e l study o f forty-four residents i n the 1970s a n d 1980s that d r e w o n the same respondents at t w o time periods a decade apart s h o w e d the constancies i n the attitudes a n d reactions o f residents to their e n v i r o n m e n t s . T o o b t a i n a picture o f the e m e r g i n g s o c i a l a n d p o l i t i c a l f r a m e w o r k o f T w i n R i v e r s , a n o n g o i n g s c r u t i n y o f records, c o m m e m o r a t i o n s , a n d events w a s c a r r i e d out v i a content analysis o f l o c a l papers a n d the m o n t h l y T w i n R i v e r s N e w s l e t t e r as w e l l as p u b l i c records o n gover­ nance, p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n , v o t i n g , a n d c r i m e . O f the t w o p a r a l l e l strategies, one focused o n the subjective d i m e n ­ s i o n o f c o m m u n i t y f o r m a t i o n , that is, the residents' attitudes a n d reac­ tions as i n d i v i d u a l s , the other o n collective i n d i c a t o r s , b o t h p h y s i c a l a n d social. T h e key p h y s i c a l i n d i c a t o r s i n c l u d e d the c h a n g i n g appearance o f T w i n R i v e r s , n o t a b l y l a n d s c a p i n g , g r o u n d s , a n d upkeep; the positive — a n d negative — m o d i f i c a t i o n s o f the e n v i r o n m e n t , such as the e m b e l l i s h ­ m e n t o f houses a n d l a w n s a n d the existence o f litter, v a n d a l i s m , a n d cleanliness. Signage — m a i n l y t r a c k e d by p h o t o g r a p h i c m o n i t o r i n g — p r o v e d to be a very useful i n d i c a t o r o f the emerging c o m m u n i t y ' s selfpresentation. S o c i a l i n d i c a t o r s were t a p p e d by t r a c k i n g rates o f v o t i n g i n l o c a l a n d n a t i o n a l elections a n d f o l l o w i n g collective responses to crises v i a rallies o f s u p p o r t o r protest o n c r i t i c a l issues. These i n c l u d e d l a w suits b r o u g h t against the developer early o n a n d against the T r u s t A d m i n i s ­ t r a t o r later; the waste d i s p o s a l site issue; the o p p o s i t i o n to a p r o p o s e d factory outlet. A l s o i m p o r t a n t to this study w a s p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n o f c o m ­ m u n i t y - w i d e events such as the a n n u a l T w i n R i v e r s D a y , l o c a l h o l i d a y s ,

Twin Rivers

73

l o c a l sports events, a n d other festivities. T h i s i n v o l v e d frequenting the p i z z a p a r l o r favored by teenagers; g o i n g to the library, w h i c h served as a q u a s i - c o m m u n i t y center; w a t c h i n g s c h o o l events; a n d attending the m o n t h l y H o m e o w n e r s A s s o c i a t i o n meetings o n a systematic basis. F o l l o w i n g n e w rules a n d regulations a n d amendments to the charter i l l u m i n a t e d aspects o f c o m m u n i t y b u i l d i n g , as d i d a special analysis o f the v i e w s o f one h u n d r e d l e a d i n g citizens, w h i c h e x p l o r e d some o f the reasons w h y they were w i l l i n g — w h e n so m a n y were n o t —to assume responsibilities for the collective life. It is i m p o r t a n t to k n o w w h y they t o o k o n projects that m o s t residents were t o o busy o r apathetic to sup­ port; volunteered to serve as candidates for l o c a l offices; p r o v i d e d p r o ­ fessional advice a n d services; served o n a m y r i a d o f committees that m u s h r o o m e d f o r t h f r o m d a y one; created theater g r o u p s , parent groups, newsletters, a n d the l i k e ; a n d helped to shape i n countless w a y s collec­ tive life i n the difficult early m o n t h s a n d years. W h e n e v e r possible, " u n o b t r u s i v e measures" were used. T h i s i n ­ v o l v e d o b t a i n i n g i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h o u t a s k i n g the participants directly but i n f e r r i n g reactions a n d m o o d s by n o t i n g the t u r n o u t at festivities; the uses o f l o c a l shops a n d facilities; street life — people w a l k i n g , hang­ i n g out, p a u s i n g to t a l k w i t h one another; the uses o f b a l l fields, tennis courts, s w i m m i n g p o o l s ; a n d the atmosphere o f c o n v i v i a l i t y or aloof­ ness generated o n v a r i o u s occasions. T h e data gathered by these v a r i e d methods revealed r o u t i n e pat­ terns o f c o n d u c t as w e l l as departures f r o m r o u t i n e , agreements as w e l l as sources o f strife a n d controversy. G i v e n the l o n g i t u d i n a l perspective of the study, it w a s possible to f o l l o w a t t i t u d i n a l stability a n d change as w e l l as the c o m m u n i t y ' s d e v e l o p i n g sense o f itself, its capacity to act o n its behalf, a n d the g r o w t h o f collective identity a n d s o c i a l c o h e s i o n . Interestingly, V i c o , G o e t h e , a n d de T o c q u e v i l l e each argued that the study o f beginnings is especially instructive. G o e t h e c a l l e d it the " i n i t i a l p h e n o m e n o n " a n d considered it "indispensable for the c o m p r e h e n s i o n o f the p h e n o m e n a that present themselves to us i n the here a n d n o w . " V i c o earlier c o n t e n d e d that " w e u n d e r s t a n d w h a t happens n o w f r o m beginnings [and that] doctrines o r theories must begin where the mat­ ters that they treat b e g i n " ( C a h n m a n 1 9 9 5 , p . 189). D e T o c q u e v i l l e a p p l i e d this to c o m m u n i t y . R a t h e r t h a n s t u d y i n g " c o m m u n i t i e s i n their latter d a y s , " he p r o p o s e d g o i n g to "first occurrences" to f a t h o m the origins o f prejudice a n d r u l i n g passions (de T o c q u e v i l l e 1 9 9 0 , p p . 6 - 9 ) . B y e n d e a v o r i n g to grasp collective m o o d s a n d r h y t h m s o f T w i n R i v e r s — f r o m the i n i t i a l e u p h o r i c fantasies to a m o r e measured stance f o l l o w e d b y massive disaffection, chaos, a n d near d i s s o l u t i o n m i d w a y i n development to a final thrust t o w a r d permanence — a m o d e l o f the phases o f c o m m u n i t y e v o l u t i o n m a y be devised.

74

Chapter 4

Table 4.4

Summary Table Twin Rivers

Total Population Acreage Total number of dwelling units

10,000 people 719 acres 3,000

Land use —in percentages Residential Commercial Industrial Open space Schools Roads, parking

35% 7% 28% 23% 3% 4%

Types of dwelling units Townhouses Garden apartments Condominiums Single-family houses

63% 25% 5% 7%

Gross density Net density Four quadrants

4.1% 18% (High) 12% (Low) Quads I, II, III, and IV

S t u d y i n g a c o m m u n i t y i n f o r m a t i o n gave me a n o p p o r t u n i t y to w i t ­ ness the floundering emergence o f a c o m p l e x social c o n s t r u c t i o n . T h i s w a s d a u n t i n g but also e x c i t i n g . It also y i e l d e d richer findings, I believe, t h a n the m o r e t y p i c a l retrospectives, w h i c h often i n v o l v e one-shot re­ constructions o f c o m m u n i t y that offer c o n c l u s i o n s but reveal little o f the process at w o r k .

Beauty is in the eye of the beholder.

C a n planners a n d builders create c o m m u n i t i e s for a p o p u l a t i o n w h o s e habits a n d hopes they d o not k n o w ? C a n they rely o n categorical as­ s u m p t i o n s a b o u t w h a t y o u n g or o l d , r i c h o r poor, natives o r i m m i g r a n t s are l i k e l y to desire? A l l t o o often, w h e n these assumptions are actually put to the test, it is t o o late to change course. T h e study o f T w i n R i v e r s sheds some light o n these frequently asked questions. C o m m u n i t y w a s i m p o r t a n t to the p i o n e e r i n g w a v e o f residents i n the 1970s. N e a r l y one-half said they m o v e d to T w i n R i v e r s because o f the P U D concept, because they l i k e d the idea o f a p h y s i c a l l y designed 75

76

Chapter 5

setting. T h e large m a j o r i t y were i n t r i g u e d by s o m e t h i n g n e w a n d differ­ ent; they were attracted by the p r o m i s e o f a c o m m u n i t y w i t h g o o d facil­ ities, pleasant neighbors, a n attractive appearance, a n d a n ambience o f safety a n d freedom. T h e fact that someone h a d m a d e the effort to m a p o u t a p r o v i s i o n a l social o r d e r geared to everyone's benefit seemed to give t h e m a feeling o f security. T r u e , a c t u a l c o n d i t i o n s were far f r o m ideal i n those early years, but the n e w c o m e r s were encouraged b y the promise.

Initial Reactions to Twin Rivers Overall For me everything is here. I am involved with children. There is enough going on here to fill everyone's needs. Almost a Utopia for a first home for a young couple. For us it's perfect. We like to walk, go to the Flea Market. Pricewise it was perfect. — Woman, 28 years old, 1970s The people — they don't care, expect everything to be done for them. — Woman, 25 years old, 1970s A n apathetic community — people don't care and bring their bad atti­ tudes. Act as renters not homeowners and don't care. — Woman, 29 years old, 1970s R e a c t i o n s to a c o m m u n i t y are o b v i o u s l y c o m p l e x a n d n o t easily s u m ­ m a r i z e d . D e p e n d i n g o n h o w one asks the q u e s t i o n , one taps different nuances o f feeling. S t i l l , a n o v e r a l l pattern o f likes a n d dislikes d i d emerge very early i n T w i n R i v e r s ' life. T h e answers to the s i m p l e , comprehensive q u e s t i o n , H o w d o y o u feel a b o u t T w i n Rivers? s h o w that positive feelings far o u t w e i g h e d neg­ ative ones:

Table 5.1

Feelings about Twin Rivers Response

1970s

1990s

Like very much Like pretty much Like so-so Dislike

35% 42% 20% 3% 100%

23% 56% 20% 1% 100%

Ν = 246

Ν = 450

Residents Appraise Their Environs

77

Table 5.2

Reasons for Liking Twin Rivers (all three decades) People, community Dwelling, construction, and financing Convenient location, schools, shopping, and community Features Scale of community Advantages for children Recreation Quietness, safety, privacy Miscellaneous

56% 47% 46% 34% 30% 30% 26% 23% 8%

Note: Composite, based on adding the first three responses given, for a total of 434 responses. T h e reasons for the positive feelings were m a n y — recreation, c o m ­ m u t i n g convenience, safety for the c h i l d r e n , a n d the w h o l e c o m p l e x o f a n e w h o m e a n d n e w patterns o f l i v i n g . N o t surprisingly, there were m i x e d feelings f r o m the start. T w o fifths o f the residents i n Phase I (the 1970s) h a d the pleasant surprise o f finding T w i n R i v e r s better t h a n they h a d expected, but a n even higher p r o p o r t i o n — two-thirds — expressed disappointment w i t h various aspects. T h e plusses generally rested o n satisfaction w i t h recreation ( 4 0 % ) , the people ( 3 0 % ) , c o m m u t i n g convenience ( 2 8 % ) , the house ( 2 8 % ) , a n d quietness/safety ( 2 6 % ) . T h e negatives centered o n a l a c k o f facili­ ties ( 1 8 % ) , a d i s a p p r o v a l o f management ( 2 1 % ) , a n d w o r r i e s about self-centered people ( 2 0 % ) . T h e earliest residents represented t w o distinct groups: those w h o came to T w i n R i v e r s because it w a s n e w a n d p l a n n e d ( 4 5 % ) , a n d be­ cause they l i k e d the idea o f a P U D design (one-sixth) a n d the prospec­ tive social life (one-sixth). T h o s e w h o were not d r a w n by the c o m m u ­ nity ( 4 0 % ) cited finances a n d the d w e l l i n g as p r i m e reasons for m o v i n g there. T h u s f r o m the start, some residents were m u c h m o r e c o m m u n i t y m i n d e d t h a n others. A n d the expectations they h a r b o r e d greatly af­ fected h o w they w o u l d react to the n e w site. Indeed, the willingness to i n v o l v e one's self i n the n e w c o m m u n i t y rested heavily, especially at the start, o n expectations a n d fantasies about leaving a f a m i l i a r w a y o f life for a n e w a n d different one. T h e m o v e to a pre-designed c o m m u n i t y m a y spur the w i l d e s t fanta­ sies a k i n to w i n n i n g the lottery. T h e n there w a s the house itself, typ­ ically the first one o w n e d , that the n e w o w n e r s e n d o w e d w i t h e x t r a o r d i ­ n a r y m e a n i n g . D r e a m s o f u n p a r a l l e l e d family togetherness, opportunities for the c h i l d r e n , the p r o m i s e o f n e w friendships, a n d a n e x c i t i n g social life, c o n t r i b u t e d to the fantasy o f c o m m u n i t y h e l d by m a n y w h o m o v e d in.

78

Chapter 5

Table 5.3

Reasons for Moving to the New Community 1997 Residents* Community-related factors (Liked PUDs; wanted a "real" community; close social life)

77%

Home ownership To get out of the city G o o d schools for the children

67% 38% 29% Ν = 450

*The first two reasons were combined.

Specific appeals were designed to induce y o u n g , a m b i t i o u s , w e l l educated couples bent o n r a i s i n g a f a m i l y a n d w o r k i n g h a r d for success to u p r o o t themselves a n d venture f o r t h i n t o n e w experience. T h e fact that T w i n R i v e r s ' residents came for b o t h c o m m u n i t y a n d h o u s i n g c o n ­ trasts w i t h the L e v i t t o w n e r s studied by G a n s a generation earlier, for w h o m the house w a s the p r i m e lure a n d the " c o m m u n i t y . . . o f second­ ary i m p o r t a n c e . " It also challenges Gans's r e c o m m e n d a t i o n that " f r o m a m a r k e t p o i n t o f v i e w " the emphasis need n o t be o n site p l a n n i n g o r " o t h e r c o m m u n i t y i n n o v a t i o n s because w h e n people m o v e i n t o a n e w c o m m u n i t y they d o so p r i m a r i l y for the h o u s e " (Gans 1 9 6 7 , p . 4 1 ) . In T w i n R i v e r s , the c o m m u n i t y a n d the house were b o t h i m p o r t a n t , but c o m m u n i t y m o r e so, a n d this pattern continues i n t o the 1990s. T w i n R i v e r s ' residents were c r i t i c a l o f n u m e r o u s aspects o f their h o u s i n g — c o n s t r u c t i o n flaws, the p o o r q u a l i t y o f b u i l t - i n features — but their true d i s a p p o i n t m e n t s focused o n insufficiencies o f c o m m u n i t y : l a c k o f c o m m u n i t y spirit, insufficient civic c o n c e r n , t o o little c o n c e r n for others. T h i s was a constant refrain i n the ensuing years.

Townhouse Living and Privacy O n e source o f a n x i e t y associated w i t h t o w n h o u s e l i v i n g is that p r i v a c y , that coveted nugget o f w e l l - b e i n g i n a n i m p e r s o n a l mass society, be­ comes endangered. H i g h densities, as w e l l as the v i s u a l a n d a u d i t o r y p r o x i m i t y o f neighbors, are assumed to affect p r i v a c y adversely. P r i v a c y is a t o p p r i o r i t y for A m e r i c a n s generally a n d is a cherished value for the architects, builders, a n d developers t r y i n g to house t h e m . W h a t , then, o f p r i v a c y i n the h o u s i n g clusters spreading over the m o d ­ ern landscape? H o w adequate is one's p e r s o n a l space i n a dense settle­ ment i n w h i c h m u c h o f the space left to i n d i v i d u a l c o n t r o l i n c o n v e n ­ t i o n a l s u b u r b a n developments is c o l l e c t i v e l y shared?

Residents Appraise Their Environs

79

Table 5.4

Ratings of Privacy in Twin Rivers by Decade: Townhouse Dwellers Privacy in Twin Rivers is Particularly good Adequate Bad Total

1970s

1980s

1990s

32% 35% 33%

50% 32% 18%

90% 10% 0%

100% Ν = 167

100% Ν = 71

100% Ν = 450

A s table 5.4 s h o w s , p r i v a c y fared very w e l l i n T w i n R i v e r s . In a l l three surveys o f the 1970s, the 1980s, a n d the 1990s, the large majority of residents thought p r i v a c y w a s satisfactory a n d o n e - t h i r d thought it especially g o o d . T h e n u m b e r o f people — a m i n o r i t y — w h o gave it l o w m a r k s decreased over the decades, suggesting either reduced needs for p r i v a c y or h a b i t u a t i o n to the t o w n h o u s e v e r s i o n o f it. P r i v a c y was generally v i e w e d positively. It w a s " v e r y i m p o r t a n t " to 80 percent o f the residents, a n d the large m a j o r i t y felt it w a s available i n T w i n R i v e r s . P r i v a c y was also h i g h l y correlated w i t h a strong l i k i n g for T w i n R i v e r s (see table 5.5). Indeed, ratings o n p r i v a c y i m p r o v e d w i t h residents' length o f time i n the c o m m u n i t y . T h e t w i c e - i n t e r v i e w e d residents, for e x a m p l e , gave p r i ­ vacy higher ratings i n the 1980s, w h e n 82 percent were satisfied w i t h it, t h a n i n the 1970s, w h e n o n l y 6 7 percent were satisfied. T h i s suggests that people c a n learn to satisfy their needs for p r i v a c y under v a r i e d c o n d i t i o n s . P r i v a c y is a f u n c t i o n not o n l y o f density but also o f v i s i b i l i t y a n d observability, as for e x a m p l e , i n the p a r k i n g areas o f T w i n R i v e r s . L o ­ cated i n front o f the houses, these generate a h i g h degree o f visibility, a n d it is easy to see w h i c h residents go i n a n d out o f their houses frequently, w h o has visitors, a n d w h o gets packages, a l l o f w h i c h makes some resi-

Table 5.5

Ratings of Privacy by Liking of Twin Rivers: Townhouse Dwellers Rating of Privacy

% Saying They Like Twin Rivers Very Much

Particularly good Adequate Poor M i x e d , no answer

50 32 10 8%

X = 10.17 df = 4 sig = 0.031 2

80

Chapter 5

dents feel they are l i v i n g i n a fishbowl ( O T o o l e 1 9 7 1 , p . 10). H o w e v e r , w h i l e w a t c h i n g the d a i l y routines o f their c o u r t neighbors w a s i n i t i a l l y quite fascinating to m a n y residents, i n time they lost interest i n o b s e r v i n g t h e m , a n d this spontaneously generated w h a t w e m i g h t c a l l a p r i v a c y o f i n a t t e n t i o n . T h u s , p r i v a c y is n o t a g i v e n . It is a d y n a m i c aspect o f collec­ tive life that residents adapt to their needs at different phases.

The Role of Facilities in Community Formation A c o m m u n i t y generally must m a k e p r o v i s i o n s for a w i d e range o f ser­ vices to meet a variety o f aggregate needs. In T w i n R i v e r s , the details as to the k i n d s a n d n u m b e r s o f such services h a d to be w o r k e d o u t f r o m scratch. T h e first decade's r e c o r d reveals the successes a n d failures, the c o m p r o m i s e s a n d disputes these entailed. T h e t r a d i t i o n a l services c o m m u n i t i e s need are p o l i c e a n d fire protec­ t i o n , s n o w r e m o v a l , garbage c o l l e c t i o n , first a i d , recreation, a n d shop­ p i n g . Some o f these were the o b l i g a t i o n s o f the T w i n R i v e r s T r u s t for w h i c h residents p a i d a m o n t h l y fee. O t h e r s were dependent o n the efforts a n d time o f volunteers. Inadequacies were perceived as m o r e stressful i f they i n v o l v e d T r u s t o b l i g a t i o n s that residents felt s h o u l d be m a n d a t o r y as o p p o s e d to services that were c o n s i d e r e d o p t i o n a l , such as day-care cen­ ters. O v e r the decade, m a n y p r o b l e m s w i t h one o r another service were w o r k e d out satisfactorily for m o s t residents, but some difficulties re­ m a i n e d . Police p r o t e c t i o n , for e x a m p l e , w a s p r o b l e m a t i c because o f juris­ d i c t i o n a l ambiguities. A s part o f the t o w n s h i p a n d as taxpayers, T w i n R i v e r s ' residents h a d the right to p o l i c e p r o t e c t i o n . T h e p r o b l e m w a s h o w m u c h . O n the basis o f its d e m o g r a p h i c c o n c e n t r a t i o n , T w i n R i v e r s s t o o d to receive less p r o t e c t i o n , but as the m o s t congested p a r t o f the t o w n s h i p a n d w i t h m o r e t h a n one-half o f the t o w n s h i p p o p u l a t i o n , it deserved m o r e p a t r o l s . In a d d i t i o n , T w i n R i v e r s w a s bisected by a m a j o r state h i g h w a y , a n d its residents d r e w o n a c o m m e r c i a l center outside its bor­ ders, w h i c h created a d e m a n d for even m o r e p o l i c e attention. In the earliest years, the needs o f the c o m m u n i t y seemed to exceed the readiness o f the t o w n s h i p to r e s p o n d adequately. T h e ensuing frustration accentu­ ated frictions between T w i n R i v e r s a n d East W i n d s o r T o w n s h i p . Internally, there w a s a constant, i f silent, a l t e r c a t i o n between resi­ dents a n d T r u s t over the use a n d repair o f facilities. F r o m the start, the c o m m o n g r o u n d s — the s w i m m i n g p o o l s , the s h o p p i n g center, the streets a n d r o a d w a y s — being p u b l i c goods, were often abused. V a n d a l i s m reached e p i d e m i c p r o p o r t i o n s at v a r i o u s periods resulting i n e x h o r t a t i o n s by the T r u s t a d m i n i s t r a t i o n to regard the c o m m o n p r o p e r t y as one's o w n . In t h e 1 9 8 0 s , for e x a m p l e , v a n d a l i s m — b r o k e n o r defaced street l a m p s , p u b l i c phones, p o o l furniture, l a n d s c a p i n g — a m o u n t i n g to $ 2 0 , 0 0 0 c o m -

Residents Appraise Their Environs

81

pelled T w i n R i v e r s to hire off-duty police patrols. T h i s aroused the re­ sentment o f the residents, w h o felt that as t a x - p a y i n g citizens they were n o t getting the first-class treatment they deserved. Fire p r o t e c t i o n , w h i c h also h a d to be negotiated w i t h the t o w n s h i p , p r o v e d less p r o b l e m a t i c . In J a n u a r y 1 9 7 3 , the all-volunteer E . W . V o l u n ­ teer Fire C o m p a n y assumed responsibility for p r o t e c t i n g T w i n R i v e r s . T h i r t e e n T w i n R i v e r s residents i m m e d i a t e l y j o i n e d the c o m p a n y as v o l ­ unteers. U n l i k e the police department, the Fire C o m p a n y received w i d e ­ spread s u p p o r t f r o m residents. T h e sentiments expressed i n the f o l l o w ­ i n g letter were representative: D e a r Fire C o m p a n y : I w a n t to t h a n k y o u a l l for the help y o u gave me a w h i l e ago. . . . I c a l l e d y o u about the chandelier i n m y k i t c h e n . . . s m o k e . . . Y o u were a l l so terrific i n h a n d l i n g the s i t u a t i o n . . . so efficient, reassuring, k i n d . . . . Y o u ' r e g r e a t — " o u t o f the or­ d i n a r y " dedicated people. I ' m enclosing a d o n a t i o n . (The Peri­ scope, J a n u a r y 1983) A l s o appreciated was the t o w n s h i p ' s rescue s q u a d . Dependent o n volunteers, it p r o v i d e d reassurance to residents that their emergencies w o u l d be responded to swiftly, w i t h i n between three a n d five minutes o n average. T h r o u g h o u t the decade there were frequent appeals for m o r e volunteers to receive t r a i n i n g i n first a i d , defensive d r i v i n g , emer­ gency c h i l d b i r t h , a n d c a r d i o p u l m o n a r y resuscitation to w h i c h m a n y res­ idents responded. T h e most c o n t r o v e r s i a l services were those under the aegis o f the bank-trustee. T h e usual p r o b l e m s of q u a l i t y c o n t r o l , efficient schedul­ i n g , cost constraints, a n d hard-to-please customers were magnified by the ambivalence felt t o w a r d the trust, the sole g o v e r n i n g agency d u r i n g the earliest years. H e n c e the vehemence o f the residents' critiques must be seen w i t h i n that special context. T a k e s n o w r e m o v a l , p r e d i c t a b l y l i k e l y to arouse anxiety a m o n g those expecting to drive to w o r k . W r o t e one despairing resident: H e r e I sit, m y car p l o w e d under 12 feet of s n o w by the Trust p l o w s , w a i t i n g for the same p l o w s to dig it o u t ! . . . W h e r e are the p l o w s w h e n w e need them? . . . W h a t happens o n M o n d a y ? S h o u l d I call i n a n d tell m y boss not to w o r r y . . . the Trust w h i c h I pay to have m y s n o w removed w i l l get me out eventually. . . . w h e n is eventually? S h o u l d I lose a day's pay because o f the Trust's ludicrous r o u t i n g p r i o r i t i e s ? . . . I t h i n k the Trust s h o u l d review its s n o w r e m o v i n g tactics. (The Periscope, M a r c h 1 9 7 3 , p . 5) Messages f r o m the trust a d m i n i s t r a t o r to the residents shuttled back a n d forth each winter, w i t h the trust manager repeating the rules a n d

82

Chapter 5

schedules a n d the residents c o m p l a i n i n g o f services that came t o o late or were n o t u p to standard. A l l the larger p r o b l e m s o f the c o m m u n i t y were p l a y e d o u t i n m i n i a ­ ture here. W h e n rules f o r m u l a t e d abstractly h a d to be a p p l i e d i n c o n ­ crete instances, m a n y residents b a l k e d . T h e n there w a s the matter o f priorities. In general, the c o m m o n areas a n d shared p u b l i c facilities su­ perseded the needs o f private h o u s e h o l d s . In the case o f s n o w r e m o v a l , for e x a m p l e , the first to be p l o w e d were the t r u s t - o w n e d roads, f o l ­ l o w e d by emergency access lanes, p a r k i n g lots, a n d m a i n c o m m o n w a l k w a y s ; a n d thereafter the s n o w p l o w s t u r n e d to d r i v e w a y s a n d inte­ r i o r s i d e w a l k s . T h o s e i g n o r a n t o f the c o m p l i c a t e d structure o f m u n i c i ­ p a l responsibilities were l i k e l y to feel a b a n d o n e d or confused because they c o u l d n o t remember w h i c h areas were under T r u s t j u r i s d i c t i o n a n d w h i c h were not. A c c u s a t i o n s o f neglect by residents vied w i t h pleas for u n d e r s t a n d i n g by the trust a d m i n i s t r a t i o n : " D u r i n g the w e e k o f . . . w i t h a n a c c u m u l a t i o n o f . . . 13 inches o f s n o w w i t h i n three days . . . T w i n R i v e r s crews w o r k e d for 4 8 h o u r s w i t h i n a four h o u r b r e a k . " (The Periscope, F e b r u a r y 1 9 8 2 , p . 4). A n o t h e r service that garnered m o r e t h a n its share o f c o m p l a i n t s w a s garbage r e m o v a l . R i s i n g costs a n d i r r e g u l a r i t y o f service were the m o s t t r o u b l e s o m e features for residents. F o r the trust administrator, a c o n t i n u i n g i r r i t a n t was the residents' disregard o f f o r m a l l y posted times for garbage p i c k - u p a n d the resulting u n s i g h t l y garbage bags a n d bins p u t out t o o early o r at the w r o n g sites. The s h o p p i n g center was also a persistent irritant. T h e p r o p o s e d shop­ p i n g center was to c o n t a i n a delicatessen, a Chinese restaurant, a n Italian restaurant, a l i q u o r store a n d lounge, a drugstore, barber shop, beauty shop, c l o t h i n g store, a shoe store, dry cleaner, a n d a post office. B y 1 9 7 1 72 nearly a l l o f these plus a F o o d t o w n h a d opened, a n d the i n d u s t r i a l p a r k was e x p a n d i n g w i t h a dental-research d i v i s i o n , a publisher, a n d appliance distributors. B u t turnover kept things unsettled a n d the s h o p p i n g center, seventy thousand square feet i n size, went t h r o u g h m a n y ups a n d d o w n s as the gift, sports, lighting, fabric, a n d music stores went out o f business s o o n after they opened, to be replaced by other stores, equally short-lived. Resi­ dents were urged to patronize the center, but the economics were not p r o m i s i n g , a n d m a n y turned to shops outside the c o m m u n i t y . In 1 9 8 2 the merchants a n d office managers o f the T w i n R i v e r s M a l l m a d e one o f their repeated efforts to organize a c o m m e r c i a l tenants association to " p r o m o t e the s h o p p i n g center a n d to act for the c o m m o n g o o d o f a l l the m e r c h a n t s . " T h e n e w o w n e r o f the s h o p p i n g center had p u r c h a s e d the m a l l a b o u t one year earlier a n d h o p e d to d o u b l e the n u m b e r o f tenants f r o m the i n i t i a l t h i r t y (Windsor-Heights Herald, M a r c h 1 8 , 1 9 8 2 , p . 2 2 A ) . B u t residents were w a r y . Surveys i n the 1970s

Residents Appraise Their Environs

83

a n d 1980s s h o w dissatisfaction w i t h the s h o p p i n g center to have been h i g h f r o m the earliest days. O n l y 1 percent rated the shops "especially g o o d " i n the 1970s, a figure that rose to 11 percent by the 1980s. In the 1970s, i n fact, 5 5 percent rated the shops as " b a d , " a figure that d r o p p e d to 38 percent a decade later, a definite i m p r o v e m e n t except that s h o p p i n g still headed the list o f c o m m u n i t y negatives. F r u s t r a t i o n levels were h i g h . B y the 1990s the s h o p p i n g center w a s r e v a m p e d a n d was not i n o p e r a t i o n u n t i l later i n the decade.

The Twin Rivers Report Card in the 1970s W h a t , then, can w e conclude about the role o f facilities a n d services i n this developing c o m m u n i t y ? Let us keep i n m i n d that recreational facilities a n d activities for the children were i m p o r t a n t enticements to those w h o m o v e d to T w i n Rivers. A s p i r i n g residents sought not suburban isolation but surbanity, a m i x of t r a n q u i l lawns a n d greenery a l o n g w i t h an active social a n d recreational life. T h e i r expectations were deflated, especially i n the early years w h e n shopping, play spaces, a n d recreation were not adequate to meet their needs. It t o o k years o f effort to organize a n d m a i n t a i n sites a n d facilities satisfactorily. It w o u l d not be an exaggeration to say that initially these inadequacies soured m a n y residents o n T w i n Rivers. M o s t t o o k them i n stride but not w i t h o u t c o m p l a i n i n g , often bitterly, over delays a n d defi­ ciencies, a n d this c o l o r e d their feelings about the c o m m u n i t y as a w h o l e . Consider their ratings of fifteen facilities a n d services i n the 1970s:

Table 5.6

Percent of Residents Designating Particular Characteristics as Especially Good

Parking Facilities Noise People Household work Dust, dirt Recreation Transportation Lighting Schools Privacy Community participation Maintenance of services Prices Playgrounds Shops

66% 56% 53% 45% 43% 42% 39% 38% 34% 34% 25% 20% 19% 18% 7%

84

Chapter 5

T h e r a n k order o f a p p r o v a l o f specific aspects o f the c o m m u n i t y r a n g e d f r o m a h i g h o f t w o - t h i r d s w h o p r a i s e d the p a r k i n g facilities to a l o w o f 7 percent for the shops. T h e r e w a s v a r i a t i o n i n satisfaction a m o n g the ratings w i t h i n a g i v e n decade a n d between decades. O v e r a l l , ratings i m p r o v e d between the 1970s a n d 1 9 8 0 s , but o n l y o n e - h a l f o f the facilities received strong a p p r o v a l at b o t h times. R e c r e a t i o n a l f a c i l i ­ ties received the highest a p p r o v a l ratings — two-fifths o f the residents d e e m i n g t h e m " p a r t i c u l a r l y g o o d " i n the 1970s a n d t w o - t h i r d s i n the 1 9 8 0 s a n d the 1990s — a n d s h o p p i n g received the lowest at a l l times ( 7 % , 1 1 % , a n d 1 3 % , respectively). Subjective reactions to the site, facilities, a n d s o c i a l character o f a c o m m u n i t y are a l l part o f the substructure o f c o m m u n i t y f o r m a t i o n . T h e sense o f w e l l - b e i n g that stems f r o m the satisfaction o f needs for shelter, p r o v i s i o n s , recreation, a n d upkeep o f g r o u n d s a n d l a n d s c a p i n g s h o u l d n o t be underestimated. These are a l w a y s i m p o r t a n t d i m e n s i o n s , but never m o r e so t h a n at the start, w h e n the unsettling experience o f m o v i n g c o m b i n e s w i t h the unfinished nature o f the site to create a n atmosphere o f c h r o n i c disorder a n d disarray. T o the residents, this leaves the i m p r e s s i o n that n o one cares, that they have been a b a n d o n e d . T h e 1970s n e w c o m e r s to T w i n R i v e r s , as w a s true for L e v i t t o w n e r s t h i r t y years earlier, f o u n d a n unfinished c o m m u n i t y i n a n u n w e l c o m i n g t e r r a i n , w i t h debris s t r e w n about; u n o c c u p i e d houses; n o trees to soften the landscape; a n d noise, d i r t , a n d chaos. M o s t residents, but by n o means a l l , accepted these strains as the g r o w i n g pains o f a " n e w " c o m ­ m u n i t y a n d e m p h a s i z e d their satisfaction w i t h their houses, recreation, a n d neighbors. B u t some types o f residents t u r n e d o u t to be easier to please t h a n others. O l d e r residents, e x - a p a r t m e n t dwellers, ex-renters, a n d m e n were less c r i t i c a l o f e x i s t i n g l a c k s t h a n were y o u n g e r residents, e x - h o m e o w n e r s , a n d w o m e n . Teenagers were the m o s t c r i t i c a l o f a l l . Teenagers, t h o u g h very pleased w i t h their houses — m a n y h a d r o o m s of their o w n for the first time —were far m o r e dissatisfied t h a n their parents w i t h the available facilities a n d o p p o r t u n i t i e s for social life. I n ­ deed i n each decade, the y o u n g were the m o s t discontented g r o u p , a n d this increased as their presence i n the c o m m u n i t y increased. V e r y s m a l l i n n u m b e r i n the 1 9 7 0 s , they became m o r e v o l u b l e f r o m the 1980s o n . D i s g r u n t l e d y o u t h is n o t u n u s u a l , o f course, but a new, unfinished c o m ­ m u n i t y is especially h a r d o n t h e m . B e i n g h o m e b o u n d , w i t h o u t a car, a n d short o f m o n e y m a k e s t h e m m o r e dependent o n a c o m m u n i t y t h a n are m o s t adults o r teens i n m o r e established c o m m u n i t i e s . It w a s n o t l o n g before a teen p r o b l e m surfaced that w o u l d engender c o n t r o v e r s y that persists to this day, w i t h some a r g u i n g for a special teen center reserved for the y o u n g . Since there w a s n o easy s o l u t i o n , the tendency w a s to let p r o b l e m s slide. B y the 1990s, however, t w o - t h i r d s o f the residents inter­ v i e w e d still t h o u g h t that there w a s a definite teenage p r o b l e m .

Residents Appraise Their Environs

85

G i v e n the newness o f T w i n R i v e r s , one w o u l d expect the level o f c r i t i c i s m to be higher t h a n i n established c o m m u n i t i e s because great expectations p r i o r to the m o v e are often f o l l o w e d by great d i s a p p o i n t ­ ments thereafter. A l s o , a n e w c o m m u n i t y setting suffers f r o m the m i s ­ alignments a n d discordances o f unfinished projects generally. There are n o traditions i n place a n d few reliable guides to b e h a v i o r w h i l e there are the e n o r m o u s inconveniences o f constant delays a n d postponements o f repairs a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n . A l l o f this occurs i n the general context o f a c o m m u n i t y struggling to be b o r n a n d t r y i n g out n e w identities, institu­ tions, a n d relationships. Initially, the greatest distress focused o n aspects o f design a n d spatial arrangement. H o u s i n g , density, t e r r i t o r i a l b o u n d ­ aries, p u b l i c a n d private p r o p e r t y arrangements, spatial access, a n d spa­ t i a l convenience determined m o o d s a n d m o r a l e p r o f o u n d l y . Social d i v i ­ sions became salient later. W h a t seems to have sustained residents t h r o u g h these difficult times w a s the idea, h o w e v e r u n f o r m e d , o f c o m m u n i t y . T h e large m a j o r i t y (81 percent) i n d i c a t e d that the P U D concept o f a c o m p a c t , p h y s i c a l l y de­ signed arrangement o f houses, shops, a n d o p e n spaces c o n t i n u e d to h o l d great appeal for t h e m . Despite its s h o r t c o m i n g s , by the 1980s, T w i n R i v e r s a c t u a l l y struck residents as quite close to their c o n c e p t i o n o f a n i d e a l c o m m u n i t y . O n a scale f r o m 0 - 1 0 0 , 4 0 percent r a n k e d T w i n R i v e r s at the h i g h end o f the scale ( 9 0 - 1 0 0 ) , 4 3 percent i n the m i d d l e ( 6 0 - 8 0 ) , a n d the r e m a i n i n g 17 percent b e l o w that. A pleasing appear­ ance, g o o d facilities, a n d a generally friendly, s u p p o r t i v e ambience were the p r i m e criteria o f the i d e a l they h o p e d T w i n R i v e r s w o u l d become. B u t hope w a s n o t e n o u g h , as the residents learned to their dismay. N o t h i n g seemed to have p r e p a r e d t h e m for the fact that c o m m u n i t y w a s n o t a fixed entity but part o f a process o f g r o w t h , a m o v e m e n t t o w a r d a crystallized f o r m , a collective social c o n s t r u c t i o n . T h e o p i n i o n s o f residents at that p o i n t reflected a general c u l t u r a l ignorance as w e l l as the impatience associated w i t h the " n o w " genera­ t i o n . M a n y expected instant c o m m u n i t y . T h e y e n v i s i o n e d some g r o w i n g pains but d i d n o t expect that they w o u l d have to be a m a j o r part o f the c r e a t i o n . T h e y h a d to learn the essentials f r o m scratch, the most diffi­ cult being: 1. the duty to help f e l l o w residents as a basic a n d unreflective obligation 2 . T h e feeling o f i n d i v i d u a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for other members o f the c o m m u n i t y . These were things that w o u l d c o m e m u c h later, after a r d u o u s strug­ gle a n d t u r m o i l to sort o u t the p e r s o n a l f r o m the collective d o m a i n . U n t i l then, c o m m u n i t y i n T w i n R i v e r s w a s little m o r e t h a n a nostalgic referent, a r h e t o r i c a l flourish. In t i m e , m o s t o f the residents w o u l d

86

Chapter 5

become a w a r e that c o m m u n i t y is a l i v i n g entity that is b o r n , g r o w s , changes, a n d m a y die. O v e r a l l , the p i o n e e r i n g residents were a specially h a r d y breed a n d very m u c h i n k e e p i n g w i t h their h i s t o r i c ancestry i n their desire for a fresh start. T h e y l o o k e d f o r w a r d to a future that w o u l d fulfill their dreams o f the g o o d life. U n l i k e t r a d i t i o n a l villagers, w h o s e future w a s generally m u c h like their past, m o d e r n s d r e a m o f change, o f w h a t is b e y o n d the h o r i z o n , o f the best that is yet to be, o f a future that w i l l be shiny a n d new.

CHAPTER 6 S E C U R I N G THE V O X POPULI: THE S T R U G G L E FOR S E L F - G O V E R N M E N T

4 m

.jila.

Community is the story of integration preserved against difficulties. — Robert Redfield

In a democracy, the voice o f the people is c h a n n e l e d t h r o u g h established p o l i t i c a l institutions. In a n e w development such as T w i n R i v e r s , p o l i t i ­ c a l institutions are n o t as yet available a n d this p r o v i d e s a n u n u s u a l o p p o r t u n i t y to observe the formative process i n a c t i o n . In T w i n R i v e r s , as i n m a n y n e w l y b u i l t c o m m u n i t i e s , the developer-builder-planning team w a s the i n i t i a l g o v e r n i n g authority, d e c i d i n g o n a l l matters affect­ i n g the residents w i t h i n the borders o f their c o m m o n life. W i d e r t o w n ­ ship, county, a n d state issues — f o r e x a m p l e schools, p o l i c e , a n d traffic c o n t r o l —were negotiated by the team w i t h outside agencies. N a t u r a l l y ,

87

88

Chapter 6

i n a society c o m m i t t e d to d e m o c r a t i c selection a n d p a r t i c i p a t i o n , this u n u s u a l state o f affairs r a n k l e d m a n y o f the residents. B u t d e m o c r a c y is easier o n paper t h a n i n actuality. " N o t m a n y o f u s " writes one h i s t o r i a n o f B r i t i s h n e w t o w n s , "have experienced s u c h l o c a l d e m o c r a c y before," a n d "the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y is d a u n t i n g " ( W a r d 1 9 9 3 , p . 131). I have d i v i d e d the d i s c u s s i o n o f governance i n t o t w o parts: (1) as seen f r o m the p o i n t o f v i e w o f the responsible agents, a n d (2) f r o m the p o i n t o f v i e w o f the residents w h o struggled for their o w n " v o i c e " i n the c o m m u n i t y ' s affairs. W h e n i n d i v i d u a l h o m e o w n e r s have to share c o m m o n areas a n d properties, they are responsible n o t o n l y for their private houses but also for d e v e l o p i n g rules for cooperative l i v i n g . T h i s has generated the h o m e - o w n e r s association ( H O A ) , a n e w p o l i t i c a l f o r m to represent the c o m m o n interests a n d concerns o f those w h o live i n p l a n n e d c o m m u ­ nities. These o c c u p y a c u r i o u s place i n A m e r i c a n p o l i t i c a l life. T h e y o c c u r outside the t r a d i t i o n a l p o l i t i c a l structures, yet their tasks are stan­ d a r d p o l i t i c a l ones: m a k i n g rules, legislating p o l i c i e s , l e v y i n g fees, a n d serving as s y m b o l s for the e x p r e s s i o n o f collective needs a n d choices. H o m e - o w n e r s associations appeared i n the U n i t e d States i n the nineteenth century but by 1 9 6 2 there were o n l y 5 0 0 such associations. Since then, however, there has been e x p l o s i v e g r o w t h to some 1 3 0 , 0 0 0 . T h e y n o w i n v o l v e one i n eight A m e r i c a n s o r m o r e t h a n 3 0 m i l l i o n peo­ ple ( L a n g d o n 1 9 9 0 , p . 87). H O A s are generally o r g a n i z e d i n advance o f h o u s i n g sales so that the b y - l a w s are i n place at the time o f the purchase o f the house. M e m ­ bership i n these associations is m a n d a t o r y . Residents p a y m o n t h l y dues a n d are expected to abide by the rules a n d regulations, w h i c h often seem a r b i t r a r y a n d unreasonable to residents w h o believe that their p o w e r s o f self-determination have been u n d e r m i n e d ( i b i d . , p . 89). T h e ensuing resentment then w o r k s against the spirit o f c o o p e r a t i o n needed at the start. In T w i n R i v e r s , p r o p o s e d arrangements n a r r o w e d d o w n to t w o types: (1) a h o m e - o w n e r s a s s o c i a t i o n to manage a n d c o n t r o l the affairs of T w i n R i v e r s w i t h the assistance o f the builder, a n d (2) a trust, set u p apart f r o m the h o m e - o w n e r s a s s o c i a t i o n that w o u l d act as a "benevo­ l e n t " dictator for the development. T h e t o w n s h i p officials a n d the b u i l d e r favored the trust arrange­ ments, as d i d the developer w h o needed to m a i n t a i n c o n t r o l over the stock o f houses a n d his front-end investment i n the project. T h e V A a n d F H A , w h o financed the mortgages o f the h o m e - o w n e r s , favored a h o m e - o w n e r s association. H o m e - o w n e r s associations, by the management o f their o w n af-

Struggle for Self-Govern ment

89

fairs, i n effect are forms o f l o c a l governments, sharing governance w i t h t r a d i t i o n a l m u n i c i p a l , state, a n d n a t i o n a l authorities. T h o u g h n o t a u ­ t o n o m o u s , they e x h i b i t a degree o f independence that is rare i n the c o m p l e x interdependencies o f m o d e r n life. In T w i n R i v e r s , after m u c h discussion a n d debate, the decision w a s made to have a trust g o v e r n for seven years a n d thereafter pass gover­ nance to a h o m e - o w n e r s association. T h e First C h a r t e r N a t i o n a l B a n k was a p p o i n t e d as trustee by the T w i n R i v e r s H o l d i n g C o r p o r a t i o n o n J u l y 2 9 , 1 9 6 9 . It was responsible for basic services such as water, sew­ erage, garbage c o l l e c t i o n , s n o w r e m o v a l , a n d p h y s i c a l upkeep. R e s i ­ dents at that time p a i d m o n t h l y fees o f $ 1 7 per h o u s e h o l d for these services. T h e bank-trustee created a budget, set the m o n t h l y fee (or t a x rate) for each d w e l l i n g unit, a n d p a i d a m a n a g i n g agent (the H D M C o r p o r a ­ tion) a salary n o t to exceed 3.5 percent o f the t o t a l collected. It set c o m m u n i t y policies a n d made rules o n the uses o f the recreational facili­ ties, the o p e n spaces, a n d the services to be p r o v i d e d , a n d it p a i d its manager $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 per year for the first three years. Residents were ex­ pected to f a m i l i a r i z e themselves w i t h the T w i n R i v e r s Trust D o c u m e n t they received at the closings a n d to obey the trust i n the areas o f its legal j u r i s d i c t i o n . T h e private h o m e o w n e r s association is a f o r m o f decentralized power, a l o n g w i t h the city a n d the business c o r p o r a t i o n . Such an asso­ c i a t i o n "enables households that have clustered their activities i n a terri­ t o r i a l l y defined area to enforce rules o f c o n d u c t , " to p r o v i d e p u b l i c goods, such as o p e n space, a n d "to achieve other c o m m o n goals not possible to achieve w i t h o u t some f o r m o f p o t e n t i a l l y coercive central agency." O n c e rare, such associations n o w o u t n u m b e r A m e r i c a n cities. Developers create thousands o f these each year "to g o v e r n their s u b d i v i ­ sions, c o n d o m i n i u m s , a n d p l a n n e d c o m m u n i t i e s " ( E l l i c k s o n 1 9 8 2 , p . 1520). In A m e r i c a n l a w the city is treated as p u b l i c , but the H O A is p r i ­ vate, t h o u g h the o n l y difference between t h e m is that m e m b e r s h i p i n H O A s is entirely voluntary. T h e differential legal treatment results i n certain anomalies. (1) T h e courts treat the substantive v a l i d i t y o f rules passed by H O A s m o r e strictly t h a n those o f cities — whereas the o p p o ­ site m i g h t have been expected, since it is considered a " p r i v a t e " associa­ t i o n . (2) Cities have a pattern o f v o t i n g rights that h o m e owners are f o r b i d d e n to use (ibid., p . 1521). In cities, the f o r m u l a is one resident per one vote. F o r H O A s , it is one unit per vote. T h e H O A shares m a n y defining features w i t h a government, hence it is surprising that it is treated differently. A n H O A rules over a terri­ t o r i a l l y defined area a n d does not o b t a i n its p o w e r t h r o u g h any f o r m o f

90

Chapter 6

p r o p e r t y o w n e r s h i p ; also, H O A s c a n regulate b e h a v i o r (e.g., p h y s i c a l changes to houses, c o m m o n g r o u n d s , etc.) a n d " t a x " (i.e., assess fees a n d levies); a n d they d o n o t need u n a n i m o u s consent f r o m members. Some, by e x p e l l i n g a member, even c a n be said to have the p o w e r o f c o n d e m n a t i o n , but their scope is less comprehensive t h a n that available to l o c a l government. Finally, they use m a j o r i t y rule a n d representative procedures w h e n they elect a b o a r d o f directors to manage a s s o c i a t i o n affairs. H O A s m a y also be said to have private " c o n s t i t u t i o n s " — a r t i ­ cles o f covenants a n d association plus b y - l a w s —that is, a "true s o c i a l c o n t r a c t " ( E l l i c k s o n 1 9 8 2 , p . 1 5 2 7 ) . These must be u n a n i m o u s l y rat­ ified. J u d i c i a l decisions tend to h o n o r the p r i n c i p l e o f greater a u t o n o m y for private associations t h a n for p u b l i c ones. It w o u l d be difficult, for e x a m p l e , to imagine city governments m a k i n g the k i n d o f a r c h i t e c t u r a l a n d other design rules that are r o u t i n e l y made by H O A s w i t h o u t a n o u t c r y over i n v a s i o n o f p r i v a c y a n d p e r s o n a l freedom. T h e r e are t w o models for a l l o c a t i n g v o t i n g rights to residential c o m m u n i t i e s : T h e first allocates v o t i n g rights to residents; the second allocates v o t i n g rights a c c o r d i n g to the e c o n o m i c stake i n the c o m m u ­ nity b y each person, a r o u g h i n d e x o f w h i c h is the value o f one person's real p r o p e r t y i n the c o m m u n i t y . In general, perhaps even universally, " v o t i n g rights i n c o m m u n i t y associations tend to be a p p o r t i o n e d ac­ c o r d i n g to share o w n e r s h i p , " o r e c o n o m i c stake. A l s o , i n general, ab­ sentee l a n d l o r d s c a n vote i n these l o c a l arrangements but tenants c a n ­ not. A n d the o w n e r o f m u l t i p l e units c a n cast m u l t i p l e votes, i f these are allocated by units. T h e a s s u m p t i o n is that a "voter's interest i n the c o m ­ m u n i t y " w i l l be c o n s o n a n t w i t h the voter's e c o n o m i c stake i n i t " (Ellickson 1982, pp. 1540, 1544). H o m e o w n e r s associations fit the definition o f " i n t e r m e d i a r y asso­ c i a t i o n " between the i n d i v i d u a l a n d the state (ibid., 1 9 8 2 , p p . 1 5 6 4 1 6 0 1 ) . J o h n L o c k e l i k e n e d " p o l i t i c a l society" . . . "intermediate be­ tween a n a n a r c h i c state o f nature a n d . . . a f o r m a l . . . g o v e r n m e n t " ( C r e n s o n , 1 9 8 3 , p . 17). Some treasure, others attack this independence, part o f the process o f the restructuring o f c o n t e m p o r a r y society. B y c o m p a r i s o n w i t h large cities, h o m e - o w n e r associations are l i k e l y to be m o r e p a r t i c i p a t o r y i n d e c i s i o n m a k i n g —hence m o r e d e m o c r a t i c . In a c o m m e n t a r y , G e r a l d E . F r u g challenges E l l i c k s o n ' s l i b e r a l inter­ p r e t a t i o n o f H O A s since the o r i g i n a l c o n s t i t u t i o n o f the H O A " m i g h t w e l l be the w o r k o f a developer w i t h o u t the p a r t i c i p a t i o n o f a single p e r s o n w h o becomes a resident o f the c o m m u n i t y " ( E l l i c k s o n 1 9 8 2 , p . 1 5 9 0 ) . T h a t w a s not the case i n T w i n R i v e r s but the precursor o f its H O A w a s certainly developer based a n d the struggle for resident c o n ­ t r o l t o o k up years o f the life o f T w i n R i v e r s . F r u g p o i n t s out the d i l e m m a o f the l i b e r a l p o s i t i o n : It seeks alter-

Struggle for Self-Government

91

nately to buttress the H O A against a r b i t r a r y p o w e r o r to restrain the H O A b y means o f such power. In p o i n t o f fact, H O A s m a y be t y r a n n i ­ c a l o r a u t h o r i t a r i a n o n certain matters a n d less i n h i b i t e d t h a n city a n d state governments r o o t e d i n the d e m o c r a t i c process. M o r e o v e r , by fa­ v o r i n g p r o p e r t y o w n e r s i n v o t i n g , H O A s m a y be as "dangerous to the liberty o f their residents" (ibid., 1 9 8 2 , p . 1591) as are other g o v e r n ­ ments w i t h a restrictive franchise. T h e p r o b l e m s dealt w i t h by H O A s i n c l u d e the management o f the t r a n s i t i o n a l p e r i o d as c o n t r o l is r e l i n q u i s h e d by the developer, the c o n ­ fusions o f n e w h o m e o w n e r s t u r n e d a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , a n d sheer inex­ perience i n l i v i n g i n a P U D . Ignorant about m o s t o f the details o f b u d ­ gets a n d r u n n i n g a c o m m u n i t y , yet c o n c e r n e d a b o u t their investments a n d the k i n d o f life they a n d their c h i l d r e n w i l l be able to enjoy, resi­ dents have to learn t h r o u g h t r i a l a n d error, g r a p p l i n g w i t h timeless questions o f rule enactment a n d enforcement, strategies for c o m p l i a n c e a n d c o o p e r a t i o n , a n d the c r e a t i o n o f p u b l i c spirit a n d c o m m i t m e n t . T h r e e t y p i c a l stages i n the process o f c o m m u n a l self-government are described i n the f o l l o w i n g tongue-in-cheek c o m m e n t : " [ A ] s s o o n as the h o m e o w n e r s take over . . . they sue the developer, then they fire the manager, a n d then they raise the assessments" (Oser 1 9 7 7 , Section 8 p . 1). T h i s fits T w i n R i v e r s to a T. Q u e s t i o n s o f governance l o o m e d large f r o m the very start i n T w i n R i v e r s despite the fact that it w a s a p r i v a t e l y financed a n d o r g a n i z e d u n d e r t a k i n g . After the P U D o r d i n a n c e w a s passed by the state legisla­ ture, the t o w n s h i p stipulated a n u m b e r o f a d d i t i o n a l c o n d i t i o n s for the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f T w i n R i v e r s (the details are described i n chapter 4). Because the t o w n s h i p w a s c o n c e r n e d about the p o s s i b i l i t y that T w i n R i v e r s m i g h t become a b u r d e n , it became a matter o f some urgency to decide w h o w o u l d manage the o p e n spaces, operate the recreational facilities, a n d p r o v i d e the essential services for the c o m m u n i t y . D u r i n g the first t w o to three years, the degree o f c o n t r o l at first exercised by the developer a n d subsequently by the b a n k as trustee, was a cause o f considerable distress for the residents o f T w i n R i v e r s . T h a t this is n o t u n c o m m o n is evident i n the f o l l o w i n g o b s e r v a t i o n : Builders tend to t h i n k o f a n association as a means o f retaining o r e n h a n c i n g their l a n d values, a n d n o t h i n g m o r e . W h i l e this is v a l i d , it is h a r d l y a n adequate basis for m a i n t a i n i n g a n d a d m i n ­ istering a substantial c o m m u n i t y , o r e n c o u r a g i n g m a x i m u m h o m e o w n e r p a r t i c i p a t i o n . T h i s k i n d o f development involves s o c i a l change as w e l l as c o n s t r u c t i o n p r o b l e m s , a n d a successful developer c a n n o t be b l i n d to the N e w Society he is h e l p i n g to develop. ( N o r c r o s s 1 9 7 3 , p . 37)

92

Chapter 6

T o p r o v i d e a l i n k between the h o m e o w n e r s a n d the trust, a T r u s t A d v i s o r y B o a r d ( T A B ) was created. It w a s c o m p o s e d o f ten people, five elected at large a n d five serving o n the T w i n R i v e r s H o m e o w n e r s A s s o ­ c i a t i o n ( T R H A ) b o a r d a n d a p p o i n t e d by the trustee. T h e v i e w s o f the b o a r d were i n n o w a y b i n d i n g o n the trustee, however. A l l o f the h o m e owners i n T w i n R i v e r s were a u t o m a t i c a l l y members o f the H o m e - o w n e r s A s s o c i a t i o n . T o fulfill their legal o b l i g a t i o n s to the V A a n d the F H A , they needed a b o a r d o f directors to represent t h e m w i t h the trust. T h e first b o a r d , c o n s i s t i n g o f nine m e n a n d one w o m a n , w a s a p p o i n t e d by the T w i n R i v e r s H o l d i n g C o r p o r a t i o n . In 1 9 7 0 a spe­ c i a l meeting w a s c a l l e d by the developer's staff to elect a n o m i n a t i n g c o m m i t t e e . T w i n R i v e r s was b r o k e n d o w n i n t o four areas, a n d v o l u n ­ teers f r o m each area put their names i n t o the hat a n d were chosen at r a n d o m . T h e resulting committee then asked for m o r e volunteers f r o m their areas to present themselves as candidates before the n o m i n a t i n g c o m m i t t e e . N i n e b o a r d members were then elected by secret b a l l o t f r o m a p o o l o f twenty-one candidates. T h u s the structure o f governance i n c l u d e d the developer a n d the trust as the r u l e - m a k i n g b o d y i n charge o f the c o m m o n g r o u n d s , the c o l l e c t i o n o f fees, a n d the management o f c o m m u n i t y - w i d e services. T h e n there was a n a d v i s o r y b o a r d to serve as a n i n t e r m e d i a r y between the residents a n d the trustee a n d to represent the interests a n d needs o f the g r o w i n g c o m m u n i t y by p r o v i d i n g the residents w i t h some effective voice i n the management o f their c o m m u n i t y property. A l o n g s i d e the T A B there emerged the b o a r d o f directors o f the T w i n R i v e r s H o m e ­ o w n e r s A s s o c i a t i o n representing the residents for i n t e r n a l c o m m u n i t y issues. T h i s association w a s s u p p o r t e d by a modest fee o f three d o l l a r s per year per h o m e o w n e r . Its chief objectives were first, c o m m u n i c a t i o n , a n d second, recreation. C o m m u n i c a t i o n i n v o l v e d k e e p i n g the residents i n f o r m e d about happenings w i t h i n T w i n R i v e r s a n d w i t h o u t , v i a r a d i o announcements o n the l o c a l station, the m o n t h l y o p e n b o a r d meeting, a n d the articles i n The Periscope. In a d d i t i o n , the b o a r d s p o n s o r e d rec­ r e a t i o n a l activities o f m a n y k i n d s : sports a n d t o u r n a m e n t s , b o w l i n g a n d baseball leagues, teen a n d adult dances, theater trips a n d bridge clubs. A s 1 9 7 6 a p p r o a c h e d a n d the t e r m o f the trustee (Heritage B a n k N o r t h ) was due to expire, c o n t r o v e r s y a n d debate intensified. T o w n s h i p officials feared the p o t e n t i a l p o w e r o f the h o m e o w n e r s a s s o c i a t i o n as a second government a n d h a d a l l a l o n g insisted that a b a n k c o n t r o l the T w i n R i v e r s trust. T h e i r fears were increasingly v o i c e d as the time for restructuring the governance o f T w i n R i v e r s d r e w near. T h e a s s u m p t i o n o f c o n t r o l by the h o m e o w n e r s w o u l d , i n the v i e w o f t o w n s h i p officials, result i n a rise i n the measure o f u n r e a l i t y as w e l l as a loss o f p o l i t i c a l c o n t r o l . H o m e o w n e r s associations, it w a s observed, h a d , i n other devel-

Struggle for Self-Govern ment

93

opments, threatened to stop r e p a i r i n g streets o r d i s p o s i n g o f garbage, a n d b y l a w , the t o w n s h i p w o u l d then be legally r e q u i r e d to p e r f o r m these services. O r , i f the trust were to declare b a n k r u p t c y , the t o w n s h i p w o u l d have to m a i n t a i n the o p e n spaces a n d c o m m u n i t y facilities at huge expenses to l o c a l taxpayers. In 1 9 7 5 , these costs were borne by T w i n R i v e r s h o m e o w n e r s to the tune o f $ 6 5 0 , 0 0 0 per year. N o t sur­ prisingly, t o w n s h i p officials therefore favored the status q u o . Indeed, i f ever the t o w n s h i p were to get another P U D , a c c o r d i n g to one l o c a l official, the c o u n c i l w o u l d w r i t e i n a n eventual take-over clause for the m u n i c i p a l i t y (The Periscope, 22 A u g u s t 1 9 7 6 , p . 12). In contrast to the t o w n s h i p , the V A a n d F H A s u p p o r t e d the passing of c o n t r o l over the internal operations o f T w i n R i v e r s f r o m the trust to the residents by means o f a h o m e o w n e r s association. T h e residents o f T w i n R i v e r s l i k e w i s e favored self-determination a n d self-management v i a their H o m e o w n e r s A s s o c i a t i o n . T h e arguments s u p p o r t i n g this stand emphasized the board's c o n t i n u i t y o f k n o w l e d g e a n d leadership, its respect for d e m o c r a t i c procedures, a n d its responsiveness a n d open­ ness to the c o m m u n i t y . Its directors were d e m o c r a t i c a l l y elected a n d a l l lived i n T w i n R i v e r s . O n a l l these grounds the current trustee was f o u n d deficient. In O c t o b e r 1 9 7 5 the second meeting o f the T R H A w a s attended by a l m o s t t w o h u n d r e d residents, a n d there was o v e r w h e l m i n g agreement that they s h o u l d have some k i n d o f o r g a n i z a t i o n to deal w i t h the trust a n d the developer, w h o m m a n y thought h i g h - h a n d e d a n d unresponsive. D r a m a t i c slogans, such as " N o T a x a t i o n w i t h o u t R e p r e s e n t a t i o n , " r e m i n d e d the residents o f their powerlessness, i n contrast w i t h the trustee's, to set fees, costs, a n d q u a l i t y o f services. A s the time o f deci­ s i o n a p p r o a c h e d , residents were urged to cast their ballots for residen­ t i a l c o n t r o l i n order to protect the ultimate resale value o f their houses a n d the future social structure o f T w i n R i v e r s ( E d i t o r i a l , The Periscope, M a r c h , 1 9 7 6 , p . 1). Residents were ready for the change. F o r years the chorus o f dissat­ isfaction w i t h the trust's indifference a n d disregard h a d g r o w n i n n u m ­ ber a n d intensity. A s early as 1 9 7 2 , the trust's disregard o f the o p i n i o n s of the trust a d v i s o r y b o a r d r a n k l e d . T h e g r o u p h a d n o real say, it w a s a mere figurehead that was given n o financial a c c o u n t i n g a n d not t a k e n seriously. These charges were countered by the trust representative, w h o thought it "necessary to r e m i n d the B o a r d that r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f deci­ s i o n - m a k i n g rests w i t h the B a n k " (Windsor-Heights Herald, 13 A p r i l 1972, p . 1). T h e r e were n u m e r o u s petty c o m p l a i n t s : C a l l s to the trust office af­ ter 4:00 P . M . were u n a n s w e r e d a n d the pool's c l o s i n g for repairs i n the s u m m e r w a s attributed to p o o r p l a n n i n g by the trust. T h e C o m m i t t e e

94

Chapter ó

for a R e a s o n a b l e P o o l P o l i c y let it be k n o w n that the trust "administers the p o o l but it is ours, by right, n o t theirs. W h e n i m p o r t a n t decisions must be made, the ultimate d e c i s i o n must be m a d e by the residents" (Opus, 7 1 , M a r c h - A p r i l 1 9 7 1 , p . 8). " W h y s h o u l d w e be c o n t r o l l e d b y a T r u s t that denies us self-government; are w e c h i l d r e n ? " (The Peri­ scope, 10 A p r i l 1 9 7 4 , p . 3). T h e n there w a s a fire that raged t h r o u g h eight apartments a n d made t w e n t y - f o u r families homeless; it w a s c l a i m e d that n o help w a s given by the development staff. Residents referred to the i n c i d e n t w i t h righteous outrage l o n g after the disaster h a d passed. T h u s , the first five years o f life i n the d e v e l o p i n g c o m m u n i t y were characterized by a n intricate m i n u e t between the nascent g o v e r n i n g i n ­ stitutions decreeing, m a n a g i n g , a n d o r g a n i z i n g the i n s t i t u t i o n a l frame­ w o r k w i t h rules o f order a n d c o n t i n u i t y , a n d a n i m p a s s i o n e d p o p u l a c e seeking self-determination but i g n o r a n t a b o u t self-government a n d c o ­ operative l i v i n g . T h e developer, seeking to protect his substantial e c o n o m i c invest­ ment i n the c o m m u n i t y , sought c o n t r o l over key decisions, w h i l e the residents, resenting their l a c k o f power, also sought c o n t r o l . In a d d i t i o n to the ever-present p h y s i c a l inadequacies — such as drainage a n d p l u m b ­ i n g p r o b l e m s , untagged pets, a n d neglected c o m m o n g r o u n d s , w h i c h w e w i l l e x p l o r e m o r e fully later —there were social p r o b l e m s a n d f r i c t i o n between neighbors, a m o n g c h i l d r e n , a n d between renters a n d h o m e ­ o w n e r s . Irate parents resented p a y i n g dues for b a s k e t b a l l courts w h e n their c h i l d r e n were chased off by other c h i l d r e n c l a i m i n g s e i g n o r i a l rights. Frustrated residents protested the nonresponsiveness o f the de­ veloper, a n d later the b a n k trustee, to their requests for a civic center, o r for i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t the size o f the trust budget o r increased m o n t h l y fees. Dissatisfactions w i t h the d r a b appearance o f the c o m m u n i t y fueled further resentment. In the end, residents w e n t to c o u r t to get the h e a r i n g they t h o u g h t they deserved. In the m e a n t i m e it w a s a tenuous a n d stren­ uous struggle for c o n t r o l a n d a u t h o r i t y that created distrust o n b o t h sides. Y e a r by year, demands for change g r e w l o u d e r a n d m o r e vociferous, w i t h factions t a k i n g sides for a n d against the e x i s t i n g g o v e r n i n g m e c h a ­ n i s m , that is, the trust. T h o s e w h o f a v o r e d the trust's c o n t i n u i n g b e y o n d the first seven years, i n c l u d i n g t o w n s h i p officials a n d t r u s t - a p p o i n t e d residents, s a w citizen protest as t r o u b l e fomented by malcontents ex­ p l o i t i n g c o m m u n i t y p r o b l e m s for p e r s o n a l reasons. In contrast, p r o ­ testers s a w the issue as a we/they struggle between t y r a n n y a n d l i b e r t y a n d w a r n e d that T w i n R i v e r s w o u l d become a second-class c o m m u n i t y unless the residents o r g a n i z e d to defend their interests a n d assert their power. In M a y 1 9 7 6 s h o r t l y before the election w a s to take place, a m a -

Struggle for Self-Govern ment

95

neuver by the trust threatened the residents' a s s u m p t i o n o f c o n t r o l by c h a l l e n g i n g the v o t i n g system. T h e trustee argued that it c o u l d not t u r n the trust over to the h o m e - o w n e r s association unless m o r e t h a n 5 0 per­ cent o f a l l h o m e o w n e r s v o t e d to d o so. T h e T R H A r e p l i e d that the w i n n e r s h o u l d reflect the m a j o r i t y o f those v o t i n g a n d not o f those eligi­ ble to vote. T h e latter w o u l d be a v i c t o r y for the b a n k w i t h o u t a single vote being cast for it. A no-vote w a s a p r o - b a n k vote. T h e T R H A repre­ sentatives were outraged a n d sought legal counsel (The Periscope, M a y 1 9 7 6 , p . 1). In A u g u s t 1 9 7 6 the election for c o m m u n i t y c o n t r o l , p i t t i n g the T R H A against the b a n k trustee, t o o k place. " Y o u r future a n d the future of T w i n R i v e r s depends o n y o u r v o t i n g . " T h e p o w e r passed to the resi­ dents by a n o v e r w h e l m i n g vote o f 9 0 percent. T h e tension between the h o m e - o w n e r s association a n d the banktrustee has i n a s o m e w h a t different context been described as the p u l l between " u s e " values a n d " e x c h a n g e " values o f place. " U s e " value re­ fers to the available resources to advance the q u a l i t y o f life; " e x c h a n g e " value refers to a n interest i n e c o n o m i c g r o w t h generated by alliances between the business a n d p o l i t i c a l leaders o f a n area. In the contentiousness between the trust a n d the H O A , the former stands for a n " e x c h a n g e " strategy w h i l e the H O A a n d the residents are aligned w i t h " u s e " values a i m e d at increasing the q u a l i t y o f life a n d c o m m i t m e n t to c o m m u n i t y ( L o g a n a n d M o l o t c h 1 9 8 7 , p p . 3 2 , 34). A s the o l d w i t t i c i s m says, there are t w o tragedies i n life —the first, to fail to get w h a t one w a n t s , a n d the second, to get it. O n c e the T w i n R i v e r s H o m e o w n e r s A s s o c i a t i o n got its w i s h o f self-determination, it not o n l y became responsible for itself but also became a target for p r o ­ tests a n d grievances o f its o w n malcontents. Nonetheless, the v i c t o r y tasted sweet for a w h i l e . A m o n g the first tasks o f the T R H A w a s to search for a trust a d m i n ­ istrator. F i f t y - t w o candidates a p p l i e d for the p o s i t i o n , as d i d five m a n ­ agement-consulting firms. T h e i n d i v i d u a l candidates responded to a classified advertisement i n the S u n d a y New York Times. O f the o r i g i n a l fifty-two, ten were selected to be i n t e r v i e w e d . N o n e were l o c a l resi­ dents. T h e first a d m i n i s t r a t o r was chosen i n the fall o f 1 9 7 6 by a u n a n i ­ m o u s vote o f the b o a r d to serve a one-year t e r m . H e w a s described as h a v i n g experience as a b u i l d e r " o u t W e s t " i n garden-apartment m a n ­ agement a n d i n s p i r e d confidence that he w o u l d be able to handle a w i d e variety o f p r o b l e m s (Windsor-Heights Herald, 21 O c t o b e r 1 9 7 6 , p . 1). O t h e r a d m i n i s t r a t o r s f o l l o w e d . P r o b l e m s m u l t i p l i e d . In 1 9 7 9 , for e x a m ­ ple, a trust a d m i n i s t r a t o r was arraigned for embezzlement o f trust funds a n d forgery i n the t o w n s h i p c o u r t . A t the same time, five o f the nine members o f the b o a r d were accused o f negligence o f their " f i d u c i a r y

96

Chapter 6

duties" for not i m m e d i a t e l y d i s m i s s i n g the c u l p r i t . Some residents an­ g r i l y d e m a n d e d the dismissal o f the entire b o a r d , but this p r o v e d i n a d ­ visable as the c o m m u n i t y c o u l d not afford such a v a c u u m at the t o p (The Periscope, 27 September 1 9 7 9 , p . 1). F i n a l l y , a n d fortunately, J o s e p h A . V u z z o w a s selected the trust a d ­ ministrator, a p o s i t i o n he was to o c c u p y for eighteen years. H e n c e f o r t h , the g o v e r n i n g structure was w e l l i n place w i t h a trust a d m i n i s t r a t o r w e l l e q u i p p e d by personality, s k i l l , experience, a n d c o m m i t m e n t to lead the c o m m u n i t y . In 1 9 8 2 Joseph V u z z o w a s r e a p p o i n t e d to a second threeyear t e r m to the enthusiastic praise o f the b o a r d o f directors. " F o r those of us w h o remember the O l d e n ' d a y s , " the c h a i r m a n o f the b o a r d w r o t e at that time, "the difference is very s t r i k i n g . . . . Joe's careful invest­ ments have helped keep fees d o w n a n d his expenditure o f funds is a l ­ w a y s done after a lot of careful c h e c k i n g . N o one c a n deny that T w i n R i v e r s is r u n better a n d l o o k s better t o d a y because o f J o e " (The Peri­ scope, D e c e m b e r 1 9 8 2 , v o l . II, n o . 1 1 , p . 2). A l o n g w i t h a p o p u l a r a n d effective trust administrator, i n the late 1970s the remainder o f the g o v e r n i n g structure w a s also i n place. T h e r e w a s a nine-member b o a r d o f directors, each elected for a three-year t e r m w i t h o n e - t h i r d elected each year. Its officers — president, vice presi­ dent, a n d secretary/treasurer — were elected by the b o a r d . These nine directors served w i t h o u t c o m p e n s a t i o n a n d n o " p e r k s " a n d received " v e r y little i f any r e c o g n i t i o n " (The Periscope, D e c e m b e r 1 9 8 2 , p . 2). W h y , then, d i d they bother? Perry S h a p i r o , president o f the T R H A ex­ p l a i n e d it i n O c t o b e r 1 9 8 2 : " O n e does this out o f a sense o f c o m m u n i t y spirit, a desire to help T w i n R i v e r s be a better place, a n d i n s a n i t y " (The Periscope, O c t o b e r 1 9 8 2 , v o l . II, n o . 9, p . 1).

Trust Responsibilities T h e responsibilities o f this " s e c o n d g o v e r n m e n t " r a n a w i d e g a m u t f r o m regulating fees to p r o v i d i n g the services i n c l u d e d i n the residents' fees. A t the start, i n the early 1970s, there w a s considerable frustration a b o u t issues n o t dealt w i t h by the builder. Indeed it w a s suggested, w i t h the h u m o r often d i s p l a y e d i n the pages o f the T w i n R i v e r s m o n t h l y paper, The Periscope, that E r i c Berne's next b o o k s h o u l d be " G a m e s T o w n s h i p s a n d B u i l d e r s P l a y " (The Periscope, M a y 1 9 7 3 , p . 1). T h e trust's m a i n areas o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y were c a p i t a l i m p r o v e m e n t s a n d maintenance o f the site, the c o m m o n g r o u n d s , a n d the facilities. T h i s ranged f r o m c o l o r c o d i n g o f the tennis courts to foliage c o n t r o l , i m p r o v e d i l l u m i n a t i o n i n the t u n n e l , s u n shelters at the p o o l s , r o a d re­ surfacing, a n d plantings t h r o u g h o u t the c o m m u n i t y .

Struggle for Self-Government

97

A l o n g w i t h the a n n o u n c e d scheduling for the a n n u a l s p r a y i n g , plant­ i n g , resurfacing, pest c o n t r o l , f r o n t - l a w n maintenance, a n d cleaning o f streets a n d p a r k i n g lots, came c o n t i n u o u s instructions o n the residents' responsibilities a n d the uses p e r m i t t e d i n the c o m m u n i t y . " W h a t are c o m m o n g r o u n d s ? " asked a n article e x p l a i n i n g the reasons for the adoption of a 1982 resolution on c o m m o n grounds. "The c o m m o n g r o u n d s " r e p l i e d the w o u l d - b e authority, "are those areas o f the devel­ o p m e n t that are o w n e d by the Trust for the use o f a l l the beneficiaries" (The Periscope, June 1 9 8 2 , p . 10). E v i d e n t l y residents h a d difficulty keeping such definitions straight for they were repeated again a n d again. A l o n g w i t h the instructions about procedures w e n t instructions about rules a n d rights. " W e must insist that n o p l a n t i n g be done by residents o n c o m m o n grounds w i t h o u t the express p e r m i s s i o n o f the T r u s t " (The Periscope, N o v e m b e r 1 9 8 4 , v o l . 1 3 , n o . 1 1 , p . 1). There were also rules about c o n d u c t i n the " o p e n areas" where o r g a n i z e d baseball, f o o t b a l l , track, a n d field activities were p e r m i t t e d , a n d semio p e n c o m m o n grounds where u n o r g a n i z e d activities such as catch a n d tag were a l l o w e d . A n d h o w were residents to k n o w w h a t activities c o u l d o c c u r where? A m a p o f each q u a d i n the trust office was made available for their perusal. V i o l a t i o n s o f the c o m m o n rules were subject to penalties by the trust, such as letters o f r e p r i m a n d , revocations o f recreational privileges ( s w i m m i n g p o o l , tennis courts) for a specified p e r i o d , a n d eventually fines not to exceed $ 5 0 per v i o l a t i o n (The Periscope, June 1 9 8 2 , p . 10). G i v e n the b e w i l d e r i n g array o f rules, m a n y i n v o l v i n g c o m p l e x jurisdic­ t i o n a l distinctions, there was considerable resentment t o w a r d b o t h the confusing rules a n d the punishments for v i o l a t i o n s . A n o t h e r area o f c o m p l e x rule enforcement concerned safety a n d speed l i m i t s ; the catalogue o f c o m p l a i n t s i n c l u d e d cars d r i v i n g at unsafe speeds, not s t o p p i n g for s c h o o l buses, a n d disregarding stop signs. In part, this reflected the t o w n s h i p ' s i n a b i l i t y to enforce traffic rules o n private p r o p e r t y i n the early years before the roads were turned over to the t o w n s h i p s a n d became p u b l i c property, a n d i n part, a self-centered disregard o f the p u b l i c order. O t h e r rules that h a d to be instituted i n v o l v e d excessive noise, dis­ ruptive b e h a v i o r at the p o o l s , a n d revelry out o f d o o r s . In M a y 1 9 7 6 the Trust A d v i s o r y B o a r d f o r m u l a t e d rules regarding hours for p o o l parties (9 P . M . to 1 A . M . ) , w i t h speakers to be p o i n t e d a w a y f r o m the p o p u l a t e d areas o f T w i n R i v e r s . T h e v o l u m e o f m u s i c w a s to be deter­ m i n e d b y the p o o l directors, w h o also c o u l d designate the p r o p e r areas for f o o d c o n s u m p t i o n at the p o o l s . R u l e s for p r o p e r attire a n d sign-ups at the tennis courts were other areas o f f o r m a l rules a n d p u b l i c l y desig­ nated penalties.

98

Chapter ó

A n d then there w a s the v o l a t i l e issue o f pets, to w h i c h m o r e space w i l l be devoted later. H e r e w e s h o u l d s i m p l y note that a p o l i c y o n pets p r o v e d necessary s o o n after the first b a t c h o f residents m o v e d i n . In 1 9 7 5 a pet committee h a n d l e d stray a n i m a l s at the rate o f m o r e t h a n one h u n d r e d a y e a r — " T w i n R i v e r s has a p p a r e n t l y become a d u m p i n g g r o u n d for u n w a n t e d a n i m a l s " — a n d the p r o b l e m g r e w dangerously out o f h a n d . B y 1 9 8 5 the T R H A b o a r d a d o p t e d a r e s o l u t i o n to regulate the c o n d u c t o f pets o n trust l a n d , i n response to "the serious h e a l t h a n d esthetic p r o b l e m s caused b y the discharge o f waste b y pets i n T r u s t l a n d . " Pets h a d to be restrained by a leash w h i l e o n the c o m m o n g r o u n d s a n d a pooper-scooper l a w w a s p u t i n effect as w e l l . After a decade o f e x h o r t a t i o n a n d h a n d w r i n g i n g a b o u t enforcement, moreover, fines and the w i t h h o l d i n g o f recreational privileges were f o r m a l i z e d . T o ascertain v i o l a t i o n s , however, p r o v e d c o m p l i c a t e d . It r e q u i r e d a special c o m p l a i n t procedure w h e r e b y a resident h a d to s u b m i t a signed c o m ­ p l a i n t i n w r i t i n g , f o l l o w e d by a c o m m i t t e e h e a r i n g . If f o u n d guilty, a v i o l a t o r c o u l d appeal the d e c i s i o n to the entire T R H A B o a r d . In a s m a l l c o m m u n i t y such as T w i n R i v e r s , residents w o u l d be reluctant to file signed c o m p l a i n t s a b o u t f e l l o w residents (The Periscope, A p r i l 1 9 8 5 , v o l . 4, p . 5). T h u s , b u i l d i n g the consensus needed to create a n d abide by its basic rules so as to guide a n aggregate is o n l y one h u r d l e to be s u r m o u n t e d . E n f o r c i n g these rules is another. A s early as 1 9 7 2 , the trust w e n t to c o u r t to c o m p e l a m i n o r i t y o f n o n p a y i n g residents to p a y their m o n t h l y fees. In A p r i l o f that year, the judgment o f the c o u n t y c o u r t r u l e d i n favor o f the trust saying that "the defendants' remedy for alleged n o n ­ performance by the plaintiff does n o t lie i n the w i t h h o l d i n g o f the pay­ ments f r o m the p l a i n t i f f " (The Windsor-Heights Herald, 2 6 O c t o b e r 1972, p . 4).

The Fight against Resident Apathy T h e trust also h a d fee-setting p o w e r s a n d c o u l d increase the m o n t h l y trust fees i f necessary. Just as the T R H A b o a r d h a d protested against w h a t it perceived to be inequities i n trust levies w h e n the b a n k w a s the trustee, so i n d i v i d u a l s rose to protest w h e n the trustee w a s the entire c o m m u n i t y . A n y increase i n " t a x e s " created resentment a n d resistance. T h i s is a f a m i l i a r r e a c t i o n i n such c o m m u n i t i e s . M e a n w h i l e , a n e n o r m o u s u p h i l l battle w a s c o n t i n u a l l y being w a g e d against apathy a n d indifference to civic duties. Q u i c k to protest, resi­ dents were n o t e q u a l l y q u i c k to offer to help solve c o m m o n p r o b l e m s . A g a i n a n d a g a i n , the "this is y o u r c o m m u n i t y " refrain w a s s o u n d e d .

Struggle for Self-Govern ment

99

D o n ' t a l l o w a h a n d f u l o f people to p i c k the directors. A l l o f y o u have a n i m p o r t a n t stake i n T w i n R i v e r s . D o n ' t t h r o w it away. (The Periscope, D e c e m b e r 1 9 8 2 , v o l . 1 1 , n o . 1 1 , p . 6) J o i n us for a n evening without T R H A B o a r d members.

fun a n d games a n d meet the

C o m m u n i c a t e w i t h the B o a r d . . . . they w i l l be r e a d i l y accessi­ ble. D o n ' t confine y o u r ideas a n d c o m p l a i n t s to y o u r n e i g h b o r or l a u n d r y m a n . T h e pure a n d simple fact is that it is y o u r trust and y o u r m o n e y to be used the w a y y o u w i s h . (The Periscope, 15 J a n u a r y 1 9 7 5 , p . 6) " M o s t people d o n o t have the desire, the drive, the confidence, or the time to be r u n n i n g o u r c o m m u n i t y " but there's n o excuse for n o t h e l p i n g choose those w h o d o . " I f y o u d o n o t participate i n electing the directors y o u have n o right to c o m p l a i n about the o u t c o m e . " (The Periscope, D e c e m b e r 1 9 8 2 , v o l . 1 1 , n o . 1 1 , p. 10) But these e x h o r t a t i o n s p r o v e d o f n o a v a i l . A s late as J a n u a r y 1 9 8 2 , o n l y 156 o f the 2 , 1 0 0 eligible voters cast their ballots for the i n c u m ­ bents o f three uncontested seats o n the T R H A b o a r d o f directors. A t t e n d a n c e at b o a r d meetings fared n o better. T h o u g h residents h a d the right, indeed were i m p o r t u n e d , to attend o n c e - a - m o n t h o p e n meet­ ings o f the b o a r d to i n f o r m themselves, voice their grievances, a n d m a k e their presence felt, few t o o k advantage o f that right. T h e y were strong o n c o m p l a i n i n g but w e a k o n t a k i n g a c t i o n . It w a s as i f they were m o r e attached to their grievances t h a n to possible remedies. A d r a m a t i c i l l u s t r a t i o n o f the residents' apathy w a s their response to p r o p o s e d changes i n the o r i g i n a l trust d o c u m e n t s i n the s p r i n g o f 1982. B y then it h a d become clear that the three m a j o r documents o f T w i n R i v e r s —the T r u s t Indenture, the D e c l a r a t i o n o f R e s t r i c t i o n s a n d Easements, a n d the b y - l a w s o f the T w i n R i v e r H o m e o w n e r s A s s o c i a ­ t i o n — h a d become outdated a n d r e q u i r e d changes. F o r a year a n d a half, a special documents change c o m m i t t e e met to study a n d revise these documents a n d , after presenting t h e m to the b o a r d , prepared t h e m for the a p p r o v a l o f the h o m e o w n e r s . A p p r o v a l w o u l d require a 75 per­ cent vote o f a l l the p r o p e r t y o w n e r s . A m o n g the p r o p o s e d changes w a s a change i n v o t i n g rights g i v i n g preference to h o m e o w n e r s even w h e n these h a d leased their houses to others. " D i d y o u k n o w that i f y o u are a resident o f C a l i f o r n i a y o u c a n sit o n o u r B o a r d o f the T R H A a n d m a k e decisions for the residents o f T w i n R i v e r s ? " was one challenge. O t h e r changes i n v o l v e d p r o v i s i o n s that r e q u i r e d that copies o f the lease agreements between p r o p e r t y

100

Chapter ó

o w n e r s a n d tenants be made available to the trust, a n d that the trust's p u r c h a s i n g title to real estate o r o b t a i n i n g a mortgage be restricted. T h e a b o l i t i o n o f the Trust A d v i s o r y B o a r d seemed called for once the trustee w a s a n elected b o d y (The Periscope, M a y 1 9 8 1 , v o l . 10, n o . 5, p . 8). A l l of these changes were proffered as beneficial to the m a j o r i t y o f residents and as a desirable aspect o f " h o m e r u l e . " Specifically, ten amendments were p r o p o s e d : 1. A m a x i m u m p a y m e n t o f ten d o l l a r s per m o n t h for late p a y m e n t o f m o n t h l y maintenance charges. 2. A reduced m a j o r i t y (from 75 to 6 6 percent) a p p r o v a l o f the current h o m e o w n e r s for the b o a r d o f directors o f T R H A to b o r r o w m o n e y o n real estate mortgages. (This figure p a r a l ­ lels that i n other p l a n n e d developments.) 3. T h e time p e r i o d w i t h i n w h i c h c e r t a i n a d d i t i o n a l l a n d m a y be a w a r d e d by the trustee w i t h o u t consent o f the h o m e ­ o w n e r s to be extended f r o m fifteen years to twenty-five years o f the date o f the trust. S u c h a d d i t i o n s w i l l also re­ quire a smaller m a j o r i t y o f a p p r o v a l by h o m e o w n e r s — f r o m 75 to 66 percent. 4. T h e trust to be p e r m i t t e d to collect 2 5 percent o f the a n ­ n u a l fee w h e n the o w n e r purchases a h o m e . T h i s is to be returned w i t h interest w h e n the title is transferred. 5. T h o s e w h o rent out their homes w i l l be expected to m a k e sure that their tenants p a y their fees a n d " u n d e r s t a n d the rules by w h i c h the c o m m u n i t y f u n c t i o n s " a n d fill out a f o r m to be kept b y the trustee. In 1 9 8 4 it w a s estimated that some 15 percent o f T w i n R i v e r s homes were being rented out, but there w a s n o w a y for the trustee to have precise i n f o r m a t i o n . 6. T h e T A B (Trust A d v i s o r y B o a r d ) to become inactive. It w a s i n i t i a l l y created as a l i a i s o n between the developer a n d the trustee ( T R H A ) w h e n the development w a s under c o n ­ s t r u c t i o n a n d w h e n the trustee w a s n o t (yet) elected by resi­ dents. O n c e the trustee w a s elected by the c o m m u n i t y a n d the developer w a s gone, the T A B w a s r e d u n d a n t . 7. L e g a l insurance p r o t e c t i o n to be extended for b o a r d m e m ­ bers to cover the $ 5 , 0 0 0 n o w deductible. 8. If fire destroys a d w e l l i n g u n i t , the o w n e r has s i x m o n t h s time to begin restoring it before the trustee declares the p r o p e r t y a b a n d o n e d — a n d after t h i r t y days, i f the o w n e r does not r e s p o n d to a notice to that effect, the trustee c a n buy a n d sell the property.

Struggle for Self-Government

101

9. T o a m e n d the trust d o c u m e n t w i l l require 6 6 percent, not 75 percent, a p p r o v a l by the h o m e o w n e r s . 10. Before a title transfer, trustee w i l l inspect the premises to assure that the p r o p e r t y is consistent w i t h the architecture o f the o v e r a l l c o m m u n i t y . O n F e b r u a r y 17, 1 9 8 2 , the h o m e o w n e r s o f T w i n R i v e r s w e n t to the polls to vote o n the amendments designed to update the c o n s t i t u t i o n (i.e., the trust document) that c o n t r o l l e d the i n t e r n a l government o f T w i n R i v e r s . O r i g i n a l l y there were t w o classes o f voters i n T w i n R i v e r s . Class A voters i n c l u d e d a l l h o m e o w n e r s a n d Class Β voters i n c l u d e d the vote o f the developer. A t the start, the developer h a d three votes for every u n o c c u p i e d house i n T w i n R i v e r s , w h i c h gave h i m three votes for every h o m e o w n e r vote a n d c o n t r o l over d e c i s i o n m a k i n g u n t i l a l l houses were s o l d a n d his investment secure. T h i s s i t u a t i o n changed as h o m e ­ o w n e r s o u t n u m b e r e d u n o c c u p i e d houses. A second a n o m a l y o f the v o t i n g arrangements d i v i d e d the residents' p o l i t i c a l rights a c c o r d i n g to their e c o n o m i c w o r t h . Votes were appor­ t i o n e d o n a d o l l a r basis a n d reflected the assessed value o f a voter's property. T h u s the o w n e r o f a n $ 8 0 , 0 0 0 house i n T w i n R i v e r s h a d a vote w o r t h twice as m u c h as that o f the o w n e r o f a $ 4 0 , 0 0 0 house. Renters c o u l d not vote. T h e owners o f the apartment c o m p l e x e s , however, d i d have a vote, w h i c h again reflected the d o l l a r value o f that c o m p l e x . After a huge t w o - y e a r effort by the trust, the T w i n R i v e r s b o a r d o f directors, a n d the d o c u m e n t change c o m m i t t e e , a n d after m a n y instruc­ tive a n d detailed articles i n the m o n t h l y Periscope, the vote w a s very d i s a p p o i n t i n g . V o t e r t u r n o u t w a s a scant 17 percent, yet e n o u g h to de­ feat eight o f the ten p r o p o s e d changes to the charter. T h e t w o amendments that passed were (1) a d r o p i n the m a j o r i t y r e q u i r e d to vote a change i n T w i n R i v e r s g o v e r n i n g documents, a n d (2) the right o f the trust to r e b u i l d a b a n d o n e d t o w n h o u s e s destroyed by fire o r other calamities. Ironically, a l l amendments w o u l d have passed h a d the 6 6 percent a p p r o v a l rule been i n effect. T h e d i s a p p o i n t m e n t a m o n g the b o a r d o f directors w a s keen: " T h e B o a r d w a s sorely d i s a p p o i n t e d w i t h the apathetic reception the D o c u ­ ment C h a n g e C o m m i t t e e ' s efforts were received w i t h by the T w i n R i v e r s residents." P o s t m o r t e m s a b o u n d e d . O n e k e y issue w a s the resistance o f o w n e r s investing i n rental properties i n T w i n R i v e r s to the p r o p o s e d filing of a n i n f o r m a t i o n sheet w i t h the trust. T h e n there w a s the o p p o s i ­ t i o n o f a $5 m i l l i o n apartment c o m p l e x l a n d l o r d w h o w a s angry about h i g h taxes a n d rent c o n t r o l . T o counteract his $5 m i l l i o n vote, $ 1 5 m i l ­ l i o n beneficiary votes w o u l d have been needed. T h e o u t c r y w a s not l o n g in coming:

102

Chapter ó I a m ashamed o f m y friends a n d neighbors. N o , n o t a s h a m e d . . . angry a n d resentful. Y o u c a l l yourself a c o m m u n i t y ? . . . T w i n R i v e r s screams that they d o n ' t get n o respect. . . . T h e y d o n ' t deserve respect since they d o n ' t respect themselves. . . .If the beneficiaries w a n t e d to see [the amendments] defeated they s h o u l d have done it t h r o u g h a vote n o t by apathy. (Small, The Periscope, M a r c h 1 9 8 2 , p . 3) T h e recent election w a s a sad d i s a p p o i n t m e n t . So m a n y people w o r k e d so h a r d to i m p r o v e the c o m m u n i t y a n d y o u a l l o w e d the special interests to beat y o u . . . . H o w c a n this B o a r d reach y o u people? W e alone (the nine D i r e c t o r s ) c a n n o t go d o o r to d o o r o n issues. W e c a n n o t c a l l thousands o f people. T h e r e w a s g o o d l o c a l a n d state newspaper coverage. I c a n n o t tell y o u h o w d i s a p p o i n t e d w e a l l were by the vote. . . .There are some peo­ ple w h o care very m u c h a b o u t T w i n R i v e r s a n d w o r k h a r d for it. C o u l d n ' t y o u have gone a l o n g w i t h the r e c o m m e n d a t i o n s o f these people (if y o u c o u l d n ' t attend B o a r d meetings o r familiar­ ize yourselves w i t h the issues)? W e can't just t h r o w a w a y this c o m m u n i t y . (Shapiro, The Periscope, A p r i l 1 9 8 2 , p . 1)

Trust a d m i n i s t r a t o r V u z z o felt that t o o m u c h was assumed a n d a reelection s h o u l d p a y m o r e attention to direct c o m m u n i c a t i o n w i t h the voters e x p l a i n i n g , a r g u i n g , a n d e x c h a n g i n g v i e w s o n the issues. C o n c e r n e d a b o u t this p u b l i c a n d visible p r o o f o f apathy m o r e t h a n a decade after the f o u n d i n g o f T w i n R i v e r s , the " b l o c k c a p t a i n " ap­ p r o a c h resurfaced once a g a i n . T h i s w o u l d have each h o u s i n g c o u r t elect residents to serve as b l o c k representatives a n d act as liaisons to the b o a r d . Such suggestions were t r i e d i n the early 1970s. Perhaps, sug­ gested then b o a r d president B o b S c h w a r t z , " w e s h o u l d change the name to ' m i n u t e m e n ' " (The Periscope, M a r c h 1 9 7 6 , p . 2). A p a t h y c o n t i n u e d to be o f c o n c e r n to T w i n R i v e r s officials as they struggled to p r o v i d e m o r e adequate t r a n s p o r t a t i o n services, m a i n t a i n the p h y s i c a l upkeep o f the g r o u n d s a n d plant, establish s o u n d relations w i t h the t o w n s h i p , a n d attend to the countless day-to-day p r o b l e m s o f T w i n R i v e r s . It w a s the w o r m i n the b u c o l i c apple that needed a l l the perseverance those responsible for the c o m m u n i t y c o u l d muster to c o m ­ bat it. O f course i n one sense, a h i g h degree o f apathy c o u l d m e a n that the residents were satisfied w i t h the w a y things were being m a n a g e d , a n d this c o u l d then be t a k e n as a general vote o f confidence. W h i l e reassur­ i n g i n p r i n c i p l e , this w a s n o t c o n v i n c i n g . A c o m m u n i t y - i n - w a i t i n g such as T w i n R i v e r s , i f it is to thrive, m u s t have volunteers, a sense o f p r i d e o f place, a c o n c e r n for the e n v i r o n m e n t , a n d a general spirit o f v i t a l i t y

Struggle for Self-Govern ment

103

and c o o p e r a t i o n . W i t h o u t these, the few w i l l c a r r y the b u r d e n for the many, a n d the t e m p t a t i o n exists for the few to become a r b i t r a r y a n d self-serving. It w a s a t e m p t a t i o n T w i n R i v e r s h a d so far escaped, a n d under the genial leadership o f J o s e p h A . V u z z o a n d the b o a r d o f direc­ tors, there w a s reason to believe it w o u l d c o n t i n u e to d o so. T h e r e are c r i t i c a l m o m e n t s i n the life o f a c o m m u n i t y , w h e n p r o ­ grams are still flexible a n d citizens are able to exert influence a n d partic­ ipate i n creating the g o v e r n i n g m a c h i n e r y that w i l l affect their lives. T h a t h i s t o r i c m o m e n t o f openness, reciprocity, a n d the p o s s i b i l i t y for direct contact between governors a n d g o v e r n e d passes a l l t o o s o o n , leaving i n its w a k e a c y n i c i s m a b o u t the i n d i v i d u a l ' s p o w e r t o shape the w o r l d i n w h i c h he o r she lives. In its w a k e , institutions assume a life o f their o w n , their origins become obscure, their p o w e r s set, a n d citizens become i n v a r y i n g degrees dependents a n d outsiders i n regard to t h e m . The springtime o f freedom w i l l then have passed. T h e r e are some parallels between the f o r m a t i o n o f this s m a l l c o m ­ m u n i t y a n d the n a t i o n a l society t w o h u n d r e d years earlier, except that the order seems to be reversed. F o r the era o f the f o u n d i n g fathers o f the eighteenth century, G e o r g e W a s h i n g t o n , the a c k n o w l e d g e d leader, may be said to have created the n e w g o v e r n m e n t by his presence as a trusted n a t i o n a l s y m b o l . H e preceded the n e w c o n s t i t u t i o n a n d made it possible — a n d h o p e f u l l y w o u l d guide the c o u n t r y u n t i l "habits o f au­ t h o r i t y a n d obedience c o u l d be established" (Wiebe 1 9 8 4 , p . 4 2 ) . In T w i n R i v e r s , the u n i f y i n g leader came after the k e y structures o f gover­ nance were already i n place a n d the key battles h a d been fought. In that sense he w a s t r u l y m o r e o f a n a d m i n i s t r a t o r w h o appeared after the difficult b i r t h to w a t c h over its infancy a n d to b u i l d a c o m m o n frame­ w o r k a n d purpose. A c t u a l l y , the n e w trust a d m i n i s t r a t o r missed one o f the key events o f the 1970s, the T w i n R i v e r s l a w s u i t (see chapter 13), w h i c h t o o k shape i n the years f r o m 1 9 7 2 t h r o u g h 1 9 7 6 , a n d w h o s e i m p a c t extended far b e y o n d those years. It m o b i l i z e d the nascent c o m ­ m u n i t y i n t o a stance o f protest a n d c o m b a t that w o u l d r e m a i n l o n g after its origins h a d been forgotten.

Architectural Controls The P U D f o r m a t mandates a r c h i t e c t u r a l s u p e r v i s i o n by those acting o n behalf o f the t o t a l i t y under its care. T h o u g h the a i m m a y be w e l l intent i o n e d , residents were n o t p r e p a r e d to consider its i m p l i c a t i o n s , a n d architectural c o n t r o l s became one o f the m o s t c o n t r o v e r s i a l aspects o f l i v i n g i n T w i n R i v e r s , as they are i n m o s t such arrangements. A r c h i t e c ­ t u r a l a n d aesthetic c o n t r o l s constituted a first experience for m o s t resi-

Chapter ó

104

dents o f restrictions o n their freedom to d o w i t h their p r o p e r t y as they s a w fit. T h e chief purpose o f architectural c o n t r o l s is generally to assure some degree o f aesthetic u n i f o r m i t y for the c o m m u n i t y . T h e restrictions therefore a p p l y to a l l manifest insignias o f i n d i v i d u a l tastes, i n c l u d i n g d o o r s a n d w i n d o w s , a w n i n g s , a n d exterior c o l o r s that depart t o o n o ­ ticeably f r o m some b r o a d c o m m o n standard established d u r i n g the first decade. Residents c o u l d not change the exteriors o f their houses w i t h ­ out w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n , a n d a l l p r o p o s e d spatial o r aesthetic a d d i t i o n s h a d to be checked w i t h a special c o m m i t t e e established for this purpose. Such constraints o n the freedom o f the p r o p e r t y o w n e r are not u n ­ f a m i l i a r historically. A s early as the U . S . c o l o n i a l p e r i o d a n d despite the ready a v a i l a b i l i t y o f l a n d o n these then sparsely settled shores, i n d i v i d ­ u a l settlers endured stringent l o c a l c o n t r o l s as to the a m o u n t o f l a n d m a d e available to t h e m a n d the freedom to use it as they pleased. O n l y m u c h later i n the country's history, p r i n c i p a l l y under the i m ­ petus o f the m o v e w e s t w a r d , d i d o p p o r t u n i t i e s for e x c h a n g i n g l a n d a n d b u i l d i n g u p o n it m u l t i p l y . It is then that the laissez-faire habits o f a m a r k e t - o r i e n t e d society t o o k h o l d . In T w i n R i v e r s , a n architectural a d v i s o r y committee w a s established as early as 1971 to assist the c o m m u n i t y trust i n the enforcement o f the " D e c l a r a t i o n o f Restrictions a n d Reservations o f Easements." T h e chief objective o f these controls w a s to m a i n t a i n "the design integrity o f T w i n R i v e r s " (The Periscope, 1 D e c e m b e r 1 9 7 2 , p . 11) as w e l l as to help h o m e o w n e r s to m a k e desired i m p r o v e m e n t s o n their property. T h i s g o a l w a s easier to state t h a n to achieve. T h e f o l l o w i n g list o f architectural v i o l a t i o n s indicates the range o f vigilance needed to preserve the integ­ rity o f design for a c o m m u n i t y i n progress. Residents were chastised a n d w a r n e d about: • • • • •

M o v i n g c o u r t fences b e y o n d their designated positions to obtain more privacy R e p l a c i n g gate d o o r s w i t h materials out o f h a r m o n y w i t h o v e r a l l c o m m u n i t y design Installing signs, d r a i n p i p e extensions, c h a i n - l i n k fences P u t t i n g bric-a-brac o n front l a w n s Inappropriate d o o r - t r i m c o l o r s , nameplates, a n d l i g h t i n g fixtures

T h e purpose o f these c o n t r o l s w a s to assure some degree o f a r c h i ­ tectural u n i f o r m i t y i n styles a n d c o l o r s . Residents, f o r b i d d e n to change the exteriors o f their houses w i t h o u t w r i t t e n p e r m i s s i o n , endorsed the general objectives o f these regulations, but were resentful w h e n the rules interfered w i t h their desires to p a i n t their houses, install s t o r m d o o r s ,

Struggle for Self-Govern ment

105

a d d a w n i n g s o r nameplates, a n d otherwise d i s p l a y visible signatures o f p e r s o n a l taste ( O ' T o o l e 1 9 7 1 , p . 119). T h r o u g h o u t these early years w e find c o n t i n u o u s p u b l i c e x h o r t a ­ tions for i n d i v i d u a l s to c u r t a i l personal preferences for the sake o f o b l i ­ gations to the c o m m u n i t y . C o n s t a n t reminders dot the c o m m u n i t y p a ­ per to u p h o l d the structural a n d aesthetic standards that affect the appearance a n d the "design h a r m o n y o f the c o m m u n i t y . " Residents are urged to "be considerate o f y o u r neighbor's v i e w " ; to use o n l y colors w i t h i n the p e r m i t t e d range; a n d to m a i n t a i n their houses, fences, gates, a n d l a n d s c a p i n g so as to assure a n attractive appearance for the c o m ­ m u n i t y . O f course the c o m m u n i t y was not yet f o r m e d — w h i c h was part of the p r o b l e m . There w a s , f r o m the beginning, m u c h heated discussion a r o u n d this issue. M a n y residents insisted they be a l l o w e d to d o as they pleased w i t h w h a t w a s , after a l l , their o w n property, a n d they resented these infringements u p o n this basic freedom. N o t unexpectedly, the guardians o f spatial a n d aesthetic u n i f o r m i t y became the targets o f a p r o f o u n d ambivalence i n the c o m m u n i t y . Repeatedly, features i n the l o c a l papers attempted to e x p l a i n the reasons for architectural controls a n d enlisted the s u p p o r t o f residents for the committee entrusted w i t h their enforcement. O n e notes alter­ nately a tone o f patient reasonableness a n d o f exasperation: " A r e a r c h i ­ tectural controls another step t o w a r d the ' B i g B r o t h e r ' society of 1 9 8 4 o r merely a c i v i l i z e d m e t h o d o f m a i n t a i n i n g the h a r m o n y o f design a n d c o l o r i n the c o m m u n i t y ? D o they threaten i n d i v i d u a l i s m a n d freedom o f expression or protect p r o p e r t y v a l u e s ? " (The Periscope, N o v e m b e r 1 9 7 5 , p . 2 3 ) . T h e residents were c o n t i n u a l l y urged to consult the D e c l a r a t i o n o f Restrictions a n d Reservations o f Easements that came w i t h the house. Part o f the p r o b l e m w a s the chaos o f the p i o n e e r i n g years w h e n the g o v e r n i n g structure w a s not yet fully i n place a n d w h e n the tensions between the developer a n d the h o m e o w n e r s that w o u l d eventually c u l ­ minate i n a l a w s u i t r a n h i g h . A l s o , early o n , especially, enforcement l a c k e d teeth. Initially, v i o l a t i o n s were met w i t h n o m o r e t h a n a threat­ ening letter o r t w o that the v i o l a t o r s i g n o r e d . B u t perhaps even m o r e significant was the l a c k o f aesthetic consensus a m o n g residents — yet an­ other i n d i c a t i o n o f the l a c k o f c o m m o n c u l t u r a l standards. Indeed the e x t r a o r d i n a r y variety o f tastes for a p o p u l a t i o n w i t h m a n y shared inter­ ests often p r o v e d exasperating to the aesthetic guardians. " W h a t deep p s y c h o l o g i c a l need possesses someone to paint their abode pistachio o r perhaps fluorescent y e l l o w . . . . A r e n ' t p i n k a n d lav­ ender m o r e suited to the b a t h r o o m t h a n the b a c k y a r d ? " exclaims one desperate e d i t o r i a l v o i c e , c o n c l u d i n g w i t h : " W e must have architectural c o n t r o l s . T h e y must be enforced n o w . . . . If there are n o c o n t r o l s , w e

106

Chapter ó

m i g h t as w e l l put u p the sign, ' W e l c o m e to T w i n R i v e r s , N e w Jersey's first t o t a l l y psychedelic P U D ' " (The Periscope, N o v e m b e r 1 9 7 5 , p . 2 3 ) . Residents were clearly o f t w o m i n d s a b o u t these architectural c o n ­ trols. T h e y u n d e r s t o o d their necessity i n p r i n c i p l e a n d a p p r o v e d o f their a p p l i c a t i o n — but o n l y for the other fellow. " T h e y made a terrible deci­ s i o n at the b e g i n n i n g w h e n they d i d n ' t m a k e every house the same w a y re color, sidings, a n d everything else." W h y ? "Because some people have terrible taste. Some o f these c o l o r s are just incredible — even t h o u g h it's supposed to be c o n t r o l l e d b y the T r u s t " ( M a n , twenty-seven year resident, age fifty-seven). T h e y b a l k e d w h e n these c o n t r o l s a p p l i e d to themselves, perceiving t h e m as a n unacceptable f o r m o f tyranny. T h e attempt to formulate reasonable a n d enforceable guidelines w e n t t h r o u g h i n n u m e r a b l e stages as the general rules kept being c h a l ­ lenged. It t o o k m o r e t h a n a decade to w o r k out the sanctions needed to induce c o n f o r m i t y , t h o u g h vigilance has to be exercised c o n t i n u a l l y . In the struggle to achieve the desired aesthetic u n i f o r m i t y , residents were chastised, cajoled, a n d threatened, alternately treated as i f they were w i l l f u l c h i l d r e n w h o refuse to be g o o d o r adults w h o s h o u l d k n o w better, a n d a l w a y s appealing to their self-interest to m a i n t a i n the value o f their property. M a n y a time, some exasperated c o m m u n i t y leader w o u l d d e m a n d to k n o w w h y c o n t r o l s c o u l d w o r k w e l l i n other c o m m u ­ nities but not i n T w i n R i v e r s (The Periscope, N o v e m b e r 1 9 7 5 , p . 12). Part o f the p r o b l e m stemmed f r o m m i s c o n c e p t i o n s a m o n g exurbanites a b o u t the nature o f t o w n h o u s e l i v i n g , a n d part f r o m o v e r c o n fidence b y w e l l - m e a n i n g guardians o f p u b l i c taste i n the efficacy o f r a ­ t i o n a l appeals to those not educated to appreciate the necessity for them. A milestone o f sorts w a s reached i n 1 9 7 5 , w h e n four h o m e o w n e r s were t a k e n to c o u r t for n o n c o n f o r m a n c e w i t h the architectural a n d c o l o r standards o f T w i n R i v e r s . A n d year by year since, the list o f for­ b i d d e n changes has m u l t i p l i e d to i n c l u d e T V antennas o n roofs, p e r m a ­ nent a w n i n g s , flagpoles, exteriors a n d s t o r m d o o r s p a i n t e d i n c o l o r s unacceptable to the committee — the acceptable c o l o r s being earth tones b r o w n s , grays, g o l d , russet. S l o w l y , private taste w a s forced to y i e l d to p u b l i c c a n o n . O n e u n i n t e n d e d consequence o f strict architectural hege­ m o n y w a s to heighten suspiciousness a m o n g neighbors, each w a t c h i n g for someone's v i o l a t i o n s as they struggled to a v o i d their o w n . A l s o , w h i l e residents were w i l l i n g to go a l o n g w i t h some c o n t r o l s , m a n y c o n t r o l s seemed a r b i t r a r y a n d excessive. A n d w h i l e m o s t residents were p r o b a b l y ready to agree w i t h R o b e r t S c h w a r t z , architect a n d for­ mer head o f the H o m e o w n e r s A s s o c i a t i o n , that since the houses "are b u i l t very close to each other," it w o u l d lead to a c o m m u n i t y that l o o k e d " l i k e a c i r c u s , " residents nonetheless w a n t e d m o r e leeway a n d a

Struggle for Self-Govern ment

107

less p u n i t i v e atmosphere. A s k i n g for p e r m i s s i o n r e m i n d e d t o o m a n y res­ idents o f the classrooms o f their c h i l d h o o d . A n d m o r e t h a n one resident urged the c o m m i t t e e to " p a y m o r e attention to the spirit o f the p e o p l e " a n d to be sensitive to their desire for i n d i v i d u a l i t y a n d diversity (The Periscope, 5 June 1 9 7 4 , p . 2 3 ) . It w a s , a n d continues to be, a h a r d battle for i n d i v i d u a l s raised i n the belief that their homes are their p r o p e r t y to e m b e l l i s h as they choose, w h i l e also r e m a i n i n g aware that the c o l o r s they find e n c h a n t i n g m i g h t repel a neighbor. In a dense t o w n h o u s e c o m m u n i t y , such divergences o f taste c a n n o t r e m a i n a p u r e l y private matter, yet p u b l i c n o r m s a n d p r o ­ cedures need time a n d patience to be w o r k e d out to m o s t residents' satisfaction. In the 1990s, these c o n t r o l s were still a sore p o i n t .

CHAPTER 7 JOINERS A N D O R G A N I Z E R S : C O M M U N I T Y PARTICIPATION

There is a world of difference between a development and a community. — A Twin Rivers resident

N e w c o m m u n i t i e s are distinctive for the p l e t h o r a o f o r g a n i z e d groups that s p r i n g u p v i r t u a l l y overnight. J o i n t activities c a n b r i n g people together i n a n u m b e r o f w a y s by regular face-to-face meetings that strengthen shared interests a n d c o m m o n aims. In T w i n R i v e r s , a w i d e range o f g r o u p s , f r o m baby-sitting co-ops to a chess c l u b c r o p p e d u p early o n . D e T o c q u e v i l l e , i n a w i d e l y cited passage, t h o u g h t A m e r i c a n s p a r t i c u l a r l y adept at f o r m i n g o r g a n i z a t i o n s a n d thereby creating the f o u n d a t i o n for n a t i o n a l unity. A m e r i c a n s have "associations o f a t h o u ­ sand k i n d s , religious, m o r a l , serious, futile, general o r restricted, enor­ m o u s o r d i m i n u t i v e " (de T o c q u e v i l l e 1 9 9 0 , V o l . II, p . 106). In most c o m m u n i t i e s , the associational w e b is already i n place w h e n the o b ­ server comes u p o n it. In a " n e w c o m m u n i t y " it must be created, but j u d g i n g f r o m T w i n R i v e r s , it s o o n takes off. R e c r e a t i o n a l activities were i n i t i a l d r a w i n g cards for T w i n R i v e r s . 11 1

112

Chapter 7

T h r e e years after the first residents h a d m o v e d i n , there existed a bas­ k e t b a l l league, a softball league, s w i m teams, P i n g - P o n g , bridge g r o u p s , a p h o t o g r a p h y c l u b , a n d the T w i n R i v e r s chess c l u b . T h e l o c a l paper frequently r e m i n d e d residents o f the offerings a v a i l a b l e . " T w i n R i v e r s has a l o t to offer i n the s u m m e r o f 1 9 7 5 — f o u r p o o l s . . . not to m e n ­ t i o n tennis after d a r k , j o g g i n g , b i k i n g , a n d . . . the j u n i o r softball league" (The Periscope, June 1 9 7 5 , p . 2 9 ) . B y 1 9 7 6 there w a s a soccer league, a d a y a n d toddler c a m p , v o l l e y b a l l , b a s k e t b a l l , j o g g i n g , a n d tennis. E a c h o f these enlisted substantial numbers o f residents. F o r ex­ a m p l e , i n the s u m m e r o f 1 9 7 6 , 4 8 0 c h i l d r e n a n d 60 w o m e n p a r t i c i p a t e d i n the T w i n R i v e r s softball league. N i g h t a n d s u m m e r activities ex­ p a n d e d , as d i d lessons i n s w i m m i n g , d i v i n g , a n d tennis. T h e r e w a s a w o m e n ' s s u m m e r v o l l e y b a l l a n d softball league, a men's w i n t e r basket­ b a l l league, a n d a n over-thirty softball league. S l o w l y but surely, v a r i o u s activities became i n t r a m u r a l . In 1 9 7 5 the T w i n R i v e r s Torpedoes defeated the T r e n t o n J e w i s h C i t y Center ( Wind­ sor-Heights Herald, 2 4 J u l y 1 9 7 5 , p . 8 A ) . A c t i v i t i e s for c h i l d r e n were o r g a n i z e d by age — toddlers, 8- to 15-year-olds — a n d girls' a n d b o y s ' teams vied for medals w i t h teams f r o m other t o w n s . R e c r e a t i o n thus served b o t h i n d i v i d u a l a n d c o m m u n i t y interests. It w a s a source o f enjoyment a n d sociability, a n d by creating t e a m spirit a n d i n t r a m u r a l c o m p e t i t i o n , it also helped generate g r o u p loyalties. W h e n the c o m p e t i t i o n w a s w i t h i n T w i n R i v e r s , however, it c o u l d gener­ ate strong a n d h i g h l y p a r t i s a n feelings. " W e urge the players a n d the parents not to heckle o r abuse the u m p i r e s . " a d m o n i s h e d The Periscope in M a y 1976. If recreation w a s the k e y area o f c o m m u n i t y - w i d e interest, other interests u n i t e d smaller segments o f the p o p u l a t i o n . " W e w o u l d like to start a W e i g h t Watchers class i n T w i n R i v e r s . . . i f at least 4 0 people are interested," read a notice i n The Periscope (10 A p r i l 1 9 7 4 , p . 16). W o m e n f r o m v a r i o u s charitable o r g a n i z a t i o n s h e l d a n n u a l table a n d recipe-swap parties at the T w i n R i v e r s b r a n c h l i b r a r y ; i n fact, the l i ­ b r a r y became a focal p o i n t for a w i d e range o f gatherings, c o m m e m o r a ­ t i o n s , lessons, a n d meetings. Its offerings i n c l u d e d L a m a z e c h i l d b i r t h classes, h o l i d a y - c a r d w o r k s h o p s for c h i l d r e n a n d adults, puppet s h o w s a n d C h r i s t m a s films, story time for toddlers, free blood-pressure service, advice o n stamp collecting, a n d seminars o n fitness a n d o n taxes. T h e residents' w i s h to be w i t h others, to l e a r n skills a n d hobbies, a n d to m a k e sure their c h i l d r e n were entertained a n d instructed led t h e m to pursue causes great a n d s m a l l . T h e s u m t o t a l o f these v a r i e d activities w a s a m i c r o c o s m o f the m o d e r n w o r l d w i t h its penchant for o r g a n i z a ­ tions, committees, a n d resolutions. T h e r e were countless parties p l a n n e d a r o u n d h o l i d a y s , sports events,

Joiners and Organizers

113

a n d social g r o u p i n g s . A meeting o f the P r i n c e t o n chapter o f the Sweet A d e l i n e s celebrated " H u s b a n d A p p r e c i a t i o n N i g h t " a n d c o n c l u d e d d i n ­ ner w i t h a serenade o f songs to " M r . W o n d e r f u l " (Periscope, M a y 10, 1 9 7 4 ) . T h e i m p u l s e to j o i n others w i t h similar interests crested early i n the life o f the c o m m u n i t y as n e w organizations a n d clubs emerged dur­ i n g the next t w o decades. T h e same h e l d true i n L e v i t t o w n , where the o r g a n i z a t i o n a l impulse w a s strong i n the first t w o years o f the c o m m u ­ nity's existence, w h e n the m a j o r i t y o f o r g a n i z a t i o n s were started (Gans 1 9 6 7 , p . 124), but later seemed to have d i e d out. T h e o r g a n i z a t i o n a l impulse seems to have been stronger i n T w i n R i v e r s t h a n i n L e v i t t o w n , w h i c h c o u l d reflect its middle-class character. T h e impressive m i x o f social, c i v i c , service, a n d c u l t u r a l associa­ tions was t r u l y r e m a r k a b l e a n d created a texture o f interconnectedness. A t the same time, however, the selective affinities that emerged m a y have reinforced specialized interests a n d separate enclaves, thus strength­ ening private over p u b l i c concerns. T h i s is one o f the u n i n t e n d e d conse­ quences o f aggregate o r g a n i z a t i o n a l activity. A n o t h e r consequence is that w h i l e m a n y desire the benefits o f asso­ c i a t i o n , o n l y a few c a n be c o u n t e d o n to d o the h a r d w o r k . In T w i n R i v e r s , this w a s o b v i o u s f r o m the start a n d continues to the present day. T h e few give their time, their energy, a n d their p a s s i o n , w h i l e the m a n y r e m a i n free riders or passive consumers. T h i s tendency, w i d e l y evident i n the m a r k e t society at large, is not c o n d u c i v e to c o m m u n i t y w r i t small. It was volunteers w h o helped create the p l e t h o r a o f clubs a n d asso­ ciations a n d kept t h e m g o i n g . W i t h o u t their c o n t r i b u t i o n s , the o r g a n i ­ zations w o u l d not have t a k e n r o o t . A n d for the l a c k o f such volunteers, m a n y a c l u b a n d association d i e d out i n T w i n R i v e r s . O t h e r s reappeared w h e n the spark reignited. T h a t spark is m u t e d but still alive i n the t h i r d decade o f the life o f T w i n R i v e r s . T h e last survey asked respondents to classify themselves a c c o r d i n g to their propensities to keep to themselves o r seek to participate i n orga­ n i z e d social activities. T h e results s h o w a s t r i k i n g tendency a m o n g resi­ dents to tend their o w n gardens.

Table 7.1

Self-Identification Classify Self As:

1990s

M o r e of a Joiner M o r e of a Loner

34% 66%

Ν = 500

114

Chapter 7

Table 7.2

Voted in Last Board Election: 1990s Respondents by Age Yes No

Under 40

40 +

34% 66%

58% 42%

Ν = 102

Ν = 327

C h i Square = 0.001

Table 7.3

Twin Rivers Is "Worse" Re: "People Pulling Together When Needed" Under 40

40 +

18%

40%

C h i Square = 0.001

W h a t is interesting here is the role o f age, w h i c h i n general w a s not f o u n d to significantly affect attitudes t o w a r d the c o m m u n i t y , the neigh­ bors, o r management, but as the data show, d i d affect a c t i v i s m , since older residents were far m o r e l i k e l y to have v o t e d i n the last b o a r d election a n d to feel that the c o m m u n i t y w a s less cohesive t h a n it s h o u l d be. W h i l e the older residents were m o r e active i n the c o m m u n i t y , they were also m o r e apprehensive a b o u t c o m m u n i t y spirit, w i t h the n o t u n ­ c o m m o n tendency to v i e w the present less f a v o r a b l y t h a n their m e m o ­ ries o f the g o o d o l d days. O n a few d i m e n s i o n s , the older residents were m o r e negative. Differences are not a l w a y s statistically significant but they d o suggest a pattern. O n nearly a l l the other items, there w a s strong agreement a m o n g older a n d y o u n g e r residents, as the f o l l o w i n g table illustrates.

Table 7.4

1990s Residents: Reactions by Age Is there a Twin Rivers community spirit?: N o Family relationships more difficult: Yes M a k e trust more responsive to residents?: Yes Importance to you of Twin Rivers Day: N o t important

Under 40

40 +

31% 7% 48% 38%

39% 16% 55% 53%

Joiners and Organizers

115

Table 7.5

1990s Residents: Liking of Twin Rivers by Age

Do you like Twin Rivers?: Yes I feel I belong to Twin Rivers Plan to stay in Twin Rivers the rest of my life In favor of townhouse communities

Under 40

40 +

72% 58% 22% 52%

69% 60% 28% 60%

O r g a n i z a t i o n s a n d associations are interesting not o n l y for reveal­ ing the variety o f interests i n a c o m m u n i t y but also for their c o n t r i b u ­ t i o n to the " t h i r d " o r c i v i l sector o f society. It is c i v i l society that consti­ tutes a counterforce to the state a n d to the m a r k e t by e x p a n d i n g the range o f people's concerns a n d their sense o f the richness a n d wholeness of life. C i v i l society contrasts the p u b l i c focus w i t h the market's mate­ r i a l a n d private focus, a n d helps generate a p u b l i c c o n v e r s a t i o n a n d a richer q u a l i t y o f life (Bellah 1 9 8 5 , p . 2 0 0 ) . W h i l e m a n y residents said they m o v e d to T w i n R i v e r s for its p r o m ­ ise o f a r i c h a n d r e w a r d i n g c o m m u n i t y life, getting t h e m to participate i n c o m m u n i t y affairs w a s a constant, u p h i l l battle. E x h o r t a t i o n s e m p h a ­ sizing that it w a s a resident's m o r a l d u t y to volunteer time a n d energy to sundry projects appeared at every t u r n , but h a d little effect i n the earliest years. A m i n o r i t y o f perhaps 10 to 15 percent were active, w h i l e the m a j o r i t y were critics o n the sidelines. B y D e c e m b e r 1 9 7 3 , 5 0 per­ cent o f the 1,200 residents were p a i d - u p members o f the h o m e o w n e r s association (The Periscope, D e c e m b e r 1 9 7 3 , p . 2). Some residents c o n ­ sidered this a fairly h i g h percentage given the c h a o t i c early c o n d i t i o n s . S t i l l , a teen basketball p r o g r a m d i e d for l a c k o f parent p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n 1975, l e a v i n g close to fifty youths i n the l u r c h . " N o t one parent was w i l l i n g to give t w o l o u s y h o u r s o f their time to supervise!" (The Peri­ scope, D e c e m b e r 1 9 7 5 , p . 2 5 ) . A s i m i l a r s i t u a t i o n i n 1 9 7 4 led to the w a r n i n g that i n five years there w o u l d be hundreds o f teenagers i n the c o m m u n i t y a n d parents w o u l d be d e m a n d i n g p r o g r a m s they w o u l d be u n w i l l i n g to supervise (The Periscope, F e b r u a r y 1 0 , 1 9 7 4 ) . Residents were equally reluctant to attend b i - m o n t h l y b o a r d meet­ ings o f the T w i n R i v e r s H o m e o w n e r s A s s o c i a t i o n . T h e l a c k o f p a r t i c i p a ­ t i o n led to the attachment o f a n a n n o u n c e m e n t to the b y - l a w s p r o v i d e d w i t h each h o m e o w n e r packet: T o A l l Residents i n Q u a d IV, W e l c o m e to T w i n R i v e r s . N o t o n l y d i d y o u b u y a h o m e , but a c o m m u n i t y as w e l l . . . . O n e o f the m o s t i m p o r t a n t things a n e w resident c a n d o is to stay i n -

116

Chapter 7 f o r m e d . . . a n d the easiest w a y is to attend H o m e o w n e r s A s s o ­ c i a t i o n o p e n b o a r d meetings." (The Periscope, J a n u a r y 1 9 7 4 , p. 4)

Residents were encouraged to " p i t c h i n w i t h friends a n d neighbors to b u i l d s o m e t h i n g w h i c h y o u c a n be p r o u d o f each time y o u pass, a n d w h i c h w i l l stand out i n the m e m o r y o f y o u r c h i l d r e n as s o m e t h i n g m y m o m m y a n d d a d d y helped b u i l d . ' So . . . c o n t r i b u t e s o m e t h i n g p e r m a ­ n e n t " (The Periscope, September 1 9 8 2 , p . 7). T h r o u g h o u t it w a s generally agreed that " I f y o u w a n t p a r t i c i p a t i o n , y o u ' v e got to hit t h e m right between the eyes. . . . Subtlety doesn't w o r k " (private c o m m u n i c a t i o n f r o m a supervisor). F o r some projects — f o r e x a m p l e , the 1 9 7 5 legal f u n d for the suit against the developer — p a r t i c i p a t i o n w a s elicited by the p r o m i s e o f d i ­ rect r e w a r d s . A $ 2 5 c o n t r i b u t i o n to the legal f u n d entitled the d o n o r to the c o m p l e t i o n o f a p e r s o n a l i n c o m e t a x r e t u r n , free o f charge, by a T R H A b o a r d m e m b e r a n d p u b l i c a c c o u n t a n t (The Periscope, March 1976, p . 2). Difficult t h o u g h it w a s to elicit p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n , a few were a l w a y s w i l l i n g to help. In 1 9 7 4 , w h e n 5 2 percent o f the 2 7 0 c h i l d r e n i n T w i n R i v e r s were preschoolers a n d 2 5 percent were first- a n d secondgraders, " a sizeable g r o u p o f m o t h e r s " fought for m o r e p l a y space a n d e q u i p m e n t for T w i n R i v e r s c h i l d r e n . T h e legal f u n d , discussed i n chapter 1 1 , enlisted residents for the exercise o f "their c o m m u n i t y r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s " by h a v i n g t h e m m a k e i n ­ d i v i d u a l c o n t r i b u t i o n s . A n d by 1 9 7 4 , 7 5 0 residents h a d c o n t r i b u t e d $ 6 , 0 0 0 , c h a l l e n g i n g the developer's c l a i m that the l a w s u i t w a s the w o r k of a s m a l l b a n d o f rabble-rousers. E v e n t u a l l y three-fourths o f the h o m e ­ o w n e r s c o n t r i b u t e d to the f u n d (The Periscope, M a r c h 1 9 7 3 , p . 1). T h u s , a l t h o u g h there were never e n o u g h volunteers, there were a l ­ w a y s some. In the late 1970s, for e x a m p l e , the m o n t h l y newspaper, The Periscope, w a s p u t together by volunteers w h o w r o t e the articles, ed­ ited, d i d the layouts, t y p e d the copy, a n d s o l d the advertisements. A n d all o f the members o f the T R H A were volunteers, as were the members of the fire c o m p a n y a n d the t o w n s h i p rescue s q u a d . T h e r e were also m a n y i n f o r m a l u n d e r t a k i n g s that depended o n v o l ­ unteer labor, as d i d help i n emergencies. In the " B l i z z a r d o f ' 8 3 , " for e x a m p l e , residents cooperated by s h o v e l i n g s n o w for neighbors o r help­ ing to remove cars so the roads c o u l d be p l o w e d . In his reflections o n that event, trust a d m i n i s t r a t o r J o s e p h V u z z o reflected, " C o o p e r a t i o n like this d u r i n g a time o f emergency is w h a t makes a g r o u p o f homes a n d residents a c o m m u n i t y " (The Periscope, M a r c h 1 9 8 3 , p . 1). c

Joiners and Organizers

117

Efforts o n behalf o f c h i l d r e n generally roused some members o f the c o m m u n i t y to a c t i o n . Parent W a t c h , w h o s e task it w a s to take turns m a k i n g sure c h i l d r e n were safe o n the w a y to a n d f r o m s c h o o l , de­ pended o n people d o n a t i n g twenty-five minutes of their time one day a week. T h e parent volunteers were stationed at strategic spots t h r o u g h ­ out the c o m m u n i t y d u r i n g the h a l f h o u r before a n d after s c h o o l , a n d reported suspicious activities to the p o l i c e . T h e p r o g r a m w a s started by a g r o u p o f mothers i n Q u a d II a n d i n s p i r e d s i m i l a r groups i n the three other quads. "Project H e l p i n g H a n d " l i k e w i s e focused o n c h i l d r e n ; participants displayed a picture o f a h a n d i n their w i n d o w s to signal their availability. "Parent W a t c h " received p r o m i n e n t p u b l i c i t y i n 1 9 8 4 w h e n several attempted abductions o f s c h o o l c h i l d r e n a l a r m e d the c o m m u n i t y . T h e p r o g r a m , started by a g r o u p o f mothers, received official sanction a n d C B radios f r o m the police department. A l l four quads h a d Parent W a t c h groups. Parent volunteers were also solicited for a parent " h o t l i n e " that i n f o r m e d each family o f their children's d a i l y s c h o o l attendance, a n d b o t h p r o g r a m s focused the c o m m u n i t y ' s attention o n a n issue o f shared concern. Residents were c a l l e d u p o n to participate i n a w i d e variety o f u n ­ dertakings, f r o m o r g a n i z i n g t r a n s p o r t a t i o n facilities for c o m m u t e r s to c o n t r i b u t i n g to the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f a n e w l i b r a r y b u i l d i n g . N i n e t e e n eighty-two w a s christened the Year o f the L i b r a r y w i t h appeals to c o m ­ m u n i t y pride a n d p r a c t i c a l benefits as f o l l o w s : R e m e m b e r a l l the things o u r l i b r a r y means to us —the special p r o g r a m s for everyone f r o m t o d d l e r to senior citizen, the movies, the i n f o r m a t i v e p r o g r a m s , the special w a y o u r l i b r a r i a n s go out of their w a y to help everyone, the meeting r o o m . . . sought after by a l l the organizations i n the c o m m u n i t y . . . . It is t r u l y the center o f T w i n R i v e r s i n m o r e w a y s t h a n one. . . . W e need the support o f the entire c o m m u n i t y . T h i s is y o u r o p p o r t u n i t y to s h o w y o u r c o m m u n i t y spirit. (The Periscope, September 1 9 8 2 , p . 10) A C r i m e W a t c h p r o g r a m w a s begun i n 1 9 8 2 . H e r e the p u b l i c be­ came the eyes a n d ears o f the c o m m u n i t y by securing their o w n homes a n d identifying suspicious cars or persons for the p o l i c e . " A g r o u p orga­ n i z e d as a C o m m u n i t y W a t c h c a n help by keeping a n eye o n each other's p r o p e r t y w h i l e a n e i g h b o r is a w a y o n v a c a t i o n o r at w o r k d u r i n g the day." In a d d i t i o n to its c o n t r i b u t i o n to the c o m m u n i t y ' s safety, a n a d d i ­ t i o n a l benefit o f the p r o g r a m w a s that " i t gets neighbors t a l k i n g to each other a n d c a r i n g about each other a n d recreates the sense o f c o m m u n i t y

118

Chapter 7

that has been lost w i t h the g r o w t h o f large cities (The Periscope, Sep­ tember 1 9 8 2 , p . 1, 1 6 A ) . T h e first l a w s u i t d i d m u c h to energize the d e v e l o p i n g c o m m u n i t y for other projects, for it served as a m o d e l o f w h a t concerted a c t i o n c o u l d achieve. T h u s i n 1 9 7 9 l o c a l headlines read: " T w i n R i v e r s resi­ dents force w i t h d r a w a l o f day care a p p l i c a t i o n . " A n a d h o c g r o u p o f residents h a d fought the p r o p o s e d facility o n several g r o u n d s , fearing that the p r o p o s e d center for 1 2 0 c h i l d r e n w o u l d increase noise a n d flooding p r o b l e m s a n d so "result i n a d r o p i n p r o p e r t y v a l u e s . " T h e p l a n n i n g b o a r d hearings were attended by an o v e r f l o w c r o w d o f " a n g r y T w i n R i v e r s residents" w h o s e fervor c a r r i e d the d a y by defeating the p r o p o s a l (Windsor-Heights Herald, 15 M a r c h 1 9 7 9 , p . 1). T h r o u g h o u t the years w e find c o n t i n u a l reminders that "there is a w o r l d o f difference between a development a n d a c o m m u n i t y , " a n d it is each i n d i v i d u a l ' s r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to " t r a n s f o r m the former i n t o the latter" (The Periscope, J a n u a r y 1 9 7 4 ) . A l o n g w i t h c o m m u n i t y - w i d e projects a n d social events w e n t the ba­ sic message: H e l p y o u r c o m m u n i t y , help yourself, a n d become a part o f w h a t is g o i n g o n . Elections to l o c a l a n d t o w n s h i p offices g r a d u a l l y b r o u g h t out T w i n R i v e r s residents as w e l l . A resident w a s elected to the East W i n d s o r s c h o o l b o a r d i n 1 9 7 4 . T h o s e elected to the b o a r d o f the h o m e o w n e r s association a n n o u n c e d their gratitude to those " w h o came out o n a c o l d a n d r a i n y n i g h t " to vote a n d pledged themselves to w o r k for the c o m ­ m u n i t y i n v a r i o u s w a y s , f r o m h e l p i n g to organize the l a w s u i t to i m p r o v ­ i n g c o m m u n i c a t i o n s w i t h i n a n d outside o f T w i n R i v e r s . A n early successful project that demonstrated the p o w e r o f collec­ tive a c t i o n w a s the c a m p a i g n b y the T w i n R i v e r s H o m e o w n e r s A s s o c i a ­ t i o n i n favor o f a n e w t o w n s h i p o r d i n a n c e that w o u l d require builders henceforth to use c o p p e r rather t h a n a l u m i n u m w i r i n g . T h e successful o u t c o m e w a s attributed to the "large n u m b e r o f people w h o c o n q u e r e d ignorance a n d apathy a n d acted o n behalf o f the greater c o m m u n i t y " (The Periscope, A p r i l 1 9 7 3 , p . 1). In the s u m m e r o f 1 9 8 5 , a fiercely d i s p u t e d p r o p o s a l for a p a r k - a n d - r i d e facility i n s p i r e d active protest b y the residents w h o feared its adverse effects o n the e n v i r o n m e n t . T h u s , by the 1980s, c o m m u n i t y projects, elections, a n d o r g a n i z e d protests were e m b e d d e d i n the culture o f T w i n R i v e r s , m u c h o f w h i c h t o o k shape a r o u n d recreation a n d sports. T h e a n n u a l w i n t e r h o l i d a y s event, teen p o o l parties, a n d athletic c o m p e t i t i o n s such as the T w i n R i v e r s tennis t o u r n a m e n t , men's b a s k e t b a l l league, a n d r o a d races be­ came s t a n d a r d fare a n d were w e l l c o v e r e d i n l o c a l papers. O t h e r p r o j ­ ects h a d a m o r e altruistic g o a l . In 1 9 8 2 , for e x a m p l e , one h u n d r e d par­ ents b u i l t a tire p l a y g r o u n d for their c h i l d r e n . C o n t r i b u t i o n s o f four

Joiners and Organizers

119

d o l l a r s per p e r s o n b o u g h t the e q u i p m e n t a n d p a i d the architect, w h i l e merchants d o n a t e d f o o d for the h a r d - w o r k i n g volunteers w h o c o n ­ structed the p l a y g r o u n d . T h i s successful self-help u n d e r t a k i n g generated a sense o f h u m a n f e l l o w s h i p a n d c o m m u n i t y bounty. T r e e - p l a n t i n g p r o j ­ ects, the c r e a t i o n o f b l o o d b a n k s , a n d the o r g a n i z a t i o n o f a rescue s q u a d represented substantial victories over indifference o r t i m i d i t y , o f w h i c h the residents c o u l d be p r o u d . A c h i e v e m e n t s o f groups a n d i n d i v i d u a l s that e x h i b i t e d team spirit a n d c o m m u n i t y p o w e r were l a u d e d . H e a d l i n e s s u c h as " T w i n R i v e r s Teams P r o l o n g W i n Streak," a n d " T h e T w i n R i v e r s Torpedoes S w i m ­ m i n g a n d D i v i n g T e a m C a p s F i n e S e a s o n " proliferated, a l o n g w i t h p h o ­ tos o f v i c t o r i o u s meets o r o u t s t a n d i n g w i n n e r s . In fact, athletic c o m p e t i ­ t i o n w a s a major part o f the c o m m u n i t y - b u i l d i n g process t h r o u g h o u t the decade. T h e p l e t h o r a o f activities, projects, a n d s o c i a l causes w a s i n s p i r e d by l o c a l headlines a n d reportage i n the l o c a l paper. In his p i o n e e r i n g w o r k o n the c o m m u n i t y press, M o r r i s J a n o w i t z n o t e d its k e y significance as a social i n d i c a t o r that " c a n o n l y take o n m e a n i n g w i t h some degree o f p e r s o n a l acquaintance w i t h the a r e a " (Janowitz 1 9 6 7 , p . 2). T h e c o m m u n i t y press is n o t o n l y a n indispensable source o f infor­ m a t i o n a b o u t the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y but serves also as a n integrative force, e m p h a s i z i n g c o m m o n values a n d consensus. It thereby counter­ acts the " i n d i v i d u a t i n g tendencies a n d i m p e r s o n a l i t y " o f m o d e r n l i f e " (ibid., p . 11). B y h e l p i n g to orient people i n l o c a l space, the c o m m u n i t y press is a source o f p s y c h i c security for i n d i v i d u a l s . It also generates l o c a l p r i d e , as " a n y slur o n the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y is l i k e l y to b r i n g f o r t h responses . . . w h i c h act as the s t a n d a r d bearer o f l o c a l p r i d e (ibid., p . 91). C o n t r a s t i n g three types o f participants i n the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y — those w h o are actively engaged i n c o m m u n i t y o r g a n i z a t i o n s , those w h o are p r i m a r i l y active o n projects a n d social exchange w i t h neighbors, a n d those w h o are engaged i n neither a n d are therefore labeled " i s o ­ l a t e s " — G r e e r (in J a n o w i t z , 1 9 6 7 , p . 257) f o u n d n o consistent d i v i d i n g line a m o n g t h e m that w o u l d help predict their p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l life a n d their i d e o l o g i c a l stances o n i m p o r t a n t issues. T h e c o m m u n i t y press helps coalesce attitudes t o w a r d l o c a l issues as it serves as a c o m m e n t a t o r o n p u b l i c issues a n d as the p u b l i c conscience o f the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y . T h i s underscores its integrative role. It speaks for the w h o l e c o m m u n i t y (Greer, i n J a n o w i t z 1 9 6 7 , p . 2 6 4 ) . Elections also focused collective attention o n shared objectives a n d c o m m o n p r o b l e m s , even as they pitted candidates against one another. B a r e l y a few m o n t h s after the first residents m o v e d i n , i n O c t o b e r 1 9 7 0 ,

120

Chapter 7

170 residents met to propose a slate o f candidates for the h o m e o w n e r s association that w a s to advise the trust. In 1 9 7 3 the v o t i n g p o w e r o f T w i n R i v e r s w a s p u b l i c l y r e c o g n i z e d for the first time. R e m i n d e d that they d i d their part i n electing the t o t a l t o w n s h i p team, the residents were i n f o r m e d o f the t o w n s h i p ' s interest i n h e l p i n g T w i n R i v e r s w i t h its p r o b l e m s , n o t a b l y traffic issues a n d the hardships o f c o m m u t i n g . W i t h 4 2 percent o f the t o w n s h i p ' s p o p u l a t i o n , T w i n R i v e r s h a d become a p o l i t i c a l force to be r e c k o n e d w i t h (The Periscope, June 1 9 7 4 , p . 15). O t h e r elections i n v o l v e d the h o m e o w n e r s i n i n t e r n a l business. T h e r e w a s a 75 percent a p p r o v a l vote for the T w i n R i v e r s L i b r a r y . T h e h i g h t u r n o u t w a s met w i t h these appreciative c o m m e n t s by R o b e r t a H i r s h m a n , president o f the Friends o f the L i b r a r y C o m m i t t e e : " A p a t h y m o v e over — T w i n R i v e r s cares a b o u t its l i b r a r y ! . . . T h a n k y o u for s h o w i n g us y o u c a r e " (The Periscope, N o v e m b e r 1 9 8 1 , p . 1). A n o t h e r c o m m u ­ n i t y vote w a s not so successful. A set o f d o c u m e n t changes that r e q u i r e d a p p r o v a l o f 75 percent o f the beneficiaries w a s defeated largely because o n l y 15 percent o f the h o m e o w n e r s w e n t to the p o l l s . T h i s caused the b o a r d a n d other c o n c e r n e d citizens great a n g u i s h , as t w o years o f h a r d l a b o r h a d gone d o w n the d r a i n . A m o r e e n c o u r a g i n g response c o n t r i b u t e d to w h a t came to be k n o w n as the Belz M a l l Defeat. In 1 9 8 2 a M e m p h i s developer p r o p o s e d to b u i l d a 410,000-square-foot factory outlet m a l l near the N e w Jersey T u r n p i k e i n East W i n d s o r . T h e T w i n R i v e r s residents became active, v o c a l opponents o f this p l a n . H u n d r e d s o f t h e m p a c k e d the t o w n s h i p hearings i n protest, w a r n i n g o f p o t e n t i a l l y h o r r e n d o u s traffic a n d c r i m e p r o b l e m s i f the m a l l were b u i l t . T h e final p u b l i c hearing t o o k place at the H i g h t s t o w n H i g h S c h o o l i n A u g u s t 1 9 8 2 . T h e meeting w a s u n r u l y a n d turbulent. L o u d outbursts f r o m the audience, a c c o m p a n i e d by hissing a n d b o o i n g , greeted the Belz M a l l representatives w h e n they rose to speak a n d s h o w their slides o f seven other m a l l s their firm h a d constructed. In the ensuing three h o u r s , fifty-two speakers f r o m the audience t o o k turns expressing their m o s t l y negative v i e w s . E a c h m e m b e r o f the t o w n s h i p c o u n c i l then rose to express an o p i n i o n , a n d the result w a s a vote o f s i x to one against the p r o p o s a l . T h e k e y issues that h a d agitated the p u b l i c were the p o t e n t i a l traffic c r u n c h a n d traffic accidents, p e r s o n a l safety f r o m the c r i m i n a l elements often attracted to such m a l l s , air a n d noise p o l l u t i o n , a n d other q u a l i t y of-life issues. In a d d i t i o n , merchants were a n x i o u s a b o u t undesirable c o m p e t i t i o n , a n d d o u b t was expressed a b o u t the financial benefit to the t o w n s h i p . Indeed, the debate over p o t e n t i a l benefits to the t o w n s h i p split the c o u n c i l a n d eventually caused several f a v o r a b l y disposed c o u n ­ c i l members to change their votes.

Joiners and Organizers

121

A t the heart o f the heated exchanges w a s a perspective o n social change, d i v i d i n g the residents between those w h o feared it a n d those w h o f a v o r e d it. N o t e s m a d e at the time reveal the f o l l o w i n g o p i n i o n s : " E a s t W i n d s o r has been here since 1 7 9 7 , a n d change w i l l c o m e a n d it's s o m e t h i n g w e have to deal w i t h , " especially since East W i n d s o r needs n e w ratables i n order to keep f r o m r a i s i n g taxes. Belz w o u l d have meant $ 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 i n a n n u a l revenues, a n d "there aren't g o i n g to be any m o r e developers" (groans f r o m the audience). " W h e n I k n o c k e d o n y o u r d o o r s , y o u a l l s a i d y o u w a n t e d ratables; n o w y o u ' v e c h a n g e d y o u r m i n d . . . . there have been a lot o f misstatements — to be k i n d I ' l l c a l l t h e m that — t o n i g h t . . . I hope y o u a l l realize w h a t y o u ' v e done . . . but n o t h i n g is w o r t h tearing the c o m m u n i t y a p a r t " (from notes t a k e n by C a r o l S. Stamets i n 1 9 8 2 ) . O n e m e m b e r o f the p l a n n i n g b o a r d h a d collected hundreds o f sig­ natures for a p e t i t i o n against the m a l l . A t the hearings, posters o p p o s i n g the m a l l were scattered t h r o u g h o u t the r o o m . A p p l a u s e greeted the c o m m e n t s the audience w a n t e d to hear. A n x i e t y w a s v o i c e d i n heated exchanges: " W e ' r e getting a l o w - c l a s s , l o w q u a l i t y m a l l " ; " B e l z w i l l m a k e m i l l i o n s at o u r expense"; " W e d o n ' t need t o u r i s m — we're not O r l a n d o , F l o r i d a " ; " M a y b e w e c o u l d have a sign, 'Please confine c r i m e to the m a l l p a r k i n g l o t ' a n d ' C h i l d r e n w i l l be k i l l e d , p o t w i l l be s o l d . ' " O n e m a n got u p to spew f o r t h the sentiments, " G o d d a m n m a l l , g o d ­ d a m n e v e r y t h i n g , " to great applause (ibid.). T h e next day's headlines p r o c l a i m e d the defeat o f the m a l l because t o w n c o u n c i l members reversed their earlier d e c i s i o n a n d v o t e d n o w to b o w to the " w i l l o f the p e o p l e . " T h e one h o l d o u t , a w o m a n , h e l d fast to her o r i g i n a l support o f the p r o p o s a l , but most o f those w h o s w i t c h e d votes said they d i d so because o f w h a t they perceived as o v e r w h e l m i n g o p p o s i t i o n to the Belz p r o p o s a l . T h e vote w a s greeted w i t h w i l d enthu­ siasm by the audience a n d it w a s the t o p i c o f c o n v e r s a t i o n for m o n t h s afterward. In a d d i t i o n to defeating c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the m a l l , it c o n v e y e d the strength that came f r o m s o l i d a r i t y a n d concerted a c t i o n . B y a l l ac­ counts, the sentiment i n T w i n R i v e r s w a s c r u c i a l i n the defeat o f the m a l l p r o p o s a l , a n d this victory, c o n t r o v e r s i a l as it w a s , w a s accredited to the g r o w i n g p o l i t i c a l strength o f the c o m m u n i t y . T h i s w a s a lesson i n freedom a n d democracy. U s e it o r lose it. E l e v e n t h h o u r p a r t i c i p a t i o n increases y o u r chances o f l o s i n g it. Pay attention . . . to y o u r c o m m u n i t y , y o u r m u n i c i p a l i t y , y o u r country, y o u r state, y o u r n a t i o n . T h i s w a s a n effort i n v o l v i n g c o o p e r a t i o n a m o n g . . . residents i n a n d outside o f T w i n R i v e r s , H i g h t s t o w n residents, a n d merchants f r o m b o t h the T o w n s h i p

122

Chapter 7 a n d B o r o u g h . F o r the first time i n the eight years I ' m l i v i n g here, I saw hatchets b u r i e d , hands j o i n e d . . . . N o w it is u p to y o u to keep the b a l l r o l l i n g . Stay i n v o l v e d . " (The Periscope, September 1 9 8 2 , p . 4)

In this a n d s i m i l a r messages, the residents are addressed directly as " y o u , " but i n fact a n d o f necessity, it is a n i m p e r s o n a l c o m m u n i c a t i o n . O n e w o n d e r s a b o u t the i m p a c t o f such i m p e r s o n a l directives o n resi­ dents o f a c o m m u n i t y that c a n n o t d r a w o n a f u n d o f c o m m o n m e m o ­ ries o r shared victories. N o r is the i n c l u s i v e " y o u " a n y t h i n g but p r e m a ­ ture g i v e n the still segmented c o m m u n i t y . Nevertheless the message w a s u n r e l e n t i n g i n its insistence o n p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d v o t i n g : "I urge others to w o r k for the c o m m u n i t y because it is p e r s o n a l l y r e w a r d i n g to k n o w y o u ' v e helped y o u r c o m m u n i t y . R e m e m b e r , there is a l w a y s a need for m o r e h a n d s " (The Periscope, D e c e m b e r 1 9 7 3 ) . A p p e a l i n g to T w i n R i v e r s "residents, investors a n d h o m e o w n e r s , " the H O A pledged to " w o r k for y o u a n d w i t h y o u a n d encourage y o u r p a r t i c i p a t i o n " (The Periscope, January 1974). B y 1 9 8 0 , the end o f its first decade, residents o f T w i n R i v e r s were able to r e s p o n d collectively to collective crises a n d c o u l d be m o v e d to a c t i o n for the " r i g h t " cause. B u t w h i l e the collective p r o n o u n u n i t e d m a n y disparate i n d i v i d u a l s i n t o a single voice o n o c c a s i o n , there w a s still a "desperate" a n d c o n t i n u o u s search for volunteers, especially as w o m e n became e m p l o y e d outside the h o m e i n the 1980s. G r a d u a l l y the c o m m u n i t y became aware that its fantasy o f a t o w n - m e e t i n g , villagegreen d e m o c r a c y rested o n p a r t i c u l a r s o c i a l , family, a n d gender arrange­ ments that h a d a l l t o o r e a d i l y been t a k e n for granted. A s these changed, so d i d the reservoir o f t r a d i t i o n a l resources. T h e d i v i s i o n w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y g r e w between those w h o gener­ o u s l y devoted their time, energy, a n d effort a n d the m a n y m o r e w h o d i d not. A p a t h y , indifference, a n d free riders were often d e p l o r e d as m a j o r afflictions. A t times, neglect o f signs a n d rules, disinterest i n others, a n d self-preoccupation were so w i d e s p r e a d that the s i t u a t i o n seemed hope­ less. " T h e r e are m a n y residents i n this c o m m u n i t y w h o apparently are satisfied w i t h not k n o w i n g what's g o i n g o n a r o u n d t h e m " c o m p l a i n e d The Periscope i n J a n u a r y 1 9 7 4 (p. 5). It w a s a m i n o r i t y w h o made T w i n R i v e r s g o , a s m a l l m i n o r i t y de­ v o t e d to service, w h o o r g a n i z e d , supervised, spoke u p , spoke out, cre­ ated institutions, p i t c h e d i n d u r i n g h a r d times, w o r r i e d , cared, a n d d i d the h a r d w o r k that gets a tremendous collective u n d e r t a k i n g such as T w i n R i v e r s off the g r o u n d .

CHAPTER 8 SOCIABILITY IN A N E W C O M M U N I T Y

Everything is united: good and evil, day and night, the sacred and the profane. Everything merges . . . the fiesta is a cosmic experiment, an experiment in disorder, reuniting contradictory elements and princi­ ples in order to bring about a renascence of life. — Octavio Paz

T h e s o c i a b i l i t y o f n e w c o m e r s is, for many, used as p r o o f that c o m m u ­ nity exists. A n d i n t r u t h , adjusting to a n unfinished site a m o n g u n f a m i l ­ iar but p o t e n t i a l l y l i k e - m i n d e d others seems at the start to d r a w people together to exchange advice a n d i n f o r m a t i o n a n d p r o v i d e steady boosts o f m o r a l e . T h i s seems to have h a p p e n e d i n T w i n R i v e r s w h e r e soci­ a b i l i t y w a s s t r i k i n g l y present f r o m the earliest days. In fact, by the end o f the first year o f its existence, t w o - t h i r d s o f the residents c o u l d name m o r e t h a n fifty residents by n a m e a n d two-fifths c l a i m e d to k n o w m o r e t h a n a h u n d r e d . T h e easy i n f o r m a l i t y a n d the need to share experiences i n the n e w setting created a n atmosphere o f ready accessibility a n d m u ­ tual concern. H o w e v e r , n o t a l l residents m a d e friends o r socialized easily. A s m a n y as o n e - t h i r d o f t h e m a d m i t t e d to feeling acutely l o n e l y i n the first weeks a n d m o n t h s after m o v i n g i n , a n d a few never reached out to others. T h e social m i x , instead o f i n s p i r i n g t h e m , seemed to i n t i m i d a t e t h e m .

123

124

Chapter 8

T h i s challenges one o f the most w i d e l y accepted tenets o f p l a n n i n g practice o n the beneficial effects o f s o c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c heterogeneity. Planners t y p i c a l l y a i m at e n c o u r a g i n g ethnic, i n c o m e , a n d o c c u p a t i o n a l diversity i n a c o m m u n i t y . H o w e v e r , these goals are n o t easy to translate i n t o practice a n d g o o d intentions often founder o n the realities o f s o c i a l distance a n d snobbery. T w i n R i v e r s w a s n o e x c e p t i o n . It a i m e d for a s o c i a l a n d r a c i a l m i x , w h i c h it d i d not achieve for m a n y years. B u t it c o u l d also be argued that there w a s a m i x i n regard to reli­ gious affiliation a n d o c c u p a t i o n . In the first five years, Jews, w h o c o m ­ prised a r o u n d 3 percent o f the U . S . p o p u l a t i o n , m a d e up 4 0 percent o f the totality; R o m a n C a t h o l i c s , 2 2 percent; a n d Protestants, 14 percent. H o w e v e r , f o r m a l labels are not e n o u g h . W h e n w e l o o k at the degree o f religiosity, the picture changes. Jews a v o w e d the least ( 1 7 % ) , R o m a n C a t h o l i c s ( 4 7 % ) , a n d Protestants, the highest religious c o m m i t m e n t (56%). O c c u p a t i o n a l characteristics, as gleaned f r o m the h u s b a n d s ' o c c u ­ pations as chief breadwinners, e x h i b i t a n even w i d e r range, f r o m d o c ­ tors a n d lawyers to salesmen a n d p l u m b e r s . L i k e other p r i v a t e l y developed c o m m u n i t i e s , T w i n R i v e r s attracted a y o u n g , well-educated, f a m i l y - o r i e n t e d p o p u l a t i o n , e c o n o m i c a l l y c o m ­ fortable, w h o s e incomes were d r a w n f r o m white-collar, sales, a n d tech­ n i c a l o c c u p a t i o n s . Residents were largely w h i t e a n d native b o r n , a n d some t w o - t h i r d s were former residents o f the eastern seaboard. So, o n a very general level, w e have a less heterogeneous c o m m u n i t y t h a n o r i g i ­ n a l l y envisaged. H o w e v e r , w i t h i n that b r o a d s o c i a l spectrum, there w a s

Table 8.1

Husbands' Occupations, by Decade Husband's

Job

Salesman (real estate) Independent professional Salaried professional (technical) Salaried professional (other) Business manager Skilled service (police, plumber, nurse) Retired Self-employed (not professional) Other Total

1970s

1990s

10% 8% 24% 14% 31% 5% 2% 4% 2% 100%

9% 6% 18% 16% 15% 16% 3% 15% 2% 100%

Ν = 239

Ν = 540

Sociability in a New Community

125

considerable diversity as to specific b i r t h p l a c e , the precise jobs o f hus­ bands a n d w i v e s , a n d the p a r t i c u l a r c o m p l e x i o n o f h o u s e h o l d s , w h i c h v a r i e d i n c o m p o s i t i o n a n d styles o f earning a n d spending. A l s o , f r o m the start, social a n d e c o n o m i c diversity w a s b u i l t i n t o the master p l a n by the range — a n d prices — o f the h o u s i n g m o d u l e s . A p a r t m e n t s w o u l d be rented by i n d i v i d u a l s e a r n i n g a few h u n d r e d d o l ­ lars a w e e k w h i l e o w n e r s o f single-family houses earned one t h o u s a n d or m o r e . T o w n h o u s e s were i n the m a j o r i t y but they were j o i n e d by adult c o n d o m i n i u m s , free-standing houses, a n d rental apartments, each representing a s o m e w h a t different e c o n o m i c niche. T h e r e were also v a r i a t i o n s by density. T h e t w o nine-story apart­ ment b u i l d i n g s w i t h 1 1 7 apartments each were l o c a t e d i n the high-den­ sity area. T h e single-family houses, at four d w e l l i n g units per acre, were i n the l o w density area. T h e t o w n h o u s e s , at fifteen units per acre, repre­ sented the m e d i u m - d e n s i t y areas. H o w n a r r o w l y one d r a w s social boundaries to a large extent deter­ mines h o w m u c h heterogeneity one w i l l discover. T h i s w a s certainly the case here, as m o r e t h a n h a l f o f the residents s a w T w i n R i v e r s as ba­ sically diverse, w h i l e the rest s a w it as socially h o m o g e n e o u s . T h e perceived diversity c a r r i e d over i n t o other assessments: There w a s u n a n i m o u s agreement, for e x a m p l e , that T w i n R i v e r s h a d n u ­ merous cliques (over 9 0 % perceived cliques, 7 1 % m a n y cliques) based o n interests ( 5 6 % ) , o n p h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y ( 3 6 % ) , a n d , far l o w e r o n the list, r e l i g i o n ( 2 4 % ) or f a m i l y s i t u a t i o n ( 1 6 % ) . These cliques f o r m e d early i n the life o f the n e w c o m m u n i t y were the structure o n w h i c h its future social life w a s b u i l t . A n o t h e r significant s o c i a l d i v i s i o n e m p h a s i z e d by the residents w a s that between owners a n d tenants. Two-fifths c o n s i d e r e d this a sharp d i v i d e . Renters were generally seen as m o r e transient a n d less c o m m u ­ nity m i n d e d , as w e l l as less desirable as friends. A s k e d h o w they felt a b o u t m i x i n g different groups i n the c o m m u ­ nity, 100 percent o f the residents declared themselves i n favor o f it, thereby e n d o r s i n g a m a j o r tenet o f the d e m o c r a t i c creed. B u t they h a d very definite views as to the k i n d o f social m i x they favored. B y a n d large, diversity w a s c o n s i d e r e d acceptable w i t h i n definite e c o n o m i c b o u n d a r i e s . T w o - t h i r d s a p p r o v e d o f m i x i n g by i n c o m e , w h i c h accounts for most o f the h o m o g e n e i t y w e a c t u a l l y find. T h e f o l l o w i n g is a t y p i c a l comment: I m p o r t a n t to be w i t h y o u r o w n " g r a d e " o f people. C a n ' t live somewhere where people have furniture that costs m u c h less t h a n m i n e . Y o u r c h i l d r e n w o n ' t be accepted. L a s t t h i n g I ' d c a l l

126

Chapter 8 myself is a s n o b , but w h e n y o u have c h i l d r e n y o u l e a r n that y o u have to live w i t h s i m i l a r people.

T h e residents felt that the people were i n fact cut f r o m fairly s i m i l a r s o c i a l c l o t h , n o t p r i m a r i l y because o f i n c o m e , race, o r e d u c a t i o n , but because o f their r e g i o n a l o r i g i n s . A s p r o o f , c o m m e n t s p o i n t t o the large contingent f r o m N e w Y o r k C i t y . L i t t l e N e w Y o r k C i t y . People f r o m N e w Y o r k have c a r r i e d w i t h t h e m their habits a n d routines. W e f r o m the c o u n t r y are espe­ c i a l l y aware o f this. T h e y c a r r y o n the " S u n d a y S t o o p " customs for e x a m p l e . " L i t t l e C a n a r s i e " — a s m a l l city i n a s m a l l t o w n . T r a n s l a t e d B r o o k l y n . People w a n t e d t o get o u t o f the city w h i l e still t h i n k ­ i n g they live i n a city. C l a n n i s h n e s s , apathy, n o o v e r a l l v i e w o f T w i n R i v e r s o r East W i n d s o r as a t o t a l c o m m u n i t y . " C l i q u e s f o r m e d o n the basis o f interests, religious affiliation, s o c i a l a n d geographic antecedents; residential p r o x i m i t y also p r o v i d e d a basis for s o c i a l affinity, as the f o l l o w i n g c o m m e n t m a k e s e x p l i c i t : Lifestyle starts it (cliques) a n d it goes f r o m there. Street life people; coffee k l a t c h , athletic people, a n d fighters for better­ ment o f c o m m u n i t y (against trust). T h e y are very h a r d to break into. C o m p a r i n g v i e w s o n social m i x i n g w i t h the a c t u a l extent o f s o c i a l m i x i n T w i n R i v e r s , the greatest a c t u a l s i m i l a r i t y that m o s t g r o u p s shared w a s i n c o m e ; it w a s also the area w h e r e diversity w a s least w e l c o m e . T h i s view, w h i c h m o s t o f the residents i n the 1970s h e l d , r e m a i n e d c o n ­ stant t h r o u g h the years. S o c i a l diversity w a s m o r e accepted i f it rested o n a n e c o n o m i c baseline. R a c i a l m i x i n g , t h o u g h f a v o r e d i n p r i n c i p l e , w a s n o t realized i n practice at first. N o n - w h i t e s m a d e u p o n l y a scant percentage o f those w h o m o v e d i n t o T w i n R i v e r s i n the 1970s. D e c a d e b y decade, however, the r a c i a l a n d ethnic m i x increased, so that b y the 1 9 9 0 s the c o m p l e x i o n o f the c o m m u n i t y h a d c h a n g e d substantially t o i n c o r p o r a t e A s i a n s , L a t i n o s , a n d A f r i c a n - A m e r i c a n s , a m o n g others. T h i s w a s quite i n a c c o r d w i t h the professed wishes o f nine-tenths o f the residents, w h o f a v o r e d a m i x o f people b y j o b , r e l i g i o n , age, a n d race i n that o r d e r (see table 8.2). In general, then, T w i n R i v e r s e x h i b i t e d considerable h o m o g e n e i t y i n i n c o m e , o c c u p a t i o n , a n d age o f residents, but i f one l o o k s closely at specific o c c u p a t i o n s , c o n s u m p t i o n patterns, a n d ages, a m o r e diversified pattern is evident. T h u s the desire for s o c i a l s i m i l a r i t y a n d the search

Sociability in a New Community

127

Table 8.2

Residents' Approval of Social Mix 1970s

Type of job Religion Race Age Income

100% 97% 91% 75% 61%

Find it easy to meet people like myself: Yes = three-fifths N o = two-fifths for social diversification c o u l d b o t h be satisfied i n T w i n R i v e r s . A n d depending o n the criteria used to demarcate social distinctions, one c o u l d c o n c l u d e that social m i x b o t h w a s a n d w a s not present i n the community. G i v e n the diversity that d i d exist, most, but n o t a l l residents said it w a s easy to meet people like themselves. T h i s suggests that their criteria for self-other identification were different f r o m the criteria they gave for a desirable s o c i a l m i x . T h o s e w h o d i d n o t find it easy to meet people cited the existence o f cliques a n d the difficulty o f finding people w i t h s i m i l a r interests as the chief reasons for their sense o f i s o l a t i o n . Heterogeneity, at least i n regard to race a n d i n c o m e , w a s favored m o r e i n the abstract t h a n i n ac­ tuality, a n d diversity o f s o c i a l b a c k g r o u n d a n d lifestyles was w i d e l y perceived to exist, even garnering the judgment that T w i n R i v e r s w a s c l i q u e - r i d d e n . T h i s indicates that internal social boundaries were d r a w n early — between pioneers a n d later residents, owners a n d renters — a n d reduced the sense o f u n i t y o f the nascent c o m m u n i t y . Interestingly, i n every decade, s o c i a b i l i t y w a s m o r e intense i n the first three to four years after m o v i n g i n t o the c o m m u n i t y . In the late 1990s, for e x a m p l e , here is a forty-seven-year-old m a n describing his family's first five years i n the n e w c o m m u n i t y c o m p a r e d to subsequent ones, " W e a l l k n e w one another at the start; it w a s a very nice feeling. O v e r the years, that has changed a n d w e don't have that closeness n o w . A s things got bigger, the closeness drifted off." B u t w h i l e the o r i g i n a l closeness m a y have d i m i n i s h e d , specialized services a n d interests proliferated. A s postulated b y social research, a g r o w t h o f p o p u l a t i o n is a c c o m p a n i e d by the g r o w t h o f distinct s u b c u l ­ tures. H e n c e w i t h the passage o f time, it w a s possible for g r o w i n g n u m ­ bers o f residents to find l i k e - m i n d e d others a n d satisfy specialized inter­ ests (Fischer 1 9 7 6 , p p . 6 0 , 111).

128

Chapter 8

Social Connectedness F o r m a n y residents, the intense s o c i a b i l i t y d i s p l a y e d by i n c o m i n g resi­ dents o f p l a n n e d environments is seen as a h a r b i n g e r o f the c o m m u n i t y to c o m e . T h e v i v i d social exchanges a n d i n f o r m a l s o c i a l i z i n g across front- a n d b a c k y a r d s m a k e such a c o n c l u s i o n quite p l a u s i b l e . B u t closer e x a m i n a t i o n suggests other motives at w o r k . T h e r e is first o f a l l the p a r a d o x o f loneliness, even i f one is sur­ r o u n d e d by people, that a c c o m p a n i e s the m o v e . T h e first days a n d nights are especially d i s c o n c e r t i n g . O n e has a house, often n o t f u n c t i o n i n g fully, but one is n o t yet at h o m e . T h e n e w s u r r o u n d i n g s seem strange a n d u n f a m i l i a r . O n e is n o t sure a b o u t the routines one n o r m a l l y takes for granted. E v e r y t h i n g has to be learned anew, a prospect b o t h e x c i t i n g and daunting. T h e m o v e itself has a p o w e r f u l i m p a c t , p o s i t i v e a n d negative, de­ p e n d i n g o n p e r s o n a l a n d s o c i a l e x p e c t a t i o n s . In T w i n R i v e r s , the change seemed m o r e drastic for w o m e n t h a n for m e n . M o s t o f the w o m e n h a d h e l d jobs p r i o r to the m o v e a n d m o s t s t o p p e d w o r k i n g o u t s i d e the h o m e , for f a m i l y reasons, for as l o n g as a decade thereaf­ ter. T h e i r responses w e r e d i v i d e d , w i t h o n e - h a l f a d j u d g i n g the changes i n d a i l y r o u t i n e s as p o s i t i v e , o n e - f o u r t h m i x e d , a n d o n e - f o u r t h as out­ r i g h t negative. T h e p o s i t i v e r e a c t i o n s came as a result o f the j o y o f a n e w baby, a n e w house t o be fixed u p , a n d m o r e s o c i a l i z i n g . T h e nega­ tive r e a c t i o n s reflected u n f u l f i l l e d e x p e c t a t i o n s , the stresses o f settling i n , a n d greater d o m e s t i c r e s p o n s i b i l i t i e s . M o s t w i v e s s a w the m o v e as h i g h l y p o s i t i v e for t h e i r h u s b a n d s , w h o spent m o r e t i m e t h a n they h a d p r e v i o u s l y o n h o m e a n d f a m i l y activities ( 1 5 % ) , m o r e o n r e c r e a t i o n a n d exercise ( 1 3 % ) , a n d m o r e o n s o c i a l activities w i t h other m e n ( 1 3 % ) . M a n y also h a d better jobs ( 1 5 % ) a n d a better c o m m u t e ( 2 0 % ) . B u t it w a s the move's p e r c e i v e d effects o n the c h i l d r e n , m o s t o f t h e m infants a n d t o d d l e r s i n the 1 9 7 0 s , t h a t h a d the m a j o r i m p a c t . N i n e - t e n t h s o f the w o m e n i n t e r v i e w e d s a w the m o v e to T w i n R i v e r s as o v e r w h e l m i n g l y p o s i t i v e for t h e i r c h i l d r e n , c i t i n g n e w a n d m o r e p l a y ­ mates, a h e a l t h f u l e n v i r o n m e n t , safety, a n d g o o d s c h o o l s as reasons for t h e i r o p t i m i s m . T h u s , despite the stresses o f the m o v e i n t o a n u n f i n i s h e d e n v i r o n ­ m e n t w i t h m a n y strangers, the g e n e r a l l y p o s i t i v e o u t l o o k h e l p e d the m a j o r i t y o f residents m a k e the t r a n s i t i o n i n t o a n e w w a y o f life suc­ cessfully. T h e intense r e a c h i n g o u t to strangers i n the same b o a t is a w a y t o assuage one's i m m e d i a t e — a n d t e m p o r a r y — distress. It helps t o v e n t i l a t e feelings a b o u t the t r y i n g process o f settling i n , as w e l l as t o o b t a i n i n f o r m a t i o n a n d a d v i c e . H e l p f u l as this often frantic s o c i a l i z i n g

Sociability in a New Community

129

m a y be, it is t o o fragile a n d transient a base to c a r r y the w e i g h t o f c o m m u n i t y . A n d w h i l e residents came t o k n o w others i n this p r e l i m i ­ n a r y w a y very q u i c k l y , s u c h c a s u a l contacts d i d n o t forge the sustained l i n k s needed to b u i l d l o n g - t e r m r e l a t i o n s h i p s . H o w to break the ice w i t h p r o x i m a t e strangers is a question large n u m b e r s o f A m e r i c a n s face repeatedly as they m o v e f r o m place to place i n search o f jobs, space, status, o r n e w experiences. N o t everyone w a s adept at this task — recall that two-fifths o f T w i n R i v e r s residents f o u n d it difficult to meet people —but the m a j o r i t y m a n a g e d it, m a n y very w e l l , especially i f they h a d c h i l d r e n . C h i l d r e n are great social magnets, a n d their playmates a n d friends often b r i n g parents together. T h e seasons also p l a y their part. T h e o p e n , o u t d o o r life, especially i n w a r m weather, means d a i l y trips to the p o o l o r tennis c o u r t , w o r k o n l a w n s a n d patios, a n d p r u n i n g a n d p l a n t i n g gardens. These activities b r i n g people i n t o v i s u a l contact f r o m w h i c h other contacts often f o l l o w .

Neighbors O n e m e a n i n g o f c o m m u n i t y is g o o d f e l l o w s h i p a n d neighborliness. A n atmosphere experienced as friendly a n d s u p p o r t i v e enlists positive, i n g r o u p feelings a n d loyalties; a n e n v i r o n m e n t that is deficient i n these respects diminishes the sense o f closeness a n d brings negative a n d u n ­ cooperative feelings to the fore. A l l residents have neighbors, a n d i n T w i n R i v e r s , m o s t were favora­ bly disposed to each other i n each decade. In the 1970s, m o r e t h a n half considered their neighbors friendly (6 percent " t o o f r i e n d l y " ) a n d o n l y 10 percent not friendly e n o u g h . These p r o p o r t i o n s r e m a i n e d constant t h r o u g h o u t the years. M o r e o v e r , a n analysis o f time budgets s h o w e d that i n that first decade, 6 0 percent o f the residents m e n t i o n e d visits to o r f r o m neighbors o n the day p r i o r to the interviews. These o c c u r r e d v i r t u a l l y at any time o f day, i n c l u d i n g the evening h o u r s , often extend­ i n g to a n h o u r o r t w o per visit. F o r t o w n h o u s e residents, neighbors are especially significant since one shares w a l l s a n d o u t d o o r spaces w i t h t h e m . In fact, neighbors rated h i g h l y i n a l l three decades, were a definite source o f c o m f o r t to the large m a j o r i t y o f residents. A c o m p a r i s o n o f the 1970s w i t h the 1980s s h o w s a spread o f greater neutrality t o w a r d neighbors over t i m e , but the basic pattern r e m a i n e d (table 8.3). N e i g h b o r s were m o r e h i g h l y evaluated t h a n residents i n general at b o t h times (table 8.4) but especially i n the later decade. A n d i n the

130

Chapter 8

Table 8.3

Views of Neighbors Neighbors are:

1970s

1980s

Very friendly Very unfriendly Neither N o t friendly enough Too friendly Varies

57% 3% 22% 4% 8% 6% 100%

47% 4% 34% 9% 6% 0% 100%

Ν = 195

Ν = 71

Table 8.4

Percent Expressing Positive Feelings toward Other Residents Residents in general Toward neighbors

1970s

1980s

1990s

53% 57%

37% 62%

54% 82%

1990s, the m a j o r i t y thought their neighbors friendly a n d t w o - t h i r d s said that friendly neighbors were " v e r y i m p o r t a n t " to t h e m . T h e presence o f cliques w a s n o t e d i n a l l three decades, but the fig­ ures a p p l y o n l y for the 1970s a n d 1980s. C l i q u e s were t a k e n for granted by the 1990s, the most i m p o r t a n t

Table 8.5

Basis for Cliques in Twin Rivers 1970s

1980s

There are cliques

85%

72%

Basis for cliques: Special interests Spatial proximity Religion Family situation Age Income P r e - T w i n Rivers background Other

35% 15% 16% 6% 6% 2% 9% 11%

50% 6% 12% 10% 10% 7% 0% 5%

Ν = 195

Ν = 71

Sociability in a New Community

131

determinant being interests i n p a r t i c u l a r areas such as recreation, c o m ­ m u n i t y service, hobbies, c h i l d r e n , schools, a n d sports.

Friendships In a l l three decades, close to one-half o f the residents i n t e r v i e w e d h a d made "best friends" i n T w i n R i v e r s . T h e large m a j o r i t y o f these lived o n the same b l o c k , t h o u g h not next door, a n d were close i n age. A s table 8.6 shows, there w a s slightly less eco-centrism f r o m decade to decade. O n e other area o f s o c i a l i z i n g concerns entertainment at h o m e . N e a r l y all residents entertained i n f o r m a l l y , at least once every week o r t w o i n the 1970s, a trend that has sharply declined over the decades. Table 8.7 shows there w a s a perceptible shift i n the k i n d a n d a m o u n t of s o c i a l i z i n g that o c c u r r e d i n T w i n R i v e r s . O v e r time, there were fewer b l o c k a n d p o o l parties a n d m u c h less f o r m a l entertainment at h o m e . In the 1990s fully one-fourth o f the residents i n d i c a t e d that they enter­ tained "less" t h a n w h e n they first m o v e d i n t o T w i n R i v e r s , a n d o f the remainder, the m a j o r i t y ( 6 2 % ) entertained i n f o r m a l l y a n d infrequently once every m o n t h o r t w o .

Table 8.6

Spatial Location of Friends 1970s

1980s

1990s

47% 84% 0%

45% 73% 6%

53% 62%

Ν = 195

Ν = 71

Ν = 450

Have friends in Twin Rivers O n the same block/quad Next door neighbors



Table 8.7

Extent of At-Home Entertainment 1970s

1980s

1990s

Entertain informally Weekly Several times per month Less often

34% 50% 16%

33% 20% 47%

27% 42% 31%

What kind of entertainment Meals Snacks and drinks only

59% 41%

36% 61%

40% 60%

Ν = 195

Ν = 71

Ν = 450

132

Chapter 8

T w i n R i v e r s shares w i t h other p l a n n e d c o m m u n i t i e s a certain set o f priorities endorsed by the developers w h o create the p h y s i c a l shell first a n d let the c o m m u n i t y develop f r o m there. T h e p h y s i c a l f o u n d a t i o n s are of course c r u c i a l , but, j u d g i n g f r o m the experience o f T w i n R i v e r s , there is n o a u t o m a t i c u n f o l d i n g o f c o m m u n i t y s o c i a b i l i t y once they are b u i l t . T h e r e is a p r o l i f e r a t i n g , t h o u g h still far f r o m adequate, literature o n the i m p a c t o f p h y s i c a l design o n s o c i a l relationships. It includes the p i o n e e r i n g w o r k o f Festinger, Schachter, a n d B a c k (1950), w h i c h gave us the c o n c e p t u a l d i s t i n c t i o n between p h y s i c a l a n d f u n c t i o n a l distance; the study o f B r a y d o n R o a d by K u p e r a n d his colleagues (1953); a n d specific research i n t o h u m a n contacts i n different k i n d s o f settings r a n g ­ ing f r o m college campuses to m e n t a l w a r d s ( P r o s h a n s k y et a l . , 1 9 7 0 ) . T h e naive v e r s i o n o f this v i e w sees the arrangement o f spaces a n d places as directly c o n d u c i v e to neighborliness o r friendships. S o u n d p h y s i c a l arrangements, i n this view, w i l l c o n t r i b u t e to the attainment o f such values as c o o p e r a t i o n , diversity, a n d sociability. M o r e sophisticated dis­ cussions emphasize the c o m p l i c a t e d i n t e r p l a y between design a n d be­ havior, a n d , w h i l e they respect the significance o f p h y s i c a l design, they insist o n its dependence o n s o c i a l a n d c u l t u r a l factors. In the f o l l o w i n g pages w e w i l l consider the relative significance o f p h y s i c a l versus s o c i a l factors by e x a m i n i n g friendships, s o c i a l i z i n g , range of acquaintances, a n d n a m e r e c o g n i t i o n a m o n g T w i n R i v e r s residents. Studies o f friendship patterns i n n e w c o m m u n i t i e s have s h o w n that people w i l l select their n e w friends f r o m a m o n g those l i v i n g near t h e m . (Festinger et a l . , 1 9 5 0 ; W h y t e 1 9 8 0 ; K u p e r 1 9 5 3 ) . T h i s is due i n p a r t to the fact that one is l i k e l y to become a w a r e o f the neighbors a n d c o residents w i t h w h o m one shares facilities a n d p a t h w a y s a n d i n p a r t to the fact that the n e w e n v i r o n m e n t creates m a n y questions a n d p r o b l e m s that others s i m i l a r l y situated m a y help resolve. In the formative phase of T w i n R i v e r s , nearly one-half o f the residents h a d m a d e "best friends" i n T w i n R i v e r s a n d a m u c h larger p r o p o r t i o n ( 9 0 % ) h a d a n extensive list o f acquaintances. T h e role o f spatial p r o x i m i t y w a s quite r e m a r k ­ able i n this: Friends tended to be concentrated i n areas close to h o m e o n the same b l o c k ( 4 7 % ) o r i n the same q u a d ( 3 9 % ) . T h i s spatial c e n t r i s m w a s supplemented by s o c i a l factors. T h r e e fourths o f their friends were o f the same age, race, a n d r e l i g i o n . F r o m the earliest p e r i o d , h o m e o w n e r s confined their friendships m a i n l y to other h o m e o w n e r s , a n d a p a r t m e n t dwellers to other a p a r t m e n t d w e l l e r s . T h i s tendency o f h o m o p h i l y increased w i t h t i m e . A s table 8.8 s h o w s , d w e l l i n g type a n d q u a d l o c a t i o n h a d a sizeable c o m b i n e d i m p a c t o n the choice o f acquaintances. P h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y affects s o c i a b i l i t y also by the siting o f houses. T h e fact that t o w n h o u s e residents were m o r e l i k e l y to k n o w a n d inter-

Sociability in a New Community

133

Table 8.8

Dwelling Type and Acquaintanceship in Twin Rivers: 1970s Percent Who Knew By Name

Dwelling type Homeowners Apartment dwellers

Homeowners

Apartment Dwellers Only

Only

78%





44%

Both 22% 56%

act w i t h neighbors suggests that visual contact precedes social contact — if, that is, people like w h a t they see. A s L a n g d o n ( 1 9 9 4 , p . 140) has noted, people prefer to see houses that reflect their o w n aesthetic prefer­ ences. So, like w a n t s to see like close to h o m e . G i v e n the h i g h p o p u l a t i o n density i n a townhouse c o m m u n i t y , reac­ tions to one's neighbors are i m p o r t a n t for one's sense of well-being. A s w e have seen, the large majority of residents gave their neighbors very positive ratings i n a l l three decades, m u c h higher than those given to the c o m m u n i t y overall. A s k e d about noise, that bane of m o d e r n life, eight-tenths a c k n o w l ­ edged hearing sounds from their neighbors — including music playing (22%), o u t d o o r activities ( 1 3 % ) , i n d o o r activities ( 1 0 % ) , as w e l l as i n d o o r conver­ sations ( 9 % ) . Side neighbors, o f course, were m o r e likely to be overheard ( 5 8 % ) , but noise d i d not t u r n out to be the irritant it is generally thought to be, a n d noise was o n l y rarely mentioned as a d r a w b a c k to townhouse living. T h e i m p o r t a n c e o f the p h y s i c a l context a n d design is revealed also i n responses to a question, " W h e r e d o y o u meet n e w people i n T w i n R i v e r s ? " T h e central magnet, f r o m the 1970s t h r o u g h the 1990s, was the s w i m m i n g p o o l . If one l o o k s at the o v e r a l l pattern o f sociability — whether consider­ i n g friends, neighbors, o r acquaintances — one notes a definite r h y t h m or p h a s i n g over time. T h e r e is the intense, generally i n d i s c r i m i n a t e , of-

Table 8.9

Where Do You Meet New People? Swimming pools Clubs, organizations Other recreation areas In parking areas Homes, parties Walking for pleasure

1970s

1980s

68% 41% 23% 18% 26% 0%

70% 30% 22% 3% 8% 3%

Ν = 195

Ν = 71

134

Chapter 8

ten frantic, s o c i a l i z i n g i n the earliest m o n t h s . S u r r o u n d e d b y strangers i n u n f a m i l i a r t e r r i t o r y a n d seeking to navigate a r o u n d hurdles seen a n d unseen, residents seek o u t others i n a b i d for reassurance a n d c o m f o r t i n their n e w homes. W i t h i n the year, often w i t h i n s i x m o n t h s , the frenzy subsides. P e o ­ ple settle i n , shape u p houses a n d l a w n s , arrange for s c h o o l i n g a n d h e a l t h care, establish d a i l y routines, a n d m a k e houses i n t o homes a n d strangers i n t o co-residents. N u m e r o u s acquaintances, some close friends, a n d c o m p a t i b l e neighbors help to a n c h o r one's identity. Thereafter, feel­ ings, activities, a n d patterns o f w o r k a n d leisure are sorted out a n d things fall i n t o place for the m a j o r i t y w h o have c o m m i t t e d themselves to l i v i n g i n the c o m m u n i t y . A t the start, the m a j o r i t y o f residents o f T w i n R i v e r s i n t e n d e d to stay for some years, t h o u g h n o t for life (only one-fourth h a d such l o n g t e r m expectations). T h e m a i n reasons for a n t i c i p a t i n g future moves were d i v i d e d evenly between j o b r e l o c a t i o n ( 3 9 % ) a n d the desire for a detached house ( 3 8 % ) . T h e latter w o u l d d i m i n i s h as experience w i t h t o w n h o u s e l i v i n g increased. N o n e o f the other possible motives for leav­ i n g — c o n f l i c t w i t h neighbors, d i s l i k e o f T w i n R i v e r s , d i s a p p o i n t m e n t w i t h the general c o n d i t i o n s o f life there — figured at a l l p r o m i n e n t l y . F o r the m o s t part, residents came to stay for a n indefinite future. P h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y thus plays a v a r i e d role i n sociability. It is m o d ­ erately i m p o r t a n t for casual acquaintances, i m p o r t a n t for c l i q u e f o r m a ­ t i o n , a n d very significant for close friendships. T o be sure, spatial close­ ness brings a l l groups i n t o contact, but the q u a l i t y a n d c o n t i n u i t y o f that contact depends o n a n u m b e r o f a d d i t i o n a l factors. T h e r e must also be s o c i a l a n d s p i r i t u a l affinities i f s u c h contacts are to deepen i n t i m e . D e s i g n helps but it is n o t e n o u g h .

Privacy and Sociability A c o m m o n p e r c e p t i o n is that p r i v a c y vanishes i n t o w n h o u s e d e v e l o p ­ ments. H o w e v e r reasonable this m a y s o u n d , it is n o t borne o u t i n p r a c ­ tice. In fact, i n T w i n R i v e r s , ratings o f p r i v a c y i m p r o v e d over t i m e . Interviews w i t h residents that t o o k place a decade apart s h o w e d this clearly. In the 1980s, 9 0 percent were satisfied w i t h the p r i v a c y a v a i l ­ able, a considerable increase over the 5 7 percent w h o felt this w a y i n the 1 9 7 0 s . In the 1990s p r i v a c y w a s b o t h " v e r y i m p o r t a n t " to residents ( 8 1 % ) a n d available to t h e m . P r i v a c y is a f u n c t i o n n o t o n l y o f densities but o f visibility. F o r ex­ a m p l e , since the p a r k i n g areas o f T w i n R i v e r s are l o c a t e d i n front o f the

Sociability in a New Community

135

houses, residents c o u l d easily tell w h o w a s entering o r l e a v i n g their houses, w h o h a d frequent visitors, w h o got w h a t k i n d s o f deliveries a n d so o n . T h i s made some people feel o v e r e x p o s e d , but others t o o k it i n stride. P r i v a c y a n d s o c i a b i l i t y are h a r d to keep i n balance, a n d the smaller a c o m m u n i t y , the m o r e fluid the lines between t h e m . Eighteenth-century N e w E n g l a n d t o w n s , t h o u g h smaller t h a n T w i n R i v e r s , faced some s i m i ­ lar p r o b l e m s . R e l a t i o n s h i p s were close, a n d c h u r c h attendance, s c h o o l activities, fairs, house-raisings, q u i l t i n g bees, a n d births a n d deaths cre­ ated a n atmosphere o f familiarity, m u t u a l r e c o g n i t i o n , a n d m u t u a l sup­ p o r t . A n o n y m i t y w a s m i n i m a l . G o s s i p , p r o p i n q u i t y , a n d encounters i n shops a n d taverns effaced separation between p u b l i c a n d private. N o i s e f r o m close l i v i n g arrangements w a s a n i r r i t a n t i n the c o l o n i a l p e r i o d , w i t h the courts called u p o n to settle disputes o n o c c a s i o n . Privacy, peace, a n d quiet were considered collective g o o d s , a n a s s u m p t i o n that strikes us as n o v e l . These c o u l d be preserved i n a m o r e deferential society that e x h i b i t e d a "respect for other persons, p a r t i c u l a r l y one's betters, a n d for p r i v a c y " (Flaherty 1 9 7 2 , p p . 9 3 , 96). G i v e n the h i g h density o f people a n d houses, early settlers devel­ o p e d m e c h a n i s m s for o b t a i n i n g a n o n y m i t y a m i d a b u s t l i n g social life. N o t everyone c o u l d be kept track of, even i n such s m a l l c o m m u n i t i e s , w h a t w i t h the constant arrivals a n d departures o f migrants a n d strangers. T a v e r n s , i n n s , a n d coffeehouses were centers o f c o m m u n i t y life w h e r e p e o p l e met, c o n v e r s e d , ate, a n d j o k e d o n a r e g u l a r basis. T h e r e they d e v e l o p e d " a c o l l e c t i v e sense o f g r o u p p r i v a c y " as i l l u s t r a t e d i n the w a r n i n g : " O n e m u s t n o t tell tales o u t o f the t a v e r n . " M o r e o v e r , sug­ gests F l a h e r t y , w h e n n e i g h b o r s k n o w each other e x t r e m e l y w e l l , they lose interest i n one a n o t h e r a n d o n l y d r a m a t i c events w i l l r e k i n d l e interest. T h i s suggests that the p r o v e r b i a l s m a l l - t o w n c u r i o s i t y a b o u t others m a y have m o r e t o d o w i t h b o r e d o m , l o n e l i n e s s , o r the need for s o c i a l c o n t a c t t h a n w i t h a d i s r e g a r d for rights t o p r i v a c y ( i b i d . , p p . 105, 109). T o be sure, h i s t o r i c a l l y i n the U n i t e d States life w a s seen as " m u c h m o r e p e r s o n a l i z e d , intimate, a n d c o m m u n a l t h a n the fragmented a n d h i g h l y i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c character o f existence i n i n d u s t r i a l society," but " s o l i t u d e " w a s apparently r e a d i l y available w h e n needed. Perhaps be­ cause society w a s then m o r e interdependent a n d cooperative, p r i v a c y w a s less o f a perceived need. P r i v a c y w a s n o t " a n absolute v a l u e " a n d h a d to be " b a l a n c e d against other desirable g o o d s , " such as safety, secu­ rity, a n d m u t u a l f e l l o w s h i p . S o c i a l life a n d social relationships are a l w a y s i m p o r t a n t for a sense of w e l l - b e i n g , m o s t especially so i n u n f a m i l i a r environs i n the process o f

136

Chapter 8

f o r m a t i o n . A n d despite o b v i o u s s h o r t c o m i n g s o f house a n d landscape, facilities a n d services, T w i n R i v e r s , f r o m its i n c e p t i o n , received a sur­ p r i s i n g l y g o o d report c a r d o n n e i g h b o r i n g , friendships, the range o f ac­ quaintances, a n d privacy. T h e p h y s i c a l l a y o u t h e l p e d b r i n g people to­ gether at p o o l s , schools, shops, p l a y g r o u n d s , a n d bus stops, a n d s p a t i a l connectedness a d v a n c e d social c o n n e c t i o n s . Best friends l i v e d close by; the facing o f houses a n d l i n k s to neighbors influenced social r e c o g n i t i o n a n d social exchanges. P r o x i m i t y mattered i n a l l these respects. H e n c e , even i n the p i o n e e r i n g phase, m o r e t h a n o n e - h a l f o f the resi­ dents l i k e d T w i n R i v e r s , w i t h a l l its g r o w i n g pains, " v e r y m u c h " ; onet h i r d , "pretty w e l l " ; a n d o n l y 3 percent d i s l i k e d it. T h e r e w a s a large reservoir o f g o o d w i l l f r o m the start. H o w e v e r , w e c a n n o t ignore the m i n o r i t y , sometimes sizeable, w h o d i d n o t feel at h o m e i n T w i n R i v e r s , f o u n d it h a r d to m a k e friends, d i d n o t meet l i k e - m i n d e d people, a n d suffered feelings o f i s o l a t i o n a n d es­ trangement i n the m i d s t o f v i v i d a c t i v i t y a n d m o v e m e n t . T h o s e w h o d i d n o t m o v e a w a y created a negative u n d e r t o w i n the c o m m u n i t y . I m p o r t a n t as s o c i a b i l i t y is, moreover, it c a n n o t substitute for a sense o f c o m m u n i t y a n d c o m m u n i t y i n v o l v e m e n t . A s the ratings o f v a r i o u s facilities a n d services over the decades s h o w e d , c o m m u n i t y aspects fared p o o r l y i n c o m p a r i s o n w i t h p h y s i c a l a n d r e c r e a t i o n a l amenities. F o r e x a m p l e , fully two-fifths rated c o m m u n i t y p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n T w i n R i v e r s as " p o o r " c o m p a r e d t o , let us say, relations w i t h n e i g h b o r s , w h i c h barely 3 percent r a n k e d as l o w . A s k e d w h a t sorts o f things they w o r r i e d a b o u t f r o m time to time i n the 1 9 7 0 s , one-fifth m e n t i o n e d the w a y the c o m m u n i t y w a s s h a p i n g u p , a cause o f c o n c e r n that w a s second o n l y to p e r s o n a l w o r r i e s ( 3 6 % ) . In part residents were w o r r i e d because they h a d already g r o w n f o n d o f T w i n R i v e r s , the m a j o r i t y ( 5 6 % ) l i k i n g it " v e r y m u c h , " w a r t s a n d a l l . In the 1990s the m a j o r i t y ( 5 9 % ) i n d i c a t e d that c o m m u n i t y i n v o l v e ­ m e n t w a s quite i m p o r t a n t to t h e m ; o n l y 33 percent said it w a s not. A m a j o r i t y ( 5 6 % ) w i s h e d that T w i n R i v e r s were m o r e o f a c o m m u n i t y . M o s t felt that c o m m u n i t y spirit w a s quite stable, but o n e - t h i r d t h o u g h t it h a d w e a k e n e d ( 3 4 % ) . W h i l e the m a j o r i t y o f residents are still n o t active p a r t i c i p a n t s i n c o m m u n i t y affairs, two-fifths s a i d they p a r t i c i ­ pated m o r e i n the 1990s t h a n w h e n they first a r r i v e d . S o c i a b i l i t y — h a v i n g friends a n d acquaintances, g o o d neighbors, a n d places for meeting n e w people —was strongly related to feelings a b o u t T w i n R i v e r s . T h o s e w h o h a d satisfying s o c i a l relationships were satis­ fied w i t h T w i n R i v e r s ( 8 5 % ) , w h i l e those w h o were d i s a p p o i n t e d w i t h T w i n R i v e r s ( 4 0 % ) were also d i s a p p o i n t e d w i t h their relationships a n d s o c i a l life, a n d described " m o s t people here" as inconsiderate, selfish, o r too competitive.

Sociability in a New Community

137

C o m m u n i t y satisfaction w a s a key determinant i n plans for leaving o r staying. O f those w h o p l a n n e d to stay i n T w i n R i v e r s for the rest o f their lives, three-fourths cited their satisfaction w i t h houses, neighbors, a n d social life, whereas those w h o p l a n n e d to m o v e w i t h i n the c o m i n g year were u n h a p p y w i t h a l l three. In s u m , social gatherings, coffee breaks, t a l k i n g i n front- or back­ yards are i m p o r t a n t for v e n t i l a t i n g feelings a b o u t the stress o f m o v i n g a n d a d a p t i n g to new, idealized s u r r o u n d i n g s . H o w e v e r , such h a p h a z a r d activities are t o o fragile a base to carry the w e i g h t o f c o m m u n i t y . P h y s i ­ cal p r o x i m i t y , w h i l e c o n d u c i v e to some i n i t i a l a n d casual social c o n ­ tacts, is a precarious basis for further contact i f residents d o not share deeper values a n d w o r l d v i e w s . W h e n , as i n m o d e r n life, social diversity is the rule, neighbors m a y share a p a r t i c u l a r s o c i o e c o n o m i c level but otherwise have little i n c o m m o n . In that case, p h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y m a y become divisive a n d exacerbate p e r s o n a l differences. P r o x i m i t y , then, is n o guarantee o f c o m m u n i t y , w h i c h requires a w h o l e c o m p l e m e n t o f values, interests, needs, a n d aspirations to take h o l d .

Collective Rites, Rituals, and Rewards T o b u i l d a c o m m u n i t y , even one less n e w a n d unsettled t h a n T w i n R i v e r s , people assume they s h o u l d be able to c o u n t o n the talents o f the resi­ dents a n d their p r o p e n s i t y for a n o n y m o u s generosity, w h i c h are the ear­ m a r k s o f p u b l i c service. B u t precisely because it is a n o n y m o u s , such service is difficult to recompense a n d thus a n i n d i v i d u a l ' s incentives to contribute are further reduced. G r a d u a l l y , therefore, the idea t o o k h o l d i n T w i n R i v e r s that those " w h o have served the interests o f T w i n R i v e r s " a n d given their time a n d energy to it s h o u l d be r e w a r d e d w i t h "Certificates o f A p p r e c i a t i o n " (The Periscope, D e c e m b e r 1 9 8 1 , p . 1). A n d i n 1 9 8 3 such certificates were presented to twenty-seven residents for their w o r k as volunteers o n committees, o n the T R H A b o a r d , a n d as technical experts. T h e first residents to be so h o n o r e d were representative o f b o t h the social diversity o f the residents a n d their i n d i v i d u a l talents. O n e m a n h a d been n a m e d a n officer o f the O r d e r o f the B r i t i s h E m p i r e by Q u e e n E l i z a b e t h II for his w o r k as a project engineer for the B r i t i s h nuclear s u b m a r i n e Renown. O t h e r s h a d w o n sports trophies, p u b l i s h e d poetry, a n d sailed the seven seas. T h e r e w a s J o h n W o o d r u f f , the o n l y s u r v i v i n g g o l d m e d a l w i n n e r o f the 1 9 3 6 track O l y m p i c s . H e w a s the t o p halfm i l e r o f the c o u n t r y then. H e a n d his wife p u r c h a s e d a lake c o n d o apartment i n 1971 a n d later they m o v e d to Sacramento o n l y to return to T w i n R i v e r s i n 1 9 8 8 . H e w a s a n enthusiastic returnee, reciting T w i n

138

Chapter 8

R i v e r s blessings as f o l l o w s : great l o c a t i o n , nearness to T u r n p i k e , excel­ lent maintenance a n d upkeep by the b o a r d . O f t e n , he m u s e d , " Y o u k n o w s o m e t h i n g is really g o o d o n l y after y o u leave i t . " The Periscope h a d begun to feature one o u t s t a n d i n g resident each m o n t h as early as 1 9 7 4 . T h e first w a s a n attorney w h o h a d been elected to the T R H A b o a r d to fill a vacancy. T h e o w n e r o f a n early p a t i o - r a n c h m o d e l , he a n d his wife a n d t w o s m a l l c h i l d r e n h a d l i v e d i n T w i n R i v e r s for four years. H e a d m i t t e d to being a "little d i s a p p o i n t e d " i n T w i n R i v e r s , h a v i n g h o p e d for m o r e l o c a l e m p l o y m e n t o p p o r t u n i t i e s , better l a n d s c a p i n g , a n d a t h r i v i n g s h o p p i n g center. B u t he w a s also " p r o u d to be a resident." B y j o i n i n g the T R H A b o a r d , he h o p e d " t o b r i n g b a c k some o f the enthusiasm o f the earliest residents" by r e v i v i n g the idea o f b l o c k captains. H e w a s c o n c e r n e d a b o u t v a n d a l i s m a n d sought to have m o r e voter p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n governance a n d better relations w i t h the t o w n s h i p (The Periscope, A p r i l 1 9 7 4 , p . 11). T h e f o l l o w i n g m o n t h , the profile o f the m o n t h featured the presi­ dent o f the T R H A , D a v e Schwitzer. H e w a s presented as " a h a r d w o r k ­ ing p e r s o n w h o is a l w a y s t r y i n g to i m p r o v e o u r w a y o f life i n T w i n R i v e r s . " A m e c h a n i c a l engineer w i t h a wife a n d t w o y o u n g c h i l d r e n , he c o m m u t e d to N e w Y o r k daily, but nonetheless h a d been active i n the c o m m u n i t y ever since he h a d m o v e d there a year a n d a h a l f earlier. H e started as a b l o c k c a p t a i n a n d w a s later elected to the b o a r d . W h y d i d he become active? Because "he w a s dissatisfied w i t h the w a y the inter­ n a l affairs o f the c o m m u n i t y were being h a n d l e d . " H e sought to m a k e the trust m o r e responsive a n d T w i n R i v e r s m o r e cohesive. H i s keenest d i s a p p o i n t m e n t w a s the absence o f a civic center i n T w i n R i v e r s , p r o m ­ ised but n o t delivered by the builder. S u c h a central gathering place, like " a n o l d - f a s h i o n e d t o w n meeting h a l l , " w o u l d , he declared, counteract apathy a n d engender the c o m m u n i t y spirit needed for self-government (The Periscope, 10 M a y 1 9 7 4 , p . 11). A t h i r d profile featured N e a l N e v i t t , c h a i r m a n o f the T A B , w h o w a s p e r t u r b e d a b o u t the indifference o f the residents to p u b l i c issues. H e h a d t h o u g h t that " b y m o v i n g i n t o a n e w l y d e v e l o p i n g c o m m u n i t y the residents w o u l d have been h a p p y to seize the chance to shape a n d m o l d the c o m m u n i t y . " Instead, he f o u n d that m o s t people just sat b a c k a n d w a t c h e d "the c o m m u n i t y e v o l v e . " H e targeted a m o r e responsive trust, the l a w s u i t , a n d the absence o f a civic b u i l d i n g a l o n g w i t h a recreation center as t o p priorities for T w i n R i v e r s . A "many-faceted p e r s o n " o f w i d e interests — b i k e r i d i n g , theater, a n d g o u r m e t c o o k i n g (his o w n ) — he also m a n a g e d a r o c k g r o u p o n the side. H e a n d his wife, then w o r k ­ ing t o w a r d her master's degree i n special e d u c a t i o n , were b o t h g r a d u ­ ates o f B r o o k l y n C o l l e g e . In the diversity o f interests actively p u r s u e d and the c o m m i t m e n t to w o r k i n g for the c o m m u n i t y , N e v i t t typified the

Sociability in a New Community

139

e x t r a o r d i n a r y qualities o f the early leaders o f the c o m m u n i t y (The Peri­ scope, 15 N o v e m b e r 1 9 7 4 , p . 17). O t h e r m o n t h l y profiles i n c l u d e d C a r o l y n H a m i l t o n , T w i n R i v e r s l i ­ b r a r i a n , "one o f the people that makes T w i n R i v e r s a successful c o m ­ m u n i t y " ; M a r t y M a r k , " F i r e m a n o f the Y e a r , " w h o a d m i t t e d to " a n immense feeling o f satisfaction w h e n he has successfully helped to c o n ­ t a i n a n d e x t i n g u i s h a fire"; M a r j o r i e Behrens, m e m b e r o f the b o a r d o f directors o f the T R H A a n d newest m a n a g i n g editor o f The Periscope, w h o h a d been active i n the c o m m u n i t y ever since m o v i n g there w i t h her h u s b a n d a n d t w o y o u n g c h i l d r e n three years before. She felt very strongly "that people ought to d o m o r e t h a n c o m p l a i n . . . a n d w o r k constructively t o w a r d s s o l v i n g their p r o b l e m s " (The Periscope, 15 Feb­ ruary 1975, p. 25). A n d then there were N o r m a a n d T o n y de C a n z i o , four-year resi­ dents o f the c o m m u n i t y , " w h o devoted m o s t o f their spare t i m e " w o r k ­ ing i n the area o f recreation. R e s p o n s i b l e for the p o o l s , s w i m m i n g p r o ­ grams, a n d tennis lessons, they supervised a staff o f t h i r t y a n d served a p o p u l a t i o n o f 9 6 0 residents. T h i s w a s i n a d d i t i o n to their other c o m m u ­ n i t y activities, such as m e m b e r s h i p o n the T r u s t A d v i s o r y B o a r d for Tony, a n d the League o f W o m e n voters for N o r m a . T h e first b o a r d o f directors o f the T w i n R i v e r s H o m e o w n e r s A s s o ­ c i a t i o n consisted o f eight m e n a n d one w o m a n . T h e w o m a n , a vice president for p u b l i c a t i o n s , h a d m o v e d to T w i n R i v e r s f r o m nearby N e w B r u n s w i c k . T h e m e n i n c l u d e d a n architect, t w o engineers, a credit m a n ­ ager for a N e w Y o r k firm, a n attorney i n nearby T r e n t o n , a P h . D . i n business a d m i n i s t r a t i o n , a n d a personnel manager i n N e w Y o r k City. A l l were m a r r i e d w i t h y o u n g c h i l d r e n a n d a l l w o u l d leave their m a r k o n the c o m m u n i t y . A decade later, the residents featured were those w h o h a d lived i n T w i n R i v e r s for at least a decade a n d m a i n t a i n e d h i g h levels o f service to the c o m m u n i t y . F o r e x a m p l e , C l a u d i a R o s e n b e r g f o u n d e d the Parent W a t c h a n d the C r i m e W a t c h P r o g r a m , actively l o b b i e d for m o r e p o l i c e , w a s treasurer o f the parent g r o u p at the s c h o o l , a n d served o n the T R H A (The Periscope, J u l y 1 9 8 5 , p . 12). She a n d other candidates for the T R H A b o a r d stressed f a m i l i a r as w e l l as n o v e l themes. F a m i l i a r were the pledge to m a k e a c o m m i t m e n t to the c o m m u n i t y , to help solve the teen s i t u a t i o n , a n d to increase police security. N o v e l w a s the c o n c e r n for the p h y s i c a l plant a n d a c a p i t a l reserve fund for emergencies. P r o p e r t y values, a l w a y s o f i m p o r t a n c e , became a n even m o r e salient c o n c e r n as residents g r e w reluctant to p a y for needed i m p r o v e m e n t s , yet also w a n t e d to secure their benefits. In a d d i t i o n to l o c a l activists a n d volunteers, there were l o c a l heroes to p o i n t to w i t h p r i d e . Ten-year-old M a r k C a m i s c i o l i saved the life o f a

140

Chapter 8

friend w h o h a d fallen t h r o u g h the ice i n Q u a d 4 lake (West Windsor Heights Herald, J u l y 1983); a g r o u p o f h i g h s c h o o l students helped resi­ dents exit f r o m a b u r n i n g b u i l d i n g . O t h e r h o n o r e d l o c a l notables i n ­ c l u d e d Perry L . D r e w , w h o h a d been p h y s i c a l p l a n t manager o f the t o w n s h i p schools a n d for w h o m one o f the t w o elementary schools i n T w i n R i v e r s w a s n a m e d . Still other residents were featured for being t o u c h e d by tragedy (man d r o w n s i n Q u a d I p o o l ) o r t r i u m p h (student w i n s science prize). There were beauty contest w i n n e r s a n d v i c t o r i o u s baseball teams. Recent arrivals were w e l c o m e d w i t h special mentions i n The Periscope a n d departures were n o t e d — residents w h o m " w e w i l l miss . . . " A l l o f these c o n t r i b u t e d to the emerging collective profile o f the a d m i r a b l e resident o f T w i n R i v e r s . O u t o f such images, sentiments, impressions, a n d events, a c o m m u n i t y g r o w s its s y m b o l i c s k i n . T w i n R i v e r s w e l l illustrates the o p e r a t i o n o f s o c i a l incentives, such as prestige o r respect, for the "achievement o f g r o u p interest"; the so­ c i a l incentives m a y actually o u t w e i g h e c o n o m i c ones a n d " m a y be used to m o b i l i z e a latent g r o u p " ( O l s o n 1 9 6 5 , p p . 6 0 - 6 1 ) . B y the 1990s the theme o f c o m m u n i t y as " h o m e " became m o r e salient. A newcomers night i n F e b r u a r y 1 9 9 6 n o t e d that several at­ tendees h a d been raised i n T w i n R i v e r s , h a d left for s c h o o l o r jobs, a n d h a d " a l l g r o w n up a n d decided to m o v e ' h o m e . ' " Residents were fre­ quently r e m i n d e d : " T w i n R i v e r s is o u r h o m e . T a k e a n interest i n i t " (Twin Rivers Today, M a r c h 1 9 9 6 , p . 2). E x h o r t a t i o n s to b u i l d for the l o n g t e r m , "be part o f p l a n n i n g the future," w o r k " f o r the betterment of the c o m m u n i t y , " repeat the earliest themes. In J a n u a r y 1 9 9 6 the T R H A b o a r d president focused his N e w Year's r e m a r k s o n increasing resident p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i m p r o v i n g rule enforce­ ment, identifying areas where service c o u l d be i m p r o v e d , a n d fostering better " c o m m u n i c a t i o n i n the c o m m u n i t y " — a l l t r a d i t i o n a l concerns o f l o n g s t a n d i n g (Twin Rivers Today, J a n u a r y 1 9 9 6 , p . 2). These hopes were also i n c l u d e d i n a l o c a l v a r i a t i o n o f the T e n C o m m a n d m e n t s , of­ fered by trust a d m i n i s t r a t o r J o s e p h V u z z o as his N e w Year's resolutions: Continue a high standard maintenance p r o g r a m s .

o f maintenance

and

preventative

Increase p r o p e r t y values i n the c o m m u n i t y . . . . p r o m o t e m a r k e t the c o m m u n i t y . I m p r o v e c o m m u n i c a t i o n s t h r o u g h m a i l i n g s , flyers, Twin Today, a n d a c o m p u t e r b u l l e t i n b o a r d .

and Rivers

C o n t i n u e p u b l i c o r resident forums at the regular meetings o f the b o a r d o f directors. Accelerate o u r quest to m a k e T w i n R i v e r s the most desirable residential f a m i l y c o m m u n i t y i n the state.

Sociability in a New Community

141

Instruct c h i l d r e n to p i c k u p after themselves; n o g u m o r c a n d y w r a p p e r s o n the g r o u n d . M a i n t a i n o u r homes i n a m a n n e r o f w h i c h w e a l l c a n be p r o u d . Respect a n d consider o u r neighbors i n a l l o f o u r actions. G e t i n v o l v e d i n b o a r d committees to effect positive change i n the c o m m u n i t y . Accentuate the positives o f l i v i n g i n T w i n R i v e r s , n o t o n l y w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y , but outside the c o m m u n i t y as w e l l . (Twin Rivers Today, J a n u a r y 1 9 9 6 , p p . 1-2) A s i m i l a r N e w Year's reflection by T R H A b o a r d m e m b e r a n d c h a i r o f the C o m m u n i t y Awareness C o m m i t t e e , E v a n G r e e n b e r g , sought p r a c t i c a l advances such as a finished s h o p p i n g center a n d c o n t i n u e d better relations w i t h the t o w n s h i p a n d county, i n part to "ensure that T w i n R i v e r s gets the r e c o g n i t i o n it deserves." In that v e i n he r e m i n d e d residents o f the need to "stay focused o n the goals that strengthen T w i n R i v e r s , that b u i l d u p its prestige, that i m p r o v e the value o f o u r homes, that break d o w n barriers between neighbors a n d between c o u r t s . " H e urged that a l l residents w o r k t o w a r d a c o m m u n i t y that " l o o k s after itself, protects itself, keeps itself w h o l e . . . . It's 1 9 9 6 a n d T w i n R i v e r s must f o c u s " (Twin Rivers Today, J a n u a r y 1 9 9 6 , p . 4). Ina H e i m a n m o v e d i n t o a t h r e e - b e d r o o m t o w n h o u s e i n T w i n R i v e r s w i t h her h u s b a n d i n 1 9 7 1 . A c t i v e i n the c o m m u n i t y t h r o u g h o u t , she w a s a b l o c k c a p t a i n w h o helped l a u n c h the l i b r a r y i n 1 9 7 3 , w h i l e he served as a m e m b e r o f the b o a r d o f trustees for over ten years. T h e y raised t w o daughters a n d expressed their a p p r e c i a t i o n o f T w i n R i v e r s i n countless w a y s . After her husband's death (a m e m o r i a l p a r k bears his name), Ina H e i m a n j o i n e d the b o a r d o f trustees, w h i l e also w o r k i n g at the T w i n R i v e r s library. These were her v i e w s o n T w i n R i v e r s i n 1 9 9 8 : O v e r the years, T w i n R i v e r s has definitely changed for the bet­ ter. A large m i x o f cultures, religions, a n d ethnicities, it is a c o s m o s where everyone learns the "give a n d t a k e " o f l i v i n g to­ gether. T h e c h i l d r e n seem to benefit the most. I see m a n y w h o leave, m a r r y a n d then r e t u r n to settle i n T w i n R i v e r s ! . . . M y suggestion to everyone is this: Be u n d e r s t a n d i n g a n d empathie i n a l l o f y o u r . . . interactions. N o one w a n t s their l a w n o r flowers crushed by y o u r child's bicycle. A p i n k house a n d a p u r p l e r o o f m a y help y o u r i n d i v i d u a l i t y , but it destroys the har­ m o n y o f o u r architecture. It helps greatly w h e n l i v i n g close to­ gether to . . . t h i n k " G o l d e n R u l e . " C o m m o n courtesies be­ c o m e especially i m p o r t a n t . I love T w i n R i v e r s . It's a great place to live! (Twin Rivers Today, M a r c h 1 9 9 8 , p . 14)

142

Chapter 8

T h e 1 9 9 7 candidates for the b o a r d o f trustees made a v a r i e d g r o u p . O f these five volunteers, a c c o r d i n g to Twin Rivers Today ( N o v e m b e r 1 9 9 7 ) , one h a d lived i n T w i n R i v e r s since its i n c e p t i o n . O n e h a d l i v e d there for o n l y t w o years. O n e w a s a retiree; several h a d raised c h i l d r e n i n T w i n Rivers. A n d here is w h a t each stressed as the problems to confront: H o l d o n to what's w o n d e r f u l a b o u t T w i n R i v e r s a n d w o r k o n any l i n g e r i n g p r o b l e m s such as p a r k i n g a n d the s h o p p i n g center . . . a n d b r i n g us a l l together i n a still better t o m o r r o w . I feel that architectural c o n t r o l s s h o u l d be revised to a l l o w h o m e o w n e r s m o r e choices . . . yet m a i n t a i n the integrity o f the design o f the c o m m u n i t y . T w i n R i v e r s has given so m u c h to o u r f a m i l y ; I feel it's time to give b a c k to T w i n R i v e r s . . . . I a m dedicated to d o w h a t it takes to help T w i n R i v e r s c o n t i n u a l l y progress as a desired community. G e t a n u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f m y n e i g h b o r s ' thoughts a n d needs. . . . I have ample time a n d desire to devote, to help i m p r o v e the q u a l i t y o f life i n T w i n R i v e r s . T w i n R i v e r s is entering a n e w era. W i t h a n e w l y installed trust manager a n d w i t h help f r o m b o a r d members a n d residents a l i k e , w e c a n a c c o m p l i s h a great deal, (ibid.) E a r l y a n d later, candidates for the b o a r d o f directors uttered s i m i l a r themes a n d gave s i m i l a r accounts o f their hopes a n d dreams. T h e y de­ scribe h o w they t o o k years to m a k e the m o v e a n d h o w pleased they are, basically, w i t h the house, the p o o l , a n d the m i x o f friendly people — their investments " i n the totality o f l i f e . " O n e seriously considered p r o p o s a l that surfaced several times dur­ i n g the 1980s w a s that o f c h a n g i n g the name o f T w i n R i v e r s to some­ t h i n g m o r e g l a m o r o u s . Ostensibly, this w a s to attract p r i m e ratables a n d to i m p r o v e resale value o f the homes b y a p p e a l i n g to the prestige a n d status interests o f p o t e n t i a l buyers, but it also reflected the aspira­ tions o f the residents. N e a r b y P r i n c e t o n w a s the m a i n i n s p i r a t i o n for a n e w name; suggestions i n c l u d e d P r i n c e t o n P l a i n s , P r i n c e t o n H e i g h t s , a n d P r i n c e t o n L a k e s . T h e argument i n favor w a s expressed i n the f o l ­ l o w i n g excerpt f r o m a n e d i t o r i a l : [P]eople are a l w a y s s t r i v i n g to better themselves, i m p r o v e their self-image a n d p u b l i c image. . . . W h y can't a c o m m u n i t y d o the same thing? If c h a n g i n g the n a m e o f the T o w n s h i p ( w h i c h has n o h i s t o r i c a l o r sentimental value) c a n a c c o m p l i s h a l l this,

Sociability in a New Community

143

w h y not d o it? A n d , i f h a v i n g P r i n c e t o n i n the name is the g o l d e n r i n g , then go for it! (The Periscope, June 1 9 8 2 , p . 2) B u t the t o w n s h i p , finally, decided against it. A s time passed, there were m o r e elaborate descriptions o f T w i n R i v e r s ' qualities as a u n i q u e c o m m u n i t y a n d this helped i m p r o v e its p u b l i c image. H e r e is one couple's assessment: W e have the l u x u r y o f s h o p p i n g i n N e w Y o r k o r Philadelphia. . . . W e enjoy o u r leisure time i n a quiet, r u r a l setting. W e are p r o u d of that. T h e people w h o have m o v e d here over the years have c o m e m o s t l y f r o m u r b a n areas to enjoy the less hectic a n d c r o w d e d lifestyle w e enjoy. (The Periscope, A u g u s t 1 9 8 2 , p . 6) A resident o f the c o n d o m i n i u m s stated: W h a t I find w h e n I get off at night . . . fulfills me for the most part. There are things w h i c h interest me, even i f I d o n ' t often take advantage o f t h e m : a n attractive place to live i n an area that offers o p p o r t u n i t y to d o m a n y o f the things right here i n o u r o w n b a c k y a r d . . . . w e have s w i m m i n g , tennis, a n d other sports, nice, flat, s m o o t h c o u n t r y roads for b i c y c l i n g , leisurely w a l k s o r dedicated jogging; p r i v a c y as w e l l as sociability. S h o p p i n g w a s praised, as w a s the fresh p r o d u c e at l o c a l stands, a n d the restaurants nearby. T h e p r o x i m i t y o f P r i n c e t o n , o n l y ten miles away, w a s considered a plus w i t h its offerings o f theater, art, a n d m u s i c . E n ­ thused one resident: " [ E v e r y w h e r e a r o u n d here is history. . . . In the s u m m e r I feel I ' m o n v a c a t i o n every w e e k e n d . . . a n d a n y t h i n g w e m i g h t w a n t to d o is less t h a n a n h o u r a w a y . " F o r some, r e l a x i n g w i t h a b o o k o n one's private p a t i o w a s a l w a y s a n o p t i o n . So w h i l e the pace w a s d e m a n d i n g for those w h o c o m m u t e d to jobs —rise at 5:30 A . M . , b o a r d the c o m m u t e r bus at 6:30, return h o m e at 6:35 P . M . o r later —the rewards were patent: nice neighbors, getting to k n o w m o r e a n d m o r e residents each year, a n d " d e v e l o p i n g some r o o t s " (The Periscope, M a r c h 1 9 8 3 , p . 4). U p o n his return f r o m a N a t i o n a l C o n d o m i n i u m A s s o c i a t i o n meet­ i n g i n 1 9 8 3 , the trust a d m i n i s t r a t o r reported to the entire c o m m u n i t y that his e x p l o r a t i o n o f t w o other large P U D s i n d i c a t e d that some o f T w i n R i v e r s ' p r o b l e m s — rule enforcement, a n n u a l assessments, a n d c o l ­ l e c t i o n s — w e r e u n i v e r s a l , but that they were h a n d l e d better by T w i n R i v e r s . "I a m m o r e c o n v i n c e d t h a n ever that o u r p o l i c y o f u n i f o r m maintenance, preventative maintenance, c a p i t a l i m p r o v e m e n t , a n d t o t a l c o m m u n i t y i n v o l v e m e n t is the most advantageous w a y to g o , " he stated (The Periscope, N o v e m b e r 1 9 8 3 , p . 1). Flattering portraits o f residents, sports meets, a n d c o m m u n i t y ser-

144

Chapter 8

vice d i d m u c h to p u b l i c i z e the c o m m u n i t y as a locus o f desirable activ­ ities, as d i d the prizes g i v e n to the w i n n e r s o f contests for n a m i n g the l o c a l paper, The Periscope, i n the early 1970s. T h e r e were c o m m u n i t y w i d e celebrations a n d h o l i d a y s that engendered a spirit o f togetherness, and spontaneous social encounters. A b i g event w a s the a n n u a l T w i n R i v e r s D a y , l a u n c h e d i n 1 9 7 7 . E v e r y year thereafter the event w a s fea­ tured, e m b r o i d e r e d w i t h the diverse talents o f the participants. T h e r e were hot dogs a n d p o p c o r n , o f course, but also knishes a n d bagels, p o n y rides, Buffy the T e n - F o o t C l o w n , games o f chance a n d s k i l l , booths d i s p l a y i n g h o m e m a d e cakes o r pottery o r k n i t t e d puppets, and representatives o f c i v i c , p o l i t i c a l , a n d service o r g a n i z a t i o n s (cancer care, M A D D ) , veterans g r o u p s , a n d the N a t i o n a l O r g a n i z a t i o n for W o m e n . H u n d r e d s o f b a l l o o n s dotted the landscape, a n d d e m o n s t r a ­ tions as w e l l as rides by the fire c o m p a n y a n d the rescue s q u a d gave eager c h i l d r e n a n o p p o r t u n i t y to d o n helmets o r c l i m b u p m o b i l e fire ladders. F r o m 10 A . M . to 5 P . M . , hundreds o f residents t u r n e d out to celebrate their c o m m u n i t y a n d each other. Free blood-pressure checks and demonstrations, m a k e - u p lessons, aerobic d a n c i n g , a n d c l o w n m a k e ­ u p demonstrations were a m o n g the day's attractions. A t h l e t i c contests and talent shows revealed the feats o f the y o u n g under the p r o u d gaze of their parents. S p o n s o r e d by the C o m m u n i t y Trust, the event became a k i n d o f s u m m e r solstice. Later, The Periscope w o u l d relive the e x p e r i ­ ence for its readers a n d enshrine the names o f w i n n e r s at baseball, bas­ k e t b a l l , a n d tennis as w e l l as o f the L i t t l e M i s s T w i n R i v e r s (Jessica, aged five) a n d L i t t l e M r . T w i n R i v e r s ( M i c h a e l , aged four) contests. C o o r d i n a t e d by the recreation director, C l a r k R . Lissner, the event de­ pended o n the volunteer efforts o f m a n y people a n d generated w i d e c o m m u n i t y p a r t i c i p a t i o n . T h e g o o d weather (a r a i n date w a s a l w a y s p l a n n e d for), the excited c h i l d r e n , the r e l a x e d adults, the v a r i e d activ­ ities a n d t e m p t i n g f o o d a n d d r i n k created a feeling o f a n o l d - t i m e t o w n fair o r p i c n i c i n w h i c h the n o r m a l feuds a n d sparks were submerged i n the surge o f m i r t h a n d g o o d w i l l that buoys u p the c o m m o n life a n d the sense o f b e l o n g i n g to a larger totality. T h e r e were other a n n u a l events for p a r t i c u l a r segments o r g r o u p s , such as the C h r i s t m a s o r C h a n u k a h parties o r the c o n d o m i n i u m picnics. In a l l o f these activities, the efforts o f the few benefited the many, for nearly a l w a y s it w a s a m i n o r i t y w h o d i d the h a r d w o r k — w i t h o u t direct c o m p e n s a t i o n — o f p l a n n i n g , o r g a n i z i n g , a n d m a k i n g the c e l e b r a t i o n possible. The i m p r i n t o f a n o n y m o u s benefactors is especially p o i g n a n t i n a n e w c o m m u n i t y w h e n people m o v e away, l e a v i n g b e h i n d parts o f t h e m ­ selves i n iris beds, tire p l a y g r o u n d s , m e m o r i e s o f cakes b a k e d a n d c o o k i e s served at countless gatherings, projects i n i t i a t e d , a n d , even m o r e difficult,

Sociability in a New Community

145

c a r r i e d t h r o u g h . In N o v e m b e r 1 9 8 1 , The Periscope n o t e d a c o u p l e w h o s e flowers a n d plants helped beautify the c o m m u n i t y : " E v e r y s p r i n g w e w i l l be r e m i n d e d o f the B l u m s , so a part o f t h e m does r e m a i n i n T w i n R i v e r s " (p. 6). G r a d u a l l y , then, the a n o n y m o u s collective " y o u " becomes a s y m b o l o f countless c o n t r i b u t i o n s , large a n d s m a l l , o f u n k n o w n i n d i v i d u a l s w h o have p o u r e d their p o r t i o n o f civic-mindedness i n t o the c o m m o n f u n d o f stored memories a n d achievements. In this s l o w but steady way, a collec­ tive self-image a n d a legacy of sociability begins to take shape.

CHAPTER 9 SPACE, PLACE, A N D DESIGN

V

I

A local area is not automatically a community. — A Twin Rivers resident Space, territory, t u r f b e l o n g to the d o m a i n where the s o c i a l a n d the p h y s i c a l meet. T h e y are s i m u l t a n e o u s l y given a n d socially constructed. C o l l e g e students have as their t o p p r i o r i t y u p o n a r r i v i n g at the c i t a ­ del the matter o f space — that is, the r o o m , a n d u s u a l l y the r o o m m a t e s , that w i l l house t h e m . T h e y spend countless hours thereafter maneuver­ ing to get the space they desire or require. T h i s w i d e l y shared p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h p e r s o n a l space extends t h r o u g h o u t o u r society — f r o m corporate managers' concerns a b o u t o b ­ t a i n i n g a n office a p p r o p r i a t e to their status to a couple's search for the house that w i l l l a u n c h their life together. It is a c r i t i c a l issue a n d the source o f a n g u i s h as w e l l as delight, as one is r e m i n d e d , often painfully, w h e n n e i g h b o r strikes out at n e i g h b o r i n l o n g s m o l d e r i n g r a n c o r over a b o u n d a r y they m a y have uneasily shared for years. Space is a l w a y s pregnant w i t h m e a n i n g . P l a n n i n g environments for a c o n t e m p o r a r y p o p u l a t i o n involves c r u ­ c i a l spatial decisions a b o u t w h a t to place where a n d w h y . M a n y ele­ ments have to be i n place at the start. Satisfying aggregate demands is a challenge, especially under fluid s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s as n e w c o m e r s steadily

1 49

150

Chapter 9

a d d to the c h a n g i n g s o c i a l m i x . T h i s differs f r o m residential m o b i l i t y due to j o b demands o r the d e v e l o p m e n t o f c o m m u n i t y over t i m e , w h e r e people c a n shape their e n v i r o n s , step by step, t h r o u g h give a n d take. T o construct a n e w t o w n is e n o r m o u s l y difficult. So m a n y elements are i n v o l v e d i n a c t u a l l y creating it, w i t h p o l i t i c a l matters at least as i m p o r ­ tant as e c o n o m i c a n d financial ones. T y p i c a l l y , o l d b u i l d i n g codes need r e v i s i o n , w h i c h brings i n the l o c a l p o l i t i c i a n s , legislators, a n d l a w y e r s ; then there is fear o f i n v a s i o n o f one's h o m e t u r f by outsiders l a c k i n g the " r i g h t " values a n d manners. T h i s is expressed n o t directly but by f a m i l i a r euphemisms — the s t r a i n o n e x i s t i n g facilities, excessive densities, traffic c o n g e s t i o n , s c h o o l over­ c r o w d i n g . O t h e r fears c o n c e r n d e m o g r a p h i c shifts — t o o m a n y singles o r elderly, t o o m a n y c h i l d r e n , o r p o o r o r i m m i g r a n t s — a l l threatening es­ tablished traditions. N e w s p a p e r s also d o their part i n heating u p the atmosphere. H e n c e , p l a n n e d developments generally require extensive advance p r e p a r a t i o n , i n c l u d i n g p u b l i c relations, c u l t i v a t i o n o f the m e d i a , p a i d advertising, a n d engaged citizens. In a l l o f this, a n d understandably, the chief targets o f residents' frustrations — builders a n d developers — are significant r i s k takers. " T h e y . . . have w a l k e d the r o u g h , uneven, u n p r e d i c t a b l e p a t h t h r o u g h p l a n ­ n i n g b o a r d s , boards o f adjustments, permits, a p p r o v a l s . . . l a w s u i t s , appeals, affirmances, reversals, a n d i n between a l l o f these, changes i n b o t h statutory a n d d e c i s i o n a l l a w . T h a t c a n t u r n a case upside d o w n " ( K i r p et a l . , 1 9 9 7 , p . 139). T r a d i t i o n a l c o m m u n i t i e s are planless " p r o d u c t s o f m a n y past gener­ a t i o n s , " their mores a n d beliefs h a v i n g " g r o w n s l o w l y by i n n u m e r a b l e a d d i t i o n s a n d m o d i f i c a t i o n s w i t h o u t a n y regard for consistency, w i t h o u t a n y idea o f s u b o r d i n a t i n g t h e m to some c o m m o n a n d general a i m " ( T h o m a s a n d Z n a n i e c k i 1 9 5 8 , p p . 1 4 2 3 - 2 4 ) . T h e fit between s o c i a l institutions a n d i n d i v i d u a l attitudes w a s n o t c o n s c i o u s l y p l a n n e d but developed t h r o u g h l o n g experience. N e w c o m m u n i t i e s , by contrast, m u s t create their institutions a l l at once. T h e y are o r g a n i z e d i d e ­ o l o g i c a l l y i n terms o f e x p l i c i t goals, n e w values, a n d assessments o f aggregate needs. T h e i r s is a task o f a h i g h order. A n o t h e r p r o b l e m stems f r o m the s o c i a l assumptions inherent i n the spatial design. O n e fact t y p i c a l l y i g n o r e d i n c o n t e m p o r a r y c o m m u n i t y p l a n s is that the residents d o n o t start out w i t h a b l a n k slate to be shaped b y b r i c k a n d mortar. E v e r y o n e brings ideas a n d aspirations o f their o w n i n t o the n e w setting. If the design does n o t r e a d i l y a c c o m m o ­ date these, it engenders a l m o s t i m m e d i a t e resistance that carries over i n t o m a n y areas. A s residents attempt to b e n d the design o f the nascent c o m m u n i t y to their w i l l s , they often destroy it i n frustration.

Space, Place, and Design

151

F o r e x a m p l e , f r o m the start, the twelve tot lots were h e a v i l y crit­ icized. Since their l o c a t i o n w a s w e l l concealed they p r o v e d t e m p t i n g to teenagers for e x t r a c u r r i c u l a r activities, especially at night, w h i c h an­ n o y e d adult residents w h o h a d to clean u p the b r o k e n glasses, beer bottles, a n d f o o d remains the next day. B u t w h i l e residents h a d their criticisms o f design, they also h a d their favorite design features. M o s t a p p e a l i n g w a s the bridge over the q u a d I lake, w h i c h offered solace to m a n y w h o responded to its beauty. " H o w c a n anyone not be satisfied" asked one T w i n R i v e r s official, " w h e n they have such a lovely sight available to t h e m . " B y t a p p i n g the responses o f the T w i n R i v e r s residents to their p h y s i ­ c a l e n v i r o n m e n t , as w e l l as their m o d i f i c a t i o n s to it, it w a s possible to assess the fit between design a n d behavior, thereby h e l p i n g to clarify the most elusive aspect o f design, generally referred to as "the h u m a n factor." Several design concepts structured the p h y s i c a l p l a n o f T w i n R i v e r s : the d i s t i n c t i o n between p u b l i c a n d private spaces; the separation o f ve­ h i c u l a r f r o m pedestrian m o v e m e n t ; the w a l k i n g distance i d e a l ; the neigh­ b o r h o o d (quad) idea; a n d the t o w n h o u s e . Several indicators were used to e x p l o r e residents' uses a n d reac­ tions. O n e was observation o f strategic sites to tap aggregate uses. A n o t h e r w a s residents' subjective reactions gleaned f r o m the three large-scale attitude surveys a n d m o r e than five-hundred face-to-face interviews. A t h i r d i n d i c a t o r t r a c k e d positive a n d negative m o d i f i c a t i o n s o f the p h y s i ­ c a l e n v i r o n m e n t . Positive m o d i f i c a t i o n s i n c l u d e embellishments such as plantings, decorations, a n d signage. Negative m o d i f i c a t i o n s refer to de­ facements a n d destruction o f b u i l d i n g s a n d sites. F i n a l l y , w e also d r e w o n " p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n , " w h e r e b y the investigator becomes part o f the scene being studied a n d engages i n certain t y p i c a l activities — p l a y ­ i n g tennis, r e l a x i n g at the s w i m m i n g p o o l , t a k i n g a c h i l d to s c h o o l , o r s h o p p i n g at the convenience store —to experience these directly. T o ­ gether, these v a r i o u s indicators p r o v i d e d c r i t i c a l i n f o r m a t i o n o n h o w the design w o r k e d out i n practice. T h e g o o d life includes g o o d space, a space that is serviceable, acces­ sible, a n d beautiful. A n d since o u r lives are spent i n houses, w o r k places, a n d c o m m u n i t i e s , the b u i l t e n v i r o n m e n t — its texture, appearance, a n d s y m b o l i c m e a n i n g —has substantial consequences. Indeed research has s h o w n that h o u s i n g , n e i g h b o r h o o d , a n d the w i d e r c o m m u n i t y p l a y a n i m p o r t a n t , even decisive, part i n life satisfactions. M a n y subtle factors are at w o r k here, i n v o l v i n g rules o f spatial b e h a v i o r a n d conceptions o f w h a t constitutes attractive a n d reassuring s u r r o u n d i n g s . S p a t i a l a n d ter­ r i t o r i a l integrity contribute to one's sense o f p h y s i c a l , p s y c h o l o g i c a l , a n d social self-preservation by g i v i n g one a sense o f identity a n d secu­ rity ( C a m p b e l l et a l . , 1 9 7 6 , p . 174ff; Ittelson 1 9 7 4 , p . 129ff). P h y s i c a l

152

Chapter 9

arrangements, l o c a t i o n , centrality, a n d t e r r i t o r i a l i t y c o n t r i b u t e to the c r e a t i o n o f a sense o f c o m m u n i t y a n d w e l l - b e i n g . D e s i g n does n o t guar­ antee the attainment o f these goals but it m a y facilitate o r impede their r e a l i z a t i o n . G o o d design, like a dress that fits w e l l , enhances the selfsatisfaction o f those dependent o n it. Bettelheim has described a n a p p r o p r i a t e p h y s i c a l setting as the "safe center" f r o m w h i c h life c a n go f o r w a r d . A n d his o w n researches have s h o w n h o w the b u i l t e n v i r o n m e n t m a y influence the process o f getting w e l l , o f g a i n i n g confidence, o f trusting others (Bettelheim 1 9 7 4 ) . In­ deed, the questions asked o f a n i n s t i t u t i o n a l therapeutic setting are n o t t o o different f r o m the questions asked o f e n v i r o n m e n t s generally: W i l l this place p r o v i d e . . . safety . . .? W i l l it help create order out o f m y confusion? . . . W i l l it force me i n t o a m o l d ? Is the b u i l d i n g attractive a n d reassuring e n o u g h to become the shell w h i c h w i l l protect me . . .? ( i b i d . , p . 103) T h e issues o f safety, p r o t e c t i o n , reassurance, coherence are o f c o n c e r n to everyone at some time. N e w m a n has e x p l o r e d the significance o f design for a feeling o f safety i n l o w - i n c o m e residential e n v i r o n m e n t s ( N e w m a n 1 9 7 2 ) , a n d the desire for safety underlies the establishment o f retirement c o m m u n i t i e s as w e l l as the m o v e to n e w c o m m u n i t i e s . Indeed, one o f the m a i n goals o f the N e w T o w n s m o v e m e n t has been its endeavor to achieve a better o v e r a l l q u a l i t y o f life t h r o u g h de­ sign. It has stressed the c r e a t i o n o f v i s u a l order, p h y s i c a l integrity, s o c i a l balance, c o m m u n i t y p a r t i c i p a t i o n , a n d ready accessibility to needed ed­ u c a t i o n a l , health, a n d s o c i a l services. T h a t N e w T o w n s d i d n o t attain these to the extent h o p e d for s h o u l d n o t detract f r o m their considerable achievements, i n c l u d i n g the fact that they p i o n e e r e d i n the effort to i n ­ clude design as a w a y o f i m p r o v i n g the q u a l i t y o f life. T h u s design defines a n e n v i r o n m e n t , s y m b o l i z e s the a v a i l a b i l i t y o f resources, a n d expresses a p l a n for l i v i n g . B y s h a p i n g the spatial c o n ­ texts i n w h i c h life takes place, it also helps to m a i n t a i n values to live by. P e r s o n a l space, p r i v a c y , c o m m u n i t y , c o n c e r n for others, o p p o r t u n i t y for contact a n d m o v e m e n t — a l l are dependent o n design. In this sense, the c r e a t i o n o f desirable a n d w o r k a b l e p h y s i c a l settings is p a r t o f the pur­ s u i t — a n d the attainment — o f h u m a n happiness.

The House: Property, Shelter, and Private Domain T h e o w n e r s h i p o f a t o w n h o u s e is double-edged. A s is true o f h o m e o w n e r s h i p generally, it satisfies the need for a separate a n d private d o ­ m a i n , but i n being p h y s i c a l l y l i n k e d , it gives o w n e r s a financial a n d t e r r i t o r i a l stake i n each other's lives a n d i n the l a n d they possess i n

Space, Place, and Design

153

Table 9.1

What Is the Key Ingredient of an Ideal Community? " A detached house" (first response) D i d not mention a detached house

The Twice-Interviewed " A detached house" (first response) D i d not mention a detached house

1970s

1980s

5% 95%

27% 73%

Ν = 250

Ν = 71

Sample * 5% 95%

21% 79% Ν = 44

*These are residents interviewed both in 1973 and 1983. c o m m o n . T h e ideal o f one's house as one's very o w n castle is h a r d to sustain under these c o n d i t i o n s . Since the residents o f T w i n R i v e r s were t r a d i t i o n a l i n their o r i e n t a t i o n to h o m e o w n e r s h i p a n d a l l that implies for family, one w o u l d have expected the t y p i c a l response to a n y t h i n g less t h a n a single-family, freestanding house to be a m b i v a l e n t . It thus came as a considerable surprise to see h o w positively residents reacted to the t o w n h o u s e s . W h i c h e v e r i n d i c a t o r w e e x a m i n e d —the reactions to the t o w n h o u s e as a w h o l e ; the i m p r o v e m e n t s sought; the responses to den­ sity, noise, o r neighbors — the house came out as a p l u s . N o n e o f the anticipated fears — f r o m invasions o f p r i v a c y to intrusive neighbors — m a t e r i a l i z e d for m o r e t h a n a s m a l l f r a c t i o n o f the p o p u l a t i o n . O n a fifteen-item i n d e x o f h o u s i n g satisfaction based o n l i k i n g the t o w n h o u s e o v e r a l l a n d o n specific ratings o f v a r i o u s d i m e n s i o n s , t w o - t h i r d s o f T w i n R i v e r s residents l i k e d their houses, o n e - t h i r d were enthusiastic, a n d o n l y a s m a l l m i n o r i t y h a d m i x e d feelings. A m i n u s c u l e p r o p o r t i o n ( 2 % or less) said they d i s l i k e d their t o w n h o u s e s . T o w n h o u s e s , t h o u g h s h a r i n g w a l l s a n d c o m m o n spaces, are connected i n the m i n d s o f their o w n e r s , n o t w i t h apartments, w h i c h they resemble s o m e w h a t , but w i t h freestanding houses. Indeed, there is a rather consistent pattern o f association between h o u s i n g type a n d life satisfaction: A m o n g apartment dwellers, it is n o ­ ticeably l o w w h i l e a m o n g t o w n h o u s e residents, it is h i g h . A house is seen n o t o n l y as a h a v e n a n d a shelter but also as a p r o v i d e r o f o u t d o o r p l a y space for c h i l d r e n w i t h adult s u p e r v i s i o n nearby, a n d o f space where adults m a y gather for gossip or social cele­ brations. O n a l l these counts, the t o w n h o u s e p r o v e d m o r e t h a n ade­ quate. E v e n the h i g h densities t u r n e d o u t to be acceptable p r o v i d e d that they also a l l o w e d for some private space a n d amenities close by. C o n ­ t r a r y to m u c h expert o p i n i o n , therefore, residents were m o s t receptive to w h a t w a s then considered a n o v e l f o r m o f h o u s i n g i n s u b u r b i a .

154

Chapter 9

N o n e t h e l e s s , for some, ideals d i e d h a r d . Despite the fact that they l i v e d i n attached h o u s i n g a n d were even ready to a c k n o w l e d g e its a d ­ vantages, a m i n o r i t y o f residents r e m a i n e d faithful to the idea o f a free­ s t a n d i n g house. In fact, 5 to 10 percent k n e w a l m o s t i m m e d i a t e l y that a t o w n h o u s e w a s not for t h e m a n d left the c o m m u n i t y as s o o n as they c o u l d . A larger p r o p o r t i o n stayed but m a y have c l u n g to the i d e a l o f a detached house. C o m p a r a t i v e data s h o w that i n the 1 9 7 0 s , i n the flush o f h i g h ex­ pectations a b o u t the c o m m u n i t y , v i r t u a l l y none o f the residents c o n s i d ­ ered a detached house a key ingredient o f a n i d e a l c o m m u n i t y . B y the 1 9 8 0 s , w h e n p r o b l e m s h a d become evident, o n e - f o u r t h regarded a de­ tached house as the s o l u t i o n to their p r o b l e m s , a n d some w o u l d act o n this c o n v i c t i o n by m o v i n g a w a y (table 9.1). T h e c o m p a r i s o n o f h o m e o w n e r s i n t e r v i e w e d t w i c e , a decade apart, still o c c u p y i n g the same houses they h a d i n i t i a l l y p u r c h a s e d , s h o w e d a s i m i l a r pattern. O n l y 5 percent m e n t i o n e d a detached house as a signifi­ cant ingredient o f a n i d e a l c o m m u n i t y i n the m i d - 1 9 7 0 s , but b y the m i d - 1 9 8 0 s , 2 1 percent d i d so. B u t i n b o t h cases, the large m a j o r i t y were w e l l satisfied a n d stuck w i t h their t o w n h o u s e s . R e s e a r c h has s h o w n that residential satisfaction reflects four m a i n l a n d - a n d space-related factors: (1) maintenance a n d u p k e e p o f p r o p e r t y a n d g r o u n d s ; (2) external appearance o f the d w e l l i n g s ; (3) shape a n d l a y o u t o f the b u i l d i n g s ; a n d (4) l a n d s c a p i n g (Becker 1 9 7 7 , p . 2 2 ) . T h e fact that the t o w n h o u s e s o f T w i n R i v e r s p r o v e d agreeable t o m o s t residents suggests that it is possible to find satisfaction i n a h o u s ­ i n g type that m a y n o t be one's u l t i m a t e i d e a l . Indeed, the data suggest that m o s t people d o n ' t h o l d o n to one specific h o u s i n g preference, but m o d i f y their ideas o n the basis o f experience. A g o o d deal seems to depend o n s k i l l f u l design that is flexible, a n d space that c a n be m o d i f i e d . D e s i g n c a n p r o v i d e the i l l u s i o n o f spacious­ ness, thereby e n l a r g i n g w h a t B e c k e r has c a l l e d "the p s y c h o l o g i c a l size o f the h o u s e " ( i b i d . , p . 2 7 ) . D e s i g n c a n m a k e a s m a l l house appear spacious, even l u x u r i o u s , by the use o f s k y l i g h t s , h i g h ceilings, w i n d o w s above eye level, a n d m i r r o r s . In o u r image-conscious c u l t u r e , appear­ ance is a l l , a n d the i l l u s i o n o f space is a p p a r e n t l y as effective as the a c t u a l p r o v i s i o n o f space. B y a n d large, the T w i n R i v e r s t o w n h o u s e s seem to have p r o v i d e d b o t h the space needed b y the inhabitants a n d the spaciousness desired by t h e m .

Townhouse Living and Privacy T h e r e are m a n y w h o believe that t o w n h o u s e l i v i n g c a n n o t p r o v i d e p r i ­ vacy, that coveted nugget o f w e l l - b e i n g i n a n i n d i v i d u a l - o r i e n t e d society.

Space, Place, and Design

155

Table 9.2

Ratings of Privacy by Decade 1970s

1980s

32% 35% 33%

31% 45% 24%

Ν = 167*

Ν = 71*

Privacy is Particularly good Adequate Bad

Totals include townhouse dwellers only.

H i g h p o p u l a t i o n densities, as w e l l as the v i s u a l a n d a u d i t o r y p r o x i m i t y of neighbors, it is feared, affect p r i v a c y adversely. T h i s study p r o v i d e s some interesting data a b o u t p e r s o n a l space i n a dense settlement. P r i v a c y fared w e l l i n T w i n R i v e r s (table 9.2). In b o t h the 1970s a n d the 1980s, the large m a j o r i t y o f residents t h o u g h t p r i v a c y w a s satisfactory, a n d o n e - t h i r d thought it especially so. T h e m i n o r i t y w h o gave it l o w m a r k s decreased over the decade. T h i s suggests that either people's need for p r i v a c y changed o r that they became habituated to t o w n h o u s e l i v i n g . P r i v a c y has been associated w i t h user satisfaction i n general, a n d this is true for T w i n R i v e r s as w e l l . T h e r e is a clear-cut relationship between h i g h ratings o n p r i v a c y a n d strong l i k i n g for the c o m m u n i t y (table 9.3). Indeed, ratings o n p r i v a c y i m p r o v e d w i t h length o f residence i n the c o m m u n i t y . T h e t w i c e - i n t e r v i e w e d residents, for e x a m p l e , gave p r i v a c y higher ratings i n the 1980s, w h e n 9 0 percent were satisfied w i t h it, t h a n i n the 1970s, w h e n o n l y 5 7 percent were satisfied. T h i s again suggests

Table 9.3

Satisfaction with Twin Rivers Community by Rating of Privacy Rating of privacy Particularly good Adequate Poor Ν = 71 X = 10.17 df = 4 sig. = 0.031 2

1980s townhouse residents saying they like Twin Rivers very much 50% 40% 10% 100%

156

Chapter?

that people adapt o n the basis o f experience a n d c a n l e a r n to adjust their needs for p r i v a c y to n e w c o n d i t i o n s . P r i v a c y is a f u n c t i o n not o n l y o f density but o f v i s i b i l i t y a n d observ­ ability. F o r e x a m p l e , the p a r k i n g areas i n T w i n R i v e r s are l o c a t e d i n front o f the houses, so it is easy to t r a c k the activities o f other residents, a n d i n the early years m a n y were p r e o c c u p i e d w i t h the activities o f their n e i g h b o r s . T h i s m a d e some feel as i f they were l i v i n g i n a fishbowl ( O ' T o o l e 1 9 7 1 , p . 10). In t i m e , however, people tended to lose interest i n w a t c h i n g o r i g n o r e d m u c h o f w h a t they saw, spontaneously generat­ i n g a p r i v a c y based o n i n a t t e n t i o n . H o w e v e r p r i v a c y w a s defined, it w a s n o t a p r o b l e m at T w i n R i v e r s . T h i s further reinforced the acceptability o f t o w n h o u s e l i v i n g for this contemporary population.

Neighbors in Townhouse Developments O n e m e a n i n g o f c o m m u n i t y is g o o d f e l l o w s h i p a n d neighborliness. A n e n v i r o n m e n t that is perceived as friendly a n d s u p p o r t i v e enlists positive i n - g r o u p feelings a n d loyalties, whereas one experienced as deficient i n these respects diminishes the sense o f c o m m u n i t y by b r i n g i n g negative a n d u n c o o p e r a t i v e feelings to the fore. H i g h densities, b y increasing p h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y , c a n p r o m o t e either i n t e r p e r s o n a l friction o r closeness. In T w i n R i v e r s closeness w a s m o r e c o m m o n . T h e large m a j o r i t y o f residents gave their neighbors very p o s i ­ tive ratings i n the 1 9 7 0 s , 1980s, a n d 1990s. T w o determinants o f neigh­ b o r l y feeling c o u l d be identified: (1) h o u s i n g tenure a n d (2) s p a t i a l design. T h e s o c i a l d i v i s i o n between those w h o o w n their o w n d w e l l i n g s a n d those w h o rent t h e m has often been n o t e d . S u c h a d i v i s i o n often creates d i s u n i t y i n a n emerging c o m m u n i t y a n d reinforces s o c i a l stereo­ types. H o m e o w n e r s tend to live i n houses, renters i n apartments. T w i n R i v e r s h o m e o w n e r s d i d tend to l o o k d o w n o n apartment d w e l l ­ ers as being less desirable neighbors a n d less responsible citizens. In t u r n , apartment dwellers resented these slights a n d felt isolated a n d ex­ c l u d e d f r o m the i n c i p i e n t c o m m u n i t y . T h e s o c i a l distance between o w n e r s a n d renters w a s vast f r o m the earliest days. T h e t w o f o r m e d separate w o r l d s a n d stayed w i t h i n their borders. A d u l t h o m e o w n e r s i n p a r t i c u l a r tended to confine their range o f s o c i a b i l i t y to other h o m e o w n e r s , either w i t h i n their o w n courts o r outside t h e m . These patterns, once started, c o n t i n u e d o n their o w n m o m e n t u m . H o u s i n g tenure w a s thus a significant determinant o f patterns o f soci­ ability. S p a t i a l design affected s o c i a b i l i t y i n a s o m e w h a t different w a y . F o r the residents i n general, a n d for e x - N e w Y o r k e r s i n particular, m a -

Space, Place, and Design

157

jor sites for sociability were the c o m m o n p a r k i n g areas i n front o f the t o w n h o u s e s , a space w h e r e the n e i g h b o r s ' c o m i n g s a n d goings c o u l d r e a d i l y be observed, a n d w h e r e c h i l d r e n p l a y e d — the danger o f cars not­ w i t h s t a n d i n g . A b o v e a l l , insiders c o u l d r e a d i l y be distinguished f r o m outsiders, as residents were able at a glance to determine w h o belonged a n d w h o d i d not. Spatial v i s i b i l i t y seems to have exercised a positive effect o n soci­ ability, as residents used the s m a l l front l a w n s for c o n v i v i a l i t y a n d gos­ sip. T h a t this w a s a reflection o f siting rather t h a n merely the a v a i l a b i l ­ ity o f o p e n space is i n d i c a t e d by the fact that the grassy c o m m o n areas at the rear o f the houses were n o t used for such s o c i a l i z i n g at a l l . R e s i ­ dents f o u n d t h e m unsuitable o r u n a p p e a l i n g . T h e y seemed to l a c k the necessary spatial a m b i a n c e for sociability. T h u s h i g h densities m a d e for h i g h visibility, w h i l e the sharing o f p u b l i c spaces, p a r k i n g areas, a n d services such as l a w n maintenance a n d garbage d i s p o s a l made for a h i g h degree o f interdependence. It w a s h a r d to a v o i d n e i g h b o r l y contact, a n d m o s t residents desired not less but m o r e such contact. T h e closed cul-de-sac arrangements also gave the h o u s i n g courts a sense o f s p a t i a l , i f n o t a l w a y s s o c i a l , c o h e s i o n . T h e v i s u a l awareness generated there made for a g r a d u a l development o f m u t u a l r e c o g n i t i o n f o l l o w e d by v e r b a l greetings, a n d these l e d to w h a t ­ ever further social contacts seemed agreeable. In s u m , house-related l a n d a n d space were significantly related to p r i v a c y as w e l l as to sociability. In a d d i t i o n to the spaces they shared, residents also cherished spaces o f their o w n i n the f o r m o f s m a l l patios fenced off at the rear o f their t o w n h o u s e s . These s m a l l spaces, o n l y between t w o h u n d r e d a n d four h u n d r e d square feet, were o f great per­ s o n a l a n d s y m b o l i c significance. In a d d i t i o n to the o u t d o o r space they p r o v i d e d , they distinguished the t o w n h o u s e f r o m the apartment, thereby b r i n g i n g it closer to the t r a d i t i o n a l image o f a detached house. Part o f the c h a r m o f this space w a s that it p e r m i t t e d the residents to express themselves freely, w i t h o u t the social c o n t r o l s that operated t h r o u g h o u t the c o m m u n i t y . A n d residents relished their little corners o f solitude. Some created beautiful gardens, c o m m u n e d w i t h nature, enjoyed barbe­ c u e d dinners i n g o o d weather, o r c o n t e m p l a t e d the eternal verities i n private. It w a s a delicious taste o f freedom i n a c o m m u n i t y o f shared spaces a n d u b i q u i t o u s a r c h i t e c t u r a l c o n t r o l s . In c o n c l u s i o n , a major lesson gained f r o m this close l o o k at a c o m ­ m u n i t y i n the m a k i n g is that a p o p u l a t i o n w e d d e d i n p r i n c i p l e to the single-family house c a n l e a r n to appreciate, a n d even prefer, a f o r m o f shared h o u s i n g i n practice. T h i s l e a r n i n g proceeded m o r e r a p i d l y t h a n one w o u l d have t h o u g h t a n d suggests that a well-designed t o w n h o u s e c a n satisfy aspirations for p r i v a c y as w e l l as for c o m m u n i t y . G i v e n cur-

158

Chapter?

rent U . S . e c o n o m i c a n d d e m o g r a p h i c trends t o w a r d smaller families, single-parent a n d t w o - j o b h o u s e h o l d s , p r o l o n g e d s i n g l e h o o d , h i g h d i ­ vorce rates, a n d a n aging p o p u l a t i o n , t o w n h o u s e l i v i n g m a y w e l l be­ c o m e the h o u s i n g i d e a l o f the future.

The Walking Distance Ideal A n i m p o r t a n t p l a n n i n g p r i n c i p l e i n n e w c o m m u n i t i e s is that o f w a l k i n g distance. It is based o n the a s s u m p t i o n that c o n v e n i e n t access to desired facilities s u c h as shops, schools, recreation, a n d friends w o u l d encour­ age people to w a l k to v a r i o u s destinations. H o w d i d this a s s u m p t i o n fare i n T w i n R i v e r s ? F r o m the start, v i r t u a l l y a l l residents i n p r i n c i p l e a p p r o v e d o f w a l k ­ i n g but very few p u t p r i n c i p l e i n t o practice. O n l y one-fifth consistently resorted to w a l k i n g for their visits a n d errands. T h e large m a j o r i t y re­ l i e d o n their cars a n d d r o v e everywhere, even short distances. W e r e they s i m p l y c h i l d r e n o f their time o r were there other reasons for n o t a v a i l ­ i n g themselves o f the o p p o r t u n i t y to w a l k ? T h e research literature suggests that i n m o d e r n times, the w a l k i n g distance p r i n c i p l e w o r k s under c e r t a i n c o n d i t i o n s only. Distances be­ t w e e n destinations s h o u l d be short (two h u n d r e d to four h u n d r e d feet), a n d there s h o u l d be attractive a n d a p p e a l i n g sights a l o n g the w a y so that w a l k i n g becomes interesting a n d has elements o f surprise ( L a n g d o n 1 9 9 4 , p . 131). T h i s w a s n o t the case i n T w i n R i v e r s . Distances between homes a n d s h o p p i n g , schools, o r p o o l s generally exceeded the m a x i ­ m u m , a n d the t y p i c a l half-a-mile distances p r o v e d d i s c o u r a g i n g to m o s t residents, especially at the b e g i n n i n g w h e n the landscape w a s bare, c o n ­ s t r u c t i o n b l i g h t w a s everywhere, a n d neither p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s n o r p r i ­ vate d w e l l i n g s m a d e the s u r r o u n d i n g s seem i n v i t i n g . F o r this c o m m u n i t y design, then, the w a l k i n g - d i s t a n c e p r i n c i p l e p r o v e d a m i s t a k e , a costly m i s t a k e , it t u r n e d out, because the devel­ oper's g o a l to m i n i m i z e the car l e d to a serious p a r k i n g c r u n c h later. A l r e a d y i n the early 1970s, m o r e t h a n two-fifths o f the h o u s e h o l d s h a d at least t w o cars a n d t w o - t h i r d s o f the residents used these at least once each day. B y the early 1980s, a l l o f these patterns h a d accelerated. M o r e t h a n one h a l f ( 5 5 % ) o f the households n o w h a d t w o cars, a n d 85 percent used these d a i l y : 9 0 percent for s h o p p i n g , to visit w i t h friends, for chauffeuring their c h i l d r e n to s c h o o l (only 1 4 % used the bus) a n d t o e x t r a c u r r i c u l a r activities. G i v e n the pervasive use o f the car, the p l a n n e d - f o r pedestrianv e h i c u l a r d i v i s i o n c o u l d n o t be m a i n t a i n e d . T h i s is the m o r e s u r p r i s i n g

Space, Place, and Design

159

since this w a s to be a c o m m u n i t y dedicated to healthful activities i n a n e n v i r o n m e n t o f p a r k s , p l a y g r o u n d s , w a l k i n g paths, a n d o p e n spaces. T h e 164 acres o f o p e n space boasted t w o lakes, four s w i m m i n g clubs, twelve tennis courts, a n d m a n y tot lots a n d children's p l a y g r o u n d s , a l o n g w i t h the t h i r t y acres reserved for p a r k s , r o a d w a y s , a n d p a r k i n g areas. These were greatly appreciated but d i d not encourage m o r e t h a n a fraction o f the residents to w a l k .

Parking Spaces: Mine, Thine, or Whose? Without doubt, one of the biggest problems in Twin Rivers today is the parking spaces. Two-car families have become three-, four-, and five-car families and parking spaces have become more and more dif­ ficult to find near our homes. — Colitsas, The Periscope Since the b u i l d e r o r i g i n a l l y envisioned a w a l k i n g - d i s t a n c e c o m m u n i t y i n w h i c h the car w o u l d be, i f not superfluous, o n l y m i n i m a l l y used, p a r k ­ i n g w a s not supposed to become a p r o b l e m i n T w i n R i v e r s . H o w e v e r , as early as the m i d - 1 9 7 0 s , pedestrians were second to the car i n their i m ­ p r i n t o n the c o m m u n i t y . T h e p h o t o g r a p h s t a k e n i n the early 1970s s h o w e d a s t r i k i n g p r e d o m i n a n c e i n the r a t i o o f cars to people despite the fact that the p r i m e objective w a s to p h o t o g r a p h people i n v a r i o u s activities. O f the 1,608 p h o t o g r a p h s t a k e n i n the years f r o m 1 9 7 2 t h r o u g h 1 9 7 4 , 1,316 s h o w e d people a n d 4 , 3 4 6 , cars. C a r s d o m i n a t e d the v i s u a l landscape, a n d were part o f a three-way c o m p l e x o f house, car, a n d street. Indeed, a m o r e detailed study o f residents' reactions to a set o f p h o t o g r a p h s o f v a r i o u s sites a n d b u i l d i n g s o f T w i n R i v e r s s h o w e d that for the cross-section i n t e r v i e w e d , the car a n d the t o w n h o u s e to­ gether c o m p r i s e d the m o s t frequently cited " t y p i c a l " image o f T w i n R i v e r s (Wagner 1 9 7 9 ) . In o p t i n g for the " w a l k i n g - d i s t a n c e c o m m u n i t y , " the developer h a d allotted o n l y one a n d a h a l f to t w o p a r k i n g spaces per d w e l l i n g unit i n the p a r k i n g courts. T h i s meant that m o r e houses c o u l d be b u i l t but it also p r e o r d a i n e d huge p r o b l e m s i n the future i f his c a l c u l a t i o n s p r o v e d incorrect, w h i c h they d i d . A s the y o u n g families w h o first m o v e d i n became older a n d the c h i l d r e n became teenagers, another car w a s often added. A n d as wives resumed e m p l o y m e n t , another car often p r o v e d necessary. B y 1 9 8 4 three cars per f a m i l y w a s considered average, lead­ i n g the trust a d m i n i s t r a t o r to request that t h i r d a n d f o u r t h cars be p a r k e d at the end o f the courts o r i n visitor p a r k i n g lots. B u t requests are not l a w s a n d were frequently i g n o r e d , thereby exacerbating the

160

Chapter 9

p a r k i n g p r o b l e m i n T w i n R i v e r s . A s p a r k i n g v i o l a t i o n s increased, so d i d summonses a n d the irritations o f residents. T h e n e w o w n e r o f the shop­ p i n g center w a r n e d residents that those w h o p a r k e d at the s h o p p i n g center w o u l d have to p a y a m o n t h l y fee o f t h i r t y d o l l a r s per car. T h o s e w h o i g n o r e d the w a r n i n g signs suddenly f o u n d their cars t o w e d . W h i l e signs a n d fines b r o u g h t the p r o b l e m under c o n t r o l for the s h o p p i n g center, for the rest o f the c o m m u n i t y p a r k i n g became a n ever sharper t h o r n i n the side o f civic order. The p a r k i n g o f c o m m e r c i a l vehicles i n the courts a n d o n private r o a d w a y s l i k e w i s e became a n issue. " O n one evening early i n F e b r u a r y 1985, the P h y s i c a l Plants manager listed a n d tagged 2 7 n o n - c o n f o r m i n g vehicles w i t h i n t o w n h o u s e p a r k i n g l o t s . " Some o f these belonged to renters i g n o r a n t o f the rules, for w h o m fines a n d t o w i n g were to p r o ­ vide costly lessons. " T h e Trust does not enjoy b o t h e r i n g o r p e n a l i z i n g o u r residents," trust a d m i n i s t r a t o r V u z z o a n n o u n c e d . " C o o p e r a t i o n by c o n f o r m a n c e w i l l eliminate that p r o b l e m " (The Periscope, M a r c h 1 9 8 5 , p. 1). T h e p r o b l e m persisted, however, a n d the b o a r d n o t e d that " a n increasing a m o u n t o f time is being spent o n the p a r k i n g s i t u a t i o n i n T w i n R i v e r s " (The Periscope, M a y 1 9 8 5 , p . 2). In their distress, the residents c a l l e d o n the builder, the trust, a n d the t o w n s h i p "to solve this p r o b l e m before it is t o o late." T h e y also spread the story, a m y t h a c c o r d i n g to some, that the developer h a d p r o m i s e d that he w o u l d tell prospective residents w i t h t w o cars that T w i n R i v e r s w a s not a place for t h e m to buy, a l l to n o a v a i l (The Peri­ scope, M a y 1 9 7 3 , p . 2). Three decades later, the p r o b l e m has o n l y be­ come worse. In a n effort to deal w i t h the s i t u a t i o n , fines a n d summonses were f o r m a l i z e d i n p u b l i c announcements: Please be advised u n a u t h o r i z e d vehicles d r i v i n g , p a r k i n g , o r standing i n emergency lanes are n o w subject to either a fine, s u m m o n s , o r t o w i n g at the owner's expense. (The Periscope, M a y 1982) A l m o s t a year later, the tone became m o r e urgent: N u m e r o u s residents have i g n o r e d [the] restrictions a n d have p a r k e d boats, campers, trailers, t r u c k s , jeeps, a n d other u n a p ­ p r o v e d vehicles w i t h i n the P U D . A c c o r d i n g l y , as o f O c t o b e r 1 5 , 1979, v i o l a t i o n s w i l l be p u n i s h e d b y t o w i n g the offending vehi­ cle at the owner's expense a n d m a y result i n a l a w s u i t against the owner. A l s o , recreational privileges m a y be r e v o k e d for the o w n e r a n d f a m i l y members " u n t i l there is c o m p l i a n c e w i t h the p a r k i n g rules." (The b o a r d o f the T R H A , The Periscope, J a n u ­ ary 1 9 8 3 , p . 5)

Space, Place, and Design

161

These were desperate measures for a p a r k i n g s i t u a t i o n out o f c o n t r o l a n d w i t h n o ready s o l u t i o n i n sight. B y 1 9 8 7 a p a r k i n g r e v i e w c o m m i t ­ tee w a s established by the T R H A B o a r d . It reported the f o l l o w i n g as persistent a n d unresolved issues: 1. "Serious o v e r c r o w d i n g " o n m a n y courts —so that residents c a n n o t find p a r k i n g spaces i n their courts o n a regular basis. 2. P a r k i n g o f oversized vehicles i n the courts creating safety hazards for pedestrians 3. " A b u s e s o f p a r k i n g p r i v i l e g e s " — b l o c k i n g spaces, p a r k i n g i n emergency vehicles spaces, leaving unused vehicles i n c r o w d e d courts, p a r k i n g before other residents' houses. O n e suggestion that emerged f r o m their deliberations w a s for the b o a r d a n d the trust to create up to eight a d d i t i o n a l spaces i n the most seri­ ously c r o w d e d courts. T h i s helped s o m e w h a t . O t h e r " s o l u t i o n s " were tried w i t h some s m a l l success, but c o u l d not s u r m o u n t the failure o f the o r i g i n a l design concept o f the w a l k i n g - d i s t a n c e c o m m u n i t y . O b v i o u s l y , the car culture permeated this n e w E d e n . Ironically, a gas station was i n i t i a l l y the gateway to the c o m m u n i t y . Still, as neces­ sary as the car p r o v e d to be for the d a i l y routines o f the residents, it w a s often d e p l o r e d i n the interviews, not o n l y as a n aesthetic irritant to the tree-and-space-hungry settlers o f T w i n R i v e r s but to the t u r f battles over p a r k i n g spaces that w o u l d come to put a heavy strain o n h u m a n relationships. T h e p a r k i n g p r o b l e m w a s a genuine test o f the g o o d w i l l o f T w i n R i v e r s residents. P a r k i n g spaces close to h o m e h a d been one o f the at­ tractive features offered to buyers, but such spaces were s o o n at a pre­ m i u m a n d became a huge bone o f c o n t e n t i o n . D i s p u t e d c l a i m s to partic­ ular spaces became endemic. A n d so d i d the i n d i g n a t i o n over assaults to one's h o n o r i f one's t u r f w a s v i o l a t e d . Sometimes fisticuffs ensued f o l ­ l o w e d by calls to the p o l i c e . R a n c o r increased, as d i d spite, expressed i n such b e h a v i o r as e x p l i c i t l y t a k i n g another's p a r k i n g space o r t a k i n g u p to t w o at once (The Periscope, June 1 9 8 0 , p . 7). F o r years, appeals to a sense o f c o m m u n i t y p r o v e d ineffective. Fines, t o w i n g , a n d other sug­ gested p u n i t i v e measures p r o v e d unenforceable. N o r were p a r k i n g p r o b ­ lems confined to the lack o f p a r k i n g spaces. Illegal p a r k i n g — f o r e x a m ­ ple, at the elementary s c h o o l — a n d reckless d r i v i n g by service vehicles a n d m o v i n g vans that crossed emergency lanes a n d r i p p e d u p c o m m o n g r o u n d s , were d e p l o r e d t h r o u g h o u t the decades. F a u l t y c o m m u n i c a t i o n between the t o w n s h i p a n d T w i n R i v e r s also created considerable ten­ s i o n , because residents were i g n o r a n t o f t o w n s h i p p a r k i n g rules. T h i n g s came to a head w h e n sixteen tickets were issued w i t h i n one twentyfour-hour p e r i o d to irate residents o f T w i n R i v e r s . Q u i t e a different, a n d unexpected, issue concerned the attractive-

162

Chapter 9

ness o f the p a r k i n g areas as p l a y spaces for the c h i l d r e n . A l t h o u g h this w a s dangerous, it w a s also u n c o n t r o l l a b l e . Despite tot lots a n d p l a y ­ grounds, "the c h i l d r e n never p l a y i n their backyards or o n their l a w n s . . . . A t any t i m e , i n c l u d i n g evenings, c h i l d r e n o f y o u n g age m a y be seen r u n n i n g o r r i d i n g a r o u n d , either d a r i n g drivers to hit t h e m o r u n k n o w ­ i n g l y d a r t i n g i n front o f the c a r s " (Irving Paris, "Letters to the E d i t o r , " The Periscope, September 1 9 7 5 ) . D i s t a n c e w a s once a g a i n the issue. W h i l e the p a r k i n g courts were dangerous, they were close to h o m e , a n d c h i l d r e n were thus w i t h i n the gaze o f their caretakers. A l s o , cars were e x c i t i n g . It t o o k a great deal o f effort, n o t a l w a y s successful, to c h a n n e l c h i l d r e n — a n d parents —to­ w a r d the f o r m a l l y designed p l a y spaces.

The Neighborhood Idea A s a p h y s i c a l a n d social entity, the n e i g h b o r h o o d is basic to the design o f T w i n R i v e r s . There are four n e i g h b o r h o o d s c a l l e d quads, each spa­ t i a l l y m a r k e d off f r o m the others a n d possessing l o c a l foci such as a convenience store, a s w i m m i n g p o o l , a n d tennis courts. C h a r a c t e r i s t i c h o u s i n g m i x e s give each q u a d a special quality. Smaller families are c o n ­ centrated i n the first q u a d ; larger families i n q u a d 3; higher densities i n the later quads, a n d so o n . T h e n e i g h b o r h o o d idea a n d the w a l k i n g distance concept were i n ­ tended to result i n the integration o f h o u s i n g , w o r k , s h o p p i n g , a n d rec­ r e a t i o n . Residents were expected to use l o c a l facilities a n d to w a l k to t h e m whenever possible. These expectations were o n l y p a r t l y met due to the i n i t i a l l a c k o f needed services a n d the aforementioned reliance o n the car, even for short distances. A l s o , e m p l o y m e n t as w e l l as s h o p p i n g t o o k residents a w a y f r o m T w i n R i v e r s o n a regular basis early o n . T h e p r o m i s e d c o o r d i n a t i o n a n d i n t e g r a t i o n thus r e m a i n e d m o r e concept t h a n actuality. T h e dispersive tendencies engendered b y the unfinished nature o f the c o m m u n i t y i n its formative years were counteracted b y the recre­ a t i o n a l facilities, especially the tennis courts a n d s w i m m i n g p o o l s , w h i c h engendered s o c i a b i l i t y a n d some sense o f p u b l i c activities.

Public Space: The Swimming Pools T h e s w i m m i n g p o o l s o f T w i n R i v e r s , one to each q u a d , were h e a v i l y used f r o m the first m o m e n t o n . A t a time w h e n the c o m m u n i t y w a s still m o r e d r e a m t h a n reality, the p o o l s served a central social f u n c t i o n for

Space, Place, and Design

163

residents w h o came not o n l y to s w i m but also to meet friends, m a k e social contacts, a n d read, t a l k , sun, p l a y cards, a n d watch other people. E a t i n g at the p o o l s w a s a source o f c o n t e n t i o n a n d secret v i o l a t i o n s for years u n t i l 1 9 8 2 w h e n patios were e x p l i c i t l y a d d e d , w h i c h dispelled the a n i m o s i t y generated by the p r o h i b i t i o n . P o o l s were also a m o n g the first l o c i o f territoriality. O r i g i n a l l y , p o o l s were to be accessible to residents i n a l l quads, but w h e n the q u a d 1 residents feared that their p o o l w o u l d be s w a m p e d by q u a d 2 resi­ dents, the m o v e to confine p o o l usage by q u a d ensued. T h e r e were a variety o f justifications: "the p o o l s w i l l become o v e r c r o w d e d ; " " o u r c h i l d r e n have the right o f first access;" a n d " i t is ' o u r p o o l , ' " pure a n d simple. S o m e w h a t later, as residents filled i n quads 2 a n d 3, aspersions were cast o n the recent a r r i v a l s . T h e y were adjudged noisier, ruder, a n d n o t as deserving o f whatever benefits the q u a d 1 residents sought to monopolize. O v e r time, also, f o r m a l rules for p o o l usage became necessary be­ cause residents v i o l a t e d elementary codes o f c o n d u c t for their o w n c o n ­ venience. O n e o f the m o s t c o n s p i c u o u s w a s the c o n s u m p t i o n o f f o o d a n d d r i n k at the p o o l w i t h o u t regard for c l e a n u p . O t h e r s i n v o l v e d de­ s t r u c t i o n o f p o o l equipment, disregard o f p o o l h o u r s , a n d blatant disre­ g a r d for other p o o l users. W h e n persuasion to be considerate a n d m i n d ­ ful o f c i v i l i t y p r o v e d ineffective, fines were i n t r o d u c e d for specific v i o l a t i o n s . These w o r k e d to some extent but d i d not induce a p h i l o s o ­ p h y o f civic c o n c e r n . Nonetheless, the extensive p o o l usage does gener­ ate a p a r t i a l semblance o f p u b l i c life, where residents encounter one another a n d get a take o n w h a t is h a p p e n i n g i n the c o m m u n i t y . P u b l i c space has l o n g been considered a n essential c o m p o n e n t o f c o m m u n i t y . It is "the space . . . where p u b l i c i n t e r a c t i o n occurs, where people c a n meet at their leisure, a n d where free a n d o p e n d i s c u s s i o n c a n take p l a c e . " T h e absence o f a p u b l i c space is a s y m p t o m o f the absence of c o m m u n i t y (Gottdiener 1 9 9 7 , p . 139). E v e n i n u r b a n settings, the preservation o f p u b l i c spaces is considered v i t a l for social exchange a n d exposure to social diversity ( K a y d e n 2 0 0 0 ) .

A Spatial Imago T o tap resident reactions to the p h y s i c a l characteristics o f the nascent c o m m u n i t y i n the p e r i o d o f its f o u n d i n g , p h o t o g r a p h y p r o v e d a useful ally o f research. T o chart the c o m m u n i t y ' s c h a n g i n g appearance, a p h o ­ t o g r a p h i c r e c o r d was kept f r o m year one for m o r e t h a n t w o decades. In a d d i t i o n to this l o n g i t u d i n a l p o r t r a i t , p h o t o g r a p h s were also used to e x p l o r e the range o f aesthetic a n d s y m b o l i c associations resi-

164

Chapter 9

dents attached to the p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t . O v e r time these crystallized i n t o e n d u r i n g collective perceptions o f the c o m m u n i t y . Such perceptions are a n i m p o r t a n t c o m p o n e n t o f people's orienta­ t i o n to a n e w e n v i r o n m e n t . T o grasp s o m e t h i n g o f this process, a series of p h o t o s , d e p i c t i n g v a r i o u s sites a n d features o f the b u i l t e n v i r o n m e n t , were s h o w n to a sample o f seventy-one residents a s k i n g each to identify w h a t w a s p i c t u r e d , where it w a s l o c a t e d i n the c o m m u n i t y , a n d h o w they reacted to each p h o t o . T h i s research, done i n the mid-seventies w h e n residents were largely recent a r r i v a l s , s h o w e d that the m a j o r i t y o f the residents s a m p l e d were able to identify m o r e t h a n h a l f o f the seven­ teen p h o t o s after o n l y a year o r so i n the c o m m u n i t y a n d h a d thus been able to familiarize themselves w i t h its m o r e o b v i o u s e n v i r o n m e n t a l fea­ tures. (The p h o t o s depicted the bus stop, p i z z a s h o p , a set o f t o w n houses, r e c y c l i n g bins, a s c h o o l , a p l a y g r o u n d ) . B u t w h i l e residents c o u l d identify the what, they were far less able to identify the where. T h a t d e m a n d e d a larger grasp o f the totality, w h i c h developed o n l y g r a d u a l l y and piecemeal. The cognitive a n d v i s u a l m a p s residents develop are greatly l i n k e d to the coherence o f a c o m m u n i t y ' s design a n d the a r t i c u l a t i o n o f the b u i l t e n v i r o n m e n t w i t h c u l t u r a l habits a n d preferences. In the i n i t i a l years o f disorder a n d unsettledness, m a n y residents were disoriented and h a d difficulty i n m a p p i n g the t e r r a i n to their satisfaction. T h o u g h the t r y i n g c o n d i t i o n s o f the first years were rectified after some t i m e , the negative impressions lingered, c o n s t i t u t i n g a p e r m a n e n t residue i n the collective m e m o r y . In the last survey ( 1 9 9 9 - 2 0 0 0 ) , for e x a m p l e , w h e n trees, landscap­ ing, house façades, a n d plantings h a d p r o v i d e d a n attractive second s k i n for the c o m m u n i t y , aesthetic flaws still r a n k l e d . T h u s first impressions of the design p r o v e d to have a lasting i m p a c t a n d the earliest shared perceptions o f the b u i l t e n v i r o n m e n t became a n e n d u r i n g c u l t u r a l legacy.

The Social Context of Design O n e frequent a s s u m p t i o n i n p l a n n e d residential e n v i r o n m e n t s is that the p h y s i c a l shell w i l l engender c o m m u n i t y , a n d that c o m m u n i t y w i l l f o l l o w f r o m the s o u n d arrangement o f roads, houses, recreational nodes, a n d a c o m p l e m e n t o f facilities a n d services. T h e results o f the T w i n R i v e r s experience suggest that there is n o such ready c o o r d i n a t i o n . A n u m b e r of c o n t r a d i c t i o n s i n the design a c t u a l l y i m p e d e d c o m m u n i t y f o r m a t i o n . F o r e x a m p l e , the ostensible g o a l w a s to m a k e T w i n R i v e r s as self-con­ tained as possible, but the m a j o r i t y o f b r e a d w i n n e r s h a d to c o m m u t e to

Space, Place, and Design

165

e m p l o y m e n t outside o f the P U D . T h e r e w a s a n inherent c o n t r a d i c t i o n between the t w o objectives that existed i n other areas as w e l l . A s n o t e d earlier, the absence o f needed facilities at the start l e d residents to use the m a l l s a n d supermarkets that were a short distance a w a y by car. T h e s h o p p i n g habits thus created were n o t easily changed, if at a l l . A s a result, the s h o p p i n g center w i t h i n T w i n R i v e r s c o u l d n o t thrive a n d even i f the first settlers h a d p a t r o n i z e d it exclusively, revenues w o u l d n o t have been sufficient to m a k e it self-supporting. H e n c e out­ side shoppers were a c t u a l l y desirable f r o m a c o m m e r c i a l p o i n t o f view. T h i s created another c o n t r a d i c t o r y p u l l . H o w c o u l d the s h o p p i n g center become the collective focus o f T w i n R i v e r s yet also serve as a c o m m e r ­ c i a l magnet for outsiders? T h e c l a s h between l o c a l a n d n o n l o c a l shop­ pers w a s clearly i n evidence. In a d d i t i o n to p r o b l e m s o f m e s h i n g m a c r o a n d m i c r o scales by de­ sign, other design issues stemmed f r o m a l a c k o f fit between p l a n n i n g concepts a n d h u m a n behavior. If it is i m p o r t a n t to t h e m , people w i l l impose their needs o n a design a n d thus distort it. F o r e x a m p l e , neither the s c h o o l n o r the p o o l h a d adequate p a r k i n g spaces. T h i s w a s done quite deliberately to give residents a n incentive to w a l k to these sites. H o w e v e r , the residents d i d n o t d o so. Instead, they d r o v e a n d p a r k e d wherever they pleased, creating a c h a o t i c , a n d p o t e n t i a l l y dangerous s i t u a t i o n for c h i l d r e n a n d adults alike. D e s i g n c a n n o t c o m p e l b e h a v i o r i f it comes u p against established habits o r beliefs, a n d people w i l l lash out against design features that attempt to d o so. F o r e x a m p l e , residents i g n o r e d the carefully m a p p e d footpaths i n favor o f paths they created by their o w n use. In this w a y residents literally v o t e d w i t h their feet. These are a m o n g the issues that are difficult for architects a n d p l a n ­ ners to resolve because they w a n t to design places a n d spaces c o n d u c i v e to h u m a n c o m f o r t a n d j o y w h i l e also serving matters o f cost a n d effi­ ciency. Planners a n d designers o f space are n o t a l w a y s c o g n i z a n t o f the fact that they pre-cast a collective life w h e t h e r o r n o t they are able to forecast it. T h i s w o u l d not matter quite so m u c h i f b u i l d i n g s , roads, a n d o p e n spaces were disposable o r at least flexible. H o w e v e r , once p h y s i c a l boundaries have been d r a w n , roads l a i d out, infrastructures p u t i n place, they define a n d c o n s t r a i n the f r a m e w o r k i n w h i c h h u m a n beings live. O f course, the task o f the architect, planner, a n d developer is rather f o r m i d a b l e . N e w residents need s o m e t h i n g i n place — houses, p a t h w a y s , recreation, s h o p p i n g , p a r k i n g — a n d these must be p r o v i d e d early o n . M a n y features eventually t u r n e d out to be quite satisfactory i n T w i n R i v e r s once the g r o w i n g pains h a d eased. People w i l l a c c o m m o d a t e for the m o s t part i f they feel that there is g o o d w i l l a n d that the design is

166

Chapter 9

n o t w h o l l y insensitive to their needs a n d wishes. F o r planners a n d de­ signers, progress rests o n flexibility a n d the w i l l i n g n e s s to check out expectations a n d b u i l d o n experience. A b o v e a l l they must be w i l l i n g to revise k e y assumptions. C o n s i d e r one quite t y p i c a l a s s u m p t i o n — that p r o x i m i t y (that is a close, dense, p h y s i c a l texture) w i l l generate the s o c i a b i l i t y c o n d u c i v e to c o m m u n i t y . B u t w h a t i f p r o x i m i t y puts i n c o m p a t i b l e h o m e o w n e r s side by side expecting t h e m to share spaces — a t o w n h o u s e , a front l a w n , a s i d e w a l k ? T h e result m a y then be e n m i t y a n d conflict rather t h a n neigh­ b o r l y connectedness. In short, by itself, spatial design decrees n o single o u t c o m e . It is a potential, a necessary but n o t a sufficient c o n d i t i o n for the c o m m u n i t y . D e p e n d i n g o n h o w w e l l the design fits the residents' needs a n d priorities o r is flexible e n o u g h for residents to m o d i f y it to suit t h e m , a n ambience, positive o r negative, is generated that m a y be­ c o m e e m b e d d e d i n the culture o f place permanently. Space a n d design are especially c r i t i c a l at the start because they create the context for the first impressions o f a n e w e n v i r o n m e n t . A n d first impressions shape subsequent reactions, often for the l o n g t e r m . In T w i n R i v e r s , the residents w h o s a i d they were satisfied w i t h the p h y s i ­ cal-spatial design tended also to be m o r e positive t o w a r d other aspects o f the n e w c o m m u n i t y . T h o s e d i s a p p o i n t e d were m o r e negative i n gen­ eral. Space a n d design exerted a c r i t i c a l influence o n residents' apprais­ als i n the first t w o years. After that t i m e , social factors became deci­ s i v e — t h a t is, whether one l i k e d the other residents, h a d m a d e friends, a n d h a d w o r k e d out satisfactory arrangements for the family, the house­ h o l d , a n d the c h i l d r e n . A l l o f these significantly affected p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n activities, o r g a n i z a t i o n s , social causes, a n d c o m m u n i t y - w i d e celebrations. In T w i n R i v e r s the design succeeded i n some respects a n d failed i n others. A m o n g the successful aspects were the character a n d l o c a t i o n o f the t o w n h o u s e s . F o r m o s t residents, these r e m a i n e d a positive element i n the ensuing decades. Less successful, as s h o w n earlier, were the p a t h ­ w a y s a n d access roads, m a i n l y because they s h o w h o w i l l advised are attempts to force b e h a v i o r a l change t h r o u g h design. Less successful, for s i m i l a r reasons, w a s the m o v e m e n t to restrict car o w n e r s h i p to one per h o u s e h o l d . W i t h t w o - b r e a d w i n n e r families — a n d t w o cars — proliferat­ i n g i n the 1980s, the l a c k o f p a r k i n g space p r o v e d to be a source o f immense frustration. E q u a l l y p r o b l e m a t i c w a s the p h y s i c a l d e m a r c a t i o n o f p u b l i c a n d private spaces, w h i c h led to persistent contentiousness a m o n g residents as they c o m p e t e d for scarce space o r i g n o r e d spatial rules. O f t e n they reinforced a n adversarial stance t o w a r d the p h y s i c a l site a n d manage­ ment d i c t a , a n d i m p e d e d c o o p e r a t i o n , trust, a n d outreach. A g o o d e x a m p l e concerns the uses o f grassy b a c k y a r d s c o m p a r e d

Space, Place, and Design

167

w i t h the uses o f i n d o o r patios. T h e differences were s t r i k i n g . T h e grassy b a c k y a r d s were a n o n y m o u s , being neither p u b l i c n o r private, were rarely if ever used, a n d were i n effect w a s t e d space. Patios, by contrast, were extremely p o p u l a r . T h e y belonged to each house i n d i v i d u a l l y , p r o v i d i n g o u t d o o r p r i v a c y for b a r b e c u i n g a n d r e l a x a t i o n , a n d they engaged great user interest a n d care. H e n c e spatial identity w a s significant for m a i n ­ t a i n i n g spatial integrity. In s u m , to help architects, planners, a n d developers i m p r o v e their skills i n designing for c o m m u n i t i e s , it is i m p o r t a n t to assess, o n a caseby-case basis, the fit between the social expectations that are b u i l t i n t o design a n d a c t u a l s o c i a l behavior. If done patiently a n d carefully, there is a chance to develop a r i c h c o m p e n d i u m o f p r i n c i p l e s for w e l l designed c o m m u n i t i e s .

CHAPTER 1 O PRIVATE A N D PUBLIC: W H O S E RIGHTS, W H O S E RESPONSIBILITIES?

There is always anarchy among the atoms. — Nietzsche In a l l c o m m u n i t i e s , l a n d , space, a n d place p l a y a n e x c e p t i o n a l l y dy­ n a m i c role i n generating questions a b o u t p e r s o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y a n d the d r a w i n g o f boundaries that set apart m i n e f r o m y o u r s a n d ours f r o m theirs. W h e r e space must be shared, conflicts are l i k e l y to m u l t i p l y . E v e n m o r e t h a n c o n v e n t i o n a l c o m m u n i t i e s , a p l a n n e d u n i t develop­ ment brings to the fore ancient questions a b o u t p r o p e r t y rights a n d rightful c l a i m s i n general. T h e prevalence o f t o w n h o u s e s w i t h their shared w a l l s , services, a n d p u b l i c spaces o w n e d a n d a d m i n i s t e r e d b y a c o m m u n i t y trust creates considerable ambiguities for residents as t o the extent o f their responsibilities a n d the l i m i t s o f their p o w e r s . G i v e n the c o m p l e x p o l i c y o f shared o w n e r s h i p a n d the residents' b a c k g r o u n d s as renters, m a n y f r o m city apartments, one w o u l d have to expect some c o n f u s i o n a b o u t m i n e , thine, a n d ours. A d d to this the l a c k o f consensus a b o u t standards o f cleanliness, property, a n d p r i v a c y a n d the c o n f u s i o n becomes endemic a n d u n s o l v a b l e o n a n i n d i v i d u a l basis. W i t h o u t a n articulated s o c i a l p o l i c y a n d a c o n v i n c i n g r a t i o n a l e , disso­ nance a n d d i s c o r d are l i k e l y to ensue.

168

Whose Rights, Whose Responsibilities?

169

Table 10.1

Residents' Designations of Areas as Private or Public Sidewalk Street/parking area Front yard Backyard

Private

Shared Private

Shared Public

Public

Ν

5% 3% 35% 90%

17% 36% 62%

21% 19% 2%

57% 42% 1%



-

-

71 71 71 71

Private Property: refers to a strong sense of ownership and for the use of the individ­ ual resident only. Shared Private: refers to residents' and neighbors' joint use. Shared Public: for the use of both residents and nonresidents; little sense of ownership. Public Property: for anyone's use; no sense of ownership. ^Townhouse residents 1980. A P U D incorporates a variety o f spaces, f r o m private townhouses a n d yards to p u b l i c arenas. T h i s introduces a considerable degree o f i n d e t e r m i n a c y i n t o j u r i s d i c t i o n s , f r o m zones o f privacy, where residents are held i n d i v i d u a l l y accountable, to p u b l i c spaces, i n w h o s e upkeep everyone must share. In a n effort to e x p l o r e this issue, residents were asked to designate each o f the f o l l o w i n g a c c o r d i n g to whether they considered t h e m p r i ­ vate o r p u b l i c property: the front yards, the grassy b a c k y a r d s , the p a r k ­ i n g areas, a n d the s i d e w a l k s . Residents e x h i b i t e d strong agreement o n o n l y t w o o f these four areas. A s k e d whether they considered each o f these private, p u b l i c , o r shared property, 9 0 percent agreed that the b a c k y a r d is private, a n d 5 7 percent considered the front o f the house as p u b l i c property. T h e street i n front o f the house w a s seen as m o r e p u b l i c t h a n private, whereas the front y a r d w a s seen as m o r e private t h a n p u b l i c (Table 10.1). T h e r e w a s n o u n i f o r m perspective. T h i s challenges the findings o f a c o m p a r a t i v e study o f s i x t o w n h o u s e developments that s h o w e d that 53 percent o f residents regarded the outside o f their homes (not otherwise specified) as essentially p u b l i c a n d the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f the h o m e - o w n e r s association ( N o r c r o s s 1 9 7 3 ) . T h e absence o f consensus o n zones o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y is a source o f strife i n m a n y a c o m m u n i t y a n d especially so i n one that is new, r a p i d l y c h a n g i n g , a n d based o n a s h a r i n g o f house, l a n d , a n d space. T h e confu­ sions a n d conflicts regarding one's p r o x i m a t e space are l i k e l y to c a r r y over i n t o the w a y m o r e distant p r o p e r t y is regarded, h o w w e l l each p e r s o n treats it, a n d w h o is seen to c a r r y the p r i m a r y r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for its appearance a n d upkeep. C o n s i d e r the case where one n e i g h b o r treats, a n d w a n t s others to treat, the front y a r d as t o t a l l y private p r o p e r t y a n d hence his o r her

Chapter 10

170

Table 10.2

Responsibility for Maintenance of Property around the House The responsibility is that of: Self alone The trust alone Shared Self and family Self and trust Family and trust

20% 13% 67% 39% 6% 22%

Ν = 71 townhouse residents, 1980s

o w n r e s p o n s i b i l i t y ( 3 5 % i n T w i n R i v e r s agreed w i t h that v i e w ) , w h i l e another considers it shared private p r o p e r t y (as d i d 6 2 % o f residents). These divergent perspectives m a y w e l l create frictions a n d resentments as one n e i g h b o r m a i n t a i n s a n d the other neglects these p r o x i m a t e spaces. J u d g i n g f r o m the residents' i n d i v i d u a l c o m m e n t s a n d the issues a i r e d i n the c o m m u n i t y paper, i n c o m p a t i b l e v i e w s a b o u t p r o p e r t y created a per­ ceptible climate o f tension a n d grievances f r o m the b e g i n n i n g . Disagree­ ments m i g h t start w i t h pairs o f neighbors a n d f r o m there fan out i n t o the larger h o u s i n g courts a n d eventually i n t o the entire c o m m u n i t y , e v o l v i n g i n t o fixed attitudes o f apathy a n d n o n c o n c e r n . A related area is that o f maintenance o f the p h y s i c a l site a n d the p r o b l e m o f litter. A s k e d w h o s e r e s p o n s i b i l i t y it is to clean a n d m a i n t a i n the p r o p e r t y a r o u n d the outside o f their houses, residents were a g a i n d i v i d e d , t h o u g h t w o - t h i r d s o p t e d for shared upkeep (Table 10.2). A s for litter, a pervasive issue g r a d u a l l y being b r o u g h t under c o n t r o l , 94 per­ cent o f the residents considered it a definite p r o b l e m for the c o m m u n i t y , a n d 2 5 percent considered it the n u m b e r one p r o b l e m . H e r e a g a i n , there were divergent degrees o f c o n c e r n . F o r the one-fifth w h o " n e v e r " t h o u g h t a b o u t the state o f their neigh­ bor's y a r d , three-tenths a l w a y s d i d so. A n d for the 7 percent w h o never cleaned o r swept the s i d e w a l k i n front o f the house w h e n it w a s littered, o n e - t h i r d a l w a y s d i d . These are i m p o r t a n t differences i n a s m a l l c o m ­ m u n i t y . E v e n o n the matter o f the appearance o f the front y a r d ( w h i c h o n l y o n e - t h i r d t h o u g h t o f as fully private p r o p e r t y ) , three-fourths said they take p r i d e i n its appearance, whereas one-fifth a d m i t t e d they d o not. P r e s u m a b l y the first g r o u p expected a level o f c o m m u n i t y c o o p e r a ­ t i o n that the second w a s u n w i l l i n g o r unable to p r o v i d e . D i f f e r i n g expectations a b o u t these m u n d a n e issues c a n lead to d r a ­ m a t i c , even v i o l e n t , altercations a m o n g aggrieved residents. U n a w a r e that these i n d i v i d u a l attitudes reflect s u b c u l t u r a l standards o f c o n d u c t ,

Whose Rights, Whose Responsibilities?

171

m o s t residents resort to vilification a n d blame o f i n d i v i d u a l s as i f i n ­ c o m p a t i b l e n o r m s o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y a n d pride are the o u t c o m e o f w i l l f u l a n t a g o n i s m a n d rancor. T h i s then leads to attributions o f i g n o b l e intent to i n d i v i d u a l s a n d f r o m there to p r o f o u n d grievances a n d misunder­ standings a m o n g groups. If 38 percent o f the residents feel the trust s h o u l d take care o f the c o m m u n i t y ' s litter, whereas 2 5 percent say it is the people's responsibility, where is there c o m m o n g r o u n d ? T h e a l l o c a ­ t i o n o f p a r k i n g spaces, for e x a m p l e , w a s a c o n t i n u o u s irritant. P a r k i n g spaces r e a d i l y became the focus o f p r o p r i e t a r y attitudes a n d a n issue of serious c o n t e n t i o n a m o n g neighbors. T h e d e l i m i t a t i o n o f p u b l i c versus private spaces w i t h their attendant rights a n d duties is thus one o f the most unsettling a n d e n d u r i n g p r o b ­ lems i n T w i n R i v e r s . Y e a r after year, there have been e x p l a n a t i o n s o f w h a t is considered the i n d i v i d u a l owner's d o m a i n a n d w h a t belongs to the trust as caretaker o f the c o m m o n terrain. A s late as 1 9 8 3 , a p u b l i c c o m m u n i c a t i o n f r o m the trust a d m i n i s t r a t o r spelled out the details o f this c o m p l e x arrangement. " T w i n R i v e r s , " he declared, "is a very unique c o m m u n i t y , private yet q u a s i - p u b l i c i n n a t u r e " (The Periscope, June 1 9 8 3 , p p . 4 - 5 ) , w i t h the f o l l o w i n g areas o f shared j u r i s d i c t i o n , liability, a n d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y a m o n g h o m e o w n e r s , the c o m m u n i t y trust, a n d the larger t o w n s h i p i n w h i c h T w i n R i v e r s is located: sewer; street l i g h t i n g ; s t o r m sewers; apartment c o m p l e x e s ; u n d e v e l o p e d l a n d ; roads; garbage c o l l e c t i o n ; p a r k i n g ; p o l i c e enforcement; c a p i t a l i m p r o v e m e n t expenditures; a n d i n d u s t r i a l , c o m m e r c i a l , a n d residential properties. T h e details o f these regulations were n o t w i d e l y u n d e r s t o o d by resi­ dents, even by the o n e - s i x t h w h o h a d l i v e d i n suburbs p r i o r to m o v i n g to T w i n R i v e r s . T h e m u l t i p l i c i t y o f rules b e w i l d e r e d t h e m a l l . T h i s is not surprising w h e n one learns that the c o m m o n areas are the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f the trust but not so the trees p l a n t e d b y the developer o n i n d i v i d u a l l y o w n e d property. T h e trust takes care o f the " c o m m o n grassed g r o u n d s , o p e n green areas, tennis courts, p o o l s , p a r k i n g lots, streets, emergency access, l a w n s , a n d l a w n maintenance o f front l a w n s . " B u t , the " m a i n t e ­ nance o f b a c k y a r d s , fences, gates, trees a n d shrubs o n the i n d i v i d u a l properties is the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y o f the p r o p e r t y o w n e r " (The Periscope, June 1 9 8 3 , p . 4). In a d d i t i o n , the trust is responsible for some o f the roads but not others, a n d for the s t o r m sewer lines but not for the sanitary sewer lines. A n d then there is a w h o l e set o f rules that are enforceable o n l y t h r o u g h the t o w n s h i p . These i n c l u d e traffic regula­ tions, b u i l d i n g a n d c o n s t r u c t i o n ordinances, pooper-scooper ordinances, a n d maintenance o f certain o f the roads a n d the i n d u s t r i a l a n d c o m m e r ­ c i a l properties. T h u s , the residents h a d to learn the extent a n d limits o f each o f three j u r i s d i c t i o n s acting singly o r j o i n t l y to m a i n t a i n the aesthetic, spa-

Chapter 10

172

t i a l , a n d p h y s i c a l integrity o f the d e v e l o p i n g c o m m u n i t y . A g o o d m a n y d i d n o t learn this easily, w i l l i n g l y , o r reliably.

Territoriality In their efforts to w o r k out a c o m m o n p l a n , residents often focused o n p h y s i c a l a n d spatial features. A s early as 1 9 7 1 , a year after T w i n R i v e r s f o r m a l l y o p e n e d its d o o r s , a g r o u p o f residents o p p o s e d to the b u i l d i n g o f a service r o a d i n q u a d 2 became suspicious o f the developer's inten­ t i o n a n d c i r c u l a t e d a p e t i t i o n to r a l l y others to their cause ( O ' T o o l e 1 9 7 1 , p . 18). A l s o early o n , there were n u m e r o u s disputes over w h o c o u l d use the tennis courts a n d w h a t activities besides s w i m m i n g were acceptable at the p o o l s — eating, for e x a m p l e , w a s p r o h i b i t e d . H e n c e the latter be­ came the first act o f p u b l i c defiance o f c o m m u n i t y rules. T h e r e were constant vociferous r e c r i m i n a t i o n s over spatial transgressions. E x - u r banites t u r n e d h o m e o w n e r s , u n f a m i l i a r w i t h the intricacies o f l a w n care, c o u l d w o r k themselves i n t o a frenzy over grass that t o o k t o o l o n g to g r o w , m u d d y p l a y i n g fields, a n d a l l sorts o f features o f house o r y a r d that failed to live up to expectations. A n d sooner t h a n one m i g h t have expected, proprietariness p u s h e d aside democracy. W h e n the developer o f T w i n R i v e r s sought to o p e n the q u a d 1 a n d 2 p o o l s to a l l residents, i n c l u d i n g renters, a n i n d i g n a n t g r o u p o f residents protested. T h e y o p p o s e d the trust's p o l i c y o f " s w i m w h e r e y o u w a n t " a n d d e m a n d e d a p o o l for every q u a d . A s early as 1 9 7 1 , the p o o l i n q u a d 1 h a d become " o u r o w n p o o l . " A p o l l o f eightysix households s h o w e d that seventy-nine s u p p o r t e d this stand, a n d the residents thus succeeded i n securing their t e r r i t o r i a l exclusiveness.

Litter: Disregard of the Physical Environment A s early as 1 9 7 3 , a n e d i t o r i a l i n the T w i n R i v e r s Periscope d e p l o r e d the " i n c r e a s i n g a m o u n t o f litter," c i t i n g domestic castoffs, used P a m p e r s , f o o d w r a p p e r s , soda bottles, a n d other detritus spread across the c o m ­ m u n i t y . T h e p o o l s were p a r t i c u l a r l y v u l n e r a b l e since so m a n y residents gathered there, a n d it w a s the site o f a huge, a n d costly, cleanup p r o b ­ l e m . In the p u b l i c c o m m e n t a r y this w a s seen as p r o o f o f the l a c k o f respect for p r o p e r t y a n d p r i d e i n the c o m m u n i t y . Is there respect for private p r o p e r ty ? A p p a r e n t l y not. . . . N o t w h e n one's l a w n becomes a p l a y g r o u n d for other people's c h i l ­ d r e n . . . a n d y o u r house becomes a d u m p i n g g r o u n d for other

Whose Rights, Whose Responsibilities? people's garbage, cigarette butts, half-eaten f o o d . (The scope, September 1 9 7 5 , p . 32)

173 Peri­

O m i n o u s questions h u n g i n the air: D o y o u supervise y o u r c h i l d r e n outdoors? P i c k u p garbage w h e n y o u see it? Respect p r o p e r t y other t h a n y o u r o w n ? D o y o u w a n t to live i n a slum? G a r b a g e posed a serious p r o b l e m , b o t h as to its m a n n e r o f d i s p o s a l a n d residents' failures to abide by the scheduled p i c k u p s . O v e r a n d over, residents were chastised for t h r o w i n g garbage i n t o the lakes, a l l o w i n g newspapers to be b l o w n about, a b a n d o n i n g vehicles, a n d leaving d o g waste i n p o o l areas a n d g r o u n d s . Parents were urged to teach their c h i l ­ dren better c o m m u n i t y manners a n d to acquire some themselves — i n the hope o f getting residents to care m o r e a b o u t the appearance o f the c o m m u n i t y , their c o m m u n i t y . " W h o s e litter is it a n y w a y ? " asks a former N e w Y o r k C i t y resi­ dent w h o remembers h o w litter decays. . . . "Please take a w a l k i n g t o u r o f y o u r Q u a d . N o t i c e r i p p e d bags, c a n lids, fruit a n d vegetable peelings, glass, rotted w o o d , b r o k e n gates a n d fences. . . . Please take a few minutes to clean u p a r o u n d y o u o n a regular basis . . . a n d let's teach o u r c h i l d r e n to respect a n d care for the n e i g h b o r h o o d . " (The Periscope, v o l . 4, n o . 4, A p r i l 1 9 8 5 , p . 4) T h e n there was the expense o f the extra cleanup, funds for w h i c h c o u l d c o m e o n l y f r o m increased fees for h o m e o w n e r s . L a w - a b i d i n g citizens resented this, especially because everyone h a d to p a y for the v i o l a t o r s . Fines were instituted a n d the friendly l o c a l h o m e o w n e r s association t o o k o n the trappings o f a n e x a c t i n g a n d p u n i t i v e authority. B u t n o t h ­ i n g seemed to t u r n the tide. In his desperation, the trust a d m i n i s t r a t o r urged the residents to try r e p r i m a n d i n g v i o l a t o r s a n d to j o i n w i t h neigh­ bors to exert social pressure to b r i n g n o n c o n f o r m i s t s i n t o line. R e m i n d ­ i n g the residents that c o m p l i a n c e w o r k s o n behalf o f the entire c o m m u ­ nity, he encouraged t h e m to t h i n k i n terms o f interests they a l l shared: " T h e c o m m o n g r o u n d is to be enjoyed, not m i s u s e d " w a s the m a n t r a . T r y i n g to capture the residents' attention o n this matter p r o v e d dif­ ficult, since v i o l a t i o n s were n o t attributable to i n d i v i d u a l s but were a n o n y m o u s acts. W i t h o u t help f r o m residents i n identifying v i o l a t o r s , the trust c o u l d not keep pace w i t h the p r o b l e m . T h i s led the c h a i r m a n of the Trust A d v i s o r y B o a r d , Perry S h a p i r o , to offer to present " P e r s " to the m o s t outrageous offenders, a m o n g t h e m : " L e n n y the T o r c h , " w h o uses the p o o l equipment as a c o o k o u t for his cousin's c l u b ; " G l o r i a L a Feces," w h o uses p o o l containers for her diaper disposals; " S i d n e y Slickfinger," w h o unravels the w e b b i n g o f s i x lounge chairs to m a k e one

Chapter 10

174

large basket for sixteen p o u n d s o f c o l d cuts to be snuck i n t o the q u a d 2 p o o l area; " G é o r g i e the P e n , " w h o signs u p for s i x tennis courts a n d s h o w s u p for none; a n d " S h i r l e y the T o w e l , " w h o m o n o p o l i z e s eleven lounge chairs (The Periscope, M a r c h 1 5 , 1 9 7 5 , p . 4). E x a c t l y a decade later, i n September 1 9 8 5 , a " c o n c e r n e d resident" w r o t e a satirical letter to the editor o f The Periscope a b o u t h o w some residents manifested their civic p r i d e a n d c o n c e r n . T h e points raised p r o v i d e a convenient checklist o f the c o n t i n u e d u n s o l v e d p r o b l e m s o f residents' indifference a n d abuse o f the e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e letter starts out by stating h o w m u c h the w r i t e r enjoys T w i n R i v e r s a n d w h a t a c o n c e r n e d citizen she is. • • • •









I leave m y k i d s at the p o o l a n d go o n m y w a y k n o w i n g some­ one else w i l l w a t c h t h e m . I d o n ' t even w o r r y a b o u t m y d o g o r cat. . . . I just let t h e m out to relieve themselves. . . . O c c a s i o n a l l y . . . I w i l l take the garbage f r o m the b a c k y a r d and p u t it b e h i n d m y neighbor's fence o r i n the b u l k area. . . . P a r k i n g is b e c o m i n g a p r o b l e m . . . a n d m y neighbors are n o t t o o nice; they get upset because w e take u p t w o spaces for o u r n e w car a n d because w e p a r k o u r expensive p i c k u p t r u c k i n the c o u r t . I like the idea o f m y being able to w a t c h the k i d s a n d their friends p l a y b a l l o n the c o m m o n area i n front o f the homes. O f course sometimes the trees o r shrubs w o u l d be d a m a g e d and the grass w o u l d die but I c o u l d at least c a l l the T r u s t a n d yell at t h e m a n d get t h e m to repair it, after a l l , I p a y m y fees. . . . M y y o u n g teenagers c a n r o a m the c o m m u n i t y . . . . A d m i t ­ tedly, I d o n ' t k n o w w h a t they d o o r w h e r e the g o , but I ' m sure they d o n ' t get i n t o t r o u b l e . I a m c o n c e r n e d a b o u t the c o m m u n i t y . . . . I let m y neighbors k n o w I d o n ' t like their p a r k i n g i n front o f m y house. W e d o n ' t t a l k to o u r n e x t - d o o r neighbor. If w e change the o i l i n o u r car, w e p o u r the o l d o i l i n t o the s t o r m sewer. T h e o n l y p r o b l e m I see w i t h T w i n R i v e r s is that n o t every­ b o d y is as c a r i n g as w e are. W e love it here. (The Periscope, September 1 9 8 5 , p . 16)

Despite the c o m m u n i t y ' s d i s m a l r e c o r d o n l i t t e r i n g , the h o m e ­ o w n e r s o f T w i n R i v e r s strongly rejected litter, c o n s i d e r i n g it as a n unde­ sirable a n d unaesthetic feature o f the c o m m u n i t y . Some w a x e d elo­ quent, w h i l e others said it a l l i n a single w e a r y gesture o f d i s m a y a n d d i s a p p r o v a l . N o one seemed o b l i v i o u s to the p r o b l e m , n o one h a d a

Whose Rights, Whose Responsibilities?

175

g o o d w o r d to say a b o u t litter, n o one a d m i t t e d to littering, yet the litter d i d n o t go away. A s k e d w h a t they w o u l d like to see done a b o u t litter, residents r e s p o n d e d w i t h very different o p i n i o n s . Some t h o u g h t there w a s " n o t h i n g to be done unless h u m a n nature changes"; others gave detailed prescriptions for p u n i s h i n g the offenders. L o o k i n g over the s u m t o t a l o f replies, it w a s possible to identify four types o f responses: • • • •

T h o s e w h o p u t the onus o n the T w i n R i v e r s trust a n d the f o r m a l authorities ( 4 2 % ) T h o s e w h o felt r e s p o n s i b i l i t y s h o u l d be shared b y the trust a n d the people ( 2 8 % ) T h o s e w h o felt it w a s entirely the people's r e s p o n s i b i l i t y (25%) T h o s e w h o h a d n o s o l u t i o n o r w h o s a w n o p r o b l e m (4%)

Some representative replies were: Litter Is the Trust's Responsibility

(42%)

" G r o u n d s need to be p a t r o l l e d a n d m a i n t a i n e d better by the maintenance people, n o t b y the people w h o live here." " M o r e trash containers s h o u l d be p r o v i d e d . " " M o r e frequent garbage c o l l e c t i o n . " "Better c o n t r o l i m p o s e d o n s h o p o w n e r s . " "Impose a n d enforce fines o n litterers a n d d o g o w n e r s . " Litter Is the People's Responsibility

(28%)

" E v e r y o n e s h o u l d c h i p i n a n d p i c k u p a little b i t . " " P e o p l e s h o u l d clean u p after d o g s . " " P e o p l e s h o u l d be m o r e p r o u d o f their c o m m u n i t y . " " P e o p l e m u s t t r a i n their c h i l d r e n to be neater." "It's u p to the i n d i v i d u a l to d o s o m e t h i n g a b o u t i t . " Litter Is a Shared Responsibility

(28%)

"Better garbage containers s h o u l d be p r o v i d e d ; a n d people have to learn to dispose o f the trash p r o p e r l y . " " T h e trust s h o u l d d o a better j o b but people have to teach their children." " P e o p l e s h o u l d be m o r e a w a r e ; also better maintenance — b o t h s h o u l d put m o r e effort i n t o i t . " L e t us n o w e x a m i n e w h a t , i f a n y t h i n g , differentiates these three g r o u p s . T h o s e w h o l o o k e d to the trust exclusively to solve the litter p r o b ­ l e m were l i k e l y the younger, better-educated, fully e m p l o y e d w o m e n .

176

Chapter 10

T h o s e w h o l o o k e d to the people to solve this p r o b l e m were m o r e l i k e l y older (age t h i r t y - s i x or older), less w e l l educated (high s c h o o l o r some college), a n d m e n . T h o s e w h o felt it w a s a shared r e s p o n s i b i l i t y tended to be y o u n g e r full-time housewives. Residents i n the earliest quads (1 a n d 2) were m o r e l i k e l y to expect the trust to solve the litter p r o b l e m . Residents i n quads 3 a n d 4 (the m o r e densely populated) were m o r e l i k e l y to say people must solve the p r o b l e m o r m a k e it a shared responsibility. T h e difference appears to be genera­ t i o n a l a n d t e m p o r a l , a n d the t w o m a y be connected. T h e older residents were also the earliest settlers (in quads 1 a n d 2), w h o h a d m o r e time to consider a " d o - i t - y o u r s e l f " a p p r o a c h to c o m m u n i t y p r o b l e m s . T h e y o u n ­ ger a n d m o r e recent residents believe that the trust, the agency entrusted to take care o f things such as s n o w r e m o v a l , garbage c o l l e c t i o n , a n d recreation, s h o u l d also handle litter. In contrast, the l o n g - t e r m residents tended to be m o r e disenchanted w i t h the trust's c a p a c i t y to d o so. E x p e r i e n c e i n t a k i n g care o f a house a n d a y a r d , especially d u r i n g c h i l d h o o d , predisposes one to opt for self-reliance. People w h o h a d a l ­ w a y s l i v e d i n rented apartments tended to h o l d the trust m o r e responsi­ ble, w h i l e those w h o h a d l i v e d i n a house o w n e d by their parents tended to believe that r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the g r o u n d s resided w i t h the residents generally. D i s a p p o i n t m e n t w i t h T w i n R i v e r s is also related to the a l l o c a ­ t i o n o f responsibility. T h o s e w h o are d i s a p p o i n t e d h o l d the trust m o r e responsible; those w h o are n o t d i s a p p o i n t e d t h i n k that residents s h o u l d assume m o r e responsibility. T h e p r o b l e m o f litter c o n t i n u e d to be significant a n d resisted easy s o l u t i o n s . A 1980s f o l l o w - u p survey y i e l d e d the f o l l o w i n g i n f o r m a t i o n : How would you rank litter compared community f Important 78% N o t important 22%

to other problems

Do you feel you are doing your share in keeping nity clean? Yes 81% Police officers should give tickets to anyone Yes 62%

the

they see

in this

commu­

littering.

If people see litter, they should pick it up and put it in a trashcan (no matter whose litter is involved). Yes 76% It annoys me when my neighbor's Always 31% Often 21%

yard is messy or dirty.

177

Whose Rights, Whose Responsibilities? Wherever I go, I notice whether the ground Often 42% Always 24% / always feel guilty Always 73% Never 1%

is tidy or

littered.

when I litter.

J clean or sweep the sidewalk littered. Always 34% Often 37% Never 11%

in front of my house when it is

J litter. Often 1.4% Sometimes 9.9% Rarely 43.7% Never 45.1% E a c h i t e m o n the scale, developed by researcher Steve Wenner, has a value o f f r o m one to five. H i g h e r values denote higher litter conscious­ ness. F o r purposes o f analysis, the responses, w h o s e actual values ranged f r o m 19 to 4 4 , were g r o u p e d i n t o three categories as f o l l o w s ( A l p h a r e l i a b i l i t y coefficient = .615 i n d i c a t i n g a moderately reliable scale): 3 8 - 4 4 = H i g h litter consciousness (n = 23) 3 4 - 3 7 = M o d e r a t e litter consciousness (n = 25) 1 9 - 3 3 = L o w litter consciousness (n = 23) Ν - 71 H i g h litter consciousness w a s related to: L o w satisfaction w i t h the c o m m u n i t y ( 4 4 % vs. 2 6 % ) L o w e r l i k i n g for current house ( 5 0 % vs. 2 4 % ) R e l a t i v e l y shorter residence i n the c o m m u n i t y ( 4 1 % vs. 2 6 % ) H a v i n g h a d maintenance o f p r o p e r t y chores as a c h i l d ( 3 9 % vs. 26%) T a k i n g pride i n their current yard's appearance ( 8 0 % vs. 1 1 % ) C u r r e n t l y recycling garbage ( 4 2 % vs. 2 6 % ) Being d i s a p p o i n t e d w i t h T w i n R i v e r s ( 4 0 % vs. 2 3 % ) A l t h o u g h correlations d o not p e r m i t one to infer a causal connec­ t i o n , it is clear that consciousness o f litter is related to being disap­ p o i n t e d w i t h the c o m m u n i t y a n d the house. It is also interesting to note that c h i l d h o o d experience is strongly related to a c o n c e r n w i t h litter i n a d u l t h o o d . M o r e recent residents w h o are c o p i n g w i t h p r o b l e m s o f ad-

178

Chapter 10

justing their expectations to the a c t u a l c o n d i t i o n s o f house, c o m m u n i t y , a n d f e l l o w residents are also m o s t l i k e l y to be c o n s c i o u s o f the litter a b o u t t h e m . A b o v e a l l , t a k i n g p r i d e i n the appearance o f one's o w n p r o p e r t y goes h a n d i n h a n d w i t h s t r o n g feelings a b o u t litter. T h e m a j o r i t y n o t i c e d litter, felt g u i l t y w h e n they themselves engaged i n l i t t e r i n g , a n d t o o k active steps to help i n c l e a n u p . Residents also agreed by a n d large as to the types o f litter they f o u n d m o s t p r o b l e m ­ a t i c — d o g mess a n d garbage headed the list. A s k e d i f they themselves littered, nearly one-half said "never," a n d o n l y 1 percent s a i d " o f t e n . " A n d this i n a c o m m u n i t y where litter has been endemic a n d w i d e s p r e a d since its i n c e p t i o n . Residents d i d , however, a d m i t to strong feelings a b o u t their o c c a s i o n a l lapses i n t o litter, three-quarters saying they " a l ­ w a y s " feel g u i l t y w h e n l i t t e r i n g . C h i l d r e n received t o p m e n t i o n ( 3 8 % ) as the w o r s t litter offenders; teenagers ( 1 7 % ) a n d d o g o w n e r s ( 1 6 % ) were the runners-up. A sizeable n u m b e r o f residents ( 4 2 % ) also believed that renters h a d a greater p r o ­ pensity to litter t h a n d i d o w n e r s . Renters were seen to care less a b o u t the c o m m u n i t y a n d to take less p r i d e i n property. These attitudes d i d n o t develop t h r o u g h experience w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y ; rather, the resi­ dents b r o u g h t t h e m i n w i t h the m o v e . A s k e d w h a t s h o u l d be done a b o u t the litter p r o b l e m , t w o - t h i r d s r e s p o n d e d that p o l i c e s h o u l d issue tickets to offenders. Three-quarters felt that people s h o u l d p i c k u p any litter, even i f it w a s n ' t theirs. C l e a r l y there is a gap here between attitudes a n d behavior. O f f e n d e d by litter, eager to r e m e d y the s i t u a t i o n , a n d dis­ tressed by the pervasive presence o f litter i n the c o m m u n i t y , residents nonetheless d i s a v o w e d any p e r s o n a l r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for it. B u t w h o w a s littering, i f n o t the m a j o r i t y o f residents? T o be sure, there w a s a s o l i d g r o u p o f c o n c e r n e d residents w h o n o t o n l y d i s a p p r o v e d o f litter a n d w i s h e d it w o u l d go away, but w h o d i d their share to i m p r o v e the s i t u a t i o n . Recent surveys s h o w that o n e - t h i r d of residents c u r r e n t l y recycle newspapers, bottles, a n d the l i k e , a n d 5 0 percent actively volunteer their time, w o r k i n g w i t h c o m m u n i t y g r o u p s or k e e p i n g others aware o f the issue. Indeed, 9 0 percent o f the residents feel they are d o i n g their share to preserve the appearance o f T w i n R i v e r s . H e r e a g a i n there is a difference between the p u b l i c a n d the private areas, a n d the r e s p o n s i b i l i t y people feel t o w a r d each. Residents are w i l l ­ ing to take care o f their o w n b a c k y a r d s ( 6 6 % ) , a n d " a l w a y s " o r "of­ t e n " sweep a w a y litter o n the s i d e w a l k i n front o f their houses ( 7 1 % ) , because they see the i m m e d i a t e area a r o u n d their houses as their re­ sponsibility. B u t as regards general maintenance, 9 0 percent feel it is u p to the trust to care for the c o m m u n i t y ' s upkeep a n d appearance, a n d they w i l l n o t take part. R e s p o n s i b i l i t y is one t h i n g . Feelings are another. Perhaps residents

Whose Rights, Whose Responsibilities?

179

d o n o t a l w a y s act o n w h a t they believe, but it is s t r i k i n g h o w strongly they care about the issue. In c o n c l u s i o n , litter is a p r o b l e m that has beset the c o m m u n i t y f r o m the b e g i n n i n g . It has t r o u b l e d the authorities c o n t i n u o u s l y , a n d they have used a variety o f means to b r i n g it to p u b l i c attention. T h e infor­ m a t i o n gathered i n the interviews suggests that residents are as aware o f litter as the trust is a n d deplore its effects o n the c o m m u n i t y . M o s t blame c h i l d r e n a n d teenagers as key c u l p r i t s but it is clear that the adults d o their share, even i f they d o n o t a c k n o w l e d g e it. Ideally, litter s h o u l d be everyone's c o n c e r n but i n reality t o o m a n y residents evade their responsibilities. A n d this is w h y , ultimately, such m u n d a n e p r o b ­ lems o f p h y s i c a l upkeep a n d maintenance, garbage d i s p o s a l a n d litter, are "people p r o b l e m s " i n the most basic sense. T h e y reflect pride i n self a n d i n the c o m m o n t e r r a i n , a respect for the p r o p e r t y a n d w e l l - b e i n g o f a l l , a n d a n awareness o f the c o n n e c t i o n between the p e r s o n a l a n d the common good. In time, fines a n d stricter regulations g r a d u a l l y helped b r i n g litter under c o n t r o l . B y c o m p a r i s o n w i t h the 1970s, w h e n it w a s i n the d o l ­ d r u m s , T w i n R i v e r s i n the 1980s l o o k e d m u c h cleaner a n d better cared for, a n d better still i n the 1990s. Progress w a s evident but it w a s a c o n t i n u o u s struggle, a never-ending process.

Crimes against Property and People A settlement o f ten t h o u s a n d residents is l i k e l y to have its share o f c r i m e a n d assaults o n p r o p e r t y a n d persons. In a n e w c o m m u n i t y , the chances for a n t i s o c i a l b e h a v i o r increase, as there is n o t r a d i t i o n a l m o d e l to c o ­ alesce i n d i v i d u a l a n d collective self-interest. T h e n , t o o , the i n i t i a l sense of uprootedness a n d transciency detracts f r o m a p u b l i c c o m m i t m e n t , a n d the social diversity o f a m o d e r n s u b u r b a n p o p u l a t i o n tends to d i ­ lute the basis for social consensus. A l s o often n o t e d is the fact that n e w developments are magnets for thieves a n d s w i n d l e r s , since it is h a r d to d i s t i n g u i s h r i g h t f u l residents f r o m devious strangers. T h e constant c i r c u l a t i o n o f service personnel, m o v i n g vans, a n d visitors limits v i g i l a n c e , a n d as the small-scale hous­ i n g courts are still i n process o f f o r m a t i o n , n o one c a n w a t c h m o r e t h a n their o w n s m a l l turf. N o t to be i g n o r e d is n o r m a t i v e v i o l a t i o n f r o m w i t h i n the n e w c o m m u n i t y . In T w i n R i v e r s this began w i t h the first settlers i n 1 9 7 0 a n d continues i n a n u n b r o k e n p r o g r e s s i o n to this day. In A u g u s t 1 9 7 2 s i x t o w n h o u s e s were destroyed by a fire be­ lieved to have been caused by a r s o n .

180

Chapter 10 In M a y 1 9 7 2 , 18 out o f 1,260 households h a d been delinquent i n their trust payments; a n d 13 were t a k e n to s m a l l - c l a i m s court. Traffic v i o l a t i o n s , such as disregarded stop signs, unsafe speeds, cars n o t s t o p p i n g for s c h o o l buses, a n d so o n , were serious right f r o m the start. In 1 9 7 4 a fire i n the V i l l a g e East apartments gutted several sec­ ond-floor units. It, t o o , w a s attributed to a r s o n . T h e first d r u g arrests m a d e the headlines i n M a r c h 1 9 7 4 .

In A p r i l 1 9 7 4 a twenty-three-year o l d housewife w a s r a p e d , a n d t w o c o m p o s i t e sketches o f the rapist were c i r c u l a t e d . T h e event w a s g r a p h i c a l l y depicted w i t h the p e c u l i a r a d v i s o that the rape w a s "the first ever i n a p l a n n e d u n i t d e v e l o p m e n t . " T h e police were c h e c k i n g o u t the possibility that the rapist might have been one o f the construction w o r k e r s nearby. B y N o v e m b e r the case w a s c l o s e d . R e c a l l i n g three h u n d r e d posters t h r o u g h o u t the state, the police a n n o u n c e d that the rape seemed to have been invented by the w o m a n a n d n o further a c t i o n w a s re­ q u i r e d . Nonetheless, i n q u i r i n g a b o u t the residents' k n o w l e d g e o f the incident i n d i c a t e d that the image h a d been fixed a n d f o r m e d part o f the e v o l v i n g m y t h o l o g y o f the c o m m u n i t y . C r i m e s are m o r e d i s t u r b i n g i n a n e w c o m m u n i t y n o t expecting t h e m a n d thus finding it difficult to take t h e m i n stride. Such crimes create a n undertone o f fear that m a y erode the basis for the trust desired. T h r o u g h o u t the decades the w e e k l y Windsor-Heights Herald (1984) kept readers abreast o f the crimes suffered o r perpetrated by T w i n R i v e r s residents a n d outsiders. Burglaries led the list: A n A b b i n g t o n D r i v e resident reported that his house h a d been b u r g l a r i z e d — a c o l o r television, a telephone a n s w e r i n g m a ­ chine, a n d a cassette stereo set were reported stolen. S h o p l i f t i n g , d i s o r d e r l y c o n d u c t , defacements o f cars, robbery, muggi ngs , bicycle thefts, c o m p u t e r thefts, drugs, indecent exposure, r a n s a c k i n g o f houses w h o s e o w n e r s were a w a y at w o r k , d r i v i n g w h i l e i n t o x i c a t e d , jewelry thefts, these were the m o s t frequent crimes cited. A s t a n d a r d design makes it easy to k n o w just where entries a n d exits are l o c a t e d , a n d the s l i d i n g glass d o o r s o f the houses were a favorite means o f entry for thieves. In the 1980s another sort o f c r i m e m a d e its appearance, one that b o t h frightened a n d r a l l i e d the c o m m u n i t y . It c o n c e r n e d a series o f at­ tempted a b d u c t i o n s o f y o u n g c h i l d r e n . B e t w e e n J a n u a r y a n d M a y , 1 9 8 4 , six such attempts were reported. In J a n u a r y a six-year-old b o y w a l k i n g to s c h o o l w a s accosted by a m a n i n a car, a n d the b o y fled. L a t e r that

Whose Rights, Whose Responsibilities?

181

w e e k a s i m i l a r incident i n v o l v e d a twelve-year-old boy. In A p r i l o f that year a seven-year-old g i r l w a s a p p r o a c h e d by a m a n i n a car, w h o stopped her w i t h the w o r d s , " H i k i d , c o m e here, y o u r m o m is s i c k . " A s d i d the t w o boys, the little g i r l r a n away. In M a y 1 9 8 4 a s i x t h attempt i n v o l v e d a thirteen-year-old boy. T h e parents were said to be p a r t i c u l a r l y w o r r i e d because the c o m m u n i t y is so near the t u r n p i k e that a n a b d u c t o r a n d his v i c t i m c o u l d disappear very q u i c k l y . A l l incidents i n v o l v e d m e n i n cars. A l l agitated the c o m m u n i t y a n d led the p o l i c e to urge residents to teach their c h i l d r e n self-protection. B y increasing the sense o f v u l n e r a b i l i t y a n d interdependence, crimes m a y actually generate c o m m u n i t y feeling. A c o m m o n danger, like a c o m m o n enemy, m o b i l i z e s a sense o f shared destiny. In a d d i t i o n , crimes m o t i v a t e a p o p u l a t i o n to devise institutions to protect the collective self. R u l e s a n d fines as w e l l as penalties a n d legal actions m u l t i p l y . In time one notes i n T w i n R i v e r s the issuance o f " G r o u n d R u l e s for C o m m o n G r o u n d s " ; traffic a n d speed l i m i t s ; safety rules; c r i m i n a l trespass c o m ­ plaints; a n d a Parent R e s p o n s i b i l i t y L a w , w h e r e b y the courts have the right to h o l d parents o f a c h i l d adjudged delinquent subject to fines. These, then, were a m o n g the recurrent p r o b l e m s o f the c o m m u n i t y for w h i c h it h a d to find w o r k a b l e s o l u t i o n s . In the process o f d o i n g so, it became apparent that i n order to defend a n d protect a c o m m u n i t y f r o m danger, it w a s necessary to generate a v i t a l sense o f c o m m u n i t y . In t u r n , this w a s strengthened by the crimes a n d m i s d e m e a n o r s that c o n ­ front a c o m m u n i t y .

Vandalism If indifference to o r v i o l a t i o n o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l rules is a p e r s o n a l ex­ pression o f a l a c k o f c o m m u n i t y feeling, v a n d a l i s m is its collective ex­ pression. L i k e litter, v a n d a l i s m is a n i n d i c a t i o n o f indifference to one's e n v i r o n m e n t , a n indifference l i k e l y to be greater w h e n space is shared a n d w h e n people have different codes a n d n o r m s o f civic pride a n d respect for appearances. B o t h have been true o f T w i n R i v e r s . A c o m m u n i t y w i t h o u t established t r a d i t i o n s lacks not o n l y the insti­ tutions that w i l l guide the c o m m o n life but the n o r m a t i v e consensus against w h i c h b e h a v i o r w i l l be consistently assessed a n d , i f need be, p u n i s h e d . T h e extent to w h i c h social c o n t r o l rests o n the anticipated r e a c t i o n o f others, as caught i n n u m e r o u s references to "they," " m o s t p e o p l e , " "everyone a r o u n d here," is the extent to w h i c h i n d i v i d u a l s c a n be said to have i n t e r n a l i z e d a p u b l i c perspective o n n o r m a t i v e prefer­ ences. O n l y w h e n that happens c a n social c o n d u c t become self-regulat­ ing. In the absence o f such collective standards, one c a n violate "the

182

Chapter 10

c o m m o n s " w i t h i m p u n i t y a n d feel n o m o r a l pangs. M o r a l c o n f o r m i t y "takes its peculiar c o l o r a t i o n f r o m the fact that the p e r s o n feeling it has done o r is a b o u t to d o s o m e t h i n g t h r o u g h w h i c h he comes i n t o c o n t r a ­ d i c t i o n w i t h people to w h o m he is b o u n d i n one f o r m o r a n o t h e r " (Elias 1978, p. 292). T w i n R i v e r s d i d not, at the start, have even a m o d i c u m o f c o n ­ sensus o n c o m m u n i t y issues, hence n o effective pressure c o u l d be b r o u g h t to bear i f residents neglected o r abused the e n v i r o n m e n t . N o t surprisingly, neither shame n o r embarrassment over e n v i r o n m e n t a l abuse were m u c h i n evidence. T h e r e is also the fact that the inducements used to lure buyers i n t o the c o m m u n i t y — such as " H e r e , everything w i l l be done for h o m e ­ o w n e r s , " o r " Y o u c a n r e l a x n o w , w e w i l l take care o f y o u " m a y have l u l l e d residents i n t o i n a c t i o n . S u c h slogans m a y set up expectations that are t o o great a n d sap p e r s o n a l initiative to address p u b l i c concerns. W h i l e v a n d a l i s m is w o r r i s o m e n o matter where o r w h e n it occurs, it has a special m e a n i n g i n n e w c o m m u n i t i e s . G r e a t expectations i n n e w c o m m u n i t i e s often become great d i s a p p o i n t m e n t s . Prospective residents, starry eyed but apprehensive, l o o k f o r w a r d to m o r e t h a n n e w houses a n d safety for their c h i l d r e n . T h e y also secretly w i s h for their lives to be m a g i c a l l y t r a n s f o r m e d , their marriages to be r e v i t a l i z e d , their careers to bloom. A n d w h e n , after m o v i n g i n , it becomes evident that the n e w c o m ­ m u n i t y is also a n unfinished c o m m u n i t y , the d i s a p p o i n t m e n t often k n o w s n o b o u n d s . M o s t residents d o manage to take it i n their stride but a m i n o r i t y d o n o t a n d they l o o k for w a y s to even some secret score, to inflict the p a i n a n d resentment they have experienced, a n d to strike back anonymously through vandalism. V a n d a l i s m has t a k e n m a n y forms i n T w i n R i v e r s . T h e f o l l o w i n g has o c c u r r e d r o u t i n e l y : P u b l i c telephones have been d i s m e m b e r e d , w i n d o w s b r o k e n , the s p r i n k l e r system d i s r u p t e d , p l a y g r o u n d o r p o o l e q u i p m e n t b r o k e n ; lounge chairs have gone m i s s i n g ; l u m b e r has been pilfered f r o m storage sheds; flower beds have been t r a m p l e d a n d y o u n g trees b r o k e n ; pets have gone o n destructive rampages. F r u s t r a t i o n over a p u b l i c telephone i n t e n t i o n a l l y despoiled o r p o o l e q u i p m e n t w a n t o n l y destroyed c a n create intense feelings o f rage even a m o n g n o r m a l l y c a l m a n d reasonable people. A t such m o m e n t s , one experiences n o t o n l y a n inconvenience, n o matter h o w stressful, but a deeper affront. It is a n injury to one's sense that the w o r l d is reliable a n d safe a n d that the g o o d forces w i l l p r e v a i l . It is also a d i s t u r b i n g r e m i n d e r that vengeance a n d destruction l u r k close to the surface o f o r g a n i z e d s o c i a l life. T w i n R i v e r s has r e s p o n d e d to v a n d a l i s m i n a variety o f w a y s : t h r o u g h indifference, d e n i a l , h u m o r , a n d finally p e r p l e x e d dismay. Some have

Whose Rights, Whose Responsibilities?

183

tried to e x p l a i n it a w a y by b l a m i n g it a l l o n children's h i g h j i n k s , but this has p r o v o k e d such c o m m e n t s as: " I f enjoying their c h i l d h o o d means destroying p r o p e r t y that w e a l l p a y for, then w e w i l l a l l p a y for this abuse o f f r e e d o m " (Windsor-Heights Herald, 2 3 O c t o b e r 1 9 7 5 , edi­ t o r i a l page). O n e l e a d i n g citizen, then the president o f the h o m e - o w n e r s associa­ t i o n considered the p r o b l e m serious e n o u g h to invite the readers o f The Periscope to share some w i l d speculations. H e related a d r e a m that fea­ tured "the ultimate act o f s w i m - c l u b v a n d a l i s m . " In the d r e a m , he en­ tered the p o o l area ready to dive i n t o the water but he suddenly ca­ reened to a halt as he f o u n d himself " l o o k i n g d o w n i n t o a deep d a r k d i t c h — [ a n d realized that] the p o o l w a s g o n e " (The Periscope, O c t o b e r 1 9 7 5 , p . 6) O v e r the decade o f the 1980s there were m a n y deliberations o n this p r o b l e m . T o the extent that v a n d a l i s m was a c k n o w l e d g e d as a c o m m u ­ n a l issue, the most frequently b l a m e d were the c h i l d r e n a n d the teen­ agers. T h e benign c o m m e n t s referred to their being c a r r i e d a w a y by the i m m e d i a c y o f the m o m e n t . T h e angry ones decried the i n t e n t i o n a l de­ s t r u c t i o n o f the e n v i r o n m e n t as r e t a l i a t i o n for m i s s i n g facilities such as a teen center. A t times it w a s not the c o m m u n i t y ' s o w n teenagers w h o were b l a m e d , but outsiders w h o were seen to have lashed out against a n e n v i r o n m e n t they considered enviable, because it w a s new, a n d f r o m w h i c h they felt e x c l u d e d . O n a deeper level, however, m i s c h i e v o u s o r destructive y o u t h was not, one felt, the p r i m a r y cause. H a d c h i l d r e n been taught to respect the l a n d a n d to revere the c o m m o n g r o u n d s a n d facilities, they w o u l d not have been tempted to express their frustrations by assaulting the collec­ tive self. T h e c h i l d r e n a n d teenagers d i d so because they were ignorant a n d often they s i m p l y c a r r i e d out their parents' indifference. It was this indifference that needed to be dealt w i t h . T h a t w a s easier said t h a n done, however, because indifference has deep c u l t u r a l roots. Some at­ tribute it to society's cavalier, not to say destructive, attitude to the envi­ r o n m e n t a n d to the simultaneous w o r s h i p o f private p r o p e r t y a n d indif­ ference to that w h i c h is p u b l i c l y shared: " T h e r e is a stark contrast between the A m e r i c a n ' s attitude t o w a r d s his private bubble o f space a n d that t o w a r d a l l p u b l i c spaces." T h e house receives the attention a n d care, as does the y a r d a n d garden, that p u b l i c spaces are denied. "[S]idewalks, roadsides, p u b l i c vehicles, p a r k s , a n d m a n y p u b l i c b u i l d ­ ings reveal a studied neglect a n d frequently such d o w n r i g h t s q u a l o r that it is difficult to believe one is encountering a c i v i l i z e d c o m m u n i t y " ( Z e l i n s k y 1 9 7 3 , p . 93). T h e l o n g t r a d i t i o n o f p u b l i c indifference to the p u b l i c d o m a i n has t a k e n its t o l l i n the characteristic profligacy w i t h w h i c h A m e r i c a n s have regarded the l a n d . Instead o f c o m m u n i n g w i t h nature a n d revering this

Chapter 10

184

precious n a t i o n a l resource, A m e r i c a n society has stressed the need to subjugate nature a n d b r i n g it under c o n t r o l . If, i n the process, the l a n d were destroyed, one w o u l d s i m p l y m o v e o n to exercise d o m i n i o n over another u n t r i e d space. T h i s r a p a c i t y w a s not checked, as l o n g as l a n d seemed to be i n limitless supply. O n c e that s u p p l y is questioned, as it is today, so are the c u l t u r a l attitudes that sustained this self-serving ethos. O f course, the sensitive observer o f A m e r i c a n mores d i d not need to w a i t u n t i l the twenty-first century to deplore this n a t i o n a l m y o p i a . A s early as 1 8 4 3 , de T o c q u e v i l l e , a m a z e d at the facility w i t h w h i c h A m e r i ­ cans p i c k e d up their h o u s e h o l d goods to m o v e o n , described his disquiet at c o m i n g u p o n a spot i n the forest w i t h its makeshift d w e l l i n g a n d the traces o f a hasty departure. "I s t o o d for some time i n silent a d m i r a t i o n of the resources o f nature a n d the littleness o f m a n , " he w r o t e , " . . . a n d w h e n I w a s o b l i g e d to leave that enchanting solitude, I e x c l a i m e d w i t h sadness: ' A r e ruins, then, already h e r e ? ' " (de T o c q u e v i l l e 1 9 9 0 , p . 296). It is not insignificant, then, that it is the p u b l i c spaces that have been v a n d a l i z e d i n T w i n R i v e r s . These are the spaces that belong to a l l a n d , therefore, to n o one. W h e n " e v e r y t h i n g belongs to everybody . . . n o t h i n g belongs to or is enjoyed by a n y b o d y " ( C h e r m a y e f f a n d A l e x ­ ander 1 9 6 5 , p . 66). Resentment a b o u t such e n v i r o n m e n t a l neglect a n d its possible detri­ m e n t a l effects o n health, p r o p e r t y values, a n d aesthetics w a s not l o n g i n c o m i n g a n d w a s the cause o f the trials o f the first decade. M a j o r c o m ­ plaints i n c l u d e d : distress over the " d i s g r a c e f u l " upkeep o f the g r o u n d s , s l o w s n o w r e m o v a l , unsightly garbage, the p o l l u t i o n o f lakes, P a m p e r s left at p o o l s , pet v i o l a t i o n s , a n d l a w n s b a d l y m a i n t a i n e d (The Periscope, 15 M a r c h 1 9 7 5 , p . 32). In short, T w i n R i v e r s h a d " b a d c o m m u n i t y m a n n e r s " to use a phrase c o i n e d by one o f its leaders, N e i l N e v i t t (edi­ tor, a n d president o f the T w i n R i v e r s H O A [ibid.]). T h e c o m m u n i t y d i d attempt to fight back, but the means used — contests for attractive l a n d s c a p i n g , for e x a m p l e — d i d n o t w o r k , m a i n l y , one suspects, because there w a s n o substantial c o m m u n i t y to be p r o u d o f i n these early years. T h e struggle to tame egocentricity a n d steer residents t o w a r d greater c o o p e r a t i o n a n d respect for the p u b l i c d o m a i n p r o v e d as intransigent as the p r o b l e m s o f litter, v a n d a l i s m , a n d , as w e shall see, c o n t e n t i o n over pets, w h i c h c o n t i n u e d to agitate the c o m m u n i t y .

Pets "The rank smell of unneutered cat urine in my basement around my window wells," "on my storm door; in the shrubs in my backyard —

Whose Rights, Whose Responsibilities?

185

I'm tired of it! Tired of having my dog come in . . . smelling of it; tired of having my own cats get upset by the stench!" A n d then this warning — if this continues the cats will be brought to the pound and destroyed." — The Periscope, M a r c h 1976, p. 22 I am certainly not a cat hater. . . . However, I firmly believe that in crowded Twin Rivers any owner of any pet must respect his neigh­ bors by not allowing their cats and dogs to become a nuisance to the whole area. — The Periscope, M a r c h 1976 T w i n R i v e r s residents share the e n v i r o n m e n t not o n l y w i t h one an­ other, but w i t h another category o f l i v i n g creatures, namely, pets. In the early 1970s, 4 6 percent o f the households c o n t a i n e d one pet or m o r e , a figure that rose to 60 percent a decade later. T h e y were thus i n step w i t h the n a t i o n a l culture, w h e n m o r e t h a n t w o - t h i r d s o f A m e r i c a n house­ h o l d s c o n t a i n e d pets: 50 m i l l i o n dogs a n d 4 6 m i l l i o n cats for the c o u n ­ try as a w h o l e ( K a n n e r 1 9 8 5 ) . Pets are c o m m o n i n n e w c o m m u n i t i e s for a n u m b e r o f reasons. T h e r e is m o r e o u t d o o r space for p l a y a n d recreation, there is u s u a l l y m o r e domestic space w i t h i n larger d w e l l i n g s , a n d for many, images o f s u b u r b a n gentility go h a n d i n h a n d w i t h Spot the D o g o r F e l i x the C a t . T h e r e is also the need for c o m p a n i o n s h i p i n a strange e n v i r o n m e n t u n t i l friendships are made a n d social life gets under way. Pets proliferate i n such environments. A l a s , they also get left b e h i n d w h e n their o w n e r s m o v e . T h e same is true o n college campuses. Pets, as the residents have been q u i c k to p o i n t out, create friction a m o n g residents because o f their toilet habits a n d their r u n n i n g w i l d over flowerbeds a n d l a w n s . T h i s is a w i d e s p r e a d c o m p l a i n t i n n e w c o m ­ munities. E x - u r b a n i t e s , especially f r o m apartments where pets are not a l l o w e d , notes N o r c r o s s i n his survey o f t o w n h o u s e c o m m u n i t i e s ( 1 9 7 3 , p . 36), r u s h out to b u y a d o g o r a cat i m m e d i a t e l y u p o n m o v i n g i n . A l t h o u g h l o v e d by their o w n e r s , they are often resented by the neigh­ bors w h o s e l a w n s they d e s p o i l . A l s o , pets are not a part o f f o r m a l plans, since "developers u s u a l l y p l a n o n adequate green areas for peo­ ple, but fail to consider pets" (ibid.). In T w i n R i v e r s , the p r o b l e m o f stray pets surfaced after the first year, a n d a pet c o m m i t t e e , f o r m e d i n 1 9 7 2 , busied itself w i t h devising pet regulations for this i n i t i a l list o f issues: d o g - w a l k i n g areas, waste d i s p o s a l , unleashed pets, identification tags, v a c c i n a t i o n s . T h e pet situa­ t i o n , it w a s s a i d , created such " a g g r a v a t i o n , harassment, a n d heated a r g u m e n t s " that " m a n y a pet o w n e r has been m o v e d to consider selling their homes a n d leaving the C o m m u n i t y . " C o m m o n g r o u n d s , used as

186

Chapter 10

" g i a n t doggy b a t h r o o m s , " a n d b a r k i n g dogs were l o u d l y d e p l o r e d . F o s ­ ter parents were sought to take i n lost pets for a brief p e r i o d (The Peri­ scope, D e c e m b e r 1 9 7 2 ) . T h e p r o b l e m d i d not stop at T w i n R i v e r s boundaries, as i n d i c a t e d by pleas to the residents o f the t o w n s h i p to stop d r o p p i n g their "homeless, sick, starving, a n d u n w a n t e d a n i m a l s " i n T w i n R i v e r s (Windsor-Heights Herald, 2 4 A u g u s t 1 9 7 2 , p . 4). T h e countless e x h o r t a t i o n s m u l t i p l i e d : T o a l l pet owners: Please respect y o u r n e i g h b o r s ' p r o p e r t y a n d w a l k y o u r a n i m a l s o n l y i n the presented areas. C a t o w n e r s , d o n o t let y o u r cats out unleashed. (The Periscope, December 1974) If one chooses to o w n a d o g , he must realize the responsibilities i n v o l v e d . . . . N o reason w h y the rest o f us s h o u l d have to suf­ fer the i n d i g n i t y o f w a l k i n g i n someone else's dirt. . . . It's a n eyesore, a health h a z a r d . (The Periscope, N o v e m b e r 1 9 7 5 , p . 22) I a m t i r e d o f h a v i n g m y street l o o k like a c o w pasture. If the m o r o n s w h o w a l k their dogs w h e r e they please d o not have e n o u g h c o m m o n sense o r decency to care a b o u t their neigh­ bors, then by a l l means . . . some c o n t r o l s . (The Periscope, Feb­ r u a r y 1 9 7 6 , p . 20) Summonses were m e n t i o n e d p u b l i c l y for the first time i n 1 9 7 4 , for d o g o w n e r s charged w i t h d e s p o i l i n g a p a r t i c u l a r area o f T w i n R i v e r s . T h e r e were sad tales o f the i n h u m a n treatment a n d d u m p i n g o f u n w a n t e d pets i n t o the wilderness o f T w i n R i v e r s , w h e r e s t a r v a t i o n a n d a p a i n f u l death could await them. A l s o i n 1 9 7 4 , a pet registry w a s begun. D e s c r i p t i o n s a n d p h o t o s o f existing pets were to be used to reunite lost pets w i t h their o w n e r s (The Periscope, June 1 9 7 4 , p . 30). O t h e r announcements t h a n k e d residents for agreeing to take a b a n d o n e d pets i n t o their homes permanently. Pets were often described i n the terms one w o u l d use for h u m a n beings — lost a n d rejected, a b a n d o n e d , grateful to be members o f the f a m i l y — a n d one feels that these terms reflect some o f the feelings o f aloneness a n d strangeness that beset the i n i t i a l residents w h o likewise sought the w a r m t h a n d comforts o f a h o m e . B y J a n u a r y 1 9 7 6 the T w i n R i v e r s Pet C o m m i t t e e officially stopped f u n c t i o n i n g w h e n the n u m b e r o f a n i m a l s exceeded the n u m b e r o f volunteers w i l l i n g to take t h e m i n . Residents were advised to take u n w a n t e d pets to the p o u n d to be destroyed i n ­ stead o f e x p o s i n g t h e m to the elements. (The

Fines o f ten to twenty-five d o l l a r s were i m p o s e d as early as 1 9 7 5 Windsor-Heights Herald, 1 J a n u a r y 1 9 7 6 , p . 2 A ) , a n d sanctions

Whose Rights, Whose Responsibilities?

187

became m o r e severe i n time. Penalties came to i n c l u d e the loss o f s w i m ­ m i n g p o o l privileges a n d a lien o n one's p r o p e r t y (The Periscope, M a r c h 1 9 7 6 , p . 11). T h e rage o f residents also accelerated: I ' m tired o f it. . . . I give this w a r n i n g : to have stray cats p i c k e d u p by the D o g W a r d e n to be t a k e n to the p o u n d a n d be de­ stroyed. (Letters to the E d i t o r , The Periscope, M a r c h 1 9 7 6 , p . 22) C a t s , as everyone k n o w s , are the finest a n i m a l s i n creation, but they c a n d i g u p y o u r flower beds a n d water the roses. (The Periscope, June 1 9 8 3 , p . 1) A n d this ferocious rejoinder: " W e have a d o g to w a l k . . . . If anyone gives us any trouble then we're t a k i n g it out o n their front l a w n . " A n e w r e s o l u t i o n was a d o p t e d by the T w i n R i v e r s b o a r d i n 1 9 7 9 , regulat­ i n g the c o n d u c t o f pets o n trust l a n d a n d increasing fines to thirty-five dollars per v i o l a t i o n (The Periscope, O c t o b e r 1 9 8 4 , p . 1). B y the 1990s pets were n o longer the c r i t i c a l issue they h a d been i n the first fifteen years o f the c o m m u n i t y ' s life. T h e c o m b i n e d a n d sus­ tained efforts o f the trust, the t o w n s h i p , a n d interested residents h a d succeeded i n i m p o s i n g some c o n t r o l t h r o u g h legal a c t i o n a n d the m o b i ­ lization of local public opinion.

Conclusion T h e tension between i n d i v i d u a l s a n d the c o m m u n i t y is a f a m i l i a r theme i n A m e r i c a n life, f r o m the tightly ordered covenant c o m m u n i t i e s o f P u ­ r i t a n N e w E n g l a n d to the p l a n n e d developments o f o u r o w n day. In c o l o n i a l times, l a n d was c r i t i c a l for the o p p o r t u n i t y to set oneself apart f r o m c o m m u n i t y . It p e r m i t t e d i n d i v i d u a l s to give vent to their desires for e l b o w r o o m a n d to " l i v e apart f r o m the meeting house, religious ordinances, a n d p a s t o r a l c a r e " (Stilgoe 1 9 8 8 , p . 7). W h i l e the o r i g i n a l settlers o f N e w E n g l a n d were content, a c c o r d i n g to Increase M a t h e r , " w i t h one acre per i n d i v i d u a l a n d twenty per family, i n time, hundreds a n d thousands o f acres were a p p r o p r i a t e d , " a n d the ideal o f houses clustered a r o u n d the meeting house gave w a y to "scattered settlement patterns already c o m m o n west o f the A p p a l a c h i a n s , " revealing " a strong bias t o w a r d s o l i t u d e " ( Z e l i n s k y 1 9 7 3 , p . 4 8 ) . Still later, the desire for e c o n o m i c success p r o p e l l e d A m e r i c a n s to break their ties to the l a n d , the h o m e t o w n , the n a t a l hearth a n d f o l l o w wherever o p p o r t u n i t y t o o k them. T w i n R i v e r s m i r r o r s the n a t i o n a l experience as it struggles w i t h its

188

Chapter 10

p r o b l e m s . T a u g h t to regard l a n d as their n a t u r a l right over w h i c h to assert their c l a i m s , residents n o w find themselves c a l l e d u p o n to c o n ­ sider l a n d a collective resource that they must help to preserve. T h e concept o f l a n d as a vehicle to m a x i m i z e p e r s o n a l g a i n competes w i t h the concept o f l a n d as a scarce resource r e q u i r i n g a n e w ethic o f respect a n d c o n s i d e r a t i o n , w h i c h w o u l d have residents subordinate i n d i v i d u a l self-interest to the interests o f the totality. B u t residents o f T w i n R i v e r s were n o t p r e p a r e d for the larger, l o n g t e r m view. N e i t h e r by u p b r i n g i n g n o r by experience were they ever made aware that the private interests they so assiduously p u r s u e d a n d defended a c t u a l l y r e q u i r e d a supportive c u l t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t , a n d that i n d i v i d u a l a u t o n o m y a n d private p r o p e r t y a l w a y s rest o n collective permissions. In the development o f T w i n R i v e r s , the r e a l i z a t i o n that excessive i n d i v i d u a l i s m c o u l d destroy the nascent c o m m u n i t y first t o o k h o l d a m o n g a m i n o r i t y o f residents, those w h o chose to give their t i m e , energy, faith, a n d i m a g i n a t i o n to help b u i l d the c o m m u n i t y they h a d , mistakenly, ex­ pected to c o m e full-fledged w i t h the purchase o f their houses. It w a s this m i n o r i t y w h o kept sending the message: C a r e for y o u r e n v i r o n m e n t , w o r r y about the landscape, love the t e r r a i n . T h e c o m m u n i t y m a y be a n ugly d u c k l i n g n o w but y o u r l o v i n g attention w i l l m a k e it b l o o m . It is, after a l l , your c o m m u n i t y . T r u e , "there are some people w h o d o n ' t care unless it comes to their front door. N o w is the time for a l l o f us to stop a n d t h i n k about these p r o b l e m s a n d s h o w p r i d e i n our c o m m u n i t y " (The Periscope, September 1 9 7 5 , p . 32). B u t it w a s not yet their c o m m u n i t y . T h a t feeling h a d to be created, a n d it w o u l d be a l o n g a n d arduous collective u n d e r t a k i n g . F o r the first five years o f the c o m m u n i t y ' s life, there w a s a constant a p p e a l to c o m m u n i t y pride o b v i o u s l y belied by litter, apathy, a n d v a n ­ d a l i s m . Since then, there have been considerable i m p r o v e m e n t s , m a i n l y as a result o f the efforts o f c o n c e r n e d residents a n d a h a r d - w o r k i n g b o a r d . T h e y have w a g e d a concerned c a m p a i g n to solidify a n d beautify the c o m m u n i t y by assiduous plantings, careful maintenance, a n d the effective o r g a n i z a t i o n o f services such as garbage c o l l e c t i o n a n d s n o w r e m o v a l . T h e e x a m p l e set by their efforts seems to have k i n d l e d some b r i g h t sparks o f c o m m u n i t y spirit that s h o u l d eventually generate that p r i d e i n c o m m u n i t y that is essential for l o n g - t e r m s u r v i v a l . L a n d - u s e p l a n n i n g a n d design are c r i t i c a l for the q u a l i t y o f life i n a l l c o m m u n i t i e s a n d this is even m o r e true for t o w n h o u s e developments where p r o b l e m s o f "density, privacy, o u t d o o r l i v i n g , recreation space, a n d car p a r k i n g " are o f greater m o m e n t ( N o r c r o s s 1 9 7 3 , p . 4 8 ) . O n e lesson to be learned f r o m this e x a m i n a t i o n o f e n v i r o n m e n t a l c o n c e r n for l a n d a n d space is that the t r a d i t i o n a l reliance o n the m a r k e t

Whose Rights, Whose Responsibilities?

189

as the y a r d s t i c k for e c o n o m i c values does n o t extend to values regard­ i n g l a n d a n d other collective resources. W e are not d e a l i n g here w i t h costs to be passed o n to buyers w i t h greater assets o r greater desire for a p r o d u c t . W e are t a l k i n g a b o u t a n exhaustible resource that m a y be de­ stroyed forever, w i t h n o i m a g i n a r y superbuyer to foot that b i l l . F i n a l l y , there is the matter o f the e m b e l l i s h m e n t a n d defacement o f the e n v i r o n m e n t . E m b e l l i s h m e n t s were l i m i t e d because o f the i n h i b i t i n g architectural c o n t r o l s , a n d a l l were essentially focused o n private p r o p ­ erty. Defacement o f the e n v i r o n m e n t , as i n p h y s i c a l abuse a n d v a n d a l ­ i s m , i n v o l v e d , i n the m a i n , p u b l i c areas a n d facilities, a n d they were the p r i n c i p a l targets o f the residents' d i s a p p o i n t m e n t s a n d frustrations w i t h the c o m m u n i t y . T h u s , the m i c r o s c a l e o f place, space, a n d t e r r i t o r y o b v i o u s l y has large consequences for i n d i v i d u a l a n d collective life. A t t i t u d e s t o w a r d property, t e r r i t o r i a l responsibility, a n d s h a r i n g help determine w a y s o f d e a l i n g w i t h the larger questions o f collective life. T h e y are c r u c i a l i n ­ gredients for the c r e a t i o n o f trust, c o h e s i o n , a n d a c c o u n t a b i l i t y i n a c o m m u n i t y , a n d they strongly affect the texture o f day-to-day life a n d the p r o m i s e o f a l o n g - t e r m future. If the l a n d is abused a n d the e n v i r o n m e n t neglected, the message c o n v e y e d to i n d i v i d u a l s is that n o one cares a n d n o one is i n charge. T o the aesthetic d i s c o m f o r t generated by the neglect o f p h y s i c a l upkeep a n d appearance must be a d d e d a deeper discomfiture o f a b a n d o n m e n t a n d betrayal. T h e well-cared-for e n v i r o n m e n t , like the well-cared-for per­ s o n , inspires a confidence a n d p r i d e b e y o n d its m o r e o b v i o u s manifesta­ tions. It seems to say to its inhabitants: Someone cares about h o w w e live a n d therefore we care. T h e reverse is also true. In a p r o f o u n d sense, then, it is by l e a r n i n g h o w to share space a n d place that w e become each other's keepers — a n d m o v e one step closer to the desired a n d elu­ sive g o a l o f a h u m a n e life i n c o m m o n .

CHAPTER 1 1 G O FIGHT CITY HALL: THE FIRST LAWSUIT

We are prepared to die for each other, but to live with each other is much harder. — Benjamin Zablocki T h o s e w h o expected instant c o m m u n i t y i n T w i n R i v e r s — a n d there were m a n y —were i n for a surprise. Instead o f c o m m u n i t y , they f o u n d indifference a n d even disinterest, w h i c h kept residents focused o n t h e m ­ selves a n d their families, o n the houses they l i v e d i n , a n d o n their jobs outside the c o m m u n i t y . T h e y m i g h t have been g o o d citizens, p a i d their bills, v o t e d i n n a t i o n a l elections, but they d i d n o t r e s p o n d to l o c a l c o m ­ m u n i t y appeals, d i d n o t get i n v o l v e d i n volunteer activities, d i d n o t c o n ­ cern themselves a b o u t the place i n w h i c h they l i v e d . N o r d i d they k n o w o r care about those nameless others w i t h w h o m their fate w a s inter­ t w i n e d . S u c h i n d i v i d u a l s were w i d e l y prevalent i n T w i n R i v e r s d u r i n g the early years, t h o u g h o n l y a f r a c t i o n were free riders o r actively a n t i ­ s o c i a l . M a n y kept to themselves because they were i g n o r a n t as to h o w to j o i n w i t h f e l l o w residents to w o r k o n collective projects. N o one h a d alerted t h e m to the necessity for c o m m u n i t y i n v o l v e m e n t , a n d there w a s n o guidance a v a i l a b l e to help t h e m develop the skills needed for s o c i a l cooperation. T h e feeling that the c o m m u n i t y w a s p r o v i s i o n a l a n d transient re­ m a i n e d part o f the ambience o f T w i n R i v e r s for the first decade o f its

190

Go Fight City Hall

Ί91

life. G r a d u a l l y , however, a stable, i n v o l v e d core o f active a n d c o n c e r n e d citizens d i d develop a n d these people helped dispel the tentativeness that h a d permeated the atmosphere. T h e y developed the institutions for gov­ ernance a n d c o n t r o l , for c o m m u n i c a t i o n a n d p a r t i c i p a t i o n that m a k e for a n o n g o i n g collective life. T h r o u g h their efforts, the c o m m u n i t y took hold.

The Skeleton of α Community In the b e g i n n i n g , as the residents s w a r m e d to their n e w l y f o u n d u t o p i a i n the suburbs, the c o m m u n i t y existed m a i n l y as a set o f expectations a n d promises i n the m i n d s o f the residents a n d the builder. T h e p h y s i c a l l a y o u t i n t o four quadrangles a n d r o w s o f t o w n h o u s e s was there o f course a n d so were the developer, his staff, a n d the b a n k that acted as trustee. T h e p h y s i c a l center o f the development w a s the sales office where a m o d e l o f the c o m p l e t e d c o m m u n i t y , a l o n g w i t h maps a n d p h o ­ tos, greeted the prospective h o m e buyer. Fantasies were p l a y e d out there as resident after resident attempted to picture a c o m p l e t e d c o m m u n i t y out o f the isolated a n d fragmented p o r t i o n s that h a d been b u i l t a n d to imagine h o w the house they h a d just b o u g h t f r o m plans w o u l d fit i n t o it. N a t u r a l l y , there was r o o m for h y p e r b o l e . N o t surprisingly, once the residents d i d finally m o v e i n t o their houses, usually a b o u t s i x m o n t h s after purchase, the discrepancy between their great expectations a n d the less exalted reality led to huge waves o f dis­ a p p o i n t m e n t . These s o o n expressed themselves i n litanies o f c o m p l a i n t s . In part this w a s encouraged by the trust office, w h i c h a l l o w e d each resident a t h i r t y - d a y p e r i o d w i t h i n w h i c h to register p r o b l e m s w i t h the house a n d its s u r r o u n d i n g s . H o w e v e r , the c o m p l a i n t s c o n t a i n e d f r o m the b e g i n n i n g a n element of righteousness a n d d i s m a y that w e n t far b e y o n d legitimate queries a n d demands to repair drafty d o o r s , faulty fixtures, o r n o n f u n c t i o n i n g heating systems. T h e y h a d a special m u s i c a n d a t e m p o o f c o m p e l l i n g intensity. T h e y hovered i n the air as droplets o f d i s a p p o i n t m e n t , stirred up by little breezes o f discontent that created a permanent state o f rest­ lessness a n d blame. B u t c u r i o u s l y , i n the bleak early days o f t r a n s i t i o n a n d u p h e a v a l , it w a s the c o m p l a i n t s that u n i t e d these first settlers. T h e y b o n d e d instantly, a l t h o u g h they k n e w n o t h i n g a b o u t one another or a b o u t w h a t they h a d i n c o m m o n , except unfulfilled promises a n d dashed expectations. " L e t me tell y o u a b o u t o u r basement, o r k i t c h e n , o r s t a i r w e l l or w a l l - t o - w a l l c a r p e t i n g , " became the c u r r e n c y o f discourse. Residents, some bitter, some j o v i a l , d e p e n d i n g o n their temperament a n d e x p e r i -

192

Chapter 11

ence, t o o k turns i n d e s c r i b i n g the v a r i o u s degrees o f i m p e r f e c t i o n they encountered i n their n e w abodes. In the ensuing atmosphere o f b e w i l ­ dered dismay, i n d i v i d u a l s n a t u r a l l y became keenly alert to other inade­ quacies o f their S h a n g r i - l a , w h i c h a d d e d yet m o r e fuel to the flames. O n the surface, their d i s a p p o i n t m e n t s , grievances, a n d righteous i n d i g n a ­ t i o n cast a p a l l over these pioneers, but underneath they were a c t u a l l y f o r g i n g the first bonds o f c o m m u n i t y . In gathering to share c o m p l a i n t s , they shared experiences, built u p m e m o r i e s , a n d w o v e the filaments o f a life i n c o m m o n . M a n y residents, to judge f r o m the interviews a n d the c o m m u n i t y newspaper, never stopped c o m p l a i n i n g o r w a n t i n g t o . It w a s as i f their natures delighted i n a d a i l y dose o f i n d i g n a t i o n a n d sought fresh sources to feed it. O t h e r s , however, t o o k a m o r e permanent step t o w a r d c o m ­ m u n i t y by o r g a n i z i n g to " d o s o m e t h i n g a b o u t i t . " T h i s u s u a l l y meant a g r o u p g o i n g to the sales office a n d a s k i n g to speak to the developer, threatening dire a c t i o n i f things were n o t g o i n g to be fixed instantly, a n d otherwise harassing the developer w h o , n o t surprisingly, g r e w reluctant to meet w i t h t h e m . T h e residents r e s p o n d e d w i t h heightened resentment at w h a t they considered his evasiveness. T h i s w o u l d eventually result i n the l a w s u i t that w i l l be discussed i n the next section. F o r the time being, however, it led residents to l o o k to themselves to deal w i t h the g r o w i n g pains o f a n e w c o m m u n i t y . T h e r e were p r a c t i c a l matters such as the h i r i n g o f subcontractors for p h y s i c a l maintenance, and garbage a n d s n o w r e m o v a l , a n d the frustrations o f w a i t i n g t o o l o n g for needed repairs. A n early lesson to be learned w a s that there w a s n o single panacea for every i l l a n d that the residents' s u p p o r t — either i n the f o r m o f trust a n d patience o r i n terms o f effort — w a s essential for even­ t u a l success. T h e m a n t r a w a s : " F o r g e t a b o u t the past. W e are t r y i n g to establish a n efficient a n d permanent crew, so w e s h o u l d be m o r e t h a n w i l l i n g to tolerate the ' b r e a k i n g - i n p e r i o d ' " (The Periscope, 15 D e c e m ­ ber 1 9 7 4 , p . 4). Residents learned, painfully, that t o u g h b a r g a i n i n g m i g h t be necessary for s o u n d results; for e x a m p l e , they threatened " w i t h h o l d ­ ing o f p a y m e n t f r o m a l a n d s c a p e r " o r other service agency. E a r l y o n , also, the matter o f trust dues assessments w a s a sore p o i n t , as residents d i d n o t u n d e r s t a n d w h y they were p a y i n g b o t h the trust and the t o w n s h i p for v a r i o u s services; o r they protested the a m o u n t s levied, o r resented the m e t h o d o f a l l o c a t i n g each h o m e owner's share. " O n Wednesday, D e c e m b e r 2 7 , 1 9 7 3 the B o a r d o f D i r e c t o r s o f the T w i n R i v e r s H o m e - O w n e r s A s s o c i a t i o n a n d members o f the T . A . B . u n a n i m o u s l y passed a joint r e s o l u t i o n to i n f o r m the trustees o f the dis­ satisfaction w i t h the inequities o f the trust p a y m e n t increase" (WindsorHeights Herald, 4 J a n u a r y 4 1 9 7 3 , p . l ) . Such reports became m o r e fre­ quent over time.

Go Fight City Hall

193

Teenagers were a source o f p r o b l e m s , even w h e n there were o n l y a h a n d f u l i n the c o m m u n i t y . A teen center w a s one o f the b r o k e n p r o m ­ ises that w o u l d stir up the embers o f discontent t h r o u g h o u t the decade. T h e seemingly permanent state o f c o n s t r u c t i o n o f the c o m m u n i t y , w i t h roads being surfaced a n d bulldozers p l o w i n g t h r o u g h space, o r the sounds o f m o v i n g vans d i s g o r g i n g yet another set o f someone's posses­ sions, was another constant irritant. T h e question o f a p h y s i c a l center for the development surfaced early. " N o w that the p o o l is closed for the season there is n o central meeting place a n d n o place for messages a n d notices to be p o s t e d " (Opus '70, N o v e m b e r - D e c e m b e r , 1 9 7 3 , p . 12). A b u l l e t i n b o a r d i n the a d m i n i s t r a ­ tion building was promised. T h e difficulty o f getting the trustee o r the developer to r e s p o n d to queries was a sore p o i n t f r o m the earliest years. " A f t e r n u m e r o u s calls . . . w e still have not received any answers. . . . w e are still w a i t i n g " goes one report o n the developer's l a c k o f response to a list o f forty items that needed repair o r attention. T h e c o n t i n u o u s c o n s t r u c t i o n a n d the a c c o m p a n y i n g noise, dust, a n d p h y s i c a l disarray made it h a r d to d i s t i n g u i s h the intact f r o m the unfinished e n v i r o n m e n t . In time, the early experience o f disarray c a r r i e d over i n t o later b e h a v i o r a n d the lessons o f h o w to create a n d m a i n t a i n a n intact, w e l l - m a n i c u r e d c o m m u n i t y were never fully learned. N o t e this d e s c r i p t i o n by a n e w l y a r r i v e d resident i n the last q u a d : " T h e c o n ­ ditions o f life are ' r i d i c u l o u s ' ; the p a r k i n g lot is filled w i t h m u d ; one can't w a l k anywhere; k i d s can't p l a y a n y w h e r e ; it is a time o f ' m u d a n d m a d n e s s ' " (The Periscope, 10 M a r c h 1 9 7 3 , p . 2 4 ) . C o m p l a i n t s about inadequate a n d unreliable l a w n maintenance w o u l d reach a crescendo. T h e s i t u a t i o n is " i n t o l e r a b l e , " " m y front l a w n has not been cut i n w e e k s , " were constant refrains, l e a d i n g to a n i n e v i ­ table search for someone to b l a m e , someone to h o l d accountable. "Per­ h a p s " suggested one voice speaking for many, " i f the trustee (the bank) w o u l d bother to supervise the c o n t r a c t o r w e w o u l d get the service w e are p a y i n g f o r " (The Periscope, 15 June 1 9 7 4 , p . 3). D e m a n d s a n d out­ rage accelerated w i t h reminders to the residents that it w a s , after a l l , their m o n e y that was being spent by the trust; therefore, the trust s h o u l d be listening. Threats to put ads i n the New York Times real estate sec­ t i o n , w h i c h w o u l d expose the " p o o r performance o f the developer," m u l t i p l i e d . T h e gathering s t o r m eventually culminates i n the famous l a w s u i t that pitted residents against the developer a n d the b a n k . In a d d i t i o n to specific c o m p l a i n t s a n d demands for better equip­ ment a n d c a p i t a l i m p r o v e m e n t s , such as m o r e outside street l i g h t i n g , the question arose as to w h o h a d the right to choose the subcontrac­ tors—the trustee alone o r the trustee a n d the citizen's a d v i s o r y g r o u p

194

Chapter 11

(the Trust A d v i s o r y B o a r d ) . W h a t i f the t w o disagreed? After a l l , such choices affected policies o n w h i c h a l l the residents depended. P a r k i n g p r o b l e m s a n d t e r r i t o r i a l v i o l a t i o n s o f residents' p a r k i n g spaces created m u c h distress. " T h e r e are 2 0 families i n o u r c o u r t a n d supposedly r o o m for 4 0 cars to p a r k . . . but there are 6 0 cars a n d n o space for u s " w a s another early refrain. T h e r e were other, m o r e c o m p l e x questions. W h o s h o u l d foot the b i l l for s i d e w a l k s a r o u n d the elementary s c h o o l — o n l y the residents w h o s e c h i l d r e n attend the s c h o o l ; a l l the residents; the developer; o r the t o w n s h i p , w h i c h is responsible for m a i n t a i n i n g the schools? T h e r e were m a n y w h o d i d not care a b o u t s i d e w a l k s at a l l a n d w h o d i d n o t w a n t to p a y for t h e m . Awareness o f the h u m a n tendency to become h a b i t u a t e d even to unsatisfactory c o n d i t i o n s a n d to lose the m o m e n t u m o f outrage l e d to p e r i o d i c w a r n i n g s such as: "[K]eep those letters a n d calls c o m i n g . D o n ' t become i n u r e d to p o o r p e r f o r m a n c e " (The Periscope, 15 June 1 9 7 4 , p . 10). T h e r e were u n s c r u p u l o u s merchants, s h o d d y w o r k , a n d p o o r service. Initially, there w a s n o collective experience, n o c u m u l a t i v e resources to d r a w u p o n , m a k i n g the residents easy prey to deceitful profiteers. Safety w a s o f great c o n c e r n to the earliest residents because rules h a d yet to be w o r k e d out, a n d facilities a n d roads were still i n c o m p l e t e . Promises p l a y e d a n i m p o r t a n t role here t o o . T h e developer h a d p r o m ­ ised residents that the schools w o u l d be w i t h i n w a l k i n g distance, but i n fact by 1 9 7 2 there still w a s n o pedestrian route to the s c h o o l , a n d par­ ents were c o n c e r n e d for the safety o f their c h i l d r e n . A n d then there w a s the t r a n s p o r t a t i o n issue. Residents expected a n easy c o m m u t e to jobs i n N e w Y o r k C i t y but h a d not been p r e p a r e d for the t w e n t y - m i n u t e w a l k " v i a a dangerous route across R o u t e 3 3 " o r for the l a c k o f p a r k i n g near the bus stop. Instead o f being pleased that the b u i l d e r a n d the bus c o m ­ p a n y were m a k i n g plans to ameliorate the s i t u a t i o n , residents were dis­ gusted that this s i t u a t i o n h a d n o t been a n t i c i p a t e d before they a r r i v e d o n the scene (The Windsor-Heights Herald, 2 2 June 1 9 7 2 ) . T h e r e w a s a need for speed a n d safety rules w i t h i n the l o c a l area because the roads h a d become m o r e h e a v i l y traveled t h a n expected. P r o b l e m s o f safety were a c c o m p a n i e d by increasing noise a n d p o l l u t i o n levels for the homes near the roads. A n early r e c o m m e n d a t i o n w a s to b u i l d a j u g handle to divert traffic f r o m the c o m m u n i t y , a n d to erect a traffic light. A d d e d to these stresses were unforeseen disasters i n v o l v i n g the houses, m a n y i n c o m p l e t e but already i n need o f repair. F l o o d e d basements i n one q u a d were caused by a r u n n i n g w a t e r p o c k e t under one o f its courts. Residents c o m p l a i n e d a b o u t houses w i t h o u t screens o r a i r - c o n d i t i o n i n g units. In the w i n t e r o f 1 9 7 1 , a fire caused by faulty

Go Fight City Hall

195

high-pressure valves raged t h r o u g h eight L a k e D r i v e apartments a n d cut off heat a n d gas to sixteen m o r e , leaving twenty-four families t e m p o ­ r a r i l y homeless. T h e disaster w a s featured i n the state a n d l o c a l press a n d increased the residents' anxieties, as w e l l as t a r n i s h i n g the image o f the c o m m u n i t y (Trenton Times, 10 N o v e m b e r 1 9 7 1 , p . 2). A n o t h e r crisis stemmed f r o m a break i n a sewer pipe that sent r a w sewage i n t o eleven apartments. T h i s led some to question the enforce­ ment o f b u i l d i n g codes a n d fueled l o n g s t a n d i n g c o m p l a i n t s about the p o o r q u a l i t y o f the c o n s t r u c t i o n generally. A l l o f these issues c o n t r i b u t e d to the b l i z z a r d o f c l a i m s a n d counter­ claims that confronted the developer, the b a n k , a n d the residents. B r o ­ k e n promises; unfinished a n d p o o r l y constructed houses; inadequate fa­ cilities; incipient v a n d a l i s m ; an insensitive a n d often indifferent trust; a n d restless teenagers c o n t r i b u t e d to the conflict over t u r f a n d territory. U n d o u b t e d l y this first act set the tone for w h a t w a s to f o l l o w by creat­ i n g an alert, increasingly aggrieved a n d suspicious p o p u l a c e q u i c k to d e m a n d its rights a n d p r i m e d to fight for t h e m . A t the same time, these very p r o b l e m s created an invisible reservoir o f u n i t y for the residents o f this nascent c o m m u n i t y b o u n d to the same space — concerned about the value of their e c o n o m i c investment a n d u n i t e d by c o m m o n grievances. T h e early p r o b l e m s f o r m e d a l e i t m o t i f for the next decade centered o n the basic ingredients o f the c o m m o n life. In a c u r i o u s way, also, g r a p p l i n g w i t h the early p r o b l e m s i n p r i n t , i n face-to-face meetings, i n confrontations w i t h the trust, w a s m o r e t h a n the expression o f discontent. In l e a r n i n g h o w c o n s t r u c t i o n flaws o r unreliable subcontractors m a y be dealt w i t h , members o f the c o m m u ­ nity a c q u i r e d some basic insights i n t o the business o f l i v i n g i n this place at this time. O u t o f the trials a n d t r i b u l a t i o n s o f this early shared expe­ rience the residents created the f o u n d a t i o n for a c o m m o n l o c a l culture that w o u l d be passed o n to future generations. In the ensuing years, a n e w c o m e r w o u l d be able to t u r n to a l o n g - t e r m resident a n d get help w i t h the p r o b l e m s specific to a p a r t i c u l a r house and/or issue. E a r l y o n , n o one k n e w w h a t to d o o r where to t u r n . T h e residents a l l learned together a n d this experience f o r m e d a part o f the c o m m o n culture that w o u l d make T w i n Rivers a community. It is not u n c o m m o n for residents o f " n e w c o m m u n i t i e s " to resort to legal means to wrest some measure of c o n t r o l f r o m the authorities charged w i t h management a n d oversight. In T w i n R i v e r s these i n c l u d e d the First C h a r t e r N a t i o n a l B a n k , w h i c h served as trustee (the trust); a n a d m i n i s ­ trator w h o set the m o n t h l y fees; a n d a Trust A d v i s o r y B o a r d . T h e trust h a d d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g p o w e r whereas the T A B acted p r i m a r i l y i n a n ad­ v i s o r y capacity. B o t h were targets o f resident dissatisfactions a n d frus­ trations. In fact, the first t r u l y collective a c t i o n t a k e n by T w i n R i v e r s

196

Chapter 11

residents w a s directed against the officials a n d agencies seen as responsi­ ble for the stresses experienced. P o l i a k o f f (1980) describes as " e n d e m i c " residents' threats to k i l l official representatives o f their c o m m u n i t y asso­ ciations, their anger at the "authorities, a n d even, at times, v i c i o u s at­ tacks o n co-residents" (p. 7 5 6 ) , a t t r i b u t i n g these extreme reactions to the great diversity o f residents w h o m a y have shared a d r e a m but n o t necessarily the values a n d n o r m s needed to realize it. C u l t u r a l clashes i n such situations are frequent. In a d d i t i o n , there are c o n t r a d i c t o r y expectations a b o u t i n d i v i d u a l rights a n d freedoms a n d the restrictions o n freedom i m p o s e d by shared l i v i n g c o n d i t i o n s . H e n c e the o p e n society becomes closed w i t h the p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f such rules as: " n o c h i l d r e n ; n o pets; n o p l a y i n g o f r a d i o after 9 P . M . ; n o use o f the p o o l after 8 P . M . ; n o sales o r leases w i t h o u t a p p r o v a l " ( i b i d . , 1980, p. 757). T h e n , t o o , residents become d i s g r u n t l e d about a variety o f unmet expectations, such as c o n s t r u c t i o n defects o f the house, insufficient a n d inadequate services, r i s i n g costs, a n d , m o s t significantly, experience a sense o f powerlessness a n d dependence o n w h a t often seem to be h i g h ­ h a n d e d authorities. C o m p l a i n t s , v o i c e d i n d i v i d u a l l y at first, g r a d u a l l y t o o k o n a collective q u a l i t y i n T w i n R i v e r s , fueled by a management perceived as insufficiently responsive to need. G r i e v a n c e s l i k e w i s e t o o k o n a general character, shaped by a n emerging rhetoric o f grievances — "after years o f a g g r a v a t i o n , frustration, a n d c o n c i l i a t i o n . . . w e de­ m a n d " (The Periscope, 15 September 1 9 7 4 , p . 6). In 1 9 7 2 a list o f demands, t w e n t y i n a l l , w a s presented to the devel­ oper by the b o a r d o f the T w i n R i v e r s H o u s i n g A s s o c i a t i o n . H i s d e c i s i o n n o t to r e s p o n d w a s the m a t c h that lit the flame. Impassioned residents a n d a few zealous b o a r d members sprang i n t o a c t i o n . After c o n s u l t a ­ t i o n , a l a w y e r w a s h i r e d by the b o a r d to check o n the v a l i d i t y o f their c l a i m s , a n d a l a w s u i t was b o r n . Its a r r o w s were a i m e d at the developer, the trustee, a n d the t o w n s h i p . 1. T h e developer w a s charged w i t h failing to p r o v i d e a c o m m u n i t y center as described i n the sales b r o c h u r e , insufficient o p e n space as re­ q u i r e d by the state e n a b l i n g l e g i s l a t i o n , a n d other deficiencies. 2 . T h e b a n k trustee w a s charged w i t h not acting i n a p r o p e r fiduci­ ary r e l a t i o n s h i p t o w a r d the beneficiaries, that is, the residents. T h e y resented the h i g h fees p a i d to the trustee ( 3 . 5 % o f the a n n u a l budget) a n d were concerned about q u a l i t y o f c o n s t r u c t i o n l i m i t i n g "the increase o n the m a r k e t value o f o u r p r o p e r t y " as w e l l as a r b i t r a r y cost increases. T h e latter referred to the outrage engendered a m o n g residents by the 1 9 7 3 increase i n trust fees f r o m $ 1 7 per m o n t h per d w e l l i n g u n i t to $ 1 8 - $ 2 8 per m o n t h . A d d i t i o n a l c o m p l a i n t s centered o n inadequate c o m m u n i t y facilities, defective roads, insufficient recreational areas, a n d misuse o f the c o m m o n o p e n space.

Go Fight City Hall

197

A p r o m i s e d 20,000-square-foot civic center w a s a p a r t i c u l a r sore p o i n t . T h e residents insisted this h a d been part o f the o r i g i n a l contract, whereas the developer insisted that it h a d not. H e said he h a d set aside some space for this o r other possible b u i l d i n g s , such as churches a n d schools, i n case the residents chose to b u i l d t h e m . T h e residents believed otherwise. A survey o f 1 8 2 households o f a l l types o f h o u s i n g s h o w e d that 85 percent o f T w i n R i v e r s residents were i n favor o f a c o m m u n i t y civic center a n d that the residents felt betrayed a n d d i s c o u n t e d . T h e builder-developer felt underappreciated for his g o o d deeds a n d intentions a n d called the leaders o f the resident protests p a r a n o i d rabblerousers. 3. East W i n d s o r T o w n s h i p a n d the t o w n s h i p p l a n n i n g b o a r d , the t h i r d target, were cited for their failure to m a i n t a i n , c o n t r o l , a n d inspect the w o r k o f the developer i n constructing T w i n Rivers a n d for m a i n t a i n i n g w h a t residents considered a n unconstitutional double standard o f t a x a t i o n : T w i n Rivers homeowners p a i d property taxes to the t o w n s h i p a n d m o n t h l y fees to the trust for garbage collection a n d s n o w r e m o v a l . T h i s , they ar­ gued, denied to the residents the equal protection under the law. T h e strains between the t o w n s h i p a n d the n e w development w e n t far b e y o n d specific issues a n d j u r i s d i c t i o n a l disputes, however. First o f a l l , there w a s the r o c k y start. It w o u l d be a n understatement to say that a w e l c o m e w a g o n a w a i t e d the n e w c o m e r s . T h e i r a r r i v a l generated m u c h a p p r e h e n s i o n a n d unflattering attributions a b o u t the " p u s h y , " "aggres­ sive," n o i s y n e w c o m e r s i n the l o c a l press a n d i n f o r m a l commentary. Initially, t o o , given the early preponderance o f Jews, some o f these h a d anti-Semitic overtones. H e n c e there was a h i g h l y charged atmosphere o f distrust a n d s u s p i c i o n that caused the t o w n s h i p - P U D r e l a t i o n s h i p to be fraught w i t h tension. Such tensions are not u n i q u e . T h e L e v i t t o w n e r s , studied by G a n s , faced very s i m i l a r reactions f r o m their host c o m m u n i t y , t h o u g h the par­ ticulars v a r i e d . Typically, the host c o m m u n i t y is m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l , hence apprehensive a n d w a r y a b o u t the n e w c o m e r s . In T w i n R i v e r s , it tar­ geted the i n i t i a l preponderance o f Jews, w h i c h b r o u g h t f o r t h stereotypes a n d prejudices f r o m the Protestant m a j o r i t y i n the t o w n s h i p . In L e v i t ­ t o w n , R o m a n C a t h o l i c in-migrants were s i m i l a r l y singled out by the Protestant m a j o r i t y i n that t o w n s h i p (Gans 1 9 6 7 ) . T h e B r i t i s h e x p e r i ­ ence offers n u m e r o u s other examples ( W a r d 1 9 9 3 , p . 108). T o this m u s t be a d d e d some i n s t i t u t i o n a l rivalries over taxes, police p r o t e c t i o n , a n d other services, w h i c h t o o k at least a decade to be w o r k e d out a n d strained the adjustment process o n b o t h sides. N o r d i d these strains subside by themselves. It t o o k years o f h a r d w o r k to achieve a good w o r k i n g relationship. B y the time the l a w s u i t was filed, trust a n d T R H A relations a m o n g the p r i n c i p a l s h a d deteriorated badly. B o t h sides felt m i s u n d e r s t o o d , frustrated, a n d mistreated. In letters to The Windsor-Heights Herald (1

198

Chapter 11

F e b r u a r y 1 9 7 3 ) , the t w o sides c o n f r o n t e d one another. T h e president o f the T R H A restated the chief grievances, charged that the b a n k trustee h a d failed to act i n the best interests o f its beneficiaries, a n d d e m a n d e d that c o n t r o l be t u r n e d over " t o the residents, where it r i g h t f u l l y be­ l o n g s . " In response, the "builder's side," as stated by H e r b e r t J . K e n ­ d a l l , "president" o f T w i n R i v e r s , declared these demands " h a l f - b a k e d " a n d " i m m a t u r e , " reflecting the destructive p e r s o n a l motives o f a " g r o u p of rabble rousers" a n d eliciting o n l y "disgust w i t h this c h i l d i s h t a n t r u m ­ like attitude." H e s a w the trust's m i s s i o n as assisting " c o m m u n i t y groups i n creating at T w i n R i v e r s a m a t u r i t y w h i c h must precede the c r e a t i o n o f a real social c o m m u n i t y . " H e c a l l e d the b a n k trustee " p u b l i c - s p i r ­ i t e d " a n d h i g h l y responsible by i m p l i c i t c o m p a r i s o n w i t h the protesters, a b o u t w h o s e m o r a l a n d financial a c u m e n he h a d grave d o u b t s . H e c o n ­ c l u d e d w i t h the p r o m i s e to continue to " w o r k for the T w i n R i v e r s c o m ­ m u n i t y a n d m a k e it a great place to live, w o r k , a n d p l a y . " In response, the c h a i r o f the T r u s t A d v i s o r y B o a r d , c a l l i n g K e n d a l l ' s letter " r i d i c u l o u s " a n d " i n s u l t i n g , " d e m a n d e d a f o r m a l a p o l o g y (The Windsor-Heights Herald, 8 F e b r u a r y 1 9 7 3 , p . 4). Tempers flared o n b o t h sides, a n d the t e m p o o f a c c u s a t i o n a n d c o u n t e r a c c u s a t i o n acceler­ ated. " A C a l l for R e v o l u t i o n at T w i n R i v e r s " b l a r e d the headlines. It w a s a n o l d battle i n n e w dress between the people a n d the k i n g , for self-government versus c o n t r o l i m p o s e d f r o m above. T h e c a m p a i g n pitted the residents against the bank-trustee. B y a s s u m i n g leadership a n d c o n t r o l they w o u l d m a k e it " o u r c o m m u n i t y . " T h e c o n t r o l over their o w n destiny w a s expressed i n a f o r m f a m i l i a r to a l l A m e r i c a n s : N O M O R E T A X A T I O N W I T H O U T R E P R E S E N T A T I O N - in bold b l o c k letters. T h e l a w s u i t w a s filed i n the N e w Jersey S u p e r i o r C o u r t i n Septem­ ber 1 9 7 3 . H e n c e f o r t h , the c a l l to c o m m o n a c t i o n w a s a constant re­ frain. " O u r (the T R H A ' s ) fight is y o u r (the residents') fight; " S t a n d u p a n d be c o u n t e d " ; "It is n o w i n y o u r h a n d s " ; " R e m e m b e r y o u r dreams w h e n y o u purchased here —support the battle" (The Periscope, 10 A p r i l 1 9 7 4 , p . 3). M o n e y w a s b o t h scarce a n d essential, a n d appeals for c o n ­ t r i b u t i o n s were unrelenting. T h e slogan, K A G — K n o c k , A n s w e r , G i v e — met w i t h considerable success. B y D e c e m b e r 1 9 7 3 , 70 percent o f the t w o t h o u s a n d residents h a d sent i n c o n t r i b u t i o n s a m o u n t i n g to $ 2 0 , 0 0 0 . M a n y d o n a t e d their services. T h e T w i n R i v e r s attorney, for e x a m p l e , reduced his fees, a n d others offered incentives to keep u p m o r a l e a n d m o t i v a t i o n . T h e p u b l i c ac­ c o u n t a n t , a m e m b e r o f the T R H A b o a r d , p r o m i s e d a free i n c o m e t a x r e t u r n for anyone c o n t r i b u t i n g $ 2 5 to the legal f u n d . A n d so another $ 1 0 , 0 0 0 w a s raised. T h e case never came to t r i a l since the T R H A lost each t r i a l r o u n d .

Go Fight City Hall

199

In O c t o b e r 1 9 7 4 it lost its b i d for residents' c o n t r o l o f the P U D w h e n it failed to o b t a i n a n i n j u n c t i o n against the developer's m o v e to transfer c o n t r o l to the First C h a r t e r B a n k . It lost its final r o u n d w h e n the judge r u l e d that the t o w n s h i p P U D o r d i n a n c e w a s v a l i d a n d that decisions a b o u t o p e n space a n d other standards s h o u l d be left up to the t o w n s h i p p l a n n i n g b o a r d , thus s u p p o r t i n g l o c a l c o n t r o l a n d a flexible a p p l i c a t i o n of e x i s t i n g l a w s . O n J a n u a r y 8, 1 9 7 5 , the l a w s u i t w a s effectively over. It h a d t a k e n years o f h a r d efforts, three fund-raising drives, a n d countless hours o f volunteer l a b o r to c o m e to this c o n c l u s i o n . T h e effect w a s devastating, yet also strangely e x h i l a r a t i n g . Despite the keenly felt d i s a p p o i n t m e n t at the o u t c o m e , the process of o r g a n i z i n g such a l a w s u i t b y relative amateurs w a s h i g h l y significant for generating a fragile sense o f c o m m u n i t y i n T w i n R i v e r s . In a d d i t i o n , the costs accrued, a n d greatly increased by the defendant's d e l a y i n g tac­ tics — "they're t r y i n g to m o t i o n us to d e a t h " —kept the sense o f injured innocence alive a n d w i t h it the desire for further a c t i o n . V o l u n t e e r s kept c o l l e c t i n g c o n t r i b u t i o n s , w i t h appeals focusing o n the residents' self-interest ( " O u r l a w s u i t c a n literally a d d thousands o f d o l l a r s to the value o f o u r h o m e s " ) a n d o n their sense o f b u i l d i n g a c o m m u n i t y ( " Y o u r s u p p o r t is desperately needed, d o n ' t let y o u r c o m ­ m u n i t y d o w n , " " T h e l a w s u i t is a n investment i n the future o f T w i n Rivers"). In F e b r u a r y 1 9 7 6 the T R H A b o a r d o f directors v o t e d to appeal the adverse d e c i s i o n o f the c o u r t . T h e appeal w a s n o t successful, but it w a s i m p o r t a n t i n generating the residents' resolve for yet another challenge — self-government — for 1 9 7 6 w a s the year that a shift o f p o w e r w a s i n v i e w i f the residents w o u l d r a l l y to the cause. T h e i r votes w o u l d deter­ m i n e w h o w o u l d be entrusted w i t h T w i n R i v e r s ' future: the T R H A o r the b a n k trustee. T h e t e r m o f the b a n k trustee w a s to expire i n N o v e m ­ ber 1 9 7 6 , a n d the T R H A presented itself for election as the n e w trustee. T h i s r e q u i r e d a general t u r n o u t o f the h o m e o w n e r s , a n d a n intensive c a m p a i g n "to end the t y r a n n y that has existed i n T w i n R i v e r s for seven years" was launched. T h e rhetoric o f the c a m p a i g n h a d a f a m i l i a r r i n g . It r a l l i e d " m i n u t e m e n " to apprise their f e l l o w residents o f the need for their p a r t i c i p a ­ t i o n . It depicted the bank-trustee as a r b i t r a r y a n d unresponsive a n d d e m a n d e d justice for the c o m m u n i t y . T h e a n a l o g y to the c o l o n i s t s ' struggle against the c r o w n i n 1 7 7 6 w a s d r a w n repeatedly a n d even i n ­ spired a p o e m , after L o n g f e l l o w ' s " P a u l Revere's R i d e . " T h e p o e m by N e a l N e v i t t , then president o f the T R H A , is excerpted here. . . . a n d then some neighbors standing there A n d as he passed he h e a r d t h e m swear,

200

Chapter 11 T o end Trustee fees, three p o i n t five [referring to the b a n k trustee's 3.5 administrative fee] . . . K n o w i n g a h o m e o w n e r ' s vote w a s a must, W h o that day w o u l d rather be dead, T h a n have n o voice i n r u n n i n g the T r u s t . Y o u k n o w the rest, I need say n o m o r e . Surely by n o w y o u ' r e a w a r e o f the score — T h e l a n d is ours, as w e l l as amenities, . . . R e s p o n s i b i l i t y brings w i t h it fears, But none o f t h e m w o r s e t h a n seven m o r e years O f h a v i n g o u r d o l l a r s o f Trustee t a x a t i o n Spent w i t h o u t right to representation (The Periscope, F e b r u a r y 1 9 7 6 , p . 14)

T h e people-against-the-tyrant theme injected a h i s t o r i c note i n t o the c a m p a i g n a n d lifted it above the o r d i n a r y . It i n s p i r e d intense effort a n d l a v i s h promises. A s the n e w trustee, p r o m i s e d the T R H A , w e w i l l " g i v e o u r c o m m u n i t y a trustee w h o is directly answerable to the c o m m u n i t y " (The Periscope, M a r c h 1 9 7 6 , p . 3). T h e effort w a s c r o w n e d w i t h success. T h e people h a d s p o k e n . T h e T R H A t o o k c o n t r o l o f the development's affairs a n d w o u l d bear sole responsibility for the residents' c o m m o n destiny. H o m e - o w n e r lawsuits against developers are extremely c o m m o n i n P U D s a n d c o n d o m i n i u m associations. T w i n R i v e r s w a s thus not u n i q u e . W h a t is u n i q u e is that it m a n a g e d to sustain this effort for some four years, s u r v i v i n g c o n t i n u o u s changes i n b o a r d m e m b e r s h i p a n d i n resi­ dential turnover, a n d grievous setbacks i n the l a w s u i t . A l t h o u g h resi­ dents d i d not g a i n the legal ends they sought, they m a d e other gains w i t h l o n g - t e r m benefits. T h e m o m e n t u m w a s m a i n t a i n e d because the d i s p u t e d rights a n d claims generated intense feelings i n s u p p o r t o f the beleaguered residents a n d u n i t e d t h e m against the p o w e r f u l . O n e o f the a x i o m s o f c o n t e m p o r a r y s o c i o l o g y is that social conflict " w i l l strengthen the i n t e r n a l c o h e s i o n " o f a g r o u p (Coser 1 9 5 6 , p . 88). C o n f l i c t w i t h outsiders, n o t e d S i m m e l (1955), unites the g r o u p by sharp­ ening its boundaries a n d m a i n t a i n i n g its identity. T h i s benefits m o r a l e but o n l y i f certain c o n d i t i o n s are met: "[T]he g r o u p must have devel­ o p e d a m i n i m u m o f consensus a n d must care a b o u t preserving the t o t a l ­ i t y " ( W i l l i a m s 1 9 4 7 , p . 58). T h e very expression o f their grievances gave residents a lift, as their shared reactions generated a sense o f being connected to one another. A l s o , u n t i l the final verdict, there w a s considerable o p t i m i s m a b o u t the o u t c o m e o f the case. G r a d u a l l y but u n m i s t a k a b l y , after four m a j o r f u n d drives, hundreds o f hours o f volunteer labor, a n d the c o n t i n u a l coverage

Go Fight City Hall

201

i n the l o c a l paper as w e l l as i n papers a r o u n d the entire state, residents became self-conscious as a collectivity a n d ready to act o n their o w n behalf. T h u s the process o f p r e p a r i n g the l a w s u i t m o b i l i z e d c o m m u n i t y sentiment w h i l e also instructing the residents i n the w a y s o f o r g a n i z e d c o o p e r a t i o n , w h i c h d i d not c o m e n a t u r a l l y to most o f t h e m . F r o m the perspective o f h o w a sense o f c o m m u n i t y is generated a n d secured, the l a w s u i t o f 1 9 7 3 constitutes a significant m a r k e r for T w i n R i v e r s ' identity a n d capacity for collective, that is, c o m m u n i t y - w i d e , a c t i o n . W i t h effort, interest, a n d c o m m i t m e n t kept alive, c o m m u n i t y began, slowly, to take r o o t . T h e process o f fighting city h a l l , i n this case the developer a n d the trustee, t o o k nearly five years. F o r a relatively s m a l l resident p o p u l a t i o n it w a s a huge u n d e r t a k i n g i n u n c h a r t e d territory. N o t o n l y were the residents inexperienced but they c o u l d n o t rely o n legal precedents, be­ cause T w i n R i v e r s w a s the first P U D i n N e w Jersey. T h e y f o u n d re­ sources w i t h i n the g r o u p . In a d d i t i o n to volunteer fund-raising, they c o u l d c o u n t o n the accountants, lawyers, a n d real estate experts i n their m i d s t . Together, this s m a l l , devoted, h a r d - w o r k i n g g r o u p o f residents helped secure a n "investment i n their future" (The Periscope, 15 J a n u ­ ary 1 9 7 5 , p . 7). It w a s a b i g test o f collective w i l l a n d a t r i u m p h o f sorts. W h i l e the l a w s u i t definitely r a l l i e d c o m m u n i t y spirit, it also en­ gendered quite opposite reactions. First o f a l l , the l a w s u i t encouraged an adversarial posture as w e l l as a cooperative one. T h e r e was a n enemy, the trust a n d the developer, so that there w a s d i v i s i o n w i t h i n T w i n R i v e r s as the b o a r d a n d the management clashed. T h e n , t o o , sup­ p o r t for the l a w s u i t was not u n a n i m o u s . A m i n o r i t y o f the residents preferred a m o r e c o n c i l i a t o r y route. C o n d o m i n i u m o w n e r s o p p o s e d the suit, perhaps because they already h a d a c o m m u n i t y center. Some resi­ dents a p p r o v e d o f the l a w s u i t i n p r i n c i p l e but d i d not w a n t to support it financially. L e v i t t o w n t o o —new, p i o n e e r i n g , i d y l l i c t h o u g h it aspired to be — " w a s c o n t i n u a l l y w r a c k e d by p o w e r struggles." These were i n part due to Levitt's desire for m a x i m u m c o n t r o l a n d residents' resistance to h i m . T o his surprise, i n fact, the residents " p r o v e d m o r e u n r u l y t h a n h e ' d i m a g i n e d " ( B o x a n d a l l a n d E w e n 2 0 0 0 , p . 144). Perhaps the m o s t lasting legacy o f the l a w s u i t concerned l i t i g a t i o n as a means o f settling disputes a n d the permanent residue o f a distrust of a u t h o r i t y this left b e h i n d . T h i s w o u l d persist l o n g after the l a w s u i t h a d been forgotten a n d self-government h a d been achieved. T o their considerable dismay, moreover, m a n y subsequent T R H A boards w o u l d learn that governments o f the people c a n be just as heartily d i s l i k e d as any other.

CHAPTER 1 2 LEADERS A S L I G H T N I N G R O D S

Until philosophers are kings, or the kings and princes of this world have the spirit and power of philosophy, and political greatness and wisdom meet in one . . . then only will this our State have a possi­ bility of life and behold the light of day. - P l a t o , The Republic If men were angels, no government would be necessary. —James Madison, Federalist, N o . 51 O n e o f the surprises o f this research i n t o the m a k i n g s o f a c o m m u n i t y w a s the c r u c i a l role p l a y e d by o n l y a f r a c t i o n o f the residents i n g u i d i n g the collectivity i n m y r i a d w a y s , f r o m f o r m a l governance a n d legal trans­ actions to the m o b i l i z a t i o n o f the residents for c o m m u n i t y - w i d e projects a n d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for the collective welfare. It w a s their task, as representative figures o r experts, to "create n e w schemes o f b e h a v i o r " as w e l l as n e w institutions a n d forms o f c o o p e r a ­ t i o n . T h i s m o s t difficult assignment, m o r e t h a n any other collective task, requires leadership ( T h o m a s a n d Z n a n i e c k i 1 9 5 8 , p . 1 3 0 3 ) . A s e x e m p l a r y i n d i v i d u a l s , leaders are " t h o u g h t to e m b o d y c o m m u ­ n a l values to a n u n u s u a l l y h i g h degree" a n d they c a n therefore c h a n n e l collective energies to needed goals ( Z a b l o c k i 1 9 8 0 , p . 2 9 5 ) . O f course,

202

Leaders as Lightning Rods

203

principles are easier to state t h a n to enact, a n d to discover a n d cultivate effective leaders is a n u p h i l l struggle i n a l l social aggregates, f r o m s m a l l , i n f o r m a l groups to " l i t t l e " c o m m u n i t i e s to large-scale social systems. T w i n R i v e r s was n o e x c e p t i o n . Leaders p l a y e d a c r i t i c a l a n d often h i g h l y c o n t r o v e r s i a l role. B u t i f early o n it w a s difficult to attract resi­ dents to assume leadership p o s i t i o n s , t w o o r three decades later it w o u l d p r o v e a source o f fierce c o m p e t i t i o n a n d c o n t e n t i o n a m o n g factions v y i n g for " p o w e r , " a n d those i n p o w e r became key targets o f vilifica­ t i o n . T h i s w o u l d have astonished the n e w c o m e r s o f the 1970s. T h e y were w e l l aware o f — a n d grateful to —the few w h o volunteered their time to r u n for office, head c r u c i a l committees, attend b o a r d meetings, sponsor social a n d h u m a n i t a r i a n projects, a n d , above a l l , care about their fellows a n d the fate o f the c o m m o n s . T h e theme that "the c o m m u n i t y - m i n d e d are i n the m i n o r i t y " was s o u n d e d early o n a n d continues, unabated, i n t o the present. W i t h o u t these few d o i n g the w o r k for the many, as was p o i n t e d out repeatedly, none o f the s o l i d achievements w o u l d have been possible. A n d by the 1990s, that achievement was threatened by the actions o f a fractious few, w h i c h greatly increased tensions w i t h i n the c o m m u n i t y . T o learn a b o u t the m o t i v a t i o n s o f those w h o chose to serve a n d m a k e the sacrifices needed, one h u n d r e d leaders were i n t e r v i e w e d dur­ ing the three decades. T h e criteria for i n c l u s i o n were serving o n the T R H A g o v e r n i n g b o a r d ; c h a i r i n g i m p o r t a n t committees to deal w i t h such issues as p a r k i n g , rule v i o l a t i o n s , recreation, a n d pets; a n d p r o v i d ­ ing expertise for the entire c o m m u n i t y as t a x advisors, pedagogues, ar­ chitectural consultants, o r reporters for the c o m m u n i t y paper. In the pages that f o l l o w , some o f the general themes that seemed to engage members o f this g r o u p , i n c l u d i n g their fears a n d hopes for the c o m m u ­ nity i n the m a k i n g , w i l l be d r a w n out. F r o m n u m e r o u s past studies, one learns that leaders, to be effective, must not depart t o o sharply f r o m those they seek to lead. In contrast to experts w h o are expected to excel their clients, leaders must be with their f o l l o w e r s o r lose t h e m , a n d at T w i n R i v e r s they were indeed w i t h t h e m . T h e f a m i l y b a c k g r o u n d s , o c c u p a t i o n s , geographic o r i g i n s , a n d re­ ligious affiliations o f leaders m a t c h e d those o f the m a j o r i t y o f the resi­ dents. N o r d i d their appraisals o f the c o m m u n i t y depart significantly f r o m those o f most o f the residents. T h e y appreciated s i m i l a r virtues — for the decade o f the 1970s this i n c l u d e d the q u a l i t y o f life a n d selected facilities a n d services — a n d they d e p l o r e d s i m i l a r inadequacies o f p a r k ­ ing a n d design. T h u s , i n the f o u n d i n g decade, leaders were first a m o n g equals. O n e interesting difference w a s that the leader sample h a d m o r e t w o - p a r e n t families (nine-tenths) t h a n the residents generally (two-thirds). T h i s

Chapter 12

204

Table 12.1

Leaders' "Best and Worst" Features of Twin Rivers: 1970s Best

Worst

Convenience Safety for self and children Recreational facilities — pools, tennis courts G o o d value for the money Worry-free maintenance Children have many friends A good feeling overall

Scale too big for identity Walking distance not working Poor shopping center Parking problems N o teen center Design monotonous Insufficient social mix Neighborhood tensions "It's the little things that i r k . "

c o u l d m e a n that their lives h a d the stability needed to c o n c e r n t h e m ­ selves w i t h w i d e r issues o r that they h a d a m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l d i v i s i o n o f labor, w h i c h freed up their time for the c o m m u n i t y . In time, the concerns o f leaders w o u l d change, but so d i d those o f the residents generally. M o s t significantly, there w a s a shift f r o m a c o n ­ cern a b o u t p h y s i c a l features — o f house, o p e n space, boundaries, a n d traffic —to such features as s o c i a l relationships a n d s o c i a l p r i o r i t i e s . B y the 1980s leaders frequently d e p l o r e d the s m a l l degree o f resident c o m ­ m i t m e n t to c o m m u n i t y issues a n d the absence o f c o m m u n i t y spirit. B y the 1990s the salience o f the s o c i a l d i m e n s i o n — f a c t i o n a l i s m , evasion o f collective rules, l a c k o f trust — h a d become m o r e significant. T h e p o t e n t i a l for u n i t y a n d cohesiveness, pretty m u c h t a k e n for granted i n the first decade, n o w became a g o a l to be assiduously pur­ sued lest it slip t h r o u g h the collective fingers. T h e spirit o f g o o d w i l l , so evident i n the 1970s, h a d begun to w e a k e n as conflicts a n d frustrations m u l t i p l i e d . A n d w h e n , by the second decade, the c o m m u n i t y h a d ac­ q u i r e d t w o - t h i r d s o f its final p o p u l a t i o n a n d h a d begun to assume its m o r e p e r m a n e n t shape, there w a s a g r o w i n g p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h h o w to

Table 12.2

Goals Realized and Unrealized: Leaders' Views Goals Realized Safety G o o d for the children Worry-free daily life As much privacy as we want

Goals Insufficiently

Realized

N o t enough ethnic, social mix Aesthetic limitations N o t enough caring for others N o t enough trust N o t enough cooperation

Leaders as Lightning Rods

205

m o b i l i z e a r o u n d c o m m o n concerns a n d find w a y s to strengthen the so­ c i a l fabric. T h e leaders, because o f their greater responsibilities, were ahead o f the rest o f the p o p u l a t i o n i n i d e n t i f y i n g significant p r o b l e m s a n d i n striving to address t h e m . F o r e x a m p l e , they p o i n t e d to a p r o b l e m w i t h teenagers l o n g before other residents d i d so, a n d they also articulated the tensions between the residents a n d the trust far earlier. T h e leaders believed i n the c o m m u n i t y a n d its future a n d t h o u g h t that h a r d w o r k , sacrifice, a n d g o o d w i l l w o u l d m a k e for eventual suc­ cess. A b o v e a l l , they t o o k the l o n g v i e w far m o r e often t h a n d i d other residents. A n d they were positive about the c o m m u n i t y i n the m a k i n g , even w h e n they were c r i t i c a l o f specifics. S t i l l , there w a s a characteristic i n a b i l i t y — o r reluctance perhaps — for b o t h residents a n d leaders to spell out w h a t they t h o u g h t constituted a g o o d , s o l i d , desirable c o m m u n i t y . T h e r e were exceptions, o f course, especially a m o n g b o a r d members a n d trust a d m i n i s t r a t o r s , but i n the m a i n , the a r t i c u l a t i o n o f general ideas a n d abstractions p r o v e d difficult for leaders a n d residents a l i k e . In a d d i t i o n , b o t h f o u n d it easier to artic­ ulate negative c r i t i c i s m t h a n positive a p p r a i s a l , as c o m p l a i n t s came m o r e easily t h a n e n c o m i u m s . T h i s p u z z l e d the p i o n e e r i n g v i s i o n a r y G e r a l d F i n n , w h o h a d p r o ­ posed the idea o f such a c o m m u n i t y i n the first place. It w a s his v i s i o n that s p u r r e d the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f a N e w Jersey p o t a t o field i n t o a c o m p l e x p h y s i c a l c o m m u n i t y . G e r a l d F i n n , p u r s u i n g his " i m p o s s i b l e d r e a m , " w a n t e d to create " s o m e t h i n g great" that w o u l d m a k e a b i g statement a b o u t c o m m u n i t y . A developer, he w a s m o v e d by a r o m a n t i c v i s i o n o f a c o m m u n i t y where people w o u l d m a k e a fresh start, lead happy, p r o d u c t i v e lives, a n d create a s o l i d social m i x to s h o w d e m o c ­ racy i n a c t i o n . H e r i s k e d a l l o f his o w n m o n e y a n d c o u l d have lost it a l l . E v e n t u a l l y F i n n w o u l d be d i s a p p o i n t e d , however, w i t h w h a t he f o u n d to be the l a c k o f diversity a n d the architectural m o n o t o n y o f the final p r o d u c t , a n d he became increasingly c o n c e r n e d a b o u t T w i n R i v e r s ' course o f development. B y the m i d - 1 9 8 0 s , the residents' reluctance to participate i n self-governance a n d i n v o l v e themselves i n i m p o r t a n t is­ sues that w o u l d affect their j o i n t future seemed self-defeating. " W h y is there so little c o m m i t m e n t ? " he w a s asked (interview, 1 9 8 9 ) . H e r e is his response i n 1 9 8 9 : T h e residents, he s a i d , seem to focus o n the negatives t o o m u c h , so that c o m m i t m e n t is h a r d to de­ v e l o p . T h i s leads to discouragement a n d then to apathy. A c t u a l l y , this is n o t s u r p r i s i n g , given the apathy that prevails t h r o u g h o u t the society, since " A m e r i c a is n o t c o m m u n i t y - m i n d e d " a n d thus the self-preoccupa­ t i o n o f the residents o f T w i n R i v e r s is a reflection o f the general culture. A s to lessons for the future, F i n n t h o u g h t that k e y ingredients for a

206

Chapter 12

successful c o m m u n i t y required a great deal o f money, a great deal o f time, a n d t o t a l c o m m i t m e n t by the developer to stay there a n d c a r r y it t h r o u g h . " D o not impose y o u r lifestyle o n others but lead people to the new. A n d b u i l d o n a scale y o u c a n m a n a g e . " B u t neither the v i s i o n a r y G e r a l d F i n n n o r the enterprising developer H e r b e r t K e n d a l l were present i n T w i n R i v e r s by then. F i n n h a d been bought out by K e n d a l l a n d the W . R . G r a c e C o m p a n y , a n d K e n d a l l , after some s t o r m y years, b o w e d out to b u i l d other c o m m u n i t i e s o n the West C o a s t . H e left d i s a p p o i n t e d i n the w a y things h a d t u r n e d out, a n d he smarted under w h a t he perceived to be the residents' ingratitude for the c o m m u n i t y he h a d b r o u g h t i n t o being for t h e m . After the departure o f the p r i n c i p a l s , w h o s e names are not f a m i l i a r to the current residents, T w i n R i v e r s struggled l o n g a n d h a r d to w i n the right to g o v e r n itself (see chapter 6), a n d the effort, t h o u g h v i c t o r i o u s , left e x h a u s t i o n i n its w a k e . H e n c e f o r t h , the l a c k o f c o m m u n i t y p a r t i c i ­ p a t i o n became a recurrent theme. It b u r d e n e d the m i n o r i t y o f " c o m m u ­ n i t y - m i n d e d " w i t h excessive demands o n their time a n d remains a re­ current c o m p l a i n t to this day. Repeatedly, the residents were r e m i n d e d that they h a d the p o w e r a n d right to affect d e c i s i o n - m a k i n g . B u t a scant few (5%) t o o k a d v a n ­ tage o f these rights i n the 1970s, a figure that has increased s o m e w h a t by the 1990s ( 1 2 % ) , but still remains a s m a l l m i n o r i t y . H e n c e there are t w o questions to p o n d e r : (1) W h y are most resi­ dents reluctant to participate i n creating a viable c o m m u n i t y , their o w n c o m m u n i t y ? (2) W h a t accounts for the m i n o r i t y w h o depart f r o m the p a c k to d o their part?

Resident Apathy T w o reasons for resident apathy emerge f r o m the analysis o f the re­ sponses o f b o t h residents a n d leaders. O n e has to d o w i t h the d i s t u r b i n g experiences o f the residents i n the formative years o f the c o m m u n i t y ' s life, the other w i t h a f o r m o f the "free r i d e r " p r o b l e m . In the formative 1970s, the builder-developer together w i t h the b a n k trustee were b l a m e d for most everything that w e n t w r o n g o r that failed to live up to resi­ dents' expectations. T h e developer became a special target o f b l a m e , accused o f evading his responsibilities a n d o f being indifferent to the needs o f the residents. Instead o f " d y n a m i c l e a d e r s h i p " w e ' r e getting "the r o y a l r u n a r o u n d " (The Periscope, M a y 1 9 7 4 , p . 4). T h e builder's p r e s u m e d disinterest engendered c y n i c i s m a n d frustration. B u t resident apathy c o n t i n u e d even w i t h the departure o f the b u i l d e r a n d the trans­ fer o f governance to the h o m e o w n e r s association. H e n c e other e x p l a n a -

Leaders as Lightning Rods

207

tions are needed. O n e w a s the "every m a n for h i m s e l f " p r i n c i p l e the first residents b r o u g h t w i t h t h e m , w h i c h m a y have helped t h e m navigate t h r o u g h N e w Y o r k C i t y , f r o m w h i c h m a n y o f t h e m came, but w a s i l l suited to a n e w c o m m u n i t y . It d i d not take l o n g before some people realized that s o m e t h i n g m o r e w a s needed i f T w i n R i v e r s w a s to advance. H e r e is h o w T w i n R i v e r s w a s p o r t r a y e d i n the first c o m m u n i t y paper i n 1 9 7 5 : T w i n R i v e r s consists o f " 2 , 5 0 0 disinterested families w h o h a p p e n to live i n the same d e v e l o p m e n t . " Its future "lies i n the hands o f these same residents but i n the absence o f strong leadership a n d a n interested m e m b e r s h i p , " T w i n R i v e r s m a y not survive. T h e o u t g o i n g president o f the T w i n R i v e r s H o m e o w n e r s A s s o c i a t i o n ( T R H A ) b o a r d u n d e r s t o o d very clearly that w i t h o u t c o m m i t m e n t a n d responsible leadership, the c o m m u n i t y w o u l d perish (The Periscope, D e c e m b e r 1 9 7 5 , p . 16). E v e n recreational pursuits, h i g h o n everyone's list o f positives, were not i m m u n e . A s late as 1 9 8 5 , the basketball league s t o o d i n danger o f d i s s o l u t i o n due to a n absence o f interested residents w i l l i n g to volunteer as supervisors (The Periscope, M a r c h 1 9 8 5 , p . 10). B y the m i d - 1 9 8 0 s , the t w o - b r e a d w i n n e r f a m i l y h a d become w i d e ­ spread as the t i n y tots o f the 1970s became teenagers eager to h a n g out w i t h their o w n friends. H e n c e c o m m u t i n g time to jobs outside T w i n R i v e r s t o o k u p a lot o f adult energies a n d free time for c o m m u n i t y p a r t i c i p a t i o n . B u t that c o u l d h a r d l y be the p r i n c i p a l reason —since there w a s n o consistent pattern. Some e m p l o y e d parents a l w a y s made time for the c o m m u n i t y , w h i l e m a n y retirees a n d h o m e m a k e r s d i d not. Lest w e exaggerate the self-absorption o f success-bent A m e r i c a n s i n the late twentieth century, w e s h o u l d note that part o f the reluctance to serve m a y have stemmed f r o m feeling inadequate i n k n o w l e d g e a n d ex­ perience to serve i n a p u b l i c capacity. " L a y m e n are not professionals . . . [and] . . . this is not a j o b for l a y m e n " (The Periscope, M a r c h 1 9 7 3 , p . 1). G i v e n the w i d e s p r e a d reluctance to serve, whether for reasons o f inexperience or self-preoccupation, the o u t s t a n d i n g r e c o r d o f service by the c o m m i t t e d few is r e m a r k a b l e indeed. T h e y served l o n g hours, w i t h ­ out pay, perks, o r even r e c o g n i t i o n . W h a t made t h e m assume such timec o n s u m i n g , often thankless, a n d a l w a y s d e m a n d i n g duties? H o w d i d they find the time to c h a i r the committees, present themselves as c a n d i ­ dates for the T R H A b o a r d , i n f o r m themselves a b o u t k e y issues a n d transcend p e r s o n a l preoccupations to take the long-range v i e w ? W h a t p r o p e l l e d t h e m to reach t o w a r d w i d e r h o r i z o n s ? E a c h o f the one h u n ­ d r e d leaders w a s asked the same question a n d their replies are reassur­ i n g to those w h o believe that narcissism has become a permanent c u l ­ tural condition.

Chapter 12

208

Question: You know the common complaint about how hard it is to find capable people willing to give their time to work on behalf of the community. What makes you different? Why do you work for the community? Replies: •









T h e excitement a n d challenge to m a k e things better; "there's o p p o r t u n i t y here to m a k e a difference; I w a n t e d to use m y t r a i n i n g a n d experience to b u i l d s o m e t h i n g fine" ( M . J . , age 36). " I believed i n T w i n R i v e r s . I came i n very idealistic, very o p t i m i s t i c ; there were lots o f p r o b l e m s to solve; it gave me a p u r p o s e " (J. N . , age 2 9 ) . " I got i n v o l v e d s i x m o n t h s after m o v i n g i n — a n d one o f the things that attracted me to T w i n R i v e r s w a s that it h a d a p l a n a n d a purpose. It's g o o d to reach b e y o n d y o u r o w n l i f e " (R. T , age 30). " E g o . I w a n t e d the r e c o g n i t i o n , the sense o f p o w e r . " " I c o u l d affect the d i r e c t i o n the c o m m u n i t y w o u l d t a k e . " " I f some­ one's g o i n g to m a k e rules, it m i g h t as w e l l be m e . " ( L . H . , age 33). " I h a d been c r i t i c a l e n o u g h o f the p o w e r s that be a n d so I h a d to accept r e s p o n s i b i l i t y a n d try to a d d m y o w n ideas. . . . If y o u w a n t to change things, y o u ' v e got to act, n o t just y e l l . . . . If I d o n ' t d o s o m e t h i n g , w h o w i l l ? " (S. H . , age 2 9 ) .

O f a l l the reasons offered, however, one w a s endorsed v i r t u a l l y u n a n i ­ m o u s l y , t h o u g h n o t w i t h the same w o r d s . • • • •

" I f I expect s o m e t h i n g f r o m society, I m u s t give s o m e t h i n g b a c k . T h a t is w h a t w e were taught i n m y f a m i l y . " " M y parents instilled certain values i n me. I live these." " I c a n hear m y m o t h e r n o w — ' D o n ' t just be a taker. Y o u ' v e got to give b a c k . ' " "It's a l w a y s a few w h o act for many. I ' m one o f the few."

T h e same idea a g a i n a n d a g a i n — m y parents, mother, f a m i l y t o l d me, taught me, instilled i n me — a n d I w a n t to give s o m e t h i n g b a c k . M o r e t h a n m o s t residents, leaders believed i n the possibilities o f the n e w c o m m u n i t y . A social e x p e r i m e n t w a s under w a y a n d they sought to see the results. A b o v e a l l , they felt a sense o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y t o w a r d the d e v e l o p i n g c o m m u n i t y ; they o w e d s o m e t h i n g to it. In their d e d i c a t i o n to b u i l d i n g a better c o m m u n i t y , they seemed to be able to w o r k w i t h others, inspire others, a n d care a b o u t the future

Leaders as Lightning Rods

209

they shared. " S o m e o f us care a b o u t o u r f e l l o w h u m a n s . " E s p e c i a l l y significant w a s the fact that they perceived a l i n k between their p a r t i c i ­ p a t i o n a n d everyone's s u r v i v a l . Psychic r e w a r d s operate as w e l l — leaders feel useful a n d i m p o r t a n t a n d see themselves as effective actors — whereas n o n p a r t i c i p a n t s seem to l a c k the confidence to get i n v o l v e d . M o s t people are reactive whereas leaders are p r o a c t i v e . Because o f their c o n c e r n a b o u t the c o m m u n i t y , leaders also w o r r i e d a b o u t the resident apathy that seemed to set i n after the h o n e y m o o n o f the first t w o to three years. S o m e t h i n g intangible seems to have been at w o r k here that n o one c o u l d quite p u t a finger o n , but it h a d as one u n i n t e n d e d consequence the d i v i s i o n o f the p o p u l a t i o n i n t o a m i n o r i t y i m b u e d w i t h activist fervor a n d a m a j o r i t y sunk i n passivity. W h e n the leaders were asked w h a t c o u l d a c c o u n t for that d i v i s i o n , they offered a n u m b e r o f p l a u s i b l e speculations. • •



• •

" I t h i n k people w a n t to a v o i d conflict a n d keep their views to themselves." "Initially, there were 'terrible arguments' a b o u t property, p a r k i n g , pets, signage —but that subsided a n d m a n y w i t h ­ d r e w i n t o their c o c o o n s . " " M a y b e it has s o m e t h i n g to d o w i t h the u r b a n b a c k g r o u n d s of the first residents. T h e y came here w i t h a N e w Y o r k m e n ­ tality, very self-oriented, d e m a n d i n g ; they d i d n ' t w a n t to cooperate." " P e o p l e w a n t others to d o it a l l for t h e m . " " P e o p l e care o n l y a b o u t themselves; they d o n ' t k n o w h o w to cooperate."

T o a v o i d conflicts, to let those m o t i v a t e d a n d capable represent the group's interests are not unreasonable goals, o f course. In a s m a l l c o m ­ m u n i t y , the a i r i n g o f differences o n policies a n d p r i o r i t i e s c a n p r o d u c e lingering tensions as the p o l i t i c a l becomes the p e r s o n a l . A n d letting the m o t i v a t e d a n d capable m i n o r i t y act o n behalf o f the m a j o r i t y is, after a l l , the basis for representative g o v e r n m e n t . B u t n o t to be i g n o r e d is the c u l t u r a l l y encouraged p r e o c c u p a t i o n w i t h p e r s o n a l success as against collective priorities. O n the scale o f preferred values, the p u b l i c interest, the spirit o f c o m m u n i t y , a n d c o o p e r a t i o n r a n k l o w , often last, for these residents (table 12.3). M o s t i m p o r t a n c e w a s attached to safety, respon­ sive management, the appearance o f the c o m m u n i t y , a n d privacy. Least i m p o r t a n t to the latest g r o u p o f residents were c o m m u n i t y - w i d e activ­ ities a n d the spirit o f c o m m u n i t y . A n o t h e r clue to residents' feelings stems f r o m the appraisals o f the i m p o r t a n c e " m o s t residents" attribute to the values listed i n table 1 2 . 4 .

210

Chapter 12

Table 12.3

Residents Ratings of Community Features: 1990s 7

Appearance of the community Spirit of the community Friendly neighbors Privacy Safety Responsive management Community-wide activities

Very Important

Moderately

Not Important

81% 34% 64% 81% 95% 85% 22%

18% 56% 33% 17% 3% 12% 54%

1% 10% 1% 2% 2% 3% 24%

Ν = 560

N o t e the features considered most i m p o r t a n t : E d u c a t i o n ( 6 1 % ) a n d i n d i v i d u a l success ( 4 7 % ) t o p the list, f o l l o w e d by h a r d w o r k ( 3 4 % ) , m a t e r i a l possessions ( 3 1 % ) , a n d getting r i c h ( 2 8 % ) . Least i m p o r t a n t are p o p u l a r i t y ( 3 3 % say not i m p o r t a n t ) , c o m m u n i t y i n v o l v e m e n t ( 3 3 % ) , c o m p a s s i o n for the less fortunate ( 2 8 % ) , c o o p e r a t i o n ( 1 8 % ) , a n d g o o d citizenship ( 1 7 % ) . These results denote the l o w standing o f c o m m u n i t y i n v o l v e m e n t a n d activities i n c o m p a r i s o n w i t h other desired goals such as educa­ t i o n a l attainment a n d p e r s o n a l success. Perhaps this helps e x p l a i n the c o m m o n , a n d w i d e l y noted, tendency to "let G e o r g e d o i t . " In the

Table 12.4

Priorities of 1990s Residents

Education Individual success H a r d work Material possessions Getting rich Voting, citizenship Cooperation Popularity Compassion for less fortunate Community involvement

Very Important

Moderately Important

Not Important

61% 47% 34% 31% 28% 25% 22% 14% 10% 9%

30% 44% 52% 52% 49% 50% 53% 45% 54% 50%

2%* 1% 5% 7% 15% 17% 18% 33% 28% 33%

Ν = 500 Totals under 100% exclude "Don't Knows" and "No Answers."

Leaders as Lightning Rods

211

w o r d s o f one candidate for the T R H A b o a r d i n 1 9 9 9 , " S o m e t i m e s I t h i n k w h a t the people really w a n t is a B i g Brother, one w h o w i l l w o r k o n their behalf; articulate w h a t they c a n n o t express; anticipate w h a t is needed; get things done. T h i s m a y be effective a n d certainly is c o n v e n i ­ ent but it threatens to d i m i n i s h people's sense o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to house, land, and community." O n e c o n c l u s i o n underscored by these reactions is that c o m m u n i t y rests o n the efforts, care, a n d visions o f the few. If these meet w i t h the a p p r o v a l o f the majority, the leadership w i l l be granted a c o n t i n u i n g mandate to c a r r y o n . If not, dissent a n d protest w i l l m a k e themselves felt. S t i l l , despite d i v i s i o n , apathy, a n d criticisms leveled against the i m ­ perfections o f the d e v e l o p i n g c o m m u n i t y , s o m e t h i n g a k i n to a sense o f c o m m u n i t y began to coalesce by the 1980s. Fifteen years after the first residents b o u g h t i n t o their piece o f the A m e r i c a n pie, the rudiments o f a n o n g o i n g , o r g a n i z e d c o m m u n i t y became visible. A i d e d a n d abetted by the nucleus o f c o n c e r n e d leaders a n d a p o r t i o n o f the residents, the c o m m u n i t y h a d begun to take o n a life o f its o w n . T h e r e w a s g r o w i n g p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c o m m u n i t y elections, a n extensive n e t w o r k o f o r g a n i z a ­ tions a n d associations, the outlines o f a p u b l i c collective self-addressed i n the c o m m u n i t y newspaper, a n d a n identity r e c o g n i z e d by others out­ side T w i n R i v e r s . •

• • • •

• •

" D o I t h i n k T w i n R i v e r s has a sense o f c o m m u n i t y ? Y e s , I d o believe so. Just l o o k h o w people cooperate o n projects m o r e —the p l a y g r o u n d s , for e x a m p l e . " (F. L . , 1 9 9 2 ) . " T h e r e are a lot o f c o m m u n i t y groups — Rescue S q u a d , Fire S q u a d , m a n y others — a n d a l l v o l u n t a r y " ( A . R . , 1 9 8 5 ) . " Y e s , there's a tremendous sense o f c o m m u n i t y . Y o u face the same p r o b l e m s y o u r n e i g h b o r faces" ( C . B . , 1 9 8 7 ) . "It's a m a z i n g h o w a c t i v i s m creates such a strong sense o f c o m m u n i t y " (E. R . , 1 9 8 8 ) . " Y e s , there's p r i d e i n c o m m u n i t y . Sometimes it takes tragedy to b r i n g it out — a fire, a loss, the fight against t o x i c waste. . . . C r i s i s brings out people a n d creates a sense o f c o m m u n i t y because it forces people to m o v e b e y o n d self-interest" ( O . R . 1988). " Y e s , T w i n R i v e r s h o l d s together. T h e y c o m e out for a n i m ­ portant moment or movement" (A. D . , 1990). " Y e s , because people r e m a i n i n T w i n R i v e r s ; being b o r n here a n d l i v i n g here for a l o n g time — a l l these create c o m m u n i t y . T h e c h i l d r e n w i l l forge c o m m u n i t y ; their generation w i l l cre­ ate c o m m u n i t y " ( C . H . , 1 9 9 0 ) .

212

Chapter 12

Some felt that c o m m u n i t y h a d n o t yet been achieved but w o u l d be i n time. •



"I get the feeling that people w a n t that sense o f c o m m u n i t y a n d fight for it, but it's n o t yet achieved — that takes time. T w i n R i v e r s is still p r o u d o f its n e w n e s s " (R. E . , 1 9 8 6 ) . " T w i n R i v e r s has b o t h a p a t h y a n d c o m m u n i t y . D u r i n g the w e e k , there's n o sense o f c o m m u n i t y — as people are a w a y at w o r k ; o n weekends that changes" (F. R , 1 9 8 9 ) .

T h e less t h a n o n e - s i x t h w h o said there w o u l d never be a sense o f c o m ­ m u n i t y cited the f o l l o w i n g : • • •

"There's n o central place; T w i n R i v e r s needs a spatial c o r e " (Β. I., 1 9 7 6 ) . " T h e p o p u l a t i o n is part o f m o d e r n A m e r i c a — restless, r o o t ­ less, m o b i l e , transient" (S. T , 1 9 8 9 ) . " D e v e l o p e r c o u l d have done m o r e to set the right tone o n behalf o f c o m m u n i t y — w i t h a teen center, m o v i e s " ( L . N . , 1997).

T i m e is a double-edged v a r i a b l e . O n the one h a n d , the passage o f time strengthens c o m m u n i t y identity, but o n the other h a n d , time changes people's needs a n d preferences. H e n c e , a c o m m u n i t y center m a y have been i m p o r t a n t i n the 1970s but n o t a decade later w h e n adults n o longer constituted a single, unified g r o u p . A s diversity a n d the s o c i a l m i x increased, a single center c o u l d n o longer serve everyone's interests. T h i s confirms J o s e p h V u z z o ' s o b s e r v a t i o n , as trust a d m i n i s t r a ­ tor, that the p h a s i n g o f facilities is very i m p o r t a n t a n d must be studied carefully so that t i m i n g is b u i l t i n t o the process at a p p r o p r i a t e p o i n t s . O v e r the three decades o f its existence, therefore, b o t h residents a n d leaders h a d learned i m p o r t a n t lessons. A n d despite a diversity o f v i e w s a n d d i v i s i o n s o f o p i n i o n w i t h i n the leadership, residents increasingly perceived themselves as part o f the same c o m m u n i t y . M u c h has been achieved by that devoted m i n o r i t y w h o were able to p u t the collective ahead o f n a r r o w self-interest. T h e f o l l o w i n g sentiments capture the feel­ ings o f a g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f residents. •



" T h i s is h o m e where I c o m e to at e n d o f day; a sanctuary; it's n o t the house, it's the c o m m u n i t y that p r o v i d e s s o l a c e " (J. P., s c h o o l p r i n c i p a l , 1 9 8 9 ) . " B e i n g b o r n here a n d l i v i n g here for a l o n g t i m e , p r i d e , a l l these create c o m m u n i t y . T h e c h i l d r e n w i l l forge c o m m u n i t y . . . their generation. It is for t h e m " (T. N . , editor, 1 9 9 8 ) .

Leaders as Lightning Rods

213

T h e themes that leaders use to engage residents' interests are appar­ ent i n the speeches p r o m o t i n g candidacies to elective office. T h e m o s t recent o c c a s i o n for this was the 1 9 9 9 election to the T R H A b o a r d . H e r e are the concerns a n d plans o f the five candidates seeking three seats o n the b o a r d (Twin Rivers Today September 1999): C a n d i d a t e B e r n a r d B u s h : "I see i n T w i n R i v e r s a pleasant a n d at­ tractive place to live, w i t h a fundamentally s o u n d management, h i g h q u a l i t y houses at affordable prices, w e l l - m a i n t a i n e d grounds a n d neigh­ b o r l y atmosphere." B u t there are p r o b l e m s , for instance: (1) "Piles o f garbage o f every d e s c r i p t i o n o n o u r streets" — against the trust a n d m u ­ n i c i p a l rules a n d ordinances. T h i s is due to the "irresponsible behavior of a few o f o u r n e i g h b o r s . " (2) T h e d e c l i n i n g s h o p p i n g center. (3) D a n ­ ger f r o m the heavy v o l u m e o f t r u c k traffic o n the p e r i p h e r a l roads a n d w o r s e n i n g air p o l l u t i o n . There are less p r a c t i c a l but even m o r e d i s t u r b i n g p r o b l e m s — such as "strident c o n f l i c t " about p u b l i c issues replete w i t h insults a n d angry outbursts. T h i s m a y destroy the c o m m u n i t y . "It creates hatred a n d mis­ trust, a n d is detrimental to the p u b l i c health. . . . A s a P U D , T w i n R i v e r s is not s i m p l y a c o l l e c t i o n o f i n d i v i d u a l householders. W e are an o r g a n i z e d c o m m u n i t y w i t h a c o m m o n purpose a n d w i t h rules a n d regu­ lations m u t u a l l y agreed u p o n . W e have a r e s p o n s i b i l i t y to w o r k to­ gether to keep this a g o o d place to live. T h a t is m y v i e w o f o u r c o m ­ munity. " C a n d i d a t e E v a n G r e e n b e r g , a six-year m e m b e r o f the b o a r d seeking a second term, h a d served o n m a n y significant committees — the A r c h i ­ tectural D e s i g n R e v i e w C o m m i t t e e , for one. H e c o o r d i n a t e d the T h i r ­ tieth A n n i v e r s a r y C o n c e r t s , negotiated for m o r e reasonable cable rates, a n d o b t a i n e d state a n d c o u n t y financing for e n v i r o n m e n t a l projects. T h e issues he considered essential for the future o f T w i n R i v e r s were a t o p n o t c h c o m m u n i t y center, t h r i v i n g s h o p p i n g center, the use o f " o u r strength as a large c o m m u n i t y " to reduce costs for services such as h o m e repairs, gas a n d electric rates, r o a d repairs, a n d so o n . H e p r o m ­ ised to "use . . . m y skills a n d experience to continue w h a t I c a l l the T w i n R i v e r s Renaissance. . . . T h i s year's election w i l l determine whether the Renaissance continues, o r w e lose o u r sense o f c o m m u n i t y a n d stumble back i n t o the d a r k ages." C a n d i d a t e E m i l y M c D o n a l d , an eleven-year resident, served o n the C o m m i t t e e for a Better T w i n R i v e r s , w h i c h w a s c h a l l e n g i n g the current b o a r d . If elected, she said she w o u l d seek the f o l l o w i n g changes: Create " o p e n channels o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n between residents a n d the T R H A b o a r d ; establish an A D R (alternative dispute r e s o l u t i o n committee) to "mediate disputes, at n o cost, between . . . residents a n d the b o a r d " ; update architectural standards: " T w i n R i v e r s is a great c o m m u n i t y . . .

214

Chapter 12

by b r i n g i n g o u r standards i n t o the twenty-first century w e c a n c o n t i n u e to enjoy o u r beautiful c o m m u n i t y . . . " ; a l l o w financial disclosure o f expenditures to residents; . . . "as h o m e o w n e r s w e have a legal r i g h t to k n o w h o w o u r m o n e y is being spent. . . . I t r u l y w a n t T w i n R i v e r s to be the best c o m m u n i t y it c a n be." Scott P o h l , w h o w a s at the time o f the election the b o a r d president, sought reelection to the T R H A b o a r d — "because o f m y c o m m i t m e n t to the residents o f o u r c o m m u n i t y . " H e h a d served o n n u m e r o u s c o m m i t ­ tees, i n c l u d i n g H o m e o w n e r Services, p a r k i n g , newspaper, p u b l i c rela­ t i o n s , a n d c o m p u t e r s . If reelected, he s a i d he w o u l d p r o d u c e a recre­ a t i o n a n d fitness center for a l l residents, adults as w e l l as c h i l d r e n a n d teens. H e w o u l d m o v e to get the s h o p p i n g center i n t o shape a n d " c o n ­ tinue the fight to keep o u r p r o p e r t y values h i g h . " A l s o , he w o u l d w o r k w i t h real estate agents " t o m a r k e t o u r c o m m u n i t y p r o p e r l y . " ( Q u e s t i o n ­ able real estate dealings h a d been e x p o s e d i n 1999.) "I have a v i s i o n for o u r future w h i c h is bright a n d i m p r o v e s o u r q u a l i t y o f l i f e , " he said. C a n d i d a t e D o n a l d Sharpe, a twenty-six-year resident o f T w i n R i v e r s a n d a m a i l carrier, stated: " I t h i n k this is a w o n d e r f u l c o m m u n i t y a n d w o u l d like to see it stay that w a y . I n o r m a l l y d o n o t get i n v o l v e d i n the w o r k i n g s o f the c o m m u n i t y . B u t there comes a time w h e n everyone has to take a stand. I a m a reasonable, fair, a n d r a t i o n a l p e r s o n . . . a n d w i l l use a l l o f those qualities to d o w h a t is best for everyone i n this c o m ­ munity." T h e D e c e m b e r 1 9 9 9 election w a s m o r e c r i t i c a l t h a n m o s t others because a split h a d developed i n the c o m m u n i t y that w a s threatening to foment disunity. O n one side were the l o n g - t e r m reliables w h o h a d served for years a n d were i n agreement o n basic ideas a n d policies that h a d been developed, n o t w i t h o u t struggle, over a l o n g p e r i o d o f t i m e . O n the other w a s a f a c t i o n (members o f the C o m m i t t e e for a Better T w i n R i v e r s o r C B T R ) w h o challenged established practice a n d sought to p u t themselves i n p o w e r as the true leaders o f the c o m m u n i t y . T h e i r dissatisfactions rested o n t w o m a i n sets o f grievances. T h e first w a s the secrecy i n v o l v e d i n the nature o f the b o a r d expenditures a n d other types o f i n f o r m a t i o n . T h i s w a s c o n s i d e r e d a v i o l a t i o n o f the rights to p r i v a c y o f i n f o r m a t i o n by representatives o f the established g r o u p s . T h e second issue r a l l y i n g this h i g h l y vociferous a n d agitated m i n o r i t y targeted those it c o n s i d e r e d to have h e l d p o w e r t o o l o n g . Its spokespeople decried " e n ­ trenched p o s i t i o n s , " high-handedness, a n d being " a b o v e the r u l e s . " T h e countercharge w a s that this i n c e n d i a r y f a c t i o n consisted o f "re­ actionaries w h o w i s h to . . . u n d o o u r past"; they were characterized as "the irresponsible f e w " w h o were " a danger to a democratic T w i n R i v e r s . " T h e s c h i s m revealed here w a s a n d continues to be serious a n d dis­ t u r b i n g to m a n y w h o deplore "the increasingly strident conflict, the

Leaders as Lightning Rods

215

s h o u t i n g , the erroneous charges o f m i s c o n d u c t , " a n d the " m u t u a l h a ­ tred a n d s u s p i c i o n " these foster. U l t i m a t e l y " s u c h b e h a v i o r w i l l destroy our c o m m u n i t y a n d w e must e n d this destructive conflict a n d find a w a y to reason together as g o o d n e i g h b o r s . " T h i s w a s perhaps the most serious crisis T w i n R i v e r s h a d confronted i n its existence to date. O n e p r i o r m e m b e r o f the b o a r d s h o w e d the depth o f i l l w i l l fomented by the insurgents. " I n the last t w o years," he said, " m y f a m i l y has been targeted for mischief by a g r o u p w i t h n o ideas, n o m o r a l s , a n d n o fortitude. T h e y have resorted to harassing p h o n e calls, groundless accusations, m a l i c i o u s p h o t o s a n d m e n a c i n g let­ ters. T h e y d o n o t care a b o u t the c o m m u n i t y o r anyone else." The die w a s cast — a n d the D e c e m b e r 1 9 9 9 election w o u l d tell w h i c h T w i n R i v e r s w o u l d p r e v a i l . T h r e e seats o n the b o a r d c o u l d determine the future o f the entire c o m m u n i t y . The election o f D e c e m b e r 1 9 9 9 was the m o s t h o t l y contested i n the h i s t o r y o f T w i n R i v e r s . O n e - t h i r d o f the residential units (889 out o f 2,400) were represented at the p o l l s , a n d w h e n the votes were c o u n t e d , the incumbents " w o n h a n d i l y over . . . the B o a r d c r i t i c s " (Toutant, Windsor Heights Herald 2 4 D e c e m b e r 1 9 9 9 , p p . 1, 8 A ) . E v a n G r e e n ­ berg, Scott P o h l , a n d first-time candidate B e r n a r d B u s h defeated E m i l y M c D o n a l d , D o n a l d Sharpe, a n d Scott M a t l o v s k y o f the C o m m i t t e e for a Better T w i n R i v e r s . N o t surprisingly, each w i n n i n g candidate connected his success to his c a m p a i g n message, but one letter to the editor by a current b o a r d m e m b e r n o t e d that the w i n n e r s were elected by "the largest p l u r a l i t y i n recent h i s t o r y " a n d saw this as " a m a n d a t e f r o m the c o m m u n i t y . " A n d all residents were enjoined to "be a d u l t , " p u t the past b e h i n d t h e m , w o r k together, a n d offer c o n g r a t u l a t i o n s to the w i n n e r s , condolences to the losers. T h e c o m m u n i t y w a s out o f danger — f o r the m o m e n t . In the election o f 2 0 0 0 , the i n c u m b e n t s a g a i n defeated the C B T R candidates but n o w by a n even larger m a r g i n o f three to one. T h e b o a r d of directors thus h a d reason to feel reassured that the large m a j o r i t y o f the c o m m u n i t y endorsed their performance. Nonetheless, the c h a l l e n g i n g f a c t i o n keeps to its agenda o f h i g h alert against the elected nine-member b o a r d . A s a n i r r i t a n t to many, a n d a costly one j u d g i n g f r o m the group's penchant for legal a c t i o n , it is also a manifestation o f d e m o c r a c y i n a c t i o n . T h e m a j o r i t y prevails but dis­ senting m i n o r i t i e s have the right to be heard. A n d h e a r d they are. Some o f this c a n lead to lively exchanges i n letters-to-the-editor c o l ­ u m n s o f l o c a l papers but some o f it sounds a d i s c o r d a n t note o f distrust and a p p r e h e n s i o n that detracts f r o m the tasks at h a n d .

CHAPTER 1 3 UNITY A N D D I V I S I O N , C O N F L I C T A N D C O N S E N S U S

Ours is a hugger-mugger unity. - W . H . Auden

H o w to forge u n i t y out o f the m a n y disparate elements o f h u m a n aggre­ gates is a question that has been asked for m i l l e n n i a . A l w a y s significant, it has become m o r e urgent i n a t e c h n i c a l l y specialized c i v i l i z a t i o n i m ­ b u e d w i t h i n d i v i d u a l i s m a n d the c o m p e t i t i v e ethos. T h i s creates a ten­ s i o n between t w o i n c o m p a t i b l e forces — between the c o o p e r a t i o n needed for u n i t y a n d c u l t u r a l l y endorsed i n d i v i d u a l i s m — that is difficult, i f n o t i m p o s s i b l e , to resolve. In the c o l o n i a l A m e r i c a n experience discussed earlier, w e n o t e d h o w h a r d the early colonies struggled to achieve u n i t y i n the face o f strife a n d t u r m o i l . T h e t o w n meeting w a s c r u c i a l , for it p r o v i d e d a venue for a collective focus a n d the f o r m a t i o n o f a p u b l i c consensus out o f m a n y c o m p e t i n g views a n d voices. T o w n meetings were t r a i n i n g g r o u n d s for d e m o c r a c y where c o m m u n i t y w a s p u t to the test as the one a n d the m a n y c o n f r o n t e d each other. In her study o f c o n t e m p o r a r y Selby, V e r m o n t , p o p u l a t i o n five h u n ­ d r e d , Jane M a n s b r i d g e e x p l o r e d these questions for a m o d e r n p o p u l a -

216

Conflict and Consensus

217

t i o n w i t h diverse interests a n d lifestyles ( M a n s b r i d g e 1 9 8 3 ) . In t r a c i n g the often t o r t u o u s paths for consensus o n key decisions that affected the t o w n as a w h o l e , she n o t e d the p r e m i u m that residents p u t o n conflict a v o i d a n c e i n order to achieve unity. T h e d e m o c r a c y they sought to fur­ ther relied o n consensus. C o n s e n s u a l d e m o c r a c y encouraged p a r t i c i ­ pants to identify w i t h the t o w n as a w h o l e , w h i c h " i n t u r n helps de­ v e l o p c o m m o n interests." B y contrast, there is " a d v e r s a r y d e m o c r a c y " w h i c h rests o n a c k n o w l e d g i n g conflicting interests a n d their e q u a l p r o ­ tection under the l a w (ibid., p . 5). O u t o f the c l a s h o f interests, policies take shape. T h i s d i s t i n c t i o n is c r i t i c a l , but it is rarely sufficiently heeded because of the m i s t a k e n v i e w that consensus is the o n l y legitimate basis o f c o l ­ lective life. It w a s a persistent theme i n the early A m e r i c a n c o m m u n i t i e s , t h o u g h n o t a l w a y s to the degree expressed i n seventeenth-century D e d h a m i n w h i c h every qualified male householder (restricted by race, age, a n d c h u r c h membership) signed a covenant to bar f r o m the t o w n " a l l such as are c o n t r a r y m i n d e d " a n d to a d m i t o n l y those w h o w o u l d " w a l k i n peaceable c o n v e r s a t i o n , " give " m u t u a l encouragement," a n d "seek the g o o d o f each other out o f w h i c h m a y be d e r i v e d true peace" (ibid., p . 134). C o n f l i c t avoidance is likewise characteristic o f c o m m u n e s , w h i c h often break asunder because o f m e m b e r s ' i n a b i l i t y to cope w i t h conflicts they c a n n o t suppress. Y e t conflict is endemic, a n d , g i v e n the insistence o n consensus, it c a n be dealt w i t h o n l y by c o m p e l l i n g the departure o f the contentious faction o r by resorting to coercive measures i n t e r n a l to the c o m m u n e . O n e m e c h a n i s m to a l l o w for the legitimate expression o f conflict is that o f m a j o r i t y rule. T h i s is such a m a i n s t a y o f c o n t e m p o r a r y p o l i t i c a l institutions that its p r o b l e m a t i c features for s m a l l c o m m u n i t i e s are of­ ten o v e r l o o k e d . E x p e r i e n c e has s h o w n that m a j o r i t y rule leads to a fes­ tering resentment a n d frustration a m o n g those o v e r r u l e d by the major­ ity, a n d this m a y p o i s o n the social c l i m a t e . T o a v o i d this possibility, seventeenth-century citizens o f N e w E n ­ g l a n d c o n f r o n t e d divisive issues by b r i n g i n g t h e m u p " a g a i n a n d again rather t h a n a l l o w i n g a m i n o r i t y to i m p o s e its o p i n i o n o n the m a j o r i t y " (ibid., p . 2 5 7 ) , h o p i n g thereby to achieve u n a n i m i t y across d i v i s i o n . Fearful o f strife a n d r e c r i m i n a t i o n s , citizens m a y prefer to w i t h d r a w f r o m p u b l i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n . T h e fear o f m a k i n g enemies, a l o n g w i t h the fear o f p u b l i c exposure a n d h u m i l i a t i o n , w a s significant i n Selby, where " y o u r enemies are also y o u r neighbors for l i f e " (ibid., p . 64). W e c a n c o n c l u d e f r o m this that w i t h d r a w a l c a n be a protective device that avoids c o n f r o n t a t i o n o r r i d i c u l e a n d thereby preserves the ideal o f c o m ­ m u n i t y h a r m o n y i n theory.

218

Chapter 13

N o n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n c o m m u n i t y affairs, greatly a n d w i d e l y d e p l o r e d , thus seems to have roots i n the s o c i a l character o f collective life a n d is n o t only, o r even p r i m a r i l y , a matter o f t o o little p e r s o n a l c o n c e r n a n d c o m m i t m e n t . W h a t seems to be p u b l i c indifference m a y protect the c o m m u n i t y by k e e p i n g disagreements w i t h neighbors a n d friends at bay. " I f m y neighbor's for it a n d I ' m against it, t h e r e ' l l be t r o u b l e , " s a i d one of Mansbridge's informants. S t i l l , conflict is u n a v o i d a b l e n o t o n l y i n a heterogeneous p o p u l a t i o n w i t h w i d e l y differing life experiences a n d aspirations, but also i n the s m a l l , close-knit, h o m o g e n e o u s settlements characteristic o f the early A m e r i c a n c o l o n i a l t o w n s . T h o u g h u n i t e d i n their quest for a n e w life i n a n unsettled l a n d , conflict w a s never absent. In Sudbury, for e x a m p l e ( P o w e l l 1 9 6 5 ) , the generations fought one another bitterly over p r o p ­ erty rights a n d privileges. T h i s eventually led to the departure o f the y o u n g to a n e w S u d b u r y adjacent to the o l d one. B u t here, t o o , despite the desire for h a r m o n y , conflicts a n d p o w e r struggles m u l t i p l i e d a n d l a i d bare the fissures beneath the façade o f unity. O n e w a y to cope w i t h these realities is to recognize that t w o types o f c o m m u n i t i e s coexist w i t h i n a c o m m o n r u b r i c . T h e r e is the " c o m m u ­ n i t y o f otherness" a n d the " c o m m u n i t y o f affinity." T h e c o m m u n i t y o f otherness rests o n the r e a l i z a t i o n that there are as m a n y points o f v i e w as there are i n d i v i d u a l s but that people nonetheless have c o m m o n c o n ­ cerns a n d goals. T h u s , even w h e n they c l a s h , they affirm one another a n d h o l d i n "creative tension the i m p o r t a n c e o f self, others, a n d p r i n c i ­ ples that g r o u n d the c o m m u n i t y " (Arnett 1 9 8 6 , p p . x v , 8). In the " c o m m u n i t y o f affinity," o n the other h a n d , people often " h u d d l e together for security a n d i m a g i n e they are safe a n d u n i t e d be­ cause they use the same slogans even t h o u g h they have n o real r e l a t i o n ­ ship w i t h one another." A l t h o u g h they eschew conflict a n d o p p o s i t i o n , the result, often, is a "false c o m m u n i t y " ( i b i d . , p . x v ) . T h e larger a n d m o r e diversified a c o m m u n i t y , the m o r e diverse a n d p o t e n t i a l l y c o n f l i c t i n g the interests o f the members. T h e thrust o f M a n s ­ bridge's argument is that c o m m u n i t i e s must learn to use conflicts p r o ­ ductively, yet m a n y d o n o t k n o w h o w to d o so. C o n f l i c t m a y a c t u a l l y b u i l d c o m m u n i t y i n the process o f c l a s h , de­ bate, a n d c o m p r o m i s e . W h e n residents realize that conflicts c a n be ex­ pressed a n d resolved, they c a n begin to construct genuine c o m m u n i t y . O f course, conflict m a y also find expression i n s y m b o l i c f o r m , for e x a m p l e i n athletic contests a n d t e a m c o m p e t i t i o n s , w h i c h helps d r a i n off some o f the hostile energy ( M a n s b r i d g e 1 9 8 3 ; G a n s 1 9 6 7 ) . W h a t ­ ever the sources o f conflict, a n d they range f r o m m u n d a n e i r r i t a t i o n s to m a j o r i d e o l o g i c a l battles, the i m p o r t a n t lesson to heed is that c o m m u ­ n i t y is b u i l t by conflict as w e l l as by consensus. In the process o f resolv-

Conflict and Consensus

219

i n g p o w e r struggles a n d i d e o l o g i c a l confrontations, the outlines o f c o m ­ m u n i t y become visible above the lines o f fissure a n d d i v i s i o n . Successful c o m m u n i t i e s must be able to integrate, w i t h i n a single f r a m e w o r k , the divisive a l o n g w i t h the u n i f y i n g forces. In c o m m u n a l societies, "consensual r u l e s " keep participants fo­ cused o n w h a t they have i n c o m m o n a n d o n their aspirations t o w a r d h a r m o n y ( M a n s b r i d g e 1 9 8 3 , p . 2 5 3 ) , but i n m o d e r n societies that rely o n self-interest a n d a n invisible h a n d to achieve the p u b l i c g o o d , such ideals are harder to find. A c k n o w l e d g i n g one's dependence o n others goes against the message absorbed i n c h i l d h o o d , a n d i n d i v i d u a l i s m a n d self-reliance are at odds w i t h a n ethos o f s h a r i n g a n d c o o p e r a t i o n . A t times, w h e n i n d i v i d u a l interests clash w i t h collective interests, the courts m a y have to resort to a n ancient c o m m o n - l a w doctrine o f "ne­ cessity" that postulates that "there exists a n i m p l i e d agreement o f every m e m b e r o f society that his o w n i n d i v i d u a l welfare s h a l l , i n cases o f necessity, y i e l d to that o f the c o m m u n i t y , a n d that his property, life, a n d liberty s h a l l , under certain circumstances, be p l a c e d i n jeopardy o r even sacrificed for the p u b l i c g o o d " ( P o l i a k o f f 1 9 8 0 , p . 7 6 0 ) . H e n c e , even i n t r a d i t i o n a l c o m m u n i t i e s , i n d i v i d u a t i o n was frequently a source o f ten­ s i o n a n d strife. T h e P o l i s h villages described by T h o m a s a n d Z n a n i e c k i offer a r i c h c o m p e n d i u m o f examples. H i s t o r i c a l l y , these villages o w n e d pastures, forests, a n d water i n c o m m o n for centuries, w i t h i n d i v i d u a l l y o w n e d arable l a n d distributed a r o u n d a c o m m o n belt o f the village. B u t shared resources became v i o l e n t l y contested as i n d i v i d u a t i o n increased w i t h u r b a n - i n d u s t r i a l g r o w t h ( T h o m a s a n d Z n a n i e c k i 1 9 5 8 , p . 1397). T h e idea that one's personal fate is b o u n d u p w i t h that o f one's fellows w a s n o t at a l l self-evident to the residents o f T w i n R i v e r s . It h a d to be i m p l a n t e d i n the residents bit by bit t h r o u g h the give a n d take o f their j o i n t existence. Internal cleavages surfaced early a n d m a n y o f these persist i n t o the present. E v e n i n s m a l l , h o m o g e n e o u s settlements s o c i a l d i v i s i o n s r u n deep. In Selby, for e x a m p l e , c o n t e n t i o n between the w e a l t h i e r a n d the p o o r e r citizens w a s a persistent source o f strain, as the better-off h a d to p a y higher taxes to p r o v i d e the services, h o w e v e r m i n i m a l , for needier c i t i ­ zens ( M a n s b r i d g e 1 9 8 3 , p p . 8 9 - 1 6 1 ) . In T w i n R i v e r s , a n interesting tension developed between early a n d later a r r i v a l s . O l d - t i m e r s (sometimes w i t h o n l y one year's p r i o r resi­ dence) a n d n e w c o m e r s fought over taxes, z o n i n g , schools, a n d services. N e w c o m e r s tended to feel that they were m a r g i n a l , even e x c l u d e d . T h i s cleavage is h i s t o r i c a l l y f a m i l i a r as natives oppose i m m i g r a n t s , o r first families reject contacts w i t h families o f later vintage. Nonetheless, its tenacity i n T w i n R i v e r s was s u r p r i s i n g i n such a n e w settlement a n d under such fluid c o n d i t i o n s , especially w h e n a m p l i f i e d by the s o c i a l dis-

220

Chapter 13

tance between h o m e owners a n d renters. S u c h d i v i s i o n s w e a k e n e d the fragile u n i t y i n i t i a l l y forged a n d created l o n g - l a s t i n g patterns o f s o c i a l mistrust. In t i m e , o f course, the l o n g - t e r m residents o u t n u m b e r e d the n e w ­ comers a n d this d i m i n i s h e d the tension between t h e m . In the first five years o f T w i n R i v e r s ' life, however, the p r o p o r t i o n s o f early a n d later residents were r o u g h l y e q u a l a n d this accentuated the strength o f the division. W h y does this cleavage develop at all? P r o p r i e t a r y attitudes are part o f the story. T h e first residents have struggled together a n d share the u n i q u e experiences o f pioneers. L a t e r arrivals miss not o n l y these expe­ riences but c o m e i n t o a s i t u a t i o n i n w h i c h the g r o u n d rules a n d a l l the early decisions have created a special culture to w h i c h they must adapt. O f t e n this creates a permanent sense o f m a r g i n a l i t y . M a n s b r i d g e n o t e d that even i n very d e m o c r a t i c o r g a n i z a t i o n s the o l d - t i m e r s distanced themselves f r o m the n e w c o m e r s , m a k i n g t h e m feel like outsiders. O n e issue h a d to d o w i t h basic i n f o r m a t i o n a b o u t past decisions. T h e old-timers d i d n o t w a n t to rehash materials for the n e w ­ c o m e r s , a n d this left the n e w c o m e r s at a considerable disadvantage ( i b i d . , 1 9 8 0 , p . 181). Perhaps, for this reason, n e w c o m e r s are frequently re­ g a r d e d as less entitled to privilege o r as s o m e h o w " i n f e r i o r . " A n o t h e r often-noted d i v i s i o n is that between residents w h o o w n their d w e l l i n g s , u s u a l l y houses o r c o n d o m i n i u m s , a n d those w h o rent t h e m (usually apartments). O n e s t r i k i n g tendency i n T w i n R i v e r s , evi­ dent v i r t u a l l y f r o m year one, w a s that h o m e o w n e r s l o o k e d d o w n o n renters as less desirable neighbors a n d less responsible citizens w h o were less l i k e l y to c o n t r i b u t e to the u p k e e p o f the c o m m u n i t y . In t u r n , the renters resented such u n w a r r a n t e d aspersions o n their motives a n d char­ acter a n d felt isolated a n d e x c l u d e d f r o m the d e v e l o p i n g c o m m u n i t y . T h e t w o groups f o r m e d separate w o r l d s a n d stayed w e l l w i t h i n their respective borders. H o m e o w n e r s confined their range o f s o c i a b i l i t y to other h o m e o w n e r s , especially i n their o w n courts, a n d renters were rarely i n c l u d e d . O t h e r d i v i s i o n s t o o k o n the m o r e f a m i l i a r f o r m o f the generational d i v i d e between teens a n d parents, a n d the gender d i v i d e between m e n a n d w o m e n , to be e x a m i n e d .

Men and Women React to the New Community T h e m o v e to T w i n R i v e r s i n the 1970s w a s a m o v e for the family. H u s ­ bands a n d w i v e s were u n i t e d by their desire to m a k e a fresh start i n a n e w c o m m u n i t y a l o n g w i t h other s i m i l a r l y situated couples. W h e n they

Conflict and Consensus

221

e m b a r k e d o n this venture, they d i d so as m a r r i e d couples ( 9 3 % ) a n d as parents o f one (31%) o r t w o ( 4 0 % ) c h i l d r e n under five. T h e m a j o r i t y o f wives h a d h e l d jobs before the m o v e but o n l y onef o u r t h c o n t i n u e d to d o so thereafter. W h a t e v e r plans they h a d for future e m p l o y m e n t , they put these o n h o l d indefinitely. T h e m o v e accentuated the t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l y d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r by gender, m a k i n g the wives the p r i m a r y h o m e m a k e r s , a n d the husbands the p r i m a r y e c o n o m i c p r o v i d e r s . H u s b a n d s c o m m u t e d to jobs i n N e w Y o r k C i t y a n d P h i l a d e l p h i a , whereas w i v e s r e m a i n e d w i t h i n the b o u n d ­ aries o f the unfinished c o m m u n i t y d a y after day. T h i s t r a d i t i o n a l d i v i s i o n o f l a b o r seemed, i n i t i a l l y at least, agreeable to b o t h partners. T h e w o m e n chose to devote themselves to domestic priorities w i t h considerable enthusiasm, w h i l e their husbands b r a v e d the d a i l y c o m m u t e w i t h o u t c o m p l a i n t s . After a l l , b o t h h a d thought l o n g a n d h a r d a b o u t d i s l o d g i n g themselves f r o m their u r b a n nests to venture f o r t h i n t o s u b u r b i a . C o u p l e s t o l d o f the a g o n i z i n g process o f decision w h e n the houses were as yet little m o r e t h a n t i n y slots o n a d r a w i n g b o a r d o r m a p d i s p l a y e d i n the sales r o o m . M a n y described a process o f i n d e c i s i o n as they made a d o w n p a y m e n t , changed their m i n d s a n d w i t h d r e w it, made a second d o w n p a y m e n t , changed their m i n d s again, u n t i l a t h i r d time w h e n they finally m o v e d full speed ahead. G i v e n their l a c k o f experience w i t h h o m e o w n e r s h i p , few o f the residents k n e w w h a t to expect o r h o w to manage the s m a l l crises that c r o p p e d u p . U s e d to l a n d l o r d s to c o m p l a i n t o , they c a r r i e d habits forged as tenants f r o m city to suburb u n a w a r e that henceforth, n e w h o m e o w n e r s that they were, they were o n their o w n . Instead o f the l a n d l o r d , they t u r n e d to the sales office, the builder, the trust, a n d any a n d a l l w h o m i g h t serve as a s o u n d i n g b o a r d for their b e w i l d e r m e n t a n d frustrations as n e w suburbanites. In t u r n , their u n w i l l i n g l a n d l o r d substitutes t r i e d , often i n v a i n , to hide f r o m the w r a t h o f these often incensed, a l w a y s intense, plaintiffs, l e a v i n g c o m m u n i c a t i o n s i n a rather battered state. Initially, however, couples h e l d strongly together. T h e y fixed up the house, ferried the c h i l d r e n to s c h o o l , i n v i t e d the neighbors for coffee, a n d t h r e w themselves i n t o the hectic s o c i a l life o f n e w residents. G r a d u a l l y , however, w i t h i n the year, the paths o f husbands a n d wives began to diverge. T h e m e n rose early to c a t c h the c o m m u t e r bus to take t h e m to their jobs outside the c o m m u n i t y , a r r i v i n g back h o m e twelve h o u r s later w h e n the c h i l d r e n were asleep. B y contrast, the d a i l y routines o f their h o m e b o u n d wives focused o n c o o k i n g , c l e a n i n g , i r o n ­ i n g , a n d c h i l d care, often w i t h n o one to t a l k t o . O n l y 8% h a d p a i d h o u s e h o l d help a n d another 3 0 % c o u l d c o u n t o n s p o r a d i c help f r o m their husbands o n weekends.

222

Chapter 13

Table 13.1

Ranking Dimensions of the Female Role: 1970s* Ranked First in Importance (in percentages)

1970s, All Women

To be a good wife To be a good mother To be self-supporting To be a success N o t sure

44% 22% 19% 10% 5% 100% ( N = 195)

Women Under 29 Years Old with a College Degree 35% 22% 16% 24% 3% Ν = 54

*The question read: "One hears a lot about the changing role of women today. Please look at the list on this card and rank them in order of importance."

W h e n i n t e r v i e w e d i n the 1970s a n d 1980s, eight-tenths o f the 2 5 0 w o m e n i n t e r v i e w e d described themselves as pressured for time, frazzled, a n d stressed out o n a d a i l y basis. Some s i x t y w o m e n kept logs for a m o n t h o r m o r e o n the sources a n d frequencies o f stressful periods. T h e pattern that emerged s h o w e d mealtimes, b o t h breakfasts ( 3 6 % ) a n d sup­ per time ( 4 0 % ) as the " w o r s t " times o f day for the majority. It w a s then that their feelings o f being t r a p p e d i n g i l d e d cages w a s most p r o n o u n c e d . W e s h o u l d keep i n m i n d that the W o m e n ' s L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t w a s l a u n c h e d i n the 1970s a n d w h i l e m o s t o f the i n t e r v i e w e d were n o t strongly supportive o f the m o v e m e n t , a l l were aware o f it. A n d a g o o d m a n y experienced some tension between t r a d i t i o n a l feminine goals a n d the n e w o p p o r t u n i t i e s b e c k o n i n g to w o m e n . T h i s w a s especially the case for the y o u n g e r w o m e n (table 13.1). G i v e n the period's ferment a r o u n d gender, the p r o p o r t i o n o f w o m e n w h o s u p p o r t e d the W o m e n ' s L i b e r a t i o n M o v e m e n t d i d increase over time, f r o m two-fifths w h o de­ c l a r e d themselves supporters i n the 1970s to m o r e t h a n t w o - t h i r d s w h o d i d so a decade later. F a v o r a b l e appraisals rested i n the m a i n o n attain­ i n g equality i n the w o r k p l a c e . T h i s w a s also the basis for their s u p p o r t o f the E q u a l R i g h t s A m e n d m e n t , w h i c h eight-tenths endorsed. T h e c h a n g i n g c u l t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t o b v i o u s l y affected attitudes over time (table 13.2). A l t h o u g h differences were slight, w o m e n were also m o r e c r i t i c a l o f the house a n d m o r e detailed i n their c o m p l a i n t s t h a n m e n , w h i c h m a y reflect the different s y m b o l i c m e a n i n g o f the house for m e n a n d w o m e n . A s the stage managers o f the house, w o m e n are sensitive to i n t e r i o r l a y o u t , aesthetics, convenience, a n d c o m f o r t , whereas m e n , as the p r i ­ m a r y earners, are m o r e c o n c e r n e d w i t h maintenance a n d p o t e n t i a l re-

Conflict and Consensus

223

Table 13.2

Perceived Gender Similarity: 1970s and 1980s Twin Rivers Residents

1970s

1980s

M e n and Women are: Basically similar Basically different Can't generalize

23% 52% 23%

45% 18% 37%

Ν = 250

Ν = 71

sale value. B o t h l i k e d the house, however, t h o u g h the m e n s o m e w h a t m o r e ( 8 7 % vs. 7 5 % ) . In the years f o l l o w i n g the m o v e , moreover, it w a s the w o m e n w h o carried the b r u n t o f the t r a n s i t i o n . It w a s they w h o transformed the house i n t o a h o m e , a n d i n d i v i d u a l residents i n t o m o r e o f a cooperative aggregate. F r o m the start, husbands spent far less time i n the c o m m u n i t y dur­ i n g the week t h a n d i d their w i v e s . T h e i r exposure to it was confined largely to weekends w h e n they c o u l d take advantage o f the p o o l s , the tennis courts, a n d other sites for o u t d o o r activities. B y contrast, the w o m e n helped stitch together the collective fabric i n their husbands' absences day by day. T h e y s p u n the m y r i a d n e t w o r k s o f services a n d affection that create the invisible w e b o f c o m m u n i t y . G i v e n their greater exposure to the c o m m u n i t y , moreover, the w o m e n developed m o r e ex­ tensive social relationships a n d met n e w people i n m o r e diverse set­ t i n g s — o r g a n i z a t i o n s , schools, recreational areas, a n d private homes. H u s b a n d s forged c o n n e c t i o n p r i m a r i l y w i t h other c o m m u t e r s a n d users o f p a r k i n g lots a n d t r a n s p o r t a t i o n l o c i . O v e r a l l , i n the f o u n d i n g decades, w o m e n effectively sustained the c o m m u n i t y a n d w o r r i e d m o r e a b o u t its course o f development. A n d a l t h o u g h the d o c u m e n t e d differences i n men's a n d w o m e n ' s perspectives were n o t extensive, the strands o f distinctive experiences drove a wedge between couples that w o u l d leave its m a r k . E x c e p t for the longer c o m m u t e — w h i c h the m a j o r i t y o f m e n said they actually enjoyed — m e n d i d not, fundamentally, alter their d a i l y routines after the m o v e . T h e w o m e n by contrast c o n f r o n t e d major dis­ r u p t i o n s i n patterns o f w o r k a n d p r i o r i t i e s , w h i c h made for substantial readjustments i n their lives. T h i s made the m o v e a n d the settling-in p r o ­ cess a very different experience for each partner a n d increased m a r i t a l tensions a n d frictions for many. M o s t marriages s u r v i v e d intact but f r o m one-fifth to o n e - s i x t h d i d not. T h u s , d u r i n g the c o m m u n i t y ' s most formative p e r i o d , wives a n d

224

Chapter 13

husbands l i v e d i n quite different versions o f the same c o m m u n i t y . A n d w h i l e they literally l o o k e d out at the c o m m u n i t y t h r o u g h the same w i n ­ d o w s , they neither s a w the same scene n o r appraised it i n i d e n t i c a l w a y s . T h i s w e a k e n e d sense o f their shared experience t r o u b l e d the w o m e n . In their efforts to cope w i t h the p r o b l e m s o f a n unfinished c o m ­ m u n i t y a n d develop a viable pattern o f life, they m i g h t b l a m e their hus­ bands for n o n s u p p o r t o r g r o w restive a n d distressed, increasing domes­ tic tensions. M o s t couples m a n a g e d to weather these storms r e a s o n a b l y w e l l — i n t i m e m e n became m o r e s u p p o r t i v e i n the h o m e a n d w o m e n f o u n d w a y s to create m o r e balance i n their lives, w h i c h eased these strains. In t i m e , also, life t o o k o n m o r e predictable routines, c h i l d r e n m a d e friends, a n d w i v e s returned to part-time e m p l o y m e n t , so that the ten­ sions a n d frustrations o f the early years became but a d i m m e m o r y . B y the 1 9 9 0 s , gender differences were negligible a n d forgotten. T i m e , the great healer, h a d p r e v a i l e d .

From the Children's Room It has often been n o t e d that preteens a n d adolescents are a m o n g the m o r e d i s g r u n t l e d a n d least satisfied residents o f n e w c o m m u n i t i e s . T h i s is due n o t o n l y to the generally stressful nature o f this p a r t i c u l a r stage of life but also because n e w c o m m u n i t i e s tend to be o r i e n t e d p r i m a r i l y to y o u n g adults a n d very y o u n g c h i l d r e n , l e a v i n g the o l d e r c h i l d feeling neglected a n d d e p r i v e d . T h e reasons for this are as yet obscure but each study adds another piece to the p u z z l e . O f the m o r e t h a n three h u n d r e d lengthy interviews w i t h i n d i v i d u a l residents i n the 1970s a n d early 1980s, eighty i n v o l v e d c h i l d r e n w h o were i n t e r v i e w e d w i t h o u t a parent present. T h e y r a n g e d i n age f r o m 11 to 17 years but clustered i n the 1 3 - 1 4 year category (specifically, 1 9 % were 1 1 - 1 2 years o l d ; 4 1 % 1 3 - 1 4 years o l d ; 2 0 % 15 years o l d ; a n d 2 0 % 16 years a n d older). Starting w i t h the m o v e itself, adults other t h a n their o w n parents are n o t a l w a y s a w a r e o f h o w w r e n c h i n g it c a n be for a c h i l d o f eight o r ten to leave b e h i n d close friends a n d a f a m i l i a r e n v i r o n m e n t . B u t it clearly is. F o r these youngsters, for e x a m p l e , o n e - h a l f said that l e a v i n g friends b e h i n d w a s the hardest part o f the m o v e a n d another one-fifth m o u r n e d the loss o f a f a m i l i a r e n v i r o n m e n t . Despite this rupture, h o w ­ ever, the m o v e w a s seen as a positive experience for the large m a j o r i t y ( 8 5 % ) , w h o t h o u g h t that their lives h a d c h a n g e d for the better w i t h m o r e activities, n e w friends, a n d m o r e freedom a n d o p e n space. A n d since, at that age, m o s t r e a d i l y made n e w friends, they began to feel at h o m e

Conflict and Consensus

225

w i t h i n a fairly short time. In contrast to their parents, moreover, they t u r n e d out to be far less spaceocentric, the large m a j o r i t y (nine-tenths) d r a w i n g o n the entire c o m m u n i t y for their social contacts. T h e i r parents, o n the other h a n d , confined their friendships to fairly close to h o m e , onehalf to the street a n d o n e - t h i r d to the q u a d i n w h i c h they l i v e d . B u t w h i l e the youngsters appreciated the n e w setting for its open­ ness a n d safety, they v o i c e d strong c o m p l a i n t s o n other g r o u n d s . T h e lack o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n facilities, n o t e n o u g h recreation, a n d inadequate s h o p p i n g a l l l o o m e d large i n their m i n d s , w i t h the girls m o r e dissatisfied w i t h s h o p p i n g a n d recreation, the boys stressed out a b o u t the absence of adequate space for sports a n d o u t d o o r activities. B o t h boys a n d girls c o m p l a i n e d about the absence o f p u b l i c trans­ p o r t a t i o n to get t h e m to desired athletic, c u l t u r a l , a n d social events out­ side the c o m m u n i t y . M a n y h a d c o m e f r o m u r b a n settings w i t h p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n a n d activities w i t h i n easy reach, a n d to w h i c h they c o u l d get o n their o w n steam. In the present c o m m u n i t y they c o u l d w a l k a n d bicycle to v a r i o u s sites, w h i c h they d i d to some degree, but this p r o v e d inadequate for greater distances o r i f they h a d to c a r r y c u m b e r s o m e e q u i p m e n t o r i f the weather w a s inclement. O n a l l such occasions, ei­ ther m o t h e r (the chauffeur) w a s called u p o n , n o t w i t h o u t some resent­ ment, o r they s i m p l y d i d w i t h o u t , a g a i n , not w i t h o u t some resentment. O n e facility that w a s keenly missed w a s a teen center o f their o w n at w h i c h they w o u l d have been able to gather a w a y f r o m the w a t c h f u l eyes o f the adults. G i v e n the s k e w e d age d i s t r i b u t i o n o f the n e w c o m ­ m u n i t y p o p u l a t i o n , h e a v i l y w e i g h t e d w i t h y o u n g couples a n d toddlers, adolescents c o u l d n o t c o u n t o n the c r i t i c a l mass necessary for their so­ c i a l life w h i c h seems to require b o t h a n o n y m i t y a n d v i s i b i l i t y for m a x i ­ m u m success. A l l i n a l l then, n o t being very n u m e r o u s i n the first gener­ a t i o n , older c h i l d r e n a n d adolescents tended to feel shortchanged i n a n u m b e r o f respects i m p o r t a n t to t h e m . In a p p r a i s i n g this unfinished c o m m u n i t y basically designed for other age g r o u p s , they stressed feelings o f relative d e p r i v a t i o n not o n l y i n regard to the l a c k o f special facilities but also i n regard to c o m m u n i t y support. O n e revealing question asked the youngsters to r a n k the groups listed i n table 13.3 by h o w they felt t o w a r d teenagers. T h e o n l y g r o u p that the teenagers perceived as being very f a v o r a b l y disposed t o w a r d t h e m were their o w n parents. A n d even there w e see a sharp d r o p i n their p e r c e p t i o n o f h o w their parents responded to other teens. A d u l t s i n general were seen as less positive still. A n d p o l i c e a n d shopkeepers were perceived as actively hostile. A p a r a l l e l q u e s t i o n (table 13.4) asked the youngsters to state their feelings t o w a r d each o f the same groups.

Chapter 13

226

Table 13.3

Teenagers' Perceptions of How Others Feel about Them: 1970s and 1980s Feelings of:

Strongly Positive

Anti-teen*

Your own parents about you Your own parents about other teens Other parents about teens Adults in general about teens

79% 42% 19% 10%

2% 9% 13% 23%

Other teens about you Children about teens

31% 36%

3% 7%

Teachers about teens Police about teens Store owners about teens

33% 11% 5%

10% 30% 55%

Ν = 80 * Anti-teen includes strong and average dislike.

A s w a s true for teenagers' perceptions o f h o w others v i e w e d t h e m , they r e s p o n d e d i n k i n d . T h e y were h i g h l y positive a b o u t their o w n par­ ents but far less a p p r o v i n g o f other adults, the shopkeepers, a n d the p o l i c e . A sex difference m a y be n o t e d here, w i t h the girls h a v i n g per­ ceived the shopkeepers as m o s t hostile, a n d the boys perceiving the p o ­ lice, as such. A l s o o f interest w a s the focus o f m o s t y o u t h f u l c o m p l a i n t s o n de­ sign aspects o f the c o m m u n i t y , i n c l u d i n g its i m p a c t o n their social a n d

Table 13.4

How Teenagers Feel about Others: 1970s and 1980s Strongly Pro

Dislike*

Your own parents Other parents Adults in general

85% 27% 16%

1% 8% 11%

Other teens Children in general

35% 30%

6% 9%

Teachers Police Store owners

35% 19% 5%

7% 16% 20%

How you Feel about:

Ν = 80 * Dislike includes strong and average dislike.

Conflict and Consensus

227

recreational life. T h e adults were seen as reluctant a n d often hostile c o m p a t r i o t s w h o tended to m o n o p o l i z e the desirable spaces for their o w n benefits. H e n c e the persistent refrain o f the y o u n g that there w a s n o t h i n g to d o a n d n o place to go a n d n o one w h o cared a b o u t t h e m . T h e i r c o m p l a i n t s were exacerbated by b a d weather a n d i n the evening hours since the c o m m u n i t y w a s seen as basically designed for daytime a n d g o o d weather. Ironically, a l l that o p e n space for w h i c h the parents left the c r o w d e d city w a s experienced, by their c h i l d r e n , as t o o c o n f i n i n g by its l a c k o f activities, variety, a n d excitement. B y contrast a n d i n retrospect, the cities left b e h i n d m a y have seemed havens o f freedom a n d m o b i l i t y . These findings are n o t confined to this one c o m m u n i t y . T h e y are c o r r o b o r a t e d by a n u m b e r o f other studies b o t h w i t h i n a n d outside the A m e r i c a n setting. B u r b y et a l . (1976), for e x a m p l e , i n their c o m p a r i s o n o f t h i r t y - s i x c o m m u n i t i e s , o f w h i c h seventeen were n e w c o m m u n i t i e s , f o u n d that c h i l d - p l a y areas were the most u b i q u i t o u s feature o f n e w c o m m u n i t i e s but that m o s t c h i l d r e n d i d n o t use t h e m . A s w a s true i n T w i n R i v e r s also, they preferred to p l a y i n their o w n o r a neighbor's b a c k y a r d o r i n the streets a n d p a r k i n g areas. A c o m p a r a t i v e study o f a S w e d i s h a n d a n A m e r i c a n s u b u r b (Popenoe 1977) f o u n d c o m p l a i n t s s i m i l a r to those w e have reported. S w e d i s h y o u t h c o m p l a i n e d that activities were t o o supervised, t o o h a r d to get to i n the evenings, a n d the e n v i r o n m e n t t o o u n s t i m u l a t i n g . L a c k o f trans­ p o r t a t i o n w a s also m e n t i o n e d , as w a s m o n o t o n y a n d b o r e d o m . I agree w i t h Dattner's o b s e r v a t i o n that every e n v i r o n m e n t is a learn­ i n g experience, even a p o o r l y designed one, t h o u g h the lessons learned by the y o u n g are often negative ones. H e mentions a m o n g the specific lessons the idea that the y o u n g d o n o t matter as i n d i v i d u a l s but o n l y as a category being forced to y i e l d their i n d i v i d u a l i t y to u n i f o r m i t y a n d standardiza­ t i o n . In a d d i t i o n , the y o u n g l e a r n that they c a n have n o constructive effect o n the fixed a n d i m m o b i l e e n v i r o n m e n t because they seem to be able to change it " o n l y i n a destructive w a y " (Dattner 1 9 6 9 , p . 4). H e n c e a w i s h list for the c h i l d r e n i n the i n i t i a l decade w o u l d i n c l u d e the f o l l o w i n g : 1. T o have a place o f their o w n — a w a y f r o m adult s u p e r v i s i o n a n d interference where they c o u l d meet a n d be together 2 . T o have ready access to desired facilities a n d services, i n ­ c l u d i n g p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n so that they c o u l d get a r o u n d o n their o w n steam 3. T o have facilities a n d services specifically geared to t h e m that d o n o t have to be shared w i t h y o u n g e r c h i l d r e n

228

Chapter Ί 3 4. T o have access to s h o p p i n g , m o v i e s , a n d other diversions geared to their p o c k e t b o o k s 5. T o have m o r e i n d i v i d u a l attention so as n o t to be r e d u c e d to a single u n i f o r m category c a l l e d ten-year-olds o r teenagers 6. T o get respect f r o m adults, a feeling o f being w a n t e d , a n d a positive attitude t o w a r d t h e m i n the c o m m u n i t y generally 7. T o participate i n design decisions affecting t h e m

N o n e o f these are b e y o n d reach, t h o u g h some m a y i n v o l v e a d d i t i o n a l costs but so does the abuse o r neglect o f facilities. T h e p o t e n t i a l r e w a r d s are considerable t o o — i m p r o v e d m o r a l e , creativity, a n d a v i t a l connect­ edness o f c h i l d r e n to the w o r l d they live i n . T i m e , w h i c h p l a y e d a significant role i n defusing tensions between husbands a n d w i v e s , also helped c h i l d r e n to settle i n a n d settle d o w n . S t i l l , p r o b l e m s r e m a i n i n the v i e w s o f the adults. A q u e s t i o n that a d ­ dressed the p r o b l e m s o f teenagers i n the final survey i n the late 1990s read as f o l l o w s : In the first decade, T w i n R i v e r s h a d a p r o b l e m w i t h teenagers c o m p l a i n i n g o f " b o r e d o m " a n d " n o t h i n g m u c h to d o . " Some residents feel that this p r o b l e m has n o w been resolved a n d that teenagers are d o i n g just fine. O t h e r residents disagree. T h e y be­ lieve that the teenager p r o b l e m persists. W h i c h best represents y o u r o w n view? In this survey, t w o - t h i r d s o f the i n t e r v i e w e d t h o u g h t that n o t m u c h h a d c h a n g e d for the y o u n g a n d that the p r o b l e m h a d n o t been s o l v e d . O n l y one-fifth s a w a definite change for the better. S t i l l , as one w h o c a n assess b o t h time periods, the e n v i r o n m e n t for c h i l d r e n a n d teens has been greatly t r a n s f o r m e d f r o m the bleak unfinished site o f the earliest years to w h a t is n o w a t h r i v i n g c o m m u n i t y . T h e r e are m a n y p r o g r a m s a n d contests e x p l i c i t l y geared to teenagers a n d a c r i t i c a l mass o f peers to be w i t h . A l l this is d r a m a t i c a l l y different f r o m the earliest years. W h a t has evidently n o t c h a n g e d are the strains o f adolescence, w h i c h m a y w e l l be a constant o f m o d e r n life.

Sources of Cohesion and Unity In historic c o m m u n i t i e s o f relatively l o n g d u r a t i o n , c o h e s i o n is t a k e n for granted a n d n o t r e m a r k e d u p o n unless threatened by i n t e r n a l o r external danger. In " n e w " c o m m u n i t i e s , c o h e s i o n is p r o b l e m a t i c a n d its genesis not assured because the consensus o n values a n d c o n d u c t re­ m a i n s to be developed. C o n s e n s u s , c o h e s i o n , unity, s h a r i n g — each is a bit different f r o m the others but together they p o i n t i n the same d i r e c t i o n .

Conflict and Consensus

229

H i s t o r i c a l l y , c o e r c i v e r u l e , t h o u g h never u n p r o b l e m a t i c , m i g h t en­ sure s u r v i v a l , w i t h the r u l i n g g r o u p m a k i n g k e y decisions for the ag­ gregate w h o w o u l d go a l o n g for w a n t o f a n alternative. Resistance c o u l d b r i n g o s t r a c i s m o r w o r s e . E q u a l l y p o w e r f u l is r e l i g i o n a n d a d ­ herence to a c o m m o n f a i t h , used as a means to i n d u c e obedience, c o m ­ m i t m e n t , a n d g u i l t to keep the flock together. N o t to be i g n o r e d is the fact that h i s t o r i c a l l y , the average c i t i z e n w a s b o u n d to f a m i l y a n d c o m m u n i t y by b i r t h a n d thus l a c k e d o p p o r t u n i t y to escape. So place became destiny. B u t the m o d e r n era w r o u g h t fundamental changes i n this regard, b o t h i n social c o n d i t i o n s a n d i n d i v i d u a l consciousness. M o b i l i t y became increasingly possible — even r e w a r d e d — a n d d e m o c r a c y altered p o w e r structures a n d p o w e r relations to reduce despotism a n d lock-step c o n ­ formity. I n d i v i d u a l s , increasingly expected to be i n charge o f their o w n successes a n d achievements, h a d to t h i n k for themselves a n d devise per­ s o n a l strategies to survive. H e n c e a d i v i s i o n between private a n d p u b l i c became ever m o r e salient. C i t i z e n s h i p became not merely acquiescent but participatory. A s consensus became m o r e elusive a n d p r o b l e m a t i c , e x p l i c i t societal mechanisms were needed to create a n d sustain it. P l a t o envisaged an i d e a l , small-scale p o l i s w h o s e u n i t y came f r o m v i r t u o u s a n d selfless guardians devoted to the p u b l i c g o o d a n d sustained by the citizens sharing a c o m m o n mindset a n d o u t l o o k . R o u s s e a u c o u l d n o longer d o so w h e n he observed i n The Social Contract: "It w o u l d be better before e x a m i n i n g the act by w h i c h a people choose a K i n g , to e x a m i n e that by w h i c h it has a people; for this act, being necessarily p r i o r to the other, is the true f o u n d a t i o n o f society" (Rousseau 1 9 8 3 , p . 45). T h i s is certainly the case for c o m m u n i t y . T h e s t r i v i n g for u n i t y is universal but rests o n a different f o u n d a ­ t i o n i n aristocratic a n d d e m o c r a t i c societies. In aristocratic regimes, where o n l y a few r u n things, the people d o n o t need to f o r m alliances i n order to act jointly, because "they are strongly h e l d together" by other means. In democracies, by contrast, i n d i v i d u a l citizens are independent but "feeble" a n d so become powerless " i f they d o not learn v o l u n t a r i l y to help one a n o t h e r " (de T o c q u e v i l l e 1 9 9 0 , ed., v o l . 2 , p . 107). A n d w h e n one endeavors to create c o m m u n i t y , instead o f i n h e r i t i n g it, the clash o f c o m p e t i n g interests a n d interpretations is u n a v o i d a b l e . It involves a c o n t i n u o u s sorting a n d weeding-out process between leavers a n d stayers. It involves deliberations as to w h i c h interests a n d goals are w i d e l y shared, w h o c a n be trusted, w h o m one c a n w o r k w i t h , t a l k w i t h , p l a n w i t h , a n d w h a t are permissible — a n d t a b o o — topics for discussion. T h e search for consensus is "the p r i m a r y a i m " even i n very s m a l l , c o m ­ m u n a l groups a n d it is very h a r d to achieve ( Z a b l o c k i 1 9 8 0 , p . 2 5 0 ) . Z a b l o c k i proposes five distinct dimensions o f consensus: the creation o f

230

Chapter 13

c o m m o n meanings, c o m m o n goals, c o m m o n strategies, c o m m o n n o r m s , a n d a sense o f relative s u p e r i o r i t y to other w a y s o f life. Perhaps it s h o u l d be u n d e r s c o r e d that neither consensus n o r cooper­ ative a c t i v i t y requires p e r s o n a l l i k i n g for those w i t h w h o m one is j o i n e d i n c o m m o n enterprise. O n e c a n be greatly devoted to others w i t h o u t " r e a l s y m p a t h i e s . " N o b l e a n d serf h a d n o " n a t u r a l interest i n each other's fate," yet "each h a d a sense o f d u t y t o w a r d the o t h e r " (de T o c q u e v i l l e 1 9 9 0 , v o l . 2 , p . 163). M a n s b r i d g e posits a c o n n e c t i o n between the size o f a c o m m u n i t y a n d the p o s s i b i l i t y for a c h i e v i n g consensus. " S m a l l size p r o m o t e s c o n ­ f o r m i t y , " t h o u g h w e are not t o l d h o w s m a l l is s m a l l ( M a n s b r i d g e 1 9 8 3 , p . 2 8 3 ) . T w i n R i v e r s is s m a l l i n c o m p a r i s o n to a m e t r o p o l i s , but large i n c o m p a r i s o n to Plato's i d e a l p o l i s . T h e advantages attributed to s m a l l c o m m u n i t i e s ( M a n s b r i d g e 1983) are: • • • • •

A genuine c o m m o n interest is easier to achieve. O p p o r t u n i t i e s for p o w e r a n d leadership are m o r e w i d e l y a n d more equally distributed. Self-selection, hence s o c i a l homogeneity, tends to be greater at smaller scales. N a t u r a l limits o n the span o f c o n t r o l keep things m o r e cohesive M o r e i n f o r m a t i o n is a v a i l a b l e to the members a b o u t each other, w h i c h m a y adversely affect p r i v a c y a n d a n o n y m i t y but p r o m o t e a sense o f the w h o l e .

Size alone is n o t sufficient, however. It must be supplemented by i d e o l o g y a n d c u l t u r a l affinities for the cooperative i m p u l s e to flower. D e T o c q u e v i l l e , w h o s a w A m e r i c a n s as cooperative a n d generous i n the early nineteenth century, despite the intense emphasis o n i n d i v i d u a l ­ i s m , a t t r i b u t e d this to the belief i n e q u a l i t y w h i c h encourages a " r e c i p ­ r o c a l d i s p o s i t i o n " a m o n g i n d i v i d u a l s " t o oblige each other." T h i s o b l i ­ g a t i o n a l l o w s "the cooperative seed," triggered b y m u t u a l need, to become h a b i t u a l . " W h a t w a s i n t e n t i o n a l becomes instinct, a n d by d i n t o f w o r k i n g for the g o o d o f one's f e l l o w citizens, the h a b i t a n d taste for serving t h e m are at length a c q u i r e d . " C r u c i a l here is that i n d i v i d u a l s t h i n k that it is to their interest to l i n k themselves to others. B u t h o w to p l a n t the same t h o u g h t i n t o a t h o u s a n d m i n d s at the same m o m e n t ? D e Tocqueville's answer points to the l o c a l press, w i t h o u t w h i c h there " w o u l d be n o c o m m o n a c t i v i t y " i n d e m o c r a t i c societies (de T o c q u e v i l l e 1 9 9 0 , v o l . 2 , p p . 1 7 6 , 1 0 5 , 111). In a d d i t i o n , there is p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n l o c a l affairs. T h i s creates those steady ties o f c o m m o n purpose that b r i n g people together i n "spite o f the propensities that sever t h e m . " It is attention to s m a l l affairs that

Conflict and Consensus

231

helps people pursue "great undertakings i n c o m m o n . " E q u a l i t y helps develop the m u t u a l i t y a n d r e c i p r o c i t y necessary for c o o p e r a t i o n , a n d a c o m m o n m e d i u m o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n helps to advance unity. In d e m o c ­ racies, especially where people are scattered a n d separated f r o m each other, means must be f o u n d " t o converse every d a y w i t h o u t seeing one another, a n d to take steps i n c o m m o n w i t h o u t h a v i n g m e t " (ibid., p p . 1 1 5 , 112). T h e m e d i a — w h i c h i n de Tocqueville's d a y meant the press — fulfill these a i m s . W h a t e v e r c o m m u n i t y is l a u n c h e d must be thought o f n o t as a fixed entity but as " a f l o w o f processes i n v o l v i n g i n t e r a c t i o n , reciprocities, a s s o c i a t i o n , a n d interrelatedness." C o m m u n i t y ranges f r o m the m o s t " f l u i d , fragmentary, a n d fortuitous to the most c o m p l e x a n d stable" (Simmel 1 9 7 1 , p . 60). It is a process ever i n process o f becoming. H a s T w i n R i v e r s achieved a balance between i n d i v i d u a l a n d collec­ tive priorities? H a s it made r o o m for the legitimate expression o f c o n ­ flict? D o positive feelings o f care, s u p p o r t , a n d trust o u t w e i g h the nega­ tives? O n balance, t h o u g h still a precarious one, I believe the answer is yes. T h e residents' reported feelings a b o u t T w i n R i v e r s are, i n the m a ­ jority, very positive. T o be sure, their c r i t i c a l faculties are actively en­ gaged t h r o u g h o u t , t h o u g h the specific targets vary, but these d o not, apparently, erode the general a p p r e c i a t i o n o f a n d c o m m i t m e n t to the c o m m u n i t y as a w h o l e . A s for c o p i n g w i t h conflict a n d dissent, here t o o T w i n R i v e r s has f o u n d w a y s to d o so. O n e major means is its v e r s i o n o f the h i s t o r i c t o w n meeting, the o p e n meetings o f the b o a r d o f the T w i n R i v e r s H o m e o w n e r s A s s o c i a t i o n , where the residents, often v i v i d l y , present their v i e w s . B u t this w a s a relatively late development. In the first seven years, there w a s insufficient o p p o r t u n i t y to air grievances legitimately, w h i c h led to tense, often hostile relations between h o m e o w n e r s a n d the b a n k trustee. After h o m e rule w a s established, there still were years o f floundering a n d attempts to h o l d conflict a n d disagreements at bay. A f ­ ter a decade, the current system e v o l v e d , i n order to integrate the p a r t i c ­ ipatory, consensual propensities w i t h the a d v e r s a r i a l ones. T h e r e c o n c i l i a t i o n o f major conflicts — over s c h o o l budgets, m o n t h l y fee payments, a teen center, v a n d a l i s m , a n d so o n , a n d revealed i n the clash o f antagonistic v i e w s a n d values — d i d m u c h to solidify the p o p u ­ l a t i o n as it sought solutions to c o m m o n p r o b l e m s . In t u r n , this helped boost m o r a l e a n d confidence i n the p o s s i b i l i t y o f creating c o m m u n i t y . Internal tensions existed f r o m the start, p i t t i n g early arrivals against later ones, a n d h o m e o w n e r s against renters. F r o m the perspective o f the c o m m u n i t y as a w h o l e , these g r o u p d i v i s i o n s were reflected i n differing degrees o f c o m m i t m e n t a n d i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h T w i n R i v e r s . H o m e -

232

Chapter 13

owners a n d l o n g - t e r m residents were generally m o r e supportive o f the c o m m u n i t y t h a n their counterparts a n d were unified by their social dis­ tance f r o m renters a n d m o r e recent a r r i v a l s . T h i s sense o f u n i t y spilled over i n t o other aspects o f life i n T w i n R i v e r s . A n o t h e r p o t e n t i a l for u n i t y i n T w i n R i v e r s w a s its s m a l l scale, spa­ t i a l l y a n d d e m o g r a p h i c a l l y . It w a s easy to become f a m i l i a r w i t h every n o o k a n d c r a n n y o f T w i n R i v e r s a n d to recognize hundreds o f residents q u i c k l y . Social relations were a c c o r d i n g l y direct a n d concrete, m a r k e d by a m u t u a l i t y , empathy, a n d interconnectedness greater t h a n that i n u r b a n a n d s u b u r b a n settings. N o t to be i g n o r e d are the m a n y occasions for shared e m o t i o n s o f joy o r grief that foster a sense o f being u n i t e d w i t h one's f e l l o w residents. In a d d i t i o n , there were n u m e r o u s o p p o r t u n i t i e s to f o r m o r j o i n m a n y k i n d s o f o r g a n i z a t i o n s . T w i n R i v e r s h a d its o w n m e d i u m o f c o m ­ m u n i c a t i o n , m o s t recently Twin Rivers Today, w h i c h focused o n events a n d p r o v i d e d i n f o r m a t i o n a n d advice to its readers. F i n a l l y , there w a s the relative equality o f c o n d i t i o n s , stressed by de T o c q u e v i l l e , w h i c h reinforced awareness o f interdependence a n d the desirability o f cooper­ ation. H e n c e , i n the latest survey, w e n o t e d the greatest s u p p o r t for t o w n house c o m m u n i t i e s i n general a n d m o r e residents feeling that T w i n R i v e r s is p r o v i d i n g roots for t h e m . T h e basic parameters o f c o m m u n i t y are thus i n place. H o w e v e r , i n 1 9 9 5 , after m o r e t h a n a decade o f rela­ tive c a l m , a " s m a l l g r o u p o f activists" began a w r i t e - i n c a m p a i g n c h a l ­ lenging a " s p e c i a l assessment levied to cover a d d i t i o n a l costs," w h i c h "generated a bitter battle between t w o groups o f residents: those o n the h o m e o w n e r b o a r d a n d the challengers." In 1 9 9 5 the election s u p p o r t e d the three i n c u m b e n t candidates. B y 1 9 9 9 another c r u c i a l election l o o m e d . In the m e a n t i m e , the challengers h a d intensified their efforts to get i n t o power, w i t h house-to-house c a m p a i g n s a n d strategies that m a n y resi­ dents f o u n d objectionable. Voices g r e w l o u d e r a n d shriller, a n d the frag­ ile c o m m u n i t y t r e m b l e d , its precarious u n i t y u n d e r m i n e d , its g o o d w i l l strained.

S U M M A R Y O F KEY F I N D I N G S

Part I: Community as Image and Ideal Chapter

1: Community:

The Passionate

Quest

T h i s chapter reviews k e y concepts a n d theories o f c o m m u n i t y a n d traces t h e m t h r o u g h selected historic a n d s o c i o l o g i c a l w r i t i n g s . T h e r e are t w o major points m a d e repeatedly b y thinkers far apart i n time a n d space. T h e first is that c o m m u n i t y , like p o l i t i c s , is a l w a y s l o c a l , v a r y i n g b y the nature o f its linkage t o the w i d e r society a n d the degree o f its self-sufficiency. T h e second is that a n o n g o i n g debate pits formalists, those w h o define c o m m u n i t y b y i n s t i t u t i o n a l criteria such as governance a n d law, against humanists, w h o stress the e m o t i o n a l a n d s p i r i t u a l aspects o f c o m m u n i t y , i n c l u d i n g agapic attachment, sense o f b e l o n g i n g , a n d empa­ thie relatedness t o others. P l a t o a n d A r i s t o t l e are o n the f o r m a l , i n s t i t u t i o n a l side, as are C i c ­ ero, H o b b e s , a n d , i n part, R o u s s e a u . St. A u g u s t i n e a n d A l t h u s i u s be­ l o n g t o the e m o t i o n a l - s p i r i t u a l c a m p . C l e a r l y it is a matter o f emphasis, since b o t h are necessary, a n d different phases stress different priorities. W i t h the e x p a n s i o n o f the scale o f i n d u s t r i a l society, the g r o w t h o f a m a r k e t economy, a n d the rise o f the centralized nation-state, a farflung society seemed t o preempt the significance o f l o c a l c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l nexus o f w o r k , family, e d u c a t i o n , a n d p o l i t i c s s p l i n ­ ters. W h a t the nineteenth century began, the twentieth century acceler­ ated. F o r a time it seemed that the engines o f progress were unstoppable a n d w o u l d devastate l o c a l c o m m u n i t i e s . B u t time w o u l d s h o w otherwise. In T w i n R i v e r s these processes were p l a i n l y i n evidence as residents c o m m u t e d t o w o r k o r college, v o t e d i n n a t i o n a l elections, a n d w e n t outside the c o m m u n i t y for c u l t u r a l activities. Y e t e q u a l l y clearly, the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y d o m i n a t e d their day-to-day lives a n d their h o r i z o n s .

Chapter 2: Historic Models of Community T h i s chapter considers five historic types o f c o m m u n i t i e s t o help d e l i n ­ eate forces that b u i l d a n d forces that erode c o m m u n i t i e s . T h e ancient G r e e k p o l i s p r o v i d e d a m o d e l o f a civic c o m m u n i t y that tied a l l citizens (a h i g h l y select group) t o c o m m o n objectives. It pioneered a class-based f o r m o f d e m o c r a c y that appealed t o t h o u g h t f u l , concerned i n d i v i d u a l s t o d o their p a r t for the c o m m o n g o o d . T h e s m a l l size a n d scale o f the p o l i s permitted citizens t o experience the i n t e r c o n nectedness o f their w o r l d directly a n d so nurture the spirit o f c o m m u 235

236

Summary of Key Findings

nity. A s w o u l d h a p p e n t w o t h o u s a n d years later, the p o l i s s u c c u m b e d to ailments f a m i l i a r i n m o d e r n times: the p u r s u i t o f i n d i v i d u a l glory, inter­ n a l strife, a n d p u b l i c indifference to collective o b l i g a t i o n s . T h e m o n a s t i c c o m m u n i t y is u n i q u e i n the centrality o f t w o i m p o r ­ tant values: agapic love a n d d i s c i p l i n e d freedom, a l t h o u g h it e x p e r i ­ enced a perpetual struggle to attain these, tame e g o i s m o n behalf o f the c o m m o n g o o d , a n d keep i n t r u s i o n f r o m the w o r l d outside w i t h i n bounds. T h e P u r i t a n c o m m o n w e a l t h p i o n e e r e d the c o v e n a n t e d c o m m u n i t y o n A m e r i c a n s o i l . Its success i n s p i r e d generations o f f o l l o w e r s , but i n t i m e , g r o w t h , i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n , a n d c l a s h i n g perspectives u n d e r m i n e d these c o m m u n i t i e s , w e a k e n e d their h a r d - w o n unity, a n d made e c o n o m i c i n d i v i d u a l i s m a supreme value. U t o p i a n c o m m u n i t i e s i n the nineteenth century a n d u r b a n c o m m u n e s i n the t w e n t i e t h underscore the need for i n s t i t u t i o n a l u n d e r p i n n i n g s a n d leadership structures a l o n g w i t h i d e a l ­ i s m for s u r v i v a l .

Chapter 3: Key Theories and Concepts T h i s chapter reviews the w r i t i n g s o f theorists f r o m P l a t o a n d A r i s t o t l e t h r o u g h A l t h u s i u s , H o b b e s , a n d R o u s s e a u to Tônnies a n d several c o n ­ t e m p o r a r y t h i n k e r s . T h e lessons c o n v e y e d by t h e m suggest that despite their v a r i e d social a n d h i s t o r i c circumstances, the struggle to achieve c o m m u n i t y seems to be constant.

Part II: A Community Is Launched In Part II, selected themes are m o n i t o r e d for a single c o m m u n i t y f o l ­ l o w e d f r o m i n c e p t i o n to maturity. R a n d o m sample surveys, interviews w i t h residents a n d leaders, analysis o f p u b l i c records, p h o t o g r a p h i c analysis, a n d p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n were the techniques used to gather the desired i n f o r m a t i o n .

Chapter 4: Twin Rivers: The First Planned Unit in New Jersey

Development

T w i n R i v e r s is part o f a t r a d i t i o n o f a c e n t u r y - o l d process o f b u i l d i n g c o m m u n i t i e s f r o m blueprints. It also possessed w h a t i n the 1970s were u n i q u e features. It w a s n o t designed to be a c o n v e n t i o n a l s u b u r b w i t h the p r o v e r b i a l p i c k e t fences setting apart single-family houses. T o w n houses w o u l d l i n k residents physically, visually, a n d a u r a l l y a n d m a k e

Summary of Key Findings

237

every h o m e o w n e r a u t o m a t i c a l l y a l a n d sharer. G i v e n this departure f r o m the t r a d i t i o n a l s u b u r b a n i d e a l , the b i g question f r o m its i n c e p t i o n w a s w o u l d it w o r k ? W o u l d people purchase t o w n h o u s e s under c o n d i ­ tions that l i m i t e d their independence a n d c o n t r o l ? W o u l d they d o so i n sufficient n u m b e r s to m a k e the effort viable? A n d , h a v i n g bought i n t o the arrangement, w o u l d they d o their share i n creating a satisfactory w a y o f life? T h e answers to a l l four questions is yes, t h o u g h not w i t h o u t m a n y pitfalls a l o n g the w a y . T h e residents, largely f r o m modest middle-class b a c k g r o u n d s h e l d h i g h aspirations for themselves a n d the c h i l d r e n they p l a n n e d to raise there. M o s t couples p u r c h a s e d their first house i n T w i n R i v e r s . T h e y h a d left u r b a n apartments i n L o n g Island a n d N e w Y o r k for this special s u b u r b a n adventure. A s the first p l a n n e d u n i t development i n the state of N e w Jersey, T w i n R i v e r s w a s s o m e t h i n g o f a social experiment. F u r ­ ther, it w a s unfinished w h e n the first residents m o v e d i n , exacerbating the already difficult stresses a n d strains o f m o v i n g . A l t h o u g h the n e w h o m e o w n e r s were resilient a n d filled w i t h the spirit o f enterprise, they were s t r i k i n g l y u n p r e p a r e d for the challenges that a w a i t e d t h e m . T h e y seemed to believe that the purchase o f the t o w n h o u s e w a s a n a u t o m a t i c ticket to c o m m u n i t y . T h a t this expecta­ t i o n w a s naive a n d d o o m e d to failure w o u l d become p a i n f u l l y evident i n time.

Chapter 5: The Residents Appraise Their Environs H o w p e o p l e feel a b o u t their houses a n d the c o m m u n i t y i n w h i c h they live is decisive for the a m b i e n c e they generate. G i v e n their great expec­ t a t i o n s , d i s a p p o i n t m e n t a b o u t the i m p e r f e c t i o n s o f the u n f i n i s h e d site w e r e i n e v i t a b l e . M o s t o f the residents w e r e u n f a z e d , however, a n d w o r k e d h a r d to get their houses i n t o shape a n d settle i n t o life a m o n g strangers. Despite the g r o w i n g pains i n the early m o n t h s , there w a s m u c h to appreciate. T h e m a j o r i t y o f residents l i k e d their houses, the recreational facilities, the safety for themselves a n d their c h i l d r e n , their n e w friends, a n d the feeling o f adventure. T h e fact that there w a s some " c o m m u n i t y c a p i t a l " to d r a w u p o n reflected the residents' w i l l i n g n e s s to give the n e w c o m m u n i t y a try. F u l l y 6 0 percent said they came for the c o m m u n i t y as c o m p a r e d to the 4 0 percent w h o came for the houses a n d cost advantages. Stresses a n d strains a b o u n d e d but the g o o d w i l l present at the start helped residents cope a n d eventually t r i u m p h . O n a scale f r o m 0 to 1 0 0 , positive appraisals o f life i n the c o m m u n i t y a l w a y s stayed above the 5 0 percent m a r k .

238

Summary of Key Findings

Chapter 6: Securing the Vox Populi: The Struggle for Self-Government T h e first five years o f T w i n R i v e r s were characterized by a n intricate m i n u e t between the bank-trustee, the developer, a n d the T r u s t A d v i s o r y B o a r d o n the one h a n d , a n d a p o p u l a c e increasingly d i s g r u n t l e d a b o u t p r o b l e m s n o t attended to a n d a r b i t r a r y rules a n d regulations, o n the other. T h e struggle o f the residents for self-determination triggered m e m o ­ ries o f the nation's h i s t o r i c struggles. E v e n the r h e t o r i c reemerged — " N o t a x a t i o n w i t h o u t r e p r e s e n t a t i o n " echoed t h r o u g h o u t the c o m m u ­ n i t y as it struggled w i t h the authorities. C h a r g e s a n d countercharges m u l t i p l i e d a n d , at times, p a r a l y z e d p u b l i c life. A t last there came the day, i n A u g u s t 1 9 7 6 , w h e n p o w e r passed f r o m the b a n k trustee to the residents. T h e m o m e n t o f t r i u m p h , h o w ­ ever, w a s brief as the r e a l i z a t i o n set i n that r e s p o n s i b i l i t y n o w d e v o l v e d o n l y o n " u s . " A s w a s true for the citizens o f the ancient G r e e k p o l i s , T w i n R i v e r s residents, w h i l e eager to a i r grievances a n d distribute b l a m e , were less t h a n eager to assume the o b l i g a t i o n s a n d responsibilities re­ q u i r e d . Fortunately, there were a l w a y s a few w h o were w i l l i n g to take o n the burdens o f civic d u t y for the many. O n e persistent i r r i t a n t h a d to d o w i t h the rules that m a i n t a i n e d the aesthetic u n i f o r m i t y o f the b u i l t e n v i r o n m e n t . T h e residents resented these as i n v a s i o n s o f their p r i v a c y , t h o u g h they accepted sanctions i n p r i n c i p l e for others. W h e n c o n t r o l s are i n v i s i b l e , it seems, people tend to regard t h e m as i n the nature o f things. W h e n c o n t r o l s are a t t r i b u t e d to k n o w n persons acting for the totality, they c o m e to be regarded as restrictions, a n d the people w h o enforce t h e m become the enemy. A f t e r m u c h strife a n d a g i t a t i o n , private tastes were forced to y i e l d to p u b l i c canons, but aesthetic restrictions p r o v e d a l a s t i n g i r r i t a n t . A l l t o l d , i n the first decade one-tenth o f the residents v o l u n t e e r e d for p u b l i c service o n a regular basis, a larger p r o p o r t i o n (about onehalf) p a r t i c i p a t e d o n l y s p o r a d i c a l l y , a n d o n e - t h i r d s t o o d p e r m a n e n t l y apart f r o m the c o m m u n i t y .

Chapter 7 ; Joiners and Organizers:

Community

Participation

D e T o c q u e v i l l e w o u l d have s a i d , "I t o l d y o u s o , " h a d he been a p p r i s e d of the e x t r a o r d i n a r y range o f activities, associations, a n d p r o g r a m s that proliferated i n T w i n R i v e r s v i r t u a l l y f r o m d a y one. T h i s seems to have h a d some c o n t r a d i c t o r y i m p l i c a t i o n s , however.

Summary of Key Findings

239

O n the one h a n d , these activities created a w e b o f s o c i a l interconnectedness by j o i n i n g together a great variety o f residents. O n the other, by coalescing groups a c c o r d i n g to separate interests, they accentuated frag­ m e n t a t i o n , separate concerns, a n d private pursuits. M o r e o v e r , the a s s o c i a t i o n a l i m p u l s e w a s n o t constant. It w a s m o s t intense i n the first decade o n l y to pale thereafter unless o r u n t i l a c o m ­ p e l l i n g issue r e k i n d l e d it. A m i n o r i t y o f residents w a s a l w a y s ready to c o n t r i b u t e w h i l e m a n y others were content to coast. T h e r e were a n u m ­ ber o f reasons for this i m b a l a n c e , a m o n g t h e m , l a c k o f time, heavy f a m i l y o b l i g a t i o n s , inexperience, a n d the belief that one's c o n t r i b u t i o n s d o not matter. A l t h o u g h some residents were free riders, m o s t were not. In fact, m o r e t h a n h a l f r e s p o n d e d to g r o u p appeals a n d were available some o f the t i m e . E v e n i f volunteers were often i n short supply, by the end o f the first decade, the residents h a d created a library, a c r i m e w a t c h p r o g r a m , Project H e l p i n g H a n d , chess clubs, r e a d i n g g r o u p s , a speakers bureau, c h a r i t y events, a n d a n active social life. These were sources o f great enjoyment a n d helped forge e n d u r i n g friendships a n d g r o u p loyalties.

Chapter 8: Sociability in a New Community S o c i a b i l i t y w a s m o s t intense but also least d i s c r i m i n a t i n g i n the first decade. F o r the m a j o r i t y (three-fifths), it w a s "easy to meet people like myself," t h o u g h that left two-fifths for w h o m this w a s n o t the case. B y the end o f the first decade, o n e - h a l f o f the residents s a i d they h a d "best friends" i n T w i n R i v e r s , the m a j o r i t y o f these l i v i n g o n the same b l o c k o r i n the same q u a d . N e i g h b o r s fared especially w e l l i n a l l three decades. In the 1990s m o r e t h a n four-fifths v i e w e d their neighbors positively. T h e r e were interesting changes over the decade i n regard to h o m e entertaining, w h i c h d e c l i n e d drastically. F o r m a l dinners became m o r e infrequent, a n d people became m o r e selective, socialized w i t h residents closer to h o m e , a n d spent their time w i t h a few l i k e - m i n d e d others. B o t h s o c i a b i l i t y a n d friendships came to reflect f a m i l i a r s o c i o l o g i c a l variables o f age, i n c o m e , race, a n d residence. Perceived social similar­ ities increased the p r o p e n s i t y for sociability, whereas perceived social differences tended to c u r t a i l it. A collective r h y t h m o f social life a n d s o c i a b i l i t y developed over time. T h i s r h y t h m needs to be far better u n d e r s t o o d because it c h a l ­ lenges the w i d e s p r e a d a s s u m p t i o n that s o c i a b i l i t y reflects m a i n l y per­ s o n a l preferences a n d needs. In p o i n t o f fact, friendships, n e i g h b o r l y relations, a n d m o r e casual social ties d e p e n d o n a c o m p l e x cluster o f spatial, t e m p o r a l a n d social c o n d i t i o n s a n d change as these d o .

240

Summary of Key Findings

T o b u i l d a collective identity f r o m scratch, as w a s the case i n T w i n R i v e r s , takes m a n y years. S u c h a n identity is shaped by c o m m u n i t y w i d e celebrations o f h o l i d a y s a n d special occasions, by p u b l i c r e c o g n i ­ t i o n o f o u t s t a n d i n g l o c a l figures, by residents featured i n the l o c a l paper for special talents o r achievements, a n d by those active o n behalf o f the c o m m u n i t y i n the m a k i n g . B y celebrating one another, residents s i m u l ­ taneously celebrate the c o m m u n i t y as a w h o l e . In this w a y , a collective p e r s o n a takes f o r m .

Chapter 9: Space, Place, and Design A n u m b e r o f design concepts w o r k e d out as intended, but a n u m b e r d i d not. T h e concept o f k e e p i n g everything w i t h i n w a l k i n g distance, w h i c h w a s b u i l t i n t o the spatial texture o f T w i n R i v e r s as it is i n t o so m a n y p l a n n e d c o m m u n i t i e s , i g n o r e d the necessity, hence prevalence, o f the car for b r e a d w i n n e r c o m m u t e r s a n d shoppers. I g n o r i n g these s o c i o l o g i c a l realities w a s a recipe for frustration. T h e n e i g h b o r h o o d concept, expressed i n the four quads o f T w i n R i v e r s , also p r o v e d p r o b l e m a t i c . A b o v e a l l , it failed to p r o v i d e the inte­ g r a t i o n o f h o u s i n g , w o r k , s h o p p i n g , a n d recreation that it w a s intended to d o . B o t h examples s h o w that spatial design c a n n o t achieve the a m b i ­ tious agenda set for it i f it does n o t fit the tastes a n d habits o f its i n ­ tended users.

Chapter 10: Private and Public: Whose Rights, Whose Responsibilities? M o r e t h a n c o n v e n t i o n a l c o m m u n i t i e s , a P U D brings ancient questions a b o u t p r o p e r t y rights a n d c l a i m s to the fore. T o w n h o u s e s w i t h shared w a l l s a n d g r o u n d s create considerable ambiguities for residents a b o u t the extent o f their responsibilities (as c o m p a r e d to the trust's, for e x a m ­ ple) a n d the limits o f their p o w e r s . If, as i n the case o f T w i n R i v e r s , there is a n i n i t i a l l a c k o f standards o f p r i v a c y , sociability, a n d p r o p r i ­ etary c l a i m s , c o n f u s i o n often f o l l o w s . Residents v a r i e d greatly i n h o w they delineated p u b l i c a n d private d o m a i n s . Possessive a n d p r o p r i e t a r y attitudes surfaced early, as resi­ dents became attached to s w i m m i n g p o o l s , p a r k i n g spaces, front l a w n s , and playgrounds. M o r e o v e r , residents w h o m a k e great efforts to e m b e l l i s h their p r i ­ vate spaces o f house, y a r d , a n d front l a w n w i l l often leave p u b l i c spaces untended. Because c o m m o n areas are everyone's space, they often be-

Summary of Key Findings

241

comes n o one's space. O u t r e a c h a n d p r o p r i e t a r y dispositions have deep c u l t u r a l roots, a n d w i t h o u t e x p l i c i t efforts to change these, c u l t u r a l preferences w i l l p r e v a i l .

Chapter Ί Ί : Go Fight City Hall: The First Lawsuit It is not u n c o m m o n for residents to resort to legal means to wrest some measure o f c o n t r o l f r o m the authorities i n charge o f m a n a g i n g the ag­ gregate i n the first settling-in phase. It is a f a m i l i a r d r a m a o f the people versus the k i n g that has n o easy s o l u t i o n . Residents resent the prolif­ erating rules, a n d the management becomes a convenient target for a host o f grievances a n d unmet expectations. In T w i n R i v e r s the f a m i l i a r d r a m a resulted i n a l a w s u i t i n 1 9 7 3 , o n l y three years after the first residents h a d m o v e d i n . After three fundr a i s i n g drives a n d years o f volunteer efforts, the l a w s u i t w a s effectively d r o p p e d , h a v i n g lost each t r i a l r o u n d . T h e effect w a s a huge d i s a p p o i n t ­ ment, t h o u g h it also helped generate a sense o f c o m m u n i t y . B u t it left T w i n R i v e r s w i t h a culture o f distrust o f a u t h o r i t y that w o u l d reverbe­ rate over the decades.

Chapter 72; Leaders as Lightning Rods A s representative but a m b i v a l e n t figures, leaders p l a y a c r i t i c a l role i n h e l p i n g c o m m u n i t i e s coalesce. In T w i n R i v e r s , they were the m i n o r i t y w h o served o n the g o v e r n i n g b o a r d , c h a i r e d the major committees, a n d p r o v i d e d selective expertise for the entire c o m m u n i t y . O n e h u n d r e d leaders were i n t e r v i e w e d to see w h a t m a d e t h e m different f r o m the majority. T h i s is a t o u g h question a n d w h i l e there is n o ready answer, several themes recur. F o r some, c o m m u n i t y service p r o v i d e d a n ego boost: "I w a n t e d the r e c o g n i t i o n a n d p o w e r . " O t h e r s were p r o t e c t i n g their inter­ ests a n d investments. M o r e idealistic motives surfaced as w e l l : "I w a n t e d to b u i l d s o m e t h i n g fine"; "It gave me a purpose; it's g o o d to reach b e y o n d y o u r o w n l i f e . " Leaders s a w themselves as effective p r o b l e m solvers; they cared m o r e ; they l i k e d feeling useful a n d i m p o r t a n t ; a n d they believed i n the community. B u t the m o s t frequent answer t o o k t h e m b a c k to c h i l d h o o d : " M y parents instilled certain values i n me. I w a n t to give s o m e t h i n g b a c k . I live these v a l u e s . " E a r l y o n , they seem to have a b s o r b e d the message that one must d o one's share, one h a d to be m i n d f u l o f one's fellows.

242

Summary of Key Findings

W a n t i n g to feel useful a n d i m p o r t a n t , m o s t served w i t h o u t regard for p e r s o n a l g a i n . A b o v e a l l , they were sensitive to the c o n n e c t i o n between their p a r t i c i p a t i o n a n d everyone's s u r v i v a l . Leaders were able to m o t i v a t e a n d inspire residents, a n d , j u d g i n g b y the residents' reactions, they a d v a n c e d the goals o f first creating a n d later preserving the u n i t y o f the c o m m u n i t y .

Chapter

13: Unity and Division, Conflict and Consensus

In T w i n R i v e r s , i n t e r n a l d i v i s i o n s emerged early. F r o m the begin­ n i n g , o w n e r s a n d renters regarded each other w a r i l y a n d negatively. H o m e o w n e r s considered renters less responsible whereas renters s a w h o m e o w n e r s as u p p i t y a n d unfriendly. " P i o n e e r s " were pitted against later a r r i v a l s . In b o t h cases, the m a j o r i t y o f h o m e o w n e r - p i o n e e r s felt superior to the m i n o r i t y a n d m o r e entitled to set the agenda for the c o m m u n i t y . T h e first g r o u p exemplifies w h a t M a r t i n B u b e r termed the " C o m m u n i t y o f T r i b u l a t i o n " as they h a d struggled w i t h p r o b l e m s that later arrivals were spared. G i v e n the prevalence o f J e w i s h residents at the start, some m a j o r i t y m i n o r i t y tension was present i n latent f o r m , as Protestants a n d R o m a n C a t h o l i c s h a d to c o m e to terms w i t h b e i n g i n the m i n o r i t y , thus revers­ i n g their u s u a l status. E v e n t u a l l y , these p r o p o r t i o n s w o u l d become m o r e b a l a n c e d , but i n the first decade the i m b a l a n c e w a s a source o f b e w i l ­ derment a n d tension. S o c i o l o g i c a l l y significant is the fact that the p e r c e p t i o n o f being i n the m i n o r i t y related to one's sense o f b e l o n g i n g to the c o m m u n i t y . T h o s e i n the m a j o r i t y by age, f a m i l y c o m p o s i t i o n , religious affiliation, time o f a r r i v a l , o r h o u s i n g tenure were m o r e positive a n d o p t i m i s t i c a b o u t the c o m m u n i t y ' s future. T h o s e n u m e r i c a l l y i n the m i n o r i t y — n o matter w h a t the specific characteristics — were m o r e c r i t i c a l o f the c o m m u n i t y ' s failings, less s u p p o r t i v e , a n d less satisfied w i t h l i v i n g there. A l s o , i n a s m a l l face-to-face c o m m u n i t y , one's enemies are also one's neighbors, w h o m one does n o t w i s h to c o n f r o n t . N o n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c life is thus r o o t e d i n the s o c i a l character, m o r e specifically the s o c i a l scale, o f a c o m m u n i t y a n d n o t only, o r p r i m a r i l y , i n i n d i v i d u a l p r e d i s p o s i t i o n s . Since s o c i a l conflict is endemic i n s o c i a l life, successful c o m m u n i t i e s m u s t be able to i n c o r p o r a t e the divisive as w e l l as the u n i f y i n g forces. M o v i n g to a n e w c o m m u n i t y takes courage as w e l l as i m a g i n a t i o n , for the c o m m u n i t y is n o t yet there. Instead, half-finished houses, u n ­ k e m p t spaces, l i m i t e d facilities, a n d disoriented strangers are the sober

Summary of Key Findings

243

reality. A host o f p r o b l e m s l o o m s as the c o m m u n i t y moves f r o m site p l a n to l i v i n g site. After m o r e t h a n t w o decades, T w i n R i v e r s has achieved m a n y o f the elements that define a c o m m u n i t y . It possesses o r g a n i z e d patterns o f c o n d u c t r e v o l v i n g a r o u n d family, w o r k , a n d social life. It is h e l d to­ gether by institutions o f governance a n d l a w a n d c o m m o n concerns a b o u t house, c h i l d r e n , recreation, a n d leisure. T w i n R i v e r s has also been the stage for u n i v e r s a l life transitions that, t h o u g h experienced by i n d i v i d u a l s , l i n k a n d unify its members i n p o w e r f u l w a y s . F r o m a child's first day o f s c h o o l to the senior p r o m , together w i t h w e d d i n g s , births, a n d funerals, shared events are etched i n t o collective m e m o r i e s . H o l i d a y s , sacred occasions, seasonal rituals, a n d spontaneous responses to crises b i g a n d s m a l l create the b a c k d r o p for shared experiences. Together w i t h the p h y s i c a l e n v i r o n m e n t a n d the i n s t i t u t i o n a l structure, these are w o v e n i n t o a s o l i d texture o f h u m a n connectedness. G r a d u a l l y a collective identity forms out o f collective experiences — electoral victories a n d defeats, bitter w i n t e r s a n d swelter­ i n g summers, a n d a l l the tragic a n d j o y o u s occasions that m a k e up h u ­ m a n life. T o survive, a c o m m u n i t y must p r e v a i l over the ever-present c o r r o ­ sive forces that threaten to destroy its p h y s i c a l o r m o r a l integrity, a n d discourage the free riders a n d n o n p l a y e r s w h o c o n s u m e resources w i t h ­ out c o n t r i b u t i n g to t h e m .

C H A P T E R 14 THE C O N T I N U I N G S A L I E N C E O F THE L O C A L C O M M U N I T Y

A l l politics is local. - T i p O'Neill Life is local. — Anonymous D e m o g r a p h i c , s o c i a l , a n d c u l t u r a l trends suggest that the need for c o m ­ m u n i t y has not abated a n d that c o m m u n i t y w i l l i n fact emerge as m o r e essential t h a n ever i n the future, i f the four major trends discussed i n this chapter persist, namely: the n e w i m m i g r a t i o n , a n aging p o p u l a t i o n , alternative sexualities, a n d c o m m u n i t i e s by design.

The New Immigrants I m m i g r a t i o n has been a key source o f A m e r i c a ' s e c o n o m i c progress a n d s o c i a l diversity. T h e d y n a m i s m a n d c u l t u r a l riches o f the n e w c o m e r s have i n v i g o r a t e d the society by their labor, their creativity, a n d their dreams. W h a t m a y surprise those w h o t h o u g h t that massive i m m i g r a ­ t i o n has ceased is that despite impressive t e c h n o l o g i c a l change, the end

247

248

Chapter 14

Table 14.1

Top Five Countries of Origin of Immigrants to the U.S. in 2000 Mexico China Philippines India Cuba

7,841,000 1,391,000 1,222,000 1,007,000 952,000

o f the t w e n t i e t h century resembled its beginnings i n the waves o f i m m i ­ grants that came to these shores. T h e r e are i m p o r t a n t differences nonetheless. T h e turn-of-the-nineteenth-century i m m i g r a n t s came m o s t l y f r o m E a s t e r n a n d S o u t h e r n E u ­ r o p e , whereas the o r i g i n s o f current i m m i g r a n t s span the globe. T h e o l d e r i m m i g r a t i o n featured peasants a n d u n s k i l l e d laborers, whereas the m o r e recent one has a sizeable c o m p o n e n t o f s k i l l e d a n d p r o f e s s i o n a l persons. B o t h , however, s p a w n e d n u m e r o u s i m m i g r a n t settlements a n d altered the d e m o g r a p h i c c o m p l e x i o n o f the c o u n t r y irreversibly. A c c o r d ­ i n g to the 2 0 0 0 U . S . C e n s u s , 2 8 . 4 m i l l i o n U . S . residents were foreign b o r n (see table 14.1). W h e n one adds to these figures estimates o f illegal i m m i g r a t i o n , it is clear that a huge process o f c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n is under w a y . F r o m 1 9 9 5 to 1 9 9 6 , i n N e w Y o r k C i t y , for e x a m p l e , m o r e t h a n 2 3 0 , 0 0 0 i m m i g r a n t s f r o m m o r e t h a n t w e n t y countries a r r i v e d a n d t r a n s f o r m e d n e i g h b o r h o o d s a n d schools. Specifically, 2 0 , 0 0 0 came f r o m the f o r m e r Soviet U n i o n ; 1 9 , 0 0 0 f r o m the D o m i n i c a n R e p u b l i c ; 1 1 , 0 0 0 f r o m C h i n a ; a n d smaller n u m b e r s f r o m J a m a i c a , B a n g l a d e s h , H a i t i , P o ­ l a n d , G h a n a , a n d P e r u (Sachs 1 9 9 9 ) . T h e y have left their i m p r i n t o n the w o r k f o r c e , cuisine, a n d language. G i v e n the m a g n i t u d e o f this i n f l u x o f n e w c o m e r s , t r a d i t i o n a l v i e w s , i n p a r t i c u l a r a s s i m i l a t i o n a n d m e l t i n g - p o t theories, are under review, especially for the second generation, w h i c h constitutes the t r a n s i t i o n between o l d a n d n e w w o r l d s . In the past, the b r u n t o f generational conflict fell o n the c h i l d r e n o f i m m i g r a n t s w h o jostled i n c o m p a t i b l e demands between parents a n d peers, o l d a n d n e w values. T h e process has often been described as a tragic conflict between the generations, o f f a m i l y betrayals a n d c h i l drens' ingratitude. F o r c h i l d r e n eager to succeed i n the n e w society, the p s y c h i c costs are t y p i c a l l y insecurity a n d a n x i e t y as they l e a r n that c l i m b i n g the ladder o f success exacts a price. T h e resultant p s y c h i c split a n d generational stress has l o n g been a staple o f d r a m a a n d film, s h o w ­ i n g the y o u n g l e a v i n g the c o m m u n i t y their parents h a d struggled to preserve.

Salience of the Local Community

249

A focus o n the second generation i l l u m i n e s different modes o f i m ­ m i g r a n t a d a p t a t i o n to a n e w habitat a n d c o m p e l s a r e c o n s i d e r a t i o n o f t r a d i t i o n a l theories. F o r e x a m p l e , the 31 m i l l i o n L a t i n o s i n the U n i t e d States i n the 1990s w h o are expected, w i t h i n the next decade o r t w o , to surpass A f r i c a n - A m e r i c a n s as the largest m i n o r i t y g r o u p , reveal patterns of a s s i m i l a t i o n that d o n o t require their c u t t i n g themselves off f r o m their c o m m u n i t i e s o r b e c o m i n g A m e r i c a n i z e d by sacrificing ethnic p r i d e . A l t h o u g h one must be cautious i n generalizing a b o u t a g r o u p that represents t w e n t y - t w o different countries o f o r i g i n a n d great i n t e r n a l diversity i n e d u c a t i o n , i n c o m e , a n d ethnic t r a d i t i o n s , research has re­ vealed some significant patterns. L a t i n o s c u r r e n t l y c o m p r i s e some 11 percent o f the U . S . p o p u l a t i o n . M o r e t h a n 6 0 percent c o m e f r o m M e x ­ i c o . C o n t r a r y to the stereotype, m o r e t h a n one-half o f these are eco­ n o m i c a l l y m i d d l e class o r higher. F o r the u p w a r d l y m o b i l e a m o n g t h e m , a n d i n contrast to the patterns described for the late nineteenth century, c o m m u n i t y is n o t w h a t they must leave b e h i n d but w h a t they must b u i l d o n to get ahead. C o m m u n i t y has been the s p r i n g b o a r d for advance­ ment for recent L a t i n o i m m i g r a n t s a n d their c h i l d r e n . These n e w devel­ opments challenge t r a d i t i o n a l theories o f a c c u l t u r a t i o n , as some i m m i ­ grants appear to be e x p l i c i t l y enlisting their c o m m u n i t i e s o f o r i g i n for the u p w a r d c l i m b i n their n e w h o m e l a n d s . T h e y d r a w o n a variety o f resources, either to facilitate their c l i m b or as safety valves for the t o u g h times. T h u s , n o t o n l y are i m m i g r a n t s l i k e l y to connect to different sec­ tors w i t h i n the host society but to diversify their connections w i t h i n their o w n g r o u p . Diverse patterns o f a s s i m i l a t i o n a n d channels for up­ w a r d m o b i l i t y have led Portes to propose a n e w concept o f "segmented a s s i m i l a t i o n " (Portes 1 9 9 6 , p . 83). "Segmented a s s i m i l a t i o n " refers to the different experiences o f en­ tering groups i n their processes o f a c c o m m o d a t i o n to A m e r i c a n society. T h e r e is " t r a d i t i o n a l a s s i m i l a t i o n a n d u p w a r d m o b i l i t y , d o w n w a r d m o ­ b i l i t y by unsuccessfully c o m p e t i n g i n the m a i n s t r e a m economy, o r up­ w a r d m o b i l i t y by l i v i n g a n d w o r k i n g i n ethnically h o m o g e n e o u s i m m i ­ grant c o m m u n i t i e s " (ibid.). "Segmented a s s i m i l a t i o n " highlights a not u n c o m m o n d i v i s i o n be­ tween r i c h a n d poor, stationary a n d m o b i l e i m m i g r a n t s , so that one c a n n o t expect a single o u t c o m e . T h e r e is a b o t t o m a n d a t o p segment, the first are u n s k i l l e d a n d p o o r a n d get stuck or t r a p p e d i n their c o m ­ munities, whereas the second, s k i l l e d , well-educated i n d i v i d u a l s are bent o n a c h i e v i n g professional status i n the n e w c o u n t r y a n d eventually b l e n d i n w i t h the rest o f the m i d d l e class. H e n c e the m a j o r fault line for these i m m i g r a n t groups is not race o r ethnicity but e d u c a t i o n a n d s o c i a l class. T h e m i l l i o n s o f d o l l a r s spent f r o m the 1960s o n by the U . S . government to distribute C u b a n i m m i g r a n t s across the U n i t e d States i n the belief

250

Chapter 14

that this w o u l d speed their c u l t u r a l a s s i m i l a t i o n were thus m i s d i r e c t e d . "Instead, C u b a n s gravitated b a c k to M i a m i where their strength o f n u m b e r s , connections a n d entrepreneurial k n o w - h o w q u i c k l y translated i n t o e c o n o m i c p r o s p e r i t y " ( F e r n a n d e z - K e l l y a n d Schauffler 1 9 9 6 , p . 52). In other w o r d s , c o m m u n i t y a n d the c o n c e n t r a t i o n o f c u l t u r a l re­ sources are v a l u a b l e generators o f " s o c i a l c a p i t a l . " T h e t e r m " s o c i a l c a p i t a l , " christened by the F r e n c h s o c i a l theorist Pierre B o u r d i e u (1986) a m o n g others, refers to social n e t w o r k s a n d resources that help i n d i v i d ­ uals advance e c o n o m i c a l l y even w h e n they l a c k e c o n o m i c c a p i t a l . A b o v e a l l , "the entire c o m m u n i t y w h i c h forms the s o c i a l c o n t e x t i n w h i c h i n d i ­ v i d u a l families f u n c t i o n " is i n v o l v e d here, a n d this reinforces s o c i a l s o l i ­ d a r i t y a n d l o y a l t y to k i n a n d c o m m u n i t y . T h e r e is evidence that s u c h c o m m u n i t y s u p p o r t has resulted i n V i e t n a m e s e , Indochinese, a n d P u n ­ j a b i students surpassing w h i t e students i n s c h o o l achievement ( Z h o u a n d B a n k s t o n III 1 9 9 6 , p p . 2 0 6 , 2 0 1 ) , despite p o v e r t y a n d residence i n underserviced areas. T h e r e is a s i m i l a r force at w o r k a m o n g ethnic n e t w o r k s a n d entre­ preneurs. In M i a m i , for e x a m p l e , i n the 1 9 6 0 s , C u b a n businesses were s u p p o r t e d by C u b a n patronage a n d m u t u a l assistance b y c u l t u r a l peers. B y 1 9 8 0 one-half o f C u b a n s i n the U n i t e d States were either selfe m p l o y e d or e m p l o y e d by C u b a n - o w n e d firms (Portes a n d Stepick 1 9 9 3 , p . 137). T h u s the ethnic c o m m u n i t y offers significant benefits to i n d i v i d u a l aspirants. In p a r t i c u l a r it p r o v i d e s s u p p o r t i n the f o r m o f " s o c i a l be­ l o n g i n g , trust, a n d r e c i p r o c i t y " that fosters c o o p e r a t i o n a n d a sense o f b e l o n g i n g that are helpful i n the struggle t o succeed. P r e s u m a b l y this is n o t every i m m i g r a n t ' s pattern, but its prevalence for some suggests a n e w t u r n i n the story o f i m m i g r a n t a s s i m i l a t i o n a n d success i n the c o n ­ t e m p o r a r y U n i t e d States. C o m m u n i t y - b a s e d m o b i l i t y has also been observed a m o n g A s i a n i m m i g r a n t s . Between 1 9 9 0 a n d 1 9 9 6 , 4 6 percent o f A s i a n i m m i g r a n t s settled directly i n the suburbs ( C h e n 1 9 9 9 , p . A l ) , m a n y o f w h i c h be­ came v i r t u a l l y exclusive provinces o f p a r t i c u l a r ethnic g r o u p s . In some schools, as m a n y as forty to fifty different languages are offered to meet the needs o f i m m i g r a n t c h i l d r e n . A s these n e w c o m e r s m o v e d i n — creat­ i n g K o r e a n enclaves i n one area, I n d i a n enclaves i n another, a n d C h i ­ nese, T h a i , o r P h i l i p p i n e concentrations i n still others — they have often t a k e n over middle-class w h i t e areas. T h e process does n o t p r o c e e d w i t h ­ o u t tension but it creates a fascinating ethnic m o s a i c as people b r i n g w i t h t h e m their specialty stores, f o o d shops, m u s i c , places o f w o r s h i p , films, a n d feast days. I m m i g r a n t s have a l w a y s tended to congregate w i t h their o w n g r o u p s

Salience of the Local Community

251

i n ethnic s u b c o m m u n i t i e s . A n i m p o r t a n t difference between the i m m i ­ g r a t i o n o f the nineteenth a n d t w e n t i e t h centuries, however, is the role o f the c o m m u n i t y i n the success o f the i n d i v i d u a l . In the t w e n t i e t h century, c o m m u n i t y w a s n o t w h a t one left b e h i n d i n the c l i m b u p w a r d but w h a t one used as a s p r i n g b o a r d to success. T h e concept o f c o m m u n i t y as part of one's " s o c i a l c a p i t a l " challenges t r a d i t i o n a l theories — a n d policies — of a c c u l t u r a t i o n a n d undergirds m u l t i c u l t u r a l i s m . M u l t i c u l t u r a l trends are n o t p e c u l i a r to A m e r i c a n society. In F r a n c e " a l l m i n o r i t y languages," w h i c h were b a n n e d after the R e v o l u t i o n i n the name o f equality, "are getting a n e w lease o n l i f e . " G a e l i c has re­ t u r n e d to S c o t l a n d a n d Basque to S p a i n (Simons 1 9 9 9 , p . 8). T h e C o u n ­ c i l o f E u r o p e , a f o r t y - o n e - n a t i o n g r o u p , has developed a charter u r g i n g the use o f indigenous languages i n schools, m e d i a , a n d p u b l i c life. T h e r e is n o w a b u r e a u for lesser-used languages created by the E u r o p e a n U n i o n . F o r most o f the w o r l d , the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y continues to be the p r i m e c o n t e x t for day-to-day life, a n d t r a d i t i o n a l c o m m u n i t i e s persist for very t r a d i t i o n a l reasons that keep people together: h i s t o r i c loyalties; r e g i o n a l concentrations; a n d class, ethnic, r a c i a l , o r religious affinities. But there are also n e w developments that reinforce c o m m u n i t y . F o r ex­ a m p l e , the g l o b a l sweep o f m i g r a t i o n s w i t h streams o f migrants adrift i n strange lands reinforces c o m m u n i t y for those w h o t y p i c a l l y seek solace w i t h "their o w n k i n d . " T h e fragmentation o f m o d e r n life, w h i c h permits us to travel a n d connect across vast geographic distances, is the same force that p a r a ­ d o x i c a l l y moves us back to roots a n d place. " T h e m o r e g l o b a l a n d u n i ­ f o r m o u r c i v i l i z a t i o n , the m o r e people w a n t to a n c h o r themselves" ( E n zensberger, i n i b i d . , p . 8). P a r a d o x i c a l l y , then, g l o b a l i z a t i o n engenders l o c a l i s m , each r e i n f o r c i n g the other. A n d l o c a l i s m m a y s u p p o r t i m m i g r a n t advancement by fostering c o m m u n a l dependency a n d the maintenance o f i n - g r o u p attachments. Success then m a y depend o n one's c o m m u n i t y .

Another Future Trend: Retirement Communities In the next t h i r t y years, the U . S . p o p u l a t i o n is expected to increase by 80 m i l l i o n people — o f w h i c h 7 0 m i l l i o n w i l l be the elderly, v a r i o u s l y defined by age (65 + ) o r by retirement status. T o a c c o m m o d a t e this sizable a d d i t i o n to the U . S . p o p u l a t i o n , thousands o f retirement c o m ­ m u n i t i e s w i l l be needed, accelerating a t r e n d that has g r o w n c u m u l a ­ tively over the past quarter o f a century. T h e d r a m a t i c increase i n life expectancy is o n l y one source o f this development. A n o t h e r stems f r o m c h a n g i n g patterns o f f a m i l y life, ris­ ing p r o p o r t i o n s o f singles, childless, a n d d i v o r c e d i n d i v i d u a l s , a n d de-

252

Chapter 14

clines i n fertility rates. W i t h the t r a d i t i o n a l f a m i l y t o o s m a l l a n d fragile to p r o v i d e shelter a n d care for its elderly m e m b e r s , the d e m a n d for alternative patterns o f life is b o u n d to increase. A p r o m i n e n t alternative is that o f retirement c o m m u n i t i e s , m a n y o f these already o n the scene, c u r r e n t l y a c c o m m o d a t i n g 4 m i l l i o n largely affluent A m e r i c a n s . In 1 7 9 0 less t h a n 2 0 percent o f the p o p u l a t i o n reached age seventy. T w o centu­ ries later m o r e t h a n three-fourths d o so. A n d since 1 9 0 0 , average life expectancy has increased f r o m the forties to the seventies (for men) a n d eighties (for w o m e n ) . A l l o f this suggests that retirement c o m m u n i t i e s are l i k e l y to be h i g h o n any future agenda. In the last few decades, moreover, a g o o d deal has been learned a b o u t w h a t s u c h c o m m u n i t i e s require. Some m a y be adult playpens, as m a n y have c h a r g e d , but m o s t are c o m p l e x creations w i t h a v a r i e d m e n u o f s o c i a l activities a n d p r o j ­ ects. A l t h o u g h u n i t e d by age, or rather by a g i v e n phase o f the life cycle, retirement c o m m u n i t i e s reveal a greater diversity t h a n one m i g h t t h i n k . F o r students o f c o m m u n i t y , they are a n i m p o r t a n t source o f i n f o r m a t i o n . T u r n i n g to w h a t they have i n c o m m o n , retirement c o m m u n i t i e s are p h y s i c a l l y distinct, attached to w a r m climates, w i t h a p r o p e r n a m e a n d some f o r m o f governance either a d m i n i s t e r e d by the residents t h e m ­ selves o r i n c o n j u n c t i o n w i t h the developer o r a b a n k trustee. A l t h o u g h age qualifications are v a r i a b l e , b r o a d l y s p e a k i n g , age a l o n g w i t h retire­ ment status p r o v i d e s a n i m p o r t a n t basis for a shared existence. T h e older the average age, however, the m o r e i m b a l a n c e d the sex r a t i o . F o r every w i d o w e r , goes one estimate, there are five to s i x w i d o w s . In the 1950s there w a s a s m a l l g r o u p o f special c o m m u n i t i e s tar­ geted for older A m e r i c a n s ; by the 1970s, some seventy retirement c o m ­ m u n i t i e s h a d been b u i l t a l o n g w i t h hundreds o f m o b i l e - h o m e p a r k s , m a n y o f t h e m by the D e l E . W e b b D e v e l o p m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n o f P h o e ­ n i x , A r i z o n a , w h i c h pioneered the c o n s t r u c t i o n o f s u n cities a n d leisure w o r l d s . B y the 1990s, the n u m b e r o f retirement c o m m u n i t i e s h a d sub­ stantially increased. In contrast to earlier versions, however, s u c h c o m m u n i t i e s were or­ g a n i z e d n o t just a r o u n d age, but a r o u n d p a r t i c u l a r interests such as golf, tennis, o r e d u c a t i o n , a n d m o s t have a s o c i a l life geared to a vast array o f activities. In one o f these c o m m u n i t i e s studied i n the late 1970s, the residents h a d spontaneously created 130 clubs r a n g i n g f r o m s t a m p c o l l e c t i n g to g a r d e n i n g , i n a d d i t i o n to a constant r o u n d o f dances, par­ ties, a n d o r g a n i z e d e x c u r s i o n s . These helped residents attain their goals o f security a n d safety a l o n g w i t h friendships a n d s o c i a l life. In S u n C i t y , A r i z o n a , the " m o s t effective security s y s t e m " w a s the neighbors w h o were active i n N e i g h b o r h o o d W a t c h C o m m i t t e e s . T h e a u t h o r notes that this i n c o r p o r a t i o n o f " m u t u a l c o n c e r n " h a d " n o t h i n g to d o w i t h friend-

Salience of the Local Community

253

s h i p , " but constituted a n i m p e r s o n a l resource w i d e l y recognized as a f o r m o f s o c i a l insurance (Fitzgerald 1 9 8 1 , p . 2 1 5 ) . O t h e r services a n d requirements stem f r o m the age c o n c e n t r a t i o n i n retirement c o m m u n i t i e s . T h i s includes m e d i c a l services, health facilities, a n d assisted l i v i n g arrangements. M e a l s o n W h e e l s , a b l o o d b a n k , stra­ tegically p l a c e d o x y g e n tanks, a n d h o m e n u r s i n g care are also staples (ibid., 1 9 8 1 , p . 2 4 3 ) . T h e large m a j o r i t y o f residents, as m a n y studies have s h o w n , prefer a c o m m u n i t y o f peers their o w n age w i t h w h o m they feel at ease. A g e segregation seems to strengthen identification w i t h peers a n d this de­ velops a sense o f confidence a n d trust that strengthens the e m o t i o n a l bonds that c o n t r i b u t e to c o m m u n i t y . In the w i d e r society, the o l d often feel m a r g i n a l i z e d , whereas i n retirement c o m m u n i t i e s , they are i n the m a i n s t r e a m majority. L a c k i n g a status system based o n w e a l t h , power, o r r e p u t a t i o n , a p o w e r f u l theme subscribed to i n these c o m m u n i t i e s is that everyone is e q u a l . " W h e n w e c o m e here w e start a l l over a g a i n " ( O s g o o d 1 9 8 2 , p . 107). H o w e v e r , despite the s o c i a l h o m o g e n e i t y o f retirement c o m m u n i t i e s by age, race, o r religious affiliation, they d o develop their o w n forms o f s o c i a l hier­ archy. O n e source o f h i e r a r c h i c a l distinctions that has been noted by sev­ eral researchers, m y s e l f i n c l u d e d , is associated w i t h time o f a r r i v a l . T h i s d i v i s i o n , w h i l e n o t f o r m a l l y a c k n o w l e d g e d , creates status d i v i s i o n s be­ tween first residents, considered s o m e h o w "better" for h a v i n g a r r i v e d early, a n d the "lessers," that is, those w h o c o m e later (Fitzgerald 1 9 8 1 , p . 2 2 2 ; Keller, chapter 13 i n this b o o k ) A s i n h i g h s c h o o l , these c a n affect one's s o c i a l life i n the areas o f i n v i t a t i o n s extended a n d respect garnered. S o c i a b i l i t y is another status marker. A generally a d m i r e d trait, it differentiates o u t g o i n g residents f r o m shy a n d r e t i r i n g ones. A n d since n o t everyone is a joiner by nature, those w h o are n o t fade i n t o the b a c k g r o u n d . H e n c e there is loneliness a n d i s o l a t i o n a m i d a l l the activ­ ities. A s people become w i d o w e d , their s o c i a l life often d w i n d l e s . T h i s is especially true for w o m e n ( O s g o o d 1 9 8 2 ; F i t z g e r a l d 1 9 8 1 ) . N o n p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n certain activities l i k e w i s e divides those w h o fit i n t o the a d m i r e d m a i n s t r e a m a n d those w h o d o not. N o n g o l f e r s i n a golfing c o m m u n i t y , n o n - b r i d g e players, n o n c l u b b i e s — a l l are l i k e l y to be e x c l u d e d f r o m activities, parties, even f r o m friendships i n c o m m u ­ nities geared to these activities. Yet another g r o u p facing negative judgments includes those w h o d o n o t take p r i d e i n their homes a n d yards o r are careless about their up­ keep. A n d then there is a category o f " o l d e r a n d sicker residents" w h o

254

Chapter 14

m a y be ostracized because "they represent everything the others fear s u c h as getting o l d , getting sick, a n d yes . . . d y i n g " ( O s g o o d 1 9 8 2 , p . 120). In a d d i t i o n to r a n k i n g s o f highs a n d l o w s , lessers a n d betters, there are schisms that frequently d i v i d e residents i n t o o p p o s e d c a m p s . In one retirement c o m m u n i t y o f s i x t h o u s a n d residents i n A r i z o n a , the ques­ t i o n o f whether o r n o t to i n c o r p o r a t e split the c o m m u n i t y i n t w o . It pitted n e i g h b o r against n e i g h b o r a n d friend against friend. T h e presi­ dent o f the c o o r d i n a t i n g c o m m i t t e e w a s " t o r n a p a r t " by the battle a n d resigned, a "defeated" m a n . H e w i t h d r e w c o m p l e t e l y f r o m c o m m u n i t y life. " T h e lies they t o l d , the p e r s o n a l damage they d i d . I ' l l never be the same p e r s o n . I w i l l never serve this c o m m u n i t y a g a i n a n d c a n never forgive m y friends for the things they s a i d a n d d i d to m e " ( O s g o o d , 1982, p p . 1 2 3 , 124). E v e n after a d e c i s i o n h a d been reached, the "scars remained." Some such s c h i s m erupts i n a great m a n y p l a n n e d c o m m u n i t i e s . In one F l o r i d a c o m m u n i t y , a n e q u a l l y v i c i o u s battle erupted over m o n e t a r y a l l o c a t i o n s ( i b i d . , p . 2 2 8 ) . A n d i n R i d g e v i e w , F l o r i d a , the split o c c u r r e d over the c o n t r o l o f the c l u b h o u s e . In T w i n R i v e r s , as described i n c h a p ­ ter 1 3 , the divisive issue c o n c e r n e d the board's m a k i n g p u b l i c the finan­ c i a l records o f the c o m m u n i t y . T h e ensuing battles over such issues are fierce a n d unpredictable, often l e a v i n g r u i n s i n their w a k e . M o s t retirement c o m m u n i t i e s , t h o u g h diverse i n s o c i a l a n d d e m o ­ g r a p h i c m a k e u p , d o manage to develop sources o f unity. T h e r e is o f course the rite o f passage a l l share — the shift to retirement status. B o t h i n d i v i d u a l l y a n d together residents struggle to m a k e the m o s t o f their later years. L i v i n g together i n one place, they "share a c o m m o n g o a l o f succeeding i n retirement" (ibid., p . 167). A n d then there is the fact that residents have a " s i m i l a r future": T h e y w i l l stay together u n t i l they die. T h i s w i l l be their c o m m u n i t y for g o o d , the last c o m m u n i t y i n w h i c h they w i l l ever live. G i v e n these special circumstances, retirement c o m m u n i t i e s tend to develop special c u l t u r a l styles a n d p r e o c c u p a t i o n s . K e y concerns i n c l u d e : • • • •

Fear o f i n f l a t i o n a n d w o r r i e s a b o u t l o n g - t e r m M e d i c a l needs, illnesses, p h y s i c a l i m m o b i l i t y Fear o f getting sick Fear o f d y i n g

finances

T h e n there is the t y p i c a l attitude t o w a r d family. M o s t elderly residents d o n o t w a n t to t u r n to their c h i l d r e n for help a n d be a b u r d e n o n t h e m . F o r many, i n t i m e , their n e w neighbors become their family. T h i s is illustrated i n a n u m b e r o f w a y s . In S u n C i t y , for e x a m p l e , n o cemetery h a d been constructed, a n d this accelerated the resort to c r e m a t i o n after

Salience of the Local Community

255

death w i t h the f o l l o w i n g justification: " W e have n o o n e , " so w h o w o u l d keep u p the grave? H a v i n g lost h o m e t o w n s a n d strong f a m i l y ties, they have adjusted their funeral rituals a c c o r d i n g l y (Fitzgerald 1 9 8 1 , p . 2 4 4 ) . O f t e n neighbors o b t a i n b u r i a l sites next to each other w i t h the result that they feel a greater sense o f c o m m u n i t y w i t h strangers t h a n w i t h k i n b a c k h o m e ( O s g o o d 1 9 8 2 , p . 2 2 8 ) . N o t w a n t i n g to b u r d e n c h i l d r e n w i t h demands for help has been d o c u m e n t e d for other groups a n d c u l ­ tures. Lebanese A m e r i c a n s , for e x a m p l e , l i k e w i s e desire to exercise c o n ­ t r o l over their lives a n d n o t depend o n relatives (Shenk 1991). A n d i n one retirement c o m m u n i t y i n J a p a n , residents m o v e d there e x p l i c i t l y so as to n o t create p r o b l e m s for their c h i l d r e n ( K i n o s h i t a a n d Kiefer 1 9 9 2 , p. 115). W h i l e scale a n d age h o m o g e n e i t y facilitate the c r e a t i o n o f social b o n d s , the t r u n c a t e d setting makes "even s m a l l differences i n manners . . . assume great significance" (ibid., p . 177). T h e diversity o f social b a c k g r o u n d s o f the residents makes life m o r e interesting but also less predictable since it is h a r d to validate i n d i v i d u a l self-presentations. T h i s tends to create distrust a n d little self-disclosure ( K i n o s h i t a a n d Kiefer 1 9 9 2 ) . A s the c o m m u n i t y g r o w s d e m o g r a p h i c a l l y , moreover, its h a r d w o n u n i t y g r o w s m o r e fragile. " I n the b e g i n n i n g , e v e r y b o d y k n e w ev­ eryone else, but n o w . . . " ( O s g o o d 1 9 8 2 , p . 117) is a c o m m o n refrain. T o u n d e r s t a n d the d y n a m i c s o f retirement c o m m u n i t i e s demands a careful assessment o f their culture a n d goals to see h o w they fashion resources o f t i m e , s k i l l , a n d scale i n t o the w e b o f c o m m u n i t y . Residents often enter such settings reluctantly o n l y to become enthusiastic partic­ ipants after a few weeks o r m o n t h s . T h i s is where they experience car­ ing for others a n d being cared for by t h e m — essential for a feeling o f community.

Communities by Design P l a n n i n g the p h y s i c a l l a y o u t o f streets a n d p l a y g r o u n d s , houses a n d rec­ r e a t i o n , p u b l i c facilities a n d private d w e l l i n g s has been part a n d p a r c e l of m o s t U t o p i a n w r i t i n g s o n c o m m u n i t y since the sixteenth century, a n d became, i n the twentieth, a staple o f p l a n n i n g theory a n d practice. F a m o u s examples o f c o m m u n i t i e s by design i n c l u d e L e v i t t o w n i n its several versions for p o s t - W o r l d W a r II veterans a n d their families. Its l o w - c o s t mortgages helped speed u p the process o f s u b u r b a n i z a t i o n i n the U n i t e d States a n d i n s p i r e d m o d e l c o m m u n i t i e s such as R e s t o n , V i r ­ g i n i a , a n d C o l u m b i a , M a r y l a n d . S u n cities a n d leisure w o r l d s a n d m a n y less f a m i l i a r c o m m u n i t i e s f o l l o w e d , l e a d i n g m o r e recently to a b o o m i n b u i l d i n g s u b d i v i s i o n s for the m i d d l e class.

256

Chapter 14

T h e most famous current e x a m p l e o f a designed c o m m u n i t y is that o f C e l e b r a t i o n , F l o r i d a , developed by the W a l t D i s n e y C o m p a n y . N e a r l y a l l such efforts h a r b o r a n ideal o f c o m m u n i t y , a n d Disney's C e l e b r a t i o n h a d as one o f its m a i n goals to b u i l d i n a "sense o f c o m m u n i t y " b y offering a well-defined t o w n center w i t h a set o f p u b l i c b u i l d i n g s such as a t o w n h a l l , post office, library, restaurants, b o o k s t o r e café, a p u b l i c g o l f course, a n d 500-seat c i n e m a , m a n y o f these designed by w e l l - k n o w n architects such as M i c h a e l G r a v e s (the post office), R o b e r t A . M . Stern (the master p l a n ) , Cesar Pelli (the m o v i e house), a n d P h i l i p J o h n s o n (the t o w n hall). C e l e b r a t i o n attempted to merge t w o w o r l d s , one t r a d i t i o n a l a n d one c o n t e m p o r a r y , the latter focused o n a state-of-the-art health-andfitness center a n d a technically a d v a n c e d e d u c a t i o n a l system. Several goals i n s p i r e d the p l a n , some o f t h e m c o n t r a d i c t o r y : T h e y h o p e d to create a sense o f place that is l a c k i n g i n today's soulless edge cities a n d to s u p p o r t social diversity by age, race, ethnicity, r e l i g i o n , a n d i n c o m e . It w a s to be a place for " m i n g l i n g a n d m i x i n g , " by creating the feeling o f the t r a d i t i o n a l s m a l l t o w n but w i t h a d v a n c e d high-tech facilities — " a m o d e r n , fiber-optically w i r e d c o m m u n i t y w i t h an o l d - f a s h i o n e d center" (The Economist, 25 N o v e m b e r 1 9 9 5 , p p . 2 7 - 2 8 ) . C e l e b r a t i o n t o o k eight years to get off the d r a w i n g b o a r d . F o c u s groups became the basis for the tastes a n d decisions that shaped the final p r o d u c t as they d i d for James R o u s e a n d C o l u m b i a , M a r y l a n d , i n the 1960s. In the first year o f operations, the d e m a n d to m o v e i n w a s so intense that the management team devised a lottery to select the i n i t i a l residents. B y N o v e m b e r 18, 1 9 9 5 , 4 , 5 5 0 entries h a d been received, a n d o f these, 3 5 0 w o u l d be the l u c k y w i n n e r s . T h e 4 , 9 0 0 acres slated to c o n t a i n a p o p u l a t i o n o f 2 0 , 0 0 0 w i t h i n the next fifteen to twenty years, w a s part o f a 30,000-acre tract that D i s n e y h a d b o u g h t for a p o t e n t i a l theme p a r k i n the 1960s. A greenbelt o f 4 , 7 0 0 acres surrounds the t o w n . T h e cost o f b u i l d i n g C e l e b r a t i o n w a s $ 2 . 5 b i l l i o n . A s is true o f p l a n n e d c o m m u n i t i e s generally, the frame­ w o r k a n d goals o f the p l a n d r e w o n the w o r k o f others for i n s p i r a t i o n . C h a r l e s Fraser, f a m e d for d e v e l o p i n g H i l t o n H e a d , a m o n g other sites, gave his protégé, Peter R u m m e l l , t h e n president o f D i s n e y D e v e l o p ­ m e n t C o r p o r a t i o n , t w o c e n t r a l ideas for the c o m m u n i t y to be: a focus o n e d u c a t i o n a n d a focus o n h e a l t h . Influential i n the p l a n s w e r e the concepts o f A n d r e s D u a n y a n d E l i z a b e t h P l a t e r - Z y b e r g ( 2 0 0 0 ) , a h u s b a n d - w i f e a r c h i t e c t u r a l t e a m . T h e y h a d created Seaside, F l o r i d a , w h i c h d r a w s o n the design p r i n c i p l e s o f "the n e w u r b a n i s m , " e m p h a ­ s i z i n g s p a t i a l cohesiveness, h i g h e r densities, aesthetic d e s i g n , a n d ar­ c h i t e c t u r a l c o n t r o l s . R o b e r t A . M . Stern a n d J a c q u e l i n R o b e r t s o n pre­ p a r e d the master p l a n a n d s a w the project t h r o u g h its c r i t i c a l phases to c o m p l e t i o n .

Salience of the Local Community

257

O n e constant o f designed c o m m u n i t i e s is the generation o f extraor­ d i n a r y expectations i n prospective buyers. These create a n image that seeks to offer a balanced, h a r m o n i o u s w a y o f life based o n neighborliness, pedestrian access, p u b l i c life, a n d sociability. Ideally, these w o u l d v a n q u i s h the i s o l a t i o n a n d fragmentation o f s u b u r b a n life. In Ebenezer H o w a r d ' s G a r d e n C i t y m o d e l , developed i n E n g l a n d at the t u r n o f the last century, the n e i g h b o r h o o d emphasized w a l k i n g - d i s t a n c e access. A balance o f activities a m i d a v i t a l p u b l i c life w a s the p r i n c i p l e that Cele­ b r a t i o n w a s to advance. T h e f o l l o w i n g design elements were to achieve a sense o f place a n d community in Celebration: 1. Streets designed for pedestrian a n d bicycle l o c o m o t i o n a n d s l o w car t r a v e l . 2 . A separation o f leisurely, s t r o l l i n g paths f r o m b i g arterial streets to c a r r y heavy traffic. 3. H o u s e s , p l a c e d close together, a n d front porches — a l l o f these to p r o m o t e n e i g h b o r l y contacts. 4 . T h e i n i t i a l b a t c h o f houses, r a n g i n g i n price f r o m $ 1 7 5 , 0 0 0 to $1 m i l l i o n o r m o r e , were to be w i t h i n a five-minute w a l k from downtown. 5. S m a l l lots —ten feet between houses o n average —were to m a k e for larger p a r k s a n d p u b l i c spaces. 6. S i x basic house designs a n d a set n u m b e r o f c o l o r s were p e r m i t t e d under the strict design code for residents i n the p l a n n e d sites. A l l the externals must c o n f o r m to code — such as signage, w i n d o w treatments, plantings. A l l t o l d , C e l e b r a t i o n rested o n five cornerstones: e d u c a t i o n for y o u n g a n d o l d ; health a n d w e l l - b e i n g ; the latest t e c h n o l o g y ; a sense o f place w i t h easy accessibility, convenience, a n d attractive l a n d s c a p i n g ; a n d a sense o f c o m m u n i t y , expressed i n shared goals a n d r e s p o n s i b i l ­ ities, a feeling o f b e l o n g i n g , s o u n d n e i g h b o r l y relationships, a n d a g o o d q u a l i t y o f life. T o assess the v i a b i l i t y o f these p r o m i s e d benefits requires systematic e x p l o r a t i o n over at least a decade. Short o f that, p a r t i c i p a t o r y observa­ tions, anecdotes, a n d impressionistic accounts must suffice. O f the lat­ ter, t w o b o o k s (Frantz a n d C o l l i n s 1 9 9 9 ; a n d R o s s 1999) c o n t a i n elabo­ rate descriptions o f C e l e b r a t i o n ' s infancy, a n d a l o n g w i t h n u m e r o u s articles, reviews, j o u r n a l i s t i c assessments a n d a p e r s o n a l visit, they f o r m the bases for this s u m m a r y e v a l u a t i o n . T h e extent to w h i c h intended goals m a y be achieved depends, i n part at least, o n the assumptions u n d e r l y i n g t h e m . L e t us e x a m i n e some of the m o r e p r o m i n e n t ones. C e l e b r a t i o n ostensibly favored m i x i n g peo­ ple by i n c o m e , ethnicity, age, a n d s o c i a l class i n the hope that this

258

Chapter 14

w o u l d advance c o m m u n i t y . B u t , as w a s true i n T w i n R i v e r s , the belief i n diversity a n d p l u r a l i s m w a s n o t a l w a y s realized i n practice. O n e rea­ s o n for this w a s the cost o f h o u s i n g . In C e l e b r a t i o n , prices were at least 2 5 percent higher t h a n general m a r k e t prices. T h i s w o u l d o b v i o u s l y re­ strict buyers to higher i n c o m e levels. In a d d i t i o n , residents p u t definite l i m i t s o n the degree o f s o c i a l m i x i n g they considered acceptable. M o s t d i d n o t w a n t to l o w e r i n c o m e barriers because they w a n t e d to m a i n t a i n p r o p e r t y values. W h e n one lives i n such close p r o x i m i t y , moreover, m i x ­ i n g b y i n c o m e , ethnicity, race, o r r e l i g i o n needs careful p r e p a r a t i o n a n d m o n i t o r i n g so as to prevent the o p e r a t i o n o f e x c l u s i o n a r y tendencies, c o n s p i c u o u s c o n s u m p t i o n , s o c i a l envy, a n d value conflicts that h a p h a z ­ a r d m i x i n g often entails. T h e g o a l i n C e l e b r a t i o n , as i n T w i n R i v e r s , w a s to favor the pedes­ t r i a n over the car. B u t i n fact the " c u l de sacs" b r o k e u p pedestrian c i r c u l a t i o n , a n d the large p a r k i n g lots i n the t o w n center plus the l a c k o f t r a n s p o r t a t i o n made the car k i n g ( N o b e l 1 9 9 6 ) . T h e r e were a n u m b e r o f other c o n t r a d i c t i o n s to deal w i t h . O n the one h a n d , the high-tech focus accentuates the " h o m e - b a s e d cyber-life," m o r e solitary t h a n p a r t i c i p a t o r y . S i m i l a r l y , Disney's p r o m o t i o n o f h o m e s h o p p i n g jibes p o o r l y w i t h its p r o m o t i o n o f the t r a d i t i o n a l t o w n center (ibid., 1 9 9 6 ) . T h e residents o f b o t h T w i n R i v e r s a n d C e l e b r a t i o n were l u r e d by a fantasy o f c o m m u n i t y , o f "spacious porches, wise a n d c a r i n g d o c t o r s " as w e l l as the i n f o r m a t i o n h i g h w a y (ibid.). " D i s n e y ' s planners w a n t e d to resurrect the p o r c h , n o t just as a n a r c h i t e c t u r a l element but as a m e c h a n i s m for creating v i g o r o u s n e i g h b o r h o o d l i f e " ; " f r o n t porches a l ­ l o w people to c o m e out o f their houses so they have a n engagement w i t h neighbors a n d the street" (Frantz a n d C o l l i n s 1 9 9 9 , p . 184). These d u b i o u s assumptions aside, the reality o f the m u g g y summers a n d tele­ v i s i o n defeated this g o a l . A n o t h e r d e c i s i o n that m a y have l o o k e d g o o d o n paper but d i d n o t w o r k out i n practice was to have residents live above shops i n the t o w n center. T h i s w a s also to increase sociability. B u t , i f a n active t o w n center does n o t shut d o w n at night, it disturbs the peace a n d quiet, n o t to m e n t i o n the sleep, o f those w h o live above it. S u c h c o m p e t i n g needs m a y defeat its p r i m a r y s o c i a l p u r p o s e . In b o t h C e l e b r a t i o n a n d T w i n R i v e r s , the residents resented the ar­ c h i t e c t u r a l c o n t r o l s a n d the B i g B r o t h e r aspect o f management. T h e y u n d e r s t o o d the reasons for s u c h c o n t r o l s but sought e x e m p t i o n s for themselves w h i l e h o l d i n g others to the rules. A n o t h e r c o n t r a d i c t i o n w a s the fact that planners i n t e n d e d to m a k e C e l e b r a t i o n closely k n i t a n d oriented to the residents w h o b e l o n g e d there, but then proceeded to construct a m i l l i o n - s q u a r e - f o o t s h o p p i n g

Salience of the Local Community

259

m a l l —"the largest open-air m a l l i n central F l o r i d a " — designed to at­ tract 10 m i l l i o n visitors a year. T h e n there w a s the w a l k i n g distance i d e a l . T h e health center, situated b e y o n d the g o l f course, w a s l o c a t e d b e y o n d the c o m f o r t a b l e quarter-mile w a l k i n g - d i s t a n c e r a d i u s . T h e w a l k ­ i n g distance s t a n d a r d w a s further stretched by the t w o - to three-car garages attached to the t o w n h o u s e s . Just as i n T w i n R i v e r s , this assured the l a c k o f p u b l i c t r a n s p o r t a t i o n , a frequently v o i c e d c o m p l a i n t . A s m i g h t be expected, social issues surfaced early. T h e l a c k o f r a c i a l a n d e c o n o m i c diversity w a s n o t e d — w i t h a p p r o v a l by some a n d d i s m a y by others. " T h e r e is n o r o o m for the p o o r , " said several residents. Cele­ b r a t i o n w a s settled by a middle-class p o p u l a t i o n w h o sought the A m e r i ­ c a n D r e a m o f m o b i l i t y a n d success a n d a life a w a y f r o m the t y p i c a l a n d u n s o l v e d u r b a n p r o b l e m s o f poverty, homelessness, a n d ethnic strife. Residents m i g h t be w i l l i n g to help solve these but n o t to i m p o r t t h e m i n t o the n e w c o m m u n i t y . O f course n o t a l l s o c i a l p r o b l e m s c o u l d be h e l d at bay. T i m e w o u l d b r i n g several i n t o v i e w fairly q u i c k l y , petty c r i m e , for e x a m p l e (Frantz a n d C o l l i n s 1 9 9 9 , p p . 3 2 0 - 2 2 ) , a n d a n i n ­ ternal status order o f w o r t h that i r k e d many. T h e outlines o f social marginality, e c o n o m i c hierarchy, a n d i n v i d i o u s distinctions a c c o r d i n g to house type, modes o f dress, a n d other external insignias o f r a n k were discernable by the end o f the first year. T h e r e w a s great distress also a b o u t promises u n k e p t o r p o s t p o n e d . H o u s i n g quality, for e x a m p l e , reflected the haste w i t h w h i c h it w a s c o n ­ structed. T h e p o o r l y e q u i p p e d s c h o o l l e d to vociferous a n d intense c o m ­ plaints by the residents a n d defensive retorts by management f r o m the first m o m e n t s . T h e hype o f the B i g Sell before houses were p u r c h a s e d i m p e r c e p t i ­ b l y gave w a y to modest disclaimers after residents h a d m o v e d i n . In the w o r d s o f one architect: " T h e i n t e n t i o n w a s to b u i l d a g o o d place for people to live by p r o v i d i n g architecture a n d p l a n n i n g that p r o m o t e d s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n a n d a sense o f c o m m u n i t y " (ibid., p . 3 0 0 ) . B u t , he concedes, it w i l l be a better place i n the future. It is u p to the residents. T h a t c o n c l u s i o n w a s not, however, stated u p front, at the start, a n d thus it often came as a n u n w e l c o m e afterthought. T h e full evaluations o f C e l e b r a t i o n m u s t a w a i t systematic investiga­ t i o n for at least the first decade, a n d p r o b a b l y m o r e . P r e l i m i n a r y reac­ tions as charted i n the b o o k s by F r a n t z a n d C o l l i n s (1999) a n d R o s s (1999) a n d m a n y j o u r n a l i s t i c c o m m e n t a r i e s reveal several fault lines. O f t e n m e n t i o n e d is the D i s n e y C o m p a n y ' s penchant to respect its bot­ t o m line m o r e t h a n the residents' needs a n d the ensuing pressure o n builders a n d architects to get out the p r o d u c t as fast as possible. T h e residents' i r r i t a t i o n w i t h the hype later w a s interpreted as deception, w h i c h w o u l d t u r n i n t o c y n i c i s m . In part, this w a s associated w i t h the

260

Chapter 14

departure o f some o f the o r i g i n a l p r i m e m o v e r s a n d their replacement by business types w h o favored the b o t t o m line over the o r i g i n a l v i s i o n . C e l e b r a t i o n a n d c o m m u n i t i e s l i k e it endeavor to meet the desire o f middle-class A m e r i c a n s to replace the s u b u r b a n m y s t i q u e w i t h the tra­ d i t i o n a l , s u i t a b l y u p d a t e d , s m a l l t o w n . A n d for a l l its l a c k s , C e l e b r a t i o n is s o m e t h i n g o f a n alternative to s p r a w l a n d fragmentation. A f t e r a l l , D i s n e y c o u l d have developed another " g o l f course c o m m u n i t y " but chose to d o s o m e t h i n g m o r e a m b i t i o u s a n d difficult. A n d C e l e b r a t i o n has already i n s p i r e d a n u m b e r o f t o w n s s u c h as N e w p o r t B e a c h , C a l i ­ fornia, and Fort M i l l , South Carolina. N o t to be i g n o r e d , moreover, are the p i o n e e r i n g residents w h o h a d the courage a n d the w i l l i n g n e s s to brave a n u n t r i e d t e r r a i n . It w a s their d e t e r m i n a t i o n to create c o m m u n i t y that m a d e the p l a n a reality: " N o t h ­ i n g stopped t h e m , n o t l e a k y roofs; n o t a P o t e m k i n - v i l l a g e d o w n t o w n w i t h o u t a supermarket, a hairdresser o r a v i d e o store; n o t b a d press o r a carload of tourists" ( M a r l i n g 1999, p. B9). It is t o o s o o n to tell whether C e l e b r a t i o n ' s design w i l l eventually help remedy s o c i a l ills such as u r b a n s p r a w l , e n v i r o n m e n t a l neglect, a n d s o c i a l i s o l a t i o n . M a n y have c r i t i c i z e d it — p r e m a t u r e l y — for n o t s o l v i n g the p r o b l e m s o f inner cities a n d , i n fact, creating yet another s u b u r b for the w e l l - t o - d o . A t the same t i m e , one s h o u l d note that C e l e b r a t i o n has some impressive achievements to its credit. A n d whatever the final out­ c o m e , g i v e n its g o a l o f g o i n g b e y o n d s u b u r b a n s p r a w l a n d disconnect­ edness, its a m b i t i o u s agenda deserves attention. A t this p o i n t , o f course, a l l rests o n faith. T h e full test o f C e l e b r a t i o n , r e q u i r i n g time a n d e x p e r i ­ ence, w i l l c o m e t o o late to ameliorate the p l a n a n d the decisions that set it o n its course. T h a t l o o p h o l e is to some degree h e l p f u l by g i v i n g C e l e ­ b r a t i o n time to g r o w but it also postpones effective a c t i o n i n the here a n d n o w . B y projecting desired i n f o r m a t i o n i n t o a distant future, its lessons c a n never be a p p l i e d i n the present. T h a t absolves planners, de­ signers, a n d architects f r o m the full b r u n t o f the critique that c o u l d i m p r o v e their creations. P l a n n e d developments, designated " c o m m u ­ n i t i e s " l o n g before they deserve the n a m e , are p r o l i f e r a t i n g across the l a n d , indeed across the w o r l d . In the interpénétration o f m a r k e t strate­ gies a n d c u l t u r a l n o s t a l g i a , " c o m m u n i t y " often becomes little m o r e t h a n a sales p i t c h . Y e t o b v i o u s l y it also touches a c u l t u r a l nerve. O n e frequent critique o f the c o m m e r c i a l i z a t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y is that it loses the p a r t i c i p a t o r y , creative aspect a n d turns it i n t o a c o m ­ m o d i t y to be b o u g h t a n d s o l d . In t u r n , the c o n s u m e r expects a p r o d u c t , a n "instant c o m m u n i t y . " W h e n this proves a c h i m e r a , frustration, a n ­ ger, a n d t u r m o i l ensue. A n o t h e r r a p i d l y g r o w i n g t r e n d is that t o w a r d "gated c o m m u n i t i e s , " o r g a n i z e d for safety, e x c l u s i o n , a n d t o p - d o w n c o m m u n i t y r i g i d l y regu-

Salience of the Local Community

261

lated. Estimates put their n u m b e r at t w e n t y t h o u s a n d w i t h eight a n d a h a l f m i l l i o n residents. A l l o f these developments have i m p o r t a n t i m p l i c a t i o n s for family, p r o p e r t y arrangements, h o m e o w n e r s h i p , a n d social c o o p e r a t i o n . W h a t ­ ever their l i m i t a t i o n s , they are a b o o n to y o u n g families eager for h o m e o w n e r s h i p a n d middle-class lifestyles at prices they c a n afford. T h i s has p r o v e d attractive i n other countries as w e l l . In the 1990s, for e x a m p l e , a n A m e r i c a n - s t y l e development featuring the " t o w n k h a u s " arose o n the fringes o f St. Petersburg i n R u s s i a . Safety a n d space d r e w y o u n g couples w i t h s m a l l c h i l d r e n w h o were w i l l i n g to w a i t for shops, schools, a n d c u l t u r a l activities n o t yet i n place ( V a r o l i , 2 0 0 0 ) . They, t o o , left the city to become h o m e o w n e r s yet f o u n d that they h a d to p u l l together w i t h others to achieve their goals. T h a t process w i l l surely take longer t h a n they anticipated but at its best it w i l l e x p a n d their connectedness to others. C o m m o n Interest D e v e l o p m e n t s ( C I D s ) , i n c l u d i n g n e w t o w n s , c o ­ operative apartments, c o n d o m i n i u m s , a n d c o - o p h o u s i n g , have i n ­ creased f r o m a bare 1,000 i n the early 1960s to over 1 0 0 , 0 0 0 by the 1990s. These are expected to become the p r i n c i p a l f o r m o f n e w h o m e o w n e r s h i p i n " m o s t m e t r o p o l i t a n areas" (Judd 1 9 9 5 , p p . 1 4 4 - 4 6 , 155).

Gay Communities The significance o f c o m m u n i t y for a m o d e r n g r o u p has n o w h e r e been m o r e i n evidence t h a n i n the t r a n s f o r m a t i o n o f h o m o s e x u a l i t y f r o m a m a r g i n a l i z e d , " d e v i a n t " c o n d i t i o n to a n alternative a n d increasingly ac­ cepted f o r m o f sexual expression. T h e emergence o f a h o m o s e x u a l sub­ culture r o o t e d i n special c o m m u n i t i e s w a s the m o s t s t r i k i n g manifesta­ t i o n o f this t r a n s f o r m a t i o n . G a y c o m m u n i t i e s , as distinct f r o m the u n d e r g r o u n d gay nightlife that m a n y cities h a r b o r e d i n the years between W o r l d W a r s I a n d II, have existed i n a n u m b e r o f cities for a century o r m o r e . In N e w Y o r k C i t y , for e x a m p l e , the B o w e r y , G r e e n w i c h V i l l a g e , a n d H a r l e m attracted large n u m b e r s o f gays a n d were t y p i c a l l y part o f the b o h e m i a n under­ w o r l d that h a d established itself i n u r b a n areas t h r o u g h o u t the w o r l d . A l t h o u g h their g r o w t h a n d significance have n o t been sufficiently ac­ k n o w l e d g e d by students o f c o m m u n i t y , gay c o m m u n i t i e s developed their o w n c o m p l e m e n t o f institutions, values, a n d means o f c o m m u n i c a ­ t i o n thereby p r o v i d i n g a protective w e b for their members. " A real gay c o m m u n i t y is m o r e t h a n bars, c l u b s , baths, a n d restau­ rants, i m p o r t a n t as these are. N o r is it s i m p l y a n elaborate n e t w o r k o f friendships, t h o u g h these t o o are i m p o r t a n t . " Rather, it is a set o f insti-

262

Chapter 14

tutions, i n c l u d i n g p o l i t i c a l a n d s o c i a l clubs, " b o o k s t o r e s , c h u r c h groups, c o m m u n i t y centers, theater groups . . . that represent b o t h a sense o f shared values a n d a willingness to assert one's h o m o s e x u a l i t y . " T h e "greatest single v i c t o r y o f the gay m o v e m e n t " stemmed f r o m shifting the p u b l i c — a n d private — debate " f r o m b e h a v i o r to identity," notes A l t m a n ( 1 9 8 2 , p p . 8, 9). A n d identity, being s o c i a l i n essence, derives f r o m c o m m u n i t y . B u t where d i d this c o m m u n i t y — as distinct f r o m the earlier h o m o s e x u a l districts —originate? T h e C i v i l R i g h t s m o v e m e n t o f the 1960s w a s one i m p o r t a n t source because it raised the consciousness o f m i n o r i t i e s . B u t perhaps a n even m o r e p o w e r f u l force w a s c o m m e r c i a l ­ i s m seeking n e w markets. B y the 1980s a self-conscious, s o c i a l l y distinctive gay c o m m u n i t y offered a w i d e range o f institutions for gays. T h i s i n c l u d e d "gay travel agencies, gay m e d i c a l a n d legal services, gay bookstores, gay p u b l i s h i n g houses," gay restaurants, hotels, sports arenas a n d m e d i a — newspapers, magazines, films. " N o other m i n o r i t y has depended so h e a v i l y o n c o m ­ m e r c i a l enterprises to define itself . . . especially for gay m e n " (ibid., p . 21). W h a t e v e r the origins o f the gay c o m m u n i t y , once gelled, institutions proliferated to solidify a w a y o f life a n d a w i d e range o f activities. T h e r e are gay pressure groups, p o l i t i c a l p o w e r blocs, resort areas, as w e l l as gentrified n e i g h b o r h o o d s a n d spatial enclaves. A l l o f these i n ­ crease g r o u p identity a n d c o h e s i o n . If some w o u l d c a l l these ghettoes, then at least they are ghettos o f " d e s i r e " w h o s e separatism is " v o l u n ­ tary." F r o m these n e w l y forged c o m m u n i t i e s , gay culture has extended its influence far out i n t o the m a i n s t r e a m — v i a f a s h i o n , advertising, h u m o r , a n d self-display (ibid., p p . 3 I f f . ) . " N o longer sinners, c r i m i n a l s , perverts, neurotics, o r deviants, h o m o s e x u a l s are s l o w l y being redefined i n less value-laden terms as practitioners o f an alternative life-style, members o f a new community" (ibid., p . 3 5 , m y emphasis). T h e gay c o m m u n i t y offers s o c i a l status, a g r o u p identity, a n d support for over­ c o m i n g "the a l i e n a t i o n a n d i m p e r s o n a l i t y o f u r b a n i n d u s t r i a l society by stressing bonds o f c o m m u n i t y " (ibid., p . 103). Lest w e exaggerate the positives o f the gay c o m m u n i t y , w e s h o u l d also consider some o f its negatives. A s is true o f a l l c o m m u n i t i e s , once f o r m e d , there is pressure to c o n f o r m to g r o u p n o r m s a n d to a separatist i d e o l o g y that segregates " u s " f r o m " t h e m . " T h e n there is the fact that w h i l e the gay c o m m u n i t y m a y d i s p l a y a unified front to the larger soci­ ety, i n t e r n a l l y it m a y be sharply d i v i d e d i n regard to a variety o f c o n t r o ­ versial issues, i n c l u d i n g a d u l t - c h i l d sexual contacts, cross-dressing, p u b ­ lic sex, a n d attitudes t o w a r d the straight w o r l d . T h e sense o f c o m m u n i t y c a n help to g r a d u a l l y diffuse these i n t e r n a l battles. A s the c o m m u n i t y coalesces a n d becomes m o r e cohesive, it develops a n ethical code geared

Salience of the Local Community

263

to the needs a n d p r o b l e m s o f the members. T o d o so effectively, gay c o m m u n i t i e s w i l l need to m o v e f r o m a c o m m e r c i a l gay enclave to genu­ ine c o m m u n i t y — a l o n g a n d arduous task. W h i l e one m a y generalize a b o u t gay c o m m u n i t i e s , one s h o u l d n o t exaggerate their u n i f o r m i t y . Gender, i n particular, is a n i m p o r t a n t source o f d i s t i n c t i o n , as c o m m u n i t i e s for gay m e n differ significantly f r o m c o m m u n i t i e s for gay w o m e n . T h e general c o m m u n i t y attributes are s i m i l a r for each: s y m b o l i c a n d spatial b o u n d a r i e s , a shared language, n o r m s a n d s o c i a l n e t w o r k s , a n d feelings o f identity c o n d u c i v e to s o c i o p s y c h o l o g i c a l unity. These develop o u t o f c o m m o n projects a n d shared interests a n d i n time give shape to distinctive c u l t u r a l patterns a n d frames o f reference that extend their reach across cities, countries, even continents ( W o l f 1 9 7 9 , p . 73). H o w e v e r , lesbian c o m m u n i t i e s differ f r o m male h o m o s e x u a l c o m ­ munities i n n u m e r o u s w a y s . T h e y are less l i k e l y to be created by c o m ­ m e r c i a l forces seeking m a r k e t niches. T h e y tend to be p o o r e r i n eco­ n o m i c resources, reflecting w o m e n ' s greater p o v e r t y i n the society generally. A n d perhaps because o f that, they emphasize equality a n d oppose s o c i a l h i e r a r c h y a n d the need for f o r m a l leadership (ibid., p . 80). In a d d i t i o n , lesbians have a p o l i t i c a l mindset that seeks not o n l y separatism f r o m the w i d e r society but f r o m a m a l e - d o m i n a t e d culture a n d p a t r i a r c h a l institutions that are seen to repress w o m e n . B o t h c o m m u n i t i e s also suffer f r o m a certain transience a n d the frag­ ility o f r o m a n t i c b o n d s , w h i c h , u n t i l recently, have l a c k e d legal sup­ ports. T h u s they must create traditions f r o m scratch. L i k e gay males, lesbians derive s u p p o r t f r o m p a r t i c u l a r institutions. F o r lesbians, these i n c l u d e the W o m e n ' s S w i t c h b o a r d , W o m e n ' s Coffee H o u s e s , lesbian bars, a n d m e d i a geared to their concerns. A l l o f these help to cement identities a n d reinforce special b o n d s . N a m e s are often t a k e n not f r o m fathers but f r o m m o t h e r s ' first names, f r o m cities, o r f r o m nature (ibid., p p . 8 4 - 8 5 ) . A great deal o f emphasis i n the start-up phase o f such c o m m u n i t i e s is p l a c e d o n creating u n i f y i n g s y m b o l s (lavender stars), a m y t h o l o g y , historic antecedents, a n d rituals o f g r o u p identity. A l s o , c o m m u n i t y c o ­ hesion a n d p e r s o n a l identity are enhanced by the group's h o s t i l i t y to the m a i n s t r e a m society that has l o n g rejected t h e m . Sexuality also differentiates the t w o : F o r the male gay culture, ca­ sual a n d recreational sex, w h i c h the w i d e r society often c o n d e m n s as p r o m i s c u o u s a n d m o r a l l y reprehensible, are m o r e accepted, a n d this creates a special " c o m m u n a l e r o t i c i s m " ( A l t m a n 1 9 8 2 , p . 35). B y w a y o f contrast, lesbians have t y p i c a l l y been depicted as e m p h a s i z i n g l o n g t e r m r o m a n c e , tenderness, affection, a n d sentiment i n their sexuality ( W o l f 1 9 7 9 , p . 89).

264

Chapter 14

T h e bathhouse is essentially a gay male i n s t i t u t i o n . A n d w h i l e such places o f assignation are n o t u n k n o w n i n the lesbian c o m m u n i t y , they have far less centrality, as does a n o n y m o u s , transient sex. A t this p o i n t , it is n o t clear h o w to interpret this difference o f emphasis since b o t h gay males a n d lesbians seek that special partner a n d permanent u n i o n s , but for the males, a n o n y m o u s , casual sex is a p o w e r f u l countertheme. T h i s c o u l d reflect differences i n the s o c i a l i z a t i o n o f m e n a n d w o m e n that c a r r y over i n t o gay c o m m u n i t i e s o r it m a y be a f u n c t i o n o f earlier gener­ a t i o n a l attitudes t o w a r d sexual e x p r e s s i o n n o longer prevalent i n the s e x u a l l y freer atmosphere o f the 1 9 9 0 s . It m a y also, however, reflect differing value systems for the t w o types o f gay c o m m u n i t i e s w i t h gay males t e n d i n g to split off sexuality f r o m other aspects o f life w h i l e les­ bians seek to i n c o r p o r a t e it. A c o m m o n theme i n b o t h lesbian a n d male gay c o m m u n i t i e s is that they are s t r i v i n g to create a m o r e o p e n , c a r i n g , a n d s h a r i n g w o r l d that w i l l liberate h u m a n i t y f r o m o l d p s y c h o l o g i c a l a n d i d e o l o g i c a l shackles. B o t h also offer a g r o u p identity a n d s o c i a l status to their members even if, as is true for other c o m m u n i t i e s , these m a y be s h a r p l y d i v i d e d inter­ n a l l y o n a variety o f issues. O n e interesting but as yet u n a n s w e r a b l e q u e s t i o n is whether, as gays cease to be a d i s d a i n e d m i n o r i t y , they w i l l c o n t i n u e to need a n d s u p p o r t s u c h c o m m u n i t i e s a n d the solace they offer. T h e r e is reason to suppose that gay c o m m u n i t i e s w i l l change substantially once the basis for f o r m i n g such c o m m u n i t i e s has lost its d r i v i n g force, but that re­ m a i n s a q u e s t i o n for the future. T h e four trends, a n d the c o m m u n i t i e s they foster discussed i n this chapter, are n o t l i k e l y to abate i n the foreseeable future. Indeed they offer n a t u r a l s o c i a l laboratories for s t u d y i n g emerging c o m m u n i t y p r o ­ cesses so as to deepen o u r u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f t h e m . T h e r e is a further argument for the p r o l i f e r a t i o n o f spatial c o m m u ­ nities s t o k e d by e c o n o m i c interests a n d t e c h n o l o g i c a l advances. If this accelerates as most p u n d i t s assume, so w i l l the need for rootedness, spatial identity, a n d b e l o n g i n g to smaller turfs as p a r t o f a c o m p e n s a ­ t o r y dialectic l i n k i n g g l o b a l a n d l o c a l scales. A n d if, as m a n y have argued, the costs o f m o d e r n , a n d p o s t m o d e r n , life w i l l leave m i l l i o n s i n p s y c h i c l i m b o , the desire for collective c u s h ­ ions w i l l c o m m a n d p u b l i c notice a n d p o l i t i c a l response i n g r o w i n g measure.

CHAPTER 1 5 CONCLUDING

REFLECTIONS

BUILDING B L O C K S O F C O M M U N I T Y [T]o feel much for others . . . to restrain our selfishness and to in­ dulge our benevolent affections, constitutes the perfection of human nature. — A d a m Smith

H a v i n g c o m e this far, I c o n c l u d e w i t h some general reflections o n the possibility o f the t e r r i t o r i a l c o m m u n i t y as a n a n c h o r o f h u m a n exis­ tence. M y r e a d i n g o f classic theory, h i s t o r i c experiences, a n d research 265

266

Chapter 15

o n h u m a n behavior — i n c l u d i n g the in-depth case e x a m i n e d i n this b o o k — lead to a cautious o p t i m i s m . C o m m u n i t y clearly is n o t obsolescent o r superfluous. In fact, the need for w h a t W i l l i a m F a u l k n e r c a l l e d " a little postage stamp c o r n e r o f the w o r l d " is greater t h a n ever as h u m a n s enter the interplanetary era.

Constant Elements of Community M a n y have lamented the m u l t i p l i c i t y o f terms — often c o n t r a d i c t o r y a n d p a r t i a l — used to denote c o m m u n i t y . B u t i f one l o o k s beneath the v e r b a l p y r o t e c h n i c s , there is considerable agreement o n basic c o n n o t a t i o n s a n d ideas. M a r t i n B u b e r defined c o m m u n i t y as "the o v e r c o m i n g o f otherness i n l i v i n g u n i t y (Arnett 1 9 8 6 , p . X I I ) . F e r d i n a n d Tônnies, the father o f m o d e r n c o m m u n i t y studies, defined it as " a c o n d i t i o n " i n w h i c h i n d i ­ v i d u a l s r e m a i n "attached despite a l l d i v i s i o n , i n contrast to society i n w h i c h people r e m a i n separate despite a l l u n i f y i n g forces" (Bender 1 9 7 8 , p . 17). U n i t y l o o m s large i n b o t h definitions, but it is a m u l t i p l e u n i t y a n d one m a r k e d by a perpetual struggle to achieve " i n t e g r a t i o n against difficulties" (Redfield 1 9 6 0 , p . 108). M o s t observers agree, moreover, that c o m m u n i t y is not defined by s o c i a b i l i t y but precedes it. A s is true o f so m u c h o f s o c i a l life, the fiction, the belief, indeed the m y t h o f c o m m u n i t y m a y be m o r e significant t h a n the actuality. T h e i d e a l c o n c e p t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y , where everything seems possible, often clashes w i t h real-life c o m m u n i t i e s i n w h i c h n o t h i n g comes easily. T h i s is true even i n preliterate societies suffused by c o m m u n i t y ties a n d o b l i g a ­ t i o n s . " T h e u n i t y o f the c l a n , " notes M a l i n o w s k i ( 1 9 2 6 , p p . 1 1 9 , 121) "is a legal fiction i n that it demands a n absolute s u b o r d i n a t i o n o f a l l other interests a n d ties to the c l a i m s o f c l a n solidarity, w h i l e i n fact, this s o l i d a r i t y is a l m o s t constantly sinned against a n d p r a c t i c a l l y n o n - e x i s ­ tent i n the d a i l y r u n o f o r d i n a r y l i f e . " Surprisingly, despite the vast t e c h n o l o g i c a l a n d c u l t u r a l differences that separate the electronic era f r o m the stone age, the t w o share m a n y essential features. In fact, a fairly l i m i t e d set o f attributes defines b o t h . These range f r o m p h y s i c a l properties, such as l a n d a n d b o u n d a r i e s , to c u l t u r a l a n d s o c i a l properties. T h e s t a n d a r d d i m e n s i o n s that f o r m the b e d r o c k o f c o m m u n i t y are: 1. A b o u n d e d site o f t e r r i t o r y a n d turf. 2 . C r i t e r i a o f m e m b e r s h i p specifying w h o does a n d w h o does n o t b e l o n g . T h i s p r o v i d e s a "consciousness o f k i n d , " a " w e " versus " t h e y " feeling to reinforce a sense o f b e l o n g i n g .

Concluding Reflections

267

3. A n i n s t i t u t i o n a l f r a m e w o r k o f l a w s a n d rules, sanctions and rewards. 4. A set o f values e m p h a s i z i n g c o o p e r a t i o n , m u t u a l respon­ sibility, a n d sharing. 5. A belief system that validates a p a r t i c u l a r w a y o f life a n d justifies its constraints a n d demands. 6. A m y t h o f c o m m u n i t y e m b o d i e d i n images, ideals, aspira­ tions, a n d goals. 7. Shared rituals a n d celebrations to give shape to a r h y t h m o f collective life. 8. L e a d e r s h i p structure w i t h leaders acting as guides, arbiters, and models. 9. Social relationships that are p e r s o n a l , direct, responsive, a n d trusting. 10. Transcendent purposes a n d goals — c a p t u r e d by "the spirit of c o m m u n i t y . " E a c h o f these ten d i m e n s i o n s makes a distinctive c o n t r i b u t i o n : 1. A b o u n d e d site demarcates a distinctive space a n d t u r f that helps generate a collective identity, a sense o f closure, a n d safety. A n a m e a n d certain l a n d m a r k s offer a spatial signature. 2 . C r i t e r i a o f m e m b e r s h i p determine w h o belongs a n d w h o does not, p r o v i d i n g access a n d privilege for insiders, e x c l u s i o n for outsiders and nonmembers. 3. T h e i n s t i t u t i o n a l f r a m e w o r k p r o v i d e s governance a n d rules to cope w i t h r o u t i n e circumstances as w e l l as crises. Some c o m m u n i t i e s find their genesis i n a f o r m a l covenant w h i l e others focus o n significant historic events o r religious, r a c i a l , a n d ethnic solidarities. 4. A set o f shared values shapes p r i o r i t i e s a n d goals. 5. A belief system validates a c o m m o n w a y o f life a n d justifies the demands a n d costs r e q u i r e d to realize desired goals. 6. A g u i d i n g image, often m y t h i c , is l i n k e d to events p r o m i n e n t l y featured i n the c o m m u n i t y . These m a y be n a t u r a l disasters, historic t r i ­ u m p h s , o r notable trials. M y t h s are v i s i o n s o f the desired life o r fictions o f c o m m o n origins a n d past events. T h e y m a y bear little r e l a t i o n to reality. F o r e x a m p l e , W y l i e ( 1 9 7 4 , p . 2 8 6 ) notes that the F r e n c h village he studied c l u n g to the i l l u s i o n o f changelessness despite the transient p o p u l a t i o n ' s c o n t i n u o u s m o b i l i t y . M y t h s , images, sagas, a n d legends are s y m b o l i c modes s o l i d i f y i n g c o m m u n i t y . 7. C o l l e c t i v e rituals a n d celebrations generate a spirit o f s h a r i n g a n d togetherness, as does any activity i n c o m m o n . A n interesting e x a m p l e , c u l l e d f r o m A m e r i c a n history, concerns the debts o w e d by early settlers of N e w E n g l a n d to the sponsors o f their n e w l y established c o m m u -

268

Chapter 15

nities. A l l i n d i v i d u a l s i n the c o m m u n i t y w o r k e d for seven years to p a y off this debt, thus diffusing the collective b u r d e n ( D e m o s 1 9 7 0 , p . 5). C o l l e c t i v e rituals also enable c o m m u n i t i e s to cope w i t h the inevitable tensions a n d conflicts o f collective life. C u l t u r a l meanings are thereby created " o n a stage as w i d e as society itself" ( D i a m o n d 1 9 8 1 , p . 150). C o n s i d e r the aftermath o f m a j o r n a t i o n a l disasters w i t h their p r a y e r services a n d occasions for shared grief. In the T W A F l i g h t 8 0 0 catastro­ phe o f J u l y 1 9 9 6 , for e x a m p l e , b o t h the families directly affected by the loss o f l o v e d ones a n d a c o m p a s s i o n a t e larger p u b l i c were s y m b o l i c a l l y j o i n e d i n a r i t u a l o f m o u r n i n g . After a religious service o n the shore near the c r a s h site, T V viewers became p a r t o f a m o v i n g r i t u a l o f fare­ w e l l . Roses p l a c e d i n the ocean waters by the f a m i l y members were c a r r i e d o u t to the site o f the fatal i m p a c t i n a last gesture o f grief. T h i s simple p u b l i c expression c o n v e y e d the deep feelings o f the afflicted as w e l l as the sympathies o f a wider, empathie c o m m u n i t y o f k i n d r e d spirits. 8. L e a d e r s h i p is c r u c i a l . Indifference o r neglect by leaders generally spells a c o m m u n i t y ' s decline. Leaders are c r u c i a l l y i m p o r t a n t i n times o f emergency, o f course, but also for the day-to-day routines o f collective life. Leaders, n o matter h o w indispensable, however, are t y p i c a l l y v i e w e d w i t h a m b i v a l e n c e . In m a n y a preliterate society, for e x a m p l e , p u b l i c cer­ e m o n i a l s m a y a c t u a l l y encourage the e x p r e s s i o n o f a m b i v a l e n c e t o w a r d a u t h o r i t y figures. Instead o f d e n y i n g s u c h c u l t u r a l c o n t r a d i c t i o n s a n d tensions, these are centrally featured, thus b e c o m i n g p a r t o f the sacred d r a m a o f challenge a n d r e c o n c i l i a t i o n i n c o m m u n i t y life. 9. S o c i a l relationships — p e r s o n a l , direct, expressive — are significant b u i l d i n g b l o c k s o f c o m m u n i t y . T o be k n o w n o r r e c o g n i z e d i n the p u b l i c arena is reassuring, a n d the sense o f trust a n d m u t u a l i t y thereby gener­ ated gets funneled b a c k i n t o the c o m m u n i t y . 10. A n investment o f s e l f — v i a t i m e , energy, effort, a n d sacrifice — i n c o m m u n i t y highlights the interdependence o f members a n d their needs for one another. W h e n one is able to identify one's o w n w e l l being w i t h the c o m m o n g o o d , a m a j o r t u r n i n g p o i n t has been reached — a p o i n t o f transcendence. W h e n one's plans a n d goals have been l i n k e d to a t o t a l i t y b e y o n d one's self a n d one is w i l l i n g to assume r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for its fate, c o m m u n i t y has h a p p e n e d . In a c h a r m i n g a c c o u n t o f a pet i g u a n a that h a d to be g i v e n u p for a d o p t i o n , the o w n e r weeps at her loss, e x c l a i m i n g t h r o u g h her tears: " I can't believe I ' m c r y i n g over a n i g u a n a ! " . . . "She w a s n ' t just a n i g u a n a to y o u " her h u s b a n d s a i d . " Y o u t o o k r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for h e r " ( G r e e n ­ house 2 0 0 0 , p . 94). C l e a r l y , then, c o m m u n i t y is a collective c r e a t i o n a n d some s o c i a l c o n d i t i o n s are m o r e favorable for its emergence t h a n others. T h u s , the deeply i n g r a i n e d conflict between i n d i v i d u a l a n d c o m m u n i t y o f W e s t e r n

Concluding Reflections

269

c i v i l i z a t i o n "seems alien to Japan's social t r a d i t i o n . " T h i s is n o t due to a m o r e i n t r i n s i c h a r m o n y i n J a p a n , where conflict is e n d e m i c , but because o f a c e r t a i n " b a s i c u n i t y " that p r o v i d e s its c u l t u r a l a n d i n s t i t u t i o n a l underpinnings (Gottmann 1981, p. 259). A n o b v i o u s question is whether each o f the ten d i m e n s i o n s is e q u a l l y significant a n d , i f not, is there a w a y to p r i o r i t i z e them? I w o u l d argue that for c o m m u n i t y to exist, a l l ten d i m e n s i o n s are essential, but their i m p a c t m a y v a r y a c c o r d i n g to the stages o f c o m m u ­ nity f o r m a t i o n . T h u s , the spatial aspects — turf, territory, site —are c r i t i ­ c a l for l a u n c h i n g the c o m m u n i t y , whereas transcendence, i f achieved, m a r k s the ultimate phase. In between, structures, values, rituals, a n d relationships take h o l d . T h e case o f T w i n R i v e r s is illustrative here. 1. It starts w i t h a b o u n d e d site a n d t e r r i t o r y i n s p i r e d by a set o f p r a c t i c a l aims o f b u i l d i n g a t o w n h o u s e c o m m u n i t y . 2 - 4 . It attracts homebuyers eager to c l a i m their share o f the A m e r i ­ c a n d r e a m o f house a n d , hopefully, c o m m u n i t y . T h e y are i m b u e d w i t h a set o f beliefs that feature h o m e o w n e r s h i p , o p e n spaces, safety, social o p p o r t u n i t i e s for their c h i l d r e n , m a t e r i a l advancement, a s o u n d f a m i l y life, a n d , m o s t notably, a flourishing c o m m u n i t y . These values reflect a historic m o d e l o f c o m m u n i t y a n d its images o f the g o o d life, w h i c h p r o v i d e the v i s i o n for the c o m m u n i t y to be. 5 - 8 . I m p l e m e n t a t i o n occupies a p r o m i n e n t place d u r i n g the first three to five years, w h e n the i n s t i t u t i o n a l f o u n d a t i o n , a leadership struc­ ture, a n d rules a n d sanctions are w o r k e d out. S l o w l y , as the edifice be­ gins to take shape, l e a d i n g personalities emerge, a n d collective rituals c h a n n e l the practice o f c o m m u n i t y . 9 - 1 0 . B y the end o f the first decade a collective identity, a " w e " feeling, a n d significant social b o n d i n g has t a k e n h o l d . M a n y generous actions m a y n o w be identified a n d some m e l d i n g o f self-interest — " w h a t is best for me a n d m i n e " — w i t h the c o m m o n g o o d , " w h a t is best for ws," for the totality. A transcendent element o f e m p a t h y a n d c a r i n g , a sense o f wholeness a n d shared fate n o w beckons to the m o r e c o m m u ­ n i t y - m i n d e d w h o spread its spirit t h r o u g h o u t the c o m m u n i t y . H e n c e ­ f o r t h the ship is seaworthy. O f these essential d i m e n s i o n s , the t w o m o s t difficult to achieve are: (1) care a n d e m p a t h y for one's f e l l o w members, a n d (2) transcendence to a h o l i s t i c spirit o f c o m m u n i t y . W h y s h o u l d I care for the stranger w h o happens to d w e l l i n m y collective home? T h a t is the f u n d a m e n t a l q u e s t i o n , especially i n a culture that stresses the i n d i v i d u a l ' s respon­ sibility p r i m a r i l y to self a n d family. F o r Westerners, it has often been observed, "life means i n d i v i d u ­ ality. W e k n o w each other as i n d i v i d u a l s . . . . c o m m u n i t y is secondary."

270

Chapter 15

B u t for most societies o f the w o r l d , " i t is the other w a y a r o u n d . I n d i v i d ­ uals o n l y exist because o f the c o m m u n i t y . . . because we exist, I e x i s t " (Sundermeier 1 9 9 8 ) . T h i s is at odds w i t h a culture that v i e w s i n d i v i d u a l s b i o l o g i c a l l y p r i m e d to be self-oriented. E l a b o r a t e theories a n d m o r a l precepts are a d d u c e d to validate this article o f faith. In a society that takes e g o i s m for granted as innate a n d inescapable, it is h a r d to grant e q u a l status to the c o n t r a r y p r o p o s i t i o n , that a l t r u i s m is e q u a l l y a part o f o u r b i o l o g ­ i c a l e n d o w m e n t . Y e t , such a case c a n i n d e e d be m a d e .

Altruism: The Exception or the Rule? C o n s i d e r the f o l l o w i n g d r a m a t i c a n d , t o m o d e r n s , u n i m a g i n a b l e true story o f v o l u n t a r y self-sacrifice. T h e story o f Father M a x i m i l i a n K o l b e is legendary. It takes us b a c k to J u l y 1 9 4 1 i n the death c a m p o f A u s c h ­ w i t z where unspeakable h o r r o r encountered h e r o i s m . O n e rule o f the c a m p stipulated that any escape attempt by one i n m a t e h a d to be atoned for by the death, t h r o u g h s t a r v a t i o n , o f ten m e n f r o m the same bunker. A n d , u p o n the escape o f one such m a n , ten m e n were selected at r a n d o m to die i n his place, a m o n g t h e m F r a n c i s z e k G a j o w n i c z e k , w h o c r i e d o u t i n despair to a wife a n d c h i l d r e n he w o u l d never see again. It w a s then that the forty-seven-year-old priest, p r i s o n e r n u m b e r 1 6 6 7 0 , stepped f o r t h a n d s a i d , " I a m a C a t h o l i c priest a n d I w i s h to die for that m a n . H e has y o u n g c h i l d r e n . I a m o l d . " T h e g u a r d , c a r i n g o n l y to fill his q u o t a o f ten, accepted h i m w i t h o u t question. T h e ten w o u l d die h a r r o w i n g deaths f r o m s t a r v a t i o n except for the last few, i n c l u d i n g Father K o l b e , w h o were later disposed o f b y lethal i n j e c t i o n . A c c o r d i n g to a n eyewitness, the priest m i n i s t e r e d to the suffering m e n to the very end a n d d i e d stoically, his b o d y c o n d e m n e d to the cremator­ i u m a l o n g w i t h countless others. T h e c a l l for s a i n t h o o d arose s o o n thereafter a n d he w a s eventually beatified by P o p e P a u l V I . T h e cere­ m o n y o f O c t o b e r 17, 1 9 7 1 , w a s attended by Sergeant F r a n c i s z e k G a j o w n i c z e k w h o s e life Father K o l b e h a d saved. T h e sacrifice o f one's life, t h o u g h rare, has countless h i s t o r i c prece­ dents. T h e r e are legendary accounts o f soldiers i n w a r t i m e r i s k i n g death to save a friend, mothers d y i n g to save their c h i l d r e n , firefighters t u r n ­ i n g b a c k i n t o the flames to rescue those t r a p p e d inside b u r n i n g b u i l d ­ ings. C l e a r l y w e see here a n i d e n t i f i c a t i o n w i t h those i n need that t r a n ­ scends self-interest. T h e p r o p e n s i t y to r e s p o n d to h u m a n need a n o n y m o u s l y — as i n d o ­ n a t i n g b l o o d to strangers —is also a " k i n d o f a l t r u i s m , " w h i c h eventu­ a l l y comes "to advance the w e l l - b e i n g o f the w h o l e c o m m u n i t y " (Titmus 1970, p. 213).

Concluding Reflections

271

A c c o r d i n g to T i t m u s , b l o o d d o n a t i o n s c a n teach us s o m e t h i n g a b o u t r e c i p r o c i t y a n d s o c i a l outreach. For, the " w a y s i n w h i c h society o r g a ­ nizes a n d structures its s o c i a l institutions . . . c a n encourage o r discour­ age the altruistic i n m a n . " A n d w h e n p a r t o f the self is given away, " c o m m u n i t y a p p e a r s " (ibid., p p . 2 2 5 , 92). Societies v a r y greatly i n their receptivity to a l t r u i s m as a p r i n c i p l e o f collective life. M o d e r n societies, bent o n self-interest, tend to under­ value it ( M a n s b r i d g e 1 9 9 0 , p p . 1 3 5 - 3 6 ) . A s t r i k i n g e x a m p l e o f a l t r u i s m i n recent h i s t o r y is that o f " H o l o ­ caust a l t r u i s m " i n the N a z i p e r i o d i n E u r o p e i n the 1940s. A v a i l a b l e estimates suggest that m o r e t h a n 5 0 , 0 0 0 non-Jews, at a m i n i m u m , r i s k e d their lives to help Jews, a n a c t i o n legally p r o h i b i t e d that c o u l d have resulted i n the deaths o f the rescuers ( O l i n e r a n d O l i n e r 1 9 8 8 , p . 2 0 ) . These risks were i n c u r r e d o n behalf o f a despised, m a r g i n a l i z e d , m i n o r ­ ity g r o u p defined as alien a n d u n w o r t h y . A study o f 4 0 6 rescuers, 150 s u r v i v o r s , a n d 1 2 6 nonrescuers ex­ p l o r e d several key questions i n c l u d i n g whether rescue b e h a v i o r w a s a n attribute o f personality o r a response to a given s i t u a t i o n o f need, a n d whether it is a learned o r innate characteristic o f h u m a n beings. T h e findings suggest that rescue b e h a v i o r reflects b o t h p e r s o n a l qualities a n d values absorbed f r o m parents early i n life (ibid., p . 142). In e x p l o r i n g the roots o f such values, the researchers f o u n d that a key role was p l a y e d by the nature o f parental d i s c i p l i n e i n early c h i l d ­ h o o d . Benevolent discipline a n d emphasis o n r e a s o n i n g a n d the conse­ quences o f one's actions for others create respect, trust, a n d a sense o f w a r m t h a n d c o n c e r n for others. P a r t i c u l a r l y s t r i k i n g is the absence o f p h y s i c a l p u n i s h m e n t , often deemed to breed h o s t i l i t y a n d aggression, i n the u p b r i n g i n g o f rescuers (ibid., p . 179). T h i s strengthened the c o n c l u ­ s i o n that empathy, c o n c e r n , inclusiveness, a n d r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for others are a c q u i r e d , n o t innate, characteristics. Rescuers differed f r o m n o n rescuers i n their degrees o f e m p a t h y for suffering, i n their feelings o f connectedness to others, a n d i n their strong sense o f s o c i a l responsi­ b i l i t y (ibid., p . 175). W h i l e this w o u l d lead us to consider parental values, modes o f dis­ c i p l i n e , a n d personality as p r i m e determinants o f rescue behavior, one s h o u l d n o t ignore the role o f broader s o c i a l factors. F o r e x a m p l e , sev­ eral countries — B u l g a r i a , D e n m a r k , a n d I t a l y — " m a n a g e d to keep J e w ­ ish v i c t i m i z a t i o n to a relatively l o w level because o f the c o o p e r a t i o n o f elite officials a n d l o c a l p o p u l a t i o n s generally resistant to a n t i - S e m i t i s m " (ibid., p . 7). In fact, rescue operations were f o r m a l l y o r g a n i z e d i n , a m o n g other places, the N e t h e r l a n d s a n d parts o f F r a n c e , a n d a m o n g m a n y religious groups. N o t to be forgotten are the heroic achievements of e x t r a o r d i n a r y i n d i v i d u a l s such as O s k a r Schindler, R a o u l W a l l e n b e r g , a n d C h i u n e S u g i h a r a (Levine 1 9 9 7 ) . T h e latter, as Japanese c o n s u l i n

272

Chapter 15

L i t h u a n i a i n 1 9 4 0 , w r o t e exit visas for t h o u s a n d s o f P o l i s h J e w s , s a v i n g their lives a n d eventually forfeiting his career. T h e larger s o c i a l e n v i r o n m e n t is extremely i m p o r t a n t for e n c o u r a g ­ i n g o r d i s c o u r a g i n g latent altruistic impulses. F o r l a c k o f such s u p p o r t , m a n y n o b l e causes l a n g u i s h . W h a t is often l a c k i n g is " d i r e c t i o n for a l ­ truistic impulses at the highest levels o f g o v e r n m e n t , " w h i c h u n d o u b t ­ edly has " a n enervating, d i s c o u r a g i n g effect o n m a n y " (Frazier 1 9 9 4 , p . 128). T h e k i b b u t z experience also suggests that a selfless d e v o t i o n to others m a y be encouraged by s o c i a l p o l i c i e s . It demonstrates "that those w h o v i e w h u m a n i t y as a species o f predators are n o t entirely c o r r e c t . " C o m ­ petitive impulses c a n be c h a n n e l e d i n t o n o n m a t e r i a l i s t i c directions t o ­ w a r d " s p o n t a n e o u s " s o c i a l s o l i d a r i t y a n d v o l u n t a r y s h a r i n g . In the k i b b u t z , n o person's p r o b l e m is his p r o b l e m ; every p e r s o n is " o u r p r o b ­ l e m , even i f he o r she is a t r o u b l e m a k e r a n d a b u r d e n " ( O z 1 9 9 7 , p . 46). A l t r u i s m , i n its c o n c e r n for the totality, is a p o t e n t i a l i n a l l societies. It is a special f o r m o f gift exchange, w h i c h strengthens h u m a n b o n d s . It is p r a c t i c e d i n preliterate as w e l l as i n t e c h n i c a l l y a d v a n c e d societies. W h e n a gift is exchanged i n a circular, rather t h a n a one-on-one pattern it then becomes a n "agent o f s o c i a l c o h e s i o n , " w h i c h like a " f a i t h f u l lover continues to g r o w t h r o u g h c o n s t a n c y " ( H y d e 1 9 8 3 , p . 3 5 ) . G i f t exchange creates s o c i a l connections a n d gratitude that m a y traverse a n entire c o m m u n i t y . A c i r c u l a t i o n o f gifts creates a c o m m u n i t y " o u t o f i n d i v i d u a l expressions o f g o o d w i l l " a n d the interest o f the w h o l e is thereby n o u r i s h e d ( H y d e 1 9 8 3 ) . It is l i k e b l o o d that "distributes the breath t h r o u g h o u t the b o d y . . . a substance that moves freely to every heart but is nonetheless c o n ­ t a i n e d , a healer that goes w i t h o u t restraint to any needy place i n the b o d y . . . a n d inside its vessels the b l o o d , the gift is neither b o u g h t n o r s o l d a n d it comes b a c k forever" (ibid., p . 138). N o w b a c k to o u r q u e s t i o n a b o u t a l t r u i s m . Is it as characteristic o f h u m a n nature as is e g o i s m a n d self-advancement? T h i s is difficult to answer i n a society h e a v i l y disposed to a n i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c life p h i l o s o p h y . C h a r l e s D a r w i n w h o shaped m u c h o f the t h i n k i n g o f the nineteenth century, definitely d i d n o t t h i n k so. In fact, it has been reported that he " o n c e stated that i f a single characteristic o f a l i v i n g t h i n g existed for the sole benefit o f another species, it w o u l d annihilate his t h e o r y o f n a t u r a l s e l e c t i o n , " u s u a l l y s u m m a r i z e d as the " s u r v i v a l o f the fittest" (Frazier 1 9 9 4 , p . 129). B u t a n e x a m i n a t i o n o f the v a r i o u s cultures o f the h u m a n species causes one to question the v a l i d i t y o f D a r w i n ' s thesis. F o r there is n o w considerable evidence that self-denial, even self-sacrifice, i n the interest o f the g r o u p is n o t at a l l rare.

Concluding Reflections

273

A c c o r d i n g to K r o p o t k i n , m u t u a l a i d "represents a n i m p o r t a n t a n d progressive element" i n e v o l u t i o n . H o w e v e r , this element is generally underestimated because the c o m p e t i t i v e struggle for p o w e r is regarded as p r i m a r y . K r o p o t k i n goes o n to delineate the manifestations o f a l t r u ­ i s m as a k i n d o f consciousness o f h u m a n solidarity. "It is not love to m y n e i g h b o r — w h o m I often d o n o t k n o w at a l l — w h i c h induces me to seize a p a i l o f w a t e r a n d to r u s h t o w a r d s his house w h e n I see it o n fire; it is a far w i d e r feeling o r instinct o f h u m a n s o l i d a r i t y a n d sociability w h i c h moves m e " ( K r o p o t k i n , 1 9 5 5 , p p . x i i , x i i i ) . T h e practice o f m u t u a l a i d derives its strength f r o m "the u n c o n ­ scious r e c o g n i t i o n . . . o f the close dependence o f everyone's happiness u p o n the happiness o f a l l . " A n d , despite centuries o f a n i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c ethos, "the nucleus o f m u t u a l a i d institutions, habits, a n d c o n t o u r s , g r o w n u p i n the tribe a n d the village c o m m u n i t y , r e m a i n s " (ibid., p p . xix, 260). M a n y other examples attest to the altruistic p r o p e n s i t y o f h u m a n beings. M i n e r s w o r k i n g to rescue f e l l o w miners t r a p p e d u n d e r g r o u n d or members o f " l i f e b o a t a s s o c i a t i o n s " w h o s e readiness to sacrifice their lives for the rescue o f absolute strangers "is put t o a severe test every y e a r " (ibid., p . 2 7 5 ) . In short, one c o u l d argue, as K r o p o t k i n d i d , that m u t u a l a i d is the rule rather t h a n the e x c e p t i o n for "the vast m a j o r i t y o f species" w h o stand to reap the h i g h r e w a r d s o f p r o s p e r i t y a n d s u r v i v a l . " K i n d n e s s , c a r i n g a n d c o o p e r a t i o n appear to be every bit as respon­ sible for o u r s u r v i v a l as aggression, strength a n d d o m i n a n c e . " A n d there is some research that l i n k s acts o f a l t r u i s m to l o n g e v i t y a n d i m p r o v e d i m m u n e responses. If c o n f i r m e d a n d shared w i t h the p u b l i c , this m i g h t p r o m o t e a t r e n d t o w a r d " p l a n n e d a l t r u i s m " (Frazier 1 9 9 4 , p p . 1 2 9 , 131). C o n s i d e r , for e x a m p l e , the village o f L e C h a m b ó n where, d u r i n g W o r l d W a r II, "goodness h a p p e n e d " ( H a l l i e 1 9 7 9 , p . 2 6 9 ) . U n d e r the m o r a l leadership o f André T r o c m é , the Protestant minister, the villagers v o l u n t a r i l y o r g a n i z e d themselves i n t o a collective lifesaver. T h e 3 , 0 0 0 inhabitants sheltered Jews at the r i s k o f their o w n lives. T o d o so, they f o r m e d rescue n e t w o r k s o f safe spaces to protect 2 , 5 0 0 refugees, most of t h e m c h i l d r e n , f r o m N a z i persecution. H e r o i c leadership, a genuine h u m a n i s m , a n d s p i r i t u a l c o m m i t m e n t to help one's f e l l o w h u m a n s , even against the o p p o s i t i o n o f the m a y o r a n d prefecture, helped L e C h a m b ó n achieve w h a t n o other villages h a d done. It is a r e m a r k a b l e tale o f courage a n d faith a n d p r o o f that a l t r u i s m a n d c o m m u n a l ethics are possible. " U n d e r the m o r a l leadership o f A n ­ dré T r o c m é a n d E d o u a r d T h e i s , the people o f L e C h a m b ó n w o u l d not give up a life for any price — for their o w n c o m f o r t , for their o w n safety, for p a t r i o t i s m , o r for l e g a l i t y " (ibid., p . 2 7 4 ) .

274

Chapter 15 T h i s is a s t u n n i n g d e m o n s t r a t i o n o f the m o v i n g w o r d s o f the poet

Pablo Neruda: T o feel the love o f people w h o m w e love is a fire that feeds o u r life. B u t t o feel the affection that comes f r o m those w h o m w e d o n o t k n o w , f r o m those u n k n o w n to us, w h o are w a t c h i n g over o u r sleep a n d solitude, over o u r dangers a n d o u r w e a k ­ nesses—that is s o m e t h i n g still greater a n d m o r e beautiful be­ cause it w i d e n s out the b o u n d a r i e s o f o u r being a n d unites a l l l i v i n g things. Transcendence o f self is the m o s t difficult o f a l l to achieve because it derives f r o m the other nine d i m e n s i o n s . M a n y so-called c o m m u n i t i e s falter here, resting m a i n l y o n structures a n d strictures. If transcendence is achieved, however, then b o t h the f o r m a n d spirit o f c o m m u n i t y are i n place. C o m m u n i t y is above a l l "the consciousness o f the w h o l e , " n o t e d E m i l e D u r k h e i m , the great nineteenth-century social theorist. It is that w h i c h l i n k s o u r i n d i v i d u a l existence to higher goals a n d sources o f m e a n ­ i n g . Its absence leaves egocentricity free r e i g n . N e i t h e r w e a l t h , lofty credentials, n o r fame are antidotes to the prev­ alent detachment f r o m the p u b l i c g o o d experienced by m a n y o f the y o u n g today. T o inspire their passions for a " c o m m o n s " requires the smaller cells o f c o m m u n i t y to catch fire. A c o n c e r n for the p u b l i c g o o d stems f r o m a sense o f shared fate a n d a n awareness that h u m a n beings are b o u n d together a n d responsible for one another. T h e great a n t h r o p o l o g i s t s have l o n g t o l d us that society, the imper­ s o n a l s o c i a l m a c h i n e r y o f existence, becomes r i g i d a n d lifeless w i t h o u t smaller cells o f c o m m u n i t y to keep it v i t a l a n d h u m a n e . L a c k i n g a sense o f the w h o l e a n d a c o m m o n f u n d o f u n d e r s t a n d i n g leaves m a n y foot­ loose a n d at sea. M o s t tend to b l a m e this o n i n d i v i d u a l failings but it is a collective disorder, a n absence o f b i n d i n g ideals, that p u l l s a t o t a l i t y apart. L e t me illustrate the d i s t i n c t i o n w i t h t w o vignettes. T h e first is a c h a r m i n g i l l u s t r a t i o n o f c o m m u n i t y i n practice, espe­ c i a l l y as it relates to a n empathie gesture to the p r o x i m a t e stranger. A r i t u a l is p r a c t i c e d i n certain modest restaurants i n the s o u t h o f F r a n c e w h e r e patrons sit at a l o n g table w i t h a s m a l l bottle o f w i n e by each plate. Before the m e a l begins, each diner w i l l p o u r the w i n e not i n t o her o w n glass but i n t o that o f her neighbor's. " I n a n e c o n o m i c sense n o t h ­ i n g has h a p p e n e d " — n o one has m o r e o r less w i n e t h a n at the start — but c o m m u n i t y has appeared " w h e r e there w a s none before." In this s m a l l gesture, the soundings o f c o m m u n i t y — o f c a r i n g a n d s h a r i n g — are v i v i d l y present (Titmus 1 9 7 0 , p . 56). T h e second story concerns a w e l l - k n o w n car manufacturer a n d the debate as to w h e t h e r a safety device s h o u l d be a d d e d to its cars a n d

Concluding Reflections

275

t r u c k s . Before p u t t i n g the car o n the m a r k e t , the c o m p a n y tested three different devices that w o u l d tend to prevent the r u p t u r i n g o f a gas t a n k i n a rear-end c o l l i s i o n a n d a deadly fire. T h e costs ( $ 1 , $ 5 , a n d $11) caused the c o m p a n y to decide that it w o u l d not a d d the safety device to the car. A s a result, hundreds o f people perished i n rear-end crashes. T h e first e x a m p l e treats the stranger as k i n d r e d spirit, as a m e m b e r of m y w o r l d . T h e second e x a m p l e treats a l l others as strangers, as c i ­ phers, as " n o t us." If w e w o u l d h u m a n i z e the second e x a m p l e as a m o d e o f c a l c u l a t i n g h u m a n w o r t h , w e must find w a y s to infuse it w i t h the shared s y m b o l i c gestures o f the first e x a m p l e . I d o n o t k n o w i f this is a n age " l o n g i n g for c o m m u n i t y , " as some w o u l d have it. B u t I d o believe it is a n age that needs to understand c o m m u n i t y a n d its c o n t i n u e d significance. M a n y agree. H e r e is a y o u n g m a n reflecting o n his life a m i d the lures o f the t e c h n i c a l c i v i l i z a t i o n his generation takes for granted. H e is d i s m a y e d that he a n d his peers seem " t o l a c k any sense o f necessary c o n n e c t i o n to a n y t h i n g larger t h a n their o w n n a r r o w l y p e r s o n a l aims a n d p r e o c c u p a t i o n s . " T h e freedom f r o m o l d constraints leaves h i m w i t h a "weightless feeling," because his choices d o n o t "connect to any larger n a r r a t i v e " i n the "absence o f the sense o f c o m m o n p u r p o s e " (Samuels 1 9 9 9 , p p . 1 2 4 , 153). T h i s sentiment w a s echoed i n a n a t i o n a l survey o f A m e r i c a n life that f o u n d that 4 3 percent o f A m e r i c a n s consider "selfishness a n d fake r y " at the core o f h u m a n nature, a n d greed a n d d u p l i c i t y as pervasive. Confidence i n business a n d business leadership, as w e l l as trust i n leaders generally, fell p r e c i p i t o u s l y over the past decades — f r o m 7 0 percent to 15 percent ( K a n t e r a n d M i r v i s 1 9 8 9 , p p . 5, 18). W e " l i e i n the lap o f a n immense intelligence" observed R a l p h W a l d o E m e r s o n but it is inaccessible " u n t i l it possesses the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y as its m e d i u m . " It is there that the e m o t i o n a l a n d m o r a l f o u n d a t i o n s are l a i d d o w n , because the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y , once established, contains " a settled p e o p l e " w h o "understands its o w n h a b i t a t " a n d cares a b o u t its collective fate (Bellah 1 9 9 1 , p p . 2 6 7 , 2 7 5 ) . Yet a t y p i c a l current experience is to be unsettled, transient, as m i l ­ lions m o v e across the face o f the globe i n search o f f o o d , safety, a n d shelter. T h i s m a y m a k e the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y superfluous. In the era o f g l o b a l interconnectedness a n d instant c o m m u n i c a t i o n , it is easy for l i k e m i n d e d others to exchange i n f o r m a t i o n , r a l l y to a cause, or find a s y m ­ pathetic ear. H o w e v e r , e l e c t r o n i c a l l y m e d i a t e d social bonds are but pale precursors o f c o m m u n i t y . T h i s i m p e r s o n a l b o n d i n g carries over i n t o n u m e r o u s arenas, as ar­ tists are i n v i t e d to gather w i t h other artists i n a " c o m m u n i t y " o f cre­ ative souls; chess players r e g u l a r l y meet i n p u b l i c squares to test their

276

Chapter 15

skills; single mothers are helped to find other single mothers to share their experiences; a n d the elderly venture i n t o congregate h o u s i n g . E x s m o k e r s , cancer s u r v i v o r s , v i c t i m s o f c r i m e , a l l find their w a y to each other. T h e r e are hot lines for the depressed, the s u i c i d a l , sinners seeking a b s o l u t i o n , a n d " h e a l i n g g r o u p s " s h a r i n g t r a u m a s a n d crises ( M c G u i r e 1 9 8 9 , p . 5 7 ) . People are urged to a d o p t a needy n e i g h b o r o r b r i n g C h r i s t m a s gifts to o r p h a n e d c h i l d r e n . T h o u g h these h a r d l y q u a l i f y as full c o m m u n i t i e s , they endeavor to r e c l a i m some measure o f s h a r i n g a n d c a r i n g a n d some sense o f r e s p o n s i b i l i t y for others. I m p o r t a n t as these efforts are, however, w e s h o u l d note that these islands o f c o m m o n a l i t y are really specialized fragments o f a larger, diver­ sified w h o l e a n d thus reinforce s p e c i a l i z a t i o n . These s u b w o r l d s o f dance, the l a w , car r a c i n g , o r computers m a y possess some attributes o f c o m m u ­ n i t y n a r r o w l y defined but by their p a r t i a l focus they m a y s i m p l y be another f o r m o f p r i v a t i s m , a w i t h d r a w a l f r o m a w i d e r social consciousness. T h e r e is some c o n t r o v e r s y over n a t i o n a l i s m as a m o d e r n f o r m o f c o m m u n i t y . T h e n a t i o n has often been described as the "largest effective c o m m u n i t y . " L i k e other c o m m u n i t i e s , it rests o n l o c a l i t y a n d sentiments buttressed by shared values. " T h e lore o f one's h o m e l a n d , o f the father­ l a n d " c a n inspire p a t r i o t i c a n d altruistic d e v o t i o n n o t a b l y i n w a r ( M a c ­ l v e r a n d Page 1 9 4 9 , p p . 2 9 6 , 2 9 7 ) . O f course, fierce n a t i o n a l i s t i c feel­ ings m a y also precipitate w a r s a n d m u t u a l distrust. Since n a t i o n a l i s m l i n k s i n d i v i d u a l s to a p o l i t i c a l state a n d transforms t h e m i n t o citizens, it inspires m o d e r n forms o f u n i t y a n d l e g i t i m a c y i n terms t a k e n directly f r o m the language o f c o m m u n i t y , thereby c o n t r i b u t i n g to "the e m o ­ t i o n a l u n i t y o f the n a t i o n " ( M o s s e 1 9 8 3 , p . 82). B u t the n a t i o n is n o substitute for the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y . T o sustain e m o t i o n a l fervor for its projects a n d p r o g r a m s , it needs huge causes such as w a r s o r e c o n o m i c crises. T h i s is forcefully illustrated by the fate o f L y n d o n B . Johnson's G r e a t Society p r o g r a m . J o h n s o n h a d a v i s i o n o f the n a t i o n a l c o m m u n i t y that w o u l d inspire A m e r i c a n s to c o m p a s s i o n a n d sacrifice for the " W a r o n P o v e r t y " a n d so i n c l u d e the disadvantaged at society's table. H i s v i s i o n " w a s designed to lift A m e r i c a n s above m a t e r i a l self-interest i n t o a n e w r e a l m o f c o m m u ­ n i t y consciousness" ( S c h a m b r a 1 9 8 6 , p . 2 7 ) . Despite such n o b l e goals, however, the movements for n a t i o n a l u n i t y are " e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y difficult to s u s t a i n . " A n d w h e n the " c o m m u nity-mindedness o f the n a t i o n begins to recede, such federal p r o g r a m s "lose their m o r a l a u t h o r i t y " a n d seem " i n t r u s i v e , bureaucratic, alienat­ i n g . . . a n d e x p e n d a b l e " (ibid., p . 2 8 ) . T h e "fragility o f the idea o f n a t i o n a l c o m m u n i t y " r e v i v e d the " m u c h o l d e r idea o f c o m m u n i t y " — s m a l l , l o c a l , p a r t i c i p a t o r y , v o l u n t a r y , e m p a -

Concluding Reflections

277

thic —that c o u l d inspire " c i t i z e n s h i p , sacrifice, a n d p u b l i c spiritness." T h e v i e w o f progressive l i b e r a l i s m that such c o m m u n i t i e s h a d been d o o m e d by twentieth-century i n d u s t r i a l i z a t i o n a n d u r b a n i z a t i o n has n o t been c o n f i r m e d . T h e " s m a l l r e p u b l i c " spirit has not perished a n d the " n a t i o n a l c o m m u n i t y idea s i m p l y w a s n o t a n adequate substitute" (ibid., p . 2 8 ) . Since the 1970s a n d Reagan's " N e w F e d e r a l i s m , " the c a l l has been s o u n d e d for d e c e n t r a l i z a t i o n , b l o c k - g r a n t p r o g r a m s , v o l u n t e e r i s m , a n d p a r t i c i p a t o r y democracy, featuring l o c a l c o m m u n i t i e s , l o c a l government, v o l u n t a r y associations, ethnic allegiances, a n d n e i g h b o r h o o d c o h e s i o n . But to argue for the c r i t i c a l significance o f the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y is not to deny the reality o f the mega-society. W h a t is necessary is to l i n k the t w o . Respect for this l i n k a g e expands o u r a p p r e c i a t i o n o f each —the c o m m u n i t y to p r o v i d e roots a n d identity, the w i d e r society to e x p a n d o u r h o r i z o n s a n d collective intelligence. T o neglect that linkage — w h i c h m o d e r n societies w i t h their elaborate lures m a k e a l l t o o easy —is to risk s u c c u m b i n g either to B i g Brother, w h o w i l l assume the responsibilities the people a b a n d o n , o r confront the destruction o f the c o m m o n s w h i c h is decimated by the relentless p u r s u i t o f i n d i v i d u a l g a i n . T h e need for roots, w r o t e S i m o n e W e i l , is "the m o s t i m p o r t a n t a n d least r e c o g n i z e d need o f the h u m a n s o u l " (Weil 1 9 5 2 , p . 4 3 ) . A n d to be u p r o o t e d is a source o f great anguish, r o b b i n g the afflicted o f inner security a n d identity. "I have contracted the A m e r i c a n disease o f a n o m i e , loneliness . . . a n d excessive self-consciousness," notes E v a H o f f ­ m a n as she reflects o n this loss as " a p a r t i c u l a r f o r m o f suffering" that thrives i n the U n i t e d States but is v i r t u a l l y u n k n o w n i n her native P o ­ land (Hoffman 1989, p. 22). But w h i l e the need for roots a n d b e l o n g i n g is w i d e s p r e a d , it is by n o means u n i f o r m . A t some stages o f life, for some life experiences, at some ages, c o m m u n i t y m a y be m o r e necessary t h a n at others. T h e y o u n g , the u p w a r d l y m o b i l e , a n d the v o l u n t a r i l y rootless c o s m o p o l i t e s m a y w e l l d i s d a i n c o m m u n i t y for the w i d e - o p e n electronic spaces, at least for a t i m e . M o r e settled o r stable temperaments m a y a v i d l y seek c o m m u ­ nity. N o single recipe w i l l satisfy a l l tastes. S t i l l , some base is r e q u i r e d to fashion c o m m o n g r o u n d . T h i s is Bellah's argument for place loyalties, since those "closest to the s i t u a t i o n c a n give it the best a t t e n t i o n " ( 1 9 9 1 , p . 2 0 1 ) . It echoes J o h n D e w e y ' s f a m i l i a r w a r n i n g that d e m o c r a c y is o n l y a shell w i t h o u t this v i t a l c o n n e c t i o n . W e m i g h t pause here to consider a frequently v o i c e d c o n c e r n a b o u t the penchant o f l o c a l c o m m u n i t i e s to become oppressive, intolerant, n a r r o w - m i n d e d , a n d exclusionary. B u t are they u n i q u e i n this respect? A u t h o r i t a r i a n i s m , c o n f o r m i t y , a n d e x c l u s i v i t y are a p o t e n t i a l i n a l l h u ­ m a n aggregations — at mega-scales n o less t h a n at l o c a l scales. H e n c e

278

Chapter 15

the v i l l a i n is not l o c a l i s m but close-mindedness, l a c k o f p u b l i c debate, a n d u n i f o r m i t y . T h a t l o c a l c o m m u n i t i e s m a y s u c c u m b to such tenden­ cies is deplorable a n d eventually self-defeating, but the s o l u t i o n is not to be f o u n d by a b a n d o n i n g the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y for larger, t e c h n i c a l l y m o r e c o m p l e x scales where intolerance a n d despotism c a n g r o w to huge d i m e n s i o n s . C o m m u n i t y denied is as dangerous as c o m m u n i t y i r r a ­ t i o n a l l y inflated. A t the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y level, a culture o f care, respect, trust, a n d c o m m i t m e n t m a y be cultivated not as n o b l e abstraction but as l i v e d experience. B y h u m a n i z i n g s o c i a l existence a n d fostering diversity, p u b ­ lic d i a l o g u e , a n d empathy, a sense o f c o m m u n i t y m a y be n u r t u r e d that c a n i n t u r n nurture the general culture. L i k e R o m e , c o m m u n i t i e s are not b u i l t i n a day or even a year. B u t this t r u i s m is one often i g n o r e d . W h e t h e r w e are t r y i n g to revitalize o r enhance a n existing c o m m u n i t y o r create one f r o m scratch, the process is l o n g , slow, uneven, a n d often e x c r u c i a t i n g . It demands not o n l y p a ­ tience but a respect for the c o m p l e x d e m a n d s o f collective behavior, theoretical a n d p r a c t i c a l . M o r e o v e r , the culture o f c o m m u n i t y takes time to gel a n d is fluid, w h i l e the p h y s i c a l setting o f houses, schools, p a r k s , a n d p l a y g r o u n d s is not. A n d b e y o n d the i n s t i t u t i o n a l supports, the rules a n d the n o r m a t i v e f r a m e w o r k , c o m m u n i t y needs a special spirit — supportive, e n c o u r a g i n g , w a t c h f u l , a n d protective o f the collec­ tive g o o d . T o b r i n g the p l a n n e d unit development o f T w i n R i v e r s i n t o exis­ tence r e q u i r e d years o f p l a n n i n g , p o l i t i c a l persuasion, legal maneuvers, a n d money. T o b r i n g the T w i n R i v e r s community i n t o being r e q u i r e d that a n d m u c h m o r e . O n e p r o b l e m that surfaced early h a d to d o w i t h the extravagant fantasies residents h a r b o r e d a b o u t the c o m m u n i t y to be. W h e n these d i d not materialize, keen d i s a p p o i n t m e n t a n d d i s i l l u s i o n m e n t f o l l o w e d . V i s i o n s o f a potential Shangri-la were a c c o m p a n i e d by the B i g Brother s y n d r o m e , w h i c h encouraged a w i d e s p r e a d belief that whatever m i g h t go w r o n g w o u l d s o m e h o w be t a k e n care of. T h i s a b d i c a t i o n o f p e r s o n a l responsibility, p a r t l y engendered by the hype o f the sales p i t c h , resulted i n a c u r i o u s a d m i x t u r e o f c h i l d l i k e dependency o n the authorities o n the one h a n d a n d keen resentment directed at the authorities, o n the other. T h i s a m b i v a l e n t posture became part o f the d o m i n a n t c u l t u r a l pattern o f the d e v e l o p i n g c o m m u n i t y . D i s a p p o i n t m e n t s , c o m p l a i n t s , a n d c r i t i ­ c i s m n o t w i t h s t a n d i n g , the m a j o r i t y o f residents d i d manage to create a satisfactory w a y o f life for themselves but they h a d to w o r k h a r d for it. T h e course o f a c o m m u n i t y ' s development p r o b a b l y never runs s m o o t h a n d that w a s certainly the case w i t h T w i n R i v e r s . C o m m u n i t i e s , like i n d i v i d u a l s , change over time a n d so d o their p r i o r i t i e s . In T w i n

Concluding Reflections

279

R i v e r s , the physical-spatial aspects were most significant i n the first de­ cade w h e n the c u l t u r a l climate was still quite raw, the site bleak, the landscape a bare s h a d o w o f w h a t it w a s to become, facilities sparse, a n d the d a i l y influx o f n e w c o m e r s inescapable. T h e salience o f p h y s i c a l - s p a t i a l features was s t r i k i n g at the start but receded over time because boundaries, p a t h w a y s , a n d siting o f facilities d i d not alter w i t h the years o r the seasons. T h e same c a n n o t be said for social a n d f a m i l y life, w h i c h changed substantially over the decades. Families were buffeted by strains a m p l y d o c u m e n t e d for A m e r i c a n soci­ ety as a w h o l e . T h e e u p h o r i a o f n e w l y w e d s a n d y o u n g parents, w h o p r e d o m i n a t e d a m o n g the o r i g i n a l residents, gave w a y for at least onet h i r d o f t h e m to divorce a n d c o m p l i c a t e d l i v i n g arrangements. E x - w i v e s d o u b l e d u p w i t h other divorcees, o r m o v e d to cheaper quarters; m a n y resumed e m p l o y m e n t w h i l e also r a i s i n g c h i l d r e n . H u s b a n d s frequently m o v e d to apartments to be near their c h i l d r e n a n d to r e m a i n i n the community. Social life also changed over the decades, b e c o m i n g m o r e selective a n d less spatially determined as p e r s o n a l tastes rather t h a n p h y s i c a l p r o x i m i t y determined the range o f one's social contacts. N e i g h b o r s be­ came neighbors rather t h a n friends, cliques d i m i n i s h e d s o m e w h a t , a n d friendships were f o r m e d o n a less casual basis. In contrast to " v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s " a n d their i l l u s o r y social ties, moreover, here w e see a shift f r o m the superficial social ties o f n e w c o m e r s seeking any social contact to the m o r e substantial, time-tested ties o f a m o r e settled p o p u l a t i o n . W i t h time, also, t w o o p p o s i n g stances t o w a r d a u t h o r i t y became ap­ parent. O n e g r o u p s u p p o r t e d f o r m a l governance a n d resented the p o l i t i ­ c a l in-fighting a m o n g c o n t e n d i n g factions they considered self-serving. T h e other was o n p r i n c i p l e o p p o s e d to any central a u t h o r i t y a n d v i e w e d politics as a n age-old d r a m a between the people a n d the k i n g . In T w i n R i v e r s there were p e r i o d i c clashes between these t w o fac­ tions f o l l o w e d by periods o f c o n c i l i a t i o n a n d c a l m . In the 1990s h o s t i l i ­ ties between the t w o erupted w i t h a vengeance, r e c a l l i n g the famous w a r n i n g by James M a d i s o n i n The Federalist that factions were a threat to n a t i o n a l unity, o r as i n this case, to that o f the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y . In time, also, T w i n R i v e r s w o u l d learn that a m a j o r d r a w b a c k of m a j o r i t y rule, the m a i n s t a y o f representative democracy, is m i n o r i t y re­ sentment a n d frustration. A t this w r i t i n g , there is a strongly aggrieved m i n o r i t y i n T w i n R i v e r s . A t the same time, a c o m m u n i t y image has jelled a n d its preservation n o w motivates g r o w i n g numbers o f residents. T h i s is evident w h e n w e l o o k at the issues that galvanize the c o m m u ­ nity. A n y perceived threat to the c o m m u n i t y ' s integrity a n d s u r v i v a l n o w resonates w i t h a g r o w i n g n u m b e r o f residents a n d propels t h e m into action.

280

Chapter 15

F o r the majority, the perceived benefits o f T w i n R i v e r s came t o out­ w e i g h the costs a n d d i s a p p o i n t m e n t s . Safety, o p e n space, c o m f o r t a b l e a n d affordable houses w i t h nearby tennis courts a n d s w i m m i n g p o o l s , n e w friends, a n d the adventure o f j o i n i n g w i t h others to reach desired goals helped t h e m rise above the difficulties. T h e y were able to muster s o m e t h i n g o f a frontier p s y c h o l o g y a n d , despite the frontier anxieties that a c c o m p a n i e d it, to brave a twentieth-century wilderness i n o r d e r to lay the f o u n d a t i o n for sustained c o m m u n i t y life. A s a p i o n e e r i n g social a n d a r c h i t e c t u r a l e x p e r i m e n t o f the 1 9 7 0 s , T w i n R i v e r s has c o m e a l o n g w a y . Y e t the coast is n o t yet clear. M a n y battles lie ahead — the battle for unity, for fuller c i v i c p a r t i c i p a t i o n , a n d for finding a balance between i n d i v i d u a l a n d collective goals, to name just a few.

Steps toward Community If c o m m u n i t y w a s v i e w e d as a n inescapable necessity to the ancients, as the p a t h to s a l v a t i o n for m e d i e v a l sages, a n d as secondary to postenlightenment t h i n k e r s , t o d a y it beckons to m a n y as a c u l t u r a l lifesaver. It represents the nucleus o f h u m a n connectedness i n a w o r l d o f huge K a f kaesque institutions — m e g a c o r p o r a t i o n s , m a l l s , sports arenas, a n d c o n ­ v e n t i o n centers. T h i s is w h y m a n y believe that l o c a l c o m m u n i t i e s "are b o t h the site o f people's life gratifications a n d the o n l y arena i n w h i c h m o s t citizens c a n take any m e a n i n g f u l a c t i o n " ( L o g a n a n d M o l o t c h 1 9 8 7 , p . 15). A n d w h i l e A m e r i c a n s tend to e x t o l private over p u b l i c life a n d self over c o m m u n i t y , a n a g g i n g r e m i n d e r persists that i n d i v i d u a l s c a n n o t go it alone. T h e r e is a l o n g i n g for m u t u a l i t y , s h a r i n g , a n d a c o m m i t m e n t to larger goals that the culture does n o t sufficiently address. E v e n the m o s t r a d i c a l i n d i v i d u a l i s t s d o not, for the m o s t part, " i m a g i n e that a g o o d life c a n be l i v e d a l o n e " (Bellah 1 9 8 5 , p . 84). A satisfying private life, w h i c h everyone seems to w a n t , is u l t i m a t e l y i m p o s s i b l e w i t h o u t w e l l f u n c t i o n i n g c o m m u n i t i e s . A t a m i n i m u m , some degree o f p u b l i c order, p u b l i c services, safety, a n d c o o p e r a t i o n is necessary for i n d i v i d u a l s t o pursue private goals a n d interests. In this b o o k , I chose to chart the course o f h o w a n aggregate o f strangers goes a b o u t creating the basis for a c o m m o n life, b o u n d e d by space, tied by shared interests, a n d m a k i n g their w a y to a j o i n t future. If their efforts bear fruit, they w i l l have forged a c o m m o n c u l t u r a l i d e n t i t y o f place a n d spirit. In contrast to the c o m m u n i t y studies that focus o n poor, m i n o r i t y , o r i m m i g r a n t p o p u l a t i o n s , this study focused o n middle-class A m e r i -

Concluding Reflections

281

cans, largely n a t i v e - b o r n , w e l l - e d u c a t e d y o u n g couples w i t h y o u n g c h i l ­ d r e n w h o chose a then n o v e l f o r m o f h o u s i n g i n the first p l a n n e d unit development o f N e w Jersey. T h e t o w n h o u s e s they p u r c h a s e d gave t h e m a p h y s i c a l c o n n e c t i o n before they developed s o c i a l , p o l i t i c a l , o r e m o ­ t i o n a l connections. T o w n h o u s e o w n e r s h i p w a s still n o v e l i n the 1970s, t h o u g h eventu­ ally it w o u l d become w i d e s p r e a d . A t the time it seemed a n e x t r a o r d i n ­ ary o p p o r t u n i t y to study the genesis (or stillbirth) o f a c o m m u n i t y i n the m a k i n g w i t h an upwardly mobile population imbued w i t h traditional A m e r i c a n values a n d a desire for a slice o f the pie. G r e a t expectations, magnified by the lure o f c o m m u n i t y (left largely undefined), were dashed, however, w h e n residents, u n p r e p a r e d for such dense l i v i n g arrangements, c o n f r o n t e d a n unfinished site filled w i t h m u d a n d u n f a m i l i a r neighbors. T h i s made the f o u n d i n g p e r i o d stressful a n d frustrating a n d led to the k i n d o f frantic s o c i a l i z i n g often confused w i t h c o m m u n i t y . A l o n g w i t h the t u r m o i l o f the early days came a crescendo o f grievances a n d resentments a b o u t unfulfilled promises o n w h i c h a great deal o f u n ­ p r o d u c t i v e energy w a s e x p e n d e d . T h i s suggests that excessive hype m a y lure buyers initially, but subsequently proves self-defeating; it leaves a c u l t u r a l residue o f distrust a n d wariness that m a y linger for m a n y years. T h e experience o f T w i n R i v e r s is astonishing i n at least t w o respects: 1. It shows h o w difficult it is, especially i n a culture o f self-advance­ ment, to become m i n d f u l o f a n d foster s o c i a l interdependence a n d a c o n c e r n for the p u b l i c g o o d . 2. It reveals that tremendous lacunae exist i n o u r general e d u c a t i o n for c i t i z e n s h i p . T h i s makes a collectivity extremely dependent o n the active m i n o r i t y w h o devote themselves to b u i l d i n g the rules a n d institu­ tions needed a n d w h o , by their e x a m p l e , engender a conscience for c o m m u n i t y . A t the same time, however, the active m i n o r i t y at the h e l m w i l l arouse apprehension, resentment, a n d resistance to its power. It is a n e n d u r i n g tug o f war, since c o m m u n i t y , i f it is to be m o r e t h a n a r h e t o r i c a l f l o u r i s h , needs rules, sanctions, a n d leadership. I w o u l d n o w like to t o u c h o n m o r e general issues a n d questions a b o u t c o m m u n i t y . M a n y o f these are age-old questions that p e r p l e x e d the classic thinkers (see chapters 2 a n d 3) a n d that continue to be relevant.

The Passage of Time A l o n g i t u d i n a l perspective leaves n o d o u b t that c o m m u n i t y develops by fits a n d starts a n d exhibits ups a n d d o w n s that p l a y a v i t a l role i n deter-

282

Chapter 15

m i n i n g residents' satisfactions a n d o p t i m i s m for the future. In short, time is a n i m p o r t a n t d i m e n s i o n i n c o m m u n i t y development. T i m e is rarely systematically dealt w i t h i n c o m m u n i t y studies, however. N o t a b l e exceptions, such as the L y n d s ' restudy o f M i d d l e t o w n (1937) a n d O s c a r L e w i s ' s o f T e p o t z l a n (1951) rest o n c o m p a r i s o n s at t w o p o i n t s i n t i m e . T h i s b o o k tracks the development o f a c o m m u n i t y over three decades. O v e r t i m e , t e r r i t o r i a l i t y a n d exclusiveness increased i n T w i n R i v e r s as residents exerted c l a i m s over " t h e i r " p o o l s , tennis courts, l i b r a r y , a n d other facilities. Free riders m u l t i p l i e d also but so d i d the c o m m i t t e d few w o r k i n g for the c o m m u n i t y . A s s o c i a t i o n s o f m a n y k i n d s flourished v i r t u a l l y f r o m the start. T h e y b r o u g h t residents together a n d helped to sort out the v a r i e d interests that appealed to a c o n t e m p o r a r y p o p u l a t i o n . H o w e v e r , associations n o t o n l y p u l l people together, but also increase fragmenta­ t i o n by c h a n n e l i n g residents i n t o separate d o m a i n s . T h i s study also c o n f i r m e d findings f r o m other studies that h a v i n g a stake i n the c o m m u n i t y v i a h o m e o w n e r s h i p a n d length o f residence increased the residents' c o m m i t m e n t a n d l o y a l t y to the c o m m u n i t y . T h e gap between private a n d p u b l i c d o m a i n s g r e w w i d e r over t i m e . P u b l i c consciousness o f "the c o m m o n s , " it seems, is u n l i k e l y to develop u n a i d e d i n a culture e m p h a s i z i n g i n d i v i d u a l over collective goals a n d private over p u b l i c concerns. T w i n R i v e r s w a s especially interesting i n this regard because as a t o w n h o u s e development it w a s r o o t e d i n shared p r o p e r t y arrangements a n d c o m p l e x rules c o n c e r n i n g m i n e , thine, a n d ours. U n f a m i l i a r w i t h these rules, residents needed instructions i n h o w to sort o u t p e r s o n a l f r o m collective o b l i g a t i o n s . Some residents, h o m e o w n e r s i n particular, were better p r e p a r e d to d o so t h a n others, but for m o s t residents it w a s a l o n g a n d uneven process. H i g h l y significant here is the need to personalize p u b l i c space so as to elicit care a n d c o n c e r n for its preservation. A n o n y m o u s p u b l i c space tends to become a n o - m a n ' s - l a n d , neglected a n d defaced. B y contrast, the spaces people identified as their o w n —the house, the front side­ w a l k , the l a w n , a n d the p a t i o — t y p i c a l l y received careful p e r s o n a l attention. Interestingly, the second decade w a s the one fraught w i t h m o s t ten­ sions a n d s o c i a l conflicts. M i d w a y between the e u p h o r i a a n d hope o f the first decade a n d the relative stability o f the t h i r d , the second m o s t acutely manifested the imperfections a n d c o n t r a d i c t i o n s o f the c o m m u nity-in-the m a k i n g . O v e r time, one c a n observe the fluctuating r h y t h m o f s o c i a l life expressed i n a n ebb a n d flow o f s o c i a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n , i d e n ­ tity, a n d c o m m i t m e n t u n t i l a stable plateau is attained. T i m e plays a significant role i n yet another w a y . W h i l e it strengthens the collective sinews, it also reinforces certain rigidities based o n atti-

Concluding Reflections

283

tudes f o r m e d early o n that become c u l t u r a l l y entrenched. In T w i n R i v e r s , the early d i s a p p o i n t m e n t w i t h promises unfulfilled o r b r o k e n , led to a distrust o f a u t h o r i t y a n d its p r o n o u n c e m e n t s a n d rules that w o u l d last for a generation.

Citizenship and Leadership O n e o f the m o s t consistent findings over the decades w a s the l o w level of p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c life. T h i s has l o n g been n o t e d as characteristic of c o m m u n i t i e s w i t h d e m o c r a t i c p o l i t i c a l institutions. B u t the e x p l a n a ­ tions for it have generally been c o u c h e d i n h i g h l y i n d i v i d u a l i s t i c terms — o f character, temperament, taste, selfishness, a n d the l i k e . B u t there are some alternative p r o p o s i t i o n s , one o f w h i c h I w o u l d strongly underscore. It has to d o w i t h the fact that i n s m a l l , face-to-face c o m m u n i t i e s such as eighteenth-century villages o r the s m a l l t o w n s o f the nineteenth a n d t w e n t i e t h centuries that have been described as the b a c k b o n e o f A m e r i c a n society, one's neighbors a n d friends are the same people w i t h w h o m one engages i n p o l i t i c a l controversies a n d disagree­ ments. N o n - p a r t i c i p a t i o n i n p u b l i c life m a y thus be r o o t e d i n the social scale o f a c o m m u n i t y that does not p e r m i t the existence o f a n a n o n y ­ m o u s p u b l i c to offer a n e u t r a l space for social a n d p o l i t i c a l debate. H o w to c a r r y o n a n i d e o l o g i c a l struggle w i t h o u t c a r r y i n g it over i n t o d a i l y life is thus a central question. If people fear alienating a n e i g h b o r o r a friend, they w i l l a v o i d the c a u l d r o n o f p o l i t i c s a n d p u b l i c life. A n o t h e r factor w a s at w o r k i n T w i n R i v e r s . M o s t residents started out w i t h g o o d w i l l a n d seemed w i l l i n g to d o their share, but the de­ m a n d s o f d a i l y life —the c o m m u t e to jobs, children's needs, a n d the upkeep o f house a n d h o m e — c o n s u m e d m o s t o f the e x t r a time available for p u b l i c service. W h y d i d some residents find time for p u b l i c service w h i l e others r e m a i n e d o n the sidelines? H a v i n g w a t c h e d this process over several decades, I suggest that b o t h predispositions lead b a c k to lessons ab­ sorbed i n one's c h i l d h o o d . M o s t leaders attributed their p u b l i c - m i n d e d ness a n d their labors o n behalf o f thousands o f strangers to parents o r other mentors w h o instilled i n t h e m the value o f c o n t r i b u t i n g one's share, o f p a y i n g back to the c o m m u n i t y . N o t a l l leaders, o f course, were o n such h i g h m o r a l g r o u n d . A few were arrogant a n d a u t h o r i t a r i a n , but the large m a j o r i t y were u n s u n g heroes w h o helped forge c o m m u n i t y spirit a n d unity. T h o s e w h o stayed i n the b a c k g r o u n d h a d n o such c h i l d h o o d experiences o r p h i l o s o p h y to d r a w o n . T h e y m a y also have been deflected by their awareness that the p u b l i c is n o t a l w a y s grateful to those w h o assume leadership p o s i t i o n s .

284

Chapter 15

It is n o exaggeration to say that T w i n R i v e r s w o u l d n o t have suc­ ceeded w i t h o u t some e x t r a o r d i n a r y leaders. In the years w h e n c o n d i ­ t i o n s were still unsettled, these were the people w h o p r o v i d e d the c o n ­ centrated energy a n d i n s p i r a t i o n for collective s u r v i v a l . A n d over t i m e , they p u l l e d e n o u g h residents a l o n g for self-government to succeed. Leaders c o n t i n u e to be indispensable — f r o m the current trust a d ­ m i n i s t r a t o r , Jennifer W a r d , a m o s t able manager, to the b o a r d m e m b e r s , c o m m i t t e e heads, a n d countless volunteers w h o w a t c h over s c h o o l s , p o o l s , services, a n d c o m m u n i t y needs. C r i t i c a l t h o u g h they c o n t i n u e t o be, leaders have been a m b i v a l e n t l y v i e w e d f r o m the start, a n d distrust o f m a n a g e m e n t has been pervasive. T h i s m a y have begun as a healthy counterforce to excessive o f f i c i a l d o m but it also p r o v e d a n obstacle to h a r m o n i o u s relations between residents a n d leaders. N o r d i d the a m b i v a l e n c e lessen after governance passed f r o m the b a n k trustee to the residents themselves. Surprisingly, self-government p r o v e d n o antidote. A n d by the t h i r d decade, a s m a l l g r o u p o f m a l c o n ­ tents fanned the flames o f d i s c o r d a n e w a n d threatened to u n d o the achievements o f decades. It seems that leadership accrues resentment n o matter h o w s m a l l the scale. T h i s has been d o c u m e n t e d i n a l l sorts o f c o m m u n i t y o r g a n i z i n g efforts a n d suggests that w e need to p a y m u c h m o r e attention to it. Short o f a c h a r i s m a t i c leader w h o c a n often w o r k w o n d e r s , governance, r u l e - m a k i n g bodies, a n d m a n a g e r i a l b o a r d s tend to be a p e r e n n i a l source o f strife i n n e w c o m m u n i t i e s . T h u s it is n o t o n l y the f a r a w a y g o v e r n ­ m e n t i n W a s h i n g t o n , D . C . , that is v i e w e d w i t h distrust a n d c y n i c i s m . T h e very same reactions were evident i n T w i n R i v e r s even t h o u g h its " g o v e r n m e n t " w a s d e m o c r a t i c a l l y elected a n d h i g h l y accessible to its citizens. A l o n g w i t h their a m b i v a l e n c e t o w a r d rules a n d q u a s i rulers goes the residents' tendency to c o m p l a i n a n d p o i n t fingers at those h e l d responsi­ ble for p r e s u m e d failings. A n effective c o m m u n i t y o r g a n i z e r c o u l d be o f great help here. E v e n m o r e perhaps, the experience o f b u i l d i n g a c o m ­ m u n i t y s h o u l d be " a l e a r n i n g process," n o t a n exercise i n b l a m e . O t h e r ­ wise it is s i m p l y "the s u b s t i t u t i o n o f one p o w e r g r o u p for a n o t h e r " ( A l i n s k y 1 9 7 2 , p . 125).

Social Differences and Division H o w to cope w i t h social diversity is a p r o b l e m for a l l c o m m u n i t i e s . A n d c o n t r a r y to strongly h e l d assumptions i n architecture, p l a n n i n g , a n d c o m m u n i t y development, social diversity, t h o u g h endorsed i n p r i n c i p l e , proves elusive i n practice. E v e n i n s m a l l a n d dense settings such as T w i n

Concluding Reflections

285

R i v e r s , perceived social s i m i l a r i t y by i n c o m e , age, h o u s i n g tenure, eth­ nicity, a n d f a m i l y arrangements w a s h i g h l y correlated w i t h friendships, s o c i a l o u t r e a c h , a n d sense o f c o m m i t m e n t to the c o m m u n i t y . M o s t i m ­ p o r t a n t were i n c o m e a n d e c o n o m i c parity, w h i c h overrode r e l i g i o n , race, o r ethnicity as criteria o f affinity. R e l i g i o u s differentiation t o o k a fascinating t u r n i n T w i n R i v e r s . T h e i n i t i a l preponderance o f J e w i s h settlers m a d e R o m a n C a t h o l i c s a n d Protestants n u m e r i c a l m i n o r i t i e s , thus reversing their t y p i c a l status i n the w i d e r society. W h a t is s t r i k i n g is the i m p a c t o f this reversal. In the first survey (1970s), those w h o were i n the n u m e r i c a l m i n o r ­ ity h a d m o r e negative reactions to T w i n R i v e r s t h a n those i n the major­ ity. M i n o r i t i e s felt less a part o f T w i n R i v e r s , were m o r e d i s a p p o i n t e d w i t h its offerings, less tolerant o f its failings, a n d less satisfied w i t h l i v ­ i n g there. N o matter w h a t the c r i t e r i o n for m i n o r i t y status, being differ­ ent f r o m the m a j o r i t y increased feelings o f i s o l a t i o n a n d m a r g i n a l i t y . H e n c e , the m i n o r i t y o f apartment dwellers i n a t o w n h o u s e c o m m u n i t y , the m i n o r i t y o f R o m a n C a t h o l i c s a m i d a p l u r a l i t y o f Jews, the m i n o r i t y o f single parents where t w o - p a r e n t families are the c o m m u n i t y n o r m , a n d the m i n o r i t y o f renters a m o n g o w n e r s a l l felt less satisfied w i t h the community. E v e n i n s m a l l , accessible, interactive settings, to be i n the m i n o r i t y is p s y c h o l o g i c a l l y u n c o m f o r t a b l e . T h i s challenges some o f the basic as­ s u m p t i o n s h e l d by planners, architects, financial institutions, a n d devel­ opers as to the d e s i r a b i l i t y o f social diversity close to h o m e . A close, dense, i n t e r m i x t u r e o f people f r o m different b a c k g r o u n d s is i n their v i e w c o n d u c i v e to c o m m u n i t y . B u t w h a t i f p r o x i m i t y puts i n c o m p a t i b l e families side by side, to share spaces, l a w n s , a n d gardens? F a r f r o m amity, the result m a y then be enmity, a n d social conflict m a y impede n e i g h b o r l y connectedness. G i v e n the i d e o l o g i c a l emphasis o f A m e r i c a n society o n i n d i v i d u a l achievement a n d independence, m a n y people endorse the p r i n c i p l e m o r e t h a n the practice. M i d d l e class i n aspirations, m o s t residents o f T w i n R i v e r s preferred to live i n close p r o x i m i t y to others w h o shared their values, goals, styles o f life, a n d i n c o m e levels. T h i s poses serious ques­ tions for practitioners a n d theorists a l i k e , w h o s e desire to advance de­ m o c r a c y a n d equality leads t h e m to advocate social m i x i n g w i t h o u t re­ g a r d to its u n i n t e n d e d consequences. T o construct a s o c i a l identity requires m a n y years a n d depends o n m a n y factors, i n c l u d i n g issues that m o b i l i z e p u b l i c o p i n i o n , celebrations that c o m m e m o r a t e i m p o r t a n t events, athletic contests, essays by s c h o o l c h i l d r e n r e n d e r i n g their experience o f the c o m m u n i t y , i n short, r e c o g n i ­ t i o n o f a l l the b e n i g n o r destructive experiences that b u i l d collective memories.

286

Chapter 15

B y the t h i r d decade, a collective identity h a d t a k e n h o l d . M o r e t h a n one-half o f the residents i n the 1990s said T w i n R i v e r s created roots for adults, a n d three-fifths credited it w i t h creating roots for the c h i l d r e n . M o r e t h a n one-half felt they " b e l o n g e d " to T w i n R i v e r s , a n d t w o - t h i r d s felt c o m m i t t e d to it. Three-fifths s a id they felt " p r o u d " to be T w i n R i v e r s residents. C o l l e c t i v e identity is a genuine achievement, c a p t u r e d i n t w o s i m p l e w o r d s : We a n d Us. B u t that is o n l y o n e - h a l f o f the story, for the achievement o f a We a n d a n Us goes h a n d i n h a n d w i t h the designation o f a They a n d a Them. H e n c e collective identity rests o n social e x c l u ­ s i o n to some degree, a n d w h i l e it strengthens the i n - g r o u p vis-à-vis the o u t g r o u p it also engenders d i v i s i o n . O u t g r o u p s —"adversaries a n d a d ­ v o c a t e s " (Suttles 1 9 7 2 , p . 50) —define collectivities by means o f label­ i n g , m e d i a attention, a n d positive or negative prejudgments. In T w i n R i v e r s , nearby H i g h t s t o w n w a s the outside m i r r o r . It p l a y e d a n i m p o r ­ tant role f r o m the start by its c o m m e n t a r i e s o n the influx o f residents, the idea o f a P U D , a n d apprehensions a b o u t the future. T h e i n t e r i o r source o f identity, s t e m m i n g f r o m attachments to others, shared e x p e r i ­ ences, a n d c o m m o n goals t o o k m a n y years to coalesce, a n d w a s a c t u a l l y helped a l o n g by the r i v a l r y between the P U D a n d the t o w n . Identity has l o n g been p r o b l e m a t i c i n A m e r i c a n society. U n l i k e older, m o r e t r a d i t i o n a l societies, here basic institutions have h a d to be invented. T h e c o n t i n u o u s influx o f i m m i g r a n t s has kept the p r o b l e m o f identity i n full view. T h e emphasis o n u p w a r d social m o b i l i t y generally en co u r ag ed i m m i g r a n t s to a b a n d o n their roots i n favor o f some abstract a n d hard-to-attain A m e r i c a n identity. T h i s created a c o n t r a d i c t o r y p u l l between c l a i m i n g one's c u l t u r a l roots a n d c u t t i n g one's ties to t h e m for the larger objective o f b e c o m i n g A m e r i c a n . T h e full costs o f the a b a n ­ d o n m e n t w i l l never be k n o w n , but a n eloquent literature o f i n t e r n a l exile captures some o f its pathos.

The Conception of the Whole T o piece together a n identity o u t o f m a n y disparate elements requires some sense o f h o w the t o t a l i t y fits together a n d h o w deeply i n t e r t w i n e d the diverse strands o f collective life are. T h i s is the m o s t difficult d i m e n ­ s i o n to grasp. F o r the ancients, it was P l a t o , especially the older P l a t o , w h o d r e w o u r attention to the necessity o f v i e w i n g the polis as a w h o l e , since the "part c a n never be w e l l unless the w h o l e is w e l l " ( G o u l d n e r 1 9 6 5 , p . 2 4 9 ) . In The Laws, consensus, shared values, a n d c o m m o n standards were stressed far m o r e t h a n i n The Republic, a w o r k o f Plato's y o u t h .

Concluding Reflections

287

A n d he came to put l o y a l t y to the p o l i s a n d p r i o r i t y to g r o u p goals above i n d i v i d u a l strivings for fame a n d glory. F o r P l a t o , virtue rather t h a n happiness w a s the p a t h to a n integrated life a n d virtue w a s r o o t e d in c o m m u n a l well-being. O n e o f the early m o d e r n prophets o f holistic t h i n k i n g was the Greek architect C . A . D o x i a d i s , w h o differed f r o m most o f his contemporaries by his persistent d e m a n d that architecture be comprehensive, not piecemeal, i n its a p p r o a c h . W e must, he said o n countless occasions, deal w i t h "one total overall p r o g r a m for h u m a n settlements" ( C . A . D o x i a d i s 1974). B o t h differ sharply f r o m the p h i l o s o p h i e s o f c o n t e m p o r a r y indus­ t r i a l societies, where i n d i v i d u a l i s m preempts c o m m u n i t y . B u t for m o s t societies o f the w o r l d , this has it a l l b a c k w a r d . I n d i v i d u a l i s m c a n exist o n l y because o f c o m m u n i t y . A s p r e v i o u s l y c i t e d , "Because we exist, I e x i s t " (Sundermeier 1 9 9 8 ) . T w i n R i v e r s , at best a pale s h a d o w o f the ancient p o l i s , shares a n u m b e r o f features w i t h it nonetheless. Its s m a l l scale makes it easy to become f a m i l i a r w i t h a l l o f its d i m e n s i o n s . Residents c a n grasp the to­ tality t h r o u g h d a i l y encounters w i t h other residents i n shops, streets, p o o l s a n d schools, shared rituals, p r o b l e m s to be s o l v e d collectively, a n d s i m i l a r goals for the future. F o r the ancients, life a n d the polis were p r o f o u n d l y i n t e r t w i n e d . F o r the residents o f T w i n R i v e r s , t h o u g h their h o r i z o n s have been greatly e x p a n d e d by m o d e r n t e c h n i c a l modes o f travel a n d c o m m u n i c a t i o n , the center o f day-to-day life continues to be the l o c a l c o m m u n i t y . Despite great h i s t o r i c a n d c u l t u r a l v a r i a t i o n s across the m i l l e n n i a , the forces u n d e r m i n i n g c o m m u n i t y appear to be r e m a r k a b l y constant. T h e y i n c l u d e the free riders, f a c t i o n a l disputes, inexperience, a n d lure o f p e r s o n a l g a i n . B u t so are the forces that u p h o l d it, such as people p u l l ­ i n g together, awareness o f the l i n k between i n d i v i d u a l effort a n d the s u r v i v a l o f the totality, a n d the a b i l i t y to negotiate a n d c o m p r o m i s e . A c o m p l e x m i n u e t binds the parts to the w h o l e . T h r o u g h a l l o f this, it is a r g u a b l y people w h o matter most. In T w i n R i v e r s , they c u l t i v a t e d a n o u r i s h i n g s o i l for c o m m u n i t y by their re­ silience a n d resourcefulness, their courage a n d g o o d w i l l . T h e y r e m i n d us, once a g a i n , that people c a n a c c o m p l i s h great things i f they are suffi­ ciently determined or i n s p i r e d . Residents m a y be d i s a p p o i n t e d w h e n ex­ pectations exceed reality but they are n o t easily defeated. A n d they k n o w things f r o m their o w n experience that m a y elude the experts. H o w to tap that experience is the q u e s t i o n . O n the basis o f this study, I w o u l d say: D o not ask people w h a t they w a n t . A l l t o o often, "people d o n o t k n o w " or c a n n o t tell y o u ( A l i n s k y 1 9 7 2 , p . 104). Instead, find w a y s to observe w h a t it is that they d o a n d h o w they react to the c h a l ­ lenges before t h e m . A n d take the l o n g view.

288

Chapter 15

In his comprehensive, indeed exhaustive, recent e x p l o r a t i o n o f the decline o f social c a p i t a l , P u t n a m (2000), b u i l d i n g o n the w o r k o f de T o c q u e v i l l e , M i l l , L i p p m a n , D e w e y , B e l l a h , a n d others, issues a m o r a l c a l l for the resurrection o f c o m m u n i t y . T o recapture this, w e need also to recapture the p r i n c i p l e , accepted i n earlier times, that the p r o s p e r i t y o f the i n d i v i d u a l a n d o f the c o m m u n i t y are i n t e r t w i n e d . If a society is, ideally, a " c o m m u n i t y o f c o m m u n i t i e s " ( M a c l v e r 1920) then w e c a n n o t dispense w i t h c o m m u n i t y even i n the g l o b a l era. In c o n c l u s i o n I w a n t to accentuate a g a i n h o w u n p r e p a r e d m o s t resi­ dents o f T w i n R i v e r s were to create the p r o m i s e d c o m m u n i t y . N o t o n l y were they u n p r e p a r e d for w h a t a w a i t e d t h e m but for w h a t w a s ex­ pected o f t h e m . Despite the a l l u r i n g prospects proffered b y salespeople a n d advertisements, once residents h a d p u r c h a s e d their t o w n h o u s e s , they were left pretty m u c h to fend for themselves. T h i s d e m a n d e d n o t o n l y patience a n d faith but a deeper k n o w l e d g e o f social behavior, b o t h theoretical a n d p r a c t i c a l , t h a n m o s t o f t h e m possessed. T o acquire that k n o w l e d g e calls for a n e d u c a t i o n i n c o m m u n i t y l i v ­ i n g . Elements o f this c o u l d be a f o r m a l part o f everyone's s c h o o l c u r r i c ­ u l u m a l o n g w i t h their i n f o r m a l l e a r n i n g f r o m experience. F o r " n e w c o m m u n i t i e s " this c o u l d p r o d the h u m a n i m a g i n a t i o n , especially at the start, w h e n fantasy c a n p r o v i d e the needed e m o t i o n a l p u s h to get t h e m off the g r o u n d . I d e a l i z a t i o n c a n help residents focus o n desired goals a n d keep t h e m o n course despite frustrations a n d p r o b ­ lems. It is a k i n to c o u r t s h i p p r i o r to marriage, a r o m a n t i c g l o w that sustains c o n t i n u i t y a n d identity. B u t to survive, a c o m m u n i t y must p r e v a i l over the ever-present cor­ rosive forces that threaten to destroy its p h y s i c a l o r m o r a l integrity, a n d it must discourage the free riders a n d n o n p l a y e r s w h o c o n s u m e re­ sources w i t h o u t c o n t r i b u t i n g to t h e m . T h e secret o f e n d u r i n g c o m m u n i t i e s is to be m i n d f u l o f c o r r o s i v e forces a n d to keep t h e m w i t h i n b o u n d s so that i n t e g r a t i o n outpaces decline. Integration is key. It sustains the spirit o f c o m m u n i t y . W h a t is the genesis o f this spirit? Studies o f preliterate societies at the heart o f classic a n t h r o p o l o g i c a l w o r k p r o v i d e clues. B y c o m p a r i s o n w i t h i n d u s t r i a l societies, preliterate societies are said to e x h i b i t h i g h de­ grees o f i n t e g r a t i o n . Institutions a n d sentiments coalesce so that reli­ g i o n , l a n d tenure, subsistence activities, domestic arrangements, m o r a l n o r m s , a n d d o m i n a n t i d e o l o g i c a l perspectives are reinforced a n d shaped i n t o a b a l a n c e d w h o l e . O r d i n a r y members engage regularly i n c o m m o n p u b l i c events a n d r i t u a l activities, a m a r k e d difference, i n p r i n c i p l e at least, f r o m the v i c a r i o u s p a r t i c i p a t i o n that characterizes h i g h l y differen­ tiated, large-scale m o d e r n societies. I emphasize the w o r d s in principle because there is a danger o f ide-

Concluding Reflections

289

a l i z i n g preliterate societies i n order to reinforce o u r o w n r o m a n t i c pre­ c o n c e p t i o n s . Preliterate societies m a y be c o n f l i c t - r i d d e n , n o n c o o p e r a tive, a n d i m b a l a n c e d i n c r u c i a l respects. H o w e v e r , the size a n d scale o f these societies, a n d the necessity o f members to h o l d together under the often treacherous c o n d i t i o n s o f life, r e w a r d those w h o tap a n d nurture the c o m m u n a l essence. S u c h societies are h e l d together "socially, p o l i t i ­ cally, e c o n o m i c a l l y , a n d religiously by a system o f m u t u a l h e l p " ; a strong central core a n d deep p o i n t s o f c o n n e c t i o n b i n d the members o f the c o m m u n i t y . P e r s o n a l ailments a n d crises become t r a n s m u t e d elements i n a shared existence. B y projecting private p a i n o n t o shared s y m b o l i c screens, the c o m m u n i t y "takes over the burdens w h i c h , w i t h us, fall entirely o n the i n d i v i d u a l . " C o m m u n i t y that springs " f r o m c o m m o n o r i g i n s , " is c o m p o s e d o f " r e c i p r o c a t i n g p e r s o n s " a n d g r o w s f r o m w i t h i n ( D i a m o n d , 1 9 8 1 , p p . 1 4 3 , 159). Preliterate i n d i v i d u a l s thus have a far greater chance to experience the w o r l d as integrated a n d w h o l e t h a n d o members o f so-called c i v i ­ lized societies. N o t that those w h o live i n preliterate societies are neces­ sarily happy, contented, o r u n t r o u b l e d . T h e y have a l l the c o m m o n h u ­ m a n p r o b l e m s — envy, jealousy, resentment, a n x i e t y are ever present b e h i n d the c u l t u r a l l y a p p r o v e d façades. B u t their s o c i a l a n d c u l t u r a l patterns help members externalize a n d express these so that p e r s o n a l crises are " w o v e n i n t o the o u t w a r d a n d visible fabric o f a c o m m u n i t y ' s social l i f e . " A l s o , despite t e c h n o l o g i c a l u n d e r d e v e l o p m e n t a n d the often difficult struggle for s u r v i v a l , p e r s o n a l freedom a n d i n d i v i d u a l d i g n i t y are possible, even w i t h i n a tight c o m m u n a l f r a m e w o r k . T h e i n d i v i d u a l is n o mere "reflex o f the g r o u p , " but a n active agent a n d p a r t i c i p a n t , i n contrast to the f a m i l i a r c o n t e m p o r a r y experience o f "detached i n d i v i d ­ uals losing themselves i n some furious activity seeking a n o n y m o u s u n i o n " ( D i a m o n d 1 9 8 1 , p p . 1 5 9 , 167). A m o s O z has n o t e d that the prospects o f h u m a n s o l i d a r i t y rest o n " h u m o r , r e l a t i v i s m , patience, a n d the a b i l i t y to live w i t h the p a r a d o x e s of h u m a n n a t u r e " ( 1 9 9 7 , p . 4 6 ) . T o create a v i a b l e c o m m u n i t y is a t r i u m p h . It is n o t just the development a n d i n t e g r a t i o n o f social institu­ tions, cooperative culture patterns, a n d a n ethos o f c a r i n g a n d sharing; it is a v i c t o r y o f h u m a n i m a g i n a t i o n , resilience, a n d h o p e . I c o n c l u d e d these reflections o n September 2 1 , 2 0 0 1 , ten days after the slaughter o f innocents f o l l o w i n g the terrorist attacks o n the T w i n T o w e r s o f N e w Y o r k C i t y . M a n y have n o t e d the e x t r a o r d i n a r y collec­ tive response to this catastrophe a l o n g w i t h the h e r o i s m o f the m a y o r , the firemen, p o l i c e m e n , nurses, p h y s i c i a n s , p h o t o g r a p h e r s , c o m p a s s i o n ­ ate citizens, a n d m a n y others w h o r i s k e d — a n d often lost — their lives to save strangers. T h i s s h o w e d to those w h o h a d v i e w e d the g r a n d city o n the H u d -

290

Chapter 15

s o n as hard-edged a n d i m p e r i o u s that c o m m u n i t y l a y d o r m a n t beneath the g l a m o u r a n d the glitter w h e n c a l l e d f o r t h by a w o u n d e d h u m a n i t y . T h r o n g s o f people came f r o m near a n d far to stand as one before the devastation. E l o q u e n t i n their silence they reached o u t to console one another i n a " c o m m u n i t y o f t r i b u l a t i o n . " In one second their — a n d o u r —lives h a d c h a n g e d forever. Stunned before this desecration, they r e c o g n i z e d that life's m e a n i n g w a s a n c h o r e d n o t o n l y i n p e r s o n a l a m b i t i o n a n d projects but i n h u m a n s o l i d a r i t y a n d the l o v i n g care o f a c o m m u n i t y that nourishes a n d sus­ tains us a l l .

EPILOGUE IS THERE C O M M U N I T Y IN

CYBERSPACE?

"Is there anybody there?" said the Traveller, Knocking on the moonlit door; . . . only a host of phantom listeners . . . — Walter de la M a r e

Shangri-la has l o n g h e l d a n e x t r a o r d i n a r y fascination for h u m a n beings. T h e oasis i n the desert b e c k o n i n g to the p a r c h e d traveler, the g o l d e n fleece sought by the d o o m e d J a s o n , the l a n d o f N o d a n d the Edens o f c h i l d h o o d , a l l attest to the capacity o f h u m a n beings to imagine ideal worlds. T h e Shangri-la o f the twenty-first century w o u l d appear to be cy­ berspace—that m a g i c a l r e a l m o n w h i c h hundreds o f m i l l i o n s o f earth-

291

292

Epilogue

lings project their longings for infinite possibilities o f togetherness, har­ m o n y , a n d c o m m u n i t y . H o w easily w e h u m a n s are seduced by Utopian promises. A n interesting question for o u r time is whether electronic connect­ edness c a n create that c o m m u n i t y . T h e b i g debate focuses o n w h e t h e r c o m m u n i t y , i f it is to exist i n m o r e t h a n n a m e only, does o r does not require territory, space, o r turf. T h e o r i g i n a t o r s o f cyberspace reflected the ideals o f the 1960s counterculture i n their endorsement o f openness, freedom, n o n c o n f o r m i t y , a n d anti-establishmentarianism but w i t h one b i g difference: their a d m i r a t i o n of, a n d faith i n , technology. T e c h n o l o g y , i n the 1990s view, w o u l d facilitate c o m m u n i t y i n a n e w key. T h e prece­ dents for such a c o m m u n i t y go b a c k forty years to w h e n "the f a r m " w a s l a u n c h e d , first i n real life, a n d later i n v i r t u a l f o r m ( R h e i n g o l d 1 9 9 3 ) . In its earthly v e r s i o n , "the f a r m " engaged the c o o p e r a t i o n o f m o r e t h a n one t h o u s a n d i n d i v i d u a l s w i t h the g o a l o f b u i l d i n g a selfsufficient c o m m u n i t y that w o u l d g r o w its o w n f o o d a n d b u i l d the neces­ sary institutions. Weariness a n d e x h a u s t i o n put a stop to the earthly e x p e r i m e n t but its lessons were c a r r i e d over i n t o the electronic " w e l l " that attracted n u m e r o u s groups f r o m scientists to seers. B o t h f a r m a n d w e l l were i n s p i r e d by the desire to achieve direct d e m o c r a t i c self-gov­ ernance, freedom o f expression, a n d open-endedness (ibid., p . 4 1 ) , w h i c h i n t u r n i n s p i r e d later efforts. These were impressive i n n o v a t i o n s to be sure, but d i d they deserve the designation " c o m m u n i t y " ? W r i t i n g s o n cyberspace generally refer to the rise o f n e w k i n d s o f c o m m u n i t i e s by virtue o f electronic connectedness, but to declare this is n o t to demonstrate it. T h e w o r d " c y b e r s p a c e " w a s c o i n e d by W i l l i a m G i b s o n i n Neuromancer (1984) a n d continues to reflect its sci-fi parent­ age, as it lodges i n the m y s t i c a l w e b w i t h i n w h i c h it w a s c o n c e i v e d a n d so p r o d s the i m a g i n a t i o n but remains elusive. " I n cyberspace" writes Sherry T u r k l e , " w e have the o p p o r t u n i t y to b u i l d n e w k i n d s o f c o m m u n i t i e s , v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s , i n w h i c h w e par­ ticipate w i t h people f r o m a l l over the w o r l d , people w i t h w h o m w e converse d a i l y . . . but w h o m w e m a y never p h y s i c a l l y meet" (Turkle 1995, pp. 9-10). C y b e r s p a c e o f course is fascinating as p o s s i b i l i t y but for a l l o f its projected i m p a c t o n identity, gender t r a n s f o r m a t i o n , s i m u l a t i o n , a n d m u t u a l i t y at a distance, it tells us very little a b o u t c o m m u n i t y as struc­ ture, context, a n d stable reference p o i n t for life. It m a y w e l l be that i n this p e r i o d o f t r a n s i t i o n , o f being between w o r l d s , these forays i n t o alternative selves a n d i m a g i n e d connections m a y sketch i n life for the m o b i l e , transient multitudes a n d p r o v i d e m i r r o r s to a n c h o r their float­ i n g , d i s e m b o d i e d identities. B u t c o m m u n i t y requires m o r e t h a n m i r r o r s . T u r k l e discusses c h a n g i n g m e t a p h o r s o f e m o t i o n a l w e l l - b e i n g as

Epilogue

293

g o i n g f r o m stable, linear, r o o t e d modes to ones that are flexible, fluid, e x p e r i m e n t a l . A n d she herself poses the k e y questions: H o w c a n m u l t i ­ p l i c i t y lead to a coherent identity? H o w c a n s i m u l a t i o n preserve authen­ ticity? T o her questions m a y be a d d e d , w h e n is m u l t i p l e p e r s o n a l i t y a creative enrichment, a n d w h e n is it a p s y c h i c unraveling? A s a n adjunct to reality there is n o p r o b l e m w i t h cyberspace; as a substitute, there is, even for T u r k l e , w h o sees its great possibilities for creativity a n d transcendence. A c o m p a r i s o n o f v i r t u a l a n d " r e a l " versions suggests that the w o r d " c o m m u n i t y " is i n a p p r o p r i a t e , for cyberspace c o m m u n i t i e s l a c k 9 0 per­ cent o f the defining c r i t e r i a . C o m m u n i t y has definite boundaries a n d is d i v i d e d i n t o central, p u b l i c , a n d private spaces, whereas cyberspace is u n b o u n d e d a n d limitless. M e m b e r s o f earthly c o m m u n i t i e s , ideally, i n ­ vest their time, effort, money, a n d c o m m i t m e n t , whereas n o such efforts are exacted i n cyberspace. N o t o n l y is cyberspace v o l u n t a r y but there is n o entrance fee o f any k i n d . A n y o n e m a y j o i n a n d leave a n y t i m e . 1. E a r t h l y c o m m u n i t i e s are n u r t u r e d by trust, f a m i l i a r i t y , a n d reci­ procity, whereas cyberspace exalts a n o n y m i t y a n d the freedom to sign o n o r off at w i l l , m a k i n g the collective experience transient a n d episodic. 2. R u l e s a n d n o r m s , g o v e r n i n g b o t h a d m i s s i o n a n d modes o f coex­ istence are essential to actual c o m m u n i t i e s but n o t to v i r t u a l ones. 3. G o v e r n a n c e a l o n g w i t h s o c i a l institutions that m a i n t a i n order a n d c i v i l i t y are indispensable for earthly c o m m u n i t i e s but not as yet for virtual communities. 4. E a r t h l y c o m m u n i t i e s rest o n the experience o f s h a r i n g space, goals, t r a d i t i o n s , a n d values. C y b e r s p a c e c o m m u n i t i e s strive to keep their members connected m o r e i n f o r m a l l y a n d loosely, a n d sharing is minimal. M o s t writers stress the e x p a n s i o n o f r a d i i o f connectedness for vir­ t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s . C o m m u n i c a t i o n is the key w o r d , often allied w i t h " o p e n c o m m u n i c a t i o n , " "free c o m m u n i c a t i o n , " a n d even, o r perhaps especially, a n o n y m o u s c o m m u n i c a t i o n . These are seen as panaceas, the s o l u t i o n to w a r s , the w a y to w o r l d w i d e empathy. B u t w h a t is the basis for such great expectations, especially w h e n one c a n r e a d i l y envisage quite opposite outcomes — that is, e x p a n d i n g r a d i i o f connectedness l e a d i n g to greater m i s u n d e r s t a n d i n g , strife, a n d conflict? A n o t h e r projected benefit o f v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s is a r e v i t a l i z a t i o n of democracy, w i t h m o r e d i s c u s s i o n , exchange o f ideas, a n d debate o n serious issues. H o w e v e r , cyberspace c o u l d also deflect people's attention to mindless spectacles a n d escapism. M o r e abstract but suggestive is the p o s s i b i l i t y that cyberspace w i l l advance d e m o c r a c y by the electronic c r e a t i o n o f t o w n h a l l meetings a n d , w i t h these, strengthen the p u b l i c sphere i n w h i c h citizens c a n shape a collective o u t l o o k a n d devise solutions to c o m m o n p r o b l e m s . T h i s is

294

Epilogue

the r e a l m o f c i v i l society as the eighteenth century c o n c e i v e d it. T r u e , t e c h n o l o g y permits the instantaneous c o m m u n i c a t i o n o f chat r o o m s a n d M u l t i U s e r D u n g e o n s ( M U D s ) but whether t e c h n o l o g y c a n effec­ tively stimulate the loyalties a n d e m o t i o n a l c o h e s i o n o f c o m m u n i t y is arguable. W h a t is clear is that Internet users have e x p a n d e d at a staggering rate, the n u m b e r s g r o w i n g e x p o n e n t i a l l y f r o m a n i n i t i a l 5 to 6 m i l l i o n i n the mid-nineties to m o r e t h a n 100 m i l l i o n o n l y five years later. N o one disputes the g r o w t h o f i n f o r m a t i o n h i g h w a y s a n d electronic m a l l s , but h o w w i l l this generate c o m m u n i t y ? A r e w e d e a l i n g here w i t h " i m a g ­ i n e d " c o m m u n i t i e s as described by Benedict A n d e r s o n (1991), i n w h i c h the space that unites t h e m is s y m b o l i c ? O r are v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s pretty m u c h like real ones except for the swiftness o f c o m m u n i c a t i o n s ? If w e c o m p a r e t e r r i t o r i a l a n d v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s m o r e closely, w e note i m p o r t a n t differences. E l e c t r o n i c connectedness l i n k s people by specialized interests, by chance, even by w h i m , but n o t by collective o b l i g a t i o n s . Cyberspace connectedness is m a r k e d m o r e by fragmenta­ t i o n a n d splintering t h a n by shared t r a d i t i o n s a n d ideals. W h e n people d o not k n o w each other a n d are able to take o n identities at w i l l , trust a n d c a r i n g , w h i c h generally rest o n lengthy acquaintance, are u n l i k e l y to develop. T h e s o c i a l n e t w o r k s that electronic linkages generate are transient, f l u i d , a n d abstract, hence n o t geared to p r o v i d e strong ties w i t h p r o x i m a t e , k n o w n others based o n reciprocity, empathy, a n d re­ sponsibility. " C y b e r s p a c e is . . . full o f electronic n e i g h b o r h o o d s . . . w h e r e people m i n g l e a n d pass each other w i t h o u t establishing signifi­ cant c o n n e c t i o n . . . . electrons passing i n the d a r k d o not constitute a c o m m u n i t y " (Miller 1996, p. 334). Even traditional neighborhoods do n o t a u t o m a t i c a l l y advance c o m m u n i t y . T h e y c a n be hostile jungles o r isolated arenas o r s i m p l y shared spaces i n w h i c h people pursue private interests. A c o m m o n m i s p e r c e p t i o n a b o u t c o m m u n i t y is that it is defined by s o c i a l i n t e r a c t i o n , hence a n y t h i n g that increases i n t e r a c t i o n w o u l d i n ­ crease c o m m u n i t y . Esther D y s o n , a l e a d i n g voice i n Internet circles, summarizes this c o m m o n , i f erroneous, view. T h e Internet " a l l o w s the f o r m a t i o n o f c o m m u n i t i e s independent o f geography . . . people need o n l y share interests o r goals to find one a n o t h e r " ( D y s o n 1 9 9 8 , p . 32). B u t there is a vast difference between s o c i a l contacts a n d conversations, i n this a n o n y m o u s f a s h i o n , a n d c o m m u n i t i e s , a n d D y s o n gives n o i n d i ­ c a t i o n o f h o w the first w i l l lead to the second. There is one development, however, that bears w a t c h i n g : c o m m u ­ n i t y n e t w o r k s e x p l i c i t l y oriented to encourage l o c a l i t y - b a s e d o n - l i n e c o m m u n i c a t i o n . In the 1980s a n d early 1990s, m a n y o f these w e n t u n ­ der, but some one h u n d r e d have s u r v i v e d a n d are c u r r e n t l y t h r i v i n g i n C h a r l o t t e , N o r t h C a r o l i n a (Charlotte's W e b ) ; P h i l a d e l p h i a ; a n d Seattle;

Epilogue

295

a m o n g others. T h e electronic village o f B l a c k s b u r g , V i r g i n i a , e n c o m ­ passes 3 6 , 0 0 0 residents a n d their electronic exchanges are said to create "stronger ties a m o n g n e i g h b o r s " (Shapiro 1 9 9 9 , p p . 1 2 , 13), t h o u g h this needs systematic e x p l o r a t i o n . T h u s , surfing g l o b a l l y m a y connect people locally, a n d one possible benefit for actual c o m m u n i t i e s is greater awareness o f one's p r o x i m a t e c o m m u n i t y a n d one's p r o x i m a t e neighbors (ibid., p . 14). In t u r n , this m a y advance k n o w l e d g e o f one's o w n c o m m u n i t y a n d interest i n others. A l s o , m o r e l o c a l dialogue m a y engender e m p a t h y a n d c o o p e r a t i o n i f m o b i l i z e d for a shared cause. In this w a y , a n on-line " c o m m o n s c o u l d strengthen a p u b l i c c o m m o n s " o r p r o v i d e a neutral " t h i r d p l a c e " (Schuler 1 9 9 6 , p . 4 2 ) , but this is as yet mere s p e c u l a t i o n . T o date, electronic " c o m m u n i t i e s " l a c k most attributes o f r e a l - w o r l d c o m m u n i t i e s , namely, shared territory, identifiable boundaries, shared values a n d n o r m s , cen­ t r a l institutions, a n d the g o a l o f collective a n d p h y s i c a l s u r v i v a l . E l e c t r o n i c " c o m m u n i t i e s " d o have the shared m e d i u m o f language, w h i c h permits the exchange o f i n f o r m a t i o n , news, a n d o p i n i o n s a m o n g interested participants. T h i s m a y be e x c i t i n g a n d s t i m u l a t i n g , but it is insufficient. E x p e r i e n c e has s h o w n that for c o m m u n i t y to emerge, even m i n i m a l l y , v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s require some o f the mainstays o f terri­ t o r i a l c o m m u n i t i e s , such as " u n w r i t t e n beliefs" a b o u t their collective s u r v i v a l , some m o r a l precepts a n d c i v i l codes, a n d at least a p r o v i s i o n a l ethics. A s yet, n o m e c h a n i s m exists to enforce any o f these. A b o v e a l l , there is n o w a y to create a c c o u n t a b i l i t y i n a v i r t u a l universe. If a M U D character sees fit to destroy some p a r t o f the setting i n w h i c h people gather s y m b o l i c a l l y , this destroys it for a l l the participants. T u r k l e ( 1 9 9 5 , p . 56) relates the p r o b l e m o f c i v i l order i n a short­ lived M U D c a l l e d " H a b i t a t , " w h i c h h a d m a n a g e d to f a s h i o n a d e m o ­ cratic v o t i n g process, a violence-free zone, a n d l a w s that w o u l d help discover the " p r o p e r balance between l a w a n d order a n d i n d i v i d u a l f r e e d o m , " but it d i d not survive. A t this p o i n t , the Internet is a n a n a r c h i c r e a l m . C h a t r o o m s are arenas w i t h o u t rules. T h e y d o offer contact for the b o r e d , the lonely, the alienated, a n d s o c i a l misfits but there is n o u n i f y i n g u m b r e l l a , n o effec­ tive f o r m o f governance, to b r i n g t h e m i n t o c o m m o n endeavors. In fact, the connectedness featured o n the Internet m a y offer a "false sense o f belonging" (Miller 1996, p. 336). A t t e m p t s to counter the a n a r c h i c p o t e n t i a l o f cyberspace have led at times to e x i l i n g — by electronic e x p u l s i o n — a destructive o r undesirable p a r t i c i p a n t . In this way, cyberspace creeps t o w a r d c o n v e n t i o n a l s o c i a l procedures it h a d sought to leave b e h i n d . T h e n there are n e w obsessions a n d a d d i c t i o n s for cyber beings. T h e smitten m a y spend thousands o f hours o n chats, substituting cyberspace for real life. C o m p u t e r a d d i c t i o n has been described as a " r e a l a n d

296

Epilogue

g r o w i n g p r o b l e m . " M a r e s s a H e c h t O r z a c k , director o f c o m p u t e r a d d i c ­ t i o n services at M c C l e a n H o s p i t a l i n M a s s a c h u s e t t s , describes s u c h a d ­ dicts as suffering the ills o f addicts generally, w h i c h m a y result i n the sacrifice o f f a m i l y life, w o r k , a n d s o c i a l life to their c o m p u t e r life ( 1 9 9 9 , pp. 1-2). V i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s seem to offer i l l u s o r y identities to those l a c k ­ i n g friends, family, a n d other h u m a n c o n n e c t i o n s . A s s u c h they m a y assuage existential loneliness a n d social i s o l a t i o n , w h i c h c a n be a lifesaver for the needy. B u t this is n o t c o m m u n i t y i n a n y serious sense o f the t e r m . O f course, even the i l l u s i o n o f c o m m u n i t y m a y be better t h a n no community. N e w terms such as " c y b e r a n o m i e " " a n d c y b e r m e g a l o m a n i a , " sug­ gest that i l l u s o r y identities also have their costs ( K l a w a n s 1 9 9 9 , p . 11). A s a " n e w h o m e o f the m i n d , " separate f r o m the p h y s i c a l w o r l d , w e m a y be creating n e w forms o f a l i e n a t i o n i n cyberspace, a l o n g w i t h w h a t ­ ever o n - l i n e togetherness ensues ( D e r y 1 9 9 7 , p . 96). S t i l l , the struggle to devise rules o f etiquette for behavior, a n d b o u n d ­ aries vis-à-vis the outside w o r l d , echo i n s y m b o l i c f o r m the experience o f h i s t o r i c c o m m u n i t i e s . Q u e s t i o n s o f p r i v a c y , property, a n d c o n f o r m i t y are timeless for h u m a n aggregates a n d to see t h e m p l a y e d o u t o n o u r c o m p u t e r screens strikes some f a m i l i a r c h o r d s . In particular, there is the t e n s i o n between i n d i v i d u a l i s m a n d collective c o n t r o l , the i n e v i t a b i l i t y o f authority, a n d the need for some k i n d o f social o r d e r — a l l h i g h l y charged points of contention. H e n c e even technocratic visionaries have been c o m p e l l e d to c o n ­ clude that: " L i k e terrestrial c o m m u n i t i e s , g o o d o n - l i n e ' c o m m u n i t i e s ' require care a n d t e n d i n g . M e m b e r s need someone to resolve disputes, set the tone, find the sponsors . . . define the rules o r m o d i f y t h e m i n accordance w i t h c o m m u n i t y interests" ( D y s o n 1 9 9 8 , p . 4 6 ) . Observers o f o n - l i n e gatherings have a p p r i s e d us o f other develop­ ments that are i n i m i c a l to c o m m u n i t y f o r m a t i o n even i n the loose sense i n w h i c h the t e r m is used here. T h e r e are the shirkers o r free riders w h o o n l y " r e a d o r l i s t e n , " d o n o t m a k e a c o n t r i b u t i o n to the totality, a n d are n o t part o f it ( i b i d . , p . 4 8 ) . M o s t significant, i n m y view, is the fact that there is less at stake i n electronic c o m m u n i t i e s t h a n i n t e r r i t o r i a l c o m m u n i t i e s . W h e n real c o m ­ m u n i t i e s break d o w n , real people suffer, e n v i r o n m e n t s get neglected, a n d institutions decay. W h e n o n - l i n e c o m m u n i t i e s f a i l , the consequences are far less m o m e n t o u s a n d people c a n t u r n to other s y m b o l i c settings instantaneously. Some m o r e d i s t u r b i n g negatives o f v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s have also become apparent. B y the late 1 9 9 0 s , m o r e t h a n 2 5 0 hate sites have been identified o n - l i n e , where they c a n spread their messages o f r a c i s m , w h i t e

Epilogue

297

supremacy, a n t i - S e m i t i s m , a n d ethnic e x c l u s i v i t y (Janovsky 1 9 9 2 , p . 2 4 ) . Resistance, Inc., f o u n d e d b y G e o r g e B u r d i , has been described as sending the m o s t p o w e r f u l , hostile messages across the Internet as w e l l as the r a d i o , i n videos, a n d p u b l i s h i n g . T h e p o s s i b i l i t y to spread hate messages across the globe m o r e swiftly t h a n ever before leads some to w o r r y that mass movements o f hate c o u l d be created i n a n instant (Schneider 1 9 9 5 , p . A 1 2 ) . H e n c e , a l o n g w i t h the vast storehouse o f W e b i n f o r m a t i o n that c a n be t a p p e d o n line to gather groups a r o u n d art, theater, science, o r p o p u l a r culture is a destructive p o t e n t i a l w e c a n n o t ignore. T h i s p r o m p t s a d m o n i t i o n s to proceed w i t h c a u t i o n a n d to not trust b l i n d l y i n technology. M i s g i v i n g s also exist a b o u t the misuses o f freedom i n cyberspace. T h e freedom that w a s the i n s i g n i a o f cyberspace c a n n o t exist w i t h o u t some c o n t r o l s , sanctions, a n d models for c o n d u c t . T h e current a n a r c h y c a n n o t become a permanent c o n d i t i o n w i t h o u t serious costs. L a w l e s s ­ ness seems to be as destructive i n cyberspace as i n real life, as a n t i s o c i a l impulses destroy w h a t benign, constructive impulses b u i l d . In short, cy­ berspace, t o o , is c o r r u p t i b l e . O t h e r w a r n i n g s focus o n the role o f p o w e r f u l corporate forces a n d advertisers a n d the deflection o f a n authentic to a n inauthentic p u b l i c discourse by appeals to c o n s p i c u o u s c o n s u m p t i o n rather t h a n to rea­ soned debate ( R h e i n g o l d 1 9 9 3 , p p . 2 7 9 , 2 8 2 ) . " I n f o t a i n m e n t " geared to m a r k e t appeals a n d interests creates a n arena o f spectators a n d buyers rather t h a n citizens that defeats the p o t e n t i a l for civic debate i n the electronic t o w n h a l l . T h e q u e s t i o n o f c o n t r o l o f cyberspace l o o m s increasingly signifi­ cant. A t a time w h e n cyberspace still seems to b e l o n g to everyone, it appears to foster equality o f r a n k , power, a n d status n o t available any­ where else. B u t apprehensions a b o u t g l o b a l structures o f c o n t r o l a n d m o n o p o l i z a t i o n cast a fearful d i m e n s i o n over the future, as g l o b a l c a p i ­ t a l i n alliance w i t h g l o b a l m e d i a c o m e to p r e v a i l . W h e n huge c o r p o r a ­ tions possess a n equal voice w i t h single citizens, their huge p o w e r s b u o y e d b y their l i m i t e d e c o n o m i c l i a b i l i t y are l i k e l y to d r o w n o u t the views o f o r d i n a r y people. T h i s results i n a d u b i o u s equality between corporate a n d i n d i v i d u a l c l o u t . Indeed, the f a m i l i a r i n d i c a t o r s o f a n elite —as, for e x a m p l e , the h u n d r e d " N e t e r a t i , " w h o meet a n n u a l l y at the P C F o r u m exclusively — a n d a nascent stratification h i e r a r c h y are already visible beneath the surface o f openness a n d equality. " N o w that cyberspace is b e c o m i n g a n i m p o r t a n t arena for the m a ­ jor institutions o f o u r society," writes M i l l e r , it is l i k e l y "that the ' b i g guys' w i l l i m p o s e l a w a n d bureaucratic order o n cyberspace," or, m o r e benignly, "manufacture consent" by creating a c o n t e x t w i t h i n w h i c h a p u b l i c o p i n i o n is shaped. A n i m p o r t a n t source o f p o w e r is "the a b i l i t y to frame people's u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f w o r l d events [and] to define the

298

Epilogue

terms i n w h i c h reality is discussed a n d o p t i o n s e v a l u a t e d " ( M i l l e r 1 9 9 6 , pp. 3 2 5 , 3 3 9 ) . A l r e a d y , g l o b a l i z a t i o n is a tremendous force feared by those w h o see their t r a d i t i o n a l cultures s w a m p e d b y first-world wares. It has been c a l c u l a t e d that " 9 0 percent o f the 6,000 languages c u r r e n t l y s p o k e n by the earth's inhabitants w i l l disappear w i t h i n the next century a l o n g w i t h m u c h o f the culture that they express" (Science News, 25 February 1995, quoted i n ibid., p. 339). V i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s , as i n d i c a t e d by their n a m e , are mirages. T h e absence o f full sensory contact creates s h a d o w c o m m u n i t i e s at best. S o l i d c o m m u n i t i e s p r o v i d e " m o d e l s o f respect a n d assistance so w e c a n learn e m p a t h y for others a n d the interdependence o f o u r collective w e l l b e i n g " (ibid., p . 3 1 9 ) . T h e y teach us the necessity o f c a r i n g a n d s h a r i n g , c o o p e r a t i o n a n d loyalty. C y b e r s p a c e i n t e r a c t i o n , e x c i t i n g , c h a l l e n g i n g , new t h o u g h it be, has other aims a n d other h o r i z o n s . In one o f the most stringent critiques o f v i r t u a l c o m m u n i t i e s , D o h e n y F a r i n a (1996) argues that w e need c o m m u n i t i e s o f place to prevent the disintegration o f the planet. H e sees i n d i v i d u a l s increasingly isolated and cyberville as a n escape f r o m the w o r l d . T h e i l l u s i o n o f c o m m u n i t y m a y m a s k that i s o l a t i o n a n d eliminate the awareness o f h u m a n interde­ pendence. W h a t e v e r cyberville does offer — a n d there is as yet n o c o n ­ sensus o n w h a t that is — i t does n o t d e m a n d the investment i n t i m e , effort, a n d c o m m i t m e n t to shared goals o r the give a n d take o f real communities. " A c o m m u n i t y is b o u n d by place [and] c o m p l e x social a n d e n v i r o n ­ m e n t a l necessities. It is not s o m e t h i n g y o u c a n easily j o i n . " O n e c a n n o t subscribe to it. "It must be l i v e d . It is e n t w i n e d , c o n t r a d i c t o r y , a n d i n ­ volves a l l the senses — a n d l o n g a c q u a i n t a n c e " (ibid.). C o m m u n i t i e s need a center a n d a heart as w e l l as a p u b l i c arena where p u b l i c dis­ course a n d actions c a n take place. T o be " r o o t e d i n a c o m m u n i t y , one must spend a l o n g time integrating one's life i n t o a p l a c e . " If collective sites serve special interests, they are n o t c o m m u n i t i e s but private inter­ ests w r i t large (ibid., p p . 3 7 , 9 3 , 5 2 ) . E l e c t r o n i c n e t w o r k s by their ready access to i n f o r m a t i o n c a n be used by place c o m m u n i t i e s to have "meet­ i n g s " a n d " d i s c u s s i o n s " v i a c o m p u t e r linkages —not as substitutes for t o w n meetings or p u b l i c f o r u m s , but as adjuncts to these. It has been suggested that w h e n c o m m u n i t y d i m i n i s h e s i n real life, people t u r n to subtitutes a n d a p p r o x i m a t i o n s . Coffee breaks, friendly exchanges a r o u n d water coolers, c o n v i v i a l i t y i n u r b a n p o c k e t p a r k s a l l serve a purpose, but they are n o t o f lasting consequence. V i r t u a l c o m ­ munities are at present s m o k e a n d m i r r o r c o m m u n i t i e s . W h e t h e r this w i l l change i n the future, o n l y time w i l l tell. B u t / / they are to become the real t h i n g , they w i l l need to take the lessons o f " r e a l " c o m m u n i t i e s b a c k i n t o the future.

APPENDIX OVERVIEW OF SURVEYS,

1975-1999

T o o b t a i n the desired i n f o r m a t i o n , representative samples o f T w i n R i v e r s residents were surveyed i n every decade. T h e first survey, i n 1 9 7 5 - 7 6 , w a s a n elaborate survey o f 2 5 0 w o m e n representing one t h o u s a n d house­ h o l d s . Its s i x sections consisted o f forty-five open-ended questions o n p e r s o n a l a n d f a m i l y b a c k g r o u n d s , e m p l o y m e n t history, i n c o m e , a n d ed­ u c a t i o n a l attainments. T h i s w a s f o l l o w e d b y f o r t y - t w o questions a b o u t their reactions to the m o v e a n d ensuing changes for self a n d f a m i l y members — reactions to house, neighbors, facilities, privacy, a n d ser­ vices. A final section o f fourteen questions focused o n spare-time activ­ ities, chief m o o d s a n d w o r r i e s , a n d p o l i t i c a l p a r t i c i p a t i o n . A l l t o l d , the

299

300

Appendix

answers to these 101 questions, d u l y c o d e d a n d processed, p r o v i d e d the baseline for subsequent analyses. T o r o u n d o u t the i n i t i a l focus o n the w o m e n o f T w i n R i v e r s , a special, i f s o m e w h a t shorter, survey o f m e n w a s a d d e d i n the late 1970s. A n d i n the m i d - 1 9 7 0 s , a y o u t h survey (seventy-seven questions) focused o n the teenagers to c o m p a r e their reactions w i t h those o f their parents a n d other adults. T h i s w a s d u p l i c a t e d i n the m i d - 1 9 8 0 s . T h e G a l l u p o r g a n i z a t i o n c a r r i e d o u t a c o m m u n i t y - w i d e survey i n the m i d - 1 9 8 0 s t o p a r a l l e l that o f the 1 9 7 0 s . T h e thirty-three-item ques­ t i o n n a i r e used largely m u l t i p l e - c h o i c e questions a n d p r o b e d c h a n g i n g requirements o f residents a n d o n g o i n g sources o f satisfaction a n d dis­ satisfaction. T h e last c o m m u n i t y - w i d e survey w a s a d m i n i s t e r e d i n the late 1990s a n d is r e p r o d u c e d below. Several small-scale, intensive i n t e r v i e w studies e x p l o r e d p a r t i c u l a r issues i n depth. O n e o f these t a p p e d attitudes before a n d after the m o v e for some forty residents to assess a n t i c i p a t i o n s a b o u t the prospective c o m m u n i t y w i t h direct experience. A n o t h e r small-scale study consisted o f interviews w i t h forty-four residents at t w o p o i n t s i n t i m e , a decade apart, for constancy a n d changes over t i m e . In a d d i t i o n , one h u n d r e d c i v i c a n d professional leaders offered their appraisals o f the d e v e l o p i n g c o m m u n i t y i n lengthy interviews. T h e 1 9 9 7 survey o f one t h o u s a n d T w i n R i v e r s h o u s e h o l d s h a d a general response rate above 5 0 percent (or five h u n d r e d residents). O f these, 10 percent (or fifty residents) agreed t o lengthy f o l l o w - u p inter­ views a b o u t T w i n R i v e r s . T h e r a n d o m sample surveys, the interviews w i t h p a r t i c u l a r g r o u p s , analyses o f aggregate data, p a r t i c i p a n t o b s e r v a t i o n , p h o t o g r a p h i c rec­ ords a n d systematic t r a c k i n g o f collective events a l l c o n t r i b u t e d to the p o r t r a i t o f a c o m m u n i t y i n the m a k i n g .

TWIN RIVERS S U R V E Y

1997

1. A s a result o f l i v i n g i n T w i n R i v e r s , h o w d o y o u feel a b o u t t o w n h o u s e c o m m u n i t i e s ? 1. 2. 3. 4.

In favor Against Mixed feelings Not sure

2 . H a s T w i n R i v e r s d i s a p p o i n t e d y o u i n any w a y ? Yes No 3. If yes, indicate reason: Too little community Not enough people mix Aesthetics, appearance Management Services provided Transportation Location Other 4 . In general, d o y o u like T w i n Rivers? 1. 2. 3. 4. 5.

Like very much Like pretty well So-so Dislike Dislike very much

5. T w i n R i v e r s is p r o v i d i n g roots for Me For the children growing up here For most of my friends

Yes Yes Yes

No No No

6. H o w m u c h influence d o y o u t h i n k people l i k e y o u have over deci­ sions m a d e for T w i n R i v e r s ? A good deal Not much, but some None As much as I want

301

302

Appendix

7. C o m p a r e d to years ago w h e n y o u first m o v e d i n , w o u l d y o u say T w i n R i v e r s is w o r s e , better, o r the same i n regard to: Safety Family life Housing Environmental quality Appearance Efficient management Pulling together Human relations Community spirit

Worse Worse Worse Worse Worse Worse Worse Worse Worse

Better Better Better Better Better Better Better Better Better

Same Same Same Same Same Same Same Same Same

8. H o w w o u l d y o u rate T w i n R i v e r s o n each o f the f o l l o w i n g f r o m 1 (least) to 5 (most): ( ) Cooperation ( ) Social conflicts ( ) Friendliness Tolerance to diversity ( ) of people ( ) of values ( ) of life styles ( ) Community-mindedness ( ) Individualism ( ) Civility, good manners 9. T w i n R i v e r s i n its first decade h a d a "teenage p r o b l e m " w i t h " b o r e ­ d o m " a n d " n o t h i n g to d o " being the teens' c o m m o n c o m p l a i n t s . Some residents feel this p r o b l e m has by n o w been resolved a n d that teenagers are d o i n g just fine. O t h e r residents disagree. T h e y believe that the "teenager p r o b l e m " persists. W h i c h best describes y o u r o w n view? Teenager problems persist, no change Teenagers are doing just fine 10. In y o u r view, h o w d o m o s t T w i n R i v e r s residents rate each o f the following: Individual success Hard work

Very Important Very Important

Moderately Important Moderately Important

Not Important Not Important

Appendix Getting rich Athletic achievement Education Cooperation Popularity Consumer goods Voting Community Involvement Compassion for the less fortunate

Very Important Very Important Very Important Very Important Very Important Very Important Very Important Very Important Very Important

Moderately Important Moderately Important Moderately Important Moderately Important Moderately Important Moderately Important Moderately Important Moderately Important Moderately Important

303 Not Important Not Important Not Important Not Important Not Important Not Important Not Important Not Important Not Important

1 1 . In recent years, this c o u n t r y has been debating w h e t h e r the U . S . has changed f r o m being a society o f joiners to being a society o f loners. C o m p a r e d to 5 years ago (or w h e n y o u first m o v e d in) h o w w o u l d y o u classify yourself: More of a joiner More of a loner 12. H o w satisfied are y o u w i t h each o f the f o l l o w i n g : The appearance of your house/apart­ ment The amount of space The house/apartment overall Noise from neighbors

Very satisfied

So-so

Dissatisfied

Very satisfied Very satisfied

So-so So-so

Dissatisfied Dissatisfied

Very satisfied

So-so

Dissatisfied

13. H e r e is a list o f activities. F o r each, indicate whether y o u engage i n it m o r e , less, some, not at a l l c o m p a r e d to 10 years ago (or since first m o v i n g in): PTA Bridge Other games Team sports

More More More More

Less Less Less Less

Some Some Some Some

Not Not Not Not

at at at at

all all all all

304

Appendix Individual sports Golf Tennis Swimming Other An evening out with friends Dining out Go to Movies once a week

More More More More More

Less Less Less Less Less

Some Some Some Some Some

Not Not Not Not Not

More More

Less Less

Some Some

Not at all Not at all

at all at all at all at all at all

14. H e r e is a list o f characteristics a b o u t the residents o f T w i n R i v e r s . F o r each, please indicate w h e t h e r it is m o r e o r less, o r the same as it w a s 5 years ago (or w h e n y o u first m o v e d in): Friendliness to strangers Openness to diversity Of people Of values Of lifestyles Individualism Safety General functioning Management Concern by the Twin Rivers Trust C o m m u n i t y mindedness

More

Less

Same

More More More More More More More More

Less Less Less Less Less Less Less Less

Same Same Same Same Same Same Same Same

More

Less

Same

16. T w i n R i v e r s is a genuine c o m m u n i t y : Yes

No

17. H e r e is a list o f activities. F o r each, indicate w h e t h e r y o u engage i n it m o r e , less, some, o r n o t at a l l c o m p a r e d to 5 years ago (or w h e n y o u first m o v e d in): PTA Bridge (or other in­ door games) Team sports Individual sports An evening with friends Dining out Evening TVwatching Weekly movies

More More

Less Less

Some Some

Not at all Not at all

More More More

Less Less Less

Some Some Some

Not at all Not at all Not at all

More More

Less Less

Some Some

Not at all Not at all

More

Less

Some

Not at all

Appendix Twin River function Entertaining at home Engaging in community activities Engaging in political activities

305

More

Less

Some

Not at all

More

Less

Some

Not at all

More

Less

Some

Not at all

More

Less

Some

Not at all

18. In y o u r view, is there a T w i n R i v e r s c o m m u n i t y spirit? Yes

No

Sometimes

19. If yes, h o w is this spirit expressed? People pull together when needed People basically trust each other People are active in different organizations It feels like a community I feel I belong to Twin Rivers 2 0 . If n o , because: People don't cooperate People can't be trusted There is no sense of unity There is no closeness It doesn't feel like a community I don't feel I belong to Twin Rivers Other 2 1 . W h o m w o u l d y o u t u r n to for help w i t h : House repair Friends Friends Family in Twin outside members Rivers Twin Rivers Child's sickness Friends Friends Family in Twin outside members Rivers Twin Rivers To borrow money in an emergency Friends Friends Family in Twin outside members Rivers Twin Rivers

Professionals, (doctors, banks, counselors)

My spouse only

No one

DK

Professionals, (doctors, banks, counselors)

My spouse only

No one

DK

Professionals, (doctors, banks, counselors)

My spouse only

No one

DK

306

Appendix

Job problems Friends Friends in Twin outside Rivers Twin Rivers Family problems Friends Friends in Twin outside Rivers Twin Rivers Marital problems Friends Friends in Twin outside Rivers Twin Rivers A serious illness Friends Friends in Twin outside Rivers Twin Rivers

-Family members

-Professionals, (doctors, banks, counselors)

My spouse _ N o one only

DK

-Family members

-Professionals, (doctors, banks, counselors)

My spouse only

No one

DK

-Family members

-Professionals, (doctors, banks, counselors)

_My spouse only

_No one

DK

-Family members

-Professionals, (doctors, banks, counselors)

My spouse only

_No one

DK

2 2 . If y o u c o u l d have any t w o changes i n T w i n R i v e r s , w h a t w o u l d they be? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8

Redesign the whole community Improve attractiveness and appearance Have a more varied mix of residents Make the trust more responsive to residents Have more facilities for teenagers Improve quality of construction Less density None, it's fine as it is

2 3 . D o y o u w i s h T w i n R i v e r s were m o r e o f a c o m m u n i t y ? Yes

No

2 4 . I a m p r o u d to be a resident o f T w i n R i v e r s : Yes

No

2 5 . D o y o u feel c o m m i t t e d to T w i n Rivers? Yes, a great deal Yes, somewhat No, not much I plan to spend the rest of my life in Twin Rivers I plan to move away within 1-2 years

Appendix

307

2 6 . W h a t is y o u r age? Under 25 26-30 31-35 36-40 41-50 46-50 51-55 56-60 61 or older 27. Total annual household income Under $25,000 $26-49,000 $50,000 or higher 2 8 . Please check: Male

Female

2 9 . In w h i c h Q u a d d o y o u live? 1

Quad 1

2 3 4

Quad 2 Quad 3 Quad 4

3 0 . A r e y o u n o w employed? 1 2 3 4 5 6 7

Self-employed Employed — full-time Employed — part-time Retired Do organized, steady volunteer work Looking for work None of the above

3 1 . If c u r r e n t l y e m p l o y e d , please indicate w h a t k i n d o f w o r k y o u d o : 1 2 3 4 5 6

Salesperson (also real estate) Independent professional Salaried, tech, professional (engineer, accountant, chemical/research, etc.) Salaried professional, other (teacher, librarian, insurance, banking) Business management (executive, sales, personnel, retail, buyer, etc.) Skilled service (nurse, secretary, sales, police)

308

Appendix 7

Other, please describe

3 2 . W h a t d w e l l i n g d o y o u live in? 1 2 3 4 5

Townhouse — rent Townhouse — owner Detached house Apartment Condominium

3 3 . W h a t is y o u r m a r i t a l status? 1 2 3 4 5 6

Single Married Separated Divorced Widowed Cohabitation

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Adkins, Arthur. Moral Values and Political Behavior in Ancient Greece: Prom Homer to the End of the Fifth Century. N e w York: W. W. Norton, 1972. Alexander, Jeffrey C , and Seidman, Steven. Culture and Society: Contemporary Debates. Cambridge, U . K . : Cambridge University Press, 1990. Alinsky, Saul D . Rules for Radicals: A Practical Primer for Realistic Radicals. N e w York: Vintage Books, 1972. Althusius, Johannes. Política Methodice Digesta. Cambridge, M A : Harvard University Press, 1932. Altman, Dennis. The Homosexualization of America, the Americanization of the Homosexual. N e w York: St. Martin's Press, 1982. Anderson, Benedict R. Imagined Communities: Reflections on the Origin and Spread of Nationalism. London: N e w York, 1991. Arnett, Ronald C . Communication and Community: Implications of Martin Buber's Dialogue. Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1986. A r o n , Raymond. Sociologie des sociétés industrielles; esquisse d'une théorie des regimes politiques. Paris: Centre de Documentation Universitaire, 1964. Bailyn, Bernard. Voyagers to the West: A Passage in the Peopling of America on the Eve of the Revolution. N e w York: Random House, 1986. Baldwin, Steve, and Lessard, Bill. Net Slaves: True Tales of Working the Web. N e w York: M c G r a w - H i l l , 1999. Barber, Benjamin R. A Place for Us: How to Make Society Civil and Democracy Strong. N e w York: H i l l and Wang Publishers, 1998. Bartkowski, Frances. Feminist Utopias. Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 1989.

310

Bibliography

Baxandall, Rosalyn, and Ewen, Elizabeth. Picture Windows. N e w York: Basic Books, 2000. Becker, Franklin D . Housing Messages. Stroudsburg, PA: Dowden, Hutchinson & Ross, 1977. Beiner, Ronald. What's the Matter with Liberalism} Berkeley: University of Cali­ fornia Press, 1992 Bell, Daniel. The Winding Passage. N e w Brunswick: Transaction Publishers, 1991. Bellah, Robert N . et al. The Good Society. N e w York: Knopf, 1991. . Habits of the Heart: Individualism and Commitment in American Life. N e w York: Harper & Row, 1985. Bender, Thomas. Community and Social Change in America. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1978. Benett, Stephen Earl. Apathy in America, 1960-1984. N e w York: Transnational Publishing, Inc., 1986. Benn, S. I. "Individuality, Autonomy and Community" in Eugene Kamenka (ed.). City As a Social Ideal. N e w York: St. Martin's Press, 1983. pp. 4 3 - 6 2 . Bennetts, Leslie. "Wired at Heart." Vanity Fair, November 1997, pp. 158-67. Ben-Rafael, Eliezer. Status, Power and Conflict in the Kibbutz. Brookfield, V T : Gower Publishing C o . , 1988. Berman, Sheri. " C i v i l Society and the Collapse of the Weimar Republic." World Politics #49, A p r i l 1997, pp. 4 0 1 - 2 9 . Bernard, Jessie. The Sociology of Community. Glenview, IL: Scott, Foresman & Co., 1973. Berthoff, Rowland. An Unsettled People: Social Order and Disorder in Ameri­ can History. N e w York: Harper & Row, 1971. Bestor, Theodore C . Neighborhood Tokyo. Stanford, C A : Stanford University Press, 1989. Bettelheim, Bruno. A Home for the Heart. N e w York: Knopf Publishing, 1974. Black, Corinne M . Utopia Lost: Aspects of Conflict in a New Planned Suburban Community. University Microfilm International. A n n Arbor, M I , 1984. Blair, Tony. "The Renewal of Community," June 2000 speech to the Women's Institute's Triennial General Meeting, London. Boff, Leonardo. Ecclesiogenesis: The Base Communities Reinvent the Church. N e w York: M a r y K n o l l Orbis Books, 1986. Bosanquet, Bernard. A Companion to Plato's Republic for English Readers. N e w York: Macmillan and C o . , 1895. Bourdieu, Pierre, and Richardson, John G . (eds.). "The Forms of Capital." Handbook of Theory and Research for the Sociology of Education. Westport, C T : Greenwood Press, 1986. pp. 2 4 1 - 5 8 . Breuer, S. " V o n Tônnies zu Weber." Berliner Journal Der Soziologie Heft 2, 1996, pp. 2 2 7 - 4 5 . Briggs, Xavier de Souza. "Community Building: The N e w (and Old) Politics of Urban Problem Solving in the N e w Century." John F. Kennedy School of Government, Harvard University. Public Address on 27 September 2000. Brubaker, Rogers. Citizenship and Nationhood in France and Germany. Cam­ bridge, M A : Harvard University Press, 1992.

Bibliography

311

Bruchey, Stuart. The Elderly in America. N e w York: Garland Publishing, 1992. Burby, III, Raymond J., et al. New Communites, USA. Lexington, M A : D . C . Heath, Lexington Books, 1976. Burgess, Ernest W. The Urban Community: Selected Papers from the Proceed­ ings of the American Sociological Society, 1925. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1927. Bushman, Richard L . From Puritan to Yankee: Character and the Social Order in Connecticut, 1690-1765. Cambridge, M A : Harvard University Press, 1967. Cahnman, Werner J . Weber and Tonnies: Comparative Sociology in Historical Perspective. N e w Brunswick, N J : Transaction Publishers, 1995. Calhoun, Craig. "Nationalism and Civil Society: Democracy, Diversity and SelfDetermination" in Social Theory and the Politics of Identity, Craig Calhoun. Oxford, U K : Blackwell, 1994. pp. 9-36, 304-335. Campbell, Angus, et al. The Quality of American Life: Perceptions, Evalua­ tions, and Satisfactions. N e w York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1976. Caplovitz, David. The Poor Pay More: Consumer Practices of Low-Income Families. N e w York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1963. Carr, Stephen, et al. Public Space. Cambridge, U K : Cambridge University Press, 1982. Chen, David W. "Asian Middle Class Deter a Rural Enclave." New York Times, 27 December 1999, pp. A l , B9. Chermayeff, Serge, and Alexander, Christopher. Community and Privacy: To­ ward a New Architecture of Humanism. Garden City, N Y : Doubleday, 1965. Clark, David B. "The Concept of Community: A Reexamination." Sociological Review, vol. 23, August 1973, pp. 397-415. Clark, Terry Nichols, and Rempel, Michael. Citizen Politics in Post-Industrial Societies. Boulder, C O : Westview Press, 1997. Cohen, Erik, and Rosner, Menachem. "Problems of Generations in the Israeli Kibbutz." Journal of Contemporary History, vol. 5, no. 1, 1970, pp. 7 3 - 8 6 . Cohen, Susan. "Missing Links." Washington Post Magazine, 31 July 1994, pp. 11-15; 2 4 - 3 1 . Coleman, James S. Community Conflict. N e w York: Free Press, 1957. Colette. My Mother's House, and Sido. N e w York: Farrar, Straus and Young, 1953. Cooley, Charles H . Social Organization: A Study of the Larger Mind. N e w York: Charles Scribner &c Sons, 1925. Coser, Lewis A . The Functions of Social Conflict. Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 1956. Crenson, Matthew A . Neighborhood Politics. Cambridge, M A : Harvard Univer­ sity Press, 1983. Curtis, Michael, and Chertoff, Mordecai S. Israel: Social Structure and Change. N e w Brunswick, N J : Transaction Books, 1973. Dattner, Richard. Design for Play. N e w York: Van Nostrand Reinhold, C o . , 1969. De Grazia, Sebastian. The Political Community: A Study of Anomie. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948. De Tocqueville, Alexis. Democracy in America, vols. I, II. Bradley, Phillips (ed.). N e w York: Vintage Classics, 1990.

312

Bibliography

Demos, John. A Little Commonwealth: Family Life in Plymouth Colony. N e w York: Oxford Press, 1970. Dery, M a r k . "The Cult of the M i n d . " New York Times Magazine, 28 September 1997, pp. 9 4 - 9 6 . Dewey, John. The Public and Its Problems. Chicago: Swallow Press, 1954. . The Search for the Great Community. N e w York: Henry H o l t Press, 1927. Diamond, Stanley. In Search of the Primitive. N e w Brunswick, N J : Transaction Books, 1981. Doheny-Farina, Stephen. The Wired Neighborhood. N e w Haven: Yale Univer­ sity Press, 1996. Doxiadis, C . A . Anthropolis, City for Human Development. Athens, Greece: Athens Publishing Company, 1974. Duany, Andres, et al. Suburban Nation: The Rise of Sprawl and the Decline of the American Dream. N e w York: N o r t h Point Press, 2000. Duany, Andres, and Plater-Zyberk, Elizabeth. "Their T o w n , " Historic Preserva­ tion May/June 1992, pp. 5 7 - 6 1 . Dumont, Louis. Essays of Individualism: Modern Ideology in Anthropological Perspective. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1986. Durkheim, Emile. The Division of Labor in Society. N e w York: Free Press, 1933. . "Review of Ferdinand Tônnies' Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft." Revue Philosophique, vol. 27, 1889, pp. 4 1 6 - 2 2 . . Suicide, a Study in Sociology. Glencoe, 111., Free Press, 1951. Elias, Norbert. The Society of Individuals. Translated by Edmund Jephcott. O x ­ ford: Basil Blackwell, 1991. Ellickson, Robert C . "Cities and Homeowners Associations." University of Pennsylvania Law Review, vol. 130, N o . 6, June 1982, pp. 1519-1601. Erikson, K a i T. Everything in Its Path. N e w York: Simon ÔC Schuster, 1976. . A New Species of Trouble: Explorations in Disaster, Trauma and Com­ munity. N e w York: W. W. N o r t o n &c C o . , 1994. Etzioni, Amitai. "The Attack on Community: The Grooved Debate" from Soci­ ety, vol. 32, no. 5, July/August 1995, pp. 1 2 - 1 7 . . "Ε-Communities Build N e w Ties, but Ties That Bind." New York Times, 10 February 2000, p. E7. . Rights and the Common Good. N e w York: St. Martin's Press, 1995. . The Spirit of Community: Rights, Responsibilities, and the Commu­ nitarian Agenda. N e w York: C r o w n Publishers, Inc., 1993. Feiss, Carl. "Early American Public Squares" in Town and Square: From the Agora to the Village Square by Paul Zucker. N e w York: Columbia University Press, 1959. pp. 2 3 7 - 5 5 . Fernandez-Kelly, M . Patricia, and Schauffler, Richard. "Divided Fates: Immi­ grant Children and the N e w Assimilation" in The New Second Generation by Alejandro Portes (éd.). N e w York: Russell Foundation, 1996. Festinger, Leon, et al. Social Pressures in Informal Groups: A Study of Human Factors in Housing. N e w York: Harper Books, 1950. Finley, M . I. Ancient History. N e w York: Penguin Books, 1985.

Bibliography

313

Fischer, Claude S. The Urban Experience. N e w York: Harcourt Brace Jovanovich, Inc. 1976. Fisher, Robert. Let the People Decide: Neighborhood Organizing in America. N e w York: Twayne Publishers, 1994. Fishman, Robert. Urban Utopias in the Twentieth Century. N e w York: Basic Books, 1977. Fitzgerald, Frances. Cities on a Hill. N e w York: Simon and Schuster, 1981. Flaherty, David H . Privacy in Colonial New England. Charlottesville: Virginia Press, 1972. Follett, M a r y Parker. The New State: Group Organization, the Solution of Pop­ ular Government. N e w York: Longmans, Green Press, 1918. Fonseca, Isabel. Bury Me Standing: The Gypsies and Their Journey. N e w York: A . A . Knopf, 1995. Foucault, Michel, and Gordon, Colin (ed.). Power/Knowledge: Selected Inter­ views and Other Writings, 1972-1977. N e w York: Pantheon Books, 1980. Frantz, Douglas. "Living in Disney Town, with Big Brother at Bay." New York Times Magazine, 4 October 1998, p. 31. Frantz, Douglas, and Collins, Catherine. Celebration, U.S.A.: Living in Disney's Brave New World. N e w York: Henry Holt, 1999. Frazier, Shervert H . Psychotrends. N e w York: Simon and Schuster, 1994. Friederich, Carl J. (ed.). The Concept of Community in the History of Political and Legal Philosophy. N e w York: Liberal Arts Press, 1959. Fromm, Erich. Escape from Freedom. N e w York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969. . The Sane Society. London: Routledge Publishing, 1991. Fulton, William. The New Urbanism. Cambridge, M A : Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, 1996. Gallaher, A r t Jr., and Padfield, Harland. The Dying Community. Albuquerque: University of N e w M e x i c o Press, 1980. pp. 1-21. Gans, Herbert J. The Levittowners. N e w York: Pantheon, 1967. Gibson, William. Neuromancer. London: Gollancz, 1984. Gluck, Mary. George Lukacs and His Generation, 1900-1918. Cambridge, M A : Harvard University Press, 1985. Goodman, Paul. Growing Up Absurd: Problems of Youth in the Organized Sys­ tem. N e w York: Random House, 1960. Gottdiener, M a r k . The Social Production of Urban Space. Austin: University of Texas Press, 1985. . The Theming of America. N e w York: Westview Press, 1997. Gottmann, Jean. "Japan's Organization of Space: Fluidity and Stability in a Changing Habitat." Ekistics, vol. 48, no. 289, July/August 1981, pp. 2 5 8 - 6 5 . Gouldner, A l v i n W. Enter Plato. N e w York: Basic Books, Inc., 1965. Greenfeld, Liah. Nationalism. Cambridge, M A : Harvard University Press, 1992. Greenfield, M e g . Washington. N e w York: Public Affairs BBS, 2001. Greenhouse, Carol J., et al. Law and Community. Ithaca, N Y : Cornell Univer­ sity Press, 1992. Greenhouse, Linda. "The Long Tale of Madonna the Iguana." New York Times Magazine, 16 January 2000, p. 94.

314

Bibliography

Greer, Scott. "Postscript: Communication and Community" in The Community Press in an Urban Setting by Morris Janowitz. Chicago: University of C h i ­ cago Press, 1967. Gusfield, Joseph R. "Utopian Myths and Movements in M o d e r n Societies." General Learning Corporation, 1973. pp. 1-33. Gutmann, Amy. "Communitarian Critics of Liberalism" in Philosophy & Public Affairs, Summer 1985, vol. 14, no. 3, pp. 3 0 8 - 3 2 2 . Haar, Charles M . Suburbs Under Siege. Princeton, N J : Princeton University Press, 1996. Hackney, Lucy D . " A Political Analysis of the Development Process in East Windsor Township." Senior Thesis, Politics Department. Princeton Univer­ sity, 1975. H a l l , John A . Civil Society. Cambridge, U K : Polity Press, 1995. Hallie, Philip Paul. Lest Innocent Blood Be Shed. N e w York: Harper 8c Row, 1979. Hardin, Garrett. "The Tragedy of the Commons." Science, vol. 162, no. 385a, Winter 1968. pp. 1243-48. Hawley, Amos Henry. Human Ecology: A Theory of Community Structure. N e w York: Ronald Press C o . , 1950. Haworth, Lawrence. The Good City. Bloomington, I N : Indiana University Press, 1963. Hearn, Frank. Moral Order and Social Disorder: The American Search for Civil Society. N e w York: Aldine de Gruyter Press, 1997. Heintz, Katherine Macmillan. Retirement Communities. N e w Brunswick, N J : The Center for Urban Policy Research — Rutgers, 1976. Herberg, W i l l , (ed.). The Writings of Martin Buber. N e w York: Meridian, 1956. Herrick, C . P. "Designing for Community" from Modern Utopian, vol. 1, no. 6, 1971. Hillery, George A . Jr. "Definitions of Community: Areas of Agreement." Rural Sociology, vol. 20, no. 2, June 1955. . The Monastery: A Study in Freedom, Love and Community. Westport, CT: Praeger Inc., 1992. . A Research Odyssey: Developing and Testing a Community Theory. N e w Brunswick, N J : Transaction Books, 1982. Hobbes, Thomas. Leviathan [1651]. Oxford, U K : Clarendon Press, 1929. Hoffman, Eva. Lost in Translation: A Life in a New Language. N e w York: E . P. Dutton, 1989. Hondrich, K a r l Otto. "Mensch Im Netz." Der Spiegel, 18/1999, pp. 1 3 1 - 4 5 . Hunter, Albert. "Local Knowledge and Local Power." journal of Contemporary Ethnography, vol. 22, A p r i l 1993. . "Persistence of Local Sentiment in Mass Society" in Handbook of Con­ temporary Urban Life by David Street et al. (eds). San Francisco: JosseyBass, 1978, pp. 124-56. . Symbolic Communities: The Persistence and Change of Chicago's Local Communities. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1974. Hunter, Albert J., and Gerald D . Suttles. "The Expanding Community of L i m -

Bibliography

315

ited Liability" in The Social Construction of Communities by Gerald Suttles. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972. Hyde, Lewis. The Gift. N e w York: Random House, 1983. Infield, Henrik F. Utopia and Experiment: Essays in the Sociology of Coopera­ tion. N e w York: Frederick A . Praeger, Inc., 1955. Ittelson, William H . , et al. (eds.). An Introduction to Environmental Psychol­ ogy. N e w York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1974. Jameson, Frederic R. " O n Habits of the Heart" in Community in America: The Challenge of Habits of the Heart by Charles H . Reynolds and Ralph V. Nor­ man (eds.). Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988. pp. 97-112. Janovsky, Michael. "Anti-Defamation League Warns of Web Hate Sites." New York Times, 22 October 1997. Janowitz, Morris. The Community Press in an Urban Setting. Chicago: Univer­ sity of Chicago Press, 1967. Jencks, Christopher. "Varieties of Altruism" in Beyond Self-Interest by Jane J . Mansbridge. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990. pp. 5 3 - 6 7 . Joint Center of Housing Studies. "State of the Nation's Housing, 2001." Har­ vard University, Cambridge, M A , June, 2001. Judd, Dennis R. "The Rise of N e w Walled Cities" in Spatial Practices by Helen Liggett and David C . Perry (eds.). Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage Publishing, 1995. Kamenka, Eugene, ed. Community As a Social Ideal. N e w York: St. Martin's Press, 1983. Kanner, Bernice. "Cat Theater." New York Magazine, 24 June 1985, pp. 2 2 - 2 5 . Kanter, Donald L . , and Mirvis, Philip H . The Cynical Americans. San Francisco: Jossey-Bass, 1989. Kanter, Rosabeth Moss. Commitment and Community: Communes and Utopias in Sociological Perspective. Cambridge, M A : Harvard University Press, 1972. . "Commitment and Social Organizations: A Study of Commitment Mechanisms in Utopian Communities." American Sociological Review 33, August 1968, pp. 4 9 9 - 5 1 7 . . "Communes." Psychology Today, July 1970, no. 2, pp. 5 3 - 5 7 , 78. . Communes: Creating and Managing the Collective Life. N e w York: Harper and Row, 1973. Kaplan, Marshall, and Cuciti, Peggy L . (eds.). The Great Society and Its Legacy. Durham, N C : Duke University Press, 1986. pp. 2 4 - 3 1 . Kaufman, Harry. Introduction to the Study of Human Behavior. Philadelphia, PA: W. B. Saunders C o . , 1968. Kayden, Jerold S. Privately Owned Public Space: The New York City Experi­ ence. N e w York: John Wiley Press, 2000. Keller, Suzanne. "The American Dream of Community: A n Unfinished Agenda." Sociological Forum, vol. 2, no. 3, 1989. Keller, Suzanne. " A Community in the M a k i n g . " Ekistics, July-August 1987, pp. 2 7 1 - 7 8 . . Creating Community: The Role of Land, Space and Place. Cambridge, M A : Lincoln Land Institute, 1986.

316

Bibliography

. "Design and the Quality of Life" in Major Social Issues by J. M i l t o n Yinger and Stephen J. Cutler (eds.). Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 1978. pp. 277-89. . "Ecology and Community." Environmental Affairs Law Journal, vol. 19, 1992, pp. 6 2 3 - 3 3 . . "The Family in the Kibbutz . . . What Lessons for Us?" in Israel: Social Structure and Change by Michael Curtis and M . S. Chertoff (eds.). N e w Brunswick, N J : Transaction Books, 1973. pp. 115-44. Kemmis, David. The Good City and the Good Life. Boston: Houghton-Mifflin Co., 1985. Kinoshita, Yasuhito, and Kiefer, Christie W. The Refuge of the Honored. Berke­ ley: University of California, 1992. Kirkpatrick, Frank G . Community: A Trinity of Models. Washington, D . C . : Georgetown University Press, 1986. K i r p , David L . , et al. Our Town: Race, Housing, and the Soul of Suburbia. N e w Brunswick, N J : Rutgers University Press, 1997. Kitto, H . D . F . The Greeks. N e w York: Penguin Books, 1959. pp. 6 5 - 7 6 . Klapp, Orrin E . Collective Search for Identity. N e w York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1969. Klawans, Stuart. "That Void in Cyberspace Looks a Lot Like Kansas." New York Times, 20 June 1999, pp. 11, 19. Koenig, René. The Community. London: Routledge &c K . Paul, 1968. Kolbe, M a x i m i l i a n M . Encyclopedia Britannica, 1 5 ed. 1974. Macropaedia, Britannica 3; Preece, Warren E . and Goetz, Philip W. (eds.) Kropotkin, Peter. Mutual Aid. N e w York: Extending Horizons Books, 1955. Kunstler, James H o w a r d . The Geography of Nowhere. N e w York: Simon &c Schuster, 1993. . "Home from Nowhere." Atlantic Monthly, September 1996. pp. 4 3 50. Kuper, Leo (ed.). Living in Towns. London: Cresset Press, 1953. Langdon, Philip. A Better Place to Live: Reshaping the American Suburb. A m ­ herst: University of Massachusetts Press, 1994. pp. 107-147. . Urban Excellence. N e w York, N Y : Van Nostrand Reinhold, 1990. Lasch, Christopher. "The Communitarian Critique of Liberalism" in Commu­ nity in America: The Challenge of Habits of the Heart by Charles H . Reyn­ olds and Ralph V. N o r m a n (eds.). Berkeley, C A : University of California Press, 1988. . The Culture of Narcissism. N e w York: Vintage Books, 1978. . The True and Only Heaven. N e w York: W. W. N o r t o n , 1991. Lasch, Edmund. "Communities." New Society, 15 M a y 1969, p. 19. Laslett, Peter. The World We Have Lost. N e w York: Scribner, 1973. Lears, Jackson. "The Mouse That Roared." New Republic, 15 June 1998, pp. 27-34. Lenski, Gerhard E . The Religious Factor: A Sociological Study of Religion's Im­ pact on Politics, Economics, and Family Life. Garden City, N Y : Anchor Books, 1963. Lerner, M a x . America As a Civilization. N e w York: Simon and Schuster, 1957. th

Bibliography

317

Lessard, Bill. Net Slaves: Tales of Working the Web. N e w York: M c G r a w - H i l l , 1999. Levine, Hille L . In Search of Sugihara. N e w York: The Free Press, 1996. Lewis, Oscar. Life in a Mexican Village: Tepoztlan Revisited. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1951. Lichterman, Paul. The Search for Political Community. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Liell, John. Levittown: A Study in Community Development. Ph.D. diss., Yale University, 1952. Liggett, Helen, and Perry, David C . Spatial Practices: Critical Explorations in Social/Spatial Theory. Thousand Oaks, C A : Sage Publications, 1995. Logan, John R., and M o l o t c h , Harvey L . Urban Fortunes: The Political Econ­ omy of Place. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1987. Luckman, Benita. "The Small Life-Worlds of M o d e r n M a n . " Social Research, December 1970, pp. 5 8 0 - 8 6 . Lynd, Helen M . , and Robert S. Middletown: A Study in Contemporary Ameri­ can Culture. N e w York: Harcourt, Brace and C o . , 1929. . Middletown in Transition: A Study in Cultural Conflicts. N e w York: Harcourt, Brace and C o . , 1937. Maccoby, Michael. "The Two Voices of Erich Fromm: Prophet and Analyst." Society, July/August 1995, pp. 7 2 - 8 2 . Maclntyre, Alasdair. After Virtue: A Study in Moral Theory. Notre Dame, I N : University of Notre Dame Press, 1980. Maclver, Robert M . Community, a Sociological Study. London: Macmillan Press, 1920. Maclver, Robert M . , and Page, Charles H . Society, an Introductory Analysis. N e w York, Rinehart Publishing, 1949. Maine, Henry. Ancient Law. N e w York: Charles Scribner, 1864. Mansbridge, Jane J. Beyond Adversary Democracy. Chicago: University of Chi­ cago Press, 1983. . Beyond Self-Interest. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1990. pp. 53-67. Marans, Robert W., and Rodgers, Willard. "Toward an Understanding of Com­ munity Satisfaction" in Metropolitan America in Contemporary Perspective by Amos H . Hawley and Vincent P. Rock (eds.). N e w York: Sage Press, 1975. pp. 2 9 9 - 3 5 1 . M a r d i n , Russell. "Contested Community." Society, vol. 32, no. 5, July/August 1995. pp. 2 3 - 2 9 . Marling, Karal A n n . "Nice Front Porches, Along with the T o r c h Police'," New York Times Book Review 9 September 1999, p. E9. M c G u i r e , Meredith B. "Healing Rituals H i t the Suburbs." Psychology Today, Jan/Feb 1989, pp. 5 7 - 6 2 . McWilliams, Wilson Carey. The Idea of Fraternity in America. Berkeley, C A : University of California Press, 1957. Meier, Christian. Athens. N e w York: Henry H o l t and C o . , 1993. Miller, Steven E . Civilizing Cyberspace. Reading, M A : Addison-Wesley, 1996. Minar, David, and Greer, Scott. The Concept of Community. Chicago: Aldine Press, 1969.

318

Bibliography

M o o n , Donald J. Constructing Community: Moral Pluralism and Tragic Con­ flicts. Princeton, N J : Princeton University Press, 1993. M o r e , Thomas. Utopia (1516). Boston: Bedford/St. Martin's Press, 1999. Mosle, Sara. "The Vanity of Volunteerism." New York Times Magazine, 2 July 2000, pp. 2 2 - 2 7 , 4 0 - 5 2 , 55. Mosse, George L . "Nationalism, Fascism, and the Radical Right" in Commu­ nity As a Social Ideal by Eugene Kamenka (ed.). N e w York: St. Martin's Press, 1983. Mumford, Lewis. The Story of the Utopias. N e w York: Bonit and Liveright, 1922. Nelson, Benjamin. "Community —Dreams and Realities" in The Concept of Community in the History of Political and Legal Philosophy by Carl J. Friederich (ed.). N e w York: Liberal Arts Press, 1959. pp. 1 3 5 - 5 1 . Neruda, Pablo. "Childhood and Poetry" in Elementary Odes by Pablo Neruda. N e w York: G . Massa Publishing, 1961. Newman, Oscar. Community of Interest. Garden City, N Y : Anchor Press/Doubleday, 1980. . Defensible Space: Crime Prevention through Urban Design. N e w York: Collier Books, 1972. Nisbet, Robert A . Community and Power. N e w York: Oxford University Press, 1962 . " M o r a l Values and Community." International Review of Community Development, no. 5, 1960, p. 82. . The Sociological Tradition. N e w Brunswick, N J : Transaction Pub­ lishers, 1993. Nobel, Philip I. "Homesickness, Disney, the N e w Urbanism, and the Future of the American Suburbs." Things 5, Winter 1996, pp. 86-105. Norcross, Carl. "Townhouses and Condominiums: Residents' Likes and Dis­ likes." Washington: Urban Land Institute, 1973, pp. 6 - 1 1 , 101, 105. Ober, Josiah. Mass and Elite in Democratic Athens. Princeton, N J : Princeton University Press, 1989. Oldenburg, Ray. The Great Good Place. N e w York: Paragon House, 1989. Oldenquist, Andrew, and Rosner, Menachem. "Community and De-alienation" in Alienation, Community and Work by Andrew Oldenquist and Menachem Rosner. N e w York: Greenwood Press, 1978. pp. 9 2 - 1 0 7 . . "Direct Democracy in the K i b b u t z " in Alienation, Community and Work by Andrew Oldenquist and Menachem Rosner. N e w York: Greenwood Press, 1978. pp. 1 7 8 - 9 1 . Oliner, Paul M . , and Samuel P. The Altruistic Personality: Rescuers of Jews in Nazi Europe. N e w York: M a c M i l l a n Free Press, 1988. Olson, M a n c u r Jr. The Logic of Collective Action. Cambridge, M A : Harvard University Press, 1965. Orzack, Maressa Hecht. "Computer Addiction Is Coming On-line." Harvard University Gazette, 21 January 1999, vol. X C I V , no. 14, pp. 1-2. Osborn, Frederick J., and Whittick, Arnold. The New Towns: The Answer to Megalopolis. N e w York: M c G r a w - H i l l , 1963. Oser, A l a n S. "In Planned Communities, Self-Rule Is by Association," New York Times, 6 November 1977.

Bibliography

319

Osgood, Nancy J. Senior Settlers. N e w York: Praeger, 1982. O T o o l e , Michael F. Physical Features and Social Relations in a Planned Com­ munity. Princeton University senior thesis, Sociology Department, 1971. Oved, Yaacov. Two Hundred Years of American Communes. N e w Brunswick: Transaction Books, 1988. Oz, Amos. " O n Social Democracy and the Kibbutz." Dissent, Summer 1997, pp. 3 9 - 4 6 . Park, Robert E . Human Communities: The City and Human Ecology. Glencoe, IL: The Free Press C o . , 1952. Parsons, Talcott. "Beyond Coercion and Crisis: The Coming of an Era of Volun­ tary Community" in Culture and Society: Contemporary Debates by Jeffrey C. Alexander and Steven Seidman (eds.). N e w York: Cambridge University Press, 1990. pp. 2 9 8 - 3 0 5 . -. Essays in Sociological Theory, Pure and Applied. Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 1954. . Societies: Evolutionary and Comparative Perspectives. Englewood Cliffs, N J : Prentice-Hall, 1966. Pocock, J . G . A . The Machiavellian Moment: Florentine Political Thought and the Atlantic Republican Tradition. Princeton, N J : Princeton University Press, 1975. Poliakoff, Gary A . "Conflicting Rights in Condominium Living." Florida Bar journal, December 1980, pp. 7 5 6 - 6 1 . Pollan, Michael. "Town Building Is N o Mickey Mouse Operation." New York Times Magazine, 14 December 1997, pp. 5 6 - 6 3 , 7 6 - 8 1 , 88. Popenoe, David. The Suburban Environment: Sweden and the United States. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1977. Poplin, Dennis E . Communities: A Survey of Theories and Methods of Research. N e w York: M a c M i l l a n , 1972. Portes, Alejandro (ed.). The New Second Generation. N e w York: Russell Sage Foundation, 1996. Portes, Alejandro, and Stepick, Alex. City on the Edge: The Transformation of Miami. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993. Powell, Sumner Chilton. Puritan Village. N e w York: Doubleday Anchor Books, 1965. Proshansky, Harold M . , et al. (eds.) Environmental Psychology: Man and His Physical Setting. N e w York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1970. Putnam, Robert D . Bowling Alone. N e w York: Simon and Schuster, 2000. . "The Strange Disappearance of Civic America." American Prospect, no. 24, Winter 1996, pp. 3 4 - 4 8 . Quinn, Arthur. A New World. N e w York: Berkeley Books, 1995. Redfield, Robert. The Little Community and Peasant Society and Culture. Chi­ cago: University of Chicago Press, 1960. . Tepoztlan, a Mexican Village: A Study of Folklife. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1930. Reynolds, Charles H . , and N o r m a n , Ralph V. (eds.). Community in America: The Challenge of Habits of the Heart. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1988.

320

Bibliography

Rheingold, H o w a r d . The Virtual Community. N e w York: Addison-Wesley, 1993. Roberts, R o n E . The New Communes. Englewood Cliffs, N J : Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1971. Rohrich, Ruby, and Barach, Elaine Hoffman. Women in Search of Utopia, Mav­ ericks and Mythmakers. N e w York: Schoerer Books, 1984. Ross, Andrew. The Celebration Chronicle. N e w York: Ballantine Books, 1999. Rouner, Leroy S. (éd.). On Community. Notre Dame, I N : University of Notre Dame Press, 1991. Rousseau, Jean Jacques. The Social Contract and Discourses (1762). London: J. M . Dent 5c Sons, 1983. Rousseau, M a r y F. Community: The Tie That Binds. Lanham, M D : University Press of America, 1991. Sachs, Susan. " A s N e w York City Immigration Thrives, Diversity Broadens." New York Times, 9 November 1999, pp. B l , B5. Sager, Anthony P. "Radical Law: Three Collectives in Cambridge" in Co-ops, Communes and Collectives by John Case and Rosemary Taylor. N e w York: Pantheon Books, 1979. pp. 136-50. Samples, John. "Ferdinand Toennies: Dark Times for a Liberal Intellectual," Society, V o l . 24 N o . 6, September-October 1987, pp. 6 5 - 6 8 . Samuels, David. "In the Age of Radical Selfishness." New York Times Maga­ zine, 17 October 1999, pp. 120-26, 1 5 2 - 5 3 . Sandel, Michael J. Democracy's Discontent: America in Search of a Public Phi­ losophy. Boston: Belknap Press of Harvard University, 1996. . Liberalism and the Limits of Justice. Cambridge, U K : Cambridge U n i ­ versity Press, 1998. Sanders, Irwin T. The Community: An Introduction to a Social System. N e w York: Ronald Press C o . , 1958. Schambra, William. "Is N e w Federalism the Wave of the Future?" in The Great Society and Its Legacy: Twenty Years of U.S. Social Policy by Marshall Kap­ lan and Peggy L . Cuciti (eds.). Durham, N C : Duke University Press, 1986. Scherer, Jacqueline. Contemporary Community. London: Tavistock Publica­ tions, 1972. Schnapper, Dominique. Community of Citizens. N e w Brunswick: Community of Citizens, 1994. Schneider, Keith. "Hate Groups Use Tools of the Electronic Trade," New York Times, 13 M a r c h 1995, p. A 1 2 . Schudson, Michael. "What If Civic Life Didn't Die?" American Prospect, no. 25, A p r i l 1996, pp. 1 7 - 2 0 . Schuler, Douglas. New Community Networks. N e w York: Addison-Wesley, 1996. Schwartz, Barry. Changing Face of the Suburbs. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1976. Sennett, Richard. The Fall of Public Man. N e w York: Vintage Press, 1974. Shapiro, Andrew L . "The Net That Binds," The Nation, 21 June 1999, pp. 1 1 15. Shapiro, Perry. The Periscope, A p r i l 1982.

Bibliography

321

Shenk, Donna. Aging and Retirement in a Lebanese-American Community. N e w York: A M S Press, Inc., 1991. Shklar, Judith N . Men and Citizens: A Study of Rousseau's Social Theory. Cam­ bridge: University Press, 1969. Shutkin, William A . The Land That Could Be: Environmentalism and Democ­ racy in the Twenty-First Century. Cambridge: Massachusetts Institute of Technology Press, 2000. Simmel, Georg. Conflict and the Web of Group Affiliation. Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 1955. . On Individuality and Social Forms. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1971. Simons, Marlise. "In N e w Europe, a Lingual Hodge Podge." New York Times, 17 October 1999. Singleton, E. Crichton. "Celebration: Disney's Experiment in N e w Urbanism" ΑΙΑ On-line Convention 1998. http://www.e-architect.corn/pia/rude/celebra.asp. Salter, Philip E. The Pursuit of Loneliness. Boston: Beacon Press, 1970. Small, Susan. The Periscope, M a r c h 1982. Smith, A d a m . The Theory of Moral Sentiments. London: Millar, Kincaid and Bell, 1759. Smith, Page. As a City upon a Hill. N e w York: Knopf, 1966. Smithers, Janice A . Determined Survivors: Community Life among the Urban Elderly. N e w Brunswick, N J : Rutgers University Press, 1985. Spencer, Herbert. Evolution of Society: Selections from Herbert Spencer's Princi­ ples of Sociology. Chicago: University of Chicago, 1967. Stacey, Margaret. "The M y t h of Community Studies." British Journal of Soci­ ology, vol. 20, no. 2, June 1969, p. 134-47. Stark, Andrew. "America the Gated?" Wilson Quarterly, Winter 1998, pp. 5 8 79. Starr, Chester G . The Origins of Greek Civilization, 1100-650 B.C. N e w York: W. W. Norton, 1991. Starr, Paul. "The Phantom Community" in Co-ops, Communes and Collectives by John Case and Rosemary Taylor. N e w York: Pantheon Books, 1979. pp. 246-73. Stein, Robert B., et al. "Urban Communes" in Old Family/New Family by Rob­ ert B. Stein. N e w York: D . Van Nostrand, 1975. pp. 171-87. Sternlieb, George. Demographic Trends and Economic Reality: Planning and Markets in the Eighties. N e w Brunswick, N J : Center for Urban Policy Re­ search at Rutgers University, 1982. Stilgoe, John R. Borderland: Origins of the American Suburb, 1920-1939. N e w Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1988. Suarez, Roy. The Old Neighborhood: What Was Lost in the Great Suburban Migration. N e w York: Free Press, 1999. Sullivan, William M . Reconstructing Public Philosophy. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1982. Suttles, Gerald D . The Social Construction of Communities. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1972. pp. 5 0 - 6 4 . Suttles, Gerald D . , and Z a l d , Mayer N . The Challenge of Social Control: Citi-

322

Bibliography

zenship and Institution Building in Modern Society. N o r w o o d , N J : Ablex Publishing, 1985. Taubes, Jacob. "Community after the Apocalypse," in The Concept of Commu­ nity in the History of Political and Legal Philosophy by Carl J. Friederich. N e w York: Liberal Arts Press, 1959. pp. 1 0 1 - 1 1 1 . Thomas, William I., et al. (éd.). The Polish Peasant in Europe and America: A Classic Work in Immigration History. Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1996. Thomas, William I., and Znaniecki, Florian. The Polish Peasant in Europe and America. N e w York: Dover Publications, Inc., 1958. Thompson, E . P. "Rituals of M u t u a l i t y " from Culture and Society: Contempo­ rary Debates by Jeffrey C . Alexander and Steven Seidman. Cambridge: Cam­ bridge University Press, 1990. Tilly, Charles. " D o Communities Act?" Sociological Inquiry, vol. 43, nos. 3 - 4 , 1973, pp.198-240. Titmus, Richard M . The Gift Relationship: From Human Blood to Social Pol­ icy. London: Allen and U n w i n , L t d . , 1970. Tónnies, Ferdinand. Gemeinschaft und Gesellschaft: Abhandlung des Communismus und des Socialismus als empirischer Culturformen. Leipzig: Fues, 1887. Tônnies, Ferdinand, and Loomis, Charles A . (ed.). Community and Society. East Lansing: Michigan State University Press, 1957. Toutant, Charles. "Board Members W i n T R Election," Windsor Heights Her­ ald, 24 December 1999. . " T R Pools to Stay Residents Only," Windsor Heights Herald, 27 M a r c h 1998, pp. 1, 10A. Turna, Thomas. " A m Anfang 1st Das Wort:-." Der Spiegel, 18/1999, pp. 1 0 2 107. Turkle, Sherry. Life on the Screen. N e w York: Simon &c Schuster, 1995. Turner, Victor W. The Ritual Process: Structure and Anti-Structure. Chicago: Aldine Publishing C o . , 1969. Ungar, Sanford J. Fresh Blood: The New American Immigrants. N e w York: Si­ mon and Schuster, 1995. pp. 195-217. Valerio, Christy. Elderly Americans: Where They Choose to Retire. N e w York: Garland Publishing, 1997. Varoli, John. " A Little Levittown on the N e v a . " New York Times, 13 July 2000. pp. F l , F8. Vidich, Arthur J. "Revolutions in Community Structure" in The Dying Commu­ nity by A r t Gallaher Jr., and Harland Padfield. Albuquerque: N e w M e x i c o Press, 1980. pp. 109-132. V i r o l i , Maurizio, et al. Machiavelli and Republicanism. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1990. pp. 143-72. Voegelin, Eric. Order and History, Vol. 3: Plato and Aristotle. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1967. . The World of the Polis. Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 1991. Wagner, Jon. "Perceiving a Planned Community" in Images of Information by Jon Wagner. Beverly Hills, C A : Sage Publications, 1979.

Bibliography

323

Walzer, Michael. Spheres of Justice: A Defense of Pluralism and Equality. N e w York: Basic Books, 1983. Ward, Colin. New Town, Home Town. London: Calouste Gulbenkian Founda­ tion, 1993. Warner, W. L . , and Lunt, Paul S. The Social Life of a Modern Community. N e w Haven, C T : Yale University Press, 1941. Warren, R. L . The Community in America. Chicago: Rand M c N a l l y , 1971. Warren, Richard L . , and Lyon, Larry. New Perspectives on the American Com­ munity. Homewood, IL: The Dorsey Press, 1983. Warren, Roland L . "The G o o d Community - What Would It Be?" Journal of the City Development Society, no. 1, Spring 1970, pp. 1 4 - 2 3 . Webber, M e l v i n M . Explorations into Urban Structure. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1964. Weber, M a x . Economy and Society: An Outline of Interpretive Sociology. Lon­ don: G . Allen and Unwin, Ltd., 1978. . The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism. London: G . Allen & Unwin, L t d . , 1930. Weinbaum, Batya. "Twin Oaks: A Feminist Looks at Indigenous Socialism in the United States" in Women in Search of Utopia, Mavericks and Mythmakers by Ruby Rohrlich and Elaine Hoffman Baruch. N e w York: Schocken Books, 1984. pp. 157-67. Wellman, Barry. Networks in the Global Village: Life in Contemporary Com­ munities. Boulder, C O : Westview Press, 1999. Wellman, Barry, and Berkowitz, S. D . (eds.). Social Structures: A Network Ap­ proach. Cambridge, U K : Cambridge University Press, 1988. Wesolowski, Wlodzimierz, et al. (eds.). Postcommunist Elites and Democracy in Eastern Europe. N e w York: St. Martin's Press, 1998. White, David R. "In the N e w World of Euro Arts." New York Times, 30 Octo­ ber 1999, pp. 1, 32. White, M e r r y I. "Global Japan: Internationalism in the Intimate Community" in On Community by Leroy S. Rouner. Notre Dame, I N : University of Notre Dame Press, 1991. pp. 91-104. Whyte, William H . City: Rediscovering the Center. N e w York: Doubleday, 1988. . The Social Life of Small Urban Spaces. Washington, D C : Conservation Foundation, 1980. Wiebe, Robert H . The Opening of American Society: From the Adoption of the Constitution to the Eve of Disunion. N e w York: Knopf, 1984. p. 42. Williams, Robin M . Jr. "The Reduction of Intergroup Tensions." SSRC Bulletin, no. 57. N e w York, 1947. Wilson, Edmund. The Triple Thinkers: Ten Essays on Literature. N e w York: Harcourt, Brace, 1938. Wolf, Deborah Goleman. The Lesbian Community. Berkeley: University of Cali­ fornia Press, 1979. Wolin, Sheldon. Politics and Vision: Continuity and Innovation in Western Po­ litical Thought. Boston: Little, Brown, 1960. Wright, Gwendolyn. Building the Dream: A Social History of Housing in Amer­ ica. N e w York: Pantheon Books, 1981.

324

Bibliography

Wright, James D . "Small Towns, Mass Society, and the Twenty-first Century." Society, vol. 38, no. 1, November/December 2000, pp. 3-10. Wuthnow, Robert. Learning to Care: Elementary Kindness in an Age of Indif­ ference. N e w York: Oxford University Press, 1995. Wylie, Laurence William. Village in the Vaucluse. Cambridge, M A : Harvard University Press, 1974. Yinger, John M . , and Cutler, Stephen J. (eds.). Major Social Issues. Glencoe, IL: The Free Press, 1978. Zablocki, Benjamin. The Joyful Community: An Account of the Bruderhof a Communal Movement N o w in Its Third Generation. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980. Zelinsky, Wilbur. The Cultural Geography of the United States. Englewood Cliffs, N J : Prentice-Hall, 1973. Z h o u , M i n , and Bankston, Carl, III. "Social Capital and the Adaptation of the Second Generation: The Case of Vietnamese Youth in N e w Orleans," from The Second Generation by Alejandro Portes. N e w York: Russell Sage Foun­ dation, 1996, pp. 197-220. Zimmern, Alfred. The Greek Commonwealth: Politics and Economies in FifthCentury Athens. London: Oxford University Press, 1952. The local media were monitored during the three decades and are selectively cited in the text. They include both newspapers from surrounding commu­ nities and the variety of Twin Rivers newsletters (sporadic and short-lived in the early decades) until a stable format was achieved. These include: OPUS 1970-1973 The Periscope 1972-1985(?) The Windsor Heights Herald 1972-1999 Trenton Times 1971 Twin Rivers Today 1982 to present

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS N o b o o k is a n i s l a n d a n d every a u t h o r is deeply indebted to those w h o gave o f their time a n d talents to get a b o o k i n t o final shape. H e n c e it is w i t h keen a p p r e c i a t i o n that I express m y gratitude to the f o l l o w i n g : T h e N a t i o n a l Science F o u n d a t i o n , w h o s e grant, under the guidance of H . K e n n e t h Gayer, helped l a u n c h the p i l o t study i n the 1970s. T h e G u g g e n h e i m F o u n d a t i o n h o n o r e d me w i t h a coveted f e l l o w s h i p also i n the 1970s; a n d the R o c k e f e l l e r F o u n d a t i o n granted me a one month's stay i n beautiful B e l l a g i o , Italy, i n the late 1980s. P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y proffered three s u m m e r grants for data analysis, a n d the D B H F o u n d a ­ t i o n financed research assistance i n the 1990s. I a m grateful to G e r a l d F i n n , the v i s i o n a r y , a n d H e r b e r t J . K e n d a l l , the developer, o f T w i n R i v e r s . E a c h t a l k e d w i t h me for extended periods i n the early years a n d gave me the benefit o f their considerable e x p e r i ­ ence. E a r l y o n also, A t t o r n e y L e o n a r d L . Wolffe gave me a r e m a r k a b l e o v e r v i e w o f h o w the first P U D i n the state came to see the light o f day. F o r the design a n d p l a n n i n g o f the residents' survey i n the 1980s, the c o n t r i b u t i o n o f D r . I r v i n g C r e s p i o f the G a l l u p o r g a n i z a t i o n is grate­ fully a c k n o w l e d g e d . F o r the 1990s residents' survey, I a m s i m i l a r l y i n ­ debted to D r . E d w a r d F r e e l a n d o f the P r i n c e t o n U n i v e r s i t y Research Center. F o r i n - d e p t h interviews w i t h large samples o f T w i n R i v e r s residents i n the 1980s, I t h a n k C a r o l S. Stamets a n d for those done i n the 1990s, thanks go to Géraldine H a r r i s . In distinctive w a y s , each established fine r a p p o r t w i t h their i n f o r m a n t s a n d t a p p e d their reactions a n d perspec­ tives w i t h c o m m e n d a b l e s k i l l . M o r e generally, a w o r d o f a p p r e c i a t i o n for R o b e r t L . Geddes, for­ mer dean o f Princeton's S c h o o l o f A r c h i t e c t u r e , f r o m w h o m I learned a great deal d u r i n g the years o f o u r c o l l a b o r a t i o n as he strove to advance a r a p p r o c h e m e n t between architecture a n d the social sciences. A n d as a l w a y s m y gratitude to R o b e r t K . M e r t o n , master teacher a n d friend. D a n i e l Bell read several early chapters a n d gave me the benefit o f his vast k n o w l e d g e a n d w a r m encouragement. A n d a n a n o n y m o u s re­ viewer's e x t r a o r d i n a r i l y sensitive a n d detailed critique w a s a gift that I hereby a c k n o w l e d g e w i t h a n o n y m o u s gratitude. A F u l b r i g h t grant i n Greece gave me the o p p o r t u n i t y to spend sev­ eral years at the A t h e n s C e n t e r o f E k i s t i c s under the i m p a s s i o n e d leader­ ship o f the r e m a r k a b l e C . A . D o x i a d i s . A s the creator o f E k i s t i c s , his p i o n e e r i n g efforts to devise a b r o a d l y c o n c e i v e d architectural e d u c a t i o n attracted students a n d practitioners f r o m a l l over the w o r l d a n d created a n e x t r a o r d i n a r y setting for his p i o n e e r i n g agenda.

326

Acknowledgments

T h o s e years also started m y lifelong friendship w i t h Panaghis P s o m o p o u l o s , architect a n d E k i s t i c i a n , w h o w o u l d c a r r y the t o r c h o f D o x iadis f o r w a r d i n t o the future. I v i v i d l y recall o u r v i r t u a l l y d a i l y conver­ sations a b o u t architecture, sociology, the future o f cities, a n d s p a t i a l p l a n n i n g . H o w y o u n g w e were, a n d h o w passionately c o m m i t t e d to i m p r o v i n g the h u m a n c o n d i t i o n . R e t u r n i n g n o w to this side o f the A t l a n t i c , it w a s m y g o o d fortune to benefit f r o m the keen e d i t o r i a l eye o f S c o t i a M a c C r e a w h o n o t o n l y m a d e the m a n u s c r i p t m o r e readable but became a friend i n the process. T h a n k s also go to B l a n c h e A n d e r s o n for t y p i n g the final m a n u s c r i p t a n d r e a d y i n g it for p u b l i c a t i o n w i t h s u c h assiduous care. T h o u g h she m i g h t w e l l have g r o a n e d i n w a r d l y — " n o t another a d d i t i o n , e x c i s i o n , r e v i s i o n " —she never let o n a n d w a s a m a r v e l o f g o o d w i l l t h r o u g h o u t . F o r b i b l i o g r a p h i c a l sleuthing a n d the 1990s p h o t o g r a p h s o f T w i n Rivers, K e v i n W i l l i a m s warrants appreciation and thanks. I w a s also m o s t fortunate that L a u r e l C a n t o r w a s able to give her t i m e a n d artistry to the b o o k . M y gratitude also to M a r s h a K u n i n for excellent c o p y e d i t i n g , a n d to C a r o l y n S h e r a y k o for her s p l e n d i d i n d e x . I t h a n k Ian M a l c o l m , edi­ tor, for his wise c o u n s e l . I also t h a n k A n n e Reifsnyder, w h o g u i d e d the p r o d u c t i o n o f the b o o k . A n d o f course, there are the residents o f T w i n R i v e r s , w h o m I came to a d m i r e a n d care a b o u t a n d w h o s e acceptance o f m y l o n g - t e r m per­ usal o f their lives a n d fortunes made the often a r d u o u s labors e x c i t i n g a n d r e w a r d i n g . Since w e h a d agreed that the interviews were n o t for p u b l i c a t i o n I c a n n o t t h a n k each p e r s o n a l l y but w a n t to express m y grat­ itude collectively. A n u m b e r o f b o a r d members also spoke w i t h me at length a n d I take this o p p o r t u n i t y to underscore their d e v o t i o n to their fellows a n d their v o l u n t a r y c o n t r i b u t i o n s to the general welfare o f T w i n R i v e r s . Special m e n t i o n goes also to J o s e p h R . V u z z o , T w i n R i v e r s T r u s t A d m i n i s t r a t o r , w h o served T w i n R i v e r s for m o r e t h a n fifteen years w i t h w h o l e h e a r t e d d e d i c a t i o n . H e w a s u n f a i l i n g l y h e l p f u l i n his readiness t o share his insights a n d experience o f this special c o m m u n i t y . H i s suc­ cessor, Jennifer W a r d , has l i k e w i s e been m o s t w e l c o m i n g a n d accessible. Special t h a n k s go also to the T w i n R i v e r s C o m m u n i t y T r u s t Office, m o s t especially to L o i s Primer, for their u n f a i l i n g kindness a n d respon­ siveness to m y queries. F i n a l l y , there is m y gratitude to C h a r l e s M . H a a r , w h o w e n t w a y b e y o n d the c a l l o f m a r i t a l d u t y i n his sustained encouragement a n d gen­ erosity o f spirit. E v e r ready to serve as s o u n d i n g b o a r d , cheerleader, sensitive c r i t i c , a n d l o v i n g presence, his were the priceless gifts o f t i m e , genuine interest, g o o d h u m o r , a n d lots o f take-out dinners.

INDEX Page references i n italics indicate tables. advertising inducements to buyers, 55, 68-69, 182, 191, 257, 259, 278 Aeschylus, 19 aesthetic controls. See architectural controls affinity, community of, 218 African-Americans, 67, 126, 249 agape, 23-24 age: civic participation by, 114; litter atti­ tudes by, 175-76; recreational amenities and, 112; retirement communities and, 251-55; satisfaction by, 84, 224-28 Althusius, Johannes, 39-40, 235 Altman, Dennis, 262 altruism, 270-80 American Dream, 55, 60, 63 American Standard (firm), 58 Anderson, Benedict R., 47, 294 apartments, 62-63, 125, 261. See also renters apathy, 206-15; civic participation and, 19, 98-103, 115-16, 190; conflict avoidance and, 209, 217-18; vandalism and, 183-84 Aquinas, Thomas, Saint, 38-39 architectural controls, 55, 60, 103-7, 189, 238, 258 Aristotle, 19, 21-22, 38, 41, 235 Asians, 67, 126, 250 assimilation, 248-49 associational impulse, 8, 41, 69, 111-15, 211, 232, 238-39, 252, 275-76, 282 Athens, 19 athletic leagues and competitions, 14, 19, 112, 118-19, 207 atomistic/contractarian model of commu­ nity, 4-5, 40-41 attitude surveys, 72, 299-308 Augustine, Saint, 38, 235 backyards. See common grounds Basque language, 251 Becker, Franklin D., 66, 154 Behrens, Marjorie, 139 Bellah, Robert, 9, 45-47, 277 Belz Mall, 120-21

Bender, Thomas, 46 Bettelheim, Bruno, 152 Blacksburg, Va., 295 Boimondau (firm), 10 Boulder Dam, 59 Bourdieu, Pierre, 250 Braydon Road, 132 Buber, Martin, 26, 242, 266 Buffalo Creek flood, 11-13 bungalow courts, 55 Burby, Raymond J., Ill, 227 Burdi, George, 297 Bush, Bernard, 213 calamities, 11-13, 268, 289-90 Camiscioli, Mark, 139-40 Camus, Albert, xi, 5 cars. See parking areas; traffic Celebration, Fla., 256-60 celebrations and rituals, 35, 240, 267-68; Buffalo Creek flood and, 13; in Greek polis, 17; in monastic communities, 23-24; in Puritan commonwealths, 26; in Twin Rivers, 69, 72-73, 137-45, 144 Charlotte, N.C., 294 chat rooms, 295 Chicago School, 45 children: attempted abductions of, 117, 180-81; friction among, 94; litter and, 178-79; play spaces and, 83, 116, 15051, 157, 162, 227; satisfaction and, 224-28; social connectedness and, 12829; vandalism and, 183; volunteers and, 117 Cicero, 38, 235 civic centers. See community centers civic participation, 35, 119, 136, 238, 281-82, 283-84; age and, 114; apathy and, 19, 98-103, 115-16, 190; com­ mon causes and, 7, 72, 116, 118-19, 199-201; in Greek polis, 17-19, 235; parental influences on, 208, 241, 283; volunteers and, 80-81, 113, 115-17, 122, 277. See also governing institutions

328

Index

civil society, 115 diques, 31, 125-26, 130-31, 279 cluster housing, 55-56, 63-64 Colette, 5 collective frenzies, 14 Collins, Catherine, 259 colonized towns, 31-32 Columbia, Maryland, 255-56 commercialism, 297 Committee for a Better Twin Rivers, 214-15 Committee for a Reasonable Pool Policy, 93-94 common causes, 7, 72, 116, 118-19, 199-201 common good, 5, 32, 38-39, 54 common grounds, 80, 94, 96-97, 16667, 169, 171 common interest developments (CIDs), 261 communes, 34-35, 217, 236 communitarianism, 8 community: agape and, 23-24; collective frenzies and, 14; definitions of, 6-7, 11; gemeinschaft and, 41-46; philia and, 22, 41; size and, 10, 18, 22, 37, 230, 232; study of, 8-9 community centers, 84, 94, 193, 197, 212, 225 community of affinity, 218 community of limited liability, 47 community of tribulation, 26, 191-92, 195, 220, 242 company towns, 55, 59 computer addiction, 295-96 condominiums, 56, 65, 125, 261 conflict avoidance, 209, 217-18 consensus, 216-17, 228-30 construction quality and chaos, 69-70, 78, 84, 193, 195, 259 cooperative apartments, 261 co-op housing, 261 Cotton, John, 54-55 Council of Europe, 251 covenanted communities. See Puritan commonwealths crime and juvenile delinquency, 55, 70, 179-81, 259 Crime Watch programs, 117, 139 Cuban immigrants, 249-50 cul-de-sacs, 157, 258

cumulative towns, 31-32 cyberspace, 6, 258, 291-98 Darwin, Charles, 43, 272 Dattner, Richard, 227 day-care centers, 80, 118 de Canzio, Norma and Tony, 139 deed restrictions, 55 defended neighborhoods, 47 Del E. Webb Development Corporation, 252 democracy. See civic participation density. See residential densities design, physical/spatial, 132-34, 136-37, 154, 240; behavior and, 150-52, 16467; crime and, 180; front yards and, 169-70; parking areas and, 157, 15962; patios/porches and, 157, 167, 258; sociability and, 132-34, 136-37, 15658, 164-67; teenagers' perception of, 226-27; of townhouses, 66, 154, 157, 166; walking distance ideal and, 151, 158-59, 162, 194, 257-59 developer-residents relations, 91, 93-94, 105, 150, 191-94, 196, 201 Dewey, John, 46, 277 disasters. See calamities diversity. See pluralism divorces, 223, 279 Doheny-Farina, Stephen, 298 Doxiadis, C. Α., xi, 287 drainage problems, 94 Drew, Perry L., 140 Duany, Andres, 256 dues. See fees and assessments Durkheim, Emile, 42, 43-45, 274 Dyson, Esther, 294 East Windsor Township: Belz Mall and, 120-21; elections in, 118, 120; gover­ nance struggles and, 91-93; lawsuits against, 197; ordinances in, 58, 91, 93, 118, 161; origin of Twin Rivers and, 58; pets and, 186; responsibilities of, 80-81, 93, 97, 171 East Windsor Volunteer Fire Company, 81 elections, 72, 118, 119-20, 142, 211-15. See also voting rights electronic connectedness. See cyberspace Ellickson, Robert C , 90 Emerson, Ralph Waldo, 275

Index

Equal Rights Amendment, 222 Erickson, Kai T., 11-12 ethnic communities, 248-51 Etzioni, Amitai, 8 European immigrants, 248 European Union, 251 exchange values, 95 factionalism, 31, 35, 204 family structures, 56, 61, 63-64, 67, 70, 122, 158, 220-24, 279 family ties, 24, 42, 254-55 Federal Housing Agency (FHA), 58, 88, 92, 93 Federal Resettlement Administration, 59 fees and assessments, 65, 88-89, 92, 98, 192 Festinger, Leon, 132 fines, 97, 160, 173, 179, 181, 186-87 Finn, Gerald, xi, 58, 205-6 fire protection services, 80-81, 116 first aid services, 80 First Charter National Bank (the trustee). See Twin Rivers Trust Flaherty, David H., 30, 135 footpaths, 165 formalists, 235 Fort Mill, S.C., 260 France, 251, 267, 274 Frantz, Douglas, 259 Fraser, Charles, 256 frenzies, collective, 14 friendships, 22, 131-34, 225, 239, 279 front yards, 169-70 Frug, Gerald E., 90-91 Gaelic language, 251 Gajowniczek, Franciszek, 270 Gans, Herbert T , 66-67, 78, 197 garbage collection, 80, 82, 157, 173. See also litter Garden City Movement, 59, 257 gated communities, 260-61 gay communities, 261-64 gemeinschaft (community), 41-46 gender: in gay communities, 263-64; litter attitudes and, 175-76; recreational amenities and, 112; satisfaction by, 84, 220-26; social connectedness and, 128 generational conflicts, 29, 54, 225-27, 248 genocide, 10

329

geographical boundaries. See place gesellscbaft (society), 41-46 Gibson, William, 292 gift exchanges, 272 globalization, 251, 275, 298 goals. See shared ideals/expectations/ experiences Goethe, Johann Wolfgang von, 73 governing institutions, 7, 35, 39-41; in communes, 34; in Greek polis, 19, 38; homeowner associations as, 55, 64, 8891; in monastic communities, 23-24; in Puritan commonwealths, 29; in Twin Rivers, 81, 87-89, 91-96, 105, 199200, 238; in Utopian communities, 33.

See also civic participation; developerresidents relations Graves, Michael, 256 Great Britain, 56-57 Great Society program, 276 Greek polis, 16-22, 37-38, 235, 287 greenbelt towns, 59 Greenberg, Evan, 141, 213, 215 Greer, Scott, 119 group affiliations, 8, 27, 124, 285 Gutmann, Amy, 8 Hamilton, Carolyn, 139 Harmony Society, 55 hate sites, Internet, 296-97 H D M Corporation, 89 Hegel, G.W.E, 42 Heiman, Ina, 141 Heritage Bank North (the trustee). See Twin Rivers Trust heterogeneity. See pluralism Hightstown, N J . , 286 Hillery, George Α., Jr., 7, 23-25 Hirshman, Roberta, 120 Hobbes, Thomas, 5, 40-42, 235 Hoffman, Eva, 277 Holocaust altruism, 271 home entertaining, 131, 239 homeowner associations (HOAs), 55, 64, 88-91. See also Twin Rivers Home­ owners Association homeowners, 94, 125, 127, 132, 156, 176, 220, 231-32, 242, 282 home ownership, 59, 152-54; American Dream and, 55, 60, 63; cost of, 65; meanings of, 62-63, 77, 222

330

Index

homogeneity, 27, 67, 126. See also pluralism housing, 61-63; apartments, 62-63, 65, 125, 153, 261; cluster, 55-56, 63-64; condominiums, 56, 65, 125; co-ops, 261; single-family houses, 55-56, 6466, 125, 154; townhouses, 55-56, 61, 63-66, 78-80, 125, 129, 132-34, 151, 152-58, 166, 169 Housing Act (1949), 58 Housing and Urban Development Depart­ ment (HUD), 13 Howard, Ebenezer, 59, 257 humanists, 235 Hunter, Albert, 45 Icarian commune, 34 identity, xii, 8, 151, 269, 296 imagined communities, 19, 47-48, 294 immigrants and immigration, 247-51 individualism, xii, 39-40; in communes, 34; communitarianism and, 8; destructiveness of, 188, 219; in Greek polis, 19-20, 38; privacy/anonymity and, 9, 11; in Puritan commonwealths, 30, 32; we-feeling and, 269-70, 287 Indochinese immigrants, 250 industrialism, xii, 10, 26, 30, 65, 219 infotainment, 297 instant communities, 260 intermittent communities, 47, 69 interpersonal intimacy, 7, 30 isolation, xii, 4, 56, 61. See also privacy Janowitz, Morris, 45, 119 Japan, 255, 269 Jewish residents, 67, 124, 197, 242, 285 Johnson, Lyndon B., 276 Johnson, Philip, 256 juvenile delinquency. See teenagers Kanter, Rosabeth Moss, 33-35 Kendall, Herbert, xi, 58, 198, 206 kibbutzim, 272 kinship. See family ties Kolbe, Maximilian, 270 Kropotkin, Peter, 273 Kuper, Leo, 132 land. See place Langdon, Philip, 133

languages, 251 Latinos, 126, 249 lawn maintenance, 157, 169-70, 193 laws. See rules and laws lawsuits: against developer/trust, 72, 103, 116, 118, 190-201, 241; over architec­ tural/aesthetic controls, 106; over monthly fees, 98; over parking viola­ tions, 160 leaders, community, 7, 191, 202-15, 24142, 267-68, 283-84; in communes, 34; in Greek polis, 21-22, 38, 229; inter­ views with, 73; in monasteries, 23-24; in Puritan commonwealths, 26, 29; resi­ dent apathy and, 206-15; sovereigns as, 40, 41-42; in Utopian communities, 33 Lebanese-Americans, 255 Le Chambon, France, 273 Levitt, Abraham, 60 Levitt, Alfred, 60 Levitt, William J., 58, 60 Levittowns, 58-60, 66-67, 69, 78, 113, 197, 201, 255 Lewis, Oscar, 282 libraries, 112, 117, 120, 141 limited liability, community of, 47 Lippman, Walter, 46 Lissner, Clark R., 144 litter, 151, 170, 171, 172-79. See also garbage collection localism, 235, 251, 277-78 locality-based on-line communication net­ works, 294-95 Locke, John, 5, 40, 90 Los Alamos, N.Mex., 59 love, 23-24, 39 Lowell, Mass., 55 low-income residential environments, 152 Lynd, Helen M . , 282 Maclntyre, Alasdair, 8, 21 Maclver, Robert, 45-46 Madison, James, 279 Maine, Sir Henry, 5, 42 majority rule, 90, 95, 217, 279 Malinowski, Bronislaw, 266 Mansbridge, Jane, 216-18, 220, 230 Mariemont, Ohio, 55 Mark, Marty, 139 Marx, Karl, 42 material frameworks, 12

Index

Mather, Increase, 187 Matlovsky, Scott, 215 McDonald, Emily, 213-15 media, 119, 150, 230-31 meetinghouses, 27 men. See gender

Miami, Fla., 250 Middletown, 282 Miller, Steven E., 297-98 minorities/majorities, 242, 285 mobility, 27, 53, 149-50, 229 models of community: atomistic/contractarian, 4-5, 40-41; communes as, 3435, 217, 236; Greek polis as, 16-22, 37-38, 235, 287; monasteries as, 2 2 25, 236; organic, 4-5, 43; Puritan com­ monwealths as, 25-32, 54-55, 64-65, 68, 135, 187, 216-18, 236; Utopian so­

cieties as, 10, 32-34, 55, 236 modernity, xi, 4, 9-10, 46 monastic communities, 22-25, 236 moral values, 12, 271, 283 More, Sir Thomas, 35 multiculturalism, 46 Multi User Dungeons (MUDs), 294, 295 Mumford, Lewis, 46 myths. See shared ideals/expectations/ experiences nationalism, 47-48, 276-77 natural disasters. See calamities neighborhoods, 65, 151, 162 Neighborhood Watch Committees, 252 neighbors and neighborliness, 13, 94, 129-31, 156-58, 239, 258, 279 Neruda, Pablo, 274 Nevitt, Neal, 138, 184, 199-200 New England towns, 25-32, 54-55, 6465, 68, 135, 187, 216-18, 236 newer residents, 127, 176, 219-20, 23132, 253 New Federalism, 277 Newman, Oscar, 152 Newport Beach, Calif., 260 newsletters/newspapers, 57, 72, 116, 119, 150, 211, 232 New Towns Movement, 56-57, 152, 261 New York, N.Y., 248, 261, 289-90 Nisbet, Robert Α., 9-10 noise, 97, 133 Norcross, Carl, 185

331

Noyes, Humphrey, 33 Noyes, Peter, 30-31 occupational categorizations, 124 Oneida, N.Y., 33, 55 organic model of community, 4-5, 43 organizational memberships. See associational impulse Orzack, Maressa Hecht, 296 outer-space colonies, 54 Oz, Amos, 289 parental influences, 176-77, 208, 241, 271, 283 Parent Watch programs, 117, 139 parking areas, 84, 134-35, 156-57, 15962, 165-66, 169, 171, 194, 258 Parsons, Talcott, 43 patios, 157, 167 pedestrians, 57, 151, 165 Pelli, Cesar, 256 personal space, 78, 149 pets, 94, 98, 178, 184-87 Philadelphia, Pa., 294 photographic analyses, 72, 163-64 pioneer residents: in Celebration, Fla., 260; as community of tribulation, 26, 191-92, 195, 220, 242; litter attitudes and, 176; newer residents and, 219-20, 253; of Twin Rivers, 66-70, 77, 86; unity and, 127, 231-32 place, 6, 8, 35, 53-55, 266-67, 269; de­ fended neighborhoods and, 47; in Greek polis, 17; loyalty to, 46-47, 277; in monastic communities, 23; in Puritan commonwealths, 25; in Utopian com­ munities, 33 planned residential communities, 54-57, 59-61 planned unit developments (PUDs), 5657, 85, 88 Plater-Zyberg, Elizabeth, 256 Plato, 5, 20-22, 37-38, 229, 235, 28687 play spaces, 83, 116, 150-51, 157, 162, 227 pluralism, 46, 123-27, 257-59, 284-85. See also homogeneity Pocock, J.G.A., 8 Pohl, Scott, 214-15 Poliakoff, Gary Α., 196

332

Index

police protection services, 80-81, 87 polis, Greek, 16-22, 37-38, 235, 287 Polish villages, 219 porches, 258 Portes, Alejandro, 249 preliterate societies, 288-89 privacy: in communes, 34; individualism and, 9; parking and, 134-35, 156; in Puritan commonwealths, 30; sociability and, 134-37, 157; townhouses and, 78-80, 134, 154-56. See also isolation private/public spaces, 151, 166, 168-89, 240-41, 282; crime and, 179-81; litter and, 170, 171, 172-79; pets and, 18487; vandalism and, 181-84, 188-89. See also territoriality privatism, 276 profiteers, 194 Protagoras, 16 Protestant residents, 67, 124, 197, 242, 285 public buildings: community centers, 94, 193, 197, 212; in Greek polis, 19; meet­ inghouses, 27; teen centers, 84, 193, 225 public spaces. See private/public spaces public transportation, 56, 225, 258-59 Pullman, 111., 55 Punjabi immigrants, 250 Puritan commonwealths, 25-32, 54-55, 64-65, 68, 135, 187, 216-18, 236 Putnam, Robert D., 288 racial mix, 126 Radburn, N.J., 59 railroad towns, 55 Reagan, Ronald, 277 recreational amenities, 60, 80, 83-84, 111-12, 118-19, 207, 225 Redfield, Robert, 46, 47, 69 renters: homeowners and, 94, 125, 127, 156, 168, 220, 231-32, 242; litter and, 176, 178; satisfaction measures and, 65, 153; sociability and, 132. See also apartments rescue squad services, 81, 116 residential densities, 65, 125, 157, 166 Resistance, Inc., 297 Reston, Va., 255 retirement communities, 152, 251-55 Ridgeview, Fla., 254

rituals. See celebrations and rituals Robertson, Jacquelin, 256 Roman Catholic residents, 67, 124, 197, 242, 285 Rosenberg, Claudia, 139 Ross, Andrew, 259 Rouse, James, 256 Rousseau, Jean-Jacques, 40-41, 229, 235 rules and laws, 7, 10, 181, 204, 267; for architecture/aesthetics, 55, 103-7, 189, 238, 258; for common grounds, 97; cul­ tural clashes and, 196; for cyberspace, 293; for Greek polis, 38; homeowner associations and, 88-90; for monastic communities, 23; ordinances/building codes as, 58, 91, 93, 118, 150; for parking areas, 160-61; for pets, 98, 185; for safety, 97, 194; for services, 81-82; as study methodology, 73; for swimming pools, 97, 163, 172; for Uto­ pian communities, 33 Rummell, Peter, 256 safety, 151-52, 194, 252 St. Petersburg, Russia, 261 Sandel, Michael J., 8 Schindler, Oskar, 271 schisms, 29, 54, 214-15, 218-19, 23132, 248, 254, 262, 279 schools, 56-57, 69, 87, 194, 259 Schwartz, Robert, 102, 106 Schwitzer, Dave, 138 Seaside, Fla., 256 Seattle, Wash., 294 Selby, Vt., 216-17, 219 self-made man. See individualism Shakers, 33 Shapiro, Perry, 96, 173 shared ideals/expectations/experiences, xii, 6-7, 219; community of tribulation as, 26, 191-92, 195, 220, 242; identity and, xii, 8, 151, 269, 296; myths as, 17, 35, 160, 267; philia and, 22, 41; "we-feeling" and, 45-46, 266-67, 269 Sharpe, Donald, 214-15 shopping centers, 56-57, 80, 82-84, 12021, 165, 225, 258-59 sidewalks, 169, 194 Simmel, Georg, 200 single-family houses, 55-56, 64-66, 125, 154

Index Smith, Adam, 5 Smith, Page, 31-32 snow removal services, 80-82 sociability, 239-40, 266; friendships and, 131-34, 239; neighbors and, 129-31, 156-58, 239; physical design and, 13234, 136-37, 157, 164-67; privacy and, 134-37, 157; recreational amenities and, 112; retirement communities and, 253; rhythm of, 129, 131, 133-34, 239; social conntectedness and, 128-29; social mix and, 123-27; visual contacts and, 129, 133, 157 social capital, 250-51 social categorizations. See group affiliations social class/status, 42; aspirations of, 55; in Celebration, Fla., 259; equality and, 30; home ownership and, 59; of immi­ grants, 249; in Twin Rivers, 66-67, 113, 285 social cohesion, xii, 6-7, 17, 22, 24, 27, 262 social connectedness, 128-29 social contracts, 5, 40-42, 90 social incentives, 140 social mix. See pluralism society, 11, 18, 20, 27, 41-46 Socrates, 19-21 Spencer, Herbert, 43, 44 spiritual bonds, 27, 38-40 Stein, Gertrude, 6 Stern, Robert A. M . , 256 Stoics, 38 streets and roadways, 80, 166 suburban expansion, 45, 55-56, 58-59 Sudbury, Mass., 28-30, 54, 218 Sugihara, Chiune, 271-72 Sullivan, William M . , 8 Sun City, Ariz., 252, 254-55 supranational associations, 48 surveys, 72, 299-308 Suttles, Gerald D., 45, 47 swimming pools, 80, 93-94, 97, 133, 162-63, 172 taxes. See fees and assessments teenagers: community center for, 84, 193, 225; litter and, 151, 178-79; satisfac­ tion of, 84, 224-28; vandalism/juvenile delinquency and, 70, 183

333

television, 258 Tennessee Valley Authority, 59 tennis courts, 97, 172 Tepotzlan, Mexico, 282 territoriality, 94, 150, 161-63, 172, 19495, 282. See also private/public spaces territory, geographical. See place Theis, Edouard, 273 Thomas, William I., 219 Thomas Aquinas, Saint, 38-39 Titmus, Richard M . , 271 Tocqueville, Alexis de, 7, 9, 42, 73, 111, 184, 230 Tônnies, Ferdinand, 41-44, 266 tot lots. See play spaces townhouses, 55-56, 63-66, 125, 151; friendships and, 132-33; neighborliness and, 129, 156-58; physical design of, 66, 154, 157, 166; privacy and, 78-80, 134, 154-56; public/private spaces and, 61, 64, 169; satisfaction measures and, 65-67, 152-54 town meetings, 27, 216, 231, 293, 297 traffic, 57, 87, 97, 158, 194. See also parking areas Trappist monasteries, 23-24 traumatized communities, 11-13, 268, 289-90 tribulation, community of, 26, 191-92, 195, 220, 242 Trocmé, André, 273 Trust Advisory Board (TAB), 92, 93, 100, 193-95 trusts. See Twin Rivers Trust turf. See territoriality Turkle, Sherry, 292-93, 295 TWA Flight 800 disaster, 268 Twin Rivers, N.J., 236-37; lawsuits and, 98, 103, 106, 116, 118, 190-201, 241; master plan of, 57, 61-63, 65, 74, 151, 159, 162, 240; name changed proposed for, 142-43; origin of, 57-59; satisfac­ tion measures of, 65-67, 76-78, 8384, 136-37, 152-54, 237-38; study methodology of, 71-74, 151, 163-64, 299-308; timeline of, 51-52 Twin Rivers Day, 72, 144 Twin Rivers Holding Corporation, 89, 92 Twin Rivers Homeowners Association (TRHA): board of directors of, 92, 96, 139; elections of, 92, 99, 119-20, 142,

334

Index

Twin Rivers Homeowners Association (cont.) 211-15; fines imposed by, 97, 173, 179, 186-87; governance struggles and, 9 1 96, 105, 199-200, 238; governance struggles of, 196; membership in, 92, 115; open meetings and, 231; resident apathy and, 98-103, 115-16, 206-15 Twin Rivers Trust: administrators for, 9596; documents of, 99-101, 104, 120; governance struggles and, 91-96, 105, 195, 199-200, 238; lawsuits and, 72, 98, 190-201, 241; responsibilities of, 80-82, 89, 92, 96-98, 171, 175, 193-94 unity, 7, 17, 127, 204, 228-32, 266 urban communes. See communes urbanization, 45 use values, 95 Utopian communities, 10, 32-34, 55, 236 values, 7, 12, 95, 176-77, 208, 241, 267, 269, 271, 283 vandalism, 70, 80-81, 181-84, 188-89 Vaucluse, France, 5, 267 Veterans Administration (VA), 58, 88, 92, 93 Vico, Giambattista, 73 Vietnamese immigrants, 250 virtual communities, 279 visual contacts, 129, 133, 156, 157 Voegelin, Eric, 21 volunteers, 80-81, 113, 115-17, 122, 277

voting rights, 89-90, 95, 99, 101. See also elections Vuzzo, Joseph Α., 96, 102-3, 116, 140, 160, 212 W. R. Grace Company, 58, 206 walking distance ideal, 151, 158-59, 162, 194,257-59 Wallenberg, Raoul, 271 Walt Disney Company, 256, 259 Walzer, Michael, 8 Ward, Jennifer, 284 Washington, George, 103 weather/climate, 129, 258 Weber, Max, 42, 44, 71 "we-feeling," 45-46, 266-67, 269 Weil, Simone, 277 Wenner, Steve, 177 Whittlesey and Conklin (firm), 61 Winthrop, John, 25 women. See gender Women's Liberation Movement, 222 Woodruff, John, 137-38 Wylie, Laurence William, 5, 267 youth. See children; teenagers Zablocki, Benjamin, 229-30 Zelinsky, Wilbur, 66 Znaniecki, Florian, 219 zones of responsibility, 169, 193-94, 240-41 zoning restrictions, 55

PRINCETON STUDIES IN CULTURAL S O C I O L O G Y Origins of Democratic Sphere in Early-Modern by D a v i d Z a r e t

Culture: Printing, England

Bearing Witness: Readers, by W e n d y G r i s w o l d

Writers,

Petitions,

and the Novel

and the

in

Gifted Tongues: High School Debate and Adolescent by G a r y A l a n Fine

Public

Nigeria Culture

Offside: Soccer and American Exceptionalism by A n d r e i S. M a r k o v i t s a n d Steven L . H e l l e r m a n Reinventing Justice: The American by James L . N o l a n , Jr. Kingdom of Children: Culture Homeschooling Movement by M i t c h e l l L . Stevens Blessed Events: Religion by Pamela E . Klassen

Drug

Court

and Controversy

and Home

Birth in

Movement in the

America

Negotiating Identities: States and Immigrants in France and by R i v a K a s t o r y a n o , translated by B a r b a r a H a r s h a v Contentious Curricula: Public Schools by A m y J . B i n d e r Community: Pursuing by Suzanne K e l l e r

Afrocentrism

the Dream,

and Creationism

Living

the

Reality

in

Germany American