Cochabamba Quechua Syntax 9783111357409, 9783111000718

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COCHABAMBA Q U E C H U A SYNTAX

JANUA LINGUARUM STUDIA MEMORIAE N I C O L A I VAN WIJK DEDICATA

edenda

curat

C. H. VAN S C H O O N E V E L D INDIANA UNIVERSITY

SERIES

PRACTICA XL

1968

MOUTON THE HAGUE · PARIS

COCHABAMBA QUECHUA SYNTAX by

Y O L A N D A LASTRA

1968

MOUTON THE H A G U E · PARIS

© Copyright 1968 in The Netherlands. Mouton & Co. N.V., Publishers, The Hague. No part of this book may be translated or reproduced in any form, by print, photoprint, or any other means, without written permission from the publishers.

LIBRARY OF CONGRESS CATALOG CARD NUMBER:

68-15537

Printed in The Netherlands by Mouton & Co., Printers, The Hague.

microfilm,

TABLE OF CONTENTS

0. Introduction 0.1. Purpose 0.2. Speakers 0.3. Previous studies 0.4. Corpus 0.5. Informants 0.6. Terminology 0.7. Notation

9 9 9 9 10 10 11 11

1. Phonology 1.1. Vowels 1.2. Consonants 1.3. Stress 1.4. Distribution 1.41. Vowels 1.42. Consonants 1.5. Point of syllable division 1.6. Morphophonemic alternations

12 12 12 14 14 14 15 19 19

2.

21 21 21 22 22 23 23 23 23 27 27 27 28

Grammatical categories and morphology 2.1. Parts of speech 2.11. Substantives 2.12. Verbs 2.13. Particles 2.2. Grammatical categories 2.3. Morphology 2.31. Inflection 2.311. Personal suffixes 2.312. Inflection of substantives 2.3121. -kuna 2.3122. -ni 2.3123. -ti

6

TABLE OF CONTENTS

2.3124. Relational suffixes Inflection of verbs 2.3131. Non-final suffixes 2.31311. Modal suffixes 2.31312. -cu 2.31313. -hti 2.3132. Final suffixes 2.31321. -rqa 2.31322. Final suffixes not followed by personal suffixes 2.3133. Inflectional phrases 2.3134. Synopsis of a verb 2.314. Independent suffixes 2.315. Validational suffixes Derivation 2.321. Governing suffixes 2.3211. Verbalizers 2.3212. Substantivizers 2.32121. -ri 2.32122. Productive derivational suffixes . 2.3221. -ysi 2.3222. Diminutives 2.3223. -yoh 2.313.

2.32.

28 29 29 29 35 35 35 35 36 37 37 39 41 42 42 42 42 42 42 43 43 44

3.

Sentences 3.1. Simple sentences 3.2. Compound sentences 3.3. Complex sentences 3.4. Compound complex sentences 3.5. Sentences in parataxis 3.6. Minor sentences

45 45 45 47 48 49 49

4.

Primary clauses 4.1. Equational clauses 4.11. Verbless equational clauses 4.12. Equational clauses with ka4.2. Narrative clauses 4.3. Clauses which are ICs of compound sentences 4.4. Main clauses

51 51 51 52 53 55 55

5.

Secondary clauses 5.1. Subordinate clauses

57 57

TABLE OF CONTENTS

5.11.

6.

7

Clauses with special forms as centers 5.111. Clauses with no subjects 5.1111. spa-clauses 5.1112. jtfawan-clauses 5.1113. A-clauses 5.112. Clauses which have a subject 5.1121. Aft'-clauses 5.1122. sqaman ία-clauses 5.1123. sqarayku-clausts 5.1124. wopaA-clauses 5.1125. «a-clauses 5.12. Clauses with no special forms as centers 5.121. caj>-clauses 5.122. Residual subordinate clauses 5.2. Secondary clauses which are not attributive 5.21. Clauses which are direct objects 5.211. jia-clauses 5.212. «αία-clauses 5.213. i^afa-clauses 5.22. Direct quotes 5.23. Clauses which are subjects

57 57 57 58 59 59 59 60 60 60 61 61 61 62 62 63 63 63 63 64 65

Sample text and analysis

66

Vocabulary

79

Index of suffixes

102

Bibliography

103

o INTRODUCTION

0.1.

PURPOSE

The purpose of this study is to describe the main aspects of the syntactic structure of Cochabamba Quechua. The first chapter describes the phonology in terms of phonemes and allophones and then states the distribution of phonemes within words. There is a brief description of the morphophonemic alternations. The second chapter deals with the grammatical categories and morphology, and the inflectional and derivational suffixes are described. The next three chapters, which contain the main section of the book, deal with the syntax of the Cochabamba dialect. The immediate constituent model is used in this discussion. The third chapter classifies sentences, the fourth main clauses, and the fifth secondary clauses. A sample text and analysis constitutes chapter 6. A vocabulary which includes all the native and loan words occurring in the corpus is given with English and Spanish glosses. This study is a somewhat revised version of a doctoral dissertation done at Cornell University under the chairmanship of Prof. Charles F. Hockett. 1

0.2.

SPEAKERS

Quechua is spoken in the Andean highlands in Peru, Ecuador, and Bolivia. It is estimated (Rosenblat) that there are about three million speakers in Peru, about a million in Ecuador, and about 752,000 in Bolivia. The dialect under consideration is spoken in the area around the city of Cochabamba, capital of the department of the same name, in Bolivia.

0.3.

PREVIOUS STUDIES

The bibliography on Quechua is very extensive (Rivet) but of little interest for a descriptive approach. The most useful modern studies are those of Yokoyama and Solá. Yokoyama provides a complete description of the morphology of the Cuzco 1

Thanks are due Georgetown University for making the publication of this study possible.

10

INTRODUCTION

dialect which is closely related to Cochabamba. Solá describes the morphology of the Huánuco dialect which is fairly different from the one under consideration. Urioste-Herrero is traditional in its approach, but fairly complete for morphology, and contains very accurate vocabulary lists. No structural analysis of Quechua syntax has been published.2

0.4.

CORPUS

The corpus for this study was gathered in Cochabamba in the summer of 1961 and at Cornell University from February to April 1962 while preparing teaching materials for the Quechua Language Materials Program. It consists of a set of dialogs, about six hundred sentences, which are intended for use in teaching materials, four tales, two speeches, three rather lengthy conversations, one short reminiscence, a set of six reading selections, and a number of isolated utterances which were elicited in the course of the analysis. The dialogs were dictated by the informant and later recorded on tape by him. The tales, speeches, conversations, and reminiscence were recorded on tape and later transcribed and translated with the help of an informant. The reading selections were written by Mr. Terán who became proficient in the use of the phonemic transcription.

0.5.

INFORMANTS

The following persons, all of them bilinguals, acted as informants : Oscar Terán. Twenty eight years old. Medical student, native of Cochabamba. He worked in Cochabamba throughout the summer and for three months at Cornell. Roberto Carvajal. Thirty seven years old. Native of Cochabamba. He had travelled extensively in the surrounding area supervising agricultural work. He acted as an informant for about twenty five hours recording a short passage and helping on the translation of a tale and a conversation. Leovina Quiroga Vda. de Villarroel. About fifty years old. Native of Cochabamba. She had lived in Alvarrancho, some six miles to the south; in Sumumpaya, near the town of Quillacollo, and in Tierras Nuevas, about thirty five miles from the city. She recorded a story, participated in two conversations with Antonio Figueroa, and worked as an informant on several occasions. Antonio Figueroa. About thirty five years old. Peasant, native of a village in the vicinity of Cochabamba. He took part in two rather lengthy conversations. Rodolfo Cosío. About forty five years old. Driver, native of Cochabamba. He recorded a conversation with Alejandro Loroño. 2

Parker, Gary, Gramática del quechua ayacuchano (Lima, 1965), which includes a chapter on syntax, appeared after this was written.

INTRODUCTION

11

Alejandro Loroño. About fifty years old. Driver, native of Cochabamba. He recorded a conversation with Rodolfo Cosío. Elvira Terrazas. Twelve years old. Native of Cochabamba. She recorded a story. Elvira Mercado. Fourteen years old. Native of Cochabamba. She recorded a story. Tomasa Vargas. Seventy two years old. Native of Morochata, N.W. of Cochabamba. She recorded a story. Miguel Veizaga. Middle aged. Peasant leader of Cliza, E. of Cochabamba. Julián Chávez. About thirty five years old. Peasant leader of Cliza. The two leaders were interviewed by Mr. Terán who, together with the author, obtained tapes of their speeches which were broadcast in a local radio program. Florián Luque. Cornell University student. He was very helpful in checking some of the materials.

0.6.

TERMINOLOGY

The terms used in the morphology are, for the most part, those employed by Solá. He had, in turn, tried to use Yokoyama's terminology. In this study the attempt has been made to continue using previously established terms whenever possible. In general, the syntactic terminology used by Hockett in Course in Modern Linguistics (1958) is employed. Whenever a term has a special meaning, it is explained when it is first introduced.

0.7.

NOTATION

In the section on phonology material in brackets is allophonic; material between slant lines is phonemic. In the remaining part of the study the material italicized is phonemic, but stress marks are omitted unless the stress falls on a syllable other than the penultimate in words of more than one syllable; they are also omitted in monosyllables. Spaces mark word boundaries. Aspiration is indicated by two apostrophes : p" bilabial aspirated voiceless stop, after Solá. In the section on morphology, when examples are longer than one word, morpheme boundaries are only marked in the one containing the morpheme under discussion. Base forms are given in braces { }.

1 PHONOLOGY

1.1.

VOWELS

The vowels are: i u e o a Allophones : β!

/e/ /u/

/o/ /a/

[i] lower high front unrounded vowel: /pina/ 'wild'. [i] somewhat higher and tenser when followed by /y/ : /púriy/ 'walk'. [1] may be voiceless when unstressed and followed by a voiceless consonant: /kruseñomámpis/ 'also to someone from Santa Cruz', [ε] mid front unrounded vowel : /weraqóca/ 'sir'. [e] higher and tenser when followed by /y/: /agradésey/ 'thank', [u] lower high back rounded vowel: /paypúni/ 'he himself. [u] fronted when followed by palatals: /tápuy/ 'ask', /öiiluy/ 'peck', [u] may be voiceless when unstressed and followed by a voiceless consonant: /maypiöus/ 'from where', [o] mid back rounded vowel : /nóqa/ T . [o] higher and tenser when followed by /y/: /ónqoy/ 'get sick', [a] low central unrounded vowel: /qán/ 'you'. [a < ] fronted before /y/: /t'ákay/ 'spill'. [a] may be voiceless when unstressed and followed by a voiceless consonant: /máytah/ 'Where?'.

There may be a non distinctive glottal catch before breath groups beginning with a vowel : [Parí] ~ [ari] 'yes'. 1.2.

CONSONANTS

The consonants are : Ρ p"

t t" t'

δ δ"

k k"

q q

13

PHONOLOGY

ρ' b f m

t' d s η r

δ' s ñ

k' g

q' h

Γ

1 w

I y

Allophones : /ρ/ /t/ /δ/ /k/ M/

[ρ] [t] [δ] [k] [q] [γ] /p"/[p'] /t"/ [t'J /δ"/ [δ'] /k"/ [k'] /q"/[q'] /p7 [p'J /t'/ [t'] /δ'/ [δ'] /k'/ [k'] /q'/ [q'J /b/ [b] [b] /d/ [d] [d] /g/ [g] [g] /fI [φ] /s/ [s] /§/ [s] [s] /h/ [h] [x] /m/ [m]

voiceless bilabial stop: /pilpíntu/ 'butterfly', voiceless apico-dental stop: /túta/ 'night', voiceless lamino-palatal affricate : /δ'ίδϊ/ 'dirty', voiceless dorso-velar stop: /kúnka/ 'neck'. voiceless back dorso-velar stop: /qára/ 'skin'. voiced back dorso-velar fricative in free variation with [q]. voiceless aspirated bilabial stop: /p"úyu/ 'cloud', voiceless aspirated apico-dental stop : /t"aparánku/ 'bat', voiceless aspirated lamino-palatal affricate: /é"úla/ 'dew', voiceless aspirated dorso-velar stop : /k"úru/ 'worm'. voiceless aspirated back dorso-velar stop: /q"éla/ 'lazy'. voiceless glottalized bilabial stop: /p'ùnôay/ 'day', voiceless glottalized apico-dental stop : /t'ánta/ 'bread', voiceless glottalized lamino-palatal affricate: /ô'àki/ 'dry', voiceless glottalized dorso-velar stop : /k'áki/ 'jaw', voiceless glottalized back dorso-velar stop : /q'éïu/ 'yellow'. voiced bilabial stop, initially and after nasals: /bambasilu/ 'bran'. voiced bilabial fricative, elsewhere : /libru/ 'book', voiced apico-dental stop, initially and after nasals: /dyús/ 'God', /ánda/ 'platform'. voiced interdental fricative, elsewhere: /agradésey/ 'thank', voiced dorso-velar stop, initially and after nasals: /gáíu/ 'cock', /kalánga/ 'tin bell'. voiced dorso-velar fricative, elsewhere: /amigu/ 'friend', voiceless bilabial fricative: /futúri/ 'spring', voiceless apico-alveolar fricative: /sónqo/ 'heart'. voiceless lamino-alveolar fricative, before consonants and after front vowels: /p"isqa/ 'five', /qásqa/ 'rough', voiceless lamino-palatal fricative, elsewhere : /ruwásan/ 'he is making', voiceless back dorso-velar fricative, in final position: /ñáwpah/ 'first'. voiceless dorso-velar fricative, elsewhere: /úhu/ 'cough', voiced bilabial nasal: /múnay/ 'want'.

14

PHONOLOGY

/η/ [ή] voiced dorso-velar nasal, before consonants and in final position: /alinta/ 'well', /alin/ 'good', [n] voiced apico-alveolar nasal, elsewhere : /nóqa/ T . /ñ/ [ñ] voiced lamino-alveolar nasal:/ñáwi/'eye'. /r/ [R] voiced apico-alveolar trill, before consonants and in final position : /kárqa/ 'he was', /láwar/ 'blood', [r] voiced apico-alveolar flap, elsewhere: /kiru/ 'tooth', /r/ [r] voiced lamino-alveolar fricative /rúntu/ 'egg', /búru/ 'donkey'. /I/ [1] voiced apico-alveolar lateral : /lúrun/ 'kidney'. /I/ [I] voiced lamino-alveolar lateral: /lúlu/ 'tender', /w/ [w] high back rounded glide vocoid: /wármi/ 'woman', /yI [y] high front glide vocoid: /yáku/ 'water'. The beginnings of the following words show the contrast between /y/, /w/ and /i/, /uI : /uywaráyku/ 'on account of the animal', /wiraráyku/ 'on account of the grease'. 1.3.

STRESS

Most words are stressed on the penultimate, but stress has a distinctive function when certain suffixes are omitted in some loans from Spanish and in certain special cases. When the suffixes are omitted and in certain vocatives the position of stress has a grammatical function. The accusative suffix /-ta/ is frecuently omitted when the substantive which is a direct object is not at the end of the utterance. In this case stress indicates that the substantive is accusative: /mik"úyta apaóimúway/ ~ /mik"úy apaóimúway/ 'send me food'. The simultative verbal suffix /-spa/ has an allomorph /'s/ which occurs in fast colloquial speech: /saykúspa/ ~ /saykús/ 'getting tired'. Loans from Spanish may be stressed on the final syllable or on the second from the last: /nasyonál/ 'national', /pikaru/ 'rascal'. Words to which the conjectural suffix /-5á/ are added : /wañunmanCá/ 'he would probably die', some vocatives, /pepitúy/ 'Pepito' (cf. /pepítuy/, nominative), and certain isolated words such as /ari/ 'yes', /aCaláw/ (exclamation) are stressed on the last syllable. 1.4.

DISTRIBUTION

The distribution of phonemes is given with reference to the word which is a minimum free form. It is probable that a more detailed analysis would indicate that certain allophones occur only in initial or final position, that is, that there is a juncture phenomenon related to initial or final position in the word. 1.41.

Vowels

/i, e, u, o, a/ occur as syllable peaks in initial, medial, and final position:

15

PHONOLOGY

/i/

'what'

/öiri/

'cold'

/pi/

'who'

'fat old man'

/awélo/

'grandfather'

/íábe/

'key'

/ima/

/e/

/eqéqo/

/u/

/úma/

'head'

/ó'úsah/

'empty'

/únu/

'liquid'

/o/

/óqoy/

'swallow'

/panóqa/

'cord'

/ρόηδο/

'poncho'

/a/

/átoh/

'fox'

/wáhta/

'rib'

/áya/

'corpse'

The following clusters occur in medial position in Spanish loans only: i

e

u

i e

ee

o

a

io

ia

eo

ea

u o a /io/

/pío/

'Pio'

/ia/

/día/

'day'

/ee/

/kreenkiöah/

'we believe'

/eo/

/preokúpan/

'he worries'

/ea/

/andréa/

'Andrea'

1.42. Consonants Every consonant except /§/ and /r/ occurs in initial position: /Ρ/

/pisi/

Ν W Ν

/táta/

'little' 'father'

/b/ /d/

/Ciri/ /kiía/

'cold'

/g/ /f/

/q/

/qán/

'you'

/ρ"/ /t"/ /ò"/

/p"úyu/

'moon'

/básu/

'glass'

/dyús/

'God'

/gástu/

'expense'

/fyésta/ /sínói/

'holiday'

/háqay/

'that over there'

l l M

/múnay/ /nóqa/

'want' Τ 'eye'

/s/ /h/

'strong'

/t"ánta/

'cloud' 'tatter'

/ó"áka/

'ant' 'kipu'

/a/

/ñáwi/

/q'7

/k"ípu/ /q"ári/

'man'

/ríkuy/

'see'

/ρ'/

/p'áóa/

'clothing'

/t'ánta/ /C'áki /

'bread' 'dry'

/lúrun/ /lása/

'kidney'

/tv /δ'/ /k'/

/?/ IV m M

/wása/

'back'

/k'íta/

'wild'

/y/

/yáku/

'water'

/q'/

/q'áya /

'tomorrow'

/k"/

m

'heavy'

The following clusters of two consonants occur in initial position in Spanish loans only:

>£ 1»

ï tí

£ P»>

1-4 Xi

κ tí

t.:

ö o ε«

Λ

dm

ε Λ

Τ: Χ,

c/3

λ I-Η

tß tí

ce I-H

t4i tí

Ό

Su

Öfi

M 11 Ό

qui

Χι

-Q tH o

ΐΛ

+-»

εΛ

V»

en

(Λ

2

£ M

¿4

|H

>o tí

>ο

Xi

CM

nd

(

Ίλ

WS

Vi

"öO Ui Ό

Im

ft

l-(

lm

3 Ui

nh

-H

>0

2 "ft ε

"ft h-H

M

nk"

sk"

"er >ce >υ .tí

>u tí nt"

>ò

rk"

rq"

" f t

+-»

er

bu

ΥΛ

nk

^C/3 M XA

M

>υ Λ

>υ

ft ft

x>

Ό

60

U-i

Λ

O, CO CO

ft Λ J3

ΥΛ

11

I^H

tí 8

>o

+ £-»

t; λ V-i

tí

T

>>

tí

dui

ft

CO

M

K>

-Μ

+->

^

tH

ft

ft« ti— fc—I

wp

CT co

σ"

wq

co

" f t

4-»

>> t-c j>>

»»-Η

tp-H

|H

*

Ö

hn

I

tw

£

JS

my

ΪΛ

hm

by

PHONOLOGY

£

17

PHONOLOGY r

1

w

Ρ t

Pr tr

Pi

pw

k

kr

kl

py ty

b

kw bw

by dy

d g f

y

gr fr

gl

fl

gy fw

s

sw

h

hw

η

nw

fy sy

/pr/

/próbay/

'try'

/gr/

/gránu/

'grain'

/Pi/ /pw/

/plátu/

'dish'

/gl/

/gloryóso/

'glorious'

/pwés/

'well'

/gy/

/gyadór/

'guide'

/py / /tr/

/pyénsay/

'think'

/fr/

/fregádo/

'bothered'

/tríla/

'threshing'

'transportation'

/ty/ /kr/

'store'

/A/ /fw/

/flètè/

/tyénda/

/fwérte/

'strong'

/krús/

'cross'

'holiday'

/kláru/

'of course'

/fy/ /sw/

/fyésta/

M /kw/

/swérte/

'luck'

/kwárto/

'room'

'true'

/bw/

/bwéno/

'well'

/sy/ /hw/

/syérto/ /hwán/

'John'

/by/

/byúda/

'widow'

/nw/

/nwéba/

'new'

/dy/

/dyáblu/

'devil'

C l u s t e r s of t w o c o n s o n a n t s w h i c h o c c u r m e d i a l l y a r e s h o w n o n T a b l e I . /Pt/

/aséptay/

'accept'

/pr/

/aprobéôay/

'take advantage'

/tr/ /tw/

/matrimónyo/

/br/ /bl/

'quick'

/sq/

/úsqay/

'go crazy'

'marriage'

/sp'7 /sk"/

/músp"ay/ /wásk"a/

'strap'

/sitwasyón/

'situation'

/st'/

/wíst'u/

'lame'

/líbru/

'book'

/sk'/

/másk'ay/

'search'

/dyáblu/

'devil*

/sm/

/ísmuy/

'rot'

/by/ /dm/

/bolíbya/

'Bolivia'

/sn/

/ásna/

'stinking'

/administrador/

'manager'

/si/

/wísla/

'wooden spoon'

/dr/

/komádre/

'comadre'

/benefísyay/

'fertilize'

/gr/

/pagrínu/

'godfather'

/sy/ /sk/

/k"íska/

'thorn'

/gl/ /gw/

/iglésya /

'church'

/p"ísqa/

'five'

/légwa/

'league'

/Sq/ /sk"/

/ásk"a/

'many'

/fr/

/sufríni/

Ί suffer'

/sw/

/q"éswa/

'Quechua'

/sp/

/respétay/

'respect'

/hp/

/patanéhpi/

'upwards'

/st/

/astáwan/

'more'

/ht/

/íáhta/

'town'

/sk/

/ískay/

'two'

/hò/

/öühöa/

'hair'

18

PHONOLOGY

/h67

/wilrô'uy/

'throw'

/rb/

/ohsérbay/

'observe'

/hs/

/lóhsiy/

' g o out'

/rd/

/mayurdómo/

'steward'

Ihm/

/watahmánta/

'again'

/rg/

/kárga/

'load'

Ihn/

/δéhniy/

'hate'

/rs/

/mársu/

'March'

M /hl/

^áhra/

'field'

/rh/

/bírhen/

'virgin'

/púhíay/

'play'

/rm/

/wármi/

'woman'

/hw/

/Íáhwa/

'sauce'

/m/

/weqérnin/

'hip'

/hy/

/sumáhyay/

'get well'

/rl/

/párlay/

'talk'

/mp/

/6ímpa/

'next'

/ry/

/agrárya/

'agrarian'

/rnp'/ /hámp'iy/

'cure'

/lp/

/íálpa/

'house in ruins'

/mb/

/embídya/

'envy'

'squashed'

/eramyénta/

'tools'

/it/ /lk/

/paltayásqa/

/my/

/alkálde/

'mayor'

/nt/

/qoriqénti/

'humming-bird'

'money'

/nc/

/ánca/

'much'

/lq/ /1δ'/

/qólqe/ /hálc'ay/

'keep'

/nk/

/δankáykaδay/

'stagger'

/lb/

/albañíl/

'mason'

/nq/

/ónqoy/

'get sick'

/Id/

/alkálde/

'mayor'

/nt"/

/Iánt"u/

'shade'

'some'

/ηδ"/

/míró"a /

'day before

/ig/ /If/

/algúnas/ /álfa/

'alfalfa'

/Is/

/bolsílu/

'pocket'

/nk"/

/sánk"u/

'thick'

/lm/

/hálmay/

'dig'

/nt'/

/lánt'a/

'wood'

/Iy/

/familya/

'family'

/ηδ'/

/hánc'ay/

'bite'

'strength'

/nk'/

/lank'ay/

'work'

/Ip/ /ϊδ/

/káípa/ /álci/

'grandson'

/nd/

/líndu/

'nice'

/Ik/

/k'úlku/

'narrow'

/ng/

/gringo/

'foreigner'

'earth'

/nf/

/infórmay/

'inform'

/Ip'/ /Ik'/

/hálp'a/ /súlk'a/

'youngest'

/ns/

/ensáyay/

'rehearse'

/Im/

/hálmay/

'cover with

/nh/

/ánhel/

'angel'

/nm/

/mayninmánta/

' f r o m time to

/wp/

^áwpi/

'middle'

to time'

/wt/

/áwto/

'car'

/wq/

/awqéruy/

'back'

yesterday'

earth'

/nn/

/yannínta/

'through the

/ws/

/káwsay/

'live'

/nr/

/nínri/

'ear'

/wm/

/awméntay/

'increase'

/nw/

/banwárdya/

'vanguard'

/wr/

/láwray/

'flame'

/ny/

/inyehsyón/

'injection'

/yt/

/táyta/

'father'

road'

/rp/

/tárpuy/

'sow'

/yß/

/àyòa/

'flesh'

/rt/

/partéra/

'midwife'

/yk/

/wáykuy/

'cook'

/rk/

/c'árki/

'dry b e e f

/yq/

/láyqa/

'witch doctor'

/rq/ /rk"/

/órqo/

'hill'

/yk'/

/háyk'ah/

'when'

/wárk"uy/

'hang'

/ys/

/áysay/

'stretch'

/rq"/

/Iárq"ay/

'hunger'

/yh/

/ayháru/

'godson'

/rk'/

/hurk'úta/

'partridge'

/ym/

/q'áyma/

(a drink)

19

PHONOLOGY

/yn/ /yr/

/yl/ /yw/

'lend' 'misfortune'

/áyniy/ /aqoyráki/

/màyïay/ /háyway /

'wash' 'hand over'

The following clusters of three consonants occur medially, for the most part in Spanish loans : tr

pr s h m η 1 r w

kr

br

dr

hr

str skr

pl spi

gl

ty

ky

by

dy

sy

sty

pw kw mw spw skw

hsy mpr

mpl

mbr ntr

ndr

mby ngl nty nky

mpw ndy nsy lmw

rpr

/str/ /skr/ /spi/ /sty/ /spw/ /skw/ /hsy/ /mpr/ /mbr/ /mpl/ /mby/ /mpw/

rdy wkr

whr

/administrador/ /eskríbiy/ /esplotadór/ /kristyánu/ /despwés/ /eskwéla / /direhsyón/ /syémpre/ /nobyémbre/ /impleménto/ /kámbyay/ /impwésto/

'manager' 'write' 'swindler' 'Christian' 'later' 'school' 'direction' 'always' 'November' 'utensil' 'change' 'tax'

/ntr/ /ndr/ /ngl/ /nty/ /nky/ /ndy/ /nsy / /lmw/ /rpr/ /rdy/ /wkr/ /whr/

/entrégay/ /andréa/ /inglés/ /mantyéney/ /inkyétay/ /índyo/ /esperénsya/ /almwérso/ /sorprésa/ /wárdya/ /Sáwkra/ /tíwhray/

'deliver' 'Andrea' 'English' 'support' 'disturb' 'Indian' 'experience' 'lunch' 'surprise' 'guard' 'dry branch' 'turn'.

1.5. POINT OF SYLLABLE DIVISION

Consonants and, in loans, consonant clusters borrowed from Spanish (/pr/, /tr/, /kr/, /br/, /dr/, /gr/, /fr/, /pi/, /kl/, /bl/, /gl/, /py/, /ty/, /ky/, /by/, /dy/, /gy/, /fy/, /sy/, /my/, /ny/, /ry/, /ly/, /pw/, /tw/, /kw/, /bw/, /gw/, /fw/, /sw/, /hw/, /nw/), are margins when initial or intervocalic. All other clusters are disyllabic. In loans (there are no vowel dusters otherwise) if two vowels are adjacent they fall in different syllables.

1.6. MORPHOPHONEMIC ALTERNATIONS

η is replaced by m before a bilabial stop: saran 'his corn' : sarampis 'his corn also'. i and u are lowered to e and o before q, nq, and rq: wasipi 'at home' : wasipeqa 'at home' (with topic marker); nin 'he says' \nenqa 'he will say', nerqa 'he said';

20

PHONOLOGY

ninku 'they say' : ninkoqa 'they say' (with topic marker) ; hamun 'he comes' : hamonqa 'he will come', hamorqa 'he came'. i and u are generally lowered to e and o before h : fin 'he goes' : reh 'one who goes' ; pi 'who' : pehpa 'of whom' ; warmi 'woman' : warmehpa ~ warmihpa 'of the woman' ; tapun 'he asks' : tapoh 'one who asks' ; watukun 'he visits' : watukuh ~ watukoh 'one who visits' ; san tu 'saint' : santuhpa ~ santohpa 'of the saint'. / is lowered to e after a back velar stop : pisqo 'bird' ; -itu (diminutive suffix) : pisqetu 'little bird'; aq"a 'chicha' (a drink); -ita (diminutive suffix) : aq"eta 'little chicha'; larq'a 'ditch' : larq'eta 'small ditch'. i and u are replaced by y and w across word boundaries before or after a vowel: wakicikapunku 'they have something prepared', ari 'well' : wakicikapunkwari 'well, they have something prepared' ; i 'and' ; acayraykutah 'because of that' : yacaraykutah 'and because o f t h a t ' ; porke 'because'; interesaykakapuyman Ί would be interested in it' : porkeyteresaykakapuyman 'because I would be interested in it'.

2 GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

Quechua morphemes may be classified into stems, suffixes and intonations. The latter will not be treated here. The cannonical form of native stems is CVC(C)V, CVC, VC(C)V, VCVC, VCVCV. The cannonical shape of suffixes is C, C(C)V, CVC, CVC(C)V; the borrowed diminutives -itu, -ito, -ito are the only suffixes which begin with a vowel. 2.1.

PARTS OF SPEECH

The parts of speech are : substantives', wasi 'house'; verbs', lank'a- 'work'; particles: mana 'no'. These are distinguished by inflection: substantive stems occur with -ta, accusative: wasi-ta 'house'; verb stems occur with -y, imperative: lank'a-y 'Work thou!'; particles occur only with independent suffixes (2.314). Intersecting this threefold classification is a classification of all stems into contentives and functors. 2.11. Substantives Substantives fall into the following subclasses : nouns: q"ari 'man'; proper nouns: pedro 'Peter'; adjectives: A, preposed: q'omer 'green'; B, postposed: agrarya 'agrarian'; intensifiers : mancay 'very'; personal pronouns: noqa T; indefinite-interrogatives: ima 'what'; determiners: ëay 'that'; hina 'way'. The first three are contentives except for the intensifiers ; these, and the remaining four subclasses, are functors.

22

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

Nouns occur in all substantival functions : subject, direct object, predicate attribute, attribute, head of a phrase, and sentence. Proper nouns differ from nouns in that they cannot be attributive to other nouns. Adjectives, unlike nouns, occur as heads only when the attribute is a determiner or an intensifier. Intensifiers are a few adjectives which may be attributive to other adjectives and which have an intensifying meaning. The personal pronouns are noqa T , qan 'thou', and pay 'he, she', noqa adds personal suffixes (2.311) to form the plural: noqa-n-cah 'we' (excl.); noqa-y-ku 'we' (incl.). qan and pay add {-kuna}, substantive plural suffix (2.3121). The indefinite-interrogatives are : ima 'what', may 'where', pi 'who', imayna 'how', mayqen 'which', mayk'ah ~ hayk'ah 'when', and mask"a 'how much'. In questions, indefinite-interrogatives add the independent suffix -tah instead of the suffix -cu which normally occurs with other substantives (2.314). Determiners are the only substantives which can, in uninflected form, occur as attributes to a substantive phrase. Determiners include the stems may, ima, and mayqen, which are also indefinite-interrogatives. Other members of the class are the numerals, kay 'this', cay ~ acay 'that', haqay 'that over there', wah 'other' kikin 'same', tukuy 'all', unos 'about'. hina 'way' is privileged to occur as head to pronouns and proper nouns. 2.12. Verbs Verbs fall into three subclasses : transitive: ruwa- 'make'; intransitive: ri- 'go'; connective: ka- 'be'. The first two are contentives ; the connective verb ka- is a functor. Transitive verbs can take a direct object without the occurrence of the causative suffix -ci (2.31311). Intransitive verbs take a direct object only with -ci. There is class cleavage between nouns and adjectives of class Β on one hand and transitive and intransitive verbs on the other. 2.13. Particles Particles are of these types : onomatopoeticparticles: p'ah 'Bang!'; interjections: ay 'Oh!'; particles which occur as minor sentences: ari 'yes'; negators: mana 'no'; coordinators: i 'and'; subordinators: porke 'because';

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

23

prepositions', en 'in'; attributive particles : antis 'rather'. The first two and some attributive particles are contentives; all other particles are functors. 2.2.

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES

The grammatical categories are: number, person, case, mode, tense, and finiteness. These categories are all indicated by suffixes. Substantives are inflected for number, person, and case. An uninflected substantive is singular; a suffix is added to indicate plurality (2.3121). Inflection for person in a substantive refers to possession. The persons are first, second, and third, and distinction of inclusiveness or exclusiveness is also made in the first person plural (2.311). There are eight suffixes which mark relation between a substantive and a verb or a substantive and another substantive in the same sentence. These constitute a case system (2.3124). Verbs are inflected for number, person, mode, and tense. Number is singular or plural. The persons refer to the actor and to the recipient of the action (2.311). There are twelve modal suffixes; their meaning is discussed below (2.31311). There are four simple tenses: past definite, narrative, conditional, and future and three periphrastic past tenses (2.3133). The suffixes marking the first three occur with all persons. No distinction of futurity is made with the second person. When there is no suffix to indicate tense, the action of the verb may refer to the present or to the past, and in the case of the second person, it may also refer to the future (2.3132). Finite forms occur as centers of clauses. Semi-finite forms are imperatives (2.3132). Non-finite forms have no indication of person or tense and occur as minor sentences (3.6) or in some subordinate clauses (5.111). In addition there is a series of 12 suffixes, called independent (2.314) which are added to verbs, substantives, or particles. They signal questions, validity, and have some of the functions that are expressed by conjunctions in English and other IndoEuropean languages. Their meanings might be considered to constitute a type of grammatical category. 2.3.

MORPHOLOGY

2.31. Inflection 2.311. Personal suffixes Set A: {-j}, first person, is realized as -ni, following verb stems except when -man, allative, or {-ki}, second person, follows immediately, or when the verbal suffix -hti occurs; -n preceding the pluralizer {-cah} following both substantive and verb stems; -y elsewhere.

24

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

The combination -n-cah means 1st person plural inclusive; the combination -y-ku means 1st person plural exclusive. refers to first person object when its allomorphs -n or -y occur after -wa, personal suffix of set C; otherwise it signals first person actor when it occurs with verb stems, and first person allocation when it occurs with substantive stems. {-ki}, second person, is realized as -nki following verb stems except when the suffix -hti occurs; -yki following substantive stems, and verb stems with the suffix -hti; -ki after {-j}, first person. {-ki} refers to second person object when it follows {-j}, first person, and when it follows -su, personal suffix of set C; otherwise {-ki} signals second person actor when it occurs with verb stems and second person allocation when it occurs with substantive stems. -n, third person, occurs in this shape with verbs where it refers to the actor, and with substantives where it refers to allocation, -n occurs twice in the same word in the forms meaning third person plural, future time, where it precedes and follows -qa, third person future: lank'a-n-qa-nku 'they will work'. Set B: {-cah} denotes plurality and inclusion of addressee, {-cah} has the shapes -cis, -ceh, and -cah in free variation, -cah is the most frequent. This suffix occurs after {-ki}, second person, -wah, second person conditional, -y, imperative, and after first person in the combination -n-cah, first person plural inclusive, {-cah} is also an irregular pluralizer of the substantives sumah 'good' and hatu 'big'. -ku denotes plurality and exclusion of addressee. It occurs after -n, third person, and after {-j}, first person, in the combination -y-ku, first person plural exclusive. Set C: -wa, first person, and -su, second person, refer to the object, but when followed by certain combinations of personal suffixes they indicate that what follows refers to the object, -wa has this indicating function when it is followed by -n-cah, 1st p. pi. inch, and by -y-ku, 1st p. pl. excl. -su has this function when it is followed by -ki, second person, and by -ki-cah, second person plural. Paradigms illustrating the occurrence of the personal suffixes of sets A and B. Verb stem: qo'give' qo-ni Ί give' qo-nki 'thou givest' qo-n 'he gives' qo-n-cah 'we (incl.) give' qo-y-ku 'we (excl.) give' qo-nki-cah 'ye give' qo-n-ku 'they give'

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

qo-y-man qo-nki-man qo-n-man qo-n-cah-man qo-y-ku-man qo-nki-cah-man qo-n-ku-man

Ί would give' 'thou wouldst give' 'he would give' 'we (incl.) would give' 'we (excl.) would give' 'ye would give' 'they would give'

qo-hti-y qo-hti-yki qo-hti-n qo-hti-n-cah qo-hti-y-ku qo-hti-yki-cah qo-hti-n-ku

'when 'when 'when 'when 'when 'when 'when

wasi wasi-y wasi-yki wasi-n wasi-n-cah wasi-y-ku wasi-yki-cah wasi-n-ku

'house' 'my house' 'thy house' 'his house' 'our (incl.) house' 'our (excl.) house' 'your house' 'their house'

25

I give' thou givest' he gives' we (incl.) give' we (excl.) give' ye give' they give'

Substantive stem:

Examples of -y, first person allomorph, and -ki, second person allomorph, are: qo-y-ki qo-y-ki-ëah

Ί give thee' Ί give you'

Examples of the pluralizer {-cali} after -wah, second person conditional, and -y, imperative, are: lank'a-wah-cah 'ye would work' and lank'a-y-cah 'Work ye!' Paradigms illustrating the occurrence of personal suffixes of set C. In the following examples -wa refers to the object: qo-wa-nki qo-wa-n qo-wa-nki-cah qo-wa-n-ku qo-na-wa-yki qo-na-wa-n qo-na-wa-yki-cah qo-na-wa-n-ku

'thou givest me' 'he gives me' 'ye give me' 'they give me' 'thy giving me' 'his giving me' 'your giving me' 'their giving me'

26

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

In the following examples -wa indicates to the object: qo-wa-n-cah qo-wa-y-ku qo-na-wa-n-cah qo-na-wa-y-ku

that the personal suffixes that follow refer 'we (incl.) are given' 'we (excl.) are given' 'our (incl.) being given' 'our (excl.) being given'

In the following examples -su refers to the object : qo-su-yku qo-su-n-ku qo-na-su-n qo-na-su-n-ku

'we (excl.) give thee' 'they give thee' 'his giving thee' 'their giving thee'

In the following examples -su indicates that the personal suffixes that follow it refer to the object : qo-su-nki 'thou art given' qo-su-nki-cah 'ye are given' qo-na-su-yki 'thy being given' qo-na-su-yki-cah 'your being given' TABLE II

Suffixes Occurring with Substantivesa 1

2

3

4

5

6

7

Relationalsb

Independent Suffixes®

Personal Suffixes Plural

{-kuna}A

a. b. c. d. e.

Set A

-ni

-la

{-J} {-ki} -n

Set Β Pluralizers {-cah} -ku

See 2.3123 for the position of -ti. Not all relationale are mutually exclusive (2.3124). See Table IV. See 2.3121 for an occurrence of {-kuna} in a different position. -la follows -rayku.

{-hpa} -man {-manta} -pah -pi {-ta} -raykue -wan

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

27

Distribution of personal suffixes in substantive patterns. Personal suffixes of set A occur in position 4 after substantive stems: see Table II. They may be followed by personal suffixes of set Β and by relational and independent suffixes (2.3124, 2.314). Personal suffixes of set C occur only after substantives derived by -na. Examples have already been given. Distribution of personal suffixes in verb patterns. Personal suffixes of sets A and Β occur after final suffixes (2.3132). They can be followed by independent suffixes (2.314). Personal suffixes of set C follow the modal suffixes (2.31311) as in the form lank'a-ci-wa-n 'he makes me work', where -ci, causative modal suffix, occurs, -wa and -su occur immediately followed by personal suffixes of sets A and B, by the suffix -cu (2.31312), and by final suffixes except -wah, second person conditional (2.3132). Examples with the suffix -cu following -wa and -su are: apa-mu-wa-cu-n 'let him bring me' and paga-pu-su-cu-n 'may he repay you'. Examples with the final suffixes are : qo-so-rqa 'he gave thee', qo-su-sqa 'that he had given thee' ; paga-so-n-qa 'he will pay thee'; qo-wa-spa 'giving me'; qo-wa-y 'give thou me'.

2.312. Inflection of substantives Substantive stems are free forms. The suffixes that occur with them appear in Table II except -ti (2.3123). 2.3121. -kuna {-kuna}, plural suffix, has the following allomorphs: -s, -es, -skuna, -kunas, -kuna. Some Spanish loans with final consonants take the shape -es; -s and -skuna occur only with vowel-final stems; -kunas occurs with consonant-final stems; -kuna is privileged to occur wherever any of the other allomorphs occur: profesor-es ~ profesor-kuna 'teachers'; runa-s ~ runa-kuna 'men'; awto-skuna ~ awtokuna 'cars'; supay-kunas ~ supay-kuna 'devils', {-kuna} normally occurs immediately following the substantive stem. But when a consonant-final stem occurs with a personal suffix, the allomorph -kuna may follow the personal suffix: bol-ita-s-ni-yki 'thy marbles'; yan-kuna-yki 'thy roads'; yan-kunas-ni-yki 'thy roads'; yan-ni-yki-kuna 'thy roads'. The last form is the only instance of an allomorph of {-kuna} occurring in a position other than + 1 . 2.3122. -ni -ni must occur after consonant-final substantive stems and after the allomorphs -s and -kunas of the plural suffix {-kuna} when a personal suffix or the derivative suffix -yoh is to be added, -la may occur between -ni and the personal suffix or -yoh : profesor-ni-yki 'thy teacher' ; runa-s-ni-n 'his men' ; kiru-s-ni-ia-yoh 'person just with teeth'; muna-y-ni-Ia-n-ku-manta 'of their own free will'. When -ni occurs with the third person singular suffix the meaning of the combination -ni-n may be that of 'definiteness' ; sumah-ni-n 'that which is good', -ni occurs optionally after substantive

28

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

stems which end in a vowel when -ti 'including' follows: runa-n-ti-m-pah ~ runani-n-ti-m-pah 'for all the men', -ni occurs before -h, genitive allomorph; the meaning of the combination -ne-h is indefinite location: ka-y-ne-h-cu 'Around here?' 2.3123. -ti -ti always occurs preceded and followed by a personal suffix. It very frequently occurs preceded and followed by 3rd p.; the combination -n-ti-n means 'together with, including' : warmi-ni-n-ti-n 'including the woman' ; kinsa-n-ti-ía-n-wan-ña 'with all three of them'; tukuy-ni-n-ti-n 'including all'. There are three examples in the corpus of the occurrence of -ti between other personal suffixes : kinsa-n-ti-n-cah 'all three of us'; ka-sqa-n-ti-n-cah 'including our being'; saca-y-ti-n 'my tree also'. 2.3124. Relational suffixes A substantive suffix which marks a relation of that substantive to a verb or to another substantive in the same sentence is a relational suffix. The relative position of these suffixes is after the personal suffixes. The relationals {-manta}, -pah, -rayku, and {-hpa} exclude each other. {-hpa} may be followed by -man, -pi, and {-ta}; {-ta} may be followed by -wan. A list of the occurring combinations is given below: (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7)

-manta -pah -rayku -hpa -man -pi -ta

(8) (9) (10) (H) (12) (13)

-wan -hpa-man -hpa-pi -hpa-ta -ta-wan -hpa-ta-wan

{-hpa}, genitive, has the following allomorphs: -pa, -h, -hpa. -pa occurs after consonants; -h occurs after -ni (2.3122) and in free variation with -hpa; -hpa occurs elsewhere: pay 'he': pay-pa 'his'; warmi 'woman': warme-h ~ warme-hpa 'the woman's', -hpa indicates that the substantive is a possessor. The substantive is usually in construction with another substantive : warme-hpa kamisa-n 'the woman's shirt'. In the combination -ne-h, it sets an indefinite limit to the place where the action of the verb is performed: cay-ne-h-ta 'around there'. The forms that follow illustrate the secondary inflection of genitives: warmi-sita-hpa-man 'to the little woman's'; warmi-sita-hpa-pi 'at the little woman's'; warmi-sita-hpa-ta 'the little woman's' (acc.); warmi-sita-hpa-ta-wan-cus 'probably with the little woman's also'. -man, allative, indicates 'direction toward' or that the substantive is the recipient of an action; it is usually translated 'to': cahra-y 'my field': cahra-y-man 'to my field'; wañu-sqa-s-ni-n-ku 'their dead': wañu-sqa-s-ni-n-ku-man 'to their dead', -man is the only relational that occurs in verb patterns. It occurs following all personal suffixes of sets A and Β and the forms where it occurs are generally translated 'could'

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

29

or 'would';pita-n-man 'he would smoke'; ruwa-nki-man 'thou wouldst make'; ruwanki-cah-man 'ye would make'. {-manta}, ablative, has two allomorphs: -mán and -manta, -mân was found in one example in the corpus : Iarq"e-y-mán 'of hunger', {-manta} is usually translated 'from, since, about, of'. It denotes the starting point of an action: pata 'above': pata-manta 'from above'; c'isi 'night': c'isi-manta 'since last night'. -pah, purposive, is translated 'in order to, for, so that'. It indicates purpose or that the substantive to which it is added benefits from the action : mik"u-na 'food, eating': mik"u-na-pah 'in order to eat'; yaku-n-cah 'our (incl.) water': yaku-n-cahpah 'for our (incl.) water'; qan 'thou': qam-pah 'for thee'. -pi, locative, usually translated 'in, on, at', signals the location of an event in time or space : wasi 'house' : wasi-pi 'in the house' ; karu 'far' : karu-pi 'in a far away place' ; usqay 'quick': usqay-pi 'soon', -pi also occurs in adverbial expressions such as ancapi 'expensively', baratu-pi 'cheaply', sumah-pi 'well'. {-ta}, accusative, has two allomorphs: ', stress, on the last syllable of a substantive, and -ta. ' occurs in free variation with -ta when the substantive to which it is suffixed is not sentence final; -ta occurs elsewhere: mik"ú-y(-ta) apacimuway ~ apacimuway mik"u-y-ta 'send me food'. The accusative suffix signals that the substantive is the direct object of a verb. It may also indicate other relations. lawa-ta munani Ί want mush' ; usqay-ta risah 'I'll go quickly', -ta occurs followed by -wan, instrumental, in substantives derived by -y (2.32122). The combination -y-ta-wan is translated 'as soon as' : tari- 'find' : tari-y-ta-wan 'as soon as he found' lit. 'with the finding'. -rayku, causal, signals the cause of an action. It is usually translated 'on account of'. The suffix -la follows -rayku : cay 'that' : cay-rayku 'on account of that' ; wasi-y 'my house': wasi-y-rayku-Ia 'only on account of my house'. -wan, instrumental, indicates the means by which an action takes place. It is translated 'with, plus, also': kucilu 'knife': kucilu-wan 'with a knife', -wan often serves to mark additive constructions: koka-wan piskula-wan 'coca and pisco'. 2.313. Inflection of verbs Verbal suffixes fall into two main classes: Non-final suffixes, which never occupy the last position in the word, and final suffixes which may be word final. Non-final suffixes are divided into two classes: those which precede the personal suffixes -wa and -su, and those which follow them. Suffixes preceding -wa and -su will be called modal suffixes. The non-final suffixes which follow -wa and -su are -cu and -Ai/. The relative order of verbal suffixes is given in Table III. 2.3131. Non-final suffixes 2.31311. Modal suffixes, -ykaca, frequentative, indicates that an action is performed repeatedly: oq"ari-spa 'lifting': oq"ari-ykaca-spa 'lifting several times'; puri-ni Ί walk': puri-ykaca-ni Ί stroll'.

30

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY TABLE III

Verbal Suffixes Modal Suffixes 1

2

-ykaca {-yku} -rqo

3

4

5

6

-rpa

-ra

-ri

-ci

1

7

8

9

10

-na

{-ku}

{-mu}

-pu

11

12

Final Κ α } Suffixes -rqa -sqa -qa {-sah} {-spa} -wah -y -cu -hti

{-yku} has two allomorphs: -yka before -ka, -pu, and -mu; -yku elsewhere: interesayka-ka-pu-y-man 'I'd be interested in it!'; apa-yka-mu-y 'Do bring it!'; pampa-ykapu-sqa-n-ku 'They are burying her'; kore-yku-y 'Do run in it!' -yku intensifies the meaning of the verb and makes it refer to something specific: interesa-ka-pu-y-man Ί would be interested' : interesa-yka-ka-pu-y-man Ί would be interested in it!' -rpa indicates that an action is performed suddenly, quickly, or roughly: puñuci-wa-n-cis 'he makes us (incl.) sleep': puñu-rpa-ci-wa-n-cis 'he suddenly makes us (incl.) sleep'; kore-yku-ri-y 'run in it please': kore-yku-rpa-ri-y 'run in it quickly please'; qo-y 'give': qo-rpa-y 'give' meaning 'give blows'. {-rqo}, honorific, has two allomorphs: -rqa directly before {-mu}, -pu, and -ka·, -rqo elsewhere: apa-rqa-mu-y 'bring if it pleases thee'; waño-rqa-po-h-kuna 'those who die'; lohse-rqa-ka-mu-sqa 'he had come out'; tuko-rqo-n-man 'he would finish'. -rqo indicates respect, politeness, or affection. It is commonly used in the presence of a guest and in situations where people cooperate with one another: korey cay walpata hap'e-rqa-mu-y 'quick, go get that hen', was used in a situation where the speaker intended to cook the hen for a guest; the expression wake-rqo-ci-pu-sqa-y-ki 'I'll prepare it for thee', is very polite; cay ta apa-rqa-mu-y mamay 'Bring it please ma'am' occurs in a situation where many people are engaged in collective harvesting; requests with -rqa are appropriate for such occasions. -ra, distributive, indicates that an action is performed as a series. It is usually translated 'one by one': apa-y 'Carry thou!': apa-ra-y 'carry them one by one'; nispa 'saying' : ni-ra-spa 'telling each one'.

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31

-ri, inceptive, indicates that an action is beginning. It is commonly used to add politeness: inkyeta-ku-y 'to be restless': inkyeta-ri-ku-y 'to begin to be restless'; qo-wa-y 'give me' : qo-ri-wa-y 'please give me', -ri may occur twice in the same word usually in a request which becomes insistent: mik"u-y 'eat' : mik^Wri-y 'please eat' : mik"u-ri-ri-y 'Please, please eat!' -ri may precede or follow -rqo, honorific: yuya-re-rqo-la-nki 'thou wilt be beginning to remember'; ala-rqo-ri-y 'begin digging please', -ri may follow -na, reciprocal : akompaña-na-ri-ku-na 'let's accompany each other'; otherwise its position is after -ra, distributive. -ci, causative, indicates that the actor causes something to be done : warn- 'die' : wañu-ci- 'kill', -ci may occur twice in the same word meaning to cause someone to cause something to happen: nasi-ci-nki-ña-cu 'Hast thou given birth?' lit. 'Hast thou caused it to be born?' : nasi-ci-ci-nki-ña-cu 'Hast thou helped her give birth?' lit. 'Hast thou caused her to cause it to be born?' ; yana-ya-ci-ni Ί caused it to be black' : yana-ya-ci-ci-ni Ί had someone cause it to be black'. -na, reciprocal, indicates that an action is performed mutually by two parties. The personal suffix following -na may refer to a singular person; the reciprocity of the action is understood: maqa-ku-ni Ί punish of my own free will': maqa-naku-ni Ί fight' (presumably someone fights back) ; piña-ko-rqa-nki 'thou wert angry' : piña-na-ko-rqa-nki 'thou wert angry with someone who was angry with thee' ; akompaña-n-ku 'they accompany': akompaña-na-ku-n-ku 'they accompany one another'. As may be seen in the above examples -na is always followed by -ku. -na precedes -rqo in muc'a-na-rqo-ku-n-ku 'they kiss'. {-ku} has two allomorphs: -ka and -ku. -ka occurs before {-mi/}, -pu, and -ka-, -ku occurs elsewhere: mayia-ku-ni Ί wash myself; mayla-ka-mu-ni Ί go wash myself; tuku-ka-pu-n 'it is finished' (of itself); maña-rqa-ka-ka-m-pu-spa 'having gone and borrowed for oneself'. The form in the last example was preferred to a possible form with only one occurrence of -ka with the same translation. More examples would be necessary to establish the meaning of {-ku} occurring twice, {-ku} indicates that the actor is the recipient of the action, that it is performed freely by the actor, or for his own benefit: sumahta wasi q"awa-nki 'Thou wilt take good care of the house' : sumahta q"awa-ku-nki 'Thou wilt take good care of thyself ; runakuna sumah sarata fanti-n-ku asyenda wasipah 'The men bought good corn for the hacienda' : runakuna sumah sarata ranti-ku-n-ku 'The men bought good corn for themselves'; uh fatuta suyay, tiya-y caypi 'Wait for a while, sit here' : kaysitupi tiya-ku-y uh fatuta suyariway 'Sit right here (of thy own free will), thou wilt wait for me for a while please'. {-mu} has two allomorphs: -m before -pu, and -mu elsewhere: apa-m-po-h 'one who brings for someone else'; apa-mu-ni Ί bring', {-mu} indicates the direction of the action. When {-mu} occurs with verbs of motion, it indicates that the action proceeds in the direction of the speaker; with other verbs the translation is 'go to ...'; apa-ni Ί take' : apa-mu-ni Ί bring'; yayku-ni Ί go in' : yayku-mu-ni Ί come in' ; lank'a-ni Ί work' : lank'a-mu-ni Ί go to work'. Verbs could be divided into

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GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

two classes : those that indicate motion toward the speaker when {-ma} occurs, and those that indicate that motion is involved in the performance of the action. Verbs referring to natural phenomena such as raining usually occur with {-mu} : para-mu-n 'it rains'; rup"a-mu-sqa-n 'it shines' (referring to the sun). -pu indicates that the action is performed for someone other than the actor : apamu-sah Ί will bring' : waïpitata apa-m-pu-sah Ί will bring him a small hen', lit. Ί will bring a small hen for someone other than myself'; resa-sa-n-ku 'They are praying' : almapah resa-pu-sa-n-ku 'They are praying for the soul'. In the last example -pu denotes that the actor performs the action for someone else; almapah 'for the soul' specifies who is being prayed for; the sentence could occur without -pu. {-sa}, continuative, has the shapes -sa, -sa, and -sqa in free variation: ni-sa-ni ~ ni-sa-ni ~ ni-sqa-ni Ί am saying', {-sa} indicates the continuation of the action: ruwa-n 'he makes' : ruwa-sqa-n 'he is making' ; ne-rqa-rti Ί said' : ni-sa-rqa-ni Ί was saying'. Several modal suffixes may occur in the same word. As many as four modals have been found: puri-ykaca-ri-ku-sa-ni Ί am strolling'. Examples of all the combinations occurring in the corpus are given below. In the Quechua forms only the modal suffixes are underlined; quotes are omitted from the glosses on the right hand column. uhya-ykaca-yku-sqa hvf/&-ykaca-rqo-xq& îuwa-ykaca-rpa-n lami-ykaca-ri-n ya.napa-yku-ra-h ala-rqo-ri-y ¡¿ibia-rpa-ri-y t'aqa-ra-n-wah vhya-yku-rpa-ri-y m\k"u-ykaca-ci-y Zaki-yku-ci-n k'vAo-rqo-ëi-m puñu-r/?a-c/-wa-n-5is rabya-ra-ci-sqa puñu-n-á'-ía-wa-y-ña wasari-yku-ci-ra-n alista-j'fcw-n-cz-n-ku rasura-r/>a-n-c/-n ka-ykaca-ku-n tarpu-j>&K-fcM-/ia-yki-pah mik"o-rqo-ko-h ik" a-ykaca-rqo-ku-y y\xy&-rpa-ku-ïà

he drank (narr.) he did a little at a time (honorific) he quickly walked from one place to another he started tasting here and there one who helps (intensive, polite) please dig a hole please choose (entreating) thou wouldst please sort out Drink it quickly! make him taste he made (them) dry I will cause it to be cut (honorific) he suddenly makes us sleep he made them angry one by one just make me sleep then please he made them disappear one by one they cause something to be ready he made him start shaving quickly he remains so that thou wilt plant it for thyself one who eats (honorific) free swinging motion (honorific) I suddenly remembered

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

p'aki-ra-fcu-n-ku inkyeta-n-Aru-nki uhya-c('-/:M-nki-öah maqa-«a-/cM-ni yanapa-ykaca-na-ku-n-ku sirbi-yku-ri-ku-y-iah. pasa-yku-ci-ko-rqa-nki mikno-rqo-ri-ko-h muò'a-na-rqo-ku-n-ku up"a-rpa-ri-ku-h respeta-n'-c/'-ku-y aysa-ysi-ri-na-ku-na mik"\i-ci-na-ku-na tapu-ykaca-mu-sah toma-yka-mu-y-man t"ama-ykaca-yka-mu-sqa v/ahya-rqa-mu-y p'utu-rpa-mu-sqa apa-ra-mu-y haywa-n'-mu-y apa-ci-mu-wa-y-ku mask'a-ka-mu-y tapu-ykaca-ka-mu-sah qasa-yku-ri-mu-la-y^a-nki-i tusu-j^u-a-mw-ni X&po-rqo-ri-mu-sah. lohse-rqo-ka-mu-sqa aZu-rpa-ra-mu-O. mhéu-rpa-ri-mu-sqa ni-rpa-ri-ci-mu-v/a-n apa-ra-ci-mu-TL Iank'a-/7-á°-mu-ni v/ayk'u-ri-ka-mu-y tapu-ykaca-rpa-ri-mu-na maqa-na-ka-mu-na lank'a-yka-pu-n lank'a-rqa-pu-n miari-rpa-pu-n maqa-ra-pu-wa-n ïiïwa-ri-pu-y hi'a-ci-pu-y-ki q"ela-ka-po-h

33

they were broken one by one thou art beginning to be restless ye make thyselves drink I fight (reciprocal) they help each other from time to time serve thyselves thou madest thyself suffer one who eats (honorific) they kiss (honorific) one who quickly washes his face to make oneself begin to be respected let's start helping one another to carry let's make each other eat I will go ask here and there I would go drink he came stumbling back and forth go call him it had suddenly risen bring them one by one please pass it is caused to be brought to us (excl.) go look for thyself I will go ask here and there for myself •ña thou wouldst please serve me now I made them dance! I will go find out (honorific) it came out (honorific) she carried them in her muzzle one by one he threw it quickly he forced me to say he has them brought one by one I am going to make them work go cook for thyself let's quickly go and ask here and there let's go fight one another he worked for someone else he works for someone else (honorific) he suddenly went up the hill for someone else he punishes them for me please do it for him I made thee resemble someone else one who is lazy about something

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

apa-m-po-h.

someone who brings for someone else

interesa-yka-ka-ka-pu-y-man

I would be interested

Irnk'sL-yka-m-pu-ni

I went to work for him

wake-rqo-ci-pu-sah

I will make it ready for someone else

kute-rqa-m-po-h

one who respectfully returns for someone else

muè'a-na-ka-pu-n-ku lank'a-ri-ci-po-iqa

they kiss each other he made them start working for someone else

apa-ri-ka-pu-n-ku

they have taken it for themselves for his sake

kuti-ri-m-pu-n

he came back for someone else

òinka-ci-ka-pu-sqa

it was lost for someone

£aya-ci-m-pu-n

he makes him carry it hither for someone

cinka-rpa-ri-pu-sqa

it suddenly got lost for someone

t'aka-rpa-ka-po-rqa-Zá

it may have suddenly loosened itself for him

apa-ka-m-po-h-ta

one who brings for someone else (acc.)

fanti-j/caca-ïa-ja-n-qa-rah

she will still be shopping around

taka-yku-sqa-n

he is knocking

listu-ca-rgo-sa-ni

I am getting ready (honorific)

ruwa-^fl-ía-sqa

he was doing it quickly

apa-m-ía-sqa

he was carrying them one by one

kaca-fí-j^a-n-man

he would be sending (polite)

wañu-c/-ía-su-nki

it is killing thee

paûa-ku-sqa-n-tah

we (incl.) are talking

puñ-ykaca-ku-sqa-m

I am strolling

apa-mu-sa-n

he is bringing

resa-pw-ía-n-ku

they are praying for someone else

vfaki-yku-ci-sqa-n-ku

they are having it prepared

cay a-yka- m u-sa-η

he is arriving

luwa-yku-ri-ku-sqa-nki

thou art beginning to make for thyself

pampa-yka-pu-sqa-n-ku

they are burying her

t'impo-rqo-ci-sqa-y

have it be boiling please

yaòa-ra-ci-sa-n

he teaches them one by one

puri-ri-ku-sqa-ni

I am walking of my own free will

puú-ykaca-ri-ku-sqa-ni

I am strolling

ñk"u-ri-mu-sqa-nki

thou art beginning to appear

k ' a n c a - j ku-ri-mu-sa-n

it is beginning to shine

tara-ci-ku-sa-nki

thou art getting thyself excited

apa-ci-mu-sa-n

he is making him bring

qecu-na-ku-sa-nki-òah

ye are quarrelling with one another

rap"a-ka-mu-sa-n

it is shining

baña-ka-pu-sa-n-ku

they are bathing themselves for someone

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

35

2.31312. -cu is a non-final suffix which follows the personal suffixes -wa and -su: qo-wa-cu-n 'let him give me'; qo-su-cu-n 'let him give thee', -cu is always followed by third person. It indicates a wish or an indirect command: ka-cu-n 'may that be'; lank'a-cu-n 'have him work'. 2.31313. -hti indicates that once the action denoted by the verb stem is accomplished, another action takes place: paga-hti-n-ku ïank'asah 'when they pay, I will work'; trata-rpa-wa-hti-n libera noqa nini 'When my Elvira scolded me, I said ...'. -hti must be followed by a personal suffix of set A. Examples of -hti occurring after -wa and -su are: qo-wa-hti-n 'when he gives me'; qo-so-hti-n 'when he gives thee'.

2.3132. Final suffixes These are mutually exclusive. They fall into two classes: -rqa, -sqa, -qa, and -sah may be followed by a personal suffix of set A. -wah, -y, and -spa may not be followed by personal suffixes. Those which can be followed by personal suffixes will be discussed first. 2.31321. -rqa, past definite, signals that the action took place in the past. When no personal suffix occurs, the meaning of -rqa is 3rd p. sing, past definite: ne-rqa 'he said', -rqa is followed by the personal suffixes which refer to all other persons : ne-rqa-ni Ί said'. Examples of -rqa preceded by the personal suffixes -wa and -su are: hamu-wa-rqa-nki 'thou earnest for me'; yanapa-so-rqa 'he helped thee', -rqa may be preceded by any of the modal suffixes : ranti-ykaca-ku-sa-rqa-qa 'she was shopping around'; nasi-yku-wa-rqa 'he was born to me'; ruwa-rqo-rqa 'he kindly made it'; faka-rpa-ka-po-rqa-câ 'it had probably suddenly fallen out'; maqa-rarqa-ni Ί punished each one of them'; hamu-re-rqa-nki-cah 'ye started to come'; ruwa-ce-rqa-n-ku 'they had it made' ; apa-mo-rqa-ni Ί brought' ; maqa-na-ko-rqa-n-ku 'they fought one another'. -sqa, narrative, indicates, primarily, that the speaker is reporting something he has not seen. It is most frequent in tales or narrations and it usually refers to the past. It may also refer to events that have not taken place, but about which a doubt that the speaker had, has been clarified. When no personal suffix occurs the meaning of -sqa is 3rd p. sing, narrative: ka-sqa 'that it was', -sqa is followed by the personal suffixes which refer to all other persons: ka-sqa-ni 'that I was', ka-sqa-n-ku 'that they were'. Examples illustrating the use of -sqa follow: The speaker is telling about a supernatural being who is supposed to tune musical instruments. He is not very convinced: acayqa pay oq"arin i pay wahmanta trasformah ka-sqa 'There he is, he lifts, and he is the one who transforms them again'. In a classroom situation a question is being asked about a passage just read: imayna funatah kay don rodón ka-sqa 'What kind of a man was Don Rodon?' The speaker and addressee are both looking at some potatoes. The use of -sqa here signals that the owner of the potatoes had already said they were good ones : ananaw kay hina kacita papitayki ka-sa-sqa 'Thy potatoes were certainly lovely!'

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Example from a tale: cay misitutah cay sulk'Human qo-pu-sqa-n-ku 'And they gave that kitten to the youngest one'. The speaker is referring to an event which has not taken place but which he has heard about: don domingohpapí sina cay kanqa ka-sqa 'It will probably be at Don Domingo's, they say'. -qa, third person future, has a very limited distribution. It occurs after -n, third person, or preceded by -n and followed by -n and the pluralizer -ku. The combination -n-qa signals third person singular future time. The combination -n-qa-n-ku signals third person plural future time: ruwa-n-qa 'he will make'; ruwa-n-qa-n-ku 'they will make'. These combinations occur after all the modal suffixes: ranti-ykaca-Ia-sqan-qa-rah 'she will still be shopping around'; kana-yku-re-n-qa 'he will kindle'; rikorqo-n-qa 'he will see' (honorific); fuwa-rpa-re-n-qa 'he will make it right away'; paga-ra-pu-so-n-qa 'he will repay thee'; uhya-ci-wa-n-qa 'he will make me drink'; para-mo-n-qa 'it will rain'; yanapa-na-ko-n-qa-ti-ku 'they will help one another'. {-sah}, first person future, has the following shapes: -su before -n, allomorph of first person; -sqa ~ -sa, in free variation, before -y allomorph of first person; -sah elsewhere: poqo-ci-su-n-cah 'we (incl.) will cause it to produce'; qo-sqa-y-ku ~ qosa-y-ku 'we (excl.) will give'; qo-sa-y-ki Ί will give thee'; qo-sah Ί will give'. {-sah} occurs after any modal suffix: hamu-ykaca-sah Ί am going to come from time to time'; ruwa-rpa-ri-sah 'I'll make it right away'; q"ati-yka-mu-la-sah-ña-cu 'Shall I drive it now?'; qalari-yku-la-su-n-cah-ña-cu 'Shall we (incl.) begin already?'; tapo-rqo-ri-mu-sah 'I'll go find out'; apa-ra-sah Ί will bring them one by one'; k'utorqo-ci-sah Ί will have it cut' (honorific); maqa-na-ku-sah Ί will fight'; Jula-ku-sah Ί will lie'; t"aïa-ri-mu-sqa-y-ki-cah Ί will begin to shake it for you'; kuti-m-pu-sah Ί will come back for someone'; fuwa-la-sa-sah 'I'll just be doing'; ruwa-sqa-sqa-y-ku 'we (excl.) shall be making'. 2.31322. Final suffixes not followed by personal suffixes, -wah, second person conditional, and -y, imperative, may be followed by the pluralizer -cah. -wah, second person conditional, is translated 'would' or 'could' : toka-wah 'thou wouldst knock'; toka-wah-cah 'ye would knock'. -wah may be preceded by any of the modals : puri-ykaca-wah 'thou wouldst stroll' ; apa-yku-rpa-ri-wah 'thou wouldst please carry quickly'; wahya-rqo-ri-mu-wah 'thou wouldst please go call' (honorific); suwa-ci-ku-wah-tah 'careful that thou wouldst be robbed'; faqa-ra-ri-wah 'thou wouldst please sort out'; puñu-ka-pu-wah-cah 'ye would fall asleep'; maqa-na-ku-wah 'thou wouldst fight'; mik"u-ri-ku-sqa-wah 'thou wouldst be eating'. -wah cannot occur with the personal suffixes -wa and -su. {-ki}, second person, and -man, allative, occur instead. Otherwise -nki-man and -wah are in free variation : parla-wah ~ parla-nki-man 'thou wouldst speak'; qo-wa-nki-man 'thou wouldst give me'. -y, imperative, indicates a direct command: ruwa-y 'Make thou!'; lank'a-y-cah 'Work ye!' -y occurs with any modal: toma-ykaca-ri-y 'please taste'; apura-yku-ri-y

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

37

'please hurry';qo-rpa-y 'hit him'; mik"o-rqo-ri-y 'Do eat!'; apa-ra-y 'take them one by one' ; apa-ri-ku-y 'take for thyself' ; muc1 a-na-ku-y-cis 'kiss one another' ; yaykuri-mu-y 'come in please'; ruwa-pu-y 'make it for him'; fimpo-rqo-ci-sqa-y 'please have it be boiling'. {-spa}, simultative, has two allomorphs: -'s, and -spa. -'s apparently occurs in fast colloquial speech and -spa occurs elsewhere : ma saykú-s tukuncah ~ ma saykuspa tukuncah 'we finished without getting tired', -spa indicates that an action is performed at the same time or immediately before another action : p"uska-spa pureh kani Ί spun while I walked'; eskwelamanta lohsi-mu-spa hamusah 'I'll come right after I come out from school'. {-spa} occurs after all the modals: oq"ari-ykaca-spa-qa 'lifting several times'; maca-yku-spa-cá 'probably being dizzy'; yaca-rqo-spa 'knowing' (honorific); mañarqa-ka-ka-m-pu-spa 'having gone and borrowed'; ruwa-rpa-ri-spa 'having made'; saya-ri-ci-mu-spa 'making her get up' ; yanapa-na-ku-spa 'helping each other' ; cayamu-sa-spa 'on arriving here'; ni-ra-spa 'telling each one'. 2.3133. Inflectional phrases There are two types of inflectional phrases, both built by two verbs, a contentive, and the functor ka- 'be'. The first type consists of a verb stem plus the agentive suffix -h (2.32122) and the verb ka- plus a personal suffix. The meaning is habitual action in the past: lank'a-h ka-ni Ί used to work', lit. 'one who works I am!' The second type consists of a verb stem plus a personal suffix plus a conditional or future morpheme and the forms ka-sqa or ka-rqa. The periphrastic tense with the form ka-sqa expresses doubt: wañu-ci-n-man 'he would kill' : wañu-ci-n-man ka-sqa 'he may have killed'. The periphrastic tense with the form ka-rqa is past conditional: lank'a-n-man 'he would work': Jank'a-n-man ka-rqa 'he would have worked'· 2.3134. Synopsis of a verb Simple tenses : non-past lank'a-ni lank'a-nki lank'a-n lank'a-n-öah lank'a-y-ku ïank'a-nki-ôah lank'a-n-ku

Ί work' 'thou workst' 'he works' 'we (incl.) work' 'we (excl.) work' 'you work' 'they work'

past definite lank'a-rqa-ni lank'a-rqa-nki

Ί worked' 'thou workedst'

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lank'a-rqa lank'a-rqa-n-öah îank'a-rqa-y-ku lank'a-rqa-nki-öah îank'a-rqa-n-ku

'he worked' 'we (incl.) worked' 'we (excl.) worked' 'you worked' 'they worked'

narrative past îank'a- sqa- ni ïank'a- sqa- nki Iank'a- sqa Iank'a- sqa- n-öah îank'a- sqa- y-ku Iank'a- sqa- n-ki-ôah ïank'a- sqa- n-ku

'that 'that 'that 'that 'that 'that 'that

I worked' thou workedst' he worked' we (incl.) worked' we (excl.) worked' you worked' they worked'

conditional lank'a-y-man lank'a-nki-man îank'a-n-man ïank'a-n-ôah-man îank'a-y-ku-man lank'a-nki-òah-man lank'a-n-ku-man

Ί would work' 'thou wouldst work' 'he would work' 'we (incl.) would work' 'we (excl.) would work' 'you would work' 'they would work'

future lank'a-sah ïank'a-nki îank'a-n-qa lank'a-su-n-cah lank'a-sa-y-ku ïank'a-nki-cah îank'a-n-qa-n-ku

Ί shall work' 'thou shalt work' 'he will work' 'we (incl.) shall work' 'we (excl.) shall work' 'you will work' 'they will work'

Periphrastic tenses : past habitual lank'a-h lank'a-h lank'a-h lank'a-h lank'a-h lank'a-h lank'a-h

ka-ni ka-nki ka-n ka-n-öah ka-y-ku ka-nki-öah ka-n-ku

Ί used to work' 'you (sing.) used to work' 'he used to work' 'we (incl.) used to work' 'we (excl.) used to work' 'you used to work' 'they used to work'

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

39

dubitative past ïank'a-y-man lank'a-nki-man lank'a-n-man ïank'a-n-£ah-man iank'a-y-ku-man lank'a- nki-cah-man lank'a-n-ku-man

ka-sqa ka-sqa ka-sqa ka-sqa ka-sqa ka-sqa ka-sqa

Ί may have worked' 'thou mayest have worked' 'he may have worked' 'we (incl.) may have worked' 'we (excl.) may have worked' 'you may have worked' 'they may have worked'

ka-rqa ka-rqa ka-rqa ka-rqa ka-rqa ka-rqa ka-rqa

Ί would have worked' 'thou wouldst have worked' 'he would have worked' 'we (incl.) would have worked' 'we (excl.) would have worked' 'you would have worked' 'they would have worked'

past conditional lank'a-y-man ïank'a- nki-man lank'a-n-man ïank'a-n-ôah-man ïank'a- y-ku-man îank'a- nki-cah-man ïank'a-n ku-man 2.314. Independent suffixes Independent suffixes are suffixes which occur with verbs, substantives, and particles. The following examples illustrate the occurrence of the independent suffix -cu with a verb stem, a substantive stem, and a particle: muna-nki-cu 'Dost thou want?'; sara-cu 'Corn?' ; mana-cu 'No?' Two or more of these suffixes may occur in the same word. The position of -\a, will be discussed separately. Table IV shows the relative position of occurrence of the rest of the independent suffixes when two or more occur in the same word. Examples: wasi-la-ña-puni-tah-pis 'And there is just the house left!'; cay-rah-puni 'It's still that one!';parla-ykaca-ri-ku-spa-la-rah-puni 'Still only chatting!'; cay-ta-tah-puni 'And that one indeed!'; ica-tah-pis 'and perhaps also'; sara-yki-pis-qa 'thy corn also'; wasi-ïa-pi-puni-pis 'at least in the house'; oq"ari-la-n-ku-tah-qa 'they also lift'. When independent suffixes are added to substantives their relative position of occurrence is after the relational suffixes ; when they occur with verbs, after the final suffixes. Particles, by definition, add only independent suffixes. -ña is translated 'now, already': alin-ya-sa-rqa-ña 'he is already getting better'; lank'a-ykaca-ri-ku-n-ña 'he is working off and on now'; qeyla-la-ña 'already near'. -rah indicates that something is continuing or something has to happen before something else : karu-pi-rah 'It is still near' ; mana yaca-ni-rah-cu Ί don't know yet' ; pwesto-n-ca-ku-na-rah 'Let's take our places first'. -puni, emphatic, is often translated 'always', but it does not necessarily refer to time: hina-la-ta-puni 'that way always'; doña presenta-puni kasqa 'It was indeed Doña Presenta!'; noqa-ïa-manta-puni 'on my own'.

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GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY TABLE IV

Independent Suffixesa 1

-ña -rah

2-3

-tah

-puni

4

5

6

Comparative

Yalidational Suffixes

Intensive

-pis

{-cus} -cá -cu {-sis} {-min}

-ri

5-6 Topic marker -qa a. For the position of -la see 2.314.

-tah links words, phrases, or whole sentences: q"aris warmis alkalde-tah rinku 'The men, the women, and the mayor went' ; sumah koká cihlakunki sumah piskuta-tah 'Thou wilt pick good coca and good pisco' ; nisqa tatanqa platús maylananta pedrotah hwanman nisqa qan maylanki nispa 'His father told him to wash the dishes and Peter said to John: "Thou wilt wash them".' -tah also has an interrogative function when it occurs in construction with indefinite-interrogative stems (2.11). -tah may be suffixed to one of these stems or to another word in construction with it: ima-rayku-tah 'Why?';pi-tah 'Who?'; imaynamanta-tah 'How?'; imayna aq" a-ta-tah kuma santusahpi uhyasah 'What kind of chicha am I going to drink at Santusa's?' -tah occurring after -wah, second person conditional, means 'beware': suwa-ciku-wah-tah 'watch that thou dost not let thyself be robbed'. -pis, comparative, indicates that whatever is denoted by the word to which it is suffixed is being compared to something else. It is frequently translated 'also': sara-m-pis 'his corn also'; muna-n-ku-pis 'they also want'; q"awa-wa-n-ku-mam-pis 'besides, they would criticize me'. Sometimes it is translated as 'and' : papasta oqasta saratapis 'potatoes, ocas, and corn'. -pis occurring in the same word with la means 'any': platu-la-ta-pis 'any dish'; mayqen-Ia-pis 'anybody'. -pis sometimes occurs in alternative constructions : yurahpis yanapis 'white or black'. -pis and -ri, intensive, are mutually exclusive.

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41

-qa, topic marker, indicates which word is the topic of the utterance : kaldu-yoh-qa 'with broth'; kay-qa 'here'; usqay-ta-qa 'quickly'; ne-n-qa 'he said'. 2.315. Validational

suffixes

These are five suffixes which indicate whether what is said is considered factual or not. They exclude each other and they are also mutually exclusive with the topic marker. {-CMS}, dubitative, has two allomorphs: ', stress, and -cus. Stress occurs in free variation with -cus when word final preceding the particle sina; -cus occurs elsewhere. {-5us} signals that the speaker doubts what he is saying or that he is asking an indirect question. Examples: ari yaca-la-n-cus sina 'Yes, she seems to know'; q"apah runa-s-ld sina 'Probably rich m e n ' ; imayna-pi-cus nasicikorqanipis

Ί wonder

how I had the child'; wawa-s-cus 'perhaps the children'. It frequently occurs in alternative constructions: ask"acus pisicus 'much or little'. -cd, conjectural. The speaker is in doubt, but he suggests that something may be true : toko-pi-cd 'probably in Toco' ; wañu-n-man-cd 'He would probably die' ; wasim-pi-ña-cd 'probably already at home'. -cu, non-factual. The utterance in which -cu occurs is interrogative unless a negator to which -cu is not suffixed is also present. The utterance in which a negator occurs is negative. An utterance in which -cu is suffixed to a negator is negativeinterrogative: yaca-nki-cu 'Dost thou know?'; mana yaca-ni-cu Ί don't know'; mana-cu yacanki 'Dost thou not know?' {-sis}, reportive, has two shapes : -sis and sd. Four instances of the first form and two of the second occurred in the corpus. One speaker used -sis and another -sd in similar environment and with similar meaning: qosa-Ja-y-sd lank'anman kasqa 'It is said that my husband would work' ; qosa-Ia-y-sis 'my husband (they said)' ; hamun-man-sd 'that he is coming is doubted'; ruwa-ku-n-man-sis 'he would make something for himself (they said)'. {-min}, factual, indicates certainty, {-min} has the alternative form -n which occurred only five times in the corpus, only after vowels, -min occurs after both consonants and vowels: ama-η 'don't'; p'uncay-ta-n 'day' (acc.); ña-n 'already'; kucilu-yuh-min 'certainly a person with a knife' ; cay-min 'that one' ; noqa-min Ί am the one'. -ri, intensive, is an emphatic suffix which sometimes goes untranslated but which is usually rendered by 'and', -ri is often accompanied by raising intonation. Examples : cay señora-ri nisqa 'and that lady said' ; maypitah cay ka-sqa-ri 'And where is that?' ; qan-ri 'And thou?' ; hamu-sqa-n-rayku-ca-ri 'Because of his coming probably!' -ϊα is translated 'only', 'just'. In substantive patterns -la follows -rayku, causal relational suffix, and -ti 'including'. It may precede or follow -yoh 'with' (2.3223) and -h, agentive (2.32122). Otherwise its position is after -ni preceding the personal suffixes: wasi-rayku-Ia 'only on account of my house'; kinsa-n-ti-Ia-n-wan-ña 'just

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GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

with all three now' ; kiru-s-ni-ïa-yoh 'person just with teeth' ; ima-yoh-Ia-cus Ί wonder what with'; rik"u-ri-la-h-tah 'one who also appears'; molesta-so-h-la-puni 'one who bothers thee'; wasi-s-ni-la-y 'only my houses'. In verb patterns -la may precede or follow {-sa}, durative: puri-ykaca-ri-ku-sala-ni-puni Ί am just strolling' ; ranti-ykaca-la-sa-n-qa-rah 'She will still be just shopping around', -la follows -spa, simultative: uhya-rqo-ku-spa-la 'drinking only'. Otherwise the position of this suffix is immediately preceding -wa and -su, personal suffixes of Set C. : gusta-ri-la-so-rqa-cu 'Didst thou like it?' ; puñu-ri-ci-la-wa-y-ña 'Just make me sleep now'. 2.32. Derivation 2.321. Governing suffixes 2.3211. Verbalizers -ya derives intransitive verbs from substantives. The derived verb means to become whatever is denoted by the stem: q"apah 'rich , \ q"apah-ya- 'become rich'; hatun 'large' : hatun-ya- 'become large'. -ca derives transitive verbs from substantives. The derived verb means to cause to become whatever is denoted by the stem: q'epi 'bundle' : q'epi-ca- 'make a bundle of' ; hatun 'large' : hatun-ca- 'enlarge'. -li derives verbs from substantives; the derived verb means to wear whatever is denoted by the stem : huk'uta 'sandal' : huk'uta-li- 'put on sandals' ; lutu 'mourning' : lutu-li- 'wear mourning clothes'. 2.3212. Substantivizers 2.32121. -ri derives agent nouns from verbs. Its most frequent occurrence is after the derivational suffix -ysi (2.3221). Thus mik"u-ysi- 'help eat' is the underlying form of the derivative mik"u-ysi-ri 'one who helps eat' ; waqa-ysi- 'help weep' is the underlying form of the derivative waqa-ysi-ri 'professional mourner' lit. 'one who helps weep'. This suffix is not frequent. It is probably unproductive. 2.32122. Productive derivational suffixes -h, -na, -y, -sqa. These suffixes derive substantives from verbs. Their position is after the modal suffixes, -h and -y also occur after the personal suffixes -wa and -su (2.311). Thus a derived substantive may be built on an underlying form which consists of a root plus inflectional material. The derived substantive participates in every inflectional pattern. Syntactically, forms derived by these suffixes function as substantives and as verbals (5.11). -h, agentive, derives agent substantives: lank'a- 'work' : lank'a-h 'one who works'. lank'a-h-kuna shows inflection for number; lank'a-h-ni-yki-man 'to thy worker' shows inflection for person and case; lank'a-h-ni-n-ti-n 'including the worker' illustrates the occurrences of the suffix -ti with an agent substantive; kute-rqa-m-po-h 'one who respectfully comes back for someone else's sake' consists of the underlying

GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

43

form kuterqampu- and the agentive suffix -h; the underlying form consists of the root kuti 'return' and the modals -rqo, honorific, -mu denoting direction, and -pu denoting that the action is performed for someone other than the actor, molesta-so-h 'one who bothers thee', consists of the underlying form molesta-su- and the agentive -A; the underlying form consists of the root molesta- 'bother' and the personal suffix -su. -na derives substantives from verbs: mik"u- 'eat': mik"u-na 'food'. mik"u-na-s 'foods' shows inflection for number; mik"u-na-yki 'thy food' shows inflection for person; mik"u-na-yki-pah 'for thy food' shows inflection for person and case; mik"una-ni-n-ti-n 'including the food' is an instance of the occurrence of the suffix -ti with a na-derivative. In the form ruwa-ci-na-yki-pah 'in order for thee to cause something to be made', the causative modal suffix -ci stands in construction with the verb root ruwa- 'make'. The underlying form derived by -na is ruwa-ci-. The inflectional suffixes that follow are typically substantival and the form is thus morphologically a substantive. The combination -na-ya {-na plus the verbalizer -yd) means 'to feel like' or 'to begin to' : onqo- 'to be sick' : onqo-na-ya- 'to begin to be sick'. -y derives substantives from verbs: ka- 'be' : ka-y 'condition'; muna- 'love' (vb.) : muna-y 'love' (subst.). mik"u-y-kuna 'foods' shows inflection for number; ka-y-niy-ku-manta 'about our (excl.) condition' shows inflection for person and case; munay-ni-n-ti-n 'including his love' is an instance of the suffix -ti occurring with a substantive derived by -y. In the form pita-ri-y-ta 'to begin smoking' (acc.), the modal inceptive suffix -ri occurs as a constituent of the underlying form pita-ri-. oq"ariysi-wa-y 'to help me lift' consists of the underlying form oq"ari-ysi-wa- and the derivational suffix -y; the underlying form consists of the derived stem oq"ari-ysi'to help lift' and the personal suffix -wa. sqa derives substantives from verbs : warn- 'die' : wañu-sqa 'a dead person' ; uywa'bring up' : uywa-sqa 'person who has been brought up', wañu-sqa-s-ni-n-ku-man 'to their dead' shows inflection for number, person, and case; uywa-sqa-s-ni-n-ti-n 'including those he has brought up' is an instance of the occurrence of the suffix -ti with a substantive derived by -sqa. 2.3221. -ysi -ysi derives verbs from verbs. The meaning of this suffix is 'to help' : mik"u- 'eat' : mik"u-ysi- 'help eat'. 2.3222. Diminutives -itu, -ito, -ita, -situ, and -sita are diminutive suffixes which derive substantives from substantives. Their distribution is unpredictable : ¡oqala 'boy' : loqal-itu ~ loqal-ita 'small boy' ; tumpa 'a little bit' : tump-ita 'a tiny little bit' ; kasero (term of address) : kaser-ito ~ kaser-itu (term of address dim.); huc'uy 'small' : huc'uy-situ 'very small'; ánhel 'angel' : anhel-itu 'little angel' ; hwán 'John' : hwan-itu 'little John' ; birhen

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GRAMMATICAL CATEGORIES AND MORPHOLOGY

'virgin' : birhen-sita 'little virgin' ; warmi 'woman' : warmi-sita ~ warmi-situ 'little woman', -itu, -ito, and -ita are the only suffixes beginning with a vowel; when they are added to a stem which ends in a vowel the stem vowel is dropped : p'isqo 'bird' : p'isq-etu 'little bird'. 2.3223. -yoh -yoh derives substantives from substantives. It indicates that the stem to which it is added is possessor of whatever the substantive denotes : trigu 'wheat' : trigu-yoh 'someone who owns wheat'; balór 'courage' : balor-ni-yoh 'someone with courage'; mama 'mother' : mama-yoh 'someone who has a mother', -yoh occurs after the plural suffix in wasi-s-ni-yoh 'owner of houses'. The substantives derived by -yoh may be inflected for number, as in wasi-s-ni-yoh-kuna 'owners of houses', person, as in wasi-yoh-ni-y 'my landlord', and case, as in wasi-yoh-pah 'for the landlord'. -yoh occurs with numerals meaning 'with' : cunka-uh-ni-yoh 'eleven', lit. 'ten one with'.

3 SENTENCES

Major sentences in Cochabamba Quechua are simple, compound, complex, or compound complex. 3.1. SIMPLE SENTENCES

Simple sentences consist of only one clause and will be described in chapter 4. 3.2. COMPOUND SENTENCES

Compound sentences have two or more constituents standing in a coordinate construction with one another. Each constituent is a clause similar to a simple sentence in its structure. The coordination is marked by the suffix -tah or by the loan words i 'and', sinu 'but', or pero 'but'. The construction may also be unmarked. The following types of sentences were found: (1) Both ICs consist of a verb with or without a separate word subject, with or without attributive elements. (2) One or both of the constituents is an objective constitute. (3) One of the constituents is an equational clause (4.1). (4) The coordination consists of three or more clauses. Examples of type (1): (Verb I verb) tiyarikuycah | sirbiykurikuycah 'Sit down please serve thyselves please'. (Attribute, verb | attribute, verb) eraman curakun | i | caypi trilakun 'It is placed in the threshing field and there it is threshed'. (Subject, verb | verb) qankuna tususarqankicah | takisqarqayku 'You were dancing and we were singing'. (Attribute, verb | discontinuous subject, verb: wihc'ukulasqankutah) loqe laduman wihc'urparikusqa | uhkunatah wihc'ukulasqankutah kasi wañusqaspuni

46

SENTENCES

'He had thrown himself down to the left side and the others had thrown themselves down also, half dead'. (Attribute, verb | predicate constitute; sulk'itutah is the subject, kikin yanta is a substantive phrase attribute to the verb kutimpusqa) maymancá cayanku | sulk'itutah kutimpusqa kikin yanta Ί wonder where they arrived and the youngest one returned by the same road'. (Predicate constitute: the substantive phrase ni ima aqoyraki is the subject; the negative particle aman is discontinuous and attributive to the verb hamucuncu | Predicate constitute: the subject is wañucinakus; aman is discontinuous and attributive to the verb cayamucunkucu) aman ni ima aqoyraki hamucuncu \ aman wañucinakus cayamucunkucu 'May no misfortune come, may no killings arrive!'

Examples of type (2) : (Verb I objective constitute) tokalayku | perù | mana yacaykucu sutinta 'We just play but we don't know its name'. (Objective constitute | attribute, verb) enkarguyta ama qonqankicu | komadreman wilaripuwankipuni 'Thou wilt not forget my errand thou wilt let the comadre know'. (Attribute, verb | objective constitute) ac"aywan rut"uncah | i | kabilasta ruwancah 'We cut it down with that and we make the sheaves'. (Predicate constitute with subject first | attribute, objective constitute) kompañeros elihiwarqanku | i | masaymanta elihiwarqanku noqataqa 'The comrades elected me and from my group they elected me'. (Objective constitute, attribute | predicate constitute: attribute, subject, verb) sufrimyentota qowan peor ke patroneswan k"uska \ i \ aswan peortarah noqa antis sufrini 'It only makes me suffer in a worse way than with the bosses and I suffer in a worse way'. Examples of type (3) : (Verb, attribute | verbless equivalence clause) kasqan caynehpi | sutintah q'awa wic'inka 'It is there and its name is q'awa wic'inka' (Lit. 'naked belly'). (Equivalence clause with verb | predicate constitute : the ICs are the subject noqaykupis and the objective constitute sigiykutah cay kikinta) kostumbrenko acaycà kanman | i | noqaykupis sigiykutah cay kikinta 'Their custom would be that and we follow the same thing'.

SENTENCES

47

Example of type (4) : (Objective constitute ] predicate constitute | predicate constitute | attribute, verb) acayrayku aq"ata ruwanku | i | caywanqa hamunku animalesniyoh | i | caypi asta kinse asta beynte animales tantakunku | i \ caywan trilanku 'On account of that they make chicha and with that the owners of horses come and there even fifteen even twenty horses are gathered and with that they thresh'. In the example above the first clause consists of the attribute acayrayku and the objective constitute aq"ata ruwanku; the second clause consists of an attribute and a predicate constitute, the subject is animalesniyoh. The third clause consists of an attribute and a predicate constitute; the subject is a substantive phrase which is a coordination; tantakunku is the verb. 3.3.

COMPLEX SENTENCES

Complex sentences are of two main types: (1) Sentences consisting of a clause and a clause attribute and (2) Sentences consisting of a main clause and a secondary clause (chapter 5). Clause attributes may be uninfected or inflected for relation. Examples of complex sentences containing a clause attribute which is not marked by a relational suffix follow. The attribute precedes the clause: segundo dia | curanki uh rehatawan 'The second day thou wilt cut one furrow'. cay dos de agosto dia | noqaykupah liberasyón indyuspa cayamun 'On August 2nd the liberation of the Indian arrives for us'. abesesqa \ yana puncuyoh indyu hinalatah q"arisiri rik"urimun 'Sometimes with a black poncho, like an Indian, the monster appears'. Examples of clauses modified by substantives inflected for relation or by substantive phrases where the head is inflected for relation follow. The relational suffix illustrated is given in parentheses. No examples were found for -man or -wan. (-ta) : (-pi): (-manta):

(-pah) : (-rayku):

matrimonyo kasqa caypi | kinsa diata 'There was a wedding there for three days'. q"epampitah | klisamanta hulyán cabes uyariciìanqatah siminta 'And then Julián Chavez will also make his voice heard from Cliza'. caymantaqa | q' ayant in paqarin las tres de la mañanata sayaricisqa hwanitutaqa 'Then the next morning at three o'clock he made Johnny get up'. acaypahtah | picus cay triguyohqa aq"ata ruwanan tiyan 'And for that the wheat owner has to make chicha'. acayrayku | dyusnincah noqatá kacamuwarqa 'Because of that our God sent me'.

48

SENTENCES

Sentences consisting of a main clause and a secondary clause are divided into two main groups (1) those where the secondary clause is a subordinate clause attributive to the main clause and (2) those where a secondary clause is a direct object, a direct quote, or a subject. Examples of these sentences will be given in 5.1 and 5.2. Examples of complex sentences where the main clause is itself complex follow: (hti-clause | main clause consisting of a main clause and a spa-clause) wayra kahtenqa | siginku wayracispa 'If there is wind, they continue throwing it', (napah-clause | main clause consisting of an yta-clause which is a direct object and a main clause) ñan tukucinapahña kay entrebistatahri | tumpatawan wahpuni yacariy munaykuman 'Now in order to finish this interview we would like to know a little bit more', (ytawan-clause | main clause consisting of a direct quote and a main clause) tinkukuytawan kamatah | qankuna tarinkicahcu noqa tariniña nisqa 'And as soon as he found it he said : "Didst thou find it? I found it already" '.

3.4. COMPOUND COMPLEX SENTENCES

Compound complex sentences are of two types. (1) A clause attribute or a subordinate clause is attributive to a coordinate construction whose constituents are two clauses. (2) A complex sentence stands in construction with another sentence and the two make a coordination. Examples of type (1): (Clause attribute | coordination) caymanta | ripusqanku i mamankuman cayamusanku 'Then they went, and they arrived at their mother's'. caymanta | apamoh kasqapalomasta yutús tukuy imata caytatahri mik"ucih kasqa 'Then he had brought pidgeons, doves, everything, and he fed him that'. (Subordinate clause | coordination) mana haywáy munahtintah | wañurpacisqanku p'ampaykusqanku 'When he had refused to hand it to them they killed and buried him'. patrones kasahtenqa \ antis tumpawan sumah bistisqa karqani i tumpawan qolqeyoh karqani 'When there were owners of haciendas I used to be somewhat better dressed and with a bit more money'. kwando q"awarisqankoqa cimpa ladupeqa | mana supaykunascu kasqa sinuri benados kasqa ari 'When they had watched in front of them, it hadn't been devils, but deer'.

SENTENCES

49

Examples of type (2) : (Simple narrative clause | complex clause) partinankuta | i \ cayraykutah paykunaqa acay kabeldosta oq"arikuspa uh imatapis ruwanku 'They give it out to them and that is why they do anything invoking those chapters'. (Complex clause | equivalence clause) as wan sumah ternon kasqa mana estrenasqa nin | animalesnimpis mancay lindutah kasqa 'It is said his best suit was not used and his horses were very beautiful'. (Simple narrative clause | simple narrative clause | complex sentence) pelonman curapunku | amontonapunku | montonaykuytawantah resyén c'alakuta ruwanku 'They put down the hay, they pile it up and after piling it they toast'. (Complex clause | complex clause) rasurarpaciytawan reysitutaqa sumah kambyaykusqa ropata | pusasqatah animal ensilaykuytawan reypaman 'After having made the prince shave, he changed his clothes well and he took him to the king's having saddled his horse'. 3.5.

SENTENCES IN PARATAXIS

Sentences which have as constituents sentences linked to one another by intonation only are paratactic sentences. There are no restrictions on the structure of the sentences that may take part in this construction. Only a few examples will be given: manarah yacanicu | urna rufuku kasqalanmanta wilanku Ί don't know yet. They only told me there was a hair cutting ceremony' ; yana p"uyus rik"urimusqanku | paramohtin hoq'osunki 'Black clouds are appearing. If it rains thou wilt get wet'; q"awarisqaqa ari | loko libre lokopuni kasqa ari 'Well, he looked at him. Well, he was crazy, completely crazy'. 3.6.

MINOR SENTENCES

Minor sentences are words, phrases or, clauses. They include greetings, vocatives, and particles, with no grammatical relationship to other utterances, fragmentary sentences where the verb has been left out but which can be understood from the context and sentences with non-finite verbals. Greetings are loans such as bwenus dias 'good morning'. Vocatives are substantives such as patrona 'land lady', mamay 'ma'am', weraqoca 'sir', antonyo 'Anthony'; particles like oye 'say' or substantive phrases like the following: doña leobina 'Doña Leovina', mamay andréa 'Mama Andrea', dyus tata 'God the father'.

50

SENTENCES

The following are particles which occur as minor sentences : ari 'yes', cay (affirmative word), baya (affirmative word), mana 'no', pahtán 'Careful!', haku 'let's', salud 'Cheers!', abér 'let's see', usa (exclamation) mâ 'Look!', bweno 'well\fwera, ay, ay karahti (exclamations), ken sabe 'who knows', klaru 'of course'. Examples of minor sentences which are particles in paratactic construction with major sentences follow: ay karahti | cay supaykunas entero lohsin kunaqa 'Oh! those devils all came out now'; ari | dirihente karqani 'Yes, I was a leader'. The following are fragmentary sentences with no verb, which are understood from the context: q"epampitah supaykunas puka c'ulusniyoh 'And behind the devils with red caps'. The verb rik"urinku 'they appeared' could have occurred here. The context makes this clear. The sentence occurs in a story about a man who sees devils and is cured by a witch doctor, mancay sumah pisi qolqelapah cay aq"aqa 'That chicha for very little money'. The verb bendekun 'is sold' could have occurred here. ahnapuni ñawpah wawapeqa 'Thus with the first child'. The verb kan 'it is' could occur in this sentence, but as in equivalence sentences it may be left out. This type of sentence with a substantive inflected for relation such as wawapeqa is not as common as the verbless equivalence sentence, and is therefore not considered a major sentence type. One final example is ask"aña q'epinay Ί have a lot to carry already' (lit. 'Much already my load'). The verb tiyan could occur in this sentence. The meaning seems clear without it, but it is not normally left out. Sentences with semi-finite and non-finite verb forms. Sentences with semi-finite verb forms are imperative sentences. These contain a verb inflected for imperative which can also be inflected for number. Examples are: hamuy 'Come thou!'; yaykumuycah 'Enter ye!'; kay aq"eta uhyariy 'Drink this little chicha'. Sentences with non-finite verb forms are exhortations. These contain a na-verbal which is not inflected for person or number. It is translated 'let's'. Examples are: qonalaña 'Let's get going!' Lit. 'a giving just already'; tomaykurimuna sumah legadaykipah 'Let's drink for your good arrival'; kaysitú ensayarina 'Let's rehearse this little thing'. Fragments. There are two types of fragments: (1) those which have the structure of a secondary clause (chapter 5) and (2) phrases which show a grammatical relationship to an utterance which occurred earlier. Examples of type (1): napah-clause : imaynalamantapis yacarikunaypah ari 'In order for me to learn somehow'; yta-clause: karu haiρ'asta purimuy 'Travel to far away lands'. This fragment is not exactly comparable to a clause which is a direct object, however, because -ta accusative suffix, does not occur. Examples of type (2) : tore cimpa wasipi 'In the house next to the tower' ; tukuy munahkunaman 'to all those who want to'; iskay kilamanta 'from two months'.

4 PRIMARY CLAUSES

In this chapter we shall discuss the structure of clauses. Primary clauses are those which occur as simple sentences, clauses which are ICs in compound sentences and main clauses in complex sentences. Sentences consisting only of one clause are simple sentences. These are equational or narrative.

4.1.

EQUATIONAL CLAUSES

Equational clauses are of two types: verbless and those containing the verb ka- 'be'. 4.11. Verbless equational clauses Examples of this type are : tukuy ima sumah 'All are good' and caypis hina 'That is this way'. It is possible to find similar clauses which apparently have the same meaning and which contain the verb ka- 'be': tukuy ima sumah kanku; caypis hina kasan. Verbless utterances have as ICs a subject and a predicate attribute. The subject is often marked by the topic marker -qa. If the topic marker does not occur, then the first term of the sentence is the subject. In the sentence kay weroqoca amiguy 'This gentleman is my friend', the first term of the equivalence is the subject. In the sentence cayqa pasantehpa wasin 'That is the steward's house', -qa marks cay 'that' as the subject. In the sentence areglasqa antis kapilaqa 'The chapel is rather well kept', -qa marks kapila 'chapel' as the subject. Substantives which are uninflected may be considered verbless sentences with no overt subject. Example: wasiyoh 'It is the landlord'. Examples showing the IC's of verbless equational sentences: (Substantive | substantive) acay \ usu 'That is the custom' pitah I cay 'Who is that?' (Substantive | substantive phrase) cay I interon kampesinos afanniykoqa 'That is the earnest wish of all of us peasant comrades'.

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(Substantive phrase | substantive phrase) mana hinaïacu | kay q'aymaqa 'This caima is not just like that'. dyuspa bendisyonnin | sumah yakuncahqa 'Our good water is God's blessing'. 4.12. Equational clauses with kaThese clauses may or may not have a separate word subject. If one is occurs first. The predicate attribute is uninfected and agrees with the number. The connective verb ka- is usually the last word in the clause. a separate word subject, the verb agrees with it in person and number. with no separate word subject: (Substantive) sumah J kasqa 'It was good!' musp"asqaña | kani Ί am confused now'. (Substantive phrase) sumah paca | kasqa 'It was really good!' sumah onqosqañatah | kasarqa 'She was already very sick'. Examples with separate word subject: (Substantive | substantive) halp'a I duruyah | kasqa 'The land was dry'. (Substantive | substantive phrase) noqaqa \ sapan warmi | kani Ί am a woman living alone'. qampuni | aswan k'aca | kanki 'Thou art the most beautiful'. (Substantive phrase | substantive) kay hina k'acita | papitayki | kasasqa 'Thy potatoes were really beautiful'. (Substantive phrase | substantive phrase) kay runas | karqanku | cay q"aparehkuna 'These men were those who shouted'. ciri lado runasqa | mancay sumah runas | karqanku 'The men of the cold region were very good men'.

present, it subject in If there is Examples

PRIMARY CLAUSES 4.2.

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NARRATIVE CLAUSES

Narrative clauses are of two types: (1) Those consisting of a verb with or without attributive elements; (2) Those which are objective constitutes with or without attributive elements. Both types may or may not have a separate word subject. Examples of type one without separate word subjects: (Verb) risunmancu 'Shall we go?' puriykacarikusqalani Ί am just strolling'. (Verb I attribute) cayasancahña | wasiman 'We are approaching the house'. samarisah | kay aq"etawan 'We will rest with this little chicha'. (Attribute | verb) sumah | tokayku 'We play well'. kay wakawanrah | kacun 'Let it be with this cow first'. Examples of type one including a separate word subject: (Subject I predicate) suïk'itu I cayasqa 'The youngest arrived'. dyus I pagarapusonqa 'May God repay each one of you'. (Predicate | subject) trilakun | trigoqa 'The wheat is threshed'. hap'icìkun | uh suwa Ά thief let himself be caught'. (Subject I predicate consisting of verb plus attributive elements; the verb, nasiykuwarqa occurs after the attributive substantive phrase) kurah wawayqa | tarpu kikimpi nasiykuwarqa 'My eldest son was born to me in the field itself. (Subject I predicate consisting of verb plus attributive elements; the verb, cayamorqani, occurs before the attributive substantive phrase) noqa | cayamorqani este dia martes Ί arrived this Tuesday'. (Predicate consisting of attribute and verb | subject)

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manaña fikukusqañacu | yanqa 'The road couldn't be seen'. caypah nestakun | hose 'For that a sickle is necessary'. Examples of type (2) without separate word subjects : (Verb I direct object which is a substantive) wañucinmancu | caytaqa 'Would that die?' (Verb I direct object which is a substantive phrase) rehsinkicahcu | aq"a wasita 'Do ye know a chicha place?' (Direct object which is a substantive | verb) uhta I nisqayki 'I'll tell thee something'. (Direct object which is a substantive phrase | verb) uh c"ikatawan \ munariwahcu 'Wouldst thou like a little bit more?' (Attribute, verb | direct object which is a substantive phrase) sumah tapaycah | cay tomata 'Cover that outlet well'. (Direct object which is a substantive phrase | attribute, verb) caytaqa \ k"ucispahpis cihlarpariy 'Sort that out for the pigs'. kay pucohtaqa | q'ayalaña tukusah 'I'll finish that which is left over tomorrow'. Examples with separate word subjects : (Subject I objective constitute) noqa | ë'arkita apampusah Ί will bring him dry beef. kay simón | cupón k"ucucun 'Let Simon cut its tail'. (Objective constitute | subject) q"arisituta munasan | tatanqa 'Her father wanted a little boy'. (Subject I attribute, objective constitute) noqa | q'aya walpitata apampusah 'I'll bring him a small hen tomorrow'. gobyerno | kliseñosmanta halp'ata qecun 'The government took land from the people of Cliza'.

PRIMARY CLAUSES

4.3.

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CLAUSES WHICH ARE ICs OF COMPOUND SENTENCES

These clauses are similar in structure to simple sentences and do not require separate treatment. Examples have been given in 3.2.

4.4.

MAIN CLAUSES

Main clauses have a structure similar to that of simple sentences. Simple narrative clauses are the most frequent, but some compound, complex, and equivalence clauses have been found functioning as independent clauses. Simple narrative clauses will now be illustrated. Subordinate clauses are given in parentheses. (Verb) (t"amaykacaspa) purisqa 'He was walking along (stumbling)'. (mik"ohtiy kama) riporqa '(After I ate) he left'. (jioqa amansapusayki) nisqa '(I'll tame it for thee) he said'. (Verb I attribute) (kutirimpuspaña kaypi) onqoykun | ospitalpi '(Coming back here,) he got sick in the hospital' (Attribute | verb) (hiña kahtenqa) usqaylata \ risah '(If it is that way,) I'll go quickly'. (suwata hap'iytawanqa) usqaylata | puricini '(As soon as I caught the thief), I made him go fast'. (Subject I verb) (oq"ariytawan kamaqa) qan \ tokarinki '(As soon as thou pickest it up) thou wilt play it'. (Verb I subject) (yanapawaycah yanapawaycah nispa) q"aparisqa | pay '(Help me! Help me!) he shouted'. (Subject I attribute, verb) (ιcay pasapohtin kamatah) santu kikin | cay pelón pataman wihc'uykapun '(When that is done) the saint himself is thrown on top of the hay'. (Verb I direct object) (ahinata paykunawan unayta lank'aspa) rehserqani \ paykunah kawsayninkuta '(Thus working with them a long time) I learned about their lives'. (Direct object | verb) (tata kura cayamohtin) fyestâ \ ruwankicah '(When the priest arrives) ye will hold the fiesta'.

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(Objective constitute | subject) (cahrapicâ yanapanampah) q"arisituta munasan | tatanqa 'His father wants a boy (so he will help him in the field)'. (Subject I objective constitute) (yacayniykicahpi yanapariyïata munaspatah) noqapis | tukuy kaykunata ruwaripuykicah '(wanting to help you in your learning), I have done all these things for you'. (Attribute | objective constitute) (kay hina karupi kawsaspaqa) manacà iskaylapis qankunamanta | aq"a wasita rehsinkicahcu '(Living so far away), probably not even two of you know a chicha tavern', (Subject I objective constitute, attribute) (nehtin) misitoqa | tanqaykusqa reysitutaqa lagunaman '(When he said it,) the kitten pushed the little prince into the lagoon.' Main clauses which have the structure of complex and compound sentences have been illustrated in 3.3. and 3.4. The following sentence is an example of an equivalence clause functioning as a main clause: (caywan hina mantiyenespaqa) lastima t"antita c'iya uma reysitoqa kasqa '(When he was thus supporting him with that) the lousy headed prince was all in tatters', lastima fantita is the predicate attribute, c'iya uma reysitoqa is the subject, kasqa is the connective verb.

5 SECONDARY CLAUSES

Secondary clauses are of two kinds : subordinate clauses which are attributive to the main clause and clauses which are direct objects, direct quotes, or subjects. Subordinate clauses will be discussed first.

5.1.

SUBORDINATE CLAUSES

There are two main types of subordinate clauses : those which contain special forms as centers and those which do not. The first can be claasified according to the form occurring as center. Two of these forms occur with the verbal suffixes -hti and -spa which have no other function. The remaining clause types have forms with the suffixes -y, -h, -na or -sqa as centers. These suffixes are substantive deriving suffixes. Forms containing them also occur with clearly substantival functions (2.11). When they occur as centers of subordinate clauses they still behave as substantives morphologically in that they occur with substantival suffixes. Forms with -sqa, -na, and -y occur with relationale, -na and -sqa forms add the allomorphs of the personal suffixes which occur with substantives. This is also true of forms where the suffix -hti occurs. Syntactically, however, the forms containing the derivative suffixes behave as verbs in that they can take direct objects and will be called verbals when they occur as centers of secondary clauses. The actor of a subordinate clause is either the same as the actor of the main clause or a different one. Subordinate clauses in which the actor is the same do not have a subject. The suffixes -spa, -h, and -y occur in these clauses. Those in which the actor is different have a subject which may or may not be a separate word, -hti, -sqa, and -na occur in these clauses. 5.11. Clauses with special forms as centers 5.111. Clauses with no subject 5.1111. spa-clauses The action of the verb of the dependent clause is simultaneous or directly precedes that of the main clause and may continue while the action of the verb in the main

SECONDARY CLAUSES

58

clause is going on. The subject of both clauses is always the same. In the following examples the action of the verb in the subordinate clause is simultaneous to the action of the verb in the main clause. The main clause is in parentheses : cankaykacaspalaña(purisqankeqa) '(There goestthou) stumbling already'; cayhina aq"amanta uyarispa (samarisah) '(I'll rest) drinking a little of that chicha'; parlanarikuspa (rehsinakúy atincah) '(We can know one another) by talking to one another'. In the sentence hinapí cay pitalawantah hap'ispa (tawa uk"umanta watasqataqa apamusqanku asyenda wasiman) 'And so holding him with a cord between the four men (they brought him to the hacienda's house)' the action of the verb in the subordinate clause precedes that of the main clause, but it continues throughout. Additional examples showing the structure of spa- clauses: (Verb) yaykusqaspa (hwanta rikorqani) 'Upon entering, (we saw John)'. macaykuspa (manan cayïatacu parlani asta inglestapis tukuy imatapis parlalanipuni noqaqa) 'When I get drunk (I not only speak that, I even speak English and everything)'. (Attribute | verb) wah ìahtapi | kaspaqa (aq"atacá watukunki) 'Being from another town (thou probably missest chicha)'. fumi mayuman \ cayakuspa (kuma santusah aq"a wasimpi samarisah 'Upon getting to Rumi Mayo (I'll rest at Comadre Santusa's chicha tavern)'. (Verb I direct object) cayta \ nispala (qanqa musp"arqociy munasqawanki) 'Saying that (thou just wantest to make me dizzy)'. kunan waynakunata | rikuspala (asikulaniña) 'Watching today's young men, (I laugh)'. 5.1112.

ytawan-clauses

The action of the dependent clause takes place before the action of the verb in the main clause. The translation is 'as soon as'. These sentences may or may not occur with the marker kama. The following examples illustrate the structure of these clauses. (Verbal) montonaykutawantah (resyén c'alankuta ruwanku) 'After they pile it up (they begin toasting)'. (Attribute | verbal) uh lagunaman \ cayaytawan kamaqa (kaypi bañarqokuy sumahta nispa nisqa) 'As soon as he arrived at the lagoon (he said: "Bathe well here")'. (Direct object | verbal) suwata I hapHytawanqa (usqaylata puricini)

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59

Once I caught the thief (I made him walk fast)'. tumpata qolqé | rehsiriytawan kama (aq"a wasiman ceqanta puriponqa) 'As soon as he gets a little money (he will go straight to the chicha tavern)'. (Attribute | objective constitute) uh kanastitapi | y ut" usta ask" ata aperqoytawanqa (reypaman kacaykusqa) 'After getting many pidgeons in a basket (he went down to the king's)'. lagunaman | reysituta tanqaykuytawan (misitoqa ropata wihc'urparimusqa) 'As soon as he pushed the little prince into the lagoon (the kitten threw the clothes away)'. 5.1113.

h-clauses

These clauses express purpose. The actor is always the same as that of the main clause. Verbs occurring in the main clause are usually verbs of motion. Examples showing the structure of these clauses : (Verbal) q"awareh {hamuni) '(I came) to look'. (Verbal | attribute; the subordinate clause is discontinuous) tapureh (hamuni) wánuku runasmanta '(I came) to ask about the people of Huanuco'. (Direct object | verbal) q'epita | apakapoh (hamuni) '(I came) to take the bundle away'. lant'á I palakoh (fisqa) '(He went) to pick up fire wood'. 5.112. Clauses which have a subject 5.1121.

hti-clauses

The action of the verb with -hti usually precedes the action of the main verb. The translation is 'if', or 'when' ; it is 'as soon as' if the marker kama occurs. In a few instances the action of the verb with -hti is simultaneous to the action of the main verb. The actor of the subordinate clause is different from the one in the main clause. Examples : munahtiyki (astawampis curaïasun) 'If thou wantest (we will put more)' ; sibilisasyón astawan kahtenqa (manaña ni ima problema kanqacu gobyernopah ni pweblopah) 'When there is more civilization (there won't be any problems for the government or for the people)'; poqohtin kamari {imatâ ruwankicah) 'And as soon as it produces (what do ye do?)' ; fisahtiy a (wacimuwan) '(He threw a rock at me) while I was going along'. Additional examples showing the structure of hti-clauses: (Verb) miknohtiy kama (riporqa)

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'As soon as I ate (he left)'. pagahtinkoqa (noqapis lank'ayman) 'If they payed, (I would also work)'. (Subject I predicate) banda \ cayamohtin (tusuyku) 'When the band arrives, (we dance)'. (Attribute I verb) mana | cayamohtintahri (mancayta waqah kasqa reysitu) 'And when he didn't arrive, (the little prince cried a lot)'. hiña I kahtenqa (usqaylata risah) 'If it is that way (I'll go fast)'. (Direct object | verb) cayta | ruwahtiy kama (riporqa) 'After I did that, (he left)'. (Predicate which is an objective constitute | subject) noqata tratarpawahtin | liberay (noqa nini klaro imanasahñatahri) 'When my Elvira scolded me (I said: "Sure what can I do?")'. 5.1122. sqamanta- clauses The actor of these clauses is different from the one in the main clause and the subject can be a separate word. The translation is 'as soon as'. These clauses are not very frequent. Examples: mik"usqaymontaña (pay lank''an) 'As soon as I ate (he worked) ; qan tukuykusqankimantaña (cayamun pedro) 'As soon as thou finishedst (Peter arrived)'. 5.1123. sqarayku-clauses These clauses are not very common. The actor is different from the actor in the main clause. The meaning is 'because of : mancay ask."a aq"a wasis miraykusqankurayku (gobyerno runakuna impwestos curaykucinku) 'Since many chicha taverns sprang up (government officials levied taxes)'; (cay misitutahri) mana ambisyoso kasqanrayku (dyusnincah kacamorqa) '(God sent that kitten) because he was not ambitious' ; 'he', in context refers to the prince who is the hero of the story, the sentence is not ambiguous in Quechua; the main clause is discontinuous, the subject is dyusnincah, the verb is kacamorqa and the direct object is cay misitutahri. 5.1124. napah-clauses These clauses are very frequent. They express purpose. The actor is usually different from the one in the main clause : (pero reforma agraryaqä) qankuna sumah kawsanaykicahpah (kasqa) '(But the agrarian reform was) for you to live well'. kasqa, the verb in the main clause, is discontinuous in this example. Additional examples showing the structure of these clauses:

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(Yerbal) (ihamuni) mik"unampah '(I came) so that he could eat'. (Attribute I verbal) (caymantaqa cay kawsa tiyan) noqawan | hap'inankunawankupah '(That is why there is a cause) for them to be against me'. (p"ahcapi noqctykoqa estudyamuyku) caypi | tokanaykupahqa '(We study at the waterfall) in order to play there'. (Verbal | direct object) (nesitalaykutah tehnikusta) cay halp'ata | analisanankupah '(We need technicians) in order for them to analyze the land'. (Subject I predicate) (yanapawayku) noqayku \ lank'anaykupah '(Help us) so that we will work'. (Subject I predicate which consists of attributive elements and verbal) (qankunamantah cay runakuna tukuy imayna simismanta yacayta qosunkicah) uh runa \ wah funah kawsayninmanta yacanampah '(And those men teach you all kinds of languages) so that a man will know about the life of another man'. (Equivalence clause consisting of subject, predicate attribute and connective verb) {kunanqa astawan sumahta trabahasqayku) reforma agrarya | sumah profundisasqa I kanampah '(Now we will work better) so that the agrarian reform will penetrate deeply' (lit. 'will be well deep'). 5.1125. na-clauses These clauses occur with the marker kama and sometimes with the loan astake 'until' as well. The action of the verb in the main clause continues until the action of the verbal in the dependent clause interrupts it : (kaypi q"epanki) pay cayamunan kama '(Thou wilt stay here) until he comes' ; (pahawan q'ala p'ampaykapunku) astake pay heq'eqanan kama '(They bury him completely with hay) until he chokes'. 5.12. Clauses with no special forms as centers Subordinate clauses which have no special forms as centers include cay clauses and a number of residual types. 5.121. cay clauses These clauses have a structure similar to that of simple narrative sentences, but the predicate always has a future or a conditional morpheme, cay-clauses which are contrary to fact contain an inflectional phrase with karqa. The marker cay occurs either with the independent suffix -qa, topic marker, or the intensive indepen-

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SECONDARY CLAUSES

dent suffix -ri; cayqa is more frequent than cayri. Sometimes the loan word si occurs in the cay clause; it has no function since the meaning of the sentence would be the same without it. Examples : (Verb) yaëakulasah cayri (icas q"epakusqayman) 'If I get accustomed, (I might stay)'. (Inflectional phrase) paramunman karqa cayqa (ismunkunman karqa) 'If it had rained (it would have rotten)'. (Attribute | verb) mana | paramonqa cayqa (risun) 'If it doesn't rain (we'll go)'. si mana | tarisah cayri (entós aysarimusqaykicah) 'If I don't find any (I will pull it for you)'. (Direct object | verb) si qorita | tarisah cayqa (f'alarimusqaykicah) 'If I find gold (I will shake it for you)'. (Subject I predicate) tatayki | hamonqa cayqa (mik"usun) 'If your father comes (we'll eat)'. qolqeycus | kanman cayqa (fantirpariyman) 'If I had money, (I would buy it)'. Lit. 'if my money were.' 5.122. Residual subordinate clauses These clauses are similar to sentences in structure, the center is any verb, but a loan word serves as a subordinator. The sentence kwando q"awarisqankoqa cimpa ladupeqa (mana supaykunascu kasqa sinuri benados kasqa) 'When they looked at the opposite side (there hadn't been any devils, but deer)', shows the subordinator kwando. The most frequent manner of expressing the meaning of this clause would have been with the suffix -hti. In the sentence si picus cayta apamuwahqa {kay enterituta hap'inkicah 'If someone brought that (ye would get all this)' we find the subordinator si which also occurs optionally in cay clauses. Here si takes over the function of cay ; -qa, the topic marker which would have occurred with cay is added to the verb of the subordinate clause. The following sentence is an example of the subordinator porke which is fairly frequent : (klaru cay kostumbresniykoqa kakusampuni) porke cayqa má wañupuncu a '(Sure, those customs of ours remain) because that hasn't died'. 5.2.

SECONDARY CLAUSES WHICH ARE NOT ATTRIBUTIVE

These are clauses which function as direct objects, clauses which are direct quotes, and clauses which function as subjects.

SECONDARY CLAUSES

63

5.21. Clauses which are direct objects These clauses contain a verbal with the derivative suffixes -y, -na, or sqa. The accusative suffix -ta is added to it. 5.211.

yta-clauses

These clauses are the objects of a limited class of verbs such as muna- 'want'. They cannot contain a subject. Examples showing the structure of these clauses : (Verbal) mik"uyta (munani) '(I want) to eat'. (Attribute | verbal) q"ela runaman \ tukupúy (munasqanki) '(Thou wantest) to become a lazy man'. kanakuman \ riy (munawahcu) '(Dost thou want) to go to the bonfire?' (Direct object | verbal) qolqeta | tantakúy (yacankicah) '(Ye know how) to collect money'. (pitah yanapasunki) cayta | ruwayta '(Who helped thee) do that?' (Attribute | objective constitute) iskay sentabuslaykicahwan | hatun tutumata uhyarqokúy (atiwancah) 'With two of your cents only (one could) drink a large gourd'. (manatah yacasqanicu) mayqenmancus | lata kalangd wark"uyta '(And I don't know) on which one to hang the tin bell'. 5.212.

nata-clauses

These clauses are similar to yta-clauses, but they are less frequent. They contain a subject : mik"unanta (munani) '(I want) him to eat' ; pay rinanta (munani) '(I want) him to go'. 5.213.

sqata-clauses

These clauses are objects of a limited class of verbs such as yaca- 'know'. Examples : (Verbal) (yacani) mik"uyqanta '(I know) he ate'. (Attribute | verbal) (mana noqa yacanicu) maypicus | nasikusqaykutapis '(I don't know) where we were born'.

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(Subject I predicate) (kreeyku) tukuy kompañeros kampesinos | sayasqankuta '(We believe) all peasant comrades are waiting'. Indirect quotations take the form of ¿í/ata-clauses : (niwanku deke noqaqa wah yanta purisqayta '(They told me) that I was walking on another road'. 5.22. Direct quotes These clauses cannot be considered direct objects since they have the internal structure of an independent clause; no accusative suffix is ever present. Quotes may be unmarked or they may contain the marker nispa 'saying'. One example with nisqa 'he said' occurring at the end of the quote the same way nispa does, aside from its occurrence as the main verb in the sentence, was found. The following sentences illustrate unmarked quotes: pero imaynatá noqa kay trasaywan risah {nisqa) 'But how am I going to go looking like this, (he said)'; imatá munanki q"epayta q"epaypi imatá munanki riy wah laduman riy (nisqa) 'What dost thou want after me, following me, what dost thou want? Go some place else, go (he said)'. The following sentences illustrate quotes marked by nispa: roska parte qan kanki nispa (niwanku noqataqa) 'Thou art on the side of the conspiracy (they told me); (pedrotah hwanman nisqa) qan mayïanki nispa '(And Peter said to John) thou wilt wash', yanapawaycah yanapawaycah nispa (q"aparisqapayqa) 'Help me! Help me! (he shouted)'. The following sentence is the only example of a direct quote marked by nisqa. Since the quote is in Spanish and is fairly long, the speaker may have been confused and actually may have repeated the main verb. If such was the case, then quotes can only be marked by nispa\ (cay tokahtintah cay kañawekitapeqa nisqa) No me toques no me atoques (sic) mis hermanos me mataron por un (sic) flor de Luribay nisqa 'And when he had played it, that one inside the reed said : "Don't play me, my brothers killed me because of a flower from Luribay" '. Additional examples showing the structure of these clauses: (Verb) (kunan maman doña karmensaqa nisqa) imanasuntahri '(Now his mother Doña Carmen said :) "What shall we do?" ' (Attribute | verb) bañu uk"upi | waqasasqa (niri) '(It is said) he cried in the bath'. (Direct object | verb) kayta | mik"uy (nisqa) '"Eat this", (he said)'. (Attribute | objective constitute) (wakintah ninku) cay runa wirawan | belás ruwankumansis '(Others say:) "With that human grease he would make himself candles'".

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(Subject I predicate) ñoqa I amansapusayki (nisqa) " T i l tame it for thee" (he said)'. (Subject I objective constitute) (caymantaqa kurah kah nisqa suJk'a kahmari) qan | tukuy imitá aparimuwanki nispa '(Then the oldest said to the youngest:) "Thou wilt bring me every little thing"'. 5.23. Clauses which are subjects These clauses contain a verbal with -na. The verb in the main clause is tiya- 'be, exist' or ka- 'be' in the third person singular. The meaning is one of obligation: qan aSq"ata apamunayki tiyan 'Thou hast a lot to bring', apamunayki tiyan cannot be considered a verbal phrase with tiyan as the head because if tiyan occurred alone it could not take a direct object. On the other hand apamunayki could not have a subject if it occurred alone. Additional examples : muyucinanku tiyan 'They have to make him turn'. eskwelamampis rinañan tiyan 'He has to go to school already'. mesayta apamunayki kasqa 'Thou hast to bring my table'. triguyohqa aq"ata ruwanan tiyan 'The wheat owner has to make chicha'.

6 SAMPLE TEXT AND ANALYSIS

The following text is part of a conversation between Leovina Quiroga and Antonio Figueroa. rut"una edadninman öayamunfla trigu. entós koseöataqa qalárina tiyan. öaypah nestakun hose, aöaywan rut"unöah i kabiîasta ruwanöah. kabiîaspi despwés eraman apana tiyan. erapi pelonakun. entós animales alistakunan tiyan. aëaypahtah piöus öay triguyohqa aq"ata ruwanan tiyan. öayqa sutin aöay triîaqa umaraqa. triîakun trigoqa. eraman öurakun i öaypi trilakun öay animaleswan. i horketaswan tihrankutah tihramunkutah astake îamp'uyanan kama. resyén entós amontonakunan tiyan trigoqa. montonaykuytawantah resyén ö'alakuta ruwanku. piöanasmanta altaresta wakiöinku. entós öaypi tiyan uh mandonninku. entós aöayta oq"arinku komo uh santu hiña, sapa eskinapi uöu öirawan buru akaswan insyensyananku tiyan. heq'eqan muöas beses bolteaykampun altarnin patamantaqa. öay pasapohtin öaypi pahawan q'ala p'ampaykapunku astake heq'eqaöinanku kama. resyén entós paykuna qalarinku tomadankutaqa porke q'ala trigu lamp'uyasqaña. wayra kahtenqa siginku wayraCispa. mana wayra kahtinri tantaykapunku sumahta. halö'aykapunku triguta i öaypitah paöa mamankuta obedesekapunku paykunapis. LEOVINA : imatah öay birhen paöa mama. ANTONIO : mana noqapis yaöaniöu. LEOVINA : mana rehsinkiöahöu. ANTONIO: mana noqapis rehsinkiöu. öay aswan entyendehkunacá yaòanku imaöus öay sihnifikasqanta noqaqa ma yaöaniöu. ANTONIO:

TRANSLATION

The wheat is ready to be mowed. Then it is necessary to begin the harvest. A sickle is necessary for that. We mow and make the sheaves. Later it has to be taken to the threshing ground in sheaves. In the threshing field the bran is taken off. Then it is necessary to get the horses ready. For that the wheat owner has to make chicha. That, that threshing, is called umaraqa. The wheat is threshed. It is put in the threshing ground and there it is threshed with horses. And with pitchforks they throw it up and down until it crumbles. Just then the wheat has

ANTONIO:

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67

to be piled up. And as soon as they pile it up, they toast. They prepare altars from brooms. Then, there is a foreman there. They lift him up as a saint. In each corner they have to burn incense to him with hot pepper seeds and donkey dung. He chokes, many times he falls from the top of the altar. After that happens, they bury him completely with hay until he chokes. Just then they begin their drinking because the wheat is already crumbled. If there is wind, they continue winnowing. If there is no wind they gather it up. They put away the wheat and they also obey their Pachamama. LEOVINA : What is that virgin Pachamama? ANTONIO: I don't know either. LEOVINA : Don't you know? ANTONIO: I don't know either. Those who understand more know what they mean, I don't know. ANALYSIS

(a) (1) rut"una (2) edadninman (3) cayamunña (4) trigu 'The wheat is already at the age of being mowed'. 1. rut"u- 'mow', tr. vb. : -na substantivizer (2.32122); rut"una 'mowing'. 2. edád 'age', noun; -ni inserted between a word final consonant and a personal suffix (2.3122); -n 3rd p. sing. (2.311); -man allative (2.3124); edadniman 'to its age'. 1 is attributive to 2. 1-2 is a subs. ph. which is attributive to 3. 3. caya- 'arrive', int. vb.; -mu modal suffix indicating direction (2.31311); -n 3rd p. sing, agrees with 4. -ña indep. suffix usually translated 'already' (2.314) cayamunña 'it already arrives'. 4. trigu 'wheat', noun. 4 is subject to 3. This is a simple narrative sentence. (b) (5) entós (6) kosecataqa (7) qalarina (8) tiyan 'Then it is necessary to begin the harvest'. 5. entós 'then', particle. 5 is a clause attribute. 6. koseca 'harvest', noun; -ta acc. (2.3124); -qa topic marker (2.314); kosecataqa 'harvest'. 6 is the direct object of 7. 7. qalari- 'begin', int. vb.; -na substantivizer (2.32122); qalarina 'beginning'. 6-7 objective constitute which is the subject of 8. 8. tiya- 'be, exist', intr. vb.; -n 3rd p. sing, tiyan 'it is'. tiyan with a na-clause as subject expresses obligation (5.23). This is a complex sentence. (c)

(9) caypah (10) nestakun

(11) hose 'For that a sickle is necessary'.

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9. ¿ay 'that', determiner; -pah, purposive, (2.3124); ëaypah 'for that'. 9 is attributive to 10. 10. nesta- 'need', intr. vb.; -ku modal suffix with a reflexive meaning (2.31311); -n 3rd p. sing, agrees with 11; nestakun 'it is needed'. 11. hose 'sickle', noun. 11 is the subject of 10. This is a simple narrative sentence. (d) (12) acaywan (13) rut"uncah (14)/ (15) kabilasta (16) ruwancah 'With that we mow and make the sheaves'. 12. aëay 'that', alternative form of determiner cay (2.11); -wan instrumental (2.3124); acaywan 'with that'. 12 is attributive to 13. 13. rut"u- 'mow', tr. vb. ; -n-cah 1st p. pi. incl. (2.311); rut"unëah 'we (incl.) mow'. 14. i 'and', coordinator. 14 marks an additive construction. 15. kabila 'sheaf, noun; -s allomorph of the plural suffix (2.3121); -ta acc.; kabilasta 'sheaves'. 15 is direct object of 16. 16. ruwa- 'do, make', tr. vb.; -n-cah see 13; ruwancah 'we (incl.) make'. This is a compound sentence. (e) (17) kabilaspi (18) despwés (19) eraman (20) apana (21) tiyan 'Later it has to be taken to the threshing ground in sheaves'. 17. kabila 'sheaf', noun; -s allomorph of the plural suffix (2.3121); -pi locative (2.3124); kabilaspi 'in sheaves'. 17 is attributive to 19-20. 18. despwés 'later', particle. 18 is attributive to 17, 19-20. 19. era 'threshing ground', noun; -man allative; eraman 'to the threshing ground'. 19 is attributive to 20. 20. apa- 'take', tr. vb.; -na substantivizer; apana 'taking'. 20 together with the attributes 17, 18, and 19 make up a secondary clause which is the subject of 21. 21. tiyan, see 8. This is a complex sentence. (f) (22) erapi (23) pelonakun 'In the threshing field the bran is taken off'. 22. era 'threshing field', noun; -pi see 17; erapi 'in the threshing field'. 22 is attributive to 23. 23. pelona- 'peel, take bran off', tr. vb.; -ku see 10. -n 3rd p. sing.; pelonakun 'it is peeled'. This is a simple narrative sentence.

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(g) (24) entós (25) animales (26) alistakunan (27) tiyan 'Then it is necessary to get the horses ready'. 24. entós 'then', particle. 24 is a clause attribute. 25. animál 'horse', noun; -es allomorph of the plural suffix (2.3121); animales 'horses'. 25 is subject of 26. There is no agreement which is not normal. 26. alista- 'prepare', tr. vb.; -ku see 10; -na see 7; -n 3rd p. sing.; alistakunan 'its getting ready'. 25 and 26 constitute a clause which is the subject of 27. 27. tiyan see 8. This is a complex sentence. (h) (28) acaypahtah (29) picas (30) cay (31) triguyohqa (32) aq"ata (33) ruwanan (34) tiyan 'For that the wheat owner has to make chicha'. 28. acay 'that', alternative form of determiner cay; -pah purposive; -tah indep. suffix, links the sentence to the preceding one (2.314); acaypahtah 'and for that'. 28 is a clause attribute. 29. pi 'who', indefinite-interrogative (2.11); -cus validational indep. suffix (2.314); picus 'probably the one'. 29 is in appositive construction with 30-31. 30. cay 'that', determiner. 30 is attributive to 31. 31. trigu 'wheat', noun; -yoh derivative suffix (2.3223); -qa topic marker (2.314); triguyohqa 'wheat owner'. 30-31 stand in appositive construction with 29. 29-31 is a substantive phrase, subject of 33. 32. aq"a 'chicha', noun; -ta accusative suffix; aq"ata 'chicha'. 32 is direct object of 33. 33. ruwa- 'do, make' tr. vb.; -na see 7; -n 3rd p. sing.; ruwanan 'his making'. 29-33 constitute a clause which is the subject of 34. 34. tiyan see 8. This is a complex sentence. (i) (35) cayqa (36) sutin (37) acay (38) trilaqa (39) umaraqa 'That, that threshing's name is umaraqa'. 35. cay 'that', determiner; -qa topic marker; cayqa 'that'. 35 stands in appositive construction with 37-38. 36. suti 'name', noun; -n 3rd p. sing.; sutin 'its name'. 36 is head to 35 and 37-38. 37. acay 'that', alternative form of determiner cay. 37 is attributive to 38.

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38. trila 'threshing', noun; -qa topic marker; trilaqa 'threshing'. 38 is head to 37; 37-38 stands in appositive construction with 35. The topic marker here is added to both constituents of the appositive construction which are discontinuous, whereas in (h) it only occurs once. The whole construction is attributive to 36. The substantive phrase constituted by 35-38 is the subject of a verbless equational sentence (4.11). 39. umaraqa (type of collective work), noun. 39 is a predicate attribute. (j) (40) trilakun (41) trigoqa 'The wheat is threshed'. 40. trila- 'thresh', tr. vb.; -ku see 10; -n 3rd p. sing, agrees with 41; trilakun 'it is threshed'. 41. trigu 'wheat', noun; -qa 'topic marker'; trigoqa 'wheat'. 41 is the subject of 40. This is a simple narrative sentence. (k) (42) eraman (43) curakun (44) i (45) caypi (46) trilakun (47) cay (48) animaleswan 'It is put in the threshing ground and there it is threshed with those horses'. 42. era 'threshing ground', noun; -man allative; eraman 'to the threshing ground'. 42 is attributive to 43. 43. cura- 'put, place', tr. vb.; -ku see 10; -n 3rd p. sing.; curakun 'it is put'. 42-43: clause which stands in construction with 45-48. 44. i 'and', coordinator. 44 is a marker of an additive construction. 45. cay 'that', determiner; -pi locative; caypi 'there'. 45 is attributive to 46. 46. trila- 'thresh', tr. vb.; -ku see 10; -n 3rd p. sing.; trilakun 'it is threshed'. 47. cay 'that', determiner. 47 is attributive to 48. 48. animál 'horse', noun; -es allomorph of the plural suffix (2.3121); -wan instrumental; animaleswan 'with horses'. 48 is head of a substantive phrase which is attributive to 46; 45-48 is a clause which stands in construction with 42-43. The sentence is compound. (1) (49) i (50) horketaswan (51) tihrankutah (52) tihramunkutah (53) astake (54) lamp'uyanan (55) kama. 'And with pichforks they throw it up and down until it crumbles'. 49. i 'and', particle, coordinator. 49 links (1) to the preceding sentence. 50. horketa 'pitchfork', noun; -s allomorph of the plural suffix (2.3121); -wan instrumental; horketaswan 'with pitchforks'.

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50 is attributive to 51-52. 51. tihra- 'throw', tr. vb.; -n 3rd p. sing.; -ku pluralizer (2.311); -tah see 28; tihrankutah 'and they throw'. 51 stands in construction with 52. 52. tihranku- see 51; -mu see 3; -tah see 28; tihramunkutah 'and they throw this way'. 52 stands in construction with 51; the additive construction is indicated by -tah. 50-52: main clause. 53. astake 'until', subordinator. 53 is a loan word which echoes the meaning of 55; it could have been left out. 54. ïamp'u 'soft, smooth', adj.; -ya verbalizer (2.3211); -na substantivizer; -n 3rd p. sing. ; lamp'uyanan 'its softening'. 53-54: subordinate na-clause (5.1125) attributive to 50-52. 55. kama 'until' subordinator. 55 marks the subordinate clause 53-54. The sentence is complex. (m) (56) resyén (57) entós (58) amontonakunan (59) tiyan (60) trigoqa 'Just then the wheat has to be piled up'. 56. resyén 'just', particle. 56 is attributive to 57. 57. entós 'then', particle. 56-57 is a particle phrase which functions as a clause attribute. 58. amontona- 'pile up', tr. vb.; -ku see 10. -na substantivizer; -n 3rd p. sing, agrees with 60; amontonakunan 'its piling up'. 58 is a verbal, center of 58, 60, discontinuous secondary clause. 59. tiyan see 8. 60. trigu 'wheat', noun; -qa topic marker; trigoqa 'wheat'. 60 is the discontinuous subject of 58. 58 and 60 constitute a secondary clause which is the subject of 59. The sentence is complex. (n) (61) montonaykuytawantah (62) resyén (63) c'aïakuta (64) ruwanku. 'And as soon as they pile it up, they toast'. 61. montona- 'pile up', tr. vb. ; -yku modal suffix which makes the verb refer to something specific (2.31311); -y-ta-wan combination of suffixes added to a verb; they indicate that the action in the subordinate clause immediately precedes the action of the verb in the main clause (5.1112); -tah indep. suffix, links (n) to the preceding sentence; montonaykuytawantah 'immediately after piling up'. 61 is the only constituent of a subordinate clause. 62. resyén 'just', particle. 62 is a attributive to 63-64.

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63. c'aîaku- 'toast', noun; -ta acc.; c'alakuta 'toast'. 63 is the dir. obj. of 64. 64. ruwa- 'make, do', tr. vb.; -n-ku see 51; ruwanku 'they make'. 62-64: main clause. The sentence is complex. (o) (65) picanasmanta (66) altaresta (67) wakicinku 'They prepare altars from brooms'. 65. pica- 'sweep', tr. vb.; -na see 1; -s allomorph of the plural suffix (2.3121); -manta ablative (2.3124); picanasmanta 'from brooms'. 65 is attributive to 66-67. 66. altar 'altar', noun; -es allomorph of the pi. suffix (2.3121); -ta acc.; altaresta •altars'. 66 is dir. obj. of 67. 67. waki- 'prepare' int. vb.; -ci causative modal suffix (2.31311); -n-ku see 51; wakicinku 'they prepare'. This is a simple narrative sentence. (p) (68) entós (69) caypi (70) tiyan (71) uh (72) mandonninku 'Then, there is a foreman there'. 68. entós 'then', particle. 68 is a clause attribute. 69. cay 'that', determiner; -pi locative; caypi 'there'. 69 is attributive to 70-72. 70. tiya- 'be, exist', intr. vb.; -n 3rd p. sing, agrees with 71-72; tiyan 'there is'. 71. uh 'a, one', determiner (2.11). 71 is attributive to 72. 72. mandón 'foreman', noun; -ni see 2; -n-ku see 51 ; mandonninku 'their foreman'. 71-72 is a substantive phrase, subject of 70. This sentence is complex. (q) (73) entós (74) aâayta (75) oq"arinku (76) komo (77) uh (78) santu (79) hina. 'Then they lift him up as a saint'. 73. entós see 68. 73 is a clause attribute. 74. acay 'that', alternative form of the determiner cay; -ta acc.; acayta 'that'. 74 is dir. obj. to 75. 75. oq"ari- 'lift', tr. vb.; -n-ku see 51; oq"arinku 'they lift'. 76. komo 'like', particle. 76 echoes the meaning of 79; it is redundant. 77. uh 'one, a', determiner. 77 is attributive to 78-79.

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73

78. santu 'saint', noun. 78 is attributive to 79. 79. hina 'way', functor substantive (2.11). 79 is head to 78; 76-79 is a substantive phrase attributive to 74-75. The sentence is complex. (r) (80) sapa (81) eskinapi (82) ucu (83) éirawan (84) burn (85) akaswan (86) insyensyananku (87) tiyan 'In each corner they have to burn incense to him with hot pepper seeds and donkey dung'. 80. sapa 'each, alone', adj. 80 is attributive to 81. 81. eskina 'corner', noun; -pi locative; eskinapi 'in corner'. 80-81 is a substantive phrase attributive to 82-86. 82. ucu 'hot pepper', noun. 82 is attributive to 83. 83. cira 'seed', noun; -wan instrumental; cirawan 'with seed'. 82-83 is a substantive phrase in construction with 84-85. 84. buru 'donkey', noun. 84 is attributive to 85. 85. aka 'dung', noun; -s allomorph of the plural suffix (2.3121); -wan instrumental; akaswan 'with dung'. 84-85 is in construction with 82-83 ; -wan added to the head in both phrases signals the additive construction. 82-85 is a substantive phrase attributive to 86. 86. insyensya- 'burn incense', tr. vb.; -na see 7; -n-ku see 51; insyensyananku 'their incense burning.' 80-86: secondary clause, subject to 87. 87. tiyan see 8. The sentence is complex. (s) (88) heq'eqan (89) mucas (90) beses (91) bolteaykampun (92) altarnin (93) patamantaqa 'He chokes, many times he falls from the top of the altar'. 88. heq'eqa- 'choke', intr. vb.; -n 3rd p. sing.; heq'eqan 'he chokes'. 88 is the only constituent of a clause which stands in paratactic construction with 89-93. 89. muca 'much', adjective; -s allomorph of the plural suffix (2.3121); mucas 'many'. 89 is attributive to 90. 90. bes 'time', noun;-es allomorph of the plural suffix (2.3121); beses 'times'. 89-90 substantive phrase attributive to 91-93. The loan expression mucas beses is a rare instance of concordance in number. 91. boltea- 'fall over', intr. vb. ; -yku see 61 ; -mu see 3 ; -pu modal suffix, indicates that the action is performed for the benefit of someone other than the actor (2.31311);

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here it means that the action is unintentional ; -n 3rd p. sing. ; bolteakampun 'he falls unintentionally'. 92. altâr 'altar', noun; -ni see 2; -n 3rd p. sing.; altarnin 'his altar'. 92 is attributive to 93. 93. pata 'top', noun; -manta, ablative; -qa topic marker; patamantaqa 'from the top'. 92-93 is attributive to 91. 89-93 stands in construction with 88. These are sentences in parataxis (3.5). (t) (94) cay (95) pasapohtin (96) caypi (97) pahawan (98) q'ala (99) p'ampaykapunku (100) astake (101) heq'eqacinanku (102) kama 'After that happens, there they bury him completely with hay until he chokes'. 94. cay 'that', determiner. 94 is subject to 95. 95. pasa- 'happen', intr. vb.; -pu see 91, the action is performed, presumably, for the benefit of all the participants ; -hti indicates that the verb in which it occurs is the center of a subordinate clause and that the action is prior to the action of the verb in the main clause (2.31313, 5.1121); -n 3rd p. sing, agrees with 94. pasapohtin 'after it happens'. 94-95 is a subordinate clause attributive to 96-102. 96. ëaypi see 45. 96 is attributive to 97-99. 97. paha 'straw', noun; -wan instrumental; pahawan 'with straw'. 97 is attributive to 98-99. 98. q'ala 'all', adjective. 98 is attributive to 99. 99. p'ampa- 'bury', tr. vb.; -yku see 61; -pu see 91, the action is performed for the man being buried; -n-ku see 51; p'ampaykapunku 'They bury him indeed'. 96-99 : main clause. 100. astake see 53. 101. heq'eqa- 'choke', intr. vb.; -ci causative modal suffix; -na see 1 ; -n-ku see 51 ; heq'aqacinanku 'their making him choke'. 102. kama see 55. 100-102: subordinate na-clause (5.1125) attributive to 96-99; 96-102 is the main clause. The sentence is complex. (u) (103) resyén (104) entós (105) paykuna (106) qaïarinku (107) tomadankutaqa (108)porke (109) q'ala (110) trigu (111) lamp'uyasqaña 'Just then they begin their drinking because all the wheat is already crumbled'. 103. resyén see 56. 104. entós see 57.

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103-104: particle phrase which is a clause attribute. 105. pay 'he, she', personal pronoun; -kuna allomorph of the plural suffix(2.3121); paykuna 'they'. 105 is the subject of 106. 106. qalari- 'begin', tr. vb.; -n-ku see 51, agrees with 105; qalarinku 'they begin'. 107. tomada 'drinking', noun; -n-ku see 51; -ta acc.; -qa topic marker; tomadankutaqa 'their drinking'. 107 is direct object of 106. 103-107: main clause. 108. porke 'because', subordinator. 109. q'ala 'all', adjective. 109 is attributive to 110. 110. trigu 'wheat', noun. 110 is head to 109. 109-110: substantive phrase, subject of a verbless equational clause (4.11). 111. îamp'u, -ya, see 54; -sqa derivative suffix (2.32122); lamp'uyasqa 'softened, crumbled'; -ña see 3. 111 is a predicate attribute. 109-111 : verbless equational clause which is subordinate. The sentence is complex. (v) (112) way ra (113) kahtenqa (114) siginku (115 ) wayracispa 'If there is wind, they continue winnowing'. 112. wayra 'wind', noun. 112 is subject to 113. 113. ka- 'be', connective verb; -hti see 95; -n 3rd p. sing, agrees with 112; -qa topic marker; kahtenqa 'if there is'. 112-113: subordinate hti-clause (5.1121). 114. sigi- 'continue', intr. vb.; -n-ku see 51; siginku 'they continue'. 114 is the only constituent of the main clause. 115. wayra- 'move in the wind'; -ci see 67; -spa suffix which indicates that the action of the subordinate clause is simultaneous or immediately precedes that of the verb in the main clause (2.3132); wayracispa 'winnowing'. 115 is the only constituent of a spa-clause (5.1111); the main clause is 114. 114-115 constitute a clause to which 112-113 is in turn subordinate. The sentence is complex. (w) (116) mana (117) wayra (118) kahtinri (119) tantaykapunku 'If there is no wind, they gather it well'. 116. mana 'no, not', negator. 116 is attributive to 118. 117. wayra, see 112.

(120) sumahta

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117 is subject to 118. 118. ka-, see 113; -hti, see 95; -n 3rd p. sing, agrees with 117; -ri indep. suffix (2.314); kahtinri 'if there is'. 116-118: subordinate hti-clause (5.1121) attributive to 119-120. 119. tanta- 'gather', tr. vb.; -yku see 61; -pu see 91, the action is performed, presumably, for the benefit of the wheat owner; -n-ku see 51; tantaykapunku 'they gather it for him'. 120. sumah 'well, good', adj.; -ta acc. (2.3124); sumahta 'well'. 120 is attributive to 119. 119-120: main clause. The sentence is complex. (x) (121) halc'aykapunku (122) triguta (123) i (124) caypitah (125) paca (125b) mamankuta (126) obedesekapunku (127) paykunapis 'They put away the wheat and they also obey their Pachamama'. 121. haïc'a- 'keep', tr. vb.; -yku see 61; -pu see 119; -n-ku 3rd p. pl.; halc'aykapunku 'they put it away for him'. 122. trigu see 110; -ta acc.; triguta 'wheat'. 122 is direct object to 121. 121-122: clause in construction with 124-127. 123. i 'and', coordinator. 123 indicates that 121-122 and 124-127 are the ICs of an additive construction; it is redundant because of the presence of -tah in 124 (2.314). 124. cay 'that', determiner; -pi locative; -tah indep. suffix (2.314); caypitah 'and there'. 124 is a clause attribute, attributive to 125-127. 125. paca 'world', noun. 125 is attributive to 125b. 125b. mama 'mother, lady', noun ; -n-ku see 51 ; -ta acc. mamankuta 'their mother'. 125-125b is a substantive phrase which is the direct object of 126. 126. obedese- 'obey', tr. vb. ; -ku modal suffix, indicates that the action is performed freely by the actor (2.31311); -pu see 91, the action is performed for the benefit of Pachamama; -n-ku see 51; obedesekapunku 'they obey her willingly'. 127. pay 'he, she', personal pronoun; -kuna allomorph of the plural suffix (2.3121); -pis indep. suffix meaning 'also' (2.314); paykunapis 'they also'. 127 is the subject of 126. 124-127 is in construction with 121-122. The sentence is compound. (y) (128) imatah (129) cay (130) birhen (131) paca (131b) mama 'What is that virgin Pachamama?'

SAMPLE TEXT AND ANALYSIS

77

128. ima 'what', indefinite-interrogative (2.11); -tah indep. suffix, here it signals a question (2.314); imatah 'What?' 128 is the subject of a verbless equivalence sentence (4.11). 129. cay 'that', determiner. 129 is attributive to 130. 130. birhen 'virgin', noun. 129-130: substantive phrase in appositive construction with 131-131b. 131. paca see 125. 131 is attributive to 131b. 131b. mama see 125b. 131-131b: substantive phrase in appositive construction with 129-130. 129-131b is a substantive phrase which functions as a predicate attribute. This is a verbless equational sentence. (z) (132) mana (133) noqapis (134) yacanicu Ί don't know either'. 132. mana see 116. 132 is attributive to 134. 133. noqa T , personal pronoun; -pis see 127; noqapis Ί also'. 133 is the subject of 134. 134. yaca- 'know', intr. vb.; -ni allomorph of 1st p. (2.311), agrees with 133; -cu non-factual suffix (2.314); yacanicu Ί know' (non-factual). This is a simple narrative sentence. (a') (135) mana (136) rehsinkicahcu. 'Don't ye know?' 135. mana see 116. 135 is attributive to 136. 136. rehsi- 'know', tr. vb.; -nki allomorph of 2nd p. (2.311); -cah pluralizer (2.311); -cu see 134; rehsinkicahcu 'ye know' (non-factual). This is a simple narrative sentence; the question is signalled by the intonation. (b') (137) mana (138) noqapis (139) rehsinicu Ί don't know either'. 137. mana see 116. 138. noqapis see 133. 139. rehsinicu see 134 and 136. This is a simple narrative sentence. (c') (140) cay (141) as-wan (142) entyendehkunacá (143) yacanku (144) imacus (145) cay (146) sihnifikasqanta (147) noqaqa (148) ma (149) yacanicu 'Those who understand more know what that may mean, I don't know'. 140. cay 'that', determiner. 140 is attributive to 141-142. 141. as 'somewhat, something', intensifier (2.11); -wan instrumental ; aswan 'more'.

78

SAMPLE TEXT AND ANALYSIS

141 is attributive to 142. 142. entyende- 'understand', tr. vb.; -h agentive suffix (2.32122); -kuna see 105; -cá validational indep. suffix (2.314); entyendehkunacá 'probably those who understand'. 142 is head to 141; 141-142: substantive phrase which is head to 140. 140-142: substantive phrase which is subject of 143. 143. yaca- see 134; -n-ku 3rd p. pi. agrees with 142; yacanku 'they know'. 140-143: main clause. 144. ima see 128; -cus see 29; imacus 'probably what'. 144 is direct object to 146; imatacus with -ta acc. was to be expected. 145. cay 'that', determiner. 145 is subject to 146. 146. sihnifika- 'mean', tr. vb.; -sqa substantivizer (1.32122); -n 3rd p. sing, agrees with 145 ; -ta acc. ; sihnifikasqanta 'its meaning'. 144-146 is a sqata-clause (5.213) which functions as the direct object of 143. 140146 is a complex clause in paratactic construction with 147-149 (3.5). 147. noqa see 133; -qa topic marker; noqaqa T . 147 is subject to 149. 148. ma alternative form of negator mana 'no, not'. 148 is attributive to 149. 149. yaca- see 134; -ni see 134; -cu see 134; yacanicu Ί know' (non-factual). 147-149 stands in construction with 140-146. These are sentences in parataxis.

VOCABULARY

Abbreviations, coord.: coordinator; det.: determiner; ind.: indefinite-interrogative; int.: intensifier; neg.: negator; pron.: personal pronoun; sub.: subordinator. Other abbreviations are the standard ones. Italics and quotes are omitted. a abér ~ awér abeses abono abril aíaláw administradór adoraafán agosto agradeseagradesimyento agrarya agusti ahá ahlaaka akaso akompañaakulialbañíl alberto alciy aleho alfabetisasyón alguna alimentaalistaalkalde alkansaalkól alma almwerso alohaalohamyento alqo alkaldia aitar altiplanu

(tag question) let's see sometimes fertilizer April (exclamation) manager adore earnest wish August thank gratitude agrarian Augusto yes pick coca dung perhaps accompany take coca mason Albert grandson Alex literacy some feed get ready mayor be enough alcohol soul lunch shelter lodging dog municipality altar plateau

a ver a veces abono abril administrador adorar afan agosto agradecer agradecimiento agrario Augusto ajá coger coca estiercol acaso acompañar tomar coca albañil Alberto nieto Alejo alfabetización alguno alimentar alistar alcalde alcanzar alcohol alma almuerzo alojar alojamiento perro alcaldia altar altiplano

part. part. part. η. η. part. η. vb. tr. η. η. vb. intr. η. adj. Β pr. η. part. vb.tr. η. part. vb.tr. vb.tr. η. pr.n. η. pr.n. η. adj. A vb.tr. vb.intr. η. vb.intr. η. η. η. vb.tr. η. η. η. η. η.

80 altu alay alin ama amansa ambisyona amenasa amigu amistád amontonaamór ananáw ananáy anòa anda andréa anhel animaanimál ankaS ansaldu antis antuhaantuku apaapoyaaprobeèaapu ~ apo apuntaapuraaqoyraki aq"a ari ari arma afeglaaïoba as asenta aseptaasiasna astaastake asufre asyenda aìk"a atiatoh atrabés awa awelo awiawmenta-

VOCABULARY

highlands potato harvest, dig good not tame covet threat friend friendship pile up love How pretty! How nice! much, very platform Andrea angel encourage horse blue Ansaldo rather desire Anthony take lean, support take advantage chief, Satan write down hurry misfortune chicha well yes arm fix (weight of twenty five pounds) somewhat liquor accept laugh stinking carry until sulfur hacienda much be able fox through water (referring to holy water) grandfather spun increase

alturas cosecha de papa, escarbar bueno no amansar ambicionar amenaza amigo amistad amontonar amor ¡ Qué lindo! ¡Qué bueno! mucho, muy andas Andrea ángel animar caballo azul Ansaldo antes, más bien antojar Antonio llevar apoyar aprovechar jefe, diablo, Satanás apuntar apurarse desgracia chicha bueno, pues sí arma arreglar arroba

n. n., vb.tr. adj. A neg. vb.tr. vb.tr. n. n. n. vb.tr. n. part. part. int. η. pr.n. η. vb.intr. η. adj. A η. part. vb.intr. pr.n. vb.tr. vb.intr. vb.tr. n. vb.tr. vb.intr. n. n. part. part. n. vb.tr. n.

algo licor aceptar reírse apestoso llevar hasta que azufre hacienda mucho poder zorro a través agua (bendita)

int. n. vb.tr. vb.intr. adj. A vb.tr. sub. n. n. adj. A vb.intr. n. part. n.

abuelo hilar aumentar

n. vb.tr. vb.tr.

VOCABULARY

81

trasero autoridad

adj. Β η.

ay aya ayca ayharu ayniayqeaysaayuda

back (referring to a pocket) authority, government official Oh! corpse flesh, meat godson lend escape, run stretch, carry bundles help

i Ay! cadaver carne ahijado prestar escapar estirar, cargar bultos ayudar

part. η. η. η. vb.tr. vb.intr. vb.tr. η.

bakibalebalór bale baluno bambasilu banda bandido banwardya bañabaño bara baratu bastake bastante basu baya bela benado bendebendido bendisebendisyón bendita benefisyabengansa berdaderamente bes beynte bida bihtuka birhen bisitabiskoôo bistiboka boldo bolibya bolita bolsilu boltéabonifasyu bofacu bos

expel, throw out be worth worth, courage valley valley bran band bandit vanguard bathe bath yard cheap enough enough glass well candle deer sell sold bless blessing holy fertilize revenge really time twenty life (woman's name) virgin visit cake dress entrance to a mine (name of a plant) Bolivia marble pocket turn Boniface drunk person voice

expulsar, correr valer valor valle perteniciente al valle salvado banda bandido vanguardia bañar baño vara barato basta que bastante vaso vaya vela venado vender vendido bendecir bendición bendito abonar venganza verdaderamente vez veinte vida (nombre de mujer) virgen visitar bizcocho vestir boca de una mina boldo Bolivia canica bolsillo voltear Bonifacio borracho voz

vb.tr. vb.intr. η. η. adj. Β η. η. η. η. vb.tr. η. η. adj. Β part. adj. Β η. part. η. η. vb.tr. adj. vb.tr. η. adj. Β vb.intr. η. part. η. adj. Α η. pr.n. η. vb.tr. η. vb.tr. η. η. η. η. η. vb.intr. pr.n. η. η.

awqeruy awtoridád

82

VOCABULARY

boske bótela botika bufa ~ buîu bwelta bwenu byeha

wood, forest bottle drugstore donkey again good old

bosque botella botica burro otra vez bueno viejo

byuda

widow

viuda

òahra òakì Salina Calpa òambila cankacaqonòaòawhra ~ öawkra èawpi cay ~ aòay ~ aäay öayaíehniòeqan Cihlaíikote öiku Cilwi Cimpa òinkacinu dira òiri Èohru òola ¿ota

field foot scarf house in ruins Chambilla (place) stagger be about to forget dry branch middle that arrive hate straight, correct pick, choose whip boy chick opposite, next lose Chinese seed cold hard (girl in typical dress) (girl in modern dress)

òuh£a òùkaru cunka òunku cupa óuraòuri ôuwa

hair wild ten (term of endearment) tail put, place son liquid

campo pie chalina casa en ruinas Chambilla (lugar) tambalearse estar por olvidar rama seca medio, ese, eso llegar odiar derecho, correcto escoger chicote, látigo muchacho, chico pollito enfrente, junto perder chino semilla frío duro chola (muchacha con vestido occidental) pelo salvaje diez (término de cariño) cola poner hijo líquido

n. adj. Β det. n. n. vb.tr. n. adj. A

C'aöac'ahcaè'aki ö'alaö'anqaô'arki ò'aska È'ehtaö'iCi ò'in

drink (said of animals) sprinkle, scatter dry sprinkle, toast throw dry beef bright star tear, break open dirty silence

beber (dícese de animales) rociar, repartir secar, seco rociar, brindar tirar, botar cecina estrella brillante rasgar sucio silencio

vb.tr. vb.tr. vb.intr., adj. A vb.tr. vb.tr. n. n. vb.tr. adj. A n.

n. n. n. n. part. adj. A subst. occurs with verbalizer -ya n. n. n. n. n. n. vb.intr. vb.tr. n. adj. A det. vb.intr. vb.tr. adj. A vb.tr. n. n. n. adj. A vb.tr. n. n. n. adj. A n. n.

1

VOCABULARY ö'isi è'iya ö'uiuè'uhla c'ulu ö'urki6'usah

evening nit drink (said of pigs) hut cap shake empty

noche liendre beber (dícese de puercos) choza gorro sacudir vacio

n. n. vb.tr. n. n. vb.tr. adj. A

5"ahwa 5"aka 6"apu C'ika

noise ant mixed (refers to quantity or size)

n. n. adj. A int.

6"ula 5"ulu-

dew peck

ruido hormiga mezclado (se reñere a cantidad o tamaño) rocío picotear

de dedikadehadeke deseadesididesokupadespwés dia direhsyón direhtór dirihente disponedisyembre doble domingu don doña dos dose duradurante dura

of devote leave that wish decide vacate later day direction director leader make use of December double Sunday (title) (title) two twelve last during hard

de dedicar dejar de que desear decidir desocupar después día dirección director dirigente disponer diciembre doble domingo don doña dos doce durar durante duro

dyablu dyaèaku dyaryo dyes dyus

devil birthday celebration daily ten God

diablo (fiesta de cumpleaños) diario diez Dios

prep. vb.intr. vb. sub. vb.tr. vb.tr. vb.tr. part. η. η. η. η. vb.tr. η. η. η. part. part. det. det. vb.intr. part. occurs with verbalizer -ya Ά. n. n. det. n.

edád edukaedukasyón ehemplo elibera elihiemisora embidyaen

age educate education example Elvira elect radio station envy in

edad educar educación ejemplo Elvira elegir emisora envidia en

n. vb.tr, n. n. pr.n. vb.tr. n. vb.intr. prep.

η. vb.tr.

84

VOCABULARY

era ermanu eïamyenta eskapularyu eske eskina eskribieskwela espeho esperensya esplotadór estansya esteban estranhero estreia estrena-

deceive errand rehearse saddle then interview hand (fat old man symbol of abundance) threshing ground brother tool scapulary because corner write school mirror experience swindler ranch Stephen foreigner star use for the first time

engañar encargo ensayo ensillar entonces entrevista entregar (hombre regordete, símbolo de la abundancia) era hermano herramienta escapulario es que esquina escribir escuela espejo experiencia explotador estancia Esteban extranjero estrella estrenar

estudya-

study

estudiar

η. η. η. η. sub. η. vb.tr. η. η. η. η. η. pr.n. η. η. occurs with -sqa vb.

fabril faltafamilya feca federasyón festehafesteho filomena flawta flete flor forma fregado futuri futuro fwera fwersa fyeïo fyesta

factory lack, miss family date federation celebrate festivity Filomena flute transportation flower manner bothered spring future well strength iron fiesta, holiday

fabril faltar familia fecha federación festejar festejo Filomena flauta flete flor forma fregado manantial futuro bueno fuerza hierro fiesta

adj. Β vb.intr. η. η. η. vb.tr. η. pr.n. η. η. η. η. adj. Α η. η. part. η. η. η.

galu ganaganadör gaïote gastu geïa gitara gloryoso

cock earn,win winner club expense war guitar glorious

gallo ganar ganador garrote gasto guerra guitarra glorioso

η. vb.tr. η. η. η. η. η. adj. Α

engañaenkargu ensalaensilaentós entrebista entregaeqeqo

vb.tr. n. vb.tr. vb.tr. part. η. vb. η.

VOCABULARY

85

gobyernu gransa granu grata gringu gustagusto gyadór

government chaff grain pleasant foreigner like pleasure guide

gobierno granza grano grato extranjero gustar gusto guiador

n. n. n. adj. A n. vb.intr. n. n.

haô'uhahaylas ~ haha haku hak'a hala halí'ahalmahalmahalp'a hampihamuhanah hanè'ahanc'uhank'a hap'ihaqay hardin haía hasut'ihatarihatu hawa hawSis hayk'ah haywahente heq'eqahi£ahilaqata hiña ~ ahina hinCahisk'on hoben hoq'ohorka ~ horketa hose huC'uy hulita hump'ihunt'ahurk'uta husk'u hwakundu hwan hwes hwira-

chew coca (imitation of laughter) let's meally pulling keep dig pile earth earth, land cure come high bite chew sugar cane toasted catch, take, hold that over there garden pitcher lash move, rise large, big cause (onomatopoetic word) when hand over people choke throw foreman way slap nine youth get wet pitchfork sickle small Julie sweat gather partridge hole Facundo John judge go down

mascar coca (imitación de risa) vamos harinoso tirado guardar escarbar amontonar tierra curar venir alto morder mascar caña tostado agarrar aquello, aquel jardin jarra azotar levantarse grande causa (palabra onomatopéyica) cuando entregar gente asfixiarse aventar capataz así abofetear nueve joven mojarse horqueta hoz pequeño Juli ta sudar juntar perdiz agujero Facundo Juan juez bajar

vb.tr. part. part adj. A η. vbtr. vb.tr. vb.tr. η. vb.tr. vb.intr. adj. A vb.tr. vb.tr. adj. A vb.tr. det. n. n. vb.tr. vb.intr. adj. A n. part. ind. vb.tr. η. vb.intr. vb. n. subst., functor vb.tr. det. n. vb.intr. n. n. adj. A pr.n. vb.tr. vb.tr. n. n. pr.n. pr.n. n. vb.intr.

86

VOCABULARY

i i ica ~ iöas ic"u iglesya iha ihnorante ilailapa ilimani ima imayna imbitaimplemento impwesto inalfabeto indyu informainglés inkyetainkuña innoransya insyensyaintendente interesainteresable intero ~ entero inti intindi- ~ entyendeinyehsyón ipulu iskay ismuistante istrumento it"i-

(tag question) and perhaps straw church daughter ignorant shine lightening Illimani what how invite utensil tax illiterate Indian inform English trouble, disturb display ignorance burn incense constable interest covetous completely sun understand injection Hipólito two rot instant instrument retreat

y tal vez paja iglesia hija ignorante brillar relámpago Ilimani que como invitar implemento impuesto analfabeta indio informar inglés inquietar extender ignorancia incensar intendente interesar ambicioso enteramente sol entender inyección Hipólito dos pudrirse instante instrumento retirarse

ka-

be

ser, estar

kabalo kabildu kabila kabra kabrila ka£a kaòi kahón kalanga kaldu kalpa kama kamareta kambya kampana kampaña kampesinado

horse chapter sheaf goat (a constellation) send, envoy salt box tin bell broth strength until kind of rocket change bell campaign peasantry

caballo cabildo gavilla cabra cabrilla mandar, mensajero sal cajón campanita caldo fuerza hasta cohete cambiar campana campaña campesinado

part. coord. part. η. η. η. adj. Α vb.intr. η. η. ind. ind. vb.tr. η. η. η. η. vb.tr. η. vb.tr. η. η. vb.tr. η. vb.intr. adj. A adj. Β η. vb.tr. η. pr.n. det. vb.intr. η. η. vb.intr. connective verb η. η. η. η. η. vb.tr.,η. η. η. η. η. η. sub., prep. η. vb.tr. η. η. η.

87

VOCABULARY

kampesino kampo kanakanakukanasta kania kantidád kaña kapa kapila kaporál karahti karga karpinteria kapriiosa karu kasa kasarakaseru

peasant field burn bonfire basket (market place) quantity reed cape chapel chief (exclamation) load karpenter's shop capricious far hunt marry (term of address when buying or selling)

almost kasi kasupay attention kastigapunish castle kastilu kasyanu Casiano live kawsathis kay ke that keep keda(type of flute) kena kensabe who knows kiki same moon, month kila kinsa three kinse fifteen kiru tooth kisu cheese klaru of course klisa Cliza someone from Cliza kliseño charge kobrakohealimp koka coca kolaborasyón cooperation kolehyo school komadre ~ kuma comadre kombenseconvince komo as kompañerismo companionship kompafiero ~ kom- comrade pañeru kompañia company kompletamente completely damn kondena-

campesino campo quemarse hoguera canasta mercado cantidad caña capa capilla caporal caray carga carpintería caprichoso lejos caza casarse "casero" (dirigiéndose al que vende o al que compra en un mercado) casi atender castigar castillo Casiano vivir este, esto que quedarse quena quien sabe mismo luna, mes tres quince diente queso claro Cliza cliceño cobrar cojear coca colaboración colegio comadre convencer como compañerismo compañero compañía completamente condenar

n. n. vb.intr. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. part. vb.tr., η. η. adj. A adj. A n. vb.intr. n. part. vb.tr. vb.tr. n. pr.n. vb.intr. det. sub. vb.intr. n. part. adj. A n. det. adj. A n. n. part. n. n. vb.tr. vb.intr. n. n. n. n. vb.tr. part. n. n. n. part. occurs dei by -sqa

88 konsyensya kontestakontra koïekorona kosa kosa koseëa kosina kostál ~ kostala kostumbre kreekristál kristyanu krus krusefio kuôilu kudisyusu kuli kultibakumpa ~ kompagre kuna kunka kura kurah kurku kusikuti kutikuyakwando kwarta kwentakwestakwetilu kwidak'aia k'aki k'amik'anèak'anka k'anku k'asa k'aspi k'iru k'iski k'iSnik'ita k'uöu k'uku k'ulku k'ulu k'utuk'uyu-

VOCABULARY conscience answer animosity run crown of the head good thing harvest kitchen sac custom believe crystal Christian cross someone from Santa Cruz knife ambitious purple cultivate compadre now neck priest elder tree trunk be gay time return respect when fourth relate cost fire cracker take care beautiful jaw scold light white blond person hole gorge stick swaddling band tight drive in, push in wild corner green peach, stingy narrow wood cut twist

conciencia contestar contraria correr coronilla bueno cosa cosecha cocina costal costumbre creer cristal cristiano cruz cruceño cuchillo codicioso morado cultivar compadre ahora cuello cura mayor tronco alegrarse vez volver respetar cuando cuarto contar costar cohete cuidar bello quijada regañar encenderse rubio agujero cañada palo faja apretado encajar salvaje rincón melocotón verde, tacaño angosto bosque cortar torcer

n. vb.tr. n. vb.intr. n. adj. A n. n. n. n. n. vb.tr. n. n. n. n. n. adj. A adj. A vb.tr. n. n. n. n. adj. A n. vb.intr. n. vb.intr. vb.tr. sub. adj. A vb.tr. vb.intr. η. vb.tr. adj. A η. vb.tr. vb.intr. η. η. η. η. η. adj. Α vb.tr. adj. Α η. η. adj. Α η. vb.tr. vb.tr.

89

VOCABULARY

k"ipu k"iSka k"uòi k"ucuk"uru k"uya k"uska

knot, kipu thorn pig cut worm friendship together

nudo, quipo espina puerco cortar gusano amistad junto

n. n. n. vb.tr. n. n. adj.B

ladera ladu laguna larq'a laseadór lastima lata lawa layqa leelegwa ley liberasyón libra libre libru lider lihero limbu lindu lisa listu loko lokutór loma loq'o loqotu lorenso luòu lugár luriwáy lus lusifér lutu

hillside side lagoon ditch lassoer pity tin mush witch doctor read league law liberation pound completely book leader quick dark fine, nice, pretty (type of potato) ready crazy radio announcer hill cap (kind of hot pepper) Lawrence (man's name) place Luribay light devil mourning

ladera lado laguna zanja laceador lástima lata lagua brujo leer legua ley liberación libra completamente libro dirigente ligero oscuro lindo (clase de papa) listo loco locutor loma gorro clase de aji Lorenzo Lucho (Luis) lugar Luribay luz Lucifer luto

n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. n. vb.tr. n. n. n. n. adj.A n.

labe lahta Iahwa Iaki lamp'u lank'aIant'a ïant"a Iarq"ay Iaq"a lasa latilu Iawar ~ yawar

key town (kind of sauce) sadness soft, ground, tame work, build fire wood shade hunger get dark, dark heavy plate blood

llave pueblo (salsa) tristeza blando, molido, manso trabajar, construir leña sombra hambre oscurecer, oscuro pesado platillo sangre

n. n. n. n. adj.A vb.tr. n. n. n. vb.intr., adj.A adj.A n. n.

•. adj.B adj.A adj.A n. adj.A adj.A n. n. n. n. pr.n. pr.n. n.

•. n. n. n.

90 legada lihïa likiïip"ilohsiloqala luhôi-

VOCABULARY

lula

arrivai (kind of garment) tear shine go out boy, servant touch left lose lie

llegada (prenda de vestir) rasgar brillar salir criado, muchacho palpar izquierdo flojo mentira

n. n. vb.tr. vb.intr. vb.intr. n. vb.tr. adj.A adj.A n.

ma mal maSamaki makinarya malu mama mana ~ ma mancamancay mandón manera manka manta mantyenemanumañamarabila-

(exclamation) evil get dizzy, get drunk hand machinery bad lady, mother no, not be afraid very foreman manner pot blanket support lend, trust ask marvel

(exclamación) mal marearse, emborracharse mano maquinaria malo señora, mamá no temer muy capataz manera olla manta mantener prestar, confiar preguntar maravillar

maqamaria markamarqamarsu martes masa mask'a masi mastru mast'amaSk"a mati-

fight Mary brand carry in one's arms March Tuesday group search fellow teacher extend how much tighten, adjust

pelearse María marcar cargar en los brazos marzo martes grupo buscar compañero maestro extender cuanto apretar

matrimonyo may mayk'ah ~ hayk'ah mayïamayqen mayu mayurdomo medya mehór mesa metemic'a

wedding where when wash which river steward half better plateau, table get in stingy

matrimonio donde cuando lavar cual río mayordomo medio mejor meseta, mesa meterse tacaño

part. η. vb.intr. η. η. adj.A η. neg. vb.intr. int. η. η. η. η. vb.tr. vb.tr. vb.tr. occurs derived by -sqa vb.intr. pr.n. vb.tr. vb.tr. n. n. vb.tr. vb.tr. n. n. vb. tr. ind. occurs derived by -sqa n. ind. ind. vb.tr. ind. η. η. adj.A adj.A η. vb.intr. adj.A

loq'e Ioq"e ~ loq"e

91

VOCABULARY mik"u milagroso mila

eat miraculous bad, evil

comer milagroso malo

mina minò"a minero miramisa misi misk'amisk'i mismo miäk"a modernisasyón montón mosoh muía muda-

mine day before yesterday mining multiply mass cat stumble sweet same unripe modernization pile new much change

mina antes de ayer minero multiplicarse misa gato tropezarse dulce mismo verde modernización montón nuevo mucho muda

muhu mula munamusp"amuyu-

seed mule want be dizzy, be confused turn, circulate

semilla mula querer marearse, confundirse dar vueltas

vb.tr. adj.A occurs with verbalizer -ya n. n. adj.A vb.intr. n. n. vb.intr. adj.A adj.B adj.A n. n. adj.B adj.A occurs derived by -na η. η. vb.tr. vb.intr. vb.intr.

na nananasinasyonál negosyante nestani ninina ninri niño nobyembre nombramyento noqa normalista nweba

(hesitation form which can take any suffix) hurt, ache be born national businessman need nor, not say, tell fire ear boy November appointment I normal school graduate new

doler nacer nacional negociante necesitar ni decir fuego, fogata oreja niño noviembre nombramiento yo normalista nuevo

vb.intr. vb.intr. adj.B n. vb.tr. neg., coord. vb.tr. η. η. η. η. η. pron. η. adj.B

ña ñaq"as ñawi ñawpah ñañu ñit'i-

already perhaps, almost eye first, ancient narrow, thin push

ya casi ojo primero, antiguo angosto, delgado empujar

part. part. η. adj.A adj.A vb.tr.

0 obedeseobrero oha

or obey worker leaf

0 obedecer obrero hoja

coord. vb.tr. η. η.

92

VOCABULARY

ohala ohserba ohtubre okupa okurefio ole ombro onqooqa oqooqolón oq"ariora organisa-

I hope observe October occupy someone from Ocuro Hi! shoulder be ill (kind of edible root) swallow glutton raise hour organize

ojalá observar octubre ocupar ocureño hola hombro enfermarse oca tragar tragón levantar hora organizar

organisasyón orqo orq"ooryente oséan ospitál otra oweha ~ wiha oye ~ oyes

organization hill take out orient rather hospital other sheep Listen!

organización cerro sacar oriente o sean hospital otro oveja oye

part. vb.tr. η. vb.intr. η. part. η. vb.intr. η. vb.tr. η. vb.tr. η. occurs derived by -sqa η. η. vb.tr. adj.A coord. η. adj.A η. part.

pabimentasyón paia paca paíah pagapagu pagrinu paha pahtán paloma palapampa panoqa papa paqarín para paraparaparlaparte partera partidu partinaparuyapasapasante pata patiño patrón patrona pay

paving time, right then world hundred pay pay godfather straw Careful! dove gather plain cord potato morning for rain end up talk partisan midwife party (political) give out toast pass, spend steward top Patiño hacienda owner hacienda owner he, she

pavimentación vez, entonces mundo cien pagar pago padrino paja cuidado paloma juntar pampa, llano cuerda papa mañana para llover parar hablar partidario partera partido repartir tostar pasar pasante parte de arriba Patiño patrón patrona él, ella

η. η. η. det. vb.tr. η. η. η. part. η. vb.tr. η. η. η. η. prep. vb.intr. vb.intr. vb.tr. η. η. η. vb.tr. vb.intr. vb.intr. η. η. pr.n. η. η. pron.

VOCABULARY paya pedro peleapelón pelonapendepensamyento peór permaneseperqa pero petrolero Pi piöapihcapíkaro pili pilpintu pio pisi pisku piSqa pita pitapitiplanta platu pobre pobresa podér pohtu poqopor porbenir porke preokupapresentaprimabera primér primu prisipál prisidente probaproblema produhsyón profesór profundisa-

old Peter fight bran take bran off depend thought worse remain wall but oil who sweep pick coca malicious duck butterfly Pious little (kind of drink) five cord smoke burst plant plate poor poverty command handful produce for future because worry present spring first cousin principal president try problem production teacher deepen

viejo Pedro pelear salvado pelar depender pensamiento peor permanecer pared pero petrolero quien barrer coger coca picaro pato mariposa Pío pequeño pisco cinco cuerda fumar reventar planta plato pobre pobreza poder puñado producir por porvenir porque preocuparse presentar primavera primer primo principal presidente probar problema producción profesor profundizar

pronto prosisyón pucupuhlapuka puhlu pulika pulmonía

soon procession be left over play red well (woman's name) pneumonia

pronto procesión sobrar jugar rojo pozo (nombre de mujer) pulmonía

93 adj.A pr.n. vb. n. vb.tr. vb.intr. n. adj.B vb.intr. n. coord. adj.B. ind. vb. vb.tr. adj.B n. n. pr.n. adj.A n. det. n. vb.tr. vb. n. n. adj.A n. n. n. vb.intr. prep. n. subord. vb.intr. vb.tr. n. part. η. adj.A η. vb.tr. η. η. η. occurs derived by -sqa part. n. vb.intr. vb.tr. adj.A n. pr.n. n.

94

VOCABULARY pollera, falda

n.

punòu punku pufiupura purah puripusapusah pututu pweblo pwes pwesto pyensapyerdepyohál

(full skirt worn by the cholas) poncho door sleep among both walk, travel take, lead eight horn town well position think spoil piece of land

poncho puerta soñar entre ambos caminar conducir ocho cuerno pueblo pues puesto pensar echarse a perder terreno

n. n. vb.intr. part. adj.A vb.intr. vb.tr. n. n. n. part. η. vb. vb.intr. n.

p'ah p'aca p'akip'alta

Bang! clothing break squashed

¡Paf! ropa romper aplastar

p'ampap'atap'enqa p'isqo p'oSqo p'unèay p'utu-

bury bite violently be ashamed bird sour day appear, come out

enterrar morder con furia avergonzarse pájaro agrio día aparecer, salir

part. η. vb.tr. occurs derived by -ya vb.tr. vb.tr. vb.intr. η. adj.A η. vb.

p"ahèa p"atap"awap"iöitanku p"ifia ~ piña p"iäqa p"isu p"osoqo p"ukup"ulu p"uru p"urmurap"u§kap"utip"uyu

waterfall burst fly (kind of bird) wild, angry, hot five (coin) foam blow wool blanket feather come out, spurt spin grieve cloud

cascada reventar volar (clase de pájaro) enojado, picante cinco (moneda) espuma soplar frazada de lana pluma brotar hilar entristecerse nube

η. vb.intr. vb.intr. n. adj.A det. n. n. vb.tr. n. n. vb.intr. vb.tr. vb.intr. n.

qalpa qalariqan qanèis qanimpa qara qaraqarpaqasi

arable land begin you seven a few days ago skin serve food water in vain, free

tierra para sembrar empezar tú siete hace unos cuantos días piel servir comida regar de balde

n. vb.tr. pron. det. n. n. vb.tr. vb.tr. adj.A

pulera

95

VOCABULARY

áspero acercarse, cerca ayer pelearse por algo

adj.A vb.intr., n. n. vb.tr.

qoqolqe qonqaqonqoriqori qosa qowi qoylur

rough approach, near yesterday fight about the possession of something give money, silver forget kneel gold husband rabbit star

dar dinero, plata olvidar arrodillarse oro marido conejo estrella

vb.tr. n. vb.tr. vb.intr. n. n. n. n.

q'ala q'apaq'elu q'ara q'aya q'ayma q'epi q'onCa q'ofli q'omer q'oöi

all, everything smell yellow arid, barren tomorrow (a drink) carry on the back, bundle hearth hot green nimble

todo oler amarillo árido mañana (bebida) cargar en las espaldas, bulto fogón caliente verde ágil

n. vb.intr. adj.A adj.A n. n. vb.tr., n. n. adj.A adj.A adj.A

q"ali q"aniq"apah q"apariq"ari q"arisiri q"ataq"atiq"awaq"ela q"enôa q"epa

rociar, regar morder rico gritar hombre (ser sobrenatural) tapar seguir mirar perezoso maldito lo que sigue, quedarse

vb.tr. vb.tr. adj.A vb.tr. n. n. vb.tr. vb.tr. vb.tr. adj.A adj.A n., vb.intr.

q"e5wa q"iwiq"o£apampa q"opuyu q"o5qo

sprinkle, scatter bite rich shout man (a supernatural being) cover follow look lazy damned that which comes behind, remain Quechua wrap, roll up Cochabamba (festivities at Carnival time) greasy

quechua envolver, enrollar Cochabamba (fiesta de Carnaval) grasoso

n. vb.tr. n. n. adj.A

ïabyaïadyo ïafucu ïantiíasón ïasuraïatu ~ watu ïayu febolusyón ïeforma ïegalu

anger, be angry radio Ralph buy reason shave while lightening revolution reform gift

rabia, rabiar radio Rafael comprar razón afeitar rato rayo revolución reforma regalo

n., vb.intr. n. pr.n. vb.tr. n. vb.tr. n. n. n. n. n.

qaSqa qayla qayna qeCu-

96

VOCABULARY

ïeha ïehsiïekoherenegaïesaresibiïespetaïey fiïibâl ric'aïikurik"uriïinkôn risyén ~ resyén ïit"i rodón ïopa ïosaryo ïumi ïuna ïuntu rup"arut"uruwa-

plowing know gather be angry pray receive respect king go rival resemble see appear corner just clear (nickname for Rodolfo) clothing rosary rock man, person egg burn, be hot, shine cut, mow do, make

reja conocer recoger renegar rezar recibir respetar rey ir rival parecerse ver aparecer rincón recién claro Rodón (Rodolfo) ropa rosario piedra hombre, persona huevo quemar, brillar cortar, segar hacer

n. vb.tr. vb.tr. vb.intr. vb.intr. vb.tr. n. n. vb.intr. n. vb.intr. vb.tr. vb.intr. n. part. adj.A pr.n. n. n. n. n. n. vb.intr. vb.tr. vb.tr.

sahsasalúd saludasaludu salutasyón samasan sank"u sano santa

to have enough Cheers! greet greeting greeting, salutation rest, breathe saint thick healthy saint

bastar salud saludar saludo salutación descansar, respirar san espeso sano santa

santu sapa sapatu sapi saqesara sat'isayasayk'useberino según sehtór selosasemana senqa sentabu sentidu

saint each, alone shoe root leave, abandon corn force in get up be tired Severino according section make jealous week nose cent sense

santo cada zapato raiz abandonar maíz encajar levantarse cansarse Severino según sector poner celoso semana nariz centavo sentido

vb.intr. part. vb.tr. η. η. vb.intr. part. adj.A adj.A occurs in the name of the city Santa Cruz n. adj. n. n. vb.tr. n. vb.tr. vb.intr. vb.intr. pr.n. prep. n. vb.tr. n. n. n. n.

97

VOCABULARY sentro señór señora ~ siñura serenata sereno sewada si sibQ sibilisasyón sigaíu sige- ~ sigisihnifikasik'isimi simple sina sinci sindikál sindikatu sinko sinta sinu ~ sino sipaku sipas sirbisitwasyón sohta solamente soldado sonqo sonso sonsera sorpresa sofo sufrisufrimyento suhetasulk'a sumah supay superasuti sut'i suwa swerte suyasyelo syempre syentesyerto ~ syertu syudád

center sir, gentleman lady, ma'am serenade night air barley if civil civilization cigarette continue mean take out by force mouth, language plain probably strong union union five ribbon but, rather girl young girl serve situation six only soldier heart fool nonsense surprise fox suffer suffering hold youngest good devil become better name clear thief, steal luck expect, wait heaven always feel true city

centro señor señora serenata sereno cebada si civil civilización cigarrillo seguir significar sacar a fuerza boca, lenguaje simple probablemente fuerte sindical sindicato cinco cinta sino muchacha muchacha servir situación seis solamente soldado corazón zonzo tontería sorpresa zorro sufrir sufrimiento sujetar menor bueno diablo superar nombre claro ladrón suerte esperar cielo siempre sentir cierto ciudad

n. n. n. n. n. n. sub. η. η. η. vb.tr. vb.tr. vb.tr. η. adj.A part. adj.A adj.B η. adj.A η. coord. η. η. vb.tr. η. det. part. η. η. adj.A η. η. η. vb.intr. η. vb. adj.A int. η. vb.intr. η. adj.A η., vb.tr. η. vb.tr. η. part. vb.tr. adj.A η.

takatakital tambyén

knock sing such also

tocar cantar tal también

vb.tr. vb.tr. part. part.

98 tanqatantatanteataputaraqatarata tarde tarea taritariheño taripatarputarpudatarqa taru tata ~ tayta tawa teòattóu teha téhnika telebisyón telmo terneru terno tihra— tiwhratinkutipi tisa titulo tiw tiyatokatokadór toko tomatoma tomada tomate toro toïe totál trabahatrabahadór trankilidád trankilo trasa tratatrigu trila tukutukuy tulu tumpa tusututa

VOCABULARY

push gather figure out ask a question get mad and excited Tarata afternoon task find someone from Tarija overtake, meet sow sowing (type of flute) high hat father, sir four roof roof tile technical television Telmo calf suit turn over meet harvest (exclamation) title, degree (onomatopoetic word) be, exist, live, sit play player Toco drink water gate drinking tomato bull tower total work worker tranquility peaceful appearance scold wheat thresh, threshing become everything, all bone a little dance night

empujar juntai tantear preguntar enojarse, exaltarse Tarata tarde tarea encontrar tarijefio alcanzar sembrar sembrada (clase de flauta) sombrero alto padre, señor cuatro techar techo teja técnico televisión Telmo ternera traje voltear encontrarse cosecha (exclamación) título (palabra onomatopéyica) ser, existir, vivir, sentarse tocar tocador Toco tomar toma tomada tomate toro torre total trabajar trabajador tranquilidad tranquilo traza regañar, maltratar trigo trilla volverse, convertirse todo hueso poco bailar noche

vb.tr. vb.tr. vb. vb.tr. vb.intr. n. n. n. vb.tr. n. vb.intr. vb.tr. n. n. n. n. det. vb.tr. n. n. adj.B n. pr.n. n. n. vb.tr. vb.intr. n. part. η. part. vb.intr. vb.tr. η. η. vb.tr. η. η. η. η. η. η. vb. η. η. adj.A η. vb.tr. η. vb.tr., η. vb.intr. η. η. adj.A vb.intr. η.

VOCABULARY tutuma tyempo tyenda tyefa tyula

gourd vessel time store land mosquito

calabaza tiempo tienda tierra mosquito

n. n. n. n. n.

t'ahsat'akat'anta t'aqat'eqoh t'ika t'impu t'inka t'iparit'ipit'ohlu t'ohyat'uru

wash clothes or hair scatter, drop bread select (onomatopoetic word) flower boil gift sew burst skull explode clay

lavar ropa o pelo repartir, regar pan seleccionar (palabra onomatopéyica) flor hervir regalo coser reventar cráneo explotar barro

vb.tr. vb.tr. n. vb.tr. part. η. vb.intr. η. vb.tr. vb.intr. η. vb.intr. η.

t"alaf'anta t"aparanku t"atat"askit"oqa

shake tatter bat gulp down stumble spit

sacudir harapo murciélago atragantarse tropezarse escupir

vb.tr. η. η. vb.tr. vb.intr. vb.

UÊU pepper one, a uh uhu cough uhu ~ uk"u ~ uq"u inside uhyadrink ulinòa pidgeon últimu last urna head umaraqa collective work umifeed (as a bird feeds its young) umilde humble unay long time unibersidád university unos about unu liquid up"awash one's face ura down urmafall usqay quick usu custom u$p"a ashes uya face uyari listen, hear uywa animal

pimienta uno, un tos dentro beber paloma último cabeza trabajo en común dar de comer en el pico

η. det. η. η. vb.tr. η. adj.A η. η. vb.tr.

humilde mucho tiempo universidad unos liquido lavarse la cara abajo caerse rápido costumbre ceniza cara oir animal

adj.A η. η. det. η. vb.tr. η. vb.intr. adj.A η. η. η. vb.tr. η.

waô'i-

echar de un lado para otro

vb.

otro

det.

wah

throw from one place to another other

100 wahca wahra wahtawahyawaka wakiwakin waleh walpa wampi wánuku wafiuwask"a waqawaqacawaranqa wardya wark"uwarmi wasa wasi wata watawatu-

VOCABULARY

wat"iya wawa wayawayaqa

poor horn beat call cow prepare some well hen black slave Huánuco die strap cry, weep keep thousand guard hang woman back house year tie visit, investigate, miss someone bake child invoke bag with a strap

pobre cuerno pegar llamar vaca preparar alguno bueno gallina esclavo negro Huánuco morirse correa llorar guardar mil guardia colgar mujer espalda casa año amarrar visitar, investigar, extrañar

adj.A n. vb.tr. vb.tr. n. vb.intr. n. adj.A n. n. n. vb.intr. n. vb.intr., vb. det. n. vb.tr. n. n. n. n. vb.tr. vb.tr.

wayk'uwayna wayno wayra weka weqernin weraqoöa wièi wiò'inka wihc'uwiïa wifia wira wirk"i wisla wist'u

cook young man (type of song) winnow, wind hollow hip sir, gentleman large container stomach throw tell grow grease vessel wooden spoon lame

barbacoa niño invocar bolsa que se cuelga del hombro cocinar joven clase de canto, huayno aventar, viento hueco cadera señor recipiente grande estómago echar decir crecer grasa recipiente cuchara de madera cojo

n. n. vb.tr. n. vb.tr. n. n. vb.tr., n. adj.B n. n. n. n. vb.tr. vb.tr. vb.intr. n. n. n. adj.A

ya yacayaku yan yana yanapayapayastá yayku-

already know water road black help increase Ready! enter

ya saber agua camino negro ayudar aumentar ya está entrar

part. vb.tr. η. η. adj.A vb.tr. vb.tr. part. vb.intr.

VOCABULARY

yu yunta yurah yuru yut"u yuya-

Listen! team of bulls white jug ring-dove think

¡oiga! yunta blanco jarro paloma torcaz pensar

part. η. adj.A η. η. vb.intr.

INDEX OF SUFFIXES

-ία -ίά -ίah -li -ëu -£u -¿us -h -hpa -hti -ita -itu -ki -ku -ku -kuna -la -li -man -manta -min -mu

(interr.) (modal)

(modal) (personal)

-n -na -na -ni -ña -pah -pi -pis -pu -puni -qa -qa -ra -rah -rayku -ri -ri •ri -rpa -rqa -rqo -sa

(deriv.) (modal)

(fut.) (topic)

(deriv.) (indep.) (modal)

-sah -sis -situ -spa -sqa -sqa -su -ta -tah -ti -wa -wah -wan

(deriv.) (narr.)

(deriv.) -y (imp.) •y (pers.) -y -ya -ykaia -yku -yoh -ysi

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Bloomfield, Leonard, Language (New York, 1933). Hockett, Charles F., A Course in Modern Linguistics (New York, 1958). Lastra, Yolanda, "Fonemas segmentales del quechua de Cochabamba", Thesaurus, Boletín del Instituto Caro y Cuervo, 20 (1965), pp. 48-62. Rivet, Paul, and Créqui-Montfort, Georges, Bibliographie des langues aymará et kicua, 4 vols. (Paris, 1956). Rosenblat, Angel, La Población Indígena y el Mestizaje en América (Buenos Aires, 1954). Ross, Ellen M., Introduction to Ecuador Highland Quechua (New York, 1962). Shedd, L. M., A Pedagogical Grammar of the Quechua Tongue (Cochabamba, 1952). Solá, Donald F., Huanuco Kechua: the grammar of words and phrases (Ithaca, 1958). Trager, George L., "Analysis of a Kechuan Text", UAL, 11 (1945), pp. 86-96. Urioste-Herrero, Gramática y Vocabulario de la Lengua Quechua (Cochabamba, 1955; Yokoyama, Masako, "Outline of Kechua Structure, I: Morphology", Language, 27 (1951), pp. 38-67.