Clothing and Nudity in the Hebrew Bible 9780567678478, 9780567678485, 9780567678492, 0567678474

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Clothing and Nudity in the Hebrew Bible

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Clothing and Nudity in the Hebrew Bible Edited by Christoph Berner, Manuel Schäfer, Martin Schott, Sarah Schulz, and Martina Weingärtner

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T&T CLARK Bloomsbury Publishing Plc 50 Bedford Square, London, WC1B 3DP, UK 1385 Broadway, New York, NY 10018, USA BLOOMSBURY, T&T CLARK and the T&T Clark logo are trademarks of Bloomsbury Publishing Plc First published in Great Britain 2019 Copyright © Christoph Berner, Manuel Schäfer, Martin Schott, Sarah Schulz, Martina Weingärtner, and Contributors, 2019 Christoph Berner, Manuel Schäfer, Martin Schott, Sarah Schulz, and Martina Weingärtner have asserted their right under the Copyright, Designs and Patents Act, 1988, to be identified as Editors of this work. Cover images: (top) Drunkenness of Noah 1539 Baciio Bandinelli Italian 1493-1560. Peter Horree / Alamy Stock Photo. All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced or transmitted in any form or by any means, electronic or mechanical, including photocopying, recording, or any information storage or retrieval system, without prior permission in writing from the publishers. Bloomsbury Publishing Plc does not have any control over, or responsibility for, any third-party websites referred to or in this book. All internet addresses given in this book were correct at the time of going to press. The author and publisher regret any inconvenience caused if addresses have changed or sites have ceased to exist, but can accept no responsibility for any such changes. A catalogue record for this book is available from the British Library. A catalog record for this book is available from the Library of Congress. ISBN: HB: 978-0-5676-7847-8 ePDF: 978-0-5676-7848-5 eBook: 9780-5676-7849-2 Typeset by Newgen KnowledgeWorks Pvt. Ltd., Chennai, India To find out more about our authors and books visit www.bloomsbury.com and sign up for our newsletters.

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Contents List of Figures List of Contributors Preface List of Abbreviations

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Part 1  Addressing and Contextualizing Clothing and Nudity in Ancient Israel 1.1 Methodological Perspectives 1

Between Regulation, Identification, and Representation: Clothing and Nudity from the Perspective of the Study of Religion  Anna-Katharina Höpflinger

5

2

Clothing and Nudity in the Ancient Near East from the Perspective of Gender Studies  Agnès Garcia-Ventura

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Clothing and Nudity from the Perspective of Anthropological Studies  Lars Allolio-Näcke

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1.2   The Ancient Near Eastern Context 4

Textile Production in the Iron Age Ancient Near East Naḥum Ben-Yehuda

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5

Clothing and Nudity in the Ancient Near East: Archaeological and Iconographic Aspects  Allison Thomason

87

6

Concepts and Contexts of Female and Male Nudity in the Iconography of the Southern Levant  Katharina Pyschny

127

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Stripped Bare: Communicating Rank and Status in Old Kingdom Egypt  Dina Serova

163

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Contents

1.3   Hebrew Bible   8 Fabrication, Functions, and Uses of Textiles in the Hebrew Bible  Wolfgang Zwickel

187

  9 Nudity and Clothing in the Lexicon of the Hebrew Bible  Holger Gzella

217

10 Nudity and Clothing in the Hebrew Bible: Theological and Anthropological Aspects  Jürgen van Oorschot

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Part 2         Thematic Studies 2.1   The Divine 11 The Clothing of Cult Statues and Biblical Polemics against Iconic Worship  Sonja Ammann

255

12 The Garments of God: Iconographic Case Studies from Isaiah 6:1; 59:17; and 63:1-6  Joel M. LeMon and Richard A. Purcell

269

13 Robed in Majesty: Clothing as a Metaphor for the Classical Hebrew Semantic Domain of ‫  כבוד‬Marilyn E. Burton

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2.2   Customs and Ethics 14 Tearing One’s Clothes and Rites of Mourning  Melanie Köhlmoos

303

15 Barefoot before God: Shoes and Sacred Space in the Hebrew Bible and Ancient Near East  Joachim J. Krause

315

16 “You Shall Not Wear Clothes Made of Wool and Linen Woven Together” (Deut. 22:11): Clothing in Biblical Law  Eckart Otto

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17 “When You See the Naked, Cover Them!” (Isa. 58:7): The Clothing of the Poor as an Act of Righteousness  Rainer Kessler

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18 Clothing and Nudity in Second Temple Literature  Jessi Orpana

343

Part 3         Textual Studies 3.1   Pentateuch 19 Clothing and Nudity in the Paradise Story (Gen. 2–3) Friedhelm Hartenstein

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Contents

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20 Clothing and Nudity in the Noah Story (Gen. 9:18-29)  Michaela Bauks

379

21 The Garment Motif in Gen. 37–39  Franziska Ede

389

22 The Symbolism of Vestimentary Acts in Gen. 27, Gen. 38, and 1 Sam. 17  Martina Weingärtner

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23 “Mind the Step!” (Exod. 20:26), or, Even Better: “Wear Breeches!” (Exod. 28:42-43). The Issue of (Un-)Covering One’s “Shame” in Cultic Legislation  Christoph Berner

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24 The Priestly Vestments  Nathan MacDonald

435

25 Veiling Moses’ Shining Face (Exod. 34:29-35)  Wolfgang Oswald

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3.2   Prophets 26 The Dancing David: Nudity and Cult in 2 Sam. 6  Sarah Schulz

461

27 Elijah’s Hairy Robe and the Clothes of the Prophets  Martin Schott

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28 Nudity and Captivity in Isa. 20 in Light of Iconographic Evidence  Andrea Beyer

491

29 Clothing, Nudity, and Shame in the Book of Ezekiel and Prophetic Oracles of Judgment  Anja Klein

499

30 Clean Garments for Joshua: The Purification of the High Priest in Zech. 3  Martin Hallaschka

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3.3   Wisdom Literature 31 Women’s Dress Codes in the Book of Proverbs  Stefan Fischer

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32 Clothing and Nudity in the Song of Songs  Meik Gerhards

557

Index of Subjects Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources

569 573

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Figures 3.1 Aboriginal women, Northern Territory, 1928 3.2 Alacaluf fuegians dressed in huanaco skins 3.3 Yali old man and women 3.4 A young Waika in traditional dress 3.5 Drawing of Mohavi men and women by Lorenzo Sitgreaves, Arizona 1851 3.6 Doric chiton 3.7 Woman wearing a headscarf, Egypt, 1935 3.8 Saudi Arabian Bedouin man wearing a keffiyeh 3.9 Inupiat family, 1917 3.10 Mercenaries, Nuremberg, 1538 3 .11 Das Tal der Stille, 1858, detail 4.1 Syrian fat-tailed ram (Awassi) 4.2 Syrian she-goat 4.3 Dromedary 4.4 Bactrian camel 4.5 Flax and hemp 4.6 Gossypium arboreum 4.7 Hexaplex trunculus 4.8 Bolinus brandaris 4.9 Oak Kermes 4.10 Madder 4.11 Woad 4.12 Dyer’s Weld 4.13 S-Z twist yarn 4.14 Distaff 4.15 Spindle 4.16 Ply structures 4.17 Warp-weighted loom and two-beam vertical loom 4.18 Plain weave

38 39 40 43 43 44 45 45 46 47 47 55 56 58 59 61 62 64 64 66 67 68 69 72 72 73 75 78 79

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Figures 4 .19 Tapestry weave 4 .20 Pile formation on right-angle plaiting 4.21 Rigid heddle loom 4.22 Tablet weaving 5.1 Textile fragments excavated from Çatal Hüyük 5.2 The Uruk Vase, National Museum, Iraq 5.3 Textile with gold threads from Ebla, Syria 5.4 Linen tassel from Tomb 2, Nimrud, Iraq 5.5 Figures from the Diyala region, Iraq 5.6 Victory stele of Naram-Sin from Susa, Iran 5.7 Figure of Iddi-Ilum of Mari, Iraq 5.8 Relief of Ashurnasirpal II’s robe, Nimrud, Iraq 5.9 Relief showing Assyrian queen from Ashurbanipal’s “Garden Scene,” Nineveh, Iraq 5 .10 Glazed brick relief of archers, Susa, Iran 5 .11 “Burney Relief ” 5.12 Female figure from Nineveh, Iraq 6.1 Section of bronze bands that adorned the gates of Balawat showing male nude and female clothed prisoners

ix 80 81 82 83 92 93 95 97 101 104 105 108 110 112 115 116 134

6.2 Two ancient Syrian cylinder seals featuring the motif of the unveiling goddess

6.3 Two Middle Bronze seals featuring the so-called branch goddess 6.4 Late Bronze and early Iron so-called Astarte plaques from Tel Masad, Tel Zeror, and Taanach showing the nude goddess

6.5 Late Bronze plaque figurine of a nude goddess from Revadim 6.6 Gold foil from Lachish showing a nude female wearing an atef-crown and standing on the back of an armored horse

135 136 136 137 139

6.7 Two so-called Judean Pillar Figurines from the Iron Age II, one with a molded head and the other one with a pinched nose, from Jerusalem and Beersheba

140

6.8 Cylinder seal from the late Uruk period showing a nude arm-bearer in relation to the ruler

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6.9 Seal impression from the late Uruk period depicting the ruler shooting nude enemies

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6.10 Reconstructed sequence of jar sealings from Uruk (late Uruk period) featuring nude warriors and enemies

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Figures

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6.11 Cylinder seal from the late Uruk period showing a nude male with a lance defending a calving cow

145

6.12 Cylinder seal from the Accadian period featuring the Mesopotamian nude hero

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6.13 Samarian bullae from Wadi Daliyeh featuring nudes with a chlamys or a himation and in a standing, seated, or leant position

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6.14 Samarian bulla from Wadi Daliyeh depicting a nude male as “master of animals” 6 .15 Bulla from Samaria showing the royal hero fighting a hybrid creature 6 .16 Hemiobol from Samaria featuring the Persian king shooting an arrow 6.17 Obol from Samaria showing a nude male fighting an animal 6.18 Samarian bullae from Wadi Daliyeh featuring nude males in a combative or smiting stance, armed with a shield, a spear, and both

147 148 148 148 149

6.19 Hemiobol from Samaria depicting a nude male sitting on an uncertain object (a rock or a shield) 6 .20 Drachm from Samaria showing two fighting nudes 6 .21 Three seals showing the nude Horus-child 6.22 Obol from Samaria showing a bearded and partly nude Bes 6.23 Ivory openwork plaque featuring Bes 6.24 Persian period seals from Atlit featuring Heracles 6.25 Samarian bullae from Wadi Daliyeh depicting Heracles with club and bow, draped in a lion skin or in battle with the Nemean lion

149 150 151 152 152 153 153

6.26 Obol from Samaria showing a nude male, probably Heracles, sitting on a rock or a shield and resting his left hand on a club

154

6.27 Samarian bullae from Wadi Daliyeh featuring Hermes, Perseus, Eros, and a satyr 6 .28 Obol from Samaria showing a nude winged figure 6 .29 Obol from Samaria featuring a nude and a seminude figure within a frame most likely representing a temple 6 .30 Hemiobol from Samaria showing a nude youth 7.1 Group figure of the family of Niankhra 7.2 Fowling with clapnet from the tomb of Ti 8.1 Judeans on reliefs from the first millennium BCE 8.2 Israelites on reliefs from the first millennium BCE 8.3 Ivory engraving (thirteenth century BCE) from Megiddo

154 154 155 156 172 175 188 189 189

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Figures 8.4

Judean soldier on the Lachish relief

8 .5 Elite soldier 8 .6 Mourning women on the Ahiram sarcophagus 8.7 Horizontal loom 8.8 Vertical loom 8.9 Levantine nomads, drawing in a tomb in Beni Hassan 8.10 Kuttonät 8.11 Śimlāh 11.1 Relief from Niniveh depicting Assyrian soldiers carrying away cult statues during Tiglath-Pileser III’s conquest of Gaza in 734 BCE 1 2.1 Mesopotamian cylinder seal depicting a presentation scene 1 2.2 Mesopotamian relief depicting a presentation scene 12.3 Ugaritic relief featuring a cult scene 12.4 Stele of the Aramean king Barrakib 12.5 Ivory bangle depicting Thutmose IV in the smiting posture 12.6 Seal depicting the pharaoh in the smiting posture 12.7 Cylinder seal from Oxus Treasure featuring royal figure 12.8 Wall relief featuring Ramses III storming a fortress 12.9 The Behistun relief 12.10 Viticultural scene from the tomb of Nakht depicting people at work treading grapes in the wine press

xi 191 191 193 197 198 204 208 210 256 271 272 273 274 277 278 279 281 282 283

12.11 Scene from The Book of Amduat featuring two deities using a sack press to execute judgment in the afterlife

283

1 9.1 Depiction of a tree with a winged hybrid creature as guardian (Megiddo) 363 1 9.2 Depiction of a tree with a winged hybrid creature as guardian (Samaria) 364 19.3 Stamp seal displaying a symmetrical composition with associations of a sanctuary 19.4 Seal from Tell Dan displaying a symmetrical composition centered around a serpent 19.5 Assyrian soldiers leading captives into captivity 26.1 Palestinian scarab depicting a vigorously dancing man

26.2 Cylinder seal depicting a man turning a wheel

365 366 371 468 468

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Contributors Lars Allolio-Näcke is Privatdozent and scientific coordinator at the Zentralinstitut “Anthropologie der Religion(en)” at Friedrich-Alexander-Universität, ErlangenNuremberg. Sonja Ammann is Assistant Professor of Old Testament at the University of Basel. Michaela Bauks is Professor of Old Testament and Religious History at the University of Koblenz-Landau. Naḥum Ben-Yehuda is a doctoral candidate at Bar Ilan University and an associate of The Textile Institute, UK. Christoph Berner is Professor of Old Testament at Christian-Albrechts-Universität, Kiel. Andrea Beyer is Senior Lecturer in Old Testament at Friedrich-Alexander-Universität, Erlangen-Nuremberg. Marilyn E. Burton (PhD, Edinburgh, 2014) specializes in the application of contemporary semantic theory to biblical interpretation. Franziska Ede is Senior Lecturer in Old Testament at Georg-August-Universität, Göttingen. Stefan Fischer is Privatdozent for Old Testament and Biblical Archaeology at the University of Vienna and Research Associate at the University of the Free State, Bloemfontein. Agnès Garcia-Ventura is a postdoctoral researcher at the IPOA, Universitat de Barcelona. Meik Gerhards is Senior Lecturer in Old Testament at the University of Cologne. Holger Gzella is Professor of Hebrew and Aramaic at Leiden University. Martin Hallaschka is a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Hamburg and Vikar (curate) of Evangelische Kirche von Kurhessen-Waldeck, Kassel. Friedhelm Hartenstein is Professor of Old Testament at Ludwig-MaximiliansUniversität, Munich.

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Contributors

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Anna-Katharina Höpflinger is Research and Teaching Assistant in the Study of Religion at Ludwig-Maximilians-Universität, Munich. Rainer Kessler is Professor Emeritus of Old Testament at Philipps-Universität, Marburg. Anja Klein is Senior Lecturer in Hebrew Bible/Old Testament at the University of Edinburgh. Melanie Köhlmoos is Professor of Old Testament at Goethe-Universität, Frankfurt am Main. Joachim J. Krause is Senior Lecturer in Hebrew Bible at Eberhard-Karls-Universität, Tübingen. Joel M. LeMon is Associate Professor of Old Testament at Emory University, Atlanta, and Associate Professor Extraordinary at the University of Stellenbosch. Nathan MacDonald is Reader in the Interpretation of the Old Testament at the University of Cambridge and a Fellow of St. John’s College. Jessi Orpana is a postdoctoral researcher at the Centre of Excellence in Changes in Sacred Texts and Traditions, University of Helsinki. Wolfgang Oswald is Associate Professor of Old Testament at Eberhard-Karls Universität, Tübingen. Eckart Otto is Professor Emeritus of Old Testament at Ludwig MaximiliansUniversität, Munich, and Honorary Professor at the University of Pretoria. Richard A. Purcell is a doctoral candidate at Emory University, Atlanta. Katharina Pyschny is Senior Lecturer in Old Testament at Ruhr-University, Bochum. Martin Schott is Assistant Lecturer in Old Testament at Friedrich-AlexanderUniversität, Erlangen-Nuremberg. Sarah Schulz is Senior Lecturer in Old Testament at Friedrich-Alexander-Universität, Erlangen-Nuremberg. Dina Serova is Research Assistant at the Department for Northeast African Archaeology and Cultural Studies at Humboldt-Universität, Berlin. Allison Thomason is Professor of Ancient History at Southern Illinois University Edwardsville. Jürgen van Oorschot is Professor of Old Testament at Friedrich-Alexander-Universität, Erlangen-Nuremberg.

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Contributors

Martina Weingärtner is Lecturer at the Institute of Protestant Theology at the University of Augsburg. Wolfgang Zwickel is Professor of Old Testament and Biblical Archaeology at Johannes Gutenberg-Universität, Mainz.

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Preface On a stifling hot Andalusian summer night during the 2015 EABS meeting in Córdoba, Spain, when clothing felt like a burden and nudity seemed like a promise, the editors of this volume met in a small downtown tavern. Reveling in memories of our experiences at the University of Erlangen-Nuremberg, where the issues of clothing and nudity had first struck us as an obvious yet heavily underresearched topic, we soon agreed that it would be worthwhile to explore this topic in the context of a distinct research unit. As a result, we organized the workshop “Concepts of Nudity and Clothing in the Hebrew Bible,” which took place at the EABS meeting in Leuven, Belgium, in 2016. Apparently, we had touched a nerve. The workshop was such an overwhelming success and we received so much encouraging feedback that we wanted to pursue the topic of clothing and nudity in the Hebrew Bible as comprehensively as possible. What emerged in our minds was the idea of a handbook offering a twofold approach toward the biblical evidence through both thematic and textual studies. At the same time, it was important to us that the handbook contain an introductory section addressing methodological issues, the ancient Near Eastern evidence, as well as lexicographic, anthropological, and theological aspects, thus providing a detailed contextualization for the biblical material. It was a lucky coincidence that Miriam Cantwell from T&T Clark approached us with quite a similar idea in mind. We wish to thank her and her colleagues, Dominic Mattos and Sarah Blake, for their great enthusiasm for our project and their ceaseless support during all of its stages. Producing this handbook was a major task that would have been impossible to accomplish without the generous financial support of several institutions. We are indebted to the state of Bavaria for funding in the framework of the agreement to advance equal opportunity for women in research and teaching, the Center for Anthropology of Religion(s) at the Friedrich-Alexander-University Erlangen-Nuremberg, the Faculty of Theology of the Georg-August-University Göttingen, and the Master Program “Ethics of Textual Cultures” (University of Augsburg). Finally, our cordial thanks go to our collaborators Stephan Mikusch (copyediting) and Stephen Germany (English editing), whose excellent work helped bring this handbook to fruition.

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Abbreviations AB ABD ABR AfO AHw AJA ANE ANEM ANEP ANET AOAT ARM ASJ ASTM ATANT ATD AuOr AuS V B.T. BA BAR BARev BBB BBR BDB BETL BEvTh Bib BibInt BiKi

Anchor Bible David Noel Freedman (ed.). The Anchor Bible Dictionary (New York: Doubleday, 1992) Australian Biblical Review Archiv für Orientforschung Wolfram von Soden. Akkadisches Handwörterbuch, 3 vols. (Wiesbaden, 1965–1981) American Journal of Archaeology (l,1885–11,1896) and of the History of Fine Arts Ancient Near East/Eastern Ancient Near East Monographs James B. Pritchard (ed.). Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1954) James B. Pritchard (ed.). Ancient Near Eastern Texts Relating to the Old Testament (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1950) Alter Orient und Altes Testament Archives royales de Mari Acta Sumerologica American Society for Testing and Materials (https://www.astm.org/) Abhandlungen zur Theologie des Alten und Neuen Testaments Das Alte Testament Deutsch Aula Orientalis Gustaf Dalman. Arbeit und Sitte in Palästina V. Webstoff, Spinnen, Weben, Kleidung (Schriften des Deutschen Palästina-Instituts 8)  (Gütersloh: Rufer 1937) Babylonian Talmud Biblical Archaeologist British Archaeological Reports Biblical Archaeology Review Bonner Biblische Beiträge Bulletin for Biblical Research Francis Brown, S. R. Driver, and Charles A. Briggs. A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament (Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1907) Bibliotheca ephemeridum theologicarum Lovaniensium Beiträge zur Evangelischen Theologie Biblica Biblical Interpretation Bibel und Kirche

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Abbreviations BIS BJS BKAT BN BN NF BO BThST BWAT BWANT BZAR BZNW BZAW CAD CBET CBQMS CG CIETA CSCO CTR DCH DCLY DJD DJPA DSD DZA

EABS EBR ECC EHS ESV EvTh ExpTim FAT FB FOTL FRLANT FzB GAT

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Biblical Interpretation Series Brown Judaic Studies Biblischer Kommentar: Altes Testament Biblische Notizen Biblische Notizen Neue Folge Bibliotheca orientalis Biblisch-Theologische Studien Beiträge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten Testament Beiträge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten und Neuen Testament Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für altorientalische und biblische Rechtsgeschichte Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für neutestamentliche Wissenschaft Beihefte zur Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Ignace I. Gelb, et al. (eds.). The Assyrian Dictionary of the Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago (Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1956–2010) Contributions to Biblical Exegesis and Theology Catholic Biblical Quarterly Monograph Series Coptic Gnostic Codex Centre International d’Etude des Textiles Anciens Corpus scriptorium christianorum orientalium Center for Textile Research David J.  A. Clines. Dictionary of Classical Hebrew, 9  vols. (Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 1993–2014) Deuterocanonical and Cognate Literature Yearbook Discoveries in the Judaean Desert Michael Sokoloff. Dictionary of Jewish Palestinian Aramaic, 3rd edn. (Ramat Gan: Bar Ilan, 2017) Dead Sea Discoveries Digitalisiertes Zettelarchiv. Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften. Strukturen und Transformationen des Wortschatzes der ägyptischen Sprache. Available online:  http://aaew.bbaw.de/tla/servlet/ DzaIdx?u=gast&f=0&l=0 (accessed December 12, 2017) European Association of Biblical Studies Encyclopedia of the Bible and Its Reception Eerdmans Critical Commentary Europäische Hochschulschriften English Standard Version Evangelische Theologie Expository Times Forschungen zum Alten Testament Forschungen zur Bibel The Forms of the Old Testament Literature Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen Testaments Forschung zur Bibel Grundrisse zum Alten Testament

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xviii Ges. GGG HALOT HAT HB HBAI HBS HCOT HThKAT IAAR ICC IECOT IEKAT IPIAO 1

IPIAO 2 IPIAO 3 J.T. JBL JBR JHS JNES JNSL JQR JSem JSJ JSJSup JSNTSup JSOT JSOTSup JSP JTSA KAI KAT

Abbreviations Wilhelm Gesenius, and Herbert Donner. Hebräisches und Aramäisches Handwörterbuch über das Alte Testament, 18th edn. (Heidelberg: Springer, 2013) Othmar Keel and Christoph Uehlinger. Gods, Goddesses and Images of God. Trans. Thomas Trapp (Minneapolis: Fortress, 1998) Ludwig Koehler, et  al. (eds.). Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament, 5 vols. (Leiden: Brill, 1995–2000) Handbuch zum Alten Testament Hebrew Bible Hebrew Bible and Ancient Israel Herders biblische Studien Historical Commentary on the Old Testament Herders Theologischer Kommentar zum Alten Testament Israel Antiquities Authority Report International Critical Commentary International Exegetical Commentary on the Old Testament International Exegetischer Kommentar zum Alten Testament Silvia Schroer and Othmar Keel. Die Ikonographie Palästinas/Israels und der Alte Orient:  Eine Religionsgeschichte in Bildern:  Bd. 1:  Vom ausgehenden Mesolithikum bis zur Frühbronzezeit (Fribourg:  Academic Press Fribourg, 2005) Silvia Schroer. Die Ikonographie Palästinas/Israels und der Alte Orient: Eine Religionsgeschichte in Bildern: Bd. 2: Die Mittelbronzezeit (Fribourg: Academic Press Fribourg, 2008) Silvia Schroer. Die Ikonographie Palästinas/Israels und der Alte Orient: Eine Religionsgeschichte in Bildern:  Bd. 3:  Die Spätbronzezeit (Fribourg: Academic Press Fribourg, 2011) Jerusalem Talmud Journal of Biblical Literature Journal of Bible and Religion Journal of Hellenistic Studies Journal of Near Eastern Studies Journal of Northwest Semitic Languages Jewish Quarterly Review Journal of Semitics Journal for the Study of Judaism Journal for the Study of Judaism in the Persian, Hellenistic and Roman Period, Supplement Series Journal for the Study of the New Testament, Supplement Series Journal for the Study of the Old Testament Journal for the Study of the Old Testament, Supplement Series Judaea & Samaria Publications Journal of Theology for Southern Africa Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften Kommentar zum Alten Testament

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Abbreviations KBO

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Keilschrifttexte aus Boghazköi. Leipzig:  Hinrichs, 1916–1923; Berlin: Gebr. Mann, 1954–present KHC Kurzer Hand-Commentar zum Alten Testament KJV King James Version KMT Kmt. A Modern Journal of Ancient Egypt KVR Kleine Vandenhoeck-Reihe LBH Late biblical Hebrew LHBOTS Library of Hebrew Bible/Old Testament Studies LSTS Library of Second Temple Studies LXX Septuagint M. Mischna MT Masoretic Text NAB New American Bible NAS New American Standard Bible NBL Manfred Görg and Bernhard Lang (eds.). Neues Bibellexikon. 1988ff. NCBC The New Century Bible Commentary NICOT The New International Commentary on the Old Testament NIV New International Version NJB New Jerusalem Bible NJPS New Jewish Publication Society translation of the Jewish Bible NRSV New Revised Standard Version NSK.AT Neuer Stuttgarter Kommentar. Altes Testament NTOA Novum Testamentum et Orbis Antiquus OBO Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis OBO.SA Orbis Biblicus et Orientalis. Series Archaeologica ÖBS Österreichische Biblische Studien OEE Oxford Expedition to Egypt. “Scene-details Database” (Oxford: Linacre College, 2006). Available online:  http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/ archives/view/oee_ahrc_2006/ (accessed December 12, 2017) OIP Oriental Institute Publications OLZ Orientalistische Literaturzeitung ORA Orientalische Religionen in der Antike OTL Old Testament Library OTM Oxford Theological Monographs OTS Old Testament Studies PT Pyramidentext/Pyramid text RGG Hans Dieter Betz, et  al. (eds.). Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart, 8 vols. (Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1998–2007) RHR Revue de l’histoire des religions RINAP Royal Inscriptions of the Neo-Assyrian Period RLA Michael P.  Streck, et  al. (eds.). Reallexikon der Assyriologie und Vorderasiatischen Archäologie (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1966–2018) RSV Revised Standard Version SAAS State Archives of Assyria Studies SAOC Studies in Ancient Oriental Civilization

xx

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Abbreviations

SANTAG Santag. Arbeiten und Untersuchungen zur Keilschriftkunde SBAB Stuttgarter Biblische Aufsatzbände SBLDS SBL Dissertation Series SBS Stuttgarter Bibelstudien SBT Studies in Biblical Theology SESJ Publications of the Finnish Exegetical Society SJ Studia Judaica SSN Studia Semitica Neerlandica STDJ Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah StudBib Studia Biblica SubBi Subsidia Biblica T. Tosefta T.J. Targum Jonathan T.O. Targum Onkelos T. Ps.-J. Targum Pseudo-Jonathan TADAE B. Porten and A.  Yardeni (eds.). Textbook of Aramaic Documents from Ancient Egypt, 4 vols. (Jerusalem 1986–1999) TB Theologische Bücherei: Neudrucke und Berichte aus dem 20. Jahrhundert TDOT Johannes Botterweck, Helmer Ringgren, and Heinz-Josef Fabry (eds.). Theological Dictionary of the Old Testament. Trans. Geoffrey W. Bromiley, 10 vols. (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans 1977–2012) THAT Ernst Jenni and Claus Westermann (eds.). Theologisches Handwörterbuch zum Alten Testament (Munich: Chr. Kaiser, 1971–1976) ThLZ.F Forum Theologische Literaturzeitung ThSt Theologische Studien TThSt Trierer Theologische Studien ThWAT Botterweck, Johannes, Helmer Ringgren, and Heinz-Josef Fabry (eds.). Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testament (Stuttgart:  W. Kohlhammer, 1970–2000) ThZ Theologische Zeitschrift TM Trismegistos Texts Database. Multilingualism and Multiculturalism in Graeco-Roman Egypt. Available online: https://www.trismegistos.org/tm/ index.php (accessed December 12, 2017) TOTC Tyndale Old Testament Commentaries TT&D Textile Terms and Definitions (Manchester: The Textile Institute, 2002) TRE Gerhard Müller, Horst Balz, and Gerhard Krause (eds.). Theologische Realenzyklopädie, 36 vols. (Berlin: De Gruyter, 1977–2004) TUAT Otto Kaiser (ed.). Texte aus der Umwelt des Alten Testaments. Gütersloh: Mohn, 1982–1997 TWOT R. Laird Harris, Gleason L.  Archer, Jr, and Bruce K.  Waltke (eds.). Theological Wordbook of the Old Testament, 2  vols. (Chicago:  Moody Press, 1980) UF Ugarit-Forschungen UTB Uni-Taschenbücher VT Vetus Testamentum

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Abbreviations VTSup VWGTh WBC WD WiBiLex WMANT WUNT ZABR ZAW ZBKAT ZDMG

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Vetus Testamentum Supplements Veröffentlichungen der Wissenschaftlichen Gesellschaft für Theologie Word Biblical Commentary Mary J. W. Leith. Wadi Daliyeh I: The Wadi Daliyeh Seal Impressions (DJD 24). Oxford: Clarendon, 1997 Das Wissenschaftliche Bibellexikon im Internet Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament Zeitschrift für Altorientalische und Biblische Rechtsgeschichte Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft Zürcher Bibelkommentar Altes Testament Zeitschrift der deutschen morgenländischen Gesellschaft

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Part 1

Addressing and Contextualizing Clothing and Nudity in Ancient Israel

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Methodological Perspectives

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Between Regulation, Identification, and Representation Clothing and Nudity from the Perspective of the Study of Religion Anna-Katharina Höpflinger

1.  Introduction In the Victorian era, a bourgeois woman left her home with her body almost completely covered: She wore a long dress that cloaked her body from neck to toe, her hands in gloves, and her head covered with a hat. To go out without a hat or gloves would have been to go out naked.1 During the same period, some cultures in South America, for example, the Waica/Guaica (Portuguese: Uaicás), a group of the Yanomami in the south of modern Venezuela and the north of Brazil, wore nothing but a string (men) or a fringed belt (women) around their hips, holding—in the case of the men—the penis in a certain position. Some ethnographers describe how the loss of these strings caused the men to feel “naked,” even though from a European perspective they were already uncovered.2 These two examples from the same time period show that nudity is not something that is naturally felt, bodily fixed, or universal but something determined by different sociocultural perspectives. What someone regards as nudity is based first and foremost on individual feelings and culture- and time-specific shared meanings. Using a culturalhistorical approach, it is difficult to reconstruct individual feelings; this would be a psychological approach beyond the scope of this article. Thus, in what follows, I will focus on a cultural studies perspective with reflections on the sociocultural collective aspect of nudity. This collective aspect forms itself in shared meanings, communal expectations, and sociocultural conventions. These shared meanings link the collective and the individual. On a collective level, they take shape in norms, regulations, and practices; on an individual dimension, they appear in emotions as shame or desire and See Thiel, Geschichte des Kostüms, 352–64. 2 See Zerries, Waika; Zerries, “Besuch bei den Waika,” 182–3. 1

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in responding to norms or breaking them. Both of these dimensions relate to religion, as will be shown later in this chapter. The questions guiding the present discussion are as follows: How can we approach the sociocultural interactions between nudity and religion in a systematic way, and which categories are helpful to conceptualize and understand these interactions? In the following approach to nakedness, I will first argue that nudity is part of human vestimentary communication. I will then systematize the intersection of religion and nudity using a cultural studies perspective, integrating a number of examples. Finally, I will conclude with a short summary of the thoughts expressed here and further questions for research on nudity in the Hebrew Bible.

2.  Clothing and Nudity as Communication In 1985 Fred Davis wrote, “That the clothes we wear make a statement is itself a statement that . . . has virtually become a cliché.”3 That clothing and fashion generate communication is a shared assumption in clothing studies.4 In this context, clothing is defined in a broader sense as a material shaping of the body, including the draping of hair or the use of makeup, while fashion is a term for the sociocultural regulation of clothing. Primary sociocultural categories are formed and communicated through clothing and fashion: Gender, status, ethnicity, age, and so on are linked to and communicated through different clothing habits.5 Here is an example to use gender for such a basic sociocultural category: In the aforementioned Waica culture, the primary sex organs can be seen, but in some other parts of the world, and especially in the cultures based on the Hebrew Bible, gender was and is first and foremost communicated through clothing. Gender is formed through the cut of the garments, the sewing techniques, the color of the textile (e.g., blue for girls and pink for boys in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries6), the decoration of the hair, jewelry, makeup, and so on. Clothes construct ideas of the body and sometimes even form the body itself.7 Clothing is an important part of the individual, as well as collective classification, due to the fact that sociocultural concepts are formed (albeit not exclusively) through the representation of the body. Henceforth, we shall define clothing according to vestimentary specialist Malcolm Barnard’s concept as communication, in the sense that clothing forms and mediates in a time-specific way basic sociocultural categories in a bodily manner.8 Davis, “Clothing and Fashion,” 15. 4 One of the most important works in this field is Barnard, Fashion as Communication. 5 Pezzoli-Olgiati and Höpflinger, “Second Skin.” 6 The Infants’ Department writes in June 1918, “Pink or Blue? Which is intended for boys and which for girls? This question comes from one of our readers this month, and the discussion may be of interest to others. There has been a great diversity of opinion in this subject, but the generally accepted rule is pink for the boy and blue for the girl. The reason is that pink, being a more decided and stronger color, is more suitable for the boy, while blue, which is more delicate and dainty, is prettier for the girl” (quoted from Paoletti, Pink and Blue, 85). 7 One example of the shaping of the body is the corset in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries in the United States and Europe, an undergarment that, worn from a young age on, altered bone growth and thereby strengthened the idea of the weak woman. See Barbe, Figur in Form. 8 Barnard, Fashion as Communication. 3

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However, if clothing communicates basic sociocultural categories, what then does nudity communicate? Is nakedness the opposition to clothing? Or is it part of it? Before thinking about this question, we have to consider the terminology being used. The terms “nudity” and “nakedness” are here used as synonyms, but why? Gill Saunders distinguishes nudity from nakedness as follows: “The transformation from the naked to the nude is thus the shift from the actual to the ideal—the move from a perception of unformed, corporeal matter to the recognition of unit and constraint, the regulated economy of art. It is this process of transfiguration that renders the nude the perfect subject for the work of art.”9 Saunders hereby divides between the physical and artistic application, introducing dichotomous categories such as nature and culture or subject and object.10 As we will see below, the ideal and the actual are fluid categories when viewed from a cultural-historical perspective. I will use these two terms as synonyms, since the actual is always communicated through media and is thereby measured by the “ideal” in terms of sociocultural expectations and ideas. To come back to our first question: What is the connection between clothing and nudity? Most clothing researchers focus on the textile medium and not so much on its “absence” (in the aforementioned culture-specific sense). Nevertheless, nakedness is a topic that spans a broad range of fields. For example, there are studies on nakedness that stress the relationship between nudity and eroticism.11 This relationship is culturally constructed; eroticism does not have to go with or against nudity. Especially nudity in the Hebrew Bible, the topic of this study, is not always connected with sexuality.12 Other studies focus, in an ethnographic sense, on foreign cultures or on the construction of differences through nakedness; and still others research, from a psychological perspective, individual feelings toward nudity (e.g., shame) or, from the perspective of an art historian, the role of nakedness in (mostly) European art.13 In religious studies, nakedness is a topic in the context of research on religion and pornography, ethnographic studies of other religions, or from a historical perspective, such as the naked goddesses in ancient Near Eastern and Greco-Roman cultures.14 Nudity has been a wide-ranging topic in different research projects up to the present and is connected to different sociocultural aspects. Based on the studies already mentioned, here I would like to stress the relationship between clothing and nudity from a communication studies perspective. 9 Saunders, The Nude, 14. 10 For a critical reading of Saunders, see Gernig, “Bloss nackt,” 9–10. 11 On the connection of religion, nudity, eroticism, and art, see, e.g., Didi-Huberman, Venus öffnen; Lange, Pan & Syrinx. On nudity and eroticism in the nineteenth century, see, e.g., Gernig, “Postadamitische Rache am Sündenfall.” 12 On nudity and the absence of eroticism in the Hebrew Bible, see Brandscheidt, “Nacktheit”; Horvilleur, En tenue d’Eve. 13 See, e.g., Hall, “The Spectacle” (nudity as difference); Dogmaraci, “Orientalische Frauenbilder” (construction of nudity in Harems as a West-East-dichotomy); Didi-Hubermann, Venus öffnen (nudity, art, violence); Foehr-Janssens, Naef, and Schlaepfer, Voile, corps et pudeur (covering and shame); Horvilleur, En tenue d’Eve (shame in Judaism); Knauss, “Sinful Sex” (nudity and religion in commercials); Lange, Pan & Syrinx (nudity and European art). 14 See, e.g., Knauss, “Sinful Sex” (nudity and religion in commercials); Burger, “In Luft gekleidet” (nudity in India); Marinatos, The Goddess and the Warrior (the naked goddess in ancient Greek culture); Bahrani, Women of Babylon, 40–95 (nudity in Mesopotamia).

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How can we think theoretically about the relationship between clothing and nakedness? I will use an argument developed by the Canadian media scholar Marshall McLuhan to answer this question. McLuhan wrote some fancy as well as brilliant books on media in the 1960s. He argues that media are functional (not substantial) extensions of the human body:15 The wheel is a functional extension of the legs and feet and the ability to move; the computer is an extension of the nervous system and the brain and the ability to think; and clothing is an extension of the skin. The skin can be defined as a protective barrier as well as a space of communication. According to McLuhan, the function of clothing is the same as that of skin; clothing forms a sort of “second skin.” This idea fits well into our theoretical thoughts on clothing using Malcolm Barnard’s assertion that clothing is communication and that it forms basic sociocultural categories. If clothing is defined functionally as a second skin, then perhaps we should examine the close relationship between the skin and clothing. The skin also communicates and forms basic sociocultural categories such as gender, class, age, and profession. A case in point is the glowing skin of the so-called radium girls, the laborers working with radium paint in the clock industry in the early twentieth century.16 Some of these women, proud of their work and not aware of how dangerous it was, painted their face, nails, or teeth with radium so that these painted parts would glow in the night at parties. This glowing was a sign of their profession and a marker of identity as well as employment status. The skin can, as clothing, be used as a canvas for communication, such as through scarring or tattooing.17 The concept of the skin as part of communication is important for our argument because nudity, although constructed in a time- and culture-specific sense, is in some ways connected to the uncovering of the skin: Nakedness is often linked to showing at least some parts of the skin. Moreover, it is even used in a metaphorical sense, since nudity is based on the idea of uncovering. This close connection between the skin and uncovering can be illustrated once again with McLuhan’s concept of clothing: McLuhan not only wrote his theory using scientific methods but also published an art book in 1967 together with the graphic designer Quentin Fiore that visualizes McLuhan’s concepts.18 This book contains the phrase “clothing, an extension of the skin.” Under this sentence we might expect to see clothing, but what we see instead is a naked woman. So, why is she nude? Is the naked woman here a symbol for the skin? Or is nudity itself a sort of clothing? McLuhan and Fiore show with this—somewhat provocative—piece of art that nakedness and clothing are functionally one and the same. We shall therefore define nudity (and nakedness) not as the opposite of clothing but as part of a clothing system and hence as communication. Nudity communicates in a culturally and timespecific manner expectations and ideas about the human body and the position of the human being in its social context. For example, from a “Western” perspective,19 it is no surprise that McLuhan’s and Fiore’s example shows a naked young woman and not a baby or an elderly man. In this 1960s “Western” perspective, nudity was (and still is) McLuhan, Understanding Media. 16 Moore, Radium Girls. 17 On tattoos and the Hebrew Bible, see Winter, “Gottes Tattoo,” 229–31. 18 McLuhan and Fiore, Medium Is the Massage. 19 Here, “Western” is understood not as a geographical but as a collectively imagined category. 15

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connoted with eroticism; the topos of the sexualized being was/is the naked, young, thin, (white) woman.

3.  Nudity and Religion If we suggest, as above, that nudity is part of a clothing system with specific meanings in this system, we can then ask what nakedness means with regard to religion. Clothes as a medium, understood in the sense of McLuhan’s views, are used widely in different religious traditions to communicate religious worldviews. Religious specialists are recognizable because of their special clothing, rituals such as marriage or mourning can be characterized by the things people wear and how they act in these clothes, and gods and goddesses are distinguishable because of their special apparel (e.g., the winged shoes of Hermes/Mercury). Clothing can also be used to separate a specific religious group from other religious traditions.20 Thus, clothing is widely used to communicate religious worldviews and to establish religious status and practices. Yet how should we define religion for a study of nudity? Based on the argument that clothing and nudity are sociocultural means of shaping the body aesthetically, I will approach religion from a cultural studies perspective. Religion can be defined as a part of culture in which aesthetic terms play an important role. Or, in the words of David Morgan, “Belief is a broad orientation . . ., a shared imaginary, a communal set of practices that structure life in powerfully aesthetic terms.”21 Religion is something that is formed culturally and is based on the human bodily senses. Morgan explains that a religious person “says he believes, but what he really does is feel, smell, hear, and see.”22 Thus, with Morgan, I argue that the bodily abilities, the senses, are the basis of religion. But what divides religions from other cultural spheres that are based on the human senses, for example, politics, art, and economics? In regard to the Hebrew Bible and its reception especially in Judaism, Christianity, and Islam as the topic of the present volume, I would like to define the specificity of religion according to a concept worked out by Martin Riesebrodt. In his book Cultus und Heilsversprechen, Riesebrodt elaborates a theory of religion that focuses on the characteristics of religion in making a transcendental promise of salvation.23 Religions are formed, according to Riesebrodt, around the promise of salvation for their followers and a threat of doom for others. This promise of salvation is—to combine this theory with Morgan’s material religion approach—formed and transmitted in a culturally specific way through different media: It is discussed in texts, shown in images, and formed in practices. The treatment of the body plays an important role in these processes. On the one hand, the body is the basis of the sensory experience of such a religious promise; or, as Morgan would put it, On the relationship between clothing and religion, see, e.g., Arthur, Religion, Dress and the Body; Arthur, Undressing Religion; Burger, “In Luft gekleidet”; Grigo, Religiöse Kleidung; Lüddeckens, “Relevanz in der Interaktion”; Pezzoli-Olgiati and Höpflinger, “Second Skin”; Wolter, Teufelshörner. 21 Morgan, Introduction, 7. 22 Ibid., 5. 23 Riesebrodt, Cultus und Heilsversprechen. 20

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belief is something sensual. On the other hand, the body is shaped in accordance with such ideas of salvation and doom. This treatment of the body in regard to religious promises is influenced by the interaction of regulations of the body, identification processes, and bodily representations.24 These three perspectives—regulation, identity, and representation—form a triangle of interrelations and are entangled with one another. Thus, in order to reflect upon the interaction between nudity and religion, I would like to elaborate further on these three aspects of cultural meaning-making. First, I will consider the regulation of the naked body with respect to the concept of religious salvation. Second, I will make some reflections on processes of identification that are connected to such regulations. Third, I will argue that these regulations and processes of identification are closely connected to the representation of nudity. I will illustrate these observations with selected examples from different religious traditions. These examples are not unique in their empirical existence but are illustrations to show the functions of processes and to spur readers to seek out their own examples and connect these theoretical observations with the Hebrew Bible.

3.1 Religious Regulation of Nudity The treatment of the body, and the exposure of the naked body, is highly regulated in many cultures. These regulations are collective. An individual person can of course form his or her own regulations toward his or her own body, but such individual ideas and practices have to reach a larger group to become socioculturally relevant, such as in the form of sacred texts like the Hebrew Bible. Clothing—and nudity as a part of clothing—is a prominent medium to form and transmit shared expectations, rules, and norms. At this point, I would like to introduce Charles Taylor’s concept of the social imaginary. Taylor defines the social imaginary as the shared expectations of a culture, including “the ways in which people imagine their social existence, how they fit together with others . . . , the expectations that are normally met, and the deeper normative notions and images that underlie these expectations.”25 A culture is kept together through this social imaginary. It is part of how everyday life is structured, what manners people learn, how they dress, what they eat, what books are considered sacred, what norms people follow, which values they stand for, how they perceive right or wrong, how they act in their roles, and so on. An important part of this social imaginary is the way people of a specific culture combine norms and actions regarding their body, that is, clothing is a model of (and at the same time a model for) the social imaginary.26 One basis of these norms and expectations toward the body, nudity, and sexuality is religion. Particularly in premodern cultures, religion played an important role in forming and communicating this social imaginary. In North American and

These three aspects are part of the so-called circuit of culture, a methodological tool to systematize the analysis of cultural “products” that was proposed by Paul Du Gay, Stuart Hall, and their colleagues at the Open University in London in 1997. See Du Gay et al., Doing Cultural Studies. 25 Taylor, “Modern Social,” 106. 26 I use the terms “model of ” and “model for” according to Geertz, Interpretation, 3–30. 24

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European history, the different streams of Judaism, Christianity, and Islam as well as their reception in popular culture have strongly shaped ideas regarding the body, whereby the Bible and its wide range of interpretations have played—and still play—a significant role. Thus, texts such as the Hebrew Bible can become a powerful matrix for a normative shaping of the body. For instance, clothing—with a focus on the cultures that include the Hebrew Bible in their social imaginary and traditions—shapes the body in a gendered way, while at the same time gender is naturalized and fixed to the nude body by forming shared ideas of the body as well as the roles of women, men, eunuchs, girls, boys, and so on. The social imaginary is formed both synchronically and diachronically: It is the “glue” that characterizes a culture of a specific time. However, it is also constructed through processes of tradition, which Aleida and Jan Assmann refer to as “cultural memory”:27 The regulated treatment of the body is based on traditions, whereby religion again plays a significant role.28 Religious traditions provide moral guidance and prescribe actions (e.g., rituals) regarding the body. The texts in the Hebrew Bible clearly show the connection between the diachronic and synchronic aspects of the social imaginary. Biblical norms reflect the expectations toward the human body of different times and places. Therefore, the Hebrew Bible does not have one norm toward nudity, but several. For example, the expectations regarding nudity are not the same in Gen. 2–3 as they are in the Song of Songs. Yet, at the same time, these texts are not only momentary stations of a specific historical time, but they are also transformed through processes of reception and are adapted to newer sociocultural expectations and ideas.29 Thus, in different cultures, and also in the cultures that shape their worldviews partially relying on the Hebrew Bible, the expectations toward nudity are highly influenced by religious ideas and pragmatics. These religious ideas regulate (for different people differently) the spaces and times where nudity is acceptable, for example, private places versus public places, and where nudity is not possible without punishment. Yet such regulations are not always expressed in law; sometimes unwritten social norms are even stronger. The way that people act with their body, and with nudity, is based on shared ideas and is normally transmitted through socialization such that this behavior becomes “normal” in the social imaginary and the individual feels that such a handling of the body is the only possible way to act. Even today, these social norms are often based on religious ideas, whereby the implicit and explicit norms in the Bible play a major role.30 Regulations of the body are not, in and of themselves, definitive, but they play an important part in forming processes of identification; regulations construct something that is one’s “own” and/or something “good” against that of something different.31 Thus, in the next section, I will examine the relationship between religion, nudity, and identification.

Assmann, Erinnerungsräume. 28 See Pezzoli-Olgiati, Religion in Cultural Imaginary. 29 See, e.g., Knauss, “Journey of a Symbol.” 30 See Knoblauch, Populäre Religion; Schlehe and Sandkühler, Religion, Tradition and the Popular. 31 Hall, “Spectacle of the Other.” 27

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3.2 Nudity and Religious Identity In the study of textiles, clothing is often connected to something called “identity.” Sociologist Gregory Stone, who wrote a much-cited article on vestimentary communication in 1962, links clothing with the construction of the self.32 The self is not only something mental or cognitive but is also socially constructed. Identity is thus not homogeneous but is based on sociocultural processes of negotiation. Here, I will connect identity to identification and use both terms synonymously.33 Identification can be defined as boundary formation that involves both belonging to something (e.g., a religion) and demarcation against something different (another religion).34 The body takes on a significant role in such processes of identification. Identity is strongly shaped and communicated via the body, often in a naturalized way, as can be seen in categories such as gender or race, which are socioculturally fixed to bodily characteristics.35 It is not surprising that clothing as a “second skin” is also an important part of processes of identification. Soldiers are recognizable by their uniforms, Roman Catholic nuns by their habit, and the high priest by his special garment. Special types of dress such as uniforms have psychological impacts on both the observer and the wearer. The German photographer Herlinde Koelbl made an interesting art project to show these impacts visually:36 She took pictures of people in their uniforms (e.g., a bishop, a general, a clown, a Swiss guard) and then in normal everyday dress, whereby she shows that our perception of these people as well as their own body language changes with the clothing. In this way, clothing transforms someone’s identity by causing that person to act differently and by causing others to react to him or her in specific ways. Nakedness is, as seen above, part of a system of clothing and is therefore also used to form identity, or, in other words, nudity can be an important part of processes of differentiation. Nakedness can first be used as a negative marker. For example, in ancient Roman times, the veil was used to construct class and status: The veiled woman was connected with normative ideas and piety.37 In European colonialism, this idea of separation through nakedness reached its climax: The dressed colonizer (=the European “self ”) was separated from the naked and often sexualized “other.”38 In this case, a line was drawn between dichotomous categories that were combined as “self = civilized = dressed = chaste” over against “other = wild = naked = sexualized.” Sometimes to be proselytized meant not only to change religion but also to dress differently.39 Consequently, nudity was the negative frame for one’s self-identification. 32 See Stone, “Appearance and the Self.” 33 The problems of the concept of “identity” are discussed, e.g., in Hall, “Who Needs Identity.” 34 Boundary formation is discussed in Lamont and Molnar, “The Study of Boundaries”; religion is included in this theoretical concept in, e.g., Dahinden, Moret, and Dümmler, “Die Herstellung sozialer Differenz.” 35 On race see Hall, “Spectacle of the Other.” 36 She exhibited these pictures in 2012 in the “Deutsches Hygiene Museum Dresden” under the title “Kleider machen Leute.” See also Koelbl, Kleider machen Leute. 37 See Hughes, “Morals, Piety, and Representation.” 38 On the combination of the naked “other” and sexuality, see Hall, “Spectacle of the Other.” On the importance of the body in a missionary context, see Ratschiller and Weichlein, Der schwarze Körper. 39 See the articles in Weichlein and Ratschiller, Der schwarze Körper.

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Nonetheless, nudity can also be a positive identification with a specific religion. One example of such a positive religious interpretation of nudity is found in Indian Sadhus. They are sometimes totally naked because of their ascetic worldview and are therefore called sky-clad, a name that points to nudity as a characteristic bodily marker for these religious specialists.40 Moreover, nudity can characterize a specific ritual or deity, for example, nakedness as identification with fertility and sexuality. The naked goddesses from the ancient Near East are examples of such an identification of nudity with a specific religious role and religious space.41 Thus, nudity is used to form religious processes of identification, construct social belonging and demarcation, and communicate religion, class, gender, and so on. Nudity is thus connected with processes of regulation and identity, which are in turn linked to each other. These regulations and identity processes are, as argued above, part of the specific social imaginary and collective expectations toward the body and its staging in different (and religious) spaces. Regulations, as well as identity processes, are not only part of the social imaginary, but they are also communicated via media. Concepts of clothing and nudity are not only elaborated in sacred texts such as the Hebrew Bible, but they are also worked out in actions, images, films, and in the contemporary world on the internet. Thus, nudity is not only regulated and used for belonging and demarcation but is also widely represented. In the next section, I will reflect further on the representation of the naked body.

3.3 Representation of Nudity The social imaginary is always communicated in a medial form, through texts, images, artefacts, architecture, clothing, and so on. Charles Taylor explains that this medial transmission is the reason why he uses the term “imaginary”: “I speak of imaginary because I am talking about the way ordinary people ‘imagine’ their social surroundings, and this is often not expressed in theoretical terms; it is carried in images, stories, and legends.”42 As we have seen, the idea of how nudity is to be represented (e.g., in images or texts), as well as the semantic meaning of nakedness, is culturally specific. The representation of nudity often mirrors the basic anthropological categories of a specific culture. For instance, in Near Eastern cultures, clothing can be connected with civilization and becoming a human being. One example is Tablet I of the Babylonian Epic of Gilgamesh.43 Enkidu is a wild man living with gazelles (not giraffes) on the steppe. Shamhat, a priestess of the goddess Ishtar, transforms this wild man into a civilized human being through sexual intercourse, human food, and clothing. In this example, nudity is connected with the wild, clothing with the civilized. Or to put it more bluntly, in the Epic of Gilgamesh, an individual has to be dressed to be seen as a human being. The story of Eve and Adam in Gen. 3 could be understood in the For more information on the sky-clad, see Burger, “In Luft gekleidet.” 41 See Keel and Schroer, Eva—Mutter alles Lebendigen. 42 Taylor, “Modern Social,” 106. See also the contribution of Pyschny (Chapter 6) in this volume. 43 See Gilgamesh I, 188ff., in the translation by George, The Epic of Gilgamesh, corresponding to I, 171ff., in the Akkadian cuneiform version published by Parpola, Standard Babylonian Epic of Gilgamesh. 40

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same context:44 To become a cultured human being means one must also be clothed (Gen. 3:7). In such mythology, nudity represents a wild and precivilized state. The aforementioned European colonial perspective of the naked as “wild” seems to be influenced by such imaginaries.45 These mythological narratives are, in the context of reception processes, also “written” out in iconographic form. As shown in the example of the famous apple— which does not appear in Gen. 3 but becomes a symbol for sin, femaleness, and nudity—social imaginaries are often more strongly influenced by images than by the texts. In antiquity, and even in medieval times, nudity was not connected mainly with eroticism but with poverty and noncivilized beings. Bodily represented eroticism became important in Renaissance culture and its aesthetic; for example, the naked Venus symbolized love and sexuality. Ancient religious images, such as nude Greek goddesses or the naked Bathsheba in the bath, then become strong platforms to create erotic images in an acceptable context (due to the religious subject matter). Based on this concept, it is not surprising that some religious movements, such as the Church of Jesus Christ of Latter-day Saints, better known as “Mormons,” represent Adam and Eve, even in Paradise, as quite well dressed.46 In the emic perspective of this religious group, nudity would not be appropriate to represent such important biblical figures. The question regarding nudity includes the one regarding the exceptions, especially the difference in the reception of our particular case of biblical motifs. Hence, the representation of nudity is connected to normative expectations toward the body as well as to processes of identification. In the last section, I will systematize this connection and, based on the reflections made in this article, will pose several questions from a religious studies perspective regarding nudity in the Hebrew Bible.

4.  Systematizing the Questions I have divided the perspective of nudity in the Hebrew Bible into questions regarding regulation, identification, and representation. As the examples above have shown, these three issues can never be strictly separated from each other but are all dimensions in a complex sociocultural network involving the social imaginary, the expectations that people have, and how they structure and interpret their surrounding world: Regulations regarding the body are used in processes of identification and are represented, for example, written down in texts, painted in images, or reflected in rituals. Therefore, these three dimensions are theoretical perspectives on sociocultural networks. To summarize, nudity can be connected to basic sociocultural categories such as birth and/or death, sexuality and fertility, or human beginnings (a mythological birth as in the case of the story of Adam and Eve). Additionally, nakedness is used in processes of differentiation: It becomes a sign of the “other.” It can form ethnic differentiation, For details on the Paradise Story, see the contribution of Hartenstein (Chapter 19) in this volume. 45 Weichlein and Ratschiller, Der schwarze Körper. 46 Many thanks to Marie-Therese Mäder for this reference. See, e.g., the images on the LDS website: https://www.lds.org/media-library/images/adam-eve-39458?lang=eng (accessed July 30, 2017). 44

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for example, in the construction of the “wild” (versus the clothed “civilized”). However, social differentiation can also be transmitted via the body. In this context, nakedness can be a code for poverty, slavery, or the socially outcast. But nudity can also mark abnormal human conditions, such as Noah’s drunkenness in Gen. 9:20-27. Hence, especially in the cultures integrating the Hebrew Bible in their social imaginary, nudity is often connected with a deviation from what is considered “normal.” Therefore, religious processes of demarcation can also be formed on the basis of nakedness or covering of the body: The covering of the woman in antiquity, Judaism, Christianity, and Islam is a prime example. Furthermore, nudity can, especially in a religious ritual context, differentiate between the normal everyday life and a specific sacred time. Here too, nudity is connected to something “special” and not “normal.” Nudity, in this context, can play a part in religious rituals showing this liminal setting of religion. The tearing of one’s clothes in mourning47 or scarring oneself (see Lev. 19:28; Deut. 14:1, two passages against Near Eastern practices of cutting oneself at funeral rites) can be examples, but also nakedness in the context of rites of passage can be perceived as ritual practices of differentiation. In all of these cases, nudity creates meaning with regard to salvation or doom. A promise of salvation in a religious or social case can be connected to the staging of the body, and nudity is linked to the normative aspect of the social imaginary. Thus, the study of nudity combines different aspects of religion. We can ask: How is nudity represented in religious texts, images, and practices, and with which words, semantics, and contexts is nakedness connected? We can study how this representation is connected with processes of reception in different times and religions and how that reception changes the semantics connected with nudity. We can continue by looking at identification and elaborate on which processes of belonging and of demarcation are in religious texts, images, or practices and how their reception is symbolized by nudity. Furthermore, we can ask: Are normative regulations and rules connected with nakedness? Where is nudity seen as positive (e.g., the Song of Songs) or negative (e.g., the drunken Noah)? Are gender regulations connected to the covering and uncovering of the body? Finally, it would be interesting to connect these questions in a concrete empirical study: How are these dimensions connected with each other, in which texts, and what is their reception?

Bibliography Arthur, Linda B. (ed.). Religion, Dress and the Body. Oxford: Berg, 1999. Arthur, Linda B. (ed.). Undressing Religion: Commitment and Conversion from a CrossCultural Perspective. Oxford: Berg, 2000. Assmann, Aleida. Erinnerungsräume. Formen und Wandlungen des kulturellen Gedächtnisses. Munich: C. H. Beck, 2006. Bahrani, Zainab. Women of Babylon: Gender and Representation in Mesopotamia. London: Routledge, 2001. See also the contribution of Köhlmoos (Chapter 14) in this volume. 47

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Barbe, Josephine. Figur in Form. Geschichte des Korsetts. Bern: Haupt Verlag, 2012. Barnard, Malcolm. Fashion as Communication. London: Routledge, 2008. Brandscheidt, Renate. “Nacktheit.” WiBiLex, April 2011. Available online: https://www. bibelwissenschaft.de/stichwort/28635/ (accessed June 10, 2017). Burger, Maya. “In Luft gekleidet, oder in Samt und Seide. Körper und Kleidung als Ausdruck von Erlösungssuche im Hinduismus.” In Second Skin. Körper, Kleidung, Religion, edited by Monika Glavac, Anna-Katharina Höpflinger, and Daria PezzoliOlgiati, 185–202. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2013. Craik, Jennifer. The Face of Fashion: Cultural Studies in Fashion. London: Routledge, 1994. Dahinden, Janine, Joëlle Moret, and Kerstin Dümmler. “Die Herstellung sozialer Differenz unter der Bedingung von Transnationalisierung.” In Jugend, Migration und Religion. Interdisziplinäre Perspektiven, edited by Brigit Allenbach, Urmila Goel, Merle Hummrich, and Cirdula Weissköppel, 225–48. Baden-Baden: Nomos and Zurich: Pano, 2011. Davis, Fred. “Clothing and Fashion as Communication.” In The Psychology of Fashion, edited by Michael R. Solomon, 15–27. Lexington, MA: Lexington Books, 1985. Didi-Huberman, Georges. Venus öffnen: Nacktheit, Traum, Grausamkeit. Zurich: Diaphanes, 2006. Dogmaraci, Burcu. “Orientalische Frauenbilder. Levnî und die Portraits à la turque des 18. Jahrhunderts.” In Europa und die Türken im 18. Jahrhundert/Europe and Turkey in the 18th Century, edited by Barbara Schmidt-Haberkamp, 27–44. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011. Du Gay, Paul, et al. Doing Cultural Studies: The Story of the Sony Walkman. London: Sage, 1997. Fiore, Quentin and Marshall McLuhan. The Medium Is the Massage. London: Penguin Books, [1967] 2008. Foehr-Janssens, Yasmina, Silvia Naef, and Aline Schlaepfer (eds.). Voile, corps et pudeur. Approches historique et anthropologiques. Geneva: Labor et Fides, 2015. Geertz, Clifford. The Interpretation of Cultures: Selected Essays. New York: Basic Books, 1973. George, Andrew. The Epic of Gilgamesh. The Babylonian Epic Poem and Other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. London: Penguin, 1999. Gernig, Kerstin. “Bloss nackt oder nackt und bloss? Zur Inszenierung der Entblössung.” In Nacktheit. Ästhetische Inzenierungen im Kulturvergleich, edited by Kerstin Gernig, 7–29. Cologne: Böhlau, 2002. Gernig, Kerstin. “Postadamitische Rache am Sündenfall? Nacktheit in Kultur- und Sittengeschichte der Jahrhundertwende.” In Nacktheit. Ästhetische Inzenierungen im Kulturvergleich, edited by Kerstin Gernig, 67–89. Cologne: Böhlau, 2002. Grigo, Jacqueline. Religiöse Kleidung. Religiöse Praxis zwischen Identität und Differenz. Bielefeld: Transcript, 2015. Hall, Stuart. “Introduction: Who Needs ‘Identity’?” In Questions of Cultural Identity, edited by Stuart Hall and Paul du Gay, 1–17. Los Angeles: Sage, 2009. Hall, Stuart. “The Spectacle of the ‘Other’.” In Representation: Cultural Representations and Signifying Practices, edited by Stuart Hall, 223–90. London: Sage, 1997. Horvilleur, Delphine. En tenue d’Eve: Féminin, pudeur et judaisme. Paris: Grasset, 2013. Hughes, Lisa A. “Morals, Piety, and Representation of Veiled Women in Augustan Rome. Implications for the Twenty-First Century.” Material Religion 6.3 (2001): 377–8. Keel, Othmar and Silvia Schroer. Eva—Mutter alles Lebendigen: Frauen- und Göttinnenidole aus dem Alten Orient. Fribourg: Academic Press, 2006.

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Knauss, Stefanie. “The Journey of a Symbol through Western Imaginaries: The Curious Case of the Apple.” In Religion in Cultural Imaginary. Explorations in Visual and Material Practices, edited by Daria Pezzoli-Olgiati. 279–302. Zurich: Pano and Baden-Baden: Nomos, 2015. Knauss, Stefanie. “Sinful Sex Sells Better? Sex und Religion in der Werbung.” In Porno-Pop II. Im Erregungsdispositiv, edited by Jörg Metelmann, 223–31. Würzburg: Königshausen & Neumann, 2010. Knoblauch, Hubert. Populäre Religion. Auf dem Weg in einer spirituelle Gesellschaft. Frankfurt am Main: Campus Verlag, 2009. Koelbl, Herlinde. Kleider machen Leute. Berlin: Hatje Cantz Verlag, 2012. Lamont, Michèle and Virag Molnar. “The Study of Boundaries in the Social Sciences.” Annual Review of Sociology 28 (2002): 167–95. Lange, Justus (ed.). Pan & Syrinx: Eine erotische Jagd. Peter Paul Rubens, Jan Brueghel und ihre Zeitgenossen. Ausstellungskatalog der Staatlichen Museen Kassel. Kassel: Staatliche Museen, 2004. Lüddeckens, Dorothea. “Relevanz in der Interaktion: Kleidung und Religion.” In Die Sichtbarkeit religiöser Identität. Repräsentation—Differenz—Konflikt, edited by Dorothea Lüddeckens, Christoph Uehlinger, and Rafael Walthert, 37–75. Zurich: Pano, 2013. Marinatos, Nanno. The Goddess and the Warrior: The Naked Goddess and Mistress of Animals in Early Greek Religion. London: Routledge, 2000. Marzel, Shoshana-Rose and Guy D. Stiebel. Dress and Ideology: Fashioning Identity from Antiquity to the Present. London: Bloomsbury, 2015. McLuhan, Marshall H. Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. New York: McGraw-Hill, 1964. McLuhan, Marshall H. and Quentin Fiore. The Medium Is the Massage. London: Penguin, 1967. Moore, Kate. The Radium Girls: The Dark Story of America’s Shining Women. London: Simon & Schuster, 2016. Morgan, David. “Introduction: The Matter of Belief.” In Religion and Material Culture: The Matter of Belief, edited by David Morgan, 1–17. London: Routledge 2010. Paoletti, Jo. Pink and Blue: Telling the Boys from the Girls in America. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2012. Parpola, Simo. The Standard Babylonian Epic of Gilgamesh. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 1997. Pezzoli-Olgiati, Daria (ed.). Religion in Cultural Imaginary: Explorations in Visual and Material Practices. Baden-Baden: Nomos and Zurich: Pano, 2015. Pezzoli-Olgiati, Daria and Anna-Katharina Höpflinger. “Second Skin. Ein religionstheoretischer Zugang zu Körper und Kleidung.” In Second Skin. Körper, Kleidung, Religion, edited by Monika Glavac, Anna-Katharina Höpflinger, and Daria Pezzoli-Olgiati, 7–26. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2013. Ratschiller, Linda and Siegfried Weichlein (eds.). Der schwarze Körper als Missionsgebiet. Medizin, Ethnologie, Theologie in Afrika und Europa 1880–1960. Cologne: Böhlau, 2016. Riesebrodt, Martin. Cultus und Heilsversprechen. Eine Theorie der Religionen. Munich: C. H. Beck, 2007. Roach-Higgins, Mary Ellen, and Joanne B. Eicher. “Dress and Identity.” Clothing and Textiles Research Journal 10.1 (1992): 1–8. Saunders, Gill. The Nude: A New Perspective. London: Herbert Press, 1989.

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Schlehe, Judith and Evamaria Sandkühler (eds.). Religion, Tradition and the Popular: Transcultural Views from Asia and Europe. Bielefeld: Transcript, 2014. Stone, Gregory P. “Appearance and the Self.” In Dress and Identity, edited by Mary E. Roach-Higgins, Joanne B. Eicher, and Kim K. P. Johnson, 19–39. New York: Fairchild, [1962] 1995. Taylor, Charles. “Modern Social Imaginaries.” Public Culture 14 (2002): 91–124. Thiel, Erika. Geschichte des Kostüms. Berlin: Henschel, 2000. Winter, Urs. “Gottes Tattoo. Biblische Notizen zu einem auffälligen Phänomen euroamerikanischer Körperkultur.” In Randfiguren in der Mitte, edited by Max Küchler and Peter Reinl, 223–37. Freiburg: Paulusverlag, 2003. Wolter, Gundula. Teufelshörner und Lustäpfel. Modekritik in Wort und Bild 1150–1620. Marburg: Jonas-Verlag, 2002. Würtz, Stefanie and Roland Eckert. “Aspekte modischer Kommunikation.” In Inszenierungsgesellschaft. Ein einführendes Handbuch, edited by Herbert Willems and Martin Jurga, 177–91. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1998. Zerries, Otto. “Besuch bei den Waika (Yanoama)-Indianern des oberen Orinoco. Ein Wiedersehen nach zwanzig Jahren (1974).” Anthropos 73.1/2 (1978): 172–90. Zerries, Otto. Waika: Die kulturgeschichtliche Stellung der Waika-Indianer des Oberen Orinoko im Rahmen der Völkerkunde Südamerikas. Munich: Renner, 1964.

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Clothing and Nudity in the Ancient Near East from the Perspective of Gender Studies Agnès Garcia-Ventura

During the last several decades gender studies has been growing considerably, and its impact on the study of the past—including that of the ancient Near East—is no exception.1 Yet what does it mean to apply the perspective of gender studies to the investigation of the past? Or put another way, what does it mean to “engender” the past? No simple answer can be given to this question, since gender studies has been a diverse field from the outset. Thus, in engendering the past, it is possible to follow completely different—and even contradictory—paths. Nevertheless, despite this diversity of strategies, all possible trends share some common starting points and concerns. Among these common concerns, epistemological ones have been and remain central to most theoretical proposals in gender studies, especially for those that began to arise in the 1990s under the umbrella of postmodernism.2 These include the argument by Donna Haraway and others that all knowledge is “situated knowledge,” which means that all research is always biased and conditioned by the context in which it is produced.3 Within this framework, allegedly “objective” or “neutral” research was denounced as a fallacy, and it was emphasized that biases, whether explicit or not, are always present in research. Among the possible biases, gender studies paid special attention to androcentrism, understanding it as “the tendency to privilege male-biased, or male-centered, values and assumptions.”4 Regarding the study of the past, as summarized by Margaret W. Conkey and Joan M. Gero in the introduction to a volume that is considered a pioneer of so-called gender archaeology, the goal was This chapter was written during a postdoctoral contract Juan de la Cierva-Incorporación, awarded by the Ministry of Economy, Industry, and Competitiveness of the Government of Spain. I wish to thank Mireia López-Bertran and Marta Rivaroli for helping me to track down bibliographical resources. 1 As an example of this vitality, see Garcia-Ventura and Zisa, “Gender and Women,” 47–67. 2 For a summary of these proposals, with some reflections about their applicability to ancient Near Eastern studies, see Bahrani, Women of Babylon, 18–27; Garcia-Ventura, “Postfeminism and Assyriology”; Garcia-Ventura and Zisa, “Gender and Women,” 40–5. 3 Cf. Haraway first uses the expression “situated knowledge” in a paper published in 1988 in the journal Feminist Studies. For a synthesis of the related theoretical proposals compiled by Sandra Harding, another of the main voices of the so-called “feminist epistemologies,” see Harding, “Feminist Standpoints.” 4 Gilchrist, Gender and Archaeology, XIII.

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“engendering a supposedly gender-neutral, but in fact androcentric, past.”5 To do so, it was necessary to make gender visible, since it was agreed that its former invisibility and alleged neutrality helped to hide androcentrism.6 Precisely because this strategy of visibilization was and is at the heart of gender studies, the epistemological concerns mentioned above have often been described using metaphors of vision. For example, in 1993, Sandra Bem7 introduced the idea of “lenses of gender” as lenses that transform what we see when we look through them. A few years later, in 1997, Sarah Milledge Nelson8 presented gender studies as a prism that reveals colors that were not visible before. Using these “lenses” or looking through the “prism” of gender studies, then, helps us to demonstrate how our context as researchers affects the choice of topics of study, the form of our research questions, and the answers we obtain. In this chapter, I take these epistemological concerns and vision metaphors of gender studies as a starting point with a twofold aim. On the one hand, I aim to offer an overview of the possible androcentric biases more frequently discussed in secondary literature when dealing with nudity and clothing in the past, paying special attention to the study of ancient Near Eastern sources. On the other hand, I aim to provide some tools that are hopefully useful for those not familiar with gender studies but nonetheless interested in exploring the potential of its proposals and theoretical frameworks when dealing with the past. To this end, the present discussion contains three main sections followed by some brief final thoughts. In the first section, I concentrate on some challenges of the definitions of nudity and clothing, which are significant from the point of view of gender studies. In the second section, I show how some binaries widely used in research on nudity and clothing and on bodies in general help to reinforce inequality rather than difference between the treatment and the reading of male and female bodies. In the third section, I focus on the study of female bodies in the past, addressing topics found in secondary literature such as sexuality and fertility.

1.  Gender Studies and Challenging the Definition of Nudity and Clothing As is well known, nudity9 and clothing10 are usually defined as opposites characterized by the presence (in the case of clothing) or absence (in the case of nudity) of body 5 6 7 8 9

Conkey and Gero, “Tensions, Pluralities, and Engendering,” 15. Cf. Lorber, Breaking the Bowls, 11. Cf. Bem, Lenses of Gender. Cf. Nelson, Gender in Archaeology, 25–7. In this chapter, I do not differentiate between “nude/nudity” and “naked/nakedness,” although this is customary in the field of art history. In doing so, I follow several proposals from the field of gender studies, which critique this terminological distinction and even propose abandoning it. For further discussion of this topic, see Nead, Female Nude, 12–16. It is also worth mentioning that there is a debate within ancient Near Eastern studies on whether to maintain this distinction (Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness, Nudity, and Gender,” 131–3) or not (Bahrani, “Iconography of the Nude,” 17 n. 1; Biggs, “Nacktheit,” 64). 10 The study of dress and dress identity is beyond the scope of this chapter, although these topics are closely linked to those discussed here and have also been productive within gender studies. For those

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covering. Even if these rough definitions may work as a starting point, they pose some problems, since the “presence” or “absence” of body covering cannot be defined in absolute terms but instead must be defined in several degrees ranging from one alleged “ideal” end of the spectrum to the other. Given this scenario, some theoretical approaches developed within the framework of poststructuralism and postfeminisms propose that it is much more productive to concentrate on these several degrees rather than on the alleged “ideal” ends of the spectrum. In doing so, the focus is thus placed on the instability of both nudity and clothing rather than on their customary definition as opposites with well-defined contours.11 Relevant here is the concept of “performativity,” which was applied to gender identity beginning in the 1990s by Judith Butler.12 This concept, when applied to bodies and to identities, puts the emphasis on “doing” rather than “being.” Thus, it focuses on a process that is constantly changing rather than on a fixed and closed product of this process, a product that, from this perspective, does not exist. This theoretical approach may be especially useful to analyze some texts often studied as examples of how nudity and clothing were conceived and shaped in the ancient Near East. This is the case of stories such as the Descent of Inanna/Ištar to the Netherworld or some of the fragments of the first and second tablet of the Epic of Gilgamesh dealing with Enkidu.13 In the Descent of Inanna/Ištar, the goddess has to detach herself from a garment in order to cross the seven doors she has to overcome to reach the Netherworld. Inanna/Ištar then follows a path that leads her from being clothed to being nude, whereby her power and her status are changed. The story from the Epic of Gilgamesh, however, shows the opposite process for Enkidu. Although here the effect and the goal is also a change in status, Enkidu’s body must go from being nude to being clothed in order to achieve humanness (in contrast to animality) and thus to be “civilized.”14 In both cases, then, we see that the process is the central character. Thus, performativity itself, and not nudity or clothing per se, helps to explain that it is precisely this status change through the covering and uncovering of the body that gives meaning to both stories.15 As has been suggested by Lorenzo Verderame and others interested in exploring this field, a useful starting point is Cifarelli and Gawlinski, “Introduction,” with references to further literature. 11 For some reflections on this perspective in terms of the history of aesthetics, see Perniola, “Between Clothing and Nudity.” 12 On the applicability of “performativity” beyond the customary treatment of nudity and clothing as opposites, see Barcan, Nudity: A Cultural Anatomy, 23–30. For a summary of Butler’s proposal with references to further literature, see Garcia-Ventura and Zisa, “Gender and Women,” 44. For a brief summary by Butler herself, see Butler, “Gender and Performance.” 13 For the text of the Epic of Gilgamesh, see George, Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic. For the excerpts mentioned here, see esp. tablet I, lines 150–210, and tablet II, lines 34–51 (George, Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic, 547–51 and 561, respectively). For the Sumerian version of the Descent of Inanna/ Ištar to the Netherworld, see the translation in The Electronic Text Corpus of Sumerian Literature (http://etcsl.orinst.ox.ac.uk/section1/tr141.htm). For a short introduction to the text and translation of its Akkadian version, see Foster, Before the Muses, 498–505. 14 For a discussion of this passage from a gender studies perspective, see Bahrani, “Iconography of the Nude,” 13; Asher-Greve, “Decisive Sex, Essential Gender,” 14–15. On the link between clothing and humanness applied to other contexts, see Bonfante, “Nudity as a Costume,” 544; Barcan, Nudity, 48–57, 71–3. 15 For other examples of ancient Near Eastern myths analyzed in light of the changes undergone by deities when they dress or undress, see Rivaroli, “Vestiario degli dèi.”

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for several myths where Inanna/Ištar appears, the goddess herself embodies instability and continuous change, features that are at the core of her identity, which is also built upon liminality.16 This changing identity and liminality, in turn, seem to be useful to interpret the case of Enkidu as well. Indeed, if “clothing is an extension of the self,”17 perhaps nudity should be also defined in the same way and, even more so, the process and the path between both states. In addition to these issues closely linked to the formation of identity and of the self, it is worth highlighting that in both cases the changes in status achieved through these processes of clothing and unclothing are also closely linked to eroticism.18 Indeed, the choices regarding the exposure and concealment of the body in ancient Near Eastern sources have a clear link with sexual arousal. This link, in turn, is reinforced precisely through the use of thin or transparent clothes in some contexts. According to Benjamin Foster, the earliest evidence for the production and use of “thin textiles which revealed the body contours” goes back to the Sargonic period (end of the third millennium BCE) and was probably a technical innovation from that time.19 This leads to the second issue I want to point out in this section, which also has to do with the focus on process and on the several degrees between nudity and clothing. As we have seen so far, these degrees are variable, unstable, and constantly changing. Among the factors influencing their fluidity are not only context and functionality but also the construction of sex and gender roles, and for this reason gender studies has often had an interest in defining and delimiting these several degrees.20 In this respect, it is interesting to note that variability and gradation is lower for male bodies than for female bodies due to a higher degree of sexualization of the female body and its several parts. Consequently, if for male bodies covering or uncovering the genitals, understood as the locus of sexual allure, is the main factor to define what constitutes nudity in certain contexts, for female bodies not only genitals but also breasts and other body parts such as extremities form a myriad of intermediate states that occur between the presumed ends of the spectrum. The female body, then, is more frequently conceived as fragmented and its different parts potentially sexualized, while the male body is more frequently conceived as a whole or, if fragmented, less fragmented and less sexualized than the female body. This differential treatment of female and male bodies in research has caught the attention, for instance, of the archaeologist and anthropologist MarciaAnne Dobres in a chapter on feminist perspectives on the study of female images.21 There, Dobres warns of the pitfalls of this fragmentation or “dissection” of the body for Cf. Verderame, “Vestizione di Inanna,” 68–73. See also Bahrani, Women of Babylon, 157–60. 17 Good, “Cloth in the Babylonian World,” 150. 18 Cf. Perniola, referring to the figurative arts, “In the figurative arts, eroticism appears as a relationship between clothing and nudity. Therefore, it is conditional on the possibility of movement—transit— from one state to the other” (Perniola, “Between Clothing and Nudity,” 95). On the relationship between sexuality, liminality, and change of state, see also Assante, “Sex, Magic and the Liminal Body.” 19 Cf. Foster, “Clothing in Sargonic Mesopotamia,” 136. 20 For the sake of clarity, in this contribution I use “sex” to refer to sexual dimorphism as traditionally defined in biological terms and “gender” to refer to the social and cultural constructions of this sexual dimorphism. 21 Cf. Dobres, “Scrutinizing the Interpreters.” 16

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analytical purposes, a strategy that prevents one from analyzing the “embodied whole” and thus reinforces androcentric biases or, in Dobres’s words, “sexist influences.”22 An illuminating example of this is the case study developed by Margaret Wiener about the encounter of Balinese people with foreign tourists (mainly from Europe and America) at the beginning of the twentieth century.23 For tourists, it was shocking to see Balinese women with their breasts uncovered in public spaces, since for them breasts were highly sexualized. By contrast, for Balinese people it was equally shocking to see foreign women with their legs uncovered or at least not completely covered in public, since for them it was one’s lower extremities that were highly sexualized.

2.  On Dualisms and Binaries: Difference versus Inequality As pointed out in the previous section, in the case of female bodies the covering or uncovering of several body parts is easily interpreted in terms of sexual arousal, something that does not happen with the same intensity in the case of male bodies. In fact, for the latter, covering or uncovering body parts tends to be linked rather to a gain (and then a display) or a loss of political or military power.24 This differential reading for males and females is closely related to the Cartesian mind/ body dualism. This dualism is alien to ancient Near Eastern thought25 but lies at the heart of Western intellectual traditions, so its influence is widespread in ancient Near Eastern studies as well. In the construction of these intellectual traditions, the “mind” was linked to males and the “body” to females. In this framework, mind and body are conceived as pairs in a hierarchical relationship, with the body subordinated to the mind and thus what is considered feminine subordinated to what is considered masculine.26 At this point, then, we see that when identifying some variability in the definitions of nudity and clothing for male or for female bodies, what underlies them is not simply a different treatment or interpretation regarding these bodies but a hierarchical one.

22 Ibid., 42–3. 23 Cf. Wiener, “Breasts, (Un)Dress, and Modernist Desires.” 24 For some reflections on and examples of this differential reading, see, e.g., Asher-Greve, “Essential Body,” 444–7; Assante, “Undressing the Nude,” 188–91. In addition, regarding the link between nudity and political power, Asher-Greve (“Essential Body,” 443) has suggested that there was a connection between the spread of the nude hero motif and the shaping of certain royal ideology during the third millennium BCE in ancient Mesopotamia. Cf. Bahrani, “Iconography of the Nude,” 15–16; Roßberger, “Nude at the Entrance,” 226–35. 25 For some insights and proposals on how ancient Near Eastern conceptions of the body worked, which were alien to this Cartesian dualism, see Asher-Greve, “Essential Body”; Asher-Greve and Asher, “From Thales to Foucault,” 39–40; Bahrani, Rituals of War, 75–80. 26 For some reflections on the negative impact, from the point of view of gender studies, of the inheritance of this tradition in academia when dealing with the female body, see, e.g., Nead, Female Nude, 14–16, 22–5; Barcan, Nudity, 12–15, 37–9. For similar reflections within the framework of the study of antiquity, see Asher-Greve, “Essential Body,” esp. 432–3, 453–4; Bahrani, Women of Babylon, 40–2; or López-Bertran, “Cossos i gèneres,” 35–6, all with references to further literature.

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To understand why this is so, it is first necessary to reflect on how the modern field of art history developed and how it approached nudity and clothing in its analysis. Indeed, the centrality of the pairs mind/body and male/female as well as their equation and their hierarchical relationship are closely linked to some reconstructions of classical antiquity, which influenced the foundation of modern art history in the eighteenth century.27 The heritage of ancient Greece, particularly Greek sculpture and philosophy, was regarded as the model to be followed and to be studied as the root of Western art and thought. As we are still embedded in this cultural tradition, it may be tempting (and too often it is even done unconsciously) to apply these premises to the analyses and interpretations of nudity and clothing in ancient Near Eastern sources, yet this is inappropriate and can reproduce certain androcentric biases, as we will see below. On the other hand, to understand this imbalance in the treatment and interpretation of female and male bodies when dealing with nudity and clothing, it is worth remembering that nudity/clothing or male/female as binaries or dichotomies have also been constructed in close connection with pairs such as nature/culture or civilized/ uncivilized. Here, “nature” and “uncivilized” are frequently equated with “nudity” and “female,” while “culture” and “civilized” are equated with “clothing” and “male.” Needless to say, the relationship between both groups of elements of each pair is a hierarchical one, the former being conceived as subordinate to the latter.28 All of these associations that privilege “clothing” and the “masculine,” tagged both as “normative” and “active,” and which place in a subordinate position “nudity” and the “feminine,” tagged as “otherness” and as “passive,” have been widely discussed and critiqued in academic feminism and gender studies since the 1970s, with Histoire de la sexualité (published in three volumes from 1976 to 1984), the seminal study of the philosopher Michel Foucault, as a prime example. In the first volume of his study, Foucault analyzed in detail the relationship between knowledge and power and identified the eighteenth century, in particular, as the starting point for certain discourses on the body and sexuality. Here, Foucault mentions the “hystérisation du corps de la femme” as one of the strategies that constituted eighteenth-century discourse, a strategy closely related to the differential treatment of the female body referred to above.29 Also regarding the previously mentioned hierarchical pairs, in this case in another intellectual framework and from a different field of study, it is worth highlighting the research of the anthropologist Françoise Héritier. In her monograph Masculinféminin: la pensée de la différence (1996), Héritier holds that what she defines as the “valence différentielle des sexes” is one of the main axes of social organization. Héritier does not defend the difference between men and women from an essentialist stance 27 For some brief remarks, see Perniola, “Between Clothing and Nudity”; Bahrani, “Hellenization of Ishtar,” 3–4; Bahrani, “Sex as Symbolic Form,” 54–5. For further discussion of this topic with a focus on the role of Johann Joachim Winckelmann (1717–1768), see North, Winckelmann’s “Philosophy of Art.” 28 On these associations and their polemical application to the study of the past, see, e.g., Bahrani, “Sex as Symbolic Form,” 55–6; Assante, “Undressing the Nude,” 180–2; Garcia-Ventura, “Sanitary Towels,” 242–3, all with references to further literature. 29 Cf. Foucault, Histoire de la sexualité, 137.

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but instead traces the construction of these differences and presents some hypotheses about why not only different but also unequal values are assigned to these socially and culturally constructed gender roles. Similarly, the sociologist Judith Lorber reflects on this inequality between genders and theorizes its origins and its operability, presenting gender as a social institution: As a social institution, gender makes one category of people subordinate to the other. I  concluded that if we are to do away with gender inequality, either the genders must be made scrupulously equal, or gender must no longer be a major social category for the allocation of social status. But both visions—perfect gender equality and worlds without gender—seemed to be science fiction.30

Finally, to give another example of the debates on this topic in the framework of gender studies, it is worth quoting the proposal developed by political theorist Nancy Hartsock, which formulates the dichotomy of “men-culture versus women-nature” as a provocative contrast between “abstract masculinities” and the “feminist standpoint.”31 Hartsock uses psychoanalysis to explain how, in the modern Western world, men traditionally construct the self around the abstract and women tend to construct the self through specific and tangible experiences and objects. As a result, women tend to be more attached to, and conditioned by, their everyday life experiences and their bodies. Consequently, masculinity tends to be presented as “neutral” or invisible, while femininity tends to be presented as built, marked, and thus visible. Hartsock also denounces the fact that “abstract masculinity” is considered fundamental for the big picture, while the “feminist standpoint,” precisely because it is presented as specific and concrete, is considered to affect only particular issues.

3.  Female Bodies under Scrutiny: Fertility, Sexuality, and the Male Gaze As seen in the previous sections, we are heirs to a tradition that links femininity and women to the “body,” in opposition to masculinity and men, which are linked to the “mind.” This association, like the others summarized above, helps to explain why female bodies—and more specifically nude female bodies—are much more frequent than male bodies in art from several periods and thus why they are much more studied and discussed. Here, it is illuminating that in the Reallexikon der Assyriologie there is one entry devoted to “Nacktheit” and another devoted to “Nackte Göttin,” thus reinforcing the idea of the need for a more detailed treatment of nudity of female bodies, seen as a particular issue, in contrast to nudity of male bodies (human or divine), which is discussed in the general entry.32 Lorber, Breaking the Bowls, 11. 31 Hartsock, “Feminist Standpoint.” 32 For both entries and their several subsections, written by multiple scholars, see RLA vol. 9, 46–64 (for “Nackte Göttin”) and vol. 9, 64–8 (for “Nacktheit”). Note that even the difference in the length of the two entries may give us a clue in the same direction. 30

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Given this scenario, in this last section I want to concentrate on the way gender studies has critiqued traditional treatments of female bodies in secondary literature, raising issues such as the male Gaze and the notions of fertility and sexuality. In the framework of ancient Near Eastern studies, three of the main scholars leading these debates since the 1990s are Julia Asher-Greve, Julia Assante, and Zainab Bahrani, so in what follows their proposals and publications will be in focus. First, as summarized by Bahrani, “The Gaze is not simply a glance or a look, but a look that structures and controls.”33 This Gaze has been traditionally understood as the “male Gaze,” while the structured and controlled item, that is, the object of that Gaze, has been the female body and quite often the nude female body. Needless to say, these associations are closely linked to the hierarchical binaries outlined in the previous sections, linking in this case the male mind with an active role and the female body with a passive one. For all this, as noted by Ruth Barcan, “Women’s cultural positioning as object of the gaze remains an insight of crucial importance to feminism.”34 In other words, identifying how, when, and where this so-called “male Gaze” operates in research and in secondary literature is another of the strategies proposed by gender studies for pointing out and counteracting androcentric biases. One expression of these androcentric biases when dealing with images of female bodies in the ancient Near East (and in antiquity more broadly) is the insistence on the link between these images and fertility. This link is, in turn, a way to reinforce the pairs women/nature versus men/culture, which, as seen above, are constructed within a hierarchical relationship. In the 1970s, a first attempt to subvert these hierarchies was made by the archaeologist Marija Gimbutas and her followers, beginning with new interpretations of the prehistoric images of female bodies. Gimbutas kept fertility at the center of her interpretation but gave it a positive and even powerful value when reading the images of nude female bodies as “Mother Goddesses” and as evidence of matriarchal societies. Her proposals have subsequently been widely criticized from the perspective of gender studies mainly for two reasons, both identified as androcentric biases. On the one hand, Gimbutas identified these images with goddesses instead of “real” or “mortal” women despite not having any evidence to do so and thereby simply followed an existing preconception.35 On the other hand, the so-called “myth of the matriarchal past,” which was a basic pillar of Gimbutas’s proposals, has subsequently been widely rejected.36 Indeed, since the 1990s, gender studies has insisted on the social and cultural construction of both sex and gender, a starting point that is diametrically opposed to the previous arguments used by Gimbutas and others, which were based on essentialist stances. As a consequence, fertility no longer played as central a role in the interpretations 33 Bahrani, Women of Babylon, 35. 34 Barcan, Nudity, 41. 35 On this debate, with several case studies from antiquity, see, e.g., López-Bertran, “Cossos i gèneres,” 37; López-Bertran and Garcia-Ventura, “Music, Gender and Rituals,” 397–401; Meskell, “Goddesses, Gimbutas”; Picazo, “Imaginary Goddesses”; Suter, “Nude Female Figurines,” 71–4. 36 On the origins of this discourse in the nineteenth century and on the alleged matriarchal past and its later use by some branches of feminism, see Cohen, Femmes de la Préhistoire, 158–65, and Eller, Myth of Matriarchal Prehistory, both with references to further literature.

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produced from gender studies perspectives, and several possible alternative interpretations and key factors were proposed. Bahrani, for instance, highlighted the remarkable amount of female nude images compared to male nude images in the ancient Near East and explained this imbalance by focusing on sexuality. Bahrani interpreted the female nudes, always portrayed in a frontal position, as powerful images invariably linked to sexual desire and sexual allure. For Bahrani, “in Mesopotamia, sexuality, or the erotic, was primarily equated with femininity in representations.”37 Regarding the male nudes, however, she identified more variation in the position of the bodies in the images as well as in their potential readings and interpreted it as confirmation of the validity of the binaries women/particular (and thus marked for sex and gender) versus men/general (and thus a metaphor for humanity) for the analysis of ancient Near Eastern sources.38 Asher-Greve, in turn, partially disagrees with Bahrani regarding the focus on sexuality linked to female bodies as opposed to the focus on fertility. For Asher-Greve, both sexuality and fertility, despite their differences as approaches, insist on the link between female-body-nature, so they are not as different from each other as they may seem at first sight. For Asher-Greve, nudity should be analyzed by taking into account both female and male bodies together, which reveals that it was always polysemic and that it helped to construct differentiated gender roles. Here, Asher-Greve argues that in the ancient Near East the “nude female is a symbol of ideal femininity, contrasting with the nude hero as a symbol of ideal masculinity,”39 but she does not insist on the exclusive linking of sexuality with the female body as Bahrani does. Going one step further, Assante points out symbolic and magical readings rather than realistic or naturalistic readings, while she also questions the focus on sexuality to interpret female nudes exclusively. Assante, who in her research provides consistently insightful historiographical analyses that allow her to trace the origins of some androcentric biases of research on the female body back to the nineteenth century,40 insists on considering the context of the images whenever possible, something too often left aside in secondary literature proposing broad explanations of female nudes based on essentialist and androcentric assumptions. Taking this context into account, she insists on the polysemy of nudity and of sexuality, proposing for certain images where nudity and sexual intercourse appear together interpretations linked to magical functions or even to the construction of political strategies.41 Despite the differences among their proposals, it may be noted here that AsherGreve and Bahrani also emphasize the importance of context in the analysis of the materials, but unfortunately we have no context for most of the images, since this Quotation from Bahrani, “Sex as Symbolic Form,” 56. For further development of this argument, see Bahrani, Women of Babylon, 45–57, and Bahrani, “Sex as Symbolic Form,” 56–8. See also Pruss, “Use of Nude Female Figurines,” 544, and cf. Mazzoni, “Squatting Woman,” who combines sexuality and fertility in her interpretation of some images without choosing only one element. 38 Cf. Bahrani, Women of Babylon, 55–69. 39 Quotation from Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness, Nudity, and Gender,” 153. See also Asher-Greve, “Essential Body.” 40 See, e.g., Assante, “Undressing the Nude,” and Assante, “Bad Girls and Kinky Boys?” 41 See Assante, “Sex, Magic and the Liminal Body,” and Assante, “Lead Inlays,” respectively. On the relationship between nudity and magic in ancient Greece, cf. Bonfante, “Nudity as a Costume,” esp. 545, 549. 37

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was often either not recorded at all or incorrectly registered during archaeological excavations. Needless to say, this lack of context poses significant problems for some of the critical approaches from the field of gender studies discussed here. However, all of them also highlight the relevance of making explicit the lack of context, even to deconstruct some of the androcentric biases mentioned above.

4.  Some Final Thoughts: Gender, Nudity, and Clothing Then and Now As pointed out by Bahrani and Asher-Greve, studies dealing with “the body” or at least using the term “body” in their titles have grown considerably since the 1990s in archaeology and in the study of the past, and although this has produced some fruitful research, they warn against a certain abuse of the term.42 Asher-Greve states pointedly that “it is disturbing in academia to see that ‘body’ is becoming a substitute for human being, person, or people.”43 Needless to say, to focus on the “body” from gender studies was a way to draw attention to women and to the biases outlined above, but with its widespread use, this aim was sometimes diluted, and as a result its effectiveness has recently been questioned. Although this warning is significant, I think that we still need to focus on bodies as subjects/objects of research, and even more on female bodies, in order to continue denouncing androcentrism in research. Thus, I would argue that the widespread use of “the body” as a research topic both within and outside of gender studies in the last decades has not caused, or at least not yet, a deflation of its potential as the core of certain critical approaches. In this respect, I think it is meaningful to see how effective the strategies developed by feminist activists in art and in politics still are today, such as Guerrilla Girls and Femen, groups that put female bodies in the center of their claims. I will briefly outline some of their aims and actions as an example. Guerrilla Girls was a group of feminist artists founded in New York in 1985. Perhaps their most well-known action was that associated with the motto, “Do women have to be naked to get into the Met. Museum?” The group launched this motto on a poster that included a retouched image of an Ingres nude and some statistics showing the clear imbalance of paintings with female nudes and paintings by female artists in New York’s Metropolitan Museum of Art. This group of artists launched the first action with this motto in 1989 and have since repeated it, with updated statistics, in 2005 and 2012. To quote the example of the 2012 statistics, they stated that “less than 4 percent of the artists in the Modern Art sections are women, but 76 percent of the nudes are female.”44 Needless to say, the survival of this imbalance, which may be explained in the framework of some of the issues discussed in this chapter, is something to think about. See, e.g., Bahrani, “Sex as Symbolic Form,” 53–4, and more recently Asher-Greve, “Adorno to Žižek,” 79–80. 43 Asher-Greve, “Adorno to Žižek,” 79. 44 On this poster, see http://www.tate.org.uk/art/artworks/guerrilla-girls-do-women-have-to-benaked-to-get-into-the-met-museum-p78793 (accessed June 2018). On this and other initiatives of the Guerrilla Girls, see https://www.guerrillagirls.com/ (accessed June 2018). 42

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Moving to the arena of pure political action, it is worth highlighting the initiatives of the group Femen. Their strategy reveals how powerful and disturbing the use of female bodies—and more specifically of one part of these female bodies, the breasts— as political weapons remains today despite an apparent overexposure in the media. The group Femen, founded in Ukraine in 2008 (and now with delegations in several European countries), proposes to practice what they call “sextremism, i.e., the use of the naked body as a political weapon.”45 In practical terms, it means that members of this group burst into public spaces with bare breasts and bearing messages written on their bodies in order to reinforce their communication and impact. As their members state, by using this strategy, that is, their female bodies largely sexualized by the male Gaze, their messages circulate quickly instead of simply being forgotten, as too often happens in political messages that are communicated by other means.46 These two contemporary examples of Guerrilla Girls and Femen attest to the deeprooted imbalances and hierarchies of female and male bodies, even more when nude. In fact, they attest to the persistence of some of the androcentric biases discussed in this chapter and thus the need for certain critical approaches, such as those of gender studies, to counteract them. As long as we, as researchers, are surrounded by these contexts, we will need to wear the “lens” of gender studies to be able to conduct less androcentric and thus less discriminatory research, which in turn will lead to a more complex and reliable picture of the past.

Bibliography Asher-Greve, Julia M. “Adorno to Žižek or in Search of the ‘Essence of War’ in Ancient Mesopotamia.” AfO 53 (2015): 73–85. Asher-Greve, Julia M. “Decisive Sex, Essential Gender.” In Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the 47th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki, July 2–6, 2001, edited by Simo Parpola and Robert M. Whiting, 11–26. Helsinki: The NeoAssyrian Text Corpus Project, 2002. Asher-Greve, Julia M. “The Essential Body: Mesopotamian Conceptions of the Gendered Body.” Gender & History 9 (1997): 432–61. Asher-Greve, Julia M. and A. Lawrence Asher. “From Thales to Foucault . . . and Back to Sumer.” In Intellectual Life of the Ancient Near East: Papers Presented at the 43rd Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Prague, July 1–5, 1996, edited by Jirí Prosecký, 29–40. Prague: Academy of Sciences of the Czech Republic Oriental Institute, 1998. Asher-Greve, Julia M. and Deborah Sweeney. “On Nakedness, Nudity, and Gender in Egyptian and Mesopotamian Art.” In Images and Gender: Contributions to the Hermeneutics of Reading Ancient Art, edited by Silvia Schroer, 125–76. Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006.

45 https://femen.org/femen-spain-from-the-inside/ (accessed June 2018). 46 On the use of undress for political reasons, see Carr-Gomm, Brief History of Nakedness, 89–133. On the “power” of female breasts for political claims and on the cultural background behind the differential treatment and perception of nude female and male bodies, see esp. 98–101.

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Assante, Julia. “Bad Girls and Kinky Boys? The Modern Prostituting of Ishtar, Her Clergy and Her Cults.” In Tempelprostitution im Altertum, edited by Tanja S. Scheer and Martin Lindner, 23–54. Berlin: Oikumene, 2009. Assante, Julia. “The Lead Inlays of Tukulti-Ninurta I: Pornography as Imperial Strategy.” In Ancient Near Eastern Art in Context: Studies in Honor of Irene J. Winter by Her Students, edited by Jack Cheng and Marian H. Feldman, 369–407. Leiden: Brill, 2007. Assante, Julia. “Sex, Magic and the Liminal Body in the Erotic Art and Texts of the Old Babylonian Period.” In Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the 47th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki, July 2–6, 2001, edited by Simo Parpola and Robert M. Whiting, 27–52. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2002. Assante, Julia. “Undressing the Nude: Problems in Analyzing Nudity in Ancient Art, with an Old Babylonian Case Study.” In Images and Gender: Contributions to the Hermeneutics of Reading Ancient Art, edited by Silvia Schroer, 177–207. Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006. Bahrani, Zainab. “The Hellenization of Ishtar: Nudity, Fetishism, and the Production of Cultural Differentiation in Ancient Art.” Oxford Art Journal 19.2 (1996): 3–16. Bahrani, Zainab. “The Iconography of the Nude in Mesopotamia.” Source: Notes in the History of Art 12.2 (1993): 12–19. Bahrani, Zainab. Rituals of War: The Body and Violence in Mesopotamia. New York: Zone Books, 2008. Bahrani, Zainab. “Sex as Symbolic Form: Erotism and the Body in Mesopotamian Art.” In Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the 47th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki, July 2–6, 2001, edited by Simo Parpola and Robert M. Whiting, 53–8. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2002. Bahrani, Zainab. Women of Babylon: Gender and Representation in Mesopotamia. London: Routledge, 2001. Barcan, Ruth. Nudity: A Cultural Anatomy. Oxford: Berg, 2004. Bem, Sandra Lipsitz. The Lenses of Gender: Transforming the Debate on Sexual Inequality. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1993. Biggs, Robert D. “Nacktheit. A. I. In Mesopotamien.” RLA 9 (1998–2001): 64–5. Bonfante, Larissa. “Nudity as a Costume in Classical Art.” American Journal of Archaeology 93.4 (1989): 543–70. Butler, Judith. “Gender and Performance.” In A Critical Sense: Interview with Intellectuals, edited by Peter Osborne, 108–25. London: Routledge, 1996. Carr-Gomm, Philip. A Brief History of Nakedness. London: Reaktion Books, 2010. Cifarelli, Megan and Laura Gawlinski. “Introduction.” In What Shall I Say of Clothes? Theoretical and Methodological Approaches to the Study of Dress in Antiquity, edited by Megan Cifarelli and Laura Gawlinski, ix–xvi. Boston, MA: Archaeological Institute of America, 2017. Cohen, Claudine. Femmes de la Préhistoire. Paris: Éditions Belin, 2016. Conkey, Margaret W. and Joan M. Gero. “Tensions, Pluralities, and Engendering Archaeology: An Introduction to Women and Prehistory.” In Engendering Archaeology: Women and Prehistory, edited by Joan M. Gero and Margaret W. Conkey, 3–30. Oxford: Blackwell, 1991. Dobres, Marcia-Anne. “Scrutinizing the Interpreters: Feminist Perspectives on the Study and Interpretation of Ancient Female and ‘Goddess’ Imagery.” In Deesses. Diosas. Goddesses. Imatges femenines de la Mediterrània de la prehistòria al món romà, 36–46. Barcelona: Museu d’Història de la Ciutat, 2000.

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Eller, Cynthia. The Myth of Matriarchal Prehistory: Why an Invented Past Won’t Give Women a Future. Boston, MA: Beacon Press, 2000. Foster, Benjamin R. Before the Muses: An Anthology of Akkadian Literature. Bethesda, MD: CDL Press, 2005. Foster, Benjamin R. “Clothing in Sargonic Mesopotamia: Visual and Written Evidence.” In Textile Terminologies in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from the Third to the First Millennia BC, edited by Cécile Michel and Marie-Louise Nosch, 110–45. Oxford: Oxbow Books in association with the Centre for Textile Research, 2010. Foucault, Michel. Histoire de la sexualité. 1: La volonté de savoir. Paris: Gallimard, 1976. Garcia-Ventura, Agnès. “Postfeminism and Assyriology: An (Im)Possible Relationship?” In Studying Gender in the Ancient Near East, edited by Saana Svärd and Agnès Garcia-Ventura, 183–201. University Park, PA: Eisenbrauns—Penn State University Press, 2018. Garcia-Ventura, Agnès. “Sanitary Towels in Ur III Administrative Texts?” AuOr 31.2 (2013): 235–48. Garcia-Ventura, Agnès and Gioele Zisa. “Gender and Women in Ancient Near Eastern Studies: Bibliography 2002–2016.” Akkadica 138.1 (2017): 37–67. George, Andrew R. The Babylonian Gilgamesh Epic: Introduction, Critical Edition and Cuneiform Texts (Volume 1). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Gilchrist, Roberta. Gender and Archaeology: Contesting the Past. London: Routledge, 1999. Good, Irene. “Cloth in the Babylonian World.” In The Babylonian World, edited by Gwendolyn Leick, 141–54. London: Routledge, 2007. Haraway, Donna. “Situated Knowledges: The Science Question in Feminism and the Privilege of Partial Perspective.” Feminist Studies 14.3 (1988): 575–99. Harding, Sandra. “Feminist Standpoints.” In Handbook of Feminist Research: Theory and Praxis, edited by Sharlene Nagy Hesse-Biber, 46–64. Los Angeles, CA: Sage, 2012. Hartsock, Nancy. “The Feminist Standpoint: Developing the Ground for a Specifically Feminist Historical Materialism.” In Discovering Reality: Feminist Perspectives on Epistemology, Metaphysics, Methodology, and Philosophy of Science, edited by Sandra Harding and Merrill B. Hintikka, 283–310. Boston, MA: Ridel, 1983. Héritier, Françoise. Masculin-féminin: la pensée de la différence. Paris: Jacob, 1996. López-Bertran, Mireia. “Cossos i gèneres: perspectives d’anàlisi i aplicacions a l’arqueologia.” In Desmuntant Lara Croft. Dones, arqueologia i universitat, edited by Antonio Vizcaíno, Sonia Machause, Vanessa Albelda, and Cristina Real, 33–9. València: Saguntum. Papeles del Laboratorio de Arqueología de Valencia, Extra 15, Departament de Prehistòria i Arqueologia, Universitat de València, 2014. López-Bertran, Mireia and Agnès Garcia-Ventura. “Music, Gender and Rituals in Ancient Mediterranean: Revisiting the Punic Evidence.” World Archaeology 44.3 (2012): 393–408. Lorber, Judith. Breaking the Bowls: Degendering and Feminist Change. New York: Norton, 2005. Mazzoni, Stefania. “The Squatting Woman: Between Fertility and Eroticism.” In Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the 47th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki, July 2–6, 2001, edited by Simo Parpola and Robert M. Whiting, 367–77. Helsinki: The Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus Project, 2002. Meskell, Lynn. “Goddesses, Gimbutas and ‘New Age’ Archaeology.” Antiquity 69 (1995): 74–86. Nead, Lynda. The Female Nude: Art, Obscenity and Sexuality. London: Routledge, 1992. Nelson, Sarah Milledge. Gender in Archaeology. Walnut Creek, CA: AltaMira Press, 1997.

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North, John Harry. Winckelmann’s “Philosophy of Art”: A Prelude to German Classicism. Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars, 2012. Perniola, Mario. “Between Clothing and Nudity.” In Fashion: Critical and Primary Sources. Volume I: Late Medieval to Renaissance, edited by Peter McNeil, 95–109. Oxford: Berg, 2009. Picazo, Marina. “Imaginary Goddesses or Real Women: Female Representations in the Ancient Mediterranean.” In Deesses. Diosas. Goddesses. Imatges femenines de la Mediterrània de la prehistòria al món romà, 22–34. Barcelona: Museu d’Història de la Ciutat, 2000. Pruss, Alexander. “The Use of Nude Female Figurines.” In Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the 47th Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki, July 2–6, 2001, edited by Simo Parpola and Robert M. Whiting, 537–45. Helsinki: The NeoAssyrian Text Corpus Project, 2002. Rivaroli, Marta. “Il vestiario degli dèi: indossare la giusta ‘veste’.” In Abiti, corpi, identità. Significati e valenze profonde del vestire, edited by Sergio Botta, 47–61. Florence: Società Editrice Fiorentina, 2009. Roßberger, Elisa. “The Nude at the Entrance. Contextualizing Male and Female Nudity in Early Mesopotamian Art.” In Gender and Methodology in the Ancient Near East: Approaches from Assyriology and beyond, edited by Stephanie Lynn Budin, Megan Cifarelli, Agnès Garcia-Ventura and Adelina Millet Albà, 223–40. Barcelona: Barcino monographica orientalia 10, Edicions de la Universitat de Barcelona, 2018. Suter, Claudia E. “Nude Female Figurines in Mesopotamia.” In Deesses. Diosas. Goddesses. Imatges femenines de la Mediterrània de la prehistòria al món romà, 66–76. Barcelona: Museu d’Història de la Ciutat, 2000. Verderame, Lorenzo. “La vestizione di Inanna.” In Abiti, corpi, identità. Significati e valenze profonde del vestire, edited by Sergio Botta, 63–73. Florence: Società Editrice Fiorentina, 2009. Wiener, Margaret. “Breasts, (Un)Dress, and Modernist Desires in the Balinese-Tourist Encounter.” In Dirt, Undress, and Difference: Critical Perspectives on the Body’s Surface, edited by Adeline Masquelier, 61–95. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2005.

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Clothing and Nudity from the Perspective of Anthropological Studies Lars Allolio-Näcke

A fundamental question concerning the topics of clothing and nudity is the following: Why are humans the only primates that are furless? Or in other words: Why are humans naked?

1.  Why Are Humans the Only Naked Primates? To answer this question, Nina Jablonski,1 an American anthropologist and paleobiologist, takes us back to the cradle of humankind in Africa and explains how humans lost their fur and developed a sweaty naked skin. She follows the so-called out of Africa hypothesis that explains a continuous evolution in Eastern Africa and several emigrations that brought the homo to other parts of the “old world.” There, the homo developed onto several subtypes such as Homo erectus in Southeast Asia or Homo neanderthalensis in Europe. Homo sapiens was also born—later—in Eastern Africa, emigrated, and replaced the phylogenetically older homos.2 Fur is needed to protect animals from the cold, but it also impedes the evaporation of sweat and the cooling of the skin’s surface, since if the fur gets wet, the skin cannot be cooled anymore. For this reason, apes live in the woods, which are cooler than the savanna, and most apes have sweat glands only on their hands and feet. If an ape ran a long distance in the savanna, it would become overheated (apes do not have a local cooling system3 like other animals) and would die. Thus, fur is an obstacle to running long distances to hunt wild animals.

Cf. Jablonski, “Skin”; see also Jablonski and Chaplin, “Evolution.” 2 Cf. Seidler, “Menschwerdung,” 33. 3 E.g., dogs also do not have sweat glands under their skin, but they have a special local cooling system. While the dogs’ body is protected by fur, the brain could be damaged by high body temperature. To avoid overheating, dogs start to pant. By panting, nasal secretion is evaporated that cools the blood in the blood vessels that are near to the inner space of the nose and supply the brain with blood. So the brain is cooled without evaporating much water—compared to man, who needs water to sweat. 1

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This was the situation of our ancestors when they left the woods and changed their diet from plants and fruits to meat. Thus, evolution started a genetic process that substituted the fur with a new system of protection so that the fur was no longer necessary and disappeared. To illustrate this development, Jablonski uses a “hairy time line” that shows that 7.5 million years ago our ancestors had been fully furred and that underneath the fur the skin had been light, like that of chimpanzees today. Approximately 2 million years ago, humans began to lose their fur, and their skin became darker, which is why all our ancestors had dark skin. As evidence for this, Jablonski refers to a well-preserved skeleton from Kenya that is 1.6 million years old and has nearly the same physique as modern humans. By reconstructing its skin, she shows that it was nearly naked and darkly pigmented. What happened? Up to the present, humans living near the equator have dark skin, which is a product of evolution by natural selection. To live in that part of the world means to live in a high ultraviolet radiation (UVR) environment. UVR is divided into three subcategories: UVA, UVB, and UVC. While the atmosphere filters out UVC and UVA here, UVB breaks through the atmosphere, and darkly pigmented skin gives protection against this intense radiation. Therefore, only dark skin can naturally protect us from UV radiation. The cause is eumelanin, the dark version of melanin, a natural pigment found in most organisms. It is also a natural sunscreen that protects against DNA damage and the breakdown of folate and is an effective absorber of light. Thus, the more the human ancestors lost their fur, the more melanogenesis was initiated by the exposure to UVR, causing the skin to darken, since the pigment is able to dissipate over 99.9 percent of absorbed UVR. But why did human ancestors lose their fur? Lu et al.4 describe a process, found in genome-wide analyses and functional studies, by which a protein signals to epithelial buds whether to develop hair follicles or become a sweat gland during the development of the fetus. This means that human ancestors who had more sweat glands than hair follicles had a selective advantage over those who still had a lot of fur. And that is why human ancestors lost their hair and became sweatier; dark skin replaced fur. It should be kept in mind, though, that sweat is also a useful heat regulator; it has empowered human beings to run long distances and tolerate temperature extremes. Despite the aggressiveness of UVB, humans need it, since it is responsible for the production of vitamin D in our body. Vitamin D is essential for bone formation and calcium concentration in our blood. Of course, one can eat food that contains vitamin D, but when there is no such food available, the body produces vitamin D by itself by absorbing UVB. Dark skin is able to absorb UVB in an effective way. Besides vitamin D, folate is also protected by dark skin and is therefore not damaged by UVR. Folate is required for DNA production and for starting the sweating process. Thus, the primary selective force for the evolution of dark skin is the protection against UVR-induced changes in folate availability.

Cf. Lu et al., “Antagonism.” 4

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And this whole mechanism is responsible for our nakedness. So one can speak of a “functional nakedness” as Jablonski does.5 Fur was an obstacle to running in open spaces, so evolution started to replace it by other processes: pigmentation and sweating. Later, however, humans moved out of the equatorial zone, including further north, where UVR is less dangerous. Especially in winter, UVB is not able to break through the atmosphere. Only UVA is able to reach the earth’s surface, but UVA does not initiate the production of vitamin D in the skin. Thus, evolution had to find a new way in which the body could produce vitamin D by itself: light skin. Depigmented skin evolved to maximize vitamin D production in the skin. The first light-skinned naked hominids were very close to the Neanderthals. Vitamin D production in light skin is six times faster than in darkly pigmented skin, yet this evolutionary advantage in the north at the same time made these humans more vulnerable to UV radiation. And this is the reason—besides the falling temperature after the end of the Eemian (i.e., the last interglacial period) period—why our ancestors started wearing clothes and other cultural substitution strategies, for example, huts and cottages.

2.  Nude or Naked? The philosophical antithesis of being naked is being clothed. Most of the authors who write about nakedness or nudity use this distinction with reference to nature and culture. The naked body is nature; when the body is dressed, it reflects culture. Clothing is a feature that is unique to humans, since only humans have culture. “In everyday speech, if an animal loses its feathers or fur, we normally speak of it as having become ‘bald’ rather than naked. In our everyday way of thinking, animals are rarely thought of as being nude, even though you can buy blankets and saddles for your horse and coats for your dog.”6 As we can see, this distinction is made by man and is a philosophical question, while “in lived . . . experience nakedness is a process rather than a state.”7 Thus, it is possible to be naked or dressed to different degrees. “Fine arts, though, has elaborated a distinction even within the category of undress, one that divides nudity itself up into ‘natural’ and ‘unnatural’ nudity. In this famous opposition between nakedness and nudity, the nature/culture divide is redoubled within the domain of the undressed body.”8 This distinction is largely unquestioned, since it refers to the nature/culture distinction, which is a philosophical discourse. But the naked/nude distinction relies on the concept of a body outside of or prior to representation.9 Even though the body does not exist outside of representation, because “nakedness is intersubjective; it could not exist without the gaze of the other.”10 Thus, the distinction between “nude” and “naked” is contextual. Nude derives from the Latin word nudus (or its Norman French derivate). The English word naked and 5 Cf. Jablonski, “Skin.” 6 Barcan, Nudity, 65. 7 Berger, Seeing, 60. 8 Barcan, Nudity, 31. 9 Cf. Nead, Female Nude, 15–16. 10 Barcan, Nudity, 23.

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the German word nackt derive from the Germanic root nag/nig (“to make blank”). In most cases, both words can be used interchangeably, but in some cases they have particular connotations. In 1956, the art historian Kenneth Clark claimed that there is a difference, which was first introduced into the English language in the early eighteenth century: The English language, with its elaborate generosity, distinguishes between the naked and the nude. To be naked is to be deprived of our clothes, and the word implies some of the embarrassment most of us feel in that condition. The word “nude,” on the other hand, carries, in educated usage, no uncomfortable overtone. The vague image it projects into the mind is not of a huddled and defenseless body, but of a balanced, prosperous, and confident body: the body re-formed. In fact, the word was forced into our vocabulary by critics of the early eighteenth century to persuade the artless islanders [of the UK] that, in countries where painting and sculpture were practiced and valued as they should be, the naked human body was the central subject of art.11

As one can see in the last sentence, naked has a more general meaning and is therefore used also in scientific contexts. It is the state of being undressed. It depends on the context whether the word can be understood in a negative, neutral, or positive way: neutral would be just to state that someone is not wearing clothes; positive would be to state that we are all born naked, which makes us equal; and negative—which is often the case—would be to state that someone is without protection or in shame. Being naked in that sense is often a very vulnerable position. It also describes something that is unadorned or without embellishment, as in the oft-mentioned naked truth. It can be used synonymously with bare, stripped, exposed, vulnerable, or inadequate. Someone described as naked is often that way involuntarily. The term “naked” can also refer to particular parts of the body, like naked feet, while “nude” only refers to the whole body; even more, things and objects also can be naked, for example, a naked flame, a naked eye, or a naked position.12 In contrast, to be nude means not just the absence of clothes; it means the uncovered whole body as it “naturally” is. It can be used synonymously with uncovered, unadorned, unashamed, comfortable, pure, and purposeful. It is much more common to refer to voluntary and comfortable nakedness by describing someone as nude. In that sense, it is used as an esthetic judgment in arts to describe undressed persons in paintings or sculptures. In this context, it also can have some subtle or insinuating connotations. More recently, nudity has also been used in the context of a cultural and political movement practicing, advocating, and defending personal and social nudity: naturism or nudism. Up to the eighteenth century, social or public nudity was quite common, and people bathed in lakes or brooks, although sometimes separated by sex. Yet in the nineteenth century a strict moral regime arose, Clark, Nude, 3. 12 In contrast, Barcan argues that “not all parts of the body can . . . be ‘naked’ ” (Nudity, 19); for example, it would be more correct to refer to “bare” feet or a “bald” head instead of naked feet or head. 11

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called the Victorian era in the context of Great Britain, but which is equally applicable for Central Europe. During that time, public nakedness was sanctioned. The spread of disease, including syphilis, called for better hygiene as well as chastity. Against this regime some pioneers in British India founded the first nudist club in 1891, followed by people from Essen, Germany, in 1898. Germany quickly became the center of the movement and brought it to other European cultures during the 1920s as well as to the United States in the 1930s. I will end with Philip Carr-Gomm’s short description of the difference: “Nudity happens in art, nakedness in our bathroom. Nakedness represents the raw, nudity the ideal.”13

3.  Why Did Humans Make Clothes? While nakedness is not a subject in contemporary anthropology, it was a widely discussed subject in the nineteenth and early twentieth century. In the anthropological discussion of the last century, the question has been raised, “Why did humans make clothes?” Five answers have been given to this question:14 1. Physical reasons: Clothes are made because of weather conditions. They were needed as a cover not only to keep warm in cold weather conditions but also to protect the skin and especially the (male) genitals from injuries. 2. Social reasons: Clothes and jewelry were made to distinguish someone or a group from the general public. 3. Moral reasons: Clothes came out of the (instinctive) sense of shame to cover and hide the genitals. 4. Esthetic-sexual reasons: The instinct of adornment caused humans to make jewelry first and second clothes to appeal to the opposite sex. 5. Magic/apotropaic reasons: Clothes and jewelry served, on the one hand, as a defense against magic, witchcraft, the evil eye, or evil demons. On the other hand, they were made and worn to make someone’s own power stronger by the help of magic. The nineteenth-century discourse tried to determine which of these reasons was the most fundamental, although this question remains unanswered. Although anthropology forgets this discussion, it was renewed in cultural studies around the turn of the millennium. The moral and sexual reasons are the preferred explanations for why humans made clothes.15 The main argument of Duerr is that shame belongs to the essence of human nature,16 while according to Bologne shame is linked to social status.17 Carr-Gomm, History, 7. 14 Cf. Pfister, “Nackheit,” 1542. 15 Cf. Duerr, Mythos; Perniola, “Clothing and Nudity”; Bologne, Nacktheit; Gernig, “Rache.” 16 Cf. Duerr, Mythos, vol. I, 335. 17 Cf. Bologne, Nacktheit, 12. 13

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Figure 3.1  Aboriginal women, Northern Territory, 1928. Photo courtesy of Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Indigenous_Australians#/media/File: Women_carrying_baskets_-_NMA-12829.jpg.

In my opinion, all attempts to trace clothing back to just one of those five reasons must fail. Today, whether humans make and wear clothes or not is above all a question of climate conditions, economic and technical skills, and social and fashion conventions. This is why in different parts of the world people have developed clothes for different reasons—or not. But let us start with the physical reason: Historically, some indigenous people can be found who never developed clothes, especially in Central Africa, Australia, and South America (Figure 3.1). Near the equator, the climate is warm year-round and there is no need to cover the body with clothes to keep warm or protect from the sun (see above). Of course, these people developed forms of adornment, but as mentioned before adornment is not clothing. For instance, tattoos are one of the oldest forms of adornment that we know from archeology. Humans have long tattooed themselves, but most likely not for covering the body; rather, tattoos had an apotropaic function or were used as signs for rites of passage. But also for colder regions we have evidence that people lived naked and never developed clothes, namely, in Tierra del Fuego. The Yaghan and Alacalufe peoples did not develop clothes even though the climate is very harsh there. They had a fur “coat”

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Figure 3.2  Alacaluf fuegians dressed in huanaco skins. Photo courtesy of Wikipedia. https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Kawesqar#/media/File:The_earth_and_ its_inhabitants_(1882)_(14591030248).jpg.

hanging around the shoulders, but it was not made to protect against the cold; it was rather used as a bed (Figure 3.2).18 Summing up with Friedrich Pfister, “[t]he need to be protected against the weather was created by clothes; people did not wear clothes because they felt cold, but they felt cold after they started wearing clothes.”19 The social reason is as follows: That clothes and jewelry are used to distinguish someone or a group from the general public is undoubtedly true, but that clothes are primarily made for that purpose can be easily ruled out. Already the early homo developed hierarchies and a division of labor that did not require clothes or jewelry in that function. At first, the strongest male was the leader of the group. As we know from comparisons with hominidae, alpha males use meat sharing as sociopolitical actions. It can be used to reinforce alliances or to rebuff someone, and nepotism can also be observed in the leader’s family.20 From time to time, the leading male had to defend his power, because younger males started a competition to lead the group too; but all in all, it was quite clear how the social structure of the group worked. Later on, when the group turned into a bigger social group (society), it became necessary to improve the hierarchy by developing special signs for people with power or special functions, because the members of society were no longer known to each other. Part of the social reason is communication by clothes. It means the expression of a social status, of belonging to a group, as well as of personal identity. In modern societies, the last point is more prominent, while in traditional societies social status and belonging are more Cf. de Agostini, Feuerland, 274–5. 19 Pfister, “Nackheit,” 1542 (my translation). 20 Cf. Wallner, “Übergänge,” 83. 18

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Figure 3.3  Yali old man and women. Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Yali_ people#/media/File:Yali_old_man_%26_women13.jpg.

important. Social status and belonging can be expressed from within the group (e.g., monks) or dictated by the majority (e.g., prisoners). The moral reason: This reason sounds plausible from a Judeo-Christian perspective. We all know the biblical story of Adam and Eve. After eating the fruit from the tree of the knowledge of good and evil, “then the eyes of both were opened, and they knew that they were naked” (Gen. 3:7), whereupon they covered their nakedness. But this is not the real reason why humans made clothes; rather, it is an etiological story. Of course, there are indigenous peoples in the Amazon rainforest, in sub-Saharan Africa, and especially in Papua New Guinea in which men wear a koteka (penis gourd) or penis sheath (Figure 3.3). Functionally, it was made to protect the genitals while working and hunting in the forest, but it also serves to cover them for moral reasons. It is not worn as a sexual display element; it is made to cover the genitals in order not to become ashamed. When a man puts on a new koteka, he turns his back to the other men in order to hide his penis from their eyes. There are also indigenous peoples who do not wear anything. They also feel ashamed, but they did not necessarily develop clothes to cover their genitals; rather, they developed social rules that prohibited looking directly at the genitals. The interpretation that this is clothing in a wider sense21 lacks any evidence. The esthetic-sexual reason: There is no evidence that humans have an instinct for adornment, and it is also not clear what role adornment plays in the context of nudity and clothing. Yet most known cultures developed techniques that can be interpreted as adornment techniques—especially tattoos were very common among people from Cf. Lietzmann, “Kleidung und Nacktheit,” 1417. 21

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the very beginning. But also other body practices are documented like scarification, hair modulation or removal, teeth deformation, and mutilation.22 The use of pearls is also attested very early in human evolution. In this respect, jewelry seems to be a very good candidate for the origin of clothing. Unfortunately, however, history tells us quite a different story: The first clothes were very simple, for example, in the MediterraneanEuropean tradition the tunic. They were so plain and unadorned that they did not fulfill any predicted purpose: neither adornment nor to make someone sexually appealing. Evolution did the latter by itself. The best hunter that brought meat to feed women and children, as well as subordinates and the sick, was the most attractive male. During the Upper Paleolithic, there is evidence that hunting preferred the selection of powerful and taller men.23 We also know from recent hunter-gatherer cultures like the Aché that there is a positive correlation between good hunting skills and successful reproduction.24 On the other hand, the homo developed a unique sexual dimorphism that gave women a typical sexual morphology: breasts that also stay in shape during periods of non-breastfeeding. No clothes were necessary to sexually attract someone. Here I also agree with Angela Carter, who defines furs, evening dresses, ball gowns, jewelry, and lingerie as “non-garments,” since their function is primarily ritual. They are items of consumption rather than of concealment or protection. She compared them to luxury “non-foods” like ice cream.25 That means the word “clothes” in the sense of garment is anthropologically reserved for everyday clothes and not for unnecessary additional pieces. The same is true of tattoos or other body modifications. Nevertheless, “European explorers consider the body ornamentation and coverings worn by Australian Aborigines to be ‘clothing’ ”26 and not garments. Finally, the magic/apotropaic reason is likewise unclear. There is a great deal of archaeological evidence for artifacts that can be used for protection and defense against magic. At the same time, however, there is evidence that magic was a special domain; thus, people had to behave in a special way. In this context, nakedness could guard against evil (apotropaic nakedness), while clothes or other objects could make someone’s own power stronger with the help of magic. In a third case, people are naked while performing magic rituals, but the nakedness itself is not essential to the ritual. Here, nakedness is only a side effect, perhaps to prevent the clothes from becoming stained or impure (prophylactic-cathartic nakedness).27 According to Berlejung,28 ritual nakedness was the older and “normal” behavior, while the use of clothes and jewelry is a later development. To sum up, there is no singular reason why humans made and wear clothes. It depends on climate conditions, economic and technical skills, social and fashion conventions—and they are manifold. At least, all of these reasons are functions of clothes today and should be treated as such rather than as the origins of clothing. Cf. Pfister, “Nackheit,” 1542. 23 Cf. Frayer, “Sexual Dimorphism.” 24 Cf. Hill and Hurtando, Ache Life History. 25 Cf. Carter, Nothing Sacred, 97–8. 26 Barcan, Nudity, 16. 27 Cf. Weinhold, Geschichte. 28 Cf. Berlejung, “Priesterkleidung,” 1411. 22

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4.  What Kind of Clothes Did Humans Make? Although there are innumerable types of clothing, some fundamental anthropological generalizations can be made prior to the colonial era: (1) People who lived close to the equator wore fewer clothes; people who lived close to the poles wore more clothes. Or in other words, the further one moves from the equator to the north or south, the more the use of clothes increases, even today. This is a consequence of climate conditions and solar radiation. (2) Clothing is different in regions that have a changing climate during the year (seasons). While in regions with a stable climate the people wear or do not wear clothes year-round, in regions that have seasons people wear less in summer and more in the wintertime. (3) People on the Eurasian and African continents wore clothes, while people in the Americas as well as (Trans-)Oceania did not wear clothes. That means on the one hand that clothing has a history and was spread throughout the connected continents; on the other hand, clothing is in anthropological terms not a basic need but has more functional aspects. (4) “Common” people wore less than people who were marked by a social role, for example, priests, leaders, and kings. Let us start with the Americas. Traditionally, South American people mostly wore nothing. In the primeval forests, women were naked or wore a hip string like men, for example, the Yanomami or Huaorani. While some have suggested that the hip string protects the penis from parasites or the fish candiru, because they put the foreskin into the hip string to close the orifice,29 it has also been suggested that the penis was fixed to make it easier to walk through the forest (Figure 3.4). For women’s hip string, no function is observed; sometimes they hung small objects on it. Further north, the hip string was replaced by a loincloth, for example, among the Aztec or Mohave peoples (Figure 3.5). Depending on the climate, they also wore a cape or coat. The female version was a skirt, mostly made of natural fibers. In southern North America, men were naked or wore a loincloth, while women wore skirts made of natural fibers or leather in the summer. During the wintertime, they made clothes from jackrabbits or deer. More common were the leggings, shirts, or tunics made from deer in the middle of North America and from caribou in the subarctic region. Only a few differences between men and women could be found: The female dress was longer, colored, and more decorated. Men from (Trans-)Oceania were almost naked, some wore a loincloth, and in the Papua region and Australia the men wore a koteka (penis gourd) or were naked. Women were almost naked or wore skirts from natural fibers. The koteka was also worn in some parts of the Amazon basin and in Africa, but those seem to be independent developments. In North Africa as well as in the Middle East, people were naked or wore a loincloth or a male skirt, for example, the Lungi or Sarong that is still present in Southern Asia. In winter they wore plain sackcloth, which was the main article of clothing from antiquity to the Middle Ages—also in Europe after Mediterranean culture spread further north. Before that time, people wore legwarmers and loincloths made from leather and a coat made from grass, as we know from the Ötzi mummy.

29 Cf. Trupp, Amazonas, 135–6.

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Figure 3.4  A young Waika in traditional dress. Photo courtesy of Wikipedia. https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Hüftschnur#/media/File:Phänotyp_1.jpg.

Figure 3.5  Drawing of Mohavi men and women by Lorenzo Sitgreaves, Arizona 1851. Photo courtesy of Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Mohave_people#/media/File:Image_ taken_from_page_64_of_%27Report_of_an_expedition_down_the_Zuni_and_Colorado_Rivers_by_ Captain_L._Sitgreaves_(11041216516)_(cropped).jpg.

The Hebrew Bible already tells us about sackcloth, and related cultures shared this tradition, for example, the Greek chiton as well as the Roman tunic (Figure 3.6). They were characterized by the lack of sleeves. People also used woolen or linen rectangles, for example, the Roman toga or coats closed on the neck or around the shoulders.30 This kind of clothing is still present in India and Arab countries. 30 Cf. Reinhard, Lebensformen, 118.

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Figure 3.6  Doric chiton. Photo courtesy of Wikipedia. https://de.wikipedia.org/wiki/Chiton#/media/File:Doric_Chiton.svg.

While in South Asia women (and some men) preferred drapes made from cotton or silk, in China and Japan traditionally a Hanfu was worn, which consists of a narrowcuffed, knee-length silk tunic tied with a sash and a narrow, ankle-length skirt. Besides the drape tradition we can also find the tunic tradition in South Asia, where some men wear a kurta and women a kamiz, both half-length shirts. The development of pants is quite differentiated, but the main thesis of the development of trousers is connected to the rise of riding cultures, such as the Chinese, Mongols, Scythians, Sarmatians, and Dacians. Beside this special development, pants were also invented in regions with a harsh climate as well as in India, where men and women can wear pants.31 At least the female headscarf was and is worn in Eurasia as well as in Northern Africa (Figure 3.7). Primarily worn to protect the hair and head from rain, dust, and sand, in modern times it has a variety of functions and meanings: protection, religion, hygiene, fashion, and distinction. Today, the female headscarf is part of religious or traditional garments. Their function of protection from the elements in Western cultures is no longer relevant, since women do not have to work in the fields year-round. Male headscarves are known since Egyptian antiquity. Mostly it is a sheet that is tied up in different cultural shapes, like the pre-Muslim turban, the Arabic keffiyeh (Figure 3.8), and the Sikh dastar. Besides this tradition, men and women use caps and hats, which most likely also developed from sheets or ropes with hoods, for example, the kippah or zucchetto. At last, the Inuit around the North Pole wore clothes from caribou skin (Figure 3.9). This skin has a quality similar to the modern Gore-Tex material: It covers the skin loosely, creating a warm space of air between the skin and the clothes and allowing for the evaporation of sweat. Also rabbit and wolf fur clothes were typical. For fishing on ice, bear fur clothes were worn. Bear fur is the best material for keeping warm while Cf. Reinhard, Lebensformen, 118. 31

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Figure 3.7  Woman wearing a headscarf, Egypt, 1935. Photo courtesy of Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Headscarf#/media/File:Vrouw_met_ hoofddoek_-_Woman_with_headscarf.jpg.

Figure 3.8  Saudi Arabian Bedouin man wearing a keffiyeh. Photo courtesy of Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Keffiyeh#/media/File:Bedouin_Riyadh,_ Saudi_Arabia,_1964.jpg.

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Figure 3.9  Inupiat family, 1917. Photo courtesy of Wikipedia. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/4f/Eskimo_ Family_NGM-v31-p564.jpg.

sitting still for hours, and it keeps a man dry when he felt into the water; but it is too heavy to wear in everyday situations.

5.  Fashion Developments To understand contemporary global clothing, European developments since the thirteenth century have to be taken into account. First of all, trousers (as leggings or pantaloons) appeared alongside the tunic that was worn since antiquity. They developed from leg warmers or socks.32 In the beginning their length reached to the knee, and they were held in place by garters. Then the braies (underpants) and socks merged, which allowed the tunic to be shortened and opened in the front: The doublet was born. In the fourteenth century, fashion went on stage, and clothing began to differ between women and men. Soon dress regulations were introduced, serving to differentiate members of society by their clothing, as can be seen on a painting from Nuremberg in 1583 that differentiates patricians, merchants, craftsmen and servants (Figure 3.10).33 While the development of everyday clothes is rarely documented (mostly it remains the tunic), the clothing of the upper classes was adopted more broadly. In the second half of the sixteenth century, the male trousers developed into Spanish breeches and were distributed throughout the continent by mercenaries. They also invented a separate Cf. Reinhard, Lebensformen, 120. 33 Ibid., 121. 32

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Figure 3.10  Mercenaries, Nuremberg, 1538. Photo courtesy of Wikipedia. https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Landsknecht#/media/File:Landsknechte.jpg.

Figure 3.11  Das Tal der Stille, 1858, detail. Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/Category:Nuns#/ media/File:Millais_-_Das_Tal_der_Stille_Detail.jpg.

package for the male penis: the codpiece.34 This doublet was further developed into a vest that was worn underneath the coat. Alongside the rapid development of differentiated clothing, we also find fossilized fashion—for example, within religious groups as well as in academic ceremonies. Monks and nuns can be mentioned here as well as the traditional dress of the Amish or of Orthodox Jews (Figure 3.11). Ibid., 122. 34

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The emerging colonization had two sides of clothing development: On the one hand, it was brought from Europe to other continents; on the other hand, new materials were brought back to Europe, such as cotton, which played a democratizing role, since it was cheaper than other materials. Clothes could be made for everyone. At this time, the French revolution broke out and dress regulations were abolished (sans-culottes). Now all the “people” (which of course meant only men) should wear the same clothes. Since that time, male fashion remained largely unchanged, and trousers, vest, and jacket (as well as hat) remained the standard until the middle of the twentieth century. Fashion was reserved for women and the peacock turned grey (“Der Pfau wurde grau”).35 Until the middle of the nineteenth century, women wore corsets to achieve a waspshaped waist and to emphasize their breasts. Since the invention of the hoop skirt, they also wore long and huge skirts. Beginning in the mid-nineteenth century, female fashion became simpler, and from the 1920s on we can speak of gender equality in terms of the simplicity of clothing.36

6.  The Current Situation: Why Does Euro-American Clothing Dominate the World? In order to answer this question, a look at the eighteenth century is helpful. Besides colonization, the industrial revolution had an effect on clothing and its distribution as well as on democratization. Especially the spinning jenny, invented by James Hargreaves in 1764, was a main step to industrialize the production of clothes. Cotton was brought to England and clothes were brought back to the colonies. This created a standard of how a “good” and wealthy man should be dressed. While the quality and style of Western clothes has changed, the colonial standard is still en vogue. American T-shirts and jeans can be found all over the world. Mainly produced in recently industrialized countries, especially in Asia, these clothes are cheap and therefore available to nearly everyone, including the poor in Latin America or Africa, where T-shirts and jeans are sold secondhand. In this respect, colonialism continues— especially in the field of clothes. Some intellectuals try to resist this development and wear traditional clothes to support their postcolonial critique—for example, Gayatri Spivak or Arundhati Roy.

Bibliography Barcan, Ruth. Nudity: A Cultural Anatomy. Oxford: Berg, 2004. Berger, John. Ways of Seeing. London: BBC and Penguin, 1972. Berlejung, Angelika. “Priesterkleidung.” In RGG. 4th edn., edited by Hans Dieter Betz et al., 1411. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001.

Cf. Reinhard, Lebensformen, 128. 36 Cf. ibid. 35

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Bologne, Jean-Claude. Nacktheit und Prüderie: Eine Geschichte des Schamgefühls. Weimar: Hermann Böhlaus Nachfolger, 2001 [original French edition: Histoire de la pudeur, Paris, 1999]. Carr-Gomm, Philip. A Brief History of Nakedness. London: Reaktion, 2010. Carter, Angela. Nothing Sacred: Selected Writings. London: Virago, 1982. Clark, Kenneth. The Nude: A Study in Ideal Form (Bollingen Series 35.2). New York: Pantheon, 1956. De Agostini, Alberto Maria. Zehn Jahre im Feuerland. Entdeckungen und Erlebnisse. Leipzig: Brockhaus, 1924. Duerr, Hans Peter. Der Mythos vom Zivilisationsprozess, 5 vols. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1988–99. Frayer, David W. “Sexual Dimorphism and Cultural Evolution in the Late Pleistocene and Holocene of Europe.” Journal of Human Evolution 9 (1980): 399–415. Gernig, Kerstin. “Postadamitische Rache am Sündenfall? Nacktheit in Kultur- und Sittengeschichten der Jahrhundertwende.” In Nacktheit. Ästhetische Inszenierungen im Kulturvergleich, edited by Kerstin Gernig, 67–85. Cologne: Böhlau, 2002. Jablonski, Nina G. “The Real ‘Skin in the Game’: The History of Naked, Sweaty and Colorful Skin in the Human Lineage.” UC Berkeley Graduate Lectures 04/14/2017. Available online: https://www.uctv.tv/shows/The-Real-Skin-in-the-Game-TheHistory-of-Naked-Sweaty-and-Colorful-Skin-in-the-Human-Lineage-32129 (accessed February 21, 2018). Jablonski, Nina G. and George Chaplin. “The Evolution of Skin Coloration.” Journal of Human Evolution 39 (2010): 57–106. Hill, Kim and A. Magdalena Hurtando. Ache Life History: The Ecology and Demography of Foraging People. New York: AldineTransaction, 1996. Lietzmann, Anja. “Kleidung und Nacktheit.” In RGG. 4th edn., edited by Hans Dieter Betz et al., 1417–18. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2001. Lu, Catherine P., Lisa Polak, Brice E. Keyes, and Elaine Fuchs. “Spatiotemporal Antagonism in Mesenchymal-Epithelial Signaling in Sweat versus Hair Fate Decision.” Science 354.6319 (2016): aah6102. Doi: 10.1126/science.aah6102. Nead, Lynda. The Female Nude: Art, Obscenity and Sexuality. London: Routledge, 1992. Perniola, Mario. “Between Clothing and Nudity.” In Fragments for a History of the Human Body 2, edited by Michel Feher, 237–65. New York: Zone, 1989. Pfister, Friedrich. “Nacktheit.” In Paulys Real-Encyclopädie der classischen Altertumswissenschaft, edited by Wilhelm Kroll, 1541–9. Stuttgart: J. B. Metzlerische Verlagsbuchhandlung, 1935. Reinhard, Wolfgang. Lebensformen Europas: Eine historische Kulturanthropologie. Munich: C.H. Beck, 2006. Seidler, Horst. “Die phylogenetische Menschwerdung.” In Grenzen des Menschseins. Probleme einer Definition des Menschlichen, edited by Justin Stagl and Wolfgang Reinhard, 33–52. Vienna: Böhlau, 2005. Trupp, Fritz. Amazonas. Vienna: Scholl, 1983. Wallner, Bernard. “Übergänge zwischen nichtmenschlichen und menschlichen Primaten.” In Grenzen des Menschseins. Probleme einer Definition des Menschlichen, edited by Justin Stagl and Wolfgang Reinhard, 79–95. Vienna: Böhlau, 2005. Weinhold, Karl. Zur Geschichte des heidnischen Ritus. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1896.

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The Ancient Near Eastern Context

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4

Textile Production in the Iron Age Ancient Near East Naḥum Ben-Yehuda

The Hebrew Bible (HB)1 describes the relationship between God and the Israelite nation throughout the Iron Age. In other words, its primary goal is “spiritual culture.” Without “material culture,” however, spiritual culture cannot survive. In order to complete the HB’s picture, this chapter will describe the material textile aspects, which both complement and support the spiritual ones. The HB is not a systematic source of information about historical material culture. This means that the omission of certain data from the biblical corpus does not indicate its nonexistence during the biblical period. Therefore, in some instances where there are no relevant biblical references or detailed descriptions are lacking, supplemental information may be gleaned from and enriched by external sources, including literary, pictorial, and archaeological evidence from the Levant, Mesopotamia, and Egypt2— the Fertile Crescent.3 Indeed, various topics within this category of textile material culture, including production and use, appear in the HB in different contexts.

English Bible translations are based on New Jewish Publication Society translation of the Jewish Bible (NJPS) and/or New Revised Standard Version (NRSV), with certain alterations made by the author. 2 Inferences regarding biblical material culture drawn from comparisons to ancient textile production in other lands or cultures must be approached with great care. Although textile production in general is similar in many different and dispersed cultures (this phenomenon has been referred to as industrial zeitgeist), some of the finer details may vary. Here are three examples: (1) Spindles all over the world are essentially the same, varying only in the shape, material, and position of the whorl. (2) The use of a distaff or not and if so, which method of usage—freestanding, handheld, or tucked into the belt. (3) Twist direction in spinning, either “S” (Egypt) or “Z” (southern Levant and Europe). See Bender, Textiles, 13, for the cultural aspects of these phenomena. 3 Postbiblical literary sources from the southern Levant include the Mishnah, Midrashim, Targumim, and Talmud and span the period of 70–500 CE. These texts contain a much wider selection of material culture topics and details. We do not claim that information originating in these sources necessarily reflects the Iron Age biblical period. However, it does raise the possibility that a more ancient, albeit undocumented, local tradition existed. 1

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54 Legal ●● ●● ●●

Fringes/tassels4 (ṣiṣit) of garments (Num. 15:38-39; Deut. 22:12). Prohibition of mixed varieties (kilˀayim) (Lev. 19:10; Deut. 22:11). Eruptive affections of textiles (nᵊgaˁim) (Lev. 13:37-58).

Technical ●● ●●

Textile components of the Tabernacle (Exod. 25–27 and passim). Priestly vestments (Exod. 28 and passim; Lev. 6:3-4; 16:4).

Metaphorical ●●

●●

“Be your sins like scarlet (šanim), they can turn snow-white. Be they red as kermes-dyed wool (tolaˁ), they can become like (non-dyed white) wool (ṣemer)” (Isa. 1:18). “My days fly faster than weaving (ˀareg)5. . .” (Job  7:6).

Secondary6 ●●

●●

“And the Lord God made garments of skins (kotnot ˁor)7 for Adam and his wife, and clothed them” (Gen. 3:21). “He picked up Elijah’s mantle (ˀaderet), which had dropped from him” (2 Kgs 2:13).

Our understanding of realia from the biblical world enhances, and in some cases even enables, our proper comprehension of these respective biblical texts. This chapter will describe the raw textile materials and dyestuffs, production processes, tools and implements, and products related to textiles in the Iron Age ancient Near East, with special emphasis on the HB.

1.  Textile Materials 1.1  Animal (Protein Fiber) Sheep’s wool8 (ṣemer), species:  Ovis aries, breed:  Awassi (Figure  4.1). This animal is mentioned numerous times in the HB as ˀayil (ram), raḥel (ewe), śeh (lamb), or 4 Neusner, “Comparative Hermeneutics,” 257, fittingly translates showfringes. 5 The text reads as a gerund (weaving) or a noun (a weaver). Others interpret “weaver’s shuttle.” This implement will be explained below under “manufacturing processes.” See also Szpek, “Peshitta.” 6 This is not to say that the garment or textile’s content is meaningless; it is just not of primary importance here. 7 An additional (aggadic) interpretation with a basis in material culture: “(linen) tunics for wearing next to their (Adam’s and Eve’s) skin” (Gen. Rab. 20:21). 8 Cf. Felix, Animals and Plants, 48; Ryder, Sheep & Man, 228–32; Borowski, Every Living Thing, 66–7; Bodenheimer, Animal Life, 123. Recent research has cast doubt on this identification of the Awassi

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Figure 4.1  Syrian fat-tailed ram (Awassi). Lydekker, The Sheep and Its Cousins, 174.

kebeś/keśeb (sheep). One of the characteristics that supports the identification of this indigenous breed as the HB sheep is the “fatty” or “broad” tail, which is mandatory in the “sacrifice of well-being.”9 Wool is a major product of sheep, together with milk and meat. This breed’s fleece diameter is an average of 35 microns,10 which is considered “coarse wool”11 or “carpet wool.”12 Sheep’s wool that has been dyed is referred to in the HB by the name of the dyestuff (e.g., tᵊkelet, etc.).13 Wool and linen are the only fibers that are susceptible to “eruptive affection” (Lev. 13:47-59), and they are the only fibers forbidden to be mixed together, a mixture that is called šaˁaṭnez (Deut. 22:11). Wool fleece is called giza: I am going to lay fleece of wool (gizat haṣemer) on the threshing floor. (Judg. 6:37)

Moab was an area of intensive shepherding: Now King Mesha of Moab was a sheep breeder (noqed); and he used to pay as tribute to the king of Israel a hundred thousand lambs and the wool (ṣemer) of a hundred thousand rams. (2 Kgs 3:4) as the indigenous breed in the Iron Age southern Levant and environs; cf. Gootwine, Appearance, 73, 81–2. 9 You shall present its (the sheep’s) fat from the sacrifice of well-being (šᵊlamim), as an offering by fire to the Lord: the whole broad tail (ˀalya) (Lev. 3:9). 10 Ryder, Sheep & Man, 228–32. 11 Cf. Kott, “Wool Grading.” 12 Susan Schoenian, Sheep and Goat Specialist at the University of Maryland’s Western Maryland Research & Education Center. 13 For the Akkadian background of ˀargaman, tolaˁat šani, and tᵊkelet, see Tawil, Lexical Companion, 31, 429, 431.

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Figure 4.2  Syrian she-goat. Holmes-Pegler, The Book of the Goat, 93, fig. 11.

Natural (nondyed) wool is used as a metaphor for purity from sin (see borit below) (Isa. 1:18). The Levitical priests (kohanim) are forbidden to don wool garments in the temple (Ezek. 44:17). Wool (being a protein fiber) is susceptible to damage by various kinds of moths: For the moth (ˁaš) shall eat them up like a garment, the worm (sas) shall eat them up like wool. But my triumph shall endure forever, my salvation through all the ages. (Isa. 51:8)14

Goat-hair15 (ˁizim16), species: Capra hircus, breed: Mambrica (Figure 4.2). This animal is mentioned numerous times in the HB by various names: tayiš (billy, buck), ˁez (nanny, doe), gᵊdi (kid), ˁatud (giant billy), or śaˁir/ṣapir (hairy billy or nanny). Its main uses are milk and meat. Uses of goat’s hair, however, are limited.17 The only use expressly mentioned in the HB is: You shall also make covers of goats’ hair (ˁizim) for a tent18 over the Tabernacle. (Exod. 26:7; 36:14) 14 This is an example of metaphoric usage where the knowledge of realia enables proper understanding. 15 Or “Mamber goat” (Felix, Animals and Plants, 62; Bodenheimer, Animal Life, 124). Zeuner, History, 139, contends that this breed was not indigenous in the ancient Levant but was brought from the East.    This indigenous goat breed does not grow soft insulating hair near the skin, only a long, coarse outer coat. The coarse hair is suitable for sackcloth and tent cloth, not for garments (Dr. Tzach Glasser, Goat Husbandry and Grazing Manager of Ramat Ha Nadiv, personal correspondence). Oppenheim, “Overland Trade,” 245, states that in Mesopotamia, “the black hair of the goat was destined for rough covers, supposed to withstand hard use, and for ropes.” Cf. “Spinning” below. 16 This unique plural form may indicate the manufactured alteration of a natural product (Kautzsch, Grammar, §124m); cf. pištim below. T.O. ad loc. renders as maˁzē. B. Šabb. 27a passim calls this material noṣa šel ˁizim (“feathers of goats”), although this may apply to a different goat breed with soft hair that is plucked like bird’s feathers or rabbits’ hair, not clipped. 17 There is mention of these goats’ long hair in an analogy, praising the maiden’s “flowing undulating hair”: Song 4:1, 6:5: “Your hair is like a flock of goats streaming down Mount Gilead.” 18 Goat’s hair was indeed often used historically for tent cloth, being both good insulation and water repellent.

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Nevertheless, there is an allusion to the use of goats’ hair: You shall purify every garment, every article of skin, everything made of “goat work” (maˁaśē ˁizim), and every article of wood. (Num. 31:20)

Some translators19 have understood this to mean “goats’ hair goods.”20 However, in numerous verses scattered throughout the HB, a “sack” or “sackcloth” (śaq) fastened to the body is presented in contexts of mourning, fasting, humiliation, or grieving. It is often accompanied by the placement of ash on the body. This sackcloth is intended to be very uncomfortable and therefore must be made of hard, coarse fiber or hair. Goat’s hair of the mambrica breed fits all of these requirements. Another attribute of this breed’s hair is its black color. Our identification is supported by the following analogy: I clothe the heavens with blackness, and make sackcloth their covering. (Isa. 50:3)21

Dromedary Camel hair,22 species: Camelus dromedaries (Figure 4.3). The dromedary gamal (bull), naˀaka (cow), and beker (calf) were common throughout the ancient Near East and are mentioned numerous times in the HB but do not appear as a source of textile material. This material is referred to as “camel wool” in the Mishnah and Tosefta.23 This species does not provide significant amounts of hair and serves primarily as a beast of burden. However, it is mentioned in the NT: “John wore clothing made of camel’s hair” (Mk 1:6).24 Bactrian Camel hair, species: Camelus bactrianus (Figure 4.4). This species is native to the steppes of Central Asia. Due to its cold-climate environment, it grows long soft hair in large quantities, and this is considered a luxury fiber. It is possible that these camels themselves or at least their hair arrived in the Iron Age ANE, as illustrated on the Black Obelisk as one of the tributes brought to Shalmaneser III (r. 858–824 BCE).25 Silk26 is a protein fiber produced by certain moths’ larvae that form cocoons, which are in turn unraveled by humans, and the resulting filament can be woven into textiles. Silks were already being used in China (mulberry, tussah) and India (eri, muga, and tasar) in the Iron Age. The material could have reached the Fertile Crescent region

NJPS and NRSV, in contrast to T. Ps.-J. ad loc. (“horns and bones”). The exact nature of these goods is unknown; perhaps they were sacks (see below). Cf. Song 1:5: “I am dark, but comely, O daughters of Jerusalem, like the tents of Kedar.” Fiber from the fleece of the camel (Camelus bactrianus) or “dromedary” comprises strong, coarse outer hair and a soft, fine undercoat, both of which are used in the production of textiles (cf. TT&D, 51). 23 M. Kil. 9:1, Neg. 11:2. T. Šabb 9:3 lists a group of minor fibers: “kalakh wool [an unidentified substance—NBY], rabbit wool, and wool from a sea creature [‘sea silk’ from the Pinna nobilis mollusk—NBY].” 24 First century CE John’s clothing represents Elijah, in accordance with the Jewish expectation of the return of the prophet in the days before the messiah (Mal. 3:2-3). In Mt. 11:14, Jesus states explicitly that John “is Elijah who is to come.” Mark does not include such an explicit statement but instead alludes to this by describing John in Elijah’s clothing: “A hairy man,” they replied, “with a leather belt tied around his waist.” “That’s Elijah the Tishbite!” he said (2 Kgs 1:8). Prof. R. Steven Notley, personal correspondence. 25 For further archaeological evidence regarding camel’s hair, see Rast-Eicher, Textiles and Furs, 224. 26 Derived from moth species: Bombyx mori, Antheraea pernyi, Samia cynthia, etc. 19 20 21 22

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Figure 4.3  Dromedary. Coleman, Beginner’s Zoology, fig. 390.

over land.27 Nevertheless, this fiber is not mentioned in the HB, nor is it apparently found in Iron Age ANE literary sources.28 Several mistaken identifications of silk in the HB have been made. Abraham Ibn Ezra, in his long commentary to Exod. 25:4, states, “Many have said that tolaˁat (used in the Tabernacle) is silk.” This interpretation derives from the fact that tolaˁat can be translated as “worm” or “maggot.”29 Ibn Ezra does not refute that identification.30 Actually, this verse refers to an insect-derived dyestuff that gives sheep’s wool a scarlet hue (see below). Prof. Richard Piegler, personal correspondence. Oppenheim, “Overland Trade,” 252, discusses the possibility that wild tussah silk was used in Assyria and in Ptolemaic Egypt. 28 Rabbinic literature mentions various silks. T. Šabb. 9:3 refers to kalakh wool and “wool from a sea creature.” M. Kil. 9:2 refers to širayim (etymology unclear). Greek loanwords: T. Neg. 5:5 sirqon = σιρικόν; Y. Šabb. 8b ˀolosriqa = ὁλοσηρικόν; Eccl. Rab. 3:4 somsirqon = σημισηρικόν; Babylonian Talmud and Midrashim passim: mᵊṭaksa = μέταξα. There are also a number of Persian loanwords relating to silk. 29 Cf. Exod. 16:20: “Some of them left some of it until morning, and it became infested with maggots (tolaˁim) and stank.” 30 Bahya Ben Asher, in his commentary to Exod. 25:3, rejects this possibility on the grounds that silk is derived from the body of a biblically impure creature (worm), and only materials derived from pure creatures are permitted to be used in the Tabernacle’s construction. From that position, he contends that tolaˁat šani of the Tabernacle is not derived from an (impure) insect itself but rather from the “grains” in which it dwells. Bahya does not address, however, the problematicalness of tᵊkelet and argaman—both derived from (impure) mollusks. 27

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Figure 4.4  Bactrian camel. Duncan, Cassell’s Natural History, 75.

Another source of misinterpretation is as follows: I dressed you with decorated garments31, and shod you with footwear of taḥaš skin, and donned you with linen headwear, and covered you with rich fabric (meši).32 (Ezek. 16:10)

The final word of the verse (meši) is a hapax legomenon and has been mistranslated since the tenth century CE as “silk.”33 More reliable identifications have been offered from ancient Egyptian msy (a fine garment) or Hittite maššiya (a scarf).34 Subsequently, meši was adopted from the sixth–seventh centuries CE onward in Jewish liturgical poetry and from the eleventh century in halakhic literature to designate “silk” and is used with this meaning in Modern Hebrew. T.J. ad loc. 32 NSRV ad loc. with alterations made by the author. The term is mentioned once again in v. 13. 33 Cf. David ben Abraham Al-Fasi, Ibn Janaḥ, and Rashi. KJV and others have since adopted this translation. However, it is very doubtful that silk was known in Western Asia in the sixth century BCE (Zimmerli, Ezekiel, 278–9; Block, Ezekiel, 484). 34 Kasher, Ezekiel, 333. 31

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1.2 Vegetable (cellulose fiber) Flax/Linen (Linum usitatissimum),35 a bast fiber (Figure 4.5).36 Various synonyms for flax appear in the HB: pišta, pištim, bad, šeš, and buṣ.37 Alongside sheep’s wool (ṣemer), this is the most frequently used fiber in the HB.38 As a rule, in the HB,39 linen is not dyed, in contrast to wool.40 In some applications, the linen is made from plied yarn (šeš mošzar) (Exod. 26–39 passim).41 Below are selected pericopes of the various flax synonyms in the HB: Now the flax (pišta) and the barley were ruined, for the barley was in the ear and the flax (pišta) was in bud (gibˁol). (Exod. 9:31) The cloth, whether warp or woof, in wool or linen (pištim),42 or any article of leather in which the affection is found, shall be burned. (Lev. 13:52) He shall be dressed in a sacral linen (bad) tunic, with linen (bad) breeches next to his flesh, and be girt with a linen (bad) sash, and he shall wear a linen (bad) turban. (Lev. 16:4) Her clothing is linen (šeš) and royal-purple. (Prov. 31:22) The sons of Shelah son of Judah: Er father of Lecah, Laadah father of Mareshah, and the families of the guild of linen (buṣ) workers at Beth-ashbea. (1 Chron. 4:21)43

Hemp (Cannabis sativa), a bast fiber (qannabis).44 Not mentioned in the HB, but in the Mishnah45 as hemp fiber. The fibers are physically quite similar to those of flax, which can be misleading. In the Mishnaic period, this was a negligible crop in the southern Levant. The term “flax” in this paper refers to the plant Linum usitatissimum and its fiber. “Linen” in turn indicates yarn and cloth derived from that fiber (cf. ASTM D 6789-02). In biblical Hebrew, it is possible to translate pišta as “flax” and pištim as “linen”; cf. Ben-Yehuda, “Terminology,” 129 n. 105. 36 Fiber obtained from the outer layers (bast layers) of the stems of certain plants (TT&D, 20). 37 LBH, from Aramaic (Hurvitz, Lexicon, 48–51). The garment kutonet (chiton, tunic) was historically made of linen, hence the use of the Akkadian/Aramaic term for linen kitan. 38 For susceptibility to eruptive affections and the prohibition of mixed kinds, see the discussion of wool above. 39 And throughout the Talmudic period, as reflected in Sifra Tzriaˁ 5:13:4, “ ‘For the linen and the wool’ (Lev. 13:48)—just as linen is white (as usual, undyed, its natural condition), wool (is susceptible to eruptive affection) only when it is white (undyed, its natural condition).” The logic of this inference (often used in rabbinic literature) is that two items appearing together in a common list share some of the same characteristics. 40 In ancient Egypt, linen was dyed (see the Ramesses girdle under “card weaving” below). Prov. 7:16 (ˀetun miṣrayim) possibly refers to red-dyed linen. 41 See “Spinning and plying” below. 42 The distinction between “fine linen” and “linen” in English Bible translations is unfounded. 43 See Demsky, “Houses,” 213–14. 44 The Akkadian term qunnabu may indicate the antiquity of this material in the ANE (CAD Q 306a), possibly the seed or flower of hemp (Cannabis). 45 M. Kil. 91, 7; m. Neg. 11:2; T. Menaḥ. 9:17. 35

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Figure 4.5  Flax and hemp. Berge and Crawford, History, 216.

Cotton46 (Gossypium arboreum47), a seed fiber48 (karpas) (Figure 4.6): “White49 . . . cotton hangings” (Est. 1:6). This HB hapax is a Sanskrit loanword (karpâsa).50 The plant is native to India. It is mentioned in the Mishnah51 and in the Jerusalem Talmud52 as “grape wool”53

46 Occasionally, kitan (Aramaic for flax/linen) has been mistakenly interchanged with “cotton.” In Arabic as well, this similarity can also be confusing: linen = ‫ كتان‬katan; cotton = ‫ قطن‬qatn. 47 This species is identified with the ancient Indian variety of cotton (Prof. Zohar Amar, personal correspondence). 48 Seed hair: Fibers growing from the surface of seeds or from the inner surfaces of fruit cases or pods. Such fibers are formed by the marked elongation of epidermal cells. The most important example of seed hair is cotton (TT&D 301). 49 In NJPS and NSRV, “white” (ḥur) serves as the adjective of “cotton.” It is also possible that ḥur is an independent noun: “something white, and cotton.” Cf. Est. 8:15; Isa. 19:9. 50 BDB 4669 (p. 502). 51 M. Kil. 7:2. 52 Y. Qidd. 64:3. 53 Cf. Oppenheim, “Overland Trade,” 245: “Sennecherib boasts that in his botanical garden there are . . . trees bearing wool [cotton—NBY] . . . people pluck and weave in to clothing.” Oppenheim contends that “utilization of the fine white fibers seems to have been widely known.” For a critique, see Zawadzki, Garments, 24, 27–8.

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Figure 4.6  Gossypium arboreum. Watt, Plants, fig. 8.

(Heb. ṣemer gefen, Aram. ˁamar gufna) and was a negligible crop in the southern Levant prior to the Muslim conquest (seventh century CE).54

1.3 Mineral Gold (zahab): Used for bells that are fastened to the hem of the high priest’s robe (Exod. 28:33), in chains of ropework attached to the high priest’s breastpiece (ḥošen) (Exod. 28:22). Also used as a filament (pᵊtilim), together with dyed wool yarns (tᵊkelet, ˀargaman, and tolaˁat šani) and plied linen (šeš mošzar) in the breastpiece (Exod. 28:15), the ephod (Exod. 39:2), and its decorated band (ḥešeb) (Exod. 39:5).55 The method of producing these gold strands by beating (rqˁ) and slicing (qṣṣ) is described in detail (Exod. 39:3).56 Cf. Amar, Produce, 340. 55 See also Oppenheim, “The Golden Garments of the Gods.” Additional parallels exist between the garments of Mesopotamian gods and those of Israelite priests. 56 Cf. Naḥmanides ad loc. This process is described in Exodus at a (relatively late) production stage of the Tabernacle and in more detail than any other process. Naḥmanides explains that this is because at the time it was performed it amazed the artisans, being something they had never previously experienced. 54

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2.  Dyestuffs, and laundry or bleaching agents In the HB, the following dyestuffs are used for dyeing sheep’s wool, not linen. dyed wool is subsequently referred to by the name of its respective dyestuff.

57

The

2.1 Mollusk-derived Murex blue (Hexaplex trunculus; tᵊkelet) (Figure 4.7).58 This dyestuff is consistently listed in the HB as the first of a group of dyed wools, indicating its relative importance.59 It appears (Exod. 25–39 and passim) together with other dyed wools (ˀargaman, tolaˁat šani), and often also with plied linen (šeš mošzar), for use in one of the coverings and the two curtains of the Tabernacle and some of the high priest’s vestments.60 Independently, such wool is used in loops for the Tabernacle covering (Exod. 26:4), laces for some of the high priest’s vestments (Exod. 28:28, 37), the high priest’s entire robe (Exod. 28:31), the cloth covering for the Ark of the Covenant (Num. 4:6), one string (pᵊtil) of the fringes (ṣiṣit) (Num. 15:38), and luxurious garments in general (Ezek. 23:6). Royal purple (Murex brandaris,61 Murex haemastoma,62 or other mollusks;63 ˀargaman; ˀargᵊwan64) (Figure 4.8). There is some uncertainty regarding the exact hue of this dye (red, violet-purple, blue, dull red, magenta, etc.65), but evidently it contrasted well with both Murex blue (tᵊkelet), and Kermes scarlet (tolaˁat šani), as they are often used together. It also appears together with plied linen (šeš mošzar) and sometimes with gold for one of the cloth coverings and the two curtains of the Tabernacle and for some of the high priest’s vestments (Exod. 25–39 and passim). Together with tᵊkelet (Judg. 8:26; Jer. 10:9; Ezek. 27:7), it is used in luxurious royal garments. It is also mentioned alongside linen (Prov. 31:22 [šeš]; Est. 1:1; 8:15 [buṣ]).66 Royal purple is used independently in the covering for the altar (Num. 4:13), the seat covering of King Solomon’s palanquin (Song 3:10), and also describes the color of the maiden’s flowing locks (Song 7:10).

Comprehensive research on the following and other ancient dyestuffs in the southern Levant has been conducted by Dr. Na’ama Sukenik. 58 Cf. Cardon, Natural Dyes, 578–82. 59 And additionally its higher cost and greater demand. 60 The HB prohibition of mixed varieties (wool and linen) in a garment (šaˁaṭnez) does not apply to the priestly vestments; to the contrary, some of them are required to be of mixed varieties (cf. Sheffer and Tidhar, “Basketry”). Mixed wool and linen textiles were found at Kuntillet ‘Ajrud, an incomparable find in the southern Levant (cf. Shamir, “Traditions,” who notes that “not a single piece of šaˁaṭnez has been recovered from any Jewish site of the Roman period”). The authors conjecture that the Kuntillet ‘Ajrud textiles were remnants of priestly vestments, albeit used outside of the Jerusalem Temple. 61 Cf. Cardon, Natural Dyes, 566–77. 62 Cf. ibid., 582–6. 63 Cf. Amar, Argaman, 32–6. 64 LBH, in 2 Chron. 2:6 (an Aramaism; BDB 801, p. 71). 65 Cf. ibid., 77–86. 66 But certainly not mixed together, which is a biblical prohibition. 57

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Figure 4.7  Hexaplex trunculus. Le Tour du Monde, travel journal.

Figure 4.8  Bolinus brandaris. © Getty Images. Image by ilbusca.

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2.2 Insect-derived Kermes scarlet67 (Kermes biblicus = K. palestinensis;68 tolaˁat šani, šᵊni tolaˁat, šani, šanim, tolaˁ, karmil69) (Figure  4.9):  In Exod. 25–39 passim, tolaˁat šani appears together with tᵊkelet, ˀargaman, and usually also šeš mošzar for the Tabernacle curtains and some of the high priest’s vestments. A “tongue”70 (or “sliver”71) of šᵊni tolaˁat-dyed wool appears together with cedar wood and hyssop in Lev. 14:4-6, 49-52, as a component of the water used for purifying a biblical skin disease and for purging an eruptive plague that came upon a house,72 and in Num. 19:6 as one of the additives to the ashes of the red heifer for the preparation of lustration water. The priest shall take cedar wood, hyssop, and crimson material (šᵊni tolaˁat) and throw them into the fire in which the heifer is burning. (Num. 19:6)

In Num. 4:8, it appears independently as dyed-wool cloth—one of the cloth coverings for various components of the Tabernacle. In Isa. 1:18, šanim and tolaˁ are metaphors for sins (in contrast to snow73 and wool, which are metaphors for expiation and purity). Genesis 38:28, Josh. 2:18, and Song 4:3, each mention “a string of šani.” Second Samuel 1:24 and Jer. 4:30 mention luxurious women’s garments of šani. In Lam. 4:4 tolaˁ alludes to the luxurious garments of the rich. Tolaˁ as a personal or clan name will be discussed under madder below.

2.3 Plant-derived Dyer’s madder74 (Rubia tinctorum; pu’ˀa) (Figure 4.10): This material, which produces a red hue, is not mentioned directly as a dyestuff in the HB but appears often in the Mishnah. However, among the personal names or clan names of the tribe of Issachar appear tolaˁ (Kermes scarlet) and pu’ˀa (madder)—always appearing in tandem (Num.

“Scarlet” and “crimson” are two different hues of red. They have often been mistakenly interchanged in this context. Cf. Amar, Scarlet Dye, 13. 68 Cf. Amar, Scarlet Dye, 55–71; Cardon, Natural Dyes, 609–19. 69 LBH, in 2 Chron. 2:6 and Song 7:6 (a Persian loanword; cf. BDB 4664, p. 502). 70 “Tongue”—after m. Šabb. 9:3 passim regarding the “tongue of (lašon šel) zehorit (šᵊni tolaˁat)”— which is attached to the scapegoat sent to ˁazˀazel on the Day of Atonement (this detail of the ritual is lacking in the HB itself). Mishnah B. Meṣ. 2:1 mentions “tongues of argaman,” which are listed alongside (and therefore similar to) aniṣei pishtan (stricks of flax). Maimonides mentions this “tongue” in the context of purification from skin disease (Hilkhot Tumˀat Ṣaraˁat 11:1), the red heifer (Hilkhot Para Aduma 3:2), and the scapegoat (Hilkhot ˁavodat Yom HaKipurim, ­chapter  3). For more on the use of this material on the Day of Atonement, see Ayali-Darshan, “Origin.” 71 Pronounced as “driver.” A strip (“tongue”) of combed fibers—without twist. Wool can be dyed in various production stages: either before or after combing, as spun yarn, or as a finished garment. This topic was clarified by Deborah Robson, spinner and textile historian, in personal correspondence. 72 Both are forms of “ṣaraˁat.” 73 In the HB, šeleg (“snow”) is sometimes a simile for bleached wool; cf. borit below. 74 Cf. Cardon, Natural Dyes, 108–21. Recent research conducted by Na’ama Sukenik et al., “Early Evidence,” on the Iron Age textile finds at Timnaˁ identified both Rubia tinctorum and Isatis tinctoria dyes (see below). 67

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Figure 4.9  Oak Kermes. © Kathy Borne.

26:23; Judg. 10:1; and 1 Chron. 7:1). This pattern may indicate two things: (1) The red hue of these two dyestuffs is similar, and (2) these clans’ profession was dyeing.75 As a rule, mollusk- and insect-derived dyestuffs were (and still are) very costly compared to their plant-derived, somewhat lower-quality alternatives. Thus, a consumer who desired kermes scarlet but did not have the necessary funds could turn to dyer’s madder. Possibly, the two clans of Issachar specialized in dyeing this hue—one in a higher price bracket, the other in a lower price bracket.76 Dyer’s Woad77 (Isatis tinctoria; isaṭis, saṭis) (Figure 4.11): This blue dyestuff is not mentioned in the HB but does appear in the Mishnah, often together with madder, indicating their widespread use. This plant was indigenous to the ANE in the Iron Age,78 in contrast to blue Indigofera tinctoria, which was native to India and was not brought into this region until the Roman period. Perhaps they were also red-headed. 76 A parallel phenomenon exists in the context of Murex blue and dyer’s woad. The Babylonian Talmud (B. Meṣ 61b and passim) warns that fraudulent dyers may be substituting the inexpensive woad (qala d’ilana, which is halakhically invalid for use in ṣiṣit) for Murex blue. It is possible that imitation royal purple can be produced at lower cost than with mollusks by “double dyeing” with woad and madder. 77 Cf. Cardon, Natural Dyes, 367–77. 78 Cf. Zohary, Domestication, 166–7. 75

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Figure 4.10  Madder. Loudon, Encyclopaedia, 919, fig. 800.

Dyer’s rocket, weld79 (Reseda luteola; rikpa) (Figure 4.12): This yellow dyestuff is not mentioned in the HB but was indigenous and used in the ANE since antiquity.80 However, it is mentioned in Mishnah Šeb. 7:1 and in Tosefta Kil. 3:12 and Maˁasrot 3:15. Soap plants81 (borit, bor, neter): A detergent82 and bleaching material, made from the ash of these plants. They are used metaphorically in the HB: Though you wash yourself with neter83 and use much borit, the stain of your guilt is still before me. (Jer. 2:22) Cf. Cardon, Natural Dyes, 169–77. 80 Cf. Zohary, Domestication, 167. 81 Possible botanical identifications include Salsoda soda, S. kali, Suaeda, Atriplex, and others (cf. Amar, Flora, 216–17). 82 For a detailed description of the laundering process in ancient Egypt, see Hall, Egyptian Textiles, 48–56. 83 The various English translations of these two terms are dubious. 79

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He spreads snow (šeleg)84 like wool (ṣemer), He scatters frost like ashes (ˀefer). (Ps. 147:16)85

Figure 4.11  Woad. Loudon, Encyclopaedia, 920, fig. 801.

3.  Manufacturing processes Here we will trace the chain of textile production in the Iron Age. Essentially, this process has not changed until this very day; however, the previously manual processes have been mechanized. Focus will be on the major raw materials of the HB (animal fibers: sheep’s wool and goat’s hair; plant fibers: flax). Some of the beginning stages of production vary between these materials, but later on the procedures become virtually identical. Biblical text will be referenced whenever available. Tools (such as a comb or a mallet) and devices (such as a spindle or a loom) will also be mentioned in their respective stages of production.

“Ašlag” in Mishna Shabbat 9:5 is the ash of a certain alkali-rich plant. In Modern Hebrew, “ešlag”— potash, “ašlagan”—potassium. 85 The paronomasia used by the psalmist is especially appropriate to David, the shepherd. Ash is used to bleach the wool fleece, which subsequently becomes snow-white! 84

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Figure 4.12  Dyer’s Weld. Valdés Castrillón, Flora vascular de Andalucía Occidental.

3.1 Flax In the southern Levant, flax is sown in late December and requires approximately one hundred days of growth. When the fibers are sufficiently developed, the entire flax plant is uprooted to enable usage of the bast fibers, which are present in almost the entire length of the stem.86 She had, however, brought them up to the roof and concealed them under the stalks of flax (pištē ha-ˁeṣ)87 that were arranged on the roof. (Josh. 2:6) Not “harvested” with a sickle as grains. In addition, the stalk of the flax plant is “woody” in contrast to grain stalks and is difficult to cut. 87 Literally “wooden sticks (or: twigs) of flax.” This reflects the “woodiness” mentioned above. This flax could have been stored on the roof after pulling, before retting, or after retting to dry them 86

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The stems are then soaked (or “retted”)88 in water for several weeks.89 During this process, naturally occurring bacteria decompose the plant’s pectin, which had glued the fibers together. After drying, the stems are beaten with a mallet and subsequently undergo various combings.90 The flax workers shall be ashamed, both combers (śᵊriqot)91 and weavers of white linen (ḥoray)92 (Isa. 19:9).93 The resulting product is called a “strick”94 of long high-quality fibers, and its by-product is called “tow” (nᵊˁoret),95 which may be used for making rope or low-quality cloth. Whereat he easily pulled the tendons apart, just as a strand96 (pᵊtil)97 of tow (nᵊˁoret) comes apart at the touch of fire.98 (Judg. 16:9) Stored wealth99 shall become as tow (nᵊˁoret),100 and he who amassed it a spark; and the two shall burn together, with none to quench. (Isa. 1:31)

Now the flax fibers are ready to be spun.

3.2  Sheep’s wool and goat’s hair Once a year, shortly before summer, the flock is sheared (sheep) or clipped (goats).101 Biblical Hebrew does not differentiate between these two terms. before subsequent beating, combing, and spinning. Flax can be stored in this condition for a long period with no ill effects. The suggestion that these were retted by dew on the roof itself, as practiced today in Europe, does not exist in Jericho, where the very low humidity does not support this process. 88 This process is not mentioned in the HB. However, it is common in Mishnaic Hebrew:  mišra, either the retting pool (rettery) or the retting process (Ben-Yehuda, “Terminology,” 125–6, 134–6). Nevertheless, this term does occur once in construct state in the HB: mišrat ˁanabim, “liquid in which grapes have been steeped” (Num. 6:3). 89 At this time, April–May, the ambient temperature in the southern Levant is conducive to developing bacteria. 90 The professional terms are “beating”—“breaking” (or “braking”) and “combing”—“scutching” and “hackling.” “Carding,” which is sometimes offered as an English translation, is incorrect. That process is unique to wool and was practiced only from the Middle Ages onward. 91 This root śrq also appears in Zech. 1:8, where it is interpreted as a reddish hue. This pair of homographs has an Arabic parallel (Klein, Dictionary, 683): Arab. sharaqa = “he slit the sheep’s ear” (hence “combing”), shariqa = “became red.” 92 Ibn Ezra and Radak ad loc., where ḥoray is understood as Aram./Heb. ḥwr (“white” or “pale”). Cf. “his face grew pale (yeḥewaru)” (Isa. 29:22); see also Est. 1:6, 16, and Dan. 7:9. 93 T.J. ad loc. “linen nets” (mᵊṣadan), and ḥoray is understood as “holey” (perforated). This interpretation fits well with the context of fishing in the previous verse. Note that Isaiah’s prophecy refers to Egypt. 94 In Mishnaic Hebrew: ˀaniṣ. 95 Literally, something that is “shaken out.” 96 Literally: “thread” or “string.” 97 Cf. “In his hand were a cord (pᵊtil) of linen (pištim) and a measuring rod” (Ezek. 40:3). Here we observe that the specific meaning of pᵊtil can change in various contexts. 98 Tow is quite flammable and is used figuratively in rabbinic literature for other things (e.g., dreams, the evil impulse) that are easily “ignited”—anulled. 99 Literally: “the strong.” 100 T.J. clarifies: “flax tow” (naˁoret kitana). Peshitta translates sraqtaˀ, literally “something which is combed out.” 101 There are various methods of obtaining camel’s hair: pulling, combing, clipping, and collecting molted hair (Dr. Ariel Ullman, Negev Camel Ranch, personal correspondence).

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Meanwhile, Laban had gone to shear/clip (gzz) his flock. (Gen. 31:19) “Flock” in biblical Hebrew can include both sheep and goats: Let me pass through your whole flock (ṣoˀn) today, removing from there every speckled and spotted animal—every dark-colored sheep and every spotted and speckled goat. (Gen. 30:32)102

The wool or hair is washed103 and combed.104 The resulting product is called a “tongue” or “sliver.”105 Now the animal fibers are ready to be spun.

3.3 Spinning All of the above “staple” (short) fibers (as opposed to silk, an apparently endless fibre which may be “reeled” without spinning) must be spun into yarn in order to be further processed. Spinning inserts “twist,” thus creating the desired friction that holds the fibers together, and a virtually endless yarn, vital for weaving, can be produced.106 The twist can be in two different directions: “S”107 or “Z” (Figure 4.13).108 Different densities of twist109 are used for different applications (e.g., sewing or weaving). The mass of fibers to be spun are often draped on a “distaff ”—a rod with a protrusion at its end (Figure 4.14). The spinner manipulates a “spindle” consisting of a rod, “whorl”110 (a weight, for additional centrifugal force, and in turn longer duration of rotation), and sometimes a hook imbedded in the end of the rod (Figure 4.15).

102 Cf. Gen. 38:17; Lev. 5:6; 2 Chron. 35:7. In some contexts, it may refer only to sheep; cf. Deut. 15:19. 103 This procedure is not mentioned in the HB, although it is perhaps hinted at in Isa. 1:18 and Ps. 147:16 (cf. “soap plants” above). The verb kbs is always used in the context of garments, either as laundering (for cleanliness) or immersion (for ritual purity). T.O. consistently differentiates between these two applications: ṣbˁ (“to immerse”) and ḥwr (“to launder” or “whiten”). The HB also uses kbs as a metaphor for purifying oneself from sin. In the Mishnah, the consistent terminology is lbn—“to whiten” (wool). 104 This procedure is not mentioned in the HB, although the Mishnah refers to the combing of both wool and flax. A “comb” (or “hackle” for flax) is masrek. 105 Cf. tolaˁat šani above. 106 In ancient Egypt (through the New Kingdom), linen yarn was also spliced without spinning in order to produce ultrafine cloth; cf. Vogelsang-Eastwood, Production, 17; Cooke and Brennan, “Hand-spinning,” 17–23. It is not known if this technique was practiced in additional regions. 107 Characteristic of Egypt (cf. Kemp and Vogelsang-Eastwood, Textile Industry, 80–1) and the southern Levant (cf. Sheffer and Granger-Taylor, “Textiles,” 236). 108 Characteristic of Europe (Gleba, Textile Production, 39). 109 The method of measure is TPI/TPCm (twists per inch/cm). The twist value determines the angle of twist as well. 110 Spindle whorls were made of various materials: wood, bone, pottery, and glass. Numerous spindle whorls and loom weights (see below) from the Iron Age, as well as from earlier and later periods, have been found in many geographical regions. See Daviau, Excavations, 180–200, for spindle shafts, whorls, and loom weights from Iron Age Tall Jawa, Jordan; see also Shamir, “Traditions”; Shamir, “Textiles.”

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Figure 4.13  S-Z twist yarn. Courtesy of Superior Threads, St. George, Utah.

Figure 4.14  Distaff. Camps-Fabrer, “Filage,” 2843.

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Figure 4.15  Spindle. http://www.tartansauthority.com/tartan/the-growth-of-tartan/tartan-production/spinning/

She reaches out with her hands to the kiṣor,111 and her palms support the spindle (pelek). (Prov. 31:19)112

The fibers are gradually fed in (“drafted”)113 as the spindle turns. Two or more “single yarns” can be “doubled,”114 “folded,” or “plied” to create a thicker product (Figure 4.16). This also has design aspects, for example, yarn of variegated materials and/or colors, although it is mentioned in the HB only with regard to plied 111 Whether or not kišor refers to a distaff is an unresolvable question. Medieval Jewish Bible commentators interpreted “distaff,” which they were familiar with from their own culture. Parallelism in the verse (distaff—spindle) also supports this understanding. Distaffs were widespread in ancient Greece, as reflected in many vase illustrations. However, in ancient Egypt and Mesopotamia, there is no evidence of their use. Nevertheless, the Septuagint translates, “She reaches forth her arms to needful works.” The Peshitta translates similarly with keširuta (“capability” or “skill”). This fits well with a parallel expression in Qohelet: “I have also noted that all labor and skillful (kišron) enterprise” (Eccl. 4:4), the root kšr as above. 112 plk appears in Neh. 3 and passim. To disambiguate this pair of homographs, we turn to the Akkadian origin for the word pelek: Akk. pilku = “district”; pilakku = “spindle.” As “district” see Neh. 3 passim; Tawil, Lexical Companion, 296. 113 Also: “drawing” (TT&D: 107). For further discussion, see Bakriges, “Drafting Techniques.” 114 The unique Egyptian spinning bowls were possibly used for this purpose; cf. Dothan, “Spinning Bowls,” 97–112.

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linen115 (šeš mošzar) in the context of the Tabernacle and various priestly vestments (Exod. 26–39 and passim).116 Flax and hemp are often “wet spun,” whereby a liquid such as water or saliva117 is introduced before twisting. This causes the fibers to soften and relax, resulting in a smoother and stronger yarn.118 Goat’s hair is extremely difficult to spin because of its thickness and inflexibility.119 And all the women who excelled in that skill spun (ṭawu) the goats’ hair. (Exod. 35:26)120

3.4  Cord and rope-making121 Strands122 (a minimum of three) of fiber can be either “laid”123 or braided124 (or “plaited”) into cord or rope. These appear numerous times in the HB by various synonyms.125 A threefold cord (ḥuṭ) is not readily broken! (Eccl. 4:12)126

3.5  Nets and openwork Nets appear in the HB numerous times. This textile assemblage is classified as an openmesh fabric in which a firm structure is ensured by some form of twist or interlocking

The number of plies is not specified in the HB; however, in rabbinic literature there are various opinions, cf. J.T. Šeqal. 8, 51b. 116 Rabbinic literature specifies that the three dyed-wool yarns (tᵊkelet, ˀargaman, and tolaˁat šani) are plied together in various specific permutations for different uses in the Tabernacle. 117 This technique in mentioned in rabbinic literature (T. Ṭehar. 4:11; T. Ketub. 5:4). 118 Kemp and Vogelsang-Eastwood, Textile Industry, 71, note that a scene from the tomb of Djehuryhetep pictures a spinner who seems to be drawing (obviously linen) yarn through her mouth. Unique Egyptian “spinning bowls” may have been used for this purpose as well; cf. Dothan, “Spinning Bowls,” 97–112. 119 Deborah Robson, spinner and textile historian, in personal correspondence. 120 The literal translation is: “All the women whose hearts moved them in wisdom spun the goat’s hair.” Other materials were spun by “skilled women” (Exod. 35:25), but these women “excel.” 121 The following definitions are useful, albeit not necessarily applicable to ancient sources: “Cordage: Any product regardless of size, made by twisting of braiding textile yarns” (TT&D, 77); “Rope: An article of cordage more than approximately 4 mm in diameter” (ibid., 286). 122 Linear textile material, cf. TT&D, 334. 123 To twist two or more components about each other to form a helix about the axis of the resulting product, cf. TT&D, 194. 124 A flat braid can be made for use as a belt or strap. In a flat braid, yarns meet at a 45-degree angle, whereas in a woven structure they meet at 90 degree. A knitted structure consists of interlinked loops and was apparently not practiced in antiquity (Dr. Margarita Gleba, personal correspondence). On knotting and nets, cf. below. 125 ˁabot, gablut/migbalot, gᵊdil, ḥuṭ, ḥebel, yeter/mētar, pᵊtil, and tiqwa. The specific identification regarding each material or technique is often difficult or impossible. The general term for spun material is maṭweh (Exod. 35:25). 126 Deut. 32:9 reads: “Jacob, His own territory.” “Territory” or “region” is the polysemic word ḥebel, which has broadened the meaning of “rope,” since territory was measured by lengths of rope. This explains the midrashic technique used in Gen. Rab. 68:12 (on Eccl. 4:12): “Jacob [the third patriarch] is compared to a rope, which is always made of at least three strands!” 115

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Ply Structures

b

b

a

b

a

Two-ply

c

a

Three-ply

c b

b a

Four-ply

a

Four-ply cable

Three-ply crepe

Figure 4.16  Ply structures. Larson, The Practical Spinner’s Guide, 129.

of the yarn.127 It may be produced by an “open weave,” by a knotless technique such as “sprang” or by knotting.128 As an analogy to traps for birds and animals, a “snare” or “ambush” for men and nations: When they go, I will spread my net (rišti) over them, I will bring them down like birds of the sky. (Hos. 7:12) The nations sink in the pit they have made; their own foot is caught in the net (rešet) they have hidden. (Ps. 9:16)

They are mentioned as an implement for catching fish: The fishermen shall lament . . . and those who spread nets (mikmoret)129 on the water shall languish. (Isa. 19:8) 127 Cf. TT&D, 233. 128 See Alfaro, Fishing Nets, 55–81. Davidson, Nets, explains in detail the production of knotted netting. Emery, Structure, 46, describes both knotted and knotless netting. 129 In MT this appears as a collective noun, which T.J. renders in plural form: mᵊṣadan. The term mikmoret is also used as an analogy for trapping the wicked (Ps. 141:10).

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As a (nontextile) decorative element for the copper altar in the Tabernacle: Make for it a grating (mikbar) of meshwork130 (rešet)131 in copper. (Exod. 27:4)

There is some debate regarding an ambiguous hapax legomenon132 in Exodus: The service133 (śᵊrad) vestments, the sacral vestments of Aaron the priest and the vestments of his sons. (Exod. 31:10)

Some commentators134 have identified the above “vestments” as the cloth coverings used to transport the dismantled Tabernacle. At the breaking of camp, Aaron and his sons shall go in and take down the screening curtain and cover the Ark of the Covenant with it. They shall lay a covering of taḥaš skin over it and spread a cloth covering of pure blue (kᵊlil tᵊkelet) on top. (Num. 4:5-14)135

These commentators have described śᵊrad as “net-work” or “plait-work.” Lexicographers136 have also supported this description and added the Aramaic for plaited work (sardutaˀ, sᵊradaˀ).137 Additional support is derived from the translation of mikbar in T.O. as sᵊradaˀ as well as the following:  You shall make the court of the tabernacle. The south side the court shall have hangings (qᵊlaˁim, translated by T.O. as sᵊradēi). (Exod. 27:9 and passim)138

3.6 Weaving To weave cloth, yarns are wrapped on a “beam”139 and arranged in parallel (“warp”) on a frame, called a “loom.”140

Or “network.” 131 T.O.: mᵊṣadᵊtaˀ. 132 Actually, this is a homographic triplet in the HB (each homograph is a hapax in itself): Exod. 31:10; Josh. 10:20 (fugitives or survivors); Isa. 44:13 (a stylus for marking wood). 133 NRSV: “The finely worked vestments.” 134 Rashi and Rashbam ad loc. Ramban ad loc. rejects this opinion and identifies them as the priestly vestments. 135 Additional cloth coverings are mentioned in this context for various parts of the Tabernacle:  “regular” tᵊkelet, tolaˁat šani, and ˀargaman. 136 Cf. BDB 9527, p. 1984; Klein, Dictionary, 681. 137 A corrupt reading provided by BDB with replacement of dalet by resh (srd/srr) reflects a common scribal error, cf. DJPA, 435. 138 Other Targumim offer wilon (pl.) from the Latin velum. 139 This is the “warp beam.” There are additional components in the loom, such as upright beams, etc. 140 No specific term for a loom appears in the HB. In Talmudic literature, it is called nᵊwal or nᵊbal in Aramaic. 130

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The shaft of [Goliath’s] spear was like a weaver’s beam (mᵊnor ha-ˀorgim),141 and the iron head of his spear weighed six hundred shekels. (1 Sam. 17:7)142

The warp must be kept under tension, either by weights143 (on a “vertical warp-weighted loom”144) (Figure 4.17a) or by an opposing “beam,”145 which can be rotated to increase tension (on a vertical or horizontal “two-beam loom”) (Figure 4.17b).146 Both of these types of looms were used in the ANE, and loom weights are attested by numerous archaeological finds. The warp yarns arranged on the loom are referred to as the “web.” Then Delilah said to Samson, “Until now you have mocked me and told me lies; tell me how you could be bound.” He said to her, “If you weave the seven locks of my head with the web (maseket).”147 (Judg. 16:13) When an eruptive affection occurs in a cloth of wool or linen fabric, or in the warp (šᵊti) or in the weft148 (ˁereb)149 of the linen or the wool. (Lev. 13:47-48)150

In order to enable the insertion of the weft151 yarns, an opening (“shed”) between single warp yarns or groups of them is performed. A reverse opening (“countershed”) locks each shot of weft in place, and the process continues repeatedly until the desired length of cloth is obtained.

141 The comparison is to an object familiar to the reader, as looms were commonplace. The warp beam, the cloth beam, or perhaps the heddle are all possible candidates for this term. Cf. M. Šabb. 7:2, 13:2: Nir is the heddle and bet nir is the “eye” of the heddle. The preformative mem is added to this basic form (nir—manor); cf. Kautzsch, Grammar, §85k. 142 Parallels: 2 Sam. 21:19; 1 Chron. 11:23; 20:5. 143 Made of stone or pottery. 144 For extensive research on this loom and its use, see Hoffmann, Loom. 145 This is the “cloth beam.” 146 Images of woven fabric are, as a rule, positioned with the warp vertical and the weft horizontal. 147 T.J. ad loc. (maštita) is based on the biblical šᵊti. Both have the meaning “foundation.” The warp yarns are indeed the foundation of the cloth. 148 The difference between warp and weft yarns is not mentioned in these sources. Yarn intended for warp and that intended for weft may be of somewhat different specifications. Cf. B.T. ‘Abod. Zar. 17b. There are a number of possibilities: (1) Warp and weft yarns may be of different twist directions (“S” or “Z”) to enhance interlock or (2) of different counts (thicknesses) to enable “faced” weaves. (3) Warp requires yarn with both higher tensile strength and nonfraying capabilities. Thus, warp yarn may be of a tighter twist than the weft. (4) The warp yarn may be sized (treated with starch and/ or grease) or boiled to make it more durable. Cf. Rashi to B.T. Me’il. s.v.’mai lᵊˀāḥīzā‘: “he smoothes (or: polishes) the yarn for weaving with bran or anything else.” This sizing must be subsequently removed from the cloth by laundering (“de-sizing”) before further use. (5) Different qualities of fibers may be used, e.g., (stronger) long fiber flax for the warp and short fiber for the weft. Some of these options were suggested during consultation with Dr. John Peter Wild, in personal correspondence. 149 The derivation is from Akk. erēbu (CAD E p. 260) provides the exact meaning of ˁereb (“to enter”). The weft yarn “enters” the shed opened between the warp yarns, whereas the warp yarns are static. 150 According to biblical law, only wool and linen are susceptible to eruptive affections. The minimum size of cloth which is susceptible is “3 finger widths by 3 finger widths” (cf. m. Neg. 11:8). The “warp” and “weft” mentioned here indicate hanks (or: skeins) of spun yarn intended for each respective use and each capable of producing the aforementioned size of cloth (Maimonides, commentary on the Mishnah ad loc.). 151 Also referred to as “woof ” or “filling”; cf. TT&D, 385.

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(a)

(b)

Figure 4.17  Warp-weighted loom and two-beam vertical loom. Seiler-Baldinger, Textiles, figs. 144–5.

The apparatus used to control the warp yarns’ lateral motion is a “heddle.” The device used to insert the weft is a “shuttle.”152 And she pegged his hair with the peg153 and cried to him, “Samson, the Philistines are upon you!” Awaking from his sleep, he pulled out the weaving peg (ha-yᵊtad ha-ˀereg) and the web (maseket). (Judg. 16:14)

When the desired cloth length has been obtained, the cloth is removed from the loom and sewed as desired for further use. In antiquity, garments were sometimes woven to shape and size on the loom, ready-made for a specific customer.154 There are many different types of “simple weaves”155 (configurations); the basic ones are as follows: Plain weaves (e.g., “tabby” and “basket weave”) (Figure 4.18): In these, each weft shot passes alternately over and under successive equal warp units, and each subsequent shot reverses the procedure of the previous one.156 152 Ancient versions of the shuttle were no more than a stick, around which yarn was wrapped. Modern shuttles are more sophisticated and incorporate an internal bobbin that feeds out the yarn during weft insertion. 153 T.J. renders “pin” as “axis/shaft” based on ἄξων. 154 See Granger-Taylor, “Weaving Clothes.” 155 As opposed to “complex weaves” (see below). 156 Cf. Emery, Structure, 76.

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Figure 4.18  Plain weave. Seiler-Baldinger, Textiles, fig. 152a.

Float weaves (e.g., “twill” and “satin”): A “float” is any portion of a warp or weft element that extends unbound over two or more units of the opposite set, on either face of the fabric.157 Faced weaves: These may be either “warp-faced” or “weft-faced,” as one of these elements visually conceals the other. The concealed element affects the cloth only by its (unseen) presence.158 Patterns can be woven into the cloth by various means. Made with yarn of contrasting colors and/or thickness,159 these are vertical “warp stripes” and horizontal “weft bands.” More complex designs can be made by “tapestry weaving”160 (Figure 4.19), which requires more sophisticated control of individual warp yarns and the insertion of weft161 in chosen widths, shorter than the width of the entire cloth. Another method is “embroidery,”162 which does not require operating the loom and can be performed while the cloth is still on the loom or after it has been removed.163 157 Cf. ibid., 92, 108. 158 Cf. ibid., 76. On warp-faced textiles found at Kadesh Barnea, see Shamir, “Textiles,” 258. 159 Or a different weave pattern for the bands. There are also “bare bands,” a section of warp without weft. 160 Tapestry-woven fabrics have been found in various tombs in Egypt, dating to 1570–1070 BCE (cf. Hann and Thomas, Patterns, 56–7). 161 Using a special tapestry “bobbin” shuttle. 162 The term rqm in the HB does not strictly define which method of decorative production was used. On embroidery in antiquity, see Barber, Prehistoric Textiles, 159–62 (Egyptian); Grömer, Textile Making, 200–5. 163 The following objects feature designs: One of the Tabernacle coverings (Exod. 26:1), the paroket (Exod. 26:31) with a “cherubim” (kᵊrubim) design, and the abneṭ (Exod. 28:38) and masak (Exod. 26:36), both with unspecified designs. Also, perhaps the kutonet, according to some interpretations of tašbeṣ (Exod. 28:4).

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Figure 4.19  Tapestry weave. Seiler-Baldinger, Textiles, figs. 122a–b.

“Simple” weaves are indicated in the HB as maˁaśē ˀoreg “woven work” (Exod. 28:32, 39:22, 27) and “complex” or “pattern” weaves as maˁaśē ḥošeb “skillful work” (Exod. 26–39 passim)164 or maˁaśē roqem “decorative work”165 (Exod. 26–39 passim).166 Supplementary warp or weft can be added, thus forming “pile.” This technique was used for carpets, blankets, upholstery, and towels (Figure 4.20).167 Narrow woven products such as belts,168 bands, straps, and trimmings can be manufactured on a small “rigid heddle”169 loom (Figure 4.21).170 Another method This phrase always appears in a textile context, albeit not mentioned in the phrase itself! 165 T.O. ad loc., whereas T. Ps.-J. renders “needlework” (ˁobad ṣi'ur maḥta). 166 For similar phraseology, cf. maˁaśē ˁizim “goat work” and maˁaśē ˁabot “rope work” or “corded work” (Exod. 28:14, 22; 39:15). 167 The so-called Pazyryk carpet (fifth century BCE), which exhibits advanced technical skill and complexity of decoration using a “pile” technique, was probably produced in Persia. Cf. Hann and Thomas, Patterns, 66–7; Barber, Prehistoric Textiles, 200–2. 168 There are various terms for “belt” in the HB: ˀēzor, ˀabneṭ, ḥagor/ḥagora, and mezaḥ. “Trimming” can be referred to as gablut or migbalot. 169 Grömer, Textile Making, 186–9, 456 (“band loom”); Gleba, Textile Production, 121; Barber, Prehistoric Textiles, 116–18; Broudy, Looms, 89–91. 170 In later periods this device developed into a “belt” or “inkle” loom, a simple form of narrow loom. It consists of a frame with pegs that hold a narrow continuous warp, a simple device form making two sheds, and an adjustable peg to control warp tension (TT&D, 175). 164

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Figure 4.20  Pile formation on right-angle plaiting. Seiler-Baldinger, Textiles, fig. 192b.

is “card” or “tablet” weaving. (Figure 4.22)171 This is a method in which the sheds are formed by tablets with holes through which the warp ends are threaded. When the tablets are rotated, sheds are created for the passage of the weft. An increased number of tablets enables more complex designs. No loom is involved in this process.172 When cloth is removed from the loom, it is considered to be in “loom state” and may undergo further “post-loom” finishing, such as fulling (wool) or beetling (linen).173

3.7 Felting and fulling174 Felt is a “non-woven” fabric, a mass of fibers lying indiscriminately in all directions. These fibers are neither spun into yarn nor interworked in any regular order. They are made to cohere sufficiently to form a firm fabric by the application of moisture, heat, pressure, and friction.175 This is a very ancient process, as it requires no special device.176 Sheep’s wool is usually used for producing felt, as its scaly surface structure gives these Grömer, Textile Making, 101–6; Corckett, Card Weaving, 11–12, 18. 172 The “Ramesses girdle” (1185 BCE) was probably manufactured by this process. http://www. liverpoolmuseums.org.uk/wml/collections/antiquities/ancient-egypt/item-299418.aspx (accessed June 24, 2018). 173 See below. These processes are not mentioned in the HB. However, beetling is alluded to in rabbinic literature. 174 For a detailed description of these processes in antiquity, see Barber, Prehistoric Textiles, 215–22. 175 Cf. Emery, Structure, 22–4. 176 Schoeser, Textiles, 24–5; Ryder, Sheep & Man; 114–5, Barber, Prehistoric Textiles, 215–22. 171

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Figure 4.21  Rigid heddle loom. Seiler-Baldinger, Textiles, fig. 141b–c.

fibers the enhanced tendency to cling firmly to each other. Other animal fibers can also be used, either independently or mixed with wool. Felt has various applications such as headwear, footwear, and various other garments, as well as tent cloth. Although not mentioned in the HB, felt appears several times in rabbinic literature as lebed or labud.177 Fulling is a post-loom finishing process for wool cloth or garments in which the above processes are applied in order to thicken and shrink the fabric and obscure the structure of the interworked elements to produce a felt-like surface.178 Fulling may also be repeated after each laundering.179 M. Kil. 9:9. T. Kel. B. Bat. 5:3-4 has “a felt robe.” 178 Emery, Structure, ad loc. 179 Grömer, Textile Making, 209–11, Barber, Prehistoric Textiles, 274–5. 177

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Figure 4.22  Tablet weaving. Seiler-Baldinger, Textiles, fig. 137.

Beetling is also a post-loom finishing process, used exclusively for linen cloth. The judicious pounding of the moistened cloth flattens the threads, consolidates the weave, polishes the surface, and strengthens the material.

Bibliography Alfaro, Carmen. Fishing Nets in the Ancient World: The Historical and Archaeological Evidence, in Ancient Nets and Fishing Gear. Cádiz: Universidad de Cádiz, 2010. Amar, Zohar. Agricultural Produce in the Land of Israel in the Middle Ages (in Hebrew). Jerusalem: Yad Ben Zvi, 2000. Amar, Zohar. The Argaman (Purple): Porphura and Arjawan in Jewish Sources (in Hebrew). Har Bracha: Machon Har Bracha, 2014. Amar, Zohar. Flora of the Bible (in Hebrew). Jerusalem: Rubin Mass, 2012. Amar, Zohar. Tracking the Scarlet Dye of the Holy Land (in Hebrew). Neve Zuf: Published by the author, 2007. Ayali-Darshan, Noga. “The Origin and Meaning of the Crimson Thread in the Mishnaic Scapegoat Ritual in Light of an Ancient Syro-Anatolian Custom.” Journal for the Study of Judaism 44 (2013): 1–22. Bakriges, Jeannine. Seven Drafting Techniques. Available online: https://www.interweave. com/wp-content/uploads/6758.SO_5F00_Fall_5F00_13_5F00_Seven_5F00_ Drafting_5F00_Bakriges.pdf (accessed June 22, 2018). Barber, Elizabeth J. W. Prehistoric Textiles. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1991. Ben-Yehuda, Naḥum. “Flax and Linen Terminology in Talmudic Literature.” In Textile Terminologies from the Orient to the Mediterranean and Europe, 1000 BC to 1000 AD, edited by Salvatore Gaspa, Cécile Michel, and Marie-Louise Nosch, 122–52. Lincoln: Zea, 2017.

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Bender Jørgensen, Lise. North European Textiles until AD 1000. Aarhus: Aarhus University Press, 1992. Berge, Friedrich and Richard Frederick Crawford. Berge’s Complete Natural History of the Animal, Mineral, and Vegetable Kingdoms. London: Dean, 1890. Block, Daniel I. The Book of Ezekiel. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1997. Bodenheimer, Friedrich S. Animal Life in Palestine. Jerusalem: Published by the author, 1935. Borowski, Oded. Every Living Thing: Daily Use of Animals in Ancient Israel. Walnut Creek, CA: Altamira, 1998. Broudy, Eric. The Book of Looms. Hanover: University Press of New England, 1997. Camps-Fabrer, Henriette. “Filage: fusaïole, fuseau.” Encyclopédie Berbère 19 (1998): 2839–45. Cardon, Dominique. Natural Dyes: Sources, Tradition, Technology and Science. London: Archetype, 2007. Coleman, Walter M. Beginner’s Zoology. Toronto: Macmillan, 1921. Cooke, William. D. and Angela Brennan. “The Hand-Spinning of Ultra-Fine Yarns, Part 2. The Spinning of Flax.” CIETA Bulletin 69 (1991): 17–23. Crockett, Candance. Card Weaving. Loveland: Interweave, 1991. Daviau, P. M. Michèle. Excavations at Tall Jawa, Jordan. Vol. 2. The Iron Age Artefacts. Leiden: Brill, 2002. Davidson, Jacqueline. Nets through Time. Rockland: Published by the author, 2012. Demsky, Aaron. “The Houses of Achzib.” Israel Exploration Journal 16 (1966): 211–15. Dothan, Trude. “Spinning Bowls.” Israel Exploration Journal 13 (1963): 97–112. Duncan, P. Martin. Cassell’s Natural History. London: Cassell, Petter & Galpin, [1876]–1882. Emery, Irene. The Primary Structure of Fabrics: An Illustrated Classification. New York: Watson-Guptill, 1966. Felix, Yehuda. Animals and Plants of the Bible (in Hebrew). Jerusalem: Dvorkes, 1984. Gleba, Margarita. Textile Production in Pre-Roman Italy. Oxford: Oxbow, 2008. Gootwine, Elisha. Physical Appearance of Sheep in Ancient Times in Israel and Its Neighboring Countries, Based on Archaeological Evidence. Rishon LeZion: Agricultural Research Organization, The Volcani Center, 2017. Granger-Taylor, Hero. “Weaving Clothes to Shape in the Ancient World.” Textile History 13.1 (1982): 3–25. Grömer, Karina. The Art of Prehistoric Textile Making: The Development of Craft Traditions and Clothing in Central Europe. Vienna: Natural History Museum, 2016. Hall, Rosalind. Egyptian Textiles. Aylesbury: Shire, 1986. Hann, Michael. A. and Brony G. Thomas. Patterns of Culture—Decorative Weaving Techniques. Leeds: Ars Textrina/ULITA, 2005. Hoffmann, Marta. The Warp-Weighted Loom. Oslo: Universitetsforlaget, 1964. Holmes-Pegler, Henry Steven. The Book of the Goat. London: Gill, 1909. Hurvitz, Avi. A Concise Lexicon of Late Biblical Hebrew. Leiden: Brill, 2014. Kasher, Rimon. Miqra L’Yisrael, Ezekiel Chapters 1–24. Jerusalem: Magnes, 2004. Kautzsch, E. Gesenius’ Hebrew Grammar, translated by A. E. Cowley. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1966. Kemp, Barry J. and Gillian Vogelsang-Eastwood. The Ancient Textile Industry at Amarna. London: Egypt Exploration Society, 2001. Klein, Ernest. A Comprehensive Etymological Dictionary of the Hebrew Language for Readers of English. Jerusalem: Carta, 1987. Kott, Rodney. “Wool Grading.” MontGuide, Reprinted July 1993. http://msuextension.org/ publications/AgandNaturalResources/MT198380AG.pdf (accessed June 24, 2018).

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Larson, Kate, The Practical Spinner’s Guide: Wool. Fort Collins, CO: Interweave Press, 2015. Loudon, John Claudius. An Encyclopædia of Agriculture: Comprising the Theory and Practice of the Valuation, Transfer, Laying Out, Improvement, and Management of Landed Property, and of the Cultivation and Economy of the Animal and Vegetable Productions of Agriculture. London: Longmans, Green, 1871. Lydekker, Richard. The Sheep and Its Cousins. London: G. Allen, 1912. Oppenheim, A. Leo. “Essay on Overland Trade in the First Millennium B.C.” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 21 (1967): 236–54. Oppenheim, A. Leo. “The Golden Garments of the Gods.” JNES 8 (1949): 172–93. Rast-Eicher, Annette. FIBRES: Microscopy of Archaeological Textiles and Furs. Budapest: Archaeolingua, 2016. Ryder, Michael. Sheep & Man. London: Duckworth, 1983. Schoeser, Mary. World Textiles: A Concise History. London: Thames & Hudson, 2003. Seiler-Baldinger, Annemarie. Textiles: A Classification of Techniques. Bathurst: Crawford House Press, 1994. Shamir, Orit. “Loom Weights.” In Salvage Excavations at Tel Moza—The Bronze and Iron Age Settlements and Later Occupations (IAAR 39), edited by Z. Greenhut and A. De Groot, 157–61. Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority, 2009. Shamir, Orit. “Textiles, Loom Weights and Spindle Whorls.” In Excavations at Kadesh Barnea (Tell el-Qudeirat) 1976–1982: Part 1. Text (IAAR 34), edited by Rudolph Cohen et al., 255–68. Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority, 2007. Shamir, Orit. “Two Special Traditions in Jewish Garments and the Rarity of Mixed Wool and Linen Threads in the Land of Israel.” In Prehistoric, Ancient Near Eastern and Aegean Textiles and Dress: An Interdisciplinary Anthology (Ancient Textiles Series 18), edited by Mary Harlow, Cécile Michel, and Marie-Louise Nosch, 298–308. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2014. Sheffer, Avigail and Hero Granger-Taylor. “Textiles from Masada: A Preliminary Selection.” In Masada 4 The Yigael Yadin Excavation 1963–1965, edited by J. Aviram, G. Foerster, and E. Netzer, 153–256. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1994. Sheffer, Avigail and Amelia Tidhar. “Textiles and Basketry at Kuntillat ‘Ajrud.” ‘Atiqot 20 (1991): 1–26. Sukenik, Na’ama et al. “Early Evidence (Late 2nd Millennium BCE) of Plant-Based Dyeing of Textiles from Timna, Israel.” PLoS ONE 12.6 (2017): 1–24. Szpek, Heidi M. “The Peshitta on Job 7:6 ‘My Days Are Swifter Than an ˀareg’.” JBL 113.2 (1994): 287–90. Tawil, Hayim. An Akkadian Lexical Companion for Biblical Hebrew. Jersey City: Ktav, 2009. Valdés Castrillón, Benito et al. (eds.). Flora vascular de Andalucía Occidental, 3 vols. Barcelona: Ketres Editora S.A., 1987. Vogelsang-Eastwood, Gillian. The Production of Linen of Pharaonic Egypt. Leiden: Textile Research Centre, 1991. Watt, George. The Wild and Cultivated Cotton Plants of the World; A Revision of the Genus Gossypium, Framed Primarily with the Object of Aiding Planters and Investigators Who May Contemplate the Systematic Improvement of the Cotton Staple. London: Longmans, 1907. Zawadzki, Stefan. Garments of the Gods. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006. Zeuner, Friedrich. A History of Domestic Animals. London: Hutchinson, 1963. Zimmerli, Walther. Ezekiel: A Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Ezekiel, Vol. 1 (Chs. 1–24), translated by Ronald E. Clements. Philadelphia, PA: Fortress Press, 1979. Zohary, Daniel, Maria Hopf, and Ehud Weiss. Domestication of Plants in the Old World. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2012.

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Clothing and Nudity in the Ancient Near East Archaeological and Iconographic Aspects Allison Thomason

In the area of the world where sheep were first domesticated and their wool used in textiles and flax plants were first cultivated and their fibers used for threads, it is appropriate to attempt a general discussion of the archaeological and iconographic aspects of clothing and nudity in the ancient Near East. What follows is a brief survey of the material related to clothing and nudity in the ancient Near East, which is intended as an introduction and jumping-off point for scholars of the biblical world and beyond. This is a state-of-the-field essay and relies on previous research and evidence to support a general consideration of the topic and methodological approaches deployed in its study. There are some limits to my discussion since the topic of clothing and nudity is broad and, especially in the last ten to fifteen years, has received a great deal of attention from archaeologists, art historians, and philologists.

Narrowing the Topic/Parsing the Terms First, a time frame narrowing: while I begin my discussion in the Neolithic and Chalcolithic periods, the bulk of the material and representational evidence for clothing and nudity dates to the Bronze and Iron Ages in the Near East. Thus, the time frame for this essay begins in ca. 9000 BCE and ends with the Persian period, which ended by 323 BCE, with most of the material dated from 3000 to 500 BCE. Geographically, this discussion covers Anatolia, the Levant, inland Syria, Mesopotamia (Assyria and Sumer/Babylonia), and southwestern Iran.

What Is “Clothing”? Since the evidence is so geographically diverse and abundant, I will restrict my discussion to elements of clothing worn on the body—that is, woven garments

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and cloth accessories such as belts, headgear, shawls, and shoes.1 Indeed, the broader term “dress,” often used in this subfield by scholars, encompasses both clothing and non-textile adornment such as jewelry as well as body alterations such as tattoos or perfumes.2 However, the parameters of this volume dictate a focus on woven textiles worn by humans on their bodies—clothing or garments. Nevertheless, when considering clothing and nudity in the ancient Near East, it is essential to acknowledge that most items of clothing were worn as ensembles—that is, in conjunction with other adornments and body-altering processes to create a complete bodily experience for wearers and the people with whom they came into contact, stimulating all of the senses including olfactory and auditory. In addition, this discussion does not concern itself with other forms of textiles such as sacks, baskets, bags, blankets, rugs, or furniture coverings, for which there are numerous sources of evidence from the ancient Near East.3 Finally, this is not intended to be a diachronic or linear survey of “costume” or “fashion” in the ancient Near East, which traces individual elements or ensembles as related to cultural tradition (e.g., “national costumes”) or market demand and style innovation. Indeed, these already exist in older literature.4 Rather, I will discuss how scholars have looked at clothing and nudity, especially within the past two decades, and present important evidence and bibliography for archaeological and representational sources for studying the topic, now more narrowly defined. With respect to “nudity,” the literature here is vast and also interwoven with discussions of bodies, sexuality, and fertility through gendered lenses so prevalent in the past half-century. However, I will focus here not as much on the nude body itself but on the nude body in relation to clothing—that is, in a state of being dressed or undressed.5

Some Common “Knowns” about Clothing Wool was the main type of material used to produce textiles and form clothing in the ancient Near East. Environmentally, many parts of the ancient Near East are excellent areas for sheep rearing, which was performed by pastoral nomads as well as rural and urban inhabitants of the Fertile Crescent. Wool’s unique possibility for sustainable production that did not require tremendous land or labor investment rendered it a workable material in a part of the world where other forms of agriculture could be risky and marginally productive. In addition, the chemical and organic abilities of wool to resist water penetration, to retain heat or breathe for coolness, to accept Breniquet and Michel, “Foreword,” 8. 2 Eicher et al., Dress and Identity. Breniquet and Michel, “Foreword,” 8, point out that until the Uruk (Chalcolithic) period, paintings on walls and pottery show that humans were “scarcely clad” or “in a state of adorned nudity (jewelry, labrets, belts, straps, scarification, tattoos).” 3 Albenda, “Assyrian Carpets”; Good, “Cloth”; Stronach, “Patterns”; Bier, “Textile Arts”; Dalley, “Assyrian Textiles.” 4 Barber, Prehistoric Textiles; Madhloom, Chronology; Baadsgaard, “Uniforms”; McFerrin, “Apadana Reliefs.” 5 Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness.” 1

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colors and dyes, and to be spun into variable widths and weights of thread made it an obvious choice for clothing in the ancient Near East. Wool can require carding and combing, either before spinning or even once a textile is finished, and these and other finishing or weaving techniques result in various qualities of softness, flexibility, weight, and uniformity. Textile quality is often noted in ancient Near Eastern archival texts, resulting from “processes of breeding, selection, processing and finishing” that reflect human choices and awareness of demand for finished products.6 Typically, the finest quality woolen textiles were reserved for clothing elites and royal figures as well as statues of the gods in the polytheistic Near Eastern societies. The other major type of cloth, linen woven from flax threads, was known outside of Egypt as a more luxurious material. Flax thread is made from the fibers of the plant, which requires a great deal of agricultural attention, steady watering, harvesting, and preparation work, including retting (separating the fibers through soaking in water), beating, and combing to render it soft and flexible.7 The ability to form linen textiles made of flax is therefore very labor- and land-intensive and time-consuming. In addition, flax tends to rot or soil quickly and must be stored in wooden chests separate from other textiles or materials for optimal survival. While flax was grown and used for textiles in Babylonia on a limited basis by temples, the vast majority of flax thread and linen in Mesopotamia would have been imported through plunder, tribute, or trade from Egypt or the Levant as luxury or prestige commodities and finished products. Cotton and silk were generally not known in the ancient Near East until Classical periods or later.8 One technique for treating wool was felting, which involves stomping on and tamping down wet wool—mostly for use in hats, socks, shoes, and furniture covers. Some textiles, such as rugs, were knotted.9 However, the vast majority of woolen and flax textiles in the ancient Near East were woven on looms, including the horizontal ground loom, the two-beam loom, and the warp-weighted vertical loom. Tools used in textile production and from secure archaeological contexts can sometimes produce remarkable insights into the production and consumption of clothing. Of course, outside of Egypt, the preservation of organic remains such as textiles and wooden tools or loom beams is spotty in the archaeological record. This had led many earlier scholars to declare textiles “invisible” commodities for past civilizations.10 However, the situation is changing, as more researchers acknowledge the importance of “perishable” materials in long-distance trade networks and look for and excavate fiber remains.11 In addition, scholars use the more durable traces of textile tools to explore ideas about clothing consumption and production. In the ancient Near East, textile workers and wearers left behind spindles and whorls, combs, loom weights (used in 6 7 8 9 10 11

Strand, “Multidisciplinary Approach,” 47. Quillien, “Flax and Linen,” 273–5. Ibid., 277–8. Postgate, “Wool, Hair, and Textiles,” 407. Crawford, “Mesopotamia’s Invisible Exports,” 973; Good, “Invisible Exports in Aratta.” Good, “Cloth.”

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the warp-weighted vertical loom), and needles made out of more durable materials such as stone, bone or “ivory, clay or metals.” The field is expanding with a spate of archaeological studies on loom weights, spindles and whorls, and other facets of textile production.12 While earlier excavation records attest to thousands of examples of such tangible traces of weaving textiles, only recently have archaeological publications given space and attention to these often numerous and sometimes monotonous-looking objects. Sophisticated analyses using object databases and statistical algorithms have begun to inform clothing studies. For example, at Iron Age Tell Tayinat in Turkey, Lumb suggests that “a trend away from larger, heavier loom weights is apparent and likely reflects a parallel trend away from heavier coarser fabrics towards lighter, finer fabrics comprised of thinner threads.”13 Similar studies of the chemical composition of wool fiber samples (e.g., strontium isotope isolation) from excavations underscore how quantitative methods can be used to understand textiles as “social, cultural, chronological and/or geographical indicators.”14 In addition, new excavation awareness and techniques have allowed archaeologists to search for woven textile imprints (called pseudomorphs or cretulae) in excavation strata, which can yield information about contexts of production and consumption of clothing.15

1.  Approaches to the Study of Clothing and Nudity Early in the twentieth century, scholars interested in the history of costume began to study the different garments and accessories depicted in ancient art.16 These early scholars approached the topic mainly from the perspective of costume history, that is, understanding dress elements within a cultural-historical context, as emblematic of “national” dress styles in certain periods. Some art historians tackled the iconographic representation of clothing and dress, especially for the vast repertoire, including glyptic evidence, from Mesopotamia.17 In 1991, Elizabeth Barber published her sweeping—if ineptly titled—treatise Prehistoric Textiles: The Development of Cloth in the Neolithic and Bronze Age, with Special Reference to the Aegean, which attempted to understand the development of weaving and textile manufacture from the Neolithic through the Bronze Ages. Barber brought together and discussed for the first time many known examples of actual archaeological materials of woven textiles and production tools excavated from Aegean and Near Eastern sites. Barber’s volume is still a standard survey of iconographic representations of weaving and textiles throughout the Near East. It was followed by two shorter summaries of textiles and clothing in the ancient Near East in larger reference encyclopedias, by Carole Bier and Irene Good.18 These 12 Barber, Prehistoric Textiles; Frangipane et al., “Arslantepe”; Sauvage, “Spindles”; Burke, From Minos to Midas; Goshen et al., “Textile Production”; Lumb, “Early Economics,” 141; Lassen, “Tools.” 13 Lumb, “Early Economics,” 148. 14 Ibid.; Gleba, “Fabric for the City,” 127. 15 Frangipane et al., “Arslantepe.” 16 Lutz, Textiles and Costumes. 17 Strommenger, Mesopotamische Gewandtypen. 18 Bier, “Textile Arts”; Good, “Cloth.”

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are excellent and relatively succinct reference works with which to begin a study of ancient Near Eastern clothing production and consumption, especially regarding iconographic and textual evidence. In the past fifteen years, a number of conferences, edited volumes, and articles have concerned clothing, dress, and textiles in the ancient Near East as material culture that requires contextualization and situating within the larger cultural environments in which they were produced and consumed. Most notably, the well-supported Danish National Center for Textile Research (CTR) in Copenhagen has led the field in establishing dress and textiles as important elements required for the complete study of material culture. The CTR has held a number of conferences, hosted pre- and postdoctoral researchers, and published numerous edited anthologies on the topics of Northern European, Mediterranean, and Near Eastern textiles. Their approach has been comparative in nature, seeking contributions from specialists across time and space. In addition, the CTR’s publications have been multidisciplinary, exploring ideas about textiles within iconographic, archaeological, technical, and textual studies. These works have been instrumental in moving the study of clothing in the ancient Near East toward a focus on textiles as material culture, situating the production of clothing within the greater processes of state formation, economic materialism, and sociopolitical complexity. Many of these studies focus on textual discussions of textile workers and products as well as the chaine d’opératoire processes of different societies.19 The examination of nudity is less important in these analyses as a foil to the study of clothing and textiles, except as it marked lack of status or sociopolitical capital.20 In addition, clothing has been studied recently as coded with and through communicative behavior linked to identity creation within social contexts.21 These studies show that the choice of clothing is both conditioned by and formative of gender, status, power, ethnic, and other identities. Informed by feminist theory, many studies of clothing and nudity from the 1990s and early 2000s have examined the function of nudity and undressing, especially within gendered and status contexts.22 Today, scholars of dress and clothing have turned their attention to the idea of dressing and undressing as phenomenological processes. In the new turn toward the relationship between clothing and the individual and their body, the latest studies understand clothing as a verb, not a noun, which allows individuals to act in embodied ways as agents making unconscious or active sartorial choices in response to their surroundings. These studies aim to reconstruct the lived experiences of ancient (clothed or not) bodies in the Near East, with a focus on sensory experiences and individual choices spurred by situational changes.23

Strand, “The Basics.” 20 Sherrat, “Secondary Products”; McCorriston, “Fiber Revolution”; Wright, “Sumerian and Akkadian Industries.” 21 Marcus, “Dressed to Kill”; Cifarelli, “Costly Choices”; Pollock, “Of Priestesses.” 22 Bahrani, Women of Babylon; Assante, “Undressing the Nude.” 23 Cifarelli and Gawlinski, “Introduction,” 1–12. 19

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Figure 5.1  Textile fragments excavated from Çatal Hüyük. Burnham, “Çatal Hüyük,” pl. XXXIIIb. © The British Institute at Ankara.

2.  Archaeological Examples of Woven Textiles (Clothing?) from the Ancient Near East Textiles, whether in the form of clothing or other items, have been found at sites dating to as early as the Neolithic period. It is mainly through the in situ associated finds and contexts that archaeologists can determine whether the textiles were worn as clothing or used in some other way. If textile remains are found in mortuary contexts, often near or with skeletal material and other grave goods, archaeologists assume that they served as clothing or burial shrouds worn on the body. The vast majority of clothing evidence comes from such burial contexts. Otherwise, textile remains typically are found in palatial or temple contexts, or domestic/industrialized sections of a site. However, unless a relatively large amount from an easily identifiable section of clothing (e.g., a hemline) is found, it is difficult to affirm the use of the textile as an item of clothing. In other words, textile remains can come from many and any archaeological contexts, but securely identified examples of clothing worn on the body are relatively rare and primarily from mortuary contexts. A brief discussion of some important archaeological finds in chronological order according to archaeological periods follows.

2.1 Neolithic and Chalcolithic Periods (7000–3500 BCE) Some of the earliest woven textile remains date to the Neolithic period, interestingly enough composed of flax. They were found in a hoard of materials from the cave at Nahal Hemar in Israel24 and from house contexts at Çatal Hüyük, Turkey, dating to around 6000 BCE (Figure 5.1).25 The next earliest woven linen materials were found Dating to 7000 BCE. Quillien, “Flax and Linen,” 271; Schick, The Cave of the Warrior. 25 Burnham, “Çatal Hüyük.” 24

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Figure 5.2  The Uruk Vase, National Museum, Iraq. Orthmann, Orient, pl. 69a, b.

at the cave of Nahal Mishmar in Israel, dating to the fifth millennium (4500–3900 BCE).26 The textiles were not dyed and ranged in color from white to dark brown. The associated objects indicate that the textiles may have served as wrapping material for other elements in the hoard.27 A closely related find gives us the first true mortuary contexts associated with a body—from the “Cave of the Warrior” dating to the Chalcolithic or Early Bronze periods at Jericho (ca. 4300 BCE). Two bodies, an adult male and a child, were wrapped and draped in large linen scarves, a short kilt, and a scarf. The large linen wrapping formed of a simple tabby weave around the “warrior” was preserved to nearly fourteen square meters (7 meters × 2 meters) and finished on one end with tied tassels. The warrior also wore a kilt decorated with a band of black thread. More importantly, we have the first indirect correspondence between a known archaeological example and a pictorial representation: The kilt’s warp threads were tied into a bundled knot at one edge in a manner similar to a garment worn by a figure on the later Uruk Vase (ca. 3200 BCE) from southern Iraq (Figure 5.2).28 While these two examples are centuries and miles apart in time and space, they indicate that by the Early Bronze Age, clothing in the ancient Near East was decorated,

Levy and Gilead, “Emergence,” 26–7. 27 Archaeologists occasionally find tiny fragments of woven material as encrustations attached to metal objects such as fibulae and pins (called pseudomorphs). Sometimes, enough of the textile remains so that information about the weave and material (wool or linen) can be obtained through laboratory investigative techniques; however, such analyses are very recent developments in the study of archaeological textiles. 28 Ibid. 26

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used for burial and wrapping, and produced with similar techniques: weaving and knotting.

2.2 Early Bronze Age (3500–2000 BCE) Wool does not appear as the common textile material until the Early Bronze Age in the ancient Near East, when flax and linen then became luxury commodities. Early woolen textile finds come from numerous contexts at Shahr-i Sokhta in Iran, dating to 3100– 1800 BCE, where over 1,000 fragments woven of wool and goat hair from cloth, baskets, and other objects have been identified.29 The textiles were found along with spindle whorls and combs indicating local manufacture; they were possibly used as exchange commodities with other groups across Iran and Central Asia.30 The abundance of textiles in domestic and manufacturing contexts denotes an important function of clothing and textiles emerging with the development of cities and long-distance networks in the ancient Near East: as trade goods or media of exchange. In southern Mesopotamia, the well-known finds from the Early Dynastic Royal Cemetery of Ur confirm that parts of clothing were obtained through long-distance trade. They also show that the elite individuals and their attendants were adorned at their interment with elaborate jewelry ensembles, headdresses, cosmetics, and in Queen Puabi’s case, a cloak over her shoulders composed of numerous long strands of beads made of gold and precious stones.31 In addition, the excavator Woolley attests to “glimpsing pieces of red textiles near female bodies in death pits.”32 The first mortuary contexts in the northern area of the ancient Near East associated with individuals come in the form of shrouds and wrappings adorning the bodies of prominent male individuals in Anatolia. At two sites in Anatolia dating to the early third millennium (ca. 2900 BCE), Alishar Hüyük and Arslan Tepe, textile fragments were found in mortuary contexts, including examples of extremely fine yellow, black, and brown dyed wrappings made of sheep and goat wool clinging to the bones and skin of the deceased.33 At Arslan Tepe, the primary burial was accompanied by male and female children, who might have worn head coverings attached with pins. The excavators were able to extract tiny threads stuck to the metal instruments.34 The decorated textiles, along with the other grave goods such as metal bowls and jewelry, undoubtedly took part in the display of status for elites and their families. The woolen textiles discovered at the site of Ebla date to ca. 2300 BCE and were produced in the labor-intensive twill weave (rather than tabby), a new technique at the time, which involves looping over warp strings to make a stronger fabric. In addition, the fabric was interwoven with thin hammered gold strips in a braided pattern (Figure 5.3). 30 31 32 33 34 29

Good, “Cloth”; Gleba, “Fabric for the City,” 125. Good, “Textiles as a Medium of Exchange.” Baadsgaard, “Uniforms,” 436; Benzel, “What Goes In.” Baadsgaard, “Uniforms,” 429, citing Woolley, Ur Excavations, 239. Frangipane et al., “Arslantepe,” 18; Baccelli et al., “Elements,” 120. Frangipane et al., “Arslantepe,” 20.

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Figure 5.3  Textile with gold threads from Ebla, Syria. Pinnock, “The King’s Standard,” fig. 17. © Italian Archaeological Expedition to Ebla.

Peyronel has suggested that the fragments were all that remained of a belt that once decorated a statue of a god, found nearby in a palatial building.35 Furthermore, textual records from the palace archives at Ebla yield a wealth of information about the procurement, storage, and gifting of textiles, including many pieces of clothing, by the royal authorities at Ebla.36

2.3 Middle Bronze Age (2000–1750 BCE) The correspondence between textual references to clothing and textile artifacts continues and expands in the Middle Bronze Age of the ancient Near East, when a relative plethora of textile fragments, perhaps from clothing, appears in the archaeological record, principally in the regions of the Northern Levant and Anatolia. A group of textiles dating to the Bronze Age were found at Açem Hüyük in Turkey dating to the Middle Bronze Age (ca. 1800 BCE). Excavators discovered a fragment of white linen from a room in an elite building—the so-called Sarakaya Palace—along with other luxury items such as game boards and ivory furniture. The linen cloth was folded and caked in mud, then burned in a fire that destroyed the building. Blue faience beads were sewn onto the fabric with gold thread in patterns of “stacked chevrons and part of a swastika or meander.”37 Whether this fabric belonged to clothing and adorned bodies is not certain, but the elite context and luxurious—perhaps even Peyronel, “From Weighing Wool,” 134–5; Matthiae, “The Archaic Palace at Ebla,” 455. 36 Lumb, “Early Economies,” 65–77. 37 Barber, Prehistoric Textiles, 171; Ozguç, “Excavations”; Baccelli et al., “Elements,” 120. 35

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exotic Egyptian—decoration can give a sense of what such precious clothing might have looked like. The textiles at Açem Hüyük date to the same period as another significant archive of tablets from Kültepe (ancient Kanesh). The tablets indicate that the nineteenth and eighteenth centuries BCE were a thriving period of trade in textiles and garments arranged between merchants and producers from Ashur in Assyria with Kanesh and other local cities and kingdoms in Anatolia. Textile impressions and fragments from Kanesh itself are rare and now being recognized in recent excavations; it remains to be seen what new insights about textile production and/or clothing they may yield.38 The luxurious finds from Ebla, Arslan Tepe, and Açem Hüyük can only be matched in significance by the recent excavated examples of burial shrouds from the royal hypogeum/tombs at Qatna (Tell Mishrife) in Syria.39 These “several thousand millimeter-sized” fragments were found draped and folded across a table with offerings on the floor of the burial chamber and, in one case, inside a sarcophagus alongside a body.40 The wool fragments were plainly woven (tabby weave) but with extremely fine threads, high thread counts, and intricate meander designs. Their remarkable preservation shows that the meander threads were dyed purple. Through laboratory analyses, the dye was proven to be from the famous purple mollusks of the Levant, crushed murex shells known from the Hebrew Bible and Classical works.41 The excavators therefore classified the dye as “Royal Purple.”42 Yet the shape of the textiles remains elusive, and they cannot fully be classified as clothing but rather luxurious fabrics reserved for royal and courtly bodies and used as markers of wealth and status—in death and perhaps in life.

2.4 Late Bronze and Iron Ages Despite the abundance of excavated sites, royal archives, burials, and figural representations (e.g., Ugarit, Nuzi, Emar, Ashur, Kassite Nippur, Hazor, and Amarna to name a few), there are remarkably few examples of actual archaeological textiles, much less garments, from the Late Bronze Age of the ancient Near East. In fact, for the next important examples of archaeological remains, we must turn to the Iron Age in Iraq and Anatolia, where we have the well-excavated and documented sites of Nimrud, Iraq, and Gordion, Turkey, both of which yielded woven textiles associated with bodies from burial contexts. At Nimrud, in one of the four tombs (Tomb II) of the queens of the Neo-Assyrian kings discovered not long ago underneath the Northwest Palace, excavators found several fragments of white linen textiles composed of densely woven and extremely fine threads in a tabby pattern.43 They also discovered two finely tied tassels with loops for attachment to a garment (Figure 5.4). Michel, “Assyrian Textile Trade,” 112. 39 James et al., “High Prestige Royal Purple”; Baccelli et al., “Elements”; Reifarth and Drewello, “Textile Spuren.” 40 Baccelli et al., “Elements,” 121. 41 Ibid., 112. 42 Ibid. 43 There were perhaps as many as seven layers of fabric; see Hussein, Nimrud, 13. 38

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Figure 5.4  Linen tassel from Tomb 2, Nimrud, Iraq. Crowfoot, “Textiles,” fig. 4. Courtesy of Trustees of the British Museum.

Both were made of undyed linen and wrapped with flax threads in a lattice pattern over the body or “tube” of the objects.44 The linen threads, which were polished to a still visible sheen, were associated with two female bodies inside of a sarcophagus.45 Gansell has suggested based on iconographic evidence (which will be discussed in more detail below) that the garments consisted of long stretches of fabric covering one shoulder and wrapped around the torso and legs.46 In addition to several layers of poorly preserved cloth, the textiles must have been decorated with thousands of small gold ornaments in the shape of triangles (perhaps representing grape clusters?), tubes, rosettes, flowers, and discs that were attached to the fabrics.47 In addition, long, thin strips of hammered gold, pierced on either end, were probably sewn onto the fabrics.48 The wraps were fastened by small gold fibulae with figurative decoration.49 The overall appearance of the garments, whose shapes could not be determined, was that of a sheet of gold covering the bodies of the deceased.50 The idea of a body giving off a shining radiance 44 Crowfoot, “Textiles,” 2008, 150. 45 Toray Industries, “Report”; Crowfoot, “Textiles,” 1995. 46 Gansell, “Dressing the Queen.” 47 Gaspa, “Golden Decorations”; Hussein, Nimrud. 48 Hussein, Nimrud, 77. 49 Gansell, “Images and Conceptions.” While not the focus of this contribution, for discussions of metal items from the ancient Near East closely associated with fastening, such as toggle pins and fibulae, see Marcus, “Dressed to Kill”; Cifarelli, “Costly Choices”; and Verducci, “Early Iron Age Adornment.” 50 Gansell, “Images and Conceptions”; Gaspa, “Golden Decorations.” Cf. also similar garments covered in gold and other semiprecious materials found in the burials of the Royal Cemetery of Ur (Baadsgaard, “Uniforms”; Benzel, “What Goes In”; Gansell, “Identity and Adornment”).

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occurs frequently in literary and iconographic evidence as the Mesopotamian concept melammu, an awe-inspiring power emanating from divine beings and occasionally royal figures.51 Like the elite women from the Royal Cemetery of Ur of the Early Bronze Age, the Nimrud queens of the Iron Age were also accompanied in death with a tremendous amount of gold jewelry inlaid with precious stones, and other luxury and prestige items placed in their tombs. The amazing preservation of more durable materials from the tombs at Nimrud allows us to imagine what an entire courtly dress ensemble might have looked like in the Iron Age, as Gansell has suggested. At Gordion in Anatolia, the evidence is equally as exemplary and helpful for understanding clothing during the Early Iron Age in the ancient Near East. The site of Phrygian Gordion, with destruction levels giving a terminus ante quem of 800 BCE and roughly contemporary with some of the Nimrud material, is the most useful site for the study of clothing in the ancient Near East. Examples of textile tools and fragments were found in many tumuli as well as in industrial/domestic contexts at Gordion, especially from elite areas of the city, thus giving evidence for production and consumption.52 In total, excavators discovered at least eleven textile fragments, which “reveal diverse textile technologies of great sophistication.”53 However, while most of these textiles come from tombs, few are found directly associated with a body, but rather are found outside immediate inhumations, sometimes in bowls or sacks. The textiles are composed of both vegetal and animal fibers (certainly flax, perhaps wool or mohair). Two of the fragments were bichrome, with yellow or white and redpurple threads forming meander patterns.54 While these decorated fragments are not necessarily found on bodies, the woven pattern matches iconographic imagery of clothing known on Phrygian reliefs contemporary with King Midas of Gordion (ca. 738 BCE).55 In addition, there were many bronze fibulae buried with the male bodies in the tumuli at Gordion, especially from Tumulus MM, indicating that wrapped garments must have been present. The latest dated and best preserved textiles from the ancient Near East date to the Sassanian/early Islamic periods from Iran and derive from carpets made of silk and wool.56 However, the textiles found most recently from the Iron Age of the ancient Near East come from the site of Timna, a copper-smelting center near the Red Sea in Israel. In 2016–17, excavators announced the discovery of wool textiles, which were dyed red-purple with organic materials such as red madder and indigo (eleventh to tenth centuries BCE).57 The textiles were decorated with wide bands of red or blue on a white background. The excavators hesitate to discuss the shape and function of the textiles, except to report that they were associated with craft workers, so we do not know for certain that they were clothing.58 However, some of the textiles were finished Winter, “Sex”; Winter, “Body of the Able Ruler”; Benzel, “What Goes In.” 52 Burke, From Minos to Midas, 114. 53 Ibid., 155–7. 54 Ibid., 157. 55 Ibid., 159. 56 Stronach, “Patterns.” 57 Sukenik et al., “Early Evidence.” 58 In the article, excavators also discuss fragments of dyed textiles that are not covered here found in other Iron Age sites in the southern Levant, including Kuntillet ‘Ajrud. 51

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with tassels that were also dyed, implying edges that should hang and drape, perhaps over a body. The excavators point out that the existence of such fine textiles in the context of settlement of mineworkers and a smelting site indicates that local craft workers in the desert had access to luxury and prestige items as much as did elites in the urban centers of the Levant.59 What common factors emerge in these numerous archaeological examples? First, when preserved, textiles most often come from mortuary contexts and are part of larger burial assemblages or dress ensembles. A few fragments of textiles come from nonmortuary contexts, but they are often too poorly preserved to confirm any significant findings. In cases where those textiles from burials are associated with fibulae and toggle pins and/or draped on or near to a body, we can assume that they were clothing.60 However, while some textile fragments preserve decoration, dye, and finished edges or tassels, none can be identified for certain as anything more than some type of rectangular or amorphous sheet, shroud, or wrap. In other words, the poor preservation and fragmentary nature of the archaeological material in the ancient Near East prevents a certain identity of any clothing shaped and sewn to actually “fit” onto an individual body. “Ready-to-wear” garments are not accessible to us archaeologically.

3.  Iconographic Aspects of Clothing While the archaeological inaccessibility of clothing in the ancient Near East can be categorized as at worst frustrating and at best tantalizing, the iconographic repertoire with respect to clothing in the ancient Near East is diverse, deep, and more accessible to us, especially with the aid of contemporaneous or related literary and political or economic texts. In general, a few cautionary words are necessary before a discussion of the representation of clothing in the ancient Near East can proceed. First, there are both “benefits and pitfalls” to relying on images for understanding clothing, as Thomas has argued.61 Undoubtedly, the majority of our artistic evidence, which appears in the form of images carved on stone or other durable media or painted on walls, was commissioned but not directly produced by elites, who had access to the craftsmen and material. These images from cylinder seals, stone, metal, or clay figures in-theround, and carvings in relief on stone walls and plaques (or other durable materials) were intended to project “ideal” conceptions of their patrons. Thus, it is difficult to understand what clothing choices were made by individuals from the lower ranks of society through art, and it is equally difficult to discover how the elites actually wore the garments, as idiosyncratic differences and portraiture were not known forms of portrayal. However, Thomas also contends that the relative consistency of representation for these elite individuals “across media and scales” allows us to Sukenik et al., “Early Evidence.” 60 Early iconographic evidence for this use of toggle pins can be found on a shell furniture inlay from Mari dating to the Early Bronze Age of a seated woman with a fringed cloak over both shoulders, which is fastened to a curved pin and cylinder seal dangling from a chain (Aruz and Wallenfels, Art of the First Cities, 161). 61 Thomas, “In Search of Lost Costumes,” 76. 59

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proceed cautiously with the idea that these images in at least some ways are mimetic of real garments and how they were worn. Thomas also points out that the power of images in ancient Near Eastern thought, as known from textual evidence, forced the patrons and artisans to create “standardized” images with clothing styles that had to be accurate and exact.62 For example, kings had important ritual and ceremonial roles, which demanded that representations of them had “enough equivalence to serve as substitutes” in narrative art depicting religious activities.63 Thus, the clothing depicted as worn by divine beings, kings, and other courtly figures in the ancient Near East was often conservative in order to present how these “timeless archetypes of kingship” appeared, even as regional differences and changes over time did occur.64 Furthermore, there is little difference in form, function, or decoration between the clothing for gods and for elite humans. Neumann argues that clothing for gods and men had a multisensorial effect, even if we rely primarily on textual evidence for reconstructing the embodied experience of wearers.65 It is the task now to trace both the archetypal forms of clothing and the changes that occurred over time and space to demonstrate how clothing looked or was intended to look, especially for elite individuals. In general, textiles are represented as either wrapped clothing or “ready-to-wear” garments with some sort of cutting and tailoring. There are two methods of clothing preparation represented, and the difference is chronological: tufted and woven (or a combination thereof). Owing to its bunching qualities and “sticky” strands, wool alone can be tufted; both wool and linen can be spun and woven. If we rely on images, the first types of clothing were formed from unspun bunches of wool or goat hairs bundled and sewn together horizontally in tufted, flounced skirts. In an anachronistic borrowing from Greek terminology, scholars sometimes call these tufts kaunakes, and the garments are worn by male and female figures alike on multiple works of art in many different media and scales. Some of the best examples appear on cylinder seals, stone plaques, and statues in-the-round from southern Mesopotamia and the Middle Euphrates area (e.g., Mari and the Diyala region) in the Early Dynastic period (Figure 5.5).66 Breniquet has suggested that the kaunake method of garment production preceded woven clothing, which required further innovations in technology and skilled labor. However, representations of humans wearing woven clothing predate images of kaunake wearers. Nevertheless, she makes the excellent point that “woven clothing is a symbol of status and power [with] ‘high tech’ status” due the labor required to process and weave the wool.67 This also raises the question of whether a garment depicted without the vertical and separated “tufts” is meant to represent one that is “undecorated” and therefore less elite, or whether it represents a different fabrication technique such as weaving. Since in later periods gods are often associated with flounced (sometimes

Ibid., 87. 63 Bahrani, Graven Image, 121–48; Evans, Lives, 111–16. 64 Thomas, “In Search of Lost Costumes,” 77. 65 Neumann, “Gods among Men.” 66 Evans, Lives. 67 Breniquet, “Archaeology of Wool,” 273; contra Evans, Lives, 185. 62

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Figure 5.5  Figures from the Diyala region, Iraq. Photo courtesy of Oriental Institute of the University of Chicago.

tufted) garments, it is probable that these tufted garments represented an archaizing or conservative choice of dress for deities.

3.1 Chalcolithic and Early Bronze Ages Some of the earliest depictions of human figures wearing woven clothing (probably wool, but linen cannot be ruled out) are carved in relief on the Uruk Vase from Sumer (ca. 3200 BCE).68 The narrative registers of offering-bearers bringing items to a goddess, queen, or priestess related to Inana of Uruk,69 standing in front of a sacred precinct, display a wide range of male and female dressed and nude figures. The symbolic connotations and performativity of clothing and nudity as they relate to status can be “read” from the vase, with corresponding socioeconomic stratification known from texts of the same period.70 The single female figure wears a long, plain garment to her ankles, which drapes diagonally over one shoulder. Her dress includes a poorly The Uruk vase is just one example of a fairly standardized style of Mesopotamian art that emerged at the end of the fourth millennium (Chalcolithic–Early Bronze Age), as other figures and images from outside of Uruk show similar content, physiognomy, and clothing. It is also one of the earliest representations of nude bodies of a large-scale figured narrative work of art in the ancient Near East. 69 Suter, “Human, Divine or Both?” 555. 70 The bibliography on the Uruk Vase is immense. For recent treatments, see Bahrani, “Sex as Symbolic Form”; Bahrani, Art of Mesopotamia, 46–8; Braun-Holzinger, Frühe Götterdarstellungen; Suter, “Human, Divine or Both?”; and bibliographies. For discussion of nudity on the Uruk Vase as a marker of lower status (vs. clothed individuals), see Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness.” 68

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preserved but elaborate headdress, indicating that ensembles were necessary identity and status markers from a very early period.71 The garment seems to be generally rectangular shaped, as a square edge is depicted at her feet, with a distinctly separate zone of fabric or material, running along the bottom and side, marked by a line incised into the surface of the stone. One gets the impression that the garment can be opened or closed by manipulating the vertical edge. The heightened attention to the garment edge becomes a common element in later depictions of clothing worn on human bodies throughout the Near East and aligns with what we know from the textual record about garment decorations added after weaving, and the finishing of ancient Near Eastern textiles.72 On the Uruk Vase, the male figures, too, have garments with distinct edges. The two prominent male figures on the top register each wear different clothing. The subordinate figure, who seems to support and follow behind the primary figure that confronts the female, wears only a short skirt with a wide waste band or belt.73 The skirt is rectangular in shape and has articulated side and lower edges. An added detail is the ball of thread at the corner (although not present in all reconstructions), perhaps designating the knot of the warp threads or a decorative tassel of some sort. If the former, this is the first iconographic evidence of woven fabric in Mesopotamia. Interestingly, the poorly preserved figure seems to carry a folded piece of cloth with diagonal cross-hatches and fringes, perhaps indicating the weave and selvage that was intended as an offering to the female74 or, as one reconstruction suggests, the end of the primary male figure’s belt.75 The primary male figure, in marked contrast to his subordinate, wears a long skirt as well as his own identifying headdress, a diadem or cap with rolled brim. His skirt has a distinctive edge zone with parallel marks, perhaps indicative of a fringe or tassels. From this early work of art, the standard elements of royal and elite garments are visible: male figures could wear short skirts or longer robes, both tufted and woven and with prominent decorated edges. Female elite figures typically wore garments that wrapped up and around one shoulder, and sometimes their heads were covered. However, the single-shoulder covering is not a direct signifier for female, since in later periods males wore single-shoulder garments as well (e.g., Eannatum’s battle dress on the Stele of the Vultures). Objects such as shell and lapis lazuli furniture inlays and sculptures in-theround from the Early Bronze Age across the Near East demonstrate a fair degree of consistency in depictions of clothing across media, scales, and spaces. Furniture inlays, relief plaques, cylinder seals, and sculptures in-the-round from Ebla, Mari, and Ur (Early Dynastic period) depict males and females wearing tufted and/or woven skirts, single-shouldered wraps, belts, and headdresses to mark their political and religious Baadsgaard, “Uniforms”; Suter, “Human, Divine or Both?” Assignations of gender as either male or female based on the appearance of clothing are generally possible in the ancient Near East. However, recent arguments suggest that individuals in the ancient Near East also practiced gender fluid behaviors, creating dress ensembles that elided clear gender distinctions (Asher-Greve, “Decisive Sex, Essential Gender.”) 72 See also Baadsgaard, “Uniforms,” 435. 73 A variety of clothing can also be seen worn by males on other media from the period, including a bearded figure with a bow and arrow. 74 Wiggerman, “Agriculture as Civilization,” 663; Suter, “Human, Divine or Both?” 559. 75 Roaf, Cultural Atlas, 61. 71

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importance or status.76 Sculptures in-the-round from Mari depict male and female figures wearing tufted garments with tassels on long strings, chains, or ropes hanging down their backs. Despite the prevalence of consistent elements, the great variety of details and combinations of textile forms on individual works of art make it difficult to identify any single elite ensemble or clothing marker. Nevertheless, this complex iconography allows some degree of certainty that clothing choices (in art at least) are intended to display and negotiate identity, status, and power relations. Also in the Early Bronze Age, animal skins are an addition to the clothing iconography, usually worn by males in the form of shoulder-covering cloaks along with helmets in scenes associated with conflict such as the Standard of Ur, which Baadsgaard terms “occupational fashions.”77 They are distinguished by the added detail of incised circles, perhaps representing the natural irregularities or spots of the animal skins, throughout the garment. The wrapped garments were sometimes left loose and other times pinned with toggles and fibulae, as archaeological and iconographic examples (e.g., a shell inlay from Mari) attest.78

3.2 Middle and Late Bronze Ages In the Middle Bronze Age and the advent of the Akkadian period in southern Mesopotamia, the iconographic focus turns toward not only the details of elite individual’s clothing but also the physique of the wearer’s body. In this period, the interplay and elision between being clothed and being nude seems to play a role in the construction of elite male identity. Artists and their patrons began to capitalize on the display of the nude torso and shoulders of the elite males allowed by the short skirts and one-shouldered garments. Winter’s seminal contributions on the statues of Gudea and the Victory Stele of Naram-Sin (Figure 5.6) interrogate how intentional display of perfect fitness for rule and masculinity come together in the depiction of these kings’ partially clothed bodies.79 Significantly, it is around this time that the tufted flounced skirt drops out of the iconographic repertoire, except in the case of deities, and the impression is that the tufted garment is a deliberately archaizing look. Cylinder seals and impressions show many scenes from this period of gods wearing helmets with bulls’ horns along with traditional tufted, flounced long skirts and shoulder wraps. Unlike the gods and Gudea, more variety of clothing occurs in rare scenes of battle, such as on the Victory Stele of the Akkadian king Naram-Sin. At the top of the scene, the king is dressed for battle with a wrapped short skirt tied at the waist with fringes falling down the front. His choice of bull-horned helmet, rather than a diadem, bun, or cap, indicates his desire to be recognized as a divine figure. At the same time, Naram-Sin’s unclothed torso 76 Baadsgaard, “Uniforms.” 77 Ibid., 431. Her phrase can also refer to military attire or work clothing. 78 A special case of the use of garment pins comes from Hasanlu, Iran, during the Early Iron Age, when a besieged town resorted to “militarizing” the appearance of their elite females by fastening their garments with garment pins sometimes as long as 12–18 inches (Cifarelli, “Costly Choices”). In this case, the pins were not just worn for functionality or as markers of status but also embodied the immediate martial situation of the city. 79 Winter, “Body of the Able Ruler”; Winter, “Sex.”

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Figure 5.6  Victory stele of Naram-Sin from Susa, Iran. © Musée du Louvre/RMN/Art Resource International.

perhaps deliberately encodes the masculine strength and nudity of the “Six-Curled Hero” known especially not only from cylinder seals and impressions but also from metal figurines in Southern Mesopotamia.80 The hero figure appears almost entirely nude, with a well-formed physique and a thin belt tied around the waist. Slightly later than Naram-Sin, Gudea chose to depict himself conservatively in the style of dress known from previous periods, with one-shouldered garments neatly folded around the arm, sometimes with a rolled brim cap. His nude arm muscles draw the eye’s (and hand’s?) attention to his strength and perfect form in his sculptures, which functioned as his perpetual presence (ṣalmu) in temple contexts. His identity and legitimation were negotiated in his sculptures in-the-round not only by his clothing but also by his well-formed physique. Female figures in the Akkadian and later periods in southern Mesopotamia (Middle Bronze Age) display a great variety of clothing, both woven and tufted and flounced (e.g., Enheduanna’s archaizing attire as priestess), which by this time covered both shoulders. In nearly all cases where the woven technique of Ornan, “God-Like Semblance”; Ornan, “Silent Message.” 80

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Figure 5.7  Figure of Iddi-Ilum of Mari, Iraq. © Musée du Louvre/Erich Lessing/Art Resource International.

textile is represented, there is increasing attention to precisely defining, even if in a very orthogonal manner, the individual threads of garment edges and fringes. This attention to edge detail reaches its peak in the sculpture of Amorite shakanakku governors from Mari, dating to ca. 2100–2000 BCE (Figure 5.7). Two highly detailed stone sculptures (Puzur-Ishtar and Iddi-Ilum) in-the-round depict different types of fringes, tassels, and other decoration, which flow around the edges of the long, wrapped, and draped garments. It is possible that the large round knotted fringes on Iddi-Ilum’s garment represented sewn-on bead decoration, as they contrast with the other tassels, which are clearly composed of strings tied together. Folds and fringes are prevalent on clothing worn by kings from Ur III monuments and even into the Old Babylonian period and the reign of King Hammurabi of Babylon. The traditional rolled-brim cap also continues as a marker of the king’s singular royal status. For elite women, the tufted, flounced, double-shouldered dress first worn by the royal high priestess Enheduanna continues as a conservative marker of high cultic status. Interesting exceptions are the depictions of goddesses and priestesses from the Mari Investiture painting (ca. 1750 BCE), which depict the two-shouldered garments decorated with checked dark-and-light woven patterns

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over both shoulders. Of course, the male and especially the female figures from Mesopotamia are always dressed in ensembles, incorporating elaborate headdresses and jewelry. While there is a relative paucity of human figures in art from Middle and Late Bronze Age Syria and the Levant, a few examples demonstrate a similar form of clothing—wrapped garments carefully folded over shoulders with detailed edges. Unfortunately, the array of wall paintings from such sites as Tell Kabri (Israel), Qatna (Syria), and Alalakh do not contain such human figures. However, numerous cylinder seal impressions on tablets from the ancient Near East show what people wore (or at least wanted to be portrayed as wearing) and their regional differences. As just one example, cylinder seals belonging to Anatolians from Kültepe show garments with diagonal hatches and zig-zags, in marked contrast to seals and impressions belonging to Assyrians, which show plain garments. This difference in iconographic markings of clothing perhaps represents actual variations in regional patterns of weave or coloration.81 A sculpture in-the-round, the statue of Idrimi from Alalakh, and stone reliefs from Middle Bronze Age Ebla depict male figures wearing either short fringed kilts with nude torsos or the one-shouldered, edged garment.82 In Hittite Anatolia, the sculptures from Boğazköy (ancient Hattuša) also show similar forms of clothing for male figures with both long robes and short kilts, elaborate belts, shoulder sashes, and shoes with upturned toes.83 The well-known attention to edge detail, and in the case of the male figures (e.g., on the King’s Gate from Hattuša) decorative bands of fabric throughout the garment, is a consistent feature of Anatolian art, as in Mesopotamia. Female figures in the Middle and Late Bronze Ages of Anatolia and Syria wear long robes, often brought upward to cover the head, with fringes and sometimes belts. These all-covering garments are typical clothing ensembles that continue well into the Iron Age Syro-Hittite era. Interestingly, many of the female figures from the Iron Age are represented on funerary stelae holding threaded spindles (e.g., from Marash, eighth century BCE),84 thus associating them with that important activity. The presence of their head coverings, which are not separate pieces but part of the main garment of the body, has drawn attention in the literature, especially in light of textual references from the Bronze Age to covering the heads of elite women in public.85 However, it is clear from textual evidence, as well as both earlier and later representations of ancient Near Eastern women’s headgear, that a garment covering the head (a “veil”) was not the most common marker of adornment for females, especially outside of Anatolia. In cases where a “veil” is discussed in texts or represented in art, it is probably linked more to cultural expectations of elite or marital status and not gender alone.86 Michel, “Assyrian Textile Trade.” 82 Petty, “A Feast for the Eyes.” 83 Baccelli et al., “Elements,” 127. 84 Ibid., 116. 85 Roth, Law Collections; Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness”; Thomas, “In Search of Lost Costumes.” 86 van der Toorn, “Significance of the Veil.” 81

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3.3 Iron Age The Iron Age in the ancient Near East, generally beginning with the advent of the first millennium BCE, marks a watershed of representational details about clothing. The tremendous amount of material from Syro-Hittite and Neo-Assyrian architectural decorations provides ample opportunity to study the intricate designs of woven fabrics. In addition, the preservation of painting on stone and use of painted walls, as well as colored, glazed materials in architecture, attest to an elite preference for multicolored garments. Neumann points out that there was certainly an “elite appreciation for vibrant colors,” including textiles dyed purple, red, blue, black, and white.87 Commentaries from Assyrian (and indeed earlier) royal inscriptions and administrative texts that refer to clothing used for diplomatic gifts, the royal court, and the gods contain numerous words for these colored fabrics and even a single term for “multicolored,” birmu.88 When coupled with jewelry containing the actual stones and other decorations sewn onto garments, such as gold rosettes and bands of appliqués as found in the Queen’s tombs at Nimrud, the effect of radiance must have indeed been awe-inspiring. Of course, single colors in Mesopotamia in any medium had therapeutic and apotropaic powers and uses. For example, the dark blue color of the semiprecious stone lapis lazuli was revered in Mesopotamia from the earliest periods not only for its rarity and exotic origins (sources were in Afghanistan) but also for its ability to emanate an aweinspiring power of divine radiance, melammu.89 Indeed, when the color blue appears on glazed brick decorations from the famous Ishtar Gate from Babylon (ca. 600 BCE), it was intended to mimic the chromatic and radiant qualities of polished lapis lazuli. In iconographic representations, the most elaborate garments are reserved for the gods, the kings, and the royal court. The kings wore different types of clothing, depending on their activities. For hunting and occasionally in battle, kings were always recognizable in monumental and portable art by their headgear. The Assyrian kings wore diadems, conical caps, and square “fezzes,” often with tassels or ribbons down the back. For hunting, they wore short tunics with collars, double sleeves, and belts. In ceremonial or tribute processions, or when sitting on their thrones, they wore the familiar wrapped robes folded over one shoulder. In contrast to earlier and more southern Mesopotamian representations, Assyrian art displays a short-sleeved shirt or tunic, also decorated and covering both shoulders, which lay under the wraps. The robes did not just hang over the arm as in the south but also wrapped in spiral form around the body—with the fringed and tasseled edges accentuating the columnar form of the body and luxurious length of the fabric. The spiraled, fringed wrap with short-sleeved tunic was first established as the royal ensemble in the art of the Middle Assyrian period, for example, on an altar from the reign of Tukulti-Ninurta II (c. 1225 BCE) from Ashur. Neumann, “Gods among Men,” 10. 88 Postgate, “Wool, Hair and Textiles,” 409–10. The Chicago Assyrian Dictionary (B/2, 257) translates birmu as “multicoloured trim.” For Assyrian elite clothing styles, see Villard, “Les textiles néoassyriens”; Gaspa, “Textile Production and Consumption.” 89 Warburton, “Ancient Color Categories”; Winter, “Aesthetic Value of Lapis Lazuli”; Thavalapan et al., “Color and Meaning.” 87

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Figure 5.8  Relief of Ashurnasirpal II’s robe, Nimrud, Iraq. BM 124567. Photo courtesy of Trustees of the British Museum.

Elaborate garment edges with tassels and fringes and decorations woven into or sewn onto clothing are ubiquitous in the Neo-Assyrian and Syro-Hittite iconographic repertoire. Some of the most elaborate edge decorations occur on the king’s and genies’ robes from the palace of Ashurnasirpal II at Nimrud (Figure 5.8).90 Extant reliefs and glazed bricks show that these edges contained miniature scenes of composite creatures in combat or flanking “sacred trees.” The most elaborate representation of such clothing remains only in a drawing from a relief of Ashurnasirpal II, which is no longer extant. Along with various kneeling sphinxes and other creatures, the shoulder of the robe depicts a scene that is a miniature version of the king flanking a sacred tree known in relief from the throne room of the palace. There has been debate as to whether these edge scenes represent cloth produced in embroidered, tapestry, or woven techniques or if they are depicting chased metal appliqués.91 They also resemble in subject matter and form images from Assyrian-style metalwork, cylinder seals, and ivory furniture inlays found in the palace. However, the precise meaning and significance of such images and their combinations have not been fully catalogued or analyzed, nor have the contexts of various figures and scenes from the garment edges been studied within the entire palace decorative program. Clearly, these robes were the important items of clothing reserved for ceremonial and ritual contexts, as the king does not wear the fancy-edged garments in all reliefs from the palace. They were portrayed in precise detail in ritual and ceremonial scenes because of the cosmological

Canby, “Decorated Garments”; Zawadski, Garments of the Gods; Neumann, “Gods among Men.” 91 Canby, “Decorated Garments”; Smith, “Tapestries.” 90

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necessity to ensure proper auspiciousness and apotropaic protection for the king.92 Whether they represent “real” garments need not matter from the Mesopotamian or Assyrian perspective (although texts refer to elaborately decorated textiles in general terms, they do not describe figural decoration as seen in art), as the image itself behaved as the instantiation of the king—dressed appropriately—for perpetuity. The elements of the royal wardrobe in art remained consistent over the entire Middle and Neo-Assyrian period: the spiraled over-the-shoulder robe with short-sleeved tunic for ceremonial scenes and the occupational dress of the short tunic for hunting on foot. As in earlier examples of Mesopotamian art, there is elision between being dressed and being nude. The parts of the king’s flesh that are exposed to the air are generally relegated to the musculature of the shoulders and arms, and occasionally his lower legs, which highlight the king’s strength and masculinity (especially in earlier periods with large-scale figures).93 However, there were some changes over time in style or decoration of certain items of clothing or across different media from a single reign. For example, in the monumental stone art of Ashurnasirpal II of the ninth century BCE, only the edge of the garment is decorated with rosettes and figural scenes. In glazed brick tiles from Nimrud, however, the king’s robe shows rosettes throughout the fabric as well as on the edges.94 By the reign of Sargon II, the king’s long robes in all media and scales display rosettes and other geometric designs throughout the fabric, but without multifigured edge scenes. We are fortunate to have multiple representations of elite females or goddesses from Syro-Hittite art of the Iron Age, and fewer examples from Assyrian art. In SyroHittite art of the Iron Age, elite females or goddesses are represented in ceremonial processions and banquets and funerary stelae.95 For example, from Carchemish, the goddess Kubaba wears a tall, square cap, a short-sleeved tunic, and/or a long robe over one shoulder. The edges of her tunic and robe are marked with lines and her waist is girded with a wide belt or sash. Frequently, these female figures hold up objects such as mirrors, perhaps serving as votive objects or related to self-care. Male and female figures are shown wearing boots with upturned toes, a feature remarked upon by Assyrian artists in their reliefs depicting Syrian courtiers. Unlike the elite women in Syro-Hittite art of the Iron Age, we have only rare, if detailed, glimpses of elite Neo-Assyrian women, especially in comparison to men. In most cases, these women are mothers or wives/consorts of the kings, which for convenience we will call queens.96 The most famous image of an Assyrian queen is from the latest period of Neo-Assyrian art, when the all-over pattern of garment decoration was the choice of artisans. In the famous “Garden Scene” from the palace of Ashurbanipal at Nineveh, the king’s wife, Liballi-sharrat, sits on a throne while her husband reclines on a nearby bed (Figure 5.9). Gansell has used this image, as well as material from the Nimrud tombs, to reconstruct a royal dress ensemble for the queens.97 She argues that Assyrian ideals of Ataç, Mythology. 93 Winter, “Ornament.” 94 Neumann, “Gods among Men,” 10. 95 Gilibert, Syro-Hittite Monumental Art. 96 Svärd, Women and Power. 97 Gansell, “Images and Conceptions”; Gansell, “Iconography.” 92

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Figure 5.9  Relief showing Assyrian queen from Ashurbanipal’s “Garden Scene,” Nineveh, Iraq. BM 124920. Photo courtesy of Trustees of the British Museum.

feminine beauty served in the ideological programs of the Assyrian Empire through representations of the queens and goddesses that were dressed in complete ensembles. Like male figures, queens were represented as fully and appropriately adorned with dress items, such as decorated robes, headgear, and other jewelry that were considered beautiful and necessary. They were covered from head to toe and protected for the sake of purity and legitimacy, and in general their actual bodies were not elaborated upon by the Assyrian artists. The cut and forms of the queen’s robe and jewelry are not altogether different from her husband’s, and Gansell points out that “certain aspects of Neo-Assyrian dress were neither gender specific nor exclusively royal or divine but appear to have conveyed distinctly Assyrian identity.”98 In fact, male and female idealized bodies worked in tandem in Neo-Assyrian monumental art by “contributing to a ‘rhetoric of abundance’ that privileged women as the reproductive centers of the empire.”99 Unlike the case with Assyrian male royal figures, the sexuality and feminine 98 Gansell, “Images and Conceptions,” 407. This also may be due to the ability of individuals in the ancient Near East to exhibit gender fluidity in their dress choices. 99 Ibid., 392, quoting Winter, “Rhetoric of Abundance.”

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characteristics of female’s physical bodies were de-emphasized and protected by clothing because the dress items covering the body confer upon them the important symbolism of fertility and abundance. An exception to the nonspecific dress item is the mural crown, a round hat or headband shaped like the circular walls of a city, which is also worn by Liballi-sharrat on another monument, a stela from Ashur. This crown is worn only by elite females in Neo-Assyrian art and symbolizes the real and sexual impenetrability of the queen’s body, the royal court, and city in general.100 Gansell also points out that the queen’s body in the Garden Party image is doubly protected by her matching ensemble: Her robe, too, contains a border with crenellated lines reminiscent of the fortress on her mural crown.101 Since these clothes are depicted with the most detail, the bulk of the discussion thus far has focused on elite clothing. However, the narrative scenes from Assyrian art certainly contained clothed bodies from all other social groups, including nonelite Assyrian soldiers, spectators and servants, and foreigners of all status groups. The depiction of foreign dress styles in Neo-Assyrian visual narratives shows a keen awareness and desire to identify (or pictorially fabricate) the idea of alterity through regional differences in clothing and dress. Many have argued, for example, that garments and other features of dress were the primary means that Assyrians used in their monumental art to distinguish ethnic difference and inferiority.102 A similar understanding of ethnicity and dress can inform interpretations of clothing depicted in Achaemenid royal art from the monumental reliefs at Persepolis and multicolored glazed brick panels from Susa, Iran (Figure 5.10).103 The glazed brick panels from Susa that are preserved show the preeminence of polychromy and overall decoration in Achaemenid clothing. Persian archers wear long, yellow robes with wide sleeves, elaborate edges, and square and rosette decoration or patterns. The plastic representation of the rosettes on the robes of the Susa archers is reminiscent of repoussé metalwork such as those from the Nimrud tombs.104 Foreign visitors indeed must have recognized themselves in the reliefs from details of dress when they visited the cosmopolitan royal capital. McFerrin suggests that the rosettes abound in the decorative cornices and edges of the Apadana (royal audience hall) at Persepolis, perhaps purposefully attempting to “clothe” the royal structure in elaborate textile materials, thus enveloping the viewer in the scenes of the relief. She concludes that the details of clothing through multiple additives were represented in Achaemenid royal art to communicate messages of political ideology and to allow or even encourage a memorable and multisensory embodied experience of a structure and its decorations.105

Börker-Klähn, Altorientalische Bildstelen; Ornan, “Queen.” 101 Gansell, “Images and Conceptions,” 411. 102 Wäfler, Nicht-Assyrer; Cifarelli, “Gesture and Alterity”; Brown, “Culture on Display.” 103 McFerrin, “Apadana Reliefs.” 104 Or the gold disks from the unexcavated “Oxus Treasure”; McFerrin, “Apadana Reliefs,” 154. 105 Ibid., 153. 100

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Figure 5.10  Glazed brick relief of archers, Susa, Iran. Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons. https://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/6/62/ Archers_frieze_Darius_1st_Palace_Suse_Louvre_AOD_488_a.jpg.

4.  Commonalities: Edges and Colors This commonality of iconographic representation of forms of garments across a wide variety of time and space, with some local or regional elaborations, is a significant feature of clothing in the ancient Near East. It is clear that in the pictorial repertoire, attention to edges and fringes was important, and this matches some of the archaeological finds. The attention to the edges of garments in the iconographic repertoire reaches its maximum extent in the Neo-Assyrian period (also due to the abundance of evidence). The idea that the edge additions to a garment, even more than the garment itself, were considered important to the Mesopotamians is supported by receipts from the Neo-Babylonian period in the first millennium that discuss separate laundering processes and allowances for the garment edges, which were reattached afterward.106 Furthermore, the edges of garments often received elaborate attention Waerzeggers, “Neo-Babylonian Laundry”; Wasserman, “Treating Garments.” 106

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when kings allocated separate precious materials for garments used as diplomatic gifts or dedicated to dressing deities’ images.107 What then is the relevance of the edge of the garment? Obviously a fringe or tassel calls attention to movement and exaggerates small gestures, acting in some way as an extension of the body. Or fringes mimic animal pelts such as a lion’s mane or a horse’s tail and thus bring the associative properties of those animals to the wearer. For example, Chan has argued that the fringes on NeoAssyrian royal garments represent “wing-like” extensions of the king’s body, showing that the wearer is “fast and powerful . . . like a ferocious bird of prey” and at the same time protecting the king apotropaically as a symbol of a deity, perhaps the Anzu/ Imdugud bird.108 Tassels in Mesopotamia were status symbols, indicating that the wearer of a particular garment, if he or she could afford nothing else, could afford for his or her weavers to spend the extra time and skilled labor for tying and combing out the fringes of a garment into tightly knotted forms.109 In Neo-Assyrian monumental art, while many mortal figures have fringes, tassels are restricted to the king, his elite courtiers or genii guarding him in ritual contexts, and they are attached most often to the bottom edges of garments, skirts, or sleeves. They are more rarely seen on the diagonal wrapped segments of the robes. They also dangle from cords streaming from hats and belts. In other words, tassels are not placed all over the garments but are seen only in the areas that would have swayed the most horizontally during movement to catch the eye. In addition, textual evidence supports the idea that the edge of a garment, in particular the bottom edge or hemline, called a sissiktu(m), was a locus of identity in the cuneiform world.110 For the vast majority of individuals who did not own cylinder or stamp seals, they verified their assent to the terms of a written legal document by impressing the hemline of their garment into the wet clay of the tablet.111 Some hemlines are occasionally still visible today on tablets, but they yield little information about the textile used. Hemlines also served as synecdoches of individuals. Numerous instances in which a mortal “grasps the hem of a deity” in entreaty and subservience are known from various texts, including myths and royal inscriptions. We know that fringes and edges were precious and important enough to have been removed from the rest of the garment before heavy laundering.112 Iconography shows us that the hemline and actions involving it can also demonstrate a social and sexual, not simply political, subservient identity. In several scenes from the Balawat gates of the NeoAssyrian period, foreign female captives lift their skirts, or rather hemlines, to reveal their legs (?) in a gesture of subservience, perhaps also marking in the visual repertoire, as Cifarelli has argued, their sexual availability and thus immodesty and shame.113 Durand, La nomenclature, 140; Thomas, “In Search of Lost Costumes,” 81. 108 Chan, “Tapered Fringes.” 109 For a similar, if general, conclusion related to Minoan and Egyptian tassels in art, see Bertman, “Tasseled Garments.” Tassels tied with triangular-shaped shells and faience beads might also have decorated “elaborate” horse fittings, also serving as symbols of the horse-owners’ status. See Tucker, “Middle Assyrian Hoard.” 110 Taylor, “Tablets.” 111 CAD S s.v. sissiktu(m). 112 Waerzeggers, “Neo-Babylonian Laundry.” 113 Cifarelli, “Gesture and Alterity,” 221–5. 107

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In addition, with the discovery of preserved multicolored wall decoration from paintings and glazed bricks in the Bronze and Iron Ages, it is also certain that polychromatic clothing was the preference of ancient Near Eastern elites. The Mari Investiture painting indicates that garments were decorated or woven with red, black, yellow, and white. At Mari, some of the Early Bronze Age sculptures also preserved traces of red and black paint on the tufts and seams of the clothing carved into stone.114 All the way into the Late Bronze Age, and the fragmentary paintings at the Kassite capital of Dur Kurigalzu, we see evidence for this preference for polychromy, with black, yellow, red, and white and the addition of blue paint on some of the robes worn by processions of courtiers.115 As discussed above, Neo-Assyrian material culture and texts also shed light on the ancient Near Eastern preference for polychromy.

5.  Nudity and Undressing There have been numerous discussions of nudity in the ancient Near East, especially from a textual or iconographic perspective. Nudity is very difficult to discover in the archaeological record, and indeed mortuary evidence points to the fact that very few humans went to the afterlife without some form of adornment, if not woven material. Accidents of preservation also prevent us from knowing whether a seemingly unadorned body was once dressed in some way. Therefore, we must rely almost entirely on the iconographic and textual evidence to understand nudity in the ancient Near East, and that evidence is rich. My aim here is not to repeat or modify those arguments but rather to discuss in general how the acts of dressing and undressing allowed for the concepts of agency and embodiment.116 Some generalizations indeed can be made about nudity in the ancient Near East using iconography, a topic that has been debated feverishly by Asher-Greve and Sweeney, Bahrani, Assante, and others.117 In general, nudity in Mesopotamia was not automatically considered shameful or prurient but rather only in certain contexts.118 In Mesopotamia, a nude body, whether male or female or other,119 could emanate a physical and psychic force called kuzbu, which is best related to our modern concepts of sexual prowess or aggression and sexual allure.120 In artistic representations, this force could most be at work when a figure was devoid of clothing, but not adornment, which added to the attractiveness of the body. In addition, Bahrani Baadsgaard, “Uniforms,” 429. 115 Bahrani, Art of Mesopotamia, 204. 116 See Garcia-Ventura and Zisa, “Gender and Women,” for a recent bibliography. 117 Cf. Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness”; Bahrani, Women of Babylon; Assante, “Sex”; Assante, “Undressing”; and recently Graff, “Sexuality, Reproduction and Gender.” Note also that Asher-Greve and Sweeney differentiate between “nakedness,” which is a bit more of a deaestheticized existence (passive and being stripped of clothing, the act of being undressed), and “nudity,” which is deliberately aestheticized (active and undressing oneself); both are “highly context-bound” (AsherGreve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness,” 131). For the purposes of this contribution and convenience, I will refer to both as “nudity.” 118 Bahrani, Women of Babylon, 12. 119 There are many discussions of the existence of a “third gender” or androgyny in Mesopotamia especially; see, e.g., ibid., 101. 120 Ibid., 155. 114

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Figure 5.11  “Burney Relief.” BM 2003, 0718.1. Photo courtesy of Trustees of the British Museum.

argues that a nude figure that was represented frontally as in the case of the winged, clawed being on the famous “Burney Relief,” who wears only a bull-horned helmet, was considered more powerful than an image representing nudity from a profile perspective (Figure 5.11). Of course, this applies only to two-dimensional works of art, and arguments have been made against Bahrani even for those. For example, lead and terra cotta plaques from Ashur of the second millennium BCE depict nude females and males drinking beer from straws and having intercourse. Assante argues that the plaques and females in profile on them were not passive recipients of male desire (e.g., pornography); rather, the plaques were used by all genders for household magic and rituals related to arousal and fertility.121 The argument that nude female frontality is equated with aggressive sexuality is also contradicted when considering the many representations of female figures in-the-round in all scales and materials.122 These female bodies, which are adorned with elaborate hairstyles or jewelry, often depict the vulva or pubic triangle and a belly button, and show the women cupping their Assante, “Undressing the Nude.” 122 Gansell, “Iconography.” 121

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Figure 5.12  Female figure from Nineveh, Iraq. BM 124963. Photo courtesy of Trustees of the British Museum.

breasts. They are ubiquitous in many depositional contexts since the Paleolithic period. They have been interpreted in a number of ways: as fertility figurines or goddesses, mothers, prostitutes and erotica, children’s dolls, or ritual or magical objects, and the literature on their meaning and significance is too vast to discuss here. Yet large-scale nude statues in-the-round are exceedingly rare in the artistic record from the ancient Near East, whether male or female. An exception is the fully formed but headless statue discovered on the citadel mound at Nineveh. Since the statue was found in disturbed contexts, but near the Ishtar temple of that site, it has been called “the Ishtar of Nineveh” by scholars (Figure 5.12). However, the inscription dating to the eleventh century BCE on the statue’s shoulder indicates only that the image was erected by the King Ashur-bel-kala for the “titillation”123 of his soldiers. In this instance, the female form, who probably was adorned with jewelry now lost, was clearly nude for the purpose of arousing sexual desire in a male audience.124 In a single instance of showing direct violence toward women, a fully clothed Arab woman is assaulted by Assyrian soldiers, thus her sexual availability was not a result of nudity (or vice versa) but rather her alterity and enemy hostility. The iconographic representations of clothed figures, whether male or female, indicate that the clothing used in the Near East was primarily wrapped, tied, draped, or folded to encase the body. Indeed, most wraps would have been either woven to specific measurements or cut in length to fit the size of the wearer.125 In spite of Grayson, Assyrian Rulers, 108. 124 Bahrani, Graven Image, 43; Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness,” 159. 125 Thomas, “In Search of Lost Costumes.” 123

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this residual tailoring, one can imagine that accidental slippages of the fabric could occur at times. But pictorial instances of such states of becoming undressed, such as on the Knidian Aphrodite statues from Classical Greek and Roman Art, do not exist. Archaeological finds of toggle pins and fibulae used to close garments indicate that the state of being dressed or undressed was probably well monitored by Near Eastern people and involved several steps. Some garments even had additions sewn on separately. Thomas finds textual evidence from Mari of sewn-on sleeves, although the pictorial record does not corroborate this tailoring.126 In addition, there are textual references to “loincloths,” “undershirts,” “short tunics,” and “bandeaus,” which lay closer to the body but were not necessities.127 Finally, in a rare instance where display of the king’s body was intentional, namely, the Naram-Sin stela, the anatomical features of the body (especially his buttocks and thighs) were detailed even beneath clothing.128 In keeping with the idea of clothing as a marker of status and power, there is no example of a fully nude royal figure in Mesopotamian or ancient Near Eastern art.129 Rather, royal masculinity and feminine beauty were both represented normatively by fully dressed figures wearing elaborate garments with decorated patterns and edges, headgear, jewelry, and carrying portable objects.130 Although we have many textual descriptions of royal investitures, robing ceremonies, and rituals to clothe divine statues,131 there are no images of bodies in the process of being dressed or partially dressed (e.g., receiving a headdress or crown); rather, they always appear fully dressed— the act of dressing having been completed before the narrative event represented. This is linked to the idea in ancient Near Eastern art that the image of a person or god was the exact embodiment of their existence, their ṣalmu. Thus, to appear partially dressed in any form would be ritually impure and apotropaically incomplete. Such a state of existence would leave the being—whether divine or mortal—at risk of invasion or contamination by negative forces.132 On the other hand, being appropriately and completely clothed and adorned would physically and psychically protect the wearer, bring auspiciousness, and garner positive divine attention. Furthermore, the state of being represented as completely and appropriately dressed served royal figures well in their ideological communications. For example, Neumann has argued that images of the king’s clothed body “contributed to the establishment of longstanding hierarchies that were fundamental to the ideology of the Neo-Assyrian royal court.”133 We know from textual evidence that kings paid close attention to the production, care, and storage of clothing intended for their ceremonial events.134 Wool had to be aired Ibid., 79. 127 Postgate, “Wool, Hair, and Textiles,” 418; Thomas, “In Search of Lost Costumes,” 91; Foster, “Clothing,” 140. 128 This contrasts sharply with, e.g., New Kingdom Egypt, where very lightweight linen allowed for transparency for female bodies. 129 Foster, “Clothing.” 130 Gaspa, “Golden Decorations”; Gansell, “Images and Conceptions”; Ornan, “Queen.” 131 Neumann, “Gods among Men.” 132 The well-known description of Ishtar undressing herself to attain entrance to the Netherworld, whereupon she becomes a naked rotting corpse, demonstrates how vulnerable an incompletely dressed individual could become. 133 Neumann, “Gods among Men,” 16, citing Winter, “Art in Empire.” 134 Colonna d’Istria, “Wool Economy,” 184. 126

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occasionally and linen stored in special chests separate from wool.135 Furthermore, when they appeared in public (or representations thereof) reviewing the troops, performing rituals, or meeting diplomats, they always depicted themselves in the appropriate elaborate attire. When hunting or in battle, the kings showed themselves in occupationally specific “activewear”—shorter skirts or tunics that allowed for practical movement. These representations of the royal sartorial choices not only demonstrated the king’s ability to acquire and produce such luxurious clothing but also his ability to participate actively in behaviors necessary for the maintenance of the kingdom and propitiation of the gods.136 More than status markers, the clothing represented in art and evidenced archaeologically by mortuary finds played an important role in the formulation and perpetuation of ideological messages. Nearly nude male figures occur as heroic or divine figures with elaborate hairstyles, beards, and belts. Completely nude males are typically depicted in narratives as enemy captives or dead victims of battle, read symbolically as a loss of power and humanity.137 Enemy captives and victims, however, can also be shown fully dressed (the case in Assyrian art). In these cases, the surrounding narrative elements, positions of their bodies, and gestures, rather than their state of being clothed or nude, indicate their defeat and loss of power.138

6.  Conclusion This survey of archaeological and iconographic material related to clothing and nudity in the ancient Near East is meant to be neither exhaustive nor restrictive. I have attempted to point out some commonalities across time and space for clothing and nudity. However, the ancient Near East was not culturally monolithic or unchanging. There are likely many archaeological finds and artworks that were not included here or that lay yet to be discovered, which could change interpretations. I discussed here mostly representative and/or exceptional examples of clothing and nudity in archaeology and images. My central aim was to demonstrate that all forms of material culture, whether textual, archaeological, or iconographic, inform our understanding as we compare them to materials for the Hebrew Bible. The study of clothing and nudity in the ancient Near East is truly an inter- and multidisciplinary undertaking that requires careful and detailed analysis and interpretation.

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Consumption in the Ancient Near East: Archaeology, Epigraphy, Iconography (Ancient Textiles Series 12), edited by Marie-Louise Nosch, Henrietta Koefoed, and Eva A. Strand, 26–44. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2014. Lumb, David. “Textiles, Value, and the Early Economies of North Syria and Anatolia.” In Textile Production and Consumption in the Ancient Near East: Archaeology, Epigraphy, Iconography (Ancient Textiles Series 12), edited by Marie-Louise Nosch, Henrietta Koefoed, and Eva A. Strand, 45–53. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2014. Lutz, Henry. Textiles and Costumes among Peoples of the Ancient Near East. London: J. C. Hinrichs, 1923. Madhloom, Tariq. A. The Chronology of Neo-Assyrian Art. Berkeley, CA: Athilone, 1960. Marcus, Michelle I. “Dressed to Kill: Women and Pins in Early Iran.” Oxford Art Journal 17 (1994): 3–15. Matthiae, Paolo. “The Archaic Palace at Ebla: A Royal Building between Early Bronze Age IVB and Middle Bronze Age I.” In Confronting the Past: Archaeological and Historical Essays on Ancient Israel in Honor of William G. Dever, edited by Seymour Gitin, J. Edward Wright, and J. P. Dessel, 85–103. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2006. McCorriston, Joy. “The Fiber Revolution: Textile Extensification, Alienation, and Social Stratification in Ancient Mesopotamia.” Current Anthropology 38 (1997): 517–49. McFerrin, Neville. “Fabrics of Inclusion: Deep Wearing and the Potentials of Materiality on the Apadana Reliefs.” In What Shall I Say of Clothes? Theoretical and Methodological Approaches to the Study of Dress in Antiquity, edited by Megan Cifarelli and Laura Gawlinski, 143–60. Boston, MA: Archaeological Institute of America, 2017. Michel, Cécile. “The Assyrian Textile Trade in Anatolia (19th century BCE): From Traded Goods to Prestigious Gifts.” In Textilhandel und -distribution in der Antike, edited by Kerstin Dross-Krüpe, 111–22. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2014. Michel, Cécile and Klaus Veenhof. “The Textiles Traded by the Assyrians in Anatolia (19th–18th Centuries BC).” In Textile Terminologies in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from the Third to the First Millennia BC (Ancient Textiles Series 8), edited by Cécile Michel and Marie-Louise Nosch, 210–71. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2010. Michel, Cécile and Marie-Louise Nosch (eds.). Textile Terminologies in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from the Third to the First Millennia BC (Ancient Textiles Series 8). Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2010. Neumann, Kiersten. “Gods among Men: Fashioning the Divine Image in Assyria.” In What Shall I Say of Clothes? Theoretical and Methodological Approaches to the Study of Dress in Antiquity, edited by Megan Cifarelli and Laura Gawlinski, 3–24. Boston, MA: Archaeological Institute of America, 2017. Nosch, Marie-Louise, Henriette Koefoed, and Eva A. Strand (eds.). Textile Production and Consumption in the Ancient Near East: Archaeology, Epigraphy, Iconography (Ancient Textiles Series 12). Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2014. Ornan, Tallay. “The God-Like Semblance of a King.” In Ancient Near Eastern Art in Context, edited by Marian Feldman and Jack Cheng, 161–78. Leiden: Brill, 2007. Ornan, Tallay. “The Queen in Public: Royal Women in Neo-Assyrian Art.” In Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the XLVIIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki, edited by Simo Parpola and Robert M. Whiting, 461–78. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus, 2002. Ornan, Tallay. “A Silent Message: Godlike Kings in Mesopotamian Art.” In Critical Approaches to Ancient Near Eastern Art, edited by Brian A. Brown and Marian Feldman, 569–96. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2014.

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Orthmann, Winfried. Der Alte Orient. Berlin: Propylaen/Ullmeyer, 1985. Ozguç, Nimet. “Excavations at Açem Hüyük.” Anatolia 10 (1966): 29–52. Parpola, Simo and Robert M. Whiting (eds.). Sex and Gender in the Ancient Near East: Proceedings of the XLVIIe Rencontre Assyriologique Internationale, Helsinki. Helsinki: Neo-Assyrian Text Corpus, 2002. Petty, Alice. “A Feast for the Eyes: Depiction and Performance of Ritual within the Sacred Space of Middle Bronze Age Ebla.” In Critical Approaches to Ancient Near Eastern Art, edited by Brian A. Brown and Marian Feldman, 669–88. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2014. Peyronel, Luca. “From Weighing Wool to Weaving Tools, Textile Manufacture at Ebla during the Early Syrian Period in the Light of Archaeological Evidence.” In Wool Economy in the Ancient Near East and the Aegean: From the Beginnings of Sheep Husbandry to Institutional Textile Industry (Ancient Textiles Series 17), edited by Catherine Breniquet and Cécile Michel, 124–38. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2014. Pinnock, Frances. “The King’s Standard from Ebla Palace G.” Journal of Cuneiform Studies 67 (2015): 1–22. Pollock, Susan. “Of Priestesses, Princes and Poor Relations: The Dead in the Royal Cemetery of Ur.” Cambridge Archaeological Journal 1 (1991): 171–89. Postgate, Nicholas. “Wool, Hair and Textiles in Assyria.” In Wool Economy in the Ancient Near East and the Aegean: From the Beginnings of Sheep Husbandry to Institutional Textile Industry (Ancient Textiles Series 17), edited by Catherine Breniquet and Cécile Michel, 401–27. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2014. Quillien, Louise. “Flax and Linen in the First Millennium Babylonia BC.” In Prehistoric, Ancient Near Eastern and Aegean Textiles and Dress: An Interdisciplinary Anthology (Ancient Textiles Series 16), edited by Mary Harlow, Cécile Michel, and Marie-Louise Nosch, 271–96. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2014. Reifarth, Nicole and Rainer Drewello. “Textile Spuren in der Königsgruft: Vorbericht zu ersten Ergebnissen und dem Potential zukünftiger Forschungen.” In Interdisciplinary Studies on the King’s Tomb, Qatna Studies 1, edited by Peter Pfälzner, 469–82. Wiesbaden: Harrasowitz Verlag, 2011. Roaf, Michael. Cultural Atlas of Mesopotamia and the Ancient Near East. New York: Facts on File, 1990. Roth, Martha. Law Collections from Mesopotamia and Asia Minor. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1995. Sauvage, Caroline. “Spindles and Distaffs: Late Bronze and Early Iron Age Eastern Mediterranean and Ancient Near Eastern Use of Solid and Tapered Ivory/Bone Shafts.” In Prehistoric, Ancient Near Eastern and Aegean Textiles and Dress: An Interdisciplinary Anthology (Ancient Textiles Series 16), edited by Mary Harlow, Cécile Michel, and Marie-Louise Nosch, 184–226. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2014. Sauvage, Caroline. “Spinning from Old Threads: The Whorls from Ugarit at the Musée d’Archéologie Nationale (Saint-Germain-en-Laye) and at the Louvre.” In Textile Production and Consumption in the Ancient Near East: Archaeology, Epigraphy, Iconography (Ancient Textiles Series 12), edited by Marie-Louise Nosch, Henrietta Koefoed, and Eva A. Strand, 189–214. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2014. Schick, Tamar. The Cave of the Warrior: A Fourth Millennium Burial in the Judean Desert. Jerusalem: Israel Antiquities Authority, 1998. Schroer, Silvia (ed.). Images and Gender: Contributions to the Hermeneutics of Reading Ancient Art (OBO 220). Fribourg: Academic Press and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006.

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Sherrat, Andrew. “The Secondary Products Revolution: Empirical Evidence and Its Current Zooarchaeological Critique.” Journal of World Prehistory 24 (2011): 117–30. Smith, Joanna S. “Tapestries in the Bronze and Early Iron Age of the Ancient Near East.” In Textile Production and Consumption in the Ancient Near East: Archaeology, Epigraphy, Iconography (Ancient Textiles Series 12), edited by Marie-Louise Nosch, Henrietta Koefoed, and Eva A. Strand, 159–86. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2014. Strand, Eva A. “The Basics of Textiles Tools and Textile Technology: From Fibre to Fabric.” In Textile Terminologies in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from the Third to the First Millennia BC (Ancient Textiles Series 8), edited by Cécile Michel and MarieLouise Nosch, 10–22. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2010. Strand, Eva A. “The Textile chaine d’opératoire: Using a Multidisciplinary Approach to Textile Archaeology with a Focus on the Ancient Near East.” Paléorient 38 (2012): 21–40. Strommenger, Eva. Mesopotamische Gewandtypen von der frühsumerischen bis zur LarsaZeit (Acta Praehistorica et Archaeologica 2). Berlin: Hessling, 1971. Stronach, David. “Patterns of Prestige in the Pazyryk Carpet: Notes of the Representational Role of Textiles in the First Millennium BC.” Oriental Carpet and Textile Studies 4 (1993): 19–34. Sukenik, Naama, et al. “Early Evidence (Late Second Millennium BCE) of Plant-Based Dyeing of Textiles from Timna, Israel.” PLOS ONE 12.6 (2017). Available online: http:// journals.plos.org/plosone/article?id=10.1371/journal.pone.0179014 (accessed August 31, 2017). Suter, Claudia. “Human, Divine or Both? The Uruk Vase and the Problem of Ambiguity in Early Mesopotamian Art.” In Critical Approaches to Ancient Near Eastern Art, edited by Brian A. Brown and Marian Feldman, 545–68. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2014. Svärd, Saana. Women and Power in Neo-Assyrian Palaces (SAAS 23). Helsinki: NeoAssyrian Text Corpus Project, 2015. Taylor, James. “Tablets as Artefacts, Scribes as Artisans.” In Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Culture, edited by Karen Radner and Eleanor Robson, 5–31. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Tetlow, Elisabeth M. Women, Crime and Punishment in Ancient Law and Society, Vol. 1: The Ancient Near East. New York: Continuum, 2004. Thavalapan, Shiyanti, Jens Stenger, and Carol Snow. “Color and Meaning in Ancient Mesopotamia: The Case of Egyptian Blue.” Zeitschrift fur Assyriologie 106 (2016): 198–214. Thomas, Ariane. “In Search of Lost Costumes: On Royal Attire in Ancient Mesopotamia.” In Prehistoric, Ancient Near Eastern and Aegean Textiles and Dress: An Interdisciplinary Anthology (Ancient Textiles Series 16), edited by Mary Harlow, Cécile Michel, and Marie-Louise Nosch, 74–96. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2014. Thomason, Allison K. Luxury and Legitimation: Royal Collecting in Ancient Mesopotamia. London: Ashgate/Routledge, 2005. Toray Industries. “Report on Analysis of Textiles Uncovered at the Nimrud TombChamber.” Al-Rafidan 17 (1996): 199–200. Tucker, David. “A Middle Assyrian Hoard from Khirbet Karhasan, Iraq.” Iraq 54 (1992): 157–82. van der Toorn, Karel. “The Significance of the Veil in the Ancient Near East.” In Pomegranates and Golden Bells: Studies in Biblical, Jewish and Near Eastern Ritual Laws in Honor of Jacob Milgrom, edited by David Wright, David N. Freedman, and Avigdor Hurwitz, 327–39. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1995.

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Verducci, Josephine. “Early Iron Age Adornment within Southern Levantine Mortuary Contexts: An Argument for Existential Significance in Understanding Material Culture.” In What Shall I Say of Clothes?: Theoretical and Methodological Approaches to the Study of Dress in Antiquity, edited by Megan Cifarelli and Laura Gawlinski, 25–46. Boston, MA: Archaeological Institute of America, 2017. Villard, Pierre. “Les textiles néo-assyriens et leurs couleurs.” In Textile Terminologies in the Ancient Near East and Mediterranean from the Third to the First Millennia BC (Ancient Textiles Series 8), edited by Cécile Michel and Marie-Louise Nosch, 388–99. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2010. Waerzeggers, Caroline. “Neo-Babylonian Laundry.” Revue d’Assyriologie 100 (2006): 83–96. Wäfler, Markus. Nicht-Assyrer neoassyrischer Darstellungen (AOAT 26). NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1975. Warburton, David. “Ancient Color Categories.” In Encyclopedia of Color Science and Technology, edited by Ronnier Luo, 1–9. New York: Springer, 2014. Wasserman, Nathan. “Treating Garments in the Old Babylonian Period: ‘At the Cleaners’ in a Comparative View.” Iraq 75 (2013): 255–77. Wiggerman, Franz A. M. “Agriculture as Civilization: Sages, Farmers and Barbarians.” In Oxford Handbook of Cuneiform Culture, edited by Karen Radner and Eleanor Robson, 663–89. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2011. Winter, Irene J. “The Aesthetic Value of Lapis Lazuli in Mesopotamia.” In Cornaline et pierres précieuses. La Mediterannée de l’Antiquité a l’Islam, edited by Annie Caubet, 45–58. Paris: Louvre Museum, 1999. Winter, Irene J. “Art in Empire: The Royal Image and the Visual Dimension of Assyrian Ideology.” In Assyria 1995, edited by Simo Parpola and Robert M. Whiting, 359–81. Helsinki: Helsinki University Press, 1997. Winter, Irene J. “The Body of the Able Ruler: Toward an Understanding of the Statues of Gudea.” In Dumu-E2-Dub-Ba-A, Studies in Honor of Åke Sjöberg, edited by Hermann Behrens, Darlene Lothing, and Martha Roth, 573–84. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Museum, 1989. Winter, Irene J. “Ornament and the ‘Rhetoric of Abundance’ in Assyria.” Eretz-Israel 27 (2003): 252–64. Winter, Irene J. “Radiance as an Aesthetic Value in the Art of Mesopotamia.” In Art: The Integral Vision, edited by B. Saraswati, K. Vasayayan, S. C. Malik, and M. Kahnna, 123–32. Delhi: D. K. Printworld, 1994. Winter, Irene J. “Sex, Rhetoric and the Public Monument: The Alluring Body of Naram-Sin of Agade.” In Sexuality in Ancient Art, edited by Natalie Kampen, 11–26. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Wooley, Leonard. Ur Excavations, Vol. 2: The Royal Cemetery. A Report on the Predynastic and Sargonid Graves Excavated between 1926 and 1931. London: British Museum Press, 1934. Wright, Rita. “Sumerian and Akkadian Industries: Crafting Textiles.” In The Sumerian World, edited by Harriet Crawford, 394–417. London: Routledge, 2013. Zawadzki, Stefan. Garments of the Gods: Studies on the Textile Industry and the Pantheon of Sippar According to the Texts from the Ebabbar Archive (OBO 218). Fribourg: Academic Press, 2006.

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Concepts and Contexts of Female and Male Nudity in the Iconography of the Southern Levant Katharina Pyschny

1.  Introduction In cultural studies, the body has become a hot topic in recent years. Monographs, collected volumes, essays, and not least exhibitions attest to the fact that the body and its representation(s) are considered important factors within cultural history. Recent research is well aware of the historicity and changeability of the body’s conception and reception as well as its social roles. Within these discourses, the nude body has become a significant subfield, in which nudity is often discussed in relation to sociocultural aspects such as aesthetic and moral categories. Thus, sexuality and shame quickly became the most debated issues linked to nudity.1 According to Western theories, clothing evolved from a need for bodily protection and a sense of shame innate in human nature. As a result, the unclothed or nude body is reduced to a “shameful” state or a sign of pre-reflective and less civilized societies.2 Even though aspects of nudity cannot be discussed without a reflection on (the development of) shame, such theories are highly problematic when dealing with visual representations of nudity in the ancient Near East. One faces not only the danger of an anachronistic approach (e.g., in regard to anthropological presuppositions) but also of moralization or even sexualization. In ancient Near Eastern art, nudity is without doubt linked to anthropological, sociocultural, as well as religio-historical aspects, but it is first and foremost a visual representation of the (human or divine) body bearing various meanings, which differ significantly in regard to their concepts and contexts. This contribution is a revised version of a paper presented at the EABS Annual Conference 2016 in Leuven. I would like to thank Christoph Berner, Manuel Schäfer, Martin Schott, Sarah Schulz, and Martina Weingärtner for organizing the workshop on concepts of nudity in the Hebrew Bible and for all their editorial efforts related to this handbook. Furthermore, thanks are due to the participants of the workshop and to Christian Frevel in particular, who provided me with valuable feedback and additional remarks. Several persons and institutions generiously granted me the right to include several illustrations in this essay. For this, I am particularly grateful to Haim Gitler, Florian Lippke, Silvia Schroer, David Ussishkin, the Bibel+Orient Museum, the British Museum, De Gruyter, and the Israel Numismatic Society. 1 See, e.g., König, “Nacktheit”; and Bologne, Nacktheit. 2 See, e.g., König, “Nacktheit,” esp. 43–5, 49–52, 169–73.

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These differences are particularly striking from a gender-sensitive perspective, showing that female and male nudity is conceptualized and contextualized in different ways. Although a great deal of research has been conducted on nudity in ancient Near Eastern art, especially in regard to female nudity, most studies are far more interested in broader iconographic questions (e.g., iconographic developments, influences) or the identification of the nude figures rather than the range of meaning expressed by nudity itself. In addition, due to the comparatively limited evidence, little attention was given to male nudity. So far, there is no single in-depth study analyzing female nudity vis-àvis male nudity in the Southern Levant.3 The following remarks present a first step to close this gap but do not claim to be comprehensive. Against this background, this essay aims at analyzing the various concepts and contexts of female and male nudity within ancient Near Eastern art as well as its manifold semantics in order (1) to detect gender-distinct changes and developments from a longue durée perspective and (2) to correlate these iconographic trends with each other.

2.  Methodological Remarks The iconographic material related to concepts and contexts of nudity in Southern Levantine art is almost endless, especially from a gender-sensitive perspective. Obviously, the present article cannot be comprehensive but will instead provide a representative selection of significant imagery related to the given topic.4 Although the material available is not restricted to a specific region and time period, special focus will be placed on Israel/Palestine from the Bronze Age to the Persian period. In this study, nudity is not understood as an autonomous iconographic feature or image formula with its own distinct syntax but rather as a visual representation of the (human or divine) body with specific contexts and functions.5 Though always linked to clothes and clothing, nudity is far more than the lack of clothing6 and can communicate or represent various positive (e.g., vitality, eroticism, fertility, physical strength, or power) or negative (e.g., lack of status, depravation, humiliation) aspects. Analyzing nudity within the iconographic record of the Southern Levant requires special methodological caution in several respects: 1. First of all, it should be noted that the following study is not grounded in the methodological approach called iconographic exegesis,7 which is the use of visual See, however, the insightful remarks on this topic in Keel and Schroer, Eva, 22–6; Schroer, “Anthropologie.” 4 Furthermore, the paper refrains from discussing each and every object in detail against the background of recent research. Thus, the bibliographical notes present only a selection of references within the highly complex and multifaceted iconographic discussion. 5 See also Stähli, “Nacktheit,” 211, who characterizes nudity as a “bildliche Repräsentationsform des Körpers, die eine bestimmte Semantik des Körpers entwirft.” 6 See König, “Nacktheit,” 63: “Die Nacktheit ist immer weit mehr als das ‘Eigentliche’ der Kleiderlosigkeit.” For the rather traditional view predominant in the twentieth century, see Müller, Nacktheit, 3: “Unter Nacktheit verstehen wir das Fehlen der Bekleidung, die unsere Sitte fordert.” 7 See de Hulster, Strawn, and Bonfiglio, Exegesis. 3

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material in the textual analysis of the Hebrew Bible. Instead, it focuses exclusively on iconographic evidence as one of various sources for the reconstruction of ancient Near Eastern history. Despite the fact of many possible text-image relationships,8 ancient Near Eastern art is understood here as a partially autonomous symbol system that exists alongside the linguistic/textual symbol system.9 Without presenting a comprehensive methodological approach here, I  would like to highlight a few methodological basics that are essential for the following study:  (a) As a source, images have an important value in their own right. As archaeological, epigraphic, and textual evidence, they require interpretation, which should be based on a media-internal methodology. Only afterward can the evidence be correlated as one part of a larger puzzle with other sources. (b)  Images do not offer an allencompassing or even objective portrayal of historical events or developments. When using images as a historical source, one must take into account their validity and limits. Furthermore, one must consider how ancient societies used images for the depiction and interpretation of history.10 (c) Images have a relative illustrative character based on conventions of representation. In addition, images can represent complex (chronological, local, social, etc.) relations simultaneously in two dimensions.11 (d)  Like texts, images have their own vocabulary or motifs (semantics), a distinct constellation or style (syntax), and a specific function or purpose (pragmatics). (e) Ancient Near Eastern images do not generally aim at oneto-one portrayals but can be considered as representations of particular conceptual constellations.12 2. Considering that the English language distinguishes terminologically between “nude” and “naked,”13 one must ask whether this differentiation is also valid when dealing with ancient Near Eastern art. In an article by J.  M. Asher-Greve and D. Sweeney dealing with nakedness, nudity, and gender in Egyptian and Mesopotamian art, the authors proposed the following differentiation:  “ ‘naked’ refers to unclothed bodies depicted in circumstances where nakedness reflects actual practice and is not intended as a ‘transcendent’ form,” while ‘nude’ refers to those depictions which are intended as symbolic ‘transcendent forms’.14 The differentiation between a functional and symbolic character of the unclothed body is without doubt valid. However, to ground the identification of one or the other on the relation to actual practice seems problematic, since this approach detaches an iconographic feature almost completely

8 See Eggler et al., “Ikonographie.” 9 Ibid. 10 See Uehlinger, “Bildquellen,” 31. 11 See ibid. 12 Eggler et al., “Ikonographie.” See also the methodological remarks made by Hartenstein, “Ikonographie,” 173–86. 13 Taking the Oxford English Dictionary as a basis, both terms are used to denote the unclothed body, but in regard to semantics “naked” is connoted rather in a negative sense bearing the meaning of lack (of clothes), humiliation, embarrassment, shame, etc. “Nude,” on the other hand, does not transport such a negative meaning but describes the unclothed body in a positive, naturally beautiful, and comfortable way. 14 Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “Nakedness,” 133.

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from its pictorial context and its meaning within the image constellation.15 To give just one example: The depiction of unclothed prisoners or deportees on Assyrian reliefs might indeed refer to an actual Assyrian military practice. In its image constellation, however, it also bears a symbolic meaning representing the loss of status, depravation, and so on (see below).   Even though a clear-cut classification of nudity is not possible on the basis of ancient Near Eastern art,16 it is important to distinguish at least between the unclothed body as a functional or practical state on the one hand (e.g., manual labor, sporting activities)17 and symbolic nudity on the other.18 This distinction cannot be based on aesthetic theories but rather on aspects of image constellation and (relational or contextual) meaning. Yet it is questionable whether this differentiation is in fact correctly expressed by the terms “nude” and “naked.” In accordance with the semantics of these terms, it seems more adequate to distinguish between the unclothed body as simply undressed (“nude”) or rather exposed (“naked”). 3. The evidence at hand has to be acknowledged in its variety in regard to object class, date, find location, find context, and so on. The way nudity is depicted is not completely independent from the object’s materiality, usage, or “mediality.”19 Already this insight indicates that nudity itself does not have an autonomous and linear development but has to be considered as a form of representation whose meaning changes in different contexts and is influenced not only by iconographic conventions of representation but also various other factors. In this respect, the analysis of nudity from a longue durée perspective is in no way rendered unnecessary. However, it draws attention to the fact that nudity does not necessarily bear the same meaning on every object at all times. 4. In addition to image-external contexts (e.g., date, object class), the analysis must consider image-internal contexts such as the image constellation: What role does the nude (human or divine) body play within the image constellation? Is the aspect of

Furthermore, such a criterion risks reducing iconographic evidence to a one-to-one depiction of actual history without taking into account the symbolic complexity of images (and their messages), which are, of course, linked to religious, cultural, and social history but cannot be considered an exact copy. Needless to say, in many cases, it is not possible to decide whether an image reflects actual practice. 16 This is even emphasized by Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “Nakedness,” 165, who developed five categories of nakedness or nudity applicable to ancient Egypt and ancient Mesopotamia: (1) status and gender; (2) nakedness as a sign of deprivation, humiliation, and death; (3) practical or functional nakedness; (4) erotic nudity; (5) unclothed bodies for ritual and/or symbolic reasons and for magic/apotropaic purposes. Cf. also the far simpler categorizations by Biggs, “Nacktheit” or Seidl, “Nacktheit.” 17 In Egyptian iconography, functional nakedness includes the depictions of bird catchers, fishermen, hunters, harvesters, and swimmers (see Behrens, “Nacktheit,” 293). 18 Even though the line between functional and symbolic aspects can be particularly blurry in the case of iconographic evidence—every iconographic feature has some kind of symbolic meaning—this differentiation can serve as a helpful heuristic tool in order to distinguish “degrees” of symbolism linked to nakedness/nudity. 19 On the concept of “mediality” in the study of the Israel’s/Palestine’s material culture, see Frevel (ed.), Medien (especially the papers by Christian Frevel and Christoph Uehlinger). 15

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nudity relevant at all,20 and if so, what kind of meaning does it have within the image constellation? Is the aspect represented by the nude body accompanied or further substantiated by other iconographic features? 5. Finally, it has to be kept in mind that nudity has to be treated not in contrast, but instead in relation, to clothing and clothes. The interpretation of the clothed body influences the interpretation of the nude body and vice versa. Furthermore, it is important to stress that the relevant data do not only include depictions of completely nude or naked bodies but also images that present degrees of nudity, such as the seminude body or bodies in the process of undressing. In some cases, the image’s message or meaning is expressed in a pictorial “play” with clothed and unclothed body parts. With these basic methodological remarks in mind, let us now turn to the actual iconographic evidence.

3.  Nudity and Status In ancient Near Eastern art, nudity is closely linked to aspects of social status.21 Despite the undeniable differences in the depictions of female and male nudity, this statement holds true in general22 or—more precisely—beyond any kind of genderbased difference. This can be seen, for example, in the depiction of children on the Neo-Assyrian reliefs from the palaces of Nimrud and Nineveh dating to around 880–625 BCE.23 These bas-reliefs present a pictorial record that traces the military expansion of the Assyrian Empire throughout Western Asia. They depict mostly battles or sieges and their aftermaths (e.g., taking booty, deportation). It is important to stress that this evidence has an obvious “propagandistic” character and reflects first and foremost the (ideological) point of view of the Assyrian elite. On the reliefs, the children belong almost exclusively to the category of deportees. In her analysis, Irène Schwyn notes 144 children with an age span from one month old to almost mature. In contrast to adults, who are identified in regard to gender and ethnicity by their clothes and headdresses, it is often almost impossible to determine the children’s gender. Infants are usually depicted nude and their hairstyle is not genderspecific. An identification on the basis of visible genitalia must be done with caution and is limited to boys only. The older the children are, the stronger the tendency is toward clothing, although nudes are attested in each age category. The latter clearly indicates that the tendency 20 Especially in the cases where anthropomorphic figures appear to be naked or nude due to their schematic style (cf., e.g., various depictions on seals), it seems quite doubtful that nakedness or nudity is a significant part of the image’s semantics at all. 21 See Behrens, “Nacktheit,” 292. 22 This does not mean, however, that every depiction of nudity is linked to aspects of social status. In fact, especially decontextualized nudity (e.g., Judean Pillar Figurines) often has no apparent connection to it. 23 The following remarks are based on the detailed analysis by Irène Schwyn (see Schwyn, “Kinderbetreuung”; Schwyn, “Kinder”).

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toward clothing cannot be explained by an evolving sense of shame alone.24 Taking into account that on these reliefs clothing reflects a certain social status or the affiliation to a specific group or community, it seems reasonable to interpret the children’s nudity analogously: It portrays differences in social status (not necessarily an entire lack of it), indicating that the child is not yet a full member of a specific group or community and that his or her role within society is not fully developed. Thus, in this case, nudity can be considered as an indicator for a liminal social status within a specific community. This aspect is not expressed exclusively by the children’s nudity but is further substantiated by their (significantly smaller) size and their position (which almost always includes an adult as a point of reference). Thus, the children’s nudity is part of a broader constellation that highlights their low social status and their need for protection. The Assyrian reliefs are an excellent example of the notion that contextualized nudity is closely linked to social status—even despite any kind of gender-based differences. Furthermore, they make abundantly clear that nudity is not a purpose of illustration as such. Iconographic material does not simply portray nudity but conveys specific messages by depicting nudity in specific constellations and contexts. However, already a first glance at the material culture of Israel/Palestine makes it clear that the concepts and contexts of nudity differ drastically from a (modern25) gender-sensitive perspective. This will be developed further in the following two sections dealing with female and male nudity.

4.  Female Nudity From the Neolithic Age onward, female nudity in particular is one of the most common means of representation within the (religious) symbol system of the ancient Near East.26 Female nudes are attested in various object classes in almost all periods, including (terracotta) figurines, plaques, seals, and so on (see Figures 6.3–6.7). In Israel/Palestine, they became particularly popular from the Middle Bronze Age onward, while the beginning or the end of the Iron Age II is characterized by a tentative decrease of female nudity within the (religious) symbol system. Female nudes persist into Persian and Hellenistic times, albeit with significant differences in distribution pattern, style, quantity, and so on. In contrast to male nudity, female nudity is closely linked to the divine (and cultic or ritual) sphere, as is shown not least by the prominent motif of the “nude goddess.”27 In this case, one could expect a more clear-cut change regarding the depiction of nude and clothed children from one age category to the next, especially considering the highly stereotyped character of the relief ’s iconography. 25 In terms of methodology, it has to be stressed that the question for gender-specific means of representation presumes to a certain degree that the craftsmen of the given objects reflected on gender aspects during the production process. Even though this presupposition seems quite logical and plausible, it risks applying rather modern perspectives to ancient Near Eastern art. This problem does not nullify the initial question as such, but warns against premature absolutization of specific perspectives. 26 On female nudity as a central theme in ancient Near Eastern art, see, e.g., Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “Nakedness”; Assante, “Nude”; Bahrani, “Hellenization”; Bahrani, “Iconography”; Bahrani, “Body”; Bahrani, Women; Goelet, “Nudity.” 27 For a detailed overview on the “nude goddess,” see, e.g., Uehlinger, “Göttin.” 24

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Generally speaking, female nudes can be differentiated into nude goddesses and nude women. The attribution of a specific object to one type or the other is not always certain.28 Especially when the depicted female lacks any kind of divine features (e.g., a specific crown or headdress, insignia) and a broader pictorial context, it is almost impossible to decide with certainty whether the representation shows a goddess or a woman.29 In the case of (terracotta) figurines that show traces of painting, it is also difficult to tell whether this feature might suggest some kind of clothing. Within the multifaceted iconographic record of Israel/Palestine, female nudity is attested with and without a broader pictorial context. As documented by various seals, both styles can appear on the same object class.30 In general, though, there are clear tendencies for a contextualized (e.g., reliefs, cult stands) or decontextualized (e.g., figurines, plaques) style depending on the given object class. Even when a significant pictorial context is lacking, nudity is usually accompanied by the accentuation of breasts, pubic area, and so on. Evidently, nudity as such is not a clear-cut meaningful iconography but requires substantiation and clarification through other iconographic features or a pictorial context. In contrast to Egypt, practical or functional nakedness is not attested in Israel/Palestine. Images of naked female swimmers, for instance, have thus far not been found. Without overstraining this absence of evidence, one cannot escape the impression that female nudity is more restricted to the divine and cultic (or ritual) sphere in Israel/Palestine.31 In contrast to male nudity, female nudity does not stand for deprivation or humiliation. As evidenced by Assyrian reliefs, women—or more precisely female prisoners and deportees—are always depicted clothed. This is even more striking in light of the fact that (imprisoned) men are very often shown nude in the context of war and deportation. A section of the bronze bands that adorned the gates of Balawat (ancient Imgur-Enlil, located in northern Iraq about 27 kilometers southeast of Nineveh) and were erected by Shalmaneser III (859–824 BCE) resemble this gender difference perfectly by showing a group of both male and female deportees: the former nude, the latter clothed and making a gesture of lament (see Figure 6.1). As will be shown, the meaning of female nudity is exclusively reserved for (positively connoted) virility and potency. While scholars from the late nineteenth and the beginning of the twentieth century tended to understand each and every representation of female nudity as expressing a desire for (either the confirmation or the idealization of) fertility, current research is well aware that the state of affairs is far more complex. Not least thanks to the research of Urs Winter,32 it has become clear that female nudity can bear There is a tendency in scholarship, however, to relate female nudity with goddesses in the Bronze and Iron Ages far more than, for instance, in the Persian period. Clearly, these kinds of interpretations are partly driven by specific religio-historical presuppositions. 29 For loci classici of this issue, cf. the debates on the interpretation of the so-called Astarte plaques and the Judean Pillar Figurines. 30 Compare, for instance, the rather decontextualized depictions of the “branch goddess” on the one hand and the motif of the unveiling goddess within a broader pictorial context or constellation on the other (see Figures 6.2 and 6.3). 31 This holds true even if one does not share every identification of the “nude goddess” and is in favor of the interpretation as nude woman. A link to the divine and cultic (or ritual) sphere still remains in almost all cases, either in regard to their interpretation (e.g., female worshipper, votive giver) or to their usage (e.g., votives). 32 See Winter, Frau. 28

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Figure 6.1  Section of bronze bands that adorned the gates of Balawat showing male nude and female clothed prisoners (858–824 BCE). Keel and Schroer, Eva, 23, fig. 28.

various meanings including not only aspects of fertility and reproductive capacity but first and foremost facets linked to eroticism and sexuality, conception, birth, nursing, motherhood, vitality, blessing, youth, dominance, and so on.33 Even though all of these aspects are closely linked to one another and were likely considered complementary in antiquity, to subsume them under the label “fertility” is far too simple, especially in light of the fact that fertility as such is a multifaceted concept including vegetative, generative, and reproductive aspects.34 The exact notion of female nudity has to be deduced from case to case and on the basis of the image constellation as well as its central aspect(s). The following overview aims at highlighting the various aspects represented by female nudity. The categorization, which is based on the focal point(s) of the image (constellation), is not meant to imply that the image’s message is limited to this aspect or these aspects but tries to capture the image’s main consignments. 1. Within the iconographic record of the ancient Near East, female nudity is first and foremost linked to aspects of eroticism and sexuality. This becomes immediately evident by looking at the ancient Syrian cylinder seals showing the motif of the unveiling goddess (see Figure 6.2).35 In numerous variations, the seals depict the nude goddess standing on a bull and unveiling herself. She is represented in frontal view, but her head faces her counterpart, which is usually the storm god. Her figure is well-formed with a narrow waist and an emphasized vulva. The unveiling is clearly directed toward a male partner and aims at copulation:36 The goddess presents herself to her partner in order to initiate sexual intercourse. The (positive) erotic character of the scene is supported by further iconographic features such as animals (e.g., doves), banquet scenes, and so on. Another fitting example is the motif of the so-called branch goddess, which is broadly attested in the glyptic art of the Middle Bronze Age IIB (see Figure 6.3).37 The seals in question show a nude female in frontal view, sometimes with her head See also the concluding statement by Keel and Schroer, Eva, 25: “Phänomenologisch sind aber die wenigsten unbekleideten Frauen der Idolkunst schwanger, stillend oder mit einem Kind dargestellt, vielmehr zeigen sie sich primär als jugendliche und erotisch anziehende Gestalten jenseits aller Mutterschaft.” 34 See Frevel, Aschera, 564–6. 35 On this motif, see especially Winter, Frau, 284; Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, 42; Schroer, IPIAO 2, 222–5. 36 See Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, 32. 37 See, in particular, Schroer, “Zweiggöttin,” and Schroer, “Göttin.” 33

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Figure 6.2  Two ancient Syrian cylinder seals featuring the motif of the unveiling goddess. Schroer, IPIAO 2, 209, figs. 438–9.

in profile, often flanked by branches or—much less frequently—holding the branches in her hands. The hand posture, the headdress, and other surrounding features vary significantly. Usually, there is a clear focus on the tight waist and the vulva, which highlights the figure’s sexual charisma or aura. The primary function of the branches is to emphasize the central figure. Along these lines, they support the figure’s lifepromoting vitality rather than expressing fertility and prosperity. 2. On various objects, female nudity is linked to aspects of vitality, prosperity, and fertility. Even though these aspects can be represented independently of each other, some or all of them are often combined in ancient Near Eastern iconography. This holds especially true for depictions of the “nude goddess.” Several terracotta plaques from the Late Bronze and the early Iron Age show a female nude en face with various hand postures (see Figure 6.4). The hands may be

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Figure 6.3  Two Middle Bronze seals featuring the so-called branch goddess. Schroer, “Göttin,” 97, figs. 13–14.

Figure 6.4  Late Bronze and early Iron so-called Astarte plaques from Tel Masad, Tel Zeror, and Taanach showing the nude goddess (from left to right). Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, figs. 121a–c.

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Figure 6.5  Late Bronze plaque figurine of a nude goddess from Revadim. Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, fig. 82.

supporting the breasts (either one or both hands), intersect above the breast bone, be placed on the belly, rest alongside the body, or take up a posture combining two of the aforementioned elements (e.g., one hand supports a breast while the other one rests alongside the body). Though the ideas communicated differ slightly depending on the exact hand postures, there can be no doubt that the female nudity displayed on all these plaques represents aspects linked to fullness of life. It expresses (youthful) vitality, prosperity, and in some cases also sexual agility. The aspect of fertility is not as central as, for instance, in the case of the so-called Revadim-type plaque figurine. So far, five examples of its kind are known from the Late Bronze Age: Tel Aphek, Tel Azekah, Tel Burna, Tel Harasim, and Revadim (Quarry).38 Taking the Revadim example (see Figure 6.5)—which is the most complete one—as a point of departure, the object can be described as follows: “It is a depiction of a nude female with long locks of hair, curling outwards at their ends and near her protruding navel. She wears a closed, crescent shaped pendant on her neck, three bracelets on each wrist and her See Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, 82–5; Sharp, McKinny, and Shai, “Figurines,” 63–6. 38

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hands hold open the deeply cut vagina above which is a ridge, presumably representing the pubic hair. Two nude babies39 with uplifted arms are accommodated in the area between the breasts, hair and arms, attached to the tips of hair by a stroke. A tree and horned animals are modelled on each thigh.”40 Due to the combination of motifs like the nude breasts (which are possibly nursing the two babies), vegetative symbols such as the tree and caprids, and the emphasized vagina, the object’s iconographic features clearly highlight aspects of (generative) fertility. 3. Aspects such as vitality and (martial) dominance are also closely connected to female nudity within ancient Near Eastern iconography, as evidenced by the various objects depicting a nude woman of the Qedeshet-type.41 This type of nude female is broadly attested in the Late Bronze Age and can be found on different objects, most prominently on stelae, metal pendants, and terracotta plaques. Its basic characteristics include a female nude standing en face on the back of an animal (usually a lion), her hands stretched out and holding objects (plants) or animals (caprids or snakes). The nudity in front, the emphasized breasts and pubic area, the Hathor-like hair style, and the Egyptianizing flowers clearly represent aspects of vitality, prosperity, and eroticism. Furthermore, a particular warlike dominance is evident in a special variation of the Qedeshet-type on a gold foil from Lachish (see Figure 6.6).42 The nude female not only wears an atef-crown but also stands on the back of an (most likely) armored horse. Both features, the crown and the horse as pedestal animal, are actually linked to Anat and Astarte, not to the Qedeshet-type. Regardless of the goddess’s identification, it is obvious that female nudity is part of an image constellation focused on the martial sphere of the goddess. It supports the overall message of vitality and martial dominance. 4. Finally, female nudity can express the aspect of nursing and blessing, as attested by the so-called Judean Pillar Figurines, 96 percent of which come from the heartland of Judah.43 These crudely made terracotta figurines (height: 8–14 centimeters), which now number over 1,000 specimens, have a pillar base and show a nude (or at least seminude) female with her arms supporting her breasts. They appeared beginning in the ninth century BCE, became very popular during the eighth and late seventh centuries, and finally went out of use before the Persian period. The function of the figurines remains enigmatic in light of their various find contexts and combinations, which attest to ambiguous and multidimensional functions. The objects can be divided into two types: one with a molded head depicting tightly curled locks, clear facial features, and sometimes a hood or a cap and another with a simple pinched nose indicating eyes and nose (see Figure 6.7). The most notable characteristic is certainly the prominent breast, which is further accentuated by the encircling arms. Many figurines bear traces of white wash and black, red, and yellow paint, which was apparently used to highlight details like jewelry, makeup, and a 39 It is noteworthy that the babies are also unclothed, although their nudity clearly has a different function and meaning in the image constellation. 40 Beck, “Type,” 29. 41 For a detailed catalogue-like description of various objects of this type, see Cornelius, Faces, 45–58, and Cat. 5.1–5.6; Frevel, “Qudschu,” 224–7. 42 See Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, 75–6; Schroer, IPIAO 3, 312–13. 43 For the most recent monographic studies on the Judean Pillar Figurines, see Kletter, Judean PillarFigurines, and Darby, Interpreting.

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Figure  6.6  Gold foil from Lachish showing a nude female wearing an atef-crown and standing on the back of an armored horse (Late Bronze Age). Clamer, “Pottery,” fig. 21.21: 4.

headdress. Even though the lack of navel and genitalia might suggest that the figure is clothed from the waist down, the paint does not seem to indicate any kind of clothing.44 Thus, it is safe to assume that the figure is at least seminude. Regardless of whether the pillar base of the figurine is considered a form of clothing or not, it surely draws attention to its central aspects, namely the head and the nude upper body. In light of the pinched-nose types, the heads or the facial expressions of the figurines cannot be considered a key aspect for interpretation. The exaggerated breasts, which are further emphasized by the hand posture, appear to be a far more dominant feature. Thus, the aspect of nursing and blessing, the dea nutrix aspect, seems to be in focus. Considering that there is no emphasis on the lower body or the vulva at all, an erotic connotation of the figure’s nudity is rather unlikely. Overall, the figurines focus on the functional aspect of nursing or blessing.45

See also Bloch-Smith, “Gender Roles,” 10. 45 See Frevel, Aschera, 771. 44

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Figure 6.7  Two so-called Judean Pillar Figurines from the Iron Age II, one with a molded head and the other one with a pinched nose, from Jerusalem and Beersheba (from left to right). Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, figs. 321b–c.

5.  Male Nudity Within the iconographic record of Israel/Palestine, male nudity is not nearly as frequently attested as female nudity. The range of object classes concerned also appears to be lower, since there is, for instance, a total lack of male nudes on plaques. There are also almost no figurines showing male nudity, with a few exceptions. One specimen is a small standing figure from Tall Jawa representing the complete torso of a male nude.46 The object, made of silt, dates to the Iron Age, and its smooth body lacks detail. The nipples seem somewhat exaggerated, and the penis is represented by a few simple incisions, while the back shows well defined, small buttocks. Furthermore, a nude male statuette was found at Khirbat al-Mudayna on Wadi ath-Thamad, in northern Moab.47 46 See Daviau, Excavations, 66–7. 47 I would like to thank Michèle Daviau for showing me a photograph of this figurine and providing me with further information. The publication of the statuette is forthcoming.

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Apart from these and a few other examples,48 male nudity is almost always contextualized; depictions of male nudes alone, without any kind of attributes or a broader pictorial context, are comparatively rare. Already this observation hints at the fact that male nudity is less standardized than female nudity. Considering the far more restricted corpus of source material, it is quite difficult to detect developments in regard to the actual distribution of male nudity and its semantics. Male nudes are attested from the Chalcolithic period onward49 and appear—albeit sporadically—in all subsequent periods. Until the emergence of the “nude hero” in the (late) Persian period (see below), there was no standardized repertoire of motifs even slightly comparable to those such as the “nude goddess.” Though less frequent than in Egypt, Mari, or Uruk, functional or practical nakedness can be found within the (religious) symbol system of Israel/Palestine. This is evidenced by a (Egyptianizing) Late Bronze Age ivory from Tell el-Farah South showing naked bird catchers during a duck hunt.50 To my knowledge, naked (or nude51) priests or cultic personnel as attested, for instance, in the third millennium BCE in Uruk, Girsu, Nippur, and Ur,52 do not appear in the religious symbol system of Israel/Palestine. Depictions of nude male worshippers are also rather rare. A possible exception is an Iron Age IIB seal from Hazor depicting a kneeling nude figure.53 Taken as a whole, male nudity seems to be far less linked to the divine (and cultic or ritual) sphere than female nudity. Nudity is not a distinct iconographic feature related to male deities or other divine figures. As will be shown below, this changes significantly during the Persian period, not least due to Greek influences. Interestingly enough, it is not possible to classify the evidence linked to male nudity exactly like the evidence related to female nudity. This is very telling, not only in regard to the difference in quantity but also in regard to gender-based differences in the conceptualization of nudity and its meaning(s). Thus, the following overview not only presents the various aspects represented by male nudity (points 1 and 2) but also focuses on the relationship between male nudity and the divine sphere (point 3), since this aspect constitutes a significant difference in conceptualizing female and male nudity in the religious symbol system of Israel/Palestine. As above, the categories are based on the focal point(s) of the image constellation and aim at capturing the images’ main consignments without excluding other meanings as such. Since male nudity is less standardized than female nudity, the following analysis includes far more individual finds instead of general types or fixed iconographic motifs. Furthermore,

Daviau, “Figurines,” 98, also lists a body fragment from WT-13, a torso fragment of a male abdomen and upper thighs from Ashdod, and a fragmentary figurine from Lachish, which was incorrectly interpreted as Judean Pillar Figurine. 49 For an example of one of the earliest nude males, see, for instance, the ivory figurine from Bir es-Safadi dating to 4400–4000 BCE (see Schroer and Keel, IPIAO 1, 136–7). 50 See Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, fig. 68b. 51 In these cases, a clear distinction between nudity and practical or functional nakedness is very difficult. 52 For examples, see Schroer and Keel, IPIAO 1, figs. 192, 213, 218–19. 53 See Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, fig. 234b. 48

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there is a stronger emphasis on the ancient Near Eastern context since the evidence stemming from Israel/Palestine is so limited. 1. In Israel/Palestine, as well as in the ancient Near East as a whole, male nudity was first and foremost a sign of the lack or loss of status, (physical or military) defeat, humiliation, depravation, and death. This meaning is prevalent in the whole ancient Near East from the late fourth millennium BCE onward and is prominently expressed on the so-called Battlefield Palette dating to around 3150 BCE and probably stemming from Abydos (Egypt). The fragments show three nude captives (one standing bound in front of a clothed figure and two gripped by the enemy’s standards) as well as six nude males being preyed upon by ravens, vultures, and a lion.54 The men’s nudity underlines their helpless situation and their inevitable loss of social status (and their lives). A similar notion of male nudity can be found on the so-called Narmer Palette, a 63.5-cm-high palette made of smooth greyish-green siltstone, which dates to around 3000 BCE and was found in Hierakonpolis. Both sides are decorated with detailed low reliefs, including representations of nude males in the lowest register on each side: One side shows two defeated nude enemies; the other one depicts the king as a bull knocking down the wall of a city and pulling a nude man to the ground.55 However, male nudity can also represent differences in status without bearing the notion of humiliation or depravation. A limestone cylinder seal from the late Uruk period depicts a bull hunt (see Figure 6.8). The ruler, wearing a net skirt, shoots with bow and arrow at four bulls in front of him (probably showing the same animal in different stages of the hunt).56 The ruler is accompanied by his armor-bearer, who stands behind him and appears to be nude. Considering the rather muscular depiction of the armor-bearer, which highlights his physical agility and thus his ability to support the ruler during his hunt, an interpretation as (solely) practical or functional nakedness seems unlikely. The image constellation, especially the juxtaposition of the nude armor-bearer and the clothed ruler, indicates that the man’s nudity aims first and foremost at highlighting the ruler’s status rather than anything else. Although male nudity is frequently attested in the context of battle and war (see also a roughly contemporary seal impression with a depiction of the ruler standing before a horned building and destroying nude enemies with his bow and arrows; Figure 6.9), it is not exclusively limited to captives. In a reconstructed sequence of jar sealings found at Uruk, the ruler is depicted holding his spear like a scepter and facing a group of nude males (see Figure 6.10). This group consists not only of bound enemies on bended knees but also of the ruler’s warriors holding weapons. While the enemies’ nudity underscores their helplessness,57 the warrior’s nudity seems to denote their difference in social status from the ruler, who is the only clothed figure in the image constellation. Nude captives and enemies are a prominent motif on various objects throughout the ancient Near East and in nearly every time period. The stylistic execution, however, varies significantly. A basalt stele with four carved faces found in the temple of Ishtar at 54 55 56 57

See Schroer and Keel, IPIAO 1, 226–7. See ibid., 236–9. See ibid., 280–1. See Hansen, “Art,” 23.

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Figure 6.8  Cylinder seal from the late Uruk period showing a nude arm-bearer in relation to the ruler. Schroer and Keel, IPIAO 1, 281, fig. 182 (© The Trustees of the British Museum).

Figure 6.9  Seal impression from the late Uruk period depicting the ruler shooting nude enemies. Schroer, IPIAO 1, 283, fig. 183.

Figure 6.10  Reconstructed sequence of jar sealings from Uruk (late Uruk period) featuring nude warriors and enemies. Schroer, IPIAO 1, 287, fig. 188.

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Ebla, an object dating to circa 1800 BCE, shows in its lower registers on the back side two armed men facing each other; between them stands a smaller nude man with raised arms, most likely a captive.58 His nudity emphasizes his lost status and his defeat or humiliation, as is also the case in several old Syrian (1775–1762 BCE) seal impressions showing a (clothed) ruler stamping or knocking down nude enemies.59 The latter is also attested on Egyptianizing scarabs from Tell el-Farah South (Nineteenth Dynasty) and Gezer (Eighteenth Dynasty) depicting a sphinx attacking nude enemies.60 The conceptualization of male nudity in Israel/Palestine did not differ from its ancient Near Eastern context. This is shown clearly by a Late Bronze Age ivory plaque from Megiddo incised with a depiction of a ruler celebrating victory. At the right, he drives nude captives, possibly Shasu nomads,61 before his chariot.62 A similar notion of male nudity is expressed by the depictions of nude captives or deportees on the aforementioned bronze bands that adorned the gates of Balawat (see Figure 6.1). Interestingly enough, in such types of scenes displayed on Assyrian reliefs, captives or deportees are usually not shown nude but rather dressed in their characteristic costumes.63 Thus, the nudity of the captives on the bronze reliefs not only describes the humiliation of their circumstances but also deprives them of their “identity.” The depictions on the Assyrian reliefs, however, include not only (a few) representations of practical or functional nakedness (e.g., swimmers64) but also far more frequently various male nudes in the context of war and battle: enemies being killed, captives being tortured or even impaled. In all of these depictions, the men’s nudity emphasizes their catastrophic situation and their impaired social status. Even though this notion of male nudity persisted into the Persian period, as evidenced by seals depicting a nude male with raised hands (in a gesture of pleading) being overpowered by a much larger hero, it does not appear as frequently as in former periods. 2. Besides the clearly negative notion of depravation and humiliation, male nudity can symbolize positive aspects like youth, dominance, and physical strength. These aspects are often situated in the context of battle or war, as shown, for instance, by a cylinder seal dating to 3300–2900 BCE, probably from Susa. It shows a nude male with a lance defending a calving cow against a standing lion (see Figure 6.11).65 The man, either the owner or the shepherd of the cow, fights the culture-threatening, wild animal. His nudity not only underscores his dominance and strength but also highlights the heroic character of the scene.66 This object is particularly interesting, because, in the ancient Near East, shepherds are often represented nude in a more See Schroer, IPIAO 2, 228–9. 59 See Schroer, IPIAO 2, 280–1. 60 For the specimen from Tell el-Farah South, see Keel, Corpus 3, Tell el-Far’a Süd fig. 260, and for the example from Gezer, see Keel, Corpus 4, Geser fig. 556. 61 See Staubli, Image, 64. 62 See Wilson, “Ivories,” 335; Schroer, IPIAO 3, 374–5. 63 See Albenda, “Relief,” 147. 64 See Albenda, “Relief,” plate VIII. 65 See Schroer and Keel, IPIAO 1, 276–7; Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, 70–1. 66 Silvia Schroer and Othmar Keel seem to see it the other way around: “Seine Nacktheit weist ihn als Heros aus” (Schroer and Keel, IPIAO 1, 276). 58

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Figure  6.11  Cylinder seal from the late Uruk period showing a nude male with a lance defending a calving cow. Schroer, IPIAO 2, 277, fig. 175.

mundane context (cf. a cylinder seal from 3300–2900 BCE showing nude herders with a stick and a sling or whip67), indicating the blurry lines between nudity and practical or functional nakedness. Aspects of dominance and strength are also represented by the prominent motif of the Mesopotamian “nude hero” (see Figure 6.12). “The nude hero in its characteristic form is portrayed as a man with six distinctive curls of hair, three on each side of his head, his bearded face shown frontally, his body nude except for a belt. He has a counterpart, the ‘bull man,’ with whom he is sometimes shown; their relationship varies from friendly to combative. The portrayal of the nude hero is initially restricted to the mastery of animals, though his role expands in the later third millennium and after.”68 Though the “nude hero” became especially popular in the Early Bronze Age, this motif is almost nonexistent in the religious symbol system of Israel/Palestine. Fighting scenes are attested in various forms in the Bronze and Iron Ages but usually do not include depictions of a “nude hero” and stick to a rather schematic depiction of the figures involved. Only from the (late) Persian period onward can nude males with a heroic character be found in Israel/Palestine. This is evidenced by numerous bullae from Wadi Daliyeh69 depicting a nude youth in several variants: a nude youth with a chlamys (WD 770), with a himation (WD 28 and WD 29), a seated (WD 15B) and a standing one (WD 21D),

See ibid., 278–9. 68 Costello, “Nude Hero,” 25. 69 For a general overview with consideration of parallels from Carthage, Daskyleion, and other sites, see Schroer and Lippke, “Samaria-Bullen,” 323–4. Leith, Wadi Daliyeh, and Keel, Corpus 2, 341–79, present detailed studies on the bullae themselves. 70 The references to the material are based on Leith, Wadi Daliyeh. 67

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Figure  6.12  Cylinder seal from the Accadian period featuring the Mesopotamian nude hero. Keel, Recht, 58, fig. 36.

Figure  6.13  Samarian bullae from Wadi Daliyeh featuring nudes with a chlamys or a himation and in a standing, seated, or leant position (from left to right). Keel, Corpus 2, 343, figs. 3, 6; 347, fig. 11; 345, fig. 8.

one leaning on a pillar (WD 57; see the selection of bullae in Figure 6.13), and one acting as “master of animals” (WD 47; see Figure 6.14). The bullae, which were attached to papyri, have a clear link to Samaria and can be dated to around 375–335 BCE. Especially the representations of nude males are clearly influenced by Greek iconographic traditions. Often, emphasis is placed on the figure’s musculature, underscoring his athletic fitness and physical strength. This is immediately evident when looking at WD 7, the depiction of a youth in a frontal pose looking to the right. Except for a chlamys clasped at his throat, the figure is nude. He is bareheaded with short, wavy hair, and his shoulder, arm, torso, and leg muscles evoke “nothing so much as a musclebound bodybuilder.”71 Furthermore, the representation on WD 47 is particularly noteworthy, since it shows the familiar “master of animals” motif: a nude hero being flanked by a pair of inverted animals, Leith, Wadi Daliyeh, 39. 71

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Figure  6.14  Samarian bulla from Wadi Daliyeh depicting a nude male as “master of animals.” Keel, Corpus 2, 361, fig. 37.

probably lions, and holding each by one hind leg. The image constellation resembles numerous Persian period seals showing the Persian king as “master of animals” (see Figure 6.15). Three of these “Powerful Persianisms,” as labeled by Christoph Uehlinger, are likewise attested within the imagery of the Wadi Daliyeh bullae (WD 17, WD 36, WD 51).72 Interestingly enough, the figure on WD 47 is nude, a state never contemplated by the Persian king,73 neither on seals nor on coins. A survey of the Samarian coinage could not reveal one clear depiction of the Persian king in the nude. On CS 75, though, the Persian king, shooting an arrow, seems at least comparatively less clothed than usual (see Figure 6.16). Evidently, on WD 47, the motif was transformed by exchanging the clothed Persian king for a nude athletic youth, indicting that the perception of male nudity had changed significantly. The nude body was seen to be fit to symbolize positive aspects such as high status, dominance, and strength just as much as the king’s clothed body. A similar notion of nudity is expressed on a Samarian coin (SC 127,74 see Figure 6.17) depicting a nude male fighting an animal. The figure holds a dagger in his right hand, while the left extends toward the animal’s head.

72 See Uehlinger, “Persianisms,” esp. 180–1. 73 See Leith, Wadi Daliyeh, 162–3. 74 The references to the coins are based on Meshorer and Qedar, Samarian Coinage and Meshorer and Qedar, Coinage of Samaria.

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Figure 6.15  Bulla from Samaria showing the royal hero fighting a hybrid creature. Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, fig. 360a.

Figure 6.16  Hemiobol from Samaria featuring the Persian king shooting an arrow. Meshorer and Qedar, Coinage of Samaria, fig. 75.

Figure 6.17  Obol from Samaria showing a nude male fighting an animal. Meshorer and Qedar, Samarian Coinage, fig. 127.

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Figure 6.18  Samarian bullae from Wadi Daliyeh featuring nude males in a combative or smiting stance, armed with a shield, a spear, and both (from left to right). Keel, Corpus 2, 347, fig. 14; 345, fig. 9; 347, figs. 12–13.

Figure 6.19  Hemiobol from Samaria depicting a nude male sitting on an uncertain object (a rock or a shield). Meshorer and Qedar, Coinage of Samaria, fig. 66.

Contexts of male nudity such as battle, war, and athletic competition are even more evident when the nude males are depicted in a combative (smiting) stance (WD 33) or are armed with a shield (WD 1), a spear (WD 16A), or both (WD 26) (see Figure 6.18). The motif of a nude warrior or athlete is very common in Classical Greek glyptic art; the ones from Wadi Daliyeh appear to be somehow different due to more dramatic poses like leaning over or reaching out,75 underscoring the agile and dramatic character of the scene. The combination of inactivity and nudity as shown on WD 15B is rather unusual for both Persian and Greek artistic conventions76 but is also attested on a Samarian coin showing a nude male seated on an uncertain object (CS 66; see Figure 6.19). Far more prominent within the coinage of Samaria is a more agile and dynamic representation of male nudes in the context of battle, as evidenced by nude

75 See Leith, Wadi Daliyeh, 53. 76 See ibid., 57–60.

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Figure 6.20  Drachm from Samaria showing two fighting nudes. Meshorer and Qedar, Samarian Coinage, fig. 49.

riders possibly holding a dagger (CS 23 and SC 41) and the depiction of two fighting warriors (SC 49; see Figure 6.20). 3. Especially considering the prominence of the “nude goddess” within the religious symbol system of Israel/Palestine throughout the ages, the lack of a male equivalent is all the more striking. If there is a similar motif at all—the “nude hero”— its link to the divine and cultic (or ritual) sphere is significantly lower. While nudity is a (though not the only) relevant “identity marker” of goddesses and their status, characteristics, competencies, and so on, this does not hold true at all in regard to gods whose “divine profile” is expressed by specific stances, gestures, attributes, and clothes. In general, nudity does not play a significant role in the iconography of male deities. The interpretation of the Chalcolithic ivory figure from Bir es-Safadi77 as a deity of vegetation or of several metal figurines from Byblos as smiting gods78 is rather questionable. The latter differ significantly from contemporary representations of seated and smiting deities and are more likely depictions of (human) warriors. To my knowledge, there are only two male deities whose iconographic depictions show a more or less clear link to nudity, namely the Horus-child and Bes. In Israel/Palestine, the first motif, clearly an import from Egypt, can be found on some seals from the eighth century BCE (see Figure 6.21). Leaving the several variations aside, the objects show a nude child sitting (or kneeling) on a (lotus) plant and making a welcoming or blessing hand gesture. A contemporary scarab from Beth-Shean possibly provides a Phoenician version of this motif by depicting a nude child with a double crown in the Knielauf position.79 Though the objects attest to a clear connection between male nudity and the divine sphere, the case is a rather exceptional one, since it depicts a child god who is represented nude in general.80 Thus, his nudity could be understood

See Schroer and Keel, IPIAO 1, 140, and fig. 74. 78 See Negbi, Gods, esp. 21. 79 For the object, see Keel, Corpus 2, 185, fig. 199. For further discussion of the Knielauf stance in Persian-period iconography, see Frevel and Pyschny, “Revolution,” 114–15. 80 See Behrens, “Nacktheit,” 292. 77

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Figure 6.21  Three seals showing the nude Horus-child (Iron Age IIB). Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, figs. 241a–c.

as an assimilation to established means of representation rather than an iconographic feature bearing its own meaning. The (demon-like) half-god Bes is also a rather exceptional case and cannot attest to a close relationship between gods and nudity. Even though he is depicted nude several times in Israel/Palestine, as evidenced, for instance, by the Iron Age II paintings of Kuntillet Ajrud81 or a Samarian coin from the Persian period (SC 16; see Figure 6.22), nudity is not an indispensable feature of Bes imagery.82 To the contrary, the half-god— associated with the protection of women during childbirth and warding off demons more generally—is usually shown at least partly clothed, such as on a Late Bronze Age ivory from Megiddo (see Figure 6.23). Thus, his nudity is not a defining feature within his iconography,83 which on the whole is highly symbolic and allows for a number of complex associations.84 When Bes is depicted nude, his unclothed body seems to underscore his somehow “hideous” figure and thus his apotropaic and protective function. During the Persian period, however, male nudity became more closely linked to the divine sphere. This is shown by various pieces of glyptic art depicting male nudes, who can be identified more or less reliably with Greek gods or mythological creatures. The most prominent motif is Heracles, who can easily be identified by the presence of three iconographic details: a club, a bow, and the Nemean lion (either shown in battle or placed as a lion skin on Heracles). The divine hero is not only depicted on seals from Atlit (see Figure 6.24) and Gath but also on several bullae from Wadi Daliyeh (WD 11C, WD 39, WD 42; see Figure 6.25). While the former present Heracles in the traditional Near Eastern smiting pose, the bullae follow Greek iconography, showing Heracles’s club either placed on the ground or turned on its end and used as a support.85 The latter also

For the drawings, see Meshel, Kuntillet ‘Ajrud. 82 On the imagery of Bes, see Wilson, “Iconography,” and Counts and Toumazou, “Light.” 83 Interestingly enough, Behrens, “Nacktheit,” 293, assumes that Bes’s nudity is best explained by nonEgyptian influences. 84 Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, 251. 85 See Leith, Wadi Daliyeh, 85–6. 81

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Figure 6.22  Obol from Samaria showing a bearded and partly nude Bes. Meshorer and Qedar, Samarian Coinage, fig. 16.

Figure 6.23  Ivory openwork plaque featuring Bes (Late Bronze Age). Schroer, IPIAO 3, 243, fig. 779.

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Figure 6.24  Persian period seals from Atlit featuring Heracles. Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, figs. 367a–b.

Figure 6.25  Samarian bullae from Wadi Daliyeh depicting Heracles with club and bow, draped in a lion skin or in battle with the Nemean lion (from left to right). Keel, Corpus 2, 349, fig. 18; 351, figs. 19–20.

holds true for the depiction of Heracles on a Samarian coin (SC 139; see Figure 6.26) showing him sitting on a shield or rock with his left hand resting on a club. As with the “nude hero,” Heracles’s nudity underscores his physical strength and (divine) dominance. Other nude males from Wadi Daliyeh include depictions of Hermes (WD 14 and possibly WD 4986), Perseus (WD 54), Eros (WD 40), and a satyr (WD 2, WD 5, WD 16B, WD 21B; see Figure 6.27), clearly attesting to a shift in the conception and reception of the nude male body. A somewhat divine or mythological character is also found on a Samarian coin (SC IC2) showing a nude, seated winged figure raising his left hand and holding a wreath in his right hand (see Figure 6.28). For discussion of the identification, see Leith, Wadi Daliyeh, 47–8. 86

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Figure 6.26  Obol from Samaria showing a nude male, probably Heracles, sitting on a rock or a shield and resting his left hand on a club. Meshorer and Qedar, Samarian Coinage, fig. 139.

Figure 6.27  Samarian bullae from Wadi Daliyeh featuring Hermes, Perseus, Eros, and a satyr (from left to right). Keel, Corpus 2, 343, fig. 4; 349, fig. 16; 355, figs. 27, 26; 357, fig. 31.

Figure 6.28  Obol from Samaria showing a nude winged figure. Meshorer and Qedar, Samarian Coinage, fig. IC2.

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Figure 6.29  Obol from Samaria featuring a nude and a seminude figure within a frame most likely representing a temple. Meshorer and Qedar, Samarian Coinage, fig. 134.

Male nudity linked to a cultic context might be attested by two Samarian coins. SC 134 (see Figure 6.29) shows two figures within a frame, possibly meant to represent a temple. This impression is supported by the altar-like object between them, often interpreted as an Achaemenid fire altar. The figure on the left is a beardless nude pointing his right arm toward the other figure, a standing semi-draped male making a gesture of submission. Due to the lack of specific iconographic details, it is not possible to identify the figures. An interpretation of the left figure as a divinity87 is rather speculative. The image could also represent cultic officials or worshippers. A nude youth depicted on a Samarian coin (SC 121; see Figure 6.30) might have some connection to cultic or ritual activities if the interpretation as a temple servant is correct. The posture of the seated figure is indeed remarkable. The soles of his feet are somewhat parallel, while his right hand is positioned over the groin area and in his left hand he holds a bird by the neck. Especially the stance, and to some degree also the bird, resembles the imagery of the so-called temple boys—small figurines believed to represent either boys dedicated to the temple or Pataikos or Horus Harpocrates. The identification of the figure on the coin seems unlikely though, since the figurines generally display the boy’s genitalia in an intentional way, which is not the case on the image in question. Under the influence of Greek iconographic traditions, male nudity was increasingly received as a positive body image, a physical ideal symbolizing youth, strength, and (divine) power.

6.  Concluding Remarks The survey conducted here has made it clear that nudity was conceptualized in various ways in ancient Near Eastern art. Notably, the depiction of nudity is not an end in itself;

See the comments on this object by Meshorer and Qedar, Samarian Coinage. 87

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Figure 6.30  Hemiobol from Samaria showing a nude youth. Meshorer and Qedar, Samarian Coinage, fig. 121.

rather, it served to represent or to evoke specific (positive or negative) aspects. Thus, nudity is highly constellation- and context-based and can represent several different aspects, often at the same time. Even though eroticism is one important aspect linked to the depiction of nudity, most of the objects do not aim at eroticism but rather at communicating various messages, which can be detected on the basis of the image constellation at hand. This insight hints at an important—even if blurry—difference between depictions of nudity in ancient Near Eastern art and pornographic images in modern societies. At the same time, one cannot rule out that some of the images were perceived as erotic or even pornographic by individual recipients. The representational aim does not necessarily correspond with the reception. It is interesting to note that the material does not depict “natural” nudity at all, at least in the case of adults. As a rule, the objects communicate aspects of a nudity, which is “displaced” within its context. This observation further underscores the symbolic character of nudity in ancient Near Eastern art. However, nudity is often related to status, either in a positive or a negative way. Clearly, nudity was chosen as a form of representation or Körperinszenierung to first and foremost express differences in social status. To view the nude body in ancient Near Eastern art exclusively through the lens of Western theories in order to correlate it with an evolving sense of shame does not do justice to the material. At the same time, the material attests to developments and changes in the conceptualization of nudity in Southern Levantine iconography, which might have been influenced by aspects of intellectual history and vice versa. As was shown, the concepts and contexts of the nude body differ significantly in regard to gender and attest to distinct developments of female and male nudity, which are in a sense reversed when viewed in a comparative perspective: From the Chalcolithic period onward, female nudity is broadly attested in various forms within the religious symbol system of Israel/Palestine. From the start, female nudes are closely related to divine, cultic, and ritual pictorial contexts. The almost exclusive link between female nudity and the religious sphere is possibly supported by the absence of female practical or functional nakedness. Female nudity expresses only

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positive aspects. The range of meanings is enormous and includes aspects of eroticism, sexuality, vitality, marital dominance or power, prosperity, fertility, nursing, blessing, and so on. A decrease in female nudity can be seen from the late Iron Age onward. Though female nudes do not cease to exist in the Persian period, their quantity and frequency is lower compared to former times. Furthermore, the aspect of nudity seems to take rather a back seat in the imagery of females. In regard to male nudity, the picture is somewhat the other way around. From the beginning, male nudes are far less frequent and have almost no link to the divine, cultic, or ritual sphere—at least in Israel/Palestine. One cannot escape the impression that male nudity is conceptualized in a more “secular” way. This is supported by the contexts of male nudity like hunting, battle, and so on. Male nudity can express negative and positive aspects like lack or loss of status, (physical or military) defeat, humiliation, depravation, or death as well as youth, dominance, or (physical) strength. In comparison to female nudity, the range of meanings seems more restricted, mainly focusing on aspects of social status (in several variations). This changes drastically during the Persian period, when aspects like youth, agility, and strength begin to define the representations of nude males. In this process, male nudity becomes more and more related to the divine, cultic, ritual, and mythological sphere. Even though the developments in female and male nudity described above did not proceed in a linear way, there is at least a tendency visible attesting to the complex interplay of social, cultural, and religio-historical factors relating to representations of the nude body. To contextualize the evidence presented in this essay within this complex interplay will be surely a worthwhile task for future research.

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Schroer, Silvia. “Die Göttin auf den Stempelsiegeln aus Palästina/Israel.” In Studien zu den Stempelsiegeln aus Palästina/Israel (OBO 88), edited by Othmar Keel, Hildi Keel-Leu, and Silvia Schroer, 89–207. Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1989. Schroer, Silvia. Die Ikonographie Palästinas/Israels und der Alte Orient: Eine Religionsgeschichte in Bildern: Bd. 2: Die Spätbronzezeit. Fribourg: Academic Press Fribourg, 2011 (=IPIAO 2). Schroer, Silvia. Die Ikonographie Palästinas/Israels und der Alte Orient: Eine Religionsgeschichte in Bildern: Bd. 3: Die Mittelbronzezeit. Fribourg: Academic Press Fribourg, 2008 (=IPIAO 3). Schroer, Silvia. “Die Zweiggöttin in Palästina/Israel: Von der Mittelbronze IIB-Zeit bis zu Jesus Sirach.” In Jerusalem: Texte—Bilder—Steine (NTOA 6), edited by Max Küchler and Christoph Uehlinger, 201–25. Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1987. Schroer, Silvia. “Feministische Anthropologie des Ersten Testaments: Beobachtungen, Fragen, Plädoyers.” lectio difficilior, January 2003. Available online: http://www.lectio. unibe.ch/03_1/schroer.htm (accessed June 25, 2018). Schroer, Silvia and Othmar Keel. Die Ikonographie Palästinas/Israels und der Alte Orient: Eine Religionsgeschichte in Bildern: Bd. 1: Vom ausgehenden Mesolithikum bis zur Frühbronzezeit. Fribourg: Academic Press Fribourg, 2005 (=IPIAO 1). Schroer, Silvia and Florian Lippke. “Beobachtungen zu den (spät-)persischen SamariaBullen aus dem Wadi ed-Daliyeh: Hellenisches, Persisches und Lokaltraditionen im Grenzgebiet der Provinz Yehûd.” In A “Religious Revolution” in Yehûd? The Material Culture of the Persian Period as Test Case (OBO 267), edited by Christian Frevel, Katharina Pyschny, and Izaak Cornelius, 305–90. Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2014. Schwyn, Irène. “Kinderbetreuung im 9.–7. Jahrhundert: Eine Untersuchung anhand der Darstellung auf neuassyrischen Reliefs.” lectio difficilior, January 2000. Available online: http://www.lectio.unibe.ch/00_1/k.htm (accessed June 25, 2018). Schwyn, Irène. “Kinder und ihre Betreuungspersonen auf den neuassyrischen Palastreliefs.” In Images and Gender: Contributions to the Hermeneutics of Reading Ancient Art (OBO 220), edited by Silvia Schroer, 323–30. Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006. Seidl, Ursula. “Nacktheit. B. In der Bildkunst.” RLA 9 (1998): 66–8. Sharp, Casey, Chris McKinny, and Itzhaq Shai. “The Late Bronze Age Figurines from Tel Burna.” Strata 33 (2015): 61–75. Stähli, Adrian. “Nacktheit und Körperinszenierung in Bildern der griechischen Antike.” In Images and Gender: Contributions to the Hermeneutics of Reading Ancient Art (OBO 220), edited by Silvia Schroer, 209–27. Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006. Staubli, Thomas. Das Image der Nomaden im Alten Israel und in der Ikonographie seiner sesshaften Nachbarn (OBO 107). Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1991. Uehlinger, Christoph. “Bildquellen und ‘Geschichte Israels’: Grundsätzliche Überlegungen und Fallbeispiele.” In Steine—Bilder—Texte: Historische Evidenz außerbiblischer und biblischer Quellen (Arbeiten zur Bibel und ihrer Geschichte 5), edited by Christof Hardmeier, 25–77. Leipzig: EVA, 2001. Uehlinger, Christoph. “Nackte Göttin. B. In der Bildkunst.” RLA 9 (1998): 53–64. Uehlinger, Christoph. “ ‘Powerful Persianisms’ in Glyptic Iconography of Persian Period Palestine.” In The Crisis of Israelite Religion: Transformation of Religious Tradition in

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Exilic and Post-Exilic Times (OTS 42), edited by Bob Becking and Marjo C. A. Korpel, 134–82. Leiden: Brill, 1999. Wilson, John A. “The Megiddo Ivories.” American Journal of Archaeology 42 (1938): 333–6. Wilson, Veronica. “The Iconography of Bes with Particular Reference to the Cypriot Evidence.” Levant 7 (1975): 77–103. Winter, Urs. Frau und Göttin: Exegetische und ikonographische Studien zum weiblichen Gottesbild im Alten Israel und dessen Umwelt (OBO 53). Fribourg: Academic Press Fribourg, 1983.

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Stripped Bare Communicating Rank and Status in Old Kingdom Egypt Dina Serova

1.  Introducing the Body Social The body in its physical form and its textual or pictorial representation can be read by others since its social,1 cultural, and physical environment is embedded and worn through the bodily hexis.2 Thus, clothing—as one of the manifestations of this habitus3—can be used as a bodily marker or statement of social distinction and stratification. Having the ability to convey symbolic meaning, apparel and adornment are often staged to communicate and express gender, age, ethnic identity, power, and also emotions.4 Such attributions render the clothed body a social locus and a visual instrument for processes of social (trans)formation.5 However, these qualities are often claimed not to apply to the naked body. As natural state of the human body at birth and therefore as a negation of culture and civilization,6 nakedness was claimed to make people socially placeless and outcast.7 Thus, the bare body has often been associated with lower social classes such as children, women, workers, and “primitive peoples” in Western European perception.8 Influenced by Synnott, Body Social, 1−6. 2 Cf. Cregan, Key Concepts, 29−33, 102−7. 3 Bourdieu, Soziologie der symbolischen Formen, 125−58; Bourdieu, “Ökonomisches Kapital,” 183−98; Bourdieu, Distinction, 169ff. 4 Cf. Lindquist, Meanings of Nudity, 2; König, Nacktheit, 29−30; Douglas, “Do Dogs Laugh?” 387; Davis, Fashion, 3−18; Schroer, Soziologie des Körpers, 104; Dann, “Clothing,” 41. 5 Cf. Schröter, Körper und Identität, 5. 6 Cf. König, Nacktheit, 28ff.; Gernig, Nacktheit, 8; Röschenthaler, “Der nackte und der dekorierte Körper,” 22. 7 Brockhaus, “Nacktheit,” 248:  “Während Kleidung den Menschen in die gegebene Gesellschaftsordnung eingliedert, macht Nacktheit ihn ‘sozial ortlos’.” 8 Cf. König, Nacktheit, 34; similar positions dominate the Egyptological discourse on the naked body: Staehelin, “Tracht,” 726; Green, “Seeing Through,” 32−3; Robins, “Dress, Undress,” 29; Verhoeven, “Kinder und Kindgötter,” 121; Quack, “Das nackte Mädchen,” 59−60; Fay, “Nebetia,” 43; see also Goelet, “Nudity,” 20−1. 1

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occidental Christian tradition, nakedness was associated with the concepts of seduction, lust, shame, and sinfulness, which remain predominant in many public and academic discourses until today.9 However, the kind of messages the naked body transmits strongly depends on the degree of normativity10 of clothing in a specific cultural setting. Also, what is considered nude or naked and how this is perceived or evaluated is dependent on the sociocultural background and experiences of the observer.11 Of special interest in this context is the relation between nakedness and social dislocation or rather the localization of individuals within a social hierarchy by means of the naked body as referential code or pictorial representation.

2.  Case Study: Old Kingdom Egypt This study is concerned with written and pictorial evidence found in royal and private elite tombs in Old Kingdom Egypt (2600–2120 BCE).12 It aims to show how somatic exposure has been applied to communicate the social order and hierarchical relationship between two or more actants. Before presenting and discussing the evidence, which consists of wall inscriptions, statuary, wall reliefs, and paintings, the sociocultural setting and contexts in which the naked body appears will be introduced.

2.1  Social Organization In the Old Kingdom, ancient Egyptian society was characterized by three main developments: a continuous socioeconomic differentiation connected to an increasing labor specialization, the monumentalization of funerary installations, and the formation of a residence culture centering around the royal court.13 On top of the social hierarchy stands the king who is the earthly representative of the gods and responsible for the (re)enforcement of mꜣꜥ.t—the social, moral, economic, and political world order.14 As a mediator between the divine and human sphere, he can only be surpassed by godlike entities and the gods themselves. Beside the king there is a growing group of elite people comprised of members of the royal family, close relatives, and others who bear the highest official titles and are closely linked to religious, economic, and administrative institutions.15 On the level below, the social stratum consists of the 9 Cf. Gernig, Nacktheit, 11; König, Nacktheit, 42ff. 10 Cf. König, Nacktheit, 25−61, 48, 49−52. 11 The same considerations can be attributed to clothing and its various meanings: see Davis, Fashion, 7−8. 12 Cf. Hornung, Krauss, and Warburton, Ancient Egyptian Chronology, 116−58, 490−1. 13 Cf. Andrássy, Untersuchungen zum ägyptischen Staat, 119−40; also Andrássy, “Zur Struktur der Verwaltung,” 1−10; Trigger, Early Civilizations, 55−61; Fitzenreiter, “Grabmonument und Gesellschaft,” 67−101, 69−70, 76. 14 For divine kingship and the role of the king, see Morenz, Die Heraufkunft; Barta, Untersuchungen zur Göttlichkeit; for mꜣꜥ.t in Old Kingdom, cf. Assmann, Ma’at, 55; 98ff.; Assmann, “Schrift, Tod und Identität,” 74; Lichtheim, “Autobiography as Self-Exploration,” 9−19. 15 Cf. Fitzenreiter, “Grabmonument und Gesellschaft,” 71.

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so-called dependent specialists who have titles of lower rank and are designated to specific tasks in individual institutions.16 Both groups show a high degree of social mobility and dynamics.17 The social scaling, prestige, and function within these groups correlate with the number and quality of grave goods as well as the location, architecture, layout, size, and decoration of the funerary installations.18 Such a gradation of rank manifested itself in manifold monumental inscriptions and depictions, which testify to an elaborated system of labor division depending on the proximity to the king.19 The lowest and largest stratum consisted of peasants and direct producers of food items. These people barely left archaeological traces since their burial places are scarcely known.20 However, the rural population is very often represented pictorially in wall reliefs and paintings of private tombs. Furthermore, statues depicting workers and servants as bearers or food processors are found in elite tombs as grave goods accompanying the statuary of the deceased and his family.21

2.2 Tomb, Social Status, and Nakedness The social groups outlined above as well as their relationships and dependencies on each other are reflected and thus readable in the medium of the Ancient Egyptian tomb. Being not only a deposit place for the body of the deceased but also a place of worship, offering, and commemoration of the personality and achievements of the dead, the tomb functioned as a selective reflection of social dynamics.22 In the Old Kingdom, elite officials used their tombs to communicate and maintain their status, accomplishments, and career in reference to the king. This was done by displaying the tomb owner as the pivotal point and ruler of a microcosm within the tomb decoration by means of texts and visual representations. This displayed world was inhabited by (signs of) people and animals and was equipped with (signs of) food, furniture, magical paraphernalia, everyday and luxury goods, as well as other things that have been described as necessary for the physical and emotional well-being of the deceased in the hereafter.23 The tomb owner was staged as beneficiary and supervising observer of conducted work such as agriculture, hunting, fowling, fishing, and bureaucratic processes—thus often tasks connected to the provisioning of his mortuary cult and afterlife.24

Cf. Trigger et  al., Ancient Egypt, 55−7; Trigger, Early Civilizations, 57−8; Fitzenreiter, “Grabmonument und Gesellschaft,” 71. 17 Fitzenreiter, “Grabmonument und Gesellschaft,” 73. 18 Cf. Alexanian, “Tomb and Social Status,” 1−8; for a correlation between social status and tomb size, see Alexanian, “Social Dimensions,” 88−96. 19 Cf. Baines and Yoffee, “Order, Legitimacy, and Wealth,” 223. 20 Cf. Baines and Lacovara, “Burial and the Dead,” 12−14; Fitzenreiter, “Grabmonument und Gesellschaft,” 74; Auenmüller, “Society and Iconography,” 40. 21 Cf. Fitzenreiter, Statue und Kult I, 224−59; Fitzenreiter, “Grabmonument und Gesellschaft,” 74, see n. 21. 22 Cf. Altenmüller, “Aspekte des Grabgedankens,” 19−20; Assmann, Ägypten, 85−6; Assmann, “Sepulkrale Selbstthematisierung,” 208−32, 212. 23 Cf. Auenmüller, “Society and Iconography,” 16. 24 Cf. Fitzenreiter, “Grabdekoration,” 83−8, 129−30, 140. 16

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There has been a considerable debate as to whether tomb iconography should be understood as a representation of historic daily life or rather as bearer of further allegoric, symbolic, and metaphoric meaning.25 However, it appears very likely that the iconographic program was used to represent the moral and ethical faultlessness of the deceased who holds control over an ideal space following the example of the ruling king.26 As an exemplary member of Ancient Egyptian society, the tomb owner expected compensations in terms of an ongoing offering cult and the provision of funerary goods after death.27 Made by and for a male elite, the main purpose of tomb decoration was the self-legitimation of the respective social group, the increase of prestige, and the affirmation of the elite membership ensuring the persistence of the elite class and its ideology.28 This implicates that the texts and depictions found in funerary contexts do not necessarily transmit how things were in reality but rather how things should be seen and read by the recipient. Viewed in a more abstract way, one of the main topics of the installations and decoration of the tomb is status—the status of the deceased in respect to the king, his family, funerary priests, attendants, and workers as well as the internal hierarchies and mutual relationships among these people.29 The term “status” designates the relative position of an individual within a defined social framework, which implies certain role expectations.30 People always hold a variety of status positions that depend on the situational context, time, and location.31 A set as such consists of ascribed and acquired status positions and is created by roles, behavioral patterns, attitudes, and prerogatives. Ascribed status describes inborn characteristics such as gender, ethnic, and social background, whereas acquired status results from one’s own effort and self-determined active contributions: education, professional success, bodily constitution.32 The two status types are strongly interdependent and are communicated by different means and on different levels within the tomb. As has been stated above, the human body is a socially constructed and shaped entity that carries a wide range of ever-changing meanings and social differences.33 In 25 Cf. Walsem, Iconography, 71; see scholars’ positions: visual images of the tomb decoration as depictions of daily life and leisure time of the deceased: Montet, Scènes, 377; Junker, Gîza IV, 79−80; as depictions of reality with a memorial function: Junge, “Sinn der ägyptischen Kunst,” 49−57; El-Metwally, Entwicklung der Grabdekoration, 165−6; Bolshakov, Man and His Double, 148; as images with symbolic meaning or as representations of the netherworld: Westendorf, “Kammer der Wiedergeburt,” 139−40; Kessler, “Zur Bedeutung der Szenen,” 59−88; Feucht, “Fisch- und Vogelfang,” 37; Altenmüller, “Der Grabherr,” 188; Altenmüller, “Wasservögel,” 39−40; Moreno Garcia, “Gestion sociale,” 219−20. 26 Moreno Garcia, “Gestion sociale,” 219−20. 27 Ibid., 221. 28 Cf. Baines and Yoffee, “Order, Legitimacy, and Wealth,” 213, 234−5, 238; Moreno Garcia, “Gestion sociale,” 223. 29 Cf. Rühlmann, “Zur sozialen Funktion,” 32, 36: “Rangabstufung”; Fitzenreiter, “Grabdekoration,” 67, 89−93; Auenmüller, “Gräberbilder und soziales Kapital,” 8−9, 13. 30 Cf. Lamnek, “Status,” 575−6; Wason, Archaeology of Rank, 87−125; Fitzenreiter, “Grabmonument und Gesellschaft,” 78−9. 31 Cf. Joas, Lehrbuch der Soziologie, 123. 32 Cf. ibid.; Lamnek, “Status,” 576. 33 Cf. Synnott, Body Social, 3; Schröter, Körper und Identität, 5; Shilling, Body and Social Theory, 112−13; Cregan, Key Concepts, 102f; Auenmüller, “Society and Iconography,” 32.

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the funerary context of the Old Kingdom, the disrobing of the body as referential or representational mode is used to distinguish between the king and the gods, adults and children, the elite and their attendants. However, the basis of such differentiations is in most cases the ascribed status of the actants and not the acquired one.34

3.  The Naked Body in Context The disrobing and exposure of the human body have been attested in royal as well as private (i.e., nonroyal) funerary contexts. While the naked body was rarely depicted in the royal sphere35—though it is mentioned in several instances in the so-called Pyramid Texts—Old Kingdom private tombs represent a richer source of information. Besides textual references within (auto)biographical inscriptions written on the tomb walls, there are various pictorial representations of unclothed individuals of different age, gender, status, and ethnic affiliation. However, the diversity of the material cannot be traced back to monocausal explanatory models since the information carriers sometimes appear simultaneously in the same context but show distinct connotations and functions. The ability of the unclothed body to characterize the socio-stratigraphic position of an individual, which is presented here, is termed descriptive nudity.36 However, the functional range37 of the naked body also includes other aspects such as functional,38 ideational,39 and sexual40 nudity. These aspects or types of nudity can affirm or contradict each other in the medium of the tomb.41 Being strongly dependent on the prevailing decorum rules, the image of or reference to the naked body is also connected with certain motifs, topoi, and beliefs in Ancient Egyptian society.

3.1 Textual Evidence In Old Egyptian, there are several lexemes to express the process of disrobing or the state of bodily nakedness and nudity. In texts from the Old Kingdom, we find ḥꜣi

Acquired status as defined above is only encountered in representations of punishment, e.g., tomb of Mereruka (Saqqara, 6. dyn.), in: Duell, Mereruka, pl. 34 [B]‌, 36–8. 35 See, for instance, the alabaster figurine of king Pepi II as child: Cairo, JE 50616, in: Jéquier, “Rapport préliminaire,” 60; for further literature, see Feucht, Kind, 471, comment 2317, fig. 50. 36 Descriptive nudity has two functions in total; the second is the description of the somatic appearance of an individual. 37 For further discussion, see Serova, “Naked or Nude,” 64−6. 38 Nakedness as a profane, context-sensitive, and pragmatic feature, which is mostly motivated by practical reasons such as legroom or freedom of movement; Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness,” 134; Goelet, “Nudity,” 21. 39 The body can transfer allegoric, metaphoric, or symbolic meanings, which can be positively or negatively connoted; e.g., as an affirmation of the physical integrity, completeness, beauty, aesthetics; or in the sense of humiliation, punishment, deprivation, loss, and death. 40 The body conveys erotically stimulating, sexual, or pornographic aspects. This category was not attested in the Old Kingdom based on the studied material but must have played a more important role in later times. 41 See Serova, “Nackte Gestalten.” 34

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“to bare; to be naked”42 with its derivatives,43 szꜣi “to discard clothing,”44 and kfi “to uncover; to remove.”45 It is known from (auto)biographical inscriptions in nonroyal tombs that the unclothed body was connected to the idea of vulnerability, social liminality, and possibly indigence. In several more or less canonized phrases, the tomb owner affirms his moral faultlessness in the so-called ideal biography.46 The deceased declares his impeccable behavior toward the socially deprived and people in need in saying,47 jw rḏ.n(=j) t’ n ḥqr ḥbs n ḥꜣ.y I gave bread to the hungry and clothes to the naked.

Scholars have often interpreted such statements as historical or real-life testimonies and deduced private concern for welfare and even charity or compassion in Ancient Egyptian society.48 However, it seems rather plausible to interpret these (auto)biographical inscriptions as largely fictional, purposive, and conventionalized expressions of a male elite, who wished to propagate the established social ideology and legitimate their position by means of a “ ‘published’ rhetorical self-justification.”49 In such a setting, the naked body was used as a contrast character to demarcate two divergent social strata by means of presenting the tomb owner as a patron and donor of care, while the naked is his subordinate dependent. In the royal context, being nude and the exposure of certain body parts have been mentioned in several instances in the Pyramid Texts.50 These texts consist of a large set of highly complex, religious, and mortuary spells written in hieroglyphs on the walls of the inner chambers within the royal funerary compounds and are restricted to the king and his closest family members. The main topic of the Pyramid Texts is the transition and afterlife of the king in the netherworld:51 after his death, the king reunites with the sun god and travels as part of Erman and Grapow, Wörterbuch 3, 13.13−16. 43 These are the substantives: ḥꜣ.yt “nakedness” (ibid., 14.6.), ḥꜣ.wtj “naked man” (ibid., 14.4–5), and ḥꜣ.y “naked man” (ibid., 14.1−3). 44 Erman and Grapow, Wörterbuch 4, 273.1. 45 Erman and Grapow, Wörterbuch 5, 119.4−7. 46 Cf. Gnirs, “Ägyptische Autobiographie,” 203−4; Kloth, “Beobachtungen,” 189−92; Kloth, Die (auto-) biographischen Inschriften, 227−9; Schott, “Ka-em-Tenenet,” 454−61; Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies, 5−7. 47 Example from the tomb of Pepinakht-Heqaib (Assuan, 6.–8. dyn.); cf. Kloth, Die (auto-) biographischen Inschriften, 13−14; Sethe, Urkunden I, 133.2−3; Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies, 16. 48 Cf. Brunner, Weisheitsbücher, 83; Brunner, “Wertung der Armut,” 163; Brunner-Traut, “Wohltätigkeit und Armenfürsorge”; Lichtheim, “Autobiography as Self-Exploration”; Lichtheim, Maat; Lichtheim, Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies; Franke, “Arme und Geringe.” 49 Cf. Eyre, “Egyptian Historical Literature,” 422; for a discussion of propaganda in Egyptological discourse, see Beylage, “Propaganda,” 9ff. 50 The spells are PT 256: Sethe, Pyramidentexte I, 163 (303a–b); PT 302: Sethe, Pyramidentexte I, 236 (459c); PT 308: Sethe, Pyramidentexte I, 252 (488a–b); PT 518: Sethe, Pyramidentexte II, 169 (1197e); PT 698A/PT 1066: Berger-el Naggar et al., Pyramide de Pépy Ier, 186, fig. 47; PierreCroisiau, Pyramide de Pépy Ier, pl. XXII, line 59; PT 724: Jéquier, Monument funéraire de Pepi II, pl. XIII (36). 51 Cf. Barta, Bedeutung der Pyramidentexte, 148−50; Altenmüller, “Pyramidentexte,” 17. 42

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his divine entourage in the solar bark through the otherworldly fields of reed. Thereby he can appear as equal or even as superior to the gods.52 In the king’s encounters with deities, being nude or the exposure of certain body parts is used as a token for reverence and subordination. However, it is not the king who is described as unclothed but the deities he is facing. In PT 30253 from the pyramid of King Wenis, the following can be read: spꜣ.n spd.t wnjs r p.t m-ꜥb sn.ww=f nṯr.w Sothis made Wenis fly to the sky amidst his brothers, the gods. kf.n nw.t wr.t rmn.(wj)=s n wnjs Nut, the Great, has bared her arms for Wenis.

This text passage describes the king’s ascending toward the sky. He is greeted by the sky goddess Nut who is uncovering her arms to welcome him. “To bare the arms for someone” is a metaphorical expression referring to the gesture of salutation and worship.54 It results from raising the arm and the slipping of the sleeve or clothing. The idea of homage and awe is also reflected in PT 698A/1066:55 [j]‌ nṯr.w ꜥnḫ.w m(w)t.w (. . .) [O]‌gods, mortals, and dead ones! (. . .) wꜣḥ=ṯn dp.w=ṯn n ppy kfı͗=ṯn n=f r(m)n.w=ṯn [. . .] You shall bow your heads for Pepi! You shall bare your arms for him [. . .]

In PT 518,56 King Pepi encounters the other gods during his voyage through the marshes of the netherworld. Here the unveiling of the whole body is mentioned: gm.n ppy pn nṯr.w ꜥḥꜥ.w knm.w m mnḫ(.t)=sn ṯbw.t=sn ḥḏ.t r rd.(wj)=sn This Pepi found the gods standing, clad in their clothes, their white sandals on their feet, st.jn=sn ṯbw.t=sn jr tꜣ szꜣ.jn=sn mnḫ(.t)=sn and then they threw their sandals to the ground and took off their garments. 52 Cf. Barta, Bedeutung der Pyramidentexte, 124−36; Meurer, Feinde des Königs, 35ff. 53 Wall inscription: Saqqara, pyramid of Wenis, line 568; DZA 30.587.470; Allen, Pyramid Texts, 56: 207; Sethe, Pyramidentexte I, 236; Piankoff, Unas, pl. 4, 459bc; Kahl, “Unas und Sesostrisanch,” 195−209; Compare also PT 1031 in Allen, Pyramid Texts, 139: 356. 54 Further examples can be found in CT VII 155g (spell 941) in P. Chicago OIM 14059–87: Buck, Coffin Texts VII, 155g (P.Gard.III); also spell 17 of the Book of the Dead: e.g., P. London BM EA 10477: Lapp, Papyrus of Nu, pl. 8, line 111; Lapp, Totenbuch Spruch Tb 17, xx, 324−5 (pL2); also see “The Instruction of Ptahhotep,” 31st maxim: e.g., pBN 186−94 (pPrisse): DZA 30.587.570; Jéquier, Papyrus Prisse, 5−10, pl. VII, line 13.12; Dévaud, Ptahhotep, 41, 448; and the unknown spell from the Book of the Dead in: L. Tomb TT 99, Fragment 4, line 12: TM 133692. 55 Wall inscription: Saqqara, pyramid of Pepi I, line [P/V/E59]: Berger-el Naggar et al., Pyramide de Pépy Ier, 186, fig. 47; Pierre-Croisiau, Pyramide de Pépy Ier, pl. XXII, line 59; Compare Allen, Pyramid Texts, 192 (P 549). 56 Wall inscription: Saqqara, pyramid of Pepi I, line [P/Cant/W19=408]: DZA 29.562.170; Berger-el Naggar et al., Pyramide de Pépy Ier, fig. 27−8; Pierre-Croisiau, Pyramide de Pépy Ier, pl. XVI; Allen, Pyramid Texts, 159 (P 466).

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n wḏꜣ.n jb=n jr hꜣ.t=k j.n=sn “We cannot be happy until you have descended (to us),” they said.

A very similar situation is drawn in PT 256:57 jw mꜣ.n nṯr.w m ḥꜣw.t kss=sn n wnjs m jꜣ(.w) has seen the gods in nakedness and how they bowed to Wenis in praise.

However, the king is never mentioned as being unclothed.58 This hints at a use of the naked body as an illustration of an inverted hierarchical order between the king and the gods.

3.2 Statuary One of the most common statuary types in Old Kingdom private tombs are group statues.59 These represent the tomb owner and his family—an entity constituted by social proximity60—in various combinations on a single statue base. Being the main addressee of mortuary cult actions, it is mostly the tomb owner who is put in the center of the representation and is accompanied by secondary figures of his wife and offspring. These secondary figures are mostly represented in smaller scale in relation to the main figure and have two functions: on the one hand, they describe the social roles of the deceased as father and husband; on the other hand, they are used as affirmations of the cult for the defunct.61 The hierarchical dynamics within the familial entity and roles assigned to the depicted individuals are not only manifested by difference in size, depending on the so-called Bedeutungsperspektive62 (status perspective), but also by body contact, by the manner of positioning with respect to the main figure, and by iconographic indices.63 One of such indices is the so-called child’s gesture that appears in three- and twodimensional art and is the conventionalized representational form for children. Typical attributes are nakedness, a finger at the mouth, and a braided side lock on the head.64 This image has been interpreted by some researchers as a representation of real cultural Wall inscription: Saqqara, pyramid of Wenis, line 441−2: Sethe, Pyramidentexte I, 163 (303a–b); Allen, Pyramid Texts, 45 (W 167). 58 In two spells, it is unclear who is addressed by the lexeme “naked one”: in PT 308, Allen (Pyramid Texts, 58) translates ḥꜣꜥ.ty as an attribute of the king. However, the grammatical form corresponds to a pseudo-participle 3. Du. fem., which can be attributed to the lexeme zꜣ.tj “the two daughters” in the same sentence. The problem is that no female deities, but Horus and Seth, are mentioned in the co-text. Again, it is not clear to whom this designation refers to; cf. Schenkel, “Kindchen und Jüngchen,” 65−70; in PT 724, a similar picture is drawn: the addressee of the text passages remains unclear; cf. Allen, Pyramid Texts, 306, comment 83: he interprets “you naked one” as a reference to the god Horus. 59 Cf. Fitzenreiter, Statue und Kult I, 148−94. 60 Cf. ibid., 160. 61 Cf. ibid., 161−2. 62 Cf. ibid., 163−4; Olbrich, “Perspektive,” 522; cf. Assmann, “Hierotaxis,” 30−2; Altenmüller, “Ikonographie,” 19−20; cf. Auenmüller, “Society and Iconography,” 29−30. 63 Cf. Fitzenreiter, Statue und Kult I, 155, 161−3, 188−94. 64 Cf. Feucht, Kind, 468ff., 501−2; Verhoeven, “Kinder und Kindgötter,” 121. 57

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practice65 but has been more often understood as expression of helplessness and lack of social status.66 However, this stands in strong contrast to inscriptions attested with representations of children, who often bear high-ranking titles identifying them as elite officials and important members of society.67 Since infants cannot exercise political, economic, or supervising functions,68 the image of the unclothed child must have been intentionally used for other purposes and shouldn’t be read as indication of the real age of the depicted. Although it is known that the tomb owner initiated the construction, equipment, and decoration of his tomb during life time, in many cases it was the eldest son who was responsible for these tasks.69 Thus, the titles assigned to the “child” represent the positions the depicted held at the time of the tomb production or completion.70 The iconography of the child—and especially of sonship—serves as an image of biological and social continuity and manifests the responsibility toward the deceased father. Thus, for the father, it functions as an assurance of the perpetuation of his mortuary cult and as a proof of fertility and procreation.71 On the other side, it is a means to an end used by the offspring to legitimize their social and political positions by pictorial reference to their genealogy. This father–son relationship—a mutual dependency—is emphasized by the absence of the clothes of the child: Picture-intrinsic nakedness establishes a communicative framework in which the sender72 (son) expresses his subordination and need for protection toward the receiver (father) who is approved in his qualities as guarantor of social or physical well-being. A vivid example of such a pictorial staging and programmatic use of the child image is given by the group statue Cairo, CG 5573 (Figure 7.1). The statue depicts the deceased Niankhra in a seated and prominent position. Standing at his right, his wife Iretnebu has wrapped her left arm around his back, while her right hand is resting on his upper arm. The couple is framed by the representations of their sons who are both shown in a striding position and the child’s gesture. While the parents are depicted in the same height according to the rule of isocephaly, the sons are shown as small infants barely reaching to the hips of the adults. The inscriptions on the statue base identify the depicted individuals as high-ranking members of the elite. Despite the lack of space on the plinth, the titles of the sons have received much attention by the sculptor and are more extensive than those of the parents. Cf. Feucht, Kind, 497; see comments by Verhoeven, “Kinder und Kindgötter,” 121; Janssen and Janssen, Growing Up, 26ff. 66 Cf. Staehelin, “Tracht,” 726; Behrens, “Nacktheit,” 292−4; Verhoeven, “Kinder und Kindgötter,” 121. 67 Cf. Feucht, Kind, 224−5, 259−60. 68 It is known from later time periods from the royal sphere that children held high positions and titles. However, this cannot be attributed to private people in the Old Kingdom; cf. Feucht, Kind, 225. 69 Cf. ibid., 265; Strudwick, Administration, 7−8; cf. Seyfried, “Dienstpflicht,” 41, 45−6. 70 Cf. Feucht, Kind, 265. 71 Cf. Fitzenreiter, Statue und Kult I, 185; Freed, “Rethinking the Rules,” 153. 72 See models of communication, for instance, Shannon and Weaver (1949) in: Röhner and Schütz, Psychologie der Kommunikation, 17−18. 73 Borchardt, Statuen, 48−9, pl. 14, Nr. 55; Piacentini, Scribes, 507; Fitzenreiter, Statue und Kult I, 149ff.; Fitzenreiter, Statue und Kult II, 70, Nr. 87; Feucht, Kind, 402−3; Speidel, Friseure, 32−5, 57−8; for further bibliography, see Porter and Moss, Topographical Bibliography, 723. 65

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Figure 7.1  Group figure of the family of Niankhra. Cairo CG 55 (UNI-DIA-Verlag, Nr. 11 032).

The son on the right is designated as: zꜣ=f smsw jr.w-šnj-nzw ḥm-nṯr rꜥw ḥwt-ḥr m nḫn-rꜥw st-jb-rꜥw ḥm-nṯr wsr-kꜣ=f ḥmnṯr nfr-jr-kꜣ-rꜥw nj-ꜥnḫ-rꜥw šrj His elder son, the Royal Hairdresser, Priest of Ra and Hathor in (the sun temple) “Fort of Ra”74 and (the sun temple) “Favorite place of Ra,”75 Priest of Userkaf, Priest of Neferirkara,76 Niankhra junior. Name of the solar temple of king Userkaf in Abusir, Kaiser, “Zu den Sonnenheiligtümern,” 105; Zibelius, Siedlungen, 122−6, 125: further bibliography; Voß, Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheiligtümern, 7ff. 75 Name of the solar temple of king Neferirkara in Abusir, Kaiser, “Zu den Sonnenheiligtümern,” 105; Zibelius, Siedlungen, 217−22, 220: further bibliography; Voß, Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheiligtümern, 139ff. 76 Helck, “Bemerkungen zu den Pyramidenstädten,” 97, 4. 74

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The son to the left is identified as: zꜣ=f smsw jr.w-šnj-nzw ḥm-nṯr rꜥw ḥwt-ḥr m nḫn-rꜥw st-jb-rꜥw (j)m(.j)-ḫt n wꜥb(.w) wꜥb-s.wt-wsr-kꜣ=f ḥm-nṯr nfr-jr-kꜣ-rꜥw zẖꜣ.w ꜥ n nzw m ḫtm nb n.t(j)t m nḫn-rꜥw nh.t n.t ḥwt-ḥr wꜥb-s.wt-wsr-kꜣ=f rꜥw-špss His elder son, the royal hairdresser, Priest of Ra and Hathor in “Fort of Ra” and “Favorite place of Ra.” Undersupervisor of the Priests of (the pyramid) “Pure are the places of Userkaf,”77 Priest of Neferirkara, King’s Notary of all sealed documents78 which are in “Fort of Ra,” the sycamore house of Hathor79 and “Pure are the places of Userkaf,” Rashepses.

The titles of the sons describe important administrative and priestly positions in connection with the king and royal mortuary monuments. The probably highest function in this account is that of the “Royal Hairdresser,” which implies physical proximity to the king’s body.80 This position was presumably passed to both sons from their father Niankhra, who was inter alia a Royal Valet and responsible for the morning toilet of the king.81 In sum, nakedness and nudity are embedded within the iconography of the child. They are combined with other iconographic categories that can communicate social status such as size, physical proximity to the tomb owner, gesture, posture, and other.82 Once again, the unclothed body is used intentionally and programmatically to exemplify social or hierarchical relations between two actants.

3.3 Reliefs and Wall Paintings Within the iconographic program of the tomb, there are many scenes in which the unclothed body occurs.83 One such scene is the so-called clapnet or bird-trapping scene,84 which is represented in more than ninety individual attestations on tomb walls.85 The composition of this scene is more or less conventionalized and structured as follows:86 A group of men standing in line are pulling a cable that is connected with

Jones, Index, 1023; Zibelius, Siedlungen, 61−2. 78 Jones, Index, 3067. 79 Helck, “Bemerkungen zu den Pyramidenstädten,” 109; Zibelius, Siedlungen, 62. 80 Tassie, “Ancient Egyptian Hair,” 103−17, 112. 81 Cf. Speidel, Friseure, 32−6; Tassie, “Ancient Egyptian Hair,” 106. 82 Cf. Auenmüller, “Society and Iconography,” 29−38, 37: the unclothed body is discussed as category of the “iconography of bodily vicinity” (Ikonographie des körperlichen Nahbereichs); Auenmüller, “Gräberbilder und soziales Kapital,” 13−25, esp. 24. 83 Such as fishing, fowling, punishment, dance, games, production of statues; cf. Serova, “Naked or Nude,” 45−62. 84 Harpur, Decoration, 141−4; also: Klebs, Reliefs, 70−3; Appelt, “Vogelfang,” 217−26; Vandier, Manuel, 320−61; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas, 456−532; Martin, “Vogelfang,” 1051−4; Osama, Vögel, 121−87; Henein, “Filets hexagonaux,” 259−66; Altenmüller, “Wasservögel,” 39−52; Altenmüller, “König als Vogelfänger,” 1−18. 85 See online “Oxford Expedition to Egypt: Scene-Details Database” by Harpur, 1.13: Clapnet or birdtrapping scene; seventy-nine of these attestations are published and were analyzed in a detailed study (cf. Serova, “Naked or Nude,” 47ff.). 86 For a detailed description of the procedure, see Schürmann, Ii-nefret, 34; Harpur, Decoration, 141−4; Osama, Vögel, 155−62; and others. 77

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a hexagonal clapnet filled with fowl. A signalman, who is hidden behind foliage close to the trap, signals to the haulers when the net is full. By pulling the cable, the closing mechanism of the trap is triggered. Other participants are shown collecting, processing, crating, or plucking the captured birds. The haulers and workers in this scene are often represented without clothes87 and in heavy physical labor, leant backward with their arms outstretched to hold the rope or in a lying posture. The inscriptions accompanying such scenes consist of section headings describing the actions of the participants, for example, sḫt ꜣpd.(w) jn wḥꜥ.(w) “The trapping of birds by the fowlers,”88 and by representation of short speeches of the fowlers.89 Such snippets of conversation may consist of mutual encouragement, competition, and sometimes insults. They reflect personal aspiration to please the tomb owner by efficiency and diligence. An interesting example of this scene is found in the tomb of Ti in Saqqara (Figure 7.2).90 Here we can see the tomb owner in a prominent position as the signalman occupying the space of two registers. Being the key figure, he commands the capturing and actively supervises the whole process, which is depicted in three chronological sections: the building and preparing of the clapnet in the upper register, the moment of activation of the trap in the second, and its closure in the third register. While Ti is wearing an apron, the other participants in the scene are shown with exposed genitalia. Although the lack of clothes in this scene can be understood as a realistic representation of men at sweaty and dirty work who have uncovered themselves for pragmatic reasons, it is also possible to interpret this image as a symbol for sexual and physical power combined with subordination. However, in order to understand how nakedness was used here, it is first necessary to have a look on the possibilities how to read the motive of fowling. While some scholars emphasized the economic aspect of fowling as a matter of food provision for temple and mortuary cults or as subsistence of the population,91 others interpreted the representations as symbolically encoded media communicating religious knowledge.92 Further aspects are of relevance when royal attestations of this motive are consulted, for instance the representation found on the wall of the pyramid causeway of King Sahure in Abusir.93 Here the sitting king is shown pulling the rope connected with no less than ten hexagonal bird traps filled with poultry. His wife is seated at his feet and 87 In 13 percent of the attested depictions the workers were clothed or covered, while 25 percent of the attestations showed unclothed individuals. The remaining representations were badly destroyed, fragmentary, or published in such a way that no details concerning the clothing of the body were given. 88 Example from the chapel in tomb of Sekhemankhptah (Saqqara, 5. dyn.), in: Simpson, Sekhemankh-Ptah, 12, pl. X, pl. D (offering chapel, south wall, second register). 89 Erman, Reden, Rufe und Lieder; Junker, Zu einigen Reden und Rufen; Guglielmi, Reden, Rufe und Lieder; especially the clapnet and bird-trapping scene: Merzeban, “Tired Workers,” 225−46; Osama, Vögel, 126−53, 168−71. 90 Relief on northern chapel wall (left upper part) in the tomb of Ti (Saqqara, 5. dyn.), in: Steindorff, Ti, 12, pl. 116; Wild, Ti, pl. CXXII; Harpur, Decoration, 141−4, 479, fig. 76; Decker and Herb, Bildatlas, 477−9; see also Osama, Vögel, 158−62, fig. 24. 91 Cf., for instance, Osama, Vögel, 121, 213. 92 Cf. Altenmüller, “König als Vogelfänger,” 12−14; Altenmüller, “Wasservögel”; Feucht, “Fisch- und Vogelfang,” 37−44. 93 Cf. El-Awady, Sahure, 125–31, pl. 13−14; Altenmüller, “König als Vogelfänger,” 4−5.

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Figure 7.2  Fowling with clapnet from the tomb of Ti. Harpur, Decoration, 479, fig. 76.

gives the signal to trigger the mechanism. As is known from ethnographic parallels,94 the closing of the bird trap required great physical effort. Thus, the image of the king as a fowler stages the action as an outstanding personal achievement and functions as a demonstration of enormous physical strength, power, and virility. Applying these aspects to the tomb of Ti, the motive of fowling with clapnet might communicate a similar message in the nonroyal tomb context. However, it is not the tomb owner who is engaged with the physical work of fowling but his subordinates.95 Ti is rather shown as the beneficiary of the activities he observes and supervises. The workers around him explicitly express their commitment to work, personal devotion, manliness, diligence, and great physical efforts to please the tomb owner. Within the pictorial composition, these qualities are expressed first by the texts (direct speech)96 and second by means of the body: posture, movement, size, and treatment. No 94 Cf. Henein, “Filets hexagonaux,” 260−6: see fowling techniques at the Manzala Lake in northeastern Egypt. 95 Cf. Auenmüller, “Society and Iconography,” 34−6. 96 The text in the second register can be tentatively translated as following: j jn(i).t jm=[s]‌[. . .] “Oh, (it) is brought in it [. . .],” mj (j)r=k jm=f wnj “Come with it (the trap), hurry!”; jw ꜣpd sꜣ.w ḥr=f “It (the trap) is full of fowl!”; smr-w͑.tj ṯy “Sole companion (of the king), Ti”; mj sḫnı͗ ꜣpd “Come on, the bird is landing!”; j:mr ṯw r=s ntj ḥnꜥ=j “Hey comrade, join it (the rope)!”; jw jꜣd.t [. . .] “The net [. . .]”; jw nn n kꜣ n ṯy “This is for (the benefit of) the Ka of Ti.”

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other image than that of the naked body is stronger to express at the same time both subordination and physical power.

4.  Concluding Remarks Social-descriptive nudity and nakedness often occur when two actants or representatives of two groups face each other. To clarify and emphasize the vertical relationship between these parties, the unclothed body can be used as an explicit means of communication, acting as a referential and pictorial indicator of status differentiation. Within a communicative act as such, the naked individual occupies a subordinate position, depending on the favor of the higher-ranking (clothed) counterpart. This communicative device was used in the Pyramid Texts to highlight the superiority of the king over the gods and is also encountered in the iconography of private tombs, for example, in every representation of a naked child accompanied by his parents or the depiction of naked men at work for their master.

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Douglas, Mary. “Do Dogs Laugh? A Cross-Cultural Approach to Body Symbolism.” Journal for Psychosomatic Research 15 (1971): 387−90. Duell, Prentice. The Mastaba of Mereruka. Part I: Chambers A 1–10, Plates 1–103 (University of Chicago Oriental Institute Publications 31). Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1938. El-Awady, Tarek. Abusir XVI: Sahure—the Pyramid Causeway: History and Decoration Program in the Old Kingdom. Prague: Charles University, 2009. El-Metwally, Emad. Entwicklung der Grabdekoration in den altägyptischen Privatgräbern: ikonographische Analyse der Totenkultdarstellungen von der Vorgeschichte bis zum Ende der 4. Dynastie (Göttinger Orientforschungen 4. Reihe: Ägypten 24), edited by Friedrich Junge and Wolfhart Westendorf. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1992. Erman, Adolf. Reden, Rufe und Lieder auf Gräberbildern des Alten Reiches (Abhandlungen der Preußischen Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 1918, 15). Berlin: Akademie der Wissenschaften, 1919. Erman, Adolf and Hermann Grapow (eds.). Wörterbuch der aegyptischen Sprache, Bd. I–V. Berlin: Akademie Verlag, 1971. Eyre, Christopher J. “Is Egyptian Historical Literature ‘Historical’ or ‘Literary’?” In Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms, edited by Antonio Loprieno, 415−33. Leiden, New York, and Cologne: Brill, 1996. Fay, Biri. “The Wooden Statue of Nebetia from Kom Medinet Ghurab.” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 60 (2004): 41−5. Feucht, Erika. Das Kind im alten Ägypten: Die Stellung des Kindes in Familie und Gesellschaft nach altägyptischen Texten und Darstellungen. Frankfurt am Main and New York: Campus Verlag, 1995. Feucht, Erika. “Fisch- und Vogelfang im wꜣḏ-wr des Jenseits.” In Jerusalem Studies in Egyptology, edited by Irene Shirun-Grumach, 37−44. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1998. Fitzenreiter, Martin. “Grabdekoration und die Interpretation funerärer Rituale im Alten Reich.” In Social Aspects of Funerary Culture in the Egyptian Old and Middle Kingdoms: Proceedings of the International Symposium Held at Leiden University 6−7 June 1996, edited by Harco Willems, 67−140. Leuven: Peeters, 2001. Fitzenreiter, Martin. “Grabmonument und Gesellschaft: funeräre Kultur und soziale Dynamik im Alten Reich.” Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 40 (2011): 67−101. Fitzenreiter, Martin. “Raumkonzept und Bildprogramm in dekorierten Grablangen im Alten Reich.” In Dekorierte Grabanlagen im Alten Reich: Methodik und Interpretation (Internet-Beiträge zur Ägyptologie und Sudanarchäologie 6), edited by Martin Fitzenreiter and Michael Herb, 61−109. London: Golden House, 2006. Fitzenreiter, Martin. Statue und Kult. Eine Studie der funerären Praxis an nichtköniglichen Grabanlagen der Residenz im Alten Reich, vol. I (Internet-Beiträge zur Ägyptologie und Sudanarchäologie 3). Berlin: Golden House, 2001. Fitzenreiter, Martin. Statue und Kult. Eine Studie der funerären Praxis an nichtköniglichen Grabanlagen der Residenz im Alten Reich, vol. II (Internet-Beiträge zur Ägyptologie und Sudanarchäologie 3). Berlin: Golden House, 2001. Franke, Detlef. “Arme und Geringe im Alten Reich Altägyptens: ‘Ich gab Speise dem Hungernden, Kleider dem Nackten . . .’.” Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 133 (2006): 104−20. Freed, Rita E. “Rethinking the Rules for Old Kingdom Sculpture: Observations on Poses and Attributes of Limestone Statuary from Giza.” In The Old Kingdom Art and Archaeology: Proceedings of the Conference Held in Prague, May 31−June 4, 2004, edited by Miroslav Bárta, 145−56. Prague: Czech Institute of Egyptology, 2006.

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Gernig, Kerstin (ed.). Nacktheit. Ästhetische Inszenierungen im Kulturvergleich (Literatur— Kultur—Geschlecht: Kleine Reihe 17). Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau, 2002. Gnirs, Andrea M. “Die ägyptische Autobiographie.” In Ancient Egyptian Literature: History and Forms, edited by Antonio Loprieno, 191−241. Leiden, New York, and Cologne: Brill, 1996. Goelet, Ogden. “Nudity in Ancient Egypt.” Source: Notes in the History of Art 12.2 (1993): 20−31. Green, Lyn. “Seeing through Ancient Egyptian Clothes: Garments and Hairstyles as Indicators of Social Status in Old, Middle and New Kingdom Egypt.” KMT 6.4 (1995–6): 28−40, 76−7. Guglielmi, Waltraud. Reden, Rufe und Lieder auf altägyptischen Darstellungen der Landwirtschaft, Viehzucht, des Fisch- und Vogelfangs vom Mittleren Reich bis zur Spätzeit (Tübinger Ägyptologische Beiträge 1), edited by Helmut Brunner and Ingrid Gamer-Wallert. Bonn: Habelt, 1973. Harpur, Yvonne. Decoration in Egyptian Tombs of the Old Kingdom: Studies in Orientation and Scene Content. London and New York: KPI, 1987. Helck, Wolfgang. “Bemerkungen zu den Pyramidenstädten im Alten Reich.” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 15 (1957): 91−111. Henein, Nessim. H. “Filets hexagonaux à oiseaux représentés dans la tombe de Méhou à Saqqâra.” Bulletin de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale 102 (2002): 259−66. Hornung, Erik, Rolf Krauss, and David A. Warburton (eds.). Ancient Egyptian Chronology (Handbook of Oriental Studies, Section 1: The Near and Middle East 83). Leiden: Brill, 2006. Janssen, Rosalind M. and Jac. J. Janssen. Growing up in Ancient Egypt. London: Rubicon Press, 1990. Jéquier, Gustave. Le monument funéraire de Pepi II. Tome I: Le tombeau royal (Service des antiquités de l’Égypte, Fouilles à Saqqarah 8). Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 1936. Jéquier, Gustave. Le papyrus Prisse et ses variantes: papyrus de la Bibliothèque Nationale (Nos 183 à 194), papyrus 10371 et 10435 du British Museum, Tablette Carnarvon au Musée du Caire. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1911. Jéquier, Gustave. “Rapport préliminaire sur les fouilles exécutées en 1926–1927 dans la partie méridionale de la nécropole Memphite.” Annales du Service des Antiquités de l’Égypte 27 (1927): 49−61. Joas, Hans. Lehrbuch der Soziologie. Frankfurt am Main: Campus, 2007. Jones, Dilwyn. An Index of Ancient Egyptian Titles, Epithets and Phrases of the Old Kingdom (British Archaeological Reports International Series 866, vol. I–II). Oxford: Archaeopress, 2000. Junge, Friedrich. “Vom Sinn der ägyptischen Kunst am Beispiel des Alten Reichs.” In 5000 Jahre Ägypten: Genese und Permanenz pharaonischer Kunst, edited by Jan Assmann and Günter Burkard, 43−60. Nußloch: IS-Edition, 1983. Junker, Hermann. Gîza IV. Die Mastaba des kꜣjmꜥnḫ (Kai-em-anch) (Akademie der Wissenschaften in Wien, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, Denkschriften 71.1. Abhandlung). Vienna and Leipzig: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1940. Junker, Hermann. Zu einigen Reden und Rufen auf Grabbildern des Alten Reiches (Sitzungsberichte, Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-Historische Klasse 221.5). Vienna and Leipzig: Hölder-Pichler-Tempsky, 1943. Kahl, Jochem. “Das überlieferungsgeschichtliche Verhältnis von Unas und Sesostrisanch am Beispiel von PT 302–312.” Studien zur Altägyptischen Kultur 22 (1995): 195−209.

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Kaiser, Werner. “Zu den Sonnenheiligtümern der 5. Dynastie.” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 14 (1956): 104−16. Kessler, Dieter. “Zur Bedeutung der Szenen des täglichen Lebens in den Privatgräbern/1: Die Szenen des Schiffsbaues und der Schifffahrt.” Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 114 (1987): 59−88. Klebs, Luise. Die Reliefs des Alten Reiches (2980–2475 v. Chr.): Material zur ägyptischen Kulturgeschichte (Abhandlungen der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissenschaften, Philosophisch-historische Klasse, 3. Abhandlung). Heidelberg: Carl Winters Universitätsbuchhandlung, 1915. Kloth, Nicole. “Beobachtungen zu den biographischen Inschriften des Alten Reiches.” Studien zur altägyptischen Kultur 25 (1998): 189−205. Kloth, Nicole. Die (auto-)biographischen Inschriften des ägyptischen Alten Reiches: Untersuchungen zu Phraseologie und Entwicklung (Studien zur altägyptischen Kultur, Beihefte 8). Hamburg: Buske, 2002. König, Oliver. Nacktheit. Soziale Normierung und Moral. Opladen: Westdeutscher Verlag, 1990. Lamnek, Siegfried. “Status.” In Wörterbuch der Soziologie, edited by Günther Endruweit, Gisela Trommsdorff, and Nicole Burzan, 575−6. Stuttgart: Lucius & Lucius, 2002. Lapp, Günther. The Papyrus of Nu (BM EA 10477) (Catalogue of the Books of the Dead in the British Museum 1). London: British Museum Press, 1997. Lapp, Günther. Totenbuch Spruch 17 (Totenbuchtexte—Synoptische Textausgabe nach Quellen des Neuen Reiches 1). Basel: Orientverlag, 2006. Lichtheim, Miriam. Ancient Egyptian Autobiographies Chiefly of the Middle Kingdom: A Study and an Anthology (OBO 84). Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1988. Lichtheim, Miriam. “Autobiography as Self-Exploration.” In Sesto Congresso Internazionale di Egittologia: Atti, vol. I, edited by Silvio Curto, Anna M. R. Donadoni Roveri, Sergio Donadoni, and Bruno Alberton, 409−14. Turin: Società Italiana per il Gas, 1992. Lichtheim, Miriam. Maat in Egyptian Autobiographies and Related Studies (OBO 120). Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1992. Lindquist, Sherry C. M. (ed.). The Meanings of Nudity in Medieval Art. Farnham (Surrey) and Burlington: Ashgate, 2012. Martin, Karl. “Vogelfang, -jagd, -netz, -steller.” In Lexikon der Ägyptologie VI: Stele–Zypresse, edited by Wolfgang Helck and Wolfhart Westendorf, 1051−4. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1986. Merzeban, Rania Y. “Tired Workers in Old Kingdom Daily Life Scenes?” Mitteilungen des Deutschen Archäologischen Instituts Abteilung Kairo 63 (2007): 225−46. Meurer, Georg. Die Feinde des Königs in den Pyramidentexten (OBO 189). Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2002. Montet, Pierre. Les scènes de la vie privée dans les tombeaux égyptiens de l’Ancien Empire (Publications de la faculté des lettres de l’université de Strasbourg 24). Strassburg: Istra, 1925. Moreno Garcia, Juan Carlos. “La gestion sociale de la mémoire dans l’Égypte du IIIe millénaire: les tombes des particuliers, entre emploi privét et idéologie publique.” In Dekorierte Grabanlagen im Alten Reich: Methodik und Interpretation (Internet-Beiträge zur Ägyptologie und Sudanarchäologie 6), edited by Martin Fitzenreiter and Michael Herb, 215−42. London: Golden House, 2006.

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Morenz, Siegfried. Die Heraufkunft des transzendenten Gottes in Ägypten (Sitzungsberichte der Sächsischen Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Leipzig, Philologisch-historische Klasse 109.2). Berlin: Akademie-Verlag, 1964. Olbrich, Harald. “Perspektive.” In Lexikon der Kunst V: Mosb–Q, 520–4. Leipzig: Seemann, 1993. Osama, Mahmoud. Die wirtschaftliche Bedeutung der Vögel im Alten Reich (EHS, Reihe 38: Archäologie 35). Frankfurt am Main: Lang, 1991. Piacentini, Patrizia. Les scribes dans la société égyptienne de l’Ancien Empire, vol. I: les premières dynasties. Les nécropoles memphites (Études et mémoires d’égyptologie 5). Paris: Cybèle, 2002. Piankoff, Alexandre. The Pyramid of Unas: Texts Translated with Commentary (Bollingen Series XL: Egyptian Religious Texts and Representations 5). Princeton, NJ: University Press, 1968. Pierre-Croisiau, Isabelle. Les textes de la pyramide de Pépy Ier, sous la direction de Jean Leclant. 2. Facsimilés (Mission archéologie française de Saqqâra 118). Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 2001. Porter, Berta and Rosalind L. B. Moss. Topographical Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic Texts, Statues, Reliefs and Paintings, III. Memphis. Part 2. Ṣaqqâra to Dahshûr. Fascicle II, 2nd edn. Oxford: Griffith Institute & Ashmolean Museum, 1979. Quack, Joachim F. “Das nackte Mädchen im Griff halten: Zur Deutung der ägyptischen Karyatidenspiegel.” Die Welt des Orients. Wissenschaftliche Beiträge zur Kunde des Morgenlandes 33 (2003): 44−64. Robins, Gay. “Dress, Undress, and the Representation of Fertility and Potency in New Kingdom Egyptian Art.” In Sexuality in Ancient Art: Near East, Egypt, Greece, and Italy, edited by Nathalie B. Kampen, 27−40. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996. Röhner, Jessica and Astrid Schütz. Psychologie der Kommunikation. Wiesbaden: Springer, 2012. Röschenthaler, Ute. “Der nackte und der dekorierte Körper. Performative Ausdrucksformen von Frauen im Cross River Gebiet, Kamerun.” In Körper und Identität: Ethnologische Ansätze zur Konstruktion von Geschlecht (Frauenkulturen— Männerkulturen 6), edited by Susanne Schröter, 11−35. Hamburg: Lit, 1998. Rühlmann, Gerhard. “Zur sozialen Funktion der Beamtengrabdarstellungen im ägyptischen Alten Reich.” Hallesche Beiträge zur Orientwissenschaft 3 (1981): 28−45. Schenkel, Wolfgang. “zꜣ.t ‘Kindchen’, ṯꜣ.t ‘Jüngchen’.” Göttinger Miszellen, Beiträge zur ägyptologischen Diskussion 84 (1985): 65−70. Schott, Erika. “Die Biographie des Ka-em-Tenenet.” In Fragen an die altägyptische Literatur: Studien zum Gedenken an Eberhard Otto, edited by Jan Assmann, Erika Feucht, and Reinhard Grieshammer, 443−61. Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1977. Schroer, Markus. Soziologie des Körpers. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 2005. Schröter, Susanne (ed.). Körper und Identität: Ethnologische Ansätze zur Konstruktion von Geschlecht (Frauenkulturen—Männerkulturen 6). Hamburg: Lit, 1998. Schürmann, Wolfgang. Die Reliefs aus dem Grab des Pyramidenvorstehers Ii-nefret. Karlsruhe: C. F. Müller, 1982. Serova, Dina. “Nackte Gestalten. Multifunktionale Nacktheit in Privatgräbern des Alten Reiches.” In Funktion/en: Materielle Kultur—Sprache—Religion, Beiträge des siebten Berliner Arbeitskreises Junge Aegyptologie (BAJA 7), 2.12.–4.12.2016, edited by Susanne Beck, Burkhard Backes, and Alexandra Verbovsek. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2018.

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Serova, Dina. “Naked or Nude? Untersuchungen zur Nacktheit anhand von Privatgräbern des ägyptischen Alten Reiches.” MA diss., Fachbereich Geschichts- und Kulturwissenschaften, Seminar für Ägyptologie, Freie Universität Berlin, 2014. Sethe, Kurt. Die altägyptischen Pyramidentexte nach den Papierabdrücken und Photographien des Berliner Museums, I: Text, erste Hälfte, Spruch 1–468 (Pyr. 1–905). Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1908. Sethe, Kurt. Die altägyptischen Pyramidentexte nach den Papierabdrücken und Photographien des Berliner Museums, II: Text, zweite Hälfte, Spruch 469–714 (Pyr. 906–2217). Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1910. Sethe, Kurt. Urkunden des Alten Reiches: Erster Band, 2nd edn. Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1933. Seyfried, Karl-Joachim. “Dienstpflicht mit Selbstversorgung: die Diener des Verstorbenen im Alten Reich.” In Grab und Totenkult im alten Ägypten, edited by Heike Guksch, Eva Hofmann, and Martin Bommas, 41−59. Munich: C. H. Beck, 2003. Shilling, Chris. The Body and Social Theory. London: Sage, 2003. Simpson, William K. The Offering Chapel of Sekhem-ankh-Ptah in the Museum of Fine Arts. Boston, MA: Museum of Fine Arts, 1976. Speidel, M. Alexander. Die Friseure des ägyptischen Alten Reiches: eine historischprosopographische Untersuchung zu Amt und Titel (jr-šn). Konstanz: Hartung-Gorre, 1990. Staehelin, Elisabeth. “Tracht.” In Lexikon der Ägyptologie VI: Stele–Zypresse, edited by Wolfgang Helck and Wolfhart Westendorf, 726−37. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1986. Steindorff, Georg. Das Grab des Ti (Veröffentlichungen der Ernst von Sieglin Expedition in Ägypten 2). Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1913. Strudwick, Nigel. The Administration of Egypt in the Old Kingdom: The Highest Titles and Their Holders. London: KPI, 1985. Synnott, Anthony. The Body Social: Symbolism, Self and Society. London and New York: Routledge, 1993. Tassie, Geoffrey J. “The Social and Ritual Contextualisation of Ancient Egyptian Hair and Hairstyles from the Protodynastic to the End of the Old Kingdom.” PhD diss., Institute of Archaeology, University College London, 2008. Trigger, Bruce G. Early Civilizations: Ancient Egypt in Context. Cairo: American University in Cairo Press, 1993. Trigger, Bruce G., Berry J. Kemp, David O’Connor, and Alan B. Lloyd. Ancient Egypt: A Social History. Cambridge: University Press, 1983. Vandier, Jacques. Manuel d’archéologie égyptienne. Tome IV: Bas-reliefs et peintures, scènes de la vie quotidienne. Paris: A. et J. Picard, 1969. Verhoeven, Ursula. “Kinder und Kindgötter im Alten Ägypten.” In Kinderwelten, Anthropologie—Geschichte—Kulturvergleich, edited by Kurt W. Alt and Ariane Kemkes-Grottenthaler, 120−9. Cologne, Weimar, and Vienna: Böhlau, 2002. Voß, Susanne. Untersuchungen zu den Sonnenheiligtümern der 5. Dynastie: Bedeutung und Funktion eines singulären Tempeltyps im Alten Reich. Hamburg: Staats- und Universitätsbibliothek Hamburg, 2004. Walsem, René van. Iconography of Old Kingdom Elite Tombs: Analysis and Interpretation, Theoretical and Methodological Aspects (Mededelingen en Verhandelingen van het Vooraziatisch-Egyptisch Genootschap ‘Ex Oriente Lux’ 35). Dudley, MA: Peeters, 2005. Walsem, René van. “The Interpretation of Iconographic Programmes in Old Kingdom Elite Tombs of the Memphite Area: Methodological and Theoretical (Re)considerations.” In Proceedings of the Seventh International Congress of

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Egyptologists, Cambridge, 3–9 September 1995, edited by Christopher J. Eyre, 1205−13. Leuven: Peeters, 1998. Wason, Paul K. The Archaeology of Rank. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1994. Westendorf, Wolfhart. “Bemerkungen zur ‘Kammer der Wiedergeburt’ im Tutanchamungrab.” Zeitschrift für ägyptische Sprache und Altertumskunde 94 (1967): 139−50. Wild, Henri. Le tombeau de Ti. Fascicule II: la chapelle (première partie) (Mémoires publiés par les membres de l’Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale 65). Cairo: Institut Français d’Archéologie Orientale, 1953. Zibelius, Karola. Ägyptische Siedlungen nach Texten des Alten Reiches (Beihefte zum Tübinger Atlas des Vorderen Orients, Reihe B 19). Wiesbaden: Reichert, 1978.

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Fabrication, Functions, and Uses of Textiles in the Hebrew Bible Wolfgang Zwickel

1.  General Remarks Clothes were a symbol of social rank in antiquity (cf. the prestigious clothes of the high priest; see also 2 Sam. 6:20). The more valuable and premium quality the clothes were, the higher the social rank. This is true for the postexilic and especially for the Hellenistic period, when society was more and more divided into a nonworking upper class of landowners and a hardworking lower class. In the preexilic period society was not an egalitarian one, but social differentiation was less developed. Members of the upper class wore more prestigious clothes and were the officials (both principals of the cities and members of the royal court). We are informed about the visual nature of the ancient Israelites and Judeans on the one hand by the biblical texts and on the other hand by the mainly Assyrian reliefs and paintings.1 Nevertheless, the Assyrians were not interested in individual representations but only presented the typical dress for every region to differentiate among the many diverse peoples living in the Levant (Figures 8.1 and 8.2).2

1.1 Nudity The semantic field of nakedness is connected in Hebrew with different words from the root ᶜrh (to denude; Lev. 20:18, 19; Isa. 3:17; Hab. 3:9 kj.; Lam. 4:21): ᶜērōm (Gen. 3:7, 10, 11; Deut. 28:48; Ezek. 16:7, 22, 39; 18:7, 16; 23:29), ᶜārōm (Gen. 2:25; 1 Sam. 19:4; Isa. 20:2-4; 58:7; Hos. 2:5; Amos 2:16; Mic. 1:8; Job 1:21; 22:6; 24:7, 10; 26:6; Eccl. 5:14), ᶜarār (Ps. 102:18), ᶜärjāh (Ezek. 16:7, 22, 39; 23:29; Mic. 1:11; Hab. 3:9), and ᶜärwāh (Gen. 9:22-23; 42:9, 12; Exod. 20:26; 28:42; Lev. 18:6-19; 20:11, 17-21; 1 Sam. 20:30; Isa. 47:3; Ezek. 16:8, 36-37; 22:10; 23:10, 18, 39; Hos. 2:11; Lam. 1:8). Although nakedness and undressing always had an erotic aspect (Lev. 18:6-19; 20:11, 17-21; Ezek. 16:8; 23:29; relating to a prostitute Ezek. 16:36-37), naked people were evidently part of daily Textiles from pre-Hellenistic periods are hardly attested, cf. Wenning, “Anmerkungen.” 2 Cf. Wäfler, Nicht-Assyrer. 1

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Figure 8.1  Judeans on reliefs from the first millennium BCE. Wäfler, Nicht-Assyrer, 65.

life. Likewise, in the terracotta figurines, there are also many depictions of (mainly) naked women (but only partly naked men), which demonstrate a different attitude toward nakedness from today. While the elite had prestigious garments, poor people owned only work clothes. Usually farmers wore a short skirt. Working naked or sparsely dressed might have been common (cf. Deut. 28:48), since garments became dirty working in the fields. The nakedness of adults is not only a symbol of poverty (Job 24:7, 10; Ps. 102:18; Hos. 2:11) but also of social position (Amos 2:16; Hos. 2:11). To dress a naked person was one of the demands of social justice (Isa. 58:7; Ezek. 18:7, 16; cf. Job 22:6). Garments cover nudity, especially of the genitals (Exod. 28:42; 1 Sam. 20:30; Isa. 47:3; Ezek. 16:8). Being dressed is a synonym for dignity and recognition (Hebrew: kabōd), but nakedness is a symbol of punishment and degradation (Ezek. 16:39; 23:29; Hos. 2:5, 11; Mic. 1:11). Indeed, the elite experienced nakedness as humiliating (Gen. 9:22, 23; Ezek. 22:10; 23:10, 18), because it is related to the loss of power and glory. The idea of discovering shame after the fall of mankind is therefore understandable (Gen. 2:25; 3:7, 10-11). Conquered enemies were exiled as naked persons to rob them of their dignity (cf. Isa. 20:2-4 as well as the ivory relief of Megiddo [Figure 8.3] with naked captives and other pictures in the Near East). At birth (Job 1:21; Eccl. 5:14) and in the case of death (Job 1:21; 26:6), everybody is naked. Naked children up to adolescence were evidently not uncommon (Ezek. 16:7-8, 22).

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Figure 8.2  Israelites on reliefs from the first millennium BCE. Wäfler, Nicht-Assyrer, 75.

Figure 8.3  Ivory engraving (thirteenth century BCE) from Megiddo. © Wolfgang Zwickel. For a line drawing of the ivory plaque cf. Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, fig. 65.

1.2 Lingerie Lingerie in its present-day meaning did not exist at all in antiquity. It was only developed during the Early Modern period and became commonplace during the eighteenth century BCE. People wore their daily garments over naked skin and additionally on cold or rainy days another garment for shelter. A case in exception is nappies for babies and young children (ḥtl Ezek. 16:4; ḥatullāh Job 38:9).

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2.  Function and Use of Clothes 2.1  Basic Remarks Garments provided shelter against any kind of weather (heat, sun, dust in summer, coldness in winter). People normally wore work clothes, but they also possessed blankets and heavy woven fabrics for the winter months. Garments could be used multifunctionally. Male work clothes generally consisted of a short skirt; such short skirts did not get as dirty as long ones while working in the fields. Men also wore an upper garment, like a T-shirt. Women normally wore long dresses. Although never explicitly referred to, the ideal of beauty was similar to that in Egypt: Men were sunburnt, while women were pale. Hair needed special care, since it was often subjected to the ravages of wind and dust. Constant washing was impossible in ancient times. Therefore, Judean men wore a striped piece of cloth bound several times around the head, while Israelites wore a kind of jelly bag cap (Figures 8.1 and 8.2). Garments were required to cover nakedness and were a symbol of honor and dignity. Garments made of prestigious materials, as well as long garments for men, symbolized high rank. This demonstrated the person did not have to work in the fields.

2.2  Specific Garments 2.2.1  Warriors Ordinary warriors wore only typical workers garments, as the Lachish relief demonstrates (Figure 8.4). An elite soldier had a leather shirt (perhaps taḥrā’ Exod. 28:32; 39:23) with armor scales fixed to it (qaśqäśät 1 Sam. 17:5; Figure 8.5).3 The upper scales covered the threads which fixed the lower ones onto the shirt. Such armor scales are hardly ever attested to in the archaeological record. Besides a shirt with armor scales Goliath4 also wore a metal helmet (1 Sam. 17:5), which is only known from Assyrian and Urartian archaeological finds; he also wore greaves, which are known only in Greece. Ordinary soldiers wore only the typical headgear of their region or, as in the case of the king of Megiddo (fourteenth/thirteenth century BCE; cf. Figure 8.3), a leather cap.

2.2.2  Priests Mainly, we are informed about the (high) priest’s dress from the late P-texts (Exod. 28; 39). The regalia of the high priest were splendid. Priests serving at the altar wore trousers made of linen (miknās;5 Exod. 28:42; 39:28; Lev. 6:3; 16:4; Ezek. 44:18; Sir. 45:8). Trousers were normally the typical dress of horse-riding tribes, but they were Schulz, Metallwaffen, 221–9. 4 Galling, “Goliath.” 5 Bender, Sprache, 207–10. 3

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Figure 8.4  Judean soldier on the Lachish relief. © Wolfgang Zwickel.

Figure 8.5  Elite soldier. Hachmann, Phöniker, 97.

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also practical for work on the burnt offering altar with its open fire; however, they had the advantage of hiding the genitals (Exod. 28:42; Lev. 6:3; 16:4), which were usually visible under the short skirt priests normally wore. Priests’ dress should be made of linen rather than wool (Ezek. 44:18).

2.2.3  Prophets Sometimes prophets demonstrated their exceptional position in ancient society by wearing specific clothes. Some of the prophets, in states of ecstasy, remained naked (1 Sam. 19:24; also, there was the prophetic symbolic action of being naked, cf. Isa. 20:2-4; Mic. 1:8). Elia was dressed in a skirt of leather or fur (1 Kgs 19:13, 19; 2 Kgs 2:8, 13-14) with a mantle made of fur (2 Kgs 1:8). Later prophets wore mantles made of fur (Zech. 13:4; cf. also Mt. 3:4, John the Baptist wearing a mantle of camel’s hair).

2.2.4  Mourning Garments People wore a specific garment made of goat’s hair (hebr. śaq), which was scratchy to the skin, as a symbol of grief (Gen. 37:34; 2 Sam. 3:31; Isa. 15:3; 20:2; 50:3; Jer. 6:26; Ezek. 7:18; 27:31; Joel 1:8, 13; Amos 8:10; Ps. 30:12; Job 16:15; Lam. 2:10; Est. 4:1-4), repentance (1 Kgs 21:27; 2 Kgs 19:1-2; Isa. 22:12; 37:1-2; Jer. 4:8; 48:37; 49:3; Jon. 3:5-6, 8; Ps. 35:13; Neh. 9:1; 1 Chron. 21:16), horror (2 Kgs 6:30), compliance (1 Kgs 20:31-32), and fasting (Isa. 58:5; Jon. 3:5-6, 8; Ps. 69:12; Dan. 9:3). This dress could be viewed as a dramatic gesture and was worn low on the hips (cf. the mourning women on the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos, tenth century BCE, Figure 8.6).

2.2.5  Widow’s Weeds Widows wore specific clothing (Gen. 38:14, 19; 2 Sam. 20:3; cf. Isa. 54:4); however, we have no evidence to suggest how it looked.

3.  Materials 3.1 Fur/Leather (ᶜōr) The Hebrew word ᶜōr means both fur and leather. Distinguishing between them is almost impossible. It is likely that people first sheared the animals, then killed them, to get both wool and skin. The profession of a tanner or any tanning process is not mentioned in the Hebrew Bible (but cf. for the New Testament Acts 9:43; 10:6, 32). Generally, all the flesh on the inner side of the skin had to be removed with scrapers. It appears the skin was boiled in water to clean the leather, then someone scraped it to soften it.

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Figure 8.6  Mourning women on the Ahiram sarcophagus. © Wolfgang Zwickel.

3.1.1  Fur as Clothes for the First Human Beings According to Gen. 3:21, God made, after the fall of mankind, garments from skins for the first human beings. This is the only biblical reference for people wearing only clothes made from skins. Sheep skin is presented on early figures from Mesopotamia (“Zottenrock”). Gilgamesh wore a lion skin when he grieved for Enkidu (table VIII, III, 7 = TUAT III, 714). Evidently, this was the typical kind of mourning garment; the Gilgamesh epic also confirms that the wearing of animal skin disfigures the beauty of the body (table XI, 238–241 = TUAT III, 736).

3.1.2  Skirt of Elijah In 2 Kgs 1:8, Elijah is described as a “hairy main with a skirt made of skin (ezōr) around his hips.” Maybe the skirt of skin, which is only mentioned here in the Bible, was a symbolic representation of mourning (cf. the Gilgamesh epic) or rebellious stance against contemporary society. His clothes presented Elijah as an odd fellow. In the postexilic period, the custom of using a hairy coat (adärät śeᶜār Zech. 13:4; cf. also John the Baptist wearing a coat of camel hair) came back into practice and was used by prophets and other people who wanted to be separate from civil society. This hairy coat could be a combination of Elijah’s hairy skirt (2 Kgs 1:8) with his coat (1 Kgs 19:13, 19; 2 Kgs 2:8, 13-14.). Hairy skin is also compared to a hairy coat in Gen. 25:25.

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3.1.3  Additional References to Fur or Leather Exodus 22:26 mentions a śimlāh made of skin that must be offered as a deposit during the day in the case of a debt owed. At night, it must be returned to the debtor. It is feasible this fur was used as an undergarment during the night and could also be used as a warm blanket on cold winter nights. While Exod. 22:26 belongs to the Covenant Code, the younger and more developed version of the same law in Deut. 24:10-13 (cf. also Job 22:6; 24:9) only mentions the śimlāh without referring to the skin. Likely, this represents a later practice. To obtain by fraud the blessing of the first born, Jacob fixed pieces of goat skin on his own skin (Gen. 27:16). This was just a single action to deceive his father and not a regular type of dressing. For the construction of the tabernacle, people used red-colored skins of ram’s fur (Exod. 25:5; 26:14; 35:7, 23; 36:19; 39:34; Num. 4:6, 8, 10-12, 14), combined with a specific type of skin (skins of dolphins from the Mediterranean Sea?). The fur was colored together with the leather. However, wearing such skins as a garment is never referred to in the Hebrew Bible. Attested only in iconography are tarpaulins made of leather. Probably the Assyrians did not pick whole frames for their tents but only tarpaulins. They felled trees and freed them from branches or built up very simple frames; these were covered with tarpaulins to produce tents. Battering rams and possibly shields were covered with leather to give some protection from enemy artillery. According to Lev. 7:8, the acting priest received the skin of an offered animal as payment in the case of a guilt offering (āšām). In the case of a sin offering (ḥaṭṭāh), the skin had to be burnt (Exod. 29:14; Lev. 4:11; 8:17; 9:11; 16:27) as well as at the ritual of the red cow (Num. 19:5).

3.2 Cloth Besides leather or fur, people usually wore dresses made of sheep’s wool or sometimes goat’s hair. Additionally, textiles were produced from linen, cotton, camel’s hair, horse’s hair, hemp, or silk.

3.2.1  Clothes Made of Sheep’s Wool 3.2.1.1 Sheep and Goat Shearing The first step in producing garments was the shearing of sheep and goats (noun gez: Deut. 18:4; Job 31:20; verb gzz: Gen. 31:19; 38:12-13; Deut. 15:19; 1 Sam. 25:2, 4, 7, 11; 2 Sam. 13:23-24; Isa. 53:7). The animals grew their fleeces during the cold winter months. For the shearing process, a constantly warm temperature is needed; otherwise the animals will catch cold. Therefore, shearing would have taken place in the late spring time (according to the yearly weather conditions end of April/early May). The forelegs and the hind legs were bound together. Possibly people used the same shear or razor blade as they used for human shaving and hair cutting (taᶜar: Num. 6:5; 8:7;

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Isa. 7:20; Jer. 36:23; Ezek. 5:1; Ps. 52:4; mōrāh: Judg. 13:5; 16:17; 1 Sam. 1:11). The mat of fibers is called gizzāh (Judg. 6:37-40). Every adult sheep produces about 1 kg of wool a year. Evidently, the sheared animals liked to have a bath (Song 4:2). At the end of shearing, a feast was organized by the animals’ owner (1 Sam. 25:36; 2 Sam. 13:23). After shearing, the wool was washed and cleaned of any pollution. Ideally, wool had to be completely white (cf. Isa. 1:18; Ps. 147:16; Dan. 7:9). Sheep wool for the production of garments is called ṣämär (Lev. 13:47-48, 52, 59; Deut. 22:11; Judg. 6:37; 2 Kgs 3:4; Isa. 1:18; 51:8; Ezek. 27:18; 34:3; 44:17; Hos. 2:7, 11; Ps. 147:16; Prov. 31:13), while sheared goat hair is called śeᶜār (Gen. 25:25; Zech. 13:4; śeᶜīrāh goat: Lev. 4:28; 5:6; śeᶜār may also mean stable human hair). The owners of the flocks partly organized the production of garments. Nevertheless, wool was also sold on local markets, mainly by nomads who owed many flocks. Second Kings 3:4 confirms that wool may have been part of a tribute to be offered to a foreign ruler. Also, international trade of wool is attested to in the Bible: In Ezek. 27:16, the inhabitants of Damascus delivered wool from Zahar (perhaps the steppe region eṣṢaḥra northwest of Damascus) to Tyre. According to Deut. 18:4, some part of the wool had to be offered to the priests in Jerusalem who did not own flocks and who otherwise had to buy wool from the market.

3.2.1.2 Spinning The spinning6 of wool was done by women (Exod. 35:25-26). A spindle (Hebrew: päläk 2 Sam. 3:29; Prov. 31:10) was used to produce a thread of wool. Such a spindle composed a baton (approximately 25–35 centimeters long, becoming narrower at the lower end) and a flat or half-rounded ball (wharve; Hebrew: kīśōr Prov. 3:19; diameter 2.5–4 centimeters; weight 10–35 grams) made of baked or unbaked clay or stone. The wharve is drilled in the middle and is fixed on the lower part of the spindle. It serves as a centrifugal mass for the spindle. The spindle is grooved on the lower end. Here some of the unspun wool is attached. Constant turning of the spindle while simultaneously stretching the wool (Hebrew: ṭwh Exod. 35:25-26) produces a spun thread (ḥūṭ Gen. 14:23; Josh. 2:18; Judg. 16:12; 1 Kgs 7:15; Jer. 52:21; Song 4:3; Eccl. 4:12; in thicker quality śerōk Gen. 14:23; Isa. 5:27). When the spindle nearly reaches the bottom, the process of spinning stops. The thread is then wrapped around the spindle and the process can begin again. To make the threads more stable, the yarn could be twisted. Spinning bowls with two loops at the bottom were found on several sites in Palestine, all dating from the Late Bronze Age to the seventh century BCE.7 Two threads could be placed on the one side of the bowl and intermingled with a spindle on the other side. A similar practice was in use in Egypt by the twelfth dynasty. Evidently, people living in Palestine adopted this practice during the Late Bronze Age. Twisted threads are mentioned several times in the Hebrew Bible, but the word šzr “twisting” is mentioned only regarding linen (šeš māšzar: Exod. 26:1, 31, 36; 27:9, Völling, Textiltechnik, 83–119. 7 Dothan, “Spinning Bowls,” 97–112. 6

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16, 18; 28:6, 8, 15; 36:8, 35, 37; 38:9, 16, 18; 39:2, 5, 8, 24, 28-29). Ecclesiastes 4:12 refers to a thread that is twisted three times (ḥūṭ mešullāš). A rope made of several twisted threads is called tiqwāh (Josh. 2:18, 21). A pātīl (Gen. 38:18, 25; Exod. 28:28, 37; 39:9, 21; Num. 15:38; 19:15; Judg. 16:9; Ezek. 40:3) is perhaps exclusively made from linen (Ezek. 40:3). The threads could be colored (Exod. 28:28, 37; Num. 15:38). Tear-resistant threads were called either jätär (Judg. 16:7-9; Ps. 11:2; Job 4:21; 30:11) or synonymously mētār (Exod. 35:18; 39:40; Num. 3:26, 37; 4:26, 32; Isa. 54:2; Jer. 10:20; Ps. 21:13). Nevertheless, these threads were never used for garments but only for bow strings (Judg. 16:7-9; Pss. 11:2; 21:13) and tent strings (Exod. 35:18; 39:40; Num. 3:26, 37; 4:26, 32; Isa. 54:2; Jer. 10:20; Job 4:21). Ropes are thicker (hebr. ḥäbäl; Josh. 2:15; 2 Sam. 8:2; 17:13; 22:6; 1 Kgs 20:31-32; Isa. 5:18; 33:20, 23; Jer. 38:6, 11-13; Ezek. 27:24; Hos. 11:4; Amos 7:17; Mic. 2:5; Zech. 2:5; Pss. 16:6; 18:5-6; 116:3; 119:61; 140:6; Job 18:10; 36:8; 40:25; Prov. 5:22; Eccl. 12:6; Est. 1:6). They were produced by folding a thread in two and placing the fold on a pole. The two ends were then twisted. Such ropes could be used as a very simple, humble headband demonstrating subservience (1 Kgs 20:31-32). After spinning, the wool was dyed (cf. below).

3.2.1.3 Weaving Normally, there are two possibilities for weaving8 (hebr. arag; Judg. 16:13; 2 Kgs 23:7; Isa. 59:5): either the horizontal or the vertical loom. The horizontal loom needs more space than the vertical one and was probably used mainly by nomads and Bedouins, while the vertical one was typical for urban life.

3.2.1.3.1 Horizontal  Loom

For a horizontal loom (Figure 8.7), four plugs (jāted Judg. 16:14) were fixed into the ground. These four corner plugs determine the size of the fabric to be produced. Today’s nomads and Bedouins normally produce cloth widths of approximately 60 centimeters.9 The length is optional. The cloths of the Tabernacle were 30 cubits (approx. 15 meters) long and 4 cubits (approx. 2 meters) broad. On the outer narrow sides of these four plugs the front and back wooden slats of the loom were fixed. Between them, the warp threads (massäkät Judg. 16:13-14) were stretched. The weaver’s beam (hebr. mānōr 1 Sam. 17:7; 2 Sam. 21:19; 1 Chron. 11:23; 20:5), evidently a very strong beam, raised every second warp thread with the help of loops. With a weaver’s shuttle (hebr. äräg Judg. 16:14; Job 7:6), the shoot is pulled between these two layers of warp threads. With another flat wooden beam, the new woven line is pressed on the cloth. The final weaver’s product is called maᶜaśäh oregīm (Exod. 28:32; 39:22, 27). In the context of nomads’ and Bedouins’ dwellings, the weaving was generally done by women. In the temple of Jerusalem women wove textiles for the goddess Ashera (2 Kgs 23:7). There also existed professional weavers (Isa. 19:9; 38:12). 8 Völling, Textiltechnik, 119–43. 9 Dalman, AuS V, 95.

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Figure 8.7  Horizontal loom. Zwickel, Frauenalltag, 132, fig. 15.

Long cloth widths were mainly used for covering Bedouin and nomad tents and for carpets or blankets. During the Late Bronze Age, garments are attested that are made from long cloth widths which could be wrapped several times around the body and fixed by a long dress pin.

3.2.1.3.2 Vertical  Loom

Functionally, the vertical loom (Figure 8.8) is similar to the horizontal one but requires less space. Anyway, this also limits the size of the cloth. This type of loom consists of two upright standing beams, approximately 2 meters long. On the upper end and in the lower quarter, two crossbeams are fixed. The warp threads are looped over the upper crossbeam and are weighted at the lower end with loom weights. The shoot is pulled between every second warp thread with a weaver’s shuttle and the thread is pressed with a flat balm on the fabric. The vertical loom is not mentioned in the Hebrew Bible. But a huge variety and number of loom weights can be found in nearly every large excavation and testify to the existence of these looms during the Iron Age. Likely, the vertical loom was even more familiar in the urban and village life of Hebrew Bible settlements. Possibly, the Hebrew term dallā (Isa. 38:12) refers to the warp thread of a vertical loom. Some scholars considered šetī (Lev. 13:48-49, 51-53, 56-59) to be another word for a warp thread of a vertical loom, but this expression could rather be identified with a specific kind of textile. The verb šbṣ pi. (Exod. 28:39) is perhaps a specific expression for weaving on a vertical loom, since it is connected to fine linen (šeš), a rather expensive material. A specific Hebrew profession is roqem (Exod. 26:36; 28:39; 35:35; 36:37; 38:18, 23; 39:29; 1 Chron. 4:22 kj.), producing precious multicolored textiles (riqmāh; Judg. 5:30; Ezek. 16:10, 13, 18; 26:16; 27:7, 16, 24; Ps. 45:15). This was mostly a male profession (but cf. Exod. 35:25, where women are mentioned). They partly utilized the textile equipment of the postexilic temple and wove blue and red purple, crimson yarns and

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Figure 8.8  Vertical loom. Völling, Textiltechnik, 125, fig. 44.

fine linen (šeš; Exod. 26:36; 35:35; 36:37; 38:18, 23; 39:29; cf. Ezek. 27:7)—all expensive materials. Apparently, roqem is a specific profession for weaving precious material and not for weaving any kind of dyed wool. Besides the curtain in the temple (Exod. 26:36; 36:37; 38:18), it was used for the belt of the high priest (Exod. 28:39; 39:29). Exodus 38:18 mentions the size of the curtain in the temple: 20 cubits (approx. 10 meters) long und 5 cubits (approx. 2.5 meters) broad. No doubt such a huge curtain was made on a horizontal loom. In the postexilic period, there also existed specific embroiderers (ḥošeb; Exod. 26:1, 31; 28:6, 15; 35:35; 36:8, 35; 38:23; 39:3, 8; Sir. 38:27; 45:10), evidently also a male profession. Embroidered decorations with cherubs are mentioned (Exod. 26:1, 31; 36:8, 35). Also the efod and the breastpiece of the high priest were produced by embroiderers, likely because these items were intermingled with threads of gold and a gold foil (Exod. 28:6, 15; 39:3, 8; Sir. 45:10).

3.2.1.4 Felt Fulling or treading to produce felt is not convincingly attested to in the Hebrew Bible. Dalman did not observe this practice in Palestine in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries.10 Probably, the so-called fuller’s field (2 Kgs 18:17; Jer. 7:3; 36:2) with kbs qal Dalman, AuS V, 145; but cf. some remarks about the use of fulling in the Roman period, Dalman, AuS V, 16–17. 10

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does not essentially mean an area of fulling but rather washing (cf. kbs pi.) all kinds of cloth.

3.2.2  Cloth Made of Goat’s Hair Shearing of goats is comparable to the shearing of sheep, but goat’s hair is brown or even black. There is no specific word for goat’s hair in the Hebrew Bible. Normally, the authors generally use ᶜizzīm “goats” (Exod. 25:4; 26:7; 35:6, 23, 26; 36:14) as well as maᶜaśeh ᶜizzīm “product of goat’[s hair]” (Num. 31:20) or kebīr ᶜizzīm “network of goat[’s hair]” (1 Sam. 19:13, 16). Goat’s hair was mainly used for the cloth width of Bedouin tents (Exod. 25:4; 26:7; 35:6, 23, 26; 36:14). Exodus 26:7 describes the size of such a cloth width: 30 cubits (approx. 15 meters) long and 4 cubits (approx. 2 meters) broad. The cloth widths were manufactured by women (Exod. 35:26). Cloth widths of goat’s hair are still today used mainly for nomad or Bedouin tents. During summer, the material is pervious to air, but during rain the goat’s hair swells quickly and makes the fabric watertight.11 Although never explicitly attested to in the Hebrew Bible, the Hebrew word śaq12 likely means any kind of textile made of goat’s hair. These textiles were very resilient and could be used as bags for corn (Gen. 42:25, 27, 35; Josh. 9:4), to be carried by donkeys. Such textiles could also be used as an undergarment during the nighttime (2 Sam. 21:10), and evidently very poor people used it also as everyday clothing (Isa. 3:24). Anyway, the material is very rough and was permanently scratchy on the skin. Normally, śaq is used in the Hebrew Bible in the context of rites to impede the body and of mortification since it is very uncomfortable. Several emotions and conditions require such an impediment (the border between each of them is fluent): mourning, especially after a person’s death (Gen. 37:34; 2 Sam. 3:31; Isa. 15:3; 20:2; 50:3; Jer. 6:26; Ezek. 7:18; 27:31; Joel 1:8, 13; Amos 8:10; Ps. 30:12; Job 16:15; Lam. 2:10; Est. 4:1-4), penitence (1 Kgs 21:27; 2 Kgs 19:1-2; Isa. 22:12; 37:1-2; Jer. 4:8; 48:37; 49:3; Jon. 3:56, 8; Ps. 35:13; Neh. 9:1; 1 Chron. 21:16), astonishment (2 Kgs 6:30), servility (1 Kgs 20:31, 32), and during religious fasting days (Isa. 58:5; Jon. 3:5-6, 8; Ps. 69:12; Dan. 9:3). Wearing a śaq is a severe reduction of quality of life. Mourning women wearing a śaq hanging down from their heads, are depicted on the front end of the Ahiram sarcophagus from Byblos (tenth century BCE; Figure 8.6). Spinning of goat’s hair was analogous to the spinning of wool. Nevertheless, women spinning goat’s hair needed better dexterity since goat’s hair is relatively short.

3.2.3  Cloth Made from Linen 3.2.3.1 Pešät Pešät (Lev. 13:47-48, 52, 59; Deut. 22:11; Josh. 2:6; Judg. 15:14; Isa. 19:9; Jer. 13:1; Ezek. 40:3; 44:17-18; Hos. 2:7, 11; Prov. 31:13) means flax (Josh. 2:6; Isa. 19:9) as well as linen, Cf. Feilberg, Tente. 12 Hönig, Bekleidung, 102–9; Kersken, Töchter Zions, 85–9; Staubli, Kleider, 63–4. 11

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produced from flax (Lev. 13:47-48, 52, 59; Deut. 22:11; Judg. 15:14; Jer. 13:1; Ezek. 40:3; 44:17-18; Prov. 31:13). Similarly, pištāh means flax (Exod. 9:31), but it can also mean a wick made of linen (Isa. 42:3; 43:17). The ripe flax is thrown out and bound in sheaves and afterward hackled (hebr. śrq; Isa. 19:9) with a comb, which means freed from seed capsules and unwanted branches. Then, it is watered for several days and later dried for a longer period on the flat roof of a house (cf. Josh. 2:6) to get completely dry. When dry, the flax is beaten with any hard utensil. The hard cover of the stem drops, and the surviving parts can be removed with a comb (hebr. śrq; Isa. 19:9). The thin inner bast fibers can be weaved like wool. Pešät was often used for threads, cords, and ropes (Judg. 15:14; Ezek. 40:3), as well as for wicks (Isa. 42:3; 43:17). Garments made of linen (pešät) were worn by ordinary people (Hos. 2:7, 11). In the book of Ezekiel, only priestly linen garments are referred to (generally garments: Ezek. 44:17; trousers and headgear: Ezek. 44:18). In priestly texts, the more exclusive words šeš and bad are used for linen (see below). Deuteronomy 22:11 prohibits a blended fabric of wool and flax. Such blended fabrics were used in antiquity,13 but this became more and more problematic for religious people.

3.2.3.2 Šeš Šeš (Gen. 41:42; Exod. 25:4; 26:1, 31, 36; 27:9, 16, 18; 28:5-6, 8, 15, 39; 35:6, 23, 25, 35; 36:8, 35, 37; 38:9, 16, 18, 23; 39:2-3, 5, 8, 27-29; Ezek. 16:10, 13; 27:7; Prov. 31:22) is an Egyptian loanword and means linen. It may have been better-quality linen than pešät, perhaps imported from Egypt. In Palestine, there are only few remains of ancient garments because of the high humidity. But in Egypt, which is much dryer, ancient linen of very different quality has survived, sometimes fine, sometimes rather rough. Very often twined šeš is mentioned in the Hebrew Bible, especially for the high priest’s garments (Exod. 26:1, 31, 36; 27:9, 16, 18; 28:6, 8, 15; 36:8, 35, 37; 38:9, 16, 23; 39:2, 5, 8, 29). This may provide an argument that šeš is rather thin and not very solid. In Ezek. 27:7, sails of Tyrian ships woven from linen (šeš) in different colors are mentioned. This may be understood as a symbol of Tyrian luxury. Garments made of šeš were garments of the elite, both in Egypt (Gen. 41:42) and in Palestine (Ezek. 16:10, 13; Prov. 31:22). Therefore, the garments of the high priest generally (Exod. 28:5), but more specifically, the efod (Exod. 28:6, 8; 39:2-3, 5), the breast shield (Exod. 28:15; 39:8), the skirt (Exod. 28:39; 38:27), and the headdress (Exod. 28:39; 39:28), were partially made from this precious linen. Likewise, the tarpaulins and the curtains of the tabernacle were partly made from šeš (Exod. 26:1, 31, 36; 27:9, 16, 18; 36:8, 27, 35; 38:9, 16, 23).

3.2.3.3 Bad Bad (Exod. 28:42; 39:28; Lev. 6:3; 16:4, 23, 32; 1 Sam. 2:18; 22:18; 2 Sam. 6:14; Ezek. 9:2-3, 11; 10:2, 6-7; Dan. 10:5; 12:6-7; 1 Chron. 15:27) is perhaps a lesser-quality linen Sheffer and Tidhar, “Textiles,” 307. 13

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than šeš but was exclusively used for the garments of the (high) priest. Maybe bad was Palestinian linen, while šeš was imported from Egypt. Anyway, both words are substantively identical, but the texts using bad and šeš for the garments of the high priest are likely to come from different periods. Maybe the imported materials were not available during specific times. David was dancing in a linen efod (2 Sam. 6:14//1 Chron. 15:27) and acting like a priest in front of the ark. Nevertheless, this verse is a postexilic addition to the biblical text of 2 Sam. 6.14 The person dressed in linen garments in Ezek. 9:2-3, 11; 10:2, 6-7 is possibly a priest, although he carries writing utensils (qäsät hassoper Ezek. 9:2-3, 11). Priests were trained in writing techniques in ancient times. The person mentioned in Dan. 10:5; 12:6-7 is linked to the figure of the high priest but excels his glory. Linen (bad) is used for several priestly garments: generally, for all clothing (bägäd: Lev. 16:23, 32), more specifically for outer clothing (mad: Lev. 6:3/kutonät: Lev. 16:4), the short skirt (efōd: 1 Sam. 2:18; 22:18; 2 Sam. 6:14; 1 Chron. 15:27), the trousers (miknās: Exod. 28:42; Exod. 39:28; Lev. 6:3; 16:4), the belt (abneṭ: Lev. 16:4), and finally the headdress (miṣnäfät: Lev. 16:4).

3.2.4  Byssos Real byssos or sea silk (būṣ Ezek. 27:16; Est. 1:6; 8:15; 1 Chron. 4:21; 15:27; 2 Chron. 2:13; 3:14; 5:12) was very expensive. Byssos garments were made by silk-like threads of the Noble Pen Shell (Pinna nobilis L.); the shell attaches itself to rocks in the sea and is found extensively in the Mediterranean Sea. Since Edom was closely connected to the Red Sea, they also produced byssos (Ezek. 27:16); attaching threads of other shells was also a possibility. Garments made of būṣ were produced only for the elites (cf. Est. 1:6): Mordechai wore a coat made of byssos (Est. 8:15), as well as David according to the Late Chronistic description of transferring the ark to Jerusalem (1 Chron. 15:27). According to 2 Chron. 5:12, Levite singers were dressed in byssos; also the curtain in front of the Holy of Holies was partly made of byssos (2 Chron. 3:14). Working with byssos needed special craftsmanship (2 Chron. 2:13). Weavers of byssos resided in Bet-Aschbea, an unidentified settlement in Judea (1 Chron. 4:21).

3.2.5  Clothes Made from Other Materials Generally, other materials besides sheep’s or goat’s hair and linen do not play any decisive role concerning garments in the Hebrew Bible. Cotton is only mentioned in Est. 1:6. At best, it became familiar in Palestine during the late Hellenistic period. Camel hair is not mentioned, although Bedouins may have used it. Hemp is attested archaeologically for the eighth century BCE15 but not mentioned at all in the Hebrew Bible. Long-distance trade in Chinese silk did not start before the Roman period.

Zwickel, “David,” 117–8. 15 Vogelsang-Eastwood, “Textiles,” 58. 14

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3.2.6  Other Textiles There also exist several Hebrew words for other textiles to be used for sitting on, covering something, or as curtains. Generally, people used their garments as a cover during the night (cf. the use of bägäd in 1 Sam. 19:13; 1 Kgs 1:1). Such a garment that could also be used as undergarment was also called kesūt (Exod. 22:26; Job 24:7; 26:6; 31:19). The elites likely had specific covers used only for sleeping under; they are called massekāh (Isa. 28:20; cf. Isa. 25:7). The famous scene of Ashurbanipal lying on his diwan after a battle against the Elamites presents such a massekāh. A drape to cover the head completely is called maswäh (Exod. 34:33-35). The specific identification of makber (2 Kgs 8:15) is open for discussion; it may be any type of scarf. Hebr. māsāk means a solid textile used, for example, for curtains (cf. Ps. 105:39). In 2 Sam. 17:19, the mouth of a cistern is covered with a māsāk and groats were put on top of it. The material was stable enough not to cause any sagging. Māsāk is mainly used for the curtains of the tabernacle: for the curtain in front of the forecourt of the tabernacle (Exod. 27:16; 35:17; 38:18; 39:40; 40:8, 33; Num. 3:26; 4:26), at the entrance to the tent (Exod. 26:36-37; 35:15; 36:37; 39:38; 40:5, 28; Num. 3:25; 4:25), and in front of the Holy of Holies (Exod. 35:12; 39:34; 40:21; Num. 3:31; 4:5). A tarpaulin is called jerīᶜāh (Exod. 26:1-10, 12-13; 36:8-17; Num. 4:25; 2 Sam. 7:2; Isa. 54:2; Jer. 4:20; 10:20; 49:29; Hab. 3:7; Ps. 104:2; Song 1:5; 1 Chron. 17:1). Usually they were worked in goat hair although this is never explicitly mentioned in the Hebrew Bible. Normally, nomads and Bedouins lived in such tents (Jer. 49:29; Hab. 3:7; Song 1:5). The tabernacle is also made from such tarpaulins. The lower layer of tarpaulin is made from woven material (twined linen and wool dyed in blue and red purple as well as in carmine [Exod. 26:1; 36:8], additionally decorated by embroidery [Exod. 26:1; 36:8]). The size of these tarpaulins was 28 cubits (approx. 14 meters) by 4 cubits (approx. 2 meters; Exod. 26:2; 36:9). Some of these tarpaulins were joined to cover the whole tabernacle. The upper layer was made from goat’s leather (Exod. 26:7; 36:14), 30 cubits (approx. 15 meters) long and 4 cubits broad (Exod. 26:8; 36:14). Tarpaulins made of leather or fur and used as an outer shelter for the tabernacle (Exod. 26:14; 35:11; 36:19; 39:34; 40:19; Num. 3:25; 4:25) as well as protective covers for the table of the bread of the presence (Num. 4:8), for the golden altar (Num. 4:11), and for other paraphernalia (Num. 4:10, 12) are called miksäh or simply bägäd (Num. 4:6-9, 11-13). Saddle pads made of woven wool are called bigdē-ḥopäš (Ezek. 27:20). Iconographic representations in Assyrian art present such saddle pads for horses and camels;16 Ezek. 27:20 refers to saddle pads of camels.

Staubli, Image, fig. 67. 16

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4.  Dyeing 4.1 General Remarks Although dyed wool is very often postulated in biblical texts (e.g., for the tarpaulins of the tabernacle), dyeing is never mentioned. The corresponding verb was likely ṣbᶜ (cf. akk. ṣapu “dyeing” as well as ṣäbaᶜ “dyed cloth” Judg. 5:30). Human apparel in antiquity was rather colorful as several natural colors are attested to both in archaeological and textual evidence. The Hebrew Bible mentions blood-red (ādōm), reddish (ḥmr), foxy red (śāroq), carmine (šānī), sparkling red (ṣāhōb), bright red (ḥāmūṣ), purple-red (argāmān), white (lābān, ḥūr), black (šāḥōr), greenish-yellow (jeraqraq), and purple-blue (tekēlät) as colors.17 Blue as opposed to purple-blue is not mentioned in the Hebrew Bible. Only few of these colors relate to thread, cloth, and garments: ādōm (Exod. 25:5; 26:14; 35:7, 23; 36:19; 39:34; Isa. 63:1 kj.; Nah. 2:4), šānī (Gen. 38:28, 30; Exod. 25:4; 26:1, 31, 36; 27:16; 28:5, 6, 8, 15, 33; 35:6, 23, 25, 35; 36:8, 35, 37; 38:18, 23; 39:1-3, 5, 8, 24, 29; Lev. 14:4, 6, 49, 51-52; Num. 4:8; 19:6; Josh. 2:18, 21; 2 Sam. 1:24; Jer. 4:30), ḥāmūṣ (Isa. 63:1), lābān (Eccl. 9:8), and ḥūr (Ezra 8:15). Therefore, only some shades of red and white are attested for garments. This could be accidental and not representative. As drawings of Bedouin traders from Eastern Jordan in a tomb in Beni Hassan (nineteenth century BCE; cf. Figures 8.9a and b) demonstrate, the clothes were heavily colored in ancient times. To further explore the possibilities of dyeing in antiquity, one may examine ethnoarchaeology to enquire about the colors used during the late nineteenth and early twentieth century BCE. More than 100 years ago, Arab people in Palestine used the following plants for dyeing:18 Saffron (Crocus sativus L.; Hebrew: karkōm; Song 4:14): The stalks were collected and dried. Boiling the wool with the dried stalks produces a light yellow to orangeyellow color—depending on the boiling time.19 This colorant may have already been used during the Iron Age. Weld (Reseda luteola L.): Weld is native to the Mediterranean area and to Western Asia. Therefore, it may also have been used during Iron Age. The whole plant is used for dyeing. The mix must not boil, just become hot; the wool will turn pale yellow in color.20 Pomegranate (Punica granatum L.; Hebrew: rimmōn; Exod. 28:33, 34; 39:24-26; Num. 13:23; 20:5; Deut. 8:8; 1 Sam. 14:2; 1 Kgs 7:18, 20, 42; 2 Kgs 25:17; Jer. 52:22-23; Joel 1:12; Hag. 2:19; Song 4:3, 13; 6:7, 11; 7:13; 8:2; 2 Chron. 3:16; 4:13): The parings of pomegranates were used not only for dyeing wool producing a yellow color but also as a natural product for the tanning of animal skins into leather.21 Gradwohl, Farben; Brenner, Colour. 18 Cf. Gradwohl, Farben, 78–9. 19 Schweppe, Handbuch, 172–4. 20 Ibid., 346–8. 21 Ibid., 473, 572. 17

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(a)

(b)

Figure 8.9  Levantine nomads, drawing in a tomb in Beni Hassan (nineteenth century). © Wolfgang Zwickel.

Safflower (Carthamus tinctorius L.): A stain is necessary to use safflower as a dyestuff, but stain is not attested in pre-Christian periods. Consequently, it was likely that it was not used during the Iron Age.22 Wild madder (Rubia tinctorum L.): Wild madder is native in the whole Mediterranean area. The roots were cut in pieces and heated in a pot. Putting wool to it produces a dark-red color.23 Henna (Lavsonia; Hebrew: äškōl hakkōfär; Song 1:14; cf. 4:13): Henna is native to Palestine. It is mentioned in the Hebrew Bible but never in the context of garments. The leaves were pulverized to a grey-green powder. Dyeing with henna produces an orange- to dark-brown color.24 Dyer’s weed (Isatis): Dyer’s weed was known in the ancient Near East but is not mentioned in the Bible. The leaves were dried and pulverized. Adding water to it produces a fermenting pulp. Then it must be dried again. Mixed with fermented urine, it produces a fermented mud that can color wool. After boiling wool in this way it turns greenish-yellowish, but when it encounters air it turns blue.25 The drawings of Beni 22 23 24 25

Ibid., 541. Ibid., 229–35. Ibid., 193. Ibid., 295–7.

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Table 8.1 Color production Saffron

Weld Pomegranate

Wild Henna Dyer’s madder weed

Bloodred (ādōm)

×

Reddish (ḥmr)

×

Carmine (šānī) Sparkling red (ṣāhōb) Bright red (ḥāmūṣ) Purplered (argāmān) Brown Yellow × Greenish- × yellowish (jeraqraq) Blue Purpleblue (tekēlät)

Blue Red Carmine purple purple

× ×

× ×

× × ×

× ×

×

×

Hassan effectively demonstrate that shades of blue are probably made with dyer’s weed and were intensively used beside reddish and whitish colors. Indigo (Indigofera tinctoria L.): Indigo is not native to Palestine but Africa. Therefore, it had to be imported via Egypt. Until now no Palestinian cloth containing indigo from pre-Roman times is attested. Consequently, one may doubt the intensive use of indigo in those early days.26 In addition to these botanical materials, coloring was also possible using animal products (red and blue purple as well as carmine; see below). Our conclusions allow for the following possibilities in producing colors, which may vary according to the duration of the dyeing process (Table 8.1).

4.2 Carmine Carmine (hebr. šānī; Gen. 38:28, 30; Exod. 25:4; 26:1, 31, 36; 27:16; 28:5-6, 8, 15, 33; 35:6, 23, 25, 35; 36:8, 35, 37; 38:18, 23; 39:1-3, 5, 8, 24, 29; Lev. 14:4, 6, 49, 51-52; Num. 4:8; 19:6; Josh. 2:18, 21; 2 Sam. 1:24; Isa. 1:18; Jer. 4:30; Song 4:3) is made from female Ibid., 290–4. 26

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kermes insects (kermes vermillio Planchon), which live in the whole Mediterranean region on kermes oaks. The insects, or “grains” as they are known, were collected, dried, and cooked by adding sulphuric acid. The red carmine color is intensively red.27 The word “carmine” is hardly used in the Hebrew Bible in a secular context. Only in Jer. 4:30 reference is made to a very pretty and tempting garment. Nearly always carmine is used in the context of building the tabernacle. Carmine wool had to be collected as an offering (Exod. 25:4; 35:6, 23; 38:18). Carpets (Exod. 26:1; 36:8) and curtains (Exod. 26:31, 36; 37:16; 38:35, 37) for the tabernacle should be woven in combination with other materials as well as the dress for the high priest (Exod. 28:5; 39:1), especially his efod (Exod. 28:6, 8; 39:2-3, 5) and his breast shield (Exod. 28:15; 39:8). Likewise, the belts of the ordinary priests were woven from carmine wool (Exod. 39:29). Small pomegranates made of carmine wool were fixed on the lower hem of the high priest’s garment (Exod. 28:33; 39:24). Cloths of carmine wool were used as shelters for paraphernalia in the tabernacle (Num. 4:8).

4.3 Blue and Red Purple Red purple28 (Hebrew: argāmān Exod. 25:4; 26:1, 31, 36; 27:16; 28:5-6, 8, 15, 33; 35:6, 23, 25, 35; 36:8, 35, 37; 38:18, 23; 39:1-3, 5, 8, 24, 29; Num. 4:13; Judg. 8:26; Jer. 10:9; Ezek. 27:7, 16; Prov. 31:22; Song 3:10; 7:6; Est. 1:6; 8:15; 2 Chron. 2:6, 13; 3:14) is produced by the Murex brandaris/Bolinus brandaris L. mollusk. It lives in flat muddy regions of the Mediterranean Sea, to a depth of 9–200 meters, perhaps also in the Red Sea (cf. Ezek. 27:16). In its hypobranchial gland it produces 0.6 milligram of the colorant. For 1 gram, 1,600 mollusks are needed! Murex trunculus/Hexaplex trunculus L. produces blue purple (Hebrew: tekēlät; Exod. 25:4; 26:1, 4, 31, 36; 27:16; 28:5-6, 8, 15, 28, 31, 33, 37; 35:6, 23, 25, 35; 36:8, 11, 35, 37; 38:18, 23; 39:1-3, 5, 8, 21, 22, 24, 29, 31; Num. 4:6, 7, 9, 11, 12; 15:38; Jer. 10:9; Ezek. 23:6; 27:7, 24; Est. 1:6; 8:15; 2 Chron. 2:6, 13; 3:14). This mollusk prefers rocks in a muddy water with a depth of 2–130 meters. Its hypobranchial gland produces 1.2 gram colorant. On exposure to air it has at first a yellowish color but turns blue or red purple within ten minutes. Purple was very highly priced. According to Pliny (NH 9,137), one pound (327 grams) of double-dyed blue purple wool costed 1,000 denars; 1 denar was according to Mt. 20:2 a day’s wage. Purple mollusks are native to the Mediterranean Sea, on the western shore of Africa as well as Latin and Central America. Especially the Phoenician coastal area was famous for purple dyeing. Probably the Greek word “phoenix” derives from Phoenicia. Important dyeing industries are attested in Tyre (cf. 2 Chron. 2:6, 13), Sarepta, and Sidon, as well as Ugarit already in the Late Bronze Age. South of the old acropolis of Sidon a hill can be found, 120 meters long and up to 8 meters high, built only by Murex trunculus. Here about 200.000 cubic meters of mollusks were collected. This is proof for one of the biggest purple dyeing industries in antiquity. Dyeing activities with purple are also attested in Ashdod (Late Bronze Age), Tell Keisan (eleventh century Ibid., 279–81. 28 Ibid., 304–18. 27

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BCE),

Tel Shiqmona (ninth/eighth BCE), Dor, Tel Mor (both Hellenistic period), and other sites along the Mediterranean coast.29 Purple is used in the Hebrew Bible only in the context of the elite (cf. the clothes of a governor Ezek. 23:6 and Jer. 10:9; Ezek. 27:7, 24; Est. 1:6; 8:15). In most cases, both kinds of purple are mentioned together. Israelites should bring wool dyed with purple as an offering (Exod. 25:4; 35:6, 23, 25, 35). Anyway the whole story of the tabernacle is idealistic and utopic, and certainly nobody besides a very small group of elites would have been able to offer such wool (especially in the desert!). Both kinds of purple would be used for the tarpaulins and curtains of the tabernacle (Exod. 26:1, 4, 31, 36; 27:16; 36:8, 35, 37; 38:18, 23; cf. also 2 Chron. 3:14). The description concerning the dress of the high priest might be rather real for the Hellenistic period. Both kinds of purple were used for his efod (Exod. 28:6, 8; 39:2-3, 5) and his breast piece (Exod. 28:15; 39:8) as well as for copies of pomegranates fixed at the hem of his dress (Exod. 28:33; 39:24). Also, the belt of the priests was woven from red and blue purple wool (Exod. 39:29). Just the coat (meᶜīl) of the high priest (Exod. 28:31; 39:22), the threads to fix the breast piece (Exod. 28:28; 39:21), and the threads to fix a golden tag on the headdress of the high priest (Exod. 28:37; 39:31) were made only of blue purple. Additionally, loops on the tarpaulins of the tabernacle were made of blue purple (Exod. 36:11). All Israelites had to wear clothes with a thread of blue purple with a tassel (Num. 15:38). Clothes either made of blue or red purple were used to envelop and cover different paraphernalia of the tabernacle (Num. 4:6-7, 9, 11-13).

5.  Textiles 5.1 General Words Only the most important words for textiles will be discussed in the following chapter. Bägäd30 is the most used general Hebrew word for both men’s and women’s clothes. It occurs 215 times in the Old Testament. The verb lbš means “to dress.” The derivated noun lebūš31 (Gen. 49:11; 2 Sam. 1:24; 20:8; 2 Kgs 10:22; Isa. 63:1-2; Jer. 10:9; Mal. 2:16; Pss. 22:19; 35:13; 45:14; 69:12; 102:27; 104:6; Job 24:7, 10; 30:18; 31:19; 38:9; 41:5; Prov. 21:22; 31:25; 27:26; Lam. 4:14; Est. 4:2; 6:8-11; 8:1) refers to any kind of male or female dressing. At best, other words linked with lebūš or the context of a sentence allow a more specific determination of a garment. Kelī is a very general word meaning all kinds of objects. It is only used in Deut. 22:5 as a very general term for men’s clothing, maybe also including any kind of jewelry.32 The word maᶜatäh is used only in Isa. 61:3 for mourning garments; it does not mean a specific garment but is a generic word for any cloth to be used for hiding shame or mourning gestitutes (cf. Lev. 13:45; Ezek. 24:22, 27; Mic. 3:7). 29 Reese, “Shells.” 30 Hönig, Bekleidung, 10–15; Kersken, Töchter Zions, 55–7; Bender, Sprache, 82–91. 31 Hönig, Bekleidung, 13–16; Kersken, Töchter Zions, 67–70. 32 Hönig, Bekleidung, 17.

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Figure 8.10  Kuttonät. © Wolfgang Zwickel.

5.2 Textiles Used for Both Men and Women 5.2.1  Kuttōnät A garment called kuttōnät33 (Gen. 37:3, 23, 31-33; Exod. 28:4, 39-40; 29:5, 8; 39:27; 40:14; Lev. 8:7, 13; 10:5; 16:4; 2 Sam. 13:18; 15:32; Job 30:18; Ezra 2:69; Neh. 7:69, 71; Song 5:3; Isa. 22:21; Sir. 45:8) was worn both by men (Gen. 37:3, 23, 31-33; Isa. 22:21; especially by priests; cf. Exod. 28:4, 39-40; 29:5, 8; 39:27; 40:14; Lev. 8:7, 13; 10:5; 16:4; Ezra 2:69; Neh. 7:69, 71; Sir. 45:8) and women (2 Sam. 13:18-19; Song 5:3). Most of the biblical quotations are of postexilic origin. According to Gen. 3:21, a kuttōnät can also be made with fur. The texts in the Hebrew Bible do not offer any clear descriptions of this kind of garment. Anyhow, kuttōnät is linked to the Greek chiton (χιτών), and Greek texts and pictures allow a reconstruction of this article of clothing. There is a difference between a doric and an ionic chiton: Only the doric one needed needles for fixing. The older practice of wearing a chiton was the ionic one. To produce an ionic chiton, two identical rectangular pieces of cloth were laid one above the other. The right and left sides were sewn up. This resulted in a tube. At the upper edge two sections were sewn, making openings for the arms and head (Figure 8.10). Hönig, Bekleidung, 38–40; Kersken, Töchter Zions, 60–4; Staubli, Kleider, 56–7; Bender, Sprache, 100–13. 33

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5.2.2 Kuttōnet Passim A ketonät passim34 (Gen. 37:3, 23, 32; 2 Sam. 13:18-19) is evidently a specific type of a kuttōnät, worn both by men (Joseph: Gen. 37:3, 23, 32) and women (Tamar: 2 Sam. 13:18-19). No biblical text allows a closer definition of a kuttōnet passim. Remarkable is the proposal of M. Görg to connect pas with Egypt. psj “cooking, dyeing”; if this is true, a ketonät passim means a colored chiton.35

5.2.3 Śimlāh Śimlāh36 (Gen. 9:23; 35:2; 37:34; 41:14; 44:13; 45:22; Exod. 3:22; 12:34, 35; 19:10, 14; 22:26; Deut. 8:4; 10:18; 21:13; 22:3, 5, 17; Josh. 7:6; Judg. 8:25; 1 Sam. 21:10; 2 Sam. 12:20; Isa. 3:6-7; 4:1; 9:4; Prov. 30:4; Ruth 3:3; Sir. 40:4) is a multifunctional garment, used both by men and women (Exod. 3:22; Deut. 22:5, 17; Isa. 4:1; Ruth 3:3). Besides the use as a garment, it could be used as a cover during the night (Gen. 9:23; Exod. 22:26), for wrapping things (Exod. 12:34; 1 Sam. 21:10; Prov. 30:4), or as mat for presenting items (Judg. 8:25). Normally the quality was rather poor (Deut. 21:13; Isa. 3:6-7; Sir. 40:4), but the same shape of garment was also used by the elite or on momentous occasions (Gen. 35:2; 41:14; 45:22; 2 Sam. 12:20). It must be identified with a long garment. It was made by two rectangular pieces of textile sewn along the long sides (except for an opening for the arms where a short sleeve was inserted) and sewn as well at the upper edge (except for an opening for the head) (Figure 8.11).

5.2.4 Śalmāh Concerning śalmāh37 (Exod. 22:8, 25; Deut. 24:13; 29:4; Josh. 9:5, 13; 22:8; 1 Kgs 10:25; 11:29-30; Mic. 2:8; Ps. 104:2; Job 9:31; Neh. 9:21; Song 4:11; 2 Chron. 9:24), we have little biblical data. Both men and women (Song 4:11) wore this garment, which could also be used as a cover at night (Exod. 22:25; Deut. 24:13). Ps. 104:2 “wrapped in light as with a śalmāh” is maybe the most informative biblical reference: Probably this was a type of coat. The Lachish relief (Figure 8.1) depicts women wearing a long rectangular drape covering the head and the normal garment. Unfortunately, no depiction of a similar dress used by men is known up to now in iconographic sources from Judah or Israel, but similar dresses from other countries are known.

5.2.5 Kesūt Kesūt38 means a warm rectangular blanket used as an overcoat at night (cf. Exod. 22:26; Deut. 22:12; cf. Job 24:7; 26:6; 31:19), used by both men and women (Exod. 21:10). Hönig, Bekleidung, 31–2; Kersken, Töchter Zions, 64–7. 35 Görg, “Rock.” 36 Hönig, Bekleidung, 54–9; Kersken, Töchter Zions, 81–5; Bender, Sprache, 91–5. 37 Hönig, Bekleidung, 54–9; Kersken, Töchter Zions, 78–81; Bender, Sprache, 91–5. 38 Hönig, Bekleidung, 15–16; Bender, Sprache, 96–100. 34

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Figure 8.11  Śimlāh. © Wolfgang Zwickel.

The quality was possibly rather poor but densely woven. According to Deut. 22:12, a postexilic text, pious Jews should add tassels at the four corners of this blanket. The word sut39 is only mentioned in Gen. 49:11 and is likely identical with kesūt.

5.2.6  Ḥalīfāh In Gen. 45:22, the word ḥalīfāh40 (cf. also Judg. 14:12-13, 19; 2 Kgs 5:5, 22-23) is connected to śimlāh; therefore, ḥalīfāh must characterize a śimlāh in any kind. In 2 Kgs 5 and Judg. 14, the word is used for textile presents. Maybe this is not any kind of cloth but only an unworked textile made of wool (in contrary to sadin, which is made of linen). Although ḥalīfāh is used only in the context of men, it could possibly have been used also for textiles that women’s dresses were made of. To offer unworked textiles as a present is attested in several Late Bronze and Iron Age texts. Unworked textiles could be used for regional dresses.

5.2.7 Sadin Not a single biblical text describes the exact meaning of sadin41 (Judg. 14:12-13; Isa. 3:23; Prov. 31:24). The material is linen, and it was used both for men (Judg. 14:12-13) 39 Hönig, Bekleidung, 16. 40 Ibid., 113–14. 41 Ibid., 114.

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and women (Isa. 3:23). The traditional translation as underwear is possible but not conclusive and depends on the translation of ḥalīfāh in Judg. 14:12-13. It may also be translated as an unworked textile panel of linen.

5.3 Textiles Only Used by Men 5.3.1 Ezōr Ezōr42 (2 Kgs 1:8; Isa. 5:27; 11:5; Jer. 13:1, 2, 4, 6-7, 10-11; Ezek. 23:15; Job 12:18; Sir. 11:4) is a kind of miniskirt worn only by men. It can be made from leather (2 Kgs 1:8) or linen (Jer. 13:1). As opposed to the efod, which is made with a long panel, the ezōr is a sewn skirt worn on the hips (cf. the warrior in the middle of the Megiddo ivory in Figure 8.3).

5.3.2 Efod The Hebrew word efod43 is used in three different meanings: 1. The oldest meaning is a cult object used for oracles (Judg. 8:27; 17:5; 18:1420; 1 Sam. 2:28; 14:3, 18; 21:10; 23:6, 9; 30:7; Hos. 3:4; this item will not be discussed here); 2. the garment of a priest (1 Sam. 2:18; 22:18; 2 Sam. 6:14; 1 Chron 15:27); and, 3. in P-texts only, the garment of a high priest (Exod. 25:7; 28:4, 6, 12, 15, 25-28, 31; 29:5; 35:9, 27; 39:2, 7-8, 18-22; Lev. 8:7).

5.3.2.1 Efod as Garment of a Priest This garment was always made of linen and was therefore typical for priestly activities. It is mentioned as a cloth of Samuel (1 Sam. 2:18), the priesthood of Nob (1 Sam. 22:18), and David (2 Sam. 6:14//1 Chron. 15:27). The efod was girded (ḥgr) around the hips, and it was evidently a very short skirt (2 Sam. 6:14). Nevertheless, the criticism of Michal that David uncovered himself dancing in such a cloth does not have to be connected to nudity of David or showing his genitals during the dance. Short skirts are worker’s dress, while elites wore long dresses. Anyhow, David used a priestly garment in this passage to demonstrate that he was dancing like a priest in front of the ark. Illustrations demonstrate that Judeans, but also other people of the Levant, often used a long scarf wrapped several times around the hips. The end of this scarf was fixed by pushing it under the lowest layer. It is sometimes visible drooping at the lower end of the skirt. The skirt was fixed by a belt. Evidently, the efod bad is a word used specifically for the cultic dress of the priests, while efod simply means the normal dress

42 Ibid., 20–7. 43 Cf. for the many publications concerning the efod Zwickel, “Räucherkult,” 178–9 n. 37; Bender, Sprache, 211–19.

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of workers, although this word is never attested in the Hebrew Bible in this meaning. It is like ezōr, but ezōr is not wrapped around the hips (cf. Figures 8.1 and 8.4).

5.3.2.2 Efod as Garment of the High Priest The efod of the high priest is only mentioned in P-texts (Exod. 25:7; 28:4, 6, 12, 15, 25-28, 31; 29:5; 35:9, 27; 39:2, 7-8; 18-22; Lev. 8:7) and is a late and completely different interpretation of priestly clothing. It is made of precious materials (Exod. 28:6, 8, 15; 39:1-2, 5, 8) and was therefore a very luxurious garment. Anyway, the biblical description is very complicated (Exod. 28:6-14; 39:2-7) and seems to be a new invention in the postexilic period without parallels in iconography known today. It is made from two textile pieces sewn at the sides. On both shoulders it was fixed by two stones, which were used like a fibula. At the lower end, a tape fixed the garment to the belly. Above this tape (cf. Exod. 28:27-28; 39:21), the breast shield with the twelve names of the Israelite tribes (ḥošän; Exod. 25:7; 28:4, 15, 22-24, 26, 28-30; 29:5; 35:9, 27; 39:8-9, 15-17, 19, 21; Lev. 8:8; Sir. 45:10-11) was fixed.

5.3.3  Meᶜīl The meᶜīl44 (Exod. 28:4, 34; 39:23-26; Lev. 8:7; 1 Sam. 2:19; 15:27; 18:4; 24:5, 12; 28:14; 2 Sam. 13:18; 1 Chron. 15:27; Ezra 9:3, 5; Isa. 59:17; 61:10; Ezek. 26:16; Ps. 109:29; Job 1:20; 2:12; 29:14; Sir. 45:8, 12) was evidently worn only by men. In 2 Sam. 13:18, it is mentioned in the context of female clothing, but this is likely a gloss.45 Mainly elites wore this garment. Priests (Exod. 28:4, 31, 34; 29:5; 39:22-26; Lev. 8:7; 1 Sam. 2:19), Samuel (1 Sam. 15:27; 18:4; 24:5, 12; 28:14), David (1 Chron. 15:17, made of byssos!), and sovereigns (Ezek. 26:16) are mentioned. Apparently, it was a cover over the normal garments (cf. the order of garments in Lev. 8:7). Considering Exod. 28:31-35; 39:22-26, a meᶜīl was evidently a large rectangular cloth with a bordered cut in the middle for the head. On both sides, the garment was open but could be fixed with a belt. The opening for the head had to be bordered (śāpāh) in order not to fray. Generally, this garment was used like a modern poncho. In the case of mourning, the border of the neck could be riped (Ezra 9:3; Job 1:20; 2:12). Likely, the meᶜīl nearly reached the bottom. Since Samuel still was a child, when he came to Silo he needed a small version of a meᶜīl (1 Sam. 2:19). First Samuel 15:27; 24:5-6, 12 mention kenaf-meᶜīl (for kanaf in combination with textiles, cf. also Num. 15:38; Deut. 22:12; 23:1; 27:20; Isa. 24:16; Jer. 2:34; Ezek. 5:3; 7:2; 16:8; Hag. 2:12; Zech. 8:23; Job 37:3; 38:13; Ruth 3:9). The traditional translation with “corner” appears to be wrong. Instead, it is a question of a sewn fringe as it is often shown on Near Eastern pictures. Anyhow, the meᶜīl of the high priest had at its lower rim (šūl; Exod. 28:33-34; 39:24-26; Isa. 6:1; Jer. 13:22-26; Nah. 3:5; Lam. 1:9), instead of a fringe, an alternating decoration of little colored woolen pomegranates and small bells. Hönig, Bekleidung, 60–6; Kersken, Töchter Zions, 75–6; Staubli, Kleider, 58–9; Bender, Sprache, 113–18. 45 Stoebe, 2 Samuelis, 322. 44

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5.3.4 Mad This garment is likely a coat specially used by soldiers (Judg. 3:16; 1 Sam. 4:12; 17:3839; 2 Sam. 20:8).46 The coat was open on the front side and fixed by a belt. Priests working on the holocaust altar also wore such a garment, in addition to trousers (Lev. 6:3). This cloth could also be used for horse rugs.

5.3.5 Gelum Gelum47 (Ezek. 27:24) was any prestigious garment made of blue purple. Perhaps, it was a kind of cape (cf. the Israelite coat on Figure 8.2).

5.3.6 Adärät Adärät48 means a noble outerwear, perhaps a fur coat (cf. Gen. 25:25; Zech. 13:4); the semantic root ‘dr means “splendid, noble.” Josh. 7:21, 24 mention a splendid coat from Shinar/Babylonia, and Jon. 3:6 refers to a king’s outerwear. Elijah’s coat mentioned surprisingly often in the Bible (1 Kgs 19:13, 19; 2 Kgs 2:8, 13, 14) seems to have been a splendid coat, too. Therefore, the adärät can be identified with outerwear with fringed borders as they are well known not only from Mesopotamian kings and other nobles but also from the elites of Israel (cf. Figure 8.2).

5.3.7  Malbūš Malbūš49 is a general terminology for the prestigious cloths of an elite working normally in a royal court (1 Kgs 10:4//2 Chron. 9:4; cf. Zeph. 1:8; 2 Kgs 10:22). It may be red (Isa. 63:3) but was likely generally colored. Ezek. 16:13 demonstrates that it was made of valuable materials.

5.4 Textiles Used by Women 5.4.1  Šīt Generally, šīt50 (Ps. 73:6; Prov. 7:10) is considered as a general word for clothing. Anyhow, Prov. 7:10 may illustrate the specific meaning of this word because in this verse it is connected to the dress of a prostitute. From Greek illustrations, we know that prostitutes are mostly portrayed naked. But if they wear dresses, these clothes are sexy and partly transparent like a gauze. This may also fit with the other mention of šīt in the Hebrew Bible (Ps. 73:6): The violence of the sinners will not completely be covered by this kind of clothes, as an embellishment around the neck cannot hide everything. Hönig, Bekleidung, 17–18; Staubli, Kleider, 54–5; Bender, Sprache, 118–25. 47 Hönig, Bekleidung, 69. 48 Hönig, Bekleidung, 66–9; Staubli, Kleider, 58–9; Bender, Sprache, 126–9. 49 Hönig, Bekleidung, 14–15. 50 Ibid., 17. 46

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Bibliography Bender, Claudia. Die Sprache des Textilen. Untersuchungen zu Kleidung und Textilien im Alten Testament (BWANT 177). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008. Brenner, Athalya. Colour Terms in the Old Testament (JSOTSup 21). Sheffield Bloomsbury, 1982. Dalman, Gustaf. Arbeit und Sitte in Palästina V. Webstoff, Spinnen, Weben, Kleidung (Schriften des Deutschen Palästina-Instituts 8). Gütersloh: Rufer, 1937. Dothan, Trude. “Spinning Bowls.” Israel Exploration Journal 13 (1963): 97–112. Feilberg, Carl G. La tente noire. Contribution ethnographique à l’histoire culturelle des nomads. Kobenhavn: Nationalmuseets Skrifter, 1944. Galling, Kurt. “Goliath und seine Rüstung.” VTSup 15 (1966): 131–67. Galling, Kurt. “Weben und Weberei.” In Biblisches Reallexikon. Handbuch zum Alten Testament I/1, edited by Kurt Galling, 2nd edn., 360–1. Mohr Siebeck: Tübingen, 1977. Görg, Manfred. “Der gefärbte Rock Josefs.” BN 102 (2000): 9–12. Gradwohl, Roland. Die Farben im Alten Testament (BZAW 83). Berlin: De Gruyter, 1963. Hachmann, R. Frühe Phöniker im Libanon. 20 Jahre deutsche Ausgrabungen in Kāmid el-Lōz. Mainz: Philipp von Zabern, 1983. Hönig, Hans W. Die Bekleidung des Hebräers. Eine biblisch-archäologische Untersuchung. Zurich: Brunner, Bodmer, 1957. Keel, Othmar and Christoph Uehlinger. Göttinnen, Götter und Gottessymbole (GGG): Neue Erkenntnisse zur Religionsgeschichte Kanaans und Israels aufgrund bislang unerschlossener ikonographischer Quellen. 6th edn. Fribourg: Fribourg Academic Press, 2010. Kersken, Sabine A. Töchter Zions, wie seid ihr gewandet? Untersuchungen zu Kleidung und Schmuck alttestamentlicher Frauen. AOAT 351. Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2008. Reese, David S. “Shells from Sarepta (Lebanon) and East Mediterranean Purple-Dye Production.” Mediterranean Archaeology and Archaeometry 10 (2010): 41–113. Schulz, Christian E. Metallwaffen in Syrien-Palästina an der Wende von der Bronzezur Eisenzeit (14. bis 11. Jh. v.Chr.) (Universitätsforschungen zur Prähistorischen Archäologie. Aus der Abteilung für Ur- und Frühgeschichtliche Archäologie der Universität Münster 256). Bonn: Habelt, 2014. Schweppe, Helmut. Handbuch der Naturfarbstoffe. Vorkommen—Verwendung—Nachweis. Landsberg and Lech: Nikol Verlagsgesellschaft, 1993. Sheffer, Avigail and Amalia Tidhar. “Textiles and Basketry.” In Kuntillet ᶜAjrud (Ḥorvat Teman). An Iron Age II Religious Site on the Judah-Sinai Border, edited by Z. Meshel, 289–311. Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 2012. Staubli, Thomas. Das Image der Nomaden im Alten Israel und in der Ikonographie seiner sesshaften Nachbarn (OBO 107). Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht 1991. Staubli, Thomas. Kleider in biblischer Zeit, 2nd edn. Freiburg: Bibel+Orient Museum/ Katholisches Bibelwerk, 2013. Stoebe, Hans Joachim. Das zweite Buch Samuelis (KAT VIII/2). Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1994. Vogelsang-Eastwood, Gillian. “Textiles.” In Picking up the Threads . . . A Continuing Review of Excavations at Deir Alla, Jordam, edited by G. van der Kooij and M. M. Ibrahim, 57–61. Leiden: University of Leiden, 1989. Völling, Elisabeth. Textiltechnik im Alten Orient. Rohstoffe und Herstellung. Würzburg: Ergon, 2008.

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Wäfler, Markus. Nicht-Assyrer neuassyrischer Darstellungen (AOAT 26). Kevelaer and Neukirchen-Vluyn: Butzon & Bercker/Neukirchener Verlag, 1975. Weippert, Helga. “Textilproduktion und Kleidung im vorhellenistischen Palästina.” In Pracht und Geheimnis. Kleidung und Schmuck aus Palästina und Jordanien. Katalog der Sammlung Widad Kawar . . ., edited by G. Völger et al., 136–42. Cologne: Rautenstrauch-Joest-Museum Köln, 1987. Wenning, Robert. “Anmerkungen zu palästinischen Textilien in hellenistischer, römischer und byzantinischer Zeit aus archäologischer Sicht.” In Pracht und Geheimnis. Kleidung und Schmuck aus Palästina und Jordanien. Katalog der Sammlung Widad Kawar . . ., edited by G. Völger et al., 144–9. Cologne: Rautenstrauch-Joest-Museum, 1987. Zwickel, Wolfgang. “David: Historische Gestalt und idealisiertes Vorbild. Überlegungen zu Entstehung und Theologie von 2Sam 6.” In Studien zur Geschichte Israels (SBAB 59), edited by Wolfgang Zwickel, 87–128. Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 2015. Zwickel, Wolfgang. Frauenalltag im biblischen Israel. Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 2005. Zwickel, Wolfgang. Räucherkult und Räuchergeräte. Exegetische und archäologische Studien zum Räucheropfer im Alten Testament (OBO 97). Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1990.

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Nudity and Clothing in the Lexicon of the Hebrew Bible Holger Gzella

1.  Overview A particularly rich vocabulary and ample attestation throughout distinct periods, text types, and styles bears witness to the prominence of nudity and clothing in the Hebrew Bible and reflects their diverse material and symbolic aspects. Male and female nakedness is associated with weakness and shame, clothing with protection and status. Yet the relevant information is scattered across many different passages and secondary sources: Basic grammatical data can be found in lexica, context in theological dictionaries, and analyses of individual expressions in commentaries and exegetical studies. There are also overviews of the various fabrics and dresses that feature in the Hebrew Bible, but not of the entire semantic field, the finer nuances of the individual terms in relation to each other, and their time-, genre-, or register-specific distribution. This chapter provides a survey along such lines, supplemented by brief synopses of the situation in Biblical Aramaic, the Dead Sea Scrolls, and the ancient versions.1

2.  The Semantic Fields of Nudity and Clothing in Biblical Hebrew The core terms pertaining to nudity and clothing in Biblical Hebrew are the adjective ‘ārōm “naked” with its by-form ‘ērōm and the noun ‘erwā “nakedness” on the one hand and the roots lbš “to dress” and ksī “to cover” with their nominal derivations on the other. A wide range of specialized nouns denotes certain types of fabrics, garments, and accessories. As a whole, they are well-attested thanks to the substantial narrative accounts, ritual prescriptions, and poetic imagery that have been included in the By far, the most detailed, up-to-date, and sophisticated work is Bender, Sprache. She views textiles as a proper communicative system and focuses on rites and ritual. Hörig, Bekleidung, can be consulted for areas not covered there (e.g., clothes as luxury) and has frequent comparisons with realia, including from the Islamic period, but his religio-historical framework is outdated. Neither book discusses Biblical Aramaic or the Dead Sea Scrolls. 1

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Hebrew Bible. These words partly have cognates in Ugaritic, Phoenician, and Aramaic and thereby anchor the respective Hebrew vocabulary in its wider Syro-Palestinian linguistic setting and material culture. However, given the culturally specific major and minor variations in attire, buttressed by distinct artisanal traditions (even today, a British suit still looks very different from a Neapolitan one, while the Neapolitan shoulder type is alien to the conventional Roman silhouette), even lexemes with a common etymological basis no doubt referred to objects that regularly displayed local traits.

2.1 Nudity Explicit references to nudity cluster in biblical law, prophetic oracles (especially in Ezekiel), and Job. The theme plays no major role in narrative accounts, not even in erotic contexts. For example, 2 Sam. 11:2 omits any remark that Bathsheba was naked when David spotted her bathing and was struck by her beauty, and the description of the beloved’s upper body in Song 4:4-6 is similarly silent. “Naked” in the most general sense is expressed in Hebrew by the adjectives ‘ārōm and ‘ērōm; both occur in full (‘rwm; ‘yrwm) and defective (‘rm; ‘yrm, ‘rm) spelling. No difference in meaning can be established, but the fifteen instances of ‘ārōm cover a wider distribution in Classical narrative prose (Gen. 2:25; 1 Sam. 19:24) and poetry (Isa. 20:2-4; 58:7; Hos. 2:5; Amos 2:16; Mic. 1:8; Job 22:6; 24:7, 10; 26:6), including sapiential discourse in Late Biblical Hebrew (Eccl. 5:14; cf. Job 1:21). By contrast, ‘ērōm appears most often in the “transitional” language phase, between the Classical and the Late period, of Ezekiel (16:7, 22, 39; 18:7, 16; 23:29), where, conversely, no instance of ‘ārōm can be found. Further occurrences of ‘ērōm are found in Gen. 3:7, 10-11 and Deut. 28:48, which defy attempts at linguistic dating.2 One cannot say whether this distributional pattern has any specific diachronic, regional, or stylistic reasons. Yet only ‘ērōm is also (indeed predominantly) attested as a substantive “nudity” (Deut. 28:48; Ezek. 16:7, 22, 39; 23:29) in addition to its substantivized usage for “naked person” (Ezek. 18:7, 16), so speakers may have considered it the more marked form when employed as an adjective. Furthermore, Late Biblical Hebrew has a previously unattested plural noun ma‘ărummīm “nakedness” secondarily derived from ‘ārōm (2 Chron. 28:15, here abstract for concrete “naked persons”; used figuratively with the meaning “secrets” in Sir. 51:19). This is the only clear diachronic difference in the Biblical Hebrew vocabulary pertaining to nudity.

2.1.1  Etymology and Semantic Field The etymology of ‘ārōm and ‘ērōm is a matter of some debate, but a connection with the common Semitic root ‘rī “to be naked, exposed,” which is also known from Akkadian, Arabic, Ugaritic, Aramaic, and Phoenician (in Hebrew, it is most productive in the See, e.g., the survey in Hornkohl, “Periodization,” 321–2. Genesis 2:25 and 3:7, 10-11, cannot easily be ascribed to different redactional stages, so it is quite feasible that the variation between ‘ārōm and ‘ērōm was deliberate. 2

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factitive stem for “to expose, uncover”), seems plausible enough. However, the underlying nominal patterns and the original function of what would then be the suffix -ōm remain elusive.3 The verbs ‘ūr and ‘rr are presumably allomorphs of ‘rī with the same basic meaning. Both have infrequent reflexes in Hebrew, apparently confined to poetic usage. Such overlaps between different morphological root classes (vowel final, vowel medial, and geminate) sharing an identical pair of consonants, whatever their origins may be, occur in many Semitic languages. These three roots, conversely, underlie certain nouns associated with the same semantic field as ‘ārōm and ‘ērōm, though each with its own peculiar nuances: ‘erwā, which is well-attested in prose and poetry, and its rarer by-forms ‘eryā (Ezek. 16:7, 22, 39; 23:29) and ma‘ar (Nah. 3:5) “nakedness” in most instances euphemistically denote male and female genitalia and come from ‘rī. The hapax legomenon mā‘ōr “genitalia,” if it exists, seems to derive from ‘ūr (Hab. 2:15, plural), and ‘ar‘ār “naked, lowly” (Ps. 102:18, with reduplication) from ‘rr, respectively; the latter root may also be associated with the term ‘ărīrī “childless” (Gen. 15:2; Lev. 20:20-21; Jer. 22:30; Sir. 16:3-4).4 While ‘ērōm in substantivized usage and the noun ‘eryā are combined into one, supposedly intensified, expression “nudity and nakedness” for “utter nakedness” that crops up several times in Ezekiel (16:7, 22, 39; 23:29), neither ‘ārōm nor ‘ērōm as such carry any erotic overtones in the surviving material. Words with a similar meaning in other Semitic languages from Syria-Palestine are also derived from the verbal root ‘rī: older Aramaic ‘arē “cold, shivering” (also as a substantive) as well as ‘aryā “nakedness, genitalia,” and perhaps Ugaritic ‘rm “naked” (though the meaning of the one possible attestation is contested).5 Owing to the extent and nature of the sources, the semantic field “nudity” is much less well-documented here than in the Hebrew Bible. There are no straightforward synonyms of ‘ārōm and ‘ērōm “nude” in Hebrew, hence the circumlocutions ’ēn ksūṯ (Job 24:7b; 26:6) and blī lḇūš (Job 24:7a, 10) “without clothes” act as counterparts in poetic parallelism. The adjective ṣāḥīaḥ “bare, exposed to sunlight” (Ezek. 24:7-8; 26:4, 14; Ps. 68:7; Neh. 4:7), from ṣḥḥ “to shine,” is only used with natural objects or buildings. Absence of footwear in particular is expressed by two proper words, yāḥēp̄ (2 Sam. 15:30; Isa. 20:2-4; Jer. 2:25), which has a common Semitic etymology, and šōlāl (Mic. 1:8; Job 12:17, 19),6 of dubious origin. By contrast, the 3 Surveyed by Niehr, ‘rwm, 376–7; -ōm may preserve an old adverbial ending -um, as in piṯ’ōm “suddenly” and hălōm “hither,” then integrated as a third radical. Lengthening of m in the feminine and plural of both (‘ărummā, ‘ărummīm, ‘ērummīm, as in genuine qatul words like ’āḏōm “red”) shows that the u was short. Predicative use (“do something [while] naked”) may have caused a shift from adverb (so, it seems, in Job 24:7, 10) to adjective. 4 Note that m‘ōrēhem in Hab. 2:15 is not entirely certain: 1QpHab 11:3 has mw‘dyhm “their appointed times,” which could imply a Vorlage with defective spelling and may support Wellhausen’s emendation to a form of ma‘ar (Brownlee, Text, 75), in which case mā‘ōr would be a ghost word. The traditional understanding of ‘ar‘ār in Ps. 102:18 rests on its rendering “humble” in the ancient versions (Septuagint ταπεινῶν, Vulgate humilium, Peshitta mesknē). The meaning of another possible instance of ‘ar‘ār in Jer. 17:6 is unclear; if one accepts the text as sound, it might refer to a dry (hence the purported connection with “nakedness”) desert shrub. 5 Beyer, Aramäischen Texte I, 664; Del Olmo Lete and Sanmartín, Dictionary, 180. 6 The repetition in Job 12:17, 19 has been taken as a sign of corruption (see Stevenson, Notes, 49). In either case, the singular adjective with a plural noun implies an adverbial use “lead away barefooted” (cf. ‘ārōm in 24:7, 10). The consonantal text of Mic. 1:8 has the erroneous spelling šyll.

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factitive stem of ‘rī “to expose” overlaps in meaning with the basic and factitive stems of glī “to uncover, reveal.” The latter root commonly appears when the object is ‘erwā “nakedness,” mostly in contexts of indecency (e.g., Gen. 9:21-22). It is also semantically related to the basic and causative stems of pšṭ “to undress (oneself or someone else).” Very rarely, qālōn “shame, disgrace” functions as a synonym for “nakedness” in the figurative sense (Jer. 13:26; Nah. 3:5, here in parallelism with ma‘ar). The roots lbš “to dress” and ksī “to cover” and their nominal derivations act as antonyms and are regularly employed in contrastive expressions with ‘ārōm.

2.1.2  Use of the Adjective “Naked” The adjective ‘ārōm, being the common form of the word, and its rarer variant ‘ērōm chiefly appear in contexts that denote nakedness as part of the basic human condition, be it in the primordial myth of Adam and Eve (Gen. 2:25: ‘ārōm; 3:7, 10-11: ‘ērōm, here perhaps as a less frequent and thus marked word deliberately used for disambiguation after the unrelated lexeme ‘ārūm “wise, smart” has been used in a wordplay for the cunning of the snake in 3:1)7 or in existential reflection on birth and death that devaluates any attachment to fleeting worldly possessions (Job 1:21; Eccl. 5:14). The connotations of ‘ārōm “naked” in the world after Adam’s fall are thus those of being exposed, imperfect, and vulnerable, especially in proverbial statements (Job 24:7, 10). This applies to its figurative usage as well: The netherworld is “naked” in the face of God’s universal power (Job 26:6). Hence to clothe the naked is a sign of compassion that merits reward, on par with sharing one’s food with the hungry and giving shelter to the homeless (Isa. 58:7, here used together with ksī “to cover”; likewise with substantivized ‘ērōm “a nude person” in Ezek. 18:7, 16). The depiction of the treatment of prisoners in 2 Chron. 18:15, the only instance of the Late Biblical Hebrew word ma‘ărummīm “naked persons,” also reflects these ethical standards, and the rare, possibly poetic, lexeme ‘ar‘ār in Ps. 102:18, which may be etymologically related but whose precise meaning is difficult to establish, refers to the lowly, oppressed, or forsaken ones whose prayer is granted by God. Conversely, to take off (pšṭ) the clothes of naked persons (Job 22:6: ‘ărummīm) betrays an evil character.8 Later traditions refer to the same acts of mercy (e.g., Tob. 1:17; 4:16; Mt. 25:35-36; Lk. 10:25-37). Prophetic utterances about divine judgment emphasize the weakness that is inherent in the nakedness of human nature in contexts of shame and humiliation: God threatens to strip off the clothes of unfaithful Israel like those of an adulterous woman and to expose her naked, as she was born (Hos. 2:5); even the strongest will flee naked on the Day of Judgment (Amos 2:16); and the prophet bewails impending disaster by being barefoot and naked himself (Egypt in Isa. 20:2-4; Judah in Mic. 1:8). Ecstasy under the influence of the divine spirit is also the reason for Saul’s undressing in It may not be impossible that ‘ērōm, due to its more widespread use as a noun, here specifically assumed the pervasive connotation “shameful” of the noun ‘erwā, which was commonly employed for “nakedness.” 8 This expression could refer to only partial nudity, have a more general sense “needy,” or be a brachylogy for “to take off someone’s clothes so that he/she will be naked” (see the examples in Gzella, “Zukunftsaussagen”). 7

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1 Sam. 19:24, which saves David in his flight from Saul and undermines the latter’s royal authority, because such a frenzy was thought improper for a king.9 All of these passages employ the adjective ‘ārōm; as a substantive “nakedness,” ‘ērōm crops up in a curse formula for divine punishment (Deut. 28:48) similar to prophetic diction and together with hunger, thirst, and hardship in general. Just as the English word “naked,” the Hebrew word as such does not necessarily imply full nudity. The context obviously suggests that it does in Gen. 2:25, but especially when it occurs together with a term for “barefoot” (yāḥēp̄ in Isa. 20:2-4; šōlāl in Mic. 1:8), ‘ārōm may denote only partial nudity, in particular the absence of an upper garment or, as in Amos 2:16, armor. Many passages remain unclear, yet the ambiguity can be resolved by combining ‘ērōm, again in the abstract sense “nudity,” with ‘eryā “nakedness, genitalia” (Ezek. 16:7, 22, 39; 23:29), as the private parts would be the ones last exposed. Ezekiel uses this combined expression as a leitmotif for the “natural,” almost savage, condition of Jerusalem before God took care of her by covering, washing, anointing, dressing, embellishing, and feeding her. The lexemes ‘ārōm and ‘ērōm thus denote human feebleness, poverty, and vulnerability and have an anthropological, a sapiential, an ethical, and a performative dimension. Weakness is also the main association of ‘arē “cold, shivering” in an animal fable that was included in the Old Aramaic sayings of Ahiqar, in fact the only comparable extrabiblical attestation of a related word from Iron Age Syria-Palestine: A leopard offers to cover (ksī, as often in Hebrew) a shivering she-goat with his skin, thereby implying that he will eat her up.10 The use of “naked” in the Hebrew Bible thus participates in common Syro-Palestinian lore.

2.1.3  Use of the Noun “Nakedness” In contrast to ‘ārōm, the noun ‘erwā and its variants above all carry connotations of shame and humiliation, for they evoke a prototypical nakedness where even one’s private parts are visible. Their exposure (often together with glī “to uncover,” sometimes with r’ī “to see”) to others is a source of embarrassment, as with the drunken Noah (Gen. 9:22-23). As a result, ‘erwā is frequently used metaphorically for “shame” besides words such as ḥerpā and bošeṯ, referring to persons (1 Sam. 20:30)11 and personified conquered cities (Jerusalem: Ezek. 16:37; 23:10; Lam. 1:8; Babylon: Isa. 47:3) or countries (Egypt: Isa. 20:4, in parallelism with a reference to naked and barefoot prisoners). Exposing (glī) someone’s nakedness means to put shame on her (Isa. 47:3; Ezek. 16:37; 22:10; 23:10) or, in priestly diction, to engage in illicit sexual intercourse (especially in prohibitive legal prescriptions: Lev. 18:6-17; 20:11, 17-21; likewise for harlotry in Ezek. 16:36; 9 Reception history is quite consistent in the interpretation of this passage; see Dietrich, Samuel, 489–90. 10 TADAE C1.1:166-8. The fs. adjective ‘ryh is sometimes translated “nude” here, but the word explicitly refers to chills in later magical literature (see the references in Beyer, Aramäischen Texte II, 459). 11 By calling him a shame to his mother, Saul possibly insinuates that the disloyal Jonathan was not his true son; see Dietrich, Samuel, 541–3. The second bošeṯ in the verse may originate in a gloss of the rarer word ‘erwā.

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23:18). Conversely, yd‘ “to know” and škb “to lie” also, though not exclusively, occur for legitimate cohabitation, since their connotations are not perforce negative. Presumably due to these implications of nudity, one’s private parts must remain invisible in cultic contexts (Exod. 20:26; 28:42; cf. Lev. 6:3; Ezek. 44:18),12 and covering (ksī) a woman’s nakedness is part of her husband’s duty to protect her and take care of her (Ezek. 16:8; Hos. 2:11). In metaphorical language, ‘erwā can denote the weak spots of a country that spies try to discover (Gen. 42:9, 12), an unspecified indecency (Deut. 24:1, of a wife subsequently found unfit for marriage), or, euphemistically, excrement (Deut. 23:15). These contexts mark ‘erwā as a high-register word predominantly used in the solemn diction of laws and prophetic oracles. The same applies to its by-form ‘eryā, which, however, is employed more narrowly in the phrase ‘ērōm w‘eryā “utter nakedness” of a newborn child (Ezek. 16:7, 22, 39; 23:29) and does not imply the notion of shame.13 The very rare variants ma‘ar (Nah. 3:5) and mā‘ōr “genitalia” (Hab. 2:15, plural), if indeed the latter is not a ghost word that has been corrupted from the former in the course of textual transmission, derive from etymologically related roots. They occur with essentially the same meaning and connotations as ‘erwā in the few relevant passages, that is, the shameful nudity of a harlot and the embarrassing sight of a drunken man’s nakedness, respectively.

2.2  Clothing in General Clothing in the Hebrew Bible often relates to status, protection, and decency and is thus complementary to the concept of nudity. Yet it occurs much more frequently and, whether in literal or figurative use, spans all kinds of text types in prose and poetry, including narrative, legal prescriptions, wisdom maxims, prophetic predictions, and personal prayer. Its vocabulary is also more varied than that pertaining to nudity in that it includes not only general words of dressing and undressing but also a plethora of specialized terms denoting individual fabrics, garments, and accessories. The key lexemes are the quite productive roots lbš “to dress” and ksī “to cover” and their derivatives, but they have different nuances.14 In the basic stem, lbš is used with the dynamic sense of “to dress (oneself), put on” and mostly takes the respective garment as a direct object. It is not bound to any particular register, and the roughly one hundred attestations of this verb invariably occur in Classical and Late Biblical Hebrew, though with possibly one or two stylistic innovations in the latter (archaic poetry at least has an instance of the related noun lḇūš: Gen. 49:11). The focus usually rests on the specific type or fabric of a garment, as in changing one’s dress for mourning (e.g., Gen. 38:19), ritual (e.g., Exod. 29:30), a feast (e.g., Isa. 52:1b), becoming incognito (1 Sam. 28:8), or going to war (Jer. 46:4) and not on covering one’s nudity (though that is implied in Isa. 4:1 and Song 5:3). The exact purpose of this prohibition, however, is unclear; see Niehr, “‘rh,” 371. 13 Another instance of ‘eryā in the Masoretic Text of Mic. 1:11, which does explicitly refer to shame, may have been corrupted from a form of ‘īr “city”; see the apparatus to the Biblia Hebraica Stuttgartensia (BHS). 14 Bender, Sprache, 69–81, makes many fine observations; cf. Gamberoni, “lbš,” 473–82; Ringgren, “ksh,” 272–7. 12

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Only rarely does it have a stative nuance “to (continue to) wear, to be dressed” (1 Kgs 22:30 par. 2 Chron. 18:29; Ezek. 34:3, here with a fabric as direct object). On occasion, a prepositional phrase adds further information: ‘al “on, against” (Lev. 6:3), kēn “like this” (2 Sam. 13:18), and b- “in” (Est. 6:8, instead of the usual direct object). While the combination with the abstract term malkūṯ “kingship” as adverbial object in the sense “in the royal style” (Est. 5:1, patterned after bilḇūš malkūṯ in 8:15?) seems to be postclassical (malkūṯ is the Late Biblical Hebrew counterpart to mamlāḵā), a metaphorical usage for assuming positive (e.g., strength: Isa. 51:9) or negative (shame: Ps. 35:26) qualities does occur quite frequently in poetry, especially in the Prophets, the Psalms, and in Job. These expressions are construed in the same way as the literal ones, but the metaphor is sometimes explicitly marked as a comparison with k- “like” (as in Isa. 59:17). It may be significant that the only prose example of such a figurative use of lbš appears in Late Biblical Hebrew (2 Chron. 6:41, in a prayer). The doubly transitive causative stem of lbš “to dress someone else with something,” or, depending on the situation, “provide clothing for someone” takes the person to be dressed as an obligatory direct object, to which the fabric or dress is normally added as a second element (e.g., Gen. 41:42) or at least contextually implied (e.g., Gen. 3:21; 27:15; Est. 4:4), on occasion expanded by ‘al “on” with the body part dressed (Gen. 27:16). It also occurs in metaphors, either in creation imagery (Isa. 50:3; Job 10:11; 39:19) or, in analogy with similar usages of the basic stem, for positive (salvation: Isa. 61:10) and negative (shame: Ps. 132:18) qualities. The rare forms of the factitive-stem series are confined to the nonactive voice and denote official attire: the passive “to be dressed in” (Ezra 3:10) with a fabric or garment as object (1 Kgs 22:10 par. 2 Chron. 18:9; 2 Chron. 5:2), and the reflexive-middle “to dress oneself ” (Sir. 50:11), perhaps in a similarly formal sense “to dress up.” The fact that four out of five factitive-stem forms of lbš occur in postclassical texts may also reflect a diachronic development. Contrary to lbš, the verb ksī “to cover” focuses not on the object to be put on but on the one to be covered, hence it is not usually used in the sense of “to dress, get dressed” or with specific garments. It is most productive, throughout all phases of Hebrew and its various registers, in the factitive stem with a resultative nuance and takes a person (e.g., Exod. 15:5), body part (e.g., Gen. 38:15), or thing (e.g., Num. 4:9, 15) as direct object. The object is repeatedly ‘erwā “nakedness” in the literal sense (Gen. 9:23) or in prophetic imagery (Hos. 2:11) in the context of indecency, or ‘ārōm “naked” when protection is implied (Isa. 58:7; similarly with ‘erwā in Ezek. 16:8). The thing with which one is covered can be added as a second object (e.g., Ezek. 16:10; 18:7, 16) or after the preposition b- (e.g., Lev. 17:13; Num. 4:5, 8). An adverb of place is regularly indicated by the preposition ‘al “above, upon.” Unlike many other transitive verbs in Hebrew, ksī allows inanimate (e.g., fat in Exod. 29:13; a skin disease in Lev. 13:12; or mountains in Hos. 10:8) and abstract subjects (e.g., the divine majesty in Hab. 3:3). Thanks to its broad semantic coverage, ksī features prominently in figurative expressions for (depending on the subject and object) “to be ashamed” (e.g., Jer. 3:25), “to put weight on” (Job 15:27, here pejoratively for arrogance), “to protect” (Isa. 51:16), and frequently for “to keep secret, to conceal” (e.g., Gen. 18:17; Ps. 32:5), but only some 40 of its approximately 150 attestations relate to nudity and clothing (see Sections 2.1.2 and 2.1.3).

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The passive of the factitive series is straightforward in that it means “to be covered” and is construed like the active (e.g., Gen. 7:19-20; Ps. 80:11; Eccl. 6:4), also in the sense “to be dressed” (1 Chron. 21:16), which overlaps with forms of the root lbš without any overt semantic difference—likewise, the reflexive-middle “to cover oneself ” (e.g., Gen. 24:65) and “to be dressed” (1 Kgs 11:29; 2 Kgs 19:2; probably replaced by the passive in Late Biblical Hebrew). The very rare basic stem is only attested in the participle in a figurative sense (active, focusing on a momentary action rather than on a result, contrary to the factitive stem: Prov. 12:16, 23; passive: Ps. 32:1), as is its medio-passive counterpart (Jer. 51:42; Ezek. 24:8).15

2.2.1  Etymology and Semantic Field Both lbš and ksī belong to the common lexical stock of Semitic, but their nominal derivations vary in the historical languages.16 The basic-stem passive participle lāḇūš from lbš functions sixteen times (nine in Ezekiel) as an adjective “dressed,” specifying the garment as an adverbial object (1 Sam. 17:5; Ezek. 9:2-3; Zech. 3:3; Prov. 31:21; Dan. 10:5) or in a construct (i.e., genitive) relationship (Ezek. 9:11 and 10:2, 6-7, echoed in Dan. 10:5 and 12:6-7; Ezek. 23:6, 12; 38:4). The parallelism between Ezek. 9:2-3 and 9:11 suggests that both constructions were interchangeable. A figurative sense of “covered” (usually the domain of the root ksī) is attested only once (Isa. 14:19). Other nominal forms mean “dress” in general, regardless of the period of Hebrew, the genre of the text, the person of the bearer, or the type of dress: lḇūš, with thirty-one attestations, has, like many other qutūl nouns, a collective meaning17 (e.g., Gen. 49:11; 2 Sam. 20:8; Pss. 22:19; 45:14; Isa. 63:1-2; Job 24:7, 10; 31:18; Prov. 27:26; 31:22; Est. 6:811; 8:15) and can also be used in images (e.g., Job 41:5); rarer malbūš (1 Kgs 10:5 par. 2 Chron. 9:4; 2 Kgs 10:22; Isa. 63:3; Ezek. 16:13; Job 27:16; in Zeph. 1:8 together with the verb lbš) denotes an individual, luxurious dress and mostly occurs in the plural. Either acts as a synonym of beḡeḏ, the main word for “dress” as such (further lexemes are discussed in Section 2.3). The hapax legomenon tilbošeṯ (Isa. 59:17), glossed as “attire” by the dictionaries on grounds of etymology, is textually suspicious and may result from bošeṯ “shame” instead. Different patterns are attested in Aramaic (see Section 3). Nouns derived from ksī are less frequent and more specific: mḵassē “cover” is a substantivized active factitive-stem participle and can be used for “blanket” (Isa. 14:11), “clothing” (Isa. 23:18), and, in priestly diction, as a technical term for the tissue that covers the internal organs (Lev. 9:19, lexicalized from the participle “covering” in the full expression in Exod. 29:13, 22; Lev. 3:3; 4:8). The noun miḵsē denotes a tentlike cover in particular (of Noah’s ark: Gen. 8:13; of the tabernacle: Exod. 26:14; 35:11; 36:19; 39:34; 40:19; Num. 3:25; 4:8, 10-12, 25). This also fits the context of Ezek. 27:7, where mḵassē perhaps has to be pointed miḵsē. A third noun, ksūṯ, mostly refers to the covering, protecting function of an upper garment (Exod. 21:10; 22:26; Deut. 15 Jenni, Pi‘el, 204–5, has a perceptive remark on the difference between the basic and the factitive stem. 16 Bauer, “Kleid,” 108–9, affirms the primacy of the noun (la-būš “for one’s shame”), but this is speculative. 17 Gordon, “Nouns,” 83–6.

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22:12; Job 24:7; 31:19; metaphorically for the netherworld that is plain to God’s sight in Job 26:6) and regularly occurs besides forms of lbš (also in the image of the dark sky as a mourning robe in Isa. 50:3). The unique expression “eye-covering” for a gift of appeasement (Gen. 20:16) is idiomatic. Besides similar usages of ksī “to cover,” true synonyms of lbš “to dress” are rare. Its closest equivalents are ‘ṭī “to endue” for a cloak (e.g., 1 Sam. 28:14; metaphorical in poetry) and ntn with the preposition ‘al “to put on” with a garment as object (Lev. 8:7, here perhaps simply for variation with the causative stem of lbš in the same verse). The reflexive-middle factitive stem of ḥpś with the sense “to disguise oneself ” can imply changing one’s clothes (1 Sam. 28:8; 1 Kgs 22:30 par. 2 Chron. 18:29), as does ḥlp in the factitive (literally: Gen. 41:14; 2 Sam. 12:20) and causative stem (literally: Gen. 35:2; in a comparison: Ps. 102:27) “to change.”18 One put fresh clothes on before appearing in the presence of an important person or God. The factitive-stem passive participle of krbl “wrapped” (from karblā, a headdress; no doubt via Aramaic) occurs once in a late passage (1 Chron. 15:27) in a context where normally lāḇūš would be used. Another verb that pertains to clothing is ḥgr “to gird” (e.g., Lev. 8:7), regularly with weapons (e.g., 1 Sam. 17:39; 25:13; Deut. 1:41; Ps. 45:4), and with robes of mourning (śaq) for “to put on” (e.g., 2 Sam. 3:31; 1 Kgs 20:32; Isa. 15:3; 22:12; Jer. 4:8; with omission of the object Jon. 1:13); also metaphorically for “to prepare for travel” (2 Kgs 4:29; 9:1) and thus “to be prepared to meet a difficult task” (Prov. 31:17; Ps. 76:11), or “to gird with praise” (Ps. 65:13). Its archaic and poetic equivalent is ’zr (the passive participle also in prose: 2 Kgs 1:8), often in the sense “to be valiant” (1 Sam. 2:4; medio-passive “to be armed” Ps. 65:7; factitive 2 Sam. 22:40; Pss. 18:33, 40; 30:12; reflexive Ps. 93:1). When used for “dressing up,” lbš sometimes occurs together with ‘dī2 “to adorn” (Jer. 4:30; Ezek. 16:11, 13; Job 40:10), to be distinguished from the homonymous root ‘dī1 “to pass by” (on which see below). Synonyms of ksī include ḥpī (basic stem 2 Sam. 15:30; Jer. 14:3-4; Est. 6:12; 7:8; factitive 2 Chron. 3:5, 7-9; medio-passive in figurative use for “coated” in Ps. 68:14) and sometimes skk (basic stem in Exod. 40:3; Lam. 3:43; causative in Exod. 40:21, euphemistically “to cover one’s feet” for “to defecate” in Judg. 3:24; 1 Sam. 24:4), but, in contradistinction to the factitive stem of ksī, both seem to imply the instantaneous act of covering rather than the lasting result. The verb skk in particular shades into the semantic field of protection, just as the original meaning of gnn “to hedge” comes close to the idea of covering. Newborn babies were presumably wrapped in clothes (ḥtl in Ezek. 36:4, passive of the factitive or causative stem; the corresponding noun recurs in a metaphor in Job 38:9 but its exact plain sense is unknown). The standard antonyms are the well-attested verbs glī “to reveal” and, more rarely, ‘rī “to uncover, pour out” in the general sense and pšṭ in the basic and causative stems The factitive stem of ḥlp occurs with the “consecutive imperfect” for punctual past and the causative stem with the “consecutive perfect” and the “imperfect” for injunctions or future tense without any clear semantic, stylistic, or diachronic difference (see Jenni, Pi‘el, 68), perhaps because the resultative nuance of the factitive agrees more naturally with the narration of past events (just as the medio-passive stem of ngš “to approach” occurs with the “perfect,” since both focus on the result of an action, and the basic stem with the “imperfect”). Alternatively, the factitive stem may have been secondarily derived from ḥălīp̄ōṯ “substitute garments.” 18

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“to undress” (next to lbš: Lev. 6:4; 16:23; Ezek. 26:16; 44:19; Song 5:3; metaphorically “to plunder” in the factitive stem) as well as the causative stem of sūr (with clothes, e.g., Gen. 38:14; 1 Sam. 17:39; Ezek. 26:16) and ‘br “to remove” (Jon. 3:6) with a more specific nuance. In certain idiomatic expressions, nšl means “to take off one’s shoes” (Exod. 3:5; Josh. 5:15), as does the basic stem of šlp (Ruth 4:7-8; normally “to draw [a sword, etc.]”) and ḥlṣ1 (Deut. 25:9-10; Isa. 20:2; for drawing out one’s breast for feeding in Lam. 4:3; usually in the factitive stem “to pull out, rescue”). On one occasion, the causative stem of ‘dī1 means “to take off one’s garment” (Prov. 25:20), similar to the relation between the basic-stem meaning “to pass over” and the causative-stem meaning “to remove” of ‘br.

2.2.2  The Act of Dressing Clothes cover nudity (see Section 2.1.2) and therefore, together with basic sustenance, act as a token of protection in daily life (Gen. 28:20; Hag. 1:6; 2 Chron. 28:15), a situation mythically anchored in God’s taking care of Adam and Eve after their fall (Gen. 3:21) and an image of his kindness (Ezek. 16:10-13). Being able to dress and feed oneself is a proof of autonomy (Isa. 4:1, here understood as a sign of hubris; similarly negative for exploitation in Ezek. 34:3). In most cases, however, lbš occurs in the context of dressing for a particular occasion. Hence, it goes together with a specific type of dress as object, whether a modification of beḡeḏ in a construct expression with another word that narrows its meaning or with a proper lexeme. The act of dressing coincides here with preparing for mourning (2 Sam. 14:2; Jon. 3:5; Est. 4:1), a ritual (Exod. 29:30; Lev. 6:3; 16:4, 23-24, 32; Ezek. 44:17-19), a feast (Isa. 52:1b; a similar context is implied in Jer. 4:30), or a battle (Jer. 46:4). Putting on special clothes also acts as a marker of status, such as of a widow (Gen. 38:19), a prophet (Zech. 13:4), a person with royal dignity (Est. 5:1; 6:8), or a priest (Lev. 21:10). Moreover, distinct clothes highlight the differences between men and women; indeed, biblical law views cross-dressing as improper (Deut. 22:5). Because of its close connection with a person and its particular conditions, a garment expresses collective or individual identity. Foreigners are set apart by their clothing style (Zeph. 1:8; cf. Josh. 7:21), and disguising as another person first and foremost means to dress like them (Gen. 27:15; 1 Sam. 28:8). This presupposes distinctive regional and culturally specific types of clothes and a certain degree of individual variation within the respective conventions. A garment would be its wearer’s second skin and take on his or her characteristic odor, always a fundamental aspect of deep affection or physical attraction (Gen. 27:27; Song 4:11), so the verb lbš is also often employed in a figurative sense for possessing personal qualities, especially in poetic language. One can be dressed in power (‘ōz: Isa. 51:9; 52:1), justice (ṣeḏeq: Isa. 59:17), superiority (g’ūṯ: Ps. 93:1), splendor (hōḏ whāḏār: Ps. 104:1; Job 40:10), and salvation (forms of yš‘: Isa. 61:10; Ps. 132:16; 2 Chron. 6:41) on the one hand or in shame (bošeṯ or klimmā: Pss. 35:26; 109:29; 132:18; Job 8:22), a curse (qlālā: Ps. 109:18), and horror (šmāmā: Ezek. 7:27) on the other. The divine spirit, too, can be said to “clothe” someone upon seizing him (Judg. 6:34; 1 Chron. 12:19; 2 Chron. 24:20), that is, to be as intimately connected as a person is with his or her everyday garment (this is

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presumably also the idea underlying Rom. 13:14 and Gal. 3:27, especially since the verb used there, ἐνδύειν, is the normal Septuagint equivalent of lbš). Finally, “to dress” occurs in creation terminology with God as subject (Isa. 50:3; Job 10:11; 39:19) and in various similes for “to cover” (Isa. 14:19; 49:18; Ps. 65:14; Job 7:5). Such poetic usage in metaphors and comparisons applies to the noun lḇūš as well (Mal. 2:16; Pss. 102:27; 104:6; Job 38:14; Prov. 31:25).

2.2.3  The Value of Clothing While the act of dressing, commonly expressed by the verb lbš, is usually related to the situation or condition associated with a particular dress, garments in general, subsumed under the umbrella terms beḡeḏ and lḇūš, often appear as precious possessions. Even everyday clothing was comparatively valuable for the greater part of the population in the ancient Near East. Its economic significance can be inferred from the dowry lists in Aramaic marriage contracts from Elephantine during the Persian period, where the exact value of certain types of garments and other household goods is specified in detail.19 Ordinary people would normally have owned only two or three main outfits. A garment not only protected the bare skin (‘ōr: e.g., Exod. 22:26; many times in Lev. 13; Jer. 13:23; Ezek. 37:6, 8; Mic. 3:2-3; Job 7:5; 10:11; 18:13; in poetry also bāśār “flesh,” as in Pss. 102:6; 119:120; Job 4:15) against sun, rain, and cold and ensured a decent appearance in public (Song 5:3 presupposes that one would get dressed before going out) but could also serve as a blanket at night (Job 24:7). It was therefore customary to take a cloak in pawn (Amos 2:8), but pressure on the debtor should not be excessive, hence biblical law prescribes returning the cloak before nightfall (Exod. 22:24-25; Deut. 24:12-13; perhaps also implied in Job 22:6 and 24:7). A seventh-century ostracon from Yavne-Yam with the petition of a harvester to be given back his garment (KAI 200) confirms this practice but also suggests that the concomitant rule was not always observed. The price of a garment no doubt depended on its fabric and execution. The combination of shapes, colors, patterns, and decoration made individual pieces distinctive in appearance and value, associating them with different occasions, bearers and their status, position, or economic power, and perhaps also with personal taste. Garments made popular gifts (Gen. 24:53; 45:22; 1 Kgs 10:25; 2 Kgs 5:5, 22-23) and booty (1 Sam. 27:9; 2 Kgs 7:8; Judg. 5:30; Zech. 14:14) alongside silver, gold, and livestock, and a substantial wardrobe was considered a luxury (Job 27:16; hence the hyperbole with thirty festive robes as a price in Judg. 14:12-13).20 Only kings would have an extensive cloakroom (meltāḥā, a word of debated provenance: 2 Kgs 10:22) with proper personnel. Exquisite apparel was appreciated (Ezek. 16:10), but extravagance in attire could betray sinful vanity (Isa. 3:16-24; the choice vocabulary, consisting of many rare words or even hapax legomena, supports the idea of extraordinary attire). 19 See, e.g., TADAE B2.6:6-15; 3.8:6-17: even used clothes are by far the most expensive items. No comparable details appear in the Hebrew Bible, so this Judean expat community provides the closest parallel to Israel. 20 For an overview of relevant passages, see Hörig, Bekleidung, 112–9.

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The great value of clothing adds weight to the common ancient Near Eastern gesture of rending them (qr‘: e.g., Gen. 37:34; 2 Sam. 13:19; 2 Kgs 5:7) upon receipt of exceptionally bad news on personal or state matters, even if the origins of this practice and the actual damage caused by it remain obscure.21 It was forbidden with the presumably sacred priestly robes (Lev. 10:6; 21:10), which renders Caiaphas’s outburst in Mt. 26:65 all the more dramatic. Yet garments were subject to wear and tear (blī) in normal usage, too, and fell victim to moths (‘āš: Isa. 50:9; 51:8; Job 13:28; sās: Isa. 51:8), so they were associated with transience (Ps. 102:27; Job 13:28). There is no information on when people normally replaced their clothes (only a miracle would make them last for forty years in the desert: Deut. 29:4; Neh. 9:21!), but because of the value of the fabrics, older garments may have been preserved (as is implied by Jer. 38:11).22 Clean attire also has a ritual dimension, since it represents purity (e.g., Exod. 19:10; 2 Sam. 12:20). In visions, God’s dress reflects his majesty and awe (Isa. 6:1; 63:1-2) and that of the angels their priestly status (hence baḏ: e.g., Ezek. 9:2, 11; 10:2, 6-7; Dan. 10:5; 12:6-7).

2.3 Specific Types of Clothing In ancient Israel, a person’s dress—mostly called beḡeḏ or lḇūš—generally consisted of a shirt-like undergarment (kuttoneṯ; perhaps this is also the meaning of the rare word sāḏīn) and an upper garment in the form of a cloak (attested some thirty times by śimlā, half as often by its variant śalmā, but also by ’addereṯ, ksūṯ, or m‘īl, and various other words for more fancy types). The different terms seem to presuppose a certain variation in shape or design, yet it is impossible to map the lexical data onto the known pictorial representations and archaeological remnants of dresses in any coherent way. To the dress itself, a belt (in order to facilitate movement), sandals, and headwear would be added. The same words generally refer to male and female attire, but iconography, lexemes occurring only in the description of women (hardly vice versa, excepting priestly clothes), and the biblical prohibition of cross-dressing (Deut. 22:5) suggest that, beginning at a certain age, both were distinct, though not radically so. Fabrics, garments, and accessories surface regularly in biblical law, historical narratives, and poetic images; they all have their own connotations and contextual implications.

2.3.1  Fabrics The most basic fabrics were ṣemer “wool” and pēšeṯ “linen,” which often occur together for textiles in general (e.g., Prov. 31:13); each have a Semitic etymology and originally seem to denote the raw material. Another type of material was ‘ōr “leather” or “fur.” The Egyptian loanword šēš (Egypt was the leading producer of high-quality linen) refers to a refined type of linen in Classical Hebrew and was replaced by the native Semitic noun būṣ in Late Biblical Hebrew (cf. Gen. 41:42 with Est. 8:15). In order to See esp. Bender, Sprache, 148–62. 22 Aramaic dowry lists from Achaemenid Elephantine such as TADAE B2.6:6-15 and 3.8:6-17 explicitly distinguish between new and other garments. See in general also, Bender, Sprache, 74–81. 21

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avoid (unknown) negative associations, wool and linen should not be combined in the same fabric (Lev. 19:19; Deut. 22:11); archaeological evidence nonetheless suggests that this rule was not yet, or not consistently, observed in the early monarchic period. Cotton was a newcomer, since it is attested, if at all, only once in a late text (Est. 1:6; however, the meaning of karpas, a Persian loanword presumably mediated by Aramaic, is not entirely certain). The use of silk in ancient Israel is unlikely, despite the traditional translation of mešī (Ezek. 16:10, 13), which instead refers to another kind of fine cloth. Dyed fabrics, presumably wool, in reddish purple (’argāmān) and a more blueish shade (tḵēleṯ; Biblical Hebrew has no word for “blue” as such) as well as in crimson (tōla‘aṯ šānī and its variants) had luxurious connotations. Purple in particular was the royal color throughout the known world (Judg. 8:26; Est. 8:15; see also Section 3 on Daniel and cf., e.g., Xenophon, Anabasis I.5.8; Cyropaedia I.3.2; II.4.6; 1 Macc. 10:20; 14:43) and was also used for textiles pertaining to the sacred (Exod. 28:1-43; Num. 4:6). It was very costly to make and had to be imported from Phoenicia. These colors must have contrasted markedly with the paler shades worn by common people, yet plain white (lāḇān) signals purity (Isa. 1:18) and joyous elegance (Eccl. 9:8; a white shirt still evokes lavishness, because it gets dirty easily). Differences in weave and cut, however, are difficult to establish, since the meaning of the underlying words used in the instructions for making the tabernacle in Exodus (such as ’rg, ḥšb, rqm, šzr, tšbṣ)— the only relevant passages—cannot be determined precisely.23

2.3.2  Types of Garments With some two hundred attestations in total, beḡeḏ is the most frequent generic term for “garment,” followed by two nominal forms of the root lbš “to dress,” the collective lḇūš, which occurs at least thirty-one times, and malbūš with seven instances (see Section 2.2.1). The former two permeate all stages and genres of Biblical Hebrew; beḡeḏ in particular covers the entire range of status and function, from the rags of the outcast to a king’s purple garments. Other general lexemes have a more restricted distribution and semantic range: The ten attestations of ksūṯ refer to (upper) garments as protection, while sūṯ (Gen. 49:11) is a rare, archaic, poetic, and, judging from its Phoenician cognate (KAI 11), northern dialectal word that crops up once, as a variant in parallelism after more common lḇūš. The use of klī “equipment” for clothes is also singular (Deut. 22:5) and may have the sense “getup,” including jewelry and other accessories. This might also be the proper significance of both instances of the unclear šīṯ (Ps. 73:6; Prov. 7:10). A particular type of garment was normally indicated by the singular or plural of beḡeḏ in construct with another noun that specifies its material or color (purple: Judg. 8:26), quality (festive: Isa. 52:1; sacred: Exod. 28:2), or function (widowhood: Gen. 38:14; mourning: 2 Sam. 14:2). Proper terms exist for “loin cloth” (’ēzōr, ḥăḡōrā [in this meaning only in Gen. 3:7], and, especially for mourning,24 śaq) and the priestly Bender, Sprache, 47–68, has a nuanced discussion. 24 Comprehensively analyzed ibid., 163–90. 23

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’ēp̄ōḏ. A few other rare lexemes may denote various kinds of cloaks (miṭpaḥaṯ, ma‘ăṭē, ma‘ăṭep̄eṯ, rāḏīḏ, taḵrīḵ), several of them presumably fancy and for women (Isa. 3:22-23), but one can only speculate about their exact meaning on the basis of their etymology. The same applies to baḏ and miḵnāsīm, which are prominent in prescriptions about priestly garments (Exod. 28:42; 39:28; Lev. 6:3; 16:4), and maḏ (“vest” or “shirt”?). The context in which they occur suggests that maḥălāṣōṯ (Isa. 3:22; Zech. 3:4; presumably related to Arabic ḫalaṣa “pure, clean”) were also considered elegant and that glōmīm as well as maḵlūlīm were luxury goods imported via the Phoenicians from Syria, Mesopotamia, and Iran (Ezek. 27:24), but their appearance is unknown. The fold of a garment was called ḥēq and ḥoṣen, the seams šūlīm (of a priestly or the divine robe: Exod. 28:35-36; 39:24-26; Isa. 6:1). Armor (siryōn/širyōn, to be complemented with a kōḇa‘/qōḇa‘ “helmet”) also occurs with verbs of dressing.25

2.3.3  Accessories Accessories completed a person’s outfit, especially outside the domestic sphere. A belt (’ēzōr, ḥăḡōr[ā], in poetry rarely mēzaḥ/māzīaḥ [or mzīaḥ?], for priests ’aḇnēṭ [“sash”?] and ḥēšeḇ) often checked the flow of the garment and enabled one to move one’s arms and legs at greater ease. Shoes (na‘al, mostly sandals) were readily available to protect the feet; fancy footwear occurs only once (Ezek. 16:10), and there is one reference to what may have been a sturdy military boot (s’ōn: Isa. 9:4). Turban-like headwear (ṭḇūlīm, miḡbā‘ā, miṣnep̄eṯ, p’ēr, ṣānīp̄) could serve both practical and decorative purposes, yet it features rarely in the text, and the relevant passages refer mostly to priestly, and sometimes to other elite or ceremonial dress, so its overall use cannot be assessed (iconography suggests that it was less widespread in the ancient Near East than in Islamic times). A veil or headscarf (ṣā‘īp̄, in Isa. 3:19 once r‘ālā) was associated with female dress, but again, it is unknown what it looked like.26 Other items include different kinds of bags (ḥārīṭ [ḥărīṭ?], kīs, mešeḵ, ṣrōr), often made of leather, and necklaces, bracelets, rings, and assorted pieces of jewelry (’eṣ‘āḏā, hăḏārā, ḥălī/ḥelyā, ḥărūzīm with nqūḏōṯ, ṭabba‘aṯ, kūmāz, nezem, ‘āḡīl, ‘ăḏī, ṣāmīḏ, tōr; however, even combined information from context, ancient translations, and etymology often leaves their meaning rather unspecific). The latter terms cluster in praises of female beauty, although men of status also wore signets (ḥōṯām “seal”: Gen. 38:18; ṭabba‘aṯ “ring”: 41:42) and bracelets (’eṣ‘āḏā: 2 Sam. 1:10). Some terms cannot be distinguished from “ornament, glory” (hāḏār; tipˉ’ereṯ) and may not denote any specific objects. Finally, the enigmatic gillāyōn in Isa. 3:22 could be a mirror (they occur in dowry lists in Aramaic marriage contracts from Elephantine: TADAE B2.6:6-15 and 3.8:6-17), symbolizing vanity, or a dress made from a smooth and thin fabric.

See the analysis of the common and priestly terms; ibid., 82–131, 193–259. 26 Lexical and ethnographic background information can be found in Hönig, Bekleidung, 72–101. 25

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3.  Nudity and Clothing in the Aramaic Sections of Ezra and Daniel The Aramaic sections of Ezra and Daniel are firmly embedded in the international Aramaic chancellery language of the Achaemenids and thus draw on established Aramaic everyday vocabulary and technical administrative terminology. At the same time, they have undergone some influence from Hebrew, which is also reflected in the lexicon. Hence the noun ‘arwā “nakedness” in Ezra 4:14 might have been borrowed from Hebrew, since the form otherwise attested in older Aramaic would be ‘aryā.27 Contrary to general Hebrew usage, however, the word occurs in the figurative sense “discredit” here (comparable to Isa. 20:4): Those who opposed the rebuilding of the temple stressed their loyalty to the Persian court by making the point that a strong and self-assertive Jerusalem would be less prone to paying tribute, and that would thus tarnish the Great King’s reputation and authority by embarrassing him. Clothes are also a recurrent theme in the royal ideology of Daniel. As in Hebrew, the default verb in Aramaic is lbš “to dress” with a single object in the basic stem and “to dress someone” with a double object in the causative stem; the parallelism between Dan. 5:7, 16 and 5:29 shows the relationship between both stems. The corresponding masculine noun lḇūš, presumably from *labūš (or *lubūš?), acts as a collective “clothing.” In addition, the Old Aramaic and Achaemenid Official Aramaic material contains various instances of another noun pattern, to be reconstructed as *lebāš in the light of Arabic, which denotes an individual piece of dress but is not attested in the biblical corpus, and of the passive participle *labīš “dressed.”28 Here, too, individual types of dress evoke distinct connotations. To be “dressed in purple” (’argwān), the king’s color, symbolizes, together with a golden necklace (*hamyānak, a Persian loan), the dignity of a high functionary. It is bestowed on an individual by royal prerogative for an eminent service like interpreting the ominous writing on the wall (Dan. 5:7, 16, 29). Similarly, the white clothes of the Ancient of Days in the vision about the beginning of the kingdom of God at the end of world history (Dan. 7:9) represent the timeless majesty and serene purity of this transcendent figure (cf. Mt. 28:3; Rev. 3:5). In the light of normal usage, lḇūš here seems to refer to his attire in general and not just to one particular piece of clothing.29 Moreover, Nebuchadnezzar’s dream of the tree that was stripped of its foliage, cut down, and reduced to its stump (Dan. 4:11-12), which acts as a warning against pride that makes one oblivious of the divine origin of all kingship, also seems to elaborate on the symbolic value of the royal dress as a token of status and power. While it is not stated explicitly that the king will be naked during his dehumanized existence in exile, only that he will be directly exposed to the forces of nature (Dan. 4:22, 30), the general image accords with the same close connection of nakedness and vulnerability (but also Beyer, Aramäischen Texte I, 664. 28 Gzella, “lbš,” 390–1. 29 The expression lḇūšeh kiṯlaḡ ḥiwwār literally means “his clothing was whiteness like snow,” since earlier Aramaic regularly uses the substantive “whiteness” for the color “white” (Beyer, “ḥwr,” 257). On the ritual connotations of white clothes in Near Eastern religious traditions, see Berger, Apokalypse, 352–5. 27

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divine protection in the form of basic sustenance like dew and grass) that permeates the Hebrew Bible. The exotic clothing of Jews serving as administrators in the imperial Diaspora, moreover, features prominently in the story of the three young men in the fiery furnace. They were bound “in their cloaks (sarbālīn), trousers (paṭšīn), hoods (karblāṯ), and clothes” and thrown into the fire right away (Dan. 3:21). The plural form of lḇūš at the end of this short list may either collectively denote the garments of each prisoner (“that is, in their respective clothes”) or summarize the remaining parts of their attire (“and all the rest of their getup”). All three specialized terms for individual pieces of clothing are Iranian loanwords, but their exact meaning is unknown and the respective translation equivalents merely result from convention.30 This enumeration of foreign lexemes serves different purposes: It increases the vividness of the narration by adding specific detail (regardless of the precise semantics, which may have been unimportant or even unknown to the author); it underscores the dramatic character of the hasty execution; it contributes to the alien setting, just like the various titles of functionaries (Dan. 3:2-3, 27) and types of instruments (3:5, 7, 10, 15) elsewhere, thus stressing the tension between integration into an international environment on the one hand and inherited cultural-religious identity on the other; and, especially, it reinforces the supernatural character of the miraculous salvation, since the fire did not even scorch the clothes of the victims, nor did the smoke leave a smell (3:27; for a comparable proof of divine care, see Deut. 29:4; Neh. 9:21).

4.  The Reception of Nudity and Clothing in the Dead Sea Scrolls Among the nonbiblical Dead Sea Scrolls, the theme of nudity and clothing mainly features in the various Hebrew rules that organize community life and in other fragments concerned above all with priests and ritual purity. The terminology and contents of these precepts essentially correspond to the priestly diction in biblical law. The noun ‘rwh “nudity” refers to genitalia, which are not meant to be seen (1QS 7:14), and, euphemistically, to excrement (1QM 7:7) or anything indecent (1QM 10:1; 11QT 58:17). In combination with glī “to reveal,” the word denotes incestuous intercourse that causes impurity (4Q251 17, 4, 6; 4Q387 A 2; CD 5:10), just as in Leviticus. “Nakedness” (‘rwm) counts as a disgraceful divine punishment (4Q166 ii 12, a commentary on Hos. 2:11-12). There are also, however, some apparent innovations not yet attested in biblical usage. The connection with ‘rwh may have influenced the use of ‘rwm “naked,” which, in contradistinction to the Hebrew Bible, appears to be associated with shame rather than weakness; hence, it is forbidden to walk naked if not forced to do so (1QS 7:12). Furthermore, š’r ‘r[wtkh “the flesh of your nakedness,” if this reconstruction is correct, seems to denote a man’s rightful wife in a wisdom text with instructions for married couples (4Q416 2 iv 5) and thus, despite the exclusively negative connotations The discussion is summarized in Koch, Daniel, 253, 295–6. 30

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of the word in earlier Hebrew, render a legitimate form of intimacy. Conversely, the plural of ‘ryh can mean “prohibited intercourse” (CD 5:9; presumably also 4Q251 17, 1), a nuance also known from Rabbinic Hebrew. Finally, some thanksgiving hymns use ‘rwh in the speaker’s self-deprecation (1QH 5:32; 9:24; 20:28). Several other attestations occur in broken passages that do not offer sufficient clues as to their exact meaning. Words for “naked” hardly crop up in the Aramaic scrolls, but the nuance “needy” in the face of death, as repeatedly in the Hebrew Bible, underlies ‘rṭly “naked” (also a Targumic and Peshitta equivalent of ‘ārōm and ‘ērōm) in 1QGenAp 22:33.31 Most references to clothing also occur in ritual and legal contexts, such as an extensive description of priestly garments (1QM 7:10-12) and the specific rules for putting them on for service in the sanctuary (11QT 15:16; 32:10-11; 35:5-7; presumably also 40:1). Halakhic texts stress the use of distinct clothes for men and women (4Q159 2-4, 7, following Deut. 22:5) and the prohibition of combining wool and linen (4Q396 1-2 iv 6; 4Q418 103 ii 7; 4Q524 14, 5; cf. Lev. 19:19; Deut. 22:11). Because of the emphasis on purity, dirty clothes should also be avoided (4Q265 6, 3; CD 11:3; cf. Exod. 19:10; 2 Sam. 12:20). Symbolic language in hymns further elaborates on biblical figurative use in that new garments here represent eschatological salvation (4Q381 15, 10; cf. Eph. 4:24). Ritual and apocalyptic aspects of clothing come together in a reference to participants of the heavenly liturgy who are gloriously dressed in colors (ṣb‘; rwqmh), specifically scarlet and white (4Q405 23 ii 7-12; note the priestly dress of the angelic figures in, e.g., Ezek. 9:2; Dan. 10:5). As in the biblical material, forms of the root lbš “to dress” function as the central lexemes, but ksī “to cover” and related nouns are, besides many other nuances (including astronomical ones), used in connection with clothes just as they are in Hebrew (e.g., 4Q159 2-4, 7; 4Q184 1, 5; 4Q381 15, 10; 4Q416 2 ii 3 par. 4Q417 2 ii+23, 5; several other occurrences are too fragmentary for a reliable interpretation). The few relevant instances of the verb lbš and the noun lbwš in the Aramaic texts crop up in similar contexts: priestly robes (11Q18 14 ii 5; 4Q537 12, 1) and the dress of angelic beings (4Q543 5-9, 5; 4Q544 1, 13), here referring to the colorful garment of the evil spirit in Amram’s vision (l[b]wšh ṣb‘nyn: does it symbolize a functionary’s authority—as he is repeatedly called šlyṭ “empowered”—deceptive beauty, or vainglory?), but also, as in Daniel and Esther, royal attire in a court setting (4Q550 1, 2). Dresses also make precious gifts (1QGenAp 20:31). Finally, the root appears in literal translations of Hebrew passages from Job in 11QTargJob (14:9; 16:8; 29:7; 30:7; 34:6 [Job 29:14; 30:18; 37:16; 38:9; 40:10]). The use of lbš and its derivatives in Qumran corresponds to that in older Aramaic in general.32

5.  Basic Terminology in the Ancient Versions General terms for nudity and clothing are by and large reproduced in a straightforward way in the principal ancient translations. Hence, ‘ārōm and ‘ērōm appear as γυμνός in Fabry, “‘rh,” 209–12, has a survey of the Hebrew material (but omits the adjective ‘rwm). 32 See Görg, “lbš,” 480–2, for the Hebrew and Gzella, “lbš,” 390–1, for the Aramaic evidence. 31

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the Septuagint and nudus in the Vulgate, lbš mostly as ἐνδύειν and induere or vestire, and the related nouns and beḡeḏ as ἱμάτιον and vestis, vestimentum, or indumentum; Targum and Peshitta have the normal Aramaic equivalents. With ‘erwā, however, αἰσχύνη, verenda, and similar lexemes often convey the ethical implications firmly connected with it in the Hebrew text. Words for various kinds of dress exhibit considerable variation and sometimes reflect the customs of the translator’s own time and place, as, among others, the Hellenistic terms in the “fashion show” in the Septuagint of Isa. 3:16-24 demonstrate (hence the enigmatic word gillāyōn is rendered with βύσσινον in v. 23). This topic would merit a study in its own right.

Bibliography Bauer, Hans. “Das semitische Wort für ‘Kleid’.” ZA 30 (1916): 108–9. Bender, Claudia. Die Sprache des Textilen: Untersuchungen zu Kleidung und Textilien im Alten Testament. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008. Berger, Klaus. Die Apokalypse des Johannes: Kommentar, 2 vols. Freiburg: Herder, 2017. Beyer, Klaus. Die aramäischen Texte vom Toten Meer: samt den Inschriften aus Palästina, dem Testament Levis aus der Kairoer Genisa, der Fastenrolle und den alten talmudischen Zitaten, 3 vols. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1984–2004. Beyer, Klaus. “ḥwr.” In Aramäisches Wörterbuch, edited by Holger Gzella, 257. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2016. Brownlee, William H. The Text of Habakkuk in the Ancient Commentary from Qumran. Philadelphia: Society of Biblical Literature, 1959. Del Olmo Lete, Gregorio and Joaquín Sanmartín. A Dictionary of the Ugaritic Language in the Alphabetic Tradition, 2 vols., 3rd edn. Leiden: Brill, 2015. Dietrich, Walter. Samuel: Teilband 2: 1Sam 13–26. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 2015. Fabry, Heinz-Josef. “‘rh.” In Theologisches Wörterbuch zu den Qumrantexten III, edited by Heinz-Josef Fabry and Ulrich Dahmen, 209–12. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2016. Gamberoni, Johann. “lbš.” In Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testament IV, edited by Heinz-Josef Fabry and Helmer Ringgren, 471–83. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1984. Gordon, Constance W. “Qǝtûl Nouns in Classical Hebrew.” Abr-Nahrain 29 (1991): 83–6. Görg, Manfred. “lbš.” In Theologisches Wörterbuch zu den Qumrantexten II, edited by Heinz-Josef Fabry and Ulrich Dahmen, 480–2. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2013. Gzella, Holger. “lbš.” In Aramäisches Wörterbuch, edited by Holger Gzella, 390–1. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2016. Gzella, Holger. “Verkürzte Zukunftsaussagen im Biblisch-Hebräischen.” ZAW 119 (2007): 272–7. Hörig, Hans Wolfram. Die Bekleidung des Hebräers: Eine biblisch-archäologische Untersuchung. Zurich: Brunner, Bodmer, 1957. Hornkohl, Aaron. “Biblical Hebrew: Periodization.” In Encyclopedia of Hebrew Language and Linguistics I, edited by Geoffrey Khan, 315–25. Leiden: Brill, 2013. Jenni, Ernst. Das hebräische Pi‘el: Syntaktisch-semasiologische Untersuchung einer Verbalform im Alten Testament. Zurich: EVZ-Verlag, 1968. Koch, Klaus. Daniel 1–4. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2005. Niehr, Herbert. “‘rh.” In Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testament VI, edited by Heinz-Josef Fabry and Helmer Ringgren, 369–75. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1989.

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Niehr, Herbert. “‘rwm.” In Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testament VI, edited by Heinz-Josef Fabry and Helmer Ringgren, 375–80. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1989. Ringgren, Helmer. “ksh.” In Theologisches Wörterbuch zum Alten Testament IV, edited by Heinz-Josef Fabry and Helmer Ringgren, 272–7. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1984. Stevenson, William B. Critical Notes on the Hebrew Text of the Poem of Job. Aberdeen: Aberdeen University Press, 1951.

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Nudity and Clothing in the Hebrew Bible Theological and Anthropological Aspects Jürgen van Oorschot

The articles and studies within this volume show for the first time the breadth and diversity that the questions about nudity and clothing in the Old Testament touch upon. The following article highlights some aspects within this diverse field in broad strokes. Its focus will be on anthropological questions and the notion of God. Considering the current state of research, it can only be a first sketch. Moreover, I will not attempt to provide a systematic synthesis.1 Such an approach to the communicative function of nudity and clothing might be helpful in providing background information and laying the foundations for interdisciplinary discussions, such as with cultural studies. In this case, an approach closer to the individual texts seemed more appropriate.2 To remain as close to the texts as possible, I also avoid the application of a theological systematization, as is done, for example, by Renate Brandscheidt, who uses categories like original sin or human self-absoluteness (“Selbstverabsolutierung”).3

1.  Nudity and Clothing in Biblical Language Being traditional literature, the Hebrew Bible preserves only a fraction of the literary culture of ancient Israel. The fact that only written testimony is included further restricts our perspective on a mostly oral culture. Despite these constraints, the language itself can provide a first glance on how nudity and clothing concerns the idea of God and humanity within the Hebrew Bible. In an extensive study on the basic vocabulary of textiles, Claudia Bender4 analyzes the “grammar of textiles” in terms of its use of verbs and nouns. Overwhelmingly, For such a synthesis, see Bender, Sprache, 133–44. 2 Some of the results presented in this essay are close to what Bender, Sprache, 191, suggests. However, Bender’s strict abidance by her own theoretical model and its scaling stands in tension with the biblical evidence. The same is true of her concept of simple or natural nudity (136). 3 Brandscheidt, “Nacktheit.” 4 Bender, Sprache, 69–131. 1

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clothing (or textile, as Bender calls it more openly) is the grammatical object within biblical passages. Clothing as a subject occurs only with reference to the deterioration of textiles. Following Bender, this seems to relate to cultural and economic aspects of clothing’s value, given the conditions of production at the time. Reference to the deterioration of clothing also occurs in combination with passages about the perishability of humanity (Job 13:28; Ps. 32:3; Isa. 50:9) and the world (Ps. 102:27; Isa. 51:6).5 Considering the idea of God or the image of humanity, analyzing the language of clothing and textiles provides no special insights but rather a good vantage point to look at aspects of the cultural and material world more closely.6 Including passages about nudity and being nude changes this perspective. Here, four areas of texts and topics can be identified that are suitable for an in-depth analysis concerning the images of God and humanity: (1) In the ancient Near East, including in the Hebrew Bible, nudity and clothing play an important role within the process of creation and becoming human (cf. the Sumerian epic of creation known as the “Debate between Sheep and Grain”; Gilgamesh; Gen. 2–3). (2) Thus, it is not surprising that nudity is mentioned in the context of the womb and death (Job 1; Eccl. 5). (3) Being nude also expresses the social and biological deterioration of human life. This covers both experiences with death and grief as well as social or political degradation expressed through poverty, captivity, or the destruction of the kingdom (1 Kgs 11:29-31; 1 Sam. 15:27-28). (4) The Song of Songs can speak about a partner’s nudity in exclusively positive terms. The partner’s naked body is part of the desired and paradisiacal state and is described using figures of speech. (5) Since nudity can already pose a danger within the social context, ritual prescriptions carefully regulate that no one can appear before God nude. The only exception is David’s gesture of humility before God (2 Sam. 6:20-23).

2.  Nudity and Clothing in the Context of Creation What is the basic image of humans: are they naked or clothed? How does the creature appear “human” in terms of nudity and clothing within the tradition? Ancient Near Eastern tradition offers some insight differentiating between primeval times and contemporary times and preferring contemporary times based on civilization’s achievements. Along this line of thought, some Mesopotamian narratives of creation tell the story of the appearance of humans in two phases. The Sumerian “Debate between Sheep and Grain” tells about a deficient primitive time when humans and gods lived below the contemporary standard of living. Humans were living on the same level as animals. This state is vividly expressed: Die Menschen der Urzeit wussten nicht, Brot zu essen, wussten nicht, sich mit Kleidern zu bekleiden, sie liefen mit nackten Gliedern im Land herum, Ibid., 78–81. 6 See also Gzella (Chapter 9) in the present volume. 5

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frassen wie Schafe Gras mit ihrem Mund, tranken Wasser aus den Gräben.7 (The people of those days did not know about eating bread. They did not know about wearing clothes; they went about with naked limbs in the land. Like sheep they ate grass with their mouths and drank water from the ditches.)

The cause of this misery is the absence of grain and wool, that is, sheep husbandry. Neither the goddess of weaving Uttu existed nor the corresponding animals as a source of clothing’s raw materials. Humans graze like animals, and because clothing is absent, the institution of kingship has not yet been developed (l. 16). Humans who are naked are not fully human. Likewise, the differentiation of human society is linked to having clothes. The Gilgamesh epic is similarly structured, separating a primeval time from the contemporary time by recounting the process of civilizing Enkidu. He is created as a grown man, hairy and unclothed, living far from human society with animals and eating grass. The fact that his fur is called his clothing (I, 105ff.)8 does emphasize that he has no human clothing but shares his clothing with the animals. When a prostitute guides him through sexual experience to the world of humanity, combined with the awakening of his reason, covering his nudity with clothing is an essential part of this process, as is caring for his body by cutting his hair and anointing it with oil.9 The non-Priestly story of creation in Gen. 2–3 uses similar motifs10 but makes different distinctions. Here too we can find a two-level structure differentiating a primeval time from contemporary times. The story also shares the connection of sexuality, knowledge/reason, and nudity and clothing within the process of becoming human. In terms of their narrative structure, Gen. 2–3 are clearly linked. They also share their evaluation of the situation: Both the primeval time and the contemporary time of civilization are ambivalent, and human existence eludes a clear, single-lined judgment. Unlike its Near Eastern counterparts, the primeval time is not simply marked as being deficient. Humans, in their original duality of man and woman, are naked and are not ashamed. The absence of shame, despite the otherwise negative (social) attitude toward nudity, points to a special kind of community that is still without hierarchy and social classes, without oppression or domination among humanity.11 Without making it explicit, this state of an unburdened community also includes the relationship with God. This can be seen from humans’ unquestioning acceptance of both the God-given rules in Gen. 2 and the consequences of their disobedience in Gen. 3.

7 On the discussion surrounding the translation and interpretation of this passage cf. Schellenberg, Mensch, 264. 8 Maul, Gilgamesch-Epos, 49–50. 9 On the meaning of clothing in Gilgamesh cf. Harris, Gender, 43ff. and Steinert, Aspekte, 86–7, 432–7. 10 On the literary evidence and its evaluation cf. Gertz, Genesis. 11 Cf. Hartenstein (Chapter 19) in the present volume.

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Besides the feeling of shame, humans also lack the ability to know the difference between good and evil. Only when evolving out of the primeval times do humans enter their adult life as represented in contemporary times. The first case of disobedience against the rules made by God opens their eyes in two ways: Humans can distinguish good from evil, and they realize their nudity, at the same time realizing their need for protective clothing (Gen. 3:7; 3:21). The text portrays the primeval time as a childlike state and the contemporary time as adulthood.12 The connection between the primeval time and contemporary experience of life is thus closer than the development from an animalistic state to humanness in the Sumerian “Debate between Sheep and Grain” or the development of Enkidu in the epic of Gilgamesh. Looking at children provides an idea of what life without shame could be, though it is important not to overextend the analogy and to equate paradise with being a child, thus romanticizing childhood. Because being a child is intrinsically linked to the life of adults, it is not fully like the primeval time. Nudity without shame and unencumbered community, where status, hierarchy, and power do not differentiate between humans, cannot be known in contemporary life. There can only be a hunch of what this life might be like.13 Moreover, in Gen. 2–3, clothing is a sign of civilization that knows a community without hierarchy or being ruled only as a romanticized childhood or utopia. In this story of origins, nudity remains only as a precarious, endangered state that needs protection. Clothing and the God of creation are symbols and hint at a community that provides protection (Gen. 3:21). The Song of Songs follows a similar logic: love protects the much desired nudity.14

3.  Nudity and Clothing in the Context of Birth and Death In the later wisdom literature of the Hebrew Bible, people’s nudity relates to their birth and death on a fundamental level. The texts share basic ideas with Gen. 2–3 as described above. Humans enter the world naked, without clothing or any other sign of participation in the social order. Coming from the womb of their mother, the way into the world is one into a world of clothing, turning skin and nakedness themselves into a social signal.15 Presenting on the background of the mythological imagery of “mother earth,” Job 1:21 formulates similarly. Beginning existence by coming naked from the womb of one’s mother correlates to leaving existence by returning one’s naked body to dust (Gen. 3:19): Naked came I out of my mother’s womb, and naked shall I return there. (Job 1:21a) This seems plausible for various reasons, especially regarding the way the motif of distinguishing between good and evil is used throughout the Hebrew Bible; cf. Gen. 2–3 with Deut. 1:39-40; 2 Sam. 19:36; 1 Kgs 3:9; Isa. 7:15-16 (1QSa 1:10-11 = DSS I, 112–13). 13 See Section 7. 14 See Section 3. 15 See Section 4. 12

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This passage has been repeatedly understood as representing some kind of “natural” nudity, not yet tainted by nudity’s negative evaluation of shame or degradation.16 This understanding, however, misses the point of nudity as a borderline situation. As seen above in Gen. 2–3, the non-Priestly creation knows of nudity without shame. This nudity, however, can only be encountered in a place of origin inaccessible to contemporary times, that is, the fundamental description of what humans and human society are. In this way, nudity remains at the margin of contemporary life, posing an anthropological tension with our current state of being—a state of being that can understand nudity only in terms of fragile and dangerous potential for human existence, exemplified in the naked infant and dying person in Job 1. Within the narrative that frames the book of Job, nudity is not only a signal for human vulnerability. But Job—uttering the words quoted above—knows himself to be an object of a God whom he can neither question nor influence and whose actions he does not understand either on a general level or in terms of the effects on his life. Renouncing every possibility to act on his own, Job surrenders to God naked.17 Naked I came from my mother’s womb, and naked shall I return there: Yhwh gave, and Yhwh has taken away; blessed be the name of Yhwh. (Job 1:21)

Ecclesiastes uses statements about nudity at birth and in death to convey the senselessness of the pursuit of riches and profit: As they came from their mother’s womb, so they shall go again, naked as they came; they shall take nothing for their toil, which they may carry away with their hands. (Eccl. 5:14)

Life remains without gain and profit, so the nude infant like the nude dying person only teach one thing: Enjoy the moment’s good things as a gift of God—carpe diem (Eccl. 5:18). Being vulnerably nude is also mentioned in the epic, prophetic indictment of Jerusalem in Ezek. 16. This chapter presents the city of Jerusalem as a woman whom God cares for, finding her as a bloody, naked infant on the side of the street. God promises her life and thus she flourishes, becoming a grown, beautiful woman (Ezek. 16:6-7), yet she remains naked and bare (Ezek. 16:7b). In a second stage of protection and attention, God sees her as a sexually mature, nude woman (Ezek. 16:8) and covers her nakedness with his coat. This act is paralleled with the berit that God enters with Bender, Sprache, 134–8: “Die Texte des Alten Testaments tragen der Tatsache Rechnung, dass Nacktheit am Anfang des Lebens unausweichlich und deshalb ‘natürlich’ ist” (136). By simply deducing an ethical evaluation of a natural state or a phenomenon from its mere existence, Bender’s argumentation falls short. 17 This interpretation in the context of the book of Job (cf. van Oorschot, “Entstehung”) need not rest on a systematic interpretation in terms of a human condition of being cursed; on this cf. Brandscheidt, “Nacktheit.” 16

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Jerusalem. The affection that this woman in turn shows toward God again touches upon nudity and clothing. God washes, cleans, and anoints her. In a second step that is described in detail, God then clothes and decorates her from head to toe. Here, clothing and jewelry express the kingly honor bestowed upon her (Ezek. 16:9-14). The turning point of the story to a third stage comes with pride: Jerusalem is enticed by her beauty and worldwide recognition. The woman then uses the God-given clothes and jewelry to decorate the sanctuaries on the hills (Ezek. 16:15-16), to produce idols of male gods (Ezek. 16:17) and to cover the other men (Ezek. 16:18). The indictment continues by repeating the initial image of the naked infant lying in her blood—a situation forgotten by Jerusalem (Ezek. 16:22). In the following speech, bareness serves as an image to announce judgment: the prostitute who exposes herself and God who exposes in judgment (Ezek. 16:35-37). In sum, this chapter uses nudity and clothing in different images, expressing both vulnerability and the need for protection as well as degradation and shameful exposure. The people who are nude—the infant and the woman—are by no means accidental, since they embody anthropologically (the infant) and culturally (the woman) people who are of low social rank.18 Consequently, degradation in prophetic literature is linked multiple times to women, embodying Jerusalem, Israel, Nineveh, or Babylon (Hos. 2:4-17; Nah. 3:1-7; Isa. 47:1-4; Jer. 13:18-27, and Ezek. 23). These are all texts of judgment, showing the different variants in the imagery of nudity and clothing that we have seen in Ezek. 16.19 The examples taken from late wisdom literature and prophets show that these texts take their imagery from the experiences of daily life, enriching them with theological thinking.20 The newborn child covered in clothing to protect it from cold, sun, or dirt is just as self-explanatory as the lifeless body of the deceased which is laid into earth covered by dust—the element which frequently symbolizes mortality in the Hebrew Bible (Gen. 2:7; Job 10:9; 34:15; Eccl. 3:20; Isa. 26:19). However, nudity is a symbol in its own right. Rather than being linked to mortality, nudity enables the texts to express the fragility and vulnerability of human life without talking about mortality or even a notion of sinfulness.

4.  Nudity as Shame and Humiliation The previous sections showed the close connection between nudity and “being without status”21 and nudity as a form of shame and humiliation. It is not surprising that there are many examples in different kinds of biblical literature where nudity endangers people and pushes them to the margins of human existence.22 18 For an analysis of this chapter cf. Kessler (Chapter 17) in the present volume. 19 Cf. the detailed analysis of Klein (Chapter 29) in the present volume. 20 The attempt to derive the employment of “anthropological codes of honor and shame” (Klein [Chapter 29] in the present volume, beginning of Section 2) from this finding will lead to the problems linked to the classification of cultures in a broad pattern, without an actual gain of new insights; on this debate cf. Grund-Wittenberg, “Scham/Schande.” 21 Cf. Görg, “Nacktheit.” 22 For further discussion see Kessler (Chapter 17) in the present volume.

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It is poor people who suffer from hunger or live a life away from their homeland (Isa. 58:7), lack sufficient clothing (Prov. 23:21; Job 22:6), or are humiliated by their nakedness (Job 24:7, 10; Ezek. 18:7).23 Prisoners of war suffer the same humiliation through nudity, presented to the public on their bare feet and naked (Isa. 20:3-4).24 People with shaved heads are humiliated (Mic. 1:8, 16). The deportation of prisoners provides the background for this imagery, which is also found in Job 12:17, 19 and 2 Chron. 28:15. The passages from Ezek. 16 and other prophetic texts of judgment show that these acts of humiliation were also performed on women who committed adultery.25 How closely nudity is linked to these situations of political, social, or ethical dispute can be seen in the thick description provided in Job 24:5-12. The passage describes people on the margins of civilization and thus on the margins of human existence. Not by chance, the wild donkey is what they are compared to. Like wild donkeys, these people try to ensure their survival. Part of this animalistic existence is being “naked without clothing in the night, without blanket in the frost” (Job 24:7; cf. 24:10). On the margins of civilization, on the margin of survival, and on the margin of what seems ethically tolerable—that is where nudity belongs. Multiple times, prophetic texts state that clothing a nude person is an ethical requirement for a Jew (Isa. 58:7) or a ṣadiq (Ezek. 18:7b, 16) and is as elemental as feeding the hungry. One can see that clothing and nudity touch upon basic aspects of human life: the pragmatic equipment for survival (or a decent life) as well as the social and anthropological status of a human, signifying his or her honor within social networks as well as his or her difference from animals. We find the necessary equipment with clothing and the blankets for the poor in an equally fundamental way in the so-called oath of purgation in Job 31:19. Likewise, the blanket for the poor, one’s protection against the cold at night, is part of the Covenant Code (Exod. 22:25-26) as part of the self-evident limitations of property law.26 Already in this version, we find the requirement without the formulation of a direct punishment, thus formulating a basic ethical principle rather than law for a particular case. The parallel passage in Deuteronomy shows even more strongly how the blanket of the poor and the protection against nudity and cold touches a fundamental principle against elementary dangers of life. In Deut. 24:10-13 the consequences of a new “ethics of solidarity” for the lien are exemplified with the blanket of the poor. The blanket shall be returned in the evening. To do so not only ensures the blessing for the Israelite but also counts as justice before God. In short, solidarity with one’s neighbor is justice before God. Corresponding to these regulations, it is part of the elementary principles of the relation between husband and wife that he provides food, clothing, and (sexual) companionship for her (Exod. 21:10). The idea of nudity as a state of human’s natural origin cannot be found in these texts. Rather, the combination of food and clothing as basic needs for life is mentioned again in Deut. 10:14-19, where the love of the

On the distinction between total nakedness and insufficient clothing, cf. Kessler (Chapter 17) in the present volume, Section 3. 24 Cf. Beyer (Chapter 28) in the present volume. 25 See Section 3 above. 26 For further discussion, see Otto (Chapter 16) in the present volume, Section 1. 23

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universal, kingly God is shown through love for the stranger (ger), specifically through providing food and clothing. Self-degradation in rites of grief or lament can be understood as special cases of humiliation. The lowering of one’s own social standing is expressed by tearing apart or taking off one’s clothing, jewelry, or sandals, by forms of neglect for one’s own body, by mutilation of hair, beard, or skin, as well as through rites involving dust or earth. This degradation performed before the king or God is a plea for his gracious intervention.27

5.  The Nude Body in Texts of Desire—the Song of Songs The collection of profane love poems in the Song of Songs constitutes a unique body of texts within the Hebrew Bible. These poems of admiration and bragging rarely speak of nudity in an explicit way. However, the nude body of the beloved, accessible to the eyes and hands, is part of the descriptions of longing and desire. It is fair to say that these songs shed light on the erotic dimension of nudity. Though this is not the place to enter into the debate about the interpretation of the many dimensions of these texts, one can say that these poems show a great deal of liberty in speaking about the nude body in contexts of love, desire, and affection—particularly considering the ethical and legal conventions of the time.28 Especially the descriptive songs mention the beloved’s beautiful body in numerous comparisons (Song 4:1-7; 5:10-16). Here, individual parts of the body are described using colorful images. Their accessibility, that is, their bareness, is presumed or only noted in short comments. It is not mentioned for the woman’s throat (Song 4:4), breasts (Song 4:5), or teeth (Song 4:2) or for the man’s head, curls, eyes, cheeks, lips, hands, belly, flanks, and palate—all of the parts of the male body that are mentioned (Song 5:11-15). Only when talking about the woman’s eyes and temples, their visibility behind “your veil” is specifically mentioned (Song 4:1, 3). To make the point about clothing, deciding whether or not this veil is part of a wedding ceremony—an interpretation that has not gone unchallenged29—is not necessary. In my view, the veil can easily be understood as a normal cultural practice for the female body or—even more to the point—as being part of the description that plays with covering and uncovering the lover’s body. Since there is no evidence of any other veiling practices in Israel and Judah and the corresponding texts about covering one’s face or other parts of the body seem to have their own intentions,30 the last interpretation seems most likely. Mentioning a veil seems then unnecessary for the writer describing the prince’s daughter dancing in Song 7:1, 2-6. Her beautiful feet are clothed in sandals (Song 7:2), while the description of the rest of the body implies that it is visible, that is, nude. The descriptions themselves, however, then do not describe all parts of the body explicitly For further discussion see Kutsch, “Trauerfasten”; and Podella, Som-Fasten. 28 For further discussion of the character of this book and its history of interpretation, see Keel, Blicke; Hagedorn, Perspectives; Schellenberg and Schwienhorst-Schönberger, Interpreting; and Gerhards (Chapter 32) in the present volume. 29 See, e.g. Gerhards (Chapter 32), 560 n.18. 30 On the subject of veils in the Hebrew Bible cf. Oswald (Chapter 25), Section 4 in the present volume. 27

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but describe indirectly by comparison. The reader can see the “curves of your hips” in the form of “rings” (Song 7:2) or “the belly like a heap of wheat” (Song 7:3) or the “breast” like “two gazelles” (Song 7:4). The imagery thus clothes the nude, desired body and offers protection even for the unclothed physique. The lover’s desire and the language create a safe space for nudity. In a similar fashion, the erotic play with nudity and clothing can be found in the night scene in Song 5:2-8. In a daydream, the woman hears her lover knocking on the door, asking for permission to enter. She refuses, telling her lover that she is already naked and has washed her feet. Consequently, she has not only taken off her upper gown but also the linen vest beneath, the so-called tunic (Song 5:3). This might be more telling about the ideas of erotic play than about cultural customs concerning sleepwear. The almost playful refusal of the lover, the disappearance, the play between proximity and distance in her dream ends when the woman—searching for her vanished lover— is beaten by guards on the streets, who also take her clothes away (Song 5:7). Without her clothing, she remains naked and humiliated. Thus, the small passage entails both poles that characterize nudity: erotic playfulness and humiliation—the former being of course more prominent within this kind of literature. However, it remains noteworthy that even in this context the ambivalence of nudity is expressed.

6.  Nudity before God—on Cultic Nudity How strongly nudity needs protection and order becomes visible in the short, postpriestly episode in Gen. 9:20-27. Noah enjoys the fruits of his work as the first winemaker and drunkenly retires in his tent. There, he lies nude and bare, which does not endanger himself but rather his sons, depending on their reaction. The reaction of Ham, the father of all Canaanites, is deemed inappropriate, shameless and dishonoring and causes Ham and all his offspring to be cursed. The appropriate reaction of the other brothers gives them authority over Ham.31 If nudity poses this kind of threat in the context of a family, of course the contact with God requires specific rules for clothing and nudity. It is not surprising that we find extensive rules for clothing in the Priestly source,32 even if they do not touch upon nudity or any sexual dimension.33 Here, clothing first and foremost signals proximity to God’s holiness and all corresponding actions. At the same time, the clothing should mirror the beauty of God.34 People, regardless of their function, will probably have entered the sanctuary without shoes. Although we have no texts specifically making this point, this is very likely, since it corresponds to two discovery stories. Both in Exod. 3 as well as in Josh. 5:13-15, the protagonists discover holy places. In both instances, Moses and Joshua, respectively, are required to take off their shoes “because the place on which you are standing is holy ground!” (Exod. 3:5; Josh. 5:15). Both stories work On the state of research concerning the literary history and the contents of this story see Gertz, Genesis. 32 For further discussion see MacDonald (Chapter 24) in the present volume. 33 For further discussion see below and Berner (Chapter 23) in the present volume. 34 Cf. also Kim, “Significance,” 19–33. 31

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under the premise that people indeed take off their shoes when they leave profane ground and enter holy ground with bare feet.35 Is it once uncovering and leaving clothes behind that is appropriate to encounter the holy, in case of men’s genitalia they must be covered at all times. To be clothed in any case, the priest was supposed to wear long undergarments reaching from the hips to the thighs (Exod. 28:42). Another solution to this problem is provided by Exod. (20:24-26), which prohibits altars that are elevated and only accessible by stairs, thus threatening to expose one’s nudity. The prohibition thus ensures that “your nudity will not be uncovered” (Exod. 20:26). Both texts seem to be unrelated and to belong to two different literary sources.36 Regardless of which source they are ascribed to, they both show in their own way that uncovering genitalia is strictly prohibited in the presence of God. The instructions for the new temple in Ezek. 44:17-19 likewise stipulate that long linen clothing covering the legs is to be worn and add specific comments on how the priests should change their clothes after finishing the service in the sanctuary “so that they will not transmit holiness to the people with their garments” (Ezek. 44:19b). More generally, a brief episode between Michal and David—in the context of the repatriation of the ark of the covenant in 2 Sam. 6:20-23—touches upon the rules concerning nudity.37 During David’s expressive dancing in front of the ark during the cultic repatriation to Jerusalem, his genitalia are accidentally exposed (2 Sam. 6:14, interpreted in connection with 6:20). When returning home, Michal accuses David that despite being king he behaved like a peasant, not covering his genitalia in front of his servants’ maids. Two boundaries concerning nudity appear to have been crossed. Nudity contradicts David’s status as king, and his nudity as a male is inappropriate because his servants’ wives were able to see his genitalia. A sexual dimension as well as questions of social status work together. David’s answer, however, shifts to another dimension: He has danced before Yhwh and has humiliated himself before him— but not in front of the maids (2 Sam. 6:21-22). His justification draws on the early Jewish ideal of showing humility before God—transgressing traditional cultic thinking with the novel combination of nudity and humility before God. The authors of 1 Chron. 15:27-29 align David with the conventional expectations of priestly behavior, portraying him as wearing a linen garment in their account of the story.

7.  Conclusion: Nude Humans and God Behind biblical texts dealing with nudity and clothing, the functional aspect of the matter becomes apparent at some points. If poor people lack their clothing at night, they have to be protected from the cold. The anthropological dimension of nudity is based upon these functional issues, but not identical with them. On top of this, nudity and clothing are part of the social fabric and its communication. All three aspects are In accordance with Krause (Chapter 15) in the present volume. 36 For further discussion of the assignment of literary sources see the contribution by Berner (Chapter 23) in the present volume, Section 2. Following Berner’s analysis, one can state against Bender (among others) that not all Priestly dress codes belong to the same literary layer. 37 For further discussion, see Schulz (Chapter 26) in the present volume. 35

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intrinsically linked together and—depending on their specific linkages and contents— form the cultural phenomenon of nudity.38 There is no such thing as natural nudity, since the concept of “nature” is itself a product of human culture. Moreover, the biblical distinction of primitive time versus civilized time does not define the primitive time as the natural state prior to culture. Rather, the idea of a primitive time should be understood as a different kind of culture—a culture where there is room for nudity unrelated to shame.39 What are the characteristics of the biblical texts relating to nudity and clothing? In all types of biblical literature, the major concern with nudity is its danger for the naked human. In the very moment a person enters the contemporary world and acknowledges one’s own nudity, that person knows about shame and is provided with clothing as basic equipment for human life (Gen. 3:10, 11, 21). In this respect, the ideas of vulnerability and the need for protection, as well as of shame and humiliation, can be found in all of the relevant texts. Despite these findings, some biblical texts do know of nudity without shame and danger. The way this knowledge is conveyed might be rooted in realism and anthropological sobriety. It is found in the idea of an authoritative state of primeval times that know the first human community to be a space of protected nudity. The same notion can be invoked by seeing a little child or by envisioning one’s lover. The former is represented in Gen. 2; 3, the latter in the Song of Songs. Key in both texts is the fact that nudity is set in the context of a protective relationship between two people. The danger posed by nudity is thus neither forgotten nor negated but considered and cared for through context. Even the language used in the Song of Songs shows this tendency when it describes nudity but at the same time covers it by using metaphorical language and imagery. Conveying status and communicating through clothing and nudity is linked to shame and danger multiple times. For example, Michaela Bauks points to the subtle differences in the story of Noah’s drunkenness between “uncovering nakedness” (Gen. 9:21), “seeing nakedness” (Gen. 9:22) and “covering nakedness” (Gen. 9:23).40 A comparison with Lev. 18 and 20 shows, however, that Ham is not guilty of sexual misconduct against his father. Rather, he violates social norms and thus dishonors his father—or fails to reestablish his father’s honor—by not covering up what the father has uncovered as his brothers later do. What characterizes the passages connecting God with nudity and clothing? The anthropomorphic language used to describe God in the Hebrew Bible shows that parts of the body related to one’s sex are not used to describe God. In this way, the texts avoid ascribing a certain sex to God and also distance themselves from other cults involving sexual acts.41 The iconography shares this religious and theological reservation when it

This term is used here following Lietzmann, “Kleidung und Nacktheit,” 1417–18. 39 Reinhard, Lebensformen, 63, denies the concept of nature without shame in parallel to the concept of nature without culture in a human context. By doing so, he adequately describes those two aspects, which are closely connected in Gen. 2–3. 40 Cf. Bauks (Chapter 20) in the present volume. 41 For an overview, see van Oorschot, “Anthropomorphismus.” 38

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comes to nudity or sexuality. If nudity is displayed at all within the context of fertility, female goddesses or their symbols are nude but not Yhwh.42 Alongside this reservation, biblical literature develops its own way of talking about the kabod as God’s clothing. As Marilyn E. Burton shows in this volume, this theme and its semantic context develops a colorful and broad spectrum of metaphors using clothing. Characteristically, these metaphors can describe God, humans, the king, a priest, wise persons, and, figuratively, Zion or Lady Wisdom. When describing God, the metaphors emphasize God’s honor and power as a sign of God’s status and character. When God and humans meet, it is expected for the human to wear clothing appropriate to his or her status—the Priestly texts provide clear rules. The idea of humans appearing naked before God, expressing their humiliation and status as creatures toward their creator, is rare. David’s dancing nude before the ark of the covenant is an exception. The little episode about Michal and David and their interpretations of the act already express the polyvalence and thus the overdetermination of such an act performed by a nude human.

Bibliography Bender, Claudia. Die Sprache des Textilen: Untersuchungen zu Kleidung und Textilien im Alten Testament (BWANT 177). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008. Biddle, Mark. “The Figure of Lady Jerusalem: Identification, Deification, and Personification of Cities in the Ancient Near East.” In The Biblical Canon in Comparative Perspective, edited by K. Lawson Younger, William W. Hallo, and Bernard F. Batto, 173–94. Lewiston: E. Mellen Press, 1991. Brandscheidt, Renate. “Nacktheit.” Wibilex, April 2011. Available online: http://www. bibelwissenschaft.de/stichwort/28635/ (accessed May 1, 2018). Gertz, Jan Christian. Das erste Buch Mose (Genesis). Die Urgeschichte 1–11 (ATD). Götttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2018. Görg, Manfred. “Nacktheit.” NBL 2, 886–8. 1996. Grund-Wittenberg, Alexandra. “Scham/Schande (AT).” In Wibilex, February 2015. Available online: http://www.bibelwissenschaft.de/de/stichwort/26305/ (accessed May 1, 2018). Hadijev, Tchavdar S. “Honor and Shame.” In Dictionary of the Old Testament: Prophets, edited by Mark J. Boda and J. Gordon McConville, 333–8. Downers Grove: IVP Academic, 2012. Hagedorn, Anselm C. (ed.). Perspectives on the Song of Songs—Perspektiven der Hoheliedauslegung (BZAW 346). Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 2005. Harris, Rivka. Gender and Aging in Mesopotamia: The Gilgamesh Epic and Other Ancient Literature. Norman: University of Oklahoma Press, 2000. Keel, Othmar. Deine Blicke sind Tauben. Zur Metaphorik des Hohen Liedes (SBS 114/115). Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1984. Kersken, Sabine A. Töchter Zions, wie seid ihr gewandet? Untersuchungen zu Kleidung und Schmuck alttestamentlicher Frauen (AOAT 251). Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2008.

Cf. Nunn, “Götterbild.” 42

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Kim, Jung Hoon. “The Significance of Clothing Imagery in the Pauline Corpus.” Diss., University of Glasgow, 1998. Kutsch, Ernst. “ ‘Trauerbräuche’ und ‘Selbstminderungsriten’ im Alten Testament.” In Kleine Schriften zum Alten Testament, edited by Ludwig Schmidt and Karl Eberlein, 78–95. Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 1986. Lietzmann, Anja. “Kleidung und Nacktheit.” RGG 3, 4th edn, 1417–18. 2001. Maul, Stefan M. Das Gilgamesch-Epos neu übersetzt und kommentiert. 4th edn. Munich: C.H. Beck, 2008. Nunn, Astrid. “Götterbild.” In Wibilex, March 2014. Available online: http://www. bibelwissenschaft.de/stichwort/19712/ (accessed May 1, 2018). van Oorschot, Jürgen. “Anthropomorphismus.” In Wibilex, April 2011. Available online: http://www.bibelwissenschaft.de/stichwort/28635/ (accessed May 1, 2018). van Oorschot, Jürgen. “Die Entstehung des Hiobbuches.” In Das Buch Hiob und seine Interpretationen. Beiträge zum Hiob-Symposium auf dem Monte Verità vom 14.–19. August 2005 (ATANT 88), edited by Thomas Krüger, Manfred Oeming et al., 165–84. Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 2007. Podella, Thomas. Som-Fasten. Kollektive Trauer um den verborgenen Gott im Alten Testament (AOAT 224). Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1989. Reinhard, Wolfgang. Lebensformen Europas. Eine historische Kulturanthropologie. Munich: C.H. Beck, 2004. Schellenberg, Annette. Der Mensch, das Bild Gottes? Zum Gedanken einer Sonderstellung des Menschen im Alten Testament und in weiteren altorientalischen Quellen (ATANT 101). Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 2011. Schellenberg, Annette and Ludger Schwienhorst-Schönberger (eds.). Interpreting the Song of Songs—Literal or Allegorical? Leuven: Peeters, 2016. Steinert, Ulrike. Aspekte des Menschseins im Alten Mesopotamien. Eine Studie zu Person und Identität im 2. und 1. Jt. v. Chr. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2012.

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Thematic Studies

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2.1

The Divine

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11

The Clothing of Cult Statues and Biblical Polemics against Iconic Worship Sonja Ammann

1.  Introduction A relief depicting Tiglath-Pileser III’s conquest of Gaza in 734 BCE shows anthropomorphic cult statues being carried away by Assyrian soldiers.1 Unfortunately, at present the slab is in a poor state of preservation, but drawings made by A. H. Layard at the time of the discovery show two seated goddesses and a smiting god with elaborate clothing and paraphernalia. The cult statues’ garments depicted on this relief likely represent richly decorated textile clothing.2 The endowment of cult statues with clothing was a common practice in the ancient Near East. Babylonian texts inform us about the fabrication of these divine garments and the clothing ceremony (lubuštu) in which the statues were invested with their festive attire. As the relief of the conquest of Gaza suggests, it is likely that the endowing of cult statues with precious garments was practiced similarly in ancient Palestine. Biblical writers were familiar with the custom of clothing cult statues. As a ritual practice related to iconic cult, the clothing of cult statues is always mentioned with negative undertones. Polemical texts against iconic worship refer to the statues’ clothing to denounce anthropomorphic and material aspects of the cult statues. After a short introduction to the clothing of cult statues as attested in Babylonian texts, I will provide an overview of the biblical texts mentioning the statues’ garments and discuss how these texts use different aspects of clothing to denigrate iconic cults.

Cf. Layard, Monuments, I pl. 65; I would like to thank Angelika Berlejung for permission to reproduce the illustration here. That the relief depicts the conquest of Gaza is argued in detail by Uehlinger, “Hanum von Gaza,” 109–17. 2 Cf. Oppenheim, “Golden Garments,” 186, thinks of garments decorated with gold applications; Uehlinger, “Hanum von Gaza,” 101, of embroidery (“reichhaltige Stickerei”). A further smaller goddess seems to be placed in a kind of box with no distinct garment visible. 1

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Figure  11.1  Relief from Niniveh depicting Assyrian soldiers carrying away cult statues during Tiglath-Pileser III’s conquest of Gaza in 734 BCE. Berlejung, Theologie, 475.

2.  The Clothing of Cult Statues in the Ancient Near East The clothing of cult statues is an ancient and widespread custom, attested in Mesopotamia as well as in Egypt and Greece.3 In Mesopotamia, the earliest references to divine garments go back to the late third millennium BCE.4 The most extensive sources for the clothing of cult statues date from the Neo-Babylonian period, and the following remarks are mainly based on this material.5 The cult statues in Mesopotamian temples were considered living beings through the gods present in them. Their basic needs, such as food, were imagined in an anthropomorphic way and taken care of by the temple personnel in daily rituals. However, unlike the awakening and feeding, the dressing of the statues was not performed as part of the daily cultic ceremonies.6 The clothing of cult statues can thus not be reduced to the “practical” purpose of fulfilling the statue’s needs as a living being.7 Rather, dressing the statues with textile garments meant an additional adornment (or vestment), the statue most likely being fabricated with a carved or painted “everyday dress.”8 Babylonian texts indicate that the statues were vested in textile garments for In Greece, the presentation of garments to a deity is attested only from the eighth century onward; the earliest written sources for the dressing of cult statues date from the fifth century BCE (Brøns, Gods and Garments, 246–7). 4 For a discussion of lists of divine garments and ornaments from the Ur III and Old Babylonian periods cf. Leemans, Ishtar. 5 The texts from Sippar have been collected and published by Zawadzki, Garments (Vol. II). On clothing ceremonies in Uruk and Babylon in the Neo-Babylonian and Hellenistic periods, see Beaulieu, Pantheon of Uruk; Linssen, Cults, 52–6. 6 Cf. Zawadzki, Garments, I 154. This seems to be different in Egypt, where the clothing of the gods was part of the daily morning ritual, cf. Podella, Lichtkleid, 96–103. 7 This is further confirmed by the fact that the clothing of the gods does not correspond to seasonal changes (e.g., warm clothes for the cold season and vice versa), cf. Zawadzki, Garments, I 153–4 contra a suggestion by Matsushima, “Divine Statues,” 213. 8 Cf. Zawadzki, Garments, I 153–4 (the storage of the divine garments in the storehouse indicates that between ceremonies the gods were not dressed in their cloth garments). 3

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particular celebrations such as the spring and autumn akītu festival.9 The description of the gods’ splendorous and awe-inspiring appearance during the cultic procession might reflect the intended effect of the statues’ festive garments.10 The ritual clothing of the statues was performed in a ceremony called lubuštu. The lubuštu ceremonies took place on fixed dates and were connected with offerings.11 The calendar of the lubuštu ceremonies varies between different sanctuaries; in Sippar, six lubuštu ceremonies a year are attested, while in Uruk, the ceremonies were celebrated more frequently.12 Some of these involved only the clothing of a single deity while others involved all major deities of a temple.13 A wide variety of garments for the gods was produced by craftsmen engaged in the temple, from linen undergarments (salḫu) common to all deities to elaborate outer garments (e.g., kusītu) specific to individual goddesses.14 Administrative texts relating to the weaving, washing and repair of the statues’ clothing provide information on their characteristics. The divine garments were made of either wool or linen. For the statues’ garments, dyed wool of different colors was used: tabarru wool (red) and takiltu wool (blue-purple), and to a lesser extent argamannu (red-purple).15 Dyed wool was a very expensive material, especially since imported dyes were used for divine garments. Tabarru wool and takiltu wool was at least twenty times more expensive than the raw product.16 Moreover, some of the outer garments were covered with large numbers of small gold ornaments—more than 1,400 could be sewn on a single kusītu!17 The gold ornaments came in different shapes, such as rosettes, tenšia (probably “squares”), or stars, according to the specific designs of the individual goddesses.18 Garments decorated with this application technique were very heavy, brilliant, priceless, and reserved for gods and kings.19 The special significance of such clothing is indicated by

9 Cf. Waetzoldt, “Kleidung,” 28; Matsushima, “Divine Statues,” 213; Zawadzki, Garments, I 192. 10 Cf., e.g., the description of the goddesses in procession as “awe-inspiringly adorned and clothed with radiance” (pal-ḫiš za-aᵓ-na lit-bu-šá šá-ru-ri) in VAT 13884+ (for text and German translation, see Pongratz-Leisten, Ina šulmi īrub, text no. 13). 11 Animal offerings and libations are attested in texts from Uruk, cf. Linssen, Cults, 53; Beaulieu, Pantheon of Uruk, 176; Matsushima, “Material,” 195–200. 12 On the reconstruction of the lubuštu calendar, see Matsushima, “Divine Statues,” 212–8; Bongenaar, Ebabbar, 305–7; Zawadzki, Garments, I 188–91 (for Sippar); Beaulieu, Pantheon of Uruk, 36–9; and Linssen, Cults, 52–6 (for Uruk). 13 See Beaulieu, Pantheon of Uruk, 37–9. 14 For this interpretation of salḫu cf. Zawadzki, Garments, I 106–7; on kusītu cf. Matsushima, “Some Remarks.” For examples of the attire attributed to particular deities in Mesopotamian texts cf. Waetzoldt, “Kleidung,” 29–30; Zawadzki, Garments, I 194–207. The weavers of divine garments belonged to the temple prebendaries or to the temple personnel; for detailed treatments of these textile craftsmen see Bongenaar, Ebabbar, 300–53; Zawadzki, Garments, I 50–86. 15 On dyes and colors cf. Zawadzki, Garments, I 40–9. Less commonly attested dyes were ḫašḫūru (apple-colored), SĺG.Ú.MA.IŠ (an unknown color), and ḫaṣartu (green), which were cheaper because they were made of local Mesopotamian products, see ibid., I 43–4. 16 Cf. ibid., I 47. 17 Cf. Oppenheim, “Golden Garments.” For instance, YOS 6, 117 mentions 706 rosettes and 706 tenši-i of gold for the kusītu garment of Nanaya (for text and translation see Beaulieu, Pantheon of Uruk, 208). 18 This translation of the unknown word tenšû is suggested by Oppenheim, “Golden Garments,” 175– 6. Cf. also Beaulieu, Pantheon of Uruk, 21, on the attested forms of sequins. 19 Cf. Oppenheim, “Golden Garments,” 191; Matsushima, “Some Remarks,” 233.

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the use of a so-called kusītu boat (elippu ša kusīti) to transport the goddess’s garment from the Eanna temple in Uruk to other sanctuaries.20

3.  The Clothing of Cult Statues in Biblical Texts Hebrew texts referring to cult images usually mention certain materials—stone, wood, silver, and gold—without providing any details concerning the cult images’ appearance and paraphernalia. Gold and silver do not necessarily refer to the statue’s attire, since cult images often consisted of a wooden or cast metal core covered with silver or gold. In this case, the silver and gold represented the skin rather than the clothing of the gods.21 Therefore, the following discussion will take into account only texts which explicitly mention textiles. In Ezek. 16:17-18, Yhwh reproaches the personified Jerusalem with making “images of men” (‫ )צלמי זכר‬out of the silver and gold given to her by Yhwh, and dressing them: “and you took your colorful garments to cover them” (‫ותקחי את־בגדי‬ ‫)רקמתך ותכסים‬. The context makes clear that the “images of men” are statues for cultic use (cf. vv. 18-21). The colorful garments, like the silver and gold, were Yhwh’s gift to personified Jerusalem (vv. 10, 13) and should be understood as beautiful and valuable items. The idea that garments for humans and for cult statues could be interchanged and were thus basically the same—including in size—appears again in a polemical context in Ep. Jer. A further possible reference to divine garments can be found in 2 Kgs 23:7: And he [= Josiah] tore down the houses of the Qedeshim which were in the house of Yhwh, where the women wove houses (‫ )בתים‬for Asherah.

The term ‫“ בתים‬houses” obviously poses a problem in the context of weaving and is usually translated ad sensum.22 Some commentators suggest to read ‫“( בדים‬linen cloth,” from ‫ בד‬III, cf. Ezek. 10:2, 6-7) instead of ‫בתים‬.23 The linen cloth in this case would not necessarily mean a garment for Asherah, since it could also designate a votive offering.24 Others propose a hapax legomenon ‫ בת‬III related to Arab. batt “cloak” and interpret the term as referring to a cult statue’s clothing.25 A third interpretation is based on the observation that the Hebrew ‫ בית‬can be used not only for houses in the strict sense but also for “containers” in a broader sense (cf., e.g., Exod. 26:29 ‫“ בתים לבריחם‬rings to hold the bars”; Job 8:14 ‫“ בית עכביׁש‬spider’s web”). Therefore, in 2 Kgs 23:7, the term could be Cf. Matsushima, “Divine Statues,” 217. 21 On the gold and silver “skin” of the Mesopotamian gods cf. Berlejung, Theologie, 49. 22 This difficulty is reflected in the Greek: most Greek manuscripts transliterate χεττιειμ (or –ιειν/ ιιν/ιμ; likely a secondary misspelling for βεττιειμ as in Theodoret, cf. Montgomery, Kings, 539; Pietsch, Kultreform, 326–7); the Lucianic text—most likely guessing from the context—has στολας (“clothes”). 23 Schroer, Israel, 41. 24 Cf. ibid., 41–2. 25 Cf. Šanda, Könige II, 344; Driver, “Supposed Arabisms”; followed by Montgomery, Kings, 539; cf. Ges., s.v. ‫ בת‬III. Objections to this explanation have been raised by Frevel, Aschera, II 687. 20

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taken to mean, for instance, a woven covering or canopy.26 Thus, while it is clear that the weaving (‫ )ארג‬relates to some kind of textile, a reference to the clothing of Asherah’s cult statue is not certain. Besides Ezek. 16:18 and (possibly) 2 Kgs 23:7, an explicit reference to the clothing of cult statues is found in the Hebrew Bible only in Jer. 10:9: Beaten silver is brought from Tarshish and gold from Uphaz, a work of a craftsman and of the hands of a smith. Their clothing is blue and red purple wool (‫תכלת וארגמן‬ ‫)לבוׁשם‬, they are all the work of wise men.

This verse is found in a different place in Jer. 10 MT and Jer. 10 LXX.27 It probably constitutes a late gloss to v. 4 (‫“ בכסף ובזהב ייפאהו‬with silver and with gold he adorns it”) that specifies the importation of the fine metals and adds the clothing of the gods.28 Blue purple wool (‫ תכלת‬cf. Akk. takiltu) and red purple wool (‫ ארגמן‬cf. Akk. argamannu) correspond to fabrics commonly used for divine garments according to Babylonian sources. Both of these precious fabrics are well known in ancient Israel and are attested a number of times in biblical and Qumranic texts.29 Further references to the clothing of cult statues in biblical texts are found in the Septuagint, in the Letter of Jeremiah. This Greek text is based on a Semitic Vorlage30 dating probably to the third or early second century BCE.31 The Letter of Jeremiah presents itself as a warning issued to the Judeans who were about to be deported to Babylonia. It describes the various cultic aberrations they will see in Babylonia, concluding each passage with an exhortation that from these observations, the deportees (or the readers) should draw the conclusion that the cult images are not gods. The clothing of cult images is mentioned in several passages (Ep. Jer. 10-11, 19, 32, 57, 71).32 Like Jer. 10, Ep. Jer. mentions purple (πορφύρα) as an element of divine clothing (vv. 11, 71). Although Ep. Jer. certainly depends on Jer. 10, the treatment of divine garments seems largely independent and much more elaborate.33 In particular, while Jer. 10:9 only mentions the textile material, Ep Jer. introduces terms for clothing, which are used also without specifying their fabric (ἐνδύματα “garments” v. 10; ἱματισμός “clothing” vv. 11,

Cf. Schroer, Israel, 42; Pietsch, Kultreform, 327. 27 In the Greek text, v. 9 is found in the context of a series of verses denying the gods’ ability to move, between v. 5a and 5b. In the MT, v. 9 follows the mention of “wood” in v. 8 and presents a variation on the gods’ material constitution in the vein of v. 3-4 (cf. Ammann, Götter, 115, 133–4). 28 Cf. ibid., 115; for a similar interpretation of v. 9 as a secondary gloss, see Duhm, Jeremia, 98 (added even after the Greek translation) and Schmidt, Jeremia, 218 n. 19. 29 Material remains of purple fabric are scarce. Fragments of murex-purple-dyed fabric dated to the first century BCE have been discovered at Masada. According to Koren, “Discovery,” one of the fragments evidences a red-purple dye produced from dibromoindigo-rich Hexaplex trunculus snails that can be identified with ‫ ;ארגמן‬the dye of a second textile analyzed by Koren (unpublished conference presentation at the 2011 International Edelstein Color Symposium, Ramat-Gan) was produced from indigo-rich H. trunculus, which might correspond to ‫תכלת‬. 30 See Naumann, Untersuchungen; Kratz, “Brief des Jeremia”; among many others. 31 See Torrey, Apocryphal Literature, 66; Kratz, “Brief des Jeremia,” 81–4. 32 The numbering of the verses follows the edition by Ziegler, Ieremias. 33 On the literary dependency, in general, cf. Kratz, “Rezeption.” With regard to the clothing, it is noteworthy that the term ὑάκινθος/‫“( תכלת‬blue purple,” Jer. 10:9) is not used in Ep. Jer. 26

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19, 32, 57). The passages using the term ἱματισμός seem connected with one another:34 in v. 11, purple clothing (ἱματισμὸν πορφυροῦν) is put around (περιβάλλω) the cult statues; subsequently, their clothing (τὸν ἱματισμὸν αὐτῶν) gradually disappears through vermin (v. 19) and filching priests (v. 32) and is eventually taken off all around them (περιαιρέω) in v. 57. In sum, the clothing of cult statues is a relatively rare motif in biblical texts. It is found in particular in the context of polemics against “idolatry” (i.e., the biblical lumping together of iconic worship and the worship of “wrong” gods) and appears to be a rather late motif. In Jer. 10 and Ep. Jer., the references to the statues’ clothing are part of a rhetorical strategy to denigrate iconic worship and the Babylonian cult. In what follows, I will discuss the particular aspects of clothing these texts draw on to deride iconic cults.

4. The Clothing of Cult Statues as a Motif of Biblical Polemics 4.1 Divine Garments in the Context of Processions The evidence from Babylonian texts indicates that cult statues were dressed in valuable garments in particular on the occasion of cultic processions, and this is also when people outside the temple personnel could see their gods. The impressive appearance of the gods in procession noted in Ep. Jer. 3-5 is likely related to their rich clothing and adornment.35 In the arrangement of Jer. 10:9 attested in the Septuagint (v. 9 followed by v. 5b), the statues’ clothing is mentioned in the context of a procession: . . . in blue (ὑάκινθον) and purple (πορφύραν)36 they will clothe them. Raised they will be carried,37 for they will not step onwards. Do not be afraid of them . . .

The precious adornment (vv. 4, 5a, 9a) and clothing (v. 9b) of the statues is set in contrast with their inability to move.38 Instead of inspiring awe of the sumptuously clothed statues, the procession exposes that they are inanimate and dependent upon human assistance.39 Cf. similarly Moatti-Fine, “Lettre de Jérémie,” 315. 35 2 Maccabees 2:2, probably referring to Ep. Jer. 3-5, explicitly mentions the adornment (κόσμος) of the statues. 36 The terms ὑάκινθος and πορφύρα are the usual rendering of Hebrew ‫ תכלת‬and ‫ ארגמן‬in the Septuagint, cf. Gradwohl, Farben, 66. 37 The Greek αἰρόμενα ἀρθήσονται imitates the Hebrew figura etymologica; the above translation is suggested in Pietersma and Wright, New English Translation. 38 This aspect is emphasized in the Greek text of Jer. 10; in addition to v. 5b, cf. also v. 4 (οὐ κινηθήσονται “they will not move”) and v. 5a (οὐ πορεύσονται “they will not walk”). 39 A similar idea is expressed in Ep. Jer. 25: “Lacking feet, they are carried on shoulders, pointing their own shame [ἀτιμία] out to the people . . .” Some commentators opine instead that the procession gives the people the opportunity to gaze under the gods’ skirts, cf. Ball, “Epistle of Jeremy,” 604; Moatti-Fine, “Lettre de Jérémie,” 319. 34

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4.2 Divine Garments as Objects of Value Jeremiah 10:9 (like Ep. Jer. 71) does not specify the kind of garment, its design, or the look the divine statues are wearing. Only the kind of textile—purple cloth—is mentioned, thus focusing on the material (rather than visual) aspect of the clothing. Some commentators have suggested that the purple cloth mentioned in Jer. 10:9 together with silver and gold ironically allude to the materials of the tabernacle.40 However, it seems more likely that v. 9 points to the high material value of the statues’ vestiture. Verse 9 indicates the provenience of the gold and the silver, thus presenting them as luxury imported goods. In the same vein, the purple cloth can be understood as a symbol of wealth and luxury. The purple dyes ‫( תכלת‬LXX: ὑάκινθος) and ‫( ארגמן‬LXX: πορφύρα) are both made from sea snails (Murex trunculus, for red purple also Bolinus brandaris).41 The production of these dyes was extremely expensive due to the large quantity of sea snails required—Paul Friedlaender, the chemist who first identified purple as 6,6’-dibromindigo, isolated 1.4 g of dyestuff out of 12,000 snails.42 Moreover, purple wool was produced in Phoenicia and was thus available in ancient Israel and Judah only as an imported good.43 Many biblical texts refer to purple cloth (‫ ארגמן‬and ‫ )תכלת‬to illustrate wealth and prestige: for instance, Midianite kings (Judg. 6:28) and Assyrian knights (Ezek. 23:6) wear purple, Mordechai is honored with a purple garment (Esth. 8:15), and purple shows the splendor of the Persian palace (Esth. 1:6) and the richness of Tyre (Ezek. 27:7, 16, 24). Thus, to clothe a cult statue in ‫ ארגמן‬and ‫ תכלת‬connotes a costly affair. From the point of view of the biblical writers, it is most likely the discrepancy between the luxurious garments and the unworthy cult statues which is outrageous (or ridiculous): these expensive materials are wasted on inanimate and powerless figures!

4.3 Clothing as an Anthropomorphic Feature The Letter of Jeremiah, verse 10, takes issue with the clothing of the cult statues from a different angle: They adorn them like human beings with clothing (κοσμοῦσί τε αὐτοὺς ὡς ἀνθρώπους τοῖς ἐνδύμασι)—gods of silver and gold and wood!

The comparison of the cult statues with human beings is a recurring element in this part of Ep. Jer. (cf. vv. 8, 10, 13, 17), the closest parallel being v. 13: “he/it holds a scepter

40 Cf. Amphoux, Aussedat, and Sérandour, “enjeux,” 201. However, in texts relating to the tabernacle, ‫ תכלת‬and ‫ ארגמן‬are always mentioned together with ‫“( תולעת ׁשני‬carmine”) and ‫“( ׁשׁש‬linen”); see Exod. 25:4; 26:1, 31, 36; 27:16; and so on. 41 Cf. Gradwohl, Farben, 67; for a reconstruction of the dyeing process cf. Koren, “Chemical Insights.” 42 Cf. Friedlaender, “Kenntnis,” 247. Cf. also the experiments by Koren, “Purple Dyeing” (about 7,000 snails are needed to dye 1 kg of wool). 43 Phoenicia held an almost exclusive monopoly on purple production in antiquity, cf. Gradwohl, Farben, 67–8.

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like a human being (ὡς ἄνθρωπος), a judge”44 The clothing, like the scepter in v. 13, is used as an accessory that creates similarity between the cult statue and a human being. The point of these comparisons is not only that the approximation of the gods to human beings would denigrate the gods. Moreover, in vv. 10 and 13, it is the gods who come off worse in the comparison with humans. The statue in v. 13 appears like a human judge but has no power to punish and cannot even defend himself (v. 14). Similarly, the nicely dressed gods in v. 10 are unable to take care of their own appearance (vv. 11-12, see below) and are thus more helpless than a human being.

4.4 Clothing and Perishability The endowment of the cult statues with golden ornaments and garments in vv. 9-10 is contrasted with their decay in v. 11: But they do not save themselves from rust and consumption,45 invested with a purple garment (ἱματισμὸν πορφυροῦν).46

The meaning of this verse could be either that the precious garment offers no protection (rust and consumption affecting the body of the statue) or that the sumptuous endowment of the statue is itself doomed to decay (rust and consumption affecting the statue’s attire). However, the verse might include both aspects, since the statue and its clothing are closely related and suffer the same fate, as shown by vv. 19 and 71: They do not perceive that creeping beasts from the ground eat them and their garments (τὸν ἱματισμὸν αὐτῶν) up (v. 19). From the purple (τῆς πορφύρας) and the “linen”47 rotting on them, you will realize that they are not gods, and they will later be eaten up (v. 71).

Clothing, being in direct contact with the statue’s body, is probably the deity’s most intimate and personal belonging. Babylonian texts indicate that each deity owns his or her personal attire, which is often a votive offering by the king. In the pseudo-Homeric 44 In v. 8 and 17, the comparison is phrased differently (καὶ ὥσπερ) and seems to follow a different logic, namely, the association of the gods with reprehensible human behavior. 45 Ball, “Epistle of Jeremy,” 597; Kratz, “Brief des Jeremia,” 91 n. 54, and others consider βρωμάτων a mistranslation of Hebrew ‫“ מאכל‬from the eater/moth” (cf. Mal. 3:11). Naumann, Untersuchungen, 36 points out, however, that the term is used in medical texts in the sense of “rot.” Liddell and Scott, Greek-English Lexicon, s.v. βρῶμα II.2 suggest the translation “moth-eating.” 46 The second part of the verse (gen. abs.) could also relate to what follows (“Invested with a purple garment, they have their face wiped because of the dust from the house,” v. 12, cf. Ziegler, Ieremias; Vulgate), contrasting the nice clothing with the dirt on the statues. 47 The Greek text has τῆς μαρμάρου “from the marble”; but since marble cannot rot and does not fit with “purple,” a mistranslation of ‫ ׁשׁש‬II “marble” instead of ‫ ׁשׁש‬III “fine linen” seems likely, cf. Ball, “Epistle of Jeremy,” 610; Torrey, Apocryphal Literature, 66; Kellermann, “Apokryphes Obst,” 25–6; Kratz, “Brief des Jeremia,” 107 n. 116, among others. ‫ ׁשׁש‬denotes a particularly fine linen imported from Egypt (the word itself is of Egyptian origin, cf. also Ezek. 27:7), attested in the Hebrew Bible generally in cultic contexts and for luxury garments (cf. Gen. 41:42; Prov. 31:22), cf. Bender, Sprache, 57–8.

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Batrachomyomachia, a Homeric parody from the late Hellenistic period, Athene complains that mice nibbled at her robe (πέπλος, Batr. 182) which she had crafted herself (ἐξύφηνα, Batr. 182–4).48 The mice thus not only irritate the goddess by ruining her festive dress but also lay their teeth on a very personal object. A similarly close relationship between the deity’s statue and its clothing seems presupposed in Ep. Jer. 19 and 71. The polemical argument draws on the perishable nature of textiles. The fragility of the textile and its perishability foreshadow the decay of the statue itself. Since the biblical polemics are based on an identification of the deity and its statue,49 the gods vanish at the same time as their statues decay. Moreover, the text emphasizes that the statues, unable to prevent the visible degradation of their attire, are thus inanimate and powerless: they cannot perceive (v. 19) the decay and cannot help themselves (v. 11). In short, the splendor of these so-called gods is perishable, and the fact that they are unable to prevent their own decline shows their powerlessness.

4.5 The Removal of Clothing as a Sign of Helplessness The helplessness of the statue against its own degradation is pointed out also in Ep. Jer. 32 and 56b-57, albeit from a different angle. Rather than through natural decay of the fragile textile material, in vv. 32 and 56b-57 the statues’ attire disappears through human intervention. The priests take some of their garments (ἱματισμοῦ) from them and dress their own wives and children (v. 32). Gods of wood and coated with silver and gold cannot save themselves from thieves nor robbers; those who can (οἱ ἰσχύοντες “the strong ones”) will strip them all around of the gold and the silver and the garments (τὸν ἱματισμὸν) they wear, and they will not help themselves (vv. 56b-57).

These verses draw on two aspects of clothing already mentioned above: clothing is used by humans (cf. Ep. Jer. 10) and the garments are valuable objects (cf. Jer. 10:9). Clothing (ἱματισμός), even without specifying a particular valuable cloth like purple wool, is also mentioned as an object of plundering in other biblical texts.50 But the issue in Ep. Jer. 32 and 56b-57 is not only the loss of the clothing as valuables belonging to the gods. The violent act of removing their clothing reveals the statue’s helplessness. Verses 56b-57 take up keywords from the preceding verses to sum up the inability of the so-called gods to help themselves: they cannot save themselves (διασῷζω, v. 56, cf. v. 10); what has been put around them (περίκειμαι, vv. 23, 57) is now stripped off Text edition and commentary: Glei, Batrachomyomachie. On the dating of this text to the Hellenistic or early Roman period cf. Wölke, Untersuchungen, 46–70. 49 On this characteristic feature of the biblical polemics cf. Ammann, Götter, 15, 296 (with further references); the Babylonian conception of the relationship between god and statue was of course more complex, cf. Berlejung, “Geheimnis.” 50 Cf. 1 Sam. 27:9; in conjunction with gold and silver: Exod. 3:22; 11:2; 12:35; Josh. 22:8; 2 Kgs 7:8; Zech. 14:14. 48

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them all around (περιαιρέω, v. 57), but they are unable to defend themselves (vv. 13-14, 33, 57). In addition to exposing the statue’s helplessness, the removal of the divine garments by human beings also shows their lack of respect. A similar idea can be found in the Sumerian lament ašer gita (“sighs in the night”).51 In this text, the goddess Inanna bewails the devastation of her shrine by an enemy entering her cella with shoes and unwashed hands, that is, in an unclean state: I am afraid, but he is not afraid of me. / He has stripped off my clothing (ṣubātum) and dressed his wife with it. / That enemy has cut out the lapis-lazuli and hangs it about his child (b+159–b+161).52

The resemblance with Ep. Jer. 32 is obvious: in both cases, a male character strips the cult statue of its garments and dresses his own wife and children with it. The ašer gita describes such a treatment of the cult statue as an inimical action humiliating the goddess. It might come as a surprise, therefore, that in Ep. Jer. 32 the subject is the temple priests themselves. However, the accusation of the Babylonian cultic personnel seems exactly what is intended in the Letter of Jeremiah.53 Thus, the general term οἱ ἰσχύοντες (“the strong ones,” i.e., “those who can”) in v. 57 designates all those who take away the deities’ attire—lumping together robbers and priests.

5.  Conclusion In conclusion, the clothing of cult statues is a widespread custom in the first millennium BCE attested in the Mediterranean, Egypt, and Mesopotamia. Biblical texts only occasionally refer to this custom, mostly in polemical texts denigrating iconic worship from the Late Persian or Hellenistic period (Jer. 10:9; Ezek. 16:18; Ep. Jer. 10-11, 19, 32, 57, 71; possibly 2 Kgs 23:7). The biblical polemics against iconic worship draw on various aspects of clothing: the high material value of the divine garments, the fragility of textiles, the removal of clothing as an act of humiliation, and clothing as a feature shared by gods and humans. Some of these aspects, such as the perception of clothing as an anthropomorphic feature, bespeak an outsiders’ perspective, since the gods’ special garments in fact set them apart from ordinary humans. Other aspects, like the sumptuousness of the garments, are also perceived positively by those who practice the clothing of cult statues. In the biblical polemics, they are used for denigrating statements:

Cf. Black, “Ašer Gita”; Cohen, Canonical Lamentations, II 704–25. This song of lament is attested in Sumerian with interlinear Akkadian translation as late as the second–first centuries BCE (MMA 86.11.286+, cf. Spar and Lambert, Literary, 57–63). The lines quoted here are attested on two tablets from the first millennium, K. 2485+3898 (= BL 71) and K. 41 (a different composition, cf. Cohen, Canonical Lamentations, II 705). 52 Text and translation: ibid., II 712, 722. 53 Cf. also Ep. Jer. 27, 30-31, 40-44. 51

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1. The high material value of the attire of the statues is set in contrast with their inability to move or with their general uselessness—the precious garments are wasted on inanimate and powerless objects. 2. Clothing gives the cult statues the appearance of (high-ranking) human beings— but they are more helpless than a human being. 3. The perishability of the textile foreshadows the perishability of the gods themselves and shows their inability to prevent even their own decay. 4. The removal of their clothing shows that the statues, unable to defend themselves, are powerless. Moreover, their priests are depicted as irreverent and avaricious looters of their own gods. In this way, references to the clothing of cult statues in biblical polemics contribute to the derisive portrayal of iconic cults.

Bibliography Ammann, Sonja. Götter für die Toren: Die Verbindung von Götterpolemik und Weisheit im Alten Testament (BZAW 466). Berlin: De Gruyter, 2015. Amphoux, Christian-Bernard, Mathilde Aussedat, and Arnaud Sérandour. “Jr 10,1-10: les enjeux des deux formes.” In La Septante en Allemagne et en France/Septuaginta Deutsch und Bible d’Alexandrie: textes de la Septante à la traduction double ou à traduction très littérale, edited by Wolfgang Kraus and Olivier Munnich, 193–203. Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2009. Ball, Charles J. “The Epistle of Jeremy.” In The Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha of the Old Testament, edited by R. H. Charles, 596–611. Oxford: Clarendon, 1913. Beaulieu, Paul-Alain. The Pantheon of Uruk During the Neo-Babylonian Period. Leiden: Brill-Styx, 2003. Bender, Claudia. Die Sprache des Textilen: Untersuchungen zu Kleidung und Textilien im Alten Testament (BWANT 177). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008. Berlejung, Angelika. Die Theologie der Bilder. Herstellung und Einweihung von Kultbildern in Mesopotamien und die alttestamentliche Bilderpolemik (OBO 162). Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998. Berlejung, Angelika. “Geheimnis und Ereignis. Zur Funktion und Aufgabe der Kultbilder in Mesopotamien.” Jahrbuch für biblische Theologie 13 (1998): 109–43. Black, Jeremy. “Ašer Gita.” ASJ 7 (1985): 11–87. Bongenaar, A. C. V. M. The Neo-Babylonian Ebabbar Temple at Sippar: Its Administration and Its Prosopography. Istanbul: Nederlands Historisch-Archeologisch Instituut te Istanbul, 1997. Brøns, Cecilie. Gods and Garments: Textiles in Greek Sanctuaries in the 7th to the 1st Centuries BC. Oxford: Oxbow Books, 2017. Cohen, Mark E. The Canonical Lamentations of Ancient Mesopotamia. Potomac: Capital Decisions, 1988. Driver, Godfrey R. “Supposed Arabisms in the Old Testament.” JBL 55 (1936): 101–20. Duhm, Bernhard. Das Buch Jeremia. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1901. Frevel, Christian. Aschera und der Ausschließlichkeitsanspruch YHWHs. Beiträge zu literarischen, religionsgeschichtlichen und ikonographischen Aspekten der Ascheradiskussion. 2 vols (BBB 94). Weinheim: Beltz Athenäum, 1995.

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Friedlaender, Paul. “Zur Kenntnis des Farbstoffes des antiken Purpurs aus Murex brandaris.” Monatshefte für Chemie 30 (1909): 247–53. Glei, Reinhold. Die Batrachomyomachie: Synoptische Edition und Kommentar. Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1984. Gradwohl, Roland. Die Farben im Alten Testament: eine terminologische Studie (BZAW 83). Berlin: Töpelmann, 1963. Kellermann, Diether. “Apokryphes Obst. Bemerkungen zur Epistula Jeremiae (Baruch Kap. 6), insbesondere zu Vers 42.” ZDMG 129 (1979): 23–42. Koren, Zvi C. “The Unprecedented Discovery of the Royal Purple Dye on the Two Thousand Year-Old Royal Masada Textile.” The Textile Specialty Group Postprints 7 (1997): 23–34. Koren, Zvi C. “The First Optimal All-Murex All-Natural Purple Dyeing in the Eastern Mediterranean in a Millennium and a Half.” Dyes in History and Archaeology 20 (2005): 136–49. Koren, Zvi C. “New Chemical Insights into the Ancient Molluskan Purple Dyeing Process.” In Archaeological Chemistry VIII, edited by Ruth A. Armitage and James H. Burton, 43–67. Washington, DC: American Chemical Society, 2013. Kratz, Reinhard G. “Der Brief des Jeremia.” In Das Buch Baruch. Der Brief des Jeremia. Zusätze zu Ester und Daniel, edited by Odil H. Steck, Reinhard G. Kratz, and Ingo Kottsieper, 69–108. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1998. Kratz, Reinhard G. “Die Rezeption von Jer. 10 und 29 im pseudepigraphen Brief des Jeremia.” JSJ 26 (1995): 1–31. Layard, Austen H. The Monuments of Niniveh, from Drawings Made on the Spot, Illustrated in One Hundred Plates. London: John Murray, 1849–1853. Leemans, Wilhelmus F. Ishtar of Lagaba and Her Dress. Leiden: Nederlands Instituut voor het Nabije Oosten, 1952. Liddell, Henry G. and Robert Scott. A Greek-English Lexicon. 9th edn, revised and augmented throughout by Henry Stuart Jones. Oxford: Clarendon Press and New York: Oxford University Press, 1996. Linssen, Marc. The Cults of Uruk and Babylon. The Temple Ritual Texts as Evidence for Hellenistic Cult Practises. Leiden: Brill, 2004. Matsushima, Eiko. “Divine Statues in Ancient Mesopotamia: Their Fashioning and Clothing and Their Interaction with the Society.” In Official Cult and Popular Religion in the Ancient Near East, edited by Eiko Matsushima. Heidelberg: Winter, 1993. Matsushima, Eiko. “On the Material Related to the Clothing Ceremony—lubuštu in the Later Periods in Babylonia.” ASJ 16 (1994): 177–200. Matsushima, Eiko. “Some Remarks on Divine Garments: kusītu and naḫlaptu.” ASJ 17 (1995): 233–49. Moatti-Fine, Jacqueline. “Lettre de Jérémie.” In Baruch, Lamentations, Lettre de Jérémie, edited by Isabelle Assan-Dhôte and Jacqueline Moatti-Fine, 287–330. Paris: Cerf, 2005. Montgomery, James A. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Books of Kings. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1951. Naumann, Weigand. Untersuchungen über den apokryphen Jeremiasbrief. Giessen: Töpelmann, 1913. Oppenheim, Adolf Leo. “The Golden Garments of the Gods.” JNES 8 (1949): 172–93. Pietersma, Albert and Benjamin Wright (eds.). A New English Translation of the Septuagint and the Other Greek Translations Traditionally Included Under That Title. New York: Oxford University Press, 2007.

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Pietsch, Michael. Die Kultreform Josias: Studien zur Religionsgeschichte Israels in der späten Königszeit (FAT 86). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2013. Podella, Thomas. Das Lichtkleid Jhwhs: Untersuchungen zur Gestalthaftigkeit Gottes im Alten Testament und seiner altorientalischen Umwelt (FAT 15). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1996. Pongratz-Leisten, Beate. Ina šulmi īrub: Die kulttopographische und ideologische Programmatik der akītu-Prozession in Babylonien und Assyrien im 1. Jahrtausend v. Chr. Mainz: P. von Zabern, 1994. Šanda, Albert. Die Bücher der Könige übersetzt und erklärt: Halbbd. 2. Das zweite Buch der Könige. Münster: Aschendorff, 1912. Schmidt, Werner H. Das Buch Jeremia. Kapitel 1–20. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008. Schroer, Silvia. In Israel gab es Bilder. Nachrichten von darstellender Kunst im Alten Testament (OBO 74). Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1987. Spar, Ira and Wilfred G. Lambert. Literary and Scholastic Texts of the First Millennium B.C. New York: Metropolitan Museum of Art, 2005. Torrey, Charles C. The Apocryphal Literature: A Brief Introduction. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1945. Uehlinger, Christoph. “Hanum von Gaza und seine Gottheiten auf Orthostatenreliefs Tiglatpilesers III.” In Kein Land für sich allein: Studien zum Kulturkontakt in Kanaan, Israel/Palästina und Ebirbnâri, edited by Ulrich Hübner and Ernst A. Knauf, 92–125. Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2002. Waetzoldt, Hartmut. “Art. Kleidung, 10g. Götter.” RLA 6 (1983): 28–30. Wölke, Hansjörg. Untersuchungen zur Batrachomyomachie. Meisenheim am Glan: Hain, 1978. Zawadzki, Stefan. Garments of the Gods: Studies on the Textile Industry and the Pantheon of Sippar According to the Texts from the Ebabbar Archive. 2 vols (OBO 218), 260. Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006–2013. Ziegler, Joseph. Ieremias. Baruch. Threni, Epistula Ieremiae. 2nd edn. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1976.

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The Garments of God Iconographic Case Studies from Isaiah 6:1; 59:17; and 63:1-6 Joel M. LeMon and Richard A. Purcell

Anthropomorphic imagery for God is pervasive in the Hebrew Bible.1 Some texts describe parts of the divine body: God’s hands, arms, feet, eyes, nose, and ears, even God’s backside. Many other texts picture activities that can only be possible if God had a body. For example, God speaks, hears, walks, sees, and fights. But how is this divine body adorned? Do these texts suppose that the deity is naked, as are many portrayals of deities in the ancient Near East and Greco-Roman world? Or is God clothed? And, if God is clothed, what kind of clothes is God wearing? What does God’s clothing suggest about God’s identity and activity? Put differently, how do God’s garments fit within the larger portrayal of the deity? Depictions of God’s garments are a small but important subset of the anthropomorphic portrayals of God in the Hebrew Bible. In fact, the relative paucity of these references suggests that whenever a text provides a detail about the divine garments, such descriptions should draw the attention of interpreters. In this brief essay, our aim is to addresses the questions posed above for three texts from Isaiah.

1.  God and Clothing in the Hebrew Bible: An Overview A number of texts from the Hebrew Bible provide details of God’s appearance that include descriptions of clothing. Perhaps the most famous of these is Isa. 6:1, which describes the hem of Yahweh’s robe filling the temple in Isaiah’s theophany. The edges of God’s garments also appear in Ezek. 16:8, as God spreads his cloak over Jerusalem in a gesture of protection and adoption. The color of Yahweh’s garments is a salient detail in Isa. 63:1-6, which pictures the deity as a warrior, wearing red robes that are stained

The literature on divine anthropomorphism is vast. For a recent and excellent discussion of an aspect of divine anthropomorphism in the Hebrew Bible, see Mark Smith, Where the Gods Are. 1

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from the wine press. The robes of God are a different color, however, in Dan. 7:9, where the Ancient of Days wears a garment as white as snow. Other texts describe God’s glory and power through sartorial imagery. Psalm 104:1-2 depicts the brilliance of Yahweh’s appearance as if he were wrapped in a garment of light. Similarly, Ps. 65:6 [65:7 MT] and Ps. 93:1 portray God as clothed with majesty and strength. Isaiah 59:17 likens the power and justice of Yahweh to several articles of clothing that he puts on.2 To highlight the enduring power of God, Ps. 102:26 describes the heavens as Yahweh’s garment that he can change whenever it wears out. Still other texts play on a comparison between human and divine clothing. When Yahweh answers Job in the whirlwind, he describes divine garments of honor and splendor (Job 40:10) and contrasts them with Job’s meager clothing (Job 40:7, cf. Job 16:5).3 Likewise, Isa. 51:8-9 provides a contrast between human clothing, susceptible as it is to decay and destruction, and Yahweh’s garments of enduring strength. Many of these texts have been analyzed lexically and with reference to comparative literature. Scholars have drawn from ANE iconography to interpret some of these pericopes, but not all of them. What follows is an analysis of three texts from the book of Isaiah: Isa. 6:1; 59:17; and 63:1-6. We consider ANE iconography to be particularly important for understanding God’s garments. Thus, our case studies provide new perspectives on the interpretation of these texts through the use of iconographic material from the ancient Near East. We engage these texts through methods drawn from the recent iconographic approaches of Joel LeMon, Izaak de Hulster, Brent Strawn, and Ryan Bonfiglio.4 Our analysis of Isa. 6:1; 59:17; and 63:1-6 suggests that the garments of God are an important part of the portrayals of Yahweh as divine king.

2.  Isaiah 6:1—The Hem of a Royal Robe in the Temple The theophany of Isaiah 6 begins with a description of Yahweh’s royal garments. As Yahweh sits upon his throne, the hem (‫ )ׁשולים‬of his robe fills the temple (v. 1).5 Many scholars have interpreted this textual detail as a means to convey the sheer size of Yahweh and Isaiah’s inability to comprehend the larger form of the deity.6 Yet Similarly, Lam. 3:43-44 suggests that God covers himself with anger and conceals his body with a cloud. 3 Elihu claims that God clothes (or at least covers) himself in lightning (Job 36:30), perhaps even wearing lightning-like gloves (Job 36:32). 4 See LeMon, Yahweh’s Winged Form in the Psalms; de Hulster, Iconographic Exegesis of Third Isaiah; Bonfiglio, Reading Images, Seeing Texts; de Hulster, Strawn, and Bonfiglio (eds.), Iconographic Exegesis of the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament; de Hulster and LeMon, Image, Text, Exegesis. 5 Driver demonstrated that the term ‫ ׁשול‬refers not to a train but to the lower part of a garment or the hem of a garment. See Driver, “Isaiah 6:1: ‘his train filled the temple’,” 87–90. 6 For example, John Oswalt writes: “As in Exod. 24:10, where the pavement under God’s feet is described, so here the description of God’s appearance can rise no higher than the hem of his robe. It is as though words break down when one attempts to depict God himself ” (The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 1–39, 178); cf. Childs, Isaiah, 55. Othmar Keel contends that in Isaiah 6 the hem probably underlines that the very extremity of Yhwh’s presence is sufficient to fill the temple (Yahwe-Visionen, 68–9). 2

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Figure  12.1  Mesopotamian cylinder seal depicting a presentation scene. Date:  EarlyDynastic Period. Location: Unprovenanced. Seal held by the Staatliche Museen zu Berlin VA03878. Line Drawing by Emile Purcell.

commentators have not typically considered what the hem of the garment might signify in terms of Yahweh’s identity. Iconographical data confirms that the hems of elite, and especially royal, figures were often doubled back and thickened to indicate the figure’s status, power, and wealth.7 Garments with rolled or doubled hems frequently appear in the context of presentation scenes in ANE iconography.8 A  seal featuring an enthroned Mesopotamian deity from the Early Dynastic period (Figure 12.1) demonstrates the fundamental elements of this scene. Two adorants, a male and a female, are shown approaching an enthroned male deity, marked as a deity by his beard and the horned crown upon his head.9 Though we could explore many details of this scene, it suffices for now to note how the deity wears a wrapped robe or skirt similar to those of the two approaching adorants. The primary distinction between the deity’s garment and the garments of the worshippers are the hems. The deity’s hem is thick and doubled back, while the adorants have simple hems. The hem is thus one of several signs of the deity’s status and power, including the deity sitting on a higher plane than the adorants. Like this deity, Yahweh appears “high” (‫ )רם‬and “exalted” (‫ )ונשׂא‬vis-à-vis Isaiah, whom we can understand in the role of the adorant in such scenes. The See, e.g., Milgrom, “Of Hems and Tassels,” 61. 8 We are not the first to employ iconographic data in the interpretation of this text. For example, Joseph Blenkinsopp gestures to royal iconography to consider how Yahweh is depicted as a royal figure here: “Perhaps the author had in mind something similar to the depiction of Assyrian kings of gigantic proportions compared to those of pygmy size who attended them or the prisoners paraded before them” (Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 1–39, 125). Keel has employed iconographic data as another line of evidence alongside Driver’s linguistic argument to show that “hem/Saume” is probably the correct understanding of ‫ ׁשול‬in this pericope. He also discusses the different possible signification of hems and how they might be understood in the ANE, namely, as a sign of protection, as the extension of a person’s power, or as a representation of a person (Jahwe-Visionen, 64–9). 9 See Braun-Holzinger, Frühe Götterdarstellungen, 177. 7

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Figure  12.2  Mesopotamian relief depicting a presentation scene. Date:  Early Dynastic Period. Location: Nippur. Hilprecht, Babylonian Expedition, pl. XVI, nm. 38.

encounter between Isaiah and Yahweh in Isa. 6 corresponds to that of the adorant and deity in the commonly attested presentation scene. In another early example of this type of scene from Nippur (Figure 12.2), we find a marked contrast between the enthroned deity and the approaching adorant. Here, the adorant is naked, while the enthroned deity is clothed in a robe with thick doubled hems on both its vertical seams and its horizontal lower seams.10 Again the deity’s garment, along with the throne covered in cloth, portrays status and power.11 Moreover, the finery of the deity, indicated by the doubled hems, indicates the deity’s high status in relation to the worshipper. A stele from Ras Shamra (Figure 12.3) comes from a region and time period that is closer to the geographical and historical contexts of ancient Israel. Like Figures 12.1 and 12.2, it presents a constellation of images: enthroned deities with elaborate garments seated on high before approaching adorants. In this stele, an adorant approaches a larger deity with a rod featuring an animal’s head and a vase, presumably for a libation

For a discussion of the possible significance of clothing and nakedness, see ibid., 17–19. 11 See ibid., 16–21 and 172. 10

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Figure 12.3  Ugaritic relief featuring a cult scene. Date: Thirteenth century BCE. Location: Ras Shamra. Virolleaud, “Ras-Shamra,” 223.

offering.12 The deity (possibly El) is enthroned upon a raised and decorated lion-footed throne with his feet upon a carved footstool. Unlike the depictions of adorants and their garments from the earlier Mesopotamian examples, here the adorant is clothed in a garment with a doubled hem and with a uraeus crown.13 Yet, the enthroned deity is dressed in far more elaborate clothing, with an intricately detailed high horned crown and garments with thick and decorated hems at the neck, arms, waist, and pleated fringes at the lower edge of the garment. The hems on the worshipper’s garments suggest his elite status, but the decorated hems of the deity’s garment place the deity at an even higher status.14 That is, the hems of the deity’s garments index the deity’s power, majesty, and significance. One other presentation scene deserves mention, namely, a royal image of the Aramean king Barrakib (Figure 12.4) dated to the eighth century, cotemporaneous with Isaiah of Jerusalem. Barrakib is enthroned in the style similar to that of Assyrian kings.15 His size is such that, even when seated, his head is higher than the approaching 12 ANEP, 493. 13 Ibid. 14 Ibid. 15 See Hartenstein, Das Angesicht JHWHs, 357.

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Figure 12.4  Stele of the Aramean king Barrakib. Date: Eighth century BCE. Location: Zincirli. Reicke and Rost, Handwörterbuch, 1719, fig. 2.

supplicant, whose right hand is raised in a sign of submission and adoration.16 Though the official is dressed in a robe with a doubled hem and tassels, his garments pale in comparison to the king’s. The king’s position, raised and enthroned, as well as the richly decorated hems of his garment, indicates the king’s status. The hems of these two figures index the difference in their social standing. These images appear across a wide span of ANE art and contain a similar constellation of motifs, especially hemmed garments and raised platforms for the king. As such, the pictorial imagery sheds light on the particular literary imagery in Isa. 6:1. Yahweh’s hem filling the temple conveys both Yahweh’s elevation and his status as a royal figure adorned with intricate garments. Recourse to ANE iconography helps the modern reader to picture Yahweh as an enthroned deity or royal figure, seated above the prophet who appears as an approaching adorant. Yahweh’s hemmed garments here are those of a divine and royal figure, and his clothing in this pericope serves to underline the deity’s place as ruler of the cosmos.

See Strawn, “The Iconography of Fear,” 106–8. 16

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3.  Isaiah 59:17—Yahweh Arrayed as a Royal Warrior Scholars have typically interpreted Yahweh’s garments in Isa. 59:17 as a reflection of the “Yahweh as warrior” metaphor that appears throughout this pericope.17 As such, studies have often focused on identifying the particular articles of Yahweh’s clothing (e.g., ‫ תלבׁשת‬, ‫ ׁשריון‬, ‫ כובע‬, ‫)מעיל‬18 or on establishing literary parallels from the ANE describing the armaments of deities or soldiers.19 Our discussion turns instead to the iconography of warrior kings to suggest that Yahweh’s garments convey both the protective and aggressive aspects of God’s character as well as Yahweh’s role as a royal warrior. This depiction of Yahweh’s garments appears within a larger description of Yahweh’s response to injustice. When Yahweh sees that there is no one bringing about justice, Yahweh acts with “his own arm” (Isa. 59:16b): ‎ ‫ותוׁשע לו זרעו וצדקתו היא סמכתהו‬

Then the text moves to a description of the adornments that Yahweh “puts on” (Isa. 59:17): ‫וילבׁש צדקה כׁשרין וכובע יׁשועה בראׁשו‬ ‫וילבׁש בגדי נקם תלבׁשת ויעט כמעיל קנאה‬

The poetic structures of these three bicola are interrelated in various ways. The two bicola in v. 17 contain parallel grammatical structures along with the repeated term ‫לבׁש‬. Verse 16b is linked with v. 17a through similar vocabulary in an A-B-B-A pattern. In v. 16b, Yahweh “wins victory” (√‫[ )יׁשע‬A]‌with his arm, and “righteousness” (‫)צדקה‬ [B] supports him.20 In v. 17a, Yahweh clothes himself with “righteousness” (‫[ )צדקה‬B] like a breastplate and a (NRSV) (‎‫[ )כובע יׁשועה‬A]. The repetition of ‫ צדקה‬and forms of the root ‫ יׁשע‬suggest a clear continuity of activity between these two bicola. As such, the reader understands the actions of v. 16b to be accomplished through the armaments of Yahweh in v. 17. Given the poetic structure linking vv. 16b and 17a, a question emerges as to the appropriateness of the common translation of ‎‫ כובע יׁשועה‬in v. 17 as “helmet of salvation,” as in the NRSV. Since the breastplate (‫ )ׁשריון‬in the prior colon is a protective garment, the helmet of salvation could certainly be construed as a defensive piece of armor, thus a “helmet of salvation.” Jan Koole contends that the armor is defensive, with no aggressive or offensive aspects. John Goldingay also posits that the preparation 17 See Blenkinsopp, Isaiah 56–66, 198; Childs, Isaiah, 489–90. Shalom Paul also points to the metaphorical language of this verse, describing it as “a bold anthropomorphic metaphor of God as a war hero dressed in battle garb, preparing to avenge Himself on His enemies” (Isaiah 40–66, 509). 18 See Koole, Isaiah Part III, 201–2. 19 See Paul, Isaiah 40–66, 509. 20 The verb ‫ יׁשע‬is paired here with the preposition ‫ ל‬as the marker of its object, which often conveys the meaning of “to win victory for” rather than simply “to save, deliver.” See Clines, Concise Dictionary of Classical Hebrew, 168.

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of the divine warrior in v. 17 is primarily for defensive action. He understands ‫ יׁשועה‬as “deliverance” in v. 17a and translates the verb ‫ יׁשע‬in v. 16b as “effected deliverance.”21 To be sure, “salvation” and “winning victory” both fall within the semantic range of ‫יׁשע‬, though they have rather different connotations in English. The former relates a sense of protection, while the latter phrase suggests an aggressive, offensive activity. Since the root ‫ יׁשע‬appears in v. 16b with this latter meaning, we favor a translation of the phrase ‎‫ כובע יׁשועה‬as “helmet of victory” to acknowledge this immediate literary context. In fact, helmets in the ANE connote both offensive and defensive aspects, as we shall demonstrate below through a discussion of the iconography of royal warriors wearing uraei and bull horns on their heads.22 Over the course of v. 17, the imagery shifts from defensive to offensive, from “righteousness like a breastplate” to “garments of vengeance.” The verse ends with the image of Yahweh wrapping himself “in fury like a mantle.” Even as the imagery becomes more aggressive, scholars have noted that the garments described at this point in v. 17b, ‫ מעיל‬and ‫תלבׁשת‬, seem not to be associated with warriors. For example, Jan Koole claims that “the image of armour is abandoned in our line: neither ‘cloak’ nor ‘clothes’ form part of the armour of soldiers elsewhere.”23 Yet the iconography of the ANE frequently depicts kings in battle with robes. Sometimes the robes appear along with armor such as a breastplate and helmet, and sometimes the robes appear without such defensive garments. In Egyptian imagery, the king is frequently depicted wearing the uraeus on the crown along with a breastplate and skirt or robe. The uraeus (Egyptian: j‘r.t “rearing cobra”), often protruding from crowns or headdresses, reflects the ambivalent nature of the “helmet of salvation/victory” in Isa. 59:17. Like the “helmet of salvation/victory” in Isa. 59:17, the uraeus is both defensive and offensive, a cobra that sits at the front of the king’s crown ready to strike down the king’s enemies.24 The crown with uraeus thus represents the royal authority and status of the pharaoh and symbolizes his protection from enemies and evil. As such, it is a key element of the king’s armor. For example, an ivory bangle from Amarna (Figure 12.5) depicts Thutmose IV with a uraeus headdress and in the classic smiting posture, his body poised to strike his subdued enemy.25 The uraeus upon the king’s crown is then a symbol of the king’s eternal victory as one authorized and protected by the gods. The authorization of the king is also indicated by a breastplate with the protecting wings of the Horus falcon wrapped around his torso. The king is literally enfolded by the wings of his patron and guarantor, akin to

See Koole, Isaiah Part III, 201 and Goldingay, Isaiah 56–66, 228. For other translations of ‫ יׁשועה‬as “salvation,” see Childs, Isaiah, 483 as well as Westermann, Isaiah 40–66, 343. 22 Though they do not make recourse to ANE iconography, several interpreters acknowledge the ambiguity of ‫ יׁשועה‬as “salvation” or “victory” in v. 17a. See esp. Brueggemann, Isaiah 40–66, 201. John Watts also renders the phrase as “helmet of victory,” noting that a translation of “salvation” is also an option (Isaiah 34–66, 284–5). Shalom Paul understands ‫ צדקה‬and ‫ יׁשועה‬together as a pair meaning “victory/triumph” and so translates the phrase ‫ כובע יׁשועה‬as “helmet of triumph” (Isaiah 40–66, 509). 23 Koole, Isaiah Part III, 203. 24 See Shaw and Nicholson, Dictionary of Ancient Egypt, 67; cf. Joines, “Winged Serpents,” 411–12. 25 See Keel, “Powerful Symbols,” 208–9. 21

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Figure 12.5  Ivory bangle depicting Thutmose IV in the smiting posture. Date: Eighteenth Dynasty. Location: Amarna. Keel, “Powerful Symbols,” 234, fig. 4.

depictions of the Egyptian kings who are overshadowed and thus protected by various winged deities.26 A similar constellation of images appears on a seal from southern Palestine dated to the Late Bronze Age (Figure 12.6).27 Here, the pharaoh is depicted in the smiting posture, grasping a subdued enemy by the hair as he prepares to strike. The pharaoh’s garments consist of a long, tasseled robe and a flowing headdress with a uraeus protruding above the king’s brow. Since the king is evidently not wearing any other armor, we can understand the uraeus as providing both protection and ultimately victory. Again, the king’s garments in this constellation of imagery are congruent with Isa. 59:17. Just as the king’s clothing and armament on this seal blend defensive and aggressive functions, so also do Yahweh’s garments in Isa. 59:17 blend these roles. Yahweh is portrayed as a royal warrior. Mesopotamian art also identifies the helmet or crown with the aggressive aspects of the royal warrior. The Victory Stele of Naram-Sin,28 a limestone stele from the late third millennium, depicts the Akkadian king’s conquest of the Lullubi. It portrays NaramSin as a royal warrior trampling upon his dead and dying enemies. In his victorious 26 On the protective function of wings in ANE iconography, see LeMon, Yahweh’s Winged Form in the Psalms, 27–58. 27 See GGG, 82. 28 Cf. Figure 5.6 in this volume.

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Figure  12.6  Seal depicting the pharaoh in the smiting posture. Date:  Late Bronze Age. Location: Southern Palestine. Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, fig. 97b.

pose, Naram-Sin stands head and shoulders above all others, carrying a large bow and ax but wearing little in the way of armor.29 His horned crown, however, features prominently in this scene. It likens the king’s aggression to that of the wild bull and to the gods, who also appear with bull horns on their caps in this period.30 In sum, the king’s headwear is a “helmet of victory,” his most prominent element of armor and a symbol of his menacing power and violence. The images surveyed thus far have been emblematic of larger ANE iconographic traditions but are from earlier eras than that of Third Isaiah. However, a roughly contemporaneous cylinder seal from the Oxus Treasure collection (Figure 12.7) can also inform our reading of Isa. 59:17. At left, the seal depicts the Persian king defeating an enemy by thrusting his spear into his back. At right, the same lone royal figure plunges his spear into another enemy. Trampled bodies form the basis of both vignettes. The king enacts violence while dressed in long Persian robes and wearing a royal headdress (fillet) upon his head. As in Isa. 59:17, the royal garments and crown belong to the constellation of images of violence and triumph. These representations of royal warriors in ANE iconography shed light on the portrayal of Yahweh’s garments in Isa. 59:17. The garments are not merely defensive in this text, as some have argued. Instead, everything that Yahweh wears corresponds to the iconography of royal warriors in the ANE. This textual imagery characterizes Yahweh as a royal warrior who acts on behalf of his people to establish justice.

29 Irene Winter discusses the form of the king’s displayed body and the rhetoric of this display of the king’s body with a general lack of armor or clothing and its separation from earlier depictions of Mesopotamian kings (“Sex, Rhetoric, and the Public Monument,” 15–16). 30 See Winter, “Art in Empire,” 372.

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Figure 12.7  Cylinder seal from Oxus Treasure featuring royal figure. Date: Fifth century BCE. Location: Takht-I Kuwad. From the British Museum Oxus Treasure Display. BM 124015. ©Trustees of the British Museum.

4.  Isaiah 63:1-6: The Garb of the Royal Warrior at the Wine Press Isaiah 63:1-6 blends multiple voices and diverse imagery in its description of God’s garments. The pericope begins with a double question about the identity of the one “who comes from Edom” (‫ )אֱדֹום‬in garments stained crimson and splendidly robed (Isa. 63:1). Immediately, Yahweh responds that he is the one who appears in such attire (Isa. 63:1). The divine warrior, who adorned himself in Isa. 59:17, reappears here to save the people from their enemies. In response to this self-identification, the chorus ask another question, focusing attention again on the garments of God (Isa. 63:2), which are stained red (‫)ָאדֹום‬. The clothing of God and the wordplay on Edom link the two sets of questions in these verses. When the chorus asks why the garments are red, the deity states that he has been at work treading grapes in the winepress (Isa. 63:3). Winemaking is a communal activity, but the deity claims he had been at work alone.31 After a brief development of the theme of the winepress, the imagery turns martial with Yahweh trampling his enemies in wrath (Isa. 63:3).32 He has worked alone to tread the winepress, defeating the enemies of Judah and staining33 his garments with their blood.34 See Irudayaraj, Violence, Otherness and Identity in Isaiah 63:1-6, 116–23. 32 Koole notes that while ‫ דרך‬is used of treading in the wine press, ‫ רמס‬is not. ‫ רמס‬is used to speak of treading on enemies (Isaiah III, 338). Thus, the conceptual blending is reflected linguistically as well as through literary images. 33 On the translation of ‫( ֶאגְָאלְּתִ י‬MT), see Riley, “Does Yhwh Get His Hands Dirty?” 260–1. 34 Many commentators have noticed and explored the connection of the imagery of grape treading and its use to enhance the metaphor of the divine warrior. However, few have employed iconography as 31

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In an attempt to understand the complex imagery of this passage, Izaak de Hulster has argued that Isa. 63:1-6 should be interpreted in light of two different iconographic traditions in ANE art: the image of the trampling king and viticultural imagery.35 De Hulster focuses primarily on viticultural imagery, giving attention to Theban and Greek imagery of the production of wine and the treading of grapes in the wine press.36 He notes that Yahweh treads the press alone, a marked contrast to these images that portray vintners working in groups. Another contrast between the textual imagery and the pictorial imagery is that winemaking is the work of non-elites, even slaves. Yet in Isa. 63:16, it is a majestic figure in splendid robes who does this work of treading the winepress.37 Building on de Hulster’s analysis, we contend that this text blends two conceptual domains—the king trampling his enemies and vintners treading grapes—to shape its presentation of Yahweh.38 This conceptual blending explains why Yahweh would be portrayed as wearing splendid garments (‫ )הדור בלבוׁשו‬as he does the menial work of treading the winepress and why he is treading alone. But before we can consider the blending, it is important to relate the essential elements of both of these conceptual domains. The image of the king trampling his enemies has a long history in Egypt, going as far back as the Narmer palette. Yet it also occurs in Mesopotamian contexts, as in the victory stele of Naram-Sin discussed above. The trampling king could be rendered iconographically in a number of forms, especially theriomorphically as a sphinx, bull, or lion.39 Since Yahweh appears anthropomorphically in the heat of battle in Isa. 63, the most pertinent images for comparison are those depicting the king with enemies underfoot. A relief of Ramses III from Medinet Habu (Figure 12.8) provides one example of this iconographic trope and shares many points of connection with the literary imagery of Isa. 63:1-6.40 Though the pharaoh is surrounded by his troops, he is the only one portrayed trampling the enemy soldiers. In fact, in Egyptian art, foot soldiers are rarely shown treading upon their enemies. This imagery is reserved instead for kings and gods. Whenever the king is pictured atop the enemy, no one else in the scene occupies a similar place. Wearing an ankle-length garment and a crown with uraeus (though the relief is damaged), Ramses’s clothing corresponds to the description of a line of evidence in this discussion. See Westermann, Isaiah 40–66, 382; Koole, Isaiah III, 327–39; Brueggemann, Isaiah 40–66, 26–7; Paul, Isaiah 40–66, 563–64; Goldingay, Isaiah 40–66, 363–8. 35 See de Hulster, Iconographic Exegesis and Third Isaiah, 232–54. Irudayaraj has recently followed de Hulster in looking at this pericope through the lens of ANE iconography, using basically the same set of images (Violence, Otherness and Identity in Isaiah 63:1-6, 107–28). 36 De Hulster dedicates relatively little attention to the image of the trampling king, with just two pages of discussion (Iconographic Exegesis, 237–8). 37 See de Hulster, Iconographic Exegesis, 242–51. De Hulster suggests that Yahweh is depicted as treading alone to highlight Yahweh’s place as “Lord of lords” and his ultimate power (Iconographic Exegesis, 254). 38 We are adopting the language of “blending” and the blending of images from the work of Gilles Fauconnier and Mark Turner on conceptual blending (The Way We Think, 18 and 40–4). Bonfiglio also uses the language of “conceptual domains” (“Divine Warrior or Persian King?” 227–40). 39 Images of the “disguised” king are a focus of de Hulster’s analysis (Iconographic Exegesis, 237–8). Cf. GGG, 82–3. 40 Several similar scenes appear at this royal complex.

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Figure 12.8  Wall relief featuring Ramses III storming a fortress. Date: Twentieth Dynasty. Location: Medinet Habu. Nelson et al., Later Historical Records of Ramses III, plate 94.

Yahweh’s apparel in Isa. 59:17 and 63:1. Both Ramses and Yahweh are adorned in splendid garments. The depictions of Ramses III at Medinet Habu epitomize a common trope in Egyptian art. In fact, the trope is widespread in royal art throughout Mesopotamia, appearing as early as the third millennium and stretching through the Persian Period.41 The famous Behistun relief (Figure 12.9) provides an example from Persian art, contemporaneous to the writing of Third Isaiah. The Behistun relief depicts the Persian king Darius trampling a defeated usurper, Gaumata. Other would-be usurpers are restrained in bonds as they approach the king.42 Darius here is the royal warrior, with his bow at his side. Wearing a robe and crown, he brings peace and stability to the empire by trampling his enemy. As Isa. 63:1-6 blends royal trampling with viticultural imagery, a new literary image results. Like Ramses and Darius, Yahweh treads with the splendid garments of a royal warrior rather than in the clothes of lowly grape treaders (see Figure 12.10). Moreover, Yahweh treads the winepress alone because royal imagery from the ANE pictures the king alone striding over his enemies. As de Hulster has noted, the imagery of the winepress from Theban tombs also informs an understanding of Isa. 63:1-6. The tomb of Nakht, an official during the Eighteenth dynasty,43 contains images of winemaking, from the gathering of grapes to the fermentation process.44 Figure 12.10 depicts the treading of the wine press by 41 42 43 44

The victory stele of Naram-Sin stele discussed above provides one such early example. See Root, The King and Kingship in Achaemenid Art, 59–60 and 185. See de Hulster, Iconographic Exegesis, 235. See ibid., 243.

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Figure 12.9  The Behistun relief. Date: Sixth–fifth century BCE. Location: Mount Behistun, Iran. Photo courtesy of Wikimedia Commons. https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Bisotun_Iran_ Relief_Achamenid_Period.jpg.

multiple servants, wearing only short skirts about their waists. By holding on to one another and to ropes, they steady themselves, while a lone figure catches the juice in vases. This scene shows that the treading of grapes was a group activity often performed by lower-class citizens or slaves in the ANE. De Hulster also turns to similar scenes from the Papyrus Torino 1781 and the Papyrus Berlin P3148 to demonstrate that the association of grape pressing with divine judgment evidenced in Isa. 63 was not new in the ANE.45 In Egyptian art, the pressing of grapes for their juice symbolized the judgment of the evil in Pyramid Texts, Coffin Texts, and the Book of the Dead.46 In a scene from the Papyrus Torino (Figure 12.11), the heads of humans being judged are shown being pressed in a wine sack with blood dripping from the sack like grape juice. Isa. 63:1-6 draws from this domain of grape pressing imagery and blends it with the conceptual domain of the royal warrior trampling enemies in order to cast Yahweh as a royal warrior treading upon his enemies as one might tread grapes in the wine press. Indeed, the blending of these conceptual domains explains why Yahweh’s clothes are splendid like a royal warrior but also stained with the blood of the enemies upon whom he treads.

See ibid., 244–7. 46 See Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Identity, 107–8. 45

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Figure 12.10  Viticultural scene from the tomb of Nakht depicting people at work treading grapes in the wine press. Date: Eighteenth Dynasty. Location: Thebes. De Hulster, Iconographic Exegesis and Third Isaiah, 236, fig.  8.3. Line Drawing by Hildi Keel-Leu, “Weinbereitung,” 41.

Figure 12.11  Scene from The Book of Amduat featuring two deities using a sack press to execute judgment in the afterlife. Date: ca. 200 BCE. De Hulster, Iconographic Exegesis and Third Isaiah, 242, fig. 8.16. © Museo Antichità Egizie di Torino.

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The artwork in the Egyptian tombs did more than simply illustrate scenes of everyday life. It depicted an ideal world replete with symbolism.47 Despite the realism of Egyptian artistic imagery, many scenes have symbolic functions.48 The art of the Theban tombs produced an identity for the tomb owner and assisted in his transition from this life to the next, life in the Duat.49 The tomb was a liminal space, a space of change and renewal for the owner.50 The tomb paintings played different roles such as supplying the deceased with needed products for the afterlife. They also represented necessary rituals for the transition from this life to the next and depicted the deceased at work maintaining Maat.51 The viticultural scenes served multiple functions in the symbolic system of the tomb. The painting indicated the provision of wine for the deceased in the afterlife. Wine symbolized life and regeneration, and drinking wine was understood to efface the boundaries between life and death. Thus, the production and provision of wine in the tomb art facilitated this transition. Furthermore, as noted above, wine and the pressing of grapes was associated with the judgment of evildoers by the god of wine, Shesmu. The viticultural scenes promoted rebirth and the protection of the dead from the forces of chaos during their transition. Viticultural imagery functioned in a liminal space for the deceased individual and for the community who visited the tomb and assisted the individual in the afterlife.52 The image from Nakht’s tomb discussed above (Figure 12.10) itself symbolizes transformation; as the grapes are transformed into wine, so too is the tomb owner transformed. We cannot know whether Third Isaiah had any understanding of Egyptian tomb art. Nevertheless, the rhetorical function of this funerary art does correlate with the imagery in Isa. 63:1-6. The tomb paintings convey a rebirth, a movement through the liminal space from death to an afterlife. So too does the larger pericope of Isa. 59–63 depict the creation of a new situation for Yahweh’s people, a movement through a liminal space. Isaiah 59:1-15a describes the injustice rampant within the community. A lament for its failures then gives way to the image of Yahweh girding himself as royal warrior in order to change the community, to bring about justice (Isa. 59:16-17). Isaiah 60-62 envisions a new situation for the community, a rebirth and regeneration. Finally, Isa. 63:1-6 returns to a depiction of the royal warrior at work, dressed in the splendid garments of a king, creating life and bringing renewal for his people by trampling their enemies. The transformation of the enemies into blood poured out upon the earth (Isa. 63:6) serves as a catalyst for the renewal and recreation of Yahweh’s community. This warrior in splendid raiment brings salvation through victory.53 In sum, the conceptual blending of royal warrior imagery and viticultural imagery creates a composite image of renewal that serves the larger rhetorical goals of Third Isaiah. 47 See Robins, “Problems in Interpreting Egyptian Art,” 44. 48 This function is particularly evident when the scenes are viewed as a holistic constellation of imagery. See Derchain, “Symbols and Metaphors,” 8–9. 49 See Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Identity, 5. 50 See Robins, “Space and Movement,” 130. 51 See ibid., 130–3. 52 See Hartwig, Tomb Painting and Identity, 107–8. 53 See Brueggemann, Isaiah 40–66, 227. Cf. Childs, Isaiah, 519; Goldingay, Isaiah 56–66, 372–3.

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5.  Conclusion In each of the three case studies addressed above, descriptions of divine garments contribute to a characterization of Yahweh as a royal figure. In Isa. 6:1, Yahweh rules as king over both the community and cosmos, with his power radiating from the temple in Jerusalem. In Isa. 53:17 and 63:1-6, Yahweh appears not as a king enthroned, but a king on the march, arrayed as a divine warrior. In this active and aggressive aspect, Yahweh fights injustice. He destroys those who stand in the way of renewal. He establishes new life for the community. These case studies have shown that all three texts portray Yahweh as a king in royal garments. Yet each constellation of literary imagery evokes a different aspect of Yahweh’s royal activity. While our analysis has been limited to three case studies, we anticipate that exploring the interaction of literary and pictorial imagery of divine garments will yield further insights, especially in texts such as Dan. 7:9, Ps. 104:1-2, and Ps. 93:1. As we have seen in Isa. 6:1, 53:17, and 63:1-6, iconographic data can be a generative source for visualizing the divine garments and for a broader understanding of how each text characterizes the deity.

Bibliography Blenkinsopp, Joseph. Isaiah 1–39 (AB). New York: Doubleday, 2000. Blenkinsopp, Joseph. Isaiah 56–66 (AB). New York: Doubleday, 2003. Bonfiglio, Ryan P. “Divine Warrior or Persian King? The Archer Metaphor in Zechariah 9.” In Iconographic Exegesis of the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament, edited by Izaak De Hulster, Brent A. Strawn and Ryan P. Bonfiglio. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2015. Bonfiglio, Ryan P. Reading Images, Seeing Texts: Towards a Visual Hermeneutics for Biblical Studies (OBO 280). Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2016. Braun-Holzinger, Eva Andrea. Frühe Götterdarstellungen in Mesopotamien (OBO 242). Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2010. Brueggemann, Walter. Isaiah 40–66 (WBC). Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1998. Childs, Brevard. Isaiah: A Commentary (OTL). Louisville: Westminster John Knox Press, 2001. Clines, David (ed.). The Concise Dictionary of Classical Hebrew. Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2009. Davis, Whitney. Masking the Blow: The Scene of Representation in Late Prehistoric Egyptian Art. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1992. De Hulster, Izaak J. Iconographic Exegesis and Third Isaiah (FAT II.36). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2009. De Hulster, Izaak J. and Joel M. LeMon (eds). Image, Text, Exegesis: Iconographic Interpretation and the Hebrew Bible (LHBOTS 588). London: Bloomsbury, 2014. De Hulster, Izaak J., Brent A. Strawn, and Ryan Bonfiglio (eds.). Iconographic Exegesis of the Hebrew Bible/Old Testament. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2015. Derchain, Philippe. “Symbols and Metaphors in Literature and Representations of Private Life.” Royal Anthropological Institute News 15 (1976): 7–10. Dion, Paul E. “YHWH as Storm-god and Sun-god: The Double Legacy of Egypt and Canaan as Reflected in Psalm 104.” ZAW 103 (1991): 43–71.

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Driver, Godfrey Rolles. “Isaiah 6:1: ‘his train filled the temple’,” in Near Eastern Studies in Honor of W. F. Albright, edited by Hans Goedicke, 87–90. Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1971. Fauconnier, Gilles and Mark Turner. The Way We Think: Conceptual Blending and the Mind’s Hidden Complexities. New York: Basic Books, 2003. Goldingay, John. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Isaiah 56–66 (ICC). New York: Bloomsbury T&T Clark, 2014. Hartenstein, Friedhelm. Das Angesicht JHWHs: Studien zu seinem höfischen und kultischen Bedeutungshintergrund in den Psalmen und in Exodus 32–34 (FAT 55). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008. Hartwig, Melinda. Tomb Painting and Identity in Ancient Thebes, 1419–1372 BCE. Monumenta Aegyptica X. Turnhout, Belgium: Brepols Publishers, 2004. Hilprecht, Hermann V. The Babylonian Expedition of the University of Pennsylvania: Old Babylonian Inscriptions Chiefly from Nippur. Series A: Cuneiform Texts Vol. I Pt. 2. Philadelphia: MacCalla & Company, 1896. Irudayaraj, Dominic S. Violence, Otherness and Identity in Isaiah 63:1-6: The Trampling One Coming from Edom (LHBOTS 633). New York: Bloomsbury T&T Clark, 2017. Joines, Karen Randolph. “Winged Serpents in Isaiah’s Inaugural Vision.” JBL 86.4 (1967): 410–15. Keel, Othmar. Jahwe-Visionen und Siegelkunst: Eine neue Deutung der Majestätsschilderungen in Jes 6, Ez 1 und 10 und Sach 4. Stuttgart: Verlag Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1977. Keel, Othmar. “Powerful Symbols of Victory: The Parts Stay the Same, the Actors Change.” JNSL 25.2 (1999): 205–40. Keel-Leu, Hildi. “Weinbereitung.” Heiliges Land 8 (1980): 38–41. Koole, Jan L. Isaiah Part III (HCOT). Leuven: Peeters, 1997. LeMon, Joel. Yahweh’s Winged Form in the Psalms: Exploring Congruent Iconography and Texts (OBO 242). Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2010. Milgrom, Jacob. “Of Hems and Tassels: Rank, Authority, and Holiness Were Expressed in Antiquity by Fringes on Garments.” BAR 9.3 (1983): 61–5. Nelson, Harold H. et al. Later Historical Records of Ramses III. Volume II of Medinet Habu (OIP 9). Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1932. Oswalt, John. The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 40–66 (NICOT). Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998. Paul, Shalom. Isaiah 40–66: Translation and Commentary (ECC). Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2011. Podella, Thomas. Das Lichtkleid JHWHs: Untersuchungen zur Gestalthaftigkeit Gottes im Alten Testament und seiner altorientalischen Umwelt (FAT 15). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1996. Pritchard, James B. The Ancient Near East in Pictures Relating to the Old Testament. 2nd edn. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1969. Reicke, Bo und Leonhard Rost. Biblisch-Historisches Handwörterbuch. Band III. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1966. Riley, Jason. “Does Yhwh Get His Hands Dirty? Reading Isaiah 63:1-6 in Light of Depictions of Divine Postbattle Purification.” In Warfare, Ritual, and Symbol in Biblical and Modern Contexts, edited by Brad E. Kelle, Frank Ritchel Ames, and Jacob L. Wright, 243–70. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2014. Robins, Gay. “Problems in Interpreting Egyptian Art.” Discussions in Egyptology 17 (1990): 45–58.

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Robins, Gay.“Space and Movement in Pre-Amarna 18th Dynasty Theban Tomb Chapels.” In Egyptian Culture and Society: Studies in Honor of Naguib Kanawati, edited by Alexander Woods, Ann McFarlane, and Susanne Binder, 129–42. Cairo: The American University in Cairo Press, 2011. Root, Magaret Cool. The King and Kingship in Achaemenid Art: Essays on the Creation of an Iconography of Empire. Acta Iranica IX. Leiden: Brill, 1979. Shaw, Ian and Paul Nicholson. Dictionary of Ancient Egypt. New York: Harry N. Abrams, 1995. Smith, Mark S. Where the Gods Are: Spatial Dimensions of Anthropomorphism in the Biblical World. New Haven: Yale University Press, 2016. Strawn, Brent. “The Iconography of Fear: Yir’at Yhwh (‫ )יראת יהוה‬in Artistic Perspective.” In Image, Text, Exegesis: Iconographic Interpretation and the Hebrew Bible (LHBOTS 588), edited by Izaak J. de Hulster and Joel M. LeMon, 91–134. London: Bloomsbury, 2014. Virolleaud, Charles. “Un poème phénicien de Ras-Shamra.” Syria 12 (1931): 193–224. Watts, John D. W. Isaiah 34–66 (WBC 25). Waco: Word Books, 1987. Westermann, Claus. Isaiah 40–66: A Commentary (OTL). Philadelphia: Westminster Press, 1969. Winter, Irene J. “Art in Empire: The Royal Image and the Visual Dimensions of Assyrian Ideology.” In Assyria 1995: Proceedings of the 10th Anniversary Symposium of the NeoAssyrian Text Corpus Project Helsinki, September 7–11, 1995, edited by S. Parpola and R. S. Whiting, 359–81. Helsinki: Vammalan Kirjapaino Oy, 1997. Winter, Irene J. “Royal Rhetoric and the Development of Historical Narrative in NeoAssyrian Relief.” Studies in Visual Communication (1981): 2–38. Winter, Irene J. “Sex, Rhetoric, and the Public Monument: The Alluring Body of NarimSîn of Agade.” In Sexuality in Ancient Art: Near East, Egypt, Greece and Italy, edited by Natalie Kampen and Bettina Ann Bergmann, 11–26. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1996.

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Robed in Majesty Clothing as a Metaphor for the Classical Hebrew Semantic Domain of ‫כבוד‬ Marilyn E. Burton

1.  Metaphors for Glory The semantic domain of ‫—כבוד‬generally glossed in English as “glory”—contains perhaps some of the richest and yet most elusive concepts expressed in the Classical Hebrew language. Its members, among which we may identify primarily ‫הוד‬,‫הדר‬, ‫תפארת‬ ‫גאות‬, ‫גאון‬, ‫עז‬, and ‫גאוה‬,1 cover everything from the splendid beauty of ornaments to the dignity of rulers, from the honor granted to the righteous to the haughty pride of the enemy of God. It is hardly surprising that such a domain, being both abstract in nature and semantically complex, lends itself to metaphorical expression. Indeed, this expression in the Classical Hebrew corpus varies considerably, with its source domains including primarily those relating to clothing, visibility and light, sound, height, and liquid.2 Among these, the metaphor “glory is clothing” is not only one of the most prominent, participated in by a majority of the lexemes in the semantic domain of ‫כבוד‬, but also one of the richest and most varied, with the garments involved ranging from the royal to the priestly to the military, and being variously gifted, possessed inherently, and stripped away. When speaking of the clothing metaphor, I refer to all aspects of dress—from robes to armor, crowns to jewels—generally, anything worn on the body. There is a strong association throughout the Classical Hebrew corpus between clothing and glory, both metaphoric and nonmetaphoric. Glory can be an attribute of clothing, as in Isa. 3:18, where ‫ תפארת‬is ascribed to ‫“( העכסים והׁשביסים והׂשהרנים‬anklets, headbands and crescents”); it can be the reason why clothing is worn, such as in Exod. 28:2 and 28:40, where Aaron’s robes are worn ‫“—לכבוד ולתפארת‬for glory and for beauty”; or it can be the clothing itself, as in Ps. 104:1, where God is said to be “clothed with ‫הוד‬ For the justification for identifying these lexemes as members of the semantic domain, see Burton, Semantics, 42–117. 2 Ibid., 124–7. 1

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‫( והדר‬splendor and majesty).” In this last case, we find an example of the metaphoric association between the domains. It should be noted, however, that metaphoric and nonmetaphoric uses are not always easy to distinguish. The ambiguity is due to the semantic complexity of the Hebrew construct chain, which allows for multiple interpretations of the relationship between its members. Let us take as an example Prov. 4:9, in which Wisdom is said to bestow on the one who seeks her ‫עטרת תפארת‬. This construct phrase could be read either as “a crown of beauty” (i.e., a crown constituted by beauty) or “a beautiful crown” (a crown possessing the attribute of beauty). It is thus not clear whether a metaphor is present, and this ambiguity must be borne in mind in our analysis. Fourteen convincing instances of the “glory is clothing” metaphor offer themselves within the Hebrew Bible and Ben Sira,3 which I propose to arrange into five groups, according to the wearer. The five wearers in question are (1) God, (2) humankind in general, (3) the king, (4) the wise, and (5) the priest.

1.1 God The opening verses of Psalms 93 and 104 each present a cosmic picture of God’s reign, and both open this scene with a metaphor describing God’s attire. In both cases, the verb used is ‫ לבׁש‬in the qal perfect—God “is clothed” in glory. In Ps. 104:1, God is clothed in ‫ הוד‬and ‫ הדר‬and in Ps. 93:1 in ‫ גאות‬and ‫עז‬. Isaiah 51:9 provides a similar image, the arm of Yhwh being called on to put on ‫עז‬. Here the same verb, ‫לבׁש‬, is used in the imperative form.

1.2 Humans Although in all remaining instances of the “glory is clothing” metaphor the wearer is human, in the majority of cases a specific role is in view—either royal, priestly, or sapiential. In a few cases, however, either humankind in general or a man without a specified social role is described as having glory for clothing. The best known example is probably Ps. 8:6, in which God is said to have set humans a little lower than the elohim and crowned them (‫ )תעטרהו‬with glory and honor (‫)וכבוד והדר‬. Job 19:9 provides an interesting contrast. Here, Job laments that [God] has stripped (‫ )הפׁשיט‬from me my glory (‫ )כבוד‬and taken the crown (‫)עטרת‬ from my head.

In the third case, Job 40:10, God sarcastically calls on Job to

The fourteen texts analyzed in this study are as follows: Job 19:9; 40:10; Pss. 8:6; 45:4; 93:1; 104:1; Prov. 31:17, 25; Isa. 51:9; 52:1; Sir. 6:31; 45:8, 25; and 50:11. Further texts associating the domains of glory and of clothing, but in which a metaphor is either not present or not clearly present, are Exod. 28:2, 40; Prov. 4:9; 16:31; 17:6; Isa. 28:5; 62:3; Jer. 13:18; 1QS 4:7-8; 1QHa 17:25; 4Q382 f43:2; and 4Q525 f11-12:2. These will not be considered in this analysis, but may nonetheless be interesting to the reader for comparison. 3

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Adorn yourself (‫ )עדה‬with majesty and dignity (‫;)גאון וגבה‬ clothe yourself (‫ )תלבׁש‬with glory and splendor (‫)והוד והדר‬.

1.3 The King Perhaps surprisingly, only one example of an earthly king clothed in glory may be found in the Classical Hebrew corpus—and even this one is somewhat dependent on the interpretation of the syntax. The verse in question is Ps. 45:4, which reads, quite literally, Gird (‫ )חגור‬your sword on your side, mighty one— your splendor and your majesty (‫)הודך והדרך‬.

Commentators have long puzzled over how the final phrase—‫—הודך והדרך‬relates to the sentence as a whole. It could be read as an accusative of means—that is, gird on your sword by your splendor and majesty;4 it could be a second verbal object—that is, gird on your sword, and gird on your splendor and majesty;5 or ‫ הודך והדרך‬could be identified with the sword—that is, gird on your sword, which is your splendor and majesty.6 In the last two interpretations, a metaphor is present.

1.4  The Wise The next category of persons to which I wish to draw attention is the wise. Interestingly, the most prominent example is the woman of noble character of Proverbs 31, of whom v. 21 says that “strength and dignity (‫ )עז והדר‬are her clothing (‫)לבוׁשה‬,” while v. 17 depicts her as girding herself (‫ )חגרה‬with ‫עז‬. To this category may perhaps be added Sir. 6:31, in which Wisdom is said to be worn as garments of glory (‫ )בגדי כבוד‬and a crown of beauty (‫)עטרת תפארת‬.

1.5 The Priest Finally, “glory is clothing” metaphors are applied to priests. The two clearest examples of this come from Ben Sira. In Sir. 45:6-8, God exalts Aaron to an eternal priestly office and clothes him in suitable priestly garments—horns, bells, trousers, tunic, and robe. In the midst of this description we are told that God “clothed him (‫ )וילביׁשהו‬with perfection of beauty (‫)כליל תפארת‬.”7 See Dahood, Psalms I, 271. 5 See Delitzsch, Psalms vol. 2, 92; cf. Goldingay, Psalms: Volume 2, 57. 6 This interpretation is taken, e.g., by the translators of the Geneva Bible: “Gird thy sword upon thy thigh, O most mighty, to wit, thy worship and thy glory.” Other interpretations are also offered, such as Kraus’ suggestion that the final two words here belong with the following verse (Kraus, Psalms 1–59, 450). 7 In the wider context, we read: 4

He placed (‫ )ויתן‬on him (‫ )עליו‬splendor (‫)הוד‬, . . . 8 And he clothed him (‫ )וילביׁשהו‬with perfection of beauty (‫)כליל תפארת‬ and beautified him (‫ )ויפארהו‬with [glo]ry and strength (‫)ב[]וד ועוז‬. 7

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Similarly, in Sir. 50:11, Simon the High Priest is said to have “put on (‫ )בעטותו‬his garments of glory (‫ )בגדי כבוד‬and clothed himself (‫ )והתלבׁשו‬in garments of beauty (‫)בגדי תפארת‬.”8 Here we have a potentially ambiguous case, in which either glory may be an attribute of the garments or the garments may be a metaphor for glory. The subsequent, syntactically parallel, verset, which describes Simon approaching the “altar of splendor” (‫)בעלותו על מזבח הוד‬, may incline us to the former, since here the priest is quite clearly approaching a physical, splendid altar.9 On the other hand, in light of Sir. 45:8, as well as in light of Ben Sira’s superlative language throughout when speaking of Simon, a more metaphysical and metaphorical interpretation seems plausible. We must also bear in mind the obviously deliberate association with the Aaronic garments of Exod. 28, which, as noted earlier, are not simply beautiful and glorious but are to be worn ‫—לכבוד ולתפארת‬for glory and beauty, or perhaps even as glory and beauty. This association lends support to the idea that we are dealing with at least some metaphorical elements here. The next instance of this metaphor is found in Isa. 52:1: Awake, awake, put on (‫ )לבׁשי‬your strength (‫)עזך‬, O Zion; put on your garments of beauty (‫)בגדי תפארתך‬, O Jerusalem, the holy city; for there shall no more come into you the uncircumcised and the unclean.

That the construct phrase in this case, ‫בגדי תפארתך‬, is metaphorical is indicated by the parallel with the clearly metaphorical phrase “put on (‫ )לבׁשי‬your strength (‫)עזך‬.” The decision to class this with other texts depicting priestly wearers is perhaps not immediately obvious, but it should be noted that this is one of only five places in the Classical Hebrew corpus where ‫ תפארת‬is associated with garments, as opposed to crowns or other forms of adornment; in each of the other four, the garments are those of a priest. At the very least, this suggests that here Zion is being described in priestly terms. Sirach 45:25 may also be considered as belonging to this category. The author urges those in the priestly line to “bless the Lord, who has crowned (‫ )המעטר‬you with glory (‫)כבוד‬,” but the verse may have more of a connection to Ps. 8:6.   The phrase ‫( נתן על‬v. 7) may or may not have connotations of clothing, though given the context it is quite plausible. Likewise, the verb ‫ פאר‬in the piel (8b) is nowhere associated with clothing, though its parallel here may make us think of beautifying by adornment. In v. 8a, however, Aaron is clearly clothed (‫ )לבׁש‬with ‫תפארת‬. 8 Some commentators (cf. Skehan and Di Lella, Wisdom, 549), following the Greek, read here ‫כליל‬ ‫תפארת‬, as in 45:8. If this reading is correct, the metaphorical nature of the clothing is even more pronounced. However, other scholars have argued that the repetition of ‫ בגדי‬presents no difficulty and prefer to retain the original reading (cf., Mulder, Simon, 147–8). 9 There is a certain amount of debate over the interpretation of this line. Otto Mulder, for instance, takes the phrase ‫ מזבח הוד‬to mean “raised altar,” referring to the physically elevated position of the altar of burnt offerings (Mulder, Simon, 149). At the same time, however, he sees Ben Sira’s use of ‫ הוד‬as a deliberate allusion to the idiomatic pairing ‫( הוד והדר‬150) and can say without perceiving a

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2.  Analysis In order to understand what is happening in these metaphors, we must begin by considering the source domain itself—that is, the meaning of literal clothing. Once we have established the background that informs our metaphors, we can address what it means to wear glory in different contexts. Clothing, of course, is of great significance to perhaps every culture, and certainly no less so in ancient Israel. Sebastian Brock notes that “in the biblical literature, and in the ancient Near East in general, clothing is an expression of identity.”10 That is, clothing—whether literal or metaphorical—is highly symbolic: what we wear indicates something of who we are. This may be in terms of social status, insofar as rich garments are a sign of rank and honor, and rags of poverty and disgrace; it may be in terms of role, as specific forms of dress are prescribed for priests in their ceremonial functions; it may be, as Kim points out, that clothing symbolizes status before God, whether the faithfulness of the wearer in obeying Mosaic regulations about dress, or the wearer’s acceptability before God, as with Adam and Eve’s garments of skin, or Joshua the High Priest’s clean clothes.11 In general, as Prouser notes, “the accumulation or the receiving of garments in the Bible is considered a positive indicator, while the loss of clothing or nakedness is seen as a negative.”12 Offering clothes to another may be a sign of respect or love13 and “often represented the bestowal of authority and rank”;14 by contrast, taking them away is an act of dishonoring, particularly of the dead.15 The general mapping between the two domains is not difficult to see, since clothing so often symbolizes glory, honor, rank, or wealth—to receive fine clothing is to receive honor; to have it is to have glory, even without taking metaphor into account. More precise mapping is of course more complex. Needless to say, when we examine an individual clothing metaphor, we must consider carefully which aspects of the vast semantic range of each domain are being used. I propose to begin with the context in which the semantic background to the metaphor is most obvious—that of priestly clothing.

2.1 Sacredness—the Priest’s Clothes Thanks to the descriptions and instructions in Exodus and Leviticus, we know a great deal about both the form and the function of priestly garments,16 which were made with great skill from fine linen, colored yarns, precious stones, and gold. They signified first of contradiction that “‫ תפארת‬. . . in 50:11b provides an extra dimension to the high priestly garments, in the same way as the concept ‫ הוד‬. . . did with respect to the altar” (148). 10 Brock, “Robe of Glory,” 247–55. 11 Kim, Clothing Imagery, 12. 12 Prouser, “Suited to the Throne,” 30. Tolosa, along the same lines, sees the clothing metaphor as a variation on Lakoff and Johnson’s “more is up” metaphor, thus leading to metaphors such as “rich clothing is elevated status” (Tolosa, “Inner Surfaces in King Lear,” 138–9). 13 See, e.g., Jacob’s gift of a robe to his favored son in Gen. 37. 14 Silverman, Cultural History, 9. 15 Cf., e.g., 1 Sam. 31:9. 16 See esp. Exod. 28:9; 39; Lev. 8; 16.

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all the holiness of the wearer, a point emphasized by the requirement that the priest wash before putting them on (e.g., Lev. 16:4). As Kim notes, “when Aaron is dressed in the sacred priestly garments . . . he intends to participate in God’s holiness. His being clothed with priestly garments denotes that he becomes holy in harmony with God’s sacredness.”17 More than this, their richness and splendor reflected something of the divine beauty of God18—in Exod. 28:2, 40, we are told that Aaron and his sons were to wear them ‫לכבוד‬ ‫( ולתפארת‬perhaps “as glory and beauty”)—and they were symbolic of the importance of the priest’s various functions as representative, intercessor, judge, and minister. The two metaphors involving priestly clothing in Ben Sira are tied to this context very explicitly. Indeed, it is Aaron’s own clothing that in Sir. 45:8 is described as ‫כליל‬ ‫תפארת‬, and that of the High Priest Simon, Aaron’s successor, which in Sir. 50:11 is called ‫ בגדי כבוד‬and ‫בגדי תפארת‬, most likely alluding to the phrase ‫ לכבוד ולתפארת‬in Exod. 28:2 and 40. The repetition of the lexeme ‫ תפארת‬as that in which the priest is metaphorically clothed is highly significant: of the members of the semantic domain of ‫כבוד‬, none is more strongly associated with holiness and purity.19 Thus, being clothed in ‫ תפארת‬would seem to get at the heart of the purpose of the priestly garments: these priests are clothed not only in garments symbolizing their sacred beauty, but in that beauty itself.20 That the metaphor in Isa. 52:1 draws on the same background is demonstrated by the emphasis on Jerusalem’s holiness and purity. She, the “holy city,” may dress herself in this way “for there shall no more come into [her] the uncircumcised and the unclean.” She is properly cleansed and is now fit to put on the sacred ‫בגדי תפארת‬.21 As the second part of the clothing metaphor in this verse, we see Zion called to put on her ‫)לבׁשי עזך( עז‬.22 Unlike her donning of ‫תפארת‬, the putting on of ‫ עז‬does not appear to be related to her priestly role. More likely to be relevant here is the strong association between ‫ עז‬and salvation in the Hebrew Bible.23 ‫ עז‬frequently connotes safety and

17 Kim, Clothing Imagery, 21. 18 Indeed, Fletcher-Louis notes that the Aaronic priest, in performing his cultic duties, actually “bears God’s image” (All the Glory of Adam, 70). 19 See Burton, Semantics, 144, 277. 20 Hayward notes the link between the use of ‫ תפארת‬to describe the priestly garb and that to describe the splendor of Adam in Sir. 49:16, noting that in the Rabbinic tradition Adam was considered the first high priest. “Perhaps ben Sira implies that Adam’s tip’eret is analogous to Simon’s high priestly robes: if so, he may suggest here what later writers state openly, that the high priest’s vestments are the garments of the first man” (Hayward, The Jewish Temple, 45). Our contention here would be that Adam is described in this way in allusion to his priestly character, rather than that the priests are so described in allusion to their Adamic lineage. 21 Verse 11 of the same chapter reiterates the central importance of Zion’s purity in this context:

Depart, depart, go out from there! Touch no unclean thing; go out from the midst of it, purify yourselves, you who carry the vessels of the Lord. 22 Westermann proposes a reading of ‫( עדי‬adornment) in place of ‫עז‬, seeing ‫ עז‬as a copyist’s error based on Isa. 51:9 (Westermann, Isaiah 40–66, 246–7). However, ‫ עז‬makes good sense in the context, and I see no reason to emend the text. 23 See Burton, Semantics, 216.

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security, of the kind that Zion in her restored state can now enjoy. Thus, the two aspects of her clothing serve to present a rich image of the blessings she has received. It is noteworthy that ‫ תפארת‬as a form of garment is entirely confined to the category of priestly wearers. The only other case among our metaphors in which ‫ תפארת‬occurs is Sir. 6:31, in which Wisdom is worn like garments of glory (‫ )בגדי כבוד‬and a crown of beauty (‫)עטרת תפארת‬.24 Most commentators see here connotations of royalty, presumably because of the mention of a crown. However, far more likely, the allusion is to Lev. 8:9, in which Moses places on Aaron’s head “the golden ornament, the holy crown (‫)ציץ הזהב נזר הקדׁש‬,” or Exod. 28:36-37, which gives the following instruction: You shall make an ornament of pure gold, and engrave on it, like the engraving of a signet, “Holy to the Lord.” 37 You shall fasten it on the turban with a blue cord; it shall be on the front of the turban. 36

In this second passage we have not only the golden ornament of Sir. 6:30 but also the blue cord.25 Thus, it seems likely—especially given Ben Sira’s acknowledged passion for the priesthood, not to mention his view of the High Priest as the embodiment of Wisdom26—that priestly garments are in view here.27 If this is so, then to be clothed metaphorically in ‫ תפארת‬is exclusively a priestly feature.28 The pairing of ‫ תפארת‬with ‫כבוד‬, which we have observed throughout, is likewise worthy of note. These terms occur together in Exod. 28:2, 40 and Sir. 6:31; 45:8, and 50:11, constituting five of the seven conjunctions of the terms in the Hebrew Bible and Ben Sira.29 Interestingly, one of the two remaining instances, Isa. 4:2, like Isa. 52:1, is 24 It is well worth noting that the Greek text of Sir. 1:11 contains almost the same phrase as in 6:31 (1:11: στέφανος ἀγαλλιάματος; 6:31: στέφανον ἀγαλλιάσεως), and it is certainly not implausible that the Hebrew original also read ‫עטרת תפארת‬, though such a proposal must remain purely speculative. The two texts are very similar in sense, both describing the attire of the one who seeks Wisdom, and the arguments presented here for Sir. 6:31 could be made in the same way for 1:11. 25 Commentators generally see the blue cord as a reference to Num. 15:38, in which the Israelites are to weave a blue thread into the corners of their garments as a reminder to keep God’s commands (see Skehan and Di Lella, Wisdom, 194). Even if this is the case, the theme of purity and holiness remains, as shown by v. 40: “So you shall remember and do all my commandments, and you shall be holy to your God.” 26 See, e.g., Hayward, “Sacrifice and World Order,” 23–4. James Aitken, speaking of Ben Sira’s use of ‫ תפארת‬in general, notes that “whereas ‫ תפארת‬is a feature in the ‘Praise of the Fathers’ typical of the priesthood, in the rest of the book it is typical of the wise or Wisdom, but both parties, the wise and the priest, are equated in the theology of Ben Sira” (Aitken, “Semantics of Glory,” 9). 27 This reference is acknowledged by Skehan, who writes, “The wise . . . because of their fidelity to the Law will enjoy the splendor of royalty and the glory of the high priesthood” (Skehan and Di Lella, Wisdom, 195). Montgomery, Stream from Eden, 329, likewise sees here a straightforward reference to priestly garments. 28 The phrase ‫( עטרת תפארת‬used either nonmetaphorically or ambiguously) is in fact a recurring one in the Classical Hebrew corpus, being found in Prov. 4:9; 16:31; Isa. 62:3; Jer. 13:18; and 4Q382 f43:2, as well as Sir. 6:31. In none of these cases is any allusion to either the priesthood or purity present, strongly suggesting that it is garments of ‫תפארת‬, not crowns, which properly belong to priests. Furthermore, the two Proverbs references, particularly 4:9, provide an obvious source for Ben Sira’s description of Wisdom bestowing the ‫ עטרת תפארת‬on her disciple. What Ben Sira seems to have done is to combine an image from the wisdom tradition with a metaphor from the Aaronic liturgy to create a distinctive picture of the sacredness of wisdom. 29 The others are Isa. 4:2 and Est. 1:4. The Qumran texts offer six further instances: 1QS 10:12; 1Q19 f13-14:2; 4Q286 f1ii:4; 4Q405 f17:4-5; 11Q5 18:2-5; and 11Q5 22:5. Though there does seem to be

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also strongly concerned with the holiness and purity of Zion, further associating the combination of these two terms with sacred beauty. The final metaphor involving the priesthood is found in Sir. 45:25, where Ben Sira calls on the descendants of Aaron to “bless the Lord, who has crowned (‫ )המעטר‬you with ‫כבוד‬.” We may perhaps see here once more the allusion to the Aaronic garments; however, there is a more obvious similarity to Ps. 8:6 (discussed in Section 2.4)—the connotations in this case would be of the priesthood’s authority to rule.30

2.2 Strength and Dignity—the Wise Woman’s Clothes The addressee in Sir. 6:31, though their garb is described in priestly terms, is not an actual priest, but the one who has attained Wisdom.31 Ben Sira obviously feels that such a person is worthy of honor, a sentiment shared by the author of Proverbs 31, who pictures the wise woman clothed in ‫( עז והדר‬v. 25), and girding herself (‫ )חגרה‬with ‫( עז‬v. 17). Interestingly, we know exactly what literal clothes this woman wears, for vv. 21-22 tell us: She is not afraid for her household when it snows, for all her household are clothed in crimson. 22 She makes herself coverings; her clothing is fine linen and purple. 21

Her garments, which she makes for herself, are both fine and practical, reflecting her status as well as her industry. More than other lexemes in its domain, ‫ הדר‬expresses something of the worth of its possessor. Like ‫כבוד‬, it is frequently ascribed to those in authority, but focuses less on their exalted status per se and more on their dignity.32 It would thus seem an appropriate form of clothing for this woman who deserves such praise (cf. vv. 28, 30-31). It is perhaps also significant that no clothing verb is present in v. 25—she is not clothed by another, nor are her clothes put on and laid aside depending on her particular role, as for the priests. It is by her own actions that she wears these garments constantly. This sense of the wise woman’s independence and self-sufficiency is reinforced by the repetition of the clothing metaphor with ‫עז‬. As in v. 25, in v. 17 once again the woman requires no assistance to gird her loins with ‫—עז‬moreover, the form of the verb (‫ )חגרה‬is perfect, emphasizing the permanent nature of her girded state. ‫ עז‬is the member of the semantic domain of ‫ כבוד‬most strongly associated with deeds and the one most commonly attributed to ordinary people (as opposed to kings, priests, some association with purity and piety in a number of these (1QS 10:12; 4Q405 f17:4-5; 11Q5 22:5), given the fragmentary nature of most of the texts, we will not consider them further here. 30 This interpretation is strongly supported by the Greek text of Sir. 45:26: “May the Lord grant you wisdom of mind to judge his people with justice” (NRSV). The extant Hebrew text does not bear this sense; nonetheless, it is compatible with Ben Sira’s view of the priesthood’s role. 31 Once again we should note the very similar text of Sir. 1:11, for which the Hebrew is unfortunately not extant. 32 See Burton, Semantics, 302.

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the wealthy, etc.);33 thus, it is the natural clothing for this industrious figure who serves as a model for others.

2.3 Majesty—the Warrior King’s Clothes Let us now turn to the attire of kings. As we noted above, surprisingly we have only one metaphor to address here, so our conclusions must be limited. The context of Ps. 45:4, which refers to a sword, tells us that the relevant background in this case is the king’s military garb.34 Second Kings 3:21 tells us that kings girded on girdles—‫—חגר חגרה‬in order to fight (cf. 1 Kgs 2:5). Such a belt, in the military context, was used to hold a sword.35 In the majority of cases, the verb ‫חגר‬, “to gird on,” is used in a military context, signifying preparedness for battle.36 The curious aspect of the metaphor in Ps. 45:4 is that ‫ הוד‬and ‫הדר‬, aside from this verse, have little or no association with the military. Rather, both terms have strong connotations of royalty and authority.37 Thus, we would appear to have something of a mixed metaphor—the king is riding out equipped for battle, as indicated by the verb ‫חגר‬, but equipped in clothing denoting rather his royalty than his military power. The metaphor thus serves to intertwine the king’s royal and military roles.38

2.4  Honor—Humankind’s Clothes We have now considered the clothing belonging to specific roles; so what do humans wear in general? The answer to this is too broad, so we must look at the particular contexts of our metaphors. Both Ps. 8:6 and Job 19:9 speak of a crown—the latter by use of the noun ‫עטרה‬ and the former by use of the verb ‫עטר‬. Frequently ‫ עטרה‬refers to a royal crown,39 but in many other cases no such connotations are present. According to Proverbs, wealth is the crown of the wise (14:24), a good wife the crown of her husband (12:4), grandchildren the crown of the aged (17:6), and grey hair the crown of the righteous (16:31). According to Isaiah, God is the crown of his faithful remnant (28:5), and his people are a crown for him (62:3). In none of these nonroyal cases is the crown a literal one; rather, it symbolizes something that the wearer can take pride in. Ibid., 262, 278, 289, 293, 297. 34 Although Ps. 45 as a whole is a wedding psalm, at this point the focus is on the king’s preparations to “ride forth victoriously in the cause of truth, humility and justice” (NIV), and thus we may understand his attire here as military rather than nuptial. 35 Cf., e.g., 2 Sam. 20:8; 1 Sam. 17:39. 36 Cf., e.g., Deut. 1:41; Judg. 18:11, 16, 17; 1 Sam. 25:13. Even in a nonmilitary context, it often signals preparedness. Thus, in Exod. 12:11 the Israelites are instructed to eat the Passover meal with their loins girded, symbolically ready for flight. 37 See Burton, Semantics, 195, 203–4. 38 It is worth drawing attention at this point to Isa. 59:17, in which God equips himself for battle. Although, like the king, he wears battle gear—in this case, the helmet and breastplate—again the metaphorical nature of these accoutrements is perhaps unexpected. Rather than strength or might, as we might expect, he wears righteousness and salvation. Once again, the mixed metaphor would seem to skillfully intertwine the roles of warrior and savior. 39 See, e.g., 2 Sam. 12:30; 1 Chron. 20:2; Isa. 62:3; Jer. 13:18; Ezek. 21:26; and Zech. 6:11, 14. 33

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In the context of Ps. 8 as a whole, royal connotations are certainly present, since v. 7 informs us that God has given mankind “dominion over the works of [his] hands.” That the crown therefore consists of ‫ כבוד והדר‬is unsurprising, since both lexemes commonly carry connotations of royalty. What is particularly intriguing about this metaphor is the fact that God bestows the crown. Indeed, God is the main bestower of crowns throughout the Hebrew Bible—both literal and metaphorical40—and by this act elevates the one he chooses. The same holds true among humans—one who has authority bestows a crown upon the one he wishes to elevate. Thus, for instance, Ahasuerus crowns Esther his queen (Est. 2:17) and the priest Jehoiada crowns Joash king (2 Kgs 11:12). Thus, the metaphor in Ps. 8:6 informs us that God has chosen to elevate humankind to a position of authority.41 In Job 19:9 the reverse is true—at least from the perspective of Job. God has removed the crown from his head and stripped (‫ )הפׁשיט‬from him his glory (‫)כבוד‬. The verb ‫ פׁשט‬in every other instance of the hiphil refers to the literal stripping of clothing42— consistently an act of shaming.43 Dead enemies are stripped on the battlefield (1 Sam. 31:9; 1 Chron. 10:9); Joseph is stripped by his brothers (Gen. 37:23); disobedient Israel is stripped by God (Ezek. 16:39; 23:26; Hos. 2:5). That Job’s clothing is ‫ כבוד‬suggests an elevated status—the lexeme bears strong connotations of exaltation, whether through wealth, royalty, divinity, or righteousness. Thus, to strip away his ‫ כבוד‬is to render him naked and humiliated. It is important to note that ‫ כבוד‬is always the gift of God, to bestow or remove as God desires.44 The fact that in both of the above cases God bestows glory-clothing upon humanity makes Job 40:10 particularly interesting, since here Job is told to clothe himself with glory—in this case, with ‫גאון‬, ‫ הוד‬and ‫הדר‬. The term ‫גאון‬, perhaps best rendered as “pride,” generally bears very negative connotations when ascribed to humans, although it is an attribute appropriate to God. For Job to clothe himself in this way would be to lay claim not only to royal authority, as indicated by ‫ הוד‬and ‫הדר‬, but to divinity.45 He is pictured as putting on robes that mark him as universal ruler.

2.5 Majesty and Active Power—God’s Clothes God’s sarcasm to Job is brought to the fore by comparison with Pss. 93:1 and 104:1, where the language used is very similar: Yhwh is clothed (again ‫ )לבׁש‬in ‫גאות‬, ‫הוד‬, and ‫הדר‬. The term ‫ גאות‬is closely synonymous with ‫גאון‬, again denoting an attribute 40 Cf. Pss. 21:3; 89:19; Ezek. 16:12; Zech. 6:11. In this last instance, the actual giver is Zechariah himself, but at the direct instruction of God. Prov. 4:9 may perhaps also be included in this category, the donor being Lady Wisdom. 41 There may also be a secondary sense to this metaphor, insofar as the act of giving clothing can signify love and care for the recipient (cf. Ezek. 16). This interpretation fits well with the wider context of the psalm, particularly v. 5: “What is man that you are mindful of him, and the son of man that you care for him?” (ESV). 42 This excludes the cases in which the verb is used in a technical sense to describe the flaying of sacrificial animals (e.g., Lev. 1:6). 43 See, e.g., Ashley, Numbers, 396. 44 This is in contrast, for instance, to ‫הדר‬, which is never removed by God (Burton, Semantics, 190). 45 Cf. Isa. 24:11, in which the king of Babylon sets himself up against God.

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properly belonging only to God. Thus, in Job 40:10, God asks Job to dress himself in the same way as God—the cosmic king. But there is one crucial difference—the form of the verb. In both metaphors describing the clothing of God in glory, the verb ‫ לבׁש‬is in the perfect form. This is in contrast to Job 40:10, which uses the imperfect (with imperatival function). While the perfect indicates an ongoing state—being clothed46—the imperfect suggests a transition from one state to another—getting dressed. Indeed, perfect verbal forms are very rare in “glory is clothing” metaphors, and Pss. 93:1 and 104:1 contain the only two instances of the perfect of ‫ לבׁש‬among our examples.47 Here, I suggest, the metaphor picks up another aspect of the semantic value of clothing: its temporary nature. Clothes can be both put on and taken off, and while they signal identity, they are not part of it—or at least not part of the wearer’s permanent identity. The king can be dethroned, the priest defrocked, the warrior killed and stripped, and the rich impoverished. But God wears his glory unendingly. One aspect of God’s clothing has not yet been mentioned. In Ps. 93:1 and Isa. 51:9, ‫ עז‬again participates in the clothing metaphor. In the former verse, God is said to have girded himself (‫ )התאזר‬with ‫עז‬, while in the latter the arm of Yhwh is called to put it on (‫)לבׁשי‬.48 In the ‫עז‬-metaphors already discussed (Isa. 52:1; Prov. 31:17, 25), we noted the association of ‫ עז‬with salvation on the one hand and with deeds on the other. These same two elements can be argued to be present in Isa. 51:9 and Ps. 93:1, respectively: It is God’s saving arm for which Isaiah cries out, while the psalmist praises God as creator of the world. However, undeniably, another critical connotation of ‫ עז‬in these verses is that of military, or controlling, power. ‫ עז‬is the member of our semantic domain most strongly associated with the military and is the means by which God controls the forces of nature (Pss. 74:13; 78:26; 4Q427 f7ii:23) and sustains his people (Exod. 15:13; Ps. 138:3; 1QHa 15:6, 23:13; 1QM 11:5; 14:11). Thus, God is clothed in the power by which he directs all things.

3.  Conclusion This study has sought to demonstrate the richness and flexibility of the metaphor “glory is clothing” in Classical Hebrew. In each of the metaphors examined, something about the identity or status of the wearer is conveyed, each metaphor being skillfully adapted to its context through lexical and grammatical choice. Through a deeper

The verb ‫ ָלבֵׁש‬/‫ ָלבַׁש‬can have either a stative or an active sense (i.e., “be clothed” or “put on”), as indicated by its qātal/qātēl alternation. In Ps. 93:1 the stative is clearly present, and the same is likely true in Ps. 104:1, though the 2ms form does not allow the distinction to be observed. 47 Aside from Pss. 93:1 and 104:1, the only perfect forms of any verb in a “glory is clothing” metaphor are found in Job 19:9, referring to a past act of God, and Prov. 31:17, of the wise woman being girded (or having girded herself) with ‫עז‬. 48 DeClaissé-Walford, Jacobson, and Tanner (Psalms, 706) note that the alternate reading at 11QPss, which shows a 3ms suffix on the verb (i.e., ‫)התאזרו‬, would affect the syntax such that ‫ עז‬instead should be read as the object of the previous verb, ‫לבׁש‬. This would affect the sense of the metaphor insofar as it would de-emphasize (though by no means eliminate) its military connotations. 46

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understanding of the connotations of the lexemes involved, we can more precisely visualize the specific picture the author intended to convey.

Bibliography Aitken, James K. “The Semantics of ‘Glory’ in Ben Sira—Traces of a Development in PostBiblical Hebrew?” In Sirach, Scrolls and Sages: Proceedings of a Second International Symposium on the Hebrew of the Dead Sea Scrolls, Ben Sira, and the Mishnah, Held at Leiden University, 15–17 December 1997, edited by T. Muraoka and J. F. Elwolde, 1–24. Leiden: Brill, 1999. Ashley, Timothy R. The Book of Numbers. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1993. Brock, Sebastian. “The Robe of Glory: A Biblical Image in the Syria Tradition.” The Way 39 (1999): 247–55. Burton, Marilyn E. The Semantics of Glory: A Cognitive, Corpus-Based Approach to Hebrew Word Meaning. Leiden: Brill, 2017. Dahood, Mitchell. Psalms I. Garden City: Doubleday, 1966. DeClaissé-Walford, N., Rolf A. Jacobson, and Beth Laneel Tanner. The Book of Psalms. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2014. Delitzsch, Franz. Biblical Commentary on the Psalms vol. 2 (Psalms 36–89). London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1888. Fletcher-Louis, Crispin H. T. All the Glory of Adam: Liturgical Anthropology in the Dead Sea Scrolls. Leiden: Brill, 2002. Goldingay, John. Psalms: Volume 2: Psalms 42-89. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Academic, 2007. Hayward, Robert. The Jewish Temple: A Non-Biblical Sourcebook. London: Routledge, 1996. Hayward, Robert. “Sacrifice and World Order: Some Observations on Ben Sira’s Attitude to the Temple Service.” In Sacrifice and Redemption: Durham Essays in Theology, edited by Stephen W. Sykes, 22–34. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1991. Kim, Jung Hoon. The Significance of Clothing Imagery in the Pauline Corpus. London: T&T Clark, 2004. Kraus, Hans-Joachim. Psalms 1-59: A Commentary. Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg, 1988. Montgomery, Eric R. A Stream from Eden: The Nature and Development of a Revelatory Tradition in the Dead Sea Scrolls. Unpublished PhD thesis, McMaster University, 2013. Available online: http://hdl.handle.net/11375/13404. Mulder, Otto. Simon the High Priest in Sirach 50: An Exegetical Study of the Significance of Simon the High Priest as Climax to the Praise of the Fathers in Ben Sira’s Concept of the History of Israel. Leiden: Brill, 2003. Prouser, Ora Horn. “Suited to the Throne: The Symbolic Use of Clothing in the David and Saul Narratives.” JSOT 71 (1996): 27–37. Silverman, Eric. A Cultural History of Jewish Dress. London: Bloomsbury, 2013. Skehan, Patrick and Alexander Di Lella. The Wisdom of Ben Sira: A New Translation with Notes. New York: Doubleday, 1987. Tolosa, Beatriz Ródenaz. “Inner Surfaces in King Lear.” In Cognitive and Discourse Approaches to Metaphor and Metonymy, edited by José Luis Otal Campo, Ignasi Navarro i Ferrando, and Begoña Bellés Fortuño, 133–46. Castelló de la Plana: Publicacions de la Universitat Jaume I, 2005. Westermann, Claus. Isaiah 40–66. Trans. David M. G. Stalker. London: SCM Press, 1969.

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Tearing One’s Clothes and Rites of Mourning Melanie Köhlmoos

1.  Introduction Tearing one’s garment as a sign and/or rite of mourning is mentioned several times in the Old Testament. Even nowadays, it belongs to Jewish mourning practices: After the death of a beloved person, a part of the upper garments (shirt, jacket, coat) is ripped. The rip indicates mourning. In the Old Testament, however, tearing one’s garment is not restricted to bereavement. Severe sickness, defeat, or loss also require the rite. Hence, tearing one’s garment is a part of Israel’s cultural system of coping with catastrophes of any kind. Usually, tearing one’s garment is part of a series of rites: taking off one’s turban and/or sandals (Ezek. 24:17, 23), putting on sackcloth (‫ ;ׂשק‬Gen. 37:34; 2 Sam. 3:31; 21:10), cutting one’s hair (Lev. 19:27; 21:5; Deut. 14:1; Jer. 16:6) and/or beard (Lev. 19:27; 21:5), covering one’s head or face (2 Sam. 19:5; Ezek. 24:17, 22), refusal of grooming (2 Sam. 14:2), striking one’s breast or loins (Isa. 32:12; Ezek. 21:17), making incisions on the skin (Lev. 19:28; 21:5; Deut. 14:1; Jer. 16:6), or sitting on the ground (2 Sam. 13:31; Ezek. 8:14). As a whole, these rites symbolize the experience of death as an experience of disruption of the social and/or cosmic order.1 In a classical study from 1967, Emil Kutsch gave an overview of all the rites connected with grieving or mourning mentioned in the Old Testament. Kutsch observed that many of these rites could be performed in the context of both impending death and actual death. Thus, he theorized a twofold aspect to these rites. When experiencing actual death, tearing one’s garments and performing other rites indicate sadness, loss, despair, and so on. The mourner expresses his or her state of being diminished by losing a person to death. On the other hand, impending death requires appealing to a higher power to avert the catastrophe. The appeal is enhanced by symbols of humility (in Kutsch’s terms: “self-diminution”) such as being naked or wearing torn clothes.2 In some respects, Kutsch’s argument is still valuable. He correctly observed that nonverbal communications are often ambiguous. Their exact meaning depends largely on cultural codes, traditions, conventions, and customs that can only be disambiguated in the situation itself and by those involved in the communication. One has to Podella, Fasten, 73. 2 Cf. Kutsch, “Trauerbräuche,” 23ff. 1

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know (often on a subconscious level) what exactly the rite indicates. Nevertheless, Kutsch’s model appears to be too simplistic. Death—or impending death—in the Old Testament has many aspects.3 Depending on the dominant experience or image of death, mourning rites are designed to express a wide range of possible emotions: grief, sadness, terror, fear, rage, anger, despair, guilt, shock, amazement, surprise, disgust, acceptance, sometimes relief, or even joy. In other words, the loss of a child sets off different emotions than the death of an enemy. A mother handles the sickness of her baby4 differently than a general the expected defeat of his army. However, Thomas Podella correctly observes that “the Old Testament provides no clue whatsoever . . . for the understanding of mourning rites.”5 At this point, Kutsch’s analysis again comes into play. He did not support his argument by intercultural comparisons or analogies but instead focused only on the Old Testament.6 Although such a restriction can be critiqued from a methodological standpoint,7 it is at least somewhat adequate regarding the rite in question. The Old Testament texts are our only witness to the rite; thus, conclusions have to be drawn from analysis of the texts— at least in the beginning.8 In this study, I will focus on tearing one’s garment as part of mourning rites. It is my assumption that, although probably expressing grief and humility, this special rite has a distinct third focus: to express and cope with shock, fear, and rage in the face of death or situations related to death. I will make my point by giving an overview of the references (Section 2.1), examining the main texts (Section 2.2), and drawing a provisional conclusion (Section 2.3). I will then suggest a possible interpretation of garment rites and nudity (Section 3).

2.  Tearing One’s Clothes 2.1 Survey of the Expression “to Tear One’s Garment” The “tearing” (‫ )קרע‬of one’s garment is reported thirty-four times in the MT.9 In Isa. 32:11 and Ezek. 26:16, the verb ‫( פׁשט‬literally: “to strip”) is used. Thus, this particular rite covers more than half of the biblical occurrences of the verb ‫קרע‬. It is most often used in the qal stem, thus indicating a focus on the action itself. The subjects of this action are mostly men. Only 2 Sam. 13:19 and 2 Kgs 11:14 (=2 Chron. 23:13) have a 3 On this see Krieg, Todesbilder. 4 On this subject, see Kozlova, Maternal Grief. 5 Podella, Fasten, 75–6 (“das Alte Testament selbst keinerlei Hinweise . . . zum Verständnis der Trauerriten gibt”). 6 Kutsch, “Trauerbräuche,” 78. 7 See Bender, Sprache, 143. 8 On this problem, see Köhlmoos, “Trauer,” 2: Biblical texts are no eyewitness protocols to be taken at face value. Rather, they are literature and thus conceptualize elements of reality according to their literary goal. Therefore, we cannot completely cross the border into the world of biblical texts. 9 Gen. 37:29, 34; 44:13; Num. 14:6; Josh. 7:6; Judg. 11:35; 1 Sam. 4:12; 2 Sam. 1:2, 11; 3:31; 13:19, 31; 15:32; 1 Kgs 21:27; 2 Kgs 2:12; 5:7; 6:30; 11:14 (=2 Chron. 23:13); 18:37; 19:1 (=Isa. 37:1); 22:11 (=2 Chron. 34:19); Ezra 9:3, 5; Est. 4:1; Job 1:20; 2:12; Eccl. 3:7; Isa. 36:22; Jer. 36:24; 41:5; Jon. 2:13).

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feminine subject. In 2 Sam. 3:31, David summons the people (men and women) to tear their garments, while Jon. 2:31 warns the people not to do it. Hence, the rite is not genderspecific; rather, the preponderance of male subjects is due to the male-dominated perspective of the texts. The references also show that tearing one’s garments is not specific to special classes or socials groups, either. It is performed by ordinary people (Reuben: Gen. 37:29; Jacob: Gen. 37:34; Job: Job 1:20; Job’s friends: Job 2:12), by leaders (Num. 14:6; Josh. 7:6; Judg. 11:35), kings or queens (2 Sam. 1:11; 3:31; 1 Kgs 21:27; 2 Kgs 5:7; 6:30; 11:14; 19:1; 22:11), priests (Ezra 9:3, 5), prophets (2 Kgs 2:12), the people (2 Sam. 3:31), and— most often—messengers (1 Sam. 4:12; 2 Sam. 1:2, 15:32; 2 Kgs 18:37; Isa. 36:22; Jer. 41:5). It can be done both publicly (2 Sam. 3:31) or privately (Gen. 37:29). Thus, we can say that tearing one’s garment can be performed by any class or gender, publicly and privately, by individuals and groups, of one’s own accord, on somebody’s orders, and even vicariously. Hence, tearing the garment is a very common rite, presumably with a well-understood meaning. This is why Podella considers it the central biblical mourning rite.10 Accordingly, the expression itself most often refers to the common word for “clothing” (‫)בגד‬,11 thus reinforcing its common practice, the special appearance of the garment notwithstanding. Other terms for garments are rarely used. ‫ׂשמלה‬, a very common term as well,12 occurs only three times (Gen. 37:34; 44:13; Josh. 7:6). However, inferring from its semantic range, ‫ ׂשמלה‬seems to be a synonym of ‫בגד‬, referring simply to “clothing.”13 The word ‫ כתונת‬appears only in the Succession Narrative (2 Sam. 13:19; 15:32) and refers to the clothes worn by people of the court (2 Sam. 13: the princess; 2 Sam. 15: a male court member). ‫( מד‬1 Sam. 4:12) and ‫( מעיל‬Job 1:20; 2:12) are shirtlike garments, probably the main garment as opposed to the coat or headscarf.14 The verb ‫ קרע‬is most often used in the specific expression “to tear one’s clothes.” More specifically, 1 Kgs 11:30 refers to “tearing into two pieces,” while 1 Kgs 11:11 has “to tear away from.”15 There were many possible occasions for tearing one’s garment, including the death of a family member (Gen. 37:34; 2 Sam. 13:31; Job 1:20), a close friend (2 Sam. 1:11; 2 Kgs 2:12), or a national celebrity (2 Sam. 3:31); sickness (Job 2:12); rape (2 Sam. 13:19); defeat (Josh. 7:6); and treason (2 Kgs 11:14). A number of references indicate the reaction to bad news: Gen. 44:13; 1 Kgs 21:27; 2 Kgs 19:1; 22:11; Ezra 9:3, 5. In addition, the torn garments of the messengers seem to be part of the message itself (1 Sam. 4:12; 2 Sam. 1:2; 15:32; 2 Kgs 18:37; Isa. 36:22; Jer. 41:5). Some texts point to a shocking or astonishing event as the occasion for tearing one’s garment: Gen. 37:29 (Reuben discovers the disappearance of Joseph); Gen. 44:13 (Joseph’s brothers discover the missing cup in their luggage); Num. 14:6 (the people wish to go back to Egypt); 10 Podella, Fasten, 73–4. 11 Gen. 37:29; Num. 14:6; Judg. 11:35; 2 Sam. 1:2, 11; 3:31; 13:31; 1 Kgs 21:27; 2 Kgs 2:12; 5:7; 6:30; 11:14; 18:37; 19:1; 22:11; Ezra 9:3, 5; Est. 4:1; Isa. 36:22; 37:1; Jer. 41:5; Jon. 2:13. Cf. Bender, Sprache, 56–8. 12 Bender, Sprache, 91. 13 In the Joseph story, clothes are an important leitmotif; see the contribution by Ede (Chapter 21) in this volume. 14 Bender, Sprache, 108–18. 15 In addition to these references, ‫ קרע‬takes a number of other objects: Jer. 36:23: to cut a scroll; Jer. 22:14: to cut out a window; Jer. 4:13: to enlarge the eyes with cosmetics; Ezek. 13:20, 21; Lev. 13:36: to tear (a garment) away from someone or something. Jon. 2:13 refers to hearts being torn like garments; Isa. 63:19 to the heavens.

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Judg. 11:35 (Jephthah meeting his daughter after his vow); 2 Kgs 5:7 (the king is asked to heal someone of leprosy); and 2 Kgs 6:30 (the king is informed about cannibalism). To sum up, tearing one’s garment is required (or at least socially appropriate) in cases of unexpected catastrophe, including death, defeat, treason, rape, sin, blasphemy, or just a shocking mystery.

2.2 The Interpretation of the Rite The survey given seems to call for a more refined model than that of Kutsch. Some cases are problematic. One can ask whether Job 2:12 indicates the anticipation of death or reacts to the experience of a person “dead in life.” It is possible that Gen. 44:13; 1 Kgs 21:27; 2 Kgs 19:1; 22:11; Ezra 9:3, 5 appeal to God or a political power in order to avert the ultimate catastrophe. In any case, Gen. 37:29; Num. 14:6; Judg. 11:35; 2 Kgs 5:7; 6:30 form a category of their own. The event experienced or the message conveyed gives way to utter surprise, even shock. Reuben, discovering the inexplicable disappearance of Joseph, Joshua, and Caleb, hearing the peoples’ wish to go back to Egypt, Jephthah, realizing that he is to sacrifice his daughter, a king being asked for healing powers, and another king being informed of cannibalism: All of these have in common the encounter with something that goes beyond death or defeat. Rather, it is the inexplicable or improbable that calls for tearing one’s garment. Thus, is there a third aspect to tearing one’s garment alongside self-humiliation and grief? If we examine all the cases again in light of the fact that many of them express shock or astonishment, it becomes clear that shock is a better common denominator to all of them than grief or humiliation. Two examples underline this point.

2.2.1  “To Tear One’s Garment” in the Joseph Story (Gen. 37) If tearing one’s garment is a direct reaction to an actual experience, in most cases this experience is utter violence or total loss. This is evident if we compare Jacob’s and David’s reaction to the death of family members. Jacob does not tear his garments because of Rachel’s death (Gen. 35:18-20) or Isaac’s death (Gen. 35:28). But he does tear (‫ )קרע‬his garment after having learned that Joseph had (allegedly) been killed by a wild animal (Gen. 37:34). Hence, the rite is not required when death is not completely unexpected, like a woman dying in childbirth or a father dying of old age. In contrast, it is suitable to tear one’s garment when experiencing an unexpected (or violent) death. In the Joseph story, especially in Gen. 37,16 there is a masterful handling of the “tearing” motif that illuminates this point. In v. 23, the brothers “strip” (‫ )פׁשט‬Joseph of his magnificent tunic before throwing him into the pit. In v. 29, Reuben goes there to rescue Joseph and does not find him. The Hebrew text marks this by the harsh nominal phrase opened by the emphatic hinneh: “And behold—no Joseph in the pit.”17 16 For the present examination, assumptions about the date and shaping of the Joseph story and its relation to the Jacob cycle are not necessary. On these issues, see Lux, “Josef/Josefsgeschichte”; Ebach, Genesis 37–50; Schmid, “Josephsgeschichte,” 83–118. 17 On this point see Jacob, Genesis, 255. It is also a slight echo of “There was no water in the pit” (v. 23).

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In reaction to this, Reuben tears (‫ )קרע‬his garment and expresses his despair almost stammering. The following plan focuses on Joseph’s tunic, which was violently taken from him. It is covered in blood and sent to Jacob (vv. 31-32). Jacob recognizes the robe and—like Reuben—can express the experience only by stammering.18 Here, he uses another term for “to tear,” in this case ‫( טרף‬twice). His response is to tear (‫)קרע‬ his own garment (vv. 33-34). Hence, the sequence focuses on garments and tearing them violently in order to express shock and astonishment. The narrative itself focuses on deception and jealousy and is written with a great deal of irony. Although Reuben convinces his brothers not to kill Joseph, fate forces them to make their father believe that Joseph was actually killed. What really happened is not known to either Jacob or the brothers.19 All terms referring to “tearing” carry a great amount of violence: ‫פׁשט‬ often denotes the stripping of the defeated (Josh. 2:3; 1 Sam. 31:9; Ezek. 16:39; 23:26; Mic. 2:8) or the skinning of sacrificial animals (Lev. 1:6; Mic. 3:3; 2 Chron. 29:34; 35:11). Considering that ‫ פׁשט‬is used once to denote the garment rite (Isa. 32:11), the brothers already anticipate their father’s reaction: tearing (‫ )קרע‬his garment is his response to (unexpected) violence. The same applies to ‫( טרף‬v. 33). “The primary meaning of this root is ‘to seize a creature with predaciousness’, ‘tear the flesh’, and ‘consume it’.”20 In ancient Israel, wild animals were an actual danger to reckon with, although actual attacks were—at least to a point—out of the ordinary, which explains Jacob’s desperate astonishment.21 In vv. 33-34, ‫ טרף‬and ‫ קרע‬form a chain: Joseph is “torn” (‫ )טרף‬by a wild animal (v. 33), and Jacob “tears” (‫ )קרע‬his garment (v. 34). The case of Gen. 44 is somewhat similar. Joseph has put his silver cup into Benjamin’s bag in order to test his brothers. When accused of theft, the brothers claim their innocence. In order to support this, they surrender to punishment, even death (v. 9). Joseph’s response is to make the culprit his slave (v. 10). Hence, the possibility of death is in view, yet Joseph excludes it. When the cup is found in Benjamin’s bag, all of the brothers tear their garments. Given the possibility of punishment, the rite can very well be explained as showing humility thus asking for mercy. Yet, the situation is very much like Gen. 37: The cup has mysteriously appeared in the bag, although this is impossible to the brothers, just as when Joseph mysteriously disappeared from the pit. By comparison of these two instances, we can infer that tearing one’s garment is an appropriate reaction to sinister or even terrifying events. To sum up, tearing one’s clothes in the Joseph story allows for the conclusion that the rite may be connected with astonishment and surprise rather than with humility or diminution. Of course, the Joseph story is literature, not the record of actual events. Hence, the figures act under the rules of the “author.” Especially in Gen. 37 we can see evidence of careful composition. Still, even artists design their narratives in relation to social and cultural codes. Thus, we may conclude that tearing one’s garment was a possible reaction to an experience of unexpected violence and/or inexplicable, terrifying mysteries. See Jacob, Genesis, 256. 19 On the problem of v. 28 and the anonymous message to Jacob, see ibid., 255–6. 20 TWOT. 21 Usually, the wild animals of ancient Israel (e.g., lions, bears, and wolves) did not attack humans to consume them but instead attacked to defend themselves. 18

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2.2.2  “To Tear One’s Garment” in the David Story As in the story of Joseph, the story of David22 also reflects the proposed meaning of tearing one’s garments. David tears his garments in reaction to the death of Saul and Jonathan (2 Sam. 1:11) and of his sons (2 Sam. 13:31). In 2 Sam. 3:31, he summons his people to tear their clothes because of Abner’s death. In contrast to this, David does not tear his clothes during the sickness of Bathsheba’s baby or following its death (2 Sam. 12:15-23). He does not tear his clothes after Absalom’s death, either (2 Sam. 19:1-9). These cases are interesting because David’s grief and mourning are told in great detail, even at the expense of the king’s dignity.23 Thus, it seems to be of relevance which rite is mentioned and which is missing. During the sickness of Bathsheba’s child, David is fasting and lying on the floor (2 Sam. 12:6). These acts probably serve the double aspect of mourning rites observed by Kutsch: Lying on the floor and abstaining from food point to diminution. At the same time, these are classic acts of humility and supplication.24 Hence, David anticipates the child’s death and acts as if it had already occurred while at the same time trying to avert it by appealing to God’s mercy. In any case, the child’s death is foreseeable. Hence, after the fact there is no need for David to tear his garment. Strikingly, after the child’s death David does not perform any mourning rites at all. In fact, he completely returns to his normal life (2 Sam. 12:20). It is possible that during the sickness, David was clad with the sackcloth, which he replaces with normal clothing (cf. 2 Sam. 12:20); it is even conceivable that he tore his garment. The text does not tell us because the focus is on David ending his state of mourning by changing his clothes.25 Thus, 2 Sam. 12 gives no conclusive argument about occasions for tearing one’s clothes. Nevertheless, lying on a dirty floor and abstaining from personal grooming for days does change one’s appearance, thus it is consistent for David to groom himself and change his clothes when going back to normal.26 Moreover, after the child has died, David’s servants are afraid to tell him, “for they said, ‘Behold, while the child was still alive, we spoke to him and he did not listen to our voice. How then can we tell him that the child is dead, since he might do himself harm!’ ” (2 Sam. 12:18 NAS). Hence, David seems to show his grief and despair during the baby’s illness by “silent” rites. His servants fear that he might act more violently when the child is actually dead. Within the present argument, this would be the occasion for tearing his garment. David’s answer to his servants is interesting. He states that his actions during the child’s sickness aimed at supplication only “And he said, ‘While the child was still alive, I fasted and wept; for I said, Who knows, the LORD may be gracious to me, that the child may live’ ” (2 Sam. 12:22 NAS). Thus, at least in this special case, tearing one’s garment is not an act of humility. Absalom’s death (2 Sam. 19) is similar in some respects, although there is no phase of supplication by David. Quite to the contrary, in this case David is the innocent Again, problems of literary history are not this chapter’s concern. For discussions of the David narrative see Willi-Plein, “1Sam 18–19,” 3–47; Blum, “Anfang,” 4–37. 23 This is the case especially in 2 Sam. 12:19. 24 See Kutsch, “Trauerbräuche,” 128–9. 25 See Bender, Sprache, 146. 26 Ibid. 22

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victim of his son’s rebellion. As Absalom’s rebellion leads to a civil war with father and son as enemies, the (violent) death of one party is to be expected. Yet Absalom’s death is a brilliant piece of narration within the Succession Narrative. He is not killed by his hostile father nor does he fall in battle; rather, he dies a tragic—and somewhat accidental—death (2 Sam. 18:9-17). Also, it is a particular element of the image of David that he cares for his son even though he has become his mortal enemy. When the messengers come to David to deliver the news, David twice asks, “Is it well with the young man Absalom?” (2 Sam. 18:29, 32 NAS). Thus, David’s excessive grief (2 Sam. 19:1-9)27 is consistent with his love for Absalom. Nevertheless, David does not perform any rite of mourning—he only utters his despair verbally. The only act performed is the “covering” of his face,28 that is, the exact opposite of tearing his garment. Hence, David succumbs to grief and sadness in a way inappropriate for a king, but shock or surprise do not play a role here. On the other hand, even a king is allowed to tear his garment in the face of family tragedies, as is the case in 2 Sam. 13:30-31. In revenge of the rape of his sister Tamar, Absalom killed the rapist, Amnon, their half-brother, during a gathering with all the princes. They flee the scene, but the rumor spreads that Absalom has killed them all. When David learns this, he and all his servants tear their garments. Again—as in the Joseph story—tearing one’s garment is a reaction to violence and shock. Here, David’s paternal and royal role converge: He has lost all his sons and all his possible successors, which amounts to total catastrophe for his family and his kingdom. Hence the tearing of the garments, which is done simultaneously by all members of the court. Thus, tearing one’s garments is in fact suitable for a king, as long as the situation requires it. Considering 2 Kgs 11:14, the appropriate occasion for David tearing his garments over Absalom would be after the news of his rebellion (2 Sam. 15:13). In that situation, it would be a suitable reaction to the rebellion itself (as is the case in 2 Kgs 11) and to experiencing his favorite son becoming his mortal enemy. The same applies to David tearing his garments over Saul and Jonathan (2 Sam. 1:11). Apparently, the shock resulting from Israel’s defeat (2 Sam. 1:12) and—probably—the loss of Jonathan overpower any possible joy over the death of David’s enemy Saul. In contrast to Absalom’s death, here David acts mostly in his role as a warrior and king. Like the Joseph story, the David story is literature; thus, the characters act in accordance with the narrative design.29 However, by and large, the David story corroborates the assumption that tearing one’s garment is related more to shock and despair than to diminution and/or humiliation.

2.3 Tearing One’s Garment as an Expression of Shock and Despair Having examined the Joseph story and the David story as test cases, it seems sensible to add the expression of shock, despair, and astonishment to rites of mourning and 27 For an analysis of this passage, see Bar-Ephrat, 2. Samuel, 191–2. 28 The verb ‫ לאט‬is a hapax legomenon. For further discussion see ibid., 192. 29 For the question of whether the Succession Narrative fits the genre of “historiography,” see Blum, “Anfang,” 3–11.

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to connect these emotions to the rite of tearing one’s garment. Not every death calls for tearing one’s garment, only those that are unexpected and unwanted. Moreover, the notion still holds value that tearing one’s garment can be done by anybody. The appropriateness of the rite, however, is linked to social roles. A father—such as Jacob—is allowed to do it in the face of the loss of his favorite son, while a king— such as David—can do it only when politics allow.30 Still, experiencing utter personal, social, or political catastrophe calls for tearing one’s garment, even more so when it is not expected, such as in the case of rape (2 Sam. 13:19), defeat (Josh. 7:6), or the announcement or experience of utter calamity (Judg. 11:35; 1 Kgs 21:27; 2 Kgs 19). Nevertheless, a few cases still stand out. In Num. 14:6 and Ezra 9:3, 5 tearing one’s garment is not the reaction to a violent or sinister event, but is linked to theological concepts: In Num. 14, it is the people’s wish to return to Egypt, while in Ezra 9 it is mixed marriages. In Ezra 9, Kutsch’s assumption of penitence or supplication seems to apply, especially considering that both instances lead to prayers for deliverance and mercy. In both cases, tearing one’s garment could be done vicariously, as part of a ritual of penitence and performed by the leader. Yet the events in question contain an element not only of guilt but also of serious sin: Betraying the God of the exodus in Num. 14 and trespassing the Law in Ezra 9. Thus, one could assume that tearing one’s garment in “theological” instances is a reaction to something almost blasphemous. Blasphemy as a theological concept is similar to rebellion and treason as political concepts; thus, the reaction of Ezra the priest is somewhat like the reaction of Athaliah the queen in 2 Kgs 11. This assumption could apply to the odd case of 2 Kgs 5:7: Asking a mortal for healing powers could very well be considered blasphemy. In New Testament times and in rabbinic Judaism, this rite became highly popular.

3.  Tearing One’s Garment as Part of Body Language Turning from the literary composition to the act itself, we must now ask how it was done. Only a few references give some insight in this regard: In 2 Kgs 5:7 we read: “Then he took hold of his own clothes and tore them in two pieces” (NAS). Likewise, 2 Kgs 6:30 states: “And it came about when the king heard the words of the woman, that he tore his clothes—now he was passing by on the wall—and the people looked, and behold, he had sackcloth beneath on his body.” Finally, Exod. 28:32 commands in reference to the clothing of the high priest: “Around its opening there shall be a binding of woven work, as it were the opening of a coat of mail, that it may not be torn.” Thus, ‫ קרע‬does not mean to shred one’s clothing to total destruction, but only to tear it into a few (perhaps two?) pieces. Inferring from Exod. 28, one should tear the part of the garment that covers the chest. The interpretation of 2 Kgs 6:30 is difficult. Does the text indicate that the garment was always torn down to the waist or genital region? Although that is possible, 2 Kgs 6 seems to constitute a special case. The use of hinneh (“behold”) points to something unexpected, that is, the sackcloth. Throughout the David narratives, David often acts in ways unexpected or even inappropriate for a king; on this see Willi-Plein, “1Sam 18–19,” 36–8. 30

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The king, being under siege, is already wearing sackcloth, which becomes visible when he tears his garment. Usually, putting on sackcloth comes after tearing one’s garments. In 2 Kgs 6, the sackcloth points to the desperate situation of the siege, whereas the king’s tearing of his garment is the immediate reaction to the woman’s words. Thus, the garment was probably often torn into two pieces from neck to waist. The easiest way to do this would be to grab the garment in the region of the chest or abdomen with both hands and rip it apart with one short, fierce tug. How far the opening goes depends on the force of the tug and the condition of the fabric. Yet it is probable that ‫ קרע‬means ripping the garment open lengthwise from neck to waist. In any case, a reinforcement at the neckline (Exod. 28) would prevent that. It is possible that tearing one’s garments also results in nudity (or at least partial nudity). The breast or stomach and perhaps even the genital region may be exposed. We do not know exactly because the texts are not completely clear on that point and there are no images available. If so, the reduction of the mourning person is symbolized by partially exposing some of their body. Job’s reaction to his calamities (Job 1:21) points in this direction: “Naked I came from my mother’s womb, naked I shall return.” Thus, there is a convergence with Podella’s notion of death as a social disruption. The mourners reduce themselves to their raw humanness and leave social conventions behind. Inferring from the texts, this seems to be rather an addendum to the rite. The same applies to the aspect of humiliation. Shock, terror, fear, and even rage seem to be at the focus of this special rite.

4.  Conclusion: Bodies in Transition All of the mourning rites cited above have in common manipulations of the garments and/ or the body itself: The naked body is at least partially exposed and/or the skin is injured. Nevertheless, it seems that in the case of mourning in ancient Israel, the mourners are never completely nude. Rather, they expose central parts of the body such as the breast, abdomen, head, face, and feet. Hence, mourners are naked and clothed simultaneously. Claudia Bender has shown this in her study of “The language of clothing.” Thomas Podella stated that tearing one’s garment as the central rite of mourning symbolizes the final disruption of the social order.31 He assumed that mourning rites altogether refer to mourning for the hidden God.32 In our overview, we stated that tearing one’s garment more likely refers to the terrifying, shocking, or even sinister aspect of social or biological death and in any case relates to an unexpected catastrophe. In a careful study, Claudia Bender has argued that torn or otherwise reduced garments symbolize a person’s lesser status. Still, they do not indicate total humiliation, which is instead connected to the naked body. Partial nudity refers to a reduced status, being part of both the normal and the humiliated body simultaneously.33 In Bender’s 31 Podella, Fasten, 73: “Dieser Riss symbolisiert wohl . . . den Riss oder die Trennung innerhalb des Sozialgefüges, die durch den biologischen oder sozialen Tod eines Mitgliedes hervorgerufen wird.” 32 See ibid., 73–85. 33 Bender, Sprache, 139–41.

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opinion, experiencing death or catastrophe leads the mourners into a transitional state: They are on the border between life and death.34 As I have shown elsewhere,35 this is a delicate situation: On the one hand, another person’s death becomes one’s own, due to the fact that in ancient Israel death involves the entire society. One the other hand, the mourners are still alive and are thus part of the world of the living. Reducing one’s clothes, injuring one’s body, and exposing the central parts of the body expresses precisely this liminal state—being dead and alive at the same time. Combining the aspects of shock and astonishment with Bender’s point, the main focus of tearing one’s garment seems to be the act itself as symbolizing the transition from normal life to mourning. Hence, the point of the rite appears to be a way of channeling shock and terror in the face of catastrophe by way of a socially acceptable act of destruction.36 Hence, the message of tearing the garment is conveyed by the act itself or, in the case of bad news brought by messengers, by its result, the torn garment (1 Sam. 4:12; 2 Sam. 1:2; 15:32; 2 Kgs 18:37; Isa. 36:22; Jer. 41:5). From this perspective, tearing one’s garment is not the central mourning rite, as Podella suggests. The relative scarcity of references instead points to a custom that is either optional or—as I have tried to show, required for special cases. The main symbol of mourning seems rather to be sackcloth,37 which is mentioned forty-six times and is often the only rite referred to. For further insight into these rituals of mourning, the exact combination of the distinct rites in relation to their situation should be examined.

Bibliography Bar-Ephrat, Shimon. Das Zweite Buch Samuel. Ein narratologisch-philologischer Kommentar (BWANT 181). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008. Bender, Claudia. Die Sprache des Textilen. Untersuchungen zu Kleidung und Textilien im Alten Testament (BWANT 177). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008. Blum, Erhard. “Ein Anfang der Geschichtsschreibung? Anmerkungen zur sog. Thronfolgegeschichte und zum Umgang mit Geschichte im Alten Israel.” In Die sogenannte Thronfolgegeschichte Davids: neue Einsichten und Anfragen (OBO 176), edited by Albert de Pury and Thomas Römer, 4–37. Fribourg: Universitätsverlag and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2000. Ebach, Jürgen. Genesis 37–50 (HThKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2007. Jacob, Benno. The First Book of the Bible: Genesis. New York: Ktav, 1974. Köhlmoos, Melanie. “ ‘Gefallen ist die Jungfrau Israel:’ Inszenierung in Amos 5.” In Ritualität und Grenze, edited by Erika Fischer-Lichte, Christian Horn, Sandra Umathum, and Matthias Warstat, 123–38. Tübingen and Basel: Francke, 2003. Köhlmoos, Melanie. “Trauer (AT).” WiBiLex, April 2012. Available online: https://www. bibelwissenschaft.de/stichwort/36154/ (accessed May 28, 2018).

Ibid., 141–4. 35 Köhlmoos, “Jungfrau,” 123–38. 36 Shock or anger often leads to acts of violence such as smashing things, hitting people, or the like. In Western culture, this is not embedded in public rites of mourning. 37 See Köhlmoos, “Trauer.” 34

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Kozlova, Ekaterina E. Maternal Grief in the Hebrew Bible. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2017. Krieg, Matthias. Todesbilder im Alten Testament oder: “Wie die Alten den Tod gebildet” (ATANT 73). Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 1988. Kutsch, Ernst. “ ‘Trauerbräuche’ und ‘Selbstminderungsriten’ im Alten Testament.” In Drei Wiener Antrittsreden (ThSt 78), edited by Kurth Lüthi, Ernst Kutsch, and Wilhelm Dantine, 23–37. Zurich: EVZ-Verlag, 1965. Lux, Rüdiger. “Josef/Josefsgeschichte.” WiBiLex, January 2013. Available online: https:// www.bibelwissenschaft.de/stichwort/22800/ (accessed May 28, 2018). Podella, Thomas. Sôm-Fasten. Kollektive Klage um den verborgenen Gott im Alten Testament (AOAT 224). Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker and NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1989. Schmid, Konrad. “Die Josephsgeschichte im Pentateuch.” In Abschied vom Jahwisten (BZAW 315), edited by Jan Christian Gertz, Konrad Schmid, and Markus Witte, 83–118. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2002. Seiler, Stefan. Die Geschichte von der Thronfolge Davids (2Sam 9–20; 1Kön 1–2): Untersuchungen zur Literarkritik und Tendenz (BZAW 267). Berlin: De Gruyter, 2000. Willi-Plein, Ina. “1Sam 18–19 und die Davidshausgeschichte.” In Davidshaus und Propehtie. Studien zu den Nebiim (BThST 127), edited by Ina Willi-Plein, 3–47. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2012.

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Barefoot before God Shoes and Sacred Space in the Hebrew Bible and Ancient Near East Joachim J. Krause

1.  Observations on the Cultural Context In the ancient Near East, including ancient Israel, wearing shoes was no less a given than it is for us.1 Apart from the archaeological evidence,2 there is a wealth of textual attestations for this fact. Suffice it to refer to Amos 2:6 and 8:6, where selling somebody for a pair of shoes is tantamount to selling him or her cheaply.3 According to Mk 6:8-9, even the most humble way of living that Jesus commanded the twelve disciples allowed for wearing shoes. In each of these instances and, for that matter, in the Levant in general, shoes were actually sandals (Hebrew: ‫)נעל‬. Usually consisting of no more than a sole made of leather or sometimes wood, fastened to the foot by a thong,4 the sandal is to be distinguished from the closed boots, which came into fashion in Mesopotamia in the late ninth century BCE.5 Shoes were worn when needed,6 particularly on a journey,7 and they were worn outside of the house. At home, they were usually taken off.8 A most mundane item, the shoe at the same time was—and partly still is—at the heart of many a popular custom in the cultures of the Near East.9 In addition to rites of mourning,10 there are various customs from the realm of “legal symbolism”11 featuring 1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11

See Stol, “Schuh”; Metzger, “Sandale”; Ringgren, “‫‏נעל‬‎”; Hönig, Bekleidung, 82–8. See Metzger, “Sandale,” 442, and Ringgren, “‫‏נעל‬‎,” 498, for further references. See further Gen. 14:23 and Sir. 46:19. For details, see Hönig, Bekleidung, 82. See Stol, “Schuh” and Metzger, “Sandale.” For a biblical attestation, see Isa. 9:4. Surveying the iconographic evidence, Hönig, Bekleidung, 83, has pointed out that, depending on context, going barefoot was as commonplace as wearing shoes. Stol, “Schuh,” 290. See, e.g., Deut. 29:4 and Josh. 9:5, 13. By implication, this can be inferred from Exod. 12:11; thus, Metzger, “Sandale,” 443. For comparative surveys, see Levy, “Schuhsymbolik” and Nacht, “Fuß.” See also, Malul, Society. See Ezek. 24:17, 23. See also, Hönig, Bekleidung, 86–7. Borrowing a term from Malul, Studies.

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the taking off of shoes. For the student of the Hebrew Bible, most prominent among them is the one attested by Ruth 4:7:12 “Now this was the custom in former times in Israel concerning redeeming and exchanging: to confirm a transaction, the one took off a sandal and gave it to the other; this was the manner of attesting in Israel.”13 Yet another custom featuring the taking off of shoes obtained when approaching sacred spaces. According to accepted practice in the ancient Near East, shoes were taken off before entering a sanctuary. Just like in contemporary Muslim worship, one would come to stand barefoot before the god. Evidence for this practice is found both in very old records and later Jewish and early Christian witnesses, and it comes from Mesopotamian as well as Levantine sources.14 To give but one example, one may cite the Sumerian lament of the goddess Inanna of Unug over the defilement of her shrine in CT XV 25:4-5.15 The classic translation of Stephen Langdon reads: “The foe unconsecrated entered my courts / The foe put his unwashed hands upon me.”16 Literally, however, instead of “unconsecrated,” the first line has “he with shoes on.” As is often the case with time-honored traditions and popular customs, the why and wherefore is far less evident from the extant sources than the actual practice itself. Scholarly explanations range from reasons of physical and ritual purity, to a gesture of self-humiliation, to a symbolic residue of ritual nakedness, to unimpeded contact with the sphere of the divine.17 Yet whatever the origins, one did take off one’s shoes before entering a sanctuary in the ancient Near East, and Israel was no exception. The latter is at least the accepted assumption, which I find well-founded.18 However, it seems preferable to me to reverse the train of thought usually employed to argue this case. While at first glance it might seem methodologically sound to base the argument on the most explicit evidence and proceed from there to the more implicit, as is commonly done, in this specific case I suggest to turn that order around, for reasons to be set forth below.

12 Throughout this paper, biblical translations follow the NRSV with minor modifications. 13 The custom also applied to the legal act of relinquishing one’s duty of levirate marriage. While this is also the subject matter in Deut. 25:9-10, it does not commend itself to subsume the custom reflected there under the same category, since Deut. 25:9 does not deal with a legal act but a revilement by the widow of her brother-in-law. 14 For texts and further references, see Stol, “Schuh,” 290; Dürr, “Bedeutung,” 411 (evidence from Mesopotamia); and Dalman, Arbeit, 296 (later Jewish practice). As for Egypt, Herodotus, Hist. II 37, comes to mind, reporting that priests were allowed to wear linen garments and shoes made from papyrus only. This would fit well with the contention of Dürr, “Bedeutung,” who argues that the gist of avoiding shoes in sacred space was to avoid leather, deemed ritually unfit due to the associated notion of death. 15 For an introduction and commentary, see Römer, “Emsallieder.” 16 Langdon, Psalms, 5. 17 For discussions, see Dürr, “Bedeutung,” 412; Levy, “Schuhsymbolik,” 181–2; Hönig, Bekleidung, 86 n. 2; and van der Toorn, “Pureté,” 345. See further Pedersen, Eid, 97 n. 2, and Dalman, Arbeit, 296. See also, Schmidt, Exodus, 157, who notes that the rite is most certainly older than its motivation as attested in written sources. 18 To my knowledge, there is thus far no self-contained study of the problem, although there are numerous comments in passing to be found in treatments of related subject matter. They can be, and often are, as short as referring to a single verse, Exod. 3:5.

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2.  An Argument from Silence: Regulative Provisions Regarding the Priestly Vestments In view of the ancient Near Eastern cultural context, one ought to assume that in Israel, too, shoes were taken off when entering sacred space. Now that assumption needs to be proven from the extant evidence. To do so, I suggest we first turn to the corpus of literature that provided the regulative paradigm for the cult of the temple of Jerusalem in other respects as well: the Priestly tradition of the Sinai epiphany, more precisely, the revelation and corresponding establishment of the tabernacle, its interior, and the institution of priesthood, including provisions regarding the priestly vestments, found in Exod. *24–31; 35–40.19 To be sure, in this comprehensive and most detailed account, no mention is made of shoes. This negative result, however, is telling. Having been revealed to Moses in Exod. 28, the production of the priestly vestments is reported in Exod. 39.20 Both chapters are carefully composed and provide a complete account of the outfits of Aaron and his sons, which in fact allows for their reproduction.21 Considering the concept of the tabernacle as Yhwh’s dwelling place and the resulting need for ritual integrity, this systematic approach is hardly surprising. As to its genre, a comment on the widely used classification as “laws” or “legal material” is in order. Within the literary context of the Priestly narrative, this classification applies neither to the revelation nor, of course, to the corresponding production of the vestments. Rather, both are presented as historical, that is, one-time events. However, due to their intended reception, the provisions acquire regulative force. For the text’s addressees, the tabernacle and its cult unmistakably resembled the temple of Jerusalem and its cult.22 In fact, the Priestly account seems to present itself as a program of sorts for the reconstruction of that shrine after the exile.23 Thus, insofar as they provide a paradigm for the actual cult of the second temple, the pragmatics of the Priestly provisions may indeed be qualified as “legislative” or rather, as I would prefer, “regulative.” Against this backdrop, we can now appreciate the noticeable gap in the description of the priestly vestments. Giving a full account of the entire outfit, from head to ankle, so to speak, shoes are conspicuous by their absence. In light of the systematic approach so characteristic for the Priestly tradents, corresponding to the vital importance of ritual integrity felt in this milieu, and considering the cultural context, this find is significant. It further supports the suspicion that, in ancient Israel, shoes were not customarily worn in sanctuaries.24 There is no explicit command to this end, and there is no need for one: it would spell out the obvious. Additional evidence has been adduced by Gustaf Dalman, who noted that the provision of Exod. 30:17-21, implemented in Exod. 40:30-32, to install a bronze For an introduction and commentary, see Dozeman, Exodus and Albertz, Exodus. For an in-depth discussion, see the contribution by MacDonald (Chapter 24) in the present volume. Cf. Jacob, Exodus, 906–22, 1017–23. The former is, as Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 36, famously argued, not the archetype (“Urbild”) of the latter but its carbon copy (“Kopie”), retrojected into the time of Moses. 23 Albertz, Exodus, 24, notes that the wilderness tabernacle is not intended as a copy of the Solomonic temple but as a program for its revision. 24 Thus also, Dalman, Arbeit, 296; Hönig, Bekleidung, 85–6; Ringgren, “‫‏נעל‬,‎” 499, among others. 19 20 21 22

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basin in the sanctuary for the priests to wash their hands and feet before officiating in worship25 presupposes their going barefoot.26 By contrast, it seems less conclusive to cite Exod. 29:20 and Lev. 8:23 in support of that case.27 While the application of the sacrificial blood to the big toe of the right foot does indeed require the foot to be naked, the context is that of the priest’s ordination, a once-in-a-lifetime ritual as opposed to regular service.28 Less compelling still is Job 12:19.29 If one opts at all to translate ‫ׁשולל‬ with “barefoot” in this verse,30 the description does not refer to priests going barefoot in general, but as part of a public humiliation.31 Drawing an interim conclusion, the regulative provisions regarding the priestly vestments found in Exod. 28 and 39 support the assumption that in ancient Israel shoes were taken off when entering sacred space. Admittedly, this argument is one from silence. However, it finds express confirmation in two narrative accounts of the unexpected discovery of a holy place. These are particularly instructive, since in each instance the protagonist, unlike the priest going up to serve in the temple, is not aware of the holiness of the place he has entered.

3.  Express Confirmation: Narrative Accounts of the Unexpected Discovery of a Holy Place The narrative accounts alluded to above are, of course, Exod. 3 and Josh. 5:13-15. Among them, pride of place and priority of provenance are held by the literally epochmaking revelation of Yhwh to Moses at the burning bush.32 All by himself, keeping the flock of his father-in-law, Moses comes to Sinai, or Horeb as per the Deuteronomistic tradition (Exod. 3:1), the locale of the later revelation of Yhwh to all Israel (Exod. 19ff.). Moses is, however, unaware of this place being the mountain of God. Therefore, upon spotting the wondrous phenomenon of the burning bush (Exod. 3:2), he does not hesitate to draw close in order to inspect the miracle (v. 3). Approaching the bush, he is called upon by Yhwh (v. 4), who, before introducing himself as the god of Moses’s forebears (v. 6), tells him: “Come no closer! Remove the sandals from your feet, for the place on which you are standing is holy ground” (v. 5). As Benno Jacob astutely observed, Moses is requested both to come no closer and to take off his shoes where he is.33 Thus, not only the actual site of the bush but also the entire environment is declared a holy place—the entire mountain, as per Exod. 19.34

Cf. 1 Kgs 7:23-26 and 2 Chron. 4:6. 26 Dalman, Arbeit, 296. More recently, see Utzschneider and Oswald, Exodus, 119. 27 As is done, e.g., by Gray, Joshua, 80, and Rösel, Joshua, 89 n. 27. 28 Correctly noted by Dürr, “Bedeutung,” 412. 29 Cited by Hönig, Bekleidung, 86. 30 For a discussion, see Ges. s.v. 31 Rightly perceived by Ringgren, “‫‏נעל‬,‎” 499. For the custom of leading away captives barefoot, see Isa. 20:4; see also the survey of Egyptian and Assyrian iconographic evidence in Metzger, “Sandale,” 442. 32 See Blum, “Verbindung,” 90–3, 96–9, and Römer, “Exodus 3–4” (with further literature). 33 Jacob, Exodus, 47. 34 Ibid. 25

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Against this background, Josh. 5:13-15 reads like a déjà vu.35 All by himself in the field near Jericho,36 Joshua encounters an armed stranger (v. 13). Approaching him, the stranger not only introduces himself as the “commander of the army of Yhwh” (v. 14) but also goes on to tell Joshua what Moses was told: “Remove your sandal from your foot, for the place where you stand is holy” (v. 15). In fact, there is every reason to assume an intertextual relation between the two episodes.37 The eye-catcher is, of course, the parallel wording of Exod. 3:5 and Josh. 5:15, further emphasized by the fact that these are the only instances in the Hebrew Bible where the verb ‫ נׁשל‬is employed for the taking off of shoes, for which ‫ חלץ‬or ‫ ׁשלף‬are normally used.38 To my mind, more important still is the striking resemblance in structure and meaning of the two narratives, which can easily be observed from the above paraphrases and is enhanced by the fact that in each instance the subsequent narrative features a divine speech containing instructions for leading Israel from slavery and oppression to the promised land (Exod. 3:7ff. and Josh. 6:2ff.). In fact, when read in conjunction with each other, Exod. 3 and Josh. 5:13-15 build a grand inclusio from the calling of Moses, tantamount to the promise of the exodus, to the actual fulfillment of that promise through the entrance, or eisodus, into the land.39 In this context, the parallel wording presents itself as a pars pro toto citation that draws attention to and underscores the intertextual relationship. As for its direction of dependence, the case seems rather clear-cut: Josh. 5:1315 draws on Exod. 3.40 Tipping the scales is the fact that the holiness of the place discovered is firmly anchored in the narrative context of Exod. 3 but not in that of Josh. 5.41 This direction of dependence also corresponds to the relative dating of the two episodes. While Josh 5:13-15 is among the latest insertions into the emerging book of Joshua, already presupposing the post-Priestly reworking of the Deuteronomistic Joshua story,42 the calling of Moses as presented in Exod. 3 is a pillar of the pre-Priestly D composition of the Pentateuch.43 Common to both accounts and a decisive factor in our present discussion is the fact that neither Moses nor Joshua expects to approach a sacred space. Both of them have entered a holy place without being aware of its holiness. Rather, they discover it as the episode unfolds. Yet while such a discovery is typical of etiological narratives aiming at the foundation of an actual sanctuary and its cult,44 neither Exod. 3 nor Josh. 5:13-15 belong to that genre proper. To be sure, both episodes allusively play See Krause, Exodus und Eisodus, 375–402 (with further literature). 36 For this interpretation of the often misconceived wording ‫ביריחו‬, see Gen. 13:18; 37:12, 13; Josh. 10:16, 17. See also the felicitous translation of the Vulgate: in agro urbis Hiericho. 37 I have argued that case in detail in Krause, Exodus und Eisodus, 392–7. See also, Assis, From Moses to Joshua and Štrba, Sandals, among others. 38 Provided that the parallel wording does not result from the employment of a stock phrase, as surmised by Noth, Josua, 23 (“anscheinend stereotype Formel”). 39 See now also Krause, “Redaction,” 198. 40 Pace Rose, Deuteronomist und Jahwist, 71–90. 41 See below. 42 For detailed arguments, see Krause, Exodus und Eisodus, 375–88. 43 Following the reconstruction by Blum, Studien. For a defense of that position, see Blum, “Verbindung.” 44 For a classic example, see Gen. 28:10-22. 35

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with the characteristic traits of an etiology.45 But in contrast to, say, Gen. 28:10-22, here there is no corresponding sanctuary in the lifeworld of the addressees.46 Moses does not stumble onto a previously unknown sacred precinct now frequented by the readers and hearers but the mythical mountain of God. The holiness of the locale, geographically ill-defined and far off in any case, where the all-important revelation of Yhwh to Israel will take place according to the exodus narrative, is introduced by way of foreshadowing. The variant version of the argument, popular in earlier scholarship, which has Moses discovering a cultic custom, namely, the taking off of shoes,47 only tries to make a virtue out of that necessity.48 As regards Josh. 5:13-15, there is a long-standing scholarly opinion that these verses represent the fragment of an older etiology for an anonymous (!) sanctuary.49 But the text militates against such an interpretation. Not only does the exact location of that place near Jericho remain notoriously vague,50 it also is striking that discovering its holiness is without any consequences whatsoever (vow of the discoverer, erection of an altar, sacrifice, etc.), typically the scope of an etiology of a holy place. In fact, this unnamed place of which we will never hear again apparently is not at all holy by itself, but only due to the temporary presence of a representative of Yhwh.51 In sum, Exod. 3 and Josh. 5:13-15 play no role with regard to the religious lifeworld of the addresses but instead play a role in their respective narrative contexts. They are crucial for the grand narrative of salvation history, not for the realia of worship in ancient Israel or Judah. Since both episodes relate extraordinary “historical” events and neither one aims at the etiological foundation of an actual sanctuary and its cult or any ritual observance, neither Exod. 3 nor Josh. 5:13-15 come with regulative force. There is no attempt to establish a paradigm in Moses or Joshua taking off their shoes. Therefore, the two narrative accounts that do feature an explicit command to appear barefoot before the God of Israel per se hardly suggest themselves as the basis for general conclusions regarding a specific cult, let alone for reconstructing the details of worship at the temple in Jerusalem or elsewhere in ancient Israel or Judah. Nevertheless, they serve as express confirmation of our argument from silence developed from the regulative provisions regarding the priestly vestments, since they indicate that taking off one’s shoes in sacred space was presupposed as a self-evident custom.52 It did indeed go without saying. That it nevertheless is said in Exod. 3 and Josh. 5 is due to the extraordinary fact that both Moses and Joshua are unaware of the holiness of the place they have entered. As they For Exod. 3, see Utzschneider and Oswald, Exodus, 118–9 and already Rose, Deuteronomist und Jahwist, 83–8; for Josh. 5:13-15, see Krause, Exodus und Eisodus, 378–9. 46 Notwithstanding the allusive potential of the mountain of God in Exodus to evoke mount Zion, pointed out most recently by Utzschneider and Oswald, Exodus, 118. 47 Thus, e.g., Beer, Exodus, 27: “Mose als Entdecker . . . eines Kultbrauches.” 48 Rightly pointed out by Rose, Deuteronomist und Jahwist, 83. 49 See, e.g., Greßmann, Anfänge, 144, and Noth, Josua, 23. Noth actually thought of a pre-Israelite sanctuary whose holiness was, for whatever reason, still respected by the early Israelites. 50 See n. 36. It is telling that the proponents of this view are divided over the exact location of the alleged sanctuary (Gilgal? Jericho? An otherwise unknown place somewhere between the two?). For references, see Krause, Exodus und Eisodus, 378. 51 Thus also Boling and Wright, Joshua, 198, and already Radak (David Kimchi). 52 Thus also Ringgren, “‫‏נעל‬,‎” 498–9; Rose, Deuteronomist und Jahwist, 83; Gray, Joshua, 79–80; Nelson, Joshua, 82; Rösel, Joshua, 89 n. 27, among others. 45

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approach the sacred without expecting it, there is the need for an explicit command to take off their shoes. Here, for once, the obvious needs to be spelled out.

4.  Conclusion Throughout their documented history, ancient Near Eastern cultures cherished the custom of taking off one’s shoes before entering a sanctuary. Hence, there is reason to assume that the same practice existed in ancient Israel and Judah. In point of fact, this assumption is supported by the regulative provisions regarding the priestly vestments found in Exod. 28 and 39. While the argument developed from these texts remains one from silence, it finds express confirmation in Exod. 3 and Josh. 5:13-15, both of which feature a narrative account of the unexpected discovery of a holy place. As neither Moses nor Joshua is aware of the fact that he has entered a sacred space, the command to take off one’s shoes illustrates by way of contrast that this custom would normally be presupposed as self-evident. All things considered, then, the accepted view that in Israel one stood barefoot before the god proves well-founded.53

Bibliography Albertz, Rainer. Exodus: Vol. II: Ex 19–40 (ZBKAT). Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 2015. Assis, Elie. From Moses to Joshua and from the Miraculous to the Ordinary: A Literary Analysis of the Conquest Narrative in the Book of Joshua. Jerusalem: Magnes, 2005 (Hebrew). Beer, Georg. Exodus (HAT I.3). Tübingen: J.C.B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1939. Blum, Erhard. Studien zur Komposition des Pentateuch (BZAW 189). Berlin: De Gruyter, 1990. Blum, Erhard. “Die literarische Verbindung von Erzvätern und Exodus: Ein Gespräch mit neueren Endredaktionshypothesen” (2002). In Textgestalt und Komposition: Exegetische Beiträge zu Tora und Vordere Propheten (FAT 69), edited by Wolfgang Oswald, 85–121. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2010. Blum, Erhard. Textgestalt und Komposition: Exegetische Beiträge zu Tora und Vordere Propheten (FAT 69), edited by Wolfgang Oswald. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2010. Boling, Robert G. and G. Ernest Wright. Joshua: A New Translation with Notes and Commentary (AB 6). Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1982. Dalman, Gustaf. Arbeit und Sitte in Palästina: Vol. 5: Webstoff, Spinnen, Weben, Kleidung. Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1937. Dozeman, Thomas B. Commentary on Exodus (ECC). Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2009. Dürr, Lorenz. “Zur religionsgeschichtlichen Bedeutung der Vorschrift des Schuheausziehens an heiliger Stätte.” OLZ 41 (1938): 410–12. Gray, John. Joshua, Judges, Ruth. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans and Basingstoke: Marshall Morgan & Scott, 1986.

Thanks are due to Deborah Storek (Jerusalem) for her comments on an earlier version of the present article. 53

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Greßmann, Hugo. Die Anfänge Israels: Von 2. Mosis bis Richter und Ruth. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1922. Hönig, Hans Wolfram. Die Bekleidung des Hebräers: Eine biblisch-archäologische Untersuchung. Zurich: Brunner, Bodmer & Co., 1957. Jacob, Benno. Das Buch Exodus. Stuttgart: Calwer, 1997. Krause, Joachim J. Exodus und Eisodus: Komposition und Theologie von Josua 1–5 (VTSup 161). Leiden: Brill, 2014. Krause, Joachim J. “Hexateuchal Redaction in Joshua.” HBAI 6 (2017): 181–202. Langdon, Stephen. Sumerian and Babylonian Psalms. Paris: Paul Geuthner, 1909. Levy, Ludwig. “Die Schuhsymbolik im jüdischen Ritus.” Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums 62 (1918): 178–85. Malul, Meir. Society, Law and Custom in the Land of Israel in Biblical Times and in the Ancient Near Eastern Cultures. Ramat-Gan: Bar-Ilan University Press, 2006 (Hebrew). Malul, Meir. Studies in Mesopotamian Legal Symbolism. Kevelaer: Butzon & Bercker and Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1988. Metzger, Martin. “Sandale.” NBL III (2001): 442–3. Nacht, Jakob. “Der Fuß: Eine folkloristische Studie.” Mitteilungen zur jüdischen Volkskunde 25 (1923): 123–77. Nelson, Richard D. Joshua: A Commentary (OTL). Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 1997. Noth, Martin. Das Buch Josua (HAT I.7). 2nd edn. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1953. Pedersen, Johannes. Der Eid bei den Semiten in seinem Verhältnis zu verwandten Erscheinungen sowie die Stellung des Eides im Islam. Strasbourg: Trübner, 1914. Ringgren, Helmer. “‫‏נעל‬‎.” ThWAT V (1986): 497–500. Römer, Thomas. “Exodus 3–4 und die aktuelle Pentateuchdiskussion.” In The Interpretation of Exodus: Studies in Honour of Cornelis Houtman (CBET 44), edited by Riemer Roukema, 65–79. Leuven: Peeters, 2006. Römer, Willem H. P. “Sumerische Emsallieder.” BO 40 (1983): 566–92. Rose, Martin. Deuteronomist und Jahwist: Untersuchungen zu den Berührungspunkten beider Literaturwerke (ATANT 67). Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 1981. Rösel, Hartmut N. Joshua (HCOT). Leuven: Peeters, 2011. Roukema, Riemer (ed.). The Interpretation of Exodus: Studies in Honour of Cornelis Houtman (CBET 44). Leuven: Peeters, 2006. Schmidt, Werner H. Exodus: Vol. 1: Exodus 1–6 (BKAT II.1). Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1988. Stol, Marten. “Schuh(werk).” RLA 12 (2009–2011): 288–92. Štrba, Blažej. Take off Your Sandals from Your Feet!: An Exegetical Study of Josh 5,13–15 (ÖBS 32). Frankfurt am Main: Peter Lang, 2008. Utzschneider, Helmut and Wolfgang Oswald. Exodus 1–15 (IEKAT 2.1). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2013. van der Toorn, Karel. “La pureté rituelle au Proche-Orient ancient.” RHR 206 (1989): 339–56. Wellhausen, Julius. Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2001.

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“You Shall Not Wear Clothes Made of Wool and Linen Woven Together” (Deut. 22:11) Clothing in Biblical Law Eckart Otto

1.   Motifs of Clothing in the Covenant Code The motifs of clothing have rather constant meanings and functions from the preexilic Covenant Code to the postexilic Holiness Code and the postexilic interpretation of the book of Deuteronomy as part of the Pentateuch. Most of these meanings and functions have their origin already in the Covenant Code and were adopted in the postexilic law codes. In the Covenant Code,1 clothing is counted among the vital necessities of life, comparable to food. In Exod. 21:10, a man who has married a slave girl but later takes on another wife shall not reduce the clothing (‫ )כסות‬and food of his first wife. The laws of bailment in Exod. 22:6-14 illustrate the high value that could be attached to clothes. These laws have gone through at least two phases of supplementation and interpretation.2 The three original laws of bailment in Exod. 22:6, 7a*, 9a, 11-14 deal with the bailment of money, “goods” (‫)כלים‬, and animals: If a person entrusts a neighbor with silver/money or goods and they are stolen from the depositary’s house, then, if the thief is found, he must pay double. (Exod. 22:6)

The two other laws deal with the bailment of animals and their loss. If animals were stolen, the thief has to pay double their value. If the thief was not found, the depositary has to compensate for the loss only if it was a case of negligence and not of force majeure. All three of these laws deal with items of higher value such as oxen, sheep, and donkeys, which is also true of the ‫כלים‬, which are set in parallel with “silver/money” (‫)כסף‬. These For a literary- and legal-historical analysis of the Covenant Code, see Otto, Rechtsbegründungen; Schwienhorst-Schönberger, Bundesbuch; for a different, strictly synchronic approach, cf. Westbrook, “Covenant Code,” 15–36. 2 See Otto, Rechtsbegründungen, 14–19; for a strictly synchronic interpretation, see Westbrook, “Deposit Law,” 390–403; for a discussion of this approach, cf. Otto, “Depositenrecht,” 76–85. 1

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three laws of bailment left unsolved the case in which the owner of goods or animals charges the depositary to be the thief of his goods or animals himself. A supplement in Exod. 22:7a*b, 8, 9b-10 tries to close this gap in the original laws of bailment: The owner of the house (i.e., the depositary) shall be brought before God to determine whether or not the owner had laid hands on the neighbor’s goods (‫)מלאכה‬. In every case of dispute over ownership, whether of an ox, a donkey, a sheep, clothing (‫)ׂשלמה‬, or any missed property, where any person says, “This is mine,” both parties are to come before God, and the one whom God condemns has to pay the other double. (Exod. 22:7*-8)

The authors of these verses replaced the noun ‫ כלים‬by ‫ ׂשלמה‬as its specification in order to make sure that clothing belongs to the items of value comparable to silver, such that a dispute over a piece of clothing has to be brought to the sanctuary. These laws deal with persons who possess more than one piece of clothing, such that they can go to court and the sanctuary even if one piece of their clothing is lost. More precarious is the case of a poor person, who possesses only one piece of clothing to cover his nakedness and to serve as a blanket by night, which he has given as a pledge. This case became an important topic in Hebrew social ethics beginning with the Covenant Code in Exod. 22:20-26*.3 These statutes of a preexilic social ethos are—as is indicated by the combination of apodictic and casuistic formulations—no longer law but rather ethics and as such an important part of the redaction of the Covenant Code closing the legal section in Exod. 21:12–22:19a: You shall not oppress a stranger. If you oppress him and he cries out to me, I (i.e., YHWH) will surely hear his crying. If you loan money to anyone of my people who is poor, you shall not act as an usurer with him. If you take your neighbor’s cloak (‫ )ׂשלמה‬in pledge, you shall return it to him before the sun goes down, because it is his only cloak (‫)כסות‬. He needs it to wrap up his body; what else does he possess to sleep in? If he cries to me, I will listen, for I am compassionate.

These statutes of social ethics are not connected with an explicit sanction in the event that they are neglected and social solidarity with the poor is denied. The authors of the preexilic Covenant Code appeal to the rational insight of God’s addressees into the necessity to give the cloak back before sunset, because the cloak is a blanket for the poor to sleep in by night. The cloak as a pledge, which has to return to its owner before sunset, has only the symbolic meaning that the poor debtor is admitting his debt in public by running around without his only cloak all day until sunset. If the creditor keeps the cloak as a security pledge and does not give it back before sunset, he will be an usurer.4 The cloak of the poor as his only garment became a central motif in the biblical ethics of social solidarity adopted in the book of Deuteronomy. 3 Exodus 22:20a*b, 21, 23, 24a is a postexilic supplement to the Covenant Code. For the literary- and legal-historical analysis of Exod. 22:20-26, see Otto, Rechtsbegründungen, 38–40; Otto, Ethik, 84–8. 4 The problem of usury is—in contrast to Deut. 23:20-21—not yet part of the program of social ethics of the Covenant Code in Exod. 22:20-26*.

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2.  Motifs of Clothing in the Covenant Code Adopted in the Book of Deuteronomy The authors of the late preexilic book of Deuteronomy in Deut. 12–26* adopt those laws and statutes of the pre-Deuteronomic Covenant Code5 that have to be revised in light of the centralization of the sacrificial cult in Deut. 12:13-19. This includes the laws of bailment in Exod. 22:6-14, since a cultic decision of controversial cases of bailment of garments and animals at the local sanctuary in Exod. 22:8 is no longer possible after cultic centralization. The Deuteronomic authors also adopt all the statutes of social ethics in the Covenant Code, such as the case of an enemy’s ox or donkey going astray and having to be brought back to its owner (Exod. 22:4-5) in Deut. 22:1-4.6 The Deuteronomic authors connect this case with Exod. 22:8, part of the laws of bailment, which has lost its function in its original context: You shall not watch your brother’s ox or sheep going astray and ignore them. You must bring them back to your brother. If your brother does not live near you and you do not know him, you shall bring it home to your house and it shall stay with you until your brother seeks it. Then you shall return it. You are to do the same with his donkey, his garment (‫)ׂשמלה‬, or anything else that your brother has lost and you find it. You may not ignore it. You shall not just watch if your brother’s donkey or his ox fall down on the road, and ignore it. You shall help him to lift it up. (Deut. 22:1-4)

The Deuteronomic authors expanded the obligation to help with the brother’s animals to the duty also to return the brother’s coat that he has lost. The integration of the motif of the ‫ ׂשמלה‬into the Deuteronomic program of brotherly solidarity7 in Deut. 22:1-4 also alludes to this motif in the social ethics of the Covenant Code in Exod. 22:24-26*, which has been adopted by the Deuteronomic authors in Deut. 24:10-13: When you make a loan of any sort to your countryman, you must not enter his house to seize a pledge from him. You shall remain outside and the borrower will bring the pledge out to you. If he is poor, you shall restore the pledge to him at sunset, so that your countryman may sleep in the cloak and bless you. It will be righteousness for you before YHWH your God.

In Deut. 24:6-7, 10-13, the Deuteronomic authors interpret the Covenant Code’s statutes on pledge-taking in Exod. 22:24a, 25, 26a.8 In Deut. 24:10-11, they put a On the literary history of the adoption of the Covenant Code in the late seventh-century version of Deuteronomy, see Otto, Deuteronomium 12,1–23,15, 1082–107. 6 See ibid., 1684–6, 1694–6; on Exod. 23:4-5, see Barbiero, L’Asino, 72–130; Otto, Ethik, 100–6. 7 On the Deuteronomic program of an ethos of brotherly solidarity, see Perlitt, “Brüder,” 27–52; Otto, Ethik, 186–92. 8 For a literary- and legal-historical analysis of Deut. 24:6-7, 10-13, see Otto, Deuteronomium 23,16– 34,12, 1829, 1839–41. 5

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general statute on pledge-taking in front of the statute for the poor in Deut. 24:1213. The ‫ נׁשה‬in Deut. 24:11 alludes to Deut. 15:2 and Exod. 22:24a (‫ )כנׁשה‬and forms a bridge from the general rule of pledge-taking to the special statute concerning the poor in Deut. 24:12-13 as a reformulation of Exod. 22:25, 26*. As in the Covenant Code, in Deuteronomy it is also the cloak (‫ )ׂשמלה‬that has been taken as a pledge. The formulation in Deut. 24:12 “if he is poor, you shall not go to sleep in his pledge” demonstrates that the cloak has been taken as a pledge without mentioning the ‫ׂשמלה‬. This suggests that the Deuteronomic authors assume their addressees know the Covenant Code very well, which is a precondition for understanding the Deuteronomic text. Only the following verse, Deut. 24:13, mentions the ‫ ׂשמלה‬as the seized object: “You shall restore to him the pledge at sunset, so that your countryman may sleep in the ‫ׂשמלה‬.” An ostracon from Meṣad Hašavyāhū9 tells of a harvester’s complaint that his cloak was not given back, but he neither mentions the sunset nor does he quote Exod. 22:25-26 or Deut. 24:10-13, which underscores that these biblical statutes were not legally enforced but were instead statutes of a social ethos. This is emphasized by Deut. 24:13, for which there is no legal sanction if the statute is not followed. Rather, if the statute is followed obediently, a positive reaction is expected: “He (i.e., the debtor) may bless you. It will be righteousness for you before YHWH your God.” Deuteronomy 24:13b is a Deuteronomic interpretation of the divine legitimation of the ethics of solidarity with the poor in the Covenant Code in Exod. 22:26b (“because I am compassionate”), deriving from it YHWH’s compassion for those who obediently follow the statutes of compassionate solidarity with the poor. The term ‫“( צדקה‬justice”) has taken on the semantic connotation of a blessing, which the righteous will receive.10

3.  Motifs of Clothing in the Postexilic Book of Deuteronomy as Part of the Pentateuch The authors of the postexilic interpretation of the book of Deuteronomy adopted the motif of clothing as part of its social program, which has its roots in the Covenant Code. The monotheistic praise of YHWH in Deut. 10:14-1911 combines the motif of the great, mighty, and awesome God with those of a social ethics of solidarity with the personae miserae of orphan, widow, and stranger. In this case it is God himself who acts as an ideal prefiguration of caring for the poor and providing them with food and clothing (‫)ׂשמלה‬. The motif of love for the stranger connects Deut. 10:1718 with the Holiness Code in Lev. 19:33-34.12 It is characteristic for the authors of the postexilic redaction in Deuteronomy as part of the Pentateuch that they connect quotations and allusions to the Covenant Code with those of the post-priestly Holiness Code in the postexilic book of Deuteronomy. In Deut. 22:5, 8-12, these authors insert 9 10 11 12

See Renz and Röllig, Epigraphik, 315–29; cf. also Donner and Röllig, Inschriften, No. 200. Cf. Ps. 24:4-5. See Otto, Deuteronomium 4,44–11,32, 1034–43. See ibid., 1038–9.

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links to the Holiness Code into the statutes of social ethics from the preexilic form of Deuteronomy in Deut. 22:1-4, 6-7a.(b):13 A woman shall not wear men’s clothing (‫ )כלי גבר‬and a man is not to put on a woman’s cloak (‫)ׂשמלת אׁשה‬, for whoever does these things is an abomination to YHWH (‫ )תועבת יהוה‬your God. (Deut. 22:5) You are not to wear clothes made of wool and linen woven together. You are to make yourself twisted cords on the four corners of the garment (‫ )כסות‬with which you cover yourself. (Deut. 22:11-12)

The prohibition for men to wear a woman’s garment and vice versa for women to wear men’s clothing or other men’s accessories such as weapons is without any biblical or ancient Near Eastern parallel. This creates problems for interpreting the intentions of these prohibitions of cross-gender travesties, such that N. S. Fox speaks of Deut. 22:5 as “an odd duck.”14 This verse is often explained by an anti-Canaanite attitude of the book of Deuteronomy against such practices,15 which could have its background in the gender ambiguity of androgynous gods such as Inanna/Ishtar.16 One could also think of the goddess Puchat in the Aqhat epic.17 Others see in Deut. 22:5 a reaction against Hittite magical practices, which were used to neutralize the power of men and women by cursing items such as men’s or women’s garments or weapons.18 Josephus (Ant. IV, 301) and Sifre Debarim §226, followed by H. T. Vedeler,19 interpret Deut. 22:5 as a prohibition serving to separate women from symbols of male power, because women were thought to be a danger for men. Conversely, men were prohibited from coming into contact with a ‫ ׂשמלת אׁשה‬or other symbols of female power, since men were thought to be in danger of losing their dominance “by engaging in practices similar to the religious rituals of Israel’s polytheistic neighbors and thereby offending Yahweh.”20 Other authors see in Deut. 22:5 the intention to stabilize families by stressing a patriarchal separation of genders.21 None of these explanations takes into account that Deut. 22:5 is part of the postexilic interpretation of Deuteronomy, which implies that the priestly source in Genesis and Exodus is already presupposed. This means that Deut. 22:5 has to be interpreted against the background of the priestly tradition of creation in Gen. 1–2.22 For these postexilic authors, the weakening or even elimination of the differences between men and women would mean a dissolution of the order of the divine creation of man and woman in Gen. 1:26-27 and Gen. 2:725. Also presupposed in Deut. 22:5 is the identification of a garment with particular 14 15 16 17 18 19 20 21 22 13

For a literary- and legal-historical analysis, see Otto, Deuteronomium 12,1–23,15, 1681–704. See Fox, “Transformation,” 49. See, e.g., Tigay, Deuteronomy, 200; cf. also Lambert, Wisdom Literature, 230. See Römer, “Travestie,” 217–22. See Gordon, “Commandment,” 208–9. See Hoffner, “Symbols,” 326–34. See Vedeler, “Meaning,” 459–76. See ibid., 473. See Fox, “Transformation,” 62–71. Cf. Harland, “Menswear,” 73–6 (with a synchronic perspective).

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aspects of its owner, as 2 Kgs 2:13-14 demonstrates by Elijah’s cloak.23 According to the monotheistic, postexilic authors in Deut. 22:5, a cross-gender travesty undermines the separation of genders in YHWH’s created order and is ‫ תועבת יהוה‬as all kinds of divine travesty are alien to YHWH. The prohibition of travesty in Deut. 22:5 is part of a set of postexilic laws of prohibited mixtures of two kinds of seed in Deut. 22:9, of plowing together with an ox and a donkey in Deut. 22:10, and of wearing garments woven with threads of wool and linen together in Deut. 22:11. All of these laws are adopted from the Holiness Code in Lev. 19:19:24 Observe my statutes: You shall not let your cattle breed with a different kind. You shall not sow your field with two kinds of seed, nor shall you put on a garment (‫ )בגד‬from a mixture of two kinds of material.

Leviticus 19:19 is the source text, while Deut. 22:9-11 is the adopting text,25 as the explanation of the Egyptian loanword ‫“( ׁשעטנז‬mixture of textiles”)26 in Lev. 19:19 by ‫צמר‬ ‫“( ופׁשתים יחדו‬wool and linen together”) shows. The authors of the postexilic redactions in the book of Deuteronomy interpret Lev. 19:19 in Deut. 22:9-11. As Exod. 26:31; 28:6, 15 show, to wear garments made out of a mixture of threads is a privilege of the priests and is thus forbidden for the laity.27 The statute in Deut. 22:12 to make tassels on the four corners of one’s cloak, which was not without parallels in ancient Near Eastern clothing,28 should be interpreted in connection with the prohibition of a mixture of wool and linen in the garment in Deut. 22:11. Moreover, Deut. 22:12 argues against the instruction in Num. 15:3829 that the laity shall put a cord of blue on the tassels as sign of their holiness. The authors of the postexilic interpretation of Deuteronomy put the statutes of Deut. 22:11-12 in front of the Deuteronomic family laws in Deut. 22:13-29, which they supplemented with Deut. 23:1,30 in order to demonstrate that holiness is not only an outer matter of a sign on one’s garment but also of obedience to the following laws. The profanation of the tassels of the ‫“( כנף‬corner of the garment”) in Deut. 22:12 in favor of obedience to the law corresponds to the use of the term ‫כנף‬ in the prohibition of incest in Deut. 23:1:31 “No man is to take his father’s wife, so as to remove the corner of his father’s garment.” In this way, the motif of the ‫ כנף‬serves as a frame for the Deuteronomic family law. See the contribution by Schott (Chapter 27) to this volume. 24 For a literary- and legal-historical analysis of Lev. 19, see Otto, Ethik, 235–6, 243–8; Hieke, Levitikus 16–27, 702–9. 25 See Fishbane, Interpretation, 58–63; Milgrom, Leviticus, 1656–65; Otto, Deuteronomium 12,1–23,15, 1686–8; but cf. also Wagenaar, “Seed,” 318–31. 26 See Görg, “Textilbezeichnung,” 13–17. 27 See Haran, Temples, 160–2, 212; Milgrom, Leviticus, 1661. 28 See Bertman, “Garments,” 119–28. 29 On the literary context, see Achenbach, Vollendung, 517–25. 30 For a literary- and legal-historical interpretation of Deut. 22:13-31, see Otto, Deuteronomium 12,1– 23,15, 1681–93, 1705–26. 31 On the literary connection of Deut. 23:1 with the postexilic prohibitions of incest in the Holiness Code, see Milgrom, Leviticus, 1538; Otto, Deuteronomium 12,1–23,15, 1688, 1725–6. 23

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Bibliography Achenbach, Reinhard. Die Vollendung der Tora. Studien zur Redaktionsgeschichte des Numeribuches im Kontext von Hexateuch und Pentateuch (BZAR 3). Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2003. Barbiero, Gianni. L’asino del nemico. Rinuncia alla vendetta e amore del nemico nella legislazione dell’Antico Testamento (Es 23,4–5; Dt 22,1–4; Lv 19,17–18). Rome: Editrice Pontificio Istituto Biblico, 1991. Bertman, Stephen. “Tasseled Garments in the Ancient East Mediterranean.” BA 24 (1961): 119–28. Donner, Herbert and WolfgangRöllig. Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften. 3rd edn. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1971. Fishbane, Michael. Biblical Interpretation in Ancient Israel. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1985. Fox, Nili S. “Gender Transformation and Transgression: Contextualizing the Prohibition of Cross-Dressing in Deuteronomy 22:5.” In Mishneh Todah. Studies in Deuteronomy and Its Cultural Environment in Honor of Jeffrey H. Tigay, edited by Nili Sacher, David A. Glatt-Gilead, and Michael J. Williams, 49–71. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 2008. Görg, Manfred. “Eine rätselhafte Textilbezeichnung im Alten Testament.” BN 12 (1980): 13–17. Gordon, Cyrus H. “A Note on the Tenth Commandment.” JBR 31 (1963): 208–9. Haran, Menahem. Temples and Temple Service in Ancient Israel. Oxford: University Press, 1978. Harland, Peter J. “Menswear and Womenswear. A Study of Deuteronomy 22:5.” ExpTim 110 (1998): 73–6. Hieke, Thomas. Levitikus 16–27 (HThKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2014. Hoffner, Harry A. “Symbols for Masculinity and Femininity. Their Use in Ancient Near Eastern Sympathetic Magic Rituals.” JBL 85 (1966): 326–34. Lambert, William G. The Babylonian Wisdom Literature. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1960. Milgrom, Jacob, Leviticus 17–22. A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 3A). New York: Doubleday, 2000. Otto, Eckart. Deuteronomium 1,1–4,43 (HThKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2012. Otto, Eckart. Deuteronomium 4,44–11,32 (HThKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2012. Otto, Eckart. Deuteronomium 12,1–23,15 (HThKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2016. Otto, Eckart. Deuteronomium 23,16–34,12 (HThKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2017. Otto, Eckart. “Diachronie und Synchronie im Depositenrecht des ‘Bundesbuches.’ Zur jüngsten literatur- und rechtshistorischen Diskussion von Ex. 22:6-14.” ZABR 2 (1996): 76–85. Otto, Eckart. Theologische Ethik des Alten Testaments. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1994. Otto, Eckart. Wandel der Rechtsbegründungen in der Gesellschaftsgeschichte des antiken Israel. Eine Rechtsgeschichte des “Bundesbuches” Ex XX 22–XXIII 13 (StudBib 3). Leiden: Brill, 1988. Perlitt, Lothar. “‘Ein einzig Volk von Brüdern.’ Zur deuteronomischen Herkunft der biblischen Bezeichnung ‘Bruder.’” In Kirche. Festschrift für Günther Bornkamm, edited by Dieter Lührmann and Georg Strecker, 27–52. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1980. Renz, Johannes and Wolfgang Röllig. Handbuch der althebräischen Epigraphik. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1995.

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Römer, Willem H. P. “Randbemerkungen zur Travestie von Deut. 22,5.” In Travels in the World of the Old Testament. Studies Presented to Professor Martinus A. Beek, edited by M. S. Heerma Van Voss et al., 217–22. Assen: van Gorcum, 1974. Schwienhorst-Schönberger, Ludger. Das Bundesbuch (Ex 20,22–23,33). Studien zu seiner Entstehung und Theologie. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1990. Tigay, Jeffrey H. Deuteronomy. Philadelphia: The Jewish Publication Society, 1996. Vedeler, Harold T. “Reconstructing Meaning in Deuteronomy 22:5: Gender, Society, and Transvestitism in Israel and in the Ancient Near East.” JBL 27 (2008): 459–6. Wagenaar, Jan. “You Shall Not Sow Two Kinds of Seed in Your Field: Leviticus 19:19 and the Formation of the Holiness Code.” ZABR 7 (2001): 318–31. Westbrook, Raymond. “The Deposit Law of Exodus 22,6-12.” ZAW 106 (1994): 390–403. Westbrook, Raymond. “What Is the Covenant Code?” In Theory and Method in Biblical and Cuneiform Law. Revision, Interpolation and Development, edited by Bernard M. Levinson, 15–36. Sheffield: Sheffield University Press, 1994.

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“When You See the Naked, Cover Them!” (Isa. 58:7) The Clothing of the Poor as an Act of Righteousness Rainer Kessler

For tens of thousands of years, it has been a matter of physical survival for the human race to be clothed. In most parts of the world, the body of modern Homo sapiens would not be able to withstand the climate without protecting the skin by some sort of clothing. Besides the physical aspect, clothing is of high symbolic significance. It is connected to shame and honor. These aspects are dealt with in detail in different chapters within this handbook. Here it will suffice to give some representative examples of this (Section 1). Thus, forcibly stripping someone is an act of shaming that person. Here, too, it must suffice to refer to the most important situations (Section 2). Some texts in the Bible and in other ancient literature speak of nakedness in the context of poverty. These texts are the focus of this chapter. The first question is: What exactly is meant when these texts speak of “naked” persons? What is the phenomenon they allude to (Section 3)? After some general remarks about the naked poor, the final section of the chapter will consider the relevant biblical texts that speak of clothing the poor as an act of righteousness (Section 4) before concluding in a short summary (Section 5).

1.  The Significance of Being Clothed The Bible tells the story of humankind beginning at creation. God first creates the world in which men and women can live. Then he makes humankind, that is, male and female beings, to live within this world. In the beginning, these beings are naked. Immediately after they have transgressed God’s prohibition not to eat a certain fruit in the garden where they lived, they realized that they were naked. In an act of a certain helplessness, “they sewed fig leaves together and made loincloths for themselves” (Gen. 3:7, all quotations from NRSV). But this was not a real protection. So God continued his work of creation, making “garments of skin for the man and for his wife, and clothed

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them” (3:21). That this is his last act of creation can be concluded from the use of the word “to make.” In Gen. 1–3, this word plays an important role in God’s actions: God “makes” the dome that separates the waters under the dome from the waters above (1:7); he “makes” the two great lights, the sun and the moon (1:16); he “makes” the wild animals of the earth and decides to “make” humankind (1:25-26). The creation is called “everything that he had made” (1:31, cf. 2:2-4). In the second story, God decides to “make” a helper for the man as his partner (2:18). The use of the same verb “to make” in 3:21 can be read as indication that the garments of skin are God’s last creation before the humans leave the garden. East of Eden, humans are clothed beings.1 According to the creation story, clothing has to do with shame. Before their eyes were opened, the man and his wife were naked but not ashamed (2:25). After they attain wisdom—that is, their eyes are opened and they know good and evil—they realize their nakedness and try to cover their genitals. To be uncovered dishonors a person (Gen. 9:20-27). In the presence of the deity, it is absolutely forbidden that the genitals might be visible. Consequently, the altar must not have steps so that one’s nakedness is not exposed (Exod. 20:26), and the priests are obliged to wear undergarments that reach from the hips to the thighs (Exod. 28:42).2 When David dances before the ark girded only with a linen ephod, he is criticized by his wife Michal for “shamelessly uncovering himself ” (2 Sam. 6:20).3 The fundamental function of clothing is to protect humans against heat and cold, sun and rain, as well as to hide the parts of the body that are associated with sexuality. In addition to this, clothes become symbols for the social position of the members of a society. They mark the difference between males and females. Nearly all societies have rules—more or less strictly applied—to make the social status of their members visible at first glance. Finally, especially beautiful and precious garments are used to highlight a person, such as Joseph’s “long robe with sleeves” or “coat of many colors” (Gen. 37:3).

2.  Being Stripped—Being Ashamed Special clothes give people special honor. Wearing clothes at all is the fundamental sign of being human. Thus, to strip a person by force is an act of dishonoring that person. There are three primary situations in which people are stripped against their will.

2.1 Stripping Prisoners of War Ancient iconography as well as ancient texts present numerous examples where prisoners of war are portrayed as naked. An ivory object from Late Bronze Age Megiddo as well as a bronze relief from the palace gate of the Assyrian king Shalmaneser III (ninth century BCE) show male prisoners of war totally naked in the power of the victors. On the significance of nakedness and clothing in Gen. 2–3, cf. Hartenstein (Chapter 19) in this volume. 2 For a detailed analysis of these texts, see the contribution of Berner (Chapter 23) to this volume. 3 For a detailed analysis of 2 Sam. 6, see the contribution of Schulz (Chapter 26) to this volume. 1

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In biblical literature, prophets walk naked as a sign of future captivity. A word of Yhwh explains the meaning of Isaiah’s walking naked and barefoot in Jerusalem:4 “Just as my servant Isaiah has walked naked and barefoot for three years as a sign and a portent against Egypt and Ethiopia, so shall the king of Assyria lead away the Egyptians as captives and the Ethiopians as exiles . . ., naked and barefoot, with buttocks uncovered, to the shame of Egypt” (Isa. 20:3-4). Micah announces to “go barefoot and naked,” probably as a sign of the Judeans’ exile (Mic. 1:8, 16). Amos, in his oracles against the nations, foresees the defeat of the Israelite army, declaring that the soldiers “shall flee away naked on that day” (Amos 2:16). According to 2 Chron. 28:15, a great number of captives were naked and had to be clothed. Having to flee naked from the battlefield and probably later being presented without clothes before the victorious enemy is a sign of humiliation. Those who are naked have lost their honor.

2.2 Humiliating Adulterous Women The books of the latter prophets contain a number of texts in which a political entity— Israel or Judah, Nineveh or Babylon—is metaphorized as a female person. In some texts, she clearly is portrayed as a wife accused of adultery or whoring. Hosea 2 symbolizes the relationship between Yhwh and Israel as that of husband and wife. In v. 2 Yhwh declares divorce from his wife, pronouncing the formula “she is not my wife, and I am not her husband.” If Israel will not put away her “whoring” and “adultery,” Yhwh threatens that he will “strip her naked and expose her as in the day she was born” (v. 3). Stripping an adulterous wife was a means of humiliating and thus punishing her. In two chapters of the book of Ezekiel, Hosea’s short metaphor is developed into an elaborate story. In Ezek. 16, Yhwh is depicted as a man who finds a female baby abandoned by her parents. He brings her up and marries her, but later she is unfaithful. Here, however, the metaphor is already left behind, since the “wife” Jerusalem whores with the political powers of her day, the Egyptians, Assyrians, and Babylonians (vv. 26-29). The punishment of the “wife” by her “husband” is that Yhwh will gather her lovers and “will uncover your nakedness to them, so that they may see all your nakedness” (v. 37). The next verses, however, demonstrate that the metaphor of punishing a wife and the cruelties of ancient warfare including “stripping you of your clothes and taking your beautiful objects and leaving you naked and bare” (v. 39) are closely connected, such that it is not completely clear whether the stripping is meant as punishment by the husband or as violation by the conquerors. The same is true for Ezek. 23, where it is indeed the “husband” Yhwh who arouses the lovers against Jerusalem, but it is the Assyrians who “shall strip you of your clothes” and “leave you naked and bare” (vv. 26, 29). The cases of Isa. 47:3 and Nah. 3:5 are even more complicated. According to Isa. 47:2-3, the nakedness of Babylon “shall be uncovered and her shame shall be seen.” In Nah. 3:5, it is Yhwh who will “lift up your skirts over your face; and I will let nations

On Isa. 20, see the contribution of Beyer (Chapter 28) to this volume. 4

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look on your nakedness and kingdoms on your shame.” However, the texts speak of Babylon and Nineveh, respectively, which are never metaphorized as Yhwh’s wife. In any event, although all of the aforementioned texts are metaphorical in nature, their message is clear: Stripping an adulterous wife means humiliating and shaming her.

2.3 Being Humiliated by Poverty Captives as well as adulterous wives (in the metaphorical texts we have) are stripped of their clothes by force. The same is true for poor people, though in a different way. It is neither a victorious enemy nor a jealous husband who takes away their clothes but the economic and social condition they live in. However, the effect is the same as in the case of captives or adulterous wives. Poor people are humiliated and shamed by their nakedness.

3.  The Nakedness of the Poor When some biblical texts speak of “the naked,” we have to ask four main questions. First, what do the texts really mean by “naked”? Second, are there other phenomena similarly typical of poverty? Third, why are poor people “naked”? How do they lose their clothes? And fourth, is it possible to date the texts; in other words, is it possible to write a social history of nakedness as a consequence of poverty?

3.1 How Naked Were the Naked? The iconography of prisoners of war displays them as totally naked. Especially the male genitals are exposed to the viewer. Can we conjecture the same for persons who are “naked” as a consequence of their poverty? Though we do not have absolute proof, it seems improbable that nakedness in the context of poverty means absolute nakedness. We have one witness from Egypt, a bas-relief from the middle of the third millennium BCE, where starving nomads are depicted as totally naked. However, these are not the needy and poor of the country but foreign nomads living in the desert. Poor people who lived at the margins of towns or villages probably were barely clothed. They walked around dressed in rags, as the proverb says, “The drunkard and the glutton will come to poverty, and drowsiness will clothe them with rags” (Prov. 23:21). In the book of Job, Eliphaz accuses Job of having “stripped the naked of their clothes” (Job 22:6). It seems that even the “naked” wore something that could be taken away. Thus, in her study on “the language of textiles,” Claudia Bender concludes that the best translation for the Hebrew ‛ērôm or ‛ārôm is “naked” but that it often must be left open whether this means total nakedness or being insufficiently clothed.5

Bender, Sprache, 135: “Dabei muss oft offenbleiben, ob jeweils das Fehlen jeglicher Bekleidung oder nur unzureichende Bekleidung gemeint ist.” 5

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3.2 Related Phenomena Nakedness is not an isolated phenomenon in the context of poverty. It nearly always appears together with hunger. The text of Job 22 quoted above (“[you have] stripped the naked of their clothes”) continues with the following accusation: “You have given no water to the weary to drink, and you have withheld bread from the hungry” (Job 22:6-7). Deuteronomy 28:48 foresees future distress for the Israelites if they do not obey Yhwh’s commandments: “You shall serve your enemies . . . in hunger and thirst, in nakedness and lack of everything.” The text of Ezek. 18, which we will analyze in more detail below, links together the demand “to give bread to the hungry” and “to cover the naked with a garment” (vv. 7, 16).6 Isaiah 58:7 adds to the phenomena of nakedness and hunger that of homelessness as a typical sign of poverty. We will consider this text further below. The broadest description of the status of those poor who are hungry, naked, and homeless is given in Job 24: . . . the poor of the earth all hide themselves. Like wild asses in the desert they go out to their toil, scavenging in the wasteland food for their young. 6 They reap in a field not their own and they glean in the vineyard of the wicked. 7 They lie all night naked, without clothing, and have no covering in the cold. 8 They are wet with the rain of the mountains, and cling to the rock for want of shelter. . . . 10 They go about naked, without clothing; though hungry, they carry the sheaves. 4 5

With the exception of Deut. 28:48, where hunger and nakedness are the consequence of an enemy’s victory, in all of the texts quoted above hunger, nakedness, and homelessness do not result from a particular incident such as a famine. Nor are they seen as the typical situation of nomads, as in the Egyptian relief of the starving people. They are a social and economic problem that results from the structures of society. The hungry, naked, and homeless are social types.

3.3 Why Were the Naked Naked? It is evident that poverty affects all aspects of human existence. So it is easy to understand that poor people lack everything: sufficient food, adequate clothing, and a shelter worthy of human beings. However, garments are also often mentioned in a more specific context, namely, that of debts. Job 22:6, which was already quoted above, reads in full: On the phenomenon of hunger and its omnipresence in the texts of the New Testament, cf. Sutter Rehman, Wut. 6

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For you have exacted pledges from your family for no reason, and stripped the naked of their clothing.

In the parallelism, exacting pledges is explained as taking away clothes. There are a significant number of biblical texts that associate garments with the question of pledges in the context of the ancient credit system. The Torah forbids taking a widow’s garment in pledge (Deut. 24:17). It also commands that one restore a neighbor’s cloak taken in pawn before sunset, since it is used as a cover during the night (Exod. 22:2526 [Exod. 22:26-27 KJV/RSV]; Deut. 24:12-13). In Deut. 24:12, the cloak is simply called a “garment.” People who are called “naked” in other texts may simply have lost their “cloak,” a seamless cover used especially for protection from the cold Palestinian nights. Critical prophets also mention garments in the context of pledges. Amos 2:8 accuses wealthy Israelites of “laying themselves down beside every altar on garments taken in pledge.” Less clear is Mic. 2:8, where the “house of Jacob” is accused of “stripping the robe from the peaceful.” However, since Mic. 2:1-11 deals in general with certain aspects of the credit system—for example, the loss of houses and fields (v. 2) and driving women out of their houses and enslaving their children (v. 9)—the stripping of a person’s robe could also be part of the strategy of the powerful.7

3.4 A Brief History of Socially Caused Nakedness Beginning in the Egyptian Old Kingdom, part of the idealized biography of the deceased nobility in their tombs was to have given bread to the hungry and clothing to the naked.8 From there the motif entered the Egyptian Book of the Dead, which in ch. 125 contains a so-called protestation of innocence that the deceased is expected to confess before the gods of the underworld tribunal. Among many other misdeeds that are denied and good deeds that are claimed, the text states, “I have given bread to the hungry, water to the thirsty, clothing to the naked, and a boat to the boatless.”9 Lack of food and clothing was a perennial problem in the societies of the ancient world. However, the age of a certain motif is one thing, while the question of how and when it was adopted in biblical literature is another. The biblical texts that shed light on the phenomenon of socially caused nakedness (Exod. 22; Deut. 24; Amos 2; Mic. 2) may all be preexilic. Yet they do not speak of “the naked.” The prophetic texts of Amos, Micah, and Isaiah are witnesses of a social development that seems to begin in the eighth century BCE. In the beginning, people who are called “needy, poor, and afflicted” (Amos 2:6-7 and many other texts) still have something to give away. They have garments (Amos 2:8), they are able to pay “levies of grain” (Amos 5:11), and they still may lose their houses and fields (Isa. 5:8; Mic. 2:2). One could call them 7 This interpretation is discussed in Kessler, Micha, 132. 8 A significant number of examples is given in Assmann, Ma’at, 99–105. 9 Hallo, Context, 62.

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“relatively poor.” They are threatened by absolute impoverishment but have not yet reached it. The situation changes at the end of the preexilic period. The earliest text of the Hebrew Bible that mentions “the hungry” and “the naked” as social types is Ezek. 18:7, 16. This text cannot be earlier than the late preexilic or—more probably—the exilic period. Isa. 58:7, the next text mentioning “the hungry,” “the homeless,” and “the naked,” certainly dates from the Persian period. Job 31:19-20, where Job praises himself for having clothed the naked, is also a postexilic text. We can conclude that in Israel and Judah the social crisis that began in the eighth century later produced a group of absolutely poor people who, according to the aforementioned text of Job 24, had almost nothing. They formed a Lumpenproletariat (“proletariat of scallywags”) who lived on borrowing, begging, and stealing. In Roman times, the text of Mt. 25:36, 43 lists the naked among other people who live in precarious conditions. When Paul says, “we are hungry and thirsty, we are poorly clothed and beaten and homeless” (1 Cor. 4:11), he uses a traditional list that could only have convinced his readers if it reflected a certain degree of reality. All in all, we must conclude that nakedness as a social phenomenon did not disappear once it had become a relevant problem in the late postexilic period.

4.  Texts Calling for Covering the Naked There are only a few texts in the Hebrew Bible that call for one to cover the naked. The only direct commands are found in Ezek. 18 and Isa. 58. Indirectly, Job 31 regards covering the naked to be part of just behavior. For all these texts, covering the naked is part of practicing justice and righteousness.

4.1 Ezek. 18 Ezekiel 18 discusses the question of individual responsibility. Against the popular proverb that “the parents have eaten sour grapes, and the children’s teeth are set on edge” (v. 2), the text argues that every individual is responsible for his or her own deeds. To illustrate this argument, the author forms a list of actions that give examples of acting in righteousness: If a man is righteous and does what is lawful and right [lit. practices justice and righteousness]—6 if he does not eat upon the mountains or lift up his eyes to the idols of the house of Israel, does not defile his neighbor’s wife or approach a woman during her menstrual period,7 does not oppress anyone, but restores to the debtor his pledge, commits no robbery, gives his bread to the hungry and covers the naked with a garment,8 does not take advance or accrued interest, withholds his hand from iniquity, executes true justice between contending parties,9 follows my statutes, and is careful to observe my ordinances, acting faithfully—such a one is righteous; he shall surely live, says the Lord GOD. 5

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The list is repeated in the chapter several times with minor variations. In v. 16, the words from v. 7 are taken up: “gives his bread to the hungry and covers the naked with a garment.” The areas alluded to are those of cult, sexual behavior in connection with the idea of purity, economic and social relations, and the judicial system. In modern terms, giving bread to the hungry and covering the naked would be qualified as giving alms or showing charity. However, the text does not know a word equivalent to “alms,” which is derived from Greek eleēmosyne, “mercy” or “compassion.” Instead, it speaks of a man “practicing justice and righteousness” (v. 5). In the Jewish tradition, “righteousness,” in Hebrew ṣedāqāh, is equivalent to the Christian word “alms.” In Mt. 6:1-4, it can be seen how in a Jewish context the words dikaiosyne (“justice” or “righteousness,” v. 1) and eleēmosyne (“mercy” or “compassion,” vv. 2-4) are used as synonyms. The Hebrew Bible clearly expresses the idea that covering the naked is an act of rendering them justice and righteousness. It is not an act of giving alms or showing charity in the sense of being compassionate or even condescending or patronizing. Receiving a garment is a right of the poor. The one who gives the garment is not judged as a benefactor or benefactress but as a ṣaddîq, a “righteous person” (vv. 5, 9).

4.2 Isa. 58 Isaiah 58 is a chapter within the corpus often labeled as Trito-Isaiah and is surely a postexilic text. It accuses the people of their “rebellion” and “sins” (v. 1). They pretend to practice righteousness and not to forsake the justice of their God (v. 2), especially by fasting. The prophet then criticizes the wrong fast, contrasting it with the fast that God expects: Is not this the fast that I choose: to loose the bonds of injustice, to undo the thongs of the yoke, to let the oppressed go free, and to break every yoke? 7 Is it not to share your bread with the hungry, and bring the homeless poor into your house; when you see the naked, to cover them, and not to hide yourself from your own kin? 6

Unlike in Ezek. 18, the fields of purely religious and sexual behavior and that of the judicial system are not mentioned. The text speaks of two forms of social relations. The first is the liberation of those who are bound by their debt, which they are not able to pay, or are debtslaves who have lost what once was their own. The second is the compassion for those who are already absolutely impoverished: the hungry, the homeless, and the naked. But like in Ezek. 18, this compassion is part of practicing justice and righteousness (v. 2) and is not an act of charity or condescension.

4.3 Job 29–31 Job 29–31 form a coherent unit. They are Job’s last words before the intervention of Elihu (chs. 32–37) and God’s final answer “out of the whirlwind” in chs. 38–41. The

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first two chapters, Job 29 and 30, form “a contrasting diptych.”10 In ch. 29, Job describes how he lived “in the months of old” (v. 2). He was honored by everyone, and he himself protected the poor and needy. Of special importance for the subject of nudity is the metaphor used to describe Job’s position. He says, “I put on righteousness, and it clothed me; my justice was like a robe and a turban” (v. 14). What Job does in favor of the poor is qualified as righteousness and justice, like in Ezek. 18 and Isa. 58. Justice and righteousness are like Job’s second skin. The words “robe” and “turban” point at a high social status of the wearer; Job is nearly like a king.11 Job 30 begins with the words “But now . . .,” which introduce a contrast to Job’s former high status. Everything that once marked his status now is lost. The lowest in society now mock him (v. 9). Part of Job’s desperate situation is the fact that God—who must be the “he” of the verse—violently seizes Job’s garment and grasps him by the collar of his tunic (30:18). What once was a symbol of his elevated position has turned into its opposite. Job is stripped of his noble clothes.12 This, however, is not the end of the story. Job does not resign himself to his fate. Like in the Egyptian Book of the Dead, he demands that God weigh him in a just balance so that he might know his integrity (31:6). In a protestation of innocence, Job gives a list of the good deeds that he had done in the past. He portrays himself as the exemplary righteous person. Job’s list has many similarities with the Egyptian Book of the Dead. This is not surprising, since the latter survived into the Hellenistic period,13 and the learned author of the book of Job might well have known it. Amongst Job’s good deeds we find—like in Ezek. 18 and Isa. 58—the clothing of the naked (Job 31): . . . if I have seen anyone perish for lack of clothing, or a poor person without covering, 20 whose loins have not blessed me, and who was not warmed with the fleece of my sheep; . . . 22 then let my shoulder blade fall from my shoulder, and let my arm be broken from its socket. 19

As quoted above, clothing the naked is also part of the address of the deceased in the Book of the Dead. Without doubt, Job’s moral behavior is that of a rich member of the upper class. He knows very well the precarious situation of the poor. However, this is not the reason why he doubts God’s justice. His problem is that he himself has arrived at the same position. His self-portrait in ch. 29 is unequivocal. Job is a patriarch who cares for those who are weak, poor, and without help. He himself says, “I was a father to the needy” (29:16). Mark Hamilton describes the ethics of the elite shared by Job in the following words: 10 Hamilton, “Elite Lives,” 73. 11 Cf. Schmidt, “Augen,” 99. 12 Cf. Ebach, Hiob, 78. 13 Hallo, Context, 60.

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The member of an elite group must not use power for sexual gratification, ignore the complaints of slaves, refuse to help the poor and vulnerable, gloat over wealth, or engage in sorcery to overcome enemies. The duties of the magnate include the redistribution of his wealth, principally in the form of food and clothing, to the poor, as well as the sharing of table with such persons.14

Though in Job 29–31 we find what could be called an upper-class ethics, it is part of the concept of justice and righteousness attested by the metaphor of Job being clothed in righteousness and justice (29:14). The clearly Egyptian background also points in the same direction. The stereotyped phrase in the tombs of the Old Kingdom of having given bread to the hungry and clothing to the naked is part of the concept of ma’at, the Egyptian equivalent of Hebrew “justice and righteousness.”15 At the same time, it is also representative of an elite ethics. The author of the book of Job does not abandon the idea of clothing the naked as an act of righteousness but instead shifts it in the direction of patriarchal charity.

5.  Conclusion In the Hebrew Bible, to be naked means more than to lack clothing: It means to be dishonored. Stripping a person by force—whether by direct violence or structural violence as in the case of the socially “naked”—is equivalent to shaming that person. As Claudia Bender and Sabine Bieberstein have argued, “Nacktheit kann nach den Quellen nicht als ‘Naturzustand’ des Menschen verstanden werden, sondern ist ein—gewöhnlich negativ konnotierter—Ausnahmezustand. Kleidung ist deshalb zur Wahrung der Ehre und Würde einer Person unerlässlich . . . Durch Entblößung (als Strafe) oder Verringerung der Kleidung (Kriegsgefangene, Flüchtlinge, Arme) kann die Entehrung einer Person wirkungsvoll dargestellt werden.”16 Clothing someone is thus an act of giving dignity to that person. The ideal of clothing the naked has a long tradition, especially in Egyptian literature. In the Hebrew Bible, it appears in relatively late texts probably because the problem of totally impoverished people became urgent no earlier than in late preexilic times. The few texts that speak of clothing the naked see it as an act of justice and righteousness. In Job 29–31, the stress lies more on the compassion of the members of the elite, although the latter is embedded in the wider concept of doing justice. In Ezek. 18 and Isa. 58, clothing the naked is an integral part of the actions of the righteous in general, not simply of the upper class. In all these texts, it is evident that clothing the naked is in line with God’s will. The prophets proclaim it directly, while Job is appealing to God. Yet there is only one text in the Hebrew Bible where clothing the needy is part of God’s actions. Deuteronomy 10:17-18 contains a unique proclamation of God’s greatness and compassion: Hamilton, “Elite Lives,” 85 (emphasis added). 15 Cf. Assmann, Ma’at. 16 Bender and Bieberstein, “Kleidung,” 295. 14

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For the LORD your God is God of gods and Lord of lords, the great God, mighty and awesome, who is not partial and takes no bribe,18 who executes justice for the orphan and the widow, and who loves the strangers, providing them with food and clothing. 17

Even in this strictly theological context, God’s providing clothing for strangers is part of his carrying out of justice. The demand to clothe the poor is not a plea for something the righteous could do or not do. It is the essence of justice and righteousness, and it is rooted in God’s own actions.

Bibliography Assmann, Jan. Ma’at: Gerechtigkeit und Unsterblichkeit im Alten Ägypten, 2nd edn. Munich: C. H. Beck, 1995. Bender, Claudia. Die Sprache des Textilen: Untersuchung zu Kleidung und Textilien im Alten Testament (BWANT). Stuttgart: W. Kohlhammer, 2008. Bender, Claudia and Sabine Bieberstein. “Kleidung.” In Sozialgeschichtliches Wörterbuch zur Bibel, edited by Frank Crüsemann et al., 295–300. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2009. Ebach, Jürgen. Streiten mit Gott: Hiob. Teil 2: Hiob 21–42 (Kleine Biblische Bibliothek). Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1996. Hallo, William W. (ed.). The Context of Scripture. Volume II. Monumental Inscriptions from the Biblical World. Leiden: Brill, 2000. Hamilton, Mark. “Elite Lives: Job 29–31 and Traditional Authority.” JSOT 32 (2007): 69–89. Hartenstein, Friedhelm. “‘Und sie erkannten, dass sie nackt waren . . .’ (Genesis 3,7): Beobachtungen zur Anthropologie der Paradieserzählung.” EvTh 65 (2005): 277–93. Keel, Othmar. Die Welt der altorientalischen Bildsymbolik und das Alte Testament, 5th edn. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1996. Kessler, Rainer. Micha (HThKAT), 2nd edn. Freiburg: Herder, 2000. Schmidt, Uta. “‘Augen war ich für den Blinden . . .’ (Hi 29,15): Mensch, Körper und Gesellschaft in Hiob 29 und 30.” VT 67 (2017): 87–104. Sutter Rehmann, Luzia. Wut im Bauch: Hunger im Neuen Testament, 2nd edn. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2016.

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Clothing and Nudity in Second Temple Literature Jessi Orpana

1.  Introduction Clothing and nudity are not frequent topics explored in Second Temple literature, and the discussion concerning them in the sources is mostly centered in the rule texts. The study of the preserved passages from the Apocrypha, Pseudepigrapha, and Dead Sea Scrolls dealing with such issues shows that the authors and scribes of this time were not particularly concerned with transmitting and passing on detailed descriptions of people’s everyday clothing but instead focused on specific regulations and commandments related to appropriate levels of clothing and the use of special (priestly) garments. The fragmentary state of preservation of the Dead Sea Scrolls significantly hinders the analysis of many passages, making it nearly impossible in many cases to establish a literary context for specific remarks on clothing or nudity extant on small individual fragments.1 Nevertheless, there is a significant number of larger fragments that, together with the more complete sources, provide crucial bits of information concerning the rules and regulations on clothing and nudity in the (late) Second Temple period. All in all, there seems to have been an apparent need to specifically write down instructions to regulate proper behavior in relation to nakedness most of all in the public sphere. Special attention is paid to guidelines about when and where nudity is seen as inappropriate and sometimes even as an abomination (cf. 1QS 7:13-14; 1QM 7:6-7; 4QDf 3:3-4). It is quite natural that such concerns are brought up particularly in rule texts because they perhaps mirror most closely the cultural-historical social setting behind the specific texts by presenting an ideal code of behavior that the authors wanted to impress upon their audiences. The themes and issues under discussion in these texts reflect various sides of the wider debates of that time and cultural encounters with people observing different customs in these respects. The decreed regulations for different groups or circles and their underlying attitudes reflect the ideals that were considered proper and that should be observed by all contemporary and future members of the group. English translations of the Dead Sea Scrolls follow the editions of the Discoveries in the Judean Desert series. English translations of Jubilees follow VanderKam, The Book of Jubilees. 1

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2.  Nudity in Second Temple Literature 2.1 Appropriate and Inappropriate Nudity Several sources display a surprisingly strong focus on issues related to appropriate and inappropriate nudity given the rarity of such emphasis in the material as a whole. One such work is Jubilees, which retells much of Genesis. Nudity receives a considerable amount of attention in Jubilees, with special emphasis given to sexuality and sexual misconduct. Sexual misconduct in general is a concern in quite a few texts from the Second Temple period, and it continues to be a central concern, for instance, in the Pauline letters, but nudity is not usually taken up as such,2 although improper sexual behavior implicitly requires at least some level of nudity. Jubilees, however, is rather remarkable in explicitly and categorically condemning the public nudity of Israelites per se: “For this reason it has been commanded in the tablets regarding all those who know the judgment of the law that they cover their shame and not uncover themselves as the nations uncover themselves” (Jub. 3:31).3 According to Jubilees, this commandment was given to Adam and Eve as they were leaving the garden and has therefore been in effect long before there was an entity called Israel in the biblical timeline.

2.1.1  Well-Known Examples of Nudity in Second Temple Literature Any mention of nakedness in earlier traditions was apparently seen in the late Second Temple period as potentially problematic. Such cases did not concern the authors of the earlier traditions to the same degree as they did later interpreters, who frequently offered clever exegetical solutions to such potential problems. There are three widely known and highly influential characters—Adam, Eve, and Noah—who appear in a number of passages dealing with appropriate and inappropriate exposure of nudity in Second Temple literature. The stories in focus in these interpretive works are the Eden narrative depicting the first humans in the garden (Gen. 2–3 in Jub. 3) and the story of Ham deliberately uncovering his father Noah’s nakedness (Gen. 9 in Jub. 7 and 4QCommGen A). Jubilees again preserves the fullest accounts of these incidents, but more fragmentary texts indicate that the interpretation of these events was originally discussed more fully in other works as well. In Jub. 3, the nudity of the first human beings is discussed in the context of the garden, which in many traditions is interpreted as a sanctuary equivalent to the temple. Jubilees first mentions nakedness not in relation to the creation of humanity but as part of a description of Adam alone working and guarding the garden (Jub. 3:16). The author seems to try to avoid the possibility that Adam has seen his wife’s 2 Nevertheless, there are several such cases extant; see, e.g., 4QapocrJer Cb A 1-2: 1. ]they in their trespass which[ they have trespassed], defiling [my holy na]me [ 2. ] in their nakedness, each drawing near to his close kin[. 3 Note also the more metaphoric language in 4QpHosa II‎ ‎8-14 and 4QpNah ‎3-4 ii 10-iii 1, which speak about the nakedness and shame of Israel exposed in the sight of other nations.

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genitalia and therefore applies the statement of being naked to Adam alone, thus negating the potential for a sexual act between Adam and his wife. Furthermore, Jubilees stresses that Adam is unaware of his nakedness at this point, which makes it acceptable behavior. In fact, as soon as Eve and, only slightly later, Adam become aware of their nudity, they immediately cover themselves with fig leaves (Jub. 3:2122), again acting in the appropriate fashion by reacting swiftly to the new situation and its demands.4 It is striking that in contrast to Genesis, in Jubilees Adam and Eve are both described as covering themselves separately, immediately following the eating of the fruit and gaining the awareness of being naked.5 Not even Eve is aware of her own nakedness or Adam’s without acting immediately to rectify the situation, which is how the Genesis account might have been read. Great care is thus given to portray Adam and Eve acting in the appropriate manner demanded by their awareness of nudity, which makes it natural before eating the fruit and inappropriate afterward. Noah is the third prominent figure whose nakedness is narrated already in Genesis but this time as a shameful incident with dire consequences. In Jub. 7 (retelling Gen. 9:21-27), Noah is described falling asleep in a drunken stupor in his tent. While sleeping, his nudity accidentally becomes exposed, and his son Ham sees this and goes to tell his brothers, Shem and Japheth, about it. Shem and Japheth are then depicted entering Noah’s tent backward so that they would not see Noah’s nakedness, and appropriately covering his nudity. In the narrative, after Noah awakes, he is aware of what has happened while he was asleep, and he curses Ham’s son Canaan for the way Ham has acted. This passage is not further explained in Jubilees. Within its literary context, it seems that the narrative’s main purpose is to give some clarification for the treatment of the people descended from Canaan portrayed later in the wider literary context. The inner logic of the account is difficult to follow, but everything hinges upon Ham not acting properly by immediately covering his father’s nakedness, whereas his brothers act in the appropriate manner. 4QCommGen A preserves a solution to why Canaan is cursed and not Ham, which Genesis and Jubilees leave open. In 4Q252 II (frg. 1, 3)‎ 5‎ -8, ‎it is stated that Ham could not be cursed because God had blessed the sons of Noah and hence Canaan was cursed in his father’s stead. In contrast to 4Q252, for Jubilees the main problem with the account seems not to have been the cursing of Canaan but the awareness of inappropriate nudity without immediately acting to rectify the situation and to minimize one’s own and others’ exposure to inappropriate nakedness.

Even though Eve is not mentioned as being naked in Jub. 3:16, the idea of her nakedness and innocence at this point can be based on the description of Adam and also on Jub. 3:21-22, where the change following the eating of the fruit is described. 5 The beginning of Jub. 3:21, which states that Eve covered her shame before interacting with Adam after she had eaten the fruit and subsequently became aware of her nakedness, again stresses Adam’s innocence regarding his wife’s nakedness. The author of Jubilees makes the covering of Adam’s shame absolutely clear by explicitly mentioning all the necessary steps: “he took leaves, made the apron, and covered his shame” (Jub. 3:22). 4

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2.2 Exposing Nudity in Public An area of discussion in Second Temple literature that is firmly tied to the appropriateness and inappropriateness of nudity is descriptions of publicly exposing genitalia and other body parts that should have been firmly garbed. These cases are mostly treated as accidental incidences of exposure that could have been avoided if proper care had been taken with maintaining the proper level of clothing. The person guilty of exposing others to such nakedness is nevertheless castigated for it, because the accident suggests that the person has neglected some of his duties, such as concerning the tidiness and repair of his clothes, and has thereby exposed others to inappropriate levels of nudity. It is noteworthy that the exposure, as in Noah’s case, is not harmful to the person exposing his or her nakedness but to those seeing it. There are many examples of such cases in the Dead Sea Scrolls. Most of the time, the inappropriate amount of nakedness is caused by carelessly drawing a hand from beneath the outer garments, but one case of community legislation also indicates that such exposure could be caused by the disrepair of clothing: “Anyone who brings out his penis from beneath his clothing—that is, his clothing is so full of holes that his nakedness is exposed—is to be punished by thirty days reduced rations” (1QS 7:13-14).6 While care in the exposure of one’s own nudity is central to the cases covered above, the regulations concerning the uncovering of someone else’s nakedness expand the sphere of the discussion into appropriate marriage customs, such as in 4QHalakhah A 17 ‎3-6, where the exposure of someone else’s nakedness is clearly related to sexual encounters and marriage: “A man [may not expose 4. the nakedness of the sister of [his] mo[ther or his father; it is depravity. And a woman may not marry the brother of] 5. her father or the brother of her mother[ ]‌6. A man may not expose the nakedness of [ ].”7‎

2.3 Nudity and Ritual Purity The final aspect of nudity that is frequently described in the sources relates to regulations concerning nudity and impurity. For instance, the reinterpretation of the Genesis narrative in Jubilees concerning the nudity of Adam and Eve aims to assure the audience that Adam remains pure from any wrongdoing and could therefore act as a priest by offering a sacrifice in the sacred garden. This is the main reason why Adam is described as covering his nakedness as soon as he becomes aware of it. This concern for purity can also been seen in the War Scroll, which explicitly regulates cases where exposure to nudity may accidentally happen by creating a “nudity safe environment” in the war camp, since God and his holy angels are part of the forces of fighting together with the Children of Light. For instance, the distance Cf. 4QDa 10 ii 10-12: “He who] 11. dr[a]‌ws out his hand from under [his] garment [and, being improperly clothed, his nakedness becomes visible, shall be excluded for th]irty 12. [da]ys and punished for ten.” 7 Proper marriage is also sometimes described through nudity, as in 4QInstruction 2 iv 5: “But thou shalt be made into a unity with the wife of thy bosom, For she is flesh of [‘thy] nak[edness’].” 6

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between the camps and the latrines is a concern in this respect: “There shall be a distance 7. between all their camps and the latrine of about two thousand cubits, and no shameful nakedness shall be seen in the environs of all their camps. vacat” (‎1QM 7:6-7; cf. 1QM 9:17-10:2).

3.  Clothing in Second Temple Literature Clothing reflects people’s social status, their role in the community, some occupational roles, wealth, gender, life-cycle events (a widow’s garments, mourning clothes), and equipment needed in particular situations, such as battle garments. Clothing thus unites and sets apart people by binding together social groups and making distinct those who clothe themselves in ways outside the common norms. Clothes can aid others in determining a proper response to a person with a special standing or in the midst of a crucial time in their life. Ben Sira lists clothing as one of the most important things for human life together with water and food (Sir. 29:21; 39:26), which demonstrates the central value placed on it. The descriptions of clothing in literature are not always necessarily historically accurate in contrast to what is discovered by archaeology but also contain metaphors, and this is especially true for visions narrated in prophetic literature. Such visions frequently describe extremely valuable and rare materials in order to heighten the appearance of the figures wearing them (see 4QVisions of Amrama ar 5-9 4-7).

3.1 Regulations Concerning Clothing As in the case of nakedness, much of the evidence concerning clothing consists of regulations concerning proper attire and its purity mentioned in rule texts. As material objects, clothes could be contaminated by coming into contact with impure objects and people, and they needed to be purified appropriately. The proper ways to do this varied on a case-by-case basis, from sprinkling to washing completely to disposal of the garment in question. For example, the Damascus Document regulates concerning corpse impurity: “Let no man bring in any sk[in, garment,] 4. [or any work implement, which were defiled by (the corpse) of a] human being, unless they were sprinkled in accordance with the law of 5. [purification with waters of sprinkling during the]period of wicked[ness by a man purified of] all defilement, who has waited for 6. [sundown” (4QDd 8 ii 3-6).

3.1.1  Men’s and Women’s Clothing There is little direct evidence in the Pseudepigrapha, Apocrypha, and Dead Sea Scrolls on regular clothing worn by men and women on an everyday basis. The Hebrew Bible and the New Testament are much richer with respect to such evidence. Rule texts are not focused on regular clothing but on prohibiting abnormalities and regulating the proper clothing for special occasions. For instance, it was strictly prohibited for men to wear women’s clothes and vice versa, but nothing is said on these occasions

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of what constituted men’s or women’s clothing, since that was common knowledge.8 Nevertheless, the sources indicate that there was a distinction between undergarments and outer garments, and sandals seem to have been the preferred footwear (e.g., 1QapGen 22:20-22). Furthermore, it was important that the clothing be in proper repair to avoid needless exposure to nudity, as seen above. Slightly more information is preserved on festive garments for both men and women. For men, the sources mainly speak about festive garments as such without elaboration (e.g., 1 En. 62; 2 Macc. 3:26), excepting occasional mentions of a crown or other headwear being part of the attire (cf. Sir. 6:31; Bar. 5:1-2). Women’s festive attire consisted also of jewelry and other ornaments, which receive slightly more attention, such as in the description of Judith when she changes out of her mourning clothes and into an alluring garb meant to attract attention (Jdt. 10:3-4; 16:7).

3.2 Materials Used for Clothing Most of the information in literary sources for the materials used for clothing once again comes from rule texts, since they are quite detailed on what materials should not be mixed for reasons of purity. Two such materials are linen and wool, as indicated, for example, by 4QDf 3 9-10 (cf. 4QMMTc IV 4-8). Silk is also occasionally mentioned as a material (4QapocrLam A 1 ii 12), but much more attention is given to the color of the garments. Purple was the color of royalty and glory. 1 Maccabees mentions the dressing of Jonatan in purple (1 Macc. 10:62), Baruch describes the inability of idols to do anything despite their purple clothing (Bar. 6:10-11, 71), and the Genesis Apocryphon describes purple garments along with silver and gold as a gift from the king of Egypt to Sarai (1QapGen 20:30-32). White was a color associated with glory and purity and is particularly frequent when the clothing of God or angels is described (cf. 1 En. 14:20-21; 71:1; 91). In direct contrast to this is dark clothing, such as in the image of a demonic female figure in 4Q184 1 3-5, which also shows different levels of women’s clothing: “In perversion they seized the fouled (organs) of passion, they descended the pit of her legs to act wickedly, and behave with the guilt of [transgression] 4. the foundations of darkness, the sins in her skirt are many. Her [] is the depths of the night, and her clothes[5. Her garments are the shades of twilight, and her adornments are touched with corruption.”‎

3.3 Special Clothing for Special People and Occasions 3.3.1  Clothing on Sabbath Sabbath was a special day, and clothing appropriate for that day was also governed by legislation. It was particularly important that the clothes be clean and in good repair, as seen in 4Q265 6 2-4: “On the Sabbath day let no [man put on] soiled [garment]s. 3. Let See, e.g., 4QOrda 2-4+8 6-7: “Let there not be male garments upon a woman, any [nor shall a man] 7. cover himself with woman’s outer clothing, nor shall he wear the tuni[c]‌of a woman for it is an abomination.” Cf. 4QDf 3 3-4. 8

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no man [wea]r garments wh[ich] have dust or [lint] on them 4. on the day vac of the Sabbath vac.”9 The same text (4Q265 6 6-8) also indicates that clothing, unlike other implements, could be used on the Sabbath to help save someone from drowning. The logic was probably that, unlike other objects, clothing was carried by persons anyway.

3.3.2  Ritual and Priestly Clothing Second Temple sources draw particular attention on the clothing of priests (cf. Copper Scroll III 9; 1 Macc. 3:49; 2 Macc. 3:15). There were apparently several different sets of garments related to diverse duties, as is suggested by 4QTohorot Ba 1 1-4: “1. [garments] in which he did not minister in the sacred (precincts) 2. [] and he shall gird (?) the garments and slaugh[ter 3. [the] cow [be]fore him, and he shall arry its blood in a clay vessel which 4.[was sancti]fied by the altar.” The garments of the priests went through a process of purification in order for them to be appropriately holy and clean for conducting priestly duties, and any infractions in this were prohibited on pain of death (cf. 4QRPc 9b II 1-4; 11QT 35:4-9).‎ The garb of the high priest was apparently especially elaborate, and several sources go into great detail in describing every aspect of it, including lists of all the materials (precious metals, gems, etc.) and ornaments as well as how they were woven into the garment (cf. Sir. 45:6-13; 4QRPc 12b iii 1-14). A contrast to the proper clothing and cleanliness expected of Jewish priests is provided in Baruch (6:30-32) by a polemical description of priests serving other gods. These priests serve their gods in torn garments, with shaved heads and chins, and the head uncovered. This polemical image is meant to present a contrast with the Jewish priests or at least the ideal they should uphold, which includes proper priestly clothing.

3.3.3  Garments for Battle Wartime equipment is mentioned in two very different types of sources. One is represented by the more regular descriptions of military attire such as armor, helmet, and shield, whereas the other gives cultic orders for a more ritualized form of warfare. More regular descriptions of military attire are found, for instance, in Judith (14:18-20) and 1 Maccabees (3:3), while the main source prescribing rules for ritualized warfare is the War Scroll (1QM). As already noted, it contains detailed regulations concerning the exposure of nudity but also has strict rules on maintaining the purity of clothing during wartime. The War Scroll dictates that clothing should be ritually pure every day before beginning the battle and hence cleansed of blood every morning (1QM 14:2-3). Not surprisingly, the ritualized warfare in the War Scroll places priests in prominent leadership roles, and their clothing is described in detail and is made specifically for their battle role, separate from the clothing worn for sacrificial duties, as seen in 1QM 7:9-11: “When the battle lines are arrayed against the enemy—battle line against battle line—there shall go forth from the middle opening into the gap between the battle lines seven 10. priests of the sons of Aaron, dressed in fine white linen garments: a linen tunic and linen breeches, and girded with a linen sash of twined fine linen, violet, Cf. CD 11:21-22. 9

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11. purple and crimson, and a varicoloured design, the work of a skillful workman, and decorated caps on their heads; the garments for battle, and they shall not take them into the sanctuary.” The regulations of the War Scroll were probably never put into practice, but they do demonstrate the regard given to the purity of garments in a sacral context and the need for priests to stand out, at least in such a situation, by wearing special clothing.

3.3.4  Garments of Widowhood and Mourning Clothes One of the most well-attested cases consists of descriptions of mourning and clothing related to it. Persons in mourning and recent widows were expected to wear garments that set them apart from the other members of the community (e.g., Jdt. 8:4-5; 4QRPb 9a-b 1-8; 1 Macc. 2:14; 3:47-51). Sackcloth was a clear sign of mourning (e.g., Jdt. 4:9-11; Bar. 4:20; 2 Macc. 3:19; 10:25-26), and the rending of garments was seen as a sign of great sorrow and distress (e.g., 1 Macc. 4:38-40; 5:14-15; 11:69-72). Grief was an aspect of life where normal standards were lowered, such as wearing clothing in good repair in order to not expose nakedness accidentally in relation to rending one’s clothing, which breaches this etiquette. Mourning garments were apparently sometimes used inappropriately as a way of showing outer sorrow, which was not reflected in the inner person, or this is at least a concern expressed in several sources (Sir. 19:26; 4QDe 7 i 17-19).

3.4 Clothing and Impurity As already mentioned above, clothing was prone to contract impurity and needed to be cleansed as part of the process of purifying oneself. The causes of impurity are many and varied, such as touching dead humans or animals, sickness, menstruation, and contact with semen. As seen above, in some cases sprinkling the garment with water was enough to purify it. At other times, the defiled garments needed to be washed or immersed in water or even burned. In the case of corpse impurity contracted from a house where a corpse has been present, the Temple Scroll (11QTa 49:13-21) dictates: On the day on which 14. the dead body will leave it, they shall purify the house and all its vessels, (including) mills and mortars, 15. and all vessels made of wood, iron and bronze, and all vessels that may be purified. 16. And (all) clothing and sacks and skins shall be washed. And as for persons, anyone who was in the house 17. and anyone who entered the house shall bathe in water and wash his clothes on the first day; 18. and on the third day they shall sprinkle over them water of impurity, and they shall bathe, and wash their clothing 19. and the vessels that are in the house. vacat And on the seventh day 20. they shall sprinkle a second time, and they shall bathe and wash their clothes and their vessels, and by evening they will become clean 21. of the dead, (and may be allowed) to touch all their pure stuff.10 For other cases where washing clothes is sufficient see, e.g., 4QTohorot A 1 i 3-9; 4QpapRitPur B XI 2–5; 11QTa 50:10-17; 51:1-5. 10

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The immersing of clothing is required in several cases of impurity, like the one related in 4QTohorot A 2 i 4-9: 4. [Whatev]er comes in contact with semen, whether a person or any vessel, shall be immersed; and whoever bears it 5. [shall immers]e; and the garment upon which it (the semen) is, as well as the vessel which bears it, is to be immersed 6. [in wat]er. And if there should be a man in the camp who lacks the means (for spare garments), let him wa[sh] (himself) 7. [and put on onl]y garment with which it (the semen) was not in contact, provided it does not come in contact with his food. And one who touch[es] 8. the b]e[d or the s]eat of one (who emitted semen), if [his] gar[ment] was not in contact with it, [he shall wash (himself)]with water, but if 9. [his garment touched it (the bed or the seat)], he must launder it. And for all sacred (food), a m[an] is to wash.

There is one case where water is not enough to purify clothing and it needs to be burned: “1. [whatever service the skin is used for,] the disea[se is malig]nant. It is unclean. He shall burn the garment,] 2. [whether the warp or the woo]f, in woolen [or in linen, or anything.]” (4QRPc 20 1-2). The passage is fragmentary, but it seems to relate to a contagious disease, which would make the burning a plausible recourse in order to stop the spread of the disease. As these cases indicate, the impurity contracted by clothing and the ways to purify it were a major concern for at least some groups in Second Temple Judaism, and there were clear and precise regulations for the correct way to achieve this in different cases.

4.  Conclusions about Clothing and Nudity in Second Temple Literature Clothing and nudity are discussed in Second Temple literature primarily in terms of what is socially appropriate or inappropriate. Public nudity was prohibited by these writers, and even accidental exposure to nudity in this sphere was a serious offense. Likewise, regulations concerning clothing specify above all the proper attire for special classes of people, such as priests, and for central life-cycle events, such as mourning or celebrations, and what the minimum state of purity and repair is for anyone attending a cultic meeting. Little is said about the clothing of common people because it generally falls outside of these particular concerns, and hence only more incidental markers remain. Clothing was certainly important, and it was a way of communicating with other members of the same culture about special events or one’s standing in society.

Bibliography Baumgarten, Joseph M. Qumran Cave 4 XIII, The Damascus Document (4Q266–273) (DJD XVIII). Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1996.

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Crawford, Sidnie White. “Lady Wisdom and Dame Folly at Qumran.” DSD 5 (1998): 355–66. Gillihan, Yonder M. Civic Ideology, Organization, and Law in the Rule Scrolls (STDJ 97). Leiden: Brill, 2011. Harrington, Hannah K. The Purity Texts. London: T&T Clark, 2004. Loader, William. The Dead Sea Scrolls on Sexuality: Attitudes towards Sexuality in Sectarian and Related Literature at Qumran. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2009. Loader, William. Enoch, Levi and Jubilees on Sexuality: Attitudes towards Sexuality in the Early Enoch Literature, the Aramaic Levi Document, and the Book of Jubilees. Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 2007. Orpana, Jessi. “Awareness of Nudity in Jubilees 3: Adam Portrayed as a Priest in the Garden.” In Crossing Imaginary Boundaries: The Dead Sea Scrolls in the Context of Second Temple Judaism (SESJ 108), edited by Mika S. Pajunen and Hanna Tervanotko, 241–58. Helsinki: Finnish Exegetical Society, 2015. Qimron, Elisha and John Strugnell. Qumran Cave 4, V: Miqsat Ma’aseh Ha-Torah (DJD X). Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1994. Schiffman, Lawrence H. “Pharisaic and Sadducean Halakhah in Light of the Dead Sea Scrolls.” DSD 1 (1994): 285–99. Schultz, Brian. Conquering the World: The War Scroll (1QM) Reconsidered (STDJ 76). Leiden: Brill, 2009. Segal, Michael. The Book of Jubilees: Rewritten Bible, Redaction, Ideology and Theology (Supplements to the Journal for the study of Judaism 117). Leiden: Brill, 2007. VanderKam, James C. The Book of Jubilees: A Critical Text (CSCO 510). Leuven: Peeters, 1989. VanderKam, James C. The Book of Jubilees: Translated (CSCO 511). Leuven: Peeters, 1989. Wise, Michael. A Critical Study of the Temple Scroll from Qumran Cave 11 (SAOC 49). Chicago: Oriental Institute, 1990.

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Clothing and Nudity in the Paradise Story (Gen. 2–3)1 Friedhelm Hartenstein

1.  Impetus to Interpretation: The Clothing of the First Humans “And YHWH Elohim made garments of skin for Adam and his wife and clothed them” (Gen. 3:21). In his commentary on Genesis from 1934, the great Jewish scholar Benno Jacob considered this verse to be an important point of entry for understanding the paradise story: “If it is understood correctly, this verse is nothing less than the key to the whole paradise story.”2 The making of garments for the humans who have realized that they are naked appears as an act of God’s steadfast love for his creatures. Indeed, only this “addendum to creation,”3 which has become necessary because of the transgression of the first couple, gives “the dignity of a human as a human” to the ambivalently free human beings. The clothing given to them by God is “in a sense a second skin,” a “higher corporeality.”4 This interpretation is widely accepted in Jewish traditional literature. Jacob refers to the common play on words in which the biblical text’s “garments of skin” (kotnōt ‘ōr Gen. 3:21) were interpreted as “luminous garments” (kotnōt ’ōr, with alef instead of ayin as the first letter)—obviously with the association of the divine luminous clothing.5 According to Ps. 93:1 (“clothed with glory / clothed with strength”) and Ps. 104:2 (“clothed with light as with a robe”), God himself wears a luminous garment that distinguishes him as the Lord of the world and which was put into correlation with Adam’s clothing here: not humbleness but sublimity of the A German version of this chapter has been published as “ ‘Und sie erkannten, dass sie nackt waren’ (Gen. 3,7). Beobachtungen zur Anthropologie der Paradieserzählung,” EvTh 65 (2005): 277–93. For the slightly reworked English version, the bibliographical references were revised and updated. I would like to express my gratitude to Susanne Schleeger for the careful translation of the chapter. 2 Jacob, Genesis, 124 (emphasis original). 3 Ibid. 4 Ibid. 5 Cf. Vogelzang and van Bekkum, “Meaning,” 275:  “In early sources like Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha the garments of Adam are defined as garments of light on the basis of the interchange between ayin and aleph in the word ‘ōr (skin) vs. ’ōr (light). The garments of light appear in the Vita Adae et Evae and in the Apocalypse of Moses.” Cf. Gleßmer, “Mehrdeutigkeit.” 1

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first human couple. There is another good example from Jewish haggadic tradition for the meaning of “nudity” and “clothing,” which is essential for the understanding of Gen. 2–3: And they made loincloths for themselves—but what was the garment of the first human made of at first? He wore a skin of horn and the cloud of glory covered him. But when they had eaten from the tree, the cloud of glory rose, the skin of horn was taken off, and they saw that they were naked and without any clothing; they seamed up fig leaves for themselves immediately.6

According to this midrashic interpretation, the humans had been wearing heavenly clothes, which were conceived of as transparent, even before their transgression. Probably the different terms for “naked” (within the same semantic field) in the biblical text were a reason for this assumption: 1 . “nudity without shame” before the transgression (‫ עַרֹום‬Gen. 2:25) 2. “nudity as a result of the transgression” (‫ עֵרֹום‬Gen. 3:7a) Thereafter, there are two acts of clothing as well: 1 . by the humans themselves (fig leaves, Gen. 3:7b) 2. by God (fur/skin, Gen. 3:21) Apart from the aforementioned interpretation of skin/fur garments in Gen. 3:21 as a kind of restitution of the original “clothing” (play on words between skin/light), there is a second revealing interpretation in Jewish traditional literature according to which the clothing offered by God to the first human couple was made from the “skin of the serpent”7 (or that of Leviathan8). Further interpretive possibilities present themselves here in light of the text’s play on words: According to Gen. 3:1, the serpent is “wise” (‫)עַרּום‬, but at the same time—in contrast to the other animals— “naked” itself (which can also be read as ‫)עַרֹום‬.9 In the rabbinic interpretations, the connection with the “nudity” and “clothing” of the humans in Gen. 2–3 shows a keen sense of the importance of the associated meanings. This is certainly true as well for the first contexts of the paradise story in ancient Judah (and later Yehud) since the 6 Midrash Ha-Gadol, following the English translation of the passage by Vogelzang and van Bekkum, “Meaning,” 275 (ibid., 282 n. 61: ed. Margulies, 96–7); cf. bin Gorion, Sagen der Juden, 71. On the Midrash Ha-Gadol, cf. Strack, Introduction, 231, and Stemberger, Midrasch, 208–9, who compares the importance of the Midrash Ha-Gadol for Yemenite Jews to that of the Yalkut for European Jews. 7 Cf. again Vogelzang and van Bekkum, “Meaning,” 275: “The Targumim prefer the idea that the skin of the snake was put on Adam and Eve” (cf. ibid., 283 n. 65: Targum Pseudo-Jonathan on Gen. 3:21, Midrash ha-Gadol, ed. Margulies, 109). 8 Ibid., 275 with n. 64. 9 Interestingly enough, the bark of the tree of life also appears as a material in some interpretations (cf. ibid., 283 n. 65, with a list of references and quotations): “Not only the skin of the snake, also the bark of the tree appears in the traditions as the new clothes of Adam and Eve . . . It is interesting to see that the motifs of sin, the snake and the tree are realized in the material of the garments of skin.”

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seventh century BCE, even if recent theology has not dealt extensively with the specific anthropology of corporeality apparent here.10 In the last century, it was Erik Peterson who outlined a Christian “Theology of Clothing.” It was based on exegeses of Gen. 2–3 by the church fathers, where the paradise story is interpreted with regard to the two kinds of “nudity” and “clothing” (like in the above-quoted Jewish traditional literature and perhaps in knowledge of it). Peterson emphasized a christologicalsoteriological sequence of being clothed in glory (original state)—nudity (fall)—new clothing (baptism).11 Referring to Gen. 2–3, the symbolism of “nudity” and “clothing” proves to be an essential biblical-theological figure of thought for the perception of humanity. These are not innovative metaphors but instead key symbols of culture. The symbolic language of clothing and the associated dialectics of dressing and undressing constitute a social localization. Clothes structure perception and action and are an essential element of nonlinguistic communication.12 Their connection with concepts of the body is characterized by cultural diversity. “Nudity” can often be a sign of absence of a social status across cultural borders and times.13 Clothing, however, establishes status and represents relationships. Methodologically, it is important here to understand precise possible meanings in their cultural context. Therefore, any attempt to understand the “nudity” of humans in the paradise story on traditioand religio-historical grounds should inquire into the connotations of nudity and clothing in the Old Testament and the ancient Near East. This will lead to an effect of hermeneutical distancing. This should especially be kept in mind in view of the sexual and psychologizing scholarly interpretations of Gen. 2:25 in particular, which are often rather premature.

2.  On the Overall Understanding of Gen. 2–3 In his in-depth commentary on Genesis, Claus Westermann has formulated a hermeneutically still very remarkable basis for the interpretation of the paradise story: The limitation to what it wants to say itself is essential for the interpretation of a story like Gen. 2–3. The story is conceived as a whole; interpretation must adhere 10 Cf. Bonhoeffer, Creation and Fall, 139, on Gen. 3:21: “That means that God accepts human beings for what they are, as fallen creatures. God affirms them in their fallenness. God does not expose them to one another in their nakedness; instead God covers them. God’s action accompanies humankind on its way. The decisive point, however, is that God’s action is now one that orders and restrains.” 11 Cf. Peterson, Marginalien, 3–27. In the light of early church theory of christening, Peterson states that Adam was clothed in paradise with the white garment of divine grace, which conferred upon him immortality, innocence, and justice. When he lost this garment, he became naked. At baptism, however, one regains this lost garment (ibid., 5–6). 12 Cf., e.g. (with further literature): Podella, “Kleid/Be-, Entkleiden”; Bender and Bieberstein, “Kleidung”; Müller, “Kleidung.” 13 Cf. Winter, “Nacktheit, nackt,” 886, who notes that in the ancient Near East, children and dead persons are usually depicted naked, indicating their lack of status.

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strictly to the narrative arc which is depicted in the story. It must start from the whole which is depicted by the narrative arc.14

And according to Frank Crüsemann, one can add: “However, you can do this only if you read it as much as possible with regard to the conditions of its own time, which had influenced narrators and listeners then.”15 According to Odil Hannes Steck, the paradise story can be defined as an etiological narrative.16 However, Steck characteristically extends his definition by adding “that the particularities of existence described here not only are to be found everywhere but are also characteristic for the human condition at all times, and therefore given to man from time immemorial.”17 According to Walter Burkert and Fritz Stolz, this is the definition of a myth as a traditional narrative about events at the very beginning, which make the present experience of reality understandable.18 One consequence is that the paradise story should always be read from the end,19 that is, Gen. 2 should be read in light of Gen. 3 and broken by it, especially by the deterioration of life pronounced in Gen. 3:14-19.20 In Paul Ricœur’s in-depth interpretation of the text, this is even more accentuated hermeneutically as an overlapping, twofold mark: “Every dimension of man—language, work, institutions, sexuality—is stamped with the twofold mark of being destined for the good and inclined toward evil. This duality is spread out by the myth in mythical time.”21 In this sense, Crüsemann likewise emphasizes precisely the ambivalence of the human being as the major subject of the story,22 noting that Gen. 2–3 should be read together as reflecting both the positive and negative aspects of human experience.23 On the one hand, the current exegetical discussion of Gen. 2–3 is once again strongly influenced by literary and redaction criticism, in contrast to the aforementioned interpretations that aim for a holistic understanding. There is a two- or three-layer Westermann, Genesis: 1. Teilband, 259: “Eine Grundvoraussetzung für die Auslegung einer Erzählung wie Gn 2–3 ist die Bescheidung auf das, was sie selbst sagen will. Die Erzählung ist als Ganzheit konzipiert; die Auslegung muß sich streng an den in der Erzählung dargestellten Geschehensborgen halten. Sie muß vom Ganzen ausgehen, das der Geschehensbogen darstellt.” 15 Crüsemann, “er aber soll dein Herr sein,” 52: “Allerdings kann man das nur tun, wenn man sie soweit wie möglich von den Voraussetzungen ihrer eigenen Zeit her liest, die damals Erzähler und Hörer geprägt haben.” 16 Steck, “Paradieserzählung,” 61: “daß die hier dargestellten Eigentümlichkeiten des Daseins nicht nur überall, sondern auch immer schon für Menschsein bezeichnend sind, dem vorfindlichen Menschen also seit jeher mitgegeben sind.” 17 Ibid., 63. 18 Cf. Burkert, “Literarische Texte und funktionaler Mythos,” 63; Stolz, “Der mythische Umgang mit der Rationalität.” 19 Cf. Steck, “Paradieserzählung,” 60. 20 In the context of the primeval history (Gen. 1–11), a quite similar reversal of the direction of reading can be applied to the Priestly creation account in Gen. 1, whose original “very good” should also be read only in the light of the “P” version of the flood story in Gen. 6–9; cf., e.g., Jeremias, “Schöpfung in Poesie und Prosa”; Hartenstein, “Das Ende als Anfang.” 21 Ricœur, Symbolism of Evil, 246. Cf. also his observation regarding the dialectic of nudity: “Likewise, if we compare the sober description of innocence with the more explicit enumeration of maledictions, we see the opposition of the two ontological regimes invading the other aspects of the human condition. The nakedness of the innocent pair and the shame that follows fault express the human mutation of all communication, marked henceforth by dissimulation” (246–7). 22 Cf. (for the final text) in this sense also Spieckermann, “Ambivalenzen.” 23 Crüsemann, “er aber soll dein Herr sein,” 55–6, 66–7. 14

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model that seeks to explain the well-known tensions and duplications in the text: An older, positive cultural etiology was supposedly revised by a wisdom-oriented theologian (“J”) and later redaction(s). Only the main redactor and later redactions are thought to focus on human ambivalence and disobedience. The proponents of such an explanatory model are divided over the dating of the main redactor, who is believed to be the author of most of the theologoumena that have been attributed to the preexilic “Yahwist.” This redactor could very well have already known Gen. 1 (“P”).24 On the other hand, in an instructive paper on the “theological anthropology of the paradise story,” Erhard Blum has noted the difficulties in perceiving the complexity of the text, which are seemingly only solved by redaction criticism.25 An integrative view of the text (which still acknowledges its diachronic dimension) as maintained by Blum has the advantage of accepting its ambiguity as an ineluctable premise for an adequate theological interpretation. In this sense, I will not seek to deepen the literary-historical perspective here but will instead inquire into its tradition history in the sense of a supposed preliterary background to certain motifs and narrative elements, particularly the role of the serpent in the garden (Section 3). After that I will turn to the traditio-historical connotations of human “nudity” (Sections 4 and 5). The importance of the twice-mentioned “nudity” and “clothing” of the first humans and the narrative sequence of its alterations in Gen. 2–3, which is highlighted by rabbinic traditional literature, can serve as the starting point. Thus, the play on words between the “wisdom” and ”nudity” of the serpent in Gen. 3:1 (‫ )עַרּום‬raises the question of how these motifs may be connected. And the sequence of “nudity without shame” in Gen. 2:25 (‫ )עַרֹום‬and “realized nudity after transgression” in Gen. 3:7 (‫)עֵרֹום‬, together with the acts of clothing, may open important insights into the anthropology of the paradise story (cf. the summary in Section 6).

3.  The Tradition History of the “Nudity” of the Serpent and the “Nudity” of the Humans Genesis 3:1-6 tells us about the transgression of the human couple caused by the fact that they became engrossed in conversation by the serpent. Regarding the question of why it is the woman who represents humanity here, I would like to emphasize first, paraphrasing Crüsemann, that in view of the final text, the narrative should once again be read in light of its ending, that is, in light of the deterioration of life actually experienced and seen as negative for the woman. A reversal of cause and effect, which blames the Levin, Der Jahwist, has provided an important starting point for this newer model of explanation, which has been followed—with certain modifications—by Kratz and Spieckermann (“Schöpfer/ Schöpfung II. Altes Testament,” esp. 271–4; Spieckermann, “Ambivalenzen”; Kratz, Komposition, 252–6). Regarding the possible theological contribution of a final redactor (of the primeval history) to Gen. 2–3—in consideration of Levin’s model as well—cf. Witte, Urgeschichte. In contrast, Otto, “Paradieserzählung,” describes the story as a consistent final redactional narrative; for arguments for the literary coherence of the narrative, cf. also Schmid, “Die Unteilbarkeit der Weisheit”; Schüle, Prolog, 149–77. For a new in-depth evaluation of the state of the debate, cf. Bührer, Am Anfang . . . 25 Blum, “Gottesunmittelbarkeit.” 24

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woman as a woman, contradicts the conception of humanity in Gen. 2–3, which—in light of Gen. 2—paints an overlapping picture of the undisputed fact of patriarchy on the one hand (Gen. 3) and an equal value of man and woman and positive possibilities of their community on the other (Gen. 2). Seen together, both aspects reveal a sense for the unsettling ambiguity of the human condition. Regarding the prominence of woman’s hardship and painful childbearing, it is striking that Gen. 3:16 speaks about her explicitly as a mother for the first time (at the beginning of God’s sentences of punishment in Gen. 3:14-15, this motherhood is already implicitly presupposed as far as the relation of the serpent and the woman’s descendants is concerned). Thus, the hardships for the woman refer primarily to her capacity to bring forth new life. Like in the related verse Gen. 3:20 (which interprets the name “Eve” as “the mother of all life”), older traditions seem to shine through here. With this in view, what does the narrative suggest by the key word “nudity,” when the serpent is introduced in Gen. 3:1 with the assertion that it is “wiser” than (or “naked” among) the animals? How are the “nudity” of the humans in Gen. 2–3 and the “wisdom/ nudity” of the serpent related?26 Indeed, the serpent (with an article!) is introduced so naturally that it seems reasonable to suppose that a possible listener to the narrative could expect it in its first context precisely here, in the garden of God. It is characterized by the capacity of language, which puts it in an intermediate position between animals and humans on the one hand and humans and God on the other. Thus, it bears not only fabulous but, from a religio-historical perspective, also mythical markings of a particularly powerful being. By using the cherubim (and a personalized sword) as guardians of the way to the tree of life in Gen. 3:24 after the humans were expelled from the garden, still more mythical beings are associated with the garden in the paradise story. Traditio-historically, the latter belong to the sphere of the Jerusalemite royal god (1 Kgs 6 et al.).27 As Hartmut Gese in particular has noted,28 temple symbolism is evoked29 by the cherubim in Gen. 3:24. Further evidence of such symbolism can also be found in the story, especially in the so-called geography of paradise in 2:10-1430. Particularly, Martin Metzger has shown in many studies that the sacred tree, which is often protected by winged sphinxes (=cherubim) or griffins in iconography, should be understood as an important symbol of the Jerusalem temple decoration (with connotations of the throne).31 References to the symbolism associated with it can be found frequently in the Psalms (associations of abundance of food/life and of protection/shade).32 Especially in Iron IIB (ninth–eighth centuries BCE), the tree with winged hybrid creatures as guardians can be found in the iconography of Palestine (Figures 19.1 and 19.2). Apart from this, there is evidence for the sacred tree with various associations with motifs and meanings in the ancient Near East throughout different times and 27 28 29

Cf. the illuminating paper by Kübel, “Wortspiel.” Cf. Keel, Jahwe-Visionen und Siegelkunst, 15–45; Hartenstein, “Cherubim and Seraphim.” Gese, “Der bewachte Lebensbaum.” According to Witte, Urgeschichte, 238–40, only the final redactor of the primeval history introduced this perspective (which is not very probable in my opinion). 30 Cf. Dietrich, “Das biblische Paradies”; Hartenstein, “Orte des Ursprungs.” 31 Cf. Metzger, “Zeder”; Metzger, “Weltenbaum”; Metzger, “Keruben und Palmetten”; Metzger, “Jahwe, der Kerubenthroner.” 32 Cf. also Hartenstein, Das Angesicht JHWHs, 142–209. 26

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Figure 19.1  Depiction of a tree with winged hybrid creatures as guardians (Megiddo). Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, fig. 231b.

cultures. In the case of the iconographic constellation with hybrid creatures (sphinxes and griffins), there is a clear Phoenician background, which must be regarded as having decisively influenced the symbolism of both the first and second Jerusalem temples. There is a singular symmetrical composition with associations of a sanctuary on a particularly beautiful stamp seal, which can be dated to Iron IIB (Figure 19.3) in terms of its style and motif. In many regards, it is reminiscent of the Jerusalem decoration program of 1 Kgs 6:23ff. (and Ezek. 41:17-20): 1. A palmette tree is in the center of the basic decoration, and there is a remarkably broad-winged sun above it (shrine symbolism with connotations of heaven?). 2. The tree is flanked by two cherubim with raised forelegs; there are two small lying griffins above them. 3. There is a falcon under the tree (symbol of the king). It is flanked by two uraei (Egyptian cobras, here without wings), which, turned outward, protect and guard the sacred tree together with the cherubim.33 Cf. the similar iconography from the Punic region of a holy mountain guarded by wingless uraei, which are turned outward (with astral connotations): Moscati, Phönizier, 85, fig. 67 (Phoenician 33

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Figure 19.2  Depiction of a tree with a winged hybrid creature as guardian (Samaria). Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, fig. 232b.

As far as this seal (and the trees with cherubim generally) is concerned, the association with a goddess can be ruled out.34 The tree appears to have a royal/cosmic and superhuman/divine connotation. Other seals also clearly demonstrate this (cf. GGG, §137). From a traditio-historical point of view, did the serpent belong to the symbol of

gold medallion, grave 4 of the necropolis of Trayamar); Gehrig and Niemeyer, Phönizier, 376, bottom left (medallion pendant, seventh/sixth century BCE, Carthage). 34 Cf. also GGG, 234: “The stylized tree, as a symbol of numinous power, guarded or protected by the hybrid creatures . . . symbolizes mythologically the garden of the deity, concretely the temple and palace area, and, more abstractly, the ordered earthly cosmos and the life that has been made possible by this order. Here the tree no longer fulfills the former ‘feminine’ function . . . [I]‌t is in the service of a royal god that the tree appears and represents this deity’s power to bring blessing.” On the “sacred tree” in the context of the jug paintings from Kuntillet ‘Ajrud, cf. Jeremias and Hartenstein, “JHWH und seine Aschera.”

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Figure  19.3  Stamp seal displaying a symmetrical composition with associations of a sanctuary. Christoph Uehlinger, Zurich, kindly provided me with an image and a line drawing of the seal.

the “sacred tree” from the very beginning? Another seal from Tel Dan, also from Iron IIB, could suggest this (Figure 19.4). A single wingless Egyptian cobra, which is flanked by two griffins, has taken the place of the tree here. Thus, there seems to have been a link between the motifs of the sacred tree and the serpent in Palestine during the ninth–eighth centuries BCE. If one supposes that associations of sanctuaries are in the background here, one should also bear in mind the much older Palestinian tradition of single bronze images of serpents (MB IIB–Iron I), which were possibly the guardians of sanctuaries.35 Now does the tree in Jerusalem represent—as Metzger, among others, believed36—the royal god YHWH himself or the sphere of life surrounding him? Perhaps a detail in Gen. 3:3, which differs strikingly from the formulation of the commandment in Gen. 2:16-17, supports this thesis. In Gen. 3:3, the woman actually replies to the serpent’s question whether God had forbidden eating from all the trees of the garden: “(2) We may take of the fruit of the trees in the garden: (3) But of the fruit of the tree in the middle of 35 Cf. the images in Keel, Recht der Bilder, 233. Cf. ibid., 195–6, regarding the different sites where, significantly, in each case only one such figure has been found; Keel takes these serpents mainly as uraei, which matches the observations made above. 36 Cf. the articles mentioned in n. 30 above.

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Figure 19.4  Seal from Tell Dan displaying a symmetrical composition centered around a serpent. Keel and Uehlinger, GGG, fig. 248.

the garden, God has said, you shall not eat from it, neither shall you touch it, lest you die.” Here the tree is not called “the tree of the knowledge of good and evil” (like in Gen. 2:9 and in the prohibition of Gen. 2:16-17, cf. Gen. 3:4-5) but simply “the tree in the middle of the garden.” From a traditio-historical perspective, this might be relatively old and intentionally designate the “tree of life.” The prohibition to “touch” it (‫ )נגע‬must be distinguished from the prohibition to eat from it. In the Hebrew Bible, an identical prohibition can be found only in one context, namely in Exod. 19 regarding the mountain of God in the desert: “Be careful not to go up the mountain or touch (‫)נגע‬ the edge of it. Any who touch the mountain shall be put to death” (Exod. 19:12). With regard to this parallel, does Gen. 3 also deal with the line between the divine and human realms? In other words, does Gen. 3 relate—traditio-historically speaking— to access to the “tree of life” (as a symbol of God’s presence and world order), which is guarded in the garden (i.e., the temple area) by the uraeus?37 Against this background, a simple explanation for the play on words between the “wise”/“naked” serpent and 37 If the sacred tree (as a symbol of the deity), the cherubim guarding it, and a serpent guard did actually belong to the tradition reflected in Gen. 3 (with references to a holy place), what could be the background of the cursing of the serpent in Gen. 3:14-15? Assuming that the iconographic references to the monarchy of the ninth/eighth century BCE are accepted, the banishment of the likewise single image of a serpent, the Nehushtan, from the Jerusalem temple, which the Deuteronomistic History links to the historically contested so-called cult reform conducted by Hezekiah (2 Kgs 18:4, cf. Num. 21), would suggest itself. When the cherubim otherwise associated with God in the sanctuary of the Jerusalem temple are guarding the way to the tree (and therefore to God himself) in Gen. 3:24, they obviously take on the function of the serpent, which is banned from God’s sphere of life (cf. its cursing to “dust,” pointing at the realm of death, in Gen. 3:14; cf. 2:7 and 3:19). In light of these traditions, it seems to be no coincidence that the excavations on Mount Gerizim uncovered again a single bronze serpent—perhaps a guardian of the Hellenistic temple compound? Cf. Magen, Mount Gerizim Excavations II, 157, fig. 283; Hartenstein and Moxter, Hermeneutik des Bilderverbots, 151–2.

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the “nudity” of the humans would immediately suggest itself: The woman probably accepts the serpent, which appears so naturally in the narrative, as an authority in the garden precisely because it is genuinely linked to the tree as its guardian. In this sense, the serpent is “wise” with regard to the tree as well as to God’s intentions. On the other hand, since it is the only “naked” animal that can rejuvenate again and again by shedding (cf. the Epic of Gilgamesh as well as Philo of Byblos, Ovid, etc.38), it may also appear to be competent with regard to the “life” provided by the tree (if the tree of life as a symbol of God is an old element of the tradition). In fact, the transgression in Gen. 3:1-6 is followed by the human ability for regeneration but in no way in terms of achieving “eternal” life linked with the tree in the sense of “being like God” (cf. Gen. 3:22 with 3:439). In fact, as a result of the transgression, passing on life is only a broken experience of hardship and pain for human beings (Gen. 3:16). Referring to their weakness and mortality, they realize in Gen. 3:7 that they are “naked.”

4.  Synchronic Observations (I): “Nudity without Shame” in Gen. 2:25 When we look at the first reference to human “nudity” in the paradise story in Gen. 2:25 (“and the man and his wife, both were naked, and they were not ashamed of each other”), the emphasis on the undivided “twoness” of the man and woman seems to be important here (‫“ ׁשניהם‬both”—cf. also in Gen. 3:7!). In Gen. 2:25, this is to be understood as a sign of mutual equivalence in every respect: They have both the same dignity. It appears to be important for the sociohistorical image of the woman’s position in the story that there is no indication of a hierarchy there (cf. as a counterpart the deteriorations of the present reality of life in Gen. 3:16, for which the assertions in Gen. 2:25 remain copresent in the sense of Ricœur’s notion of the overlapping twofold mark in the story mentioned above in Section 2). As the evidence for ‫ בוׁש‬and its derivates shows (the hitpolel of the verb occurs only here), the common translation of Gen. 2:25 as “they were not ashamed of each other” is probably insufficient. As Jack M. Sasson has emphasized with good reason, the reciprocal and factitive aspect is decisive in this stem: “I would like to suggest a translation for lō‘ yitbōšāšu which takes full cognizance of the factitive as well as the reciprocal qualities of the hitpolel: ‘Yet, they did not shame each other,’ or, more elegantly put: ‘yet, they did not embarrass each other.’ ”40 Thus, “not to be ashamed of each other” is not

Cf. the interpretation of the play on words in Kübel, “Wortspiel.” One may recall the famous scene where the snake steals the plant that restores youth from the bathing Gilgamesh, whereupon it sheds its skin (=becomes young again) and the hero remains mortal (Gilgamesh XI, 285–9, see below). See also the reference to the longevity of snakes by Philo of Byblos (=Eusebius of Caesarea, Praeparatio evangelica I, 10, 46–8, esp. line 47) quoted in Kübel, “Wortspiel,” 13; cf. Attridge and Oden, Philo of Byblos, 62–3. 39 The traditio-historically secondary motif of “knowledge of good and evil” might have focused initially on the access to “life” related from the beginning to the tree, which is taken up again in Gen. 3:22. 40 Sasson, welō‘ yitbōšāšu, 420. 38

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primarily an individual human feeling but most of all an expression of undisturbed community without any break or rupture (also regarding the relationship with God):41 “This translation implies the pair did not have the potential to find blemishes with each other because they did not perceive anatomical, sexual, or role distinctions within the species.”42 An analysis of the semantic field of the lexemes of the root ‫ בוׁש‬in the Old Testament also supports this thesis. According to Seebass and Stolz, ‫ בוׁש‬and its derivates include in a modern sense subjective as well as objective facts and—as a part of the latter—primarily social facts (to be ashamed before someone/to bring shame to someone):43 “By way of contrast, bosh expresses the idea that someone, a person, a city, a people, a professional organization, or the like, underwent an experience in which his (or its) former respected position and importance were overthrown.”44 On that point, Seebass’s summary of Gen. 2:25 can be used as a basis for comparison: “In short, bosh always has a passive connotation even in its causative forms: a person endures it. It is also worthy of note that this root is in no way oriented to sexual shame—Gen. 2:25 (hithpael) seems to mean ‘they (the man and his wife) were not found in a state of shame as far as their nakedness was concerned’.”45 A look at some significant quotations may further clarify this assumption from a traditio-historical perspective. As noted above, the phenomena described as ‫ בוׁש‬in the Old Testament are grounded in relational logic. Johannes Pedersen observed this very well in his study on ancient Israelite culture: According to him, the dishonor (or the associated shame) should be seen as an antonym of glory/dignity/honor (‫)כבוד‬, and both express themselves with regard to the body: “As shame, like honor, finds expression in the body, so one may cause shame by disturbing the latter.”46 In this sense, shame is the expression of negative relational events (and thus corresponds exactly to the special form of the hitpolel in Gen. 2:25). A graphic illustration of the shame of a lamenting person (as a representative of the community) caused not only by words but also by looks can be found in the presumably exilic lament of the nation in Ps. 44:16-17: “(16) My downfall is ever before me, and the shame of my face covered me; (17) from the voice of him who says sharp and bitter words, from the face of the enemy and the revengeful.” The confrontation of the face of the oppressed person, which is covered by shame (as by a cloth), and the face of the enemy, before whom and from whom the shame occurs, is remarkable here. Dishonor/shame is mentioned in some further instances in the Old Testament, where it is explicitly associated with the

But compare the different emphasis by Stolz, “‫בוׁש‬,” 271, who interprets the use of the hitpolel in Gen. 2:25 as personal and subjective. 42 Sasson, welō‘ yitbōšāšu, 420. 43 Cf. Seebass, “50“, ‫בוׁש‬, according to whom sexual shame was expressed by lexemes of this root only in early Jewish times. There seems to be an analogous development in Akkadian, in which the cognate verb originally had to do with exposure more generally (e.g., of a fact) rather than sexual shame in particular (51). Cf. also Stolz, “‫בוׁש‬,” 270; Klopfenstein, Scham und Schande; Janssen and Kessler, “Ehre/Schande”; Dietrich, “Über Ehre und Ehrgefühl”; Bauks, “Nacktheit und Scham in Gen 2–3”; Grund, “ ‘Und sie schämten sich nicht’ ”; Grund, “ ‘Schmähungen der dich Schmähenden sind auf mich gefallen’ ”; Grund, “Scham.” 44 Seebass, “‫בוׁש‬,” 52. 45 Ibid. 46 Pedersen, Israel: Its Life and Culture I, 241. 41

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symbolism of clothing: “The shamed ‘clothes himself in shame’ [ . . . ].”47 There is mainly evidence from the Psalms (cf. also Job 8:22), especially regarding requests for the cursing of enemies. First of all, Ps. 35:26 should be mentioned: “Let them be ashamed and be covered with confusion together who rejoice at my trouble, let them be clothed with shame and dishonor who magnify themselves against me.” The cursing of the enemies in Ps. 109:29 shows a quite similar use of the symbolism of clothing: “Let my adversaries be clothed with shame, covering themselves with shame as with a robe.” In both cases, the socially degraded person, who can thus be pictured as clothed in shame, wishes the same “clothing” for those who triumph over him. Combined with the metaphor of clothing for “shame,” one’s own position in society becomes particularly clear from God’s commitment to the king at the end of Ps. 132. YHWH announces his intention to clothe the king’s enemies in dishonor. However, as far as the ruler himself is concerned, YHWH will make his diadem (part of the insignia of the royal vestment) shine/flourish (Ps. 132:18): “His (i.e., the anointed one’s) enemies will be clothed with shame, but I will make his diadem shine/flourish.” For the understanding of Gen. 2:25, this special use of the metaphor of clothing with regard to “shame” could indicate that the first human couple may be “naked” specifically inasmuch as they do not clothe each other in “dishonor” and do not “robe” each other with disgrace through words and looks. In this sense, the “nudity” of Gen. 2:25 represents an absence of social status still devoid of any hierarchy, which therefore means that they do not “disgrace” each other.

5.  Synchronic Observations (II): “Nudity after the Transgression” (Gen. 3:7 and 3:21) At the very moment when the first human couple has eaten from the tree, “their eyes are opened” and they realize that they are “naked” (Gen. 3:7a). This is the second and last time in the paradise story that the term “the two of them” (‫)ׁשניהם‬, which was previously so much emphasized in Gen. 2:25, can be found. Yet the action described in the second half-line of Gen. 3:7b, that is, that they “made themselves loincloths,”48 is—according to what has just been said about Gen. 2:25—most likely to mean that each of them made them for himself/herself in order not to be exposed to each other anymore.49 Since these coverings cover primarily the pubic area (in contrast to the

Ibid. Not only the symbolic but also the real covering of those who are mourning and/or who have brought shame upon themselves and therefore cover their heads and beards is linked to this; cf. 2 Sam. 15:30; 19:5; Isa. 25:7-8; Jer. 14:34; and esp. Mic. 3:7: “The seers will be ashamed and the diviners disgraced. They will all cover their faces because there is no answer from God” (for discussion of this verse, see Kessler, Micha, 156). 48 “To create/to make” (‫ )עׂשה‬was the term for the creative action of God in the paradise story (Gen. 2:4b: heaven and earth; Gen. 2:18: the “helper”; cf. also Gen. 3:21: garments); now the verb appears for the first time with the humans as subject. 49 Thus also Sasson, welō‘ yitbōšāšu, 420: “Note how this sentence splits the series of activities within two spheres.” Cf. ibid. n. 6: “Thus when šenēyhem makes its only other reappearance in this episode at 3, 7 the memory finds it possible to assign the deed separately to each.” 47

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garments of skin in Gen. 3:21), this may already anticipate the deterioration of the relationship between man and woman, which is explicitly predicted in Gen. 3:16. From Gen. 3:8 on, there are growing signs in the narrative that the former common sphere of the two humans is separating into two spheres. At first sight, the man and woman seem to be jointly “hiding” from the approaching God. However, it is more likely that they act simultaneously but separately: In view of vv. 10-11, each of them has already been hiding on his or her own “in the middle” of the trees in the garden. In Gen. 3:10, the man responds to God’s question: “I heard you in the garden, and I was afraid because I was naked, so I hid.” The separation has irrevocably taken place here and continues in the following chain of accusations made by the man against the woman and the serpent: “The woman you put here with me—she gave me some fruit from the tree, and I ate it” (Gen. 3:12). The relationship to the divine counterpart, which has not been clearly mentioned in Gen. 2:25 but has to be taken into account, is essential here, since it is as broken as with regards to the woman: “I heard you in the garden, and I was afraid because I was naked.” Communication with God, which was not problematized as such in Gen. 2—just as the communication between the man and the woman—now seems to be seriously disturbed. If nudity at first means the lack of status in general, the awareness of one’s own humbleness before God, who is experienced as “exalted,” appears here for the first time. For this, God’s voice is sufficient—the ostensibly naïve anthropomorphism of God walking about in the garden remains unimaginative. Hiding from another’s sight (both human and God) aims to avoid bringing shame upon oneself. The anthropological consequence can be specified even more precisely if we look briefly at the main connotations of nudity in Israel and the ancient Near East. Here I will begin with a piece of iconographic evidence: The famous ivory plaque with a carved image from Tell el-Mutesellim (Megiddo) from the Late Bronze Age (fourteenth/ thirteenth century BCE) shows the same prince twice (see Figure 8.3 in this volume; for a line drawing of the ivory plaque, cf. GGG, fig. 65): on a throne of sphinxes and on a war chariot (corresponding to the two basic royal roles: ruling and conquering/ waging war). In each case, the prince is wearing a long-sleeved undergarment with a piece of braid at the neckline and a garment wrapped over it around the left shoulder. The two women in front of the throne are wearing ankle-length undergarments with long, narrow sleeves and sewn outer garments over them. With regard to the significance of clothing and nudity here, Helga Weippert notes that the dishonor of the enemies is expressed by their nudity, while the two armed soldiers are at least wearing a loincloth and the palace servants wear ankle-length clothes. The king and the two women who are standing in front of his throne are wearing the most elaborate clothes, and the higher rank of the woman standing directly before the king is expressed by the fact that her body is more covered than the other woman’s body.50 Similarly, the bronze reliefs on the Balawat gates (Shalmaneser III, 858–824 BCE) make the Assyrians’ captives easily distinguishable (Figure 19.5): The men must go naked; the women’s apron coats have been tied up or cut off, thus disgracing them. Weippert, “Textilproduktion,” 140. 50

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Figure 19.5  Assyrian soldiers leading captives into captivity. Keel, Symbolism of the Biblical World, 104, fig. 136.

Furthermore, there are revealing textual sources of which I would like to give some examples: From a sociohistorical point of view, a coat as a cover and protection during a cold night was an inherently inalienable piece of property in ancient Israel. See the famous Yavneh-Yam ostracon from the seventh century BCE51, the letter of a rural worker whose cloak has been taken away during his work by a named superior and who is begging a commander for its restitution. A corresponding instruction, though apparently not premised on the ostracon, can be found in Exod. 22:26-27: “If you take your neighbor’s cloak as a pledge, return it before sunset, because the cloak is his only covering and it is his cloak for his body. What else can he sleep in? When he cries out to me, I will hear, for I am compassionate.”52 It is also noteworthy in view of Gen. 3:21, where YHWH himself makes clothes for the human couple and puts these clothes on them, that YHWH appears here not only as a caring “father figure” but also as an authority who establishes justice. Providing the poor (who are “naked” at the bottom of the social ladder) with clothes is therefore a particularly necessary act of justice: “When you see a naked one you shall clothe him, and do not hide from your own relatives” (Isa. 58:7).53 Clothes belong to the body like a second skin. The loss of clothes (because of poverty or war) is equivalent to a total diminution of personhood and dignity. In this sense, the poor and those lacking rights are “naked” (Job 24:6-10)54—and this should certainly not be understood only metaphorically: “(7) Lacking clothes, they spend the night naked; they have nothing to cover themselves in the cold. (8) They are drenched by mountain rains and hug the rocks for lack of shelter. . . . Lacking clothes, they go about naked; they carry the sheaves, but still go hungry.” Just as the dead at the other end of human life, newborns are “naked” as well. Neither has a full place in the social world—either not yet or no longer. Their status is vague; 51 KAI 200 (Donner and Röllig, Inschriften, translation ibid., vol. II, 199–201). Cf. also Smelik, Dokumente, 87–93; Weippert, Historisches Textbuch, 370–2 (No. 225). 52 For the parallel, cf. Smelik, Dokumente, 89. On Exod. 22 see also the contribution by Otto (Chapter 16) in this volume. 53 Cf. also Esarhaddon’s Babylon inscriptions regarding the return of deported persons to Babylon: “I provided the naked with clothing” (104, v. 22 in Leichty, Inscriptions of Esarhaddon, 199 = episode 37, line 26 in Borger, Inschriften Asarhaddons, 25). 54 Cf. the translation of Stier, Buch Ijjob, 118–19.

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to a certain degree, they are “undefined” and “empty.” A good example is Eccl. 5:14:55 “Just as he came from his mother’s womb, so he will go back naked as he came, and for his efforts he will take nothing that he can carry away in his hand.” Those who have saved up their riches for too long and have not enjoyed them in life are doubly bad off when they die, since they cannot take their possessions with them. Nudity expresses the status transition to the social nonexistence of the dead.56 There are quite analogous meanings related to “nudity” in Mesopotamia: Nudity meant socially the absolute low in a person’s relative status, whether due to lack of finances or to negligence of the person to whom one was subordinate, or upon whom one depended. Alternatively a person might have arrived at such a miserable situation that he has lost all possessions and his last dignity and has to go through life naked, literally and figuratively.57

In Mesopotamian myths, “nudity” also indicates a transition in or loss of status,58 especially as a literary motif. Gilgamesh takes off his clothes in order to take a bath; in the meantime, a snake steals the miraculous plant that restores youth, sheds its skin, and becomes young again, while Gilgamesh is left naked (and mortal!) (Tablet XI, 285–9).59 The most well-known passage in this regard is Ishtar’s descent into the netherworld. On this journey, she gradually assumes the status of the dead, since she has to take off all her garments and ornaments at each of the seven gates of the underworld before she is allowed to appear “naked” and hence powerless before Ereshkigal, the queen of the realm of the dead. On her way back, Ishtar puts on all of her clothing and ornaments again in reverse order until she reaches the upper world and her power has fully returned.60 Thus, garments fundamentally represent the civilization and the world of culture in contrast to the steppe “outside” and the different world of the dead. This could be shown quite clearly by the closest analogy to Gen. 2–3 in many respects, the humanization of

55 Cf. the translation of Krüger, Kohelet, 221. 56 Cf. esp. Ezek. 16, where YHWH elevates the personified Jerusalem to the status of his bride by covering her—who as a young girl is still “naked and bare” (v. 7)—with his coat and taking her as his wife. The clothing in royal garments by YHWH, the bridegroom, is linked with this change in status. In the announcement of judgment in Ezek. 16:39, which takes up the same metaphors, this change in status is reversed after the violent removal of her clothes in front of her lovers (vv. 37-38, polemics against foreign gods) during an execution as an adulteress: “They will strip you of your clothes and take your fine jewelry and leave you stark naked.” Cf. Hos. 2:5 (on the adulterous mother): “lest I strip her naked and make her as in the day she was born, and make her like a wilderness.” On Ezek. 16 and the prophetic use of marriage metaphors, cf. Baumann, Liebe und Gewalt, 142–74. 57 Vogelzang and van Bekkum, “Meaning,” 267. Cf. also, Biggs, “Nacktheit”; de Martino, “Nacktheit”; Seidl, “Nacktheit.” For Egypt, see Behrens, “Nacktheit.” 58 Cf. also the cultic nudity in Early Dynastic Sumerian images (see Wilhelm, “Mann im Netzrock”). In Israel, however, bareness (of the pubic area) should preferably not be visible at all at the altar or before YHWH (cf. Exod. 20:26 and David’s dance before the ark in 2 Sam. 6:12ff.). 59 Cf. also n. 37 above. 60 Cf. Vogelzang and van Bekkum, “Meaning,” 268.

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the wild man Enkidu in the Epic of Gilgamesh. At this point, however, a more detailed comparison (albeit worthwhile) would be going too far.61

6.  Summary of the Meaning of “Nudity” for the Conception of Humanity in Gen. 2–3 The ambivalence of humans as narrated in the paradise story shows two ways of perceiving their “nudity.” These are told successively, but they are interconnected regarding its perception in human experience. 1. The first couple’s “nudity without shame” in Gen. 2:25 represents more broadly a community without mutual oppression and control. Neither the verb bōš hitpol. “to bring shame to oneself ” nor the word ‘ārōm “naked” have primarily sexual connotations. On the contrary, in Gen. 2:25 both have to do above all with coexistence in a comprehensive sense, whose negative aspects— mutual exposure and humiliation, the loss of status and uncertainty of one’s own place due to war or economic circumstances, as well as the transitions at the beginning and the end of life (birth and death)—have not yet become significant. 2. While the awareness of being “naked” in Gen. 3:7 leads immediately to a first act of autonomy, the making of (still insufficient) clothes, there are implicit connotations of social life at stake, which, however, were in fact already present in the negation in Gen. 2:25. These clothes are not sufficient for confronting God, nor do they protect one from “bringing shame” to oneself and others (cf. the chain of accusations man—woman—serpent and the corresponding deteriorations of life beginning in 3:14). 3. However, the first “nudity” without any covering from Gen. 2:25 shines through in the second, poorly covered “nudity” of Gen. 3:7: There is a simultaneous knowledge of the possibilities of a successful life despite all factual experience of trespass. 4. By making clothes for the humans after all (Gen. 3:21), God “clothes the naked” in an act of caring authority. He protects them from each other and thus gives them the opportunity to communicate again with each other and with him. According to Gen. 2–3, humans in their “nudity” and frailty seem to still need this kind of caring in every respect. The narrative seeks to recall this fundamental insight.

At first, Enkidu wears a fur like the steppe animals he accompanies to the watering places (I; II, 33–8). After his “domestication,” the prostitute first clothes him with half of her dress (II, 64–74). Finally, he obtains men’s clothing in the city after cleaning himself (II, 100–8) so that he can meet Gilgamesh as an adequate counterpart. For a comparison of this sequence with Gen. 2–3, cf. Hartenstein, “Und weit war seine Einsicht”; Gerhards, Conditio humana, 191–269. 61

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Stolz, Fritz. “Der mythische Umgang mit der Rationalität und der rationale Umgang mit dem Mythos.” In Religion und Rekonstruktion: Ausgewählte Aufsätze, edited by Daria Pezzoli-Olgiati, 165–88. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004. Strack, Hermann L. Introduction to the Talmud and Midrash (1931). New York: Atheneum, 1980. Vogelzang, Marianna E. and Wout Jac. van Bekkum. “Meaning and Symbolism of Clothing in Ancient Near Eastern Texts.” In Scripta Signa Vocis. Studies about Scripts, Scriptures, Scribes and Languages in the Near East. Festschrift J. H. Hospers, edited by H. L. Vanstiphout et al., 265–84. Groningen: Egbert Forsten, 1986. Waetzoldt, Hartmut. “Kleidung. Philologisch.” RLA 6 (1980–3): 18–31. Weippert, Helga. “Textilproduktion und Kleidung im vorhellenistischen Palästina.” In Pracht und Geheimnis: Kleidung und Schmuck aus Palästina und Jordanien. Ausstellungskatalog Rautenstrauch-Joest Museum Köln 1987, edited by Gisela Völger and Karin van Welck, 136–42. Cologne: Rautenstrauch-Joest Museum, 1987. Weippert, Helga. “Kleidung.” NBL 2 (1995): 495–9. Weippert, Manfred. Historisches Textbuch zum Alten Testament (GAT 10). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2010. Westermann, Claus. Genesis: 1. Teilband: Genesis 1–11 (BKAT I.1). NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1974. Wilhelm, Gernot. “Der ‘Mann im Netzrock’ und kultische Nacktheit.” In Beiträge zur Vorderasiatischen Archäologie. Festschrift Winfried Orthmann, edited by JanWaalke Meyer et al., 478–83. Frankfurt: Archäologisches Institut der Universität Frankfurt, 2001. Winter, Urs. “Nacktheit, nackt.” NBL 2 (1995): 886–8. Witte, Markus. Die biblische Urgeschichte: Redaktions- und theologiegeschichtliche Beobachtungen zu Genesis 1,1–11,26 (BZAW 265). Berlin: De Gruyter, 1998.

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Clothing and Nudity in the Noah Story (Gen. 9:18-29) Michaela Bauks

The biblical flood narrative (Gen. 6:5–9:17) is framed by two scandalous-sounding tales, the tale of the sons of God making love with human females (Gen. 6:1-4) and the tale of the drunken Noah (Gen. 9:18-27 [29]). Both emphasize unconventional behavior and the unacceptable crossing of boundaries. Considering that the first tale obviously deals with sexual assault, Gen. 9:18-20 was also interpreted in this sense. The Babylonian Talmud Sanhedrin 70 presents the controversy between Rabbi Rab and Rabbi Samuel concerning the interpretations that Ham castrates his father or abuses him sexually.1 Modern exegetes are convinced that the Hebrew phrase ‫ראה את ערוה‬ “see the private parts” means that Ham had intercourse with his father’s wife.2 Others interpret the story in a moralistic way and believe that it teaches that drunkenness is accompanied by moral laxity (cf. Gen. 19:31-36).3 Others argue that the story deals with the voyeurism of nakedness.4 Since the seventeenth century, the narrative was also used as a justification for apartheid in (South) Africa5 or for slavery in North America,6 when the curse against the son of Ham was applied to black Africans. During the American Civil War, readings of Gen. 9–11 interpret the curse “as a condemnation of the Hamite penchant for disorder, an inclination embodied in Ham’s grandson Nimrod [Gen. 10:8-12]. Over time, the builder of Babel’s tower became the chief representative of a Hamite character typified not by dishonor but by disorder and rebellion.”7 These examples from the history of reception highlight the wide range of ways in which this astonishing tale may be interpreted. 1 Cf. Baumgarten, “Myth and Midrash,” 55–71; Satlow, “Jewish Construction of Nakedness,” 429–54; Goldenberg, “What Did Ham Do,” 257–65. 2 Cf. Vervenne, “Drunken Sailor,” 34–6 with reference to Basset, “Noah’s Nakedness,” 232–7; Bergsma/ Hahn, “Noah’s Nakedness,” 25–40. For a critique, see Embry, “The ‘Naked Narrative’,” 418–19, who argues that ‫ גלה ערוה‬does not apply to a married woman. 3 So Knight, Theology in Pictures, 105. 4 Cf. Westermann, Genesis 1–11, 648, 654–5; Hamilton, The Book of Genesis, 323; Embry, “The ‘Naked Narrative’,” 430–2. 5 Cf. Vervenne, “Drunken Sailor,” 36–7 n. 8 with reference to Wittenberg, “Let Canaan,” 46–56. 6 Cf. Haynes, Noah’s Curse, 6–8, investigates the evolution of racial theories beginning with the ancient and medieval reception of the text. 7 Haynes, Noah’s Curse, 10.

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However, the subject matter of Gen. 9:18-29 is much more difficult to discern. I think that Noah’s nakedness does not allude to illicit sexual intercourse or incest, but concerns the lack of social recognition.

1.  The Text 18 The sons of Noah who came out of the ark were Shem, and Ham, and Japhet: and Ham was the father of Canaan. 19 These three were the sons of Noah and from them the whole earth was populated (see Gen. 10:18; 11:4, 8, 9). 20 Noah, the man of the land (Gen. 5:23), was the first to plant a vineyard. 21 He drank some wine, became drunk, and uncovered himself inside his tent. 22 Ham, Canaan’s father, saw his father’s nakedness and told his brothers outside. 23 Then Shem and Japhet took a cloak, put it over the shoulders of them both, went backwards and covered their father’s nakedness: they faced backwards and did not see their father’s nakedness. 24 And Noah woke up from his wine and realized what his youngest son had done to him. 25 Then he said, “Cursed be Canaan; the lowest of slaves to his brothers shall he be.” 26 He said: “Blessed is the LORD, the God of Shem: let Canaan be a slave to him.” 27 May God enlarge Japhet, and may he dwell in the tents of Shem and may Canaan be a slave to him.” 28 Noah lived three hundred and fifty years after the flood. 29 Noah’s whole life lasted nine hundred and fifty years, and then he died.

Formally, the narrative is composed of four distinct parts:8 I. vv. 18-19: Exposition: The end of the flood (cf. 6:9 for the beginning) and the introduction of the figures by genealogical notices (Noah, Shem, Ham, Japhet; cf. 5:32; 6:10; 7:13). II. vv. 20-24: A short narrative (wayyiqtol) concerning the drunken Noah, the man of the land (cf. 5:29). III. vv. 25-27:  Benediction and malediction formulae (‫ )ארור ;ברוך‬concerning Shem, Japhet, and Canaan. IV. vv. 28-29: Genealogical conclusion and formal closing of the flood chronology (cf. 6:9 [toledot]; 7:6, 10; 8:13 [Noah’s age when the flood started and ended]). The chronological allusions correspond to the chronological material of the Priestly flood story. Literary tensions concern the name of God (Yhwh-Elohim in the benediction formula of Shem in v. 26; Elohim in the benediction formula of Japhet in Translation follows Wenham, Genesis 1–15, 151–2. 8

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v. 27)9 and the position of Ham within the different enumerations of Noah’s sons: He is first mentioned as the middle son of Noah (v. 18), then as the youngest son (v. 24);10 the last notice corresponds to the complete substitution of Ham by his youngest son Canaan within the curse formula (vv. 25-27). We have a kind of conflation of two figures in this case for explaining Israel’s attempt at supremacy over Canaan. In fact, it is striking that the curse concerns Canaan and not Ham, which introduces the political perspective as being at the forefront of ­chapter  10 (the Table of Nations) instead of the destiny of individual forefathers. The whole episode is probably a post-Priestly supplement in the form of an expanded Priestly genealogy11 that serves as a transition between the genealogical composition of Gen. 5–9, the geographical distribution of the offspring of Noah’s sons narrated in Gen. 10, the confusion of languages in Gen. 11, and the first origins of Israel outlined in the genealogy from Shem to Abram in Gen. 11:10-32.

2.  The Type-Scene in Gen. 9:20-24 After presenting the text, I would like to focus on the short narrative (vv. 20-24) in order to analyze what its purpose is. Noah’s preoccupation with the human task of cultivating the earth (Gen. 2:8, 15) takes here a more value-adding form: Instead of thorns and thistles (Gen. 3:18), announced as the conditio humana after the expulsion from Eden, Noah is introduced as a “man of the land” (‫;איׁש האדמה‬ v. 20) rather than as a “tiller of the land” (‫ ;עבד אדמה‬said of Cain in Gen. 4:2), but elected by his father Lamek to “bring us relief from our work and from the pain of our hands because of the land which YHWH has cursed” (Gen. 5:29). Genesis 9:20 emphasizes a view found in several texts within the Primeval History12 that human work progressively becomes culture, here in the form of the luxury item of wine, which is positively evaluated in Ps. 104:15 (“making glad the heart of man”). The incident of the drunkenness of Noah is told in a very sober way, without any evaluation.13 Noah’s harsh reaction, which was demonstrated by him cursing the offspring of the son who had brought shame upon him (Canaan), has been interpreted by many exegetes as an act of sexual misconduct against the drunken father; however, the text only describes this in a very subtle and euphemistic way, using wordplay involving nakedness and (un)covering. I favor a more sociological interpretation of the improper 9 On the benediction and curse formulae, see Wenham, Genesis, 201–3. 10 On the genealogies, see Hieke, Genealogien, 94–7. 11 See Gertz, “Hams Sündenfall,” 89–90 and Witte, Die biblische Urgeschichte, 185–9; cf. Vervenne, “Drunken Sailor,” 42–5, 52 (a commentary on Lev. 18:3) and Embry, “The ‘Naked Narrative’,” 419–20. Carr argues otherwise for a late, semi-Deuteronomistic addition to the non-P narrative (cf. Gen. 10:16-18a) that anticipates the conquest story by justifying the future subjugation of Canaan (Reading, 162–3.). Levin assumes a “Yahwistic” redaction (JR) for most of the text (9:18, 20-23a, 24-25) followed by post-Yahwistic additions (vv. 23b, 26-29; see Levin, Der Jahwist, 118–20). 12 Cf. Gen. 4:17-22 and passim. 13 The drinking of wine is censured for Nazirites (Num. 6:3-4) and priests before officiating (Lev. 10:9). It is deprecated for Hanna (1 Sam. 1:14) and others when it leads to self-exposure (Hab. 2:15; Lam. 4:21); cf. Hamilton, Genesis, 198–9.

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and disrespectful behavior of a son, which is better able to explain Noah’s malediction. Biblical texts such as the fifth commandment concerning respect for one’s parents (Exod. 20:12/Deut. 5:16) demonstrate the primary concern of this rule, forming a bridge between four important commandments concerning human behavior before God and several ethical rules for human conduct within the community (commandments 6–10). Whereas the Decalogue speaks of honoring one’s parents (‫)כבד‬, Lev. 19:3 emphasizes this point by introducing the concept of “fearing” one’s parents (‫)ירא‬, just as God is to be “feared” (Lev. 19:32; Deut. 5:29; 6:2; 10:12). Furthermore, legal texts state that those who strike or curse their parents must be punished in the same way as for a capital offense (Exod. 21:15, 17; Deut. 21:18-21). In other words, honoring one’s parents is one of the most sacred human duties.14 Thus, it is not necessary to assume euphemistic language for sexual misconduct. In ancient social norms, misconduct against one’s parents is almost prosecutable.

3.  Nakedness and Clothing of the Drunken Noah The respectful interaction with parents also concerns situations when parents disgrace themselves and require that a situation is handled by another person. The Ugaritic Aqht epic orders that a son should take his father “by the hand when he’s drunk, carries him when he’s sated with wine.”15 Evidently, Ham did not act in this way but instead ridiculed his father for his drunkenness. In the context of this handbook, the reaction of the other sons is particularly significant. Furthermore, their act receives the most space within the narrative, whereas Ham’s deed is described only briefly. Ham looks at Noah’s genitals (‫)ערוה‬, which are translated in the LXX by the more general term γύμνωσις “nakedness” (Aquila and Symmachus read ἀσχημοσύνη “genitals”).16 Many of the fifty references for ‫ ערוה‬in the Hebrew Bible are associated with nakedness and eroticism or sexuality (cf. Ezek. 16:8, 36-37; Lev. 18 and 20), but others are associated metaphorically with nakedness as poverty, vulnerability (Gen. 49:9, 11), humiliation and loss of dignity (Mic. 1:11; Isa. 20:4; 47:3).17 Nakedness is a narrative marker in the primeval history texts. Genesis 2:25 deals with the first human beings’ unawareness of their nakedness. Their nakedness and the lack of shame are highlighted and contrasted by their realization that they are naked (3:7) and their fear of God, which is a consequence of their shame. In the end, their clothing by God (3:21) serves to equalize their sensation of ambiguity. In my view, the phrase “They were not ashamed” means that the ranking between creature and creator is not yet delimited18 and becomes a reality in the continuation Cf. Hieke, Levitikus 16–27, 712–13 with reference to Prov. 10–31; esp. 19:26; 23:22; 28:24; 30:11, 17. 15 Cited by Wenham, Genesis, 200 (A 1.32-33; ANET, 150). 16 Cf. Vervenne, “Drunken Sailor,” 46-7. considers that the Greek translator replaced the erotically charged terminology by “nakedness,” reflecting his reservations about nudity and the cult of the body. 17 Cf. Niehr, “‫ערה‬,” 371–3; Vervenne, “Drunken Sailor,” 49–50. 18 Cf. Bauks, “Text- and Reception-Historical Reflections,” 151; see also the contribution of Hartenstein (Chapter 19) in this volume. 14

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of the narrative (Gen. 3-4). In this narrative, nakedness is a metaphor for the lack of awareness. Nakedness and clothing in Gen. 9:20-24 show several differences. The terminology is different: Gen. 2–3 plays with the adjective ‫( ערום‬2:25) and ‫( עירם‬3:7) “naked,” which is close to ‫“ ערום‬cunning” for characterizing the serpent, itself a naked animal. Knowledge and nakedness are interwoven. In Gen. 2–3, knowledge means that “the eyes of the first human couple were opened,” and then “they realized that they were naked” (3:7). They become aware of their ambiguous status. However, Gen. 9:20-24 presents three expressions with the noun ‫“ ערוה‬genitals”: ‫“ גלה ערוה‬to uncover one’s nakedness” (v. 21), ‫“ ראה ערוה‬to see nakedness” (v. 22), and ‫“ כסה ערוה‬to cover one’s nakedness” (v. 23). The phraseological difference refers to the Levitical ruling of uncovering nakedness (and incest) in Lev. 18 and 20, where “to uncover one’s nakedness” (‫ )גלה ערוה‬is the key word for sexual intercourse and aims at the prohibition of incestuous relationships and other sexual deviance (Lev. 20:17 concerning men).19 However, these regulations deal with uncovering the nakedness of another person, while in Gen. 9:21 Noah’s nakedness was self-inflicted (‫ גלה‬hithpael) and not inflicted by Ham. Unlike Lev. 18 and 20, the uncovered nakedness is not an omission by Ham. He has not committed a sin by acting, but by failing to act.20 It is obvious that our understanding of the Noah story is influenced by the interplay of these texts.21 Within the context of the Primeval History, the relationship of nakedness and clothing is oriented in another direction than morality and “sin” (a term which is lacking in both Gen. 2–3 and Gen. 9:18-29). Nakedness marks the recognition of differences between God and humanity (Gen. 2–3) or between social groups (in Gen. 9:18-29 both family and ethnicity).

4.  Nakedness and Clothing in Social-Anthropological Terms Nakedness, like clothing, is culturally complex. In his study on “social skin,” T. S. Turner emphasizes how the conventional nudity of the members of the native tribe of Kayapo in the southwestern Amazon requires a penis sheath for men, which pushes the penis as a whole back into the body and makes erection impossible: “the appropriation of ‘natural’ or biological powers for social purposes implies the suppression of their ‘natural’ or socially unrestrained [= individual and uncontrolled] forms of expression”22, for example, a spontaneous erection.

Lev. 18:3 rejects the sexual practices enumerated in the chapter as Egyptian and Canaanite, a further argument for direct dependence between the two texts. For a critique, see Embry, “The ‘Naked Narrative’,” 427–9; cf. Hieke, Leviticus, 662 (Halakhah). 20 A narrative explanation to the rules of Lev. 18:20 is found in Gen. 19:30-38 (Lot and his daughters), a real tale of incest that uses different terminology (‫“ ׁשכב עמו‬to lay with him”; cf. 2 Sam. 13:11, 14). 21 This is demonstrated perfectly by Embry, “The ‘Naked Narrative’,” esp. 427–31. 22 Turner, “Social Skin,” 490. 19

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Nudity can take very different forms.23 Corporal/physical shame existed in both ancient Egypt and the ancient Near East. Complete nakedness was unseemly24 and existed at most in the cult25 or as a form of humiliation of defeated enemies, for humble laborers or in erotic scenes.26 Examples of nakedness are found above all in iconographic sources, while nakedness is less prevalent as a literary theme.27 In the ancient Near East, denudation was regarded as personal exposure and concerned especially the lowest social classes as a symbol of humility before gods, dead people, or conquerors. Therefore, naked bodies were usually not portrayed.28 Generally, partial or complete nakedness is encountered in cultic contexts (e.g., Egyptian priests, deities of fertility, participants in mourning rituals), in heroic contexts (e.g., Canaanite iconography, Hellenistic competitions in the gymnasium, classical Greece29), or in war contexts (e.g., prisoners and people killed in action are presented completely naked). Who is naked, and in what context a person is portrayed naked, corresponds to widely differing cultural archetypes, which are subject to geographic and temporal conditions, as the comparison of the Noah story with the Kayapo demonstrates. “Social skin” becomes the boundary between social classes and conveys a certain authority. Otherwise, clothing by garments or decorative objects demonstrates the social ranking of a person within intersectional categories (age, gender, status): Tamar takes off her widow’s garment and covers her face so that Judah does recognize her when she contends successfully for levirate (Gen. 38:14).30 The princess Tamar wears a royal robe with sleeves, typically worn by virgins, after being raped by her brother (2 Sam. 13:18).31 Genesis 9 does not describe what Noah was wearing before uncovering himself. However, his social status is defined by the larger narrative context in a very positive way: He was saved from the flood because he was a righteous and blameless man (‫ ;תמים ;צדיק‬Gen. 6:8-9). He is not presented as the humble laborer striving against thorns and thistles, but as the first person to plant a vineyard, a symbol of a “better life” and culture. Furthermore, the scene contains two layers of “social skin”: the tent as an enclosed space and garment that prevents exposure. Finally, Ham transgresses two boundaries, first by in vading the privacy of the tent and second by his voyeurism, although Noah’s second skin is lost through his own act of becoming unclothed. When the other sons enter the tent to cover their father, they avoid looking at his See Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness,” 133, for a critique of U. Seidl’s differentiation between natural (e.g., children), ideological (e.g., heroes or priests), and functional nakedness (e.g., sacred marriage), which contains many overlaps in realistic and symbolic order (“Nacktheit,” 66–8). 24 See Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness,” 125: “[C]‌ lothing was considered normative, nakedness was situational, and nudity restricted to specific contexts and spheres.” 25 Cf. Wilhelm, “Der Mann im Netzrock,” 478–83 (with plates). 26 See Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness,” 131–2. 27 Cf. Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness,” 131–2 emphasize the lack of written material, which is problematic for interpreting the meaning of nakedness. 28 Cf. Thommen, Antike Körpergeschichte, 59; Thommen, “Nacktheit,” 438–50; cf. Gherchanoc, Nudités athlétiques, 75–7; Lemos, Shame, 233–4. 29 Cf. Stähli, “Nacktheit,” 209–27. 30 See the contributions of Weingärtner (Chapter 22) and Ede (Chapter 21) in this volume. 31 See the contribution of Weingärtner (Chapter 22) in this volume. 23

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nakedness and proceed carefully to cover his genitalia.32 Covering represents an act of social rehabilitation, showing Noah respect despite their shame over their drunken and uncontrolled father.33 The verb ‫ כסה‬literally means to cover one’s nakedness with a garment and in a metaphorical sense means to hide something negative (cf. apostasy in Deut. 13:6-9).34

5.  Conclusion The story about Noah’s nakedness deals with the loss of honor: One’s garment is a social skin and reflects social respect for a person (“Leibesehre”).35 Clothing can raise or reduce one’s status and symbolizes a certain status (“Statusehre”), which goes hand in hand with one’s social ranking. The concept of honor reflects the internalized norms of society. Nakedness becomes shameful when conventional rules have been transgressed (e.g., uncontrolled erection for the Kayapo or the unintended “public” exposure of uncovered genitalia). Shame implicates both the viewer and the shamefully exposed person, and the three sons in Gen. 9:20-22 deal with the awkward situation in different ways. The father is likely doubly ashamed when he becomes aware of his exposure, first because of his unintentional exposure and second because of the disloyal reaction of one of his sons (Gen. 9:24). The curse of the disrespectful son and the blessing of the two others ultimately reveal how to rehabilitate Noah’s paternal status.

Bibliography Asher-Greve, Julia M. and Debora Sweeney. “On Nakedness, Nudity, and Gender in Egyptian and Mesopotamian Art.” In Images and Gender. Contributions to the Hermeneutics of Reading Ancient Art (OBO 220), edited by Silvia Schroer, 111–62. Fribourg and Göttingen, 2006. Basset, Frederick W. Noah’s Nakedness and the Curse of Canaan: A Case of Incest?, VT 21 (1971): 232–7. Bauks, Michaela. “Text- and Reception-Historical Reflections on Transmissional and Hermeneutical Techniques in Gen 2-3.” In The Pentateuch (FAT 78), edited by Thomas B. Dozeman, Konrad Schmid, and Baruch J. Schwartz, 137–68. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2011. Baumgarten, Albert I. “Myth and Midrash: Genesis 9:20–29.” In Christianity, Judaism, and Other Greco-Roman Cults: Studies for Morton Smith at Sixty, edited by Jacob Neusner et al., vol. 3, 55–71. Leiden: Brill, 1975. The terminology of genitalia encompasses a broad range of concrete language from expressions such as ‫“ מבוׁשים‬private parts,” ‫“ ערלה‬foreskin,” or ‫“ אשׁך‬testicles” to euphemistic circumlocutions such as ‫“ בש ֹר‬flesh,” ‫“ ערוה‬nakedness,” or ‫“ רגל‬feet”; cf. Cohn, “Genitalia,” 1204–6 and Pope, “Bible, Euphemism and Dysphemism,” 720–3. 33 The relationship between drunkenness and nakedness is also emphasized in Lam. 4:21 and Hab. 2:15-16. 34 Cf. the contribution of Weingärtner (Chapter 22) to this volume, 411. 35 Cf. Dietrich, “Ehre,” 419–52; Dietrich, Der Tod von eigener Hand, 24–58; cf. Thommen, “Nacktheit,” 447–9. 32

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Bergsma, John S., and Scott W. Hahn. “Noah’s Nakedness and the Curse on Canaan.” JBL 124 (2005): 25–40. Carr, David M. Reading the Fractures of Genesis. Historical and Literary Approaches. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox Press, 1996. Cohn, Robert L. “Genitalia.” EBR 9 (2014): 1204–6. Dietrich, Jan. Der Tod von eigener Hand. Studien zum Suizid im Alten Testament, alten Ägypten und alten Orient (ORA 19). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2017. Dietrich, Jan. “Über Ehre und Ehrgefühl im Alten Testament.” In Der Mensch im Alten Israel. Neue Forschungen zur alttestamentlichen Anthropologie (HBS 59), edited by Bernd Janowski and Katrin Liess, 419–52. Freiburg: Herder, 2009. Embry, Brad. “The ‘Naked Narrative’ from Noah to Leviticus: Reassessing Voyeurism in the Account of Noah’s Nakedness in Genesis 9:22-24.” JSOT 35 (2011): 417–33. Gertz, Jan C. “Hams Sündenfall und Kanaans Erbfluch: Anmerkungen zur kompositionsgeschichtlichen Stellung von Gen 9,18-29.” In Gerechtigkeit und Recht zu üben (Gen 18,9). Studien zur altorientalischen und biblischen Rechtsgeschichte, zur Religionsgeschichte Israels und zur Religionssoziologie (BZABR 13). Festschrift für Eckart Otto, edited by Reinhard Achenbach and Martin Arneth, 81–95. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2009. Gherchanoc, Florence. “Nudités athlétiques et identité en Grèce ancienne.” Mètis N.S. 6 (2008): 75–101. Goldenberg, David M. “What Did Ham Do to Noah?” In “The Words of a Wise Man’s Mouth are Gracious” (Qoh 10,12). Festschrift Günter Stemberger, edited by Mauro Perani, 257–65. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2005. Hamilton, Victor P. The Book of Genesis, Chapters 1–17 (NICOT). Grand Rapids/ MI: Fortress, 1990. Haynes, Stephen R. Noah’s Curse. The Biblical Justification of American Slavery. New York: Oxford University Press, 2002. Hieke, Thomas. Die Genealogien der Genesis (HBS 39). Freiburg: Herder, 2003. Hieke, Thomas. Levitikus 16–27 (HThKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2014. Knight, George A. F. Theology in Pictures: A Commentary on Genesis. Chapters One to Eleven. Edinburgh: Handsel Press, 1981. Lemos, Tracy. “Shame and Mutilation of Enemies.” JBL 125 (2006): 225–41. Levin, Christoph. Der Jahwist (FRLANT 157). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993. Niehr, Herbert. “‫ערה‬.” ThWAT VI (1989): 369–75. Pope, Marvin. “Bible, Euphemism and Dysphemism in the.” ABD 1 (1992): 720–3. Satlow, Michael. “Jewish Construction of Nakedness in Late Antiquity.” JBL 116 (1997): 429–54. Seidl, Ursula. “Nacktheit. B. In der Bildkunst.” RLA 9 (1998): 66–8. Stähli, Adrian. “Nacktheit und Körperinszenierung in Bildern der griechischen Antike.” In Images and Gender. Contributions to the Hermeneutics of Reading Ancient Art (OBO 220), edited by Silvia Schroer, 209–27. Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006. Thommen, Ludwig. Antike Körpergeschichte (UTB). Zürich: vdf Hochschulverlag, 2007. Thommen, Ludwig. “Nacktheit und Zivilisationsprozess in Griechenland.” Historische Anthropologie 4 (1996): 438–50. Turner, Terence S. “The Social Skin.” HAU: Journal of Ethnographic Theory 1 (2012): 486–504. Vervenne, Marc. “What Shall We Do with a Drunken Sailor? A Critical Re-Examination of Genesis 9,20-27.” JSOT 68 (1995): 33–55.

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Wenham, Gordon J. Genesis 1-15 (WBC). Waco, TX: Word Books, 1987. Westermann, Claus. Genesis 1-11 (BK I.1). Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1974. Wilhelm, Gernot. “Der Mann im Netzrock und kultische Nacktheit.” In Beiträge zur vorderasiatischen Archäologie. Festschrift für Winfried Orthmann, edited by JanWaalke Meyer, Mirko Novák, and Alexander Pruß, 478–83. Frankfurt: Universität Frankfurt, 2001. Witte, Markus. Die biblische Urgeschichte. Redaktions- und theologiegeschichtliche Beobachtungen zu Gen 1,1-11,26 (BZAW 265). Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 1998. Wittenberg, Gunther. “Let Canaan Be His Slave (Gen. 9.26): Is Ham also Cursed?” JTSA 74 (1991): 46–56.

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21

The Garment Motif in Gen. 37‒39 Franziska Ede

While it has long been recognized that dreams and their interpretation serve as a structural element in Gen. 37‒45, the function of garments within the Joseph story has been addressed by only a few scholars.1 This is especially surprising given that garments appear frequently in the chapters at hand. And even though some references seem isolated within their immediate context, the striking focus on garments in Gen. 37‒39 may hardly be a coincidence. The following analysis attempts to trace the interrelation of garments/personal items in Gen. 37‒39 and to elucidate their function within their immediate and broader literary contexts. We will begin with a look at Joseph’s garments in Gen. 37 (Section 1); 39 (Section 2) and then turn to the conflict between Judah and Tamar in Gen. 38 (Section 3). The study will conclude with a brief summary (Section 4).

1.  Joseph’s Tunic in Gen. 37 Genesis 37 serves as the introduction to the Joseph narrative. The chapter depicts Joseph as the favorite son of his father, Israel (Gen. 37:3a), a preference that is expressed visually by a specific garment Joseph receives from his father (v. 3b: ‫ועׂשה לו‬ ‫)כתנת פסים‬. In reaction to the unequal distribution of paternal love, Joseph’s brothers start to hate him (v. 4). Joseph further aggravates the fraternal conflict when he reveals to his brothers the content of his dreams, in which he sees himself as first among them (vv. 5-8, [9]‌).2 Eventually, this revelation entails the brothers’ plan to kill the “master of dreams,” so that he will see what will become of his dreams (Gen. 38:19-20).3 While their Cf. esp. Matthews, “Clothing,” 25‒36 and Huddlestun, “Divestiture,” 47‒62. 2 Traditionally, the different reasons for the brothers’ hatred (preference, dreams) were attributed to different sources (J and E, respectively); cf. Dillmann, Genesis, 372; Holzinger, Genesis, 224, or Gunkel, Genesis, 402.   In more recent redaction-critical studies, the two motifs have often been associated with a basic narrative strand and a later reworking; cf. Redford, Study, 138–9; Schmitt, Josephsgeschichte, 26; Dietrich, Novelle, 53, 67; or Kebekus, Joseferzählung, 16. The criteria applied to differentiate between those layers mostly concord with the older source-critical works cited above. 3 On this connection cf. already Gunkel, Genesis, 402–3. 1

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gruesome plan is never actually executed, the brothers still pretend before their father that his favorite son was killed. The means of achieving this deception is described in vv. 20-33. In v. 20 the reader learns that the brothers intend to cover up their planned fratricide by pretending that Joseph fell prey to a wild animal. For this deception to work, they first strip Joseph of his tunic and throw him into a pit—alive (Gen. 37:2324). Then, as they sit down to eat, they see “a caravan of Ishmaelites coming from Gilead, with their camels carrying gum, balm, and resin, on their way to carry it down to Egypt” (Gen. 37:25). The arrival of the Ishmaelites gives Judah an idea: Why not sell Joseph rather than kill him? This way, the brothers could even benefit from being rid of him. The brothers agree, and Joseph is sold to Egypt (Gen. 37:27b-28, 36). Even though Joseph is alive and well when his brothers depart with him, they remain intent on letting their father believe the opposite. “Then they took Joseph’s robe, slaughtered a goat, and dipped the robe in the blood. They had the long robe with sleeves taken to their father, and they said, ‘This we have found; see now whether it is your son’s robe or not’ ” (Gen. 37:31-32). The father recognizes the tunic that he himself had given Joseph as a token of his great(er) love for him. According to the above synchronic observations, Joseph’s tunic serves a double purpose: It visualizes Joseph’s status as Israel’s preferred son and serves as evidence of his alleged death by an animal attack.4 From a diachronic perspective, these two aspects may have been explicitly connected only by a later hand.5 This assumption, of course, needs further explanation. It has long been recognized that Joseph’s garment in Gen. 37 is referred to in two different ways. Gen. 37:23bα, 31, 32aβ, 33 only mention the term ‫כתנת‬, which is associated—either directly or indirectly—with Joseph (Gen. 37:23: ‫ ;כתנתו‬Gen 37:31: ‫כתנת‬ ‫ ;יוסף‬Gen. 37:32: ‫ ;כתנת בנך‬Gen. 37:33: ‫)כתנת בני‬. Beyond the aforementioned instances, Gen. 37:3, 23bβ, 32aα identify the garment as a special type of tunic: ‫כתנת הפסים‬. This observation in and of itself, may, of course, not allow for a diachronic distinction. However, the parallel use of both designations in vv. 23, 31-32 seems conspicuous. Gen. 37:23 initially states that the brothers strip Joseph of his tunic: ‫ויפׁשיטו את יוסף את כתנתו‬. The term ‫ כתנת‬is then repeated and explained as ‫כתנת הפסים אׁשר עליו‬. In Gen. 37:31-32 the parallel use of both terms entails a logical problem. While Gen. 37:32aα states that the brothers send (‫ )ויׁשלחו‬the ‫ כתנת הפסים‬to their father, Gen. 37:32aβ implies that they brought Joseph’s tunic to their father for him to identify it: ‫ויביאו אל אביהם ויאמרו זאת‬ ‫מצאנו הכר נא הכתנת בנך הוא אם לא‬. The father then identifies the garment as ‫כתנת בני‬.6 4 Traditionally, the mentioning of the wild animal (vv. 20, 33) and the motif of Joseph’s coat have been attributed to different sources (E and J respectively), cf. Dillmann, Genesis, 376; Holzinger, Genesis, 223–4, or Gunkel, Genesis, 401–4. This distinction, however, is problematic with regard to the contextual interrelation between the coat and the alleged death by animal attack. Verse 20 has the brothers decide to kill Joseph and pretend to their father that a wild animal had devoured him (cf. v. 33). In order to corroborate their claim, they need Joseph’s blood-stained coat as fake evidence. It is upon sight of this coat that the father realizes: “It is my son’s robe! A wild animal has devoured him; Joseph is without doubt torn to pieces.” A source-critical separation between vv. 20, 33 and vv. 24, 31-32* thus destroys the narrative logic within Gen. 37. 5 Cf. Levin, Jahwist, 271 or Ruppert, Genesis, 99. 6 For these observations cf. esp. Levin, Jahwist, 271.

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The Garment Motif in Gen. 37–39

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The foregoing observations suggest that initially the decisive aspect of the ‫ כתנת‬in Gen. 37 was its association with Joseph. The ‫ כתנת‬belonged to him. Therefore, it could reveal his identity and, consequently, serve as (fake) proof of his death. Gen. 37:23, 31-33: ‫ויהי כאׁשר־בא יוסף אל־אחיו ויפׁשיטו את־יוסף את־כתנתו את־כתנת הפסים אׁשר עליו׃‬23 ‫ויקחו את־כתנת יוסף ויׁשחטו ׂשעיר עזים ויטבלו את־הכתנת בדם׃‬31 ‫ויׁשלחו את־כתנת הפסים ויביאו אל־אביהם ויאמרו זאת מצאנו הכר־נא הכתנת בנך הוא אם־לא׃‬32 ‫ויכירה ויאמר כתנת בני חיה רעה אכלתהו טרף טרף יוסף׃‬33

The pretense of Joseph’s death has Jacob-Israel mourn the loss of his favorite son. Only when he learns of Joseph’s survival in Gen. 45:26-27 will the father overcome his anguish, and only then will his spirit be revived. The grief triggered by the sight of Joseph’s tunic thus opens a narrative arc that extends up to the brothers’ safe return from Egypt in ch. 45.7 Gen. 37:31-35: The father mourns ‫ויקחו את־כתנת יוסף ויׁשחטו ׂשעיר עזים ויטבלו את־הכתנת בדם׃‬31 ‫ויׁשלחו את־כתנת הפסים ויביאו אל־אביהם ויאמרו זאת מצאנו הכר־נא הכתנת בנך הוא אם־לא׃‬32 ‫ויכירה ויאמר כתנת בני חיה רעה אכלתהו טרף טרף יוסף׃‬33 ‫ויקרע יעקב ׂשמלתיו ויׂשם ׂשק במתניו ויתאבל על־בנו ימים רבים׃‬34 ‫ויקמו כל־בניו וכל־בנתיו לנחמו וימאן להתנחם ויאמר כי־ארד אל־בני אבל ׁשאלה ויבך‬ ‫אתו אביו׃‬35

Gen. 45:25-27*: The father’s spirit is revived ‫ויעלו ממצרים ויבאו ארץ כנען אל־יעקב אביהם׃‬25 ‫ ]׃‬. . . [‫ ויגדו לו לאמר עוד יוסף חי‬26 ‫ [ותחי רוח יעקב אביהם׃‬. . . ]27

The human agents behind the chain of events described above are, of course, Joseph’s brothers.8 One decisive factor for their actions, however, is the paternal preference described in Gen. 37:3-4a. The implicit connection between both aspects is made explicit through the secondary introduction of the ‫כתנת הפסים‬,9 which in v. 3b reflects Israel’s greater love for Rachel’s firstborn. Through the identification of Joseph’s tunic

On the correspondence between Gen. 37:31-35 and Gen. 45:25-27 cf. Kratz, Komposition, 284; Levin, Jahwist, 303; Dietrich, Novelle, 53–66, or Kebekus, Joseferzählung, 244–50. See also the observation made already by Gunkel, Joseph-Geschichten, 69 that the narrative may have reached its original conclusion in Gen. 45. 8 However, since the revelation of Joseph’s dreams (the divine origin of which becomes clear in their fulfillment in Gen. 42:6, 9) leads to his exile in Egypt, the chain of events ultimately relies on divine providence. Cf. Section 2. 9 Cf. Levin, Jahwist, 271. 7

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with the ‫ כתנת הפסים‬in Gen. 37:23, 32, the fabricated evidence is identified with the very object that symbolizes the initial reason for the brothers’ hatred.10 By introducing the ‫כתנת הפסים‬, the initial focus on the brothers’ guilt is juxtaposed with Jacob-Israel’s unequal treatment of his children: The chain of events that will ultimately lead to Joseph’s exile in Egypt is triggered by Israel’s greater love for him. Through this reinterpretation, the collapse of Israel’s family is not simply a matter of fraternal conflict. Rather, the foundation of the rupture between Joseph and his family was laid by the patriarch himself. In both “versions,” the tunic epitomizes this rupture: The tunic is torn away from Joseph just as he is torn away from his family. And while the blood-stained tunic serves as a symbol for Joseph’s alleged death, the previous familial reality collapses and a new reality emerges: Joseph is dead to Israel’s family but lives on in Egyptian exile, where he thrives and becomes the guarantor of Israel’s survival. The idea of a new reality created through deceit occurs again in Gen. 39, where deception is likewise associated with Joseph’s garment.11

2.  The Function of Joseph’s Garment in Gen. 39 and Its Correspondence with Gen. 37 Genesis 39 begins a series of chapters that center on Joseph’s fate in Egypt (Gen. 39‒41). It has long been recognized that these chapters represent a “distinctive part of the Joseph story” that “draws on typical folk-tale motifs.”12 As Reinhard G. Kratz and others assume, here the authors of the Joseph story may have taken existing traditional material and integrated it into their own composition.13 If this is true, the garment motif may have been introduced into the Joseph story through the adaptation of traditional folk-tale material (e.g., the “scorned seductress”). This material may then have influenced the choice of the ‫ כתנת‬as fake evidence of Joseph’s death in Gen. 37. Notwithstanding the issues involved in unraveling the exact compositional details in Gen. 37‒45*, the correspondence of the garment motifs in Gen. 37 and 39 is quite striking and can hardly be a coincidence.14 The story of the scorned seductress begins The term ‫ כתנת פסים‬is used only in Gen. 37 and in 2 Sam. 13. For a comparison between both narratives cf. van Dijk-Hemmes, “Tamar,” 135–55, or McKenzie, “Tamar,” 201–2; for attempts to explain the exact meaning of ‫ כתנת פסים‬cf. esp. Hamilton, Genesis, 407–9. 11 Matthews, “Clothing,” 31, assumes that “the loss of the garment, like the stripping away of insignia from a soldier who is being ‘drummed out’ of the military, transforms Joseph from an honorable person to a shamed person. He is subsequently relabeled from ‘son’ to ‘slave’.” While it is certainly true that the divestiture in a figurative sense marks the transition from son to exile, no indication of a negative connotation such as “shaming” can be deduced from the literary context. The distinction proposed by Matthews also fails to account for the underlying national-political dimension of the Joseph narrative that would emphasize the loss of homeland (exile) over against the loss of personal status. 12 Kratz, Composition, 277. 13 Cf. Speiser, Genesis, 299; Coats, “Unity,” 15; Hamilton, Genesis, 431; Redford, Study, 136; Levin, Jahwist, 273; Blum, Komposition, 224; Boecker, Josefsgeschichte, 95; Salm, Tamar, 201‒2; Weimar, “Geschichte,” 91; Wenham, Genesis, 373; Kratz, Komposition, 283; Ruppert, Genesis, 138‒9; WilliPlein, Genesis, 253–4; Brueggemann, Genesis, 312 or Leuchter, “Perspective,” 223. 14 Cf. Westermann, Genesis, 63; Matthews, “Clothing,” 47‒62, or Huddlestun, “Divestiture,” 25‒36. 10

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The Garment Motif in Gen. 37–39

393

in Gen. 39:6b with the statement that Joseph was physically attractive. The reference to Joseph’s good looks—which finds a parallel in the description of his mother Rachel in Gen. 29:1715—drives the plot forward. His master’s wife lays her eyes on him and desires him: ‫( ׁשכבה עמי‬Gen. 39:7). Joseph refuses, and she tries again and again. One day, when no one else is in the house, she seizes the opportunity and harasses him physically (Gen. 39:12a). Joseph escapes and leaves his garment (Gen. 39:12b). The subsequent scene in vv. 13-20 describes the woman’s reaction to Joseph’s escape. The seductress keeps the garment and calls upon the “men of her house” (‫)אנׁשי הבית‬, to whom she alleges that Joseph harassed her, while she raised her voice and cried (vv. 13-15). The cry signifies her non-consent to Joseph’s alleged sexual approach and concords with the behavior required for a woman to go unpunished in the Deuteronomistic laws on rape such as Deut. 22:24, 27.16 Against this backdrop, the wife’s speech suggests to the servants her law-abiding behavior and aims to win them over as feigned witnesses on her behalf.17 She was entirely innocent, a victim of Joseph’s violent desire. The purported material proof of her innocence is Joseph’s garment, which she keeps with her in order to present it to her husband (v. 16).18 When her husband finally arrives, she confronts him with the alleged rape, referring both to her non-consent (‫ )ויהי כהרימי קולי ואקרא‬and to Joseph’s garment (‫ויעזב בגדו‬ ‫)אצלי וינס החוצה‬. As no explicit mention of the feigned auricular witnesses is made before her husband, the garment bears the main burden of proof to corroborate her case.19 However circumstantial the evidence may be, it convinces Joseph’s master, who imprisons his servant (Gen. 39:20). In light of the foregoing observations, the ultimate function of Joseph’s garment in Gen. 39 is that of circumstantial proof of attempted rape.20 Against the background of attempted rape, the divestiture symbolizes both the violent and sexual nature of Joseph’s assault and the non-consent of his master’s wife. Of course, for the readers, who are aware of the actual events, the garment will evoke different associations. From their perspective, the garment represents a symbol of vulnerability and betrayal.21 15 Cf. Jacob, Genesis, 728; von Rad, Das erste Buch Mose, 319; Levin, Jahwist, 275; Westermann, Genesis, 60; Ruppert, Genesis, 173; Cotter, Genesis, 291. 16 Cf. Levin, Jahwist, 277–8. 17 Cf. ibid. 18 Cf. ibid., 277; Matthews, “Clothing,” 32, or Huddlestun, “Divestiture,” 56. 19 Cf. Huddlestun, “Divestiture,” 56. 20 Matthews, “Clothing,” 36, believes that garments within the Joseph narrative initiate changes in status. With regard to Gen. 39 he understands the stripping off of Joseph’s garment as a change in status from “servant” to “prisoner”; Matthews, “Clothing,” 32. While it is certainly true that the failed seduction leads to Joseph’s imprisonment, no explicit connection between the loss of his robe and his status as prisoner can be discerned within the literary context. In the absence of literary evidence, we may thus presume that the authors of Gen. 39 were not primarily concerned with the garment motif as a social marker for a change in status or loss of status. 21 Matthews, “Clothing,” 32, suggests that “the garment, which has provided an element of honor to Joseph’s status as a slave, now becomes the basis for his shame.” This assessment is based on his assumption that Joseph was previously granted a special garment by Potiphar as “an outward sign of his authority and his enhanced role within the household.” As Matthews himself concedes, however, no such investiture is mentioned in the text. If we confine ourselves to the actual literary context, the garment serves as fake proof of Joseph’s guilt. From a metaphorical perspective, it leaves him bare and betrayed.

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Joseph, who serves his master loyally, is harassed physically by his master’s wife. She grabs him by his garment and demands that he be intimate with her. Terrified by her approach, Joseph leaves his garment and flees outside. Metaphorically speaking, the woman’s assault leaves him exposed. She strips him of his dignity and innocence, while turning the very symbol of his decency into one of his alleged betrayal against her husband. Thus exposed, Joseph can only accept his punishment. The betrayed becomes the betrayer, as the reflection of his loyalty is presented as evidence of his betrayal. As in Gen. 37, the conflict between Joseph and another party results in the presentation of false proof that creates a new reality. However, whereas in Gen. 37 Joseph himself actively contributed to the fraternal conflict,22 in Gen. 39 he is nothing but the victim of his master’s wife. Both his brothers and his master’s wife strip him of an item of clothing, thus leaving him vulnerable and exposed. Through this act of divestiture, he is disconnected from his family and his master, respectively. The garment acts as sign of this rupture, a symbol of betrayal and resentment. Yet while betrayal and resentment may succeed in dissociating Joseph from his current reality, the progression of the narrative shows that the reality created through deceit ultimately benefits not only Joseph but also the entire family of Israel. For his rise to power in Egypt ensures Israel’s survival through the great famine, which considering the connections between Gen. 42:6, 9 and Gen. 37:5-8 was God’s plan all along (see the textual comparison below). While humans may temporarily influence reality by deceit, God will prevail and reverse fate according to his providence. Gen. 37:7-8: The brothers’ sheaves bow down before Joseph’s sheaf ‫והנה אנחנו מאלמים אלמים בתוך הׂשדה והנה קמה אלמתי וגם־נצבה והנה תסבינה אלמתיכם‬ ‫ותׁשתחוין לאלמתי׃‬7 ‫ויאמרו לו אחיו המלך תמלך עלינו אם־מׁשול תמׁשל בנו ויוספו עוד ׂשנא אתו על־חלמתיו‬ ‫ועל־דבריו׃‬8

Gen. 42:6, 9: The brothers bow down before Joseph, the overseer of grain ‫ויוסף הוא הׁשליט על־הארץ הוא המׁשביר לכל־עם הארץ ויבאו אחי יוסף ויׁשתחוו־לו אפים ארצה׃‬6 ‫ויזכר יוסף את החלמות אׁשר חלם להם ויאמר אלהם מרגלים אתם לראות את־ערות הארץ באתם׃‬9

In Gen. 41:42 and Gen. 45:22, the reversal of fate is associated with additional items of clothing.23 Although these statements may be secondary embellishments of the Joseph narrative,24 they react to the function of clothing in Gen. 37; 39 described above: While Joseph is stripped of his clothing in Gen. 37; 39, he receives new garments in Gen. 41:42. This investiture once again creates a new reality and marks the beginning of Joseph’s function as provider for the family of Israel. He may have been demoted by his brothers and his master’s wife, but Pharaoh promotes him to a high office. Joseph himself will then provide his brothers with new garments in Gen. 45, thus concluding Cf. Levin, Jahwist, 269. 23 Cf. Matthews, “Clothing,” 33‒6, or Huddlestun, “Divestiture,” 61. 24 Cf. Levin, Jahwist, 285, 304, or Ede, Josefsgeschichte, 148‒9, 305‒6. 22

 395

The Garment Motif in Gen. 37–39

395

the fraternal conflict that began with Joseph’s divestiture in Gen. 37. One brother that is particularly associated with Joseph’s sale into Egypt is Judah (Gen. 37:26-27). It is to this brother that we will now turn our attention, as he—like Joseph—becomes the object of seduction in Gen. 38. Unlike Joseph, however, Judah is not entirely innocent in that scenario.

3.  The Story of Judah and Tamar and Its Relationship to Gen. 37; 39 It has long been recognized that Gen. 38 disrupts the narrative connection between Gen. 37 and 39.25 This observations has led scholars to the conclusion, for example, that Gen. 38 represents an originally independent narrative that was only later integrated into the Joseph narrative.26 As Robert Alter, Lothar Ruppert, or Esther Menn have shown, however, Gen. 38 shares both terminology and motifs with its surrounding context in the Joseph narrative.27 While this observation per se can of course not determine that Gen. 38 is an integral (i.e., original) part of the Joseph narrative,28 it virtually excludes its original independence. Rather, we must assume that the authors of Gen. 38 were fully aware of certain motifs within the Joseph narrative, on which they drew in order to provide a particular depiction of Joseph’s older brother Judah. Among these are the motif of clothing as a means of deceit and the revelation of one’s identity through personal items.29 However, whereas in Gen. 37; 39 both aspects coincide, Gen. 38 not only distinguishes between revelation and concealment30 but also attributes these discrete aspects to Judah and Tamar, respectively. Genesis 38 begins with genealogical information that prepares for the story revolving around the conflict between Judah and Tamar. Judah has three sons, and the firstborn, Er, marries Tamar (v. 6). As Er is evil in the eyes of Yhwh, the deity lets him die, leaving Tamar as a childless widow (v. 7). Judah then demands of his second-born, Onan, that he go in to Tamar and establish offspring for his deceased brother (v. 8). When Onan refuses, Yhwh lets him die as well (vv. 9-10). Tamar is thus again left widowed and childless. Since only his youngest son, Shelah, remains, Judah decides that he should not marry Tamar, lest he meet the same fate as his older brothers. Thus, he sends his daughter-in-law off to her father’s house, ridding himself of any responsibility for her social welfare (v. 11).31 Cf. Speiser, Genesis, 299; Coats, “Unity,” 15; Hamilton, Genesis, 431; Redford, Study, 136; Levin, Jahwist, 273; Blum, Komposition, 224; Boecker, Josefsgeschichte, 95; Salm, Tamar, 201–2; Weimar, “Geschichte,” 91; Wenham, Genesis, 373; Kratz, Komposition, 283; Ruppert, Genesis, 138–9; WilliPlein, Genesis, 253–4; Brueggemann, Genesis, 312, or Leuchter, “Perspective,” 223. 26 Cf. Speiser, Genesis, 299; Coats, “Unity,” 15; Hamilton, Genesis, 431; Blum, Komposition, 224; Boecker, Josefsgeschichte, 95; Willi-Plein, Genesis, 253–4; Brueggemann, Genesis, 312, or Leuchter, “Perspective,” 223. 27 Cf. Ruppert, Genesis, 138; Alter, Art, 10, or Menn, Judah, 38‒9 and 75–8. 28 Cf. Graupner, Elohist, 323, or Seebass, Josephsgeschichte, 41, who consider Gen. 38 an integral part of J. 29 Cf. Huddlestun, “Divestiture,” 57‒8. 30 Cf. ibid., 53. 31 On the aspect of social provision cf. Menn, Judah, 59, or Salm, Tamar, 110, 150. 25

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Clothing and Nudity in the Hebrew Bible

When some time later Judah heads off for his sheepshearers, Tamar is told, “Your father-in-law is going up to Timnah to shear his sheep” (v. 13). Tamar reacts to this information as follows: She takes off her widow’s garments, puts on a veil, covers herself, and sits down at the entrance to Enaim, which is on the road to Timnah (v. 14). When Judah passes by, he sees her but does not recognize her (v. 16). This nonrecognition is juxtaposed with the recognition of her profession: He took her for a harlot (v. 15). The veil would then serve a double purpose: to conceal Tamar’s true identity and to reveal her as a prostitute. More recently, scholars have argued against the latter understanding, “citing biblical and ancient Near Eastern texts to show that the veil was not part of a prostitute’s costume.”32 One Ancient Near Eastern (ANE) law that is frequently considered in this context is the Middle Assyrian law §40, which, indeed, suggests that prostitutes were prohibited from concealing their identity: A harlot must not veil herself; her head must be uncovered; he who has seen a harlot veiled must arrest her, produce witnesses, (and) bring her to the palace tribunal; [ . . . ] they shall flog her fifty (times) with staves (and) pour pitch on her head.33

Moreover, as John Huddlestun and others have noted, “[T]‌he text itself is vague or evasive regarding Tamar’s status: she is never explicitly called a prostitute; rather, the association is made by Judah and Hirah, and may have as much to do with her location and mannerism as her dress.”34 The fact that Tamar’s location (‫ויט אליה אל‬ ‫הדרך‬, v. 16) may be an indication of her profession can be ascertained indirectly from passages such as Jer. 3:2 or Ezek. 16:25, where sitting at the side of the road is associated with prostitution.35 A more direct association is offered in the context of the epic of Gilgamesh, where Enkidu curses the harlot Šamḫat.36 Additionally, there is evidence not cited in the majority of commentaries or recent studies, for the ancient view that the veil was intended only to hide her identity. Both the LXX and the Vulgate expand the verse with the statement that he (Judah) did not recognize Tamar— thus, “When Judah saw her, he thought her to be a prostitute, for she had covered her face and he did not recognize her”—implying that the veil had more to do with hiding her true identity than portraying her as a prostitute.37

From a literary-critical perspective, the chronological priority of this intention is supported by the double explanation for Judah’s behavior in vv. 15-16, of which only v. 15b creates a connection between the veil and prostitution. Verse 16aβ, on the other hand, concentrates on the aspect of nonrecognition and draws on Tamar’s preparations from v. 14. Judah sent her off as a widow to her father’s house (v. 11). Now she takes 33 34 35 36 37 32

Huddlestun, “Divestiture,” 58. ANET, 183. Huddlestun, “Divestiture,” 58. Cf. Ebach, Genesis, 135; Boecker, Josefsgeschichte, 103, or Salm, Tamar, 128. Cf. Haas, Liebesgarten, 84–5. Huddlestun, “Divestiture,” 58 (emphasis original).

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The Garment Motif in Gen. 37–39

397

off her widow’s garments (‫ ;ותסר בגדי אלמנותה מעליה‬v. 14) and covers herself with a veil (‫ ;ותכס בצעיף‬v. 14) so as to veil/disguise herself (‫ ;ותתעלף‬v. 14). Judah sees her but does not recognize her (v. 15a, 16).38 Gen. 38:14a–16 ‫]׃‬. . .[ ‫ותסר בגדי אלמנותה מעליה ותכס בצעיף ותתעלף ותׁשב בפתח עינים אׁשר על־דרך תמנתה‬14 ‫ויראה יהודה‬15 ‫ויחׁשבה לזונה כי כסתה פניה׃‬ ‫ויט אליה אל־הדרך ויאמר הבה־נא אבוא אליך כי לא ידע כי כלתו הוא ותאמר מה־תתן־לי כי‬ ‫תבוא אלי׃‬16

Our overall observations thus suggest that the veil was only secondarily identified as a sign of prostitution.39 Its primary function would have been to conceal Tamar’s identity from her father-in-law. Unlike in Gen. 37; 39, the item of clothing, that is, the veil, would thus not serve as proof of identity but as a means of deception. Tamar veils herself in order to pull the wool over Judah’s eyes. And Judah is a ready victim to her deceit. He would, he promises, send her a kid from his flock should she be willing to sleep with him. Tamar insists on a pledge that he should leave with her in the meantime: His signet, his cord, and his staff—the equivalent of today’s identity card. Judah accepts her conditions, goes into her and she conceives by him. The motif of Tamar’s conception links the encounter both with the preceding and the following context. Within the preceding context, it hearkens back to her marriage with Er and Onan, both of whom died and left her as a childless widow. Following their deaths, Judah abdicated all of his responsibilities as father-in-law and sent Tamar off to her father’s house. Through her deceit, Tamar holds Judah accountable: She tricks him into providing for her by conceiving the child he had previously denied her.40 As time moves on, her pregnancy begins to show and Judah becomes aware of her alleged infidelity. Conception thus links the sexual encounter between Judah and Tamar with the subsequent context. Another motif that connects the revelation of Tamar’s pregnancy to her previous encounter with Judah is the pledge that he gave her and which she kept.41 The pledge reemerges in Gen. 38:25: ‫והיא ׁשלחה אל־חמיה לאמר לאיׁש אׁשר־אלה לו אנכי הרה ותאמר הכר נא‬ ‫למי החתמת והפתילים והמטה האלה‬. Judah not only recognizes the pledge but also concedes that Tamar is in the right: ‫צדקה ממני‬. It has long been recognized that Tamar’s request in Gen. 38:25 mirrors Gen. 37:32, where Joseph’s brothers ask their father: ‫הכר נא הכתנת‬

For a more detailed discussion of the arguments cf. Ede, Josefsgeschichte, 62‒7. 39 Differently Kim, “Structure,” 559: “So, it is possible to say that Judah held his tongue about her identity to Hirah. If Judah knew he had had sexual intercourse with Tamar, we can imagine that he might send Hirah to find her instead of going himself.” This assumption is rather problematic, however, as it contradicts the literary evidence. Verse 16 states explicitly that Judah did not recognize her: ‫כי לא ידע כי כלתו הוא‬. 40 Cf. the observations made by Coats, “Unity,” 16, or Menn, Judah, 23. 41 Cf. Alter, Art, 10; Ebach, Genesis, 142–5, or Salm, Tamar, 118. 38

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‫בנך הוא אם לא‬. Regarding the relationship between the two passages, Erhard Blum has concluded that [. . .] der Text in 37,32f., der sich vom Inhalt her dazu anbot, in Anlehnung an 38,25f. neu gestaltet wurde. Im Hinblick auf das überlieferungsgeschichtliche Verhältnis von Gen. 38 und Josephgeschichte deutet demnach alles darauf hin, daß letztere dem ‘Ergänzer’/ ‘Kompositor’ [. . .] literarisch vorgegeben war.42

Our literary-critical observations on Gen. 37:31-33, however, suggest the opposite. As we have seen above, the motif of Joseph’s ‫ כתנת‬seems to have been expanded by references to the special ‫כתנת‬, that is, ‫כתנת הפסים‬, which he receives from his father (Gen. 37:3b). The secondary connection of these motifs becomes apparent, for example, in the transmission of Joseph’s tunic in Gen. 37:32-33. While the brothers send the ‫כתנת הפסים‬, they seem to personally hand over Joseph’s tunic (see the textual comparison below). Given that Gen. 38:25 refers to the transmission of Judah’s personal items with ‫והיא ׁשלחה אל חמיה‬, it may already presuppose both motifs within Gen. 37. It would follow that the authors of Gen. 38 drew on Gen. 37* in order to deliberately parallel the conclusion to both storylines. These diachronic observations thus corroborate our initial and more general assumption that Gen. 38 borrowed the motif of garments/personal items as a means of deceit from Gen. 37. Gen. 37:32-33 ‫ויׁשלחו את־כתנת הפסים‬32 ‫ויביאו אל־אביהם ויאמרו זאת מצאנו הכר־נא הכתנת בנך הוא אם־לא׃‬ ‫ויכירה ויאמר כתנת בני חיה רעה אכלתהו טרף טרף יוסף׃‬33

Gen. 38:25 ‫הוא מוצאת והיא ׁשלחה אל־חמיה לאמר לאיׁש אׁשר־אלה לו אנכי הרה ותאמר הכר־נא למי החתמת‬ ‫והפתילים והמטה האלה׃‬25 ‫ויכר יהודה ויאמר צדקה ממני כי־על־כן לא־נתתיה לׁשלה בני ולא־יסף עוד לדעתה׃‬26

However, in contrast to both Gen. 37 and 39, the aspect of deceit in Gen. 38 bears a positive undertone. Judah sends Tamar away as a childless widow, disregarding any social responsibility toward his daughter-in-law.43 This negligence is discernable inner-biblically through the allusion to the levirate law (Deut. 25:5-7) with regard to Onan (Gen. 38:8-9) and Shelah (Gen. 38:14).44 It can also be related to Blum, Komposition, 245. Cf. similarly Leuchter, “Perspective,” 211. 43 Cf. the observation by Ebach, Genesis, 136 that Tamar is only concerned with Judah. Cf. further Belkin, Levirate, 278, who assumes that “Tamar, by playing the harlot, made Judah himself perform the duty of a levir. [. . .] If, however, a brother failed to perform his duty, the obligation of a levir it would appear then, fell on the father-in-law.” 44 Salm, Tamar, 150, rejects any connection between Gen. 38 and Deut. 25, since the story about Judah and Tamar is not concerned with legal details. 42

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The Garment Motif in Gen. 37–39

399

extrabiblical ANE laws such as the Hittite Law §19345 or the Middle Assyrian Law §33,46 which include the father-in-law as a potential husband in the event that there are no available brothers-in-law.47 In response to her father-in-law’s negligence, Tamar resorts to deception. The act of deception is framed by references to Tamar’s garments in vv. 14, 18. She takes off her widow’s garments, which could reveal her identity. In their place, she puts on a veil in order to conceal her identity and to trick Judah into restoring the justice he had previously denied her. From a metaphorical perspective, Tamar’s divestiture epitomizes the life she aspires to leave behind, while masking her identity marks the first step toward her new life as the mother of Judah’s offspring. The veil as a means of concealing her identity is juxtaposed with the transfer of Judah’s personal items, which serve to reveal his identity as the progenitor of Tamar’s child(ren) (vv. 17, 25). When Tamar puts on her widow’s garments in v. 18, she thus possesses the very proof that will soon deliver her from widowhood and social marginalization. Once pregnancy begins to show (v. 24), she sends word to her father-in-law: “ ‘It was the owner of these who made me pregnant.’ And she said, ‘Take note, please, whose these are, the signet and the cord and the staff.’ Then Judah acknowledged them and said, ‘She is more righteous than I’ ” (Gen 38:25-26*). In light of the foregoing observations, the interplay of concealment and revelation of identity through garments/personal items within Gen. 38 primarily serves to restore justice. The beneficiary of justice is Tamar, who was deprived of provision by Judah. Within the broader context of the Joseph story, the conflict between Judah and Tamar forms a contrast with Joseph’s success and prosperity in Egypt. Sold as a slave at the suggestion of his brother Judah (Gen. 37:26-28), Joseph resists temptation by Potiphar’s wife and rises to power. Judah, on the other hand, who remained at home, faces near extinction (Gen. 38:7-11) and gives in to the seduction of an apparent prostitute (Gen. 38:14-18).48 This juxtaposition of Joseph’s moral fortitude and success with Judah’s lapse in judgment may have been spun out of Judah’s role in Gen. 37:262749 and illustrates the consequence by way of example. A decisive link in this regard is the garment motif. In Gen. 37; 39, Joseph is violently stripped of his garments so that they may serve as false evidence. Conversely, in Gen. 38, Tamar voluntarily changes her clothes to conceal her identity and trick Judah into handing over his personal items so that they may serve as actual proof. Each time, deception is ultimately followed by the restoration of justice: Joseph, the wronged brother/slave rises to success in exile, while Tamar, the wronged daughter-in-law, becomes the mother of Judah’s offspring at home. Tamar thus represents Joseph’s positive counterpart, while Judah learns from his previous mistake and acknowledges his wrongdoing: “She is more righteous than I am” (Gen. 38:26). Cf. ANET, 196. 46 Cf. ibid., 183. 47 Cf. further the Neo-Babylonian law §12, where a sonless widow is entitled to inherit certain properties from her deceased husband that will ensure her social security. 48 Cf. Ede, Josefsgeschichte, 74‒7. 49 Cf. Levin, Jahwist, 271. 45

400

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Clothing and Nudity in the Hebrew Bible

4.  Conclusions Our analysis suggests that the garment motif creates a deliberate linkage between Gen. 37‒39. The earliest mention of the motif may be identified in the folkloric material on which the story of the scorned seductress in Gen. 39 may rely. Within the story of the scorned seductress, the garment serves as fake proof of rape. From a metaphorical perspective, it symbolizes both vulnerability and betrayal. Joseph is stripped of his garment and left “bare.” Exposed and vulnerable, he is falsely accused by his master’s wife and imprisoned by his master. The betrayed becomes the betrayer—yet not for long. Justice will prevail. Within the literary composition of the Joseph narrative, Joseph will rise to power by the grace of Pharaoh, who “arrayed him in garments of fine linen, and put a gold chain around his neck” (Gen. 41:42). The garment motif from the traditional material underlying Gen. 39 may have influenced the choice of the tunic as false evidence for Joseph’s death in Gen. 37. Here, the tunic becomes a symbol of violent familial rupture: Joseph is stripped of his familial bonds, and the mourning father is left with Joseph’s blood-stained tunic as alleged evidence of his death. Within the broader narrative context, this rupture creates a new reality in which Joseph thrives in Egyptian exile and becomes the guarantor of Israel’s survival during the great famine. This narrative arc reaches an initial climax in Gen. 45, where the father’s reaction to Joseph’s revival hearkens back to his mourning in Gen. 37: “And they told him, ‘Joseph is alive!’ [. . .] And the spirit of their father Jacob revived” (Gen. 45:26-27*). The motif of clothing was taken up once again by the authors of Gen. 38. Whereas in Gen. 37; 39, Joseph’s items of clothing serve to reveal his identity, Tamar’s change of garments serves the opposite purpose: She takes off her widow’s garments and veils herself so as to conceal her identity from Judah and tricks him into fathering her child. Paternity is then revealed through Judah’s personal items, which serve as actual proof of his “guilt.” Genesis 38 thus takes up both aspects associated with the garment motif in Gen. 37; 39: deceit and evidence. However, whereas Gen. 37; 39 feature deceit through fabricated evidence, Gen. 38 understands deceit as restoring justice through actual evidence. By means of this literary interplay, Judah is not only juxtaposed with his younger brother Joseph but is also depicted as his negative counterpart.

Bibliography Alter, Robert. The Art of Biblical Narrative. New York: Basic Books, 1981. Belkin, Samuel. “Levirate and Agnate Marriage in Rabbinic and Cognate Literature.” JQR 60.4 (1970): 275‒329. Blum, Erhard. Die Komposition der Vätergeschichte (WMANT 57). NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1985. Boecker, Hans J. Die Josefsgeschichte: Mit einem Anhang über die Geschichte der Tamar und die Stammessprüche. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2003. Brueggemann, Walter. Genesis: Interpretation: A Bible Commentary for Teaching and Preaching. Louisville, KY: Westminster John Knox, 1982.

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Coats, George W. “Redactional Unity in Gen 37–50.” JBL 93 (1974): 15–21. Cotter, David W. Genesis: Berit Olam Series. Wirmington: Michael Glazier, 2003. Dietrich, Walter. Die Josephserzählung als Novelle und Geschichtsschreibung: Zugleich ein Beitrag zur Pentateuchfrage (BThS 14). Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1989. Dillmann, August. Die Genesis. Leipzig: Verlag von S. Hirzel, 1882. Ebach, Jürgen. Genesis 37‒50 (HThKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2007. Ede, Franziska. Die Josefsgeschichte: Literarkritische und redaktionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur Entstehung von Gen 37‒50 (BZAW 485). Berlin: De Gruyter, 2016. Graupner, Axel. Der Elohist: Gegenwart und Wirksamkeit des transzendenten Gottes in der Geschichte. Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2002. Gunkel, Hermann. “Die Komposition der Joseph-Geschichten.” ZDMG 1 (1922): 55–71. Gunkel, Hermann. Genesis (HK), 4th edn. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1917. Haas, Volkert. Babylonischer Liebesgarten: Erotik und Sexualität im Alten Orient. Munich: C. H. Beck, 1999. Hamilton, Victor P. The Book of Genesis: Chapters 18–50 (NICOT). Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1995. Holzinger, Heinrich. Genesis (KHC). Tübingen: J. C. B. Mohr (Paul Siebeck), 1898. Huddlestun, John R. “Divestiture, Deception and Demotion: The Garment Motif in Genesis 37–39.” JSOT 98 (2002): 47–62. Jacob, Benno. Das erste Buch der Tora: Genesis. Stuttgart: Calwer, 2000. Kebekus, Norbert. Die Joseferzählung: Literaturkritische und redaktionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zu Gen 37–50. Münster: Waxmann, 1990. Kim, Dohyung. “The Structure of Genesis 38: A Thematic Reading.” VT 62 (2012): 550–60. Kratz, Reinhard G. The Composition of the Narrative Books of the Old Testament. London: T&T Clark, 2005. Kratz, Reinhard G. Die Komposition der erzählenden Bücher des Alten Testaments (UTB 2157). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2000. Leuchter, Mark. “Genesis 38 in Social and Historical Perspective.” JBL 132.2 (2013): 209–27. Levin, Christoph. Der Jahwist (FRLANT 157). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993. Matthews, Victor H. “The Anthropology of Clothing in the Joseph Narrative.” JSOT 65 (1995): 25‒36. McKenzie, John L. “Tamar and Her Biblical Interpreter.” In Die Erzväter in der biblischen Tradition: Festschrift für M. Köckert (BZAW 400), edited by Anselm C. Hagedorn and Henrik Pfeiffer, 197–208. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2009. Menn, Esther M. Judah and Tamar (Genesis 38) in Ancient Jewish Exegesis: Studies in Literary Form and Hermeneutics (JSJSup 51). Leiden: Brill, 1997. Redford, Donald B. A Study of the Biblical Story of Joseph (VTSup 20). Leiden: Brill, 1970. Ruppert, Lothar. Genesis: Ein kritischer und theologischer Kommentar (FB 98). Würzburg: Echter, 2008. Salm, Eva. Juda und Tamar: Eine exegetische Studie zu Gen 38 (FB 76). Würzburg: Echter, 1996. Schmitt, Hans-Christoph. Die nichtpriesterliche Josephsgeschichte: Zugleich ein Beitrag zur neuesten Pentateuchkritik (BZAW 154). Berlin: De Gruyter, 1980. Seebass, Horst. Genesis III: Josephsgeschichte (37,1–50,26). Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2000. Speiser, Ephraim A. Genesis (AB). New Haven: Yale University Press, 1963.

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Van Dijk-Hemmes, Fokkelien. “Tamar and the Limits of Patriarchy: Between Rape and Seduction (2 Samuel 13 and Genesis 38).” In Anti-Covenant: Counter-Reading Women’s Lives in the Hebrew Bible (JSOTSup 81), edited by Mieke Bal, 135–56. Sheffield: Bloomsbury T&T Clark, 1989. von Rad, Gerhard. Das erste Buch Mose (ATD 4). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1953. Weimar, Peter. “Jahwe aber war mit Josef (Gen 39,2): Eine Geschichte von programmatischer Bedeutung.” In Studien zur Josefsgeschichte (SBAB 44), edited by Peter Weimar, 61–124. Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 2008. Wenham, Gordon J. Genesis 16–50 (WBC II). Dallas: Thomas Nelson, 1996. Westermann, Claus. Genesis 37‒50 (BKAT I.3). Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1982. Willi-Plein, Ina. Das Buch Genesis: Kapitel 12–50 (NSKAT). Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 2011.

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The Symbolism of Vestimentary Acts in Gen. 27, Gen. 38, and 1 Sam. 17 Martina Weingärtner

1.  Introduction Narratives are a way to manage the complexity of life processes. Interaction with the text through a threefold mimesis—distancing, configuration, and refiguration— enables representative experience.1 The world of the text can become a space of learning, exchanging experiences, and handling self-understanding. The uniqueness of biblical and other religious narratives may be in their transcendent character. These narratives recount events that establish community and that liberate from danger. These narratives tell history-making events. This experience-increasing function of narratives is related to culturally specific experiences, actions, norms, materials, and symbols. As such, clothes as a cultural item play a relevant role in narratives, being the object of social or cultic rules, illuminating certain attitudes, and becoming a symbol. The present article will focus on this symbolic dimension of “dress in action”2 in Gen. 27, Gen. 38, and 1 Sam. 17, each of which representing a different dynamic of vestimentary actions. After some preliminary remarks about clothes as part of a cultural symbolic system (Section 1.1), the hermeneutical background of the textual analysis, namely Paul Ricœur’s reflections on culturally inherent symbolism (Section 1.2) will be introduced and will guide the textual analysis. Section 2 examines the three forms of vestimentary acts—dressing (Gen. 27), changing clothes (Gen. 38), and undressing (1 Sam. 17)—and focuses on the semantic and dynamic aspect of these acts, showing their symbolic meaning.

1.1 Clothes as Cultural Codes Verbal signs combine words into phrases and texts. The way of interweaving the signs and reading them within a cultural context expresses a message. By interpreting these signs beyond this technical layer, a particular meaning emerges from the perceived text. See Ricœur, Time and Narrative, 52–87. 2 Buck, “Clothes in Fact and Fiction,” 89. 1

404

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Clothing and Nudity in the Hebrew Bible

In the same way that verbal signs combine words into phrases and texts, textile signs can be combined to create a system of certain codes.3 This occurs in a nonverbal, symbolic way. These codes may differ in each context and become cultural codes that have to be more or less explicitly known and anticipated by the community. Clothes as symbols may be a universal item. Meanwhile, the concrete symbolic meanings are bound to a particular cultural environment.4 One universal aspect in clothing habits are developed vestimentary rules in rites of passage such as funerals. The idea is to surpass (metaphorically) the abstract or transcendence experience, making the ritual a form of coping strategy. However, the specific dress codes and their “point of reference” differ. In Western cultures, “wearing black—but not too revealing” has become a dress code for, for example, mourning in the context of a funeral. The biblical texts present the rite of ripping one’s tunic apart. Focusing on the black color, the first case symbolizes nothingness and inaction, a lack of color and vitality.5 The second case focuses on the dynamics of the act of ripping, symbolizing rupture and brokenness or shock.6 Naming this example of a religious tradition as part of a cultural system, clothes play a major role in the processes of bodily representation, defined as “second skin”: Religious traditions, as part of a cultural system, play a significant part in creating meaning about the body. In such representational processes of the body, clothing plays a special part . . . it is something generated.7

Besides this representational aspect, clothes—or, more precisely, vestimentary actions—can be understood as behavior embedded in cultural codes: Behavior requires a specific codification; social interactions occur in a cultural context in which clothing functions as a language.8

Unlike real clothing, textual references to clothing serve neither a practical nor an aesthetic function; “only written clothing . . . is entirely constituted with a view to a signification.”9

1.2 Culturally Inherent Symbolism According to Paul Ricœur 1.2.1  The Communication of Experience Every (religious) experience tends toward articulation and communication.10 This always occurs through a form of language (“langue”). One form is “pre”-conceptual, 3 On the etymological connection between text and textile see Gertz et al., “Metatext(ualität),” 208. 4 See Cairns, “Vêtu d’impudeur,” 175. 5 See Calefato, Clothed Body, 9. 6 See the contribution by Köhlmoos (Chapter 14) in this volume. 7 Pezzoli-Olgiati and Höpflinger, “Second Skin,” 8, my translation. 8 Ibid., 13, my translation. 9 Barthes, Fashion System, 8. 10 The following paragraph is based on Ricœur, “Poetik und Symbolik.”

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The Symbolism of Vestimentary Acts

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what Ricœur calls the symbolic way. On this level, he locates forms as narratives. This can be any kind of narrative, such as myths or fairy tales. The term “pre-conceptual” is not to be understood as naïve or unreflected. This specification differs toward expressions of religious experience in a more precise and terminological way, for example, dogmatic reflections or prayers.11 This symbolism is constitutive of cultures, as it enables their members to act in a meaningful manner. The symbol is more than a sign or a pictorial representation. Ricœur emphasizes the creative character of textual symbolism or metaphors, which enlarge our experience. He defines the enlargement of “parole” as semantic innovation. The discovery of new aspects in the narrated world is the heuristic innovation. These two moments—the semantic enlargement and the heuristic innovation—are relevant, expressing extraordinary, new religious experiences,12 which are found in the texts of the Hebrew Bible.

1.2.2  The Functions of Symbolism Ricœur names several functions of culturally inherent symbolism which go from a rather deductive or analytical description to a more hermeneutical and innovative interpretation of the symbolism. These differentiated functions of symbolism all lead to a certain “Lesbarkeit”13 (readability) of actions—the ability to interpret actions as meaningful. I will list these functions below, connecting them with particular biblical texts. The first function is to assign someone a certain role. A crown assigns the role of a king or queen, while a special habit can assign the status of a priest (e.g., Exod. 28). Second, symbols can structure a sequence of actions and therefore define them as a special action or ritual. A prominent example is the grieving ritual: The death of a person and the tearing of one’s robe into pieces express deep sorrow (e.g., Gen. 37:34). As a result, these interactions can become common cultural codes, which determine human behavior. Furthermore, one can ask whether such codes are used in a traditional way or are transformed (e.g., David’s changing clothes after the child’s death and the irritation concerning the servants’ reaction, 2 Sam. 12:20-21).14 Third, symbolism has the power to create community. It creates a common ground. Praying together or wearing a religious symbol binds a religious community together (e.g., Deut. 6:8: “to bind” [‫ ]קׁשר‬as signs). Last and most important, such symbolism enables us to interpret individual actions as “something.” The individual actions in a specific sequence provide a context in which we can interpret a vestimentary symbol as an action. To wear a ring can mean various 11 Ibid., 11–12. 12 Ibid., 20–1. 13 Ibid., 15. 14 Ricœur (ibid., 12–13) develops this point in further detail. Additionally, he works with Clifford Geertz’s differentiation of genetic and cultural codes that can resemble or differ from each other. Cultural codes can also undermine genetic codes (e.g., wearing a skirt = being a women). As the subject of the investigation are clothes—a culturally fabricated and defined object—the narratives already use culturally formed codes.

406

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Clothing and Nudity in the Hebrew Bible

things. Yet, in the texts of the Hebrew Bible, a person putting a ring on somebody else’s finger generally denotes a situation of installation or handing over an office (e.g., Gen. 41:42; Est. 8:2). These functions of symbolism will provide an interpretive framework for the narratives discussed below. The analysis will focus on the structure and semantics of the vestimentary acts, inquiring into the allocated role, interaction, and dynamics of these acts. Moreover, it will explore the possible innovative potential in the symbolism, by which the clothing act can be interpreted “as something” that goes beyond an illustration.15

2.  The Dynamics of Vestimentary Actions and Their Symbolic Meaning 2.1  Putting on Clothes: The Ambivalent Act of Dressing in Gen. 27 2.1.1  The Plot’s Structure The story of the so-called stolen blessing in Gen. 27 is a dramatic episode that explains how Jacob receives the blessing of his father, even though it should have gone to Esau as the firstborn.16 Rebecca urges Jacob to prepare himself. Appearing in front of the blind Isaac as Esau, Jacob is blessed by his father. In the end, Esau and Isaac become aware of the betrayal. The act of clothing dominates verses 11 through 17. In Gen. 27:11-13 Jacob raises an objection. Since he could be recognized as not being Esau, he risks looking like a fool to his father and receiving a curse instead of a blessing. The clue for his fear being unmasked is the physiognomic difference between himself and his brother: One is hairy, the other is smooth. After Rebecca has taken all possible blame upon herself, 15 See Verman, “Royalty,” 30–43, who examines narratives with the motif of the tearing of the royal cloak. In the same way that I am inquiring into the innovative moment in a narrative, Verman considers “the unexpected plot twists that defy the standard convention” (ibid., 30). Following Robert Alter, Verman notes that none of the stories “slavishly follows the convention” (ibid., 40). For example, the action of tearing “signifies grief and distress [and is interpreted] as symbolic of the irreparable rupture” (ibid., 32). Or, citing 2 Kgs 25:28-29, the “partial rehabilitation of the Davidic lineage . . . is signaled by a change of clothing, symbolizing an elevation in status” (ibid., 39). The vestimentary act visually underscores the explicit meaning or situation. Such acts do represent something—tearing apart is dividing. Ricœur’s understanding of symbol increasingly looks for a new, disruptive aspect in the narrated world: the symbol as something. It would require further discussion about tacit cultural knowledge to evaluate whether we have access to the convention itself (see Alter, Art, 60, 62) or whether the innovative and unexpected itself is the convention. At least in the (comparative) act of reading we can ask if a symbol goes beyond the conventional and enlarges our experience. In Ricœur’s words, the symbol gives rise to thought. The task of the poetic analysis of symbols is therefore a threefold mediation between reference, dialogue, and reflection, see Ricœur, “Poetik und Symbolik,” 13; cf. Ricœur, “Metaphor,” 98. 16 The conflict emerges from, among other things, the tradition that the blessing is irrevocable, exclusive, and a one-time event. Leuenberger, Segen, 235–41 defines blessings in this tradition as primary religious experiences.

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Jacob fulfills her orders of preparation (v. 14). In v. 15 she clothes him with Esau’s clothes, in v. 16 with goat’s hair. These verses contain two different vestimentary acts:17 one with goatskin (‫ )ערת גדיי העזים‬and one with valuable clothes (‫)בגדי עׂשו החמדת‬.18 They are similar in grammatical structure but different in the type of clothing used—a quite interesting twist.

2.1.2  Clothing with Goatskin What role is allocated? The hairy goatskins are used to imitate Esau’s physiology (‫ ׂשעיר‬in Gen. 27:11; 25:25). They allocate to Jacob the role of Esau, the firstborn and beloved child of his father (Gen. 25:28). As the hairy surface indicates a reference to the birth story, where Esau came out like a big hairy robe, Jacob wants to take on Esau’s nature in order to appear like Esau before Isaac. Jacob is not taking over “the whole” nature. Only his hands and neck are covered with the animal skin. “In case of touching/‫( ”אולי ימׁשני‬Gen. 27:12) as he formulates his interjection. Jacob needs to replicate Esau’s skin, his surface, on the relevant body parts.

How does this symbolism arrange actions? The sequence of the actions can be arranged as follows: Jacob states a physiological difference between himself and his brother, while Rebecca—in order to let him appear as Esau—imitates this surface. So, the structure is as follows: To imitate someone means to look like that person, and to look like someone means to be that person.

Is there a cultural code? Does it have a community-founding function? The code “to dress like someone means to be that person” is not enacted by the whole community and thus has no foundational function. The rules are only clear for Rebecca and Jacob. Furthermore, this code does not function as a cultural code. Isaac notices doubtfully: ‫( הקל קול יעקב‬Gen. 27:22). This shows that a person can be defined not only by his or her outer appearance but also by his or her voice—an additional individual characteristic. The action—appearing as Esau—only works temporarily or rather partly, as the moment of “dressing like somebody” is not recognized by Isaac (‫ותכהין‬ ‫עיניו מראת‬, Gen. 27:1).19 What happens here is Rebecca and Jacob trying to impose a

The different clothes play a different role in the interaction between Jacob and Isaac: the goatskin is the motive for Isaac wanting to touch and kiss Esau. The valuable clothes develop the motif of smelling. 18 The lexeme ‫ חמדות‬means something precious or valuable: see 2 Chron. 20:25; Dan. 11:43. 19 Interestingly, although it is a serious situation, not a festival, this dressing up as Esau is depicted in a clownish way: They took animal skin to imitate a human being and they put it only on select parts of the body. Jacob must have looked quite ridiculous. And indeed, he is afraid of looking like a fool in his father’s eyes should he be unmasked. This is a further hint that this action is counteracted. 17

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self-made cultural code onto a different common code: A human being is identified by his or her outward appearance as well as other characteristics.

How can we interpret this action? The text itself gives us a certain interpretation. It is a foolish action: Jacob is afraid to look like a fool (‫כמתעתע‬, v. 12). Having goatskin on his hands and neck also evokes a quite clownish image. And it is seen as an act of betrayal: Esau defines Jacob’s action as “coming in betrayal” (‫במרמה‬, Gen. 27:35). Taking over someone else’s role is a foolish action, and dressing up like someone else is an act of betrayal. This statement may not be surprising. Disguise in a play or a festival context, such as modern carnival, is perceived as a masquerade and recognized as such. Disguise outside this defined context is associated with lies and intrigue.20 Because Jacob is masqueraded as Esau outside a regulated and accepted order, the act of dressing up in this context is described as a negative act of disguise, associated with lies and intrigue. Jacob is not only dressed in the goatskin; rather, his vestimentary act has a second object: the valuable clothes of Esau. This enlarges the scene by a qualitatively different aspect.

2.1.3  Dressing in Esau’s Valuable Clothes What role is allocated? Since the clothes belong to Esau, it is again Esau’s role that Jacob seeks to enact.

How does this symbolism arrange actions? In order to identify this interaction, one should pay special attention to the grammatical structure: Rebecca causes Jacob (‫ )ותלבׁש את יעקב‬to put on valuable clothes. The verb ‫ לבׁש‬in its hiphil form and causative meaning generally describes a special inauguration, a way of “putting somebody into a new context”: A more senior person causes another person to put on valuable clothes or jewelry, which serves to install this person in a new status or office. In installing Aaron as a priest (Exod. 28:15), this could be formulated as God’s order to Moses.21 There is a dignified action described which prepares Jacob for the upcoming blessing and his being made heir by being adorned with precious clothes.22 See von Matt, Intrige, 85: Like irony in communication, masquerade in a play or a well-defined festival structure is clearly identified as disguise for everyone. In other contexts, however, a disguise is taken as reality and as such is comparable to a lie. 21 Another example in Genesis is found in the Joseph narrative when Pharaoh installs Joseph as a vice chancellor (Gen. 41:42-43); see Bender, Sprache, 70–1. 22 Due to the plot structure, the narrative motif of putting on Esau’s clothes functions primarily to disguise Jacob. Isaac’s sense of smell is thus intrigued by the smell of Esau. Yet the accompanying adjective for clothes points out the value of the clothes and thus refers to a special dimension. The term ‫ בגד‬can be used in different contexts and itself symbolizes an ambivalent item. Especially in the Joseph narrative, it is a corpus delicti (Gen. 39:12) or, accompanied by descriptions of richness or luxury, it is part of the act of handing over an office (Gen. 41:42). 20

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Bearing in mind that in the transition of an office, the clothes of the forerunner are often handed over to the successor (e.g., the mantle of Elijah in 1 Kgs 19:19), it is significant that Jacob wears Esau’s clothes, thereby taking over his office. Thus, these verses do not describe a masquerade or disguise but a preparation for a succession ritual, symbolized by the dignified act of being clothed in a precious robe.

What is the innovative moment? Putting something on to signify a certain status is first a form of comparison. The innovative moment lies in the combination of two actions that are usually not combined. To dress up in disguise and to dress up for a dignified situation such as hereditary succession are opposites. Yet as the specific context evolves, a new metaphorical meaning23 of the word ‫—לבׁש‬the ridiculous attempt of Jacob to achieve the role as successor—is overwhelmed by the interpretation of a situation of high dignity. Hence, the negative interpretation of Jacob’s actions as betrayal is read as a positive act of succession. Going one step further, this symbolism can be interpreted in a more generic way. Fulfilling the duty of a successor is an ambivalent task. In this figure of the successor, positive and negative elements are combined. Jacob is positively determined to receive the blessing, which is the fulfillment of God’s prophecy Rebecca received during her problematic pregnancy (Gen. 25:23). But this blessing does not only represent wealth and goods. The story that follows tells how Jacob has to flee because of his betrayal and Esau’s rage about it (Gen. 27:41-43). Calling to mind the allusion to Gen. 3:21, the clothing of Adam and Eve by God with garments of skin (‫)כתנות עור‬, it evokes the image of a successor who is assisted and protected by God but at the same time has to flee. This symbolizes the ambivalent human experience of succeeding and trespassing.24

2.2 Changing One’s Clothes: The Call for Justice in Gen. 38 The plot’s structure A second narrative in which clothing plays a key role is the story of Judah and Tamar in Gen. 38. After Tamar’s first husband dies, Judah, her father-in-law, marries his second son to her. Having done evil in the eyes of Yahweh, this son also dies. Fearing that his third son could die in the same way, Judah asks Tamar to wait as a widow until his youngest son is old enough for a levirate marriage (Gen. 38:6-11). Years pass, but Judah does not marry his youngest son to Tamar. Thus, she tries to become part of Judah’s family again. In different clothes and sitting on the street, Judah takes her for a prostitute. In exchange for a deposit, he takes her services and impregnates her (Gen. 38:12-19). Being pregnant without a husband, Tamar is accused of prostitution. But she gives evidence of Judah’s deposit, which proves that it was he who made her See Ricœur, “Metaphor,” 96. 24 See the contribution by Hartenstein (Chapter 19) in this volume. 23

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pregnant. In this way, it is revealed that he did not keep his word to marry her to his youngest son. “‫ ”צדקה ממני‬is his last statement (Gen. 38:24-26).

What role is allocated? The social role is clearly stated at the outset. The clothes of widowhood express the status of a woman without a husband or another male provider. As such, Tamar has to dress in a predefined manner; her status is that of a humble and poor person. Often mentioned together with orphans or foreigners, widows are one of the social groups that have to be particularly protected.25 It is possible to reverse this status by getting married again. In taking off the clothes of widowhood, Tamar temporarily changes her status. The change of clothes signifies a change of status from a widow to a prostitute. The text is ambivalent concerning this vestimentary act. As Franziska Ede shows in Chapter 21 in the present volume, the veil per se is not the sign of a prostitute; rather, Tamar’s location and act of sitting on the street define her as a prostitute.26 Generally, prostitutes are imagined in more revealing terms: Their hair is exposed, and they may even reveal their neckline.27 The veil’s material is not specified.28 Thus, the act of veiling herself and covering herself with a scarf is not the typical form of dress for a prostitute. Rather, it is a “bourgeois” way of dressing in public spaces. Indeed, the primary narrative function of the individual act of veiling is to conceal Tamar’s identity.29 But regarding the scene as a whole, this act is only one element in the act of changing clothes. Tamar has the status of a widow, a role that is humble. She temporarily changes her status to that of a prostitute. Her aim is not to change permanently, which is understandable, since prostitutes are also among the socially marginalized groups. She changes her role only temporarily in order to come into contact with Judah, which would not have been possible as long as she kept her status as a housebound widow.

How does this symbolism arrange actions? Tamar wants to get out of widowhood. As noted above, the only way is to marry again. As the legal option—a levirate marriage with Judah’s third son—does not seem to arise, she reaches out for a different interaction. A man who gets a woman pregnant has to marry her. And how does she achieve this? She plays with the cultural codes whereby special modes of dress define a social class or role in terms of a certain appearance, expectations, and behavioral patterns. 25 This is an important task of the king or the sovereign in Near Eastern traditions; see Molnar-Hidvegi, “Witwe und Waise,” 4. 26 See the contribution by Ede (Chapter 21) in this volume. 27 See Cooper, “Prostitution,” 14. 28 See, e.g., Ezek. 16:15-23, where the description of the faithless bride is closely related to beauty and precious clothing. 29 See the contribution by Ede (Chapter 21) in this volume, who argues from a literary critical perspective to distinguish the veiling as sign of prostitution toward the function of concealing.

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How can we interpret this action? A woman is a woman. Dressed and thus defined as a widow, one has to protect her. Defined as a prostitute, a single man has the license to have intercourse with her. Tamar knows these codes and uses them for her own purpose. Why does she do so? The regular legal right to become a wife again is not enforced. Laws have a very strong community-founding function. As part of a community, every person has to respect the law. Here, one may trust that the husband’s family will take care of a widowed woman. Yet when these duties are not realized, the community character is disturbed.

What is the innovative moment? The innovative moment in this narrative lies within the semantics. The semantic innovation is combining an act of clothing with human moral actions. All of the terms used for vestimentary actions have a semantic double meaning.30 The term ‫ סור‬means “to take off ” or “to deviate from something.” It is often used in a theological sense to describe moral deviation, such as not following the path of Yahweh (e.g., Deut. 5:32).31 Similarly, ‫ כסה‬can indicate the act of covering in a visual sense but also in a moral sense. It is often used in the context of “covering one’s nakedness” (e.g., Gen. 9:23) but also in the sense of hiding something that should not become public, such as a lie or improper behavior (e.g., Deut. 13:6-8). With respect to Tamar, this means that her actions have a negative undertone—or at least a moral tone. The way she invokes her right through ambivalent vestimentary acts gives this invocation a negative connotation. Yet looking at the end of the story and the narrative judgment, Tamar’s act is appreciated: ‫( !צדקה ממני‬Gen. 38:26). In order to clarify this discrepancy, a comparison with the figure of Judah can show a necessary distinction between righteousness and right. By uncovering herself, Tamar reestablishes her status as a widow. As such, revealing her status as pregnant is the reason for her accusation. Yet in revealing Judah’s items, his violation is also discovered. Not only did he sleep with his daughter-in-law; he also did not fulfill the expectations of the juridical codes.32 In Coats’ commentary on Genesis, the clothing scene is discussed only in terms of exchange. “The statement of change also reveals part of Tamar’s plan. She exchanges her widow’s garments for a veil, the custom of a prostitute (cf. v. 15).”33 According to Coats, “[t]he story intends to entertain by describing a basic injustice against a helpless widow, rectified by the heroic efforts of the widow herself. This injustice is a violation of the widow’s right (whether by law or by custom) . . . Moreover, an entertaining story affects the moral fabric of the society. To present a helpless widow whose just claim eventually receives a hearing from a judge who has the power of life and death over her casts a model for any audience.”34 Coats himself uses symbolic language Since there are other terms for changing one’s clothes that are not so ambivalent, we can assume that the word choice here is purposeful. 31 See Schwertner, “‫סור‬,” 149. 32 This reference to the law is of course one aspect of the story: see Lev. 18:15. 33 Coats, Genesis, 274. 34 Ibid., 276 (my emphasis). 30

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relating to clothing (“moral fabric”). He maintains a nonsymbolic interpretation of the vestimentary actions in the story as illustrating exchange—the exchange of Tamar’s services for a pledge in Gen. 38:18 and the exchange of the pledge for the proof of her innocence in Gen. 38:25. Within this system of exchange, the story as a whole is also interpreted as a juridical exchange of claiming and hearing. Furthermore, considering the strong parallels to Gen. 37, the clothes and items belonging to a person play a key role in the process of discovery and identification (cf. Gen. 37:32-33 with Gen. 38:25-2635): In Gen. 37, the garment’s identification becomes part of a betrayal and, results in uncovering the truth in Gen 38. . . . The term ‫ נכר‬combines aspects of identity and exchange. The examples highlight the close connection between a person’s identity and their clothing, and the concepts of disguise, concealing and pretending.36

In this scene, the use of clothing—the ring, cord, and stock—is not symbolic. A juridical discourse is not meant to be ambiguous. Clarifying rules and prohibitions and clearly connecting an action to a particular legal person, this scene of judgment uses the items of clothing in a denotative manner. In this passage, Judah’s violation is clearly defined as a violation of the community’s founding laws, a violation of one’s right. But with the figure of Tamar and the ambivalent vestimentary acts here, the question of righteousness or justice is raised. In comparison to Judah’s unequivocal identification, the figure of Tamar and the ambivalent vestimentary acts symbolize an ethical struggle for righteousness, the principle of ‫צדקה‬. Tamar does what is good in the eyes of Yahweh (in contrast to Gen. 38:10, ‫)וירע בעיני יהוה‬. Referring to the broader context—the Joseph narrative—this episode could be interpreted as narrative ethics, as a micro-narration of Gen. 50:20: “Even though you intended to do harm to me, God intended it for good.” The ambiguous character of the vestimentary acts that are narrated here as a complex change of clothing—and a sign of changing status—reflects on the ambivalent character of a moral judgment of Tamar’s actions or justice in general: In the biblical context, what is righteous can only be determined in relation to something else. Nothing can be considered righteous on its own, but only in relationship between God and people or among people themselves.37

2.3 Taking Clothes Off: The Narrative of the Metaphor “God is my shield” in 1 Sam. 17 The plot’s structure First Samuel 17:1-11 narrates the preparations for the battle between the Philistines and the Israelites. Goliath’s challenge to a duel and his description as incredibly tall See Bekins, “Tamar and Joseph,” 383. 36 Ebach, Genesis, 143–4, my translation. 37 Ibid., 147, my translation. 35

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and clothed in heavy battle gear frightens the Israelites. In vv. 12-31, David hears about Goliath and his affronts toward the Israelites. He is described as the youngest, the one who guards the flocks of sheep, and is clearly depicted in contrast to Goliath. The passage concerning the clothing theme appears in 1 Sam. 17:32-40. David takes it upon himself to fight against Goliath. Saul’s doubts about his youth and inexperience are dispelled by David’s brave stories about fighting dangerous animals. Finally agreeing, Saul puts his own battle gear on David, but David takes it all off again, “‫( ”כי לא נסיתי‬v. 39); instead, he takes his staff, stones, and sling. In 1 Sam. 17:4147, Goliath mocks David’s simple outfit. To the enemy’s threat, David counters that instead of coming with a sword, he comes in the name of the Lord. In 1 Sam. 17:48-53, David slings a single stone at Goliath and kills him. The Philistines flee in panic, and the Israelites pursue them. The chapter ends in vv. 54-58, as Saul calls for the victor David.38

What role is allocated? The role that is allocated in this narrative has two dimensions. On the one hand, it is the role of a warrior, in which David shall be seen by the community. A warrior is associated with weapons and strength, the expectation for this role is a frightening appearance for the enemies and in the end a victorious fighter. This role is vividly described in vv. 1-11 and clearly contrasted with David’s “natural” appearance, which does not create the impression of a warrior. Thus, Saul provides David with his armor and other battle equipment. This act marks the second dimension of the role allocated to David. It is Saul’s armor (‫מדיו‬, v. 38), the king’s armor, that David is urged to put on. It is the beginning of David’s heroic story as king, he is about to take over a royal status, alluded to by putting on Saul’s armor.39

How does this symbolism arrange the actions? So far, the vestimentary acts are arranged in an ordinary way. The connection between the actions indicates that one has no chance of winning if there is a great disparity in weapons and armor. The act of clothing David with armor refers to the code that a warrior is more frightening and powerful the more his natural appearance is enhanced by external equipment. The frightened reaction of the Israelites toward the figure of Goliath shows that this code has a communityfounding function.

38 The literary formation of this chapter is quite complex, dealing with largely different versions and their intentions. But whatever version serves as a basis, this does not affect the particular vestimentary act and its symbolic meaning. For further discussion, see Dietrich, Samuel, 306–7. 39 Again, the grammatical structure of ‫ לבׁש‬in the hiphil alludes to the installation scene, which certainly can be an implicit aspect regarding the larger context of the succession narrative. But the object is ‫מד‬, a simple, practical vest worn by men in a military context rather than as a status symbol. The lack of special clothes diminishes the impression of an enthronement in this context to an allusion; see Bender, Sprache, 119.

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What is the innovative moment? The innovative moment lies in David’s subsequent vestimentary action in 1 Sam. 17:39: “And David strapped (‫ )חגר‬his sword over his armor. And he tried in vain (‫ )אלה‬to go, for he had not tested them. Then David said to Saul, ‘I cannot (‫ )לא יכל‬go with these, for I have not tested (‫ )לא נסה‬them. So David took them off (‫’)סור‬.” The role ascribed by the community and symbolized by clothing David in armor does not fit him. Against all human experience—the warrior’s attire would certainly be a better defense against Goliath—David takes off the clothes and wears the items he is accustomed to instead.40 Refusing an allocated social role can cause ridicule or harm, as shown by Goliath’s reaction toward David entering the battlefield (1 Sam. 17:42-43). This underlines the impertinent character of David’s removal of Saul’s battle gear. Yet David does not enter the field completely naked: He comes in the name of Yahweh (‫בׁשם יהוה‬, v. 45). Yahweh is his weapon and will assist him in the fight as he did when David fought and overwhelmed wild animals (1 Sam. 17:32-40). David’s extraordinary act of taking off the usual battle attire signifies in an unequivocal way the putting off of a habit in trusting in human conventions of strength and power. The text, especially David’s speech in vv. 41-43, explicitly expresses the theological idea of trusting in God and God’s assistance against all human experience. The innovative moment in this vestimentary act is a play with opposites and contrasting experience. By taking off his (human) strength and thus exposing himself totally, David puts on (divine) assistance and thus increases his power more than any technical enhancement could have done. Only after exposure is protection possible.41 Only after failing and devaluating is self-understanding possible.42 This may be even more astonishing, given that in “most instances, disrobing stripped away a person’s identity and status while affirming the authority of the superior.”43 But in this case, David himself is undressing, and therefore the masculine (physical) nudity conveys a message about social order.44 The theological intention of this narrative is stated clearly. It is a narrative unfolding the metaphor of God as a protective shield (compare e.g., 1 Sam. 17:7, 41 with Ps. 5:13: ‫)כצנה‬. It is a concrete expression of the abstract experience of confidence in the salvific power of God and the trust in God rather than human vanity (compare, e.g., 1 Sam. 17:39 with Pss. 44:7: ‫ ;וחרבי לא תוׁשיעני‬144:10: ‫)הפוצה מחרב רעה‬. Verman, “Royalty,” 32 stresses the wording and interprets David’s act of taking off this attire “as indicating that he was not yet ready to succeed Saul,” which leads the way to a reading within the broader context of the succession narrative. 41 One of the central themes in this story is protection. The motif of protection occurs tacitly, e.g., in the depiction of David as a shepherd. In ancient Near East royal ideology, the shepherd figures as an image for the caring and protecting actions of the leader (see Dietrich, Samuel, 309.) Furthermore, one can read David’s speech about his experiences with wild animals in 1 Sam. 17:32-40 as a dutiful act of protecting his flock rather than a powerful self-representation as a big game hunter (see ibid., 358). 42 Kipfer, “David,” 160, 173, shows in her article literary criteria for the question of individuality in a case study on the figure of David. Regarding 1 Sam. 17, she states that the victory over Goliath is neither a unique selling point nor a heroic story. However, Kipfer also emphasizes the counteracting of established social systems. 43 Silverman, Jewish Dress, 9. 44 See ibid.; cf. also the contribution by Schulz (Chapter 26) in this volume. 40

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“This is not a story of a contest between warriors in which the weak, the underdog, defeats the stronger. This is a story that delivers a theological message that the outcome of the war is in the hands of God, no matter what weapons are used by the warring parties.”45

3.  Conclusion The foregoing analysis has shown that the heuristic tool of the different functions of symbolism can be helpful for interpreting vestimentary symbolism in particular and to describe one possible meaning of dress in biblical narratives.46 Vestimentary actions can have a comparative function (e.g., “putting on valuable clothes = putting on the right of an office”), but they can also have innovative metaphorical meanings. Being aware of this metaphorical potential, the narratives occur not only as simple demonstrations of something, but—in the sense of narrative theology or narrative ethics—show a reality as something. The successor, Jacob, is a protected fugitive like the first human himself. In the case of Tamar, ‫ צדקה‬is a phenomenon that needs to be invoked, even if through ambivalent methods. Finally, the narrative about David further develops the existing metaphor of “God is my shield” in narrative form.

Bibliography Alter, Robert. The Art of Biblical Narrative. New York: Basic Books, 1981. Barthes, Roland. The Fashion System. Trans. Matthew Ward and Richard Howard. Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983. Bekins, Peter. “Tamar and Joseph in Genesis 38 and 39.” JSOT 40 (2016): 357–97. Bender, Claudia. Die Sprache des Textilen. Untersuchungen zu Kleidung und Textilien im Alten Testament (BWANT 177). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008. Buck, Anne M. “Clothes in Fact and Fiction 1825–1865.” Costume 17.1 (1983): 89–104. Cairns, Douglas. “Vêtu d’impudeur et enveloppé de chagrin. Le rôle des métaphores de ‘l’habillement’ dans les concepts d’émotion en grèce ancienne.” In Vêtements antiques. S’habiller, se déshabiller dans les mondes anciens, edited by Florence Gherchanoc and Valérie Huet, 175–88. Arles: Editions Errance, 2012. Calefato, Patrizia. The Clothed Body. Trans. Lisa Adams. Oxford: Berg, 2004. Coats, George W. Genesis: With an Introduction to Narrative Literature, Vol. I (FOTL). Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1983. Cooper, Jerrold S. “Prostitution.” RLA 11 (2006): 12–21. Dietrich, Walter. Samuel. 1 Sam 13–26 (BKAT VIII.2). Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2015. Ebach, Jürgen. Genesis 37-50 (HThKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2007. Garsiel, Moshe. “The Valley of Elah Battle and the Duel of David with Goliath: Between History and Artistic Theological Historiography.” In Homeland and Exile: Biblical and Garsiel, “Battle,” 420. 46 See Silverman, Jewish Dress, 1: “Dress in this and other biblical tales, I maintain, resists any unitary or simple meaning.” 45

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Ancient Near Eastern Studies in Honour of Bustenay Oded, edited by Gershon Galil, Mark Geller, and Alan Millard (VTSup 139). 391–426. Leiden: Brill, 2009. Gertz, Jan Christian, et al. “Metatext(ualität).” In Materiale Textkulturen. Konzepte— Materialien—Praktiken (VWGTh 48), edited by Michael R. Ott, Rebecca Saur, and Thomas Meier, 207–17. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2015. Kipfer, Sara. “David—‘Individualität’ einer literarischen Figur in 1 Sam. 16–1 Kön 2.” In Individualität und Selbstreflexion in den Literaturen des Alten Testaments, edited by Andreas Wagner and Jürgen van Oorschot, 149–81. Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2017. Leuenberger, Martin. Segen und Segenstheologien im Alten Israel. Untersuchungen zur ihren religions- und theologiegeschichtlichen Konstellationen und Transformationen (AThANT 90). Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 2008. Molnar-Hidvegi, Nora. “Witwe und Waise (AT).” WiBiLex, April 2010. Available online: https://www.bibelwissenschaft.de/stichwort/34925/ (accessed March 17, 2016). Pezzoli-Olgiati, Daria and Anna-Katharina Höpflinger. “Second Skin. Ein religionstheoretischer Zugang zu Körper und Kleidung.” In Second Skin: Körper, Kleidung, Religion (Researching Contemporary Religion 14), edited by Monika Glavac, Anna-Katharina Höpflinger, and Daria Pezzoli-Olgiati, 7–26. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2013. Ricœur, Paul. “Metaphor and the Main Problem of Hermeneutics.” New Literary History 6.1 (1974): 95–110. Ricœur, Paul. “Poetik und Symbolik.” In Die Mitte der Welt. Aufsätze zu Mircea Eliade, edited by Hans Peter Duerr, 11–34. Frankfurt am Main: Suhrkamp, 1984. Ricœur, Paul. Time and Narrative. Vol. I. Trans. Kathleen McLaughlin and David Pellauer. Chicago, IL: University of Chicago Press, 1984. Schwertner, Siegfried. “‫סור‬/abweichen.” ThWAT II (1979): 148–50. Silverman, Eric. A Cultural History of Jewish Dress. London: Bloomsbury, 2013. Verman, Mark. “Royalty, Robes and the Art of Biblical Narrative.” SJOT 30.1 (2016): 30–43. von Matt, Peter. Die Intrige. Theorie und Praxis der Hinterlist. Munich: Carl Hanser Verlag, 2006.

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“Mind the Step!” (Exod. 20:26), or, Even Better: “Wear Breeches!” (Exod. 28:42-43) The Issue of (Un-)Covering One’s “Shame” in Cultic Legislation Christoph Berner

In the legal portions of the Pentateuch, the issues of clothing and dress are dealt with in several specific contexts. To begin with, the Covenant Code and the law code of Deuteronomy focus primarily on possessory and social aspects of clothing (Exod. 21:10; 22:6-14, 20-26; Deut. 22:1-4; 24:10-13), whereas the prohibition of crossdressing (Deut. 22:5) and the regulations concerning the production of textiles (Deut. 22:11-12) address some additional peripheral issues, which already seem to reflect the influence of the Holiness Code (Lev. 19:19).1 In contrast to the bulk of material in the Covenant Code and the law code of Deuteronomy, the priestly legislation in the books of Exodus through Numbers takes a distinct approach toward clothing and dress by emphasizing the contexts of ritual purity and cultic service. Besides several passages prescribing how and when members of the cultic personnel should purify, don, and change their clothes (e.g., Lev. 6:4; 16:4, 23-24, 26, 28, 32; Num. 19:7-8, 10, 19, 21), another focal point of the priestly texts is the question of how one should deal with clothes that have been contaminated through diseases or bodily discharges (Lev. 13–15). Finally, the priestly chapter Exod. 28 provides an elaborate description of the high priestly garments, which epitomize the high priest’s role as the chief cultic mediator between the Israelites and YHWH.2 The literary evidence briefly summarized above indicates a great thematic diversity in the way clothing and dress are treated in the legal portions of the Pentateuch. From a modern point of view, one of the most striking similarities between the different priestly and nonpriestly passages is their silence about nudity and sex. As a rule, none of the aforementioned texts explicitly refers to a moral or ritual necessity to cover the naked body and, especially, the genitals. The sole exception is found at the very end See the contribution of Otto (Chapter 16) in this volume. 2 See the contribution of MacDonald (Chapter 24) in this volume. 1

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of the description of the priestly garments in Exod. 28:42-43. In what reads like an appendix to the preceding passage culminating with the priestly inauguration in Exod. 28:41, the two verses prescribe that all ministering priests must wear linen breeches to cover their genitals, lest they bring guilt upon themselves and die. The same basic issue is also reflected in the final verse of the altar law at the beginning of the Covenant Code (Exod. 20:26), which, however, takes a different approach by prohibiting the priests to approach the altar on steps so that their genitals will not be exposed. Thus, both Exod. 20:26 and Exod. 28:42-43 reflect different strategies for coping with the same basic problem, namely, the potential exposure of the priest’s genitals during the cultic service at the altar or in the sanctuary. The close similarities and the unique content of Exod. 20:26 and Exod. 28:4243 raise several important questions. What is the literary relationship between the two passages and their respective contexts? What is the rationale behind the two prescriptions, and how do they relate to concepts of nudity and clothing expressed elsewhere in the Hebrew Bible? And finally, can the two passages be related to a specific situation in the history of the Israelite cult and the development of the priestly dress? In what follows, I will address these questions and attempt to provide some answers. I will begin with the altar law of the Covenant Code (Exod. 20:24-26), which is commonly believed to be of pre-priestly origin (Section 1), and then proceed to the priestly passage Exod. 28:42-43 (Section 2). Finally, Section 3 will provide a brief summary of the results.

1.  How to Not Approach an Altar: The Meaning of the Prohibition in Exod. 20:26 and Its Literary Place in the Context of the Altar Law (Exod. 20:24-26) The discussion of the altar law in Exod. 20:24-26 is dominated by the religio-historical implications of the text, especially its first verse, and the question of how it relates to the law of centralization in Deut. 12. Traditionally, Exod. 20:24 has been assumed to be the earlier text, since it seems to promote the building of several altars throughout the land, whereas Deut. 12 introduces the restriction to only one legitimate cultic site.3 More recent scholars, however, have voiced the opinion that the altar law may already reflect a post-Deuteronomistic composition, which either openly contradicts the law of centralization4 or introduces an interim regulation with respect to the literary portrayal of the period prior to the building of the Jerusalem temple.5 The question is further complicated by the divergent manuscript evidence for Exod. 20:24, which indicates that already the early tradents of the text were in disagreement over the meaning of the altar law and its relationship to Deut. 12. For the purpose of the present article, however, these fundamental issues need not be decided, since it is highly questionable 3 See, e.g., Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 28–38; Conrad, Studien, 21; Levinson, Deuteronomy, 32–4; Otto, Deuteronomium 12,1–23,15, 1100–1; and the authors listed by Schmitt, “Altargesetz,” 278 n. 44. 4 Thus, e.g., van Seters, Law Book, 61, 63–4; Oswald, Israel, 195–6. 5 Cf. Houtman, Bundesbuch, 74; Schmitt, “Altargesetz,” 281.

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that the prohibition in Exod. 20:26 belonged to the earliest version of the altar law. Rather, there is compelling evidence to assume that the verse reflects a later stage of editing that is already of post-priestly origin.

1.1 Step by Step: The Editorial Development of the Altar Law The idea that the present form of Exod. 20:24-26 is the result of the successive editorial reworking of an earlier version of the altar law is neither new nor has it remained uncontested. Yet those who reject a redaction-critical approach and regard the text as a literary unity6 fail to provide an explanation for its obvious tensions and thematic discontinuities or, in other words, the “lack of explicit conceptual coordination and explanation of its different elements.”7 As a general rule, such literary evidence is indicative of an editorial process. Previous attempts to unravel the editorial history of Exod. 20:24-26, however, have not reached a consensus but have instead produced a variety of different explanations for the literary development of the text.8 This is due only in part to the ambiguities of the literary evidence and seems to result primarily from the methodological (and religio-historical!) presuppositions upon which the analysis is based.9 Thus, scholars advocating a form-critical approach tend to reconstruct an original sequence of one instruction and two prohibitions in Exod. 20:24aα(β), 25a, 26a, while the explanatory statements in Exod. 20:24b, 25b, 26b are interpreted as later redactional intrusions.10 The main problem of this approach, however, lies with its unproven presupposition, namely, that the present text must contain an early collection of altar laws that are clearly identifiable through the application of form-critical criteria. Yet upon closer investigation it becomes apparent that this approach results in a reconstruction that is neither formally nor thematically coherent. The presumed original text instead consists of a loose sequence of stipulations, and their rationale remains obscure without the allegedly secondary explanations. Since the form-critical approach fails to provide a convincing reconstruction, it seems more promising to focus primarily on a redaction-critical analysis of the text. For one thing, such analysis shows that there is no compelling reason to postulate a literary-historical distinction between the prohibitions and their respective explanations.11 Rather, it becomes apparent that the decisive thematic discontinuities that would justify the assumption of editorial development do not occur within but 6 See, e.g., Oswald, Israel, 111 n. 92; Osumi, Kompositionsgeschichte, 80–3; Van Seters, “Altar Law,” 160; Chavel, “Kingdom,” 171–3. 7 Chavel, “Kingdom,” 173. Despite pointing out these difficulties, however, Chavel arrives at a surprising conclusion: “Nonetheless, arguably it does comprise a single piece of discourse whose parts, in concert, make a coherent argument about Yahweh’s ideal form of altar space.” It is obvious that this harmonistic conclusion does not explain the literary difficulties of the text. 8 On the different reconstructions of the literary development of the altar law, see the discussion in Van Seters, “Altar Law,” and the brief overview in Schmitt, “Altargesetz,” 269–71 with n. 5. 9 See Schwienhorst-Schönberger, Bundesbuch, 295; Osumi, Kompositionsgeschichte, 80. 10 See, e.g., Schmitt, “Altargesetz,” 269–71, following Conrad, Studien, 9–20 (Exod. 20:24aα, 25aβ, 26a). An even more radical reconstruction is proposed by Halbe, Privilegrecht, 441–4 (Exod. 20:24aα, 26a), and Dohmen, Bilderverbot, 169–76 (Exod. 20:23b, 24aα). 11 See Osumi, Kompositionsgeschichte, 81.

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between the three verses. Thus, Exod. 20:25, which contains stipulations dealing with the erection of an altar of unhewn stones, stands in tension with the basic directive from Exod. 20:24, which focuses exclusively on an earthen altar. This is most easily explained by assuming that Exod. 20:25 was added by a later interpolator, who felt that the altar law should deal with this additional type of altar as well. Perhaps the addition of Exod. 20:25 can be explained against the background of the narrative sequence in Deut. 27:5-7; Josh. 8:30-31, where Moses commands the Israelites to build an altar of unhewn stones after the crossing of the Jordan River and Joshua executes this command after the conquest of Ai. The additional subcondition introduced in Exod. 20:25 may thus have simply served to provide a basis for this specific kind of altar within the altar law of the Covenant Code.12 Compared to Exod. 20:25, the subsequent verse Exod. 20:26 appears to be an even later interpolation. On the one hand, it is apparently dependent on Exod. 20:25, since it continues the sequence of prohibitions and seems to relate to a specific subtype of an altar made of stones, namely, one that features a flight of steps. On the other hand, by formulating a ritual directive instead of an additional building instruction and by addressing the issue of nudity in particular, Exod. 20:26 introduces a distinct new topic and perspective with no explicit relation to Exod. 20:25 and its potential source texts in Deut. 27; Josh. 8. Thus, it seems sensible to conclude that Exod. 20:26 represents an even later supplement to the altar law of the Covenant Code. To be sure, this relative chronology of Exod. 20:24-26 alone still reveals nothing about the place of Exod. 20:26 within the larger framework of the redaction history of the Pentateuch. There are, however, several clear indicators that point to a postpriestly context for the verse. To begin with, already Exod. 20:25 seems to be of post-priestly origin. The prohibition to profane (‫ )חלל‬the altar by using metal tools reflects a concern for the integrity of the sacred, which finds its closest parallels in priestly literature and is best explained against its background.13 Moreover, the motif of the altar on Mount Ebal (Deut. 27:5-7; Josh. 8:30-31) is also likely to reflect a postpriestly stage in the development of the books of Deuteronomy and Joshua,14 and the same would naturally apply to Exod. 20:25 if it was composed with this motif in mind. While the overall evidence thus clearly supports a post-priestly origin of Exod. 20:25, it follows that the same must also apply to the even later verse Exod. 20:26. This conclusion, moreover, is strongly supported by the specific terminology employed in Exod. 20:26. The phrase “to expose one’s nakedness” (‫ )גלה ערוה‬occurs predominantly in the books of Leviticus and Ezekiel.15 It is thus firmly rooted within priestly literature and was obviously borrowed from there by the editor who inserted Exod. 20:26. See already Zakovitch, ‫ספר הברית‬, 61; similarly Van Seters, “Altar Law,” 159; cf. Schmitt, “Altargesetz,” 276–7. 13 See Schmitt, “Altargesetz,” 277 n. 39. 14 See, e.g., Fritz, “Kein Altar,” 45–7 (“alle Anzeichen einer späten Entstehung”); Schmitt, “Altargesetz,” 276–7. 15 Apart from Exod. 20:26, there is only one other exception to this rule, namely, Isa. 47:3, which is likely to be influenced by the same priestly terminology as well. 12

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1.2 What is the Problem with Altar Steps? The Prohibition in Exod. 20:26 and Its Potential Points of Reference The redaction-critical analysis of the altar law has shown that Exod. 20:26 belongs to a post-priestly stage in the development of the Pentateuch,16 which means that the verse cannot be dated prior to the postexilic period. This result, in turn, has important consequences for the interpretation of the verse. For instance, the classical assumption that the verse reflects a polemic against cultic practices from ancient Canaan (or Egypt)17 is rendered implausible by its postexilic dating. If the verse responds to a concrete situation of priests18 exposing their genitals in front of an altar, one would rather have to look for a historical point of reference in the author’s own time, that is, the Persian or even Hellenistic period. At the same time, it is equally important to examine whether Exod. 20:26 might be explained as a purely textual phenomenon, that is, an exegetical response to some problem the editor encountered in the Pentateuch or beyond. Upon closer investigation, however, it appears that this latter option must be ruled out, since there are no pertinent reference texts in the Hebrew Bible that might have triggered the prohibition in Exod. 20:26.19 Also, it would be most improbable to assume a merely theoretical discussion of the consequences that might arise from the use of an altar with steps without such a structure being in use somewhere. For these reasons, the prohibition in Exod. 20:26 is best explained as a reaction to an actual problem that the author encountered in the cultic practice of his own time. Following these general remarks, it is time to take a closer look at Exod. 20:26 and its potential meaning and historical background. The first part of the verse (Exod. 20:26a) contains the prohibition to go up by steps to YHWH’s altar (‫ולא תעלה במעלת‬ ‫)על מזבחי‬. The type of altar envisaged here is apparently of such size that it requires steps for the priest to approach it and perform his sacrificial duties. The closest literary parallel for this type of altar is found in Ezek. 43:13-17, which provides a detailed description of the altar in the prophet’s vision, containing its specific measurements as well as an explicit reference to a flight of steps (‫ )מעלת‬on its eastern side. Moreover, a similar structure might also be in view in 2 Kgs 16:12, where king Ahaz is said to go up (‫ )עלה‬the altar. What the two texts have in common is thus the basic idea that the court of the central sanctuary contains an altar for burnt offerings, which is of such size

Note also the unusual connection of the negative consecutive clause with ‫אשר לא‬, which may be interpreted as a late linguistic feature (cf. Gen. 24:3; Eccl. 7:21; 1QS V, 4). Cf. Chavel, “Kingdom,” 206 n. 96. 17 See, e.g., Noth, Exodus, 142; Conrad, Studien, passim; Cassuto, Exodus, 257. 18 Strictly speaking, the text does not determine “whether the officiant is a layman or a priest” (Propp, Exodus 19–40, 185). However, considering that the altar in view is apparently a monumental structure with steps, one must associate it with a major cultic site (see below). Thus, it seems rather unlikely that Exod. 20:26 is dealing with lay cultic service. 19 Against Chavel, “Kingdom,” 196–7 with n. 75, who postulates an anti-royal tendency of the prohibition on steps since it “contradicts Solomon’s altar and . . . the prohibition on nudity stands against David’s behavior in 2 Sam. 6:14-23.” However, neither of the two intertextual connections indicated by Chavel is strong enough to support this conclusion; cf. n. 28. The literary relationship between Exod. 20:26 and Exod. 28:42-43 will be dealt with in Section 2.3. 16

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that the officiating priest must climb up and down, apparently making use of steps (or a similar structure).20 Despite the lack of archaeological evidence to corroborate the existence of an altar of this type at the First or Second Jerusalem Temple,21 there is no reason to discount the literary portrayals in 2 Kgs 16 and Ezek. 43 as mere fantasies of their authors. On the contrary, it seems safe to assume that there is some sort of connection between the literary representations of altars and actual cultic structures in the physical world.22 Thus, it is not overly speculative to imagine that the description of the altar in Ezek. 43 reflects the author’s familiarity with a similar cultic installation, perhaps in the court of the Second Temple.23 Admittedly, the brief account of the building of the altar of burnt offerings in Ezra 3:2-3 makes no reference to steps,24 but 2 Macc. 10:26 mentions them explicitly. Thus, there is some direct literary evidence, at least for the Hellenistic period, that the sanctuary precinct of the Second Temple included this kind of altar. Moreover, it may also be worthwhile to consider the archaeological evidence from the excavations on Mount Gerizim, which suggests the existence of two successive Samaritan sanctuaries in the Persian and Hellenistic periods, both of which contained a stone altar of considerable size for burnt offerings, although it is not entirely certain whether the two altars featured steps.25 Considering the above observations, it is easily conceivable that the postexilic author of Exod. 20:26 referred to a specific cultic situation from his own time. This naturally raises the question as to the rationale of this prohibition and the implications it entails with respect to its historical context. According to Exod. 20:26b, the reason for the prohibition against approaching the altar via steps is that in doing so one would risk exposing one’s genitals on/toward the altar.26 The latter specification clearly indicates that the prohibition is not concerned with the potential moral misgivings of a community attending the sacrificial act but instead follows an entirely cultic rationale. However, the author does not take a stance on ritual nudity in general but focuses exclusively on the problem of inadvertent exposure on/toward the altar,27 apparently assuming that this would threaten to defile the altar’s ritual integrity and must therefore be prevented at any cost. Although Exod. 20:26 makes no explicit reference to the 20 See also Lev. 9:22; 1 Kgs 1:53; 12:32-33; 2 Chr. 1:6; 4:1, where a similar type of altar seems to be in view. 21 For a general overview of the archaeological evidence pertaining to the different altar types excavated in Palestine and the surrounding regions, see Zevit, Religions, 123–274, 298–343; Mierse, Temples, 58–227, 306–8; and the synthesis provided by Kamlah, “Temples,” 507–34. 22 See Keel, Geschichte Jerusalems, 381, who argues that the altar for burnt offerings erected by king Ahaz in the court of the Jerusalem Temple (2 Kgs 16) featured a flight of steps and was influenced by an Aramaean prototype. 23 See Pohlmann, Ezechiel 20–48, 580. 24 Instead, the author of Ezra 3:2-3 claims that the altar was built according to the law of Moses, apparently a reference to the altar law from Exod. 20:24-26. Cf. also J.W. V 225. 25 See the discussion in Zangenberg, “Sanctuary,” 404–14. 26 While the MT reads ‫“( על המזבח‬on the altar”), the SP has ‫“( אל המזבח‬toward the altar”). According to Zakovitch, “‫ספר הברית‬,” 61 n. 8, the SP has retained the more original reading (cf. the parallel in Ezek. 16:37), while the MT reflects a theological correction. 27 See Sperling, “Pants,” 375 n. 11; against Sarna, Exodus, 117.

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priestly dress, it is obviously implied “that the sacrificer wore a loin cloth, a simple skirt, and that movements on a steep incline would expose his privates.”28 Interestingly, however, the author of Exod. 20:26 did not make any effort to devise a solution to this problem, for example, by prescribing the use of a certain kind of undergarment or by suggesting a different way to approach the altar.29 Instead, he was content to formulate a prohibition that ultimately prohibits the use of a specific kind of altar, namely, one with steps. If we assume that such an altar was in use at the Second Temple (and/or the Samaritan sanctuary on Mount Gerizim) when Exod. 20:26 was written, the verse could thus be interpreted as a polemical statement against the official cult. As a result, it would probably reflect the position of some oppositional group similar to the later Qumran community.

2.  A Priestly Approach to the Problem of Inadvertent Exposure of the Genitals: Breeches “to Cover the Flesh of Their Nakedness” (Exod. 28:42-43) Already Julius Wellhausen correctly noted that the prohibition in Exod. 20:26 shows no awareness of the priestly prescription in Exod. 28:42-43,30 which approaches the same basic problem in a more constructive way by prescribing the use of breeches. In what follows, I will provide a detailed analysis of this priestly passage, beginning with reflections on its literary setting and theological rationale.

2.1 “One Last Thing: Make Breeches for the Priests!”: The Literary Setting and Theological Rationale of Exod. 28:42-43 Following the most elaborate description of the priestly garments in Exod. 28:1-41, it is only the very last two verses of the chapter that introduce the instruction that all priests are supposed to wear linen breeches reaching from the loins to the thighs (Exod. 28:4243).31 As Nathan MacDonald has convincingly argued,32 the two verses constitute a very Houtman, Exodus III, 100. See also Propp, Exodus 19–40, 185, who points to the parallel of kind David exposing his nudity when dancing in front of the ark (2 Sam. 6). Although both passages obviously refer to a similar situation, it is important to note that 2 Sam. 6 does not join in the polemics expressed in Exod. 20:26. Thus, Michal does not criticize David for a specific type of ritual misconduct but expresses her misgivings that David’s uncovering himself before the eyes of his servants’ maids is an improper behavior for a king (2 Sam. 6:20). David’s rejection of her criticism implies that there is nothing wrong with a king exposing himself in a ritual dance for YHWH (2 Sam. 6:21-22). By contrast, it is only the later retelling of the story in 1 Chron. 15 that seems to betray reservations about the nude king. On 2 Sam. 6 and 1 Chron. 15, see the contribution of Schulz (Chapter 26) in this volume. 29 Against Zevit, “Altar Laws,” 56, who claims that Exod. 20:26 provides an implicit argument for furnishing the altar with a ramp instead of steps. This kind of speculation has no textual support. 30 “Der Grund übrigens, weshalb Exod. 20,26 die Stufen verboten werden, fällt hinweg, wenn die Priester Hosen tragen (Exod. 28,42)” (Wellhausen, Prolegomena, 29 n. 1); cf. Van Seters, “Altar Law,” 159; differently Schmitt, “Altargesetz,” 278, who claims that Exod. 20:26 is dependent on the priestly passage in Exod. 28:42-43. 31 See Bender, Sprache, 209–10. 32 See Chapter 24 in this volume. 28

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late appendix to a chapter, which has undergone complex editorial development. Apart from the main body of the text in Exod. 28:6-35 dealing with the details of Aaron’s ornate high priestly dress, there is a considerably briefer section in Exod. 28:39-41 that focuses on the priestly wardrobe for Aaron and his sons but prescribes the use of much plainer cloth worked from linen (‫)ׁשֵׁש‬. These two passages stand in obvious tension with each other, and their combination in the present sequence of the text must therefore be interpreted as the result of editorial development. Regardless of which of the two passages is more original, their editorial combination is already presupposed in the introductory list of priestly garments in Exod. 28:4a (cf. 29:5), which reflects the apparently late attempt to integrate the conflicting items from Exod. 28:6-35 and Exod. 28:39-41 into a coherent picture. Interestingly, however, the list fails to mention the linen breeches from Exod. 28:42-43, which clearly indicates that the latter two verses were not yet in view.33 Apparently, the same also applies to the high priest’s diadem described in Exod. 28:36-38, which is not mentioned in the list either. The passage on the diadem, however, is much better integrated within its literary context, since it continues the sequence of instructions with the same verbal pattern (perf. cons.) and was placed before the concluding reference to the priestly ordination in Exod. 28:41. In contrast, the passage prescribing the use of linen breeches in Exod. 28:42-43 is only loosely appended to this concluding statement and, instead of continuing the sequence of previous instructions, it is introduced as a completely new command by means of an imperative. It is thus apparent that Exod. 28:42-43 must constitute the latest substantial addition to the chapter. The late date of the editorial appendix in Exod. 28:42-43 is also reflected by the fact that the breeches introduced in these verses are mentioned only once more in the context of the sanctuary texts of the book of Exodus, namely, in Exod. 39:28.34 The latter verse is part of the extensive fulfilment report in Exod. 35–40, which is generally assumed to be a later recapitulation of the elements found in Exod. 25–31.35 The observation that Exod. 28:42-43 and Exod. 35–40 belong to a similarly late stage in the development of the priestly literature is also corroborated by a terminological detail: Exod. 28:43 contains the directive that all priests shall wear their breeches when entering the tent of meeting or when approaching the altar to minister “at the holy place” (‫)בקדׁש‬. The juxtaposition of the two cultic activities implies that the “holy place” is not an alternative designation for the tent shrine but instead refers to the entire sanctuary complex, which is typical for the use of the term ‫ קדׁש‬in Exod. 35–40.36 This 33 In contrast to Exod. 28:4a, the breeches occur among the items listed in the recapitulation of the priestly wardrobe in Exod. 39:28. The latter verse thus apparently reflects an even later stage in the development of the priestly literature, which already presupposes the late addition from Exod. 28:42-43. Against Bender, Sprache, 210, who argues that the breeches are not mentioned in Exod. 28:4 since they were not counted among the holy garments. If this assumption were correct, one would still expect a reference to the breeches in Exod. 29:5-6 and Lev. 8:7-9. 34 By contrast, the linen breeches do not occur in the account of Aaron’s inauguration in Lev. 8 and are missing in the list of items in Exod. 29:5-6. On the references to linen breeches in Lev. 6:4; 16:4; Ezek. 44:18 and their relationship with Exod. 28:42, see Sections 2.2. and 2.3. 35 See Nihan, Priestly Torah, 31–68. For the purpose of the present paper, the complex details of the redaction history of Exod. 35–40 can be left aside. 36 See, e.g., the contribution of MacDonald (Chapter 24), 445.

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means that the altar mentioned in Exod. 28:43 does not relate to the incense altar inside the tent but rather to the altar of burnt offerings located in the courtyard of the sanctuary (cf. Exod. 30:20). As a result, the instruction that the priests wear breeches has a universal scope covering all aspects of their service inside and outside the tent. The rationale for this universal instruction is given in Exod. 28:43aβ. According to this passage, wearing breeches is a precautionary measure to prevent the priests from bringing guilt upon themselves, resulting in their death.37 By implication, one must conclude that this is precisely what would happen if the priests failed “to cover the flesh of their nudity” (28:42a). Neglect of this directive is thus judged as a lethal threat to the ministering priest who comes into contact with the sphere of the sacred. A very similar rationale is also expressed in Exod. 28:35, where Aaron is ordered to wear bells to announce his entrance into the sanctuary, and in Exod. 30:20-21, which prescribe that all priests must wash their hands and feet before performing their cultic duties. In both passages, these preparatory measures are marked explicitly as a kind of life insurance for the priests.38 The directive for the priests to wear breeches is thus only one of several arrangements to ensure the priests’ well-being. Although the general purpose of the directive in Exod. 28:42-43 is quite evident, several important questions remain. For instance, it is not entirely clear whether the sole intention of the breeches is to avert an accidental exposure of the genitals or whether there might be an additional or alternative purpose, for example, to prevent the priestly vestments from becoming impure through bodily discharges. In addition, one should also clarify the implications of the specific terminology employed in the two verses, especially the designation of the breeches as ‫ מכנסי בד‬and the meaning of the unique phrase “to cover the flesh of nakedness” (‫)לכסות בׂשר ערוה‬. In order to elucidate these issues, it is necessary to widen the scope of the analysis beyond Exod. 28 and to include the additional biblical references to priestly breeches as well.

2.2  A Brief History of Priestly Breeches: The Biblical Reference Texts of Exod. 28:42-43 and Their Interconnections Apart from Exod. 28:42-43 and Exod. 39:28, there are three more instances where breeches (‫)מכנסים‬39 are explicitly mentioned, all of which occur in descriptions of the priestly garments (Lev. 6:3; 16:14; Ezek. 44:18).40 Among the three passages, Ezek. 44:18 stands out by using the term ‫“( פׁשת‬linen”) to designate the material of the clothes. Following the general instruction in Ezek. 44:17 that the priests must not Note that the latter motif has a specific connection with the book of Ezekiel; cf. Ezek. 3:18-19; 18:1718; 33:8-9. 38 Cf. Lev. 16:2, 13; 21:23. 39 The etymology of the term ‫ מכנסים‬is debated; see the contribution of Gzella (Chapter 9) in this volume as well as Sperling, “Pants,” 381–2, who provides an overview of the different theories. Given the late date of the references (see the discussion below), it would be intriguing to speculate about a connection with Mishnaic ‫“( נכנס‬enter”), but there is no linguistic evidence from earlier periods to substantiate this connection. 40 By implication, there are no biblical references to breeches in a secular context. For additional attestations of the priestly breeches in early Jewish literature, see Sir. 45:8; 1QM VII, 10 (par. 4Q491 1 III, 18); Ant. III 150–152. 37

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clothe themselves in anything made from wool but should put on linen garments (‫בגדי‬ ‫ )פׁשתים‬whenever they enter the inner court of the sanctuary, Ezek. 44:18a specifies that they should also wear linen turbans (‫ )פארי פׁשתים‬on their heads and linen breeches (‫ )מכנסי פׁשתים‬on their loins. Finally, Ezek. 44:18b states that the priests must not wear anything that might make them sweat and thus once again takes up the initial prohibition of woolen garments. Despite the close thematic ties between Ezek. 44:18 and the preceding verse, however, it is questionable whether the two verses reflect the work of the same author. First, the list of two specific items in Ezek. 44:18a is conspicuous, since it stands in tension with the general reference to the priestly garments from Ezek. 44:17. Second, Ezek. 44:18 as a whole interrupts the transition between Ezek. 44:17 and the corresponding directive in Ezek. 44:19 prescribing that the priests must again change their garments when leaving the inner court of the sanctuary. It is therefore reasonable to conclude that Ezek. 44:18 is a later addition.41 Considering the proposed redaction history of Ezek. 44:17-19, one can thus distinguish two stages of development with a distinct thematic focus. For the earlier text in Ezek. 44:17, 19, the sole concern is the spatial distinction between the holy (i.e., the inner court of the sanctuary) and the profane (i.e., the area outside). By introducing the linen garments as the dress of the ministering priests and by strictly confining their use to the inner court, the author devises a solution that prevents the priests from transmitting the holiness to the people. Apart from specifying the permitted fabric (linen), the author shows no further effort to clarify the specific items of the priestly wardrobe or to address their function from the perspective of the priest. It is only with the secondary verse Ezek. 44:18 that the latter two aspects are taken up. On the one hand, Ezek. 44:18b explains the exclusive use of linen with the light and breathable nature of this material, which prevents the priests from sweating. The text most likely reflects the concern that sweating might compromise the ritual purity of the priests. On the other hand, Ezek. 44:18a specifies two items that must be made of linen, namely, the turban and the breeches. Unfortunately, the precise connection between the two parts of Ezek. 44:18 is not entirely clear. Perhaps the author sought to stress that the turban and the breeches, in particular, must be made of linen in order to prevent the priests from sweating in the respective parts of the body, but this remains mere speculation. What can be said for certain, however, is that the author apparently felt the need to clarify that the priestly garments included a turban and breeches, which could obviously not be taken for granted. The linen breeches are, therefore, introduced in a very specific thematic context that does not explicitly address the problem of an accidental exposure of the priest’s genitals. However, considering the immediate literary context of Ezek. 44:18 with the preceding description of the large stepped altar in Ezek. 43:13-17, it is nevertheless conceivable that this problem might also be in view (cf. Exod. 20:26). Interestingly, the references to the priestly breeches in Lev. 6:3; 16:14 occur in a literary setting quite similar to that of Ezek. 44:17-19, since both chapters also distinguish different spatial spheres of holiness and prescribe that the priest change his clothes when moving from one place to the other (Lev. 6:4; 16:23-24). Apart from See Zimmerli, Ezechiel 25–48, 1133; Pohlmann, Ezechiel 20–48, 594. 41

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this general agreement, however, there are also considerable differences between the passages in the books of Leviticus and Ezekiel. Most importantly, Lev. 6:3; 16:14 employ a distinct terminology by referring to the breeches as ‫מכנסי בד‬. Unfortunately, the precise meaning of the term ‫ בד‬is not entirely clear.42 While it is usually interpreted as denoting a material or fabric (a kind of linen), some scholars have suggested that it indicates a functional aspect (e.g., a “separation garment,” from the root ‫)בדד‬.43 The latter option, however, is not supported by the Septuagint translators of the books of Exodus and Leviticus, who consistently rendered the term ‫ בד‬as βύσσινος or λινοῦς.44 It is therefore advisable to retain the traditional view that ‫ בד‬refers to a kind of linen, although the etymology of the term remains unclear.45 Despite this terminological ambiguity, it is nevertheless possible to draw some basic conclusions regarding the literary contextualization of the priestly breeches and their potential purpose. To begin with, Lev. 6:3 mentions the breeches in a context dealing with the disposal of the ashes from the altar of burnt offerings. It must be asked, however, whether the reference to the breeches in Lev. 6:3* (‫)ומכנסי בד ילבׁש על בׂשרו‬ belongs to the earliest version of the text or should instead be taken as a later addition. The latter option is supported by the observation that the phrase is construed as an inverted verbal clause, which repeats the verb from the beginning of the verse and thus stands out markedly from its context. This is most easily explained by assuming that the text originally contained only the general directive that the priest put on his garment (‫)ולבׁש הכהן מדו בד‬, which was followed immediately by the command to take up the ashes from the altar (. . .‫)והרים את הדׁשן‬.46 Since the text describes a ritual act directly related to the altar of burnt offering, the secondary addition of the priestly breeches seems to reflect a concern similar to the one expressed in Exod. 20:26, namely, that the priest must not accidentally expose his genitals when approaching the altar. Moreover, one might also consider whether the editor might have been influenced by 42 Besides the descriptions of the priestly wardrobe in Exod. 28:42; 39:28; Lev. 6:3; 16:4, 23, 32 (cf. 1 Sam. 2:18; 22:18; 2 Sam. 6:14; 1 Chron. 15:27), the term ‫ בד‬is only attested in the context of references to the dress of heavenly beings; see Ezek. 9:2-3, 11; 10:2, 6-7; Dan. 10:5; 12:6-7; cf. 1 En. 87:2; 90:22. 43 On this discussion, see Houtman, Exodus I, 160–1, and Bender, Sprache, 198–202. 44 The same applies to the Vulgate (“lineus”) and the Targumim (‫)בוץ‬. Cf. also the description of the priestly dress in Ant. III 152, which contains an explicit reference to breeches made of linen (ἐκ βύσσου). 45 See also the contribution by Gzella (Chapter 9) in this volume. 46 The interpretation of the text is complicated by the fact that Lev. 6:3 employs the term ‫ מד‬to designate the priest’s garment, which is elsewhere unattested in the Pentateuch. Moreover, the term is embedded in a syntactically awkward construction (‫“—מדו בד‬his garment of ‫ ”בד‬or “his garment, ‫)”בד‬, which was supplanted by a simpler reading in the Samaritan version (‫—מדי בד‬ “garments of ‫)”בד‬. For these reasons, one might consider whether the term ‫ בד‬is a later addition by the same editor who introduced the inverted verbal clause referring to the priestly breeches. Moreover, an additional problem arises with the directive in Lev. 6:4a that the priest change his garments. The terminology deviates from that used in Lev. 6:3, and it is unclear how the idea of multiple garments (‫ )בגדים‬relates to the notion of the priest’s ‫מד‬. Perhaps the instruction to change one’s garments should also be evaluated as a later addition that already presupposes the secondary reference to the breeches. In this case, one would also have to take the command to place the ashes beside the altar (Lev. 6:3b) as part of the editorial reworking, since temporarily depositing the ashes apparently serves no other purpose than to give the priest the opportunity to change. In this reconstruction, the original text would thus have consisted only of a simple sequence of commands in Lev. 6:3a*, 4b.

428

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the similar directive from Lev. 16:4, where the reference to the linen breeches finds its closest parallel. Leviticus 16:4 mentions the breeches in the context of a list of four pieces of clothing that Aaron is supposed to wear when entering the sanctuary to perform the rites of atonement. Some earlier commentators have argued that the entire verse should be regarded as a later addition, since it interrupts the thematic connection between Lev. 16:3 and 16:5, both of which deal with the selection of the sacrificial animals.47 Others have suggested that only its second part, Lev. 16:4b, is secondary, since it is strangely repetitive and gives the impression of being a later appendix48 that identifies the items from the preceding list as “holy garments” (‫ )בגדי קדׁש‬and supplies the directive that the priest should wash his skin before getting dressed. Both observations may in fact be correct, but it would require an extensive redaction-critical analysis of the entire chapter to prove this point. For the purpose of the present chapter, it must suffice to make some additional observations on Lev. 16:4a, since the literary integrity of this part of the verse is questionable as well. While the directives to put on the tunic, fasten the sash, and wear the turban form a coherent sequence of actions, the command that the breeches shall be on Aaron’s “flesh” is somewhat out of place in light of both its belated integration within the sequence and its impersonal style. Moreover, one can observe a terminological shift, since in this part of Lev. 16:4a the term ‫ בׂשר‬seems to refer specifically to Aaron’s genitals, while it has the much broader sense of “skin” in the rest of the chapter.49 It is therefore reasonable to conclude that the reference to the breeches in Lev. 16:4a* is a secondary interpolation.50 Considering the results of the above analysis, it emerges that the editorial development of Lev. 16:4a is very similar to that of Lev. 6:3a. In both instances, an almost identical phrase has been added by the hand of a later editor, who apparently saw the need to specify that the (high) priest’s garments included breeches to cover his flesh (‫)בׂשר‬, that is, his genitals. It is therefore not unlikely that we are dealing with the work of the same interpolator or at least two interpolations belonging to the same late editorial stage of the text. Although the priestly breeches were added in only the two passages in question, one must not overlook the fact that the reworked texts, that is, Lev. 6:3a* and Lev. 16:4a*, are in fact the only ones among the ritual ordinances in the book of Leviticus that already contain a reference to a specific element of the priestly dress. One could therefore justifiably argue that the editorial introduction of the priestly breeches reflects a comprehensive reworking of the book of Leviticus, 47 48 49 50

See the discussion in Nihan, Priestly Torah, 366. See, e.g., Noth, Leviticus, 103. Cf. Lev. 16:4b, 24, 26, 28. It is interesting to note that the remaining three items of the original list in Lev. 16:4a, namely, the tunic, the sash, and the turban, are identical with those mentioned in Exod. 28:39 (cf. Exod. 28:4), with the sole exception that in Lev. 16:4a* each of them appears in a construct chain governed by the term ‫בד‬. Considering this close parallel, Nathan MacDonald’s suggestion that there is a direct literary relationship between the two texts is further corroborated (see Chapter 24, 438). If his conclusion that Exod. 28:39 is based on Lev. 16:4a* is correct, the presumably secondary identification of the items as “holy garments” in Lev. 16:4b (cf. 16:32) might reflect a later attempt to align the list from Lev. 16:4a* with its counterpart in Exod. 28, where the high priest’s clothes are explicitly introduced as “holy garments” in v. 2 (cf. v. 4).

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which was driven by the concern to clarify that the priests must cover their genitals when ministering at the altar of burnt offerings or inside the tent shrine. Summing up the results of the above analysis, it could be shown that each of the references to the priestly breeches in Ezek. 44:18, Lev. 6:3*, and Lev. 16:4* are secondary in their respective literary contexts. While Ezek. 44:18 uses a distinct terminology and is only connected with the passages from the book of Leviticus in a general thematic way, it is apparent that the additions to Lev. 6:3* and Lev. 16:4* are closely related on an editorial level. Since the terminology employed in the two texts from the book of Leviticus also occurs in Exod. 28:42-43, this naturally raises the question of how the latter text can be correlated with this editorial process.

2.3 Protecting the Priest’s Private Parts at All Times: The Priestly Breeches and Their Purpose According to Exod. 28:42-43 Since the specific designation of the priestly breeches as ‫ מכנסי (ה)בד‬occurs only in Exod. 28:42; 39:28; Lev. 6:3; 16:4, it is natural to conclude that all four verses are related on a literary level. While Exod. 39:28 clearly presupposes the introduction of the breeches in Exod. 28:42-43 and thus cannot be earlier than that passage, there is compelling evidence to assume that Exod. 28:42-43 themselves presuppose the editorial layer in Lev. 6:3*; 16:4*. First, the term ‫ בד‬is already attested in the earlier literary layers of Lev. 6; 16 preceding the literary introduction of the priestly breeches, while in Exod. 28 it occurs only in connection with the breeches. It is therefore reasonable to assume that the terminology originally developed in the context of the book of Leviticus and was transferred to the book of Exodus only at a later stage.51 Second, it is noteworthy that Exod. 28:42aα uses a more elaborate terminology when defining the purpose of the breeches as “covering the flesh of nakedness” (‫)לכסות בׂשר ערוה‬, whereas Lev. 6:3; 16:4 describe the same state of affairs in a simpler way, stating that the breeches shall be “on his (i.e., the priest’s) flesh” (‫)על בׂשרו‬. In contrast to what could be observed with respect to the designation of the breeches, it is evident that the formulation employed in Exod. 28:42aα was not simply adopted from Lev. 6:3; 16:4 but also reflects a further development. Upon closer investigation, it becomes apparent that the expression “flesh of nakedness” (‫ )בׂשר ערוה‬in Exod. 28:42aα is highly artificial and occurs nowhere else in the entire Hebrew Bible. This is most easily explained by assuming a deliberate conflation of terminology from different source texts. While the term ‫ בׂשר‬was adopted from Lev. 6:3; 16:14, the most obvious background of the noun ‫“( ערוה‬nakedness”) in conjunction with the verb ‫“( כסה‬to cover”) is the final prohibition of the altar law in Exod. 20:26 prohibiting the priest from approaching the altar via steps lest his nakedness (‫ )ערוה‬be exposed (‫)גלה‬. Exod. 28:42-43 must therefore be interpreted against a double background. When read in the canonical sequence, the text responds to the issue raised in Exod. 20:26 and introduces a solution that would allow the priests to go up to the altar by steps without accidentally exposing their genitals.52 Note also that the description of the length of the breeches in Exod. 28:42b can be taken as additional evidence supporting this line of development, since in Lev. 6:3; 16:4 these details are not yet in view. 52 See already Sperling, “Pants,” 376. 51

430

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At the same time, Exod. 28:42-43 anticipates the isolated references to the priestly breeches in Lev. 6:3; 16:4 and introduces an “eternal law” (‫ )חקת עולם‬which clarifies that the breeches are an integral part of the wardrobe of all priests, Aaron and his sons alike, which must be worn whenever a priest approaches the altar of burnt offerings (cf. Lev. 6:3) or enters the tent of meeting (cf. Lev. 16:4) to perform his ritual duties. The above interpretation of Exod. 28:42-43 in light of its source texts strongly suggests that the sole issue at stake is the accidental exposure of the priest’s genitals, which is addressed as a fundamental problem with life-threatening consequences. Some scholars, however, have opposed this view and argued that the breeches must serve some other purpose, since the other priestly garments would already provide a sufficient covering for the priest’s genitals. Thus, Claudia Bender has concluded that the breeches served to avert a potential contamination of the outer priestly garments with bodily discharges, while their specific function as a covering of the genitals was limited to situations “when the priest was for some reason not wearing his holy official dress.”53 Deborah Rooke has even made the far-fetched suggestion that the breeches deconstruct the priest’s masculinity and transform his position “into one of wifely submission” faced “with an all-powerful heavenly male.”54 It is obvious that such speculation is not supported by the text. The main problem seems to be that both authors refrain from a redaction-historical analysis of Exod. 28 and instead try to interpret the entire text as the expression of a unified conception of priestly dress. This presupposition, however, is unfounded and misleading. Considering the complex redaction history of the chapter, it is evident that it comprises different and in part contradictory views of priestly clothing, which are, moreover, likely to relate in different ways to the actual cultic situation in postexilic times. While the highly stylized and symbolically charged description of the high priestly garments in Exod. 28:6-38 may reflect a merely theoretical concept, it is worth considering whether the late passage prescribing the use of breeches may in fact provide a much more realistic impression of what the priests were actually wearing, namely, a type of garment that occasionally exposed their private parts. Since the literary evidence suggests that the breeches can by no means be regarded as a traditional element of the priestly wardrobe but must instead be seen as a late postexilic innovation, this naturally raises the question as to the historical and cultural background of this garment. Several scholars have convincingly argued that the description of the priestly breeches in Exod. 28:42 (“reaching from the loins to the thighs”)55 reflects an element of Persian dress that is unattested in earlier periods in the ancient Near East.56 This observation, however, only provides a terminus post 53 Bender, Sprache, 210–11 (“wenn der Priester aus irgendwelchen Gründen seine heilige Amtskleidung nicht anhatte”). 54 Rooke, “Breeches,” 35. 55 Although Exod. 28:42b gives at least a basic idea of the breeches’ length reaching “from the loins to the thighs,” the form of these undergarments remains unspecified. For a possible reconstruction, see Bender, Sprache, 207–10. 56 See Sperling, “Pants,” 377–81. For the iconographic evidence, see Calmeyer, “Hose,” 472–6. Differently Bender, Sprache, 207, who seems to argue for an Egyptian origin of the priestly breeches.

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quem for the origin of the priestly breeches. What it fails to account for is the specific cultic rationale of the breeches as a covering for the priests’ genitals. It is therefore equally important to consider the potential historical background of the specific concern expressed in Exod. 28:42-43; Lev. 6:3; 16:4, namely, the need to prevent inadvertently exposing one’s genitals in a cultic context. Given the late date of the passages in question, one could speculate whether the texts might already reflect an early Hellenistic historical setting. Early Jewish sources show that the public display of nudity became a controversial issue,57 so it is at least conceivable that such controversy might have also led to increased sensitivity with respect to the display of nudity in a cultic context.

3.  Conclusions The above analysis has shown that the issue of priestly nudity is addressed and problematized only in a few texts from the late postexilic period. While Exod. 20:26 represents a post-priestly addition to the altar law that most likely polemicizes against priests (accidentally) exposing their genitals when ascending the altar by steps, the same basic problem is addressed in a more constructive way in the editorial expansions of the lists of priestly garments in Lev. 6:3*; 16:4*, which introduce the prescription of using breeches. A similar development may also be observed in Ezek. 44:18, although it is noteworthy that the verse has a slightly different focus and employs a distinct terminology (‫ )מכנסי פׁשתים‬diverging from that in the book of Leviticus (‫)מכנסי בד‬. This lack of terminological coherence suggests that the literary development in the two books was not directly related. Instead, it reflects the independent emergence of similar strategies that are likely to have responded to the same real-world problem of inadvertent exposure. A synthesis of the different pentateuchal positions and approaches is only provided by the late appendix in Exod. 28:42-43, which responds to the problem raised in Exod. 20:26 by declaring the use of breeches (Lev. 6:3*; 16:4*) to be an eternal ordinance. In a cultural-historical perspective, the breeches appear to be a late element of the priestly dress code borrowed from Persian dress, although the literary evidence suggests that the references should not be dated prior to the late Persian or even early Hellenistic period. Compared to the earlier description of the high priest’s ornate garments in Exod. 28:6-38, the breeches stand out in a remarkable contrast, since they are devoid of any symbolic meaning and serve a purely practical purpose. They thus reflect not only a later literary level but also a distinct approach to the requirements of priestly dress that may provide a more realistic impression of what priests in the Second Temple period were actually wearing.

57 See, e.g., Jub. 3:30-31; 7:20; 2 Macc. 4:12-14. Cf. also the penal code in 1QS VII 13-14, which prescribes a punishment of thirty days of reduced rations for anyone whose clothing is so full of holes that his nakedness is exposed. On the treatment of nudity and clothing in Second Temple literature, see the contribution by Orpana (Chapter 18) in this volume.

432

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Bibliography Bender, Claudia. Die Sprache des Textilen: Untersuchungen zu Kleidung und Textilien im Alten Testament (BWANT 177). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008. Calmeyer, Peter. “Hose.” RLA 4 (1975): 472–6. Cassuto, Umberto. A Commentary on the Book of Exodus. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1997. Chavel, Simeon. “A Kingdom of Priests and Its Earthen Altars in Exodus 19–24.” VT 65 (2015): 169–222. Conrad, Diethelm. “Studien zum Altargesetz Ex 20,24-26.” Marburg: unpubl. diss., 1968. Dohmen, Christoph. Das Bilderverbot: Seine Entstehung und seine Entwicklung im Alten Testament. 2nd edn. (BBB 62). Bonn: Athenäum, 1987. Fritz, Volkmar. “Kein Altar auf dem Ebal: Zur Interpretation eines archäologischen Befundes durch biblische Texte.” In “Einen Altar von Erde mache mir …”: Festschrift für Diethelm Conrad zu seinem 70. Geburtstag, edited by Johannes F. Diehl et al., 41–55. Waltrop: Verlag Hartmut Spenner, 2003. Halbe, Jörn. Das Privilegrecht Jahwes Ex 34,10-26: Gestalt und Wesen, Herkunft und Wirken in vordeuteronomischer Zeit (FRLANT 114). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1975. Houtman, Cornelis. Das Bundesbuch: Ein Kommentar. Leiden: Brill, 1997. Houtman, Cornelis. Exodus. Vol. 1 (HCOT). Kampen: Kok, 1993. Houtman, Cornelis, Exodus. Vol. 3 (HCOT). Leuven: Peeters, 2000. Kamlah, Jens. “Temples of the Levant: Comparative Aspects.” In Temple Building and Temple Cult: Architecture and Cultic Paraphernalia of Temples in the Levant (2.–1. Mill. B.C.E.), edited by Jens Kamlah, 507–34. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2012. Keel, Othmar. Die Geschichte Jerusalems und die Entstehung des Monotheismus. Vol. 1. Orte und Landschaften der Bibel IV.1. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2007. Levinson, Bernard M. Deuteronomy and the Hermeneutics of Legal Innovation. New York: Oxford University Press, 1997. Mierse, William E. Temples and Sanctuaries from the Early Iron Age Levant: Recovery after Collapse. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 2012. Nihan, Christophe. From Priestly Torah to Pentateuch: A Study in the Composition of the Book of Leviticus (FAT II.25). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007. Noth, Martin. Das dritte Buch Mose: Leviticus (ATD 6). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1962. Noth, Martin. Das zweite Buch Mose: Exodus (ATD 5). 8th edn. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1988. Osumi, Yuichi. Die Kompositionsgeschichte des Bundesbuches: Exodus 20,22b–23,33 (OBO 105). Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1991. Oswald, Wolfgang. Israel am Gottesberg: Eine Untersuchung zur Literargeschichte der vorderen Sinaiperikope Ex 19–24 und deren historischem Hintergrunde (OBO 159). Fribourg: Academic Press, 1998. Otto, Eckart. Deuteronomium 12–34: Erster Teilband: 12,1–23,15 (HThKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2016. Pohlmann, Karl-Friedrich. Der Prophet Hesekiel/Ezechiel: Kapitel 20–48 (ATD 22.2). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2001. Propp, William H. C. Exodus 19–40: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 2A). New York: Doubleday, 2006.

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Rooke, Deborah W. “Breeches of the Covenant: Gender, Garments, and the Priesthood.” In Embroidered Garments: Priests and Gender in Ancient Israel, edited by Deborah W. Rooke, 19–37. Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2009. Sarna, Nahum M. Exodus: The Traditional Hebrew Text with the New JPS Translation, Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1991. Schmitt, Hans-Christoph. “Das Altargesetz Ex 20,24-26 und seine redaktionsgeschichtlichen Bezüge.” In “Einen Altar von Erde mache mir . . .”: Festschrift für Diethelm Conrad zu seinem 70. Geburtstag, edited by Johannes F. Diehl et al., 269–82. Waltrop: Verlag Hartmut Spenner, 2003. Schwienhorst-Schönberger, Ludger. Das Bundesbuch (Ex 20,22-23,33): Studien zu seiner Entstehung und Theologie (BZAW 188). Berlin: De Gruyter, 1990. Sperling, S. David. “Pants, Persians, and the Priestly Source.” In Ki Baruch Hu: Ancient Near Eastern, Biblical, and Judaic Studies in Honor of Baruch A. Levine, edited by Robert Chazan et al., 373–85. Winona Lake, IN: Eidenbrauns, 1999. Van Seters, John. “The Altar Law of Ex 20,24-26 in Critical Debate.” In Auf dem Weg zur Endgestalt von Genesis bis II Regum: Festschrift Hans-Christoph Schmitt zum 65. Geburtstag (BZAW 370), edited by Martin Beck and Ulrike Schorn, 157–74. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2006. Van Seters, John. A Law Book for the Diaspora: Revision in the Study of the Covenant Code. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2003. Wellhausen, Julius. Prolegomena zur Geschichte Israels. 6th edn. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2001. Zakovitch, Yair. “‫תופעת הבומראנג‬ :‫ספר הברית מבאר את ספר הברית‬.” In Texts and Temples: A Tribute to Menahem Haran, edited by Michael V. Fox et al., 59–64. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1996. Zangenberg, Jürgen K. “The Sanctuary on Mount Gerizim: Observations on the Results of 20 Years of Excavation.” In Temple Building and Temple Cult: Architecture and Cultic Paraphernalia of Temples in the Levant (2.–1. Mill. B.C.E.), edited by Jens Kamlah, 399–418. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2012. Zevit, Ziony. “The Earthen Altar Laws of Exodus 20:24-26 and Related Sacrificial Restrictions in Their Cultural Contexts.” In Texts, Temples, and Traditions: A Tribute to Menahem Haran, edited by Michael V. Fox et al., 53–62. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1996. Zevit, Ziony. The Religions of Ancient Israel: A Synthesis of Parallactic Approaches. London: Continuum, 2001. Zimmerli, Walther. Ezechiel: 2. Teilband Ezechiel 25–48 (BKAT XIII.2). NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1969.

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24

The Priestly Vestments Nathan MacDonald

The priestly literature of the Pentateuch describes two different vestments that are to be worn by the high priest within the Tabernacle. According to Exod. 28, Aaron is to wear an intricate set of sacred vestments when he “goes into the holy place before YHWH” (‫בבאו אל הקדׁש לפני יהוה‬, vv. 29-30, 35): “a breastpiece, an ephod, a robe, a checked tunic, a turban and a sash” (v. 4) as well as a rosette (vv. 36-38) and linen undergarments (v. 42). The vestments are made from costly materials: gold, gemstones, fine linen, and yarns in blue, purple, and crimson. The reader is informed that the rich costume is for Aaron’s glorious adornment (v. 2), but also most of Aaron’s wardrobe is given a symbolic or instrumental significance. In contrast, Lev. 16 has Aaron “go into the holy place” (‫ ;יבא אהרן אל הקדׁש‬v. 3) to atone for Israel’s sins having bathed and dressed in simple vestments: a tunic, undergarments, sash, and turban (v. 4). These garments are said to be made from “linen,” ‫בד‬, a different word from the term in Exod. 28, ׁ‫ׁשש‬.1 On completing the prescribed rituals within the Tabernacle, Aaron is to remove his linen vestments, bathe, and put on his other clothes (‫)בגדיו‬. He then offers the burnt offerings and the fat of the sin offering on the altar (vv. 24-25). No indication is given as to the significance of Aaron’s dress. It is natural for the reader of the present text where Lev. 16 follows Exod. 28 to suppose that these other clothes that Aaron dons at the end of the ritual in Lev. 16 are those very same sacred vestments described in Exod. 28, and that they bear the same symbolic significance. In this way, the two different priestly vestments fit into a harmonious whole. In this essay, however, I will examine the two different portraits of the priestly vestments and argue that they were originally independent accounts of priestly clothing that have been harmonized. I will then consider the symbolic significance attributed to the vestments.

For my sister, Hannah: ‫אשה חכמה לב אשר נתן יהוה חכמה ותבונה בה לדעת לעשת את כל מלאכת רקם בתכלת ובארגמן בתולעת השני ובשש‬. 1 ‫ ׁשׁש‬is an Egyptian loanword and is used of a fine linen associated with wealth and status (e.g., Gen. 41:42; Ezek. 16:10, 13; 27:7; Prov. 31:22). The etymological origins of the word ‫ דב‬are uncertain. It is only worn by God’s priestly (1 Sam. 2:18; 22:18; 2 Sam. 6:14) or angelic attendants (Ezek. 9:2, 3, 11; 10:2, 6; Dan. 10:5; 12:6-7).

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1.  Two Descriptions of the Priestly Vestments The reader who approaches Lev. 16 having read Exod. 28 is likely to assume that the garments worn on the Day of Atonement are a modified version of the full regalia of the high priest. The ease with which readers relate these two accounts of the priestly vestments can partly be explained by their common elements. Exodus 28 and Lev. 16 agree that the priests wore a tunic (‫)כתנת‬, a turban (‫)מצנפת‬, a sash (‫)אבנט‬, and undergarments (‫)מכנסים‬. In such a reading the high priest entered the holy of holies without the ephod, the breastpiece, or the robe. Unsurprisingly, readers since ancient times have regarded the divestment of Aaron’s elegant garments as an act of humility in approaching God. According to the Jerusalem Talmud: Why does he not serve in the golden vestments? Because of haughtiness. Rebbi Simon said do not inflate yourself in front of the king (Prov. 25:6). Rebbi Levi said, because an accuser does not become a defense attorney. Yesterday it was written about them, they made golden gods for themselves (Exod. 32:31), and today he would officiate in golden vestments?2

Though such readings are still found in modern commentaries,3 they are problematic for having transformed an act of getting dressed into an act of divesting. Leviticus 16 says nothing about Aaron removing ephod, breastpiece and robe. Indeed, in light of what is said about those items in Exod. 28, we might be surprised that Aaron would remove them. The breastpiece is worn for a “continual remembrance before YHWH,” and the bells and pomegranates on Aaron’s robe make a sound so that Aaron does not die during his ministering in the sanctuary. Why are they to be removed on the very day that Aaron enters the inner sanctum? Might we be better to read Lev. 16 without an eye to Exod. 28? Were we to do so it would be natural to suppose that Aaron’s other clothes are simply his everyday clothes. Reading Lev. 16 in this way is not simply willful. It is well known that Lev. 16 is an erratic within the landscape of the priestly literature: a monumental boulder significantly different from the surrounding rock and seemingly transferred to its present location from elsewhere. Most conspicuously, it uses “the holy place” (‫)הקדׁש‬ for what is elsewhere in the priestly literature called “the holy of holies” (‫)קדׁש הקדׁשים‬. Also unique is its reference to the inner sanctum as ‫( מקדׁש הקדׁש‬v. 33). The deployment of “to atone,” ‫כפר‬, is also distinctive. Alongside the typical expression ‫ כפר על‬we also find the unusual expression ‫כפר בעד‬.4 Nowhere else in P is Azazel referred to, and the reference to a demonic figure is without parallel in the priestly literature.5 Thus, for Lev. 16 to have its own perspective on the priestly vestments would be in keeping with

y. Yoma 7:3 (Guggenheimer’s translation). 3 Milgrom, Leviticus 1–16, 1016; Balentine, Leviticus, 126. 4 For ‫ כפר‬in Lev 16 see, inter alia, Janowski, Sühne; Milgrom, Leviticus 1–16, 1079–84. 5 For a discussion of ‫ עזאזל‬and its possible meanings, see, inter alia, Janowski and Wilhelm, “Bock”; Fauth, “Spuren”; Milgrom, Leviticus 1–16, 620–1; Nihan, Priestly Torah, 351–4. 2

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other features of the chapter, and there is a case for resisting any quick harmonization of Exod. 28 and Lev. 16. A closer examination of Exod. 28 provides further grounds for distinguishing the two accounts of Aaron’s vestments. The instructions for the fabrication of the high priestly vestments in Exod. 28 are well-structured. The chapter opens with a brief introduction that outlines who are to serve as priests (v. 1), who will fabricate the vestments (v. 3), a list of the different elements of the vestments (v. 4), and the materials to be used (v. 5). Various expressions from the introduction reappear in the conclusion of the passage and mark an inclusio to the passage: “for glorious adornment” (‫לכבוד‬ ‫ ;ולתפארת‬vv. 2, 40), “Aaron, your brother, and his sons with him” (‫את אהרון אחך ואת‬ ‫ ;בניו אתו‬vv. 1, 41), and “to serve me as priests” (‫ ;וכהני לי‬vv. 4, 41). The conclusion requires that the priests be arrayed in their new vestments and consecrated for the priestly office (vv. 40-41). It marks the end of the instructions for the fabrication of the vestments and points forward to the instructions about ordination that follow in Exod. 29. It is apparent, then, that vv. 42-43 are a loose appendix to the chapter that do not fit into its original conception. They have rightly been identified as the work of a later editor who sought to bring the divergent accounts closer together by introducing the linen undergarments of Lev. 16 into the list of priestly vestments in Exod. 28. Three further observations establish the case. First, the undergarments are mentioned nowhere else in Exod. 28. Second, the undergarments are made from ‫בד‬, the preferred term in Lev. 16, rather than ‫ׁשׁש‬. Third, the rest of the instructions have been introduced by a waw-perfect dependent on the imperative in v. 1, while the imperative is found only here. There is evidence of a still earlier stage of textual development in Exod. 28. If we examine the rest of the chapter, we find descriptions of how the individual components of Aaron’s vestments are to be fabricated. The description of each component begins in the same way: “you shall make X” (‫ ;ועׂשית‬vv. 13, 15, 22, 23, 26, 27, 31, 33, 36, 39, 40).6 The instructions about the vestments match the instructions for the construction of the Tabernacle in Exod. 25–27, which also use ‫ועׂשית‬. The use of this repetitive directive suggests a division into the following textual units: ●● ●● ●● ●● ●● ●● ●● ●● ●●

Ephod (vv. 6-11) Settings of filigree and chains for the ephod (vv. 12-13) Breastpiece (vv. 15-21, 29-30) Chains for the breastpiece and ephod (v. 22) Rings for the top of the breastpiece and ephod (vv. 23-25) Rings for the bottom of the breastpiece and ephod (vv. 26-28) Robe (vv. 31-32, 35) Pomegranates and bells (vv. 33-34) Rosette (vv. 36-38)

The only exception is v. 6, which reads ‫“ ועׂשו‬they shall make.” It appears to have been attracted to the 3pl. in the previous verse. 6

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It is evident that the instructions for the fabrication of the tunic, turban, and sash, as well as the garments of Aaron’s sons (vv. 39-40), do not fit this pattern: you shall weave the tunic of fine linen (‫)וׁשבצת הכתנת ׁשׁש‬ you shall make a turban of fine linen (‫)ועׂשית מצנפת ׁשׁש‬ you shall make a sash of embroidered work (‫)ואבנט תעׂשה מעׂשה רקם‬ and for the sons of Aaron you shall make tunics (‫)ולבני אהרן תעׂשה כתנת‬ and you shall make for them sashes (‫)ועׂשית להם אבנטים‬ and you shall make for them headdresses (‫)ומגבעות תעׂשה להם‬.

Not only are distinctive verbs used, but in contrast to the detailed instructions in vv. 6-38, these brief descriptions provide no way of understanding how these items of clothing relate to those already mentioned. How does the tunic in v. 39 relate to the robe, or even to the ephod and breastpiece? Where is the sash to be wrapped?7 The distinctive profile of these verses provides some grounds for regarding them as secondary to the instructions in vv. 6-38. The items listed in vv. 39-40 correspond closely with the garments mentioned in Lev. 16:4. The only discrepancies are the absence of the linen undergarments and the way in which a distinction between Aaron and his sons is created through the use of different headwear: Aaron wears a turban of fine linen, ‫מצנפת ׁשׁש‬, while his sons wear headdresses, ‫מגבעות‬. The similarities between vv. 39-40 and Lev. 16:4 and their distinctive profile within Exod. 28 could be explained by positing that vv. 39-40 were added at an early stage to harmonize the account of the priestly vestments in Exod. 28 with the vestments in Lev. 16. This must have occurred before the addition of vv. 42-43, for two reasons. First, v. 4 knows of the tunic, turban, and sash, but not the undergarments. Second, in Exod. 29 and Lev. 8 both versions of the priestly vestments have been integrated, but without mention of the undergarments. The tunic is understood as an undergarment around which the sash is wrapped. The robe is placed on top of the tunic and sash, followed by the ephod and breastpiece. The instructions about Aaron’s turban in v. 39 sits rather uncomfortably with the previous instructions about the rosette. The rosette is affixed to the turban, which is mentioned here somewhat prematurely in vv. 36-38. In addition, the rosette is not listed with the other vestments at the beginning of the chapter (v. 4), and its material is said to be “pure gold,” ‫זהב טהור‬, an expression that occurs in other secondary texts.8 It seems likely that the instructions about the rosette are also secondary, added after vv. 39-40.9

7 We should also note Holzinger’s concern that the sash would not be necessary if the ephod was worn (Exodus, 139). 8 Exod. 28:14, 22. On the evaluation of the chains as secondary, see the discussion of the breastpiece below. 9 It is difficult to know how to assess the fact that Exod. 29 speaks of a crown, ‫נזר‬, and not a rosette, ‫ציץ‬ (v. 6). The two items are equated in the supplementary chapter Exod. 39, which speaks of “the rosette of the holy crown,” ‫( ציץ נזר הקדׁש‬v. 30). Is Exod. 28:36-38 earlier than 29:6, or vice versa? Neither proposal provides a more compelling answer than the other for why two different terms are used. It is possible that ‫ ציץ‬and ‫ נזר‬are simply two different names for the same item.

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If the tunic, turban, and sash are to be regarded as independent of the ephod, breastplate, and robe, we might ask the speculative question of whether the different terms originally connoted the same items. Is what Lev. 16 calls the tunic, ‫כתנת‬, the same garment that the first writer of Exod. 28 labeled a robe, ‫ ?מעיל‬And when the writer of Lev. 16:5 spoke of a sash, ‫אבנט‬, is this the same item that the first writer of Exod. 28 would identify as the breastpiece and ephod? It is perhaps no accident that Lev. 8:7 uses the same verb ‫חגר‬, “to gird,” of both the sash and the band of the ephod: “He put the tunic and tied the sash around him (‫)ויחגר אתו באבנט‬, clothed him with the robe, and placed the ephod upon him. He tied the band of the ephod around him (‫ויחגר אתו‬ ‫)בחשב האפד‬.” If this speculation is correct, we can gain a better picture of how the textual descriptions converge on what must have been the dress of the priests serving in the Jerusalem sanctuary. They agree that the priest wore a garment with a sash or ephod tied around his upper body. Thus, both passages reflect what took place in the sanctuary, but also refract it. The refraction occurs because of the different symbolic significance attributed to the priest’s dress. It is to the question of the vestments’ significance that we will now turn.

2.  The Significance Attributed to the Vestments In considering the significance attributed to the priestly vestments, it makes sense to begin with the simplest account, Lev. 16. As we have seen, Aaron wears the vestments during the time that he is ministering in the sanctuary building, but not when he performs the duties relating to the altar. They mark the beginning and end of the ritual actions in the sanctuary. Applying Arnold van Gennep’s insights concerning rites of passage, the washing and dressing are rites de séparation. They serve to detach Aaron from the people in readiness for the Yom Kippur ritual.10 But why these garments? In the visions of Ezekiel and Daniel, the angelic figures who serve God are described as wearing linen.11 Whether the linen was bleached and symbolized purity is more difficult to say.12 Certainly, the angelic ministers are proverbially pure, even if not matching God’s purity (Job 15:15). As we have seen, the argument that the linen vestments are a mark of humility relies upon the problematic assumption that the more extravagant vestments of Exod. 28 have been divested. The reticence of Lev. 16 contrasts starkly with Exod. 28, which grants almost every item of the priestly vestments with symbolic significance: Aaron bears the names on the ephod for remembrance before YHWH (v. 12), he bears the names on the breastpiece for remembrance before YHWH (v. 29), the bells and pomegranates on Aaron’s robe ensures that a sound is heard as Aaron enters the holy place so that he will not die (v. 35), the rosette helps Aaron bear the sin of the Israelites’ offerings and ensures Aaron finds grace before YHWH (v. 38), the linen undergarments ensure Aaron and his sons Jürgens, Heiligkeit, 100–4; Milgrom, Leviticus 1–16, 1016, cf. 566–9. 11 Ezek. 9:1–10:2; Dan. 10:4-6; 12:5-7; cf. 1 En. 87:2; 90:22. 12 Greenberg, Ezekiel 1–20, 176. 10

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do not bring guilt upon themselves (v. 42). But the contrast is not just with Lev. 16, but also with the instructions about the Tabernacle (Exod. 25–27) that precede the instructions about the priestly vestments (Exod. 28). The various architectural features of the Tabernacle and its furniture described in Exod. 25–27 lack any reference to their individual meaning or significance. Instead, the distinct sections are rounded off with an assertion that the articles were made according to the pattern revealed to Moses on Mount Sinai (25:9, 40; 26:30; 27:8). The component parts of the Tabernacle and their furniture have no individual symbolism, but together they form a fitting location for YHWH to come and dwell with his people (29:42-46).13 The instructions for the Tabernacle show the same reticence to articulate the theology or symbolic significance that characterizes the priestly Grundschrift elsewhere. This observation has a number of important consequences. First, it places a question mark against the tendency to describe Exod. 25–31 together with ­chapters 35–40 as simply “the instructions for the Tabernacle” or something similar. Such language is problematic, especially if it leads to an elision or downplaying of the priestly vestments. This is not an abstract concern. In their respective commentaries, Brevard Childs and Terence Fretheim say almost nothing about the high priestly vestments.14 For analyses of the canonical text, this marginalization of the priestly vestments is deeply problematic. Besides the repeated emphasis on the priestly vestment’s significance in Exod. 28, there are further text-immanent grounds for thinking that the high priestly vestments were of considerable significance to the priestly authors and editors and merit more attention than they have hitherto received in critical scholarship.15 Steins has argued that the final form of Exod. 25–31 has a chiastic form. The references to the tablets of stone and the seventh day form an inclusio around the chapters (24:12-18; 31:12-18). The majority of the text consists of instructions about the Tabernacle and its furniture (25:1–27:21; 28:38–31:11). “In the center of the composition stands the requirement to inaugurate the Aaronic priesthood, whose primary role it is to bear the names of the sons of Israel as a remembrance before YHWH” (see 28:12, 29-30, 38).16 Second, the striking difference between Exod. 25–27 and 28 raises questions about whether these chapters form a compositional unity. Would the same author have approached the symbolic significance of the Tabernacle and the high priestly dress in two entirely different ways? Norbert Lohfink already concluded that originally the priestly Grundschrift did not include any prescriptions for the priestly vestments, and the instructions about the Tabernacle were concluded with God’s promise to commune with the people there (29:43-46).17 Nihan does not find the literary-critical arguments for excising Exod. 28–29 compelling and argues that they create conceptual and thematic problems. “On a conceptual level, the notion of a temple without cultic The sole exception is the kapporet placed on the ark (25:17-22). As Porzig has argued, there are reasons to regard these verses as a late addition inserted under the influence of Lev. 16 (Lade, 12–18). 14 Childs, Exodus, 512–52; Fretheim, Exodus, 263–78, 313–16. 15 Even as recently as 2004, Keel notes that “die Exegese- und Rezeptionsgeschichte der hohepriesterlichen Tracht und was die ausführliche Beschäftigung mit ihr motiviert hat, ist unerforscht. Material wäre reichlich vorhanden” (“Brusttasche,” 379). 16 Steins, “Heiligtum,” 155. 17 See, e.g., Lohfink, “Priestly Narrative,” 145 n. 29; Weimar, “Sinai,” 272–8; Steins, “Heiligtum,” 161–2. 13

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servants is little more than a modern fantasy, as some scholars have noted. But above all, without Exod. 28–29 the introduction of Aaron alongside Moses in the previous Priestly narrative in Exodus remains nothing more than a blind motif.”18 While Nihan is right to draw attention to the role and significance of Aaron within the priestly narrative, this need not necessitate a list of the high priest’s vestments or an account of his ordination. Nihan’s argument about a temple without priests is less compelling especially when we examine ancient Near Eastern temple building accounts. In his book on the construction of Solomon’s temple in 1 Kgs 5–8, Victor Hurowitz analyzed numerous Near Eastern accounts of temple building and restoration from the time of the Sumerians to the Neo-Babylonian period.19 It is notable that none of these contain a description of priestly vestments or ordination. Nor does the account of Solomon’s temple in 1 Kgs 5–8. If we see Near Eastern temple building accounts as the closest literary precedents to Exod. 25–31, we might not be surprised were there to be little or no mention of the priests, their garments, or their ordination. Even if Exod. 28 is not to be regarded as part of an original priestly Grundschrift, the departure of Exod. 25–31 from Near Eastern precedents by including an account of the priestly vestments underlines the fact that this matter was of considerable significance to the editors of the priestly writings. This is all the more true considering that this description of the high priest’s garments is, in a Near Eastern perspective, so unusual. As Strommenger writes in the Reallexikon für Assyriologie, “the regalia of the different priests and temple functionaries are rarely mentioned.”20 For understanding the broader priestly literature, Exod. 28 is a significant text for the conception and rhetorical legitimation of the high priesthood in the early Second Temple period.21 It also marks an important development in Jewish symbolic interpretation. In the later Second Temple period, more and more aspects of the Jerusalem cult would be imbued with symbolic meaning.22 A number of the individual items of the priestly vestments appear to reflect the dress worn by the aristocratic class. The robe, ‫מעיל‬, was worn by figures of status, such as the king (1 Sam. 15:27; 24:4, 11) or those in his family (1 Sam. 18:4; 2 Sam. 13:18). In Ezek. 26:16 the princes of Tyre are dressed in robes and embroidered garments. The turban, ‫מצנפת‬, is associated with a crown in Ezek. 21:26, and the rosette, ‫ציץ‬, that adorns it is identified as a diadem, ‫נצר‬, in Exod. 29:6.23 The luxury of the clothing is also indicated by the materials used to fabricate the vestments. According to Exod. 28, they are to be made from gold (‫)זהב‬, blue (‫)תכלת‬, purple (‫)ארגמן‬, crimson (‫)תולעת שני‬, linen (‫)ׁשׁש‬, as well as various gemstones. These are not just signs of wealth. They are the same materials used to construct the Tabernacle, a forceful reminder of the close connection between the priests and Nihan, Priestly Torah, 51 (italics removed). 19 Hurowitz, I Have Built, 32–105. 20 Strommenger, “Kleidung,” 27. 21 For the rhetoric of the priestly literature and its legitimization of the Aaronides, see Watts, Ritual and Rhetoric; Watts, “Ritual Rhetoric”; Watts, “Aaron.” 22 For the symbolic significance of the priestly vestments in the later Second Temple period, see, esp., Gußmann, Priesterverständnis, 366–409; Mulder, Simon. 23 For further possible identifications with royal and aristocratic dress, see Boorer, Vision, 339–48; Rooke, Zadok’s Heirs, 11–39. 18

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the Tabernacle.24 The priests exercise their priestly role within the Tabernacle, and it is there that they wear the priestly vestments. The close connection between the priestly robes and the sanctuary was clearly appreciated in the Second Temple period. In 1 Macc. 3 the people gather together at Mizpah to mourn the profanation of the Jerusalem Temple. They bring out the vestments of the priesthood together with the firstfruits and tithes and the Nazirites who had completed their vows. “What shall we do with these and where shall we take them? Your sanctuary is trampled down and desecrated, and your priests are in mourning and humiliation” (vv. 50-51). The priestly vestments are of no value or use without the temple. The materials are clearly chosen for their great value. They alone are adequate to represent the pattern of the Tabernacle and its furniture revealed to Moses on Mount Sinai. This idea is developed explicitly within the description of the high priestly vestments. The vestments are for the “glorious adornment” (‫ )לכבוד ולתפארת‬of Aaron and his sons. In the Second Temple period, Ben Sira is most seized by the wonder and glory of the high priest appearing in his full regalia. How he was glorified in the procession of the people, as he came out of the house of the curtain. Like the morning star in the midst of clouds like the full moon at the feast. like the sun shining on the temple of the Most High, and like the rainbow gleaming in clouds of glory . . . When he put on his glorious robe and clothed himself in perfect satisfaction, when he ascended the holy altar, he made the enclosure of the sanctuary glorious. (Sir. 50:5-7, 11-12)

The high priest in his glorious attire is a reflection of God’s glory. After the priests sound their trumpets, the people prostrate themselves before God: “Then all the assembled people hastened to fall on their faces to the ground to worship their Lord, the Almighty, God Most High” (v. 17).25 The most surprising feature of the instructions, however, is the significance attached to each of the main components of the priestly vestments: ●●

●●

●●

Ephod: “Aaron shall bear their names before YHWH on his two shoulders for remembrance” (v. 12). Breastpiece: “Aaron shall bear the names of the sons of Israel in the breastpiece of decision on his heart when he goes into the holy place, for a continual remembrance before YHWH” (v. 29). Urim and Thummim: “Aaron shall bear the decision of the sons of Israel on his heart before YHWH continually” (v. 30).

This idea is developed at length in Haran, Temples. See also Rooke, Zadok’s Heirs, 11–39. 25 On the high priest Simon in Ben Sira, see Mulder, Simon. 24

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●●

443

Robe: “And its sound shall be heard when he goes into the holy place before YHWH, and when he comes out, so that he shall not die” (v. 35). Rosette: “and Aaron shall bear any guilt incurred in the holy offering that the Israelites consecrate as their sacred donations; it shall be on his forehead continually, in order that they may find acceptance before YHWH” (v. 38).

On the basis of this list a number of preliminary observations can be made. First, in each case the significance relates to Aaron’s activity before YHWH, ‫לפני יהוה‬. This confirms what has already been observed: The high priestly vestments take their significance from their role within the sanctuary. It is there that they are instrumentally effective. Second, the significance of the robe is different from the other items. Aaron does not bear something of the Israelites before YHWH. Third, the expression “Aaron shall bear,” ‫ונשא אהרן‬, carries a different sense in vv. 12, 29, where Aaron literally bears the names before YHWH engraved on the ephod and the breastpiece, and v. 38. Fourth, the breastpiece is given two different significances. One relates to the gemstones set in the breastpiece, which bear the names of the twelve tribes, and the second relates to the Urim and Thummim. Fifth, the significance of the different items is quite diverse and in many cases creates important intertextual links between Exod. 28 and other parts of the broader priestly literature. Taken together, these observations suggest that the significance attributed to the different components of the priestly vestments do not belong to the same compositional level. It seems to me that even if we can establish some of the broader outlines, the precise compositional history of Exod. 28 is not recoverable with any degree of confidence. It is perhaps best to think of a process of Fortschreibung, with significance accumulating to the different items of the vestments over time. As a result of this uncertainty, I will examine each of the items and their significance in their literary order. First, the ephod. By wearing the ephod, Aaron physically bears the names of the Israelite tribes before YHWH. The engraving of the names upon two onyx stones already presupposes the settled view that there are twelve tribes, an idea that is not clearly found prior to the priestly Grundschrift.26 The idea that the tribes are to be listed “in the order of their birth,” ‫( כתולדתם‬v. 10), evokes the Toledot-formula that the priestly writer employs to structure his account in Genesis. In the priestly Grundschrift, the sons of Israel are listed in Gen. 35:22-26 and then again in Exod. 1:1-7. The link back to the early sections of the priestly Grundschrift is also grounded in the idea that the onyx stones will be “for remembrance,” ‫לזכרן‬. In the story of the flood and Israel’s liberation from Egypt, God is said to “remember,” ‫זכר‬, Noah and the Israelites, respectively. It is likely then that it is God’s memory, rather than the Israelites’, that is being stirred by the onyx stones in the ephod.27 Through the cult, God provides Israel with a means to prompt him.

26 For discussion of the tribes and their number, see Levin, “Das System”; Schorn, Ruben; Sparks, “Genesis 49.” 27 Schottroff, Gedenken, 306–12. Contra Childs who writes, “The memorials as cultic objects serve to insure Israel’s relation to God’s order by reminding both God and Israel. Yahweh is reminded

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Second, the breastpiece. This is the only item to which a double significance is attributed, and it presents obvious difficulties, which are further complicated by the intricate textual history of vv. 22-30. The Septuagint knows nothing of the rings mentioned in the Masoretic Text, and it places v. 29 immediately after v. 22 and before a version of vv. 24-25: And you shall make on the oracle braided tassels, chainwork of pure gold.23 [~29 MT] And Aaron shall take the names of the sons of Israel upon the oracle of judgement on his chest in his going into the sanctuary, a remembrance before God.24 and you shall place upon the oracle of judgement the tassels. You shall place the chains upon both sides of the oracle.25 And the two small shields you shall place upon both shoulders of the ephod in the front.26 [~30 MT] And you shall place the disclosure and the truth in the oracle of judgement and it will be on Aaron’s chest, whenever he enters the sanctuary before the Lord. And Aaron will bear the judgements of the sons of Israel upon his chest before the Lord forever. 22

While some prefer the Masoretic Text and argue that the Septuagint offers a simplified summary,28 it is perhaps easier to see the rings as a subsequent development of the text. Nevertheless, the Septuagint’s text is not without its own problems and cannot be the original text. Whatever solution is preferred, the migration of v. 29 points to the difficulties in placing it in a satisfactory location. To this, we may also observe that v. 29 appears to be a blend of vv. 12 and 30. ‫ונׂשא אהרן את ׁשמותם לפני יהוה על ׁשתי כתפיו לזכרן‬ (v. 12) ‫ונתת אל חשׁן המשׁפט את האורים ואת התמים והיו על לב אהרן בבאו לפני יהוה ונׂשא אהרן‬ ‫את מׁשפט בני יׂשראל על לבו לפני יהוה תמיד‬ (v. 30) ‫ונׂשא אהרן את ׁשמות בני יׂשראל בחשׁן המׁשפט על לבו בבאו אל הקדׁש לזכרן לפני יהוה תמיד‬ (v. 29)

The most compelling solution to this problem is to view the Urim and Thummim in vv. 15-16, 30 as the original role of the breastpiece, and the twelve stones as secondary.29 This would fit the stories in the books of Samuel that speak of both the Urim and the ephod being used for divination.30 It would also seem to explain the breastpiece’s

of his purpose with Israel and his memory is equivalent to his action. Israel is reminded of the eternal order and she [sic] again relates herself [sic] to it by cultic participation in the events which mediated the order” (Memory, 68). 28 Wevers, Exodus, 455–7. 29 See, e.g., Georg Beer, who applied Gerhard von Rad’s theory of two priestly sources to Exodus 28 and attributed v. 29 to PB and v. 30 to PA (Beer, Exodus, 140; cf. von Rad, Priesterschrift). Noth identifies two separate strands in vv. 15-16, 30 and vv. 17-21, 29 (Watts, Numbers, 222–3). See also Elliger, “Ephod,” and Owczarek, Vorstellung, 78–80. 30 Urim: 1 Sam. 28:6; ephod: 1 Sam. 23:6-14; 30:7-10. For the divinatory use of the Urim and Thummim, see inter alia Houtman, “Urim”; Van Dam, Urim.

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characterization as the “breastpiece of decision,” ‫( חׁשן מׁשפט‬v. 15).31 According to Num. 27:21, Eleazar’s role as high priestly successor to Aaron is to inquire of YHWH by “the decision of the Urim,” ‫במׁשפט האורים‬, how Joshua is to conduct his wars. It seems likely that the original purpose of the ephod/breastpiece was to hold the Urim and Thummim, which provided divinatory decisions. The intertextual links within the Pentateuch provide a clue as to the distinctive contribution of the jeweled plaque. While the ephod looks back to the patriarchal past, the breastpiece looks forward to Israel’s need for future guidance after the death of Moses. The past is evoked by the word “for remembrance,” ‫לזכרן‬, while the future is envisaged by the word “continuously,” ‫תמיד‬. The crucial link between the two is the polymorphous expression “the sons of Israel,” which refers both to the sons of the patriarch Jacob and to their descendants, the tribes of Israel. The connection between past and future orientations is deepened by the jeweled plaque, which is worn for “continual remembrance before YHWH,” ‫לזכרן לפני יהוה תמיד‬, of “the sons of Israel,” ‫בני‬ ‫( יׂשראל‬v. 29). What connects past and future is Aaron’s cultic actions “before YHWH” in the present. Third, the robe. This is to be worn as Aaron enters the holy place lest he die. But what is “the holy place,” ‫הקדׁש‬, that Aaron enters? Since Exod. 26:33-34 distinguishes “the holy place,” ‫הקדׁש‬, from “the most holy place,” ‫קדׁש הקדׁשים‬, and since Exod. 35–39 uses ‫ הקדׁש‬to refer to the large sanctuary complex, it is possible to understand “the holy place” of Exod. 28:35 as the entire tent. But if so, why is only Aaron to be decked in the robe with its chiming hem, and not his sons? According to Exod. 27:20-21 Aaron and his sons tend the light in front of the curtain separating the holy of holies, and according to Exod. 30:17-21 the basin was placed before the tent of meeting so that Aaron and his sons could wash their hands and feet before entering the tent.32 The other possibility, then, is that “the holy place,” ‫הקדׁש‬, is being used in the same manner as in Lev. 16 to refer to the area within the curtain. Aaron’s entry into the heart of the sanctuary would presumably be the most threatening to life, and Lev. 16 repeats the warning of “lest he die” twice (vv. 2, 13). The objection to this solution is that Aaron does not wear his full regalia when entering the inner sanctum. In my view, this problem has no easy solution and reflects the unresolvable difficulties created by the attempt to harmonize the two accounts of the priestly vestments. It is perhaps easier to say something about the robe’s significance in relation to the other items that constitute Aaron’s vestments. If it is through the present of the cult that YHWH’s remembrance of the past and commitment to the future are joined, this liminal space is fraught with danger. Consequently, Aaron’s robe is hemmed with bells and pomegranates to sound as he walks into “the holy place,” ‫( אל הקדׁש‬v. 35). There are various possibilities as to who is the intended recipient of the sound that Aaron’s robe makes: the people, the priests, the high priest, other residents of the sanctuary Keel observes that the breastpiece with its gems is not a traditional element of priestly dress, but P’s invention (“Brusttasche”). He rejects Görg’s claim that the breastpiece has Egyptian origins (“Brustschmuck”). 32 Haran argues that the reference to Aaron’s sons in Exod. 27:21 was added in error, perhaps by attraction to Exod. 28:1. The parallel passage in Lev. 24:1-4 makes tending to the lamp Aaron’s responsibility alone (Temples, 209). 31

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such as angels, or YHWH himself. Houtman surveys the various options and concludes, correctly in my view, that the hearer is YHWH: By the sound of the bells (cf. Num. x 10) YHWH’s attention is drawn to the high priest and his dress. YHWH must observe the high priest continuously. Thus his attention will be focussed on the names of the sons of Israel on the high priest’s shoulders and breast (Ex. xxviii 12, 29) and on the text, inscribed on the plaquette, set on the high priest’s turban. (Ex. xxviii 36-8)33

Houtman’s proposal shows how it is possible to relate the instrumental significance of the robe to the symbolic significance of the other components of Aaron’s vestments despite their clear differences. Fourth, the rosette. As we have already observed, there are grounds for regarding vv. 36-38 as secondary. The expression ‫ נׂשא עון‬can be understood in several different ways. It can mean to “bear away sin (i.e., forgive)” (e.g., Exod. 34:7), “to bear guilt” (e.g., Exod. 28:43), “to bear punishment” (e.g., Lev. 5:1), and “to bear responsibility” (e.g., Num. 18:1). The idea that the priests have a role in bearing sin or responsibility is found in a number of later texts in the Pentateuch. According to Lev. 10 the consumption of the sacrifices by the priests is crucial for atonement to be secured, while according to Num. 18:1-7 the priests bear responsibility (‫ )נׂשא עון‬for the sanctuary and the priesthood. Through their actions they ensure that the sacrifices of the Israelites are acceptable. This requires the purity of both the sacrifice (Lev. 22) and the priest (Exod. 28). In the present form of Exod. 28, then, the rosette is a suitable climax to the significance attributed to the vestments. The past and future are united in the cultic present when the high priest enters into the holy place securing atonement for the people and ensuring the acceptance of their sacrifices.

3.  Conclusion In this essay I have traced two different arcs. The first is a historical one in which I have sought to show how two originally different accounts of the priestly vestments have been harmonized. What these two accounts have in common allows us to make some tentative guesses as to the original dress of the Jewish priests, but the texts refract as much as they reflect actual practice in the Second Temple. The complex process by which the elaborate high priestly dress arose raises interesting issues about the relationship between ritual text and ritual practice. How did the texts reflect what priests wore, and how did what priests wore come to imitate the texts? We must imagine a complex process of cross-fertilization, certainly not one in which the direction is unilinear. The second arc is a literary-theological one in which I have sought to show that the high priestly vestments have been made highly meaningful. The dress of the high priest secures Israel’s past and future by ensuring the acceptance

Houtman, “Pomegranates,” 227. 33

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of Israel’s sacrificial offerings. The vestments draw attention to the priest as the one in whom YHWH’s presence is made effective and salvific. Without the high priest and his vestments, there is no meaningful cult.

Bibliography Balentine, Samuel. Leviticus. Int. Louisville: John Knox Press, 1999. Beer, Georg. Exodus. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1939. Boorer, Suzanne. The Vision of the Priestly Narrative: Its Genre and Hermeneutics of Time (Ancient Israel and its Literature 27). Atlanta: SBL Press, 2016. Childs, Brevard S. Exodus: A Commentary (OTL). London: SCM Press, 1974. Childs, Brevard S. Memory and Tradition in Israel (SBT 37). London: SCM Press, 1962. Elliger, Karl. “Ephod und Choschen: Ein Beitrag zur Entwicklungsgeschichte des hohepriesterlichen Ornats.” VT 8 (1958): 19–35. Fauth, Wolfgang. “Auf den Spuren des biblischen ʼAzazel (Lev. 16): Einige Residuen der Gestalt oder des Namens in jüdisch-aramäischen, griechischen, koptischen, äthiopischen, syrischen und mandäischen Texten.” ZAW 110 (1998): 514–34. Fretheim, Terence E. Exodus. Louisville, KY: John Knox Press, 1991. Görg, Manfred. “Der Brustschmuck des Hohenpriesters.” BN 15 (1981): 32–4. Greenberg, Moshe. Ezekiel 1–20: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 22). Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1983. Guggenheimer, Heinrich W. (ed.). The Jerusalem Talmud. Second Order: Moed. Tractates Pesahim and Yoma (SJ 74). Berlin: De Gruyter, 2013. Gußmann, Oliver. Das Priesterverständnis des Flavius Josephus (Texts and Studies in Ancient Judaism 124). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008. Haran, Menahem. Temples and Temple-Service in Ancient Israel. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1985. Holzinger, Heinrich. Exodus (KHAC 2). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1900. Houtman, Cornelis. “On the Pomegranates and the Golden Bells of the High Priest’s Mantle.” VT 40 (1990): 223–9. Houtman, Cornelis. “The Urim and Thummim: A New Suggestion.” VT 40 (1990): 229–32. Hurowitz, Victor. I Have Built You an Exalted House: Temple Building in the Bible in Light of Mesopotamian and Northwest Semitic Writings (JSOTSup 115). Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1992. Janowski, Bernd. Sühne als Heilsgeschehen: Traditions- und religionsgeschichtliche Studien zur Sühnetheologie der Priesterschrift (WMANT 55), 2nd edn. NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2000. Janowski, Bernd and Gernot Wilhelm. “Der Bock, der die Sünden hinausträgt: Zur Religionsgeschichte des Azazel-Ritus Lev. 16,10.21f.” In Religionsgeschichtliche Beziehungen zwischen Kleinasien, Nordsyrien und dem Alten Testament: Internationales Symposion Hamburg, 17–21 März 1990, 109–69. Fribourg: Universitätsverlag Freiburg, 1993. Jürgens, Benedikt. Heiligkeit und Versöhnung: Levitikus 16 in seinem literarischen Kontext (HBS 28). Freiburg: Herder, 2001. Keel, Othmar. “Die Brusttasche des Hohenpriesters als Element priesterschriftlicher Theologie.” In Das Manna fällt auch heute noch: Beiträge zur Geschichte und

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Theologie des Alten, Ersten Testaments. Festschrift für Erich Zenger (HBS 44), edited by Frank-Lothar Hossfeld and Ludger Schwienhorst-Schönberger, 379–91. Freiburg: Herder, 2004. Levin, Christoph. “Das System der zwölf Stämme Israels.” In Congress Volume, Paris 1992 (VTSup 61), edited by John A. Emerton, 163–78. Leiden: Brill, 1995. Lohfink, Norbert. “The Priestly Narrative and History.” In Theology of the Pentateuch: Themes of the Priestly Narrative and Deuteronomy. Trans. Linda M. Maloney, 136–72. Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1994. Milgrom, Jacob. Leviticus 1–16 (AB 3). New York: Doubleday, 1991. Mulder, Otto. Simon the High Priest in Sirach 50: An Exegetical Study of the Significance of Simon the High Priest as Climax to the Praise of the Fathers in Ben Sira’s Concept of the History of Israel (JSJSup 78). Leiden: Brill, 2003. Nihan, Christoph. From Priestly Torah to Pentateuch: A Study in the Composition of the Book of Leviticus (FAT II.25). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2007. Noth, Martin. Exodus (OTL). London: SCM Press, 1962. Owczarek, Susanne. Die Vorstellung vom Wohnen Gottes inmitten seines Volkes in der Priesterschrift: Zur Heiligtumstheologie der priesterschriftlichen Grundschrift (EHS Reihe 23, Theologie 625). Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 1998. Porzig, Peter. Die Lade Jahwes im Alten Testament und in den Texten vom Toten Meer (BZAW 397). Berlin: De Gruyter, 2009. Rooke, Deborah. Zadok’s Heirs: The Role and Development of the High Priesthood in Ancient Israel (Oxford Theological Monographs). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Schorn, Ulrike. Ruben und das System der zwölf Stämme Israels: Redaktionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur Bedeutung des Erstgeborenen Jakobs (BZAW 248). Berlin: De Gruyter, 1997. Schottroff, Willy. “Gedenken” im Alten Orient und im Alten Testament: Die Wurzel zākar im semitischen Sprachkreis (WMANT 15). Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 1964. Sparks, Kent. “Genesis 49 and the Tribal List System of Israel.” ZAW 115 (2003): 327–47. Steins, Georg. “‘Sie sollen mir ein Heiligtum machen’: Zur Struktur und Entstehung von Ex. 24,12–31,18.” In Vom Sinai zum Horeb: Stationen alttestamentlicher Glaubensgeschichte, edited by Frank-Lothar Hossfeld, 145–67. Würzburg: Echter Verlag, 1998. Strommenger, Eva. “Kleidung.” RLA 6 (1983): 18–38. Van Dam, Cornelis. Urim and Thummim: A Means of Revelation in Ancient Israel. Winona Lake, IN: Eisenbrauns, 1997. von Rad, Gerhard. Die Priesterschrift im Hexateuch: literarisch untersucht und theologisch gewertet (BWANT 13). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1934. Watts, James W. “Aaron and the Golden Calf in the Rhetoric of the Pentateuch.” JBL 130 (2011): 417–30. Watts, James W. Ritual and Rhetoric in Leviticus: From Sacrifice to Scripture. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2007. Watts, James W. “Ritual Rhetoric in the Pentateuch: The Case of Leviticus 1–16.” In The Books of Leviticus and Numbers (BETL 215), edited by Thomas Römer, 305–18. Leuven: Peeters, 2008. Weimar, Peter. “Sinai und Schöpfung.” In Studien zur Priesterschrift (FAT 56), edited by Peter Weimar, 269–317. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2008. Wevers, John. Notes on the Greek Text of Exodus. Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1990.

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Veiling Moses’ Shining Face (Exod. 34:29-35) Wolfgang Oswald

1.  Literary and Theological Observations on Exod. 34:29-35 The bulk of the so-called Sinai pericope in the book of Exodus is made up of the tabernacle texts, including the instructions in Exod. 25–31 and their implementation in Exod. 35–40. In between we find the account of the golden calf incident and its aftermath (chs. 32–34). After an extended sequence of dialogues and encounters between Moses and Yahweh, the initial rupture of the covenant is finally healed by establishing another covenant in Exod. 34:27-28. This could have been the end of the matter, but the story goes on. In Exod. 34:29-35 we learn that Moses comes down from Mount Sinai for the last time—and with a terrifying appearance: 34:29 Moses came down from Mount Sinai. As he came down from the mountain with the two tablets of the constitution in Moses’ hand, Moses did not know that the skin of his face shone because he had been talking with God. 30 When Aaron and all the Israelites saw Moses, the skin of his face was shining, and they were afraid to come near him. 31 But Moses called to them. And Aaron and all the leaders of the community turned to him, and Moses spoke with them. 32 Afterward all the Israelites came near, and he instructed them concerning all that Yahweh had imparted to him on Mount Sinai. 33 When Moses had finished speaking with them, he put a veil on his face. 34 But whenever Moses went in before Yahweh to speak with him, he would take the veil off until he came out. And when he came out, and told the Israelites what he had been commanded, 35 the Israelites would see the face of Moses, that the skin of his face was shining. And Moses would put the veil on his face again, until he went in to speak with him.

The descent of Moses from Mount Sinai continues the action from Exod. 34:1-4, where God commands Moses to ascend the mountain again, this time with newly hewn tablets. The following scenes are thought to take place on the mountain, although it is never mentioned again prior to 34:29. According to 34:4, Moses ascends with the two tablets in his hands. Then, 34:28b states: “And he wrote on the tablets the words

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of the covenant, the Ten Words.” It is an age-old crux who is the subject of the writing, but this need not concern us here. In 34:29 Moses is said to have the “tablets of the constitution” (‫ )לחת העדת‬in his hand, with the word ‫“ עדת‬constitution/statute” being typical for the tabernacle texts (Exod. 25:21 and passim; 31:18). The most striking aspect of the scene is the shining face of Moses (Exod. 34:29, 30, 35). The Hebrew expression used here has triggered a millennia-old discussion on its meaning.1 Exodus 34:29 states that Moses did not know “that the skin of his face shone” (‫)כי קרן עור פניו‬. The frequently used Hebrew noun ‫ קרן‬usually means “horn,” while the verb with the meaning “bearing horns” occurs only in Ps. 69:32. A significant exception is Hab. 3:4, where the expression ‫ קרנים מידו לו‬should be translated as “rays (of light) come forth from his hand.” Following this vein, most modern translators agree that in Exod. 34:29-35 Moses’ skin shone. The Vulgate, however, decided otherwise and translated quod cornuta esset facies sua “that his face was horned.” This decision led to the famous iconographic tradition of the horned Moses. It seems as if already the translator of the Septuagint version of Exodus was unsure how to handle the unusual Hebrew expression. He translated ὅτι δεδόξασται ἡ ὄψις τοῦ χρώματος τοῦ προσώπου αὐτοῦ “that the appearance of the skin of his face was glorified.” The theological interpretation that Moses’ face was glorified avoids the philological problem. Seth Sanders has pointed out that the two understandings as light and as horn are not mutually exclusive, since in the ancient Near East light was conceived as matter.2 Be that as it may, the cause and effect of the incident are expressly stated. The conspicuous skin of Moses comes from the conversation between God and Moses, which means that Moses’ shining face is the reflection of the splendor of God. And because of its divine origin, Moses’ face creates fear among the Israelites. It is only the initiative of the leaders of the community that overcomes the distance. When the communicative relation is established, Moses commands the Israelites “all that Yahweh had imparted to him on Mount Sinai” (34:32). One might ask what the content of Moses’ speech was, and there are several possibilities. First, one might think of the words of the covenant (34:28) but, as has often been noted, the theme of the covenant is not taken up in 34:29-35. The second candidate are the instructions for the tent shrine, but the communication of these matters does not begin before 35:4. Third, one can take the word “all” literally and interpret the paragraph in a metacommunicative sense. Following this idea, vv. 29-32 would pertain to all divine communication at Mount Sinai, while vv. 33-35 would explain how all divine communication after Mount Sinai proceeded. The narrative continues with the information that Moses, having finished speaking to the people, put a veil on his face (34:33). The word ‫ מסוה‬occurs only here in the Hebrew Bible, and because of this its exact meaning is debated. Usually, Gen. 49:11 is consulted, where the term ‫ סות‬means some sort of garment. Assuming that both words stem from the same root *‫סוה‬, the term ‫ מסוה‬in Exod. 34:33 should also refer to some sort of cloth. The alternative sometimes proposed is a mask, albeit on religio-historical All commentaries treat this issue extensively; see, e.g., Propp, Exodus 19–40, 620–3; Houtman, Exodus, Vol. 3, 730–3; Dozeman, Exodus, 750; Dohmen, Exodus 19–40, 373–4. 2 Sanders, “Old Light,” 400–6. 1

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grounds and not based on philological reasoning.3 Additionally, one might speculate that the expression ‫ מסוה‬is nothing but a scribal error, a misreading of ‫מסכה‬, literally “covering.” The LXX translates ‫ מסוה‬with κάλυμμα, which is also the translation for ‫מסך‬ (“covering/screen”) and for ‫“( מכסה‬covering”). In Isa. 25:7; 28:20; Ezek. 28:13 the term ‫ מסכה‬is used to denote some kind of garment used for covering. Unfortunately, the LXX has completely different texts in these passages, such that there is no equivalent for the Hebrew expression in question. The account of the scene proper ends in Exod. 34:33. The remaining two verses, Exod. 34:34-35, switch from the description of a one-time event using wayyiqtol-forms to that of a habitual action using yiqtol- and we-qatal-forms in the frequentative sense. Whenever Moses entered—presumably the tent of meeting—he would take off the veil. Whenever he came out again he would speak to the Israelites and they would see his shining face. After that, Moses would put on the veil until entering again. Despite its awkwardness, there is a certain consensus among scholars on the meaning of this paragraph. With respect to Yahweh, Moses’ shining face is the result of his close encounter with the deity.4 With respect to the people, Moses’ shining face “authenticates him as Yhwh’s representative” and is “the visible guarantee that the laws he promulgates are in truth Yhwh’s ordinances.”5 Less clear is the purpose of the veil. Dozeman understands the veil in the same way as the shining face: “The shining skin indicates that the foundational power of Mosaic authority arises from the cultic revelation of law through Moses, while the veil extends the authority of religious law to Israelite society.”6 For Dohmen, the veil does not serve a protective function, either for the people or for Moses. Rather, the veil is intended to separate and thus protect what has been experienced by Moses from the profane sphere.7 Many commentators conclude that the Moses with a shining face and wearing a veil is a transfigured person. The normal Moses whom the Israelites knew before no longer exists: “The loss of personal identity is an important feature in establishing Mosaic authority in the Hebrew Bible.”8

2.  Literary-Historical Considerations on Exod. 34:29-35 Commentators unanimously recognize some expressions in Exod. 34:29-35 that hint at the priestly source or the priestly composition of the Pentateuch, although they are divided on whether the text as a whole stems from priestly hands. Houtman, who is generally reluctant to differentiate texts diachronically, observes that the covenant theme plays no role in Exod. 34:29-35: “That makes it unlikely that 34:10-28 and 34:29-35 were originally a single whole.”9 For Propp, the whole paragraph On this, see Propp, Exodus 19–40, 623; Albertz, “Heilsmittlerschaft,” 446. 4 Cf. Dohmen, Exodus 19–40, 374. 5 Houtman, Exodus, Vol. 3, 714. 6 Dozeman, Exodus, 755. 7 Cf. Dohmen, Exodus 19–40, 374. 8 Dozeman, Exodus, 751. 9 Houtman, Exodus, Vol. 3, 717. 3

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is priestly, thus forming “the fulcrum of P’s double-jointed Tabernacle section,”10 but he also contemplates the possibility that Exod. 34:29-35 stems from the Pentateuchal Redactor.11 For Dozeman, Exod. 34:29-35 is a basically pre-priestly text und thus part of his “Non-P History.” He identifies only two priestly additions in 34:29abαβ and 34:32. Albertz distinguishes three layers: The basic strand of Exod. 34:29-32 constitutes the final keystone of his pre-priestly and pre-Deuteronomistic “Exodus Composition” (KEX). Only the “tablets of the constitution” in v. 29 and the “leaders of the community” in v. 31 are priestly additions. The final part in 34:33-35 with its iterative verbal forms stems from a late-Deuteronomistic redaction.12 Important is Albertz’s interpretation of 34:29-32* as part of the basic literary composition KEX extending from Exod. 1 through Exod. 34. Within Exod. 34, this composition comprises 34:1-10, 28, and 29-32. In 34:10, God announces to perform marvels before the people and concludes with respect to Moses: “For it is an awesome thing that I will do with you.” According to Albertz, the announced marvel is Moses’ shining face; in other words, 34:29-32 is the fulfillment of 34:10.13 The overall purpose of this pericope is to introduce Moses as the permanent mediator of salvation after the breach of the covenant.14 The first issue to be clarified is the nature of the obvious priestly elements. Are they mere additions that can be eliminated? On the level of terminology, one can agree with Propp, who identifies the following expressions as priestly: ‫“( סני‬Sinai”), ‫עדת‬ (“constitution/statute”), ‫“( נׂשאים‬leaders”), ‫“( עדה‬community”), and ‫“( לפני יהוה‬before Yhwh”).15 This would affect the first part of the episode, 34:29-32, in its entirety and indicate that the paragraph is basically priestly. But terminology is never a decisive argument. It is much more promising to identify the concepts of communication and of leadership and to relate these concepts to the compositional layers of the Pentateuch. The leadership position of Aaron (or his sons) in combination with the leaders of the community (‫ )אהרן וכל הנׂשאים בעדה‬is indeed typical for the priestly parts of the Pentateuch (cf. Num. 4:34, 46; 27:2; 31:13 and passim). Likewise, the notion that Moses functioned as the mediator of everything (Exod. 34:32) that Yahweh spoke on Mount Sinai is priestly, whereas in the pre-priestly layers at least the Decalogue was communicated directly from God to the people. These observations pertain to Exod. 34:29-32 and would exclude the possibility that there ever was a basic prepriestly layer in this part of our text. But since the typical priestly terminology and the leadership role of Aaron and the leaders do not occur in the second part (34:3335), Albertz’s proposal to assign the section to a late Deuteronomistic layer requires further discussion. Propp, Exodus 19–40, 142. 11 Ibid., 152–4. 12 Albertz, Exodus 19–40, 303. 13 The reference of the “you” in the final word of Exod. 34:10 (‫ )עמך‬is much disputed; see Propp, Exodus 19–40, 612–13; Albertz, “Heilsmittlerschaft,” 452. 14 Albertz, “Heilsmittlerschaft,” 459. 15 Propp, Exodus 19–40, 142. 10

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However, the way Moses’ going and coming is described in 34:33-35 speaks against Albertz’s proposal. Moses “enters” regularly in order to speak with Yahweh. What does Moses enter? Although the text does not tell us, it can be nothing other than the tent shrine (‫)אהל מועד‬, in modern commentaries usually translated as “tent of meeting.” Yet there are two tents of meeting in the Pentateuch: the priestly tent inside the Israelite camp (Exod. 29:45; Num. 2:2) and the non-priestly tent outside the camp (Exod. 33:7-11). Which one is meant in Exod. 34:34-35? If the text were to refer to the tent outside the camp, the description would be different: Moses would have to leave the camp and go out to the tent, and the pillar of cloud would descend at the entrance of the tent. All of these significant features of the tent outside the camp are missing in Exod. 34:34-35. Thus, it can only be the tent inside the camp, which is part and parcel of the priestly layer of the Pentateuch. Therefore, Exod. 34:29-35 as a whole is of priestly origin.

3.  Divine Communication and the People In the Sinai Pericope, everything revolves around the encounter between Yahweh on the one side and the Israelites and/or Moses on the other side. Since there is a lot of speaking going on, one might say the Sinai pericope is about communication between Yhwh and the people and/or Moses. The different compositional layers in the Pentateuch differ from each other not least in the way this communication is conceptualized. A major point in these conceptions is the way in which it can be guaranteed that it is indeed God who is speaking. For the sake of clarity the following considerations distinguish only three such concepts: a pre-priestly, a priestly, and a post-priestly one.16

3.1 Divine Communication in the Pre-Priestly Compositional Layers In the pre-priestly text, there is no need to verify that it is really God who has spoken. In this narrative, the people are in close proximity to God. When the theophany at the mountain begins, the people advance to the lower part of the mountain (Exod. 19:1617). According to Deut. 5:4, 22a the people even ascended the mountain, a notion also advanced in Exod. 19:13b. Thus, the people were able to understand the Decalogue without the mediation of somebody else (Exod. 20:19, 22; Deut. 5:22a, 23abα, 24). From this close encounter, the people know that it is God, their God, who is present at the mountain. He even introduces himself to the people in Exod. 20:2. Hence, it poses no problem for the people when Moses approaches God alone (Exod. 20:21) and God communicates the so-called Covenant Code to Moses in private. When Moses returns to the people, he recounts to them the statutes and the ordinances. Finally, the people are able to ratify the laws without doubt: “All the words that Yhwh has spoken we will do!” (24:3bβ). For my diachronic analysis of the book of Exodus see Utzschneider and Oswald, Exodus 1–15, 42–54 (Engl.: 41–52); for a focus on the so-called Sinai pericope, see Oswald, Lawgiving, 169–92. 16

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3.2 Divine Communication in the Priestly Composition The communicative structure of the Sinai pericope changes substantially with the insertion of the priestly texts. According to these authors, the mountain, now named “Sinai,” is a strictly forbidden area. The priestly insertions in Exod. 19:11b-13a and 19:20-25 turn the mountain into a sanctuary and the peak of the mountain into an adyton. Besides Moses, only Aaron is allowed to ascend to the top (19:24), that is, to enter the holy of holies. The people perceive the scene only from afar. They are not able to understand spoken words, which is why Moses now works as a comprehensive mediator—not only of the Covenant Code but also of the Decalogue (Exod. 19:25) and all the instructions and laws that follow. The same transformation took place in the Horeb account of Deuteronomy. By inserting Deut. 5:5, Moses was installed as mediator of the Decalogue, and Deut. 5:22b probably serves the same purpose. Now the problem arises, however, of how the people can be sure that Moses recounts what Yhwh has told him. In other words, when Moses communicates divine stipulations to the people, do these words originate in an encounter between Moses and God? As long as the Israelites are at Mount Sinai, the case is clear because of the massive signs of divine presence: thunder and lightning, heavy clouds, earthquake and smoke (19:16-18). Exod. 20:18a displays the features of the priestly concept: “All the people witnessed the thunder and lightning, the blare of the horn and the mountain smoking.” The perception of the people is purely visual; they do not recognize comprehensible words. Nevertheless, the visual theophanic phenomena make clear that God is present on the mountain. Later, when Moses has brought the tent of meeting to completion, it is said that “the cloud covered the tent of meeting, and the glory of Yhwh filled the tabernacle” (Exod. 40:34). But this happens only on the occasion of the erection of the tent, it is not a recurring event. In the many cases in which Yahweh speaks to Moses in the books of Leviticus and Numbers, nothing is said about any special signs of the presence of God. The first instance is the beginning of the divine speech concerning sacrifices: Lev. 1:1 merely states that “Yhwh called to Moses and spoke to him from the tent of meeting” without mentioning any exceptional circumstances. How can the Israelites be sure that Moses did not fabricate the laws on sacrifices on his own but instead received them from Yhwh? Exodus 34:29-35 provides the answer. Moses’ shining face solves the “problem” that has been introduced in the tabernacle texts. Place the cover on top of the ark, after depositing inside the ark of the constitution that I will give you. There I will meet with you, and I will impart to you—from above the cover, from between the two cherubim that are on top of the ark of the constitution—all that I will command you concerning the Israelite people. (Exod. 25:21-22)

According to the priestly concept, the communication between Yhwh and Moses takes place deep inside the tent of meeting, where no one else is present. The people cannot follow the communication, God does not address them directly, thus they always

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depend on Moses (or on Aaron) as a mediator. Therefore, Moses’ shining face is of great importance. It is the guarantee for the people that Yhwh has indeed come close to Moses. But what is the purpose of the veil? This is less clear, and several solutions are possible. For the people, Moses’ shining face is associated with the communication of divine instructions. Hence, it stands for the exceptional. As long as Moses does not mediate the words of God to the people, his shining face serves no purpose and may thus be hidden. Furthermore, the veil on Moses’ face ensures the divine origin of the radiance. Moses’ face is exposed to some external influence only when he enters the tent of meeting. In all other situations, his face is protected and not susceptible to influence. Finally, the veil may be understood in analogy to the curtain that protects the ark. According to Exod. 26:31-33, the curtain, ‫פרכת‬, “shall serve you as a partition between the Holy and the Holy of Holies” (26:33b). Likewise, the veil divides between the Israelites, the holy people, and the reflection of Yhwh, the most holy God.

3.3  Divine Communication in the Post-Priestly Texts (“Torah Composition”) The post-priestly concept of divine communication draws on both of its predecessors. In a way, it combines the pre-priestly concept of popular involvement and the priestly concept of Mosaic—but not Aaronide—prerogative. At the heart of the post-priestly concept is the tent outside the camp (Exod. 33:7-11).17 Here, God speaks to Moses publicly at the entrance of the tent rather than secretly inside the tent. The pillar of cloud is the recurrent evidence for the presence of Yhwh. The people always witness the communication. Thus, following the priestly concept, God’s partner is Moses alone, but following the pre-priestly concept, the people do not need a mediator. God addresses Moses and the people simultaneously. At the tent outside the camp, there are no priests and in particular no Aaronides. Moses is not the stirrup holder of the Aaronides as in the inner-tent texts. In the post-priestly texts, Moses stands for the Torah. God speaks to the people through the Torah; Moses and Torah are metonyms. This concept is not limited to the passage on the tent outside the camp (Exod. 33:7-11) but was inserted into the text in several passages. It is first announced in Exod. 19:9, where God addresses Moses: “I will come to you in a thick cloud, in order that the people may hear when I speak with you and so trust you ever after.” This announcement is realized in Exod. 19:19b: “Moses would speak and God would answer him in thunder.” Most significant are the iterative verbal forms in the pertinent passages, Exod. 19:9, 19b; 33:7-11; 34:34-35.18 They make clear that what is described is a permanent practice that has its origin in the events at Mount Sinai. 17 On Exod. 33:7-11 see the commentaries and Albertz, “Schlüsseltext”; Baden, “Exodus 33,1–11.” 18 One may add Exod. 32:34-35; 33:1-3, 4; 33:5, 6 to this list. These passages treat the same concerns two times. In Exod. 32:34 and 33:5 God speaks to Moses with the order to pass it on to the people, while in 33:1-4 the people hear what God says to Moses. Thus, in 33:4 the people take off their jewelry on their own initiative, while in 33:6 they do so because they were commanded to.

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4.  Concluding Remarks on the Custom of Veiling or Covering To understand the peculiarity of Moses’ behavior in Exod. 34:29-35, it might be helpful to know if he draws on some sort of ancient Israelite custom. References to veiling the face or covering the head are scarce in the Hebrew Bible. As noted above, the word ‫ מסוה‬occurs only in Exod. 34:33-35, and this makes it difficult to determine its exact appearance and usage. Alas, the same problem persists with the other lexemes and phrases that could shed light on the case. The term ‫ צעיף‬seems to refer to some kind of covering and is used three times in the Hebrew Bible, always with reference to a woman. In Gen. 24:65, Rebecca takes the ‫צעיף‬ and covers herself prior to her first encounter with Isaac. This seems to be a wedding custom according to which the bridegroom must not see his bride before the bridal night (cf. Gen. 29:23-25). In Gen. 38:14, 19 Tamar is said to have changed her widow’s garments for a ‫ צעיף‬as part of her guise as a harlot.19 Since the texts do not say which part of the body is covered, much remains unclear. Considering that Judah does not recognize Tamar, it seems reasonable that her face has been concealed. But was it only her face? What can be said with certainty is that this garment is used by women and in special situations, not as an everyday custom. The same is true for the term ‫צמה‬, which is also used exclusively in connection with women. The word appears four times, in Isa. 47:2 and in Song 4:1, 3; 6:7. The references show a certain association with the upper part of the face, namely the eyes and the temples. It may be some sort of headscarf, presumably for protection from the sun, but the meaning “coil of hair” has also been discussed.20 Furthermore, there are three terms that do not refer to a particular garment but instead to a certain usage of something unspecific. Job 24:15 reads: “The eye of the adulterer waits for the twilight, saying: ‘No eye will see me.’ And he puts on a concealment of the face (‫)סתר פנים‬.” By contrast, Isa. 25:7 is a prophetic vision: “On this mountain he (God) will destroy the sheath (‫ )לוט‬which sheathes the face of all peoples, the covering (‫ )מסכה‬covering all the nations.” For the term ‫מסכה‬, see also Isa. 28:20; Ezek. 28:13, as well as Section 1. Finally, one might note the custom of covering one’s head as a sign of mourning or repentance. Second Samuel 15:30 reads: “But David went up the ascent of the olives, weeping as he went, with his head covered (‫ )ראׁש לו חפוי‬and walking barefoot. And all the people who were with him covered their heads and went up, weeping as they went.”21 Similar usages are found in Isa. 14:3, 4; Est. 6:12; 7:8. To summarize, there is no clear picture of the practice of covering one’s head (or, more particularly, one’s face) in ancient Israel. The possibility cannot be ruled out that women wore some sort of headscarf that could be used to cover the face if necessary. See the contributions by Ede (Chapter 21) and Weingärtner (Chapter 22) in the present volume for further discussion. 20 Ges. 17th edn., s.v. ‫ ;צמה‬Rudolph, Das Hohe Lied, 144. 21 The meaning of the form ‫ חפוי‬is disputed. While most commentators translate it as “covered,” McCarter, II Samuel, 361 translates it as “bare.” For a discussion of the problem, see Stoebe, Das zweite Buch Samuelis, 365. 19

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As for men, only the practice of covering one’s head in the case of mourning or grief is attested, although no detailed description of the custom exists. Generally, veiling one’s face does not mean avoiding nudity, since a person with an uncovered face is not a nude person, at least not in the Hebrew Bible. Covering one’s head or veiling one’s face serves different purposes: protection, disguise, mourning, or a wedding custom. However, Moses’ modus operandi in Exod. 34:33-35 cannot be associated with any of the above customs or circumstances. It is something sui generis. Moses’ veil makes the radiance on his face invisible when there is no need for a sign of God’s presence.

Bibliography Albertz, Rainer. “Die vergessene Heilsmittlerschaft des Mose: Erste Überlegungen zu einem spätexilischen Exodusbuch (Ex 1–34*).” EvTh 69 (2009): 443–59. Albertz, Rainer. “Ex 33,7–11, ein Schlüsseltext für die Rekonstruktion der Redaktionsgeschichte des Pentateuch.” BN NF 149 (2011): 13–43. Albertz, Rainer. Exodus, Band II: Ex 19–40 (ZBKAT 2.2). Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 2015. Baden, Joel. “On Exodus 33,1-11.” ZAW 124 (2012): 329–40. Dohmen, Christoph. Exodus 19–40 (HThKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2004. Dozeman, Thomas B. Commentary on Exodus (ECC). Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 2009. Gesenius, Wilhelm. Hebräisches und aramäisches Handwörterbuch über das Alte Testament. 17th edn. Berlin: Springer, 1962. Houtman, Cornelis. Exodus (HCOT). 4 vols. Kampen: Kok, 1993–1996 and Leuven: Peeters, 2000–2002. McCarter, P. Kyle. II Samuel (AB 9). New York: Doubleday, 1984. Oswald, Wolfgang. “Lawgiving at the Mountain of God (Exodus 19–24).” In The Book of Exodus: Composition, Reception, and Interpretation. Formation and Interpretation of Old Testament Literature (VTSup 164), edited by Thomas B. Dozeman, Craig A. Evans, and Joel N. Lohr, 169–92. Leiden: Brill, 2014. Propp, William. Exodus 19–40 (AB.2A). New York: Doubleday, 2006. Rudolph, Wilhelm. Das Buch Ruth—Das Hohe Lied—Die Klagelieder (KAT XVII.1–3). Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1962. Sanders, Seth L. “Old Light on Moses’ Shining Face.” VT 52 (2002): 400–6. Stoebe, Hans-Joachim. Das zweite Buch Samuelis (KAT VIII.2). Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1994. Utzschneider, Helmut and Wolfgang Oswald. Exodus 1–15 (IEKAT). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2013. English translation: Exodus 1–15 (IECOT). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2015. Van der Toorn, Karel. “The Significance of the Veil in the Ancient Near East.” In Pomegranates and Golden Bells: Studies in Biblical, Jewish, and Near Eastern Ritual, Law, and Literature in Honor of Jacob Milgrom, edited by David P. Wright, David Noel Freedman, and Avi Hurvitz, 327–39. Winona Lake: Eisenbrauns, 1995.

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The Dancing David Nudity and Cult in 2 Sam. 6 Sarah Schulz

Compared to the transfer of the ark to Jerusalem, which is the main concern of 2 Sam. 6, the issue of clothing and nudity is dealt with rather selectively in this chapter. It is only at the end of the story that Michal criticizes her husband, “who uncovered himself ” (v. 20) in the course of cultic dance and worship before the ark. Nevertheless, in the end, the discussion between Michal and David about the appropriateness of David’s behavior has far-reaching consequences: As a punishment for her criticism of the scantily clad priestly king David, who inadvertently exposed his genitals, she remains childless for the rest of her life, that is, she is punished by not giving birth to David’s heir to the throne. Thus, in terms of the meaning and the evaluation of nudity, one can safely conclude that 2 Sam. 6 is a rather inconspicuous but nevertheless important witness. It combines various aspects of nudity—sexuality, status, and ritual—and, as far as we can judge from the sources, evaluates the nudity of King David during cultic service in a uniquely positive way. This essay seeks to provide an interpretation of 2 Sam. 6 in terms of both the evaluations of nudity given by the characters in the text and the supposed (literary-) historical situation in which these ideas might have arisen. In a first step, a close reading of 2 Sam. 6, which does not seem to be a literary unity but rather the result of successive reworkings, will show that most parts of the narrative are of late origin. This applies especially for the Michal episode that, as the latest layer, raises the central issue of the appropriateness of David’s behavior.1 In a second step, it will be asked what caused David’s exposure during cultic service and how this is evaluated by Michal and David, respectively. After this, the question will be raised whether and how 2 Sam. 6 relates to several presumably late priestly passages in the Pentateuch that deal with the proper attire of priests during cultic service and reflect a tendency to adorn every part of the priest’s body with precious and meaningful garments (e.g., Exod. 28)2 and/or Less important for this purpose is the question of how 2 Sam. 6 is related to the preceding parts of the so-called Ark Narrative in 1 Sam. 4–6. Cf. Rost, Überlieferung, who claimed the Ark Narrative to be a coherent unit, and the more recent and critical works of, e.g., Fohrer, “Ladeerzählung”; Schicklberger, Ladeerzählung; Dietrich, “Überführung”; and Porzig, Lade. 2 On Exod. 28, see the contribution by MacDonald (Chapter 24) in this volume. 1

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to prevent the inadvertent exposure of the priest’s genitals (e.g., Exod. 20:26; 28:42).3 Finally, a comparative glimpse at the Chronicler’s parallel account (1 Chron. 15) will show some meaningful modifications that might reveal a discourse about the proper dress code for cultic personnel.

1.  The Literary Development of 2 Sam. 6 1.1 The Early Redactions Already at the beginning, 2 Sam. 6 shows clear signs of redactional reworking. Verse 1 presupposes a preceding assembly of the Israelites and has a military connotation due to the term ‫ בחור‬and the large number of assembled men (thirty thousand).4 Verse 2 uses different terminology and seems to aim instead at presenting a peaceful action of David and the men who are with him.5 As v. 2 serves as a proper introduction for the following narration,6 which is not military in nature, v. 1 can be considered as a later, alternate beginning of the story.7 Verses 3 and 4 are problematic. Verse 3aβ and v. 4aα are doublets, and vv. 3-4 also include different statements about the way the ark is transported: Is it carried out of the house of Abinadab (vv. 3aβ, 4aα) or driven on a new cart (v. 3aαb)? If the ark was carried out of the house and was put on the cart afterward, the two actions could easily be brought in line. However, in this interpretation, the information that the ark was carried out of the house would be reported too late in both cases, that is, after v. 3aα and after v. 3b, respectively.8 Therefore, it is likely that the idea of the ark being carried (also present in v. 13) was added later, perhaps as an adaptation of the concept of the carriers of the ark, which might be of late origin.9 The doublet of v. 3aβ and v. 4aα calls for a text-critical explanation. Verse 4aα probably results from a dittography due to homoioteleuton in light of v. 3aβ.10 The original text therefore most likely read: “So they set the ark on a new cart. And Uzzah and Ahio, 3 On this issue, see the contribution by Berner (Chapter 23) in this volume. 4 Cf. Zwickel, “Gestalt,” 90. 5 The term ‫ בעלי יהודה‬is notoriously difficult. Zwickel, “Gestalt,” 86–90, provides an in-depth discussion of whether it can be understood as a place name or should instead be translated as “citizen of Judah” (with ‫מן‬-separativum). 6 The relative clause in v. 2bβ is evaluated as a later insertion by most scholars; cf. Dietrich, “Überführung,” 198; Zwickel, “Gestalt,” 94; Porzig, Lade, 168–9. The motif of the Lord of Hosts dwelling between the cherubim is doubtless of late origin. 7 Cf. Zwickel, “Gestalt,” 90; Porzig, Lade, 168. The unmotivated repetition of the name David at the beginning of v. 1 and v. 2 is suspicious. Since the following narrative presents the transfer of the ark as a peaceful action, the military connotation of v. 1 leads nowhere. Obviously, it does not refer to what follows but is instead linked to the preceding context. The word ‫ עוד‬probably refers to the contingent David assembled for the battle against the Philistines (2 Sam. 5:17-25). To this contingent, he now adds thirty thousand brave men, thus creating the idea that David operated with a huge contingent. Due to its reference to 2 Sam. 5:17-25, a more precise evaluation of the literary-historical place and function of 2 Sam. 6:1 would require further analysis of the surrounding chapters. 8 Cf. Zwickel, “Gestalt,” 93. 9 Cf. Deut. 10:8; 31:9, 25; 1 Chron. 15:2, 15, 26, 27; 2 Chron. 5:4. 10 Cf. Zwickel, “Gestalt,” 96; Dietrich, “Überführung,” 197; Rezetko, Source, 111; and many others. The doublet is missing in the Chronicles parallel (1 Chron. 13:7) and in 4QSama and LXXBL.

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the sons of Abinadab, drove the new cart with the ark of God, and Ahio went before the ark.” Verse 4 prepares for v. 6, which can be regarded as its original continuation. Ahio is explicitly located in front of the cart with the ark; thus, only Uzzah can be considered for its rescue when the oxen stumble.11 However, v. 5 disrupts the cohesion of the narrative. While vv. 4 and 6 refer to the ark as the “ark of God,” according to v. 5 David and the house of Israel (!) are dancing “before Yahweh.” Dancing and the playing of various instruments in front of the ark converts the action into a cultic procession.12 Verse 6 leads directly to vv. 7-8, the divine punishment for Uzzah’s ambitious attempt to stabilize the ark, which obviously aims at the etiology in v. 8b.13 Within the report about Uzzah’s punishment, there is good reason to consider v. 7aα as a later addition.14 According to v. 7aβ, when Uzzah touched the ark of God, God struck him for his error, whereas in v. 7aα Yahweh’s anger was aroused against him. Perhaps v. 7aα was added to provide a subsequent and explicit explanation for the harsh punishment of Uzzah. The etiology comes to an end in v. 8b. At this point, a summary of the results may be helpful. So far, vv. 2abα, 3aαb, 4aβb, 6, 7aβb, 8 form a self-contained unit except for the fact that the large-scale campaign of David remains surprisingly ineffective. Thus, even though the story provisionally culminates in the naming of the place Perez-Uzzah, the basic layer probably continued with the transmission of the ark to Jerusalem. In any event, it is impossible to isolate a literarily independent Perez-Uzzah etiology that does not mention David’s involvement in the actions. Nevertheless, it is possible that an etiology of this content has been integrated into the narrative. It might have comprised approximately vv. 3aαb, 4aβb, 6, 7aβb, 8b and would have reported the punishment of Uzzah due to an accident with a sacred object, the ark of God, which led to the naming of the place PerezUzzah. Nevertheless, its literary character would remain fragmentary. The etiology would then have been combined with or incorporated into a narrative about David bringing the ark back to Jerusalem in the course of a (first) redactional reworking that would comprise at least v. 2abα and v. 8a. A caesura between v. 8a and v. 8b is quite plausible, since v. 8a stands out from the supposed etiological materials regarding the spelling of the name Uzzah. It might have taken up the personal name Uzzah from the probably older etiology but copied the spelling of Uzzah from the place name in v. 8b, whereas the presumably older parts seem to distinguish between the place name (ending in ‫ )ה‬and the personal name (ending in ‫)א‬. David’s fear reported in v. 8a is not reflected in the etiological designation of the place in v. 8b but probably serves to explain his decision to put the ark into storage temporarily (vv. 9-11). Thus, vv. 9-11 might belong to the same redactional layer as v. 8a. Since the narrative does not make sense if the mission is ultimately unsuccessful, v. 11 is not a suitable ending. Instead, v. 12 should be considered as the original ending of this early stage of the It is difficult to define the exact course of events from the wording in v. 6bβ. Yet regardless of whether the oxen break away or stumble, it is obvious that the accident endangers the ark. 12 Cf. Porzig, Lade, 171. 13 What exactly caused the death of Uzzah in the eyes of the author, whether it was due to a supernatural intervention or results from an accident that was then interpreted as divine punishment, remains unclear and is not relevant for the understanding of the story. 14 Cf. Zwickel, “Gestalt,” 98; Porzig, Lade, 169. 11

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narrative.15 In this reconstruction, the designation of the ark alternates between “ark of God” (v. 2 and v. 12) and “ark of Yahweh” (vv. 9-11) within the same layer. This could be due to the redactor’s intention to frame the story with the designation “ark of God,”16 which he might have taken from the older etiological fragment. In the core of the story, he replaced it with the term “ark of Yahweh,” which he perhaps regarded as the more appropriate term. In any case, he also ascribed all actions in the narrative to Yahweh: Yahweh kills Uzzah, David is afraid of Yahweh, and Yahweh blesses Obed Edom and his house. While v. 12 serves as an appropriate ending—David has brought the ark to the city of David, Jerusalem—v. 13 starts over again and reports details from the journey of the ark. This passage ends with v. 17, the placing of the ark inside the tabernacle. Within this section, the role of David in the campaign is significantly expanded. Verses 13-15 resemble v. 5 in many respects; thus, v. 5 might be part of the same reworking. As mentioned above, this verse transforms the unlucky journey of the ark with Uzzah and Ahio into a cultic procession of David and Israel “before Yahweh.” It might serve to prepare for the latter parts of the chapter, which also focus on cultic actions but show a tendency to allocate these to David in order to portray him as a priest. According to v. 13, David performs several sacrifices. Verse 14 repeats the excessive dancing “before Yahweh” of v. 5 and now focuses on David. Finally, David’s priestly function is stressed by mentioning his priestly clothing, ‫אפוד בד‬.17 Verse 15 refers back to v. 5 by emphasizing the great joy of David and the house of Israel and the ceremonial sound of the trumpet. Finally, the mission comes to an end with v. 17, in which the ark reaches its destination. Verse 17 might have been the original continuation of v. 15, as both verses are directly related to each other. David and the house of Israel, referred to indirectly in v. 17 by the 3mp verbal forms, bring the ark into the center of Jerusalem and place it inside the tabernacle, which David had erected for this purpose. However, v. 16 disturbs the cohesion of the narrative and creates the problem that the plural forms in v. 17 are lacking an antecedent. Thus, it probably belongs to an even later redactional layer that introduces Michal into the narration and creates a subplot. The narrative thread in vv. 13-15, 17 is continued in vv. 18-19. The cultic procession with the ark is concluded by further offerings by David and his blessing of the people. It ends in v. 19, when “all the people depart, everyone to his house.” To sum up, vv. 13-15, 17-19 can be seen as a second redactional layer that transforms the relocation of the ark into a great procession led by David as a priestly king. In addition to v. 5, perhaps Cf. Porzig, Lade, 166–8. 16 Cf. Zwickel, “Gestalt,” 102. 17 According to Exod. 28 and 39, the ephod is an element of the high priest’s vestments that probably resembled an apron bound around the hips and fixed to the shoulders by some kind of suspenders. Cf. Zwickel, “Gestalt,” 109. Cognates of “ephod” are epattu (Akkadian) and ʾpd (Ugaritic), both meaning “(costly) garment”; cf. Rezetko, Source, 217. In the Hebrew Bible, the ephod is associated with the high priest Samuel in 1 Sam. 2:18 (obviously in a priestly function) and certain other priests such as Ahijah (1 Sam. 14:3) or Ahimelech (1 Sam. 21:20). A development from the general priestly dress to an element of the high priest’s wardrobe within the priestly literature is very likely; cf. Scherer, “Ephod,” 602. The ephod as priestly garment is to be distinguished from the use of ephod as a divinatory device, whether legitimate or illegitimate (cf. 1 Sam. 2:28; 14:3; 23:6, 9; 30:7 on the one hand and Judg. 8:27; 17–18 on the other). The term ‫ בד‬probably refers to the linen fabric of the ephod; cf. Berner (Chapter 23) in this volume, 427; Zwickel (Chapter 8) in this volume, 200–1. 15

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also v. 3aβ can be ascribed to the same hand, since the idea of the ark being carried corresponds to v. 13.18 As a result, there are probably two distinct literary levels that ascribe the relocation of the ark to David. The first simply states that David initiates the relocation and remains persistent even when the mission is endangered by the Uzzah incident. Although it is the oldest level of the narrative, it might be of relatively late origin: The nature of David’s transfer of the ark to his capital, Jerusalem, seems to be theological rather than historical. The ark represents the presence of Yahweh among his people, and David, the glorious founder of Yahweh’s chosen dynasty, is the one to transfer it to Jerusalem, the place where the temple will be built by his son Solomon.19 However, the debated issues of the origins of the ark tradition and its literary development are of minor relevance for the purpose of this essay and need not be decided here. In any case, the second redactor is much more explicit about David’s role. He is familiar with the priestly concept of the tabernacle and, on the whole, his presentation resembles certain concepts from Chronicles. David zealously attends to the cult, and the number of his sacrifices is excessive.20 The sequence of the king’s procession with the ark, extended sacrifices, and a final blessing of the people exactly mirrors Solomon’s actions during the building of the temple in 1 Kgs 8. Thus, the second stage of composition probably aims at placing the transferal of the ark to Jerusalem in 2 Sam. 6 in parallel with the building of the temple in 1 Kgs 8. It may thus be regarded as an attempt to transfer as many actions concerning the building of the temple as possible from Solomon to David and as a reflex of the problematic fact that David, the founder of the dynasty and perhaps to some extent already the ideal king, did not build the temple himself.21 At this redactional stage, 2 Sam. 6 shows that he at least brought the central component of the (postexilic) cult in Jerusalem to his capital and thereby initiated the cult. Thus, the text belongs to a group of (presumably late) texts reporting how David approaches his peak of power, which is eventually reached in 2 Sam. 7.22 He conquers the capital, finally defeats the Philistines (which already Jephthah, Samson, Samuel, and Saul had tried to do but failed), brings the ark to Jerusalem, and plans to build a temple for Yahweh. As a result, he is ultimately rewarded with the promise of an eternal dynasty. So far, the redaction history of 2 Sam. 6 has been reconstructed as follows: The first edition in vv. 2abα, 3aαb, 4aβb, 6, 7aβb, 8-12 might have incorporated a fragment of an old etiology in vv. 3aαb, 4aβb, 6, 7aβb, 8b. The second edition added vv. 3aβ, 5, 13-15, 17-19. Additional minor additions can be found in vv. 1, 2bβ, 4aα, 7aα. Up to this stage, the narrative presents a (presumably late) depiction of David initiating the cult in Jerusalem by transferring the ark to his capital, whereas 18 19 20 21

Cf. Zwickel, “Gestalt,” 106. Cf. Porzig, Lade, 289–91. Cf. 1 Chron. 29:21; 2 Chron. 29:31-33. First Kings 5:17 (probably a late insertion; cf. Rudnig, “König,” 429) addresses this deficit explicitly and tries to explain it: David was kept from building the temple due to his great military activity. As is well known, the Chronicler underpins this idea through the (unexplained) principle that bloodshed and the building of the temple are mutually exclusive. 22 Cf. Porzig, Lade, 170–1; Kratz, Komposition, 187–9.

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the issue of his (un-)clothing has not yet been dealt with explicitly. It is the Michal episode in vv. 16, 20-23 as the latest supplementation of the narration which is of particular interest here.23

1.2 The Michal Episode The introduction of an additional character at the end of 2 Sam. 6 is quite unexpected and “launches a subsidiary or sub-plot in the story of David’s ark transfer.”24 Verse 16 is part of this redaction, since, as noted above, it does not fit in its context between v. 15 and v. 17.25 The information that Michal watched her husband’s action from the window disrupts the report about the arrival of the ark in Jerusalem and thus creates the aforementioned grammatical problem that the subject of v. 17 now lacks an antecedent. The conflict between Michal and David continues in vv. 20-23, which can be ascribed to the same redactor as v. 16. The narrative break after v. 19 is obvious. After the story has come to an end with the return of the blessed people to their houses in v. 19,26 v. 20 artificially appends a second act of David’s blessing: He returns to his household in order to bless it. This implies that the household of David is not included in the totality of Israel in v. 19: “all the people, the whole multitude of Israel, both the women and the men.”27 This view corresponds at least with v. 16, where Michal observes David from her house. The conflict culminates in v. 23: As a punishment for her despising David, Michal remains childless until the day of her death. Immediately before 2 Sam. 7, Michal’s childlessness subtly removes the possibility that a descendant of Saul could succeed David on the throne.28 Based on the reference to David wearing a linen ephod in the previous stage of composition (v. 14),29 the redactor adds the idea that David behaved in a way that causes Michal’s despising. For a better understanding Currently, the Michal episode is seen as a piece of late redactional work by most scholars. It is certainly a later addition to the ark narrative and not the beginning of an independent succession narrative as Rost (Überlieferung, 87) proposed. It is also unlikely that the Michal episode is an independent tradition; cf. Crüsemann, “Witze”; Schäfer-Lichtenberger, “Beobachtungen.” 24 Cf. Rezetko, Source, 235. 25 Pace ibid., 278, who regards v. 16 as an original component of the narrative and limits the addition to vv. 20b-23 as an “exegesis on the earlier and briefer mention of Michal.” 26 Cf. Porzig, Lade, 162. 27 Cf. Zwickel, “Gestalt,” 105. 28 It is possible, but not necessary, to consider barrenness as the reason for her childlessness. In fact, this would contradict 2 Sam. 21:8, where most manuscripts attest to a number of sons that Michal had with another man. Her childlessness could also result from her scorn for David (or vice versa); cf. Schäfer-Lichtenberger, “Michal,” 104. In any case, she is punished by not having children with David and thus not giving birth to the successor on the throne. 29 Verse 14b either belongs to the second editorial layer (in which case it would underline the priestly function of David) or to the Michal episode (in which case it would stress the fact that David was scantily clad). Although the repetition of the name “David” from v. 14a in v. 14b is unnecessary and conspicuous, it is more likely that the ephod was already mentioned in the earlier version(s) of the narrative as a traditional priestly garment. David’s sparse clothing would then have been the link to the Michal episode. Otherwise, the redactor of the Michal episode himself would have needed to prepare the ground for the questionable exposure. Considering that the issue of inadvertent exposure during cultic service is never related to cultic dancing but always to the climbing of the altar (see below), this assumption seems rather implausible. 23

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of this passage, both David’s potential offense and its evaluation by Michal and himself, respectively, need further elaboration.

2.  The Exposure of King David in 2 Sam. 6 2.1 What Exactly Did David Do? According to v. 16, Michal despises David for his dancing, although it is not immediately evident what is wrong about the way he dances. This issue requires a closer look at the verse. Verse 16 adopts the participle ‫ מכרכר‬from v. 14 to describe David’s dancing but adds ‫מפזז‬. The essence of the root ‫ כרר‬is “to be round” and, for etymological reasons, it can mean to “turn,” “twist,” or “roll.”30 According to Othmar Keel, the unique combination with ‫ מפזז‬has the meaning “to turn wheels,”31 and, indeed, this interpretation fits the context of 2 Sam. 6 very well. Considering that David is wearing a loincloth according to v. 14b, an acrobatic type of dancing would inevitably expose his genitals. His self-exposure, in turn, is preconditioned in Michal’s critique of his behavior:32 He uncovered himself (‫ )נגלה‬like one of the “vulgar fellows” (v. 20).33 Thus, David’s self-exposure is not related to the length of the ephod34 but to his dancing style: When he twists, the apron slips off and uncovers his genitals. In any case, acrobatic maneuvers in the context of cultic activity is not without analogy in the ancient Near East. Some Palestinian scarabs (Figure 26.1) from the Middle Bronze Age show vigorously dancing figures, probably worshippers, in quite an explicit position, being about to turn a wheel. Another even more explicit example is a cylinder seal (Figure 26.2) found near Ugarit from approximately the same time that very clearly shows a dancer turning a wheel. Furthermore, a Hittite document (KBO 10:23, IV 7-14) is a clear witness to the same practice in the context of the KI.LAM festival. The relevant parts read: “And they dance, dressed in skins of leopards. . . . And the dancers, it can be ten or more, follow the cart. One of them is naked. And the dancer turns once.” What exactly the one naked dancer within the group of dancers dressed in leopard fur does is open to scholarly discussion. According to Volkert Haas,35 he turns around to the king, although this raises the question of why he has to be naked to do so. Thus, the interpretation of Stefano de Martino36 that the naked dancer turns a wheel seems more likely. As the

Cf. Ges., 573. Within the Hebrew Bible this root occurs only in 2 Sam. 6, but it is used frequently in later Aramaic or Hebrew. Cognates are known from Arabic, Coptic, Ethiopic, and Ugaritic. Cf. Rezetko, Source, 210. 31 Cf. Keel, “Tanz,” 11. 32 Cf. Rezetko, Source, 249, for this discussion. 33 The LXX explicitly mentions the correlation between self-exposure and dance performance: Michal disdains David for having uncovered himself as one of the dancers (εἷς τῶν ὀρχουμένων). 34 Pace, e.g., Houtman, Exodus III, 483. 35 Cf. Haas, Geschichte, 751. 36 Cf. de Martino, “Nacktheit,” 66. 30

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Figure 26.1  Palestinian scarab depicting a vigorously dancing man. Keel, “Tanz,” 12, fig. 12.

Figure 26.2  Cylinder seal depicting a man turning a wheel. Keel, “Tanz,” 12, fig. 13.

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leopard skin might have limited the dancer’s mobility, his nakedness enables him to move acrobatically. At least against the background of this ancient Near Eastern evidence, it is very likely that the redactor of 2 Sam. 6:16 also had an acrobatic type of dancing in mind when he added the episode about the conflict between Michal and David.37

2.2 Evaluations of Nudity in the Michal Episode The domestic quarrel over the appropriateness of David’s exposure during cultic service eventually leads to the punishment of Michal. Thus, the redactor clearly sides with David’s position within the narrative. However, the conflict combines different aspects of nudity that first need to be defined. In her accusation, Michal addresses the aspects of sexuality and humiliation. In her interpretation, David uncovered himself in the eyes of his servants’ maids, that is, before subordinate, female persons, which is— according to her—not befitting his social status. In her eyes, he lacks royal dignity.38 In his response, David refers instead to the religious aspect of his activity. He stresses that his action was directed toward Yahweh and thus that he did not humble himself as a king before his subordinates but as a priest before Yahweh.39 By emphasizing his election by Yahweh, “who chose me instead of your father and all of your house,” David stresses his competence in cultic affairs: As the chosen one, he knows best what is the right way to worship Yahweh.40 By criticizing his cultic dance, Michal thus acknowledged her ignorance of David’s blessing. “In such pompous terms David repudiates Michal’s right to have any view on his behaviour. . . . [H]‌er scorn for David as king is in fact a defiant scorn for Yahweh who gave him his position.”41 The following verse, v. 22, adds a new point to the conflict. David explicitly refers to the aspect of humiliation brought up earlier by Michal but presents it as an ideal form of behavior in general: He, the king, will humble himself even more (v. 22aα). Verse 22aβb further stresses Michal’s lack of judgment by contrasting her with the

The discussion on the religious connotation of David’s dance is not important for the understanding of the Michal episode. David’s dance obviously occurs in the context of the worship of Yahweh (cf. Pss. 30:12; 87:7; 149:3; 150:4 as well as Exod. 32:19; 1 Kgs 18:26) and expresses his great joy. Whether it is related to a Canaanite tradition, can be considered as a fertility rite, or belongs to the realm of sacred marriage is of minor relevance. Ultimately, the conflict between Michal and David remains rather general and does not pursue this question further. 38 Cf. Willi-Plein, “Michal,” 416. 39 Cf. Fischer, “Michal,” 203. 40 It is worth considering whether David’s response, like Michal’s critique, subtly and implicitly also relates to the realm of sexuality but converts it from human desire (he uncovered himself in front of his female servants) to a cultic connotation of sexuality (he “plays” in front of Yahweh). The verb ‫ שׂחק‬is taken from v. 5. It can have a sexual connotation, whereby Gen. 26:8 is a prominent example: Abimelech understands immediately that Isaac and Rebecca are husband and wife (and not sister and brother) when he sees him “playing” with her. In Gen. 39:14, 17, Potiphar’s wife uses the same term regarding her alleged encounter with Joseph. Perhaps sexual connotations can also be found in a cultic context; cf. Prov. 8:30-31. It is at least possible to interpret 2 Sam. 6:21 in the same way. Cf. Keel, “Tanz,” 13, and Bodi, Michal, 47–8. 41 Murray, Prerogative, 142–4. 37

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maidservants: Michal, the proud princess, might despise him,42 but his maidservants, who represent the target audience of the humbled and deprived here, will honor him. The Michal episode thus deals with the question of whether David’s self-exposure during cultic service was appropriate or not. By linking his cultic dance to the more general ideal of humility, the redactor outlines that, from a social and cultic point of view, there is nothing wrong with it. While the ideal of a humble dignitary is relatively widely attested in the Psalms and the prophetic literature,43 its connection with the issues of sparse clothing, especially with inadvertent exposure, is unique. However, there are other, priestly influenced passages in the Hebrew Bible dealing with the topics of adequate clothing for cultic personnel, especially the high priest, and the inadvertent exposure of genitals during cultic service. To answer the question of whether 2 Sam. 6 Jwas part of a late discourse on the adequate dress code for cultic personnel, a brief overview of the relevant passages is needed.

3.  2 Sam. 6 as Part of a Late Discourse on Priestly Dress Code? 3.1 The “Opinio Communis” It is only in a few other texts that priests appear minimally dressed in an (linen) ephod like David in 2. Sam. 6.44 In these references, the ephod functions as a distinguishing marker for priests.45 Later priestly texts recall this tradition by listing the ephod among many other priestly garments,46 but overall, there is a clear tendency to full-body coverage and extraordinary decoration of cultic personnel, especially in texts that were influenced by late priestly thought. Concerning the regulation of the priests’ clothing, Exod. 28 serves as a programmatic text.47 The high priest Aaron appears extravagantly dressed. His impressive vestments serve for his “glory and beauty”; they consecrate him and enable him to minister as a priest (vv. 2-3). The ephod is still mentioned as an element of the high priest’s robe, but it is complemented by a breastplate, a robe, a tunic, a turban, and a sash. In accordance with Exod. 28, Ben Sira also remembers the high priest as having a very impressive appearance: “As the sun shining upon the temple of the Most High, and as the rainbow giving light in the bright clouds” (50:7). “When he put on the robe of honor, and was clothed with the perfection of glory, when he went up to the holy altar, he made the garment of holiness honorable” (50:11). While Exod. 28 and Sir. 50 primarily emphasize the honor and glory of the holy garments, other priestly influenced texts are obviously first and foremost concerned 42 The versions probably have preserved the original reading ‫בעיניו‬. The loss of the waw in the MT form ‫ בעיני‬may have resulted from haplography. 43 Cf. Schott, Sacharja 9–14. 44 Cf. 1 Sam. 2:18; 14:3. 45 See above n. 17. 46 Cf. Exod. 28; 39. 47 For a detailed analysis of the chapter, see the contribution by MacDonald (Chapter 24) in this volume.

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with the covering of (especially) the private parts of the priest’s body.48 This hints at a shift in the regulation of the priestly dress code leaning toward the tendency to full body covering in the priestly literature, which in some instances is likely to be explained as the result of successive redactional work. Two examples may illustrate this process, before we take a second look at Exod. 28. According to Ezek. 44:17-19, the Levites ministering before Yahweh are dressed less ostentatiously than Aaron in Exod. 28. They wear turbans and, notably, trousers.49 Although Ezek. 44:18 does not comment on this priestly wardrobe, it is likely that the Levites’ outfit is associated with the model of the altar described in the previous chapter (Ezek. 43:13-17). The altar is imagined as a multistaged construction, and it can be assumed that steps lead up to the highest terrace, the altar hearth, and the place of sacrifice. Therefore, the provision to wear trousers emphasizes the importance of the full covering of the priest’s body during cultic service, preventing him from exposing his genitals before Yahweh when he ascends the altar. A similar idea occurs in Exod. 20:26 at the end of the altar law in the Covenant Code. The Israelites shall worship Yahweh on an earthen altar, and if necessary on an altar made of stone, but in no case on an altar made of hewn stone. Strikingly, the material of the altar is not of any interest in the final verse, Exod. 20:26: No steps shall lead up to the altar, “so that your nakedness may not be exposed on/towards it.” The shift of topic reveals the secondary character of this verse. The redactor of Exod. 20:26 explicitly states what remained implicit in Ezek. 43–44: The exposure of the priest’s genitals to Yahweh must be prevented at any cost, either by covering them with trousers or by adjusting the architecture of the altar. Finally, this critical view on nakedness during cultic activities is also reflected in the programmatic priestly text on the high priest’s wardrobe, Exod. 28. Like Exod. 20:26, here the relevant verse, Exod. 28:42, can be ascribed to a redactor’s hand. The chapter shows a clear structure: At the beginning, v. 4 names the aforementioned components of the priestly wardrobe; vv. 5-39 describe certain details of how each of these components is made; v. 40 continues with the wardrobe of Aaron’s sons; and the whole passage comes to an end in v. 41 with the instruction for Moses to anoint Aaron and his sons. The order to “make linen trousers to cover their nakedness” in v. 42 goes unexpectedly back in medias res and thus has obviously been appended. The detailed description emphasizes the function of this garment: “Reaching from the waist to the thighs,” it was designed as a kind of undergarment in order to cover the genitals of the priest during cultic service.

3.2 The Discourse and Its Historical Background Fittingly, with an ‫ אפוד בד‬the humble king David in 2 Sam. 6 is far less ostentatiously dressed than his colleagues in the priestly literature. Obviously, modest clothing with a mere loincloth opposes the priestly idea to cover every inch of the priest’s body with ornate garments expressed, for example, in Exod. 28. As outlined above, the clothing with an ephod is probably not part of the Michal redaction but belongs to an earlier For a more detailed analysis of the following texts, see Berner (Chapter 23) in this volume. 49 On the supposedly Persian origin of this garment, see Berner (Chapter 23) in this volume, 430. 48

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stage of composition. Therefore, it does not evolve from the ideal of humility presented by the late redactor but might be of nonideological nature and thus reflect the way priests were actually dressed in postexilic times. In any case, the insertion of the Michal episode can be seen as a direct consequence of the debate over appropriate clothing during cultic service. Otherwise, the reworking of the passage in order to expound David’s exposure could hardly be explained. Therefore, on this late redactional level, 2 Sam. 6 might be understood as an alternative concept to the ideas and ideals expressed in the priestly texts mentioned above. Although a knowledge of or even literary reference to the particular texts is of course difficult to prove, it is not implausible in this case. While the sparse clothing of David might reflect realistic conditions in the Second Temple period, the Michal redaction addresses the problem of an unintentional exposure of one’s genitals during cultic service, which—according to the text—seems to be problematic in two respects: (1) The status of a dignitary: According to Michal, the scantily clad and excessively dancing David lacks royal dignity. When, in his response, David reaffirms the ideal of humility for himself, he is far from the appearance of the high priest according to Exod. 28. Thus, 2 Sam. 6 may be read as a critical response to the ideal of priestly pomp expressed in Exod. 28. While the high priest of Exod. 28 is dressed like royalty, David in 2 Sam. 6 becomes one of the poor and unfortunate. This might hint at a controversy about the status and rank of priests in postexilic times. (2) The appropriate behavior during cultic service: Due to the reworking of the older narrative about the transfer of the ark, in the case of 2 Sam. 6 the incidental exposure of David’s genitals does not happen while climbing up the altar but is instead related to his cultic dance performance. Nevertheless, the problem addressed is the same as in the legal texts mentioned above. In his response to Michal, David points to the cultic dimension of his action. Thus, like in Exod. 20:26 or 28:42, the question is: Is it appropriate for a cultic performer if his genitals are occasionally exposed due to sparse clothing? Contrary to the texts from the book of Exodus, the redactor’s answer to this question here is clearly “yes.” A final glimpse at the Chronicler’s account of the transfer of the ark provides further evidence for an ongoing discourse about the issue of the proper dress code for cultic personnel. Against the background of the texts discussed above, it can only be understood as an adjustment of 2 Sam. 6 to the ideals of the priestly influenced legal texts.

4.  The Chronicler’s Account as an Orthodox Relecture of 2 Sam. 6 Considering the controversy theorized above, it is not surprising that the ideal of the humble and naked priestly king from 2 Sam. 6 did not remain without opposition by later recipients. The parallel account in 1 Chron. (1 Chron. 13:1-14; 15:25–16:3; 16:43)50 culminates in 1 Chron. 16:43 with David’s blessing of his household. In 2 Sam. 6, Besides some Sondergut passages in 1 Chron. 15:1-24; 16:4-42, which are concerned with the preparation of the transfer and the manifold functions of the cult personnel and include a psalm of David in 16:7-36, the main difference in the Chronicler’s account concerns the order of events 50

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the blessing of the king’s household allows Michal to utter her critique toward her husband, but this point is—unexpectedly—missing here. This is probably due to the fact that the Chronicler’s account does not provide any reason for criticizing David’s behavior at all. A look at 1 Chron. 15:27 makes that clear: The verse of the Vorlage, which combines David’s dancing with his light clothing, 2 Sam. 6:14 (“then David danced before Yahweh with all his might, and David was wearing a linen ephod”), is modified by the Chronicler, who replaces the word ‫ מכרכר‬in 1 Chron. 15:27 with the graphically similar word ‫מכרבל‬. Thus, instead of his dancing (‫)מכרכר‬, David is dressed (‫ )מכרבל‬with a robe of byssos (‫)במעיל בוץ‬51 according to the Chronicler’s account (“David was clothed with a robe of byssos, as were all the Levites”). With this replacement, the Chronicler not only eliminates David’s offensive way of dancing but also adjusts his clothing to the orthodox priestly dress code, as the term ‫ מעיל‬is also mentioned in Exod. 28:4, 34 as a part of the high priest’s vestments.52 Accordingly, while 2 Sam. 6:14 explicitly states that David is dressed with a linen ephod, the function of the linen ephod in 1 Chron. 15:27b remains rather unclear: “And a linen ephod was upon David” (‫)ועל דויד אפוד בד‬. Since David is already dressed with a ‫מעיל‬, the ephod becomes dispensable.53 Although David does not expose himself due to the adjustment of his wardrobe, surprisingly, Michal still despises him for his dancing.54 However, since her scorn for David is not based on his self-exposure, it seems to be more holistic:55 She despises him for his dancing and playing before the ark and thus rejects the king’s worship of Yahweh in general. Her behavior therefore resembles the unfaithfulness of her father Saul, as 1 Chron. 10:13-14 states: “So Saul died for his unfaithfulness which he had committed against Yahweh, because he did not keep the word of Yahweh, and also because he consulted a medium for guidance. But he did not inquire of Yahweh.” Likewise, with an explicit reference to the ark, 1 Chron. 13:3 states: “And let us bring the ark of our God back to us, for we have not inquired at it in the days of Saul.” Thus, in his retelling, the Chronicler combines two aspects: He adjusts the ideals of a naked

during David’s early reign. In the Chronicler’s account, the transfer of the ark is interrupted by David’s building of the royal palace and his victory over the Philistines (1 Chron. 14:1-17). This has two effects: (1) David tries to transfer the ark to Jerusalem immediately after conquering the capital. He is concerned first and foremost with the ark; only afterward does he begin to build his own palace. (2) The sequence of events shows that Yahweh’s blessing remained upon David as he builds his palace and defeats the Philistines and that the failure in transferring the ark was due to Uzzah’s mistake alone and not to David’s plan to transfer the ark in general. In 2 Sam. 6, the blessing of Obed-Edom and his house has the same function of showing that the ark is transportable in general. Apparently, the blessing of Obed-Edom was not enough for the Chronicler. Cf. Japhet, 1 Chronik, 279–81. 51 On the high value of byssos, see Bender, Sprache, 58, and the contribution of Zwickel (Chapter 8) in this volume, 201. 52 Of course, ‫ מעיל‬also occurs in other contexts, but if it is not for priests, it is usually used for other persons of high rank, such as Samuel (1 Sam. 2:19; 15:27; 28:14), Saul (1 Sam. 24:5, 12), Jonathan (1 Sam. 18:4), and Job and his friends (Job 1:20; 2:12). Cf. Houtman, Exodus III, 507. Thus, the use of the term in 1 Chron. 15:27 certainly seems to counteract the ideal of humility from 2 Sam. 6. 53 This holds true regardless of whether v. 27b is an original part of the account or was added later in light of 2 Sam. 6. 54 In 1 Chron. 15:29, the unique combination of ‫ מכרכר‬and ‫ מפזז‬from 2 Sam. 6:16 was replaced by the common verbs ‫ומשׂחק מרקד‬. 55 Cf. Japhet, 1 Chronik, 297.

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and humble king from 2 Sam. 6 by eliminating David’s nudity and giving him instead an ostentatious garment; at the same time, he criticizes Michal, the last descendant of Saul, in a more general way.

5.  Conclusion Second Samuel 6 and its retelling in 1 Chron. 15 perhaps can be seen as witnesses to a late discourse on the proper clothing for cultic performance. Within such a discourse, as far as we can judge from the biblical texts, 2 Sam. 6 would represent quite an unorthodox position. The latest layer of the narrative (vv. 16, 20-23), which introduces Michal to the story, combines the sparse and presumably realistic clothing of David with a linen ephod with the royal ideal of humility and concludes that the potential exposure of one’s genitals during cultic performance is acceptable. Thus, 2 Sam. 6 and the priestly influenced texts discussed above (Exod. 20; 28; Ezek. 43–44) take opposing positions not only regarding the scanty mode of clothing but also in their attitude toward the incidental exposure of the genitals during cultic service. While the exposure of the priest’s genitals during cultic service is to be prevented according to the late priestly literature, 2 Sam. 6 does not object but rather accepts it as a proper way to worship Yahweh through cultic self-humiliation. In contrast, 1 Chron. 15 represents a more conventional point of view. With the elimination of David’s nudity, it can be seen as—from a priestly point of view—an orthodox relecture of 2 Sam. 6.

Bibliography Begg, Christopher T. “David’s Transfer of the Ark According to Josephus.” BBR 7 (1997): 11–35. Bender, Claudia. Die Sprache des Textilen: Untersuchungen zu Kleidung und Textilien im Alten Testament (BWANT 177). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008. Bodi, Daniel. The Michal Affair: From Zimri-Lim to the Rabbis. Sheffield: Sheffield Phoenix Press, 2006. Crüsemann, Frank. “Zwei alttestamentliche Witze: I Sam 21,11-15 und II Sam 6,16.20-23 als Beispiele einer biblischen Gattung.” ZAW 92 (1980): 215–27. De Martino, Stefano. “Nacktheit: A. II. Bei den Hethitern.” In Reallexikon der Assyriologie und der Vorderasiatischen Archäologie. Neunter Band Nab-Nuzi, edited by Dietz Otto Edzard, 65–6. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2001. Dietrich, Walter. “Die Überführung der Lade nach Jerusalem (2 Sam. 6): Geschichten und Geschichte.” In Die Samuelbücher im deuteronomistischen Geschichtswerk: Studien zu den Geschichtsüberlieferungen des Alten Testaments II (BWANT 201), edited by Walter Dietrich, 191–207. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2012. Fischer, Alexander A. “Michal im Fenster der Redaktion (2Sam 6,14.16.20-23).” In Seitenblicke: Literarische und historische Studien zu Nebenfiguren im zweiten Samuelbuch (OBO 249), edited by Walter Dietrich, 194–208. Fribourg: Academic Press and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2011.

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Fohrer, Georg. “Die alttestamentarische Ladeerzählung.” In Georg Fohrer, Studien zu alttestamentlichen Texten und Themen, 3–10 (BZAW 155). Berlin: De Gruyter, 1981. Haas, Volkert. Geschichte der hethitischen Religion (Handbook of Oriental Studies. Section 1: The Near and Middle East 15). Leiden: Brill, 1994. Houtman, Cornelis. Exodus (HCOT), vol. 3. Leuven: Peeters, 2000. Japhet, Sara. 1 Chronik (HThKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2002. Keel, Othmar. “Davids ‘Tanz’ vor der Lade.” BiKi 51 (1996): 11–14. Kratz, Reinhard G. Die Komposition der erzählenden Bücher des Alten Testaments. Grundwissen der Bibelkritik. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2000. Murray, Donald F. Divine Prerogative and Royal Pretension: Pragmatics, Poetics and Polemics in a Narrative Sequence about David (2 Samuel 5.17-7.29) (JSOTSup 264). Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998. Porzig, Peter. Die Lade Jahwes im Alten Testament und in den Texten vom Toten Meer (BZAW 397). Berlin: De Gruyter, 2009. Rezetko, Robert. Source and Revision in the Narratives of David’s Transfer of the Ark: Text, Language, and Story in 2 Samuel 6 and 1 Chronicles 13, 15-16 (LHBOTS 470). London: T&T Clark, 2007. Rost, Leonhard. Die Überlieferung von der Thronnachfolge Davids (BWANT 42). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1926. Rudnig, Thilo A. “König ohne Tempel. 2 Samuel 7 in Tradition und Redaktion.” VT 61 (2011): 426–46. Schäfer-Lichtenberger, Christa. “Beobachtungen zur Ladegeschichte und zur Komposition der Samuelbücher.” In Freiheit und Recht: Festschrift für Frank Crüsemann zum 65. Geburtstag, edited by Christof Hardmeier, 323–38. Gütersloh: Kaiser, 2003. Schäfer-Lichtenberger, Christa. “Michal—eine literarische Figur mit Vergangenheit.” WD 27 (2003): 87–105. Scherer, Andreas. “Das Ephod im alten Israel.” UF 35 (2003): 589–604. Schicklberger, Franz. Die Ladeerzählung des ersten Samuel-Buches: Eine literaturwissenschaftliche und theologiegeschichtliche Untersuchung (FzB 7). Würzburg: Verlagshaus Würzburg, 1973. Schott, Martin. “Sacharja 9 -14: Eine kompositionsgeschichtliche Analyse.” Ph.D. diss., Friedrich-Alexander Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, Erlangen, 2018. Van Seters, John. In Search of History: Historiography in the Ancient World and the Origins of Biblical History. New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 1983. Willi-Plein, Ina. “Michal und die Anfänge des Königtums in Israel.” In Congress Volume Cambridge 1995 (VTSup 66), edited by John A. Emerton, 401–19. Leiden: Brill, 1997. Zwickel, Wolfgang. “David—Historische Gestalt und idealisiertes Vorbild: Überlegungen zu Entstehung und Theologie von 2 Sam. 6.” JNSL 20 (1994): 79–123.

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Elijah’s Hairy Robe and the Clothes of the Prophets Martin Schott

1.  Introduction Far beyond mere protection from harsh weather conditions, clothing performs a considerable social function: The clothes people wear can indicate—among other things—a person’s social status, group affiliation, and profession. Consequently, changing one’s clothes can signify the transition from one status, affiliation, or role to another. It is often alleged that ancient Israelite prophets—besides kings, priests, officials, or soldiers—wore a distinguished professional dress. Scholars refer to the mantle of Elijah (2 Kgs 1:8), which the prophet hands down to his successor, Elisha (1 Kgs 19:19-21; 2 Kgs 2:1-18), and which Zech. 13:4 seems to assign to prophets in general.1 While one should refrain from generalizing conclusions that jump too quickly from literature to social reality, a certain interdependence between the respective texts cannot be denied and requires an exegetical explanation. This chapter will examine the relevant texts with a specific focus on the symbolic significance of the mantle itself and the acts performed by it.

2.  Wearing the Mantle (2 Kgs 1:8): The Style of an Outsider The story of Elijah’s encounter with King Ahaziah provides the reader with the most detailed description of the prophet’s appearance: “He was a man, owner of hair (‫)איׁש בעל ׂשער‬, bound with a leather belt around his loins.” Following LXX (᾿Ανὴρ δασὺς), V (vir pilosus), and T (‫)גבר סערן‬, some scholars take the expression ‫ איׁש בעל ׂשער‬as a statement about the impressive hairiness of his

See Hönig, Bekleidung, 67; Schmitt, Elisa, 182; Tilly, Johannes, 167–75; Rofé, Stories, 37; Gray, Kings, 464; Stacey, Drama, 84; Wiseman, Kings, 193; Seow, Kings, 171; Beck, Elia, 146; Köckert, “Gott,” 269; Niditch, “Brother,” 114; see also the contribution of Zwickel (Chapter 8) in this volume. In its translation of ‫ אדרת ׂשער‬in Zech. 13:4 (“a mantle/garment of hair”), NIV even adds a word that is not found in the Hebrew: “a prophet’s garment of hair.” 1

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body.2 However, after mentioning his hairy appearance, the description immediately continues with a reference to a piece of clothing—his leather belt—which makes it much more probable that the whole statement refers primarily to his dress: a robe made of animal hair bound by a leather belt.3 The question remains: Does this mantle represent some sort of professional attire? The king’s reaction to the description is “this is Elijah the Tishbite” and not “this is a prophet.” Elijah’s hairy mantle is thus a feature of his personal style that distinguishes him not only from common people but also from his prophetic colleagues mentioned in the literary context.4 In ancient Near Eastern and biblical literature, such a shaggy appearance often carries a savage connotation and is assigned to outsiders of urban society and culture.5 The Epic of Gilgamesh describes the wild Enkidu as “matted with hair” (I, 105). When Gilgamesh reaches Siduri after his journey through the wilderness, he resembles his deceased friend: “his body is tousled with matted hair, the pelts have ruined his body’s beauty” (XI, 250–8). The biblical Jacob-Esau narrative likewise introduces the outdoorsman Esau as a “man of the field” (‫איׁש ׂשדה‬, Gen. 25:27) and as a “hairy man” (‫איׁש ׂשער‬, Gen. 27:11) who looks like a “mantle of hair” (‫כאדרת ׂשער‬, Gen. 25:25). His appearance reflects his wild and unbound nature. These traditio-historical observations perfectly match the presentation of Elijah as a marginalized oppositional prophet throughout the narrative in 1 Kgs 17–19; 21; 2 Kgs 1–2: He wanders homeless through the wilderness (1 Kgs 17:3, 9; 18:1, 46; 19:4), spends his nights in caves (1 Kgs 19:9), is fed by animals (1 Kgs 17:4), relies on the charity of kindhearted people (1 Kgs 17:9), and is permanently at odds with the urban establishment (1 Kgs 18; 21; 2 Kgs 1). In other words, instead of symbolizing a certain affiliation, the mantle distinguishes Elijah from common society. What is the literary-historical place of this description within the Elijah-Elisha cycle? Some scholars take the presumed basic layer of 2 Kgs 1 together with the so-called drought composition (1 Kgs 17–18) and the story of Naboth’s vineyard (1 Kgs 21) as the nucleus of a pre-Deuteronomistic Elijah tradition.6 Recent studies, however, 2 See, e.g., Vielhauer, “Tracht,” 49–50; Cogan and Tadmor, II Kings, 26; Mobley, “Man,” 227, and the contribution of Zwickel (Chapter 8) in this volume. 3 See also Joün, “Costume,” 77; Tilly, Johannes, 170–1; Wiseman, Kings, 193; Seow, Kings, 171. This interpretation admittedly depends on the meaning of the term ‫אזור‬. Some scholars (e.g., Edwards, “Dress,” 233) understand it as a kind of undergarment, such as a loincloth covering the genitals, which would be invisible under a mantle. There are, however, good reason to follow the translation of “belt” in the ancient versions (LXX: ζώνην δερματίνην; V: zona pellicia): (1) According to Jer. 1:17, “to gird (‫ )אזר‬the loins” is the last act before setting out on a journey. (2) Isa. 5:27 mentions the ‫ אזור‬alongside the sandal thong. (3) Ezek. 23:14-16 imply that the ‫אזור‬, like the turban (‫)טבול‬, is a visible garment. See, e.g., Bender, Sprache, 100–1. 4 Some studies refer to 2 Kgs 4:38-41 in an effort to prove that the “sons of the prophets” also wore such a “prophetic” mantle (Tilly, Johannes, 171–2). However, the text does not mention the term ‫ אדרת‬but instead uses the more general term ‫בגד‬. 5 On the ancient Near Eastern and biblical motif of the “wild man,” see Mobley, “Man,” 227; Niditch, “Brother,” 112–18. Although the wording ‫“( בעל ׂשער‬Baal of hair”) may ironically play on the name of the Philistine god “Baal of flies” in v. 2, Noquet, Livret, 168–9, overestimates this connection by assuming an allusion to the iconography of the god Baal that serves to present Elijah as the true “Baal” in Israel. 6 See Nocquet, “Elijah,” 687–8. Otto, “Composition,” 487–508, and Albertz, Elia, 73–81, assign the drought composition to a later stage.

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identify the Elijah stories as mostly post-Deuteronomistic elaborations on the nature of prophecy and the uniqueness of YHWH.7 According to Matthias Köckert, 1 Kgs 1 may even constitute a rather late insertion that takes random remarks on the prophet’s dress in 1 Kgs 18:46; 19:13, 19; 2 Kgs 2:8, 13, 14 and combines them in a single description.8 Nevertheless, 1 Kgs 1 seems to be at least older than the succession stories in 1 Kgs 19:19-21 and 2 Kgs 2:1-18, which already draw on the significance of the prophet’s mantle in 2 Kgs 1:8 and grant the mantle an importance beyond individual dress style.9 Otherwise, one would have to explain why 2 Kgs 1 (like 1 Kgs 21) completely ignores the appointment of Elisha as Elijah’s servant in 1 Kgs 19:19-21.

3.  Throwing the Mantle (2 Kgs 19:19-21): The Call of a Disciple The short passage in 2 Kgs 19:19-21 narrates the first encounter between Elijah and Elisha, which later served as a model for the New Testament call narratives.10 Elisha, the son of Shaphat, is introduced as a wealthy man whose family possesses land and a dozen oxen. He represents a lifestyle that stands in sharp contrast to the restless prophetic existence of Elijah. In this story, the mantle undoubtedly plays a role beyond individual clothing style: Elijah throws his mantle upon Elisha while passing and thus urges him to follow and claims him as his servant.11 This interpretation is supported by the structure of the whole narrative, which constantly alternates between Elisha’s previous agricultural life and his future prophetic life as a follower and servant of Elijah. He abandons his oxen and runs after Elijah, he asks for a last farewell to his parents before leaving, he slaughters his oxen, and finally follows Elijah as his servant. Given this structure, Elijah’s answer to Elisha’s request in the middle of the passage, “Go back again; for what have I done to you?” (‫לך ׁשוב כי מה‬ ‫)עׂשיתי לך‬, appears perfectly intelligible. He grants him one last return to his parents (“Go back!”) and reminds him at the same time by means of a rhetorical question of the act performed with the mantle and its meaning (“What have I done to you?”).12 The fact that Elisha, instead of giving a mere farewell kiss, destroys his former livelihood in a banquet for his fellows, demonstrates that he clearly understood the message.13 7 Rofé, Stories, 183–96; Blum, “Prophet,” 339–53; Köckert, “Elia,” 111–44; McKenzie, “Composition,” 92–110. 8 See Köckert, “Gott,” 268–71. See also, Rofé, Stories, 37–8. 9 For the likely late provenance of the two succession stories, see Kratz, Composition, 167. 10 See Hengel, Nachfolge, 18–20. 11 According to Josephus (Ant. 8, 353–4), Elisha immediately began to prophecy after receiving the mantle. Contra Gray, Kings, 413, the biblical text does not support a magical interpretation in which the mantle embodies the powers of Elijah. The protagonists even discuss the allegedly magical act and its significance before Elisha eventually decides to follow his new master. 12 See similarly, Gray, Kings, 413; Seow, Kings, 44; Wiseman, Kings, 174–5. Upon first glance, the question resembles the so-called appeasement formula, “What have I done to You?” (Judg. 8:2; 1 Sam. 26:18; 29:8), which would imply the answer “Nothing!” (Cogan, 1 Kings, 455). This interpretation is neither necessary—since the lamed can be read as a lamed of advantage (dativus commodi; Exod. 14:13; 2 Kgs 4:14; Ps. 66:16)—nor convincing—since the text does not convey the slightest notion of unwillingness on the part of Elijah. 13 Contra Long, 1 Kings, 206: “Elisha seems to demur slightly.”

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For the protagonists of the story—and presumably for the intended readers—the significance of the gesture performed by the mantle seems to be self-evident, since it needs no further verbal explanation. This suggests that the narrator alludes to a common cultural practice. Many scholars refer to the role that clothes play in the investiture of a successor in office, either a priest or a king (Num. 20:25-28; 1 Sam. 18:4).14 However, when compared to texts like these, the passage has two peculiarities: (1) Elisha does not (yet) become Elijah’s successor but only his servant, and (2) Elisha is not (yet) allowed to keep the mantle. As the story proceeds, Elijah is still in possession of it (2 Kgs 1:8; 2). The throwing of the mantle should thus be understood as a sign act that only anticipates the later investiture of Elisha and leaves him in the meantime as an obedient disciple. The story thus does not end here. It requires a continuation, which is only found in the story of Elijah’s ascension in 2 Kgs 2:1-18. In contrast, this story presupposes the appointment of Elisha as Elijah’s servant in 1 Kgs 19:19-21. Presumably, both texts belong to a single literary stratum that ties the Elijah and Elisha narratives together and clarifies the relationship between the messenger of the divine word Elijah and the miracle worker Elisha.15

4.  Taking the Mantle (2 Kgs 2:7-15): The Authentication of a Successor After a walk from Gilgal, the hometown of Elisha, the two protagonists Elijah and Elisha finally find themselves on a site steeped in (biblical) history: the bank of the River Jordan, where Israel once crossed the borders of the promised land. The crucial passage in 2 Kgs 2:7-15 has a chiastic pattern: The miraculous departure of Elijah to heaven in the middle is framed by two corresponding parts, which mark Elisha as his legitimate successor. A The sons of the prophets as witnesses     B Dividing the Jordan (Elijah)      X Elijah’s ascension     B’ Dividing the Jordan (Elisha) A’ The sons of the prophets as witnesses See, e.g., Stacey, Drama, 85–6. 15 See Sauerwein, Elischa, 116–22. The succession stories have a remarkable similarity to the miracle stories in 1 Kgs 17, which draw on the Elisha stories to depict Elijah as the forerunner of Elisha (see Noquet, “Elijah,” 688). Despite this, scholars often assign the two stories to an originally independent Elisha cycle and must therefore assume a lost opening in 1 Kgs 19:19-21 (see, e.g., Otto, “Composition,” 505–6 n. 47). However, the succession stories not only contradict the Elijah narratives, which know neither of a servant nor of a successor of Elijah, they also contradict the Elisha traditions, in which the hairy mantle is not mentioned once. Elisha’s baldness (2 Kgs 2:23-25) instead seems to contrast Elijah’s hairiness. 14

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In the middle part (2 Kgs 2:9-12), Elijah grants his servant a last wish. Elisha asks his master for two-thirds of his spirit.16 Suddenly, a chariot of fire and horses separate the two while they are still talking. Elijah is taken and Elisha is left alone. In a spontaneous expression of grief, Elisha tears his clothes (‫ )בגדיו‬into two pieces. Considering that he is going to inherit Elijah’s mantle, this gesture may indicate even more than mourning: The removal of old garments often symbolizes the end of a former status.17 With this act of tearing his clothes, the transformation of Elisha as Elijah’s servant to his successor begins. The two episodes of the inner frame (2 Kgs 2:8, 13-14) take place at the Jordan. In the first part, Elijah and Elisha—“the two of them” (‫—)ׁשניהם‬stand at the river bank. Elijah takes his mantle, strikes the water, and “the two of them” (‫ )ׁשניהם‬cross the river with dry feet. In the second part, after the chariot of fire has separated “the two of them” (‫)ׁשניהם‬, the moment of truth occurs. Elisha now stands alone by the Jordan. Has the wish for a portion of his former master’s spirit come true? He takes the mantle, which fell off Elijah, strikes the water, and succeeds to perform the same miracle as his master. The water is divided and he crosses the river. In the outer frame (2 Kgs 2:7, 15), the author places a prophetic audience near the scene. As witnesses and interpreters of the events that occurred at the Jordan, they play an important narrative role. After witnessing the two corresponding miracles, they rightly conclude that “the spirit of Elijah rests on Elisha” and bow down before him. What function does the mantle fulfill in this context? It is obviously not a magical instrument that functions ex opere operato.18 Instead, the mantle—or rather the miracles performed by it—is an outer sign for the inner transferal of the spirit. The garment symbolizes the end of Elisha’s former life, which is torn apart with his old clothes, and the continuation of the prophetic task of his master Elijah. Without the prophetic spirit, however, the mantle would be worthless. There is a short—presumably secondary—passage in v. 14a, which repeats v. 13a and goes one theological step further than the basic layer:19 It adds a first and failed attempt to divide the waters followed by an urgent cry for divine intervention, “Where is the God of Elijah?” Thus, neither the mantle nor the spirit enables Elisha to perform the prophetic deeds of Elijah but only God’s intangible will. This humble request stresses the remaining gap between the two prophets: Elisha is—like Joshua— the servant and successor of an incomparable person. For the translation of ‫ פי ׁשנים‬as “two-thirds,” which the later tradition does not share (e.g., Sir. 48:12), see Zech. 13:8. Similarly Wiseman, Kings, 195; Würthwein, Könige, 276; Seow, Kings, 176. 17 See the removal of Joshua’s “filthy clothes” in Zech. 3. The story of David’s daughter Tamar even combines both aspects: After her brother Amnon raped her, Tamar puts ashes on her head to express her grief and tears her garment, which is a robe worn by the virgin daughters of the king (2 Sam. 13:18-19). Therefore, this act of tearing clothes simultaneously symbolizes mourning and transformation. See Stacey, Drama, 91, and the contribution of Köhlmoos (Chapter 14) in this volume. 18 Contra Hönig, Bekleidung, 151; Niditch, “Brother,” 114. See also, Würthwein, Könige, 275; Bender, Sprache, 128–9. 19 Sauerwein, Elischa, 19–20. According to Sauerwein, the same applies to vv. 1a, 2-6, 10, which bear some terminological and theological inconsistencies with their context: They stress that YHWH “takes” Elijah and performs a transference of the spirit. For similar redaction-critical observations, see, e.g., Würthwein, Könige, 274. 16

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To sum up, the two corresponding stories of Elisha’s call and Elijah’s ascension seek to relate the traditions that developed around the two prophets to each other. Although the mantle marks a continuity, the hierarchy between the messenger of the divine word Elijah and the miracle worker Elisha is clearly established: Elijah is the master, Elisha the servant. Even Elisha’s ability to perform miracles is due to Elijah’s spirit, of which Elisha has only received two-thirds. The underlying Moses-Joshua-typology further emphasizes this relationship:20 Both Moses and Elijah recruit their later successor as a servant. Both Joshua and Elisha follow in the footsteps of their masters by miraculously crossing a body of water. However, the text does not develop the sequence of the two prophets into a more general concept of prophetic succession. This is only the case in the presumably later account of Elijah’s journey to Horeb in 1 Kgs 19:1-18, which strengthens the analogies between Elijah and Moses, presupposes a chain of persecuted prophets of doom (1 Kgs 19:10, 14; see also 2 Kgs 17:13; Jer. 28:8; Hos. 12:11; Neh. 9:26), and anticipates the two stories in 1 Kgs 19:19-21 and 2 Kgs 2:1-18* by commanding Elijah to anoint (!) Elisha as a “prophet in your place” (‫לנביא תחתיך‬, 1 Kgs 19:16; see also Deut. 18:15).21 If one reads the two succession stories against the background of the theological reflections in 1 Kgs 19:1-18, one can perhaps interpret the mantle as the distinctive mark of the true prophet of YHWH more generally.22 However, just as the highly developed Elijah narratives do not necessarily reflect the historical phenomenon of prophecy during the Israelite monarchy, the appearance of the mantle in the narrative does not necessarily attest to the historical dress of Israelite prophets. Rather, it illustrates the sophisticated (late-)Deuteronomistic theory of true prophecy as a chain of anointed outsiders.23

5.  Stripping the Mantle (Zech. 13:2-6): The Denial of Affiliation The motif of the failure of prophecy, well known from 1 Kgs 19:1-18, recurs several times in Zech. 9–14.24 The Israelites are warned not to rely on false sources of divination For possible allusions to Moses and Joshua in 1 Kgs 19:19-21 and 2 Kgs 2:1-15, see White, Elijah, 8–11; Long, 1 Kings, 205; Seow, Kings, 144, 177; Bender, Sprache, 128–9; Sauerwein, Elischa, 25–7. 21 On the theological implications of this, see Blum, “Prophet,” 339–53. On the relatively late provenance of 19:1-18 within the Elijah-Elisha cycle, see Otto, “Composition,” 504–7; Noquet, “Elijah,” 688; McKenzie, “Composition,” 869–71. 22 This seems to be the case in the Christian reception of the tradition (cf. Hengel, Nachfolge, 39–40 n. 71): The “Faith Hall of Fame” (Heb. 11) refers to Gideon, Barak, Samson, Jephtah, David, Samuel, “and the prophets” who walked around “in sheepskin, in goatskin” (ἐν μηλωταῖς, ἐν αἰγείοις δέρμασιν, Heb. 11:37). The term “sheepskin” (μηλωτή) probably resembles the Greek translation of the Hebrew ‫ אדרת‬in the Elijah stories. 1 Clem. 17:11 explicitly identifies “those who went about in goatskins and sheepskins” (ἐν αἰγείοις δέρμασιν καὶ ἐν μηλωταῖς) with Elijah, Elisha, Ezekiel, and the prophets. In Asc. Isa. 2:10, Isaiah establishes a wilderness community with a handful of FirstTemple-period prophets, which all wore “sackcloth.” Contra Collins, Mark, 145, this expression refers to biblical mourning practices in general (see Knight, Ascension, 50–1) or to the clothes worn by Isaiah in Isa. 20:2 (Hebrew: ‫ ;ׂשק‬Greek: σάκκος) rather than to the Elijah tradition. 23 McKenzie, “Composition,” 110: “The Elijah stories as we have them are a postexilic product and therefore of dubious value for historical reconstruction.” 24 Despite recent attempts to date Zech. 9–14 to the Persian period (e.g., Redditt, Zechariah, 26–9; Boda, Book, 31–7), several facts point to a Hellenistic provenance: Zech. 9–14 draws heavily on First 20

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(Zech. 10:1-2). An anonymous and frustrated prophet announces his dismissal (Zech. 11:4-14). Finally, the Jerusalemites are even accused of slaying this last representative of God (Zech. 12:10).25 Consequently, Zech. 13:2-6 focuses on the fate of the remaining prophets in days to come: Just as the true prophet was murdered by his opponents, the remaining false prophets should be executed by their own parents in accordance with the Deuteronomic law.26 To stress the decline of prophecy, the author draws on the Elijah-Elisha tradition. He combines the description of Elijah in 2 Kgs 1:8 (‫ )איׁש בעל ׂשער‬with the term “mantle” (‫ )אדרת‬in 1 Kgs 19:13, 19 and 2 Kgs 2:9, 13-14:27 The prophets in days to come will indeed wear the “hairy mantle” (‫ )אדרת ׂשער‬of Elijah (and Elisha) as a kind of occupational dress. However, in contrast to Elisha, they will not possess Elijah’s spirit but instead an unclean spirit (‫רוח הטמאה‬, Zech. 13:2). They will only dress up as prophets, just as stay-at-home Jacob once dressed up as his brother Esau.28 Following the situation of persecution and fear of death described in vv. 2-3, every prophet will feel ashamed for his profession and deny his prophetic identity both symbolically and verbally.29 First, he will remove the external sign that identifies him as a prophet: the hairy mantle.30 Second, he will deny his prophetic activity, drawing on Zechariah and on the prophetic tradition in general. It remains silent about the Persians, who were prominent in Haggai and Zech. 1–8. Zecharia 9:13 mentions the Greeks as the sole eschatological opponent of the “Sons of Zion.” The prominent military language points to a changed political reality. See Gonzalez, “Zechariah,” 15–21, and Schott, Sacharja 9–14. 25 For the interpretation of the good shepherd in Zech. 11:4-14 and the “stabbed one” in Zech. 12:10 as prophetic figures see Schott, Sacharja 9–14. 26 The prophets’ identity is still a matter of debate: Does the text condemn false prophecy or prophecy in general? On the one hand, it unmistakably associates the prophets with idolatry and lying. On the other hand, it refers to “the prophets” in general without any further differentiation. Hence, the text generalizes the biblical polemic against false prophecy by declaring all remaining prophets of the last days false prophets. Contra Wolters, Zechariah, 427; Boda, Book, 726–7. Cf. Schott, Sacharja 9–14. 27 See Boda, Book, 729, who, despite the apparent literary dependence, presumes a traditio-historical continuity between the historical Elijah and the later prophets in Zech. 13. 28 For the negative assessment of dressing up in the biblical tradition, see Schroer, “Problematik,” 334. It is still a matter of debate whether Zech. 13:3 indeed alludes to the Jacob-Esau cycle (see Boda, Book, 729–30). The expression ‫ אדרת ׂשער‬only occurs in Zech. 13:4 and Gen. 25:25, where Jacob’s brother Esau is compared to a hairy robe. The motif reappears in the story of Jacob deceiving his brother (Gen. 27). Nevertheless, the author in Genesis does not condemn Jacob’s deceit, and the concluding phrase “to deceive” in Zech. 13:4 describes the removal rather than the wearing of the mantle. See also n. 30 below. 29 The assonance of ‫“( יבׁשו‬they will be ashamed”) and ‫“( לא ילבׁשו‬they will not wear”) underscores the connection between shame over one’s own profession and the removal of the professional dress. Thus, in this context, the removal of clothes as a reaction to shame is perfectly intelligible, although at first glance it may appear strange—at least for a biblical reader who is used to connecting shame with nudity (see Gen. 2:25). The Septuagint, however, does not know Elijah’s hairy mantle (compare 2 Kgs 1:8!) and, as a result, does not recognize the allusion to 2 Kgs 1:8. Consequently, the translator blurs the connection between shame and dress: He omits the negative particle ‫ לא‬and reads “And they will wear a hairy skin, because they lied” (καὶ ἐνδύσονται δέρριν τριχίνην ἀνθ᾽ ὧν ἐψεύσαντο). The translator probably understood the scene as a kind of penitential rite that requires a certain dress code. 30 The meaning of the last two words of the verse “in order to lie” (‫ )למען כחׁש‬in connection with the removal of the robe is debated. Some scholars take these words as a description of the former activities as prophets: The prophets wore their robes in order to deceive people through false prophecy. However, both the grammar and the following verse suggest a different reading: the phrase

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Amos’ famous words (Amos 7:14): “I am not a prophet, I am a tiller of the ground, for ground is my possession since my youth.”31 Just as the honorable robe of Elijah became a robe of shame, the brave confession of Amos to be a prophet called by YHWH becomes a cowardly lie. Thus, even after the prophets give up their prophetic existence, they continue to do what they always did: lying. However, stripping off the hairy mantle turns out to have been a fatal mistake: Its removal reveals formerly hidden evidence for the protagonist’s prophetic past. The persecutors discover some old wounds “between his hands,” that is, on his chest or perhaps more likely on his back (see 2 Kgs 9:24).32 They hint at the prophetic custom of self-castigation known from the prophets of Baal (1 Kgs 18:28). The prophet’s excuse for his wounds is difficult to interpret. He utters, “I was wounded in the house of my beloved (m. pl.).” Two possibilities for interpreting “the house of my beloved” (‫ )בית מאהבי‬are worth considering: the house of his parents and a house of pleasures. The first, traditional option is influenced by the context (v. 3) and bears some weaknesses: The parents in v. 3 do not educate their prophetic children by corporal punishment; they simply kill them. Furthermore, the author uses the piel rather than the qal of ‫אהב‬, which always refers to intense, that is, sexual, forms of love. The second option, therefore, is to understand the prophet’s answer in the following way: “I was wounded while I was offering/receiving sexual services in a house of pleasures.” Thus, the prophets in days to come would rather admit (homo-)sexual adventures than to stand for their own profession.33 Will this strategy help to save their lives? The text leaves the answer to the reader. To sum up, Zech. 13:2-6 takes up positive prophetic traditions related to the call of a prophet like the mighty mantle of Elijah and the courageous confession of Amos and inverts them by associating them with false prophecy, barbaric customs of self-castigation, and shameless acts of adultery. Although this link is not made explicitly, an essential precondition for the decline of prophecy seems to be the rise of scripture. Zecharia 9–14 testifies to the growing significance of written revelation through its characteristic allusions to older biblical texts. For the authors and redactors of Second Zechariah, the written word of the prophetic books substitutes the spoken word of the prophets; expertise gained through instruction supersedes the special prophetic calling; and the stylus of the scribe replaces the hairy robe of the prophet.

serves rather as a specification of the whole phrase (‫)לא ילבׁשו אדרת ׂשער‬, including the negation. The prophets remove their hairy mantle in order to deny their prophetic identity. 31 The wording of the MT is problematic (‫)אדם הקנני‬. Wellhausen, Propheten, 201, suggested a slight change of the text by adding one ‫ י‬and modifying the division of the words (‫)אֲדָ מָה ִקנְיָנִי‬, which results in a meaningful and convincing solution: “ground is my possession.” 32 Cf. also Wolters, Zechariah, 435–6, who argues that this expression refers to a man’s genitals: “One might also imagine that, if a naked man were to hide his private parts with his two hands, those private parts might also be said to be ‘between his hands’.” 33 See, e.g., Wellhausen, Propheten, 201; Wolters, Zechariah, 438. Redditt, Zechariah, 115, prefers “the house of his parents.”

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6.  Outlook: Elijah Redivivus and the Clothes of John the Baptist In the appendix to the book of Malachi (Mal. 3:22-24), the declining history of prophecy takes a sudden turn: after the end of prophecy described in Zech. 9–14 and “before the great and dreadful day of YHWH” described in Mal. 3:13-21, the prophet Elijah, who was formerly “taken” by YHWH (2 Kgs 2:1-18), will return in order “to turn the hearts of the parents to their children” and vice versa (Mal. 3:23-24).34 Whereas Mal. 3:22-24 remain silent about the question of whether YHWH will reequip the prophet with his hairy robe, the New Testament provides an answer. The Markan prologue presents a composite quotation of Exod. 23:20; Mal. 3:1 and Isa. 40:3, which the author strangely enough assigns to the prophet Isaiah (Mk 1:2-3).35 The three quotations serve to identify John the Baptist as the forerunner of Jesus (instead of God in Mal. 3:1). According to Mal. 3:22, the forerunner mentioned in Mal. 3:1 is identical with Elijah, and Mk 9:11-13 unmistakably identifies John the Baptist with Elijah. Thus, Mark clearly understands John the Baptist as Elijah redivivus or rather—since Elijah never died—Elijah reditus.36 In the light of this introduction, it seems only natural to connect the description of John the Baptist’s appearance in Mk 1:6 to the tradition of Elijah’s clothes.37 The first part of the description mentions John’s mantle and may be influenced by the cryptic version of Zech. 13:4 in the Septuagint, which omits the negative particle of the Hebrew. Zech. 13:4    καὶ ἐνδύσονται δέρριν τριχίνην             And they will wear a hairy skin . . . Mk 1:6    καὶ ἦν ὁ Ἰωάννης ἐνδεδυμένος τρίχας καμήλου             And John wore [clothes made of] camel’s hair . . .

The second part mentions John’s belt and clearly resembles 1 Kgs 1:8: 1 Kgs 1:8    καὶ ζώνην δερματίνην περιεζωσμένος τὴν ὀσφὺν αὐτοῦ        . . . and a leather belt girded around his waist. Mk 1:6      καὶ ζώνην δερματίνην περὶ τὴν ὀσφὺν αὐτοῦ        . . . and a leather belt around his waist.

34 First Maccabees 4:46; 9:27; 14:41 share the expectation of the coming of a last prophet. 35 Q (Mt. 11:10/Lk. 7:27) contains a similar composite quotation consisting of Exod. 23:20 and Mal. 3:1. See Webb, John, 47–51; Müller, Johannes, 107. 36 Joynes, “Question,” 16–17. On the identification of John the Baptist with Elijah in Mk 1:2-6, see also Joün, “Costume,” 79–81; Hengel, Nachfolge, 39–40 n. 71; Webb, John, 51–5; Tilly, Johannes, 32–8; Albertz, Elia, 174–5; Müller, Johannes, 114–20. 37 Tilly, Johannes, 174–5, instead assumes that Mark alludes to a common prophetic dress, whose existence this chapter aims to challenge. Vielhauer, “Tracht,” 52–3, even denies any reference to the prophetic tradition.

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Since the reference to “camel hair” is without analogy, it may simply be a more specific interpretation of the general expression of its biblical Vorlage. Mark interprets John the Baptist’s appearance in light of the prophetic traditions of the Hebrew Bible. The hairy mantle as his clothing, locusts and wild honey as his food, the desert as his domain, and the call for repentance as his mission (see 1 Kgs 18:37) resemble the old wilderness motif and place John the Baptist within the (broken) chain of prophets in the tradition of Elijah. Matthew further develops this notion when he contrasts John the Baptist’s clothes with the “soft clothes” (τὰ μαλακὰ) worn by people “in the king’s palaces” (Mt. 11:8).38 Interestingly, Luke seems reluctant to directly identify John the Baptist with Elijah:39 He omits the description of John’s outer appearance (Lk. 3), which in any case remains ambivalent in Zech. 13:4. Instead, Luke emphasizes his inner values by referring to the spirit of Elijah (2 Kgs 2; Sir. 48:13) and his task according to Mal. 3:24a: “And he will go on before the Lord, in the spirit and power of Elijah [ἐν πνεύματι καὶ δυνάμει Ἠλίου], to turn the hearts of the parents to their children and the disobedient to the wisdom of the righteous” (Lk. 1:17).

7.  Conclusion The biblical texts that deal with the prophet’s mantle (‫ )אדרת‬are literarily interdependent. They do not attest to an actual prophetic dress in a historical sense. Rather, the “hairy mantle” is a literary device that serves to illustrate theological reflections on the nature of the true prophet. Throughout the history of the biblical tradition, the garment underwent some significant transformations. As a common motif in the ancient Near East, the hairy appearance originally represents an attribute of the wild man who lives outside urban society and culture. The author of 1 Kgs 1:8 applies this motif to Elijah to mark him as an oppositional prophet, whose clothes reflect his nature and let him be recognized at first sight. The corresponding succession stories in 1 Kgs 19:19-21 and 2 Kgs 2:1-18 aim to link the narratives that evolved around the two prophets Elijah and Elisha. They use the mantle as a symbol of the prophet’s power and the transference of that power to the prophet’s successor. For this purpose, they draw on the role garments play in investiture ceremonies. Although used to perform miracles, the mantle is not a magical item. It functions rather as an external sign for the continuity between the two prophets granted by the prophetic spirit or—as a redactional expansion in 2 Kgs 2:14a clarifies—by God himself. In the light of the concept of a continuous chain of legitimate prophets (1 Kgs 19:118; Deut. 18:15), the garment could be perceived as the timeless distinctive mark of the true prophet of YHWH. Zechariah 13 is the first text to attest to such an interpretation, yet it turns the meaning of Elijah’s robe upside down: In a harsh and sarcastic polemic against latter-day prophets, it shows that the mantle alone does not guarantee the integrity of its wearer, who may indeed be driven by an unclean spirit. During the Cf. Tilly, Johannes, 168. 39 Cf. Müller, Johannes, 136; Rindoš, John, 197–9. 38

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period of emerging scripture, the word of the prophet became superfluous, and the former robe of honor became a robe of shame. Influenced by the expectation of Elijah’s return in Mal. 3:1, 23-24, the Gospel of Mark revives the prophetic mantle to claim the authority of Elijah for John the Baptist. In contrast, Luke completely ignores John the Baptist’s clothing and instead emphasizes his spiritual connection with Elijah. Following in the footsteps of Zech. 13:2-6, Luke shows an awareness of the ambivalence of clothing: External appearance can belie a person’s inner nature.

Bibliography Albertz, Rainer. Elia: Ein feuriger Kämpfer für Gott (Biblische Gestalten 13), 4th edn. Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2015. Beck, Martin. Elia und die Monolatrie: Ein Beitrag zur religionsgeschichtlichen Rückfrage nach dem vorschriftprophetischen Jahwe-Glauben (BZAW 281). Berlin: De Gruyter, 1999. Bender, Claudia. Die Sprache des Textilen. Untersuchungen zu Kleidung und Textilien im Alten Testament (BWANT 177). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008. Blum, Erhard. “Der Prophet und das Verderben Israels: Eine ganzheitliche, historischkritische Lektüre von 1 Kön 17–19.” In Textgestalt und Komposition: Exegetische Beiträge zu Tora und Vordere Propheten (FAT 69), edited by Wolfgang Oswald, 339–53. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2010. Boda, Mark J. The Book of Zechariah (NICOT). Grand Rapids and Cambridge: Eerdmans, 2016. Cogan, Mordechai. 1 Kings: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 10). New York: Doubleday, 2001. Cogan, Mordechai and Tadmor, Hayim. II Kings: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 11). New York: Doubleday, 1988. Collins, Adela Yarbro. Mark: A Commentary (Hermeneia). Minneapolis: Fortress Press, 2007. Edwards, Douglas R. “Dress and Ornamentation.” ABD 2 (1992): 232–8. George, Andrew. The Epic of Gilgamesh: The Babylonian Epic Poem and Other Texts in Akkadian and Sumerian. London: Penguin Books, 1999. Gonzalez, Hervé. “Zechariah 9–14 and the Continuation of Zechariah during the Persian Ptolemaic Period.” JHS 13 (2013): 1–43. Gray, John. 1 & 2 Kings: A Commentary (OTL), 2nd edn. London: SCM Press, 1970. Hengel, Martin. Nachfolge und Charisma: Eine exegetisch-religionsgeschichtliche Studie zu Mt 8,21f. und Jesu Ruf in die Nachfolge (BZNW 34). Berlin: Töpelmann, 1968. Hönig, Hans Wolfram. Die Bekleidung des Hebräers: Eine biblisch-archäologische Untersuchung. Zurich: Brunner, Bodmer, 1957. Joün, Paul. “Le costume d’Elie et celui de Jean Baptiste: Etude Lexicographique.” Bib 16 (1935): 74–81. Joynes, Christine E. “A Question of Identity: Who Do People Say that I Am? Elijah, John the Baptist and Jesus in Mark’s Gospel.” In Understanding, Studying and Reading: New Testament Essays in Honour of John Ashton (JSNTSup 153), edited by Christopher Rowland and Crispin H. T. Fletcher-Louis, 15–29. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1998.

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Knight, Jonathan. The Ascension of Isaiah (Guides to Apocrypha and Pseudepigrapha 2). Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995. Köckert, Matthias. “Elia. Literarische und religionsgeschichtliche Probleme in 1Kön 17–18.” In Der eine Gott und die Götter: Polytheismus und Monotheismus im antiken Israel (ATANT 82), edited by Manfred Oeming and Konrad Schmid, 111–44. Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 2003. Köckert, Matthias. “Gibt es keinen Gott in Israel? Zum literarischen, historischen und religionsgeschichtlichen Ort von II Reg 1.” In Auf dem Weg zur Endgestalt von Genesis bis II Regum: Festschrift Hans-Christoph Schmitt zum 65. Geburtstag (BZAW 370), edited by Martin Beck and Ulrike Schorn, 253–71. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2006. Kratz, Reinhard G. The Composition of the Narrative Books of the Old Testament. Trans. John Bowden. London: T&T Clark International, 2005. Long, Burke O. 1 Kings: With an Introduction to Historical Literature (FOTL 9). Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1984. McKenzie, Steven L. “My God is YHWH: The Composition of the Elijah Stories in 1–2 Kings.” In Congress Volume Munich 2013 (VTsup 163), edited by Christl M. Maier, 92–110. Leiden: Brill, 2014. Mobley, Gregory. “The Wild Man in the Bible and the Ancient Near East.” JBL 116 (1997): 217–33. Müller, Ulrich B. Johannes der Täufer: Jüdischer Prophet und Wegbereiter Jesu (Biblische Gestalten 6), 2nd edn. Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2013. Niditch, Susan. “My Brother Esau Is a Hairy Man”: Hair and Identity in Ancient Israel. New York: Oxford University Press, 2008. Noquet, Dany. “Elijah.” EBR 7 (2013): 686–8. Noquet, Dany. Le “livret noir de Baal.” La polémique contre le dieu Baal dans la Bible hébraïque et l’ancien Israël (Coll. Actes et recherches). Geneva: Labor et Fides, 2004. Otto, Susanne. “The Composition of the Elijah-Elisha Stories and the Deuteronomistic History.” JSOT 27 (2003): 487–508. Redditt, Paul L. Zechariah 9–14 (IECOT). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2012. Rindoš, Jaroslaw. He of Whom It Is Written: John the Baptist and Elijah in Luke (ÖBS 38). Frankfurt: Peter Lang, 2010. Rofé, Alexander. The Prophetical Stories: The Narratives about the Prophets in the Hebrew Bible: Their Literary Types and History. Jerusalem: Magnes Press, 1988. Sauerwein, Rut. Elischa: Eine redaktions- und religionsgeschichtliche Studie (BZAW 465). Berlin: de Gruyter, 2014. Schmitt, Hans-Christoph. Elisa: Traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur vorklassischen nordisraelitischen Prophetie. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 1972. Schott, Martin. “Sacharja 9–14: Eine kompositionsgeschichtliche Analyse.” Ph.D. diss., Friedrich-Alexander Universität Erlangen-Nürnberg, Erlangen, 2018. Schroer, Silvia. “Die Problematik der Verkleidung im Alten Israel.” In Diasynchron: Beiträge zur Exegese, Theologie und Rezeption der Hebräischen Bibel. Walter Dietrich zum 65. Geburtstag, edited by Thomas Naumann and Regine Hunziker-Rodewald, 329–44. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2009. Seow, Choon-Leong. The First and Second Books of Kings (The New Interpreter’s Bible). Nashville: Abingdon, 1999. Stacey, David. Prophetic Drama in the Old Testament. London: Epworth Press, 1990. Tilly, Michael. Johannes der Täufer und die Biographie der Propheten: Die synoptische Täuferüberlieferung und das jüdische Prophetenbild zur Zeit des Täufers (BWANT 137). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1994.

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Vielhauer, Philipp. “Tracht und Speise Johannes des Täufers.” In Aufsätze zum Neuen Testament, edited by Philipp Vielhauer, 47–54. Munich: Chr. Kaiser, 1965. Webb, Robert L. John the Baptizer and Prophet: A Socio-Historical Study (JSNTSup 62). Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1991. Wellhausen, Julius. Die kleinen Propheten: Übersetzt und erklärt. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1963. White, Marsha C. The Elijah Legends and Jehu’s Coup (BJS 311). Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997. Wiseman, Donald J. 1 and 2 Kings: An Introduction and Commentary (TOTC 9). Leicester: InterVarsity Press, 1993. Wolters, Al. Zechariah. Historical Commentary on the Old Testament. Leuven: Peeters, 2014. Würthwein, Ernst. Die Bücher der Könige: 1. Kön 17–2. Kön 25 (ATD 11.2). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1984.

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Nudity and Captivity in Isa. 20 in Light of Iconographic Evidence Andrea Beyer

After an exact description of time and situation, Isa. 20 outlines a symbolic act of Isaiah: God prompts him to walk around ‫ערום ויחף‬, and Isaiah does so (v. 2). In the following divine speech, this action is interpreted with regard to the fate of Egypt and Kush (vv. 3-4) and with regard to its implications for those who have placed their trust in these two powers (v. 5), to “the inhabitants of this coastal region”1 (v. 6). Exegetes have always wondered whether the historical Isaiah could actually have lived barefoot and completely naked in Jerusalem for three years (!).2 But the text leaves hardly any room for misunderstanding. In the following essay I will discuss the text, its wording, and context, but above all the question of the significance of nudity here, particularly in light of iconographic material.

1.  Context: Against Egypt and Kush Isaiah 20 ostensibly deals with the fate of Egypt and Kush in the face of the Assyrian threat during the years 713–711 BCE. Yet on another level it criticizes the Judeans’ confidence in Egypt’s (and Kush’s) help—a topic well known to the book’s readers (cf. Isa. 30:1-5, 6-7; 31:1-3; 36:9-10; likewise 7:1-9).3 Isaiah 20 is situated within the oracles against foreign nations in Isa. 13‒23 and constitutes the end of the section against Kush and Egypt beginning in Isa. 18, finishing not only the “Egypt-Ethiopia series (18:1–20:6)”4 but also the first series of five oracles against the nations.5 Although Isa. 20 does not fit well with Isa. 18‒19, it is also addressed to Egypt and Kush and thus found its place there.6 It is the only sign-act in this part of the book of Isaiah and the theological center of Isa. 13‒23, warning that Blenkinsopp, Isaiah, 320. 2 Cf. Section 3.1, 493. 3 Cf. Becker, Jesaja, 278; Kaiser, Der Prophet Jesaja, 95. 4 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah, 321. 5 Cf. Schmid, Jesaja 1–23, 150. 6 Cf. Becker, Jesaja, 277. 1

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hope for foreign powers will turn out to be futile and that salvation comes through Yhwh alone.7 Considering this assessment, we already notice a shift in the interpretation: The warning against seeking refuge in Egypt as a protective power or against an alliance with Egypt and Kush lies pragmatically on a second level. In essence, it is first a symbolic act as a threat to Egypt and Kush (Isa. 20:3). This corresponds to what is usually reconstructed as a literary-historical core (see Section 2). Historically, the text, rooted by v. 1 in the year 711, presents some problems.8 This suggests that Isa. 20 was written somewhat later than 711 and is more concerned with advancing a theological message than with historical accuracy.9 This is clear and simple: No help should be expected from neighboring countries, since they themselves are approaching deportation.

2.  Observations on Genre There is agreement on the genre of Isa. 20 as “one of the most celebrated prophetic dramas”10 and a “Fremdbericht über eine prophetische Zeichenhandlung.”11 The elements of the sign-act—order, fulfillment report, and interpretation by God—seem to be present in a paradigmatic way.12 Neither place nor audience are mentioned. Only v. 2b reports the execution of the sign-act. Verse 2a contains the call of God in a parenthetical statement.13 This is preceded by an “annalistic introduction.”14 Verses 3-4 interpret the events, while vv. 5-6 describe their consequences for Judeans and Philistines.15 The literary unity of the text is disputed. Some phrases point to a late date of origin: “signs and miracles,”16 the designation of Isaiah as the “son of Amoz” (as in 1:1; 2:1; and 13:1) and as a “servant,” and the phrase that the act occurred “by the hand of a prophet” (v. 2; cf. Zech. 7:7, 12). Thus, the syntactically problematic v. 2 presents itself as relatively late from a linguistic point of view.17 The phrase “against/on Egypt and Kush” (v. 3bβ) appears too late in its context and is probably a later addition.18 Whether the oldest part of the text can be attributed 7 Cf. Schmid, Jesaja 1–23, 150. 8 “Egypt was not involved in hostilities with Assyria in 714–711, much less invaded by an Assyrian army” (Blenkinsopp, Isaiah, 322). Ashdod was conquered by Assyria in 711; before this, the success of the Ethiopian king Shabako had fostered the hope of a weakening of Assur, cf. Kaiser, Der Prophet Jesaja, 92, 96. 9 Cf. Kaiser, Der Prophet Jesaja, 96. 10 Stacey, Prophetic Drama, 122. 11 Kaiser, Der Prophet Jesaja, 93. 12 Cf. Ott, Analogiehandlungen, 83. 13 Cf. Kaiser, Der Prophet Jesaja, 93. There is a broad consensus on the structure of this verse; cf. Schmid, Jesaja 1–23, 150. 14 Cf. Kaiser, Der Prophet Jesaja, 93. 15 Ibid. 16 Cf. Ott, Analogiehandlungen, 170–1. 17 Cf. Kaiser, Der Prophet Jesaja, 93. 18 Cf. Becker, Jesaja, 277.

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to Isaiah remains speculative. In view of the variability of the “prophetic sign-act” genre,19 it is a problematic approach to use conformity to a particular genre20 as a literary-critical criterion. Nevertheless, there is still sufficient evidence of literary growth.21 Becker reconstructs vv. 3-4*, the newly beginning divine speech about Isaiah, as the oldest text.22 According to Becker, “against/on Egypt and Kush” (v. 3bβ) is an addition that highlights the first addressees of the sign-act. In the older part, vv. 3-4*, prophetic acting and political/military activities explain one another mutually. Thus, our understanding of Isa. 20 is pointed centrally to these verses. Through the addition and the continuation in vv. 5-6, which begins with new addressees and horizons, an older oracle against Egypt and Kush is transformed into a warning addressed to the inhabitants of Judah and Jerusalem.23 Becker leaves open whether or not an Isaian prophetic word from the eighth century BCE was the starting point for the “oracle against the two Upper Egyptian states” in vv. 3-4.24 In that case, Isaiah would have been a prophet of salvation who announced disaster to Judah’s enemies.

3.  Nakedness in Isa. 20 3.1 Nakedness or Inadequate Clothing? Many exegetes (and Bibles25) have problems assuming that Isaiah was completely naked.26 Georg Fohrer, for example, states that Isaiah went around for three years dressed like a prisoner of war27 and that Egyptians and Ethiopians are to be deported by Assur clothed as captives.28 The timespan of three years—or even of fourteen months29—seems too long to wander around naked and barefoot, conflicting with custom and climate. Blenkinsopp assumes that Isaiah might have repeatedly gone outside during the three-year period, performing kind of a street theater, walking around naked and barefoot.30 But generally, “there is something impractical about the idea of a prophet wandering around in a 19 On the diversity of this genre cf. Ott, Analogiehandlungen, 82. 20 Thus, Schmid and Becker suppose that the text was augmented to fit better to the genre (cf. Schmid, Jesaja 1–23, 150; Becker, Jesaja, 277). 21 Cf. Becker, Jesaja, 277–8; Kaiser, Der Prophet Jesaja, 93. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah, 321–2 considers a Deuteronomistic origin. 22 Cf. Becker, Jesaja, 277–8. 23 Cf. ibid., 278. 24 Cf. ibid. 25 Unlike English Bible editions, Elberfelder, Menge, and Schlachter suggest directly or in the notes that the prophet merely removes his outer garment. 26 Cf. Stacey, Drama, 123 (“remove his outer garment”). 27 Cf. Fohrer, Handlungen, 25. 28 Cf. ibid., 26. 29 On the problems concerning the timespan of three years cf. Kaiser, Der Prophet Jesaja, 94–5 (on the issue of fourteen months, see ibid., 95); Stacey, Drama, 123–4. 30 Cf. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah, 322–3.

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state of complete undress for any length of time.”31 One may attempt to rationalize the text by assuming that Isaiah still wore his undergarments or was simply inadequately clothed,32 although this is unnecessary if the text is understood as a literary product33 or if the indication of time is a later addition.34 Moreover, in light of iconographic evidence, the announcement of captivity could well be communicated by a prophet who was completely naked (see Section 4). Also, the rhetorical power of the text depends on the strength of the image: “Clothing represented dignity. To be stripped was to be humiliated.”35 Not only is to lose one’s clothes to lose a status symbol; a naked person is also unprotected against weather, staring, and touching. The loss of clothing is particularly well suited to portray the lack of protection, since one can hardly come closer to someone than to their naked body.36 This is probably what creates the discomfort with the prophet’s nakedness, strengthened by the conviction that the prophet must have behaved properly, since his actions are caused by God.37 But a sign-act in particular is often a shocking gesture,38 as is made clear by the discomfort still produced centuries later.

3.2 Nudity and Shame Above all, however, the wording of the text is an argument for an understanding as a complete undressing of the prophet: The expression “naked and barefoot” appears in vv. 2, 3, and 4. Verse 4 contains an interpretation and an evaluation: The expulsion of prisoners of Egypt and those led away from Kush, in addition to being naked and barefoot, is extended by ‫וחׂשופי ׁשת ערות מצרים‬.39 The translation “with naked buttocks” is undisputed; the only question that remains is whether ‫ ערוה‬should be understood metaphorically as “the disgrace of Egypt” or literally as the Egyptians’ private parts.40 If it is the latter, then the complete nudity of a body region that is otherwise carefully protected from sight would be meant.41 Accordingly, the audience reacts with consternation and embarrassment (v. 5). For having to flee naked is a peculiar threat, as the climax in Amos 2:13-16 or the humiliation of Yhwh’s unfaithful wife in Hos. 2:5 show drastically.

Stacey, Drama, 123. 32 Cf. Schmid, Jesaja 1–23, 151; Amsler, Actes, 55. Ges., 1012 on Isa. 20: “mangelhaft bekleidet.” 33 Cf. Ott, Analogiehandlungen, 118–19. 34 Cf. Stacey, Drama, 123–4. 35 Ibid., 123. 36 On the close association of clothing with the body, see Mentges, Kulturanthropologie, 22. 37 Cf. Kaiser, Der Prophet Jesaja, 94. 38 Cf. Amsler, Actes, 11. 39 It is remarkable that the description of nudity is thereby expanded and aggravated. The term is frequently categorized as a gloss (cf. Kaiser, Der Prophet Jesaja, 95 n. 18). This is countered, e.g., by Blenkinsopp, Isaiah, 320–1 with reference to 1QIsaa and 4QIsab. 40 Ges., 1012 opts for the metaphorical meaning. 41 Cf. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah, 320 considers the aim of “replacing dorsal with frontal nudity.” 31

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3.3 The Untying of the Sackcloth (v. 2) The order to Isaiah begins with the instruction to untie the “sackcloth” in v. 2, a garment usually worn in the context of grieving and repentance.42 It is surprising that the prophet is already wearing sackcloth even before he receives and passes on his message of doom. Thus, Blenkinsopp tries to understand the sackcloth as “distinctive prophetic garb”43— the prophet would take off his official attire for the performance of this order. However, the biblical references do not support this interpretation. Instead, the interpretation of sackcloth as the “basic undergarment of men”44 contradicts 2 Kgs 6:30, where the king surprisingly wears sackcloth under his usual robes, and 2 Kgs 19:1 (among others), where clothed people rip open their clothes and subsequently put on sackcloth. For Isa. 20:2, readers should therefore probably imagine that the prophet was concerned with repentance or mourning, which would not be surprising given the situation of his people from a prophetic point of view. Thus, Isaiah’s nakedness and barefootedness can be seen as an intensification of his lamentation, paralleling Micah’s lament over Samaria’s destruction in Mic. 1:8-9: “So I will wail and howl, I will go barefoot and naked, I will make a howling like the jackals and a moaning like the ostriches.” Thus, the reference to sackcloth points to another possible aspect of the sign-act’s meaning, but this remains in the background, behind the prophecy against Egypt and Kush.

3.4 Walking Barefoot The word ‫ יחף‬is rare. Besides Isa. 20, it only appears in 2 Sam. 15:30 and Jer. 2:25. In 2 Sam. 15:30, David walks up the Mount of Olives weeping, his head covered and his feet bare (because of Absalom’s revolt). Here, walking barefoot appears in the context of mourning and thus as a rite of self-humiliation.45 In Jer. 2:25, the accused lustful Israel is called to prevent her feet from walking barefoot in order to protect them.46 In this metaphorical speech, the adulterous woman runs wildly for her lovers until her feet are sore. Footwear provides protection; whoever walks barefoot is deprived of this protection. Thus, another aspect of taking off one’s shoes can be (self-)humiliation.47 The fact that the prophet walks around naked and barefoot evokes different levels of meaning and associations: It points to humiliation, loss, lack of protection, and grief, and, as we shall see, to war and captivity.48 Thus, on the one hand, the prophetic symbolic act is immediately intelligible,49 first of all as a warning, as a sign of Egypt’s and Kush’s 42 Cf. Kersken, “Kleidung/Textilherstellung (AT).” 43 Blenkinsopp, Isaiah, 323 points to Zech. 13:4; 2 Kgs 13:4; Mt. 3:4. 44 Watts, Isaiah 1–33, 264. 45 Cf. Kutsch, “Trauerbräuche,” 37. 46 Cf. Ges., 460. 47 Cf. Fischer, “Schuhwerk.” 48 Cf. Schmid, Jesaja 1–23, 151, who notes that in antiquity stripping off someone’s (outer) garments was related to humiliation and the loss of status and was practiced on prisoners of war. 49 Cf. Frese, “Lessons,” 381, 386.

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lack or loss of power.50 On the other hand, it is—like any action—overdetermined and can address a variety of aspects.51

4.  Nudity and Captivity: Some Iconographic Evidence Iconographic evidence indicates different reasons for nudity and nakedness.52 Isaiah’s nakedness should attract attention and was threatening. It indicates conquest and captivity, therefore “[n]‌ akedness [is used] as a sign of deprivation, humiliation, and death in the depiction of prisoners of war and slain enemies; these may reflect situations in real life.”53 Nakedness in pictorial representations in which the enemies are carried away captive can be understood as a special sign of defeat. Other aspects also emerge. Clothing is a sign of civilization,54 which is often denied to the enemies. The loss of clothing could symbolize the loss of power, especially in the context of defeat, as becomes clear in the story of Inanna’s descent to the Netherworld.55 Captured enemies also lose their previous social status, at least temporarily: The “social differentiation” that is otherwise marked by clothes56 is lost for those who are carried away naked. Thus, they are not only limited in their ability to communicate to the outside, but because of the absence of clothing—the entity most strongly connected with the human body57—they also lack the possibilities of social representation and the construction of the self.58 Finally, embarrassment and punishment can also play a role, as is shown by the depiction of a delinquent expelled for punishment59 or by the “story of Setna Khaemuas and the Mummies.”60 The depiction of naked male prisoners is widespread, even though it is not the only possibility: Naked male prisoners are shown, for example, on an Akkadian stele.61 These and comparable illustrations can be found in Mesopotamia beginning in the late Uruk period62 as well as in Egypt from at least the late fourth millennium BCE.63 A Megiddo ivory (dated between 1350 and 1150 BCE) shows a minimalistic “procession” of two naked, obviously circumcised male prisoners.64 A relief from Zincirli shows an enemy, perhaps just now killed: Under the horse pulling the chariot with bowman and driver lies a warrior who, apart from his head covering, is naked, pierced by two arrows, probably dead.65 Male captives from Hazazu are depicted naked on one of the bronze Cf. Schmid, Jesaja 1–23, 150. 51 Cf. Boesch, Kultur und Handlung, 183, 212 and Boesch, Das Magische und das Schöne, 115. 52 For a summary, see Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness,” 165. 53 Ibid. 54 See ibid., 132, with reference to the Epic of Gilgamesh; cf. also Gen. 3. 55 Cf. ibid. 56 Cf. ibid., 129. 57 Cf. Mentges, Kulturanthropologie, 21. 58 Cf. ibid., 22. 59 Cf. Asher-Greve and Sweeney, “On Nakedness,” 127, Tomb relief from Saqqara. 60 Ibid. 61 Cf. ibid., 137, fig. M4. 62 Cf. ibid., 137. 63 Cf. ibid. (with further examples). 64 Cf. ANEP nos. 332, 111. 65 Cf. ANEP nos. 172, 53. The relief probably dates to the eighth century BCE. 50

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bands from Balawat decorating the gates of a palace of Shalmaneser III (858–824).66 The women, however, are dressed in this scene, as are the female captives from Hamath on band XIII.67 Seals from Mari show the same mode of representation: Enemies recently defeated or killed are depicted naked.68 On the other hand, we can also find representations that show prisoners clothed: On a relief of Ashurbanipal from Nineveh from the seventh century BCE, two men are shown completely dressed, partaking in a meal.69 They might be Elamite prisoners,70 but nakedness would be inappropriate in the context of a meal. Male inhabitants are led away still wearing their clothes and carrying bags with some of their possessions on their shoulders in a scene of the siege of Astartu (?) by soldiers of Tiglath-pileser III dating to the eighth century BCE.71 The association of nakedness with military defeat and captivity is a well-established iconographic topos. Thus, in Isa. 20, it is not “inappropriate clothing” that is to be expected, but nakedness.

5.  Conclusion Isaiah 20 shares in a common topos of its cultural environment, namely, that male prisoners were deported naked after military confrontations. Various other connotations can also emerge from this, such as embarrassment, grief, and loss of status or power. But here, especially the emotional side is made explicit in the text: Nudity is considered to be shameful (v. 4); the viewers recognize the loss of power and are shaken (v. 5). The terrible fate of the stronger neighbors frightens those who are weaker (v. 6). The sign-act is intended to arouse attention and can be understood immediately, only who is meant as the text’s addressees needs to be explained, as does v. 4. The prophet’s nakedness thus announces Egypt’s and Kush’s destiny visibly and follows contemporary customs. In light of the iconographic material, it should be understood literally. Finally, the announcement of disaster to Egypt and Kush serves in its vividness as a warning against the prophet’s own people. The message acquires its density by the overdetermination of the action. Thus, the numerous associations of nudity allow one to focus on different addressees, as can be traced through literary history.

Bibliography Amsler, Samuel. Les Actes des Prophètes (Essais bibliques 9). Geneva: Labor et Fides, 1985. Asher-Greve, Julia M. and Deborah Sweeney. “On Nakedness, Nudity and Gender in Egyptian and Mesopotamian Art.” In Images and Gender: Contributions to the 66 Cf. ANEP nos. 358, 124. 67 Cf. ANEP nos. 365, 127. 68 Cf. the seal of Iddin-Esthar (Beyer, “Observations,” 11–12) and the seal of Ana-Sin-Taklâku (Muller, “Elements,” 24). 69 Cf. ANEP nos. 168, 51. 70 Cf. ANEP no. 268. 71 Cf. ANEP nos. 366, 128.

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Hermeneutics of Reading Ancient Art (OBO 220), edited by Silvia Schroer, 125–76. Fribourg: Academic Press, 2006. Becker, Uwe. Jesaja: Von der Botschaft zum Buch (FRLANT 178). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1997. Beyer, Dominique. “Some Observations on the War Scenes on the Seals from Mari City II.” In Making Pictures of War: Realia et Imaginaria in the Iconology of the Ancient Near East (Ancient Near Eastern Archaeology 1), edited by Laura Battini, 5–12. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2016. Blenkinsopp, Joseph. Isaiah 1–39: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 19). New Haven: Yale University Press, 2010. Boesch, Ernst E. Das Magische und das Schöne: Zur Symbolik von Objekten und Handlungen. Stuttgart: Frommann-Holzboog, 1983. Boesch, Ernst E. Kultur und Handlung: Einführung in die Kulturpsychologie. Bern: Hans Huber, 1980. Fischer, Erika. “Schuhwerk.” WiBiLex, November 2013. Available online: https://www. bibelwissenschaft.de/stichwort/27353/ (accessed October 2, 2017). Fohrer, Georg. Die symbolischen Handlungen der Propheten (AThANT 25). Zurich: Zwingli-Verlag, 1953. Frese, Daniel A. “Lessons from the Potter’s Workshop: A New Look at Jeremiah 18.1-11.” JSOT 37 (2013): 371–88. Kaiser, Otto. Der Prophet Jesaja: Kapitel 13–39 (ATD 18). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1973. Kersken, Sabine. “Kleidung/Textilherstellung (AT).” WiBiLex, February 2012. Available online: https://www.bibelwissenschaft.de/de/stichwort/23664/ (accessed October 2, 2017). Kutsch, Ernst. “‘Trauerbräuche’ und ‘Selbstminderungsriten’ im Alten Testament.” In Drei Wiener Antrittsreden (ThSt 78), edited by Kurt Lüthi, Ernst Kutsch, and Wilhelm Dantine, 23–42. Zurich: EVZ-Verlag, 1965. Mentges, Gabriele, Nina Schack, Heike Jenss, and Heide Nixdorff. Kulturanthropologie des Textilen. Berlin: Ebersbach, 2005. Muller, Béatrice. “Elements of War Iconography at Mari.” In Making Pictures of War: Realia et Imaginaria in the Iconology of the Ancient Near East (Ancient Near Eastern Archaeology 1), edited by Laura Battini, 13–28. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2016. Ott, Katrin. Die prophetischen Analogiehandlungen im Alten Testament (BWANT 185). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2009. Pritchard, James P. The Ancient Near East in Pictures: Relating to the Old Testament. Second edition with Supplement. Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1974. Schmid, Konrad. Jesaja 1–23 (ZBKAT 19.1). Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 2011. Stacey, W. David. Prophetic Drama in the Old Testament. London: Epworth Press, 1990. Watts, John D. W. Isaiah 1–33 (WBC 24). Waco, TX: Word Books, 1985.

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Clothing, Nudity, and Shame in the Book of Ezekiel and Prophetic Oracles of Judgment Anja Klein

Even though few texts in the Hebrew Bible are concerned with nudity, the idea plays a major role as an image of judgment. In a complex relationship with the idea of clothing and the anthropological codes of honor and shame, nudity resulting from depriving someone of clothing represents a punitive act on the victim, exposing them to violence and humiliation. In the Hebrew Prophets, six texts deal with clothing, nudity, and shame, namely, Hos. 2:4-17; Nah. 3:1-7; Isa. 47:1-4; Jer. 13:18-27, and Ezek. 16 and 23, and all of them employ the imagery of marriage between Yhwh and a female figure as an image of judgment—the so-called marriage metaphor.1 In the following, I will first offer a textual analysis of clothing, nudity, and shame in these six texts, assessing their specific use of imagery and their interconnections (1). This part is organized diachronically, roughly following the probable literaryhistorical sequence, and it will include translations of selected passages. Thus, we will start from an analysis of Hos. 2:4-17 (1.1), most likely the first text to use the prophetic marriage metaphor in the description of judgment against personified Israel. Motifs and imagery are later taken up in the judgment oracles against foreign cities, namely, Nineveh in Nah. 3:1-7 (1.2) and Babylon in Isa. 47:1-4 (1.3), while the collection of judgment oracles in Jer. 13:18-27 (1.4) relates the ideas of clothing and nudity to the historical background of the Babylonian exile. This background is then developed in the form of two lengthy allegories of biblical history in Ezek. 16 and 23, which employ the ideas of clothing and nudity in their depiction of the judgment on Israel and Judah (1.5).2 In the second part, I will demonstrate that the prophecies should be contextualized in the light of the anthropological codes of honor and shame that add to our understanding of the imagery (2). The last part will offer some observations on the literary relationship between the texts and some conclusions about the impact of clothing, nudity, and shame in the Hebrew Prophets (3).

1 On this term and concept, see Baumann, Love. 2 On the analysis of Ezek. 16 and 23, see also the corresponding sections in my article “Uncovering the Nymphomaniac: The verbum ‫ גלה‬and Exile as Sexual Violence in Ezek. 16 and 23,” which overlaps somewhat with the present chapter.

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1. Clothing and Nudity in the Prophets 1.1 Hosea 2:4-17 Plead with your mother, plead—for she is not my wife, and I am not her husband—that she remove her whoring from her face3 and her adultery from between her breasts. 5 Lest I strip her off naked (‫)פן אפׁשיטנה ערמה‬, and expose her as on the day she was born (‫)והצגתיה כיום הולדה‬, and make her like a wilderness, and turn her into dry land, and let her die from thirst. (. . .) 7b For she said: I will go after my lovers, who give me my bread and my water, my wool and my flax (‫)צמרי ופׁשתי‬, my oil and my drink. (. . .) 10 And she did not realize that it was I who gave her the grain and the wine, and the oil; silver I supplied in large quantity for her and gold—they have used it for Baal. 11 Therefore, I will take back my grain at its time, and my wine in its season. And I will snatch (from her) my wool and my flax (‫)והצלתי צמרי ופׁשתי‬, to cover her nakedness (‫)לכסות את ערותה‬. 12 And now I will uncover her genitals (‫ )אגלה את נבלתה‬in the sight of her lovers. And no one will deliver her from me. 13 I will put an end to all her rejoicing, her feasts, her new moons, her Sabbaths, and all her appointed festivals. 14 And I will lay waste her vines and her fig trees, of which she said: Payment are they for me, which my lovers have given me. And I will make them into a thicket, and the wild animals will eat them up. 15 I will call her to account for the feast days of the Baals, when she made sacrifices for them, and she dressed herself up with her rings and her jewelry (‫ותעד נזמה‬ ‫)וחליתה‬, and she went after her lovers, but me she forgot, says Yhwh. (. . .) 4

The extended speech in Hos. 2:4-17 is part of the “primal text” of the prophetic marriage imagery in Hos. 1–3*, assuming that these chapters are the first to use marriage as a metaphor for the relationship between Yhwh and the land/the people.4 Baumann has defined the imagery as follows: “What is ‘metaphorical’ in the prophetic marriage imagery is the particular elaboration of Israel/Jerusalem as an unfaithful wife, and Yhwh as a husband who, despite her failings, for the most part clings This reading follows the vocalization of many Hebrew manuscripts (ָ‫) ִמ ָּפנֶיה‬, which agree in their consonants with the MT (‫ ) ִמ ָּפנֶיה‬while the vocalization of the latter seems to reflect an error in transmission. 4 See Van Dijk-Hemmes, “Metaphorization,” 167–8; Stienstra, YHWH, 89–103; Wischnowsky, Tochter Zion, 101–11; Baumann, Love, 85–104; cf. also Baumann’s extended review of scholarship on this topic (Baumann, Love, 8–22). 3

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tenaciously to the marriage and the marital relationship itself.”5 The specific use of the marriage metaphor in Hos. 2:4-17 is important for our topic, as the imagery employs both clothing and nudity as a means of depicting judgment on the unfaithful wife. Within Hos. 1–3, the speech in 2:4-17 forms a self-contained unit, delineated from its context by the use of court metaphors in 2:4 and the consistency of theme and form throughout.6 The oracle begins with Yhwh’s summons in 2:4-7, in which the divine husband calls the children to plead with their mother because she has committed adultery and invalidated the marriage (2:4). Here, vv. 6-7a can be identified as a later insertion that levels the difference between mother and children and further characterizes the conduct of the woman as shameful (2:7a: ‫)הביׁשה‬.7 Hence, the original call to court in 2:4-5, 7b is followed by a judgment speech that can be divided into three parts, each introduced by the particle ‫( לכן‬2:8-10; 2:11-15; 2:16-17).8 With regard to literary unity, the three ‫לכן‬-arguments attract suspicion: first, the beginnings of the initial word of judgment in 2:8-9 interrupt the coherence between 2:7b and 2:10, which describe the misconception of the wife, who attributes her provisions to her lovers instead of realizing that they are supplied by her husband. This suggests that 2:8-9 are a later supplement interrupting the original connection between 2:7b and 2:10 that together form the evidence for the word of judgment in 2:11-15.9 Furthermore, the third speech in 2:16-17 can also be identified as a later addition, providing the previous judgment with an outlook on salvation.10 Thus, we can outline an original core in 2:4-5, 7b, 10-15, in which Yhwh is presented as a prosecutor undertaking a court case against his unfaithful wife, whose whoring (2:4: ‫ )זנוניה‬and adultery (2:4: ‫ )ונאפופיה‬are cause for punishment.11 The first mention of clothing and nudity occurs in the introductory summons to court, in which the wife is threatened with being stripped naked and exposed as at birth (2:5: ‫פן־‬ ‫)אפׁשיטנה ערמה‬. The verb ‫ פׁשט‬hiphil is usually used transitively with a double accusative of the person and the object that is removed,12 which suggests that the emphasis is on the deprivation of clothing as a form of protection rather than on the humiliation of the woman: “By stripping her ‘naked,’ he [Yahweh] indicated his own freedom from the obligation to clothe her, a legal obligation the man assumes with marriage (Exod. 21:10).”13 5 Baumann, Love, 30. 6 See Wolff, Hosea, 31–2; Stuart, Hosea–Jonah, 45–6; Seifert, Reden, 94–7. In contrast, Anderson and Freedman, Hosea, 214–9, assume a more extended “piece of sustained discourse” in 2:4-25; similarly, Rudnig-Zelt, Hoseastudien, 79–85, while Vielhauer, Werden, 145–57, deals with the unit Hos. 2:4-15. 7 See Wischnowsky, Tochter Zion, 102; Vielhauer, Werden, 147. 8 The structuring function of the particle ‫ לכן‬has also been recognized by Wolff, Hosea, 32; Stuart, Hosea–Jonah, 45; and Seifert, Reden, 94–5, even though all of them arrive at a more complex outline. 9 Following Seifert, Reden, 95; Wischnowsky, Tochter Zion, 102; and Vielhauer, Werden, 147–8. In contrast, Rudnig-Zelt, Hoseastudien, 82–3, argues that Hos. 2:10 does not connect smoothly to 2:7; while she generally assumes literary growth in Hos. 2, she refrains from delineating an original oracle. 10 See Seifert, Reden, 95. 11 Similarly, Wischnowsky, Tochter Zion, 100–11; there might be evidence for further supplementation within these verses; see, e.g., the analyses of Yee, Composition, 122–5; Wacker, Figurationen, 213–14, 253–9; and Vielhauer, Werden, 145–57. 12 See Baumann, Love, 96, as well as Schmoldt, “‫פשט‬,” 787. 13 Wolff, Hosea, 34; see also Wischnowsky, Tochter Zion, 107.

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This finds confirmation in the second half of Hos. 2:5, which relates the fate of the woman to the land being turned into a wilderness that is left to dry out. Yet the withdrawal of material support takes a more sinister turn in 2:11-12, when Yhwh first announces that he will deprive his wife of the minimum means of subsistence, including wool and flax (2:11: ‫צמרי ופׁשתי‬, see 2:7) as the raw materials to produce clothing.14 The materials are further described as serving “to cover her nakedness” (2:11: ‫)לכסות את־ערותה‬. While this could still be understood as a withdrawal of provisions, the following punitive act in 2:12 proceeds to an act of sexual violence, when Yhwh announces that he will uncover the woman’s genitals (‫ )אגלה את נבלתה‬in the sight of her former lovers. The noun ‫ נבלות‬is a hapax legomenon in the Hebrew Bible; however, both the use of the term ‫“( ערוה‬nakedness”) in 2:11, and the combination with the verb ‫ גלה‬piel suggests a meaning similar to ‫ערוה‬, referring to the (female) genitals.15 Since the combination of the verb ‫ גלה‬piel with the noun ‫ ערוה‬clearly denotes sexual intercourse in priestly texts (“to sleep with,” see Lev. 18:6-19; 20:11, 17-21),16 it is likely that the punitive act described in Hos. 2:12 (“uncovering the genitals”) can similarly be understood as sexual intercourse—which in the prophetic text is forced upon the female figure and from a modern understanding constitutes an act of rape.17 This interpretation finds further support in the second half of the verse: Here, the use of the root ‫ נצל‬in the threat that no one will snatch the woman from her divine husband suggests a situation of no escape, in which the wife is completely at her husband’s mercy. The fact that this violation happens in full view of the former lovers adds humiliation to the abuse. Finally, the reproach in 2:15 that the wife dressed herself up (‫)ותעד נזמה וחליתה‬ but had forgotten Yhwh stresses that the woman misused her husband’s provisions in the encounters with her lovers and labels her as the guilty party, deserving of judgment. To sum up, clothing and nudity play a major role in the depiction of the marriage metaphor in Hos. 2:4-17. Clothing is first of all the responsibility of the husband to provide to his wife and can be withdrawn if she does not comply with what is expected of her. Yet this idea is escalated in a scene of violent abuse, when the metaphorical husband snatches clothing from his wife to add to her vulnerability in a punitive act of sexual violence (2:11-12). While in the first part of the speech the wife takes on features On the understanding of the nouns ‫ צמר‬and ‫ פׁשת‬as raw materials for textiles, see in detail Bender, Sprache, 49–56; Kersken, Töchter Zions, 36–40. 15 There have been extended discussions on the meaning of the noun ‫ נבלות‬in Hos. 2:12 (see Olyan, “Sight,” 255–61; Wacker, Figurationen, 69); most likely, however, is the derivation from ‫ נבל‬II (“to be foolish/to treat with contempt”), which suggests a spectrum of meanings from “shame (of a woman)” to “genitals” (see, e.g., HALOT, 664; Ges., 775–6); see the different translations of Hos. 2:12 in scholarship (Wolff, Hosea, 31: “genitals”; Andersen and Freedman, Hosea, 215: “lewdness”; Stuart, Hosea-Jonah, 43: “shamefulness”; Baumann, Love, 87: “shame”). Olyan, “Sight,” 255–61, argues for “the possibility of a multiplicity of meanings” (257), including sexual violence. 16 The Hebrew verbal root ‫ גלה‬occurs with two main meanings: The first one (‫ גלה‬I) describes the aspect of uncovering (“to uncover”), while the second (‫ גלה‬II) refers to a change of location (“to go away”), which accounts for the specific meaning of “to go into exile.” The verb does not by itself carry a sexual connotation, although ‫ גלה‬I, mainly in the piel and niphal stems, can occur in combination with specific markers such as the noun ‫ ערוה‬to denote a sexual understanding; see Westermann and Albertz, “‫גלה‬,” 418–26; Zobel, “‫גלה‬,” 476–88; Kiefer, Exile, 110–47 (with a specific focus on ‫ גלה‬as a terminus technicus for the exile); Baumann, Love, 46–52; and Klein, “Uncovering.” 17 On the understanding of violent sexual intercourse (rape), see Baumann, Love, 96; an act of sexual humiliation (public stripping) is suggested by Andersen and Freedmann, Hosea, 248; Wolff, Hosea, 37–8; and Stuart, Hosea–Jonah, 51. 14

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of the land (2:5), it then becomes clear that her fate represents that of the people and the nation as a whole.18 Later redactional work strengthens the allegorical dimension by alluding to the woman’s youth in Egypt (2:17), setting the wife’s fate within the context of biblical history. It can be assumed that the conflict between the husband and his wife is a matter of honor and shame, but it is only in the later supplementation in 2:7a that the woman’s behavior is explicitly characterized as “shameful” (‫)הביׁשה‬, introducing this anthropological concept into the prophetic judgment speech.

1.2 Nahum 3:1-7 Woe, city of bloodshed, she is all lying, full of plunder, prey does not part. (. . .) 4 Because of the countless whorings of the whore, of the beauty with allure, of the mistress of sorcery, ensnaring19 nations with her whoring, and tribes with her sorcery. 5 See, I am against you, oracle of Yhwh of hosts. And I will lift up your skirt hems20 over your face (‫)וגליתי ׁשוליך על פניך‬, and I will let the nations look on your bareness (‫)והראיתי גוים מערך‬, and kingdoms on your shame (‫)וממלכות קלונך‬. 6 And I will throw filth on you (‫)והׁשלכתי עליך ׁשקצים‬, and I will treat you with contempt (‫)ונבלתיך‬, and make you a spectacle. 7 Then everyone who sees you will flee from you and will say: Devastated is Nineveh—who will lament her? Where shall I seek comforters for you?21 1

In this context, it is worth considering Vielhauer’s proposition that the wife in Hos. 2 first represents the land, while only later additions account for the identification with the people (see Vielhauer, Werden, 152–3). 19 The MT has a fs participle of ‫“( מכר‬the one that buys”); however, I follow the suggestion to assume a metathesis of ‫כמר‬, which, however, occurs only in its derivatives in the Hebrew Bible (Hab. 1:15, 16: ‫מכמרת‬, “net”); this suggests a verbal meaning of “catching, ensnaring” (“die Völker einfing,” Perlitt, Propheten, 25, following the suggestion of Sellin). 20 As the noun ‫ ׁשול‬generally describes something that is hanging down, it has two basic meanings: “seams” and “pubic region of a woman” (see HALOT; Ges.; and the detailed study by Eslinger, “Infinite,” 145–73). The eleven occurrences in the Hebrew Bible appear both in a cultic context (see Exod. 28:33 [2x], 34; 39:24, 25, 26; Isa. 6:1) and in the context of sexual violence (Jer. 13:22, 26; Lam. 1:9; Nah. 3:5). While in the cultic context the term clearly refers to the lower border of a garment, the “hem,” there is some discussion about its understanding in the context of sexual violence, where it can stand both for the (female) genitalia and the garment that covers them (see the overview by Baumann, Love, 52–5). With regard to Nah. 3:5, the formulation ‫וגליתי ׁשוליך על־‬ ‫ פניך‬seems to suggest that a garment is lifted up by its hems to undress the woman up to her face (thus Perlitt, Propheten, 29; Christensen, Nahum, 343–4; Baumann, Gott, 59; in contrast, Podella, Lichtkleid, 52, understands the whole phrase as a direct object “that which covers your face,” referring to a veil). However, considering that there is practically no nonmetaphorical or noneuphemistic word for sexual organs in the Hebrew language, it cannot be ruled out that ‫ ׁשול‬in Nah. 3:5 serves as a euphemism for the female genitals. 21 The Septuagint reads a 3fs pronoun (αὐτῇ) instead of the MT 2fs, which can be explained as an erroneous assimilation to the preceding quotation, while the MT has retained the change of speech from the bypasser’s words in 3:7a back to divine speech at the end of the verse in 3:7b; see Perlitt, Propheten, 25. 18

504

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Clothing and Nudity in the Hebrew Bible

In the prophetic oracle Nah. 3:1-7, Yhwh announces judgment against the personified city of Nineveh, the capital of the Neo-Assyrian Empire, which fell in 612 BCE. Starting from an oracle of woe against the “City of Bloodshed” (3:1: ‫ )עיר דמים‬in 3:1-3, the reproach in 3:4 accuses the city of whoredom (‫ )זנונים‬and sorcery (‫)כׁשף‬, which serves as justification for the announcement of punishment in 3:5-7. There is some agreement that the oracle is composed of diverse materials, but scholarship differs especially in the identification of the basic oracle.22 However, the announcement of judgment in 3:46(7) connects well with the introduction to the oracle of woe in 3:1, suggesting original coherence, while the mention of nations and kingdoms in 3:5 shows that this (partial) oracle was addressed to Nineveh from the outset.23 Similarly to Hos. 2:4-17, the punishment of Nineveh in 3:1-7* draws on images of clothing and nudity, while the terminology leaves no doubt that the punishment executed by Yhwh himself is to be understood as sexual abuse. In 3:4, three acts illustrate that Yhwh is indeed against Nineveh: He first undresses the female forcefully by lifting up the hems of her garment to her face,24 which serves as a prelude to the sexual humiliation to come, when Yhwh exposes both her bareness (‫ )מער‬and her shame (‫ )קלון‬to the sight of the nations (3:5), thus making her a “spectacle” (3:6: ‫)ראי‬. Abuse is added to humiliation in 3:6, as Yhwh pelts her with filth (‫ )ׁשקצים‬and treats her with contempt (‫)ונבלתיך‬. While the noun ‫ ׁשקוץ‬is associated with impurity in the sense of being unclean,25 the verb ‫ נבל‬in the piel stem implies the declaration to be void or invalid and represents “destruction of communal bonds”26 that accounts for the state of utter shame and devastation, to which the female is reduced in Nah. 3:7. The terminology in 3:4, drawing heavily on the lemma ‫זנה‬, demonstrates that the marriage metaphor stands in the background of the prophetic oracle, even though the focus on Nineveh, a foreign city, excludes any sort of marital relationship with Yhwh. However, the imagery in the oracle clearly recalls features of the metaphor (discrediting of a female as a “whore,” exposing her to sexual violence) and can be understood as an extension of the metaphor for the purpose of announcing judgment against a foreign nation.27 In this exegetical reinterpretation of the imagery, clothing functions similarly to its use in the original oracle Hos. 2* as protection and as a status symbol that can be withdrawn in the forceful act of stripping, which leaves the female figure exposed On the discussion, see Spronk, Nahum, 115–17. While Wöhrle, Abschluss, 44–52, argues for a basic oracle against Judah in 3:1, 4-6, that has been secondarily reworked into an oracle against Assyria (3:2-3, 7), Kratz, Pescher, 130–3, assumes an original oracle about the destruction of Nineveh (3:2-3, 7aβ) that has later been supplemented by 3:1, 4-6, 7aα, b. 23 Thus, Kratz, “Pescher,” 132. 24 On this interpretation, see n. 20. 25 See Christensen, Nahum, 344. 26 Marböck, “‫נבל‬,” 161. It is certainly noteworthy that the corresponding noun ‫ נבלה‬appears in a number of biblical texts that deal with sexual violence (Gen. 34:7; Judg. 19:23, 24; 20:6, 10; 2 Sam. 13:12), which leads Baumann to suggest that Nah. 3:6 could even be understood as describing an act of rape (see Baumann, “Soldat,” 59). 27 Thus, Baumann, Love, 209–13. She further points to the portrayal of Queen Jezebel in 2 Kgs 9:22, whose typecasting as a sorceress and whore (‫ )עד זנוני איזבל אמך וכׁשפיה הרבים‬serves as another literary Vorlage for the depiction of Nineveh in Nah. 3:4, depicting Nineveh in the negative image of Jezebel (see Baumann, “Soldat,” 55–60, 64). 22

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505

to sexual humiliation and abuse. As to the historical setting of the oracle, it can be suggested that the oracle postdates the fall of Nineveh in 612 BCE and represents a later theological reflection on the downfall of the Assyrian Empire.28

1.3 Isaiah 47:1-4 Come down and sit in the dust, virgin daughter29 of Babylon. Sit down on the ground, where there is no throne, daughter of Chaldea. For you will not continue to be called delicate and dainty. 2 Take millstones and grind flour, remove your veil (‫)גלי צמתך‬, strip off your flowing skirt (‫)חׂשפי ׁשבל‬, uncover your leg (‫)גלי ׁשוק‬, pass through streams. 3 Your nakedness shall be uncovered (‫)תגל ערותך‬, and your shame shall be seen. Vengeance I will take, and I will not meet anyone.30 4 Our redeemer—Yhwh Zebaoth is his name, the holy one of Israel. 1

Next to Nah. 3:1-7, Isa. 47 is the second prophetic text that refers to clothing and nudity in an oracle of judgment against the personification of a foreign nation, namely Babylon. In its main part, the chapter comprises a divine monologue in which the prophetic speaker addresses the female figure and announces judgment against her. Scholarship is divided regarding the structure and literary unity of Isa. 47, but more recently the structuring function of the initial imperatives in vv. 1, 5, 8, and 12 has been acknowledged to suggest a four-part division (47:1-4, 5-7, 8-11, 12-15).31 Our focus will be on the first part in 47:1-4, which describes the initial humiliation of Babylon using the metaphors of undressing and nakedness. In the first verse, the female figure is asked to step down from her throne to sit on the earth, which symbolizes her downfall from royal reign to the status of a mere slave girl (47:1).32 The following verse continues this imagery by assigning daughter Babylon the duties of a slave, who has to grind flour (47:2). Her social demotion is then described in detail in a three-stage divestment,

Thus, Kratz, “Pescher,” 132, who, however, assumes a two-stage literary growth of the oracle, supplementing an original saying about the destruction of Nineveh with a later theological interpretation as an oracle of judgment; see n. 22. 29 The double designation as ‫“( בתולת בת‬virgin daughter”) occurs several times as a name for different cities/nations; it can be assumed that the designation suggests neither family relations nor maidenhood, but instead stresses the youthfulness of the addressee; see Hermisson, Deuterojesaja, 169–70. 30 The understanding of the text is uncertain here, and several emendations have been proposed. The MT reads a qal form of the verb ‫“( פגע‬to meet someone”), which finds further confirmation in 1QIsa; the MT can be interpreted as not meeting resistance, an interpretation that also underlies the readings of Symmachus and the Vulgate, both of which attest to a 3ms verb (= ‫יפגא‬, “and no one can come pleading [with me]”). For a detailed discussion of the text, see Watts, Isaiah 34–66, 715; Hermisson, Deuterojesaja, 148–9; or Berges, Jesaja 40–48, 477. 31 On this four-part structure, see, e.g., Hermisson, Deuterojesaja, 156, and Berges, Jesaja, 478; different models are proposed by Watts, Isaiah 34–66, 716 (six-part division: vv. 1-3, 4-5, 6-7, 8-9, 10-11, 12-15; similarly, Oswalt, Isaiah, 241), or Sals, Biographie, 300 (three-part structure: vv. 1-5, 6, 7-15). 32 See already, Duhm, Jesaja, 355; see also, Watts, Isaiah 34–66, 716. 28

506

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Clothing and Nudity in the Hebrew Bible

stringing together three commands that carry an increasingly sexual connotation.33 The sequence begins in 47:2 with the command to fold back her veil (‫ ;)צמתך‬the garment ‫ צמה‬has only a few occurrences in the Hebrew Bible34 but can be identified with a veil that was used by female gentry to cover the head and frame the face.35 In the command in 47:2, the Hebrew verb ‫ גלה‬piel refers to the veil as an indirect object that needs to be removed for the purpose of uncovering something else, which implies that the woman’s head and face will be laid bare,36 depriving her of the veil as a status symbol. Next, the female figure has to strip off her skirt (47:2: ‫)חׂשפי ׁשבל‬, a command that again focuses on the removal of a garment. In the third command, however, the imperative ‫ גלי‬changes to denote the exposure of the body, commanding Babylon to uncover her legs (47:3: ‫)גלי ׁשוק‬. While the activities in 47:2 (grinding flour, wading through water) could reasonably require some sort of undressing on the part of the woman, the following imagery leaves no doubt that the stripping constitutes an act of sexual humiliation, a “prelude to rape.”37 The sexual abuse is described in 47:3, where the niphal jussive declaring that Babylon’s nakedness shall be uncovered (‫)תגל ערותך‬ draws on the sexual connotation of the verb ‫ גלה‬in combination with the noun ‫ערוה‬38, and implies that the female will be sexually violated.39 The passive formulation leaves open the identity of the perpetrator, but the avowal of the divine speaker that he will take revenge (47:3: ‫ )נקם אקח‬suggests that, in the imagery of the metaphor, it is the male speaker himself who will violate the female.40 The end of the strophe in 47:4 adds the chorus of the redeemed ones, who acknowledge Yhwh as the holy one. To sum up, the prophecy of judgment in Isa. 47:1-4 operates with a clear correlation of clothing and nudity: Clothing is a symbol of the woman’s social class and offers protection, while nakedness stands for social demotion and defenselessness. Thus, depriving daughter Babylon of her clothing symbolizes her humiliation from royal reign to a mere slave and exposes her to sexual abuse. Considering that the literary development in Deutero-Isaiah began at the end of the Babylonian exile in 539 BCE,

Similarly, Berges, Jesaja, 484: “Dabei tritt die sexuelle Konnotation immer stärker zutage.” 34 See also Song 4:1, 3; 6:7. 35 See Kersken, Kleidung, 161. Similarly, Baumann, Gott, 61, interprets the veil as a symbol of status. 36 Baumann, Love, 49–50. 37 Franzmann, “City,” 12. The change of imagery from stripping to sexual violence in Isa. 47:3 has led to some literary-critical operations; see, e.g., Hermisson, Deuterojesaja, 158, 174, 191–2, who excises vv. 3-4 as secondary (see Hermisson, Deuterojesaja, 158: “Nun fällt aber V.3a bereits dadurch stilistisch und sachlich aus dem Zusammenhang, daß die metaphorischen Wendungen für die Erniedrigung der Königin zum geringen Mägdedienst in V.2 angesichts der ‘Entblößung’ unversehens die Assoziation von Schändung und Vergewaltigung hervorrufen”). This suggestion, however, takes the edge off of the prophecy and assigns the problem to a later author, who “associated” humiliation and rape. 38 On the use of ‫ גלה‬piel to denote sexual intercourse, see Section 1.1 with n. 16; correspondingly, the niphal stem of ‫ גלה‬in Isa. 43:3 covers the passive sense; see Baumann, Love, 46–52. 39 On this interpretation of Isa. 47:3, see Baumann, Love, 195; Berges, Jesaja 40–48, 485. 40 See Baumann, Love, 195; Franzmann, City, 13 (“Yhwh the warrior rapist takes inexorable vengeance against Babylon”). Berges argues that the jussive form of ‫ גלה‬in Isa. 43:3 suggests an imagined situation (“eine imaginierte Situation”), which would make a passivum divinum unlikely (Berges, Jesaja 40–48, 485); yet this argument neglects the fact that the whole oracle employs metaphorical speech and clearly presents Yhwh as the one who will implement the judgment. Similarly, Hermisson’s argument that the foe is the natural subject of the violence carried out in 43:3 33

 507

Prophetic Oracles of Judgment

507

the oracle in Isa. 47:1-4 clearly belongs in the postexilic period and reflects on the end of the Babylonian Empire. The downfall of the capital city Babylon, however, does not correspond to historical reality but has to be understood as a literary counterpart to the prophecies of salvation for Zion/Jerusalem in Isa. 40–55(66).41 While an important part of the restoration of Zion/Jerusalem is her reinvestiture with garments demonstrating her renewed royal status (see 52:1), the downfall of Babylon is symbolized by depriving her of clothing and thus exposing her to sexual violence. Furthermore, it has been shown that the laments about the downfall of Zion/Jerusalem in Lam. 1:8-10; 2:10 form the background to Isa. 47 as a whole,42 adding to the depiction of the judgment against Babylon as a counterpart to Zion’s fate.

1.4 Jeremiah 13:18-27 Say to the king and the queen mother: Take a lowly seat. For from your head43 has come down the crown of your glory. 19 The towns of the Negev are closed up, with no one to open. All of Judah has been led into exile, it has been exiled completely (‫הגלת יהודה כלה‬ ‫)הגלת ׁשלומים‬.44 20 Lift up your eyes and see those coming from the north.45 Where is the flock that was given to you, the flock of your glory? 21 What will you say when one will set over you as head, those whom you have taught to be your confidants?46 Will not pangs seize you like a woman in labor? 18

(Hermisson, Deuterojesaja, 192) disregards the fact that Yhwh is presented as the initiator of the judgment, who controls the action against Babylon. 41 Steck assumes that the restoration of Zion in the “imperative poem” Isa. 51–54* already presupposes the oracle on the downfall of Babylon in Isa. 47* (see Steck, “Beobachtungen,” 54–5; Steck, “Zion,” 144); on the corresponding depiction of Zion, see also Franke, “Function,” 416–8; Sals, Biographie, 329. 42 On the links between Isa. 47 and Lam. 1:8-10; 2:10, see Tull Willey, Remember, 167–70. Her observations are taken up by Baumann, Love, 182–3, who concludes that “Jerusalem’s (female) enemy encounters a fate as hard as the one she had formerly visited on Jerusalem” (183). 43 The MT reading ‫ מ ְַראֲׁשֹותֵ יכֶם‬is “peculiar” (Craigie, Kelley, and Drinkard, Jeremiah 1–25, 188); however, the verse clearly suggests that king and queen mother are stripped off their regal power. This understanding is also reflected in the ancient versions, which attest to the variant “from your head” (= ‫)מראׁשכם‬, adopted in the translation above (similarly McKane, Jeremiah, 302, 304; Craigie, Kelley, and Drinkard, Jeremiah 1–25, 187; in contrast, Holladay, Jeremiah 1, 408, argues for a different vocalization of the MT, resulting in the same meaning). 44 While the verb ‫ הגלת‬is feminine, ‫ ׁשלומים‬is masculine, explained by Joüon and Muraoka, Grammar, §150e, with the people being regarded as a collective. 45 Reading the Ketiv for both imperatives (2fs: ‫ וראי‬,‫)ׂשאי‬, following the versions (see McKane, Jeremiah, 306–7; Craigie, Kelley, and Drinkard, Jeremiah 1–25, 187, 189; Holladay, Jeremiah 1, 411), while the Qere can be explained as an assimilation to the previous verse, assuming a masculine subject (see Allen, Jeremiah, 162; Holladay, Jeremiah 1, 411). There remains, however, the incongruence of the initial 2fs imperative ‫ ׂשאי‬with the object ‫ עיניכם‬that carries a 2mp suffix, which then requires an emendation (see already, Rudolph, Jeremia, 80; McKane, Jeremiah, 307; Craigie, Kelley, and Drinkard, Jeremiah 1–25, 189). 46 The translation follows Craigie, Kelley, and Drinkard, Jeremiah 1–25, 187, 189, in transposing part of the verse; see already, Weiser, Jeremia, 109.

508

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Clothing and Nudity in the Hebrew Bible

And when you say in your heart: Why have these things happened to me? Because of the abundance of your iniquity your skirt hems have been lifted up, and your heels have been violated (‫)נגלו ׁשוליך נחמסו עקביך‬.47 (. . .) 25 This is to be your lot, the portion I have measured out to you, says Yhwh, because you have forgotten me and trusted in lies. 26 I myself will strip off your skirt hems over your face,48 and your shame will be seen (‫)חׂשפתי ׁשוליך על פניך ונראה קלונך‬. 27 Your adulteries and you neighing, the infamy of your whoring (‫נאפיך ומצהלותיך‬ ‫)זמת זנותך‬, on the hills, in the countryside, I have seen your abominations. Woe to you, Jerusalem, you will not be clean, how much longer yet? 22

The prophecy in Jer. 13:18-2749 can be divided into four oracles in 13:18-19, 20-22, 23-24, and 25-27, whereby vv. 25-27 continue the imagery of the shamed woman in vv. 20-22, suggesting an (original) connection between these two parts that are dominated by 2fs references (13:20-27*).50 With regard to the other units, however, there is some evidence for a process of literary development: Jer. 13:18-19 can be identified as the basic oracle announcing the demise of the king and queen mother (13:18), which is then related to the end of the southern kingdom of Judah: Employing twice the hophcal binyan of ‫ גלה‬as terminus technicus for the exile,51 Jer. 13:19 states that the whole of Judah has been led into exile (‫)הגלת יהודה כלה הגלת ׁשלומים‬. In the first Fortschreibung Jer. 13:20-27*,52 the focus changes to the fate of personified Zion/Jerusalem, only interrupted by the short oracle in vv. 23-24, which can be identified as a later insertion due to changes in topic and form of address.53 Zion/Jerusalem is first called to lift up her eyes and witness the arrival of a group On the translation of the hapax legomenon ‫ חמס‬niphal as a passive (“to be violated”) of ‫ חמס‬qal, see Gesenius, 17th edn (“to be treated violently”), while Ges. (“to be bared”) and HALOT (“to be bared/to endure violence”) both assume a meaning in analogy to ‫גלה‬. However, Baumann, Love, 118–19, is right in pointing out that the meaning of ‫ גלה‬is in itself disputed and should not be used to determine the understanding of ‫ חמס‬in Jer. 13:22; she opts for the translation “violence is done to your body” in Jer. 13:22. See also, Holladay, Jeremiah 1, 411 (“your body ravished”); Craigie, Kelley, and Drinkard, Jeremiah, 187 (“and your heels suffer violence”); and Schmid, Buchgestalten, 332 (“sind vergewaltigt deine Fersen”). In contrast, McKane, Jeremiah, 306 (“your shame shall be disclosed”), and Allen, Jeremiah, 162 (“and your nudity will be brought into shameful view”), seem to be guided by the idea of laying bare. 48 Holladay, Jeremiah 1, 412, deletes ‫על פניך‬, arguing that it “overloads the colon and is unnecessary for the image,” but there is no manuscript evidence for this operation. 49 On the analysis of Jer. 13:18-27 and especially the references to exile in the oracle, see also, Klein, “Uncovering.” 50 On the connection between 13:20-22 and 13:25-27, see (albeit with different arguments) Rudolph, Jeremia, 82–3; McKane, Jeremiah, 307. 51 See Kiefer, Exil, 124–7; Zobel, “‫גלה‬,” 478–9. 52 Schmid, Buchgestalten, 330–40, has provided further proof for the assumption that Jer. 13:20ff. represents a later continuation of 13:18-19 by classifying 13:20-22 with a number of similar examples in which the earlier prophecies in the book are later supplemented by adding theological commentaries and rationales, making the continuation part of a wider, conceptually linked, redactional activity in the book. 53 On the exclusion of Jer. 13:23-24, see Rudolph, Jeremia, 82–3; McKane, Jeremiah, 307. 47

 509

Prophetic Oracles of Judgment

509

from the north (13:20), which recalls the advance of the foe from the north (Jer. 4–6). She is then mocked for the loss of her flock and blamed for having forged her own destiny, as she instructed “confidants” (‫ )אלפים‬who will now rule over her (13:21). Her punishment is described in 13:22 in no uncertain terms as lifting up her skirt hems and violating her heels (‫)נגלו ׁשוליך נחמסו עקביך‬. The act of lifting up a woman’s skirt hem has already been identified in Nah. 3:5 as an image of sexual abuse. In Jer. 13:22, the ensuing act of violating the woman’s heels (‫—)נחמסו עקביך‬which is a clear euphemism for sexual violence54—shows that the metaphor of undressing similarly serves as a prelude for sexual abuse, depicting judgment. Due to the passive verb it is unclear who the perpetrator of the violation in 13:22 is, yet the key is found in 13:21, which indicates that the woman became involved with “confidants” that she “taught herself ” (‫)ואת למדת אתם עליך אלפים‬. First, the verb ‫“( למד‬to teach”) is used in the book of Jeremiah to describe how the people have forgotten Yhwh and become accustomed to the transgressions and idolatry of the nations;55 in particular, in Jer. 2:33, Zion/ Jerusalem is accused of having habitually (‫)למדתי‬56 looked for love. Second, the noun ‫“( אלוף‬confidant”) in Jer. 3:4 serves as an honorary title with which the whore addresses Yhwh when she ruefully returns to him. This suggests that in 13:21 this word denotes the woman’s lovers, for whom she has initially left the divine husband. On the whole, the imagery in 13:22 should be interpreted against the background of the prophetic marriage metaphor, implying that Yhwh will expose Zion/Jerusalem to sexual violence by the hand of her former lovers, whom she foolishly mistook as confidants.57 That the marriage metaphor stands in the background of the oracle is even more prominent in its second part, Jer. 13:25-27, where Yhwh accuses the woman of adultery (‫)נאופים‬, neighing (‫)מצהלות‬, and whoring (‫)זנות‬, drawing on central accusations against the female in previous chapters of the book (Jer. 2–3) and giving her misbehavior explicit sexual connotations.58 In 13:26, the punishment of the woman through acts of sexual violence is continued, whereby the sequence of undressing and violation recurs. Unlike in 13:22, however, it is now Yhwh himself who strips the woman of her skirts (‫ )חׂשפתי ׁשוליך על פניך‬and exposes her to public humiliation (‫)ונראה קלונך‬.59 To sum up, the motifs of clothing and nudity in Jer. 13:20-27* correspond very much to the pattern that we have already observed in Hos. 2:4-17* and Nah. 3:17*: Clothing protects the female figure and, consequently, being stripped naked exposes her to sexual humiliation and abuse. The shared terminology thus suggests a close connection between Nah. 3 and Jer. 13, with the author of Jer. 13:20-27* taking up the expressions ‫ גלה ׁשול‬and ‫( ראה קלון‬Nah. 3:5; see Jer. 13:22, 26) and supplementing these The heels (‫ )עקב‬can be understood as an euphemism for the (female) genitals; see Gesenius, 17th edn./Ges.; HALOT; Zobel, “‫עקב‬,” 315–20; Baumann, Love, 119–20. On the understanding of sexual violation, see also Gordon and Washington, “Rape,” 316. 55 See Jer. 9:4, 13; 10:2; 12:16. 56 On this reading and interpretation, see Holladay, Jeremiah 1, 56, 109–10. 57 In contrast, Baumann, Love, 120, interprets Jer. 13:22 in light of 13:26, assuming that Yhwh himself is the perpetrator of sexual violence and not only the one initiating it. 58 See ibid., 121–2. 59 Ibid., 121, argues that the use of the noun ‫ קלון‬in Jer. 13:26 “at the very least possesses sexual connotations,” yet the punitive act seems to aim at public humiliation rather than sexual violation; see Holladay, Jeremiah 1, 416; Carroll, Jeremiah, 303 (“the figure is one of exposure”). 54

510

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with the idea that the woman will be stripped of her skirt (13:26: ‫)חׂשף ׁשול‬, whereby the use of the verb ‫ חׂשף‬recalls Isa. 47:2. However, the prophecy in Jeremiah not only differs from Nah. 3 and Isa. 47 in that the threat is addressed at Zion/Jerusalem and not at foreign cities but also insofar as the judgment has a distinct allegorical dimension. Continuing the original oracle in Jer. 13:18-19 that focuses on the exile of Judah and the loss of political power, 13:20-27* employs metaphorical speech to depict the exile in terms of sexual violence against the woman Zion/Jerusalem. It is especially the different use of the Hebrew verb ‫ גלה‬in the development of 13:18ff. that demonstrates the reinterpretation of exile in terms of sexual violence: While in the original oracle (13:18-19) ‫ גלה‬hophal denotes how Judah was led into the Babylonian exile (13:19: ‫הגלת‬ ‫)יהודה כלה הגלת ׁשלומים‬, the author of the Fortschreibung in 13:20-27* employs the niphal stem (13:22: ‫ )נגלו ׁשוליך‬to use sexual violence as an image of exile.60

1.5 Clothing and Nudity in Ezekiel 1.5.1 Ezekiel 16 Thus says the Lord Yhwh: Because your juice was poured out (‫)יען הׁשפך נחׁשתך‬61 and you uncovered your nakedness in your whorings with your lovers (‫ותגלה ערותך‬ ‫ )בתזנותיך על מאהביך‬and with all the idols of your abomination, and because of the blood of your children that you gave to them, 37 therefore, behold, I will gather all your lovers, with whom you took pleasure,— all those whom you loved as well as those whom you hated. I will gather them against you from all around, and I will uncover your nakedness to them (‫וגליתי‬ ‫)ערותך אלהם‬, so that they may see your whole nakedness (‫)וראו את כל ערותך‬. 38 And I will judge you according to the laws of women who commit adultery and those who shed blood (‫)וׁשפטתיך מׁשפטי נאפות וׁשפכת דם‬, and I will bring upon you blood of rage and zeal. 39 And I will deliver you into their hand, and they shall throw down your platform and tear down your high places. They shall strip you of your clothes (‫והפׁשיטו אותך‬ ‫ )בגדיך‬and take your beautiful objects, and they shall leave you lying there, naked and bare (‫)עירם ועריה‬.62 36

On this see Klein, “Uncovering.” 61 The understanding of the expression ‫ הׁשפך נחׁשתך‬is difficult. To begin with, the meaning of the noun ‫ נחׁשת‬is uncertain (HALOT proposes “modesty, shame, menstruation”; see accordingly Ges.). Furthermore, most exegetes follow the Targum variant in assuming the infinitive ‫ׂשּפְֵך‬ ְ ‫“( ָה‬to strip off ”) instead of the MT reading ‫ׁשפְֵך‬ ָ ‫“( ִה‬to be poured out”), thus arriving at a reading “you uncovered your shame,” which constitutes a parallel to the following expression (see Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1, 330; similarly Pohlmann, Hesekiel 1–19, 218). However, an Akkadian cognate to the noun, referring to some sort of “genital outflow,” allows to interpret the text as it stands (Greenberg, Ezekiel 1–20, 285–6: “your juice was poured out”; see also, Baumann, Love, 137: “your ore was poured out”; with reference to the Akkadian cognate, see also euphemistically Allen, Ezekiel 1–19, 225: “your sexual profligacy has been so lavishly demonstrated,” 230, and Block, Ezekiel 1–24, 498: “your passion was poured out”). 62 The predicative nouns are used adjectivally here; see Joüon and Muraoka, Grammar, §154a; Greenberg, Ezekiel 1–20, 277; Allen, Ezekiel 1–19, 227. 60

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In Ezekiel 16, Jerusalem is described in an “extended metaphor”63 as an abandoned baby girl, whom Yhwh first rescues and then marries once she has come of age. Even though the woman is richly blessed by her husband, she develops a nymphomaniac attraction to other lovers and is punished severely for her misbehavior. The whole chapter comprises a continuous address to the woman by Yhwh, evoking the context of a judicial speech64 in which the husband accuses his wife of adultery and passes judgment. As the female’s fate represents biblical history, explaining the exile as punishment for the unfaithfulness of Israel and Judah, the chapter is more particularly understood as an allegory.65 The chapter divides into three parts. Following the word-introduction formula in v. 16:1, the first part in 16:1-43 comprises the basic oracle that deals with the fate of the adulterous wife Jerusalem; it has later been supplemented with the fate of her sisters Sodom and Gomorrah in 16:44-58 and a prospect of salvation in 16:59-63.66 However, there is also evidence to suggest that the basic oracle in 16:1-43 contains later additions;67 it is especially the question what the woman is accused of originally that gives rise to literary-critical operations. Both Zimmerli and Pohlmann reconstruct an original text, in which the accusations against the wife remain general, charging her with harlotry and unfaithfulness, while they deem the specific charges of cultic (16:1621) and political infidelity (16:26, 28-29) to be later supplementations.68 However, as the most significant mentions of clothing, nudity, and shame can be matched with what is generally assumed to be the original layer, I will refrain from further literarycritical discussion in this case. In 16:1-43, the ideas of clothing and nudity figure as opposites, implying protection and vulnerability of the female in different stages of her life. In childhood (16:1-14), the lack of swaddling clothes signifies the abandonment of the infant and the repugnance of its life (16:4-5), which moves Yhwh to take pity on her and command her to live (16:6). Under his protection and care, the baby girl grows into a pubescent woman, but the nominal statement at the end of 16:7, “yet you were naked and bare” (‫ואת ערם‬ ‫)ועריה‬, shows that the perception of her nakedness has changed significantly. While the infant’s nakedness left the baby girl exposed and without protection, the pubescent’s

63 Shields, “Multiple Exposures,” 5; Allen, Ezekiel 1–19, 233; Galambush, Jerusalem, 11. 64 On this genre in Ezek. 16, see Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1, 333, 335. 65 It is usually acknowledged that Ezek. 16 combines different form elements, whereby, however, the character of metaphorical speech and the overall form of an allegory stand out; see, e.g., Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1, 333–6; Allen, Ezekiel 1–19, 232–5; Pohlmann, Ezechiel 1–19, 221; Lipka, Sexual Transgression, 223. On the allegorical character of Ezek. 16, see esp. Krüger, Geschichtskonzepte, 139–98. 66 On the general three-part structure, see, e.g., Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1, 333–6; Greenberg, Ezekiel 1–20, 292–6; Allen, Ezekiel 1–19, 232–5. 67 See already Gustav Hölscher, who regarded the whole chapter as “one of the longest, and with a view to literary criticism, one of the most difficult ones” (Hölscher, Hesekiel, 92: “das längste im Buch und literarkritisch besonders schwierig”). 68 See Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1, 333–53 (followed by Maier, Jerusalem, 89–101), and Pohlmann, Ezechiel 1–19, 216–34; similarly, Allen, Ezekiel 1–19, 232–5. While the three-part development represents a general consensus in scholarship, Greenberg, Ezekiel 1–20, 305, applies a holistic approach and labels Ezek. 16 “a single great movement from start to finish of this long oracle.”

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nakedness implicates the danger of this status, as nudity is subsequently associated with sexual lewdness and shamelessness and considered to be a sign of harlotry.69 In the logic of the text, this possible threat is temporarily resolved when Yhwh passes by and realizes that the woman’s time has come for “love” (16:8: ‫)והנה עתך עת דדים‬. Here, the Hebrew text provides us with sufficient evidence to suggest that Yhwh takes the woman to be his wife and most likely consummates the marriage.70 The act of covering the female’s nudity with the skirt of his garment (16:8: ‫)ואפרׂש כנפי עליך ואכסה ערותך‬ is at first glance an act of protection and the declaration to provide for her, but the divine husband also symbolically takes possession of the woman and thus gains control over her sexuality. The following section in 16:9-14 describes how he fulfills his marital commitments and lavishly endows his wife with expensive garments and the finest jewelry. The embroidered cloth (6:10, 11: ‫)רקמה‬, the fine leather or dolphin skin (6:10: ‫)תחׁש‬, byssus (6:10, 11: ‫)ׁשׁש‬, and silk (6:10, 11: ‫ )מׁשי‬are all luxury garments and represent the woman’s new, royal status. Furthermore, each of these materials also occur in the priestly description of the desert sanctuary,71 while the food that is offered to the woman in Ezek. 16 figures prominently in the sacred offerings. “In short, Jerusalem, the bride of Yahweh, is clothed with the garments that ‘clothe’ the sanctuary and is fed with the ‘food’ of its offerings.”72 The description emphasizes, however, that the woman is “fit to be a queen” (16:13: ‫ )ותצלחי למלוכה‬only by the grace and provisions of her husband; she even owes him her beauty, which is made perfect only because of the splendor that Yhwh had endowed on her (16:14). In this way, her provision with jewelry and clothing can also be understood as a means of demonstrating the husband’s control over his wife.73 In the logic of the imagery, it is the woman’s misconception, failing to recognize the nature of the relationship and trying to break away from her husband’s control, that changes the picture of marital bliss into that of a broken marriage. Instead of being faithful to her husband, the female figure bestows her sexual favors on everyone who passes by (16:15), and her sexual desire even leads to a perverted praxis of prostitution—the woman pays her lovers instead of accepting payment herself in exchange for sexual intercourse (16:33-34). A presumably later author adds further insult to the adultery, as the woman misuses her husband’s provisions to build “colorful high places” (16:16: ‫ )במות טלאות‬for her adulterous acts and to clothe and feed the concrete images of men she made herself (16:18-21).74

See Block, Ezekiel 1–24, 482, who further concludes, “With the passing of the age of innocence and the arrival of sexual maturity, nakedness assumes moral overtones. Whereas the earlier nakedness had made the foundling vulnerable to the elements and marauding animals, now she stands exposed to dangers of a different sort.” 70 On the marriage imagery in Ezek. 16:8, see Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1, 229; Allen, Ezekiel 1–19, 238; Block, Ezekiel 1–25, 482–3; on the implication of sexual activity, see Shields, “Multiple Exposures,” 14–15; Day, Violence, 208. 71 On the luxury character of the materials and their use in the texts about the desert sanctuary, see in detail Bender, Sprache, 57–9, 65–6, 242; see also, Kersken, Töchter Zions, 21–2, 32, 35. 72 Block, Ezekiel 1–24, 485–6; see already, Galambush, Jerusalem, 95; Maier, “Jerusalem,” 92. 73 Thus, Shields, “Multiple Exposures,” 10. 74 On the secondary character of these verses, see Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1, 343; Pohlmann, Ezechiel 1–19, 230–1. 69

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The original announcement of judgment in 16:35-43 is formulated from the outset with specific reference to the alleged “crimes” of the female figure, employing her nakedness as an image of judgment: Because the woman uncovered her nakedness to her lovers (16:36: ‫)ותגלה ערותך‬, the husband will uncover her nakedness for everyone to see (16:37: ‫)וגליתי ערותך‬. The text operates here within the scheme of cause and effect,75 suggesting a retributive punishment, which is confirmed in 16:38, where the reference to the “laws” serves to legitimize the punitive action of the husband.76 However, this is not a question of simply dressing and undressing; rather, both the specific use of the Hebrew verb ‫ גלה‬in the piel stem (16:37) and the context are evidence that the punitive measures go beyond a simple stripping. First, the act of stripping is mentioned separately in 16:37b and 16:39, where the woman is undressed with the intention of exposing her nakedness, thus humiliating her.77 Second—as mentioned above—the combination of ‫ גלה‬piel with the noun ‫ ערוה‬clearly denotes sexual intercourse,78 and if this understanding is applied to Ezek. 16:37, the metaphor describes sexual intercourse that is forced upon the woman by the divine husband himself.79 Later authors introduce the vocabulary of shame (‫כלמה‬/‫ )בוׁש‬as a category to understand the scenes of marriage in their additions to the original metaphor. In 16:52, the figure of Jerusalem is asked to bear her humiliation (‫ )כלמתך‬and to be ashamed (‫)בוׁשי‬, as she had surpassed her sisters in her misbehavior (see also 16:54). Similarly, the promise to establish an everlasting covenant with the woman in 16:62 is followed by the call never to open her mouth again because of her shame (16:63: ‫)מפני כלמתך‬. The “theological problem” in 16:63 that Jerusalem feels shame only after God has forgiven her and provided a new beginning has attracted remarkably little attention.80 It has been interpreted against the background of a complaint ritual, ending in shame as the result of self-recognition,81 although it seems more likely that shame together with being silenced denotes the culmination of the divine punishment, leaving the woman humiliated and voiceless.82 To sum up, the presumably oldest version of the metaphorical speech in Ezek. 16:1-43* uses the images of clothing and nudity in an allegorical review of biblical history. Therein, the metaphor of the woman can be understood in a narrow sense as symbolizing Zion/Jerusalem, which, however, relates to the people/the nation 75 See Krüger, Geschichtskonzepte, 188–196; Stiebert, Construction, 146, 160. 76 Thus, Baumann, Love, 155. 77 For this argument, see ibid. 78 See Sections 1.1 and 1.3 and esp. n. 16 above. 79 On this understanding, see Shields, “Multiple Exposures,” 15–16; Baumann, Love, 154–5. More tentatively, Lipka, Sexual Transgression, 152, argues with regard to Ezek. 16:37: “Thus the pairing of ‘nakedness’ and ‘uncover’ here might imply rape” and then suggests that 16:39 describes how the woman will be gang raped by her former lovers. However, even though the terminological parallels to the texts in Leviticus are widely recognized, most exegetes interpret 16:37 as an act of exposing for the purpose of humiliation; see, e.g., Allen, Ezekiel 1–19, 342 (legal punishment for adulterers); Greenberg, Ezekiel 1–20, 286 (public degradation of a harlot); Block, Ezekiel 1–24, 501–2 (a divorce ritual). 80 Thus, Stiebert, Construction, 155. 81 See the interpretation of Odell, “Inversion,” 101–12. 82 Similarly, Stiebert, Construction, 159, employs the category of “antilanguage” to describe the use of sexual imagery in Ezekiel to evoke the realization of defilement and shame (see ibid., 151–61).

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as a whole. While the covering of the baby girl’s nakedness is a protective act that symbolizes the election of Israel in its beginnings, the lavish provision of luxury goods for the wife is an image of prosperity during nationhood. Finally, in an interpretative move similar to Jer. 13:18-27, the exposing of the wife’s nakedness and her sexual violation symbolize the destruction of Jerusalem and the ensuing exile, interpreted as a rightful divine punishment for Israel’s iniquities.83 The later supplements in 16:44-58 and 16:59-63 introduce the vocabulary of shame and contribute to understanding the preceding events against the background of honor and shame. Through her adulterous behavior, the woman has shamed the honor of her husband, who rightfully punishes her to reestablish his honor and to shame the woman into silence.

1.5.2 Ezekiel 23 These uncovered her nakedness (‫ ;)גלו ערותה‬they seized her sons and daughters, and they killed her with the sword. And she became notorious to other women, and judgment had been executed upon her. (. . .) 18 When she uncovered her whorings and exposed her nakedness (‫תגל תזנותיה ותגל‬ ‫)את ערותה‬, I turned away from her, as I had turned away from her sister. (. . .) 29 And they shall deal with you in hatred, and they shall take away all the products of your labor, and they will leave you bare and naked (‫)ועזבוך עירם ועריה‬. And your whorish shame shall be uncovered (‫ ערות זנוניך‬84‫)ונגלה‬. . .85 10

In many ways, the second metaphorical speech in Ezek. 23 corresponds to the pattern outlined with regard to its counterpart in Ezek. 16, similarly employing the marriage metaphor for an allegorical review of biblical history. This time, however, we deal with two women, namely the sisters Oholah and Oholibah, who represent the capital cities of the northern and southern kingdoms, Samaria and Jerusalem. Furthermore, Yhwh only addresses Oholibah beginning in 23:21, while the preceding parts represent a divine discourse about the women addressed to the prophet (23:1). The whole chapter can be divided into three parts, beginning with the sisters’ time of harlotry in Egypt (23:1-4), while the second and third parts deal with the sisters in turn, starting with the infidelity of Oholah in 23:5-10 and then focusing on Oholibah in 23:11-49. However, there is some agreement that the original oracle is confined to 23:1-27, while the further speech units in 23:28-49 represent later additions.86 In the following, I will thus

See Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1, 348–9. 84 Following most commentators, the 3ms consecutive perfect (‫ )ונגלה‬should be emended to a 3fs (‫)ונגלתה‬, assuming a scribal omission, even though we do not have material evidence for this reading (see Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1, 476; Greenberg, Ezekiel 21–37, 483; Pohlmann, Ezechiel 20–48, 337). 85 The construct chain ‫ ערות זנוניך‬is followed by the nouns “your depravity and your whoring (‫וזמתך‬ ‫)ותזנותיך‬,” but following Zimmerli, Ezekiel 1, 476; Allen, Ezekiel 20–48, 42, 44, and Pohlmann, Ezechiel 20–48, 337, these nouns should be read as the opening of the following verse. 86 See Zimmerli, Ezekiel 2, 480–1; Allen, Ezekiel 20–48, 45–8; Pohlmann, Hesekiel 20–48, 336–40; similarly, Krüger, Geschichtskonzepte, 143, assumes an original core in Ezek. 23:1-30. 83

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deal with the later supplements only insofar as they contribute to the idea of clothing and nudity in Ezek. 23. Unlike in Ezek. 16, the storyline in Ezek. 23 skips the women’s childhood and begins with their time of “harlotry” in Egypt (23:3: ‫)ותזנינה במצרים‬, before both of them become the wives of Yhwh (23:1-4). The following section in 23:5-10 deals with the infidelity of Oholah, describing her as acting promiscuously both with the Assyrians (23:5-7) and the Egyptians (23:8), for which Yhwh punishes her by delivering her to her lovers. Not only do the Assyrians take away her children and ultimately kill her, but before that, they assault the female sexually by uncovering her nakedness (23:10: ‫)גלו ערותה‬. Again, the specific use of the verb ‫ גלה‬piel in combination with the noun ‫ ערוה‬suggests that Oholah is exposed to gang rape at the hands of her former lovers. However, Ezek. 23:10 differs from the account in Ezek. 16 in the role that Yhwh himself plays: He is no longer “the one who directly performs the rape, but ‘only’ the judge who passes sentence on the ‘woman’ Jerusalem and leaves the carrying out of the punishment to the ex-lovers.”87 In Oholah’s story, there is remarkably little embellishment of the marriage relationship, and clothing plays only a minor role: Among other things, it is the Assyrian warriors’ purple garments (23:6: ‫לבׁשי‬ ‫)תכלת‬88 that attract the woman to them. Rather, the main focus of the chapter is on the second sister, Oholibah, who—even though she has been a witness to her sister’s fate (23:11)—follows the same path and even surpasses Oholah in her “chronic nymphomania”89 (23:11-12). She engages with different groups of males, symbolizing the consecutive involvements with foreign nations in biblical history. First, Oholibah is filled with desire for the handsome young Assyrians and—like her sister—is attracted by their magnificent uniforms (23:12: ‫לבׁשי‬ ‫)מכלול‬.90 Later, however, she is drawn to the Babylonians after seeing them portrayed on wall paintings with their belts around their waist and turbans on their head (23:15), before she resumes the love affair of her youth with the Egyptians, whose bodily attractions are described in sexually unambiguous terms (23:18-21). Furthermore, the formulation in 23:18 that the female uncovered her nakedness (‫ )ותגל את ערותה‬in the course of her interaction with them parallels the specific use of the verb ‫ גלה‬together with the noun ‫ ערוה‬in 16:36-3791 and suggests that Oholibah’s adultery is consummated by sexual intercourse. This act of adultery is the final reason for Yhwh to turn from her, as he had turned from her sister before (23:18: ‫)נקע‬. In Ezek. 23:21, the speech shifts to a direct address of Oholibah in which the divine husband announces his judgment. The punitive measures in 23:22-34 represent a reversal of the woman’s promiscuous activities and can be divided into three parts, although only the punishment in 23:22-27 belongs to the basic oracle outlined above. 87 Baumann, Love, 159. 88 The noun ‫ תכלת‬denotes the extremely valuable violet purple that is also used for the coat covering the Ephod (Exod. 28:21; 39:22) and the cover shielding the shrine during transport (Num. 4:6); see in detail Bender, Sprache, 59–60. 89 See Allen, Ezekiel 20–48, 42, who uses this expression as a heading for Ezek. 23 as a whole. 90 Here, the Syriac reads “purple” as in Ezek. 23:6, which is clearly a later assimilation to Oholah’s storyline. 91 See the discussion of Ezek. 16:36-37 in the preceding section.

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Here, the husband announces that he will send her former lovers against her, empowering them as instruments of his indignation (23:25) to judge the woman “according to their laws” (23:24: ‫)וׁשפטוך במׁשפטיהם‬. The former lovers will mutilate the female’s face (23:25) and strip off her clothes and her jewelry (23:26: ‫והפׁשיטוך את בגדיך‬ ‫)ולקחו כלי תפארתך‬. The addition of a second oracle in 23:28-30 carries forward the punitive action of 23:22-27 and enters into a description of sexual abuse: The divine husband first repeats that the woman’s former lovers will seize all her property and possessions so that she will be left bare and naked (23:29: ‫)עירם ועריה‬, thus taking up a leitmotif from Ezek. 16 (see 16:7, 22, 39). Yet this punitive act is continued with the announcement that the woman’s whorish shame will be exposed (23:29: ‫)ונגלה ערות זנוניך‬. As a passive, the niphal form of ‫ גלה‬in 23:29 does not in itself indicate who is carrying out the act of punishment, but the context strongly suggests that the female figure is violated by her ex-lovers on the command of her divine husband. Unlike the parallel verses in 16:36-37 and 23:10, however, the noun ‫ עריה‬occurs as a construct together with the absolute ‫“( זנונים‬prostitution” or “illicit sex”).92 While it has been suggested that the expression ‫ גלה ערוה‬in this case refers to the genitals as the seat of shame, rather than being a euphemism for sexual intercourse,93 in my view the parallel use of ‫ גלה‬niphal in 16:36 suggests a similar understanding of 23:29. Thus, the formulation indicates that— in a perversion of Oholibah’s previous sexual promiscuity—she will be gang raped by her former lovers, whom the husband has gathered around her.94 This reading can also be supported by the argument that it fulfills the (implicit) expectation that Oholibah will suffer the same punishment as her sister (23:10), an expectation that finds confirmation in the later addition of the Song of the Cup (23:31-34): Just as Oholibah followed the path of her sister, so she will have to endure the same punishment (23:31). To sum up, the metaphorical speech in Ezek. 23 shares major features with Ezek. 16 such as employing the marriage metaphor for an allegorical review of biblical history and referring to a model of retributive judgment by linking the sexual humiliation and violation of the female figure directly to her previous adulterous behavior. However, there are some differences. First, the allegory in Ezek. 23 is much more elaborate, allowing for a clear interpretation of the adulterous acts as metaphors for the events that—in the eyes of the biblical authors—led to the demise of the two kingdoms of Israel (722 BCE) and Judah (587 BCE).95 In this imagery, both the Assyrian and the Babylonian exile are described in terms of sexual violence, to which the divine husband exposes his wives. Yet the marriage metaphor in Ezek. 23 is less detailed, skipping the initial care and provision of the husband for his wives and focusing on their transgressions instead.96 Thus, clothing in Ezek. 23 plays a rather minor role and appears only as an Lipka, Sexual Transgression, 234, appropriately notes that the meaning “is not entirely clear.” 93 Thus, Baumann, Love, 159: “Here, unlike in 16:37 and 23:10, ‫ ערוה‬probably refers to the genitals. The word is more specifically qualified by the substantives for ‘whoredom’ (‫זנות‬, ‫זמה‬, and ‫ )תזנות‬. . . so frequently used by Ezekiel, and indeed is more or less saddled with being the organ in which everything shameful is gathered together and can be looked upon.” 94 See Lipka, Sexual Transgression, 234. 95 See Krüger, Geschichtskonzepte, 139–95; Allen, Ezekiel 1–19, 234–44; Allen, Ezekiel 20–48, 48–52; Pohlmann, Ezechiel 20–48, 339–40; and Baumann, Gottesbilder, 115–17. 96 On the different form of the marriage metaphor in Ezek. 23 compared with Ezek. 16, see esp. Stienstra, YHWH, 155–61. 92

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image of judgment when Oholibah is stripped of her clothing (23:26), which leaves her naked and bare, and exposes her to sexual humiliation and violence. Apparently, the reader is supposed to fill these gaps by assuming the marriage relations in Ezek. 16, which, together with the higher degree of systematization in Ezek. 23, suggests that the chapter is a later sequel to the allegorical speech in Ezek. 16.

2. The Conceptual Framework: Honor and Shame After having discussed the five examples from the Latter Prophets in which clothing and nudity appear as images of judgment, it is now time to shed light on the conceptual framework of honor and shame that can contribute to our understanding of these texts. The anthropological codes of honor and shame have proved to be a useful model to assess social relationships in the texts of the Hebrew Bible.97 As a mainly grouporiented society, Israel shared in the conventions of honor and shame that prevailed in the Mediterranean cultures, and even though the vocabulary of honor/shame is mainly absent in the prophetic texts discussed, the texts can be shown to draw on these anthropological codes. While honor can be defined as the “appreciation of one’s own value and worth that is publicly acknowledged by others,” shame denotes correspondingly “a low estimation of oneself caused by failure to meet certain agreed social standards.”98 This emotional response of shame can be linked to the social sanction of shaming as the action that causes the feeling of shame and controls behavior in a group-oriented society.99 As honor and shame are closely linked with sexual relations and gender roles, the marriage metaphor allowed the biblical authors to transfer existing cultural preconceptions about appropriate male and female behavior onto the relationship between Yhwh and a female figure and thus to reflect on Israel’s sin and punishment.100 In the same way that a wife who commits adultery destroys the honor of her husband by impugning his masculinity,101 Israel has shamed Yhwh by worshipping other gods and entering into political alliances with foreign nations. And in the same way that a shamed husband has certain powers of control over his wife to reestablish his honor, the divine husband exposes his metaphorical wife to shame, symbolizing the punishment for Israel’s idolatry and political follies. With the exception of Babylon in Isa. 47, all of the female figures are accused of adultery, amplified to a nymphomaniac frenzy in the book of Ezekiel, which suggests in the logic of the biblical authors that the females have brought the punishment upon themselves. In particular, the reference to laws in both Ezek. 16:38 and 23:45 shows that the ancient authors have tried to paint the picture of a retributive judgment.102 97 See Brayford, “Shame,” 163; see also Bechtel, “Shame,” 47–76; Stiebert, Construction, 25–86; Hadijev, “Honor,” 333–8; and with regard to the history of research on Ezekiel, Wu, Honour, 5–56. 98 Hadijev, “Honor,” 333; on this definition, see also Bechtel, “Shame,” 48–9. 99 See Bechtel, “Shame,” 48–9. 100 See Hadijev, “Honor,” 337. 101 See Delaney, “Seeds of Honor,” 40–3; Giovannini, “Chastity Codes,” 68; Stone, Sex, 44, 142–4. 102 It has frequently been noted that the texts employing the marriage metaphor operate within the scheme of cause and effect, thus portraying the punishment of the adulterous wife as an example

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However, while punitive acts such as facial mutilation (Ezek. 23:25) or stoning (23:47) are documented occasionally as punishment for adultery,103 the excessive sexual humiliation and abuse, culminating in the act of rape, are without parallel and stretch the metaphorical image. I would like to suggest that this can be explained by the allegorical function of the marriage metaphor that was devised to reflect on biblical history. It is especially the historical trauma of the capture of Jerusalem in 587 BCE and the ensuing exile that served as the catalyst for much of the prophetic literature and that lie at the core of the marriage metaphor.104 To demonstrate the traumatic effect of these historical events, the biblical authors supplemented the marriage metaphor with further imagery. First of all, the motif of undressing also has a background in military warfare, where it was common practice to strip captives off their protective clothing and to expose them to shame in order to gain control over them.105 Thus, exposing the nakedness of the women in the prophetic texts functions as an image for the shame of military defeat and especially the destruction of Jerusalem.106 Furthermore, the violence against a female figure has its roots in the fact that cities in the west Semitic region were female and could be personified, and especially the Mesopotamian genre of city lament employed violence against cities and city goddesses as a means of depicting military action and destruction.107 Thus, to a certain degree, the violence against the female figures in the prophetic marriage metaphor can be understood as a transformation of the figure of the violated female in Mesopotamian city laments: The specific metaphorical quality of the idea of personification allowed the audience of the prophetic texts to empathize with the female and to identify with the judgment against her.108 It is because the readership understood that such acts of violence were devastating for the female victim that the depiction is powerful and can demonstrate the disastrous effect of the events in 587 BCE and the ensuing exile that destroyed the core of the city, land, and nation. It is easy to understand why the prophetic texts dealing with clothing, nudity, and shame in the context of the marriage metaphor have attracted various forms of criticism due to the problematic nature of the depiction of violence or the use of fixed gender roles that differ decisively from our present understanding.109 However, it should be stressed that these texts are not intended to comment on or give guidance on gender or marriage relations. Rather, they use the motifs of marriage and sexual violence as literary devices to process traumatic events in Israel’s history. Finally, it is noteworthy that the use of the marriage metaphor in these texts pertains to the people of Israel as a of retributive justice; see, e.g., Krüger, Geschichtskonzepte, 188–92; Baumann, Love, 143; Stiebert, Construction, 146, 160; Lipka, Sexual Transgression, 153. 103 See Baumann, Gottesbilder, 118. 104 See Klein, “Uncovering”; see also Baumann, Love, 228; Baumann, Gottesbilder, 123. 105 See Bechtel, “Shame,” 62–7; Baumann, Gottesbilder, 117–20. 106 Similarly Stiebert, Construction, 101–2. 107 On the religio-historical background, see Fitzgerald, Mythological Background, 403–16; Biddle, “Figure,” 173–94; Steck, “Zion,” 126–45; Maier, “Jerusalem,” 87–8; Wischnowsky, Tochter Zion, 13–45, 266. 108 See also the concluding remarks by Wischnowsky, Tochter Zion, 166–274, who convincingly demonstrates that the figure of daughter Zion in the Hebrew Bible should be understood as a transformation of motifs connected with the city goddess in Ancient Near Eastern city laments. 109 See, e.g., the review of scholarship in Baumann, Love, 7–26.

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whole, and—considering that the political and religious leadership was predominantly male—one could even suggest that they were written for a male readership. These men were called to experience in their relationship to their God a type of shame that on a purely social level was appropriate only for females.110 The texts can thus be appreciated as theological coping strategies of their times but only after deconstructing the images of sexual violence as a metaphor for biblical history.

3. A Diachronic View on Clothing, Nudity, and Shame I have demonstrated that there are a number of prophetic texts in the Hebrew Bible that use the motifs of clothing and nudity in the context of prophetic oracles of judgment (Hos. 2; Nah. 3; Isa. 47; Jer. 13; Ezek. 16; 23). Against the background of the marriage metaphor, clothing is part of the divine husband’s provision for his wife and serves to cover her nudity, preserving her from being shamed. Correspondingly, the deprivation of clothing as a punitive measure against the adulterous wife exposes her to shame and sexual violation, reestablishing the honor of the divine husband when he regains control through shaming and even violating the female. It could be shown, moreover, that the use of the metaphor is a means of historical interpretation, reflecting on the demise of the kingdoms of Israel and Judah (722 BCE and 587 BCE) and the ensuing exile(s) as a rightful punishment for the people’s transgressions. An assessment of the texts’ literary relationship has yet to be conducted and cannot be undertaken in full within the scope of this article, but the preceding observations allow for some basic conclusions.111 There is some agreement that the beginnings of the marriage metaphor can be found in the book of Hosea, where the deprivation of clothing and the sexual abuse of the wife (2:4-17) are first employed to depict the disruption between Yhwh and the land/his people. In a second step, it can be assumed that the elaboration of the marriage metaphor in the book of Hosea is used as a blueprint to announce judgment against foreign nations in Isa. 47:1-4 and Nah. 3:1-7*. Even though there is no marital relationship between the foreign cities and Yhwh, the texts employ the imagery of clothing and nudity to announce judgment against a female figure. Apparently, the use of the marriage metaphor in Hos. 2 as a vehicle for a prophecy of judgment had proved so powerful that the ancient reader was expected to decipher the images of judgment in Isa. 47 and Nah. 3 correctly, even if the underlying relationship did not fit the metaphor. A clear case of literary dependence, in my view, is the multilayered oracle of judgment in Jer. 13:18-27, which draws on terminology from both Nah. 3 and Isa. See Hadijev, “Honor,” 337. In her study on Ezek. 23, van Dijk-Hemmes (“Metaphorization,” 169) also emphasizes that the intended audience is “males and at least indirectly also females,” requiring both sexes to identify with the two women. 111 Some scholars have discussed the literary relationship between the prophetic texts dealing with clothing and nudity in the Prophets. For example, Greenberg, Ezekiel 1–20, 298–9, argues for a relative chronology Hosea—Ezekiel/Jeremiah, while Baumann, “Soldat,” 63, arrives at a sequence Hosea 1–3—Jeremiah 13—Isaiah 47; see also her detailed summary in Baumann, Love, 223–8. 110

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47.112 The author of the literary Fortschreibung Jer. 13:20-27* first takes up imagery from Nah. 3 when the divine husband announces that the woman’s skirt will be lifted as a precursor to sexual violation (13:22: ‫גלה ׁשול‬, see Nah 3:5) followed by shameful exposure (13:26: ‫ראה קלון‬, see Nah 3:5). In a variation of the motif, the judgment in Jer. 13:26 further states that the divine husband will strip off the woman’s skirt hems himself, recalling the terminology in Isa. 47:2 (13:26: ‫חׂשף ׁשול‬, see Isa. 47:2: ‫)חׂשף ׁשבל‬. The most significant development in the interpretation of Jer. 13, however, is the clear identification of sexual violence as an image of exile. By means of the Wiederaufnahme of the Hebrew verb ‫ גלה‬in 13:22, the forceful undressing and violation of the female figure serves as an image for the exile of the people of Judah (see 13:19: ‫הגלת יהודה כלה‬ ‫)הגלת ׁשלומים‬. This allegorical dimension is finally consolidated in the extended metaphors in the book of Ezekiel, which present a comprehensive overview of biblical history in the form of female biographies. In both Ezek. 16 and 23, the prosperous period of nationhood is represented by the lavish provisions of the divine husband, while the wives’ shameful behavior identifies cultic and political transgressions as the reason for the downfall of the two kingdoms. Correspondingly, the deprivation of clothing and the sexual violation of the wives serve as a metaphor for the turning points in biblical history, 722 and 587 BCE, and the ensuing periods of exile. Clothing, nudity, and shame are powerful tools for the interpretation of biblical history, as they draw on anthropological codes from everyday life that the biblical reader could relate to and involve metaphors that they could empathize with. As such, these prophetic texts are drastic witnesses to the significant impact of history on the literary production in the Hebrew Bible and attest how biblical authors transformed both language and cultural preconceptions in order to come to terms with the traumatic events of military destruction and exile.

Bibliography Allen, Leslie C. Ezekiel 1–19 (WBC 28). Dallas: Word Books, 1994. Allen, Leslie C. Ezekiel 20–48 (WBC 29). Dallas: Word Books, 1990. Allen, Leslie C. Jeremiah: A Commentary (OTL). Louisville: Westminster John Knox, 2008. Andersen, Francis I. and David N. Freedman. Hosea: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 24). Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1980. Baumann, Gerlinde. “Gott als vergewaltigender Soldat im Alten Testament?” In Machtbeziehungen, Geschlechterdifferenz und Religion, edited by Bernhard Heininger, Stephanie Böhm and Ulrike Sals, 55–67. Münster: LIT Verlag, 2004. Baumann, Gerlinde. Gottesbilder der Gewalt im Alten Testament verstehen. Darmstadt: WBG, 2006. Baumann, Gerlinde. Love and Violence: Marriage as Metaphor for the Relationship between YHWH and Israel in the Prophetic Books. Collegeville, MN: Liturgical Press, 2003. Bechtel, Lyn M. “Shame as a Sanction of Social Control in Biblical Israel: Judicial, Political, and Social Shaming.” JSOT 49 (1991): 47–76.

Similarly, Baumann, “Gott,” 63. 112

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Bender, Claudia. Die Sprache des Textilen: Untersuchungen zu Kleidung und Textilien im Alten Testament (BWANT 177). Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 2008. Berges, Ulrich. Jesaja 40–48 (HThKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2008. Biddle, Mark. “The Figure of Lady Jerusalem: Identification, Deification, and Personification of Cities in the Ancient Near East.” In The Biblical Canon in Comparative Perspective, edited by K. Lawson Younger, William W. Hallo, and Bernard F. Batto, 173–94. Lewiston, NY: E. Mellen Press, 1991. Block, Daniel I. The Book of Ezekiel: Chapters 1–24 (NICOT). Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997. Brayford, Susan A. “To Shame or Not to Shame: Sexuality in the Mediterranean Diaspora.” Semeia 68 (1996): 163–76. Carroll, Robert P. Jeremiah: A Commentary (OTL). London: SCM Press, 1986. Christensen, Daniel L. Nahum (The Anchor Yale Bible 24F). New Haven, CT: Yale University Press, 2009. Craigie, Peter C., Page H. Kelley, and Joel F. Drinkard, Jr. Jeremiah 1–25 (WBC 26). Dallas: Word Books, 1991. Day, Linda. “Rhetoric and Domestic Violence in Ezekiel 16.” BibInt 8 (2000): 205–30. Delaney, Carol. “Seeds of Honor, Fields of Shame.” In Honor and Shame and the Unity of the Mediterranean. A special publication of the American Anthropological Association 22, edited by David D. Gilmore, 35–48. Washington, DC: American Anthropological Association, 1987. Dijk-Hemmes, Fokkelien van. “The Metaphorization of Woman in Prophetic Speech: An Analysis of Ezekiel XXIII.” VT 43 (1993): 162–70. Duhm, Bernhard. Das Buch Jesaja. 5th edn. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1968 [1892]. Eslinger, Lyle. “The Infinite in a Finite Organical Perception (Isaiah VI 1–5).” VT 45 (1995): 145–73. Fitzgerald, Aloysius. “The Mythological Background for the Presentation of Jerusalem as a Queen and False Worship as Adultery in the OT.” CBQ 34 (1972): 403–16. Franke, Chris A. “The Function of the Satiric Lament over Babylon in Second Isaiah.” VT 42 (1991): 409–18. Franzmann, Majella. “The City as Woman: The Case of Babylon in Isaiah 47.” ABR 43 (1995): 1–19. Galambush, Julie. Jerusalem in the Book of Ezekiel: The City as Yahweh’s Wife (SBLDS 130). Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1992. Giovannini, Maureen J. “Female Chastity Codes in the CircumMediterranean: Comparative Perspectives.” In Honor and Shame and the Unity of the Mediterranean (A special publication of the American Anthropological Association 22), edited by David D. Gilmore, 61–74. Washington, DC: American Anthropological Association, 1987. Gordon, Pamela and Harold C. Washington. “Rape as a Military Metaphor.” In A Feminist Companion to the Latter Prophets (FCB 8), edited by Athalya Brenner, 308–25. Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1995. Greenberg, Moshe. Ezekiel 1–20: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 22). Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1983. Greenberg, Moshe. Ezekiel 21–37: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 22A). Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1997. Hadijev, Tchavdar S. “Honor and Shame.” Dictionary of the Old Testament: Prophets, edited by Mark J. Boda and J. Gordon McConville, 333–8. Downers Grove, IL: IVP Academic, 2012.

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Hermisson, Hans-Jürgen. Deuterojesaja 45,8–49,13 (BK XI.2). NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1992. Hölscher, Gustav. Hesekiel: Der Dichter und das Buch: Eine literarkritische Untersuchung (BZAW 39). Giessen: Töpelmann, 1924. Holladay, William L. Jeremiah 1: A Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Jeremiah, Chapters 1–25 (Hermeneia). Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1986. Joüon, Paul and Takamitsu Muraoka. A Grammar of Biblical Hebrew (SubBi 27). Rome: Editrice Pontificio Istituto Biblico, 2006. Kersken, Sabine A. Töchter Zions, wie seid ihr gewandet? Untersuchungen zu Kleidung und Schmuck alttestamentlicher Frauen (AOAT 251). Münster: Ugarit-Verlag, 2008. Kiefer, Jörg. Exil und Diaspora: Begrifflichkeit und Deutungen im antiken Judentum und in der hebräischen Bibel (Arbeiten zur Bibel und ihrer Geschichte 19). Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2005. Klein, Anja. “Uncovering the Nymphomaniac: The verbum ‫ גלח‬and Exile as Sexual Violence in Ezek. 16 and 23.” In Images of Exile in the Prophetic Literature: Copenhagen Conference Proceedings 7–10 May 2017, edited by Jesper Høgenhaven, Frederik Poulsen, and Cian Power (FAT II), 167–86. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2019. Kratz, Reinhard G. “Der Pescher Nahum und seine biblischen Vorlagen.” In Reinhard G. Kratz, Prophetenstudien: Kleine Schriften II, 99–145 (FAT 74). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2011. Krüger, Thomas. Geschichtskonzepte im Ezechielbuch (BZAW 180). Berlin: De Gruyter, 1989. Lipka, Hilary. Sexual Transgression in the Hebrew Bible. Sheffield: Phoenix Press, 2006. Maier, Christl. “Jerusalem als Ehebrecherin in Ezechiel 16: Zur Verwendung und Funktion einer biblischen Metapher.” In Feministische Hermeneutik und Erstes Testament: Analysen und Interpretationen, edited by Hedwig Jahnow et al., 85–105. Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1994. Marböck, Johannes. “‫נבל‬.” TDOT 9 (1998): 157–71. McKane, William. Jeremiah: Vol. I: Introduction and Commentary on Jeremiah I–XXV (ICC). Edinburgh: T&T Clark, 1986. Odell, Margaret S. “The Inversion of Shame and Forgiveness in Ezekiel 16.59–63.” JSOT 56 (1992): 101–12. Olyan, Saul. “‘In the Sight of Her Lovers’: On the Interpretation of nablūt in Hos. 2,12.” BZ 36 (1992): 255–61. Oswalt, John N. The Book of Isaiah: Chapters 40–66 (NICOT). Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1998. Perlitt, Lothar. Die Propheten Nahum, Habakuk, Zephanja (ATD 25.1). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2004. Podella, Thomas. Das Lichtkleid JHWHs: Untersuchungen zur Gestalthaftigkeit Gottes im Alten Testament und seiner altorientalischen Umwelt (FAT 15). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1996. Pohlmann, Karl-Friedrich. Der Prophet Hesekiel/Ezechiel: Kapitel 1–19 (ATD 22.1). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1996. Pohlmann, Karl-Friedrich. Der Prophet Hesekiel/Ezechiel: Kapitel 20–48 (ATD 22.2). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2001. Rudnig-Zelt, Susanne. Hoseastudien: Redaktionskritische Untersuchungen zur Genese des Hoseabuches (FRLANT 213). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2006. Rudolph, Wilhelm. Jeremia (HAT I.12). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1947.

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Sals, Ulrike. Die Biographie der “Hure Babylon”: Studien zur Intertextualität der BabylonTexte in der Bibel (FAT II.6). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2004. Schmid, Konrad. Buchgestalten des Jeremiabuches: Untersuchungen zur Redaktions- und Rezeptionsgeschichte von Jer 30–33 im Kontext des Buches (WMANT 72). NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1996. Schmoldt, Hans. “‫פשט‬.” TDOT XII (2009): 129–32. Seifert, Brigitte. Metaphorisches Reden von Gott im Hoseabuch (FRLANT 168). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1996. Shields, Mary E. “Multiple Exposures: Body Rhetoric and Gender Characterization in Ezekiel 16.” JFSR 14 (1998): 5–18. Spronk, Klaas. Nahum (HCOT). Kampen: Kok Pharos, 1997. Steck, Odil H. “Beobachtungen zu Jesaja 49,14–26.” In Odil H. Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion: Gesammelte Aufsätze zu Deuterojesaja, 47–59 (FAT 4). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1992 [1990]. Steck, Odil H. “Zion als Gelände und Gestalt: Überlegungen zur Wahrnehmung Jerusalems als Stadt und Frau im Alten Testament.” In Odil H. Steck, Gottesknecht und Zion: Gesammelte Aufsätze zu Deuterojesaja, 126–45 (FAT 4). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1992 [1989]. Stiebert, Johanna. The Construction of Shame in the Hebrew Bible. The Prophetic Contribution (JSOTSup 346). Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2002. Stienstra, Nelly. YHWH Is the Husband of His People: Analysis of a Biblical Metaphor with Special Reference to Translation. Kampen: Kok Pharos, 1993. Stone, Ken. Sex, Honor, and Power in the Deuteronomistic History (JSOTSup 234). Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996. Stuart, Douglas. Hosea–Jonah (WBC 31). Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 1988. Tull Willey, Patricia. Remember the Former Things: The Recollection of Previous Texts in Second Isaiah (SBLDS 161). Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1997. Vielhauer, Roman. Das Werden des Buches Hosea: Eine redaktionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung (BZAW 349). Berlin: De Gruyter, 2007. Wacker, Marie-Therese. Figurationen des Weiblichen im Hosea-Buch (HBS 8). Freiburg: Herder, 1996. Watts, John D. Isaiah 34–66: Revised (WBC 25). Nashville: Thomas Nelson, 2000. Weiser, Artur. Das Buch Jeremia: Übersetzt und Erklärt (ATD 20/21). 6th edn. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1969. Westermann, Claus and Rainer Albertz. “‫גלה‬.” THAT 1 (1984): 418–26. Wischnowsky, Marc. Tochter Zion: Aufnahme und Überwindung der Stadtklage in den Prophetenschriften des Alten Testaments (WMANT 89). NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2001. Wöhrle, Jakob. Der Abschluss des Zwölfprophetenbuches: Buchübergreifende Redaktionsprozesse in den späten Sammlungen (BZAW 389). Berlin: De Gruyter, 2008. Wolff, Hans W. Hosea: A Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Hosea (Hermeneia). Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1974 (translation from the German, 1965). Yee, Gale A. Composition and Tradition in the Book of Hosea: A Redaction Critical Investigation (SBLDS 102). Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1987. Zimmerli, Walther. Ezekiel 1: A Commentary on the Book of the Prophet Ezekiel, Chapters 1–24 (Hermeneia). Philadelphia: Fortress Press, 1979 (translation from the German, 1969). Zobel, Hans-Jürgen. “‫גלה‬.” TDOT 2 (1975): 476–88.

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Clean Garments for Joshua The Purification of the High Priest in Zech. 3 Martin Hallaschka

In the book of Zechariah (3:1-10), Joshua the high priest stands before the angel of Yahweh and is confronted by the heavenly accuser, who is in turn rebuked by Yahweh. Following this, the filthy clothes of Joshua the high priest are changed into fine and clean ones. Joshua’s reclothing is connected to the removal of his guilt, and after his reclothing the angel of Yahweh assigns duties, privileges, and promises to Joshua. This action, which takes place in the divine assembly, is described within a vision report (Zech. 3) that is placed at the center of Zechariah’s night visions (Zech. 1:7–6:8). This study seeks to explain the function and meaning of the changing of Joshua’s garments.

1.  The Vision of Joshua the High Priest (Zech. 3) within the Context of the Cycle of Zechariah’s Night Visions (Zech. 1:7–6:8) Within the book of Zechariah, chs. 1–8 form a unit that is marked by three superscriptions in Zech. 1:1, 7, and 7:1. In contrast to the superscriptions in Zech. 9:1; 12:1, which consist of the formula ‫מׂשא דבר יהוה‬,1 each of the superscriptions in Zech. 1:1, 7, and 7:1 contain a date formula that is combined with performative speech (Wortereignisformel).2 Thus, Zech. 1–8 has a structure of three subunits. The first one is the prologue (Zech. 1:1-6), which calls upon Zechariah’s audience to repent. The Cf. also Mal. 1:1. 2 The date formulas in Zech. 1; 7 vary: In contrast to Zech. 1:7; 7:1, in Zech. 1:1 the precise day is not given with the date formula, and only the date formulas in Zech. 1:7; 7:1 contain the name of the month. In Zech. 7:1 Zechariah’s patronymic is missing, but it is mentioned in Zech. 1:1, 7. Moreover, in Zech. 7:1 Darius is called ‫ המלך‬but not in Zech. 1:1, 7. Besides, the book of Haggai is structured by date formulas similar to those in Zech. 1:1, 7; 7:1, cf. Hag. 1:1, 15a; 1:15b–2:1, 10, 18, 20. The regnal year notice of Hag. 1:15b most likely belongs to the date given in 2:1. Otherwise, the regnal year would not be mentioned in the introduction of the second oracle, cf., e.g., Wolff, Dodekapropheton, 40–1; Rudolph, Haggai, 30 n. 15a; Beuken, Haggai, 48–9; Willi-Plein, Haggai, 29; Sweeney, Prophets, 529, 533; Leuenberger, Haggai, 32–4. Pace, e.g., Assis, “To Build,” 519–20. 1

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second subunit (Zech. 1:7–6:15) is the cycle of eight night visions (1:7–6:8), which is concerned with the restitution of Jerusalem and Judah and is followed by the sign-act of the crowning of Joshua the high priest (6:9-15). The cycle of Zechariah’s night visions (1:7–6:8) is a carefully designed unit consisting of eight visions. It has a concentric structure and follows a strict symmetry (visions 1 and 8, 2 and 7, etc. correspond to each other). The visions of Joshua the high priest (Zech. 3) and of the golden lampstand and olive trees (Zech. 4) thus form the double center of the text. Following the outline of the vision cycle, it is noteworthy that the act of removing Joshua’s unclean garments and dressing him with clean garments is situated in the center of the whole vision cycle. Moreover, the content and form of the vision report in Zech. 3 deviate from that of the other seven visions.3 In contrast to the other visions, the interpreting angel (‫המלאך‬ ‫הדבר בי‬,4 “the angel who talked with me”) is not mentioned. In Zech. 3, the angel of Yahweh (‫מלאך יהוה‬, 3:1, 5-6; cf. also v. 3, where the angel of Yahweh is only named ‫)מלאך‬ appears instead.5 While in Zechariah’s other visions the interpreting angel has to explain the various images to the prophet, the meaning of the scene in Zech. 3 is not hidden. Zechariah sees different characters he can identify. A concrete, historical person is among them, that is, Joshua the high priest. Zechariah 3 is the only instance where a concrete person is mentioned within the vision report proper.6 Therefore, the prophet does not have to ask for its meaning. Consequently, the angel of Yahweh does not function as an interpreting angel but rather as Yahweh’s substitute and mediator, removing Joshua’s iniquity (cf. Zech. 3:4). A dialogue between the angel and Zechariah, which is a basic element of the other visions, is completely missing. Yet the prophet speaks in v. 5, stating that a clean turban shall be placed on Joshua’s head. Though the angel of Yahweh does not talk to Zechariah—in contrast to the interpreting angel of the other visions—the angel speaks to Joshua in the course of the vision (3:4, 6). Already the beginning of the vision in Zech. 3:1 is unusual compared to the other visions. The vision report in 3:1 commences with ‫ויראני‬, which occurs only one other time within the vision cycle, that is, in 2:3.7 However, in ch. 2 it does not appear at the beginning but in the middle of the vision of the horns and craftsmen (2:1-4). While Zech. 2:3 mentions Yahweh as the subject, in 3:1 ‫ ויראני‬is used without naming the subject. Thus, it is not fully clear whether the subject of 3:1 is Yahweh or the angel of Yahweh. However, since the angel of Yahweh is part of the vision and considering the parallel in 2:3, it is more likely that the subject of ‫ ויראני‬is Yahweh.8 3 On the form of Zechariah’s visions, see Boda, Zechariah, 87–100; Boda, “Writing,” 83–100; Tiemeyer, Zechariah, esp. 45–57. 4 Cf. Zech. 1:9, 13-14; 2:2, 7; 4:1, 4-5; 5:5, 10; 6:4. The interpreting angel is also referred to in 6:5, designated simply as ‫המלאך‬. 5 Within Zech. 1–8, the only other occurrences of the ‫ מלאך יהוה‬apart from ch. 3 are in 1:11-12. 6 Joshua is further mentioned in the sign-act of the crowning of Joshua; cf. Zech. 6:11. Furthermore, Zerubbabel is mentioned in the oracles in 4:6-10. 7 The Hiphil of ‫ ראה‬also occurs in Zech. 1:9 (‫)אראך‬. Here, however, it is used in the sense of “to explain”; cf. Boda, Zechariah, 217 n. 1. 8 Thus with, e.g., Hanhart, Sacharja, 167–8; Boda, Zechariah, 217–18. Pace Petersen, Haggai, 188, who opts for a member of the divine assembly, probably the interpreting angel, or Sweeney, Prophets, 594–5, who holds a similar view.

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Thus, given the unique content and central position of Zech. 3 within the cycle of Zechariah’s night visions, the issue of Joshua’s garments and reclothing can be regarded as a key moment within the night visions.

2.  Observations on the Final Form of Zech. 3 2.1 Outline of Zech. 3 Zechariah 3 depicts a visionary scene which unfolds progressively.9 The visionary action is situated in the heavenly realm.10 It portrays the atonement of Joshua the high priest and his clothing with clean garments while the heavenly accuser, ‫( הׂשטן‬Zech. 3:2), is rebuked.11 Within the vision report, the vision proper (Zech. 3:1-5) is followed by an oracular unit (Zech. 3:6-10) pertaining to the high priest’s office and tasks.12 The various characters of the vision are introduced gradually. Joshua the high priest (‫)יהוׁשע הכהן הגדול‬, the angel of Yahweh (‫)מלאך יהוה‬, and the accuser (‫ )הׂשטן‬are named in the introductory verse (Zech. 3:1). The next verse, v. 2, reports that Yahweh speaks to the accuser.13 Verse 4 names “those who were standing” (‫)העמדים‬, who have not been mentioned previously. Given the fact that ‫ עמד‬is also used with reference to Joshua the high priest in Zech. 3:1, 3, the accuser in 3:1, and the angel of Yahweh in 3:5 as well as the seraphs in Isa. 6:2, the host of heaven in 1 Kgs 22:19, and the spirit in 1 Kgs 22:21, ‫ העמדים‬can be understood as other members of the divine assembly. Finally, in Zech. 9 Cf. Tiemeyer, Zechariah, 116–46. 10 Cf. Tidwell, “Wā’ōmar,” esp. 347–55; C. Jeremias, Nachtgesichte, 203–6; Delkurt, Nachtgesichte, 148; Kee, “Council,” 259–73; Stead, Intertextuality, 156–7. 11 Rendering ‫ הׂשטן‬into “the accuser” forms the consensus, cf., e.g., Day, Adversary, 17–43; Breytenbach and Day, “Satan,” 726–32; Rudman, “Zechariah,” 191–209. “The accuser” should not be understood as a regular office or position but as a temporary task that can be performed by various persons. Having some forerunners, Stokes recently challenged this consensus; cf. Stokes, “Satan,” 251–70; Stokes, “Demon,” 267–9; Stokes, “Laundry,” 1255–9. According to Stokes, the verb ‫ ׂשטן‬means “to attack” and, more specifically, “to execute,” and ‫ הׂשטן‬accordingly means “the attacker” or “the executioner,” respectively, in every occurrence. Yet Stokes’s interpretation seems forced and narrows down the semantic range of ‫ ׂשטן‬too strongly to one aspect of the meaning of ‫ׂשטן‬. As to Job 1–2, Stokes concedes: “Job’s depiction of the Satan, of course, goes well beyond the notion of a simple executioner” (Stokes, “Demon,” 269). Regarding Zech. 3, Stokes mainly bases his interpretation on intertextual links with Isa. 6 and thus limits his interpretation of ‫ הׂשטן‬in Zech. 3:2 to the aspect that Joshua might be killed by the executioner because of Joshua’s impurity, just as Isaiah fears that he is lost because he is impure and has seen Yahweh; see Stokes, “Laundry,” 1247–64. Certain parallels between Isa. 6 and Zech. 3 are evident (both are visions of the heavenly council), and the form of Zech. 3 may to a certain extent have been modeled on Isa. 6; cf. esp. Tidwell, “Wā’ōmar,” 343–55; C. Jeremias, Nachtgesichte, 203–6; Delkurt, Nachtgesichte, 168–71; Stead, Intertextuality, 156; Tiemeyer, Zechariah, 119. The differences regarding the setting, the role of the members of the divine assembly (including ‫ הׂשטן‬in Zech. 3, who does not have a counterpart in Isa. 6), the role of Isaiah and Joshua, respectively, and the character of ‫ עון‬have to be kept in mind; cf. already C. Jeremias, Nachtgesichte, 203–6; Delkurt, Nachtgesichte, 168–71. 12 The issue of the division of Zech. 3 is discussed by Tiemeyer, Vision Report, 131–2. 13 The text of the Syriac version reads ‫מלאך יהוה‬, which is a harmonization of the text and thus the Masoretic Text can be regarded as the lectio difficilior. The other ancient versions confirm the Masoretic Text. Therefore, the reading of the Masoretic Text should be kept, thus with Meyers and Meyers, Haggai, 179–80; Schöttler, Gott, 87–8; Hanhart, Sacharja, 168 n. 2a; contra C. Jeremias, Nachtgesichte, 204 n. 4; Petersen, Haggai, 186–7; Delkurt, Nachtgesichte, 141–2 n. 1.

528

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3:5 the prophet actively takes part in the scene.14 Zechariah recommends that a clean turban (‫ )צניף טהור‬be put on the high priest’s head.15

2.2 The Garments Described in Zech. 3 The vision report mentions Joshua’s garments which are changed in vv. 3-5, namely “(the) filthy clothes” in vv. 3a, 4a (‫ בגדים צואים‬and ‫ הבגדים הצאים‬respectively), “festive garments” in v. 4b (‫ )מחלצות‬and the “clean/pure turban” (‫ צניף טהור‬and ‫הצניף הטהור‬ respectively) in v. 5. Verse 5 also states that “they” (apparently “those who were standing” from v. 4, who were to take off Joshua’s filthy clothes) clothed him with garments (‫)וילבׁשהו בגדים‬.16 Finally, the stone that is set before Joshua in v. 9 (‫ )האבן אׁשר נתתי לפני יהוׁשע‬may be related to priestly vestments. In a first step I shall investigate the terms used for clothing. In a second step I shall interpret the meaning of the act of changing Joshua’s garments. Here, it is noteworthy that not only his name is given but also his designation as high priest.

2.2.1  Terms Used for Clothing 2.2.1.1 Filthy Clothes (‫בגדים צואים‬, vv. 3-4) While ‫ בגד‬is used by P,17 the adjective ‫ צאי‬is not a specifically priestly term.18 In the Hebrew Bible, ‫ צאי‬only occurs in Zech. 3:3-4. It is related to the nouns ‫( צֵָאה‬Deut. 23:14; Ezek. 4:12) and ‫( צָֹאה‬2 Kgs 18:27 [Qere]//Isa. 36:12 [Qere]; Isa. 4:4; 28:8; Prov. 30:12), which mean “excrement” (Deut. 23:14; 2 Kgs 18:27//Isa. 36:12; Ezek. 4:12; Prov. 30:12). In Isa. 28:8, it denotes “vomit.” The first person of the Masoretic Text (‫ )ואמר‬is a matter of debate. However, it seems to be the original reading and represents the lectio difficilior (cf. Tidwell, “Wā’ōmar,” 344; Meyers and Meyers, Haggai, 190–1; Stead, Intertextuality, 158–9 n. 91; Boda, Zechariah, 228 n. y). This first person obviously was regarded as problematic by the ancient versions. The LXX changes the 2ms of the promise in Zech. 3:4bβ (‫ )והלבׁש אתך מחלצות‬to the 2mp imperative (καὶ ἐνδύσατε αὐτὸν ποδήρη) and omits the verb at the beginning of v. 5 so that vv. 4bβ-5a are read as a continuation of the command in v. 4a. The text of the Septuagint is preferred by Wellhausen, Propheten, 174; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 409. Peshitta, Vulgate, and Targumic readings have the 3ms instead of MT’s 1cs. According to this textual version, the subject in v. 5 is the angel of Yahweh who speaks once more. This reading is preferred by Petersen, Haggai, 187, 197; Hanhart, Sacharja, 171–2 n. 5a; Delkurt, Nachtgesichte, 143–4 n. 2. Those who emend MT’s 1cs in favor of the 3ms sometimes argue that it would be inappropriate if the prophet took action within the heavenly council; cf. Hanhart, Sacharja, 171. However, in the other seven visions, Zechariah communicates with the angelic beings. Moreover, it can be argued that also in Isa. 6:5, 8 the prophet Isaiah begins to speak in the realm of the divine assembly, cf. Tidwell, “Wā’ōmar,” 344. According to Reventlow, Propheten, 53, the prophet’s first-person speech could also hint at the importance of the clean turban (‫)צניף טהור‬. 15 ‫ יׂשימו‬can be understood as a jussive; see Reventlow, Propheten, 51 n. 46. 16 The 3mp without defining the subject is already used in the preceding phrase: ‫ויׂשימו הצניף הטהור על‬ ‫ראׁשו‬. Here, of course, the subject is also “those who were standing” (‫)העמדים‬. 17 Cf., e.g., Exod. 28:2-4; 29:5, 21, 29; 31:10; 35:19, 21; Lev. 8:2, 30; 16:4, 23-24, 26, 28, 32. 18 The cultic, priestly term would be ‫ ;טמא‬cf. Delkurt, Nachtgesichte, 160. ‫ טמא‬is used, e.g., Lev. 11; 13. The antonym of ‫ טמא‬is ‫טהור‬, cf., e.g., Lev. 11; 13. 14

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529

In Isa. 4:4 the noun ‫ צָֹאה‬describes the filth of the daughters of Zion (‫)צאת בנות ציון‬ that the Lord (‫ )אדני‬will wash away.19 Using metaphorical language, Isa. 4:4 deals with the cultic and moral defilement of the Jerusalemites.20 The word on the cleansing of the Jerusalemites in 4:4 is part of the oracle 4:2-6 that announces salvation after the judgment, which is understood as an act of cleansing.21 Given the context of the passage Isa. 4:2-6, the daughters of Zion refer back to the oracle against the women of Jerusalem in Isa. 3:16-4:1, who are also named ‫ בנות ציון‬in 3:16-17.22

2.2.1.2 Festive Garments (‫מחלצות‬, v. 4) The term ‫ מחלצות‬is also very rare in the Hebrew Bible, found only in Zech. 3:4b and Isa. 3:22. Again, it is not a priestly technical term. The meaning of ‫ מחלצות‬must be derived from Isa. 3:22. In Isa. 3 ‫ מחלצות‬belongs to a list that enumerates the finery, jewelry, and clothing of the haughty Jerusalemite women in great detail (3:18-23; cf. 3:16-17). The various terms in this list are not easy to interpret, since many of them are hapax legomena or occur very rarely in the Hebrew Bible.23 The term ‫ מחלצות‬is thus part of the description of the women’s fine and rich clothing which has to be kept in mind for the rendering of the term.24 It may derive from the root ‫ חלץ‬I,25 meaning “to take/strip/draw off ” and would thus refer to gowns that are “taken off in ordinary life.”26 Based on Arabic ḫalaṣa (“to be pure, white”), Akkadian ḫalāṣu (“to purify”27), and the context of Zech. 3, Thomas has suggested that ‫מחלצות‬ should be derived from a root ‫ חלץ‬II meaning “to be clean, pure.” Hence ‫ מחלצות‬would mean “clean, pure, white garments.”28 However, “although it is clear . . . that ‫ַמ ֲחלָצֹות‬ refers to fine clothes of some kind, its precise meaning is unknown.”29

Since Isa. 4:4 speaks of the ‫ צָֹאה‬of the daughters of Zion that will be washed away (‫רחץ‬, cf. Prov. 30:12 in parallelism with the ‫ דם‬of Jerusalem that will be rinsed away), some scholars interpret ‫ צָֹאה‬in 4:4 as menstrual blood; cf. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah, 204; Boda, Zechariah, 235. However, this interpretation may be too narrow; cf. Williamson, Isaiah, 312. 20 Cf. Kaiser, Jesaja, 95; Williamson, Isaiah, 312–13. 21 Cf. Williamson, Isaiah, 305; Schmid, Jesaja, 77–8. Blenkinsopp, Isaiah, 204, characterizes Isa. 4:2-6 as follows: “The passage bringing closure to this first section of the book combines, then, the themes of political disaster survived, purification, and Jerusalem temple liturgy in a scenario of restoration that we will encounter again in the final chapter of the book.” 22 Cf. Kaiser, Jesaja, 95; Williamson, Isaiah, 312; contra Blenkinsopp, Isaiah, 204. Beuken, Jesaja, 126–7, suggests that ‫ צָֹאה‬in 4:4 does not only refer back to the accusation of the luxurious and haughty women of 3:16-24 but also anticipates the vomit (‫ )צָֹאה‬of the undutiful priests and prophets in 28:8. 23 Within Isa. 3:16-24, Blenkinsopp, Isaiah, 201, counts thirteen hapax legomena and another ten words that only have two references. Williamson’s observation that the items of the list in 3:18-23 often appear in pairs may be helpful in understanding the various terms; see Williamson, Isaiah, 277. 24 For discussion of the meaning of ‫מחלצות‬, see also Williamson, Isaiah, 281–2; Wolters, Zechariah, 93–4; Boda, Zechariah, 237–8. 25 See Ges., s.v. ‫מחלצות‬. 26 BDB, s.v. ‫( מחלצה‬emphasis original). 27 Whether ḫalāṣu indeed means “to purify” is uncertain. The basic meaning of ḫalāṣu seems to be “to comb out, filter” and of ḫalṣu I “combed, filtered”; cf. Black, George, and Postgate, Dictionary; AHw; CAD s.v. ḫalāṣu and ḫalṣu. 28 See Thomas, “Note,” 279–80; cf. HALOT, s.v. ‫מחלצה‬. 29 Wolters, Zechariah, 93–4. 19

530

530

Clothing and Nudity in the Hebrew Bible

As mentioned above, ‫ מחלצות‬occurs in Isa. 3:22 within a detailed list (3:18-23) that describes the jewelry and clothes of the Jerusalemite women. The oracles of judgment against the women of Jerusalem (3:16–4:1) have their counterpart in the oracles of judgment against the male elite of Jerusalem (3:1-15).30 Judgment is announced to these women (cf. 3:16–4:1) because they are haughty (‫גבּה‬, v. 16): Isaiah’s condemnation of women is thus not a case of misogyny, nor of antagonism to enjoyment of the good things of life in general, nor of a hidden suggestion that these luxuries have been obtained by social oppression . . . Rather, as with many other examples through this passage (beginning at 2.6), so too now the women come under the condemnation that they have sought to usurp that position which is God’s alone. Unusual as it may seem to us, the description in the following two lines must therefore, in Isaiah’s view, be illustrative of this basic attitude; they are all things whereby the women sought to draw attention to themselves, which nobody who was conscious of the majesty of God would want to do.31

2.2.1.3 Clean/Pure Turban (‫צניף טהור‬, v. 5) Once more, ‫ צניף‬is not the proper term for the priestly headgear, either. This would be ‫( מצנפת‬cf. Exod. 28:4, 37, 39; 29:6; 39:28, 31; Lev. 8:9; 16:4).32 Apart from Zech. 3:5, ‫ צניף‬only has three more references, namely Isa. 3:23; 62:3 (Qere), and Job 29:14. With regard to Isa. 62:3, it is sometimes assumed that ‫ צניף‬indicates royal overtones.33 Yet, as Stead has pointed out, the royal connotation in Isa. 62:3 is only created by the attributive ‫מלוכה‬.34 It is noteworthy that the term ‫ צניף‬occurs in the list of items of the haughty Jerusalemite women’s finery (3:18-23) as well, namely in v. 23.35 The adjective ‫טהור‬, however, is part of proper cultic and priestly language, it “can indicate ritual cleanliness as well as physical and moral purity.”36 Regarding the high priest’s garments it is used to specify the quality of gold (‫ )זהב טהור‬needed to make the ephod (‫אפד‬, Exod. 28:6-14, here v. 14), the breastpiece (‫חׁשן‬, Exod. 28:15-30, here v. 22; 39:8-21, here v. 15), the rosette/plate (‫ציץ‬, Exod. 28:36-38, here v. 36; 39:30-31, here v. 30), which is attached to the turban (‫)מצנפת‬, and the bells at the hem of the robe (‫פעמן‬, Exod. 39:25-26, here v. 25).37

Schmid, Jesaja, 75. 31 Williamson, Isaiah, 289. 32 In Ezek. 21:31, however, ‫ מצנפת‬is used for a royal headpiece. 33 Cf. C. Jeremias, Nachtgesichte, 210; Petersen, Haggai, 198; Meyers and Meyers, Haggai, 192. 34 Stead, Intertextuality, 160. See also the discussion in VanderKam, Joshua, 557; Tiemeyer, Zechariah, 131. 35 On this list, see Section 2.2.1.2. Jauhiainen, “Turban,” 501–11, suggests that ‫ צניף‬in Zech. 3:5 and ‫עטרת‬ in 6:9-15 allude to Ezek. 21:29-32; cf. esp. 21:31. Yet Ezek. 21:31 does not read ‫ צניף‬in connection with ‫ עטרה‬but ‫מצנפת‬. Thus, it is rather unlikely that Zech. 3:1-10 and 6:9-15 contain an allusion to Ezek. 21:29-32. 36 Petersen, Haggai, 198. Cf., e.g., Lev. 11; 13. 37 On the high priest’s garments, see Dohmen, Exodus, 264–9; Fischer and Markl, Exodus, 297–302, 376–9; Albertz, Exodus, 186–205, 350–64. 30

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After the notice that “they” (i.e., ‫העמדים‬, cf. Zech. 3:4) put the ‫ צניף‬on the high priest’s head (‫ויׂשימו הצניף הטהור על ראׁשו‬, v. 5b) according to the angel of Yahweh’s command in v. 5a, v. 5b continues to state that “they” clothed him with garments (‫)וילבׁשהו בגדים‬. This again differs from the order of the priestly praxis, which mentions the turban (‫ )מצנפת‬as the last item to put on (cf. Exod. 29:5-6; Lev. 8:7-9; Lev. 16:4), “as one might expect in normal dressing procedure.”38

2.2.1.4 The Stone That Is Set before Joshua (‫האבן אׁשר נתתי לפני יהוׁשע‬, v. 9) The stone mentioned in Zech. 3:9 has been interpreted in different ways. The two main approaches are either to interpret the ‫ אבן‬as part of the high priest’s vestment or to understand it as the foundation or final stone of the temple. According to one approach, the stone that is set before Joshua is part of the priestly garments described in Exod. 28; 39 since Zech. 3:1-5 deals with the reclothing of Joshua. In this interpretation, the stone refers to the rosette (‫ )ציץ‬of the turban,39 which is made of pure gold (Exod. 38:36; 39:30, cf. Zech. 3:5: ‫ )צניף טהור‬or to the stones (‫ )אבן‬of the ephod (‫אפד‬, Exod. 28:6-14, here vv. 10-12; 39:2-7, here vv. 6-7) and the breastpiece (‫חׁשן‬, Exod. 28:15-30, here vv. 17, 21; 39:8-21, here vv. 10, 14).40 The phrase ‫על אבן אחת‬ ‫ ׁשבעה עינים‬is then understood as seven facets on one stone.41 In addition to the fact that both Exod. 28; 39 and Zech. 3 refer to the high priest’s clothing and that the turban is given special attention in both passages, those who advocate this hypothesis point to the fact that both texts mention an inscription that is engraved (‫הנני מפתח פתחה‬, Zech. 3:9; ‫פתח פתוח‬, Exod. 28:36; cf. 28:9, 11, 21; 39:6 for ephod and breastpiece) and that both texts deal with the removal of guilt (Zech. 3:9: ‫ ;ומׁשתי את עון הארץ ההיא ביום אחד‬Exod. 28:38: ‫)ונׂשא אהרן את עון הקדׁשים‬.42 Yet, while on the one hand the ephod and breastpiece have stones, they have two plus twelve stones and not just one like in Zech. 3:9. On the other hand, the rosette on Boda, Zechariah, 240. Cf. Meyers and Meyers, Haggai, 192; Reventlow, Propheten, 54; Delkurt, Nachtgesichte, 160. 39 Cf. (with minor variants) Mitchell, “Haggai,” 157–9; Petersen, Haggai, 211–12; Schöttler, Gott, 376– 80; Tiemeyer, Rites, 249–51; Tiemeyer, Zechariah, 140–1; Stead, Intertextuality, 169–70. 40 The ephod and breastpiece are inseparably connected (cf. Dohmen, Exodus, 267). According to VanderKam, Joshua, 567–70; VanderKam, “High Priests,” 33–4, the formulation ‫על אבן אחת ׁשבעה‬ ‫ עינים‬should be interpreted as seven pairs of eyes/facets which equal the number of fourteen stones (two on the ephod, twelve on the breastpiece) of Aaron’s vestment. Hanhart, Sacharja, 199; Boda, Zechariah, 259–61, mention the rosette as well as the stones of the ephod and breastpiece. 41 Cf., e.g., Mitchell, “Haggai,” 157; Boda, Zechariah, 250–1 n. m, 259–60. I am indebted to PD Dr. Susanne Rudnig-Zelt (Kiel University) who made me aware of the fact that in the ancient Near East faceting is not attested in Persian-period gem cutting which makes the rendering of ‫ עינים‬into “facets” unlikely, cf. Wolters, Zechariah, 105. Cf. Niemeyer and Michel, “Gem Cutting”: “Facetting is only attested since the Middle Ages.” 42 The inscription on the stone in Zech. 3:9 is sometimes combined with the notion of the seven eyes and is thus understood to bear an inscription similar to Exod. 28:36: ‫קדׁש ליהו‬, cf. Petersen, Haggai, 212. Yet the Hebrew Bible only names the inscription with eight letters: ‫( קדׁש ליהוה‬Exod. 28:36; 39:30). The suggestion of Sweeney, “Targum,” 278, that the seven eyes equal the number of the different consonants in ‫ קדׁש ליהוה‬seems to be a bit forced. Other hypotheses on the inscription in Zech. 3:9 are Zerubbabel’s name on the king’s diadem (Wellhausen, Propheten, 181), the Tetragrammaton on the ‫( כפרת‬Rudolph, Haggai, 101–2), Joshua’s name on the foundation stone of the temple (Reventlow, Propheten, 56), and an inscription on its capstone (Duhm, Anmerkungen, 80). 38

532

532

Clothing and Nudity in the Hebrew Bible

the turban is just one item, but it is made of metal and not of stone. The eight letters of the inscription ‫( קדׁש ליהוה‬Exod. 28:36; 39:30) do not fit very well with the seven eyes/ facets in Zech. 3:9. Moreover, the nature of the guilt (‫ )עון‬that shall be removed in Zech. 3:9 is quite different from that in Exod. 28:38. The term ‫ עון הקדׁשים‬in Exod. 28:38 refers to Aaron’s responsibilities regarding holiness and purity in cultic matters and the dangers implied with this concept. In Zech. 3:9, the aspect of ‫ עון‬is much broader, since the guilt of the land shall be removed on one day by Yahweh (‫)ומׁשתי את עון הארץ ההיא ביום אחד‬. Yet, Zech. 3:9 most likely refers to the Day of Atonement (Lev. 16).43 With regard to the differences between Zech. 3 and Exod. 28; 39, I suggest to opt for the second approach, that is, to connect the stone in Zech. 3:9 to material within Zech. 1–8, namely to Zech. 4.44 This chapter mentions specific stones of the temple (v. 7b: ‫האבן הראׁשה‬, v. 10a: ‫ )האבן הבדיל‬that belong to the foundation ceremony. In v. 10, the reference to the seven eyes follows immediately: ‫את האבן הבדיל ביד זרבבל ׁשבעה אלה‬ ‫עיני יהוה המה מׁשוטטים בכל הארץ‬.45 Thus, the stone mentioned in Zech. 3:9 would not be primarily connected to the high priest’s garments. However, the wording ‫פתח פתוח‬, which is used in Zech. 3:9 and Exod. 28:11, 36; 39:6, and the context of clothing could imply that the addressees of Zech. 3 should find overtones of Exod. 28; 39.46 Still, it should be noted that the wording ‫ פתח פתוח‬also appears in 2 Chron. 2:6, 13 within the context of temple building.

2.2.1.5 Conclusions As a first result of the survey of terms used for clothing, it can be concluded that (apart from ‫ )טהור‬Zech. 3:3-5 does not use specific technical terms to describe the garments of Joshua the high priest. Moreover, Zech. 3:3-5 shows clear references to Isa. 3:1–4:6,47 namely the fine clothing of the Jerusalemite women (3:18-23, here vv. 22-23) and the filth of the daughters of Zion that will be cleansed (4:4). The term “sprout/shoot” (‫)צמח‬ can be added as another example,48 though it has different connotations in Zech. 3:8 Cf. Hanhart, Sacharja, 189; Pola, Priestertum, 213–18; Tiemeyer, Rites, 249–51; Tiemeyer, Vision Report, 137–8; Stead, Intertextuality, 170, 172; Boda, Zechariah, 260–1. On Lev. 16 and the Day of Atonement, see, e.g., Milgrom, Leviticus, 1009–84; Körting, “Gegenwart,” 221–46; Hieke, Levitikus, 557–611. It is noteworthy that the high priest’s service in the adytum on the Day of Atonement required that he change from his ordinary garments to linen vestments (cf. Lev. 16:4, 23-24). On the function of this change of garments, see Milgrom, Leviticus, 1016–17. However, further rites of the Day of Atonement do not find an echo in Zech. 3. 44 Beuken, Haggai, 285–90; Reventlow, Propheten, 56; Jauhiainen, “Turban,” 508 n. 34, with regard to the foundation stone; Duhm, Anmerkungen, 80; Marti, Dodekapropheton, 411, think of the capstone. Meyers and Meyers, Haggai, 204–11; Willi-Plein, Haggai, 89, find either a reference to the high priest’s garments or the temple building plausible. For fuller discussion, see Hallaschka, Haggai, 193–206. 45 Within the context of Zech. 4, the seven eyes of Yahweh that range through the whole earth are an interpretation of the seven lamps (‫ )ׁשבעה נרת‬of the golden lampstand. 46 Cf. Meyers and Meyers, Haggai, 205–11. 47 Cf. Tollington, Tradition, 156–7; Delkurt, Nachtgesichte, 160–9, 189–90; Tiemeyer, Zechariah, 131–3; Boda, Zechariah, 217–62; Boda, “Perspectives,” 120–213. 48 On the etymology and meaning of ‫ צמח‬see Rose, Zemah, 91–120. 43

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and Isa. 4:2. While in Zech. 3:8 ‫ עבדי צמח‬refers to a future figure,49 in Isa. 4:2 ‫ צמח יהוה‬is “a reference to what God will make to grow in the natural realm.”50 The vision report on the reclothing of Joshua the high priest alludes to Isa. 3:1–4:6 because it seeks to show that the judgment on the inhabitants of Jerusalem (3:1–4:1) is over, that the time of salvation has begun, and that Joshua is cleansed, as announced in Isa. 4:2-6. The allusions to Isa. 3:1–4:6 do not imply negative overtones.51 It should be noted that Zech. 3 alludes to Isa. 3:1–4:6 in reverse order. The terms ‫ מחלצות‬and ‫ צניף‬in the oracles of judgment in Isa. 3:22-23 are used in Zech. 3:4-5 to describe Joshua’s clean, new garments when his guilt (‫ )עונך‬is removed by the angel of Yahweh, whereas the adjective ‫ צאי‬signifies Joshua’s garments before his guilt is removed (3:3). The equivalent ‫ צאה‬is found within the salvation oracle Isa. 4:2-6 and regards the judgment of the daughters of Zion as an act of cleansing. Finally, the verb ‫ סור‬Hiphil has the reverse meaning in Isa. 3:18 and Zech. 3:4. Whereas the Lord (‫ )אדני‬will take away the finery of the Jerusalemite women as a sign of judgment,52 the angel of Yahweh declares that he will take away the filthy clothes as a sign of salvation.

2.2.2  The Meaning of the Act of Changing Joshua’s Garments In Zech. 3:1-5, the act of Joshua’s reclothing is connected to the removal of his guilt (‫)עון‬, and this removal of guilt is the precondition for the duties and privileges (vv. 7-10) that the angel of Yahweh commissions Joshua to fulfill (‫ עוד‬Hiphil, v. 6).53 One should keep in mind that Joshua is not only mentioned by name but also by his office as high priest (‫יהוׁשע‬ ‫הכהן הגדול‬, v. 1).54 While the act of reclothing symbolizes the removal of guilt, it is a matter of debate whether the change of clothing refers to the investiture of the high priest or only to his restitution. The question whether Joshua’s guilt (‫ )עון‬only pertains to him or to the entire postexilic community is also debated.55 Obviously, Zech. 3 does not use technical terms specifying the high priest’s garments in Exod. 28; 39 and does not show reflexes of the rites reported in Exod. 28–29; 39;

49 For a fuller discussion see Hallaschka, Haggai, 197–8, 266–9, 308; Wöhrle, “Hierocracy,” 188–9. 50 Williamson, Isaiah, 307; cf. Delkurt, Nachtgesichte, 161–6, 189; Boda, Zechariah, 217–62; Boda, “Perspectives,” 122. 51 Cf. Tollington, Tradition, 156–7; contra Tiemeyer, Zechariah, 131–3; Boda, Zechariah, 217–62; Boda, “Perspectives,” 120–3. 52 The verb ‫ סור‬Hiphil already occurs in Isa. 3:1. 53 According to Simian-Yofre, “‫עוד‬,” 510–11, in Zech. 3:6 ‫ עוד‬means to “admonish.” Wolters, Zechariah, 95–6, points to the fact that in Zech. 3:6 “the verb introduces a conditional promise (‘If you do this, I give you that’), so that in this context it should not be translated ‘forewarned’ (JPS), or ‘enjoined’ (RSV), or ‘gave this charge’ (NIV), but rather ‘assured’ (NRSV), with a suggestion of seriousness or solemnity” (ibid., 95, emphasis original). Thus, negative implications of ‫ עוד‬should not be overinterpreted, contra Tiemeyer, Priesthood, 11–14; Boda, “Perspectives,” 123 (yet see Boda, Zechariah, 242–4, for a more nuanced view). 54 Cf. Tiemeyer, Zechariah, 121. 55 For an overview of the main positions in recent scholarship, see Stokes, “Laundry,” 1251–5; Tiemeyer, Zechariah, 129–33; Boda, Zechariah, 223–4.

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Lev. 8. For example, anointment (Exod. 29:7; Lev. 8:12) or offerings (Exod. 29:10-37; Lev. 8:14-30) are not mentioned.56 It should also be taken into account that Joshua is already designated as high priest (‫הכהן הגדול‬, Zech. 3:1) before his clothes are changed. It is therefore likely that Zech. 3 does not refer to Joshua’s investiture but rather to his restitution after the exile.57 With regard to the destroyed temple, Joshua’s cleansing and restitution was necessary in order to secure the regular cult.58 As to the question of whose guilt (‫ )עון‬in Zech. 3:4 stands for (Joshua’s individual guilt59 or the guilt of the people who were in or survived exile60), in light of the context it likely comprises aspects of both individual and collective guilt.61 On the one hand, it is obvious that Joshua as an individual is connected to the ‫ עון‬mentioned in v. 4. It is he who wears filthy garments (v. 3), and the three 2ms suffixes in v. 4b explicitly point at Joshua: ‫ראה‬ ‫העברתי מעליך עונך והלבׁש אתך מחלצות‬. Furthermore, the commissioning in vv. 6-10 pertains to Joshua’s duties and privileges in his function as high priest. Nevertheless, a collective dimension is also in view. In v. 2, Yahweh rebukes the heavenly accuser (‫)הׂשטן‬, and this verse relates to Yahweh’s choice of Jerusalem,62 thus widening the perspective to include the community. This is bolstered by v. 2b, which cites Amos 4:11.63 Hence, the notion of the man who is a burning stick snatched from fire recounts the motif of being saved from exile. In light of this interpretation, Joshua’s ‫ עון‬is related to defilement caused by the exile: “Here is an individual born in an unclean land, who has lived in an unclean land, has become priest in an unclean land.”64

Delkurt, Nachtgesichte, 158–61, gives a detailed list of differences between the texts on the priestly investiture and the Day of Atonement on the one hand and Zech. 3 on the other hand. 57 “Clearly Joshua was already high priest. The use of ṣānîp indicates that we have here a scene of postexilic cleansing and restitution, not an ordination of the high priest” (Petersen, Haggai, 199). Cf., e.g., Delkurt, Nachtgesichte, 158–61; Wöhrle, “Hierocracy,” 186 (who thinks of Joshua’s coronation). Contra, e.g., Beuken, Haggai, 284; Hanhart, Sacharja, 176–219; Sweeney, “Targum,” 276–7. 58 Cf. Petersen, Haggai, 196: “And yet, because of the radical character of this ‛āwôn—it results in part from a destroyed and desecrated temple—the high priest is unable to rid himself of it as he might have been able to do if the temple purification system were in order. Hence a special act of purification was necessary.” Still, it should be kept in mind that in all likelihood (as is also attested from elsewhere in the ancient Near East) some kind of cult was performed in Jerusalem during the exile; see Berlejung, “Notlösungen,” 197–230. 59 Cf., e.g., Rothstein, Nachtgesichte, 105–7; Schaper, Priester, 183–5; Finitsis, Visions, 130; Stokes, “Laundry,” 1262–3. 60 Cf., e.g., Mitchell, “Haggai,” 150; Rooke, Heirs, 140; Willi-Plein, Haggai, 86; Boda, Zechariah, 237. 61 Cf. Delkurt, Nachtgesichte, 187–9; Tiemeyer, Rites, 239–41; Tiemeyer, Zechariah, 124–6. 62 Cf. Zech. 1:17; 2:16. 63 Cf., e.g., Mitchell, “Haggai,” 150; Hanhart, Sacharja, 178, 180; Sweeney, “Targum,” 276; Stead, Intertextuality, 157–8; Tiemeyer, Vision Report, 133. Yet Zech. 3:2 replaces the term for fire (‫ׂשרפה‬, Amos 4:11) with ‫אׁש‬. According to J. Jeremias, Prophet, 47–56, Amos 4:11 belongs to the exilic/early postexilic text 4:6-13 on Israel’s refusal to return to Yahweh. According to Amos 4:11, those who are a burning stick snatched from fire are those who have only just survived exile; contra Rudolph, Haggai, 96; Day, Adversary, 122–3; VanderKam, “High Priest,” 555–6, who interpret Zech. 3:2 as a mere saying instead of a quotation from Amos 4:11. However, Pola, Priestertum, 194 n. 173, demonstrates that the verbal similarities and the otherwise rarely used terms should be interpreted as a quotation. 64 Petersen, Haggai, 195; cf., Meyers and Meyers, Haggai, 187–90; Rooke, Heirs, 140; Carlson, “Zechariah,” 272–3; Redditt, “King,” 163. 56

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Thus, Joshua’s restitution becomes a paradigm for the community saved from exile.65 Judgment has come to an end, and the changing of Joshua’s garments signifies the transition to the time of salvation. In this respect, Joshua is a symbol of his people. At the same time, the removal of Joshua’s guilt and his restitution, which are symbolized by the changing of Joshua’s garments, are the precondition to fulfill his tasks and gain privileges as high priest. Furthermore, Zech. 3 answers the question of how the high priest can adequately carry out his duties after the catastrophe of the exile if he, as part of the exiled generation, has become impure himself. Hence, the customary cleansing rites cannot fulfill the task of cleansing and restoring the high priest, but only atonement in the divine sphere. The earthly mediator needs the mediation of the angel of the Lord. The position of the high priest is strengthened,66 as restitution is not performed by human beings.

3.  Short Remarks on Diachronic Aspects While the main focus of this study was to give an overview of Joshua’s garments and the function and meaning of Joshua’s reclothing, some short remarks shall be given on the matter of diachrony.67 Regarding the unique content and form of Zech. 3, many scholars have understood this vision as an addition to the original cycle of night visions.68 If one takes into account that Zech. 3:1-5 relate back to Isa. 3:16–4:6 and that the notion of ‫( בגדים צואים‬Zech. 3:3) presupposes Isa. 4:4, the notion of ‫מחלצות‬ (Zech. 3:4) presupposes Isa. 3:22, and the notion of ‫ צניף‬presupposes Isa. 3:23,69 one should also keep in mind the redaction history and dating of Isa. 3:1–4:6.70 The date of Isa. 3 is disputed, yet most scholars regard the detailed description of the luxurious Jerusalemites in Isa. 3:18-23 as a later insertion, which interrupts the connection between 3:16-17 and 3:24 and is in prose.71 However, even if the dating of Isa. 3:18-23

Cf., e.g., C. Jeremias, Nachtgesichte, 208; VanderKam, Joshua, 555–6; VanderKam, “High Priests,” 25; Delkurt, Nachtgesichte, 152–8; Rooke, Heirs, 140. According to Hag. 1:1, 12, 14; 2:2; Ezra 2:2; 3:2, 8; 5:2; 10:8; 1 Chron. 5:40-41; Neh. 7:7; 12:1, 26, Joshua was among the exiles. 66 “This vision stresses the importance of the high priest in the polity of the restored priesthood” (Petersen, Haggai, 202). 67 For a detailed discussion, see Schöttler, Gott, 86–103, 194–201, 287–400; Wöhrle, “Hierocracy,” 173– 89; Hallaschka, Haggai, 139–43, 193–220, 306–8; Tiemeyer, Zechariah, 116–46; Tiemeyer, Vision Report, 131–52, 248–54; Boda, Zechariah, 17–22, 87–100, 217–62; Boda, “Writing,” 83–100. 68 With variations as to authorship and date cf., e.g., C. Jeremias, Nachtgesichte, 201–23; Schöttler, Gott, 86–103, 194–201, 287–400; Redditt, Haggai, 62–3; Redditt, “King,” 162–3; Wöhrle, “Hierocracy,” 173–89; Tiemeyer, Zechariah, 116–46; Tiemeyer, Vision Report, 131–52, 248–54. Pace, e.g., Beuken, Haggai, 282–3; Hanhart, Sacharja, 176–213; Rose, Zemah, 37–41; Boda, Zechariah, 17–22, 87–100, 217–262; Boda, “Writing,” 83–100, who opt for the originality of Zech. 3. 69 Two more terms could be added: ‫( סור‬Zech. 3:4, cf. Isa. 3:1, 18) and ‫( צמח‬Zech. 3:8, cf. Isa. 4:2). 70 For an overview of different hypotheses on Zech. 3:1–4:6, see Sweeney, Isaiah, 178–84. 71 An exception to the rule is Sweeney, Isaiah, 178–9. Beuken, Jesaja, 119, hesitates to date Isa. 3:18-23. Williamson assigns 3:18-23 to a postexilic redactor, probably the final redactor of ­chapter  3–4:1. According to Kaiser, Jesaja, 77–91, and Becker, Jesaja, 162–9, Isa. 3 is of postexilic origin, and Isa. 3:18-23 is an even later insertion into that chapter. Becker dates the basic layer of Isa. 3 to the fifth century BCE, and according to him 3:18-23 is part of subsequent additions. 65

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is insecure, Isa. 4:4 may be dated to the mid-fifth century.72 If Isa. 4:4 is presupposed by Zech. 3:3, it would be difficult to assign Zech. 3 to the time of the rebuilding of the Second Temple.73 Most probably, the vision proper (Zech. 3:1-5) and the words of the angel of Yahweh (3:6-10) are the result of one or more additions. Some scholars interpret the somewhat belated command to put the turban on Joshua’s head as an addition.74 The character of the heavenly accuser (‫ )הׂשטן‬could be a rather late addition.75 Most scholars interpret the heavenly scene and the rebuke of the accuser against the backdrop of Job 1–2.76 In German-language scholarship, there is a consensus that the scenes in the heavenly court in Job 1:6-12 and 2:1-7 are a later insertion77 that should be dated no earlier than the transition from the Persian to the Hellenistic period.78 Finally, regarding the words of the angel of Yahweh (Zech. 3:6-10), scholarly opinions vary whether all, some, or even none of them were part of the basic layer of Zech. 3.79

Bibliography Albertz, Rainer. Exodus, Band II: Ex 19–40 (ZBKAT 2.2). Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 2015. Assis, Elie. “To Build or Not to Build: A Dispute between Haggai and His People.” ZAW 119 (2007): 514–27. Becker, Uwe. Jesaja—von der Botschaft zum Buch (FRLANT 178). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1997. Berges, Ulrich. “Der Ijobrahmen (Ijob 1,1–2,10; 42,7–17): Theologische Versuche angesichts unschuldigen Leidens.” BZ 39 (1995): 225–45. Berlejung, Angelika. “Notlösungen—Altorientalische Nachrichten über den Tempelkult in Nachkriegszeiten.” In Kein Land für sich allein. Studien zum Kulturkontakt in Kanaan, Israel/Palästina und Ebirnâri (OBO 186). Festschrift M. Weippert, edited by Ulrich Hübner and Ernst A. Knauf, 197–230. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht; Fribourg: Academic Press, 2002. The unity of Isa. 4:2-6 is a matter of debate, but this piece (or its various parts) is thought to be postexilic. However, there seems to be a consensus that Isa. 4:4 should be dated to the mid-fifth century; cf. Kaiser, Jesaja, 92 (perhaps even Hellenistic); Sweeney, Isaiah, 180; Blenkinsopp, Isaiah, 203–4; Williamson, Isaiah, 306. The commentaries point to similarities with Neh and P with regard to concepts and vocabulary; cf. Beuken, Jesaja, 124–5; Schmid, Jesaja, 77. 73 I would date the basic layer of Zech. 3 (probably 3:1a, 3-4) no earlier than the late Persian period; cf. Hallaschka, Haggai, 196–220, 306–7. If this may seem too late, at least the intertexts of Zech. 3 make a date around 520–515 BCE very unlikely. 74 Cf. Schöttler, Gott, 91–4; Pola, Priestertum, 181–3; Hallaschka, Haggai, 210–12. 75 Cf. Hallaschka, Haggai, 198–204. 76 Cf. Day, Adversary, 33–35, 107–10; Veijola, “Abraham,” 139; Rudman, “Zechariah,” 191–209; Stead, Intertextuality, 72–3, 156–7; Boda, Zechariah, 220, 225. 77 Cf. Berges, “Ijobrahmen,” 231–45; Köhlmoos, Auge, 48–55, 88–102; van Oorschot, “Entstehung,” 171–84. 78 Cf. Hurvitz, “Date,” 17–34; Dell, Book, 166–8, 213–17; Tollington, Tradition, 89 n. 1, 116 n. 2; Witte, Leiden, 192, 220; Veijola, “Abraham,” 127–44; Schmid, “Authors,” 148–9 with n. 24; van Oorschot, “Entstehung,” 171–84. 79 Cf. the overview in Tiemeyer, Vision Report, 143–7. 72

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Beuken, Willem A. M. Haggai–Sacharja 1–8: Studien zur Überlieferungsgeschichte der frühnachexilischen Prophetie (SSN 10). Assen: Van Gorcum, 1967. Beuken, Willem A. M. Jesaja 1–12 (HTKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2003. Black, Jeremy, Andrew George, and Nicholas Postgate. A Concise Dictionary of Akkadian (SANTAG 5), 2nd edn. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 2000. Blenkinsopp, Joseph. Isaiah 1–39 (AB 19). New York: Doubleday, 2000. Boda, Mark J. The Book of Zechariah (NICOT). Grand Rapids, MI and Cambridge: Eerdmans, 2016. Boda, Mark J. “Perspectives on Priests in Haggai–Malachi.” In Exploring Zechariah, Vol. 1: The Development of Zechariah and Its Role within the Twelve (ANEM 16), edited by Mark J. Boda, 107–26. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2017. Boda, Mark J. “Writing the Vision: Zechariah within the Visionary Traditions of the Hebrew Bible.” In Exploring Zechariah, Vol. 2: The Development and Role of Biblical Traditions in Zechariah (ANEM 17), edited by Mark J. Boda, 83–100. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2017. Breytenbach, Cilliers and Peggy L. Day. “Satan.” In Dictionary of Deities and Demons in the Bible, 2nd edn. edited by Karel van der Toorn et al., 726–32. Leiden: Eerdmans and Brill, 1999. Brown, Francis, S. R. Driver, and Charles A. Briggs. A Hebrew and English Lexicon of the Old Testament. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1907. Carlson, Laura. “Zechariah, Zerubbabel, and Zemah: Ideological Development in Early Postexilic Judah.” In Sibyls, Scriptures, and Scrolls: John Collins at Seventy, vol. 1, edited by Joel Baden et al., 261–75. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2017. Day, Peggy L. An Adversary in Heaven: śāṭān in the Hebrew Bible (HSM 43). Atlanta: Scholars Press, 1988. Delkurt, Holger. Sacharjas Nachtgesichte: Zur Aufnahme und Abwandlung prophetischer Traditionen (BZAW 302). Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 2000. Dell, Katharine J. The Book of Job as Sceptical Literature (BZAW 197). Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 1991. Dohmen, Christoph. Exodus 19–40 (HThKAT). Freiburg, Basel, Vienna: Herder, 2004. Duhm, Bernhard. Anmerkungen zu den Zwölf Propheten. Gießen: Töpelmann, 1911. Finitsis, Antonios. Visions and Eschatology: A Socio-Historical Analysis of Zechariah 1–6 (LSTS 79). New York and London: T&T Clark, 2011. Fischer, Georg and Dominik Markl. Das Buch Exodus (NSK.AT). Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 2009. Hallaschka, Martin. Haggai und Sacharja 1–8: Eine redaktionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung (BZAW 411). Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 2011. Hanhart, Robert. Dodekapropheton 7.1: Sacharja 1-8 (BKAT XIV.7/1). NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1998. Hieke, Thomas. Levitikus, Zweiter Teilband: 16–27 (HThKAT). Freiburg: Herder, 2014. Hurvitz, Avi. “The Date of the Prose-Tale of Job Linguistically Reconsidered.” HTR 67 (1974): 17–34. Jauhiainen, Marko. “Turban and Crown Lost and Regained: Ezekiel 21:29–32 and Zechariah’s Zemah.” JBL 127 (2008): 501–11. Jeremias, Christian. Die Nachtgesichte des Sacharja: Untersuchungen zu ihrer Stellung im Zusammenhang der Visionsberichte im Alten Testament und zu ihrem Bildmaterial (FRLANT 117). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1977. Jeremias, Jörg. Der Prophet Amos (ATD 24.2). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1995.

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Kaiser, Otto. Das Buch des Propheten Jesaja: Kapitel 1–12 (ATD 17), 5th edn. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1981. Kee, Min S. “The Heavenly Council and Its Type-Scene.” JSOT 31 (2007): 259–73. Koehler, Ludwig, Walter Baumgartner, and Johann J. Stamm. The Hebrew and Aramaic Lexicon of the Old Testament, 5 vols. Translated and edited under the supervision of M. E. J. Richardson. Leiden: Brill, 1994–2000. Köhlmoos, Melanie. Das Auge Gottes: Textstrategie im Hiobbuch (FAT 25). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1999. Körting, Corinna. “‫—ּכִי ֶּב ָענָן א ֵָראֶה עַל־ ַהּכַּפ ֶֹרת‬Gottes Gegenwart am Jom Kippur.” In Festtraditionen in Israel und im Alten Orient (VWGTh 28), edited by Erhard Blum and Rüdiger Lux, 221–46. Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus, 2006. Leuenberger, Martin. Haggai (HTKAT). Freiburg, Basel, Vienna: Herder, 2015. Marti, Karl. Das Dodekapropheton (KHC XIII). Freiburg: Mohr Siebeck, 1904. Meyers, Carol L. and Eric M. Meyers. Haggai, Zechariah 1–8 (AB 25B). New York: Doubleday, 1987. Milgrom, Jacob. Leviticus 1–16 (AB 3). New York: Doubleday, 1991. Mitchell, Hinckley G. T. “A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Haggai and Zechariah.” In A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi and Jonah (ICC), 3rd edn, edited by Hinckley G. T. Mitchell, J. M. Powis Smith, and Julius A. Brewer, 1–362. Edinburgh: Clark, 1951. Niemeyer, Hans Georg and Simone Michel. “Gem Cutting.” In Brill’s New Pauly, edited by Hubert Cancik et al. Brill Reference Online. Available online: http://dx.doi. org/10.1163/1574-9347_bnp_e15302690 (accessed June 22, 2018). Petersen, David L. Haggai and Zechariah: A Commentary (OTL). Philadelphia: Westminster, 1984. Pola, Thomas. Das Priestertum bei Sacharja. Historische und traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen zur frühnachexilischen Herrschererwartung (FAT 35). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2003. Redditt, Paul L. Haggai, Zechariah, Malachi (NCBC). Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1995. Redditt, Paul L. “King, Priest, and Temple in Haggai–Zechariah–Malachi and Ezra– Nehmiah.” In Priests and Cults in the Book of the Twelve (ANEM 14), edited by LenaSofia Tiemeyer, 157–72. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2016. Reventlow, Henning Graf. Die Propheten Haggai, Sacharja und Maleachi (ATD 25.2). Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993. Rogland, Max. “Verb Transitivity and Ancient Hebrew ‫ מוׁש‬in Zechariah 3:9.” VT 63 (2013): 497–8. Rooke, Deborah S. Zadok’s Heirs: The Role and Development of the High Priesthood in Ancient Israel (OTM). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. Rose, Wolter H. Zemah and Zerubbabel: Messianic Expectations in the Early Postexilic Period (JSOTSup 304). Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 2000. Rothstein, Johann W. Die Nachtgesichte des Sacharja: Studien zur Sacharjaprophetie und zur jüdischen Geschichte im ersten nachexilischen Jahrhundert (BWAT 8). Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1910. Rudman, Dominic. “Zechariah and the Satan Tradition in the Hebrew Bible.” In Tradition in Transition: Haggai and Zechariah 1–8 in the Trajectory of Hebrew Theology (LHBOTS 475), edited by Mark J. Boda and Michael H. Floyd, 191–209. New York and London: T&T Clark, 2008. Rudolph, Wilhelm. Haggai—Sacharja 1-8—Sacharja 9-14—Maleachi: Mit einer Zeittafel von Alfred Jepsen (KAT 13.4). Gütersloh: Gütersloher Verlagshaus Mohn, 1976.

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Schaper, Joachim. Priester und Leviten im achämenidischen Juda: Studien zur Kult- und Sozialgeschichte Israels in persischer Zeit (FAT 31). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2000. Schmid, Konrad. “The Authors of Job and Their Historical and Social Setting.” In Scribes, Sages, and Seers: The Sage in the Eastern Mediterranean World (FRLANT 219), edited by Leo Perdue, 145–53. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2008. Schmid, Konrad. Jesaja, Band I: Jes 1–23 (ZBKAT 19.1). Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 2011. Schöttler, Heinz-Günther. Gott inmitten seines Volkes: Die Neuordnung des Gottesvolkes nach Sacharja 1-6 (TThSt 43). Trier: Paulinus-Verlag, 1987. Simian-Yofre, Horacio and Helmer Ringgren. “‫עוד‬.” TDOT 10 (2001): 495–517. Stead, Michael R. The Intertextuality of Zechariah 1-8 (LHBOTS 506). New York and London: T&T Clark, 2009. Stokes, Ryan E. “Airing the High Priest’s Dirty Laundry: Understanding the Imagery and Message of Zechariah 3:1-7.” In Sibyls, Scriptures, and Scrolls: John Collins at Seventy, vol. 2, edited by Joel Baden et al., 1247–64. Leiden and Boston: Brill, 2017. Stokes, Ryan E. “Satan, Yhwh’s Executioner.” JBL 133 (2014): 251–70. Stokes, Ryan E. “What Is a Demon, What Is an Evil Spirit, and What Is a Satan?” In Das Böse, der Teufel und Dämonen—Evil, the Devil, and Demons (WUNT II.412), edited by Jan Dochhorn et al., 259–72. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2016. Sweeney, Marvin A. Isaiah 1–4 and the Post-Exilic Understanding of the Isaianic Tradition (BZAW 171). Berlin: De Gruyter, 1988. Sweeney, Marvin A. “Targum Jonathan’s Reading of Zechariah 3: A Gateway for the Palace.” In Tradition in Transition: Haggai and Zechariah 1–8 in the Trajectory of Hebrew Theology (LHBOTS 475), edited by Mark J. Boda and Michael H. Floyd, 271– 90. New York and London: T&T Clark, 2008. Sweeney, Marvin A. The Twelve Prophets, Vol. 2. Berit Olam. Collegeville: Liturgical Press, 2000. Thomas, D. Winton. “A Note on ‫ מחלצות‬in Zechariah iii 4.” JTS 33 (1931–2): 279–80. Tidwell, N. L. A. “Wā’ōmar (Zech. 3:5) and the Genre of Zechariah’s Fourth Vision.” JBL 94 (1975): 343–55. Tiemeyer, Lena-Sofia. Priestly Rites and Prophetic Rage: Post-Exilic Prophetic Critique of the Priesthood (FAT II.19). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006. Tiemeyer, Lena-Sofia. Zechariah and His Visions: An Exegetical Study of Zechariah’s Vision Report (LHBOTS 605). London and New York: Bloomsbury, 2015. Tiemeyer, Lena-Sofia. Zechariah’s Vision Report and Its Earliest Interpreters: A Redaction-Critical Study of Zechariah 1–8 (LHBOTS 626). London and New York: Bloomsbury, 2016. Tollington, Janet E. Tradition and Innovation in Haggai and Zechariah 1–8 (JSOTSup 150). Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1993. van Oorschot, Jürgen. “Die Entstehung des Hiobbuches.” In Das Buch Hiob und seine Interpretationen: Beiträge zum Hiob-Symposium auf dem Monte Verità vom 14.-19. August 2005 (ATANT 88), edited by Thomas Krüger et al., 165–84. Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 2007. VanderKam, James C. “Joshua the High Priest and the Interpretation of Zechariah 3.” CBQ 53 (1991): 553–70. VanderKam, James C. From Joshua to Caiaphas: High Priests after the Exile. Minneapolis and Assen: Fortress Press, 2004. Veijola, Timo. “Abraham und Hiob. Das literarische Verhältnis von Gen 22 und der Hiob-Novelle.” In Vergegenwärtigung des Alten Testaments: Beiträge zur biblischen

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Hermeneutik; Festschrift R. Smend, edited by Christoph Bultmann, Walter Dietrich, and Christoph Levin, 127–44. Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 2002. Wellhausen, Julius. Die Kleinen Propheten: Übersetzt und erklärt, 4th edn. Berlin: De Gruyter, 1963. Williamson, Hugh G. M. A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on Isaiah 1–27, vol. 1: Commentary on Isaiah 1-5 (ICC). London and New York: T&T Clark, 2006. Willi-Plein, Ina. Haggai, Sacharja, Maleachi (ZBKAT 24.4). Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 2007. Witte, Markus. Vom Leiden zur Lehre. Der dritte Redegang (Hiob 21–27) und die Redaktionsgeschichte des Hiobbuches (BZAW 230). Berlin and New York: De Gruyter, 1991. Wöhrle, Jakob. “On the Way to Hierocracy: Secular and Priestly Rule in the Books of Haggai and Zechariah.” In Priests and Cults in the Book of the Twelve (ANEM 14), edited by Lena-Sofia Tiemeyer, 173–89. Atlanta: SBL Press, 2016. Wolff, Hans W. Dodekapropheton 6: Haggai (BK XIV.6), 2nd edn. NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 1991. Wolters, Al. Zechariah (HCOT). Leuven: Peeters, 2014.

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Wisdom Literature

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31

Women’s Dress Codes in the Book of Proverbs Stefan Fischer

The book of Proverbs contains no direct references to nudity. Since it is concerned with educating young men, references to sex and sexuality are likely, and allusions to nudity are possible. However, the lack of an explicit treatment of nudity in the book of Proverbs seems to reflect a culture based on honor and shame. The title “Women’s Dress Codes in the Book of Proverbs” limits the research to women. In many cultures women, as private persons, are obliged to follow dress codes according to their social status.1 The emphasis lies on “private persons.” Men are often required to dress in accordance with their occupation, especially as officials. Therefore, a small part of this analysis will also deal with dress codes for men. Ancient Israelite society—despite its changes over the centuries—was a culture of clear separation, not only in regard to food prohibitions but also to male and female dress codes. It was prohibited to wear clothes of the opposite sex (Deut. 22:5). Thus, this may also be assumed for the book of Proverbs. Dress codes refer to clothes worn by specific groups of people. They have social significance and express certain norms. While particular types of dress have a practical function for different occasions,2 dress and ornamentation also provide identity, particularly social identity. They transmit important social and cultural information concerning status, power, group identity, manufacture and trade. The significant role played by clothing in ancient society is apparent in the biblical writers who use dress metaphorically to make ethical exhortations or take theological positions, and to show the status and character of significant figures.3

The book of Proverbs does not mention certain dress codes directly, but it speaks about different social groups who are perceived in their dresses, probably decorated with ornaments or insignia.

See, e.g., the dress codes of the early church as reflected in the letters of the New Testament. 2 Cf. Erickson, “Dress,” 5. 3 Edwards, “Dress and Ornamentation,” 232. 1

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1.  Nudity Recalling the garden of Eden narrative, nudity and shame are closely linked. “Knowing good and evil” refers to practical wisdom, enabling a person “to master one’s own life by making the right decision.”4 Nakedness creates fear before Yhwh (Gen. 3:10), and the fear of Yhwh is the beginning of wisdom and knowledge (Prov. 1:7; 2:5). In the context of the Eden narrative, knowing good and evil also refers to the sexual sphere. Adam and Eve were naked but not ashamed (Gen. 2:25) until they had eaten from the tree of knowledge. Then, when their eyes were opened, and they lost their state of innocence, they were ashamed when they recognized themselves as being naked and made themselves clothes (Gen. 3:7; cf. 3:21). Shame is an expression of guilt, and being ashamed expresses uncovered guilt.5 Shame and clothing are closely connected. Clothes cover nakedness, a source of shame. Forced nakedness is a sign of judgment (Ezek. 16:39) and associated with prostitution (Ezek. 23:29). In contrast, clothes preclude shame. In the book of Proverbs, wisdom and folly are metaphorically expressed in the opposing personifications of Lady Wisdom and Dame Folly, competing for the young men. In this respect, the description of Dame Folly 9:13-18 is a mirror poem to 9:16.6 There, Dame Folly is presented as a seductress who is loud, mindless, and has no discernment. She is the opposite of Lady Wisdom, who invites the simple to walk in the way of knowledge. She is fixed on ensnaring the young men and “does not know anything” (9:13). The LXX (and the Peshitta) reads ‫“ כלמה‬shame” for ‫“ מה‬anything,” replacing “and does not know anything” with ἣ οὐκ ἐπίσταται αἰσχύνην “and she does not know shame” (9:13). Grammatically this is not necessary7 but gives another emphasis, criticizing Dame Folly ethically. The moral implication of not knowing shame is her promiscuity.8 As a loose woman,9 she invites young men in public to come to her house, implying a sexual encounter. This is also the case in the teacher’s instruction to the young men (5:15-19). He uses a set of connected metaphors relating to water (to drink, water, cistern, streams, and well),10 encouraging the wisdom student to “drink water from your own cistern, running water from your own well” and admonishing, “let your fountain be yours alone.” These metaphors stand for “aspects of female and male sexuality.”11 The clusters of drinking images are associated with sex, bodily fluids, and the breasts in particular. 4 5 6 7 8

Forti, “Polarity,” 50. Cf. Klopfenstein, Scham, 33. Cf. McKinlay, Gendering, 57. Cf. Loader, Proverbs, 398. Since we do not have any description of her dress, it cannot be said that she dressed in a shameless way. This might be a modern dress code perception for a prostitute. 9 According to McKinlay, Gendering, 58, she acts like a goddess or a prostitute. I am not convinced that a goddess is appropriate for an Israelite context. Nevertheless, associations to goddesses are possible. For example, in Prov. 6:26 the loose woman hunts down the precious life of the young man, which is reminiscent of the Greek goddess Diana. Plöger, Sprüche, 28, 81 refers to the Babylonian goddess Ishtar and the Sumerian goddess Inanna. 10 Cf. Loader, Proverbs, 243. 11 Ibid.

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The teacher makes this explicit: “may her breasts satisfy you always, may you ever be captivated by her love” (5:19). Positively, “the wife is presented as a sexual attraction equal to any other that may tempt the man away.”12 This verse is the most explicit reference to nakedness in the book of Proverbs.

2.  Clothes A compilation of the material and the different kinds of garments lays the foundation for dress codes. Ornamentation, jewelry, insignia and perfume may also be part of it.

2.1 Material 2.1.1  Flax and Linen Flax and linen were imported from Egypt13 but also produced in the hill country of Israel. ‫( ׁשׁש‬Prov. 31:22), an Egyptian loanword šś, is a fabric of fine white linen, referring especially to linen from Egypt. Egypt, as its place of origin, is mentioned a few times (Ezek. 27:16). If it is translated as byssus, it must be distinguished from the common term for byssus, ‫בוץ‬,14 the Semitic source15 for the Greek term βύσσος.16 This linen was used for precious garments. Joseph was given a robe of this fine linen by the Pharaoh (Gen. 41:42). It was also worn by the women of Jerusalem (Ezek. 16:10, 13; 31:13). It had a laborious production process and was therefore a fabric of the upper class.17 It was also part of the priestly attire, since it did not cause them to perspire (Ezek. 44:17-19). Linen also appears as a fabric for bed coverings. The prostitute has spread out her bed with sheets, with multicolored cloth of linen (‫)אטון‬18 from Egypt (Prov. 7:16). Here, the reference to Egypt as the origin of the fabric refers not only to trade relationships but also to the import of an exotic good that is as attractive as the seductive woman. The foreignness of the linen may correspond to the perception of the woman, who might be a foreigner. The lexical field of a prostitute or a promiscuous woman (Prov. 7:10) corresponds with that of a foreign woman (‫זונה‬/‫ נכריה‬in Prov. 23:27). The strange woman who is connoted with the otherness of a foreign woman is described like a prostitute (Prov. 2:16; 5:20), a bad woman (Prov. 6:24) who is wily of heart (Prov. 7:10).

McKinlay, Gendering, 111. 13 Cf. Jacob and Jacob, “Flora,” 815. 14 Not attested in Proverbs but frequent in the Hebrew Bible: Ezek. 27:16; 1 Chron. 4:21; Est. 1:6, etc. 15 Cf. Lambdin, “Loan Words,” 147–8. 16 For example, byssus (‫ )ׁשׁש‬was exported from Egypt to Tyre (Ezek. 27:7), but from there byssus (‫)בוץ‬ was sold (Ezek. 27:16). 17 Cf. Kersken, “Kleidung/Textilherstellung,” 1.1.1. 18 It is likely that this hapax legomenon is an Egyptian loanword for “red linen” that was adopted from Phoenician or Greek; cf. Lambdin, “Loan Words,” 147. 12

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2.1.2  Wool Clothes were made from sheep’s wool (‫צמר‬, Prov. 31:13) and in the production process spun into thread (31:19). Wool was dyed with the pigment ‫“ ׁשני‬crimson” (31:21),19 extracted from the secretion of the scale insect. Together with byssus it was used for sacred vestments and in temple and tabernacle hangings (e.g., Exod. 25:4; 35:6; 39:29). Crimson clothing (‫ )ׁשנים‬was a luxurious good (1 Sam. 2:14) and gave warmth even if it had snowed (Prov. 31:21; cf. Job 31:20). The term ‫ ׁשנים‬in Prov. 31:21 is sometimes interpreted as “doubly clothed,”20 also pointing to material prosperity.

2.1.3  Purple Purple (‫ארגמן‬, Prov. 31:22) was used for the dyeing of linen. It is extracted from murex shells and is a rare and expensive good. Byssus and garments of purple were valuable goods, used for the tabernacle hangings and the sacred vestments of the priests (Exod. 25:4; 35:6).21 Purple is the color of the aristocracy. It was used for decoration at the Persian court (Est. 1:6), for royal garments (Est. 8:15; cf. Judg. 8:26) and for the interior of the royal palanquin (Song 3:10). Accordingly, the woman of strength in Prov. 31 belongs to the upper class.22

2.2 Articles of Clothing 2.2.1  Garment A robe of any kind with no limitation concerning its material or its production is called ‫( בגד‬Prov. 20:16; 25:20; 27:13). Usually it is used for a single garment, sometimes for table-cloth (Num. 4:6-13) or a priestly vestment (Lev. 16:23, 24), but not in Proverbs. A garment could be given as a pledge23 and is used as such in a twice-told proverb concerning someone who has pledged for a stranger or a foreign woman (Prov. 20:16; 27:13). Another proverb claims that singing songs (of joy) to a heavy heart24 is as absurd as taking off a garment on a cold day (Prov. 25:20).

2.2.2  Cloak A cloak (‫ )ׂשמלה‬is made of wool.25 It is used metaphorically as a garment for the retention of water (Prov. 30:4). The terms ‫“( בגד‬garment”) and ‫“( ׂשמלה‬cloak”) appear in

Often ‫ ׁשני‬is translated less accurately as scarlet; cf. DCH VIII, ‫ ׁשני‬I, 504. 20 Cf. Mathys, “Hausfrau,” 28 n. 11. 21 Cf. DCH VIII, ‫ ׁשׁש‬III, 572. 22 Ansberry, Be Wise, 180, adds: “The table delicacies of the household are consistent with the expensive garments that clothe its members (31:21-22).” 23 This custom is also known from the Covenant Code, where the term ‫“ ׂשמלה‬cloak” is used (Exod. 22:26). See the contribution of Eckart Otto (Chapter 16) in this volume. 24 Cf. the request to the exiles in Babylon to sing songs of joy (Ps. 137:3-4). 25 Cf. Kersken, “Kleidung/Textilherstellung,” 2.1.2. 19

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Proverbs, while the linen garment ‫כתנת‬, a long tunic (e.g., Gen. 37:3; Song 5:3) is not mentioned.

2.2.3  Long Garment A long garment, ‫לבוׁש‬, is made from lamb’s wool (Prov. 27:26) or linen, dyed purple (31:22). Metaphorically, the woman of valor wears strength and dignity as her garment (31:25).

2.2.4  Linen Garments and Girdles The woman of valor produced and traded26 ‫סדין‬, linen garments, together with girdles, ‫( חגור‬Prov. 31:24). ‫ סדין‬was perhaps the undergarment worn beneath the upper garment, ‫( בגד‬cf. Judg. 14:12, 13).27 The quality of the material differed. Linen garments for wealthy women were a sign of social status (cf. Isa. 3:23).

2.2.5  Rag Sometimes a piece was torn from a garment for symbolic reasons (1 Kgs 11:30-31; 2 Kgs 2:12). A person who is dressed in shabby, torn clothes is said to wear ‫קרעים‬, rags (Prov. 23:21).

2.2.6  Coverings ‫ מרבדים‬are a type of textile used for panels.28 In the present context these bed coverings belong to the bedroom of the prostitute (Prov. 7:16) and the wealthy woman (Prov. 31:22) and are valuable goods. The latter may be the royal bedroom if the instructional context of queen mother teaching her son Lemuel, king of Massa, is accepted for the whole of Prov. 3129 or a Phoenician bedroom if the woman of valor was a Phoenician. In any event, these textiles are of foreign origin.

2.3 Ornamentation/Jewelry In his extensive study on wealth and poverty, Whybray shows how one’s dress corresponds to one’s means.30 Costly ornamentation and jewelry were used for sometimes drastic comparisons. A wise man who rebukes somebody successfully and finds an obedient ear is as precious as a golden ear- or nose ring or a necklace of fine gold (Prov. 25:12). Even if the comparison points to the material value of this golden jewelry, an impression of the appearance of a wise person as a highly valued man may also be Brockmöller, Eine Frau der Stärke, 167 argues that these linens were made to be sold (cf. Prov. 23:23). 27 Cf. DCH VI, 121, ‫סדין‬. 28 Cf. Brockmöller, Eine Frau der Stärke, 155. 29 Cf. Yoder, Woman of Substance, 85. 30 Cf. Whybray, Wealth, 12. 26

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sketched. These valuables were not part of the dress code of a wise man, as was the case with a signet ring,31 but they were prestigious.32 If wearing a golden necklace and an earor nose ring would have been outrageous, the comparison could not have been made. The LXX melts the two pieces of jewelry into one: “In an earring of gold a precious carnelian is also set; so is a wise word to an obedient ear” (LXX Prov. 25:12), also replacing the wise person by a wise word. The newly created proverb is straightforward, comparing the semiprecious, reddish carnelian inlayed in an earring to the wise word in an obedient ear. The same concept is applied in the preceding verse: “(Like) golden apples in silver settings are words spoken at the proper time.” (Prov. 25:11). In the LXX, this is translated as “A golden apple in a necklace of carnelian, so is it to speak a word.” It is the precise inlay that pinpoints the word. That women wore rings can be taken for granted but is also attested in the proverb of the beautiful but foolish woman who rejected discernment, who is (like) a golden ring in a pig’s snout (Prov. 11:22). This is a strong contrast between the pig—an unclean animal—and a golden nose ring. The LXX makes the analogy between the ring and the woman explicit and emphasizes her nastiness more than her foolishness and calls her κακόφρονι, an evil-minded, malevolent woman.33 The lips of knowledge are a precious jewel, more valuable than gold or a multitude of corals or rubies (Prov. 20:15). The lips are a precious vessel. Here, a container metaphor is used, expressing that a knowledgeable utterance is of higher value than an abundance of precious stones. The term ‫כלי יקר‬, a precious vessel, is not precise but means an object of wealth. It is often translated as jewel or ornament,34 perhaps in light of the first half of the verse, the gold and corals or rubies, initiating the assumed conceptual metaphor.

2.4 Perfumes “I have besprinkled my bed with myrrh, aloes and cinnamon” (Prov. 7:17). Myrrh, aloe and cinnamon are perceived by the sense of smell and overwhelm the senses.35 The Egyptian linen bed sheets (Prov. 7:16) are perfumed with these essential oils of different spices. The “strange woman” invites the potential lover to visualize her bed mentally. These three spices are known in the context of lovemaking from the metaphorical garden of the woman in Song 4:14.36 There, they are part of a positive metaphor for a man courting a woman who appears as a garden with all kinds of fragrances. Furthermore, these spices are mentioned as fragrance for garments in Ps. 45:9.

31 When Joseph was put into office, the Pharaoh gave him a signet ring (Gen. 41:42). The Persian king Ahasuerus authorized Haman and Mordechai with a ring (Est. 3:10, 12; 8:2, 8, 10). 32 Cf. Ezek. 16:12, where the king of Tyre wears a gold ring. 33 Cf. Fox, Proverbs, 192, who also points to LXX Prov. 19:19 for a malicious man, replacing a hottempered man in the Masoretic text. 34 For example, “jewel” NIV and ESV, “ornament” in NAB and NJB. 35 Exotic spices were also used for the holy anointing oil (Exod. 30:23-25). 36 Cf. Fischer, “Rhetorical Figures,” 814–15.

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The link between these perfumes and the bed sheets (Prov. 7:16-17) also points to lovemaking but is used as a warning in a scene of seduction. There are no positive descriptions of a woman’s looks or smells. LXX reads: “I have sprinkled my couch with saffron, and my house with cinnamon” and understood ‫ אהלים‬as the plural of ‫אהל‬, tent. The urban context makes it plausible to change tent into house and to ignore the plural. This results in a tighter parallelism37 and fits the scene, since the woman invites the man into her house for lovemaking (Prov. 7:18-19). In another proverb, the statement that “oil and (fragrant) incense38 bring joy to the heart” (Prov. 27:9) possibly also refers to lovemaking. Ointment and perfume create a pleasant aroma. The LXX version of the verse adds wine but creates a contrasting proverb of somebody whose psyche is broken by calamities.

3.  Dress Codes of Women The main references to clothes appear in the carefully composed framing collections of Prov. 1–9 and Prov. 31.39 Further references to clothing appear in the individual aphorisms from Prov. 10 onward. The book of Proverbs introduces a contrasting pair of women: The complex metaphors of Lady Wisdom and Dame Folly. The teacher frequently turns to them as stereotyped examples of making the right and wrong decisions. In Prov. 31, Lady Wisdom is the woman of valor (Prov. 31:10-31, ‫ )אׁשת־חיל‬and the invitation of Dame Folly appears in the warning not to give one’s own strength (‫ )חיל‬to women (31:3). Even if these two collections derive from the time of the late Persian or even Hellenistic period, the connections are too vague for comparing the dress codes historically. Especially for teaching values on sexuality, Dame Folly is closely connected with terminology for otherness. Lady Wisdom signifies a man’s wife and Dame Folly another man’s wife or a single woman, a threat to young men. She is referred to as strange (‫)זרה‬, foreign/other (‫)נכריה‬, and as a prostitute (‫)זונה‬.40 In the metaphor of the two ways, she is the way to death and Sheol, while the other one is a way to life. These are the presuppositions for the interpretation of the dress codes of the female figures.

3.1 Prostitute One of the major themes in Prov. 1–9 is the immoral woman. The teacher warns the young men about a foreign/strange woman in the garment of a prostitute, ‫( ׁשית זונה‬Prov. 7:10). The root ‫ׁשית‬, “to place,” is attested only twice for a garment, here and in Ps. 73:6, where it is used in metaphorical speech (“to envelop oneself in the garment of violence”).

37 38 39 40

Cf. Fox, Proverbs, 145. For incense in a cultic context, a mixture of different aromatic substances was used (Exod. 30:35). Cf. Ansberry, Be Wise, 43: “Proverbs 1–9 and 30–31 form an interpretive envelope around the book.” For further details, see Fischer, “Foreign Women.”

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The immoral woman’s outer appearance contrasts her inner state: She is wily of heart, a person with crafty intent. She is stigmatized negatively. The LXX changes the second part of Prov. 7:10 (“which makes the hearts of youth fly off ”), shifting the focus from the woman to the young man, who loses all his senses.41 The garment of a prostitute is not described in further detail, but the short reference makes a certain dress code plausible. Since the teacher did not consider it necessary to go into detail, she must have been easily recognizable as a prostitute (cf. Gen. 38:15), whether as a married woman and a part-time prostitute (Prov. 7:19) or a professional one (cf. Josh. 2:1). The proverbs against sexual misconduct warn against prostitutes, “strange women,” and married women (Prov. 6:26; 23:27; 29:3) but do not give any indication of whether they could be distinguished by their clothes. In any event, as in many societies, this is quite possible, such as by wearing a veil. Sometimes “being veiled” is associated with prostitution,42 but this is not always the case. Women often wore veils over their face (Gen. 24:65; Song 4:1, 3; 6:7). Taking off a woman’s veil by force was a sign of judgment43 (Isa. 47:12).44 Wearing a veil protects and shows respect.45 When Tamar covered herself with a veil it was to disguise herself, and not to reveal herself as prostitute, even if it seems likely that a prostitute would disguise herself with a veil as well (Gen. 38:14, 19).46

3.2  The Woman of Valor: A Phoenician Woman The woman of valor (‫אׁשת־חיל‬, Prov. 12:4; 31:10) represents an ideal. In the encomium in Prov. 31:10-31 she has been identified as a Phoenician merchant.47 The cultural and economic superiority of the Phoenicians was assumed by the biblical authors.48 In this respect, the woman’s foreignness is not seen as negative. Instead, she becomes a role model for Israelite young women, a concrete image of Lady Wisdom. During the Persian period, when Prov. 31 is assumed to have been written, the Phoenicians manufactured and traded textiles, “an industry that apparently flourished along the coast.”49 Manufacturing textiles is her business and delight, as ‫( חפץ‬Prov. 31:13b) carries both meanings.50 The garments mentioned in this encomium fit with the high “The translator probably found the phrase illogical because ‘guarding . . . one’s heart’ should be a virtue.” Fox, Proverbs, 143. 42 The question “Why should I be like a veiled woman?” (Song 1:7) has sometimes been interpreted as the veil of a prostitute. This interpretation has increasingly been abandoned, since the emphasis lies in her being with the shepherds and wearing her normal clothes instead of being with her lover. 43 Cf. the Middle Assyrian laws disgracing prostitutes and female slaves by appearing in public without a veil; see Podella, Lichtkleid, 45–6. 44 Cf. the reference in Ezek. 13:18-21 to long veils that were used in witchcraft. 45 Cf. Moses veils his face when approaching God (Exod. 3:6; 34:33-35). Different words are used for the veil worn by a woman and a man. 46 See also the contributions of Ede and Weingärtner (Chapters 21 and 22, respectively) in this volume. 47 Cf. Yoder, Woman of Substance, 78–80; Mathys, “Hausfrau,” 29. 48 Cf. Mathys, “Hausfrau,” 25. 49 Yoder, Woman of Substance, 80. 50 Cf. ibid., 82; DCH, III, ‫ חפץ‬I, 287. 41

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social status of this woman,51 whose husband is in the city gates (31:23), and give an impression of the costly clothes and the production process. Clothes were made from wool and flax (31:13), dyed with crimson and purple. The articles she wore and/or produced included a long, purple byssus garment (‫)לבוׁש‬, linen garments (‫)סדין‬, girdles (‫חגור‬, 31:24), and bed coverings (31:21-24). The skill of this woman is stressed by her ability of spinning and weaving of textiles, a positive stereotype even for the description of queens and rich women, who were sometimes depicted as holding a spindle.52 The garment she produces (31:24) is continued with garment metaphor: She is dressed in honor and dignity (31:25). Since her strength is emphasized by royal military imagery,53 honor and dignity evoke military insignia. Overall, the woman, her husband, and her children are depicted in fine clothing fit for a noble, even royal, household.54

4.  Further Observations on Dress Codes 4.1 People in Sheol Sheol below the earth (Prov. 15:24) is pictured as an abyss swallowing people up (Prov. 1:12; 27:20). The steps of the strange woman lead to Sheol (Prov. 5:5). Whoever comes to her house has entered Sheol (Prov. 7:27) and meets her other guests, the Rephaim (Prov. 2:18; 9:18). The ‫רפאים‬, from the root ‫רפא‬, “to be weak,” lead “a nebulous existence in the netherworld.”55 Here, the absurd banquet of Dame Folly takes place (9:18), with the young men who have been lured by her as her guests.56 Everyone will enter Sheol; no dress code is needed, but the association with the Rephaim shapes the perception of the dead. According to the story of the woman of Endor (1 Sam. 28), people in Sheol have changed to a different status (1 Sam. 28:13) but are still be recognizable. At least Samuel was identified by his age and wearing a robe (1 Sam. 28:4). Maier offers an excursus on the iconography of banquet scenes, seeking to add to the picture of the woman in Prov. 9.57 For example, a deceased woman on a stela from Zincirli (ancient Sam’al, eighth century BCE),58 wears a long coat with a pleated skirt, tassels, and a dress clasp. Her head is covered with a cap with a floral border. For jewelry she wears a bracelet and necklace. In her hands she holds a cup and a lotus flower. She Cf. Sandoval, Discourse, 203. 52 Cf. Yoder, Woman of Substance, 81. 53 Cf. Ansberry, Be Wise, 179. 54 Cf. ibid., 180; Yoder, Woman of Substance, 85. 55 Loader, Proverbs, 130. 56 This banquet had all the elements of the Danse Macabre, the Middle Age perception of all people dancing toward death; cf. ibid., 399. 57 Cf. Maier, Die “fremde” Frau, 234–47. This approach faces two methodological problems. First, these scenes extend over more than two thousand years (beginning in the third millennium BCE) and over a region spanning from Sumer to Cyprus and Greece. Second, their Sitz im Leben differs enormously: Some scenes represent a cultic feast in the netherworld, while others are bed scenes. Nevertheless, they are figurative representations of women at banquet scenes. 58 See ibid., 236: Burial stela from Zincirli, Berlin, Vorderasiatisches Museum, 2210. Also available online: http://www.hittitemonuments.com/zincirli/zincirli15.jpg (accessed September 25, 2017). 51

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is depicted as a rich woman, and the winged sun disc and the female servant before the table make the religious context clear.

4.2 People of Low Social Status A person of low social status could be someone doing forced labor (‫מס‬, Prov. 12:24), a slave (‫עבד‬, Prov. 11:29; 12:9; 14:35; 17:2; 19:10; 22:7; 29:19; 30:10, 22) or a laborer (‫עמל‬, Prov. 16:26; cf. 31:7). There are several terms describing poor people in general or in specific circumstances. General terms for the poor include ‫רׁש‬, an impoverished person (Prov. 13:8; 14:20; 18:23; 19:1, 7, 22; 22:2; 28:3, 6; 29:13),59 and ‫דל‬, a person of low status, for example, a defenseless person (Prov. 14:31; 19:4, 17; 21:13; 22:16, 22; 28:11, 15), plural ‫( דלים‬10:15; 28:3, 8; 29:7, 14).60 Other common terms for the poor are ‫עני‬/‫( עניים‬Prov. 14:21; 15:15; 16:19) and ‫( אביון‬14:31). Dress codes are not important for their description. They are identified by their situation. It may be taken for granted that poor clothing will have gone along with it. A person in want, one who lacks bread ‫חסר‬ ‫( לחם‬Prov. 12:9; cf. 22:9) would have had a haggard appearance. In contrast, a debtor (‫איׁש מלוה‬, Prov. 22:17) could be anyone who needed to borrow from someone else. One proverb with reference to garments expresses the idea that laziness leads to poverty: “Drunkards and gluttons become poor. Drowsiness clothes them in rags” (Prov. 23:31). The LXX of this verse is even more expressive: “Every sluggard shall clothe himself with ripped and ragged tatters.” It was taken for granted that they could be recognized. That people might pretend to be poor could point to their handling of money as well as to their outfit (Prov. 13:7).

4.2.1  The Widow The widow is the only woman mentioned in connection to poverty in the book of Proverbs, while other groups who risk becoming impoverished, namely orphans and aliens/foreigners, are not mentioned at all.61 The widow (‫ )אלמנה‬stands under Yhwh’s special protection: “Yhwh keeps the widow’s boundaries intact” (Prov. 15:25). Widows need special protection because they are not under the protection of their husband. Widows run a high risk of poverty and rank among the poor, who are mentioned several times with an emphasis on neediness (e.g., Prov. 13:23; 14:20, 31; 17:5; 18:23; 19:1, 4, 7, 17, 22; 28:8). That widows wear special clothes is attested from the TamarJudah narrative (Gen. 38:14, 19; cf. Jdt. 10:2; 16:9).

4.3 Status Proverbs 1–9 and 31 have an urban setting62 and a home context.63 The father–son idiom indicates a family relationship, and father and mother taught their children 60 61 62 63 59

Such a person’s poverty might lead to the mistreatment of defenseless people (‫דלים‬, 22:3). Cf. Whybray, Wealth, 20. The only exception is Prov. 23:10; against Whybray, Wealth 27 n. 1. Cf. ibid., 101. Cf. Dell, Theological Context, 88.

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(1:8; 6:20). Since women “rarely played a formative role in educational institutions throughout the ancient oriental world”64 this is significant. To the extent that education took place in the house, the daughters will have received some education at least from their mothers.65 The detailed description in the acrostic in Prov. 31:10-31 is fitting for a young woman who memorizes the ideals she will pursue. Other collections point to a courtly and more formal educational setting, as is suggested by the connections to Egyptian wisdom texts, the extensive vocabulary of officialdom and the reference to the task of king Hezekiah’s men66 (Prov. 25:1).67 The latter might also point to folk sayings,68 which are in accordance with the short, sometimes even antithetical proverbs that deal with “human life and behaviour, even though this is not necessarily mentioned by the proverb itself.”69

4.3.1  Officials Especially the collections in Prov. 10–29 make ample use of terms for officials, which are difficult to translate precisely. The reader will have imagined these officials in their respective outfits. The book of Proverbs does not offer a detailed description of these, and archaeology also provides little evidence.70 The Egyptian background of some parts of Proverbs might add to the understanding but also mislead the reader because of a foreign context.71 These officials include the king (‫מלך‬, Prov. 1:1; 14:35; 16:10; 20:8, 26, 28, etc.); official (‫ׂשר‬, 19:10; 28:2); ruler (‫רזון‬, 14:28); prince, nobleman (‫נדיב‬, 17:7; 19:6; 25:7); ruler, prince (‫קצין‬, 25:15); ruler (‫נגיד‬, 28:16); a ruler in general (‫מׁשל‬, 28:15; 29:12); “great ones” (‫גדלים‬, 18:16; 25:6); counsellor (‫יועץ‬, 11:14; 15:22); and the courtier or royal official (‫מׁשרתי‬, 29:12). They are all men; the only exception in Proverbs is the queen

Ansberry, Be Wise, 42. 65 Despite the importance of the mother, maternal imagery is never applied to personified Wisdom; cf. Camp, Wisdom, 83. 66 The activity of these officials is called ‫עתק‬. They are not only coping or transcribing from one scroll to another as DCH VI 641, ‫עתק‬, suggests, but they create a new text by gathering saying from old Solomonic traditions, whether written or oral. If this note refers to proverbs that are already collected at the royal court or transcribe orally transmitted proverbs is disputed. Cf. Whybray, Wealth, 358. 67 Cf. Dell, Theological Context, 88. 68 Folk sayings are “concerned to say something metaphorically about human beings, the world, of the ways and concerns of human beings in the world” (Sandoval, Discourse, 11). 69 Ibid., 13. 70 The best-known example for the dress code of an Israelite king is the stereotyped Israelite king Jehu and the officials accompanying him on the Neo-Assyrian Black Obelisk of Shalmaneser III (825 BCE, British Museum 118885). He wears a seamed garment with tassels. 71 The collections in Prov. 22:17–24:22 and 24:23-34 are “sayings” of the wise (24:23). The Egyptian background of these collections, especially the first one, which has a common source with the Instructions of Amenemope, visualizes Egyptian wise men. To the extent that readers thought of Egypt when reading these texts, they might have also visualized such people. In the literary history of the Hebrew Bible, the sayings lost their Egyptian significance. Explicit references to Egyptian official positions are difficult to attest. Shupak discusses how the “cultural and intellectual contact . . . between ancient Israel and Egypt” (Shupak, Wisdom, 7) shaped the themes and literary forms of the conventional wisdom as well as the vocabulary. 64

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mother (31:1, but not used as a title) and, with a different connotation, the woman of valor (12:4; 31:10).

4.3.2  People in Social Relations Several social roles are mentioned in the book of Proverbs: The father (Prov. 3:12; 17:21; 28:7; 29:3), mother (29:15), brother (17:17; 18:9, 19, 24), friend (17:17), neighbor (27:10), stranger (20:16; 27:13), servants (11:29; 12:9; 14:35, etc.), servant-girls (27:27), young men and maidens (30:19). The mother usually appears in conjunction with the father (4:3; 10:1; 15:20; 17:25; 19:26; 20:20; 23:22, 25; 28:24). There is no indication that a particular social role is expressed by a certain dress code. Nevertheless, this may have been the case as far as status is concerned. A person’s social status may be expressed by insignia, such as with a ring when proposing to a woman (Gen. 24:22, 30, 47) or when strengthening family relationships (Job 42:11). Another distinction is between the fool and the wise, who are contrasting poles. This opposition is expressed, for example, by body parts: A wise person has an attentive heart, while a fool is one who does not guard one’s lips but instead babbles (Prov. 10:8, 10). The servant–master relationship is also invoked insofar as the wise heart receives commands (10:8), while the fool is a servant to the wise (11:29).

4.4 Animals Tovi Forti sees animals in the book of Proverbs “as a lens through which we can share the teacher’s viewpoint . . . [T]‌he animal imagery reinforces the wise man’s empirical observations and worldviews, which give meaning and direction to the daily conduct of human beings.”72 Animals can represent people’s characteristics and behavior, including in their official function. The stately step of a king with his army is compared to the step of a lion,73 a he-goat and a rooster (Prov. 30:29-31). Animals are positive examples for their virtues. Some small animals, such as the ant, hyrax, locust, and gecko, are extremely wise (30:24-28).74 In regard to the household gecko, “the contrast between the lowly reptile and the grandness of palaces heightens the rhetorical effect of the saying.”75 Ants are hardworking (Prov. 6:6). Bees, added by the LXX to the ant parable, are respected and wise, diligent and productive, “and she is desired and respected by all: though weak in body, she is advanced by honoring wisdom.” (LXX Prov. 6:8). There is no direct association between animals and a person’s dress, but virtue and behavior are codes for a person’s appearance.

5.  Conclusion Women’s dress codes are not the focus of the book of Proverbs. As far as the book of Proverbs deals with the education of young men, dress codes are not important. It is 72 Forti, Animal Imagery, 9–10. 73 Wilke, Kronerben, 181 emphasizes that no other animal better symbolizes royal power. The lion’s appearance and roaring pose an immediate threat to life. 74 I follow the animal identifications of Forti, Animal Imagery, 108. 75 Ibid., 117.

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only the adulterous woman who appears in the garment of a prostitute. The strong and valiant woman is a positive example for young women and men alike. She enables the whole family to have valuable clothes. She is not defined by a certain dress code but is a stereotype of a successful woman and a role model. The warning against the “strange woman” implies a certain dress code, although the emphasis is on the woman’s seductive power, illustrated by the fabrics in her house. When speaking about different social roles, dress codes are implicit but not of direct relevance for the proverbial sayings.

Bibliography Ansberry, Christopher B. Be Wise, My Son, and Make My Heart Glad: An Exploration of the Courtly Nature of the Book of Proverbs (BZAW 422). Berlin: De Gruyter, 2011. Bautch, Richard J. “Dress. II. Hebrew Bible/Old Testament. A. Dress in the Hebrew Bible.” In Encyclopedia of the Bible and Its Reception, vol. 7, edited by Hans-Josef Klauck, 3–5. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2013. Brockmöller, Katrin. “Eine Frau der Stärke–wer findet sie?” Exegetische Analysen und intertextuelle Lektüren zu Spr 31,10–31 (BBB 147). Bonn: Philo, 2004. Camp, Claudia V. Wisdom and the Feminine in the Book of Proverbs. Sheffield: Almond, 1985. Dell, Katherine J. The Book of Proverbs in Social and Theological Context. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2006. Edwards, Douglas R. “Dress and Ornamentation.” In ABD 2 (1992): 232–8. Erickson, Amy. “Dress. II. Hebrew Bible/Old Testament. B. Dress and Identity,” In Encyclopedia of the Bible and Its Reception (EBR), vol. 7, edited by Hans-Josef Klauck, 5–8. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2013. Fischer, Stefan. “Foreign Women in the Book of Proverbs.” In Foreign Women in the Hebrew Bible and the Ancient Near East (ORA), edited by Angelika Berlejung and Marianne Grohmann. Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck (forthcoming). Fischer, Stefan. “Rhetorical Figures of the Garden-Motif in Song of Songs 4:12–5:1.” JSem 23 (2014): 810–22. Forti, Tova L. Animal Imagery in the Book of Proverbs (VTSup 118). Leiden: Brill, 2008. Forti, Tova L. “The Polarity of Wisdom and Fear of God in the Eden Narrative and in the Book of Proverbs.” BN NF 149 (2011): 45–57. Fox, Michael V. Proverbs: An Eclectic Edition with Introduction and Textual Commentary (The Hebrew Bible: A Critical Edition 1). Atlanta: SBL Press, 2015. Jacob, Irene and Walter Jacob. “Flora.” ABD 2 (1992): 803–17. Kersken, Sabine. “Kleidung/Textilherstellung (AT).” WiBiLex, February 2012. Available online: https://www.bibelwissenschaft.de/stichwort/23664/ (accessed September 25, 2017). Klopfenstein, Martin A. Scham und Schande nach dem Alten Testament (ATANT 62). Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 1972. Lambdin, Thomas O. “Egyptian Loan Words in the Old Testament.” JAOS 73 (1953): 145–55. Loader, James Alfred. Proverbs 1–9 (HCOT). Leuven: Peeters, 2014. Maier, Christl. Die “fremde” Frau in Proverbien 1–9. Eine exegetische und sozialgeschichtliche Studie (OBO 144). Fribourg: Universitätsverlag, 1995.

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Mathys, Hans Peter. “Die tüchtige Hausfrau von Prov 31,10-31: eine phönizische Unternehmerin.” ThZ 60 (2004): 23–42. McKinlay, Judith E. Gendering Wisdom the Host: Biblical Invitations to Eat and Drink (JSOTSup 216). Sheffield: Sheffield Academic Press, 1996. Plöger, Otto. Sprüche Salmos (Proverbia) (BKAT XVII). Neukirchen-Vlyun: Neukirchener Verlag, 1984. Podella, Thomas. Das Lichtkleid JHWHS: Untersuchungen zur Gestalthaftigkeit Gottes im Alten Testament und seiner altorientalischen Umwelt (FAT 15). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 1996. Sandoval, Timothy J. The Discourse of Wealth and Poverty in the Book of Proverbs (BIS 77). Leiden: Brill, 2006. Shupak, Nili. Where Can Wisdom be Found? The Sage’s Language in the Bible and in Ancient Egyptian Literature (OBO 130). Fribourg and Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1993. Tol, Marten. Women in the Ancient Near East. Berlin: De Gruyter, 2016. Whybray, Roger Norman. Proverbs (NCBC). Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans, 1994. Whybray, Roger Norman. Wealth and Poverty in the Book of Proverbs (JSOTSup 99). Sheffield: JSOT Press, 1990. Wilke, Alexa F. Kronerben der Weisheit. Gott, König und Frommer in der didaktischen Literatur Ägyptens und Israels (FAT II.20). Tübingen: Mohr Siebeck, 2006. Yoder, Christine Roy. Wisdom as a Woman of Substance: A Socioeconomic Reading of Proverbs 1–9 and 31:10–31 (BZAW 304). Berlin: De Gruyter, 2001.

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Clothing and Nudity in the Song of Songs Meik Gerhards

1.  Preliminary Remarks In the Song of Songs, the reader/listener hears the voices of two people, a man and a woman in love with each other. The desire for the wedding is expressed in at least two vision accounts (Song1 3:6–5:1; 6:12–7:13).2 Besides the couple, only few other figures occur. The “daughters of Jerusalem” are mainly addressed as a collective group (1:5; 2:7; 3:5; 5:8; 8:4; in 3:11 as “daughters of Zion”); in 5:9; 6:1, they enter into a dialogue with the woman. In 8:8-9, nearly at the end of the book, there is a discussion among the woman’s brothers. The brothers had already been mentioned as “my mother’s sons” in a speech by the woman nearly at the beginning of the book (1:6). The limited number of characters is a major sign of the unity of the book. This remark already points to one of the two main issues in the exegesis of the Song of Songs.3 The first main issue concerns literary shape and unity. It includes the problem of whether the scenes evoked by the poetic description should be understood as realistic accounts or as accounts of visions and dreams. Since these problems cannot be discussed adequately here, I will limit myself to some general assertions. First, I am convinced that the Song can be read as a literary unity. Second, but with less certainty, I assume that it can be understood as a monologue by the woman, who speaks, for the 1 In further references to passages of the Song of Songs, the abbreviation of the book (“Song”) will only be used when necessary for clarity. 2 It is often assumed that the idea of marriage (and correspondingly the hope of marrying) was absent to the Song of Songs. Yet it may be asked to what extent this assumption is based on critical views of marriage in Europe and North America beginning in the twentieth century. This is especially true if we consider textual evidence from the Song itself: While Song 3:11 refers explicitly to the wedding day, further passages can also be reasonably explained against a nuptial backdrop. Yet, notwithstanding the hope of marrying, it can be conceded that the woman is described as acting autonomously, partially against the will of her brothers (1:6). Therefore, the love affair of the main figures appears, to a certain extent, unconventional. 3 In the limits of the present chapter, it is impossible to give an overview of discussions about the main issues or to discuss details in an adequate manner. I will thus almost completely forego references to exegetical literature. Further information about the basic exegetical questions is provided by any current “Introduction to the Old Testament/Hebrew Bible.” Information about details such as the meaning of single verses or metaphors can be gleaned from a wide range of commentaries and specialized studies. For a detailed explanation of my own basic assumptions, cf. Gerhards, Hohelied.

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most part, about her dreams and visions.4 Even if these statements concerning the first main issue cannot be substantiated here, it should at least be accepted that in some cases the interpretation of particular passages profits from observing the immediate context or even the context of the Song of Songs as a whole. The second main issue concerns poetic imagery, namely, how the images, comparisons, and metaphors should be identified and interpreted. This issue includes the important question of whether and in what way the Song can be understood in a religious-allegorical sense.5 Discussions about the meaning of clothing and nudity in the poetry of the Song have to consider these main issues, although here the question of a possible allegorical sense is of no significance. Even if it was composed from the outset as religious allegory, as I assume,6 the Song of Songs represents passionate love poetry that cannot be explored in a literal or (presumed) allegorical sense without awareness of the experience of love and its delights, uncertainties, and disappointments. This includes attraction toward the beloved and not least his or her outward appearance and physical charms.7 Clothing contributes to one’s outward appearance and can promote physical attraction. The same applies to jewelry, which is often related to clothing. On the other hand, the mention of bare parts of the body or the reference to the nude body as a whole can be employed as a means of evoking attractive beauty. Moreover, the Song of Songs contains some references to clothing and nudity that lead to other connotations relating to social status or feelings of estrangement and intimacy.

2.  Relevant Passages within the Song of Songs The following passages are relevant to the topic of “clothing and nudity”: 1) 1:7: The woman does not want to be “like one who is veiled” (NRSV)8 beside the flocks of her friend’s companions. 2) 1:9-11: The friend promises to make his beloved resemble the mares of Pharaoh’s chariots by giving her precious jewelry as a present.9 On the issue of literary unity, cf. Gerhards, Hohelied, 199–296; on the understanding of the Song as a monologue by the woman, who refers mainly to her dreams and visions, cf. Gerhards, Hohelied, 297–321 (dreams and visions), 192–8, 322–48 (monologue). 5 For a long time, there was a consensus that the religious-allegorical understanding was a misinterpretation of the Song, probably a kind of religious subjugation of the love poetry. This consensus has been challenged in recent years. An overview of the present discussion is given by the articles in Schellenberg and Schwienhorst-Schönberger (eds.), Interpreting; SchwienhorstSchönberger (ed.), Hohelied. 6 Cf. Gerhards, Hohelied, 441–542; see also Gerhards, “Song of Solomon.” 7 Even if some theologians of the Early and Medieval church gave reasons for the religious-allegorical understanding of the Song that resulted from their contempt for sexuality, there is no reason to suspect every religious-allegorical approach to the Song of being hostile to the body. That the religious message conveyed by the love poetry of the Song is addressed to those who are familiar with amorous experiences, including sensual delights, was already noted by V. E. Löscher, an orthodox Lutheran minister from the early eighteenth century, cf. Koch, “Beobachtungen,” 305–6. 8 Accepting the Masoretic text, we identify ‫ עטיה‬as a qal active feminine participle of ‫“( עטה‬to envelop oneself ”) (following Gesenius, Grammar §75v). 9 Viewed in the context of 1:9-11, the piel of ‫ דמה‬seems to represent the causative “to make like”/“to make resemble.” Therefore, we cannot follow the translation “to compare” (NRSV). 4

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559

3) 3:11: The daughters of Zion are asked to look at the crown with which “Solomon” was crowned by his mother on his wedding day. Here, the royal name may be a designation for the bridegroom.10 4) 4:1-7: The first example of a descriptive song (others occur in 5:10-16; 7:1-6). 5) 4:9-11: Jewelry and clothing contribute to the overwhelming attraction of the woman, who has wounded or stolen the man’s heart or, in other words, driven him mad.11 6) 5:3: When her friend demands admittance at her door in the evening, the woman sends him away, explaining that she has taken off her garment and bathed her feet. 7) Having left the house in search of her friend, the woman roams the city. After the sentinels found her, they beat and wound her and take away her mantle (5:7). 8) The woman praises the qualities of her friend in a descriptive song (5:10-16). Although this song does not refer to clothing or nudity, it can be compared to the descriptions of the woman in 4:1-7; 7:1-6. 9) 7:1-6: The female figure of the dancing Shulammite is described as wearing shoes (7:2), while her stomach and her neck seem to be naked (7:3, 5). The feminine noun “Shulammite” can be derived from the name “Solomon”; since the latter seems to be a designation for the bridegroom, “Shulammite” may be a designation for the bride.12 A more detailed discussion can begin with an examination of the descriptive songs (4:1-7; 5:10-16; 7:1-6).

3.  The Descriptive Songs This type of song is characterized by the successive description of particular parts of the body using metaphors and comparisons.13 The two descriptions of the woman (4:17; 7:1-6) evoke an idealized image of a real person in the reader’s mind, while the description of the man (5:10-16) seems to refer to an artificial image.

10 That “Solomon” has been crowned by his mother “on the day of his wedding” cannot be applied to the historical Solomon or to any other real king. On the other hand, the identification with the bridegroom who is honored with the royal name “Solomon” can be substantiated by reference to ethnographic records from the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. According to Wetzstein, “Dreschtafel,” the bridal couple were celebrated as king and queen during the wedding ceremony; Rothstein, “Hochzeitsbräuche,” 117, quotes a wedding song in which the bridegroom was equated with Abdul Hamid II, who was the reigning sultan at that time (1907). 11 According to Gesenius, Grammar §52h, ‫ לבב‬piel (4:9) should be understood as privative piel. Since the heart is taken as the organ of thought (as is usual in the Old Testament), the man will go mad if his heart is stolen. 12 “Shulammite” (ֺ‫( )שלמית‬only in 7:1) is determined by the article. It may, therefore, be a noun rather than a proper name. The derivation from “Solomon” (‫ )שלמה‬is reasonable, since both words consist of the same consonants. The ū/ī-vocalization of “Shulammite” and the duplication of the mem are probably influenced by “Shunammite,” the epithet of the beautiful Abishag (1 Kgs 1:3). 13 This type of song has existed in the Middle East from the times of ancient Mesopotamia and Egypt up to the present day; cf. Gerhards, Hohelied, 64–70.

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3.1 The Description of the Man (5:10-16) In stating that the man’s head was the finest gold (5:11), his arms were gold set with jewels, his body was ivory work encrusted with sapphires (5:14), and his legs were alabaster columns on bases of gold (5:15), the song describes the man in terms of a precious statue, the effigy of a god. The descriptions of his hair (“wavy, black,” 5:11), eyes (“like doves,” which could mean blue like lapis lazuli, 5:12), beard (“his cheeks are like beds of spices,” 5:13a), and lips (“lilies,” 5:13b) can fit with this idea if we think of a statue endowed with inlays to represent hair, beard, and eyes.

3.2 The First Description of the Woman (4:1-7) The descriptions of the woman in 4:1-7 and that of the man in 5:10-16 have only one image in common: the comparison of their eyes with doves (4:1; 5:12). Whereas in the description of the man that comparison may refer to inlays of lapis lazuli, it seems to refer more generally to the blue color of the eyes in the description of the woman. In this respect, it has parallels in the equation of the woman’s hair with a flock of goats (4:1), which points to its black color, and the equation of her teeth with “shorn ewes that have come up from the washing” (4:2, NRSV), which points to the whiteness of (youthful) teeth.14 As these examples suggest, most parts of the woman’s body are compared with animals or, in the case of her temples (4:3b),15 with a pomegranate. Due to the predominant use of natural comparanda, the description does not evoke the image of a statue. The beloved appears as a woman of flesh and blood. Regarding the topic of “clothing and nudity,” it is noteworthy that the woman is veiled: It is stated explicitly that her eyes and temples appear from behind her veil (4:1, 3). The veiling becomes understandable from the context if 3:6–5:1 is assumed to refer to a wedding ceremony.16 The whole passage can be understood as a wedding vision told by the woman.17 The account begins with a scene in which the bride is apparently brought to the bridegroom in a litter (3:6-11).18 It continues with speeches by the bridegroom to the bride (4:1–5:1), which form the only part of the Song in For this interpretation, cf. Gerhards, “Augen,” esp. 18–20, 25–32. 15 Apart from Song 4:3; 6:7, the term ‫ רקה‬is used only in the story of Deborah in the book of Judges: In Judg. 4:21-22; 5:26, it denotes the temple, not the cheeks (as NRSV renders it in the Song). 16 For a detailed discussion, cf. Gerhards, Hohelied, 231–60. 17 The understanding as a vision is already indicated in 3:6, since the description of an unspecified object (or person) coming up from the wilderness cannot be taken as naturalistic. The continuation in 3:7-8 uses the connection of the particle ‫ הנה‬with noun clauses that is common to descriptions of dreams or visions (cf., e.g., Gen. 15:17; 40:9, 16; Amos 7:1, 4; 8:1). 18 According to 3:11, the scene relates clearly to a wedding ceremony. “Solomon” can be identified with the bridegroom, while an explicit mention of the bride is lacking. Against this backdrop, it is noteworthy that the opening question of 3:6-11 uses the feminine: ‫“( מי זאת עלה מן המדבר‬Who/what is that coming up from the wilderness?”; 3:6). Since it was customary to carry the bride in a litter (cf. the references from ancient Jewish literature in Strack and Billerbeck, Kommentar I, 505, 509–10), we may conclude that the feminine forms in the opening question relate to her. If we assume the bride to “come up from the wilderness” (3:6) in “Solomon’s bed” (3:7), i.e., his litter (3:9), we thus have to assume a change of perspective in 3:11: With this verse, the reader’s attention is drawn away from the litter (and the bride) toward the bridegroom. 14

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which the woman is called a “bride” (‫כלה‬, 4:8, 11) or “my sister, [my] bride” (‫אחתי כלה‬, 4:9, 10, 12; 5:1).19 Toward the end of the vision, the bride invites the man to “come to his garden” (4:16b), that is, to sleep with her. In the following verse (5:1), the very end of the passage, the bridegroom states, as a kind of answer to her invitation, that the marriage is consummated, using metaphors of harvesting, eating, and drinking. Within the framework of the wedding vision, the descriptive song in 4:1-7 is the first part of the bridegroom’s speech. At this point, the bridal couple are no more than superficially acquainted with each other, which explains the veiling of the woman: It represents, on the internal level of the text, the unacquaintance and distance between bride and groom that has to be overcome during the days of the wedding.20 Yet although the veiling stands for distance, it is noteworthy that the veil is not completely opaque. Verses 1-3 suggest that at least the contours of the bride’s face are visible. The man describes the face as he imagines it from its contours, beginning with the eyes. Since looking in the other’s eyes is essential for communicating and becoming acquainted with each other, the eyes can perhaps be regarded as pars pro toto for the face. As a part of the bride’s clothing, the veil hides her face, yet because of its transparency it enables the man to receive an impression of it. The remaining parts of the body from the head downward seem to be completely covered. The description of the neck as the tower of David draped with shields (4:4) probably refers to a necklace adorned with jewels (cf. also 4:9). The imagery of a tower and shields suggests unapproachability, representing the distance that still exists between bride and groom. The description of the woman ends with her breasts. Since her face is described as veiled and her neck as covered with a necklace, it is impossible to assume that her breasts were naked. The man imagines them by comparing them with twins of a gazelle that feed among the lilies (4:5). The imagination of the bride’s breasts forms a transition to v. 6, where the man utters his will to hasten to the mountain of myrrh and the hill of frankincense. This verse is indeed an interruption within the description of the woman, but it is a meaningful part of the broader context. The journey to the fantasized mountains belongs to the same imagery as the invitation to the garden in 4:16: Following that invitation (4:16), the man enjoys all the charms of the woman (5:1) when he sleeps with her. Song of Songs 4:6 already points to that goal, which will be achieved at the end of the wedding vision. At the present point, this is no more than anticipation. According to the description of the woman in 4:1-7, erotically appealing parts of the body, that is, the neck and the The fact that the term “bride” is used only in the passage following the explicit mention of the wedding day in 3:11 supports the understanding of 3:6–5:1 as a coherent wedding scene. This applies even if elsewhere “bride,” like the term “sister,” could be used in a figurative sense; cf. Gerhards, Hohelied, 239–41, against Bartelmus, “Huris,” 31; Keel, Hohelied, 145. 20 The meaning of the veiling cannot be derived from the folkloric background of the scene. Ethnographic records from early twentieth-century Palestine state that the bride was veiled and accompanied by armed men on her way to the bridegroom. According to Rothstein, “Hochzeitsbräuche,” 121, the veiling, just as the armed escort, should be understood as a ritual means of protection against evil, especially against the evil eye. The description in 3:6-11 is apparently influenced by similar customs (cf. the mention of armed men in 3:7-8), although the idea of protection against evil has no discernible importance within the poetry itself. 19

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breasts, are still covered with clothes and jewelry. The description of the ornamented neck even expresses unapproachability. Other appealing parts of the body such as the belly or the pubic area are not mentioned at all. To sum up: Within the description of the woman in 4:1-7, clothing represents the current unacquaintance between bride and groom, but the transparency of the veil stands for the possibility of coming into contact and overcoming the distance. If we want to speak of “nudity,” we can only refer to the contours of the face behind the veil.

3.3 The Second Description of the Woman (7:1-6) In 5:2, a significant change takes place: The vision of the wedding ceremony is followed by a paraklausithyron: The man and the woman are obviously no longer considered as married.21 That situation lasts until 6:12, where the atmosphere changes once again from pessimistic images to the scene of a dance. Since we have interpreted the wedding scenes in 3:6–5:1 as a vision, it is reasonable to understand 6:12–7:13 in this way as well. If we assume the Song of Songs to be a monologue by the woman, 6:12–7:6 should be understood more specifically as a vision in which the speaker envisages herself performing a dance. Based on ethnographic records from nineteenth-century Syria, we can identify her dance as part of a wedding ceremony. Thus, 6:12–7:13 seem to be the next wedding scenes after 3:6–5:1.22 The woman’s dancing is accompanied by singing spectators who are divided into two groups, called “two armies” (7:1, NRSV).23 Their song describes the dancer’s beauty. Unlike the descriptive songs in 4:1-7 and 5:10-16, it begins with the feet instead of the head, since the feet (literally “steps in sandals,” 7:2a) are the most interesting parts of a dancer’s body. In 7:2b, they are followed by the swinging hips. As to clothing and nudity, it has to be stated that in the whole song only the feet are described as dressed. The woman wears sandals, which are obviously a sign of elegance and nobility: They let her appear as a noble young lady, the “daughter of a nobleman” (‫)בת־נדיב‬.24 From this perspective, it is striking that the belly is described as if it were naked. The navel is called “a rounded bowl. May it never lack mixed wine” (7:3a). The woman’s stomach as a whole is compared with a heap of wheat (7:3b), which points to the fairness of her skin, just as in 4:2 the washed ewes pointed to the whiteness of her teeth. Moreover, the reference to a heap of wheat causes the noble lady to appear as The Greek term παρακλαυσίθυρον denotes a complaint at the door. As the complaint of a lover who is not allowed to enter the house of his beloved, the paraklausithyron is a popular motif within Hellenistic literature. This motif, which can also be identified in 5:2-4, is only comprehensible if the man and the woman are not considered married. 22 Cf. the description of the solo dance (Arabic: sahga) in Wetzstein, “Zeltlager,” 105, 106 n. 45. Although the performance of this dance is not restricted to wedding ceremonies, Wetzstein refers to it in the context of nuptial customs (cf. also Wetzstein in Delitzsch, Hoheslied, 172–3; Wetzstein, “Dreschtafel,” 288, 291). 23 Since 7:1 clearly refers to two groups, it is reasonable to understand the Hebrew ‫ מחנים‬as dual of ‫“ מחנה‬camp,” “army,” not as the place name Mahanaim (Gen. 32:3 and passim). We can thus translate “dance of the two armies” or, since the term “armies” designate the spectators, “dance before the two armies” (NRSV). In NRSV, the present verse is numbered as 6:12. 24 Similarly, “sandals of fine leather” belong to the fine garments, which God gives to the poor foundling Jerusalem in Ezek. 16:10. 21

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well-nourished. If this is correct, any idealization of slenderness is alien to the text. Moreover, the description of the woman as full-figured can be taken as a sign of fertility. Since wheat is a basic foodstuff growing up from the fertile soil, it is also an appropriate term of comparison here. As a very intimate part of the body, the belly, and especially the navel, is usually covered with clothes. If we conclude from 7:3 that the dancer lets the spectators see her bare stomach, we should remember that the description song belongs to a vision account. What it describes would certainly not happen in reality.25 This would apply especially if “navel” was a euphemism for “vulva.”26 If it really is, as we assume, a vision of the woman, it must express her desire to be seen as flawless, beautiful, and desirable.27 In that context, even an imagination of naked breasts is evoked. In 7:4, the same image is used as in 4:5: The breasts are compared with the two twins of a gazelle, although 7:4 does not state that the gazelles feed among the lilies. If we ascribe substantive significance to the omission of the lilies, it may indicate that nothing covers or hides the “gazelles” like the lilies could do. Also the imagined naked breasts represent fertility.28 But even if that interpretation of 7:4 may go too far, the description of the neck in 7:5 must be expressive if it is compared with the parallel statement in 4:4. While the neck in 4:4 was likened to the tower of David draped with shields, in 7:5 it is compared with an ivory tower. In that case, the neck is obviously not described as adorned with a necklace, but we remember that in 4:4 the reference to a necklace was associated with unapproachability. Like the use of a heap of wheat as a metaphor for the stomach (7:3), the mention of an ivory tower evokes the image of a bare neck and points to the fairness of the skin. With the mention of the neck, the description continues to suggest associations with beauty and erotic attraction. The last comparisons in the descriptive song are those of the head with the Carmel and of the flowing locks with purple (7:6). Here, the song returns to images of nobility. While at the beginning the woman is called “daughter of a nobleman” because of her sandals (7:2), at the end the comparison of her hair with purple suggests the idea of

Keel, Hohelied, 215, fig. 116, shows figurines of naked goddesses whose navel is modeled like a “rounded bowl.” The figurines were produced in great quantities in Syria during the second millennium BCE. Since some examples survived until the first millennium, it is quite possible that the description of 7:3 has been influenced by them. Moreover, influences by other figurative representations of naked female musicians and dancers, e.g., from Egyptian art (cf. Keel, Hohelied, 131, fig. 74/75, 219, fig. 121, 222, fig. 122), are likewise possible. Yet in view of these possible influences, we must remember that the text is very likely to be understood as a vision account, not as a description of what was customary in ancient Palestinian wedding ceremonies. 26 For this interpretation, cf. Keel, Hohelied, 214–16. In one of the figurines shown in fig. 116, the difference between navel and vulva seems to be blurred. According to Keel, the wish that the navel may never lack mixed wine (7:3) shows unambiguously that indeed the vulva is meant. 27 If, on the contrary, the man is assumed to be speaking in 6:12–7:6, the passage would mirror his own appreciation for the woman and, at the same time, his wish that his beloved would also be adored by other men, who appear in the vision as spectators (7:1). 28 We may recall at this point the Judean pillar figurines that were widespread during the eighth to sixth centuries BCE. These female figures presenting large breasts were certainly connected with concerns over fertility. Two examples are shown by Keel, Hohelied, 222, fig. 123 as an illustration of 7:8, where the woman is compared with a palm tree and her breasts with clusters of dates. 25

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royal garments. The woman is thus presented as a mighty queen: “A king is held captive in the tresses” (7:6, NRSV [numbered as 7:5]).

4.  Veiling and Jewelry in 1:7–2:3 Song of Songs 1:7–2:3 forms a coherent section that begins with an arrangement to meet (1:7-8) and continues with scenes of an intimate rendezvous of the two people in love (1:9-11, 12-17; 2:1-3). The first two units, 1:7-8 and 1:9-11, contain dialogues between the man and the woman, while the following two units, 1:12-17 and 2:1-3, can be interpreted as accounts of their meeting. In 1:7-8, the woman asks where she will find the man at noon. The man is imagined as a shepherd who lets his flock lie down during the midday heat. Regarding the topic of clothing, the woman’s rhetorical question is interesting: “For why should I be like one who is veiled beside the flocks of your companions?” (NRSV). Here, the term “veiled” can be interpreted in light of Gen. 38:14-15, where Tamar puts on a veil instead of her widow’s garments in order to look like a prostitute. Disguised in that way, she seeks to seduce her father-in-law Judah, whom she expects to beget her a son. The plan succeeds: “When Judah saw her, he thought her to be a prostitute, for she had covered her face” (Gen. 38:15, NRSV). Tamar’s veiling prevents Judah from identifying her. At the same time, being veiled seems to be specific to prostitutes. These insights will be helpful to understand Song 1:7. In light of Gen. 38, the question “Why should I be like one who is veiled?” could mean that the woman does not want to be like a prostitute. As “one who is veiled,” a prostitute is not individually identifiable: Judah does not even recognize his daughter-in-law (Gen. 38:15). Following this line of thought, we may conclude that the personality of a prostitute is only of interest insofar as she is able to fulfil the sexual desires of any man who approaches her. In contrast to a prostitute, the female speaker in the Song wants to be unique to her friend, whom she wants to meet at noon, naturally without wearing a veil. In the context of 4:1-7, veiling could be explained as a symbol of unacquaintance and personal distance. In 1:7, it can be understood in a similar manner, but more intensively, as a symbol of depersonalization. The friend answers the woman in 1:8. He protects her from being “like a veiled person,” from becoming like an impersonal being, by telling her how to find the place where he takes his midday rest. That, in his eyes, the woman is indeed the unique beloved is stressed by his speech in 1:9-10. He connects his pledge to give her strings of jewels and ornaments of gold as a present with a telling metaphor: He wants to make the woman resemble a mare of Pharaoh’s chariots.29 With the allusion to the ornate horses of Pharaoh, the man expresses his wish that his beloved stand out from the crowd. The jewelry he will give her will reflect her uniqueness.

In this speech, the imagery changes: The man is no longer depicted as a shepherd but rather as a king. This shift, however, is perhaps not so profound, since the shepherd is a common metaphor for the king. 29

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Taking 1:7-8 and 1:9-11 together we can state that, instead of being “like one who is veiled,” the woman is unique, adorned, and adored by her friend.

5.  Poetic Hints of Nudity in 5:3 and 5:7 Marked off by the significant shifts in 5:2 and 6:12, the long passage in 5:2–6:11 separates the two wedding visions (3:6–5:1; 6:12–7:13) from each other. It comprises a paraklausithyron (5:2-4), which is followed by the disappearance of the friend, who was sent away from the door (5:5-6), and by the woman’s search for him in the city at night (5:6-7). After the scene of the nocturnal search, the passage continues with a dialogue between the woman and the daughters of Jerusalem (5:8–6:3), which includes a description of the man in 5:10-16. What follows in 6:4-11 can be understood as a monologue by the man who is on the way to his garden, where he arrives at the end of the passage (6:11). The man’s monologue contains a description of the woman (6:4-7) with several repetitions from 4:1-7. Yet, in contrast to 4:1-7, the woman is now described as both beautiful and frightening. Thus, the comparison of her eyes with doves (4:1) is replaced by an appeal for her to turn her eyes away from the man (6:5); moreover, the descriptions of the neck and the breasts are omitted. Since the passage stresses the frightening side of amorous experiences, there is no room for mentioning intimate parts of the body. For the same reason, the woman’s clothing (or nudity) is of no importance. In contrast, in the preceding paraklausithyron and the account of the nocturnal search, we find two poetic hints of nudity. In the late evening, after the woman has already fallen asleep, the man’s voice urges her to open the door and let him in. He expresses his longing for being together with her by using no less than four terms of endearment: “my sister, my love, my dove, my perfect one” (5:2; NRSV). In her answer, the woman does not state outright that she has already gone to bed. She says, “I have put off my garment, how could I put it on again? I have bathed my feet, how could I soil them again?” (5:3, NRSV [slightly altered in the quotation]). Her words make the man imagine her lying naked and with cleansed feet in the bed. His longing must thereby be intensified, although her answer is a rejection. Yet, as we will see, there is reason to assume that this applies only to the surface level of the text. When the man characterizes his beloved as beautiful and frightening on the way to his garden (6:4-7), the woman not only appears as frightening because of the pure rejection but also because she strengthened his disappointment by evoking the image of her naked, cleansed body that was just out of his reach. But that is only one side of the picture. What follows suggests that the woman also feels desire for her friend, since otherwise there would be no reason for her to change her mind after the man has gone from her door. She must have rejected his request because it would have been unseemly to let him in. Yet after the rejection, her longing has obviously become stronger than her decency. Thus, she goes out in search of the man (5:6), even though a decent young lady would not roam the city at night. The watchmen who find her must think (probably rightly) that she has left the house against the will of her family. Their

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drastic reaction described in 5:7 (“they beat me, they wounded me, they took away my mantle,” NRSV) ends in the woman’s total degradation: The sentinels take her mantle from her before disappearing from the scene. This description suggests that they leave the woman behind naked. Taken together, the scenes of the paraklausithyron and the nocturnal search end, in a way, as they began: with a poetic hint of nudity. However, the connotations are totally different: When the woman describes herself as having taken off her garment and lying naked in her bed (5:3), she intensifies the man’s erotic desire and may have also indirectly expressed her own wishes. Here, nudity stands for erotic attraction, while at the end of the nocturnal scene it is a sign of disgrace. When the sentinels undress the woman, they demonstrate that a young lady who roams the city at night has lost all her reputation. If any erotic connotations connected with the nudity of the beloved remain, they cannot arise from the image of the beaten and wounded woman sitting on the street. They can only be sad reminiscences of an unfulfilled desire. Considering that it was true desire for her friend that led the woman to go out into the city, the sentinels’ treatment of her can no longer be regarded as punishment, but as maltreatment. Against this backdrop, the image of the naked woman must evoke compassion.

6.  Conclusion In the Song of Songs, references to clothing and nudity are employed as a means of describing the emotional impact of one person on another. It is noteworthy that nearly all of these references relate to the woman. The only possible exception is the mention of Solomon’s crown in 3:11. It characterizes the man as the bridegroom but makes no further statements concerning his personality or personal impact. As to nudity, the descriptions of bare parts of the woman’s body in 7:2-5a express flawless beauty, fertility, and thus erotic appeal. The same applies to 5:3, where the woman’s response evokes the image of her lying naked in bed. The desire of the man must thereby be strengthened. Yet only a few verses later, in 5:7, nudity no longer relates to erotic desire; now, it is a sign of disgrace. The emotional impact is not on any person within the account but instead on the reader: The idea of the maltreated woman bereft of her mantle evokes compassion. As to clothing, in 1:7 veiling stands for depersonalization, and in 4:1-7 it represents, according to the context, unacquaintance and distance. Since the transparency of the veil enables the man to see the contours of the woman’s face (4:1, 3), it stands for the possibility of entering into contact and thus overcoming such distance. In 1:9-11, the jewelry promised by the man highlights the uniqueness of the beloved woman: Likened to a mare of Pharaoh’s chariots, she will stand out from the crowd. It is certainly no coincidence that in this unit the man is described as a king (and not as a shepherd, as was the case in 1:7-8). Adorned by (someone like) a king, the woman will look like a queen, who embodies grandeur and elegance. Her attractiveness will be strengthened in this way. The references to jewelry and clothing in 4:9-11 serve the

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same purpose, contributing to the woman’s attractiveness. Finally, royal elegance is also ascribed to the woman with reference to items of clothing in 7:2: Her sandals let her appear as a young lady of noble birth who is adored by “two armies” of spectators who watch her dance.

Bibliography Bartelmus, Rüdiger. “Von jungfräulichen Huris zu ‘pflückreifen Trauben’ (C. Luxenberg) oder: Vom myrrhegetränkten Venushügel (Hld 4,6) zur Kirche als Braut Gottes. Überlegungen zur Möglichkeit einer theologischen Lesung des Hohenliedes— ausgehend vom Phänomen der Polyvalenz semitischer Lexeme.” In “Sieben Augen auf einem Stein” (Sach 3:9). Studien zur Literatur des Zweiten Tempels. Festschrift für Ina Willi-Plein, edited by Friedhelm Hartenstein and Michael Pietsch, 21–41. NeukirchenVluyn: Neukirchener Verlag, 2007. Delitzsch, Franz. Biblischer Commentar über die poetischen Bücher des Alten Testaments IV: Hoheslied und Kohelet. Mit Excursen von Consul D. Wetzstein. Leipzig: Dörffling und Franke, 1875. Gerhards, Meik. Das Hohelied: Studien zu seiner literarischen Gestalt und theologischen Bedeutung. 1st edn. Leipzig: Evangelische Verlagsanstalt, 2010. Gerhards, Meik. “Deine Augen sind Tauben. Zu einem Bild der Beschreibungslieder des Hoheliedes und ihrer Auffassung von Schönheit.” TZ 64 (2008): 13–32. Gerhards, Meik. “The Song of Solomon as an Allegory. Historical Considerations.” In Interpreting the Song of Songs—Literal or Allegorical?, edited by Annette Schellenberg and Ludger Schwienhorst-Schönberger, 51–77. Leuven: Peeters, 2016. Keel, Othmar. Das Hohelied. 2nd edn. Zurich: Theologischer Verlag, 1992. Koch, Ernst. “Beobachtungen zum Umgang mit dem Hohenlied in Theologie und Frömmigkeit des Luthertums im 16.–18. Jahrhundert.” In Ernst Koch, Studien zur Theologie- und Frömmigkeitsgeschichte des Luthertums im 16.–18. Jahrhundert, 285– 306. Waltrop: Hartmut Spenner, 2005. Rothstein, Gustav. “Moslemische Hochzeitsbräuche in Lifta bei Jerusalem.” PJ 6 (1910): 102–36. Schellenberg, Annette and Ludger Schwienhorst-Schönberger (eds.). Interpreting the Song of Songs—Literal or Allegorical? Leuven: Peeters, 2016. Schwienhorst-Schönberger, Ludger (ed.). Das Hohelied im Konflikt der Interpretationen. Frankfurt a.M.: Peter Lang, 2017. Strack, Hermann Leberecht and Paul Billerbeck. Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus Talmud und Midrasch, 4 vols. 2nd edn. Munich: C. H. Beck, 1956. Wetzstein, Johann Gottfried. “Die syrische Dreschtafel.” Zeitschrift für Ethnologie 5 (1873): 270–302. Wetzstein, Johann Gottfried. “Sprachliches aus den Zeltlagern der syrischen Wüste.” ZDMG 22 (1868): 69–194.

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 569

Index of Subjects adornment 37–8, 40–1, 88, 106, 114, 435, 437, 442 apron 174, 370, 467 see also loincloth arms/armor 142, 154, 174, 275–8, 349, 413, 414–15 see also military garments barefoot 220–1, 315–21, 333, 456, 491, 493–5 beam. See weaving bells 291, 425, 530 belt 5, 88, 95, 102, 104, 106–7, 109, 113, 118, 145, 228, 230, 297, 477–8, 485, 515 see also gird/girded birth 14, 134, 163, 188, 220, 222, 225, 240–2, 371, 373, 501 see also child, nude black 57, 93–4, 107, 114, 138, 199, 203, 404, 560 bleaching 63, 67, 439 blue 6, 63, 66, 76, 95, 98, 107, 114, 197, 202–7, 213, 257, 259–60, 295, 435, 441, 560 bracelets 137, 230, 551 see also jewelry breast 22–3, 29, 41, 48, 115, 133, 137–9, 244–5, 311, 544–5, 561–3, 565 breastpiece 62, 198, 200, 206, 212, 275–6, 435–9, 442–5, 470, 530–1 breastplate. See breastpiece breeches 33, 60, 237, 349, 417–18, 423–31 bride. See marriage bronze 98, 133–4, 144, 317, 332, 350, 496 burial 92–4, 99, 114, 118, 165, 168, 170–1, 173–4 byssos 201, 212, 473, 512, 545–6, 551 see also linen camel 57, 59, 192–4, 201, 485–6 cap 102, 105, 138, 190, 551

captivity 113, 118, 142, 144, 188, 238, 333–4, 370–1, 491, 493–7, 518 see also deportation; prisoner, nude carmine 202–3, 205–6 see also red carpet 55, 80, 98, 197, 206 child, nude 131–2, 150–1, 163, 167, 170–1, 173, 176, 188, 222 cloak 94, 103, 258, 324–8, 336, 371 see also mantle; robe copper 76, 98 cotton 44, 48, 61, 89, 193, 201, 229 crimson 65, 197, 229, 279, 296, 350, 435, 441, 546, 551 see also red crossdressing 226, 228, 326–8, 347–8, 417 crown 111, 117, 133, 138–9, 150, 271, 273, 276–8, 280–1, 289–92, 295–8, 348, 405, 526, 559, 566 cult 132–3, 141, 150, 222, 245–6, 255–65, 325, 372, 384, 417–31, 445, 461, 463– 4, 468, 469–72, 474, 534 curtain 63, 65, 76, 198, 200–2, 206–7, 442, 445, 455 dancing 244, 246, 248, 463–4, 467, 469, 472–3, 559, 562–3, 567 deportation 130–1, 133, 144, 243, 259, 492–3, 497 see also captivity; prisoner, nude diadem 102–3, 107, 369, 424 disguise 222, 225–6, 397, 408–9, 412, 457, 550 distaff. See spinning dyeing 55, 58, 62–3, 65–7, 89, 93–4, 96–9, 107, 202, 203–7, 257, 261, 546–7, 551 dyer’s rocket/weld 67, 69 see also yellow dyer’s weed 204–5 see also blue dyer’s woad 66 see also blue

570

570

Index of Subjects

embroidery 79, 108, 198, 202, 438, 441, 512 ephod 435–9, 442–5, 466–7, 470–1, 473–4, 530–1 eroticism 7, 9, 14, 128, 134, 138–9, 156–7, 218–19, 244–5, 561, 563, 566 see also pornography; sexuality everyday dress 12, 41, 46, 199, 226–7, 256, 343, 436 exposure 10, 22, 29, 242, 246, 344–6, 348–51, 369, 373, 384–5, 394, 400, 410, 414, 418, 420–3, 425–7, 429–31, 461–2, 467, 469–74 felting 81–2, 89, 198–9 festive garments 195, 222, 226–7, 229, 255, 257, 263, 348, 442, 500, 528–9 flax 60–1, 69–70, 87, 89, 92, 94, 97–8, 199–200, 500, 502, 551 see also linen foreigner 111, 113, 226, 545, 549–50 fowling 165, 173–5 see also hunting fulling. See felting functional nudity/nakedness 35, 129–30, 133, 141–2, 144–5, 156, 167 fur 33–5, 44, 192, 194, 213, 228, 358, 467 gender 6, 8, 11–13, 15, 19–29, 91, 106, 110, 128–33, 141, 156, 517–18 genitals 22, 37, 40, 131, 139, 141, 155, 174, 188, 192, 212, 219, 221–2, 232, 246, 310–11, 332–4, 344–6, 379, 382–3, 385, 417–18, 421–31, 461–2, 467, 470–72, 474, 494, 500, 502–5, 508, 510, 514, 516 gird/girded 225, 291, 296–7, 299, 439, 547, 551 see also belt goat 56–7, 68, 70–1, 74, 94, 100, 192, 194– 5, 199, 201–2, 221, 407–8, 554, 556 goddess, nude 7, 13, 132–8, 141, 150 god/goddess, garments of 228, 248, 255– 65, 269–85, 290, 298–9 gold 62–3, 94–5, 97–8, 107, 198, 207, 227, 231, 257–9, 261–3, 293, 295, 400, 435– 6, 438, 441, 444, 530–1, 547–8, 560, 564 grieving. See mourning garments harlotry 221–2, 396, 456, 511–15 see also prostitution; whore

headscarf 44, 230, 305, 456 see also veil helmet 103, 115, 190, 230, 275–8, 349 hem 62, 113, 206–7, 269–74, 509, 530 hemp 60–1, 74, 194, 201 hero, nude 27, 103–4, 141, 145–6, 150, 153 humiliation 57, 128, 133, 142, 144, 157, 188, 220–1, 242–8, 264, 298, 306, 309, 311, 316, 318, 333–4, 373, 382, 384, 442, 469, 494–6, 499, 501–2, 504–6, 509, 513, 516–20 hunting 33, 40–1, 107, 109, 118, 141–2, 157, 165 see also fowling impurity. See purity indigo 98, 205 see also blue investiture 105, 114, 117, 394, 480, 507, 533–4 ivory 90, 95, 108, 560, 563 jewelry 37, 39, 41, 88, 94, 98, 106–7, 110, 115–17, 242, 244, 248, 512, 516, 529– 30, 547–8, 558–9, 564 kermes 54, 63, 65–6, 206 see also red kilt 93, 106 see also skirt knotting 75, 89, 93–4, 102, 105, 113 lapis lazuli 102, 107, 264, 560 see also blue leather 60, 190, 192, 194, 202–3, 211, 228, 230, 315, 477–8 linen 60, 89, 92–7, 199–201, 210–11, 228– 9, 257–8, 262, 323, 327–8, 348–9, 418, 423–7, 545–7 see also byssos; flax loincloth 42, 117, 331, 358, 369–70, 471 see also apron loom. See weaving madder 65–7, 98, 204–5 see also red mantle 54, 192, 276, 409, 477–87, 559, 566 see also cloak; robe

 571

Index of Subjects marriage 346, 456, 559–62, 566 military garments 102–3, 107, 118, 276, 347, 349–50, 413–14 see also warrior mollusk 63, 65, 96, 206, 261 mourning garments 9, 15, 57, 192–3, 199, 207, 212, 222, 225–6, 229, 303–12, 347–8, 350–1, 384, 400, 404–5, 456–7, 481–2, 495 see also sackcloth; widow moth 56–7, 228 murex 63, 96, 206, 261, 546 see also mollusk murex blue. See blue necklace 230–1, 547–8, 551, 561, 563 see also jewelry newborn. See birth penis 5, 40, 42, 47, 140, 346, 383 see also genitals perfume 88, 545, 548–9 perishability (of clothes) 262–5 pomegranate (decoration) 206–7, 212, 436–7, 439, 445, 560 pomegranate (dye) 203, 205 see also red pornography 7, 115, 156 see also eroticism; sexuality priestly garments 228–30, 233, 317–18, 320–1, 343, 349, 417–18, 423–31, 435–47, 464, 470–1, 473 prisoner, nude 40, 130, 133–4, 220–1, 232, 243, 332, 334, 384, 393, 492, 494, 496–7 see also captivity; deportation prophet, clothing of 192–3, 226, 477–87, 493, 495, 497 prophet, nude 333, 494, 497 prostitution 116, 187, 213, 239, 242, 396–7, 399, 409–11, 512, 516, 544–5, 547, 549–50, 555, 564 see also harlotry; whore protection 34, 36, 39, 41, 44, 109–11, 128, 132, 151, 222–3, 225–7, 229, 232, 240–3, 245–7, 269, 275–7, 284, 451, 455–7, 494–5 pubic area 97, 115, 133, 138, 369, 562 see also genitals

571

purity 56, 65, 228–9, 231–3, 294–6, 316, 346–51, 417, 426, 439, 530, 532 red 54, 63, 65–6, 94, 98, 107, 114, 194, 197, 202–7, 212, 257, 259, 261, 269, 279, 548 ring 405–6, 547–8, 554 see also jewelry robe 62–3, 102, 106–11, 113–14, 225, 227–8, 230, 233, 269–81, 289, 291, 298, 332, 336, 339, 357, 369, 284, 390, 405, 409, 435–9, 441–3, 445–6, 470–1, 473, 478, 483–7, 530, 545, 551 see also cloak; mantle royal garments 89, 95–6, 102, 105, 109, 113, 118, 223, 231, 233, 270, 277–8, 285, 369, 384, 546, 564, 567 royal purple 60, 63, 66, 96, 197, 202–7, 229, 231, 257, 259–63, 348, 350, 435, 441, 546–7, 551, 563 see also red sackcloth 42–3, 57, 192, 199, 225, 229, 303, 308, 310–12, 350, 495 see also mourning garments saffron 203, 549 see also yellow sandals. See shoes sash 44, 60, 106, 109, 230, 349, 428, 435–9, 470 seduction 164, 395, 399, 549 sewing 6, 71, 78, 95, 97, 99–100, 107–8, 117, 208–9, 211–12, 331, 370 sexual intercourse 13, 27, 115, 134, 221, 232–3, 379–80, 383, 411, 502, 512–13, 515–16 sexuality 10, 14, 20, 27, 110, 115, 127, 134, 344, 382, 469, 544 see also eroticism; pornography shame 5, 7, 36–7, 40, 127, 132, 156, 188, 207, 220, 220–1, 226, 232, 240–2, 247, 331, 367–73, 381–5, 483, 494, 499–520, 544 shearing 70–1, 192, 194–5, 199 sheep 55, 58, 60, 63, 69–71, 81, 87–8, 94, 193–5, 199, 201, 323–5, 339, 396, 546 shoes 88–9, 106, 109, 219–21, 225–6, 228, 230, 243–6, 269, 273, 280, 315–21,

572

572

Index of Subjects

333, 456, 491, 493–5, 559, 562–3, 565, 567 shoulder garment 38–9, 43, 94, 97, 101–9, 370, 380 silk 44, 57–9, 71, 89, 98, 194, 201, 228, 348, 512 silver 227, 258–9, 261, 263, 323–4, 348 skin, garments of 193, 293, 331–2, 357–8, 370, 409 skin, second 8, 12, 225, 339, 371, 383–5, 404 skirt 42, 44, 102–3, 113, 190, 193, 211, 333, 503, 505–6, 508–10 see also kilt soldier. See warrior spindle. See spinning spinning 68, 71–4, 89–90, 94, 100, 106, 195–6, 199, 546, 551 stripping (clothes) 36, 220, 263–4, 289–90, 298, 332–6, 390, 394, 399–400, 484, 494, 501–2, 504, 506, 509–10, 513, 517 tabby weave. See weaving tabernacle 54, 56, 58, 63, 65, 74, 76, 194, 196, 200, 202–3, 206–7, 224, 229, 317, 435, 437, 440–2, 449–50, 452, 454, 464–5 tattoo 8, 38, 40–1, 88 tearing (clothes) 15, 244, 303–12, 405, 481 tomb, tumulus 98, 165–75, 203–4, 281, 283–4 see also burial trousers 44, 46, 48, 190, 200–1, 213, 232, 291, 471 tunic 41–4, 46, 60, 107, 109, 117–18, 245, 290, 306–7, 339, 349, 389–92, 398, 400, 428, 435–6, 438–9, 470, 547

turban 44, 60, 230, 295, 303, 339, 426, 428, 435–6, 438–9, 441, 446, 470–1, 515, 526, 528, 530–2, 536 undergarment 194, 199, 202, 228, 332, 435–9, 471, 494–5, 547 vagina/vulva 116, 134–5, 138–9, 563 see also genitals veil 12, 106, 230, 396–7, 399–400, 410, 449–51, 455, 505–6, 550, 560–2, 564 see also headscarf warrior 93, 142, 190, 211, 269, 275–6, 278–9, 281–2, 284–5, 297, 346, 349, 413–15, 496, 515 see also military garment warrior, nude 142–3, 149–50 weapons. See arms/armor weaving 70, 75–81, 87–90, 92–4, 96, 98 100–2, 104–8, 113–14, 196–8, 200, 202, 206–7, 257–9, 327–8, 551 white 9, 54, 60, 70, 93, 95–6, 98, 107, 114, 195, 203, 229, 231, 233, 348–9, 529, 545, 560, 562 whore 333, 499–520 see also harlotry; prostitution whorl. See spinning widow/widowhood 326, 336, 341, 384, 395–400, 409–11, 456, 564 wool 54–58, 70–71, 87–90, 94, 96, 98, 100, 194–5, 257, 259, 261, 263, 323, 327–8, 500, 502, 546–7, 551 yellow 67, 94, 98, 111, 114, 138, 203–6

 573

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources Note:  Bold page numbers refer to those sections of the volume that provide a detailed discussion of the Biblical passage in question. Hebrew Bible Genesis 1–3 1–2 2–3 2:25 3:7, 10-11 3:21 7:19-20 8:13 9:18-29 9:22-23 13:18 14:23 15:2 18:17 20:16 24:3 24:22, 30, 47 24:53 24:65 25:25 25:27 26:8 27 27:11 27:15 27:16 27:27 28:10-22

331–2 327 11, 13–14, 40, 238– 42, 344, 357–73, 383 187–8, 218, 220–1, 483, 544 14, 187–8, 218, 220, 229, 247 54, 193, 208, 223, 226, 247, 409, 544 224 224 15, 245, 247, 332, 344–5, 379–85 187–8, 209, 220–1, 223, 411 319 195, 315 219 223 225 421 554 227 224, 456, 550 193, 195, 213, 407, 478, 483 478 469 406–9, 483 478 223, 226 194, 223 226 319–20

28:20 29:23-25 30:32 31:19 35:2 35:22-26 37 37–39 37:3 37:12-13 37:23 37:29 37:31-34 37:34 38 38:12-13 38:14 38:15 38:17 38:18 38:19 38:25 38:28, 30 39:12 39:14, 17 41:14 41:42 42:6, 9 42:12 42:25, 27, 35 44 44:13 45:22

226 456 71 71, 194 209, 225 443 293, 306–7, 412 389–400 208–9, 332, 547 319 208–9, 298 304–6 208–9 192, 199, 228, 303–5, 405 409–12 194 192, 226, 229, 384, 456, 550, 552 223, 550, 564 71 196, 230 222, 226, 456, 550, 552 196 203 408 469 209, 225 200, 223, 228, 262, 394, 400, 406, 408, 435, 545, 548 187, 222, 394 187, 222 199 307 209, 304–6 209–10, 227, 394

574

574 45:25-27 49:9 49:11 Exodus 1:1-7 3:1-6 3:5 3:6 3:22 9:31 11:2 12:11 12:34-35 15:5 15:13 19 19:9 19:10 19:11-13 19:12 19:14 19:16-18 19:19, 20-25 20:2 20:12 20:18-22 20:24-26 20:26 21:10 21:15 22:4-5 22:6-14 22:8 22:20-26 22:26 23:4-5 23:20 24:10 25–27 25:4 25:5

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources 391 382 207, 210, 222, 224, 229, 382, 450

25:7 25:9 25:21-22 25:40 26:1

443 318–21 226, 245, 316, 319 550 209, 263 60, 200 263 297, 315 209, 263 223 299 318 455 209, 228, 233 453–4 366 209 453–4 454–5 453 382 453–4 246, 418–23 187, 222, 246, 332, 372, 417, 423, 426–7, 429, 431, 462, 471–2 209, 224, 243, 323, 417, 501 382 325 323–5, 417 209, 325 209, 227, 243, 324–6, 336, 371, 417 194, 202, 209, 224, 227, 417, 546 325 485 270 54, 437, 440 58, 199–200, 203, 205–7, 261, 546 194, 203

26:2 26:4 26:7 26:8, 12-13 26:14 26:29 26:30 26:31 26:33-34 26:36 27:4 27:8 27:9 27:16 27:18 27:20-21 28

28:2 28:4 28:5 28:6-14 28:6 28:8 28:9 28:12 28:14 28:15 28:21 28:22 28:28 28:29-30 28:31

211–12 440 450, 454 440 79, 195, 198, 200, 202–3, 205–7, 261 202 63, 206–7 56, 199, 202 202 194, 202–3, 224 259 440 79, 195, 198, 200, 203, 205–7, 261, 328, 455 445, 455 195, 197–8, 200, 202–3, 205–7, 261 76 440 76, 195, 200 196, 200, 202–3, 205–7, 261 196, 200 445 54, 229, 317–18, 321, 405, 423–4, 430–1, 435–47, 461, 464, 470–2, 528, 531–3 229, 289–90, 294–5, 528 79, 208, 211–12, 424, 428, 473, 528, 530 200, 203, 205–6 212, 530–1 196, 198, 200, 203, 205–7, 211–12, 328 200, 203, 205–7 293, 531 211–12, 440, 444 438 62, 196, 198, 200, 203, 205–7, 211–12, 328, 408 515, 531 62, 212, 438, 530 63, 196, 207, 212 440, 444 63, 206, 211–12

 575

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources 28:32 28:33 28:34 28:35 28:36 28:37 28:38 28:39 28:40 28:41 28:42-43 28:42 29 29:5 29:6 29:8 29:13 29:14 29:20 29:21 29:22 29:29 29:30 29:42-46 29:45 30:17-21 30:35 31:10 31:18 32:19 32:31 33:7-11 34:1-4 34:7 34:10-28 34:29-35 34:35 35:6

80, 190, 196, 212, 310 62, 203, 205–7, 212, 503 203, 212, 473, 503 212, 230, 425, 445 230, 295, 424, 438, 530–2 63, 206–7, 295, 424, 438, 530 79, 295, 424, 438, 440, 531–2 197–8, 200, 208, 293, 428, 438, 530 208, 289–90, 294–5, 438 418, 424 417–18, 423–31, 437–8, 446 187–8, 190, 192, 200–1, 222, 230, 246, 332, 462, 471–2 440–1 208, 211–12, 424, 528, 531 424, 438, 441, 530–1 208 224 194 318 528 224 528 222, 226 440 453 317, 425, 445 549 76, 528 450 469 436 453, 455 449 446 449, 451–2 202, 449–57, 550 197–8 199–200, 203, 205–6, 546

35:7 35:9 35:11 35:12, 17 35:18 35:19, 21 35:23 35:25 35:26 35:27 35:35 36:8 36:9 36:11 36:14 36:19 36:35 36:37 37:16 38:9, 16 38:18, 23 38:35, 37 38:36 39 39:1 39:2-5 39:6-7 39:8 39:15-17 39:18-26 39:21 39:22 39:23 39:24 39:25-26 39:27 39:28

575 194, 203 211 224 202 196 528 194, 199–200, 203, 205–6 74, 195, 197, 200, 203, 205–6 74, 195, 199 211 198, 200, 203, 205–6 196, 198, 200, 202–3, 205–7 202 206 56, 199, 202 194, 202–3, 224 196, 198, 200, 203, 205–7 196–8, 200, 202–3, 205–7 206 196, 200 196–8, 200, 202–3, 205–7 206 531 317–18, 321, 464, 470, 531–3 203, 205–6, 212 62, 196, 198, 200, 203, 205–7, 211–12 531–2 196, 198, 200, 203, 205–6, 211–12 212, 530 211–12 206–7, 212 80, 196, 206, 515 190 196, 203, 205–6, 230, 503 203, 230, 503, 530 80, 196, 200, 208 190, 196, 200–1, 230, 425, 427, 429, 530

576

576 39:29 39:30 39:31 39:34 39:38 39:40 40:3 40:5, 8 40:14 40:19, 21, 28 40:30–32 40:33 40:34 Leviticus 1:1 1:6 3:3 3:9 4:8 4:11 4:28 5:1 5:6 6 6:3 6:4 7:8 8 8:2, 30 8:7-9 8:12 8:13 8:14-30 8:17 8:23 9:11 9:19 9:22 10 10:5 10:6 10:9 11 13–15

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources 196–8, 200, 203, 205–6, 424, 546 438, 530–2 206–7, 530 194, 202–3, 224 202 196, 202 225 202 208 202, 224–5 317 202 454 454 298, 307 224 55 224 194 195 446 71, 195 429 54, 190, 192, 200–1, 213, 222–3, 226, 230, 426–31 417, 424, 426–7 194 293, 424, 438, 534 528 208, 211–12, 225, 295, 424, 439, 530–1 534 208 534 194 318 194 224 422 446 208 228 381 528, 530 417

13 13:12 13:36 13:45 13:47-59

16:26, 28 16:27 16:32 17:13 18 18:3 18:6-19 18:15 18:20 19 19:10 19:19 19:27 19:28 19:32 19:33-34 20 20:11, 17-21 20:17 21:5 21:10 21:13 22 24:1-4 26:4, 23-24

227, 528, 530 223 305 207 54–5, 60, 77, 195, 197, 199–200 65, 203, 205 293, 425, 428–9, 435–40, 445, 532 54, 60, 190, 192, 200– 1, 208, 226, 230, 294, 424, 426–31, 438–9, 528, 530–1 201, 226, 426, 528, 546 528 194 428, 528 201, 223, 528 247, 382, 383 381, 383 187, 221, 502 411 383 328 54 229, 233, 328, 417 303 15, 303 382 326 247, 382, 383 187, 219, 221, 502 383 303 226, 228 425 446 445 532

Numbers 2:2 3:25 3:26 3:31 3:37 4:5-14 4:5

453 202, 224 196, 202 202 196 76 202, 223

14:4-6, 49-52 16 16:4

16:23-24

 577

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources 4:6 4:6-14

18:1-7 19:5 19:6 19:7-8 19:15 20:5 20:25-28 21 26:23 27:2 27:21 31:13 31:20

63, 515, 229 194, 202, 206–7, 223–4, 546 65, 202–3, 205–6, 223–4 63, 206 202, 224 196, 202 196 452 70, 381 194 446 203 310 304–6, 310 54, 63, 196, 206–7, 212, 295, 328 446 194 65, 203, 205 417 196 203 480 366 65–6 452 445 452 57, 199

Deuteronomy 1:41 5:4-5 5:16 5:22-24 5:29 5:32 6:2 6:8 8:4 8:8 10:8 10:12 10:14-19 10:18 12 13:6-9

225, 297 453–4 382 453–4 382 411 382 405 209 203 462 382 243, 326, 340 209 418 385, 411

4:8 4:13 4:25 4:26 4:32 4:34, 46 6:3-4 6:5; 8:7 10:10 13:23 14 14:6 15:38

14:1 15:2 15:19 18:4 18:15 21:13 21:18-21 22:1-4 22:5

577

24:13 24:17 25:5-7 25:9-10 27:5-7 27:20 28:48 29:4 31:9, 25

15, 303 326 71, 194 194–5 482, 486 209 382 209, 325, 417 207, 209, 226, 228–9, 233, 326–8, 417, 543 326, 328 54–5, 195, 199–200, 229, 233, 323, 327, 417 54, 209–10, 212, 225, 327, 417 328 209 393 212, 329 528 222 325 194, 227, 243, 325–6, 417 209 336 398 226, 316 420 212 187–8, 218, 221, 335 209, 228, 232, 315 462

Joshua 2:1 2:3 2:6 2:15 2:18, 21 5:13-15 5:15 7:6 7:21, 24 8:30-31 9:4 9:5, 13 10:16-17

550 307 69, 199–200 196 65, 195–6, 203, 205 245, 318–21 226 209, 304–5, 310 213, 226 420 199 209, 315 319

22:8-12 22:11 22:12 22:13-29 22:17 22:24, 27 23:1 23:14 23:15; 24:1 24:6-7 24:10-13

578

578

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources

10:20 22:8

76 263

Judges 3:16 3:24 5:30 6:28 6:34 6:37 8:25 8:26 8:27 10:1 11:35 13:5 14:12-13 14:19 15:14 16:12 16:13-14 16:17 18:11, 16, 17

213 225 197, 203, 227 261 226 55, 195 209 63, 546 63, 206, 229, 546 588 304–6, 310 195 210–11, 227, 547 210 199–200 195 77–8, 196 195 297

Ruth 3:3 3:9 4:7-8

209 212 226, 316

First Samuel 1:11 1:14 2:4 2:14 2:18 2:19 2:28 4–6 4:12 14:2 14:3 14:18 15:27-28 15:27 17 17:1-11 17:5 17:7

195 381 225 546 200–1, 211, 427, 436, 464, 470 212, 473 211, 464 461 213, 304–5, 312 203 211, 464, 470 211 238 212, 441, 473 403, 412, 414 412 190, 224 77, 196, 414

17:32-40 17:39 17:41-58 18:4 19:4 19:13 19:16 19:24 20:30 21:10 21:20 22:18 23:6-14 24:4 24:5, 12 25:2, 4, 7, 11 25:13 25:36 26:18 27:9 28:4 28:6 28:8 28:13 28:14 29:8 30:7-10 31:9 Second Samuel 1:2 1:10 1:11 1:12 1:24 3:29 3:31 4–6 5:17-25 6 6:1 6:14 6:20-23 6:20 6:21 7 7:2 8:2

413–14 225–6, 297, 413–14 413 212, 441, 473, 480 187 199, 202 199 192, 218, 221 187–8, 221 211 209, 464 200–1, 211, 427, 436 211, 444, 464 225, 441 212, 473 194 225, 297 195 479 227, 263 551 444 222, 225–6 551 212, 225, 473 479 211, 444, 464 293, 298, 307 304–5, 312 230 304–5, 308–9 309 65, 203, 205, 207 195 192, 199, 225, 303–5 461 462 201, 372, 461–75 462 200–1, 211, 246, 427, 435, 473 238, 246, 423 187, 246, 332 469 465 202 196

 579

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources 11:2 12:6, 15-23 12:20

15:32 17:13 17:19 18:9-17, 29, 32 19:1-9 19:5 19:36 20:3 20:8 21:8 21:10 21:19 22:6 22:40

218 308 209, 225, 228, 233, 308, 405 308 297 383 504 383 208–9, 212, 223, 384, 441, 481 208–9, 228, 304–5, 310, 481 194–5 303–4, 308–9 226, 229, 303 309 219, 225, 369, 456, 495 305, 312 196 202 309 308–9 303, 369 240 192 213, 224, 297 466 199, 303 78, 196 196 225

First Kings 1 1:1 1:3 1:8 1:53 2:5 3:9 5–8 6 7:15 7:18, 20, 42 7:23-36 8 10:4

479 202 559 485–6 422 297 240 441 362–3 195 203 318 465 213

12:22 12:30 13:11 13:12 13:14 13:18 13:19 13:23-24 13:31 14:2 15:13 15:30

10:5 10:25 11:11 11:29-31 12:32-33 17–19 17:3, 4, 9 18:1, 21 18:26 18:28 18:37 18:46 19:1-18 19:4, 9 19:13 19:19-21 19:19 20:31-32 21 21:27 22:10 22:19, 21 22:30 Second Kings 1–2 1:8 2:1-18 2:8 2:12 2:13-14 2:15 2:23-25 3:4 3:21 4:14 4:29 4:38-41 5:5 5:7 5:22-23 6:30 7:8 8:15

579 224 209, 227 305 209, 224, 238, 305, 547 422 478 478, 480 478 469 484 486 478–9 482, 486 478 192–3, 213, 479, 483 477, 479–80, 482, 486 192–3, 213, 409, 479, 483 192, 196, 199, 225 478–9 192, 199, 304–6, 310 223 527 223, 225 478–80 57, 192–3, 211, 225, 477, 479–80, 483 479–86 192–3, 213, 479, 481 304–5, 547 54, 192–3, 213, 328, 479, 481, 483 281 480 55, 195 297 479 225 478 210, 227 228, 304–6, 310 210, 227 192, 199, 304–6, 310–11, 495 227, 263 202

580

580 9:1 9:22 9:42 10:22 11 11:12 11:14 13:4 16:12 17:13 18:4 18:17 18:27 18:37 19 19:1 19:2 19:19-21 22:11 23:7 25:17 25:28-29 First Chronicles 4:21 4:22 5:40-41 7:1 10:9 10:13-14 11:23 12:19 13:1-14 14:1-17 15 15:2, 15 15:17 15:25–16:3 15:26 15:27 15:29 16:4-43 17:1 20:2 20:5 21:16 29:21

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources 225 504 484 207, 213, 224 309–10 298 304–5, 309 495 421–2 482 366 198 528 305, 312 310 192, 199, 304–6, 495 192, 199, 224 479–80 304–5 196, 258–9, 264 203 406 60, 201, 545 197 535 66 298 473 77, 196 226 472–3 473 423, 462, 472, 474 462 212 472 462 200–1, 211–12, 225, 246, 427, 462, 473 246, 473 472 202 297 77, 196 192, 199, 224 465

Second Chronicles 2:6 2:13 3:5 3:14 3:16 4:6 4:13 5:2 5:4 5:12 6:41 7–9 9:4 9:24 18:9 18:15 18:29 20:25 23:13 24:20 28:15 29:31-33 29:34 34:19 35:7 35:11

63, 65, 206, 532 201, 206, 532 225 201, 206–7 203 318 203 223 462 201 223, 226 225 213, 224 209 223 220 223, 225 407 304 226 218, 226, 243, 333 465 307 304 71 307

Ezra 2:69 3:2-3 3:10 4:14 8:15 9:3, 5

208 422 223 231 203 212, 304–6, 310

Nehemiah 3 4:7 7:7 7:69, 71 9:1 9:21 9:26 12:1, 27

73 219 535 208 192, 199 209, 228, 232 482 535

Esther 1:1 1:4

65 295

 581

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources 1:6 1:16 2:17 3:10, 12 4:1-4 4:1 4:2 4:4; 5:1 6:8-11 6:12 7:8 8:1 8:2 8:8, 10 8:15 Job 1–2 1 1:6-20 1:20 1:21 2:12 4:21 7:5 7:6 8:14 8:22 9:31 10:9 10:11 12:8 12:17, 19 13:28 15:15 15:27 16:5 16:15 18:10 18:13 19:9 22:6 24 24:5-12 24:6-10

70, 196, 201, 206–7, 229, 545–6 70 298 548 192, 199 226, 304–5 207 223 207, 223–4 225, 456 225, 456 207 406, 548 548 65, 201, 206–7, 224, 228–9, 546 527, 536 238, 240 536 304–5, 473, 212 187–8, 220, 238, 240–1, 311 304–5, 473, 212 196 227 54, 196 258 226, 369 209 242 223, 227 211 219, 243, 318 228, 238 439 223 270 192, 199 196 227 290, 297–9 187–8, 194, 218, 220, 227, 243, 334–5 335, 337 243 371

24:7

581

40:25 41:5 42:11

187–8, 202, 207, 209, 218–20, 224–5, 227 214 187–8, 207, 218, 220, 224, 243 456 187–8, 202, 209, 212, 219–20, 225 224, 227 338–40 212, 530 196 207–8 224 202, 207, 209, 225, 243, 337 194, 337, 546 242 196 270 212 189, 207, 225 212 227 223, 227 270 225–6, 270, 290–1, 298–9 196 207, 224 554

Psalms 5:13 8 8:6 9:16 11:2 16:6 18:5-6 21:13 24:4-5 30:12 32:1 32:3 32:5 35:13 35:26 44:16-17

414 298 290, 292, 296–8 75 196 196 196 196 326 192, 199 224 238 223 192, 199 223, 369 368

24:9 24:10 24:15 26:6 27:16 29–31 29:14 30:11 30:18 31:18 31:19 31:20 34:15 36:8 36:30, 32 37:3 38:9 38:13 38:14 39:19 40:7 40:10

582

582 45:4 45:9 45:15 52:4 65:6 [65:7 MT] 65:7, 13 65:14 66:16 68:7 68:14 69:12 69:32 73:6 76:11 80:11 93:1

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources

102:18 102:26 102:27 102:52 104:1 104:2 104:15 105:39 109:18 109:29 116:3 119:61 132 132:16 132:18 137:3-4 138:3 140:6 141:10 147:16

225, 291, 297 548 197 195 270 225 227 479 219 225 192, 199 450 213, 229, 549 225 224 225–6, 270, 285, 290, 299, 357 187–8, 219–20 270 225, 228 238 226, 285, 289–90, 299 202, 209, 285, 357 381 202 226 212, 369 196 196 369 226 223, 369 546 299 196 75 68, 71, 195

Proverbs 1–9 1:1 1:7 1:12 2:5 2:16 2:18 3:12 3:19 4:3

549 553 544 551 554 545 551 554 195 554

4:9 5:5 5:20 5:22 6:6, 8 6:24 6:26 7:10 7:16 7:17 7:18-19 7:27 8:30-31 9 10 10:1 10:8, 10 11:22 11:29 12:4 12:9 12:16, 23 12:24 13:7-8, 23 14:20-21, 28, 31, 35 15:15 15:20 15:24-25 16:10, 19, 26 16:31 17:2, 5 17:6 17:17, 21, 25 18:9, 19, 23-24 19:1, 4, 7, 17, 22 19:10 19:19 19:26 20:2, 8, 26, 28 20:15 20:16 21:13 21:22 22:2, 7, 9, 16-17, 22 22:17–24:22 23:21 23:22 23:23 23:27

290, 295, 298 551 545 196 554 545 544, 550 213, 229, 545, 549–50 60, 545, 547–8 548–9 549–50 551 469 551 549 554 554 548 552, 554 550 552, 554 224 552 552 552–4 552 554 551–2 552–3 290, 295 552 290 554 552–4 552 552–3 548 382, 554 553–4 548 546, 554 552 207 552 554 243, 334, 547 382, 554 547, 550 545

 583

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources 23:31 24:23 25:1 25:6 25:11-12 25:20 27:9 27:10, 27 27:13 27:20 27:26 28:2-8, 11, 15 28:24 29:3 29:13, 19 29:15 30:4 30:10, 22 30:11, 17 30:12 30:24-31 31 31:7 31:10-31 31:10 31:13

31:24 31:25

552 553 553 436 547–8 226, 546 549 554 546, 554, 556 551 207, 224, 547 552–3 384, 554 550, 554 552 554 209, 547 552 382 528–9 554 546–7, 549–50 552 549–50, 553 195, 550 195, 199, 200, 228, 546, 550 225, 290, 299 73 224, 546 60, 63, 200, 206, 224, 262, 435, 545–7 210, 547 207, 227, 290, 299

Ecclesiates 3:7 3:20 4:4 4:12 5 5:14 5:15, 18 6:4 7:21 9:8 12:6

304 242 73 74, 195 238 187–8, 218, 220, 372 241 224 421 203, 229 196

31:17 31:19 31:21 31:22

Song of Songs 1:5 1:7–2:3 1:7, 9-11 1:14 3:6-11 3:10 4:1-7 4:1 4:2 4:3 4:4-6 4:9-11 4:11 4:13-14 4:16; 5:1 5:2 5:3 5:7 5:10-16 6:4-7 6:5 6:7 6:11 7:1-6 7:6 7:10 7:13 8:2 Isaiah 1:18 1:31 3:1–4:6 3:6-7 3:16-24 3:17 3:18 3:19 3:22 3:23 3:24 4:1 4:2–6

583

57, 202 564–5 550, 558, 564–6 204 559–61, 566 63, 206, 546 244, 559–62, 564–6 56, 456, 506, 550 195 65, 195, 203, 205, 456, 506, 550, 560 218, 563 559, 566 209, 226 203–4, 548 561 565 208, 222, 226–7, 245, 547, 559, 565–6 245, 559, 566 244, 559–60, 562 565 56 203, 456, 506, 550, 560 203 244–5, 559, 562–4, 566 65, 206 63 203 203 54, 56, 65, 71, 195, 205, 229 70 529–30 532–3, 535 209 227, 234 187 289 230 230, 529–30 210–11, 230, 530, 547 199 209, 222, 226 533

584

584 4:2 4:4 5:8 5:18 5:27 6:1 6:2 6:5, 8 7:15-16 7:20 9:4 11:5 14:3-4 14:11 14:19 15:3 19:8 19:9 20 20:2-4 20:2 22:12 22:21 23:18 24:11 24:16 25:7-8 25:7 26:19 28:5 28:8 28:20 29:22 32:11 32:12 33:20, 23 36:12 36:22 37:1-2 38:12 40:3 42:3; 43:17 44:13 47 47:1-4 47:2

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources 295, 533 528–9, 536 336 196 195, 211, 478 212, 228, 230, 269, 270–4, 285, 503 527 528 240 195 209, 230, 315 211 456 224 224, 227 192, 199, 225 75 61, 70, 196, 199–200 491–7 187–8, 192, 218–21, 231, 243, 318, 333, 382 192, 199, 226, 482 192, 199, 225 208 224 298 212 369 202, 451, 456 242 290 528 202, 451, 456 70 304, 307 303 196 528 304–5, 312 192, 199, 305 196–7 485 200 76 517, 519 242, 499, 505–7, 519 333, 456, 510, 520

47:3

60–62 61:10 62:3 63:1-6 63:1-3 63:3 63:19

187–8, 221, 333, 382, 420 550 227 57, 192, 199, 223, 225, 227 228, 238 238 56, 195, 228, 270 223, 226, 270, 290, 299 223 222, 226, 229, 290, 292, 294–5, 299 194 196, 202 192 338–40 192, 199 187–8, 220, 223, 243, 337, 371 284 196 212, 223–4, 226, 270, 275–9, 281, 285, 297 284 212, 223, 226 290, 295, 297, 530 269, 279–84, 285 203, 207, 224, 228 213 305

Jeremiah 1:17 2–3 2:22 2:25 2:33 2:34 3:2 3:4 3:25 4–6 4:8 4:13 4:20 4:30 6:26

478 509 67 219, 495 509 212 396 509 223 509 192, 199, 225 305 202 65, 203, 205–6, 225–6 192, 199

47:12 49:18 50:3 50:9 51:6 51:8 51:9 51:16 52:1 53:7 54:2 54:4 58 58:5 58:7 59:1-17 59:9 59:17

 585

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources 7:3 9:4, 13; 10:2 10:9 10:20 12:16 13 13:1 13:18 13:18-27 14:3-4 14:34 16:6 17:6 22:13 22:14 28:8 36:2 36:23 36:24 38:6 38:11-13 41:5 46:6 48:37; 49:3 49:29 51:42 52:22-23 52:51 Lamentations 1:8-10

198 509 63, 206–7, 259–64 196, 202 509 211 199–200 290, 295, 297 212, 220, 227, 242, 499, 503, 508–10, 514, 519–20 225 369 303 219 219 305 482 198 195, 305 304 196 196, 228 304–5, 312 222, 226 199 202 224 203 195

2:10 3:43-44 4:3 4:4 4:14 4:21

187, 212, 221, 503, 507 192, 199, 507 225, 270 226 65 207 187, 381

Ezekiel 3:18-19 4:12 5:1 5:3 7:18 7:27 8:14

425 528 195 212 192, 199 226 303

9:2-3, 11 10:2, 6-7 13:18-21 16 16:4 16:7 16:8 16:9-14 16:10 16:12 16:13 16:15-23 16:17 16:18 16:22 16:25 16:26-29 16:35 16:36-37 16:39 18 18:7, 16 18:17-18 21:17 21:26 21:29-32 22:10 23 23:6 23:10 23:12 23:14-16 23:18 23:26 23:29 24:7-8

585 200–1, 224, 228, 233, 427, 435 200–1, 224, 228, 258, 427, 435 305, 550 499, 510–14, 515–20 189 187–8, 218–20, 222, 372 187–8, 222–3, 241, 269, 382 242 59, 198, 200, 223, 225–7, 229–30, 435, 545, 562 298, 548 198, 200, 213, 224–6, 229, 435, 545 242, 410 242, 258 198, 242, 258–9, 264 187–8, 218–20, 222, 242 396 333 242 187, 221, 242, 333, 372, 382, 422 187–8, 218–20, 222, 298, 307, 372, 544 337–41 187–8, 218, 220, 223, 243, 335, 337 425 303 297, 441 530 187–8, 221 242, 499, 514–17, 518–20 63, 206–7, 224, 261 187–8, 221 224 211, 478 187–8 298, 307, 333 187–8, 218, 220, 222, 333, 544 219, 224

586

586 24:17 24:22 24:23 24:27 26:4, 14 26:16 27:7 27:16 27:18 27:20 27:24 27:31 28:13 31:13 33:8–9 34:3 36:4 37:6, 8 38:4 40:3 41:17-20 43:13-17 44:17-19 44:17 44:18 44:19 Daniel 3 4:11-12, 22, 30 5:7, 16, 29 7:9 9:3 10:5 11:43 12:6-7 Hosea 2:4-17

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources 303, 315 207, 303 303, 315 207 219 198, 212, 226, 304, 441 63, 198, 200, 206–7, 224, 261–2, 435, 545 195, 198, 201, 206, 261, 545 195 202 196, 198, 206–7, 213, 230, 261 192, 199 451, 456 545 425 195, 223, 226 225 227 224 70, 196, 199–200 363 421–2, 426, 471 425–6, 471, 545 56, 195, 199–200, 226, 246 190, 192, 199–200, 222, 226, 246, 424, 429, 431, 471 226, 246 232 231 231 70, 195, 231, 270, 285 192, 199 200–1, 224, 228, 233, 427, 435, 440 407 200–1, 224, 228, 427, 435 242, 499, 500–3, 504, 509, 519

2:5

3:4 7:12 10:8 11:4 12:11

187–8, 218, 220, 298, 372, 494 195, 199–200 187–8, 195, 199–200, 222–3, 232 211 75 223 196 482

Joel 1:8, 13 1:12

192, 199 203

2:7 2:11

Amos 2:6-7 2:8 2:16 4:11 5:11 7:1, 4 7:14 7:17 8:1 8:6 8:10

315, 336 227, 336 187–8, 218, 220–1, 333, 494 534 336 560 484 196 560 315 192, 199

Jonah 1:13 3:5-6, 8

225 192, 199, 213, 226

Micah 1:8-9 1:8 1:11 1:16 2:1-11 2:5 2:8 3:2-3 3:7

495 187, 192, 218–22, 243, 333 187–8, 382 243, 333 336 196 209, 307, 336 227, 307 207, 369

Nahum 2:4 3

203 509–10, 519–20

 587

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources 3:1-7 3:5

242, 499, 504–5, 509, 519 212, 219–20, 222, 333, 503, 509, 520

Habakkuk 1:15-16 2:15 3:3 3:4 3:7 3:9

503 219, 222, 381, 385 223 450 202 187

Zephaniah 1:8

213, 224, 226

Haggai 1:6 2:2 2:12 2:19

226 535 212 203

Zechariah 1:8 1:11-12 2:5 3 3:3 3:4 4 6:11 8:23 11:4-14 12:10 13:2-6 13:4 13:8 14:14

70 526 196 481, 525–36 224 230 532 297–8, 526 212 483 483 483–7 192–3, 195, 213, 226, 477, 486, 495 481 227, 263

Maleachi 1:1 2:16 3:1 3:2-3 3:11 3:13-24

525 207, 227 485, 487 57 262 485–6

587

Apocrypha First Maccabees 2:14 3 3:3 3:47-51 3:50-51 4:38-40 4:46 5:14-15 9:27 10:20 10:62 11:69-72 14:41 14:43

350 442 349 349–50 442 350 485 350 485 229 348 350 485 229

Second Maccabees 2:2 3:15 3:19 3:26 4:12-14 10:25-26

260 349 350 348 431 350, 422

Judith 4:9-11; 8:4-5 10:2 10:3-4; 16:7 16:9

350 552 348 552

Sirach 1:11 6:30 6:31 11:4 16:3-4 19:26 29:21 38:27 39:26 40:4 45:6-13 45:8 45:10-12 45:25

295–6 295 290–1, 295–6, 348 211 219 350 347 198 347 209 291, 349 190, 208, 212, 290, 292, 294–5, 425 198, 212 290, 296

588

588

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources

45:26 46:19 48:12 48:13 49:16 50 50:5-7, 11-12 50:11 51:19

297 316 481 486 294 470 442 223, 290, 292, 294–5 218

1QHa 23:13 4Q427 7 II 23

Baruch 4:20 5:1-2 6:10-11, 71 6:30-32

350 348 348 349

Rule of the Congregation (1QSa / 1Q28) 1:10-11 240

Epistle of Jeremiah 1-73

255–67

348 348 348 427, 439 348

Jubilees 3:21-22 3:30-31 7

345 431 345

1QMilḥamah (1Q33) 7:6-7 343, 347 7:7 232 7:9-11 349 7:10-12 233 7:10 425 9:17–10:2 347 10:1 232 11:5 299 14:2-3 349 14:11 299 Copper Scroll (3QTr) III 9 349

Qumran Damascus Document CD 5:10 232 CD 11:3 233 4QDa (4Q266) 10 II 10-12 4QDd (4Q269) 8 II 3-6 4QDe (4Q270) 7 I 17-19 4QDf (4Q271) 3 3-4 4QDf (4Q271) 3 9-10 Hodayot 1QHa 5:32; 9:24 1QHa 15:6 1QHa 17:25 1QHa 20:28

233 299 290 233

Serekh ha-Yaḥad (1QS) 4:7-8 290 5:4 421 7:12 232 7:13-14 343, 346, 431 7:14 232 10:12 295–6

Genesis Apocryphon (1 QapGen ar / 1Q20) XX 30-32 233, 348 XXII 20-22 348 XXII 33 233

Pseudepigrapha First Enoch 14:20-21 62 71:1 87:2; 90:22 91

299 299

4Q Ordinances A (4Q159) 2-4, 7 233 346 347 350 343 348

4QpHosa (4Q166) II 8-14 II 12

344 232

4QpNah (4Q169) 3-4 II 10-III 1

344

4QapocrLam A (4Q179) 1 II 12 348 4QSapiential Admonitions A (4Q184) I 3-5 233, 348

 589

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources 4QHalakha A (4Q251) XXVII 1 233 XXVII 3-6 232, 346

4Q491 1 III 18

4QMiscellaneous Rules (4Q265) VI 2-4 233, 348 VI 6-8 349 4QTohorot A (4Q274) 1 I 3-9 350 2 I 4-9 351

295 350 349 349 351

4QNon-Canonical Psalms B (4Q381) 15 10 233 4QpapParaphrase of Kings (4Q382) 43 2 290, 295 4QApocryphon of Jeremiah C (4Q387) A 1-2 232, 344 4QMMTc (4Q396) IV 1-2 4-8

233, 348

4QShirShabbf (4Q405) 17 4-5 295–6 23 II 7-12 233 4QInstructionb-d (4Q416-418) 4Q416 2 II 3 233 4Q416 2 IV 5 232, 346 4Q417 2 II+23 5 233 4Q418 103 II 7 233

4QBeat (4Q525) 11-12 2

290

4QAJa ar (4Q537) 12 1

233

4QVisAmrama-b (4Q543-544) 4Q543 5-9 4-7 233, 347 4Q544 1 13 233

4QTohorot Ba-b (4Q276-277) I 1-4 349

4QReworked Pentateuch 4QRPb (4Q364) 9a-b 1-8 4QRPc (4Q365) 12b III 1-14 4QRPc (4Q365) 9b II 1-4 4QRPc (4Q365) XX 1-2

351

4QpapRitPur B (4Q512) XI 2-5 350

4QCommGen A (4Q252) II 5-8 345

4QBera (4Q286) 1 II 4

589

4Q550 1 2

233

11QPsa (11Q5) XVIII 2-5; XXII 5

295–6

11QNJ ar (11Q18) 14 II 5

233

Temple Scroll (11Q19) XV 16 233 XXXII 10-11 233 XXXV 4-9 349 XXXV 5-7 233 XL 1 233 LIX 13-21 350 L 10-17 350 LI 1-5 350 LVIII 17 232 New Testament Matthew 3:4 6:1-4 11:8 11:10 11:14 20:2 25:35-36 25:36, 43 26:65 28:3

192, 495 338 486 485 57 206 220 337 228 231

590

590

Index of Biblical and Early Jewish Sources

Mark 1:2-6 1:6 6:8-9 9:11-13

485 57 315 485

Luke 1:17 3 7:27 10:25-37

486 486 485 220

Acts 9:43; 10:6, 32

192

Romans 13:14

227

First Corinthians 4:11

337

Ephesians 4:24

233

Revelation 3:5

231