Classical Mediaeval and Renaissance Studies in honor of Berthold Louis Ullman

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CLASSICAL MEDIAEVAL AND RENAISSANCE STUDIES

IN HONOR OF

BERTHOLD

LOUIS I

ULLMAN

CLASSICAL MEDIAEVAL AND RENAISSANCE STUDIES IN HONOR OF

BERTH OLD LOUIS ULLMAN EDITED

BY

CHARLES HENDERSON, Ja. VOLUME

I

ROMA 1964

EDIZIONI DI STORIA E LETTERATURA

Twtti i tliritti rismlati

EDIZIONI DI STORIA B LBTTERATURA Roma - Via Laucdlotti, 18

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Thanksare due to the editors of Studiesin Honorof Ullman(St. Louis 1900)for their kind permission to reprint, in substantially the same format, the bibliography on pp. xv-xxv of that volume. It has been brought up to date by Mr. Albert I. Suskin and others. To the late Mr. Robert J. Getty, for his sound advice on many questions, and to Mrs. Philip E. Blank Jr., and Mrs. Robert H. Eagle. for their expert clerical assistance, the editor is deeply grateful. Finally, to the memory of the publisher, Monsignor Giuseppe De Luca, who first proposed and generously supported these volumes of tribute, but unfortunately did not live to sec their completion, especial thanksare owed. C. H.,

Jr.

TABLE OF CONTENTS

Berthold Louis Ullman .

XI

Bibliography of Berthold Louis Ullman

xv

Axm. BOETHIUS,The Old EtruscanTowns. A Sketch

3 17

1-IENRY R.

P.

IMMERw AHR, Book Rolls on Attic Vases

J. ENK, Plautus' Truculentus

JOHN

49

1e Use of Em1111gere F. CALLAHAN, The Figurati1

Ross TAYLOR, The Officeof NasicaRecordedill Cicero,Ad Atticum 2. 1. 9 . KURT LAlTE, Ramenta Ciceroniana. BRADYB. GILLELAND,The Developmentof Cicero'sIdealOrator FRANCIS R. Buss, Fatoprofugus S. E. STOUT, Note on Book V of the Aeneid . J.P. ELDER, HoraceC. 4.7. and Lucretius5. 731-750 ROBERT J. GEITY, HoraceSatires I. 6. 126 and the Blandinius Vetustissimus ANNALYDIAMono, Stoic Elementsin the Satires of Horace . RONALD E. WHITE, DescriptivePowerandHumor in Propertius ROBERT E. WOLVERTON, The Encomiumof Ciceroin Pliny the Elder BERTHE M. MARTI, TragicHistoryand Lucan's Pharsalia MARCELLO ZICARI, Nemetum e Vememetis in Lucanoe in Venanzio Fortunato• ROBERT SAMUEL ROGERS, Five Over-CrowdedMonths?A. D. 62 LEONHERMANN,Sur le sic vos non vobis et Ballista . GILBERT BAGNANI, Petroniana LILY

2

79 87 91

99 107 113 119

133 143 159 165

205 217 223

229

X

TABLB OF CONTENTS

An Unacknowledged Hero of the FourthCentury: DamasusI 3~384 .

STANLEY MORISON,

H. WILLIS, An UnrecognizedFragmentof First Peter in Coptic J. W. JONES, Vergilas Magister in Fulgentius. DAG NORBERG, Remarquessur les lettresde Saint Didier de Cahors GEORGE S. LANE,On the Significance of Tocharian for Indo-European Linguistics

241

WILLIAM

265 273 277 283

BERTH OLD LOUIS ULLMAN

Berthold Louis Ullman was born on August 18, 1882, to Louis and Eleanora Fried Ullman, in Chicago, Illinois. He attended the public schools of that city and in 1900 entered the University of Chicago, where he won election to Phi Beta Kappa and, in 1903, the A. B. degree. After study at Munich (1900)and the American School of Classical Studies in Rome (19. Calif. Publications in ClassicalPhilology14 (19s2) 329 ff. 2 Tac. Ann. 14. s6.6. 3

4

Ann. 14. S7• 6. Ann. 14. 58. I.

FIVE

OVER-CROWDED

MONTHS?

A. D.

62

219

her as his wife, rioting and the overthrow of Poppaea's statues, military action to suppress the rioting. There was a trial of Anicetus on a charge of adultery with Octavia, and he was exiled to Sardinia. Then an edict of Nero alleging adultery, abortion, and treason against Octavia, who was removed to Pandateria, again under military guard. A few days later she was executed. And the date is, as we know from Suetonius,1 9 June, the 16oth day of the year. To be sure, many of these happenings require each but a single day. But there are necessary intervals, some of them considerable. And there are causations and influences which require time for their effect. Can so much have occurred in thus short a periodl If not, then the result is the vitiation of some or other of the consequential relationships asserted by Tacitus. We have some evidence of the intervals of time and can make calculations of its passing at other points. Passage to Asia by sea (the mission to execute Plautus) suggests that the navigational season has opened. This is not absolutely necessary, for the government's couriers and private persons in emergency did sail in winter months. If ac marisis epcxegetical, as we incline to understand it, in Tacitus' spatium ititrerisac maris,then Nero's courier went by sea. A freedman of Plautus, who reached his master before the courier, traveled so, for Tacitus says praevetritceleritatevetrtorum.2 If on the other hand the historian means by spatiumitinerisac marissimply " the long journey by land and sea," one could think even of eastward passage by sea and westward return overland by the imperial post. This would perhaps shorten the time, since westward voyage is much slower than eastward as more circuitous; but the saving would not, we think, be large, for the distance to be covered by land is far .greater than by sea. Some years ago Lionel Casson made very careful and knowledgeable calculations of the time required for voyages on various routes. 3 The one most apt to our consideration is that between Rome and Rhodes. One judges from reference to map that passage to, say, Ephesus would not differ very appreciably. Casson reckons Rome to Rhodes 7 to I I days, Rhodes to Rome 45 to 63 1 Nero 57. 1; cf. T APA 86 (1955) 205 ff. 2 Ann. 14. 58. 3. 3

"Speed under Sail of Ancient Ships," in TAPA 82 (1951) 136-148.

220

ROBERT SAMUEL ROGERS

days. The round-trip requires then something between 52 and 74 days' time, that is, seven and a half to ten and a half weeks. Let us assume that the navigational season had commenced; it was, say, IS March when Nero's centurion departed for Asia under orders to execute Rubellius Plautus. When be arrived back in Rome carrying Plautus' head, it was, no doubt, already 10 May-56 days. His passage east was not so fast as Plautus' freedman's, so let us allow him a fortunately rapid return voyage. If Sulla and Plautus alive were really, as Tacitus says, obstacle to Nero's divorce and marriage again, then the Emperor will presumably have waited until he has seen their heads before going forward with his plans. Thirty days now remained of Octavia's life. Events took place in rapid succession. The trial and acquittal of Eucaerus the Alexandrian flute-player. Octavia's divorce; she was given Burrus' house and Plautus' estates but would not hold them long. Twelve days after the divorce (Suetonius 1 gives us this useful and interesting item) Nero married Poppaea. Octavia was presently (mox, Tacitus) banished to Campania. The Roman populace made vociferous protest, and rumor spread that Nero had brought her back. The populace now swarmed the temples to thank the gods, overthrew Poppaea's statues, riotously paraded those of Octavia, and thronged to the palace to thank and applaud the Emperor. Troops dispersed the mob and Poppaea's statues were restored. She complained that she lived in fear of assassination, that the recent disorder was nothing short of rebellion; she warned that if the mob became convinced Nero would not have Octavia as wife, it would give her a husband and set him on Nero's throne. Now, fraudulent trial of Anicetus, and his confession of adultery with Octavia. An edict proclaiming her established guilt. . Her removal to Pandateria and, a few days later, her execution. The thirty days do suffice for the events reported; they are certainly no generous allowance of time. This reckoning has been on the basis, the reader will recall, that Nero's centurion (and Plautus' freedman) set out for Asia about 15 March when the normal season for sea-faring began. But suppose they did not wait for the season. Suppose that the officer

1

Nero 35. 3.

FIVE OVER-cROWDBD MONTHS

?

A. D. 62

221

under the pressure of the imperial orders and the freedman spurred by his master's awful emergency voyaged on late-winter seas. There will have been then a proportionately less precipitate sequence of the events we have just rehearsed. But this will the more constrict the happenings of the first half of our period, to which we now tum, and where we shall find developments, it appears to us, impossibly constricted by the exigent limits of time. Our story started with the death of Burrus. Let us suppose this occurred on 2 January; for we need all the time we can get, to allow for ensuing developments. But it cannot have been on New Year's Day, for Tacitus, who patently prefers assassinationby poison over the version of natural death, 1 will not have refrained from commenting on the New Year's omen - as in the case of Titius Sabinus' execution on I January 28, which he called New Year's sacrifice to Sejanus.2 Nero appointed Rufus and Tigellinus as Prefects of the Guard. But Burrus' death broke Seneca's power. Was this instantaneous · result? That hardly seems probable; Tacitus devotes a chapter 3 to explaining how and why this consequence came about. One of the two advocates of decency was now gone. Nero inclined, the tense is imperfect, toward worse counsellors. {Time passes.) They attacked Seneca: he was too wealthy; he cultivated favor with the populace; he lived in luxury greater than the Emperor's; he recognized no oratorical eloquence but his own; he was writing more poetry since and because Nero had taken up the art; he depreciated Nero's skill as charioteer and made mock of his singing voice; Nero was grown to manhood and should discharge his tutor. Seneca knew of the charges, for good men told him and Nero avoided his company. {Time passes.) Seneca asked for audience and petitioned to retire and to restore his fortune to the donor. Nero declined his resignation, embraced and kissed him. Seneca thanked his master and withdrew. But he now gave up the customs of his days of power, prohibited callers, avoided appearance in public and seldom came to Rome. His 1 Ann. 14. 51. 3. Ann. 4. 70. I f. 3 Ann. 14. 52. 2

222

ROBERT SAMUEL ROGERS

health and his philosophical pursuits, he said, detained him at home. (Some considerable time elapses.) With Seneca gone, it was possible to destroy Faenius Rufus' influence, though not to depose him from office. He had stoo~ it was charged, entirely too high in the esteem of Agrippina. Thus the way was cleared for the wicked arts and crafts of Tigellinus. But for their aggrandizement he must entice the Emperor into a partnership of evil. He pries therefore into the secrets of Nero's innermost fears (while time goes on), and learns that they wear the names of Rubellius Plautus and Faustus Sulla. Both those men, he warns the Emperor, are noble, both within reach of armies, the one of the East, the other of Germany. Himself,unlike Burrus, holding no divided loyalty but to Nero alone, could guarantee against conspiracy in Rome, but must be helpless against enemies so distaµt. And have we now come only to the middle of March? Has all this taken place in only ten weeks? If that appears impossible, as it does to this writer - then one or more or all of these consequences must eventuate. 1) The death of Burrus did not break Seneca's power. 2) The retirement of Seneca did not make possible the destruction of Faenius Rufus' influence. 3) That, in tum, did not make Tigellinus supreme. 4) It was not the malice of Tigellinus that convinced Nero of the necessity of executing Plautus and Sulla. Or in the following months s) the removal of Plautus and Sulla was not pre-requisite to the divorce and the marriage. Any of these consequences is of interest and significance for our understanding of the year 62 and even of Nero's reign.

SUR LE SIC VOS NON VOBIS ET BALLISTA LEON HERRMANN COUBEllT, SEINE ET MARNE

En l'honneur de I'eminent latiniste que nous celebrons, je voudrais etudier ici le Sic uos non uobiset aussi les vers adjacents attribues a Virgile et meme le distique sur le maitre d' ecole - brigand Ballista. En effet, si le distique - epitaphe du Moucheron peut etre laisse a Virgile parce qu'il consiste en deux hexametres dactyliques, ni les vers sur Ballista, qui constituent un distique elegiaque, ni les " versiculi " du Sic uos non uobis, qui ont I'apparence de scnaires iambotrochaiques et dont nous montrerons qu'ils sont tout autre chose, ne peuvent etre Virgiliens. La biographie de Donat donne au sujet de Virgile: Poeticam puer adhuc auspicatus in Ballistam Judi magistrum et prop-ter infamiam latrociniorum coopertum lapidibus distichon fecit: Monte sub hoe lapidum tegitur Ballista sepultus. Nocte, die, tutum carpe, uiator, iter.

Alors que la biographie de Probus est muette sur Ballista, Junius Philargyrius nous donne a peu pres les memes renseignements que Donat, mais avec cette addition apres ludi magistrum:qui erat in Calabria,alors que le mons Ballista se trouve en Ligurie selon Tite Live 39. 2, 40. 41, 41. 22 et que certains l'identifient a une colline situce pres de Reggio Emilia entre Parme et Modene. Phocas est plus explicite et ccrit: Tum Ballista rudem lingua titubante receptum Instituit primus quern nox armabat in umbras Grassari solitum. Crimen doctrina tegebat, Mox patefacta uiri passa est audacia saxis, Incidit titulum iuuenis, quo pignora uatis Addidit, auspiciis suffecit poeta magistro.

LEON

224

HERRMANN

Monte sub hoe lapidum tcgitur Ballista sepultus: Noctc, die, tutum carpe, uiator, iter! Nos tamen hos breuius, si fas simulare Maronem: Ballistam sua poena tegit. Via tuta per auras. Hie Ballista iacet; ccrto pcde perge, uiator ! Carcere montoso clausus Ballista tenetur; Securi fraudis pergite nocte, uiri, Quid trepidas tandem gressu pauitante, uiator? Nocturnum furem saxeus imber habet. Ballistae uitam rapuit lapis, ipse sepulcrum Intulit, umbra nocens pendula saxa tremit. Crimina latronis dignissima poena coercet; Duritiam mentis clamat ubique lapis. Ainsi Ballista, le maitre du poete, aurait ete un brigand la

nuit. C'etait une espece de Dr. Jekyll et Mr. Hyde. Virgile enf.mt aurait ecrit son epitaphc, et, selon Servius, ce distique aurait prec6le celui du Culex. Comparons le distique aux vers de Phedre: 4. 25 (3. 7)

v. 7 Subito latrones ex insidiis aduolant v. 13 Hoe argumcnto tuta est hominum tenuitas 4. 26 (Perotti 28) v. 12 tuti posthac uiuerent v. 13 Haud quisquam insidias nudo faceret corpori Les deux fables, Les muletsporteurset les Castors,semblent avoir ete publiees vers 83 ap. J. C. D'autre part, on est frappe par la ressemblance du distique sur Ballista avec les v. 43 et 44 de Nux, poeme de Caesius Bassus qui date de 57 ap. J. C. 1 Sic timet insidias qui scit se ferre uiator quod timeat, tutum carpit inanis iter.

La fin du pentametre de Nux est toute proche de la fin du pentametre de Ballista et uiator qui termine l'hexametre apparait dans la fin du pentametre de Ballista. La date du distique sur Ballista pourrait alors etre anterieure a 83 ap. J. C. et posterieure a 57 ap. J. c. 1l ne s'agit done pas d'une epigramme-epitaphe a joindre a la piece Quis deus (n) du Catalepton,qu'elle soit ou non, comme cclle-ci, de Martial. 1 Voir L' oJ.eJ'argentJorl (Paris 1951) 62-63, 171.

SUR LE SIC VOS NON VOBIS ET BALUSTA

225

Ceci nous amene au Sic uos non uobisOU plutot au distique el6-

giaque qui l'introduit. Mais donnons avant tout la traduction du passage du Donat auctus (Bodleianus Can. lat. 23 du XV• s.) qui dit de Virgile: " Il meprisa tant la gloire que, lorsque certains s'attribuaient ses vers et passaient pour lettres, non seulement ii ne s'en irritait pas, mais encore y prenait plaisir. Il avait compose un jour ce distique sur la gloire et le bonheur d'Auguste et ii l'avait affiche sans nom d' auteur sur les battants de sa porte: Nocte pluit tota; redeunt spectacula mane diuisum imperium cum Ioue Caesar habet.

1:

Auguste rechercha longtemps de qui etaient ces vers et ii n' en decouvrait pas !'auteur. Or un mediocre poete nomme Bathylle se les attribua tandis que les autres se taisaient. C' est pourquoi ii re~ut de Cesar dons et honneurs. Virgile, ne supportant pas cela sans irritation, afficha aux memes battants ce debut quatre foil

repete:

Sic uos non uobis

Auguste demandait que ces vers fussent acheves. Apr~ les infructucux cssais de certains, Virgile mit au dessous du distique la suite que voici : Hos ego uersiculos feci: tulit alter honorem. Sic uos, non uobis, nidificatis, aues, sk uos, non uobis, uellera fertis, oues, sic uos, non uobis, mellificatis, apes, sic uos, non uobis, fertis aratra, boues.

Lorsque la chose se sut, Bathylle fut un certain temps la fable de Rome et l' on exalta Virgile encore davantage. " Ce recit contient des invraisemblances et meme des insanites. Il y a notamment contradiction entre l' attitude tolerance de Virgile a l' egard des plagiaires et sa soudaine colere contre Bathylle (favori de Mecene). Parmi ceux qui echouerent a achever les vers debutant par Sic uos non uobis!'auteur oublie d'indiquer Bathylle. Nous sommes en presence d'une interpolation a partir de: "II avait compose . ... " un Jour 1 Donne clansrAnthologit latiru:de Riesen. 256 SOW la formc mkunt tt mant

snma. 17

226

LEON

HBRRMANN

Le vers sur les oiseaux est assez mal venu, car c'est bien pour

ewe, en meme temps que pour leurs petits, qu'ils font leurs nicls. 11 a ete con~u pour etre la replique du v. 3, qui etait peut~tre primitivement le premier. Nidi.ficatisa l'air d'un n&>logisme calque sur melli.ficatis(Pline l' Ancien, Hist. Nat. II. 59). N. De Witt 1 assimile le quatrain a celui de la seconde priapee pseudo-Virgilienne v. 6-9: " mihi corolla picta " (qu'il date de 44 av. J. C.!) mais, outre l'anaphore initiale, il y a dans le Sic uos non uobis, rimes d'apes, aues, oues,boues,places analogues de nidi.ficatiset melli.ficatiset de uellerafertis, et fertis aratra (dont le parallelisme ctait primitivement renforce par la correspondance entre aratra et uellera...). On notera que le Salmasianus (voir Riese, A. L. I. c.) met en tete le vers sur les abeilles. La source de ce vers a ete pressentie par Mr J. Durandeau 2 qui a ecrit: " Peut~tre trouverait-on en quelque poete grec I' origine de ce vcrs. Ainsi Lucien acheve une epigramme que nous a conservee I' Anthologie grecque par cc vers: Celui-la travaille, mais l'abeille fait du miel que d' autres recueilleront. " Mais ce que M. J. Durandeau ne savait pas, c'est que l'epigramme est de Lucilius Junior et non de Lucien. 3 Publiee encore sous Claude, en voici la traduction complete: La seule vraie richesse est celle de l'ame; le reste donne plus de peine quc n' en vaut la possession. On peut appeler maitre legitime de beaucoup de biens et riche celui qui est capable d'user de ses possessions, mais si quelqu'un se consume en calculs dans ses tentatives pour accumuler richesse sur richesse, il peinera toujours comme I'abeille dans ses ray ons aux mille alveoles, car ce sont d' autres qui recoltent le miel.

D'autre part, si la fable de Phedre Apes et foci (2. 17 = (3. 13]) ou l' on voit unc guepe prise comme arbitre adjuger aux abeilles le miel revendique par de paresseux bourdons Qesplagiaires) date

1

Virgil's BiograpliiaLitteraria {Toronto 1923) 88-89. Joachim Durandeau, "Le Sic uos non uobiset ses imitateurs ", Revue politique et litteraire48 ( I 891) 287 n. 1. 3 Le second Lucilius, Collection Latomus 34 {Bruxelles 1958) 40-41, 71. ll s'agit de l'epigramme I o. 41 de I' Anthologie grecque. 2

SUR LE SIC VOS NON VOBIS ET BAWSTA

227

deja de la periode Flavienne t OU des demiers temps de Neron, elle a pu egalement influer sur la conception de l'anecdote contee dans la biographie du Donat auctus. Enfin une limite de date inferieure nous est fournie, me semble-t-il, par l'oracle des pretrcs de Cybele dans l'Ane d'O, (9. 1): Ideo coniuncti terram proscindunt boues ut in futurum laeta germinent sata

puisquc ce distique montre que les boeufs travaillent pour autrui ... Le distique elegiaque dont Virgile a revendique la patemite selon l'anecdote ressemble a mainte epigramme du livre des Spectacleset des neuf premiers livres d' epigrammes de Martial par son assimilation de l'empereur a Jupiter. 2 Le mot spectaculase trouve d' aillcurs dans le distique. L' anecdote ne peut done dater au plus tot que du principat de Domitien ou naquirent sur Virgile tant de legendes dont Martial · lui-meme n' est pas exempt. 3 11 est malaise d' en designer l' auteur qui se confond sans doute avec celui du distique sur Ballista. 4 Mais cc qui est bien plus important, c'est de determiner la nature reelle du quatrain Sic uos non uobis et sa place dans l'histoire de la versification latinc. Ce quc nous avons dit plus haut sur ses rimes et ses symetries de mots nous incite a le considerer non pas comme iambo-trochaique mais comme isosyllabique. Ces dodecasyllabiques sont des vers "vulgaircs" directcment inspires des saturniens. 11 s'agit done d'un nouveau texte a inserer apres l'epitaphe de Sergius et le testament du cochon,qui datent respectivemcnt de la fin de la republiquc et du principat d' Auguste, mais avant les vers 5 octosyllabiques du Grognon (Q11erofos). 1 2

7.

21. 3 4

Voir Phedreet ses Fables(Lcyde 1950) 83. Spectacula16 b. 93, Cacsaris atquc louis. Voir Epigramme I. 6. 6, 6. 83. 5, 9. 18. 7-8, 9. 91. 2. Voir Epigr. 8. SS,

II,

On pourrait ctre tente, puisqu'il s'agit d'Augwte dans l'anecdote, d'assimiler l' auteur a celui des vers OUAuguste interdit de bruler I'Eneide,vers consideres comme antiques par M. H. Bardon, Les empereurset les lettreslatinesd'Auguste cl Adrien (Paris 1946) 17. Mais l'auteur de l'anecdote est bien inferieur. 5 Voir Querolus {Bruxelles 1937); " L'epitaphe de Sergius, " Latomus 17

228

LEON

HERRMANN

a la

poesie savante importee de Grande Grece par Uvius Andronicus, la survie de la vieille poesie nationale des Latins basee sur l'isosyllabisme, comme I'alexandrin fran~. Celui-ci est-ii l'heritier direct du vieux saturnien? La chose n'est pas impossible, apres tout! Ainsi s'affirme, sous-jacente

(1958) 97-101; "Le testament du cochon," Studi in onoredi Ugo EnricoPaoli (Florence 1955) 385-391; "Carmina Marciana," Hommagtscl G. Dumlzil (Bruxelles 1900) 117-123; "Ven vulgaircs et ven saturniens," HommagaclA. Grmia (Bruxellcs 1962) 791 a 798.

PETRO

NIAN A

GILBERT BAGNANI UNIVERSITY

COLLEGE, TORONTO

Nihil quod Ullmannustangit non ortiat. In the past he has frequently touched Petronius with highly decorative results. Though now - alas! - he is in tutt'altrefaccendealfaccendato, on this occasion may an A(ou; 1t0Au µe:Ewv gratefully submit to his critical judgement a few observations on what will ever be one of the most fascinating and puzzling texts in Latin literature? 3 sed tyrannos edicta scribentes: so practically all editions except Pithou's from that of Sambucus in 1565 to that of Milller in 1961. Every extant codex· and, teste Tomaesio, the Cuiacianus I.

have et tyrannos. Since there is no evidence that Tomaesius used or even knew Sambucus's edition while there is abundant evidence that he set up the first part of his text from the Dalecampianus we may perhaps infer that sed was the reading of that mysterious codex. Of course the interchange of sedand et is an easy and common blunder, but in this particular context with three other sed clauses it would seem far more probable that an et was turned into a sed by dittography than the reverse.t Both the MS tradition and paleographical probability arc overwhelmingly in favour of et. It also makes better sense. Encolpius is attacking the schools of rhetoric on the double count that they treat inflated and unreal themes (rerum tumor) in an inflated and unreal style (sententiarum 1

Dittography may account for the reading of Scaliger who certainly used the Cuiacianus. This is simpler than Miiller's suggestion that both he and Tornaesius derived it from Sambucus. Pithou, who used the Cuiacianus but not the Dalecampianus, prints et in both editions. Scaliger in these first chapters is even more carelessthan usual:at the end of this section the inversion of papavere et sesamo can be due only to carelessness.

GILBERT BAGNANI

230

strepitus),a charge summed up in the concluding clause et omnia, both the dicta the students hear and the Jada they see, quasi papavere et sesamo sparsa. Of the four preceding clauses the last, sed mellitos verborumglobulos, is applicable only to the dicta, the other three should therefore refer to the Jada,the subjects of the school declamationes.But the declamationesthemselves comprise two different types of exercise, controversiaeand suasoriae,the subjects of the former being much more various than those of the latter. The baroque and improbable adventures of capti a piratis form a very considerable part of the themes preserved in the collection of the elder Seneca, followed closely by the odd behaviour of equally improbable tyrants, the subject of 9. 4. (27) tyrannus patrem in arcem cum duobusfiliis arcessit: imperavit adulescentibusut patrem caederent being practically on all fours with our passage. The two clauses are thus complementary, not contrasted, and indicate the 1 commonest scenes that students see in controversiae. On the other hand the next sed clause dealing with responsain pestilentiamis contrasted with what precedes. The subject is not formally debatable - controversianon est as Trimalchio would say - but would be an excellent subject for a suasoriasuch as the Senecan 3 deliberat Agamemnon an lphigeniam immolet, nega,ite Calchante aliter navigarifas esse. The wording of the Petronian subject might have run deliberatrex an virginestres immolentur,monenteoraculonon aliter pestilentiamarceridamesse, a wonderful opportunity for turgid and flatulent commonplaces. By restoring the reading of the MSS we get three sed clauses describing what the students hear and see, controversiae,suasoriae, sententiae, followed by a concluding et clause sumn1arizing the whole argument. I would therefore translate: " ... for they neither hear nor see anything that has to do with real life, but only pirates on shore waving handcuffs and tyrants commanding sons to cut off their fathers' heads, but only oracles answering that virgins should be sacrificed to stay a plague - three of them, or even 1

The third most popular subject, pauper et dives ini111ici, is mentioned by Agamemnon in 48. 5. The harangue of Eumolpw in 107, so beautifully deflated by lichas, is clearly a satire of a declamation on a captusa piratis theme; Lichas being the archipirata, as he is actually called in 101. 5.

PETRONIANA

231

more -, but only sickly lollipops of words, and everything, matter and manner alike, smothered in opiates and chili sauce."

iure civili dimicandum. Since the days of Grotius 1 this passage has always been a puzzle. Though during the first century B. C. ius civile seems occasionally to be used in the sense of ius privatum,2 even Cicero would hardly do so when the immediately subsequent mention of the possessory interdicts renders the absurdity obvious to anyone who in domusionemaliquid de iure gustavit. It would be like saying "We'll apply to the Supreme Court for an injunction," absurd without being funny, and it takes no Ulpian or Mansfield to perceive its silliness. And Petronius is no layman; he is keenly interested in law, procedure, and legal education, he mentions Servius and Labeo, the harangue of Eumolpus in 107 is clearly a skit on causidiciwhom he constantly attacks, and he frequently uses technical legal language, especially in this episode of the cloak, that seems almost a satire on the vagaries of the Roman law of property and the maxim beatipossidentes.3 In the context civili would seem to be the gloss of some scribe who undertook to answer Ascyltos' question quo iure rem nostramvindicamus, which he understood as meaning quo foro. Though undoubtedly ignorant of the distinction between civil and honorary law, he was only too conscious of utrumque ius, civil and canon. This could easily have happened in the twelfth century, when there was a marked revival of interest in Petronius. 4 13. 4

1 2

Apud Burman ad loc.

But it must be remembered that in Cicero's day the Edict was still in evolution and was probably considered even by the jurists as merely a collection of equitable remedies rather than as the viva vox, another and different system of law. Scaevola's fundamental de illre dvili seems to have dealt only with civil law as presumably did Servius's reply to it. But Servius was also the first to write a commentary to the Edict, though since it was in only two books it must have been very superficial. In the Augustan age Labeo's great treatise on the Edict in thirty books probably had the effect of establishing ius honorariumas a separate branch of law. C£ F. Schulz, Roman Legal Science(Oxford 1946} 91 and 190. 3 For the Roman law of possessionsee F. Schulz, ClassicalRoman Law (Oxford 1951) 428 ss. Note that even the possessor of stolen goods or a sequester would be protected by the interdict, and how in this particular case both parties assert their claim by mani,s iniectio. 4 An indication that the archetype of the long excerpts was of of this or a later date might be the fact that it was written in a hand that apparently did not

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This only partly resolves the difficulties. Grotius rightly pointed out that utrubi, the only applicable interdict, is an inter1 He is of course quite possessionis. dict retinendaenon reciperandae right but like many other eminent jurists the great civilian in expounding the law payed little attention to the facts. Ascyltos was not in the least anxious to be recognized the legal owner, whether by quiritary or bonitary title, of the filthy rags that were of no value and had probably been stolen anyway, what he really wanted was to be able to carry them off to hislodgings and recover the treasure. When he had done that anyone could have the shirt. The longer it remained in the hands of the peasant or of a sequesterthe more likely it was that some curiosamanus would find the coins in which case "findings would certainly be keepings." An utrubi would not settle the legal ownership of the object in dispute but would grant possessioto the party in whose possession it had been for the better part of the previous year. Since the peasant had found the shirt in solitudineonly a few days before, an utrubi would have given Ascyltos possessio. In the particular circumstances it was probably the simplest and quickest legal way of getting the shirt at once into his own hands. Always provided, however, that the praetor believed his affidavit. Unlike the naive Encolpius, Ascyltos rightly considered this extremely improbable. 26. 7 id est expectatioliberaecenae. Many editors from Biiche-

ler to Miiller have burked the difficulty by bracketing the whole phrase as a gloss. Though id est is certainly suspect2 it is difficult

distinguishclearly between n and u and their various combinations: Scaligcrusually, though not invariably, writes Eucolpius and Gniton (the codex presumably had Guiton), while in 94.1s and 106.1 the variants mimicaand inimica are merdy different readings of the same word. Most of the discrepancies betweenthe readings of the MSS as reported by Biichder and as reported by Beckare due to such uncertainties. 1 But c£ Schulz, op. dt. (above, 231 note 3) 4SJ. 2 Though if editon of modem texts were to start bracketing as glosses all sentences beginning with "that is to say, " "c'cst a dire," or "ci~" the results would be startling. The treatment by Fracnkd and Miillcr of the three id at clauses in the Satyriconis not very consistent. In the case we are considering they bracket the whole sentence; in 87. I id tst ut pattrttur satisfitri sibi and 130. 7

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scribe should ever have thought that tertius dies required explanation and even more why, if he did find

to understand why any

it obscure, he should have explained it per obsmrius. Though id est may possibly be due to a copyist's corruption of et l see no reason for doubting the other part of the clause. Of the innumerable explanations proposed we can definitely exclude the majority, all those that refer it, directly or indirectly, to the dinner of Trimalchio. It is abundantly clear that at this particular moment our disreputable trio were either unaware of the engagement or had forgotten it and had to be informed or reminded by Agamemnon's slave. Moreover,· in the very next clause Juga magis placebat quam quies, the liberacena is identified with quies, a word that by no possible stretch of language or imagination could be applied to Trimalchio's feast. The great majority of commentators state authoritatively that cena Liberais the technical term used to describe the dinner of the gladiators before the games and refer the reader to Tertullian, Apol. 42. 5. The reference is not pertinent. Tertullian says nothing whatever about gladiators or about a Liberacena, what he says is non Liberalibusdiscumbout bestiariissupremamcena11tibus mos est. It is not a dinner of gladiators, most of whom after all expected or hoped to survive, but of bestiarii, criminals condemned to death, and it would seem that if Tertullian had given it a name it would have been cena suprema, not libera. The term is used, however, in the contemporary Passio SS Perpetuaeet Felicitatis5. 4, again with reference to persons condemned to death, ilia cena quam liberam vocant, but a comparison with the passage in Tertullian would suggest that the meaning is cena Liberi patris or dinner of the Liberalia. 1 Apparently in Africa at the beginning o_fthe third century the muneraordinariawere always held at the Liberalia. This was certainly not the case in Italy in the time of Nero. 2 And

cibis validioribuspastus, id tst bulbis cochltarumqutsint iurt ctrvicibusthey bracket only id tst. Both these examples, especially the last ( cf. 82, 1 where the largiorts cibi arc not specified), sound more like glosses than cenalibtra. 1 The two meanings of libtr frequently give rise to obscurities or to deliberate

puns such as Trimalchio's in 41. 7. 2

There was certainly no fixed day for muntra txtraordinaria given by private

personssuch as Titus municipaliambitiont,though a ditsfestuswould naturally be

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in any case its relevance to the situation in the Satyricotiis incomprehensible. 1 An explanation that has enjoyed some vogue is that it is the dinner to mark the dissolution of the partnership of Encolpius and Ascyltos or the end of their indentures as scholasticiof Agamemnon, a cena della liberazione.2 But the quarrel in chap. 10 should not be taken too seriously, such spats between the partners must have been of almost daily occurence, and it was only the crisis over Giton that finally produced the rupture, nor have we any reason to think that the partners were formally bound to Agamemnon. They had arrived in the town only two days earlier, 3 while Agamemnon must have been living there for some time since he is intimately acquainted with Trimalchio, Echion, and Habinnas. The phrase in 10. 6 tamquamscholastici"as though we were ... " would in fact suggest that though they appeared to be scholasticiin fact they were not. In any case the adjective Jibe, can refer only to the state of being free, it cannot mean something that causes or produces freedom. No one would interpret aqua libera4 as baptismal water or translate Befreiungskriegby bellum liberum. If anything, one might use the adjective liberalis,on the analogy of causa liberalis,a suit that is concerned with freedom. When in 41. 9 Trimalchio retires to ease himself Encolpius exclaims nos libertatemsine tyranno nacti coepimusinvitare convivarum sermones. This is the only time during the banquet when conversation is general; when Trimalchio is present he is always in full chosen. By the time of Tertullian, given the enormous expense, it is probable that die only munerawere those given by the government. 1 The interpretation of P. Grimal, Romans Grecset l.Atins (Paris 1958) 1419 note to p. 22, that it was to mark the beginning of unwdcome service as antescholanito Agamemnon is ingenious but unsupported by any evidence. And he too has to refer it to Trimalchio's banquet, which we have seen to be impossible. 2 E. V. Marmorale, Cena Trimalchionis(Florence 1948) 1. 3 I assume that tertiusdies means the third day after their arrival in the graeca urbs, which I identfy with Maiuri as Puteoli. They probably came from Naples through the cryptaNeapolitanato which, rather than to subterranean shrines, 16. 3 may refer. Quartilla was celebrating the festival of Priapus in her villa "of the Mysteries" and ante cryptan1that is to say Fuorigrotta. 4 When in 81. 1 Trimalchio announces that his slaves dto aquom li~om gustabut1the means that they will be able to go into the country and drink the water that flows freely in springs and rills, not imprisoned in pipes and aqueducts.

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control and the guests who know quibus meritis revocarenturad cenam are careful to follow his lead. He stops short the tirade of Hermeros, and invites Niceros to tell a story and Plocamus to amuse the company. ~ncolpius is always careful to whisper his comments and when he tries to have a tete-a-tete with his neighbour interpellavittam Juicesfabulas Trimalchio. The very free-and-easy behaviour of Habinnas is possibly intended to emphasize his extreme vulgarity. If a host is a tyrant imposing a strict constraint on his guests who are "free" only during his absence, a cena libera could mean a dinner without a host. "a Dutch treat," at which the convivae are under no obligations to anyone and can say and do what they please. 1 The first day they spent in the Graecaurbs Encolpius and Ascyltos tamquam scholasticiad cenam promiserunt,the second day they had just dined in their garret beneficioGitonis when Quartilla carried them off to her orgy, "the third day had now come and with it the prospect of being free for dinner."

'modo sic, modo sic' ait rusticus, varium porcum perdiderat. An interesting and rare example in Latin of a true "Wellerism," a trite saying or commonplace that is given a new twist by being placed in an unexpected or ludicrous context. The form of our example is so strange, three short staccato sentences quite unconnected, unlike the traditional English form 'as the ... said, when ... ,' that Jacobs suspected that a cumhad fallen out after porcum,an emendation that has every merit except that of being correct. The only other perf~ Latin Wellerism from Laberius (ap. Gellius N. A. 16. 7. 2) 'Hercle, hoe plus negotii est!' iuquit cocio,sex aediles viderat, shows that the form was as rigidly fixed as in English. 2 Though the meaning of the expression is perfectly clear its relevance is by no means obvious. Echion, the optirnjst, is pointing out that "every cloud has a silver lining," that "when winter comes ... " (quod hodie non est, eras erit), that "somewhere the sun 45.

I

Since the dinner given to the bestiariiwaspresumably, like the execution breakfast, paid for by the state and not by the participants this may be the meaning of liberacena in the Passio,but I think the explanation given above preferable. 2 If the form was rigidly fixed one wonders whether the other examples collected. by Otto, Sprichwiirter(Leipzig 1890) XX¥, have beencorrectly transmitted.. 1

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is shining" (ubique medii,s caelus est), and so on. Modo sic, modo sic, "now this way, now that" is clearly equivalent to "sometitnes we're down and sometimes we're up" "what we lose upon the roundabouts we make upon the swings," but what all this has to do with the loss of a spotted pig is singularly obscure. The few commentators who ~ve faced the difficulty have suggested that "life is chequered like a spotted pig. " 1 If this be the case I fail to see why the farmer should have made the remark when he lost it; "as the farmer said when he saw a spotted pig" as in the Laberian example, would seem more natural. With the exception of birds - the pica variaof 28. 9 is obviously highly prized - piebald animals in general were little esteemed in the ancient world. Sacrificial animals had to be either pure white or pure black and the three prize pigs that were led into Trimalchio's dining room (47.8) we_realbi sues. I suggest therefore that a piebald pig would be considered an inferior animal, one that would hardly pay for its feed, and that a modem translation of the W ellerism would be "Things might have been worse" as the farmer said when he lost the runt." 45. 6 ferrum optimum datums est si11efuca, so the Traguriensis.

Scheffer emended the obviously corrupt fuca to fuga and has been followed by all modem editors since it is perfectly acceptable palaeographically and seems to make excellent sense. But does it? Echion wants to extol in the most glowing terms the high quality of the coming games and by assuring his hearers that there would be "no running away" 2 he would seem to me to be damning them with the very faintest of faint praise. No one would now commend a prize-fighter by saying "he is not always backing to the ropes." A lanistawhose gladiators showed a tendency to flight would have soon gone out of business and the editor muneriswho employed him would have done himself no good. The gladiators of Norbanus were poor specimens who did not exert themselves and just fought according to the book of rules, and the culmina1 W. B. Sedgwick, The Cena Trimalchionis 2 (Oxford 1950) 104; M. P. 2 Perrochat, Le Festi11 de Trimalchion (Paris 1952) 62. 2 Ernout and Grimal avoid the difficulty by translating " sans quarrier " which in Latin would be sine missione,not sineJuga.

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ting insult is planefugae merae,practically a bunch of runaways." The plane is important; Echion does not say that they actually did run away but merely that they might just as well have. For him to suggest that the gladiators of his friend Titus would not be worse than those of Norbanus can scarcely be taken as complimentary. Hadrianides suggested that fuca should be corrected to fuco and though Biicheler calmly dismissed the suggestion by inscite, I think it deserves more careful consideration. Seneca the younger complains bitterly to Lucilius 1 that he could formerly go to the meridianumspectaculumat least and enjoy lusus et sales et aliquidlaxamenti - probably concerts, 2 petauristarii,dancers, singers, and the like - but now it was all straight butchery, nunc omissisnugis merahomicidiasunt, a phrase with a very Petronian ring to it. Since gladiators were undoubtedly very expensive and the supply of criminals not inexhaustible a stingy editormuneriswould be strongly tempted to pad out his show with these much cheaper divertissementsthat, however much they might appeal to high-brows or pretended high-brows like Seneca and his set, were not much appreciated by people like Echion who thoroughly enjoyed mera homicidia.What Seneca called nugaeEchion might well have called focus, cheap cosmetics used to hide congenital defects, 3 and I would translate " ... all straight fighting, no cheap side-shows, the butchery right in the centre for all to see." 95. 3 faxo sciatisnon viduae hanc insulam esse sed M. Mannicii:

so all modem editors and the ltali deteriores,though, in the absence of B, our two best codices, R and P, have Mammu(1)cii. Though not obelized by editors the name is certainly corrupt. The presence of the praenomen shows that the· next word must be the nomen. not the cognomen, and we have no example of such a gentile name in either form. It might be urged that it is a fictitious name invented by the author, but this is not the practice of Petronius who invariably used real names, Pompeius, Scaurus, Norbanus, Seneca, Ep. ad Luc. 7, 3. Cf. the well-known mosaic from Zliten. S. Aurigemma. I Mosaicidi Zliun (Rome 1926) 150. 3 Cf. Cicero, ad Att. 1. t. 1. sinefaco « fallaciis, "without blarney or eval 2

51011$.

"

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GILBERT BAGNANI

Safinius, for persons mentioned casually and in passing. The seme too calls not only for a real name but for a well-known one. Miiller in his index has the entry "M. Mannicius deversitor"and evidently supposes that the speaker is referring to himsel£ This is quite impossible. The deversitor,probably a slave or a freedman, would use his servile name and he was quite definitely not the owner of the tenement. Above him is the procuratorinsulae Bargates, almost certainly a freedman, who calls the deversitorand his minions nequissimiservi. The name is clearly used in terrorem. The sense is "I'll have you know that this house does not belong to a helpless widow but to" a well-known and powerful person both able and ready to enforce his rights, a Scarpia davanti a cui tremavatutta la Campania. This consideration rules out the more obvious emendations, Mamilius, Mamulius, Manilius, Minucius. None of these gentes were prominent under the Julio-Claudians. I advance very tentatively the suggestion, not impossible palaeographically, that Petronius may have written M. Vinicius or Vinucius. The Vinicii were a family from Cales in Campania that rose to prominence under Augustus and retained great importance under his direct successors.1 Since the Satyricon can hardly have been written much before A. D. 6o 2 the reference cannot be to the most eminent member of the family, the M. Vinicius who married Julia Livilla and was consul for the second time in A. D. 45, for he died the following year, allegedly through the machinations of Messalina. Unless, of course, Petronius deliberately placed the period of the novel some fifteen years earlier, which is not very probable. 3 M. Vinicius may be the son and in any case the name was one to conjure with at this time in the Campania. 1

St:c tht: recent study of the family and its members with a sttmma by R. Hanslick in RE s. v. 2 The decisive argument is that it is hardly possible to suppose that the de hellocivili and the discussion on the epic in 118 can have been written before it was known that Lucan was contemplating a poem on this subject. 3 Such a theory would, however,_ explain the toast Augusto Patri Patriot in 6o. 7: the references to essedariimerely indicate a date after the conquest of Britain not necessarily contemporary with it.

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239

9 magnanavigiaportubusse curvatisinsinuant:Emout obel-

ized curvatisas corrupt, Miiller quite unnecessarily adds nee before magnaand notes that curvatisappears obscurum,definitely an understatement. Though some ports could be so described, the adjective is certainly not applicable to all, and the expression is clearly as general as possible. Eumolpus is raising objections to Giton's suggestion that the pilot might be induced to put in at the nearest port and let them off. The first objection is that big merchantmen under sail cannot easily alter their cour-se to make a casual landfall. Lichas's ship is a big sailing vessel towing a dinghy; sails are mentioned but not oars and to manoeuver such a vessel into harbour must have always been difficult, even under the most favourable conditions. Justus Lipsius suggested gravatim, I would suggest curvatim 'on a curve or bias' as a possible description of tacking or of coming in very close to the wind, an operation described in vague poetic language by Seneca nuncprolatopede transversoscaptarenotos.1 The objection that the word is otherwise unknown in Latin is by no means decisive in the case of Petronius. It is a perfectly possible form, far less abnormal than the urceatimof 44. I 8 2 that no one has ever questioned. If it was essentially a nautical expression it is not to be wondered at that we do not find it in our literary texts. The sense of passage would thus be "big merchantmen have to tack to . port. " squeeze mto 1 Seneca

Medea 322.

2 Cf. A. Marbach, Wortbildung (Giessen 1931) 67.

AN UNACKNOWLEDGED HERO OF THE FOURTH CENTURY DAMASUS I 366-384 STANLEY MORJSON LONDON

The following pages concern one whose memory has been somewhat, and as I hope you may agree, unjustifiably, neglected. 1 No separate publication about his life or his general policy exists in English or in French. In German the monographs of Rade (1882)and Witting (1902)discuss the special difficultieshe encountered with his enemies. There are several monographs by Roman archeologists interested in the epigrams and verses inscribed on the numerous marble monuments that my hero for tonight erected to the memory of the martyrs, the acts of some of whom he learned, when young, from eye-witnesses. The man's career can be surveyed from several standpoints. The aspect of his life here considered is his sense of power in relation to the need to secure the freedom and increase the independence of the Bishopric of Rome (or, as he was the first to callit, "The Apostolic See ") both from the mob and the state. The essenceof power is that it shall possessthe means to compel. For example, the seat of power is that it alone can compel the citizen, with or without his consent, to enter the armed forces of the state. In modern and in ancient times we witness the possession by an individual, whether autocrat or delegate, of the means forcibly taken or nominally given, to compel obedience. There needs must be one authority in the state with such power if that state is to survive. 1

This is the full text of the paper read in part at the AnnualDinner of the Mediaeval Academy of America, held under th.:chairmanship of Prof. B. L. Ullman at the University of North Carolina, Chapel Hill, N. C., 28 April 1961.

STAN LEY MORISON

This is all elementary and it was the practice, as well as the theory, acted upon in the pre-Christian Roman Empire. In the Christian Empire the situation hardly differed. In the time-honoured words of Ulpian, " Quod principi placuit habet legis vigorem. " This was good enough for the Emperor Justinian and his lawyers, whatever the Popes and their canonists may have thought. It is not to be doubted that from early times the Popes saw, as clearly as the Emperors, that tranquillity was an aspect of coercion. Towards the end of what it is the custom to call the" Middle Ages " we have the imperialist and anticlericalist Marsilius of Padua laying it down that two coercive powers cannot co-exist in one State, the claims of the Church notwithstanding. In other words, whatever the Church was, or might claim to be, she could not be sovereign. Power is not Power when it is divided. The Prince must have supreme power. The State is weakened otherwise. A Prince, with the support of his man of State, provided he understands Power, has in him the possibilityto achieve the rank of demigod. This has happened in our own time. A Churchman such as Innocent ill or Boniface VIII who understands the problems of Power can achieve heroicstature; though he can do so only indirectly and temporarily. But if all power is indivisible in nature it is also impermanent in fact. No solution to the problems of government of Church or State is valid for any longer than the circumstances may tolerate. How far can a cleric intervene with the State, to his own estate's benefit, without sacrificing his freedom? The career of a principal ecclesiastic of the fourth century, that revolutionary epoch, may be allowed to be of interest from this standpoint. The man is Damasus I, Pope from 366 to 384. The documentation of his achievements is considered unsatisfactory by historians. They find too many spurious letters and late interpolations. The archeologists agree that the inscriptions with which Damasus adorned the tombs of the martyrs were designed in a novel . script; some believe that the script is also beautiful. But this yields Damasus little credit, for Duchesne, while praising the calligraphy, castigates the versifying. It is too full of Vergilian· echoes. As for the verses of the inscriptions, "If only they were merely bad; but, void of history and meaning, they contain nothing but banal. . ,, 1t1es.

AN UNACKNOWLEDGED HERO OF THE FOURTH CENTURY DAMASUS

243

The contributions that Damasus is believed to have made to the revision and consolidation of the text 0£ the Roman Mass and to the disposition of the Roman Psalter are questioned by Duchesne and by later writers. Their difficulty is that the relevant is an interpolation of the sixth century. entry in the Liber Ponti.ficalis Hence, it is disputed even that Damasus was responsible for introducing the Gloria Patri into the liturgy. That he brought into Roman use the custom from the Church of Jerusalem of singing the Alleluiais considered probable. An exception to the general run of adverse critics is Suitbert Baumer who is satisfied that Damasus may safely be credited with what was asserted by Gregory VII as the sound tradition, i. e. that his predecessor was indeed responsible for the great liturgical changes of his period. This includes editing the structure of the canon of the Mass and the introduction of the new prayer-form known as the " Collect. " That Damasus promulgated the canon of the New Testament is not strongly denied, but the merit of listing the books is given to hissecretary, the other great ecclesiasticalfigure of the time. Yet it has been said that the employment by Damasus of Jerome as his biblical expert was due as much to good luck as to good sense. Altogether, it may reasonably be thought, there seems little to say aboutthis man, and still less for him. Indeed, the few lines that the author of the Decline& Fall condescends to devote to Damasus include a rebuke to Jerome for celebrating the merit of Damasus ' administration and the purity of his life. Gibbon who, of course, knew everything better, has no hesitation in describing Damasus as "a very ambiguous character." The man was born in 303. Nothing is known of his youth or early middle age. He was appointed Deacon to the Church of St. Laurence at the instance of Liberius, Bishop of Rome from 352366. Liberiw, himself a former Deacon, was in the position to know what he was doing when he promoted Damasw. Also, Liberiw was aware that the Church of Rome needed men firmly established in the true faith, but also having good knowledge of the changing world. In Damasw Liberiw found the right recruit; zealous, intelligent, honest in intention and reliable in emergency. It was the fate of Liberiw to occupy the See of Rome under the sovereignty of Constantiw while the Christian body was torn

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by the Arian schism. The Council of Nicea in 325 had defined the true faith in Atbanasfan or Trinitarian terms but this was not, as Constantine thought, the end of the dispute. The followers of Arius were numerous, they persistedin their opinion, had much to say for themselves and increased in numben, Nicea notwithstanding. The Arians were most powerful in the East. In 337 Constantine was baptised on his deathbed by an Eastern and Arian Bishop. Constantius, who succeeded as Emperor of the East, followed Constantine in his partiality for Arianism and for local, political reasons supported it in his region of the Empire; while Constans his brother, as Emperor of the West, protected trinitarianism which was the stronger in his region. When in 350 the death of Constans left Constantius sole ruler of the Empire, East and West found itself with a professed Arian or Unitarian head. The was the Emperor whom Liberius, Damasus' patron, faced from 352. Constantius' policy was reasonable from any statesman's point of view. The Empire was now one; so the Church must be one. In terms of the practical, henceforth the most vigorous and numerous party world prevail. Unity must be achieved. In 355 at a packed council of Milan, the Emperor procured the condemnation of Athanasius as a disturber of the peace and a man of treasonable association. No religious accusation was officiallymade against him by the secular authority. Next, Pope Liberius was fetched from Rome to Milan to pronounce the highest ecclesiasticalcensure upon Athanasius. When he refused to sign the condemnation, he was exiled to distant Thrace. The See of Rome became de facto vacant. What then happened is important to our estimate of the character of Damasus at this time. It was before 355 that Damasus had been advanced to the rank of Deacon by Liberius. A Deacon was a steward of ecclesiastical and charitable funds, who also had a special position in the celebration of the liturgy. He was a powerful person in the administration. The number of Deacons was limited to seven; and from their College the Bishops of Rome were frequently drawn. The promotion of Damasus must have occasioned some questioning, like all significant appointments.

AN UNACKNOWLEDGED HBRO OF THE FOURTH CENTURY DAMAS US

245

When Liberius was banished, in 355 the clergy of Rome protested that they would receive no other Bishop. Damasus was among these protesters. He joined in a corporate gesture of loyalty to true doctrine, correct canon law and Liberius as their only legitimate superior. They would receive no other. But the Roman clergy, while reverencing their Bishop, had reckoned without their Emperor. He was of no mind to surrender to the clergy, retain Liberius or leave the See of Rome vacant. Instead, Constantius sent for Felix, Deacon and Arch-Deacon of the Roman Church. He had no difficulty in procuring his consecration at the hands of an Arian Bishop from Caesarea. Felix thereupon became Bishop of Rome. Constantius had already laid it down more than once that the Emperor's will was canon law. He had no reason to alter his attitude. The clergy had no possibility of maintaining their position. Felix, accordingly, secured the assent of the majority of the clergy. The intervention of Constantius was decisive. Not all the clergy of Rome surrendered but the number of those who defected from Liberius was more than sufficient to give Felix the necessary majority. It included Damasus. Not unnaturally, the minority of clerics who remained faithful to the exiled Pope were to become the lifelong enemies of Damasus. His defection was unmistakeably an act of opportunism. But, equally, all the Roman clergy were helplessand the majority knew it. I will say a word about " opportunism " towards the end of this paper. Meanwhile it is necessary to ask whether Liberius himself might have judged that, since Constantius was in militant mood and also in the neighbourhood, the Roman Church would need to exercise the utmost caution and the greatest patience. The effect of the vote for Liberius had been to distinguish between the diktat of Constantius, and the process of Canon Law as the Roman Church, when free, recognized it. Somebody, even perhaps Damasus, had to remain in Rome as a caretaker government and, as Liberius probably knew, Damasus never agreed that the Imperial will was the equivalent of Canon Law. Felix, meanwhile, acted as Bishop of Rome. In 357 Constantius arrived in the city to celebrate the twentieth anniversary of his succession to Constantine. Soon he was faced with a petition from the Christian citizens for the return of Liberius. The Pope, in his months of exile, had been subjected to

STANLEY MORISON

systematic pressure both by his enemies - who included the Bishop of Thrace; and his friends, among whom was Fortunatus of Aquilca. It was probably believed in imperialas well as clerical quarters that Liberius, whether or not determined to maintain his dogmatic position, had become less intransigent. The Emperor summoned a council to assemble in 358 at Sirmium, the place in Bosnia where he held his court. Liberius obeyed in his official capacity - and submitted. Submitted to whau To the so-called Third Formula of Sirmium which the Emperor favoured. The Emperor had acted for commonsense reasons. He and the majority of the Bishops were for a moderate Formula, while a minority were for an extremist manifesto. It was the moderate Formula that the Emperor approved. Had Liberius been a free man. he might have preferred a Formula that gave more complete expression to the Trinitarian faith. Yet, from the Roman standpoint the great gain of the Third Formula was that it split the Arian movement. Constantius' and, no doubt, Liberius' approval of the Third Formula forced the extreme Arians into a separate sect. Such they remained. So long as the Arians were -united and Imperial policy was consistent, the party could afford to be aggressive while the trinitarian party needed to be discreet. Damasus habitually conformed to discretion. It was policy. The Roman Church was learning the art of living alongside the authoritarian and theocratic State. The lessons were pondered, not least by Damasus. The result of discretion was soon evident. Liberius would return to Rome. In 358 or 9 (the date is disputed) the Emperor and the Fathers of the Council of Sirmium wrote to Felix, the intruded Bishop of Rome, informing him that for the future he would share responsibility with Liberius. This curious Imperial device soon failed and Felix was extruded. Liberius obtained full possession of his Sec and it was forthwith alleged (and has since been repeated) that he had fallen away from the true faith. Yet an unarmed Pope at close quarters with a ruthless Emperor of heretical opinions could hardly do better. So judged Athanasiuswho was alive at the time. Liberius, Damasus and Athanasius had not overlooked the fact that when Constantius visited Rome in 356 he showed an interest, extraordinary for a professing Christian, in the ancient cults. He had not only been curious about their antiquities. Attended by

AN UNACKNOWLEDGED HBRO OP THE FOURTHCBNTURY DAMAS US

24 7

Senators, the Emperor had visited the chief temples and afterwards had authorised the appointment of priests and granted funds for the sacred ceremonies. Thus seriously did the Emperor, in conformity with his title of" Pontifex Maximus," take his pagan duties. He realized that he was being criticised by the Christians. To preserve the balance of power with them he removed the Altar of Victory from the Senate. Obviously, Liberius, or any Pope would wallc warily with such an Emperor so close at hand. Athanasius' verdict upon Liberius was understanding. Liberius needed to be extremely cautious and not seek to take risks. There were, too, risks from another quarter that needed to be taken into account. Julian, the only surviving male member, beside Constantius, of Constantine's family, and now Caesar for Gaul, publicly embraced Mithraism in the same year, 3SS, that Liberius was banished. In 357 the Mithraist Julian won a spectacular victory over the Alamanni at Strassburg. The date of the neo-Pagan's victory coincided with the visit of Constantius to Rome. It is unimaginable that Liberius (or his Deacons, including Damasus) should have failed to infer the risks created by Julian's conversion to Paganism. In 361 the Christian, possibly heretic, Emperor died. The moment of supreme crisis had arrived. With Constantius dead and Julian the victor of Strassburg elected by a grateful army, what would now happen to the Christian cult and the Pope of Rome? The issue was not long in doubt. Forthwith Julian re-established the temples and the rituals of the elder cults, restored the services of the ancient gods, provided the salaries of the extruded ministers and ensured the upkeep of the hitherto sacred buildings. The old priesthood resumed their former positions, possessions and privileges; the new, deprived, "Galilean " hierarchy were expropriated of their revenues and in many places driven into poverty and obscurity. Thus in 361 the Empire was turned back on the old path. Julian died battling heroically with the Persians in 363 and was succeeded by Jovian: - another " Galilean. " His brief reign was marked by an edict of toleration of all faiths: a most enlightened and intelligent act... so it should seem to the liberals among us. But - was a multi-lateral religious policy the best for 363 and onwardsl There are good reasons for thinking so. The religious administration in Rome and the provinces was well regulated. Within

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MORISON

the general politico-social system, cults recognized by the State were endowed with the funds necessary for the buildings and their upkeep; for the services therein conducted and for the stipends of the ministers. Neither Emperors nor Senators were lax in their recognition of the dependence of the State upon divine protection; careless about the solemnity of religious services; or niggardly in their reward of the sacerdotal hierarchy responsible for their solemnity. The changes due to the toleration of the Christian cult had made little fundamental difference to this recognition of religion as a sanction of Roman conduct. "We Romans, " said Cicero, " owe our supremacy over all other peoples to our piety and religious observances and to our wisdom in believing that the spirit of the gods rules and directs everything. " Under Jovian the Christian religion, with official support, stepped into its former position, was given re-possession and maintenance of the sacred buildings, accorded the stipends and allowances required and its ordained officialswere granted the necessary servants as well as the immunity from secular duties and from the taxes that their pagan predecessors had enjoyed. The salaries of the ministers of all the legally recognized deities, pagan and Christian, were at least adequate, and in the great towns ample and even enviable. In Rome the emoluments for all the official cults were high, and pensions generous. This is true of any theocratic State. A poverty-stricken Bishop would be no confirmation of the piety of the Romans as Cicero understood it. The later German Emperors knew this. But the conditions under Jovian of the reestablished Christian cult were not easy. First there were numerous strong communities of various kinds, which possessed great social influence since they represented Roman traditions far more ancient than the new Christian gospel. Secondly, the Christians were divided as the Pagans had never been. No pagan rivalry had ever brought about such brutal exchanges as the Galileans continually visited upon each other. The regained freedom which all the Romans, whether Pagan or Christian, shared under Constantine's neutrality policy, sharp. ened the internal strife, created new opportunities for propaganda by this or that leader, and provoked throughout the Christian fold, a savagery of theological bitterness beyond anything before witnessed.

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Liberius, inevitably helpless, was obliged to submit to the indifference of Jovian's successors, Valentinian and Valens. Christian Rome remained scandalously sect-ridden. This evil could only be cured if the Pope could have Power, or access to Power, i. e. the means of compulsion, or, at least, deprivation. Liberius died in 366. The election of Liberius' successor was a fantastic business. It has been seen that when Liberius was exiled in 355, the majority of the clergy, including Damasus, defected to Felix at the Emperors' insistence. The minority who continued to support Liberius was led by the Deacon Ursinus. The two groups then were, and remained, at savage enmity. The death of Liberius in 366, and the election of a successorrenewed the strife that had upset Rome eleven years before; and to a heightened degree. Immediately upon Liberius' death Ursinus was acclaimed Pope by one group of clerics, while Damasus was acclaimed by another group, more numerous, more resolute; and, as supporters of Damasus, perhaps more powerconscious. I should here produce the passage which is the best source of our knowledge of this affair. It is from the educated, philosophical, non-Christian, Ammianus Marcellinus. He says that at the time of the elections Damasus and Ursinus, burning with a superhuman desire of seizing the position of Bishop, engaged in bitter strife because of their opposing interests; and the supporters of both parties went even so far as a conflict ending in bloodshed and death. Vivantius (the Prefect) being able neither to end nor to diminish this strife, was compelled to yield to its greater violence and himselfretired to the suburbs. And in the struggle Damasus was victorious, through the efforts of the party which favoured him. It is a well known fact that in the basilica of Sicininus, which was the conventiculum of the Christian sect, in a single day a hundred and thirty-seven corpses of the slain were found, and that it was only with difficultythat the long-continued frenzy of the people was later quieted.

One or two remarks need to be made about this account of what happened, so to say, on Damasus' doorstep which is now St. Mary Major. Damasus and Ursinus had been at enmity for years. Ursinus' enmity, made public when he was exiled in 3SS, may have originated less in an early love for Liberius than in a longstandingprivate hatred for Damasus. This is only a guess.

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In any event, it is not necessary to believe that supporters of either side were devoted to their champion on account of the excellence of his religious views; rather that many on both sides fought for their careers, privileges, exemptions and interests. And, it may be suspected, these were joined by sympathisers who, though they may have had little to hope for from Ursinus, knew they had everything to lose from Damasus. What, it may seem probable, united the heterogeneous opposition that faced Damasus was a common knowledge of his character. Damasus evidently had a reputation. Those who were acquainted with him were aware that he knew his own mind. The set ambition of Damasus, no doubt, had long been well known to the Roman ruling class,Pagan and Christian, probably long before the future Pope was made a Deacon. And Pope, Damasus became on the 1st October 366. The civil authorities, pagan at the time, intervened in the riot only when it was certain that Damasus had won. This was not favouritism but expedience. Valentinian, who received accounts from both sides, approved the choice of the majority, but could hardly have been pleased with the riot, for he appointed a new Prefect, a competent man of considerable philosophical learning. The new Pope found himself presiding over forty basilicas and other edifices in Rome, with something like seventy Priests, plus his college of seven Deacons. He disposed a very large patronage of moneys and offices and knew what he wanted to do with it. The fact is undeniable that he had a plan and was determined to get his way. Damasus was possessedof a liturgical and biblical programme that, incidentally, would preserve and extend the authority of Rome throughout the Christian world. To his mind, dearly, it was the inheritance and right of the Roman Church to govern. It was not to be easy for the new Pope, able and masterful though he was as a politician; determined and confident as an ecclesiastic; firm and convinced as a dogmatist. But he watched for every opportunity, constitutionally :l;lld canonically, to advance his authority. The highly accomplished and respected pagan Prefect believed the Pope to be worthy of support as a competent and reliable ecclesiasticaladministrator in the Christian sense. This is certain. Sometime between 369-371 Valentinian, doubtless on the Prefect's

AN UNACKNOWLEDGED HERO OF THB FOURTH CENTURY DAMASUS

25 I

advice, made the Bishop of Rome supreme at the court of appeal in the capacity of a civil judge. This measure nearly coincided with the enforcement by Damasus of Valentinian's enactment against clerical legacy-hunting, clerical swindling and clerical luxury. Ammianus tells us of clerical banquets with great relish; they surpass those of kings, he says. Of course Gibbon makes much of all this. It could never have pleased Damasus that the excessesof his clergy could have become so notorius as to rouse the indignation of the best pagans, including Praetextatus, the Prefect, and eventually of the Emperor. Yet Damasus could not fail to be happy when the imperial edict against clerical luxury gave him the opportunity to inflict disciplinary moral measures - inasmuch as his fingers itched for the power to inflict penalties upon heresy. All he could yet do was to suppress clerical luxury and punish clerical crime; meanwhile he could watch for the opportunity to increase his power over theological adventurers, heretics and schismatics. By 379 Damasus was become subject only to the personal judgement of the Emperor (now Gratian). This was a highly significant stage in the development of Imperial-Papal relations. Gratian, the son of Valentinian I, had been accorded the title of Augustus in 367; he was then eight years of age. At the death of Valentinian in 37S, Gratian handed over to the infant son, Valentinian II, the responsibility for Italy and Africa. In the same year, Gratian divested himself of the title and office of Pontifex Maximus. The renunciation of the title of Pontifex Maximus may well have arisen from Gratian' s personal conviction equally with his respect for the leadership of Ambrose of Milan. In the East, the year 378 was memorable for the death in battle of the brother of Valentinian, Valens, Eastern Emperor since 364. He had been baptised by an Arian in 367. The death of Valens opened the way for the advancement of Theodosius. His reputation as an army chief was already everywhere high. In 378 he was about 32 years of age. In 379 · Gratian, then 20, made Theodosius Emperor of the East in successionto Valens. In view of the teaching then current about post-baptismal sin, Theodosius, like Constantine, had postponed baptism. But the Emperor, having fallen sick late in 379, decided, perhaps on the example of Constantine, to seek

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baptism. He fixed upon Aschilos, Bishop of Thessalonica, a strong partisan of Damasus and Ambrose, to perform the ceremony. This petition for baptism was undoubtedly no act of private piety but a supreme act of State. Gratian and Theodosius had concluded that the political case for ending religious disunity was too strong to be ignored any longer. That Ambrose of Milanwas in correspondence on the same issue with Damasus of Rome cannot be doubted, though the extent to which these prelates influenced the subsequent legislation can only be guessed. In 379 Gratian ceded lliyricum, comprising Dacia and Macedonia (and therefore Thessalonica) to the Eastern Emperor (to wit Theodosius). The prestige of Thessalonica was such that its Bishop occupied a privileged position at the larger councils. In order to safeguard Roman jurisdiction, Damasus immediately appointed the Bishop of Thessalonica his Vicar Apostolic for lliyria. In this capacity the Bishop presided at provincial councils, gave judgement in cases, confirmed metropolitans, etc. That the Emperor of the East did not intervene against this scheme which retained Thessalonica and lliyria within the jurisdiction of Damasus must be regarded as a signaltriumph of the Pope's diplomacy. As we all know, much trouble was created for later Popes by this coup of Damasus. But this is not our subject. At the end of 379 Gratian and Theodosius decided that the time for neutralism had passed and that State toleration of minorities, whether pagan or Christian, must cease. The signature of Liberius in 357 to the third Formula of Sirmium left little point in tolerating and thereby encouraging the obstinate remainder of the Arian dissidents. The recalcitrants now appeared in the character of favourers of extremism, and their opponents as lovers of inclusiveness. Whatever they had been in the past, the Arians had now become a sect, and with that obvious fact, the politics ·of the situation had changed. Continued ecclesiastical and theological dissension was bad for civil discipline and bad for national defence. Under one Empire, one God, one Church and one dogmatic religion, dissenters would be repressed. This was less a matter of mere theology than of national security. Roman religion had always been a means of obtaining victory. Whatever the private religious convictions of the Emperors, i. e. Constantine and his successors,their paramount

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consideration in drafting a new religious policy was the unity, safety and prosperity of the Empire. But politico-religious unity was no easier to achieve in the fourth century than world peace is to-day. Unity and peace do not grow. They do not happen. They are imposed. The divisions and disunity that separated the Christians of the fourth century corresponded with ethnic, linguistic, geographical and economic differences. Privilege was deeply rooted all over the Roman Empire, especially in the great cities, and nowhere more than in the great ecclesiastical dioceses whose boundaries coincided in extent with those of the civil administrative regions. The size, population and richness of a given diocese inevitably increased the dignity of . its ecclesiasticalas well as its civil authorities. Rome was a special case. Its ecclesiasticaleminence derived, or was held to derive, primarily from its importance as the unique Apostolic See of Peter the chief apostle. The extent of its immediate jurisdiction derived from Rome's special civil position as caput mundi. Alexandria, regarded as the foundation of the Apostle Mark, Peter' s disciple, enjoyed a prestige greater than any other See except Rome, to whom she always deferred. Alexandria surpassed all other Sees, perhaps even Rome, in material wealth. Had the question of precedence been put to Damasus it seems probable that, while taking Thessalonica into consideration, he would have ranked Alexandria first because of Petrine and Marean connexion; a Pauline foundation, like Thessalonica, would take the next place. What is certain is that Damasus would have avoided any aggrandizement of the new foundation, Const~tinople. Rome, like Alexandria, was very early conscious of possible rivalry from this powerful because rich newcomer. Damasus would hardly favour the perpetuation and extension of a system of ecclesiastical organization which already paralleled the civil administration as to involve the ranking of the greater cities above the smaller; and the elevation of the Bishops of greater if new, above those of smaller though ancient, Sees. He would assuredly reject such a system were it applied to Rome as is proved by his being the first to make official for his Sec the title of "sedes apostolica." The authority of Rome was derived not from its historical or political significance, or its economic or administrative importance, but solely from its Apos-

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tolic foundation by Peter - that was the essence of the old Roman claim as newly emphasised by Damasus. This seemingly trivial matter of ecclesiasticalprecedence having been thus superficially mentioned, we can now return to the serious politics of the situation as a whole which Gratian, Theovimp£ is identical with lALTCO'I aor. and similarly Skt. atudamimpf. with asicamaor. In Slavic in particular the distinctions between aorist and imperfect formations usually attributed to the parent speech are completely gone and both are found instead in the cc aorist, " e. g. ChSI. 2, 3 sg. re& ((IE imper£ •rekes, •reket)beside I sg. rexii, pl. rechomii, reste,rise ((IE s-aorists), to pres. I sg. rekq,receli. Original thematic (or at least thematized) aorists are represented by dvigu, dvile, legu, lele, etc. 1 Likewise in Armenian the cc radical " aorist corresponds formally to thematic forms with secondary endings of Greek and Sanskrit, e. g. eber 'he carried' = Grk. lq>e:pe:,Skt. abharatimperf.; elik 'he left' = Grk lALTCtaor., etc. 2 The Slavic and Armenian situations are usually considered later confusions of an old distinction observed in Greek and IndoIranian. But these are the only two IE dialects that make the distinction. All other IE languages that develop an cc imperfect " do it quite independently of each other. Could it not rather be possible that it is Greek and Indo-Iranian that have developed an imperfect out of one original category, namely the aorist (or better perhaps cc preterit ") of the parent IE speechi Moreover these two dialects may show contradictions in cc tense, " whether aorist or imperfect, in identical formations, e. g. Grk. !yeve:-roaorist = Skt. djanataimperfect, etc. 1

Cf. Stang, Das slavischeund bahischeVerb11m 63 ff. 2 104; BrugCf. Meillet, Esquim d'une gram. comp.de l'Armmien classique mann, op. cit. 11, 3. 49. 2

ON THB SIGNIFICANCB OP TOCHARIAN FOR INDCrBUROP. UNGUISTICS

289

So far as I am able to judge at the present, there are no Tocharian preterits or imperfects which may be identified in form with Greek or Indo-Iranian " imperfects. " 1 However we do at least have here one more branch of IE that shows no trace of any original distinction between imperfect and aorist. From the variety of formations (aorist and perfect) that were combined to create the Tocharian preterit, one of the more interest. ing for the purposes of this paper is the long vowel preterit (= A imperfect) of the type act. sg. 3 A lyak imp£ = B lyakapret. (liik•see'); 3 pl. A Aa,sa,imp£ = B sa,sare,3 sg. Aarsa pret. (kiirs-'know'); 3 pl. mid. A Aakantimp£: 3 sg. act. B tsa(ka)pret. {A tsiik-mid. 'pulls out' = B tsak- act 'bite, sting'); 3 pl. mid. A parantimp£ (par- 'carry'); etc. My view (op. cit. below, ftn. 1) that these are to be identified with " long vowel perfects " elsewhere {Lat. sedi, Goth. setum,etc.) has in general not been accepted. However the equation T och. A parant:Goth. berum,and the possible identification of A lyak, B lyaka-:Lat. ligi should not, I think, be ignored, especially when these three branches of IE show other common features inherited from the parent speech. 2 One of the most striking agreements between Tocharian and Italic and Celtic is the subjunctive in a. That is, if we assume that the a {weakened to a in both dialects in certain positions) is really

a.3

PIE

•

I do not intend to repeat or even resume much of that which I have already said about the Tocharian subjunctive in general or the 1

The imperfectin B is of optative origin, but in A it is of the same origin as various prctcrits (except for the verbs " be " and " go " which arc original optativcs in both dialects). Cf. Lane, 1.Anguage 29 (1953) 278 f[ 2 Likewisethe Hittite hi-present (==IE perfect)of the type of I sg. lalt~i, pL «lrweni'know' (==Goth. sahw, sihwum 'saw1 has with great plausibility been drawn into the comparison. Cf. -Pedersen, Hitt. unJdie tmtkrenindoeur. Sprochen81 f[ Sturtevant, op. dt, 133. In this connection I might mention in passing ·that I am not persuadedby many of Kurylowicz's brilliant theories on the origin of the lengthened grade in his Apophonie(e. g. for Germanic classIV and V strong verbs, pp. 308 ff:), nor by his explanation of the origin of the e- in the Hittite plural forms above in the Proadings ofthe VIII. CongressofLinguists288. 3 The other "normal " origins of Toch. I arc m a and a, cf. A B ale-'lead' ((•,i-), A pica,, B plar 'father' ((•pa14r-),but a may alsordlcct IE a and l. Cf. Krauso-Thomas, Toch.Ekmentarbuch 1. 53.

GEORGE S.

LANE

assumed a- subjunctive in particular. 1 Suffice it to say here that Tocharian gives no support to the view that the parent speech had a subjunctive formation in conformity with the picture formed by Greek-Sanskrit comparisons, i. e. a thematic subjunctive to athematic indicatives, a long vowel subjunctive to thematic indicatives. Rather, almost every present indicative formation may also be used to form subjunctive stems, and almost every subjunctive stem will also be found in the indicative. The only clear agreement outside Tocharian is in the instance of the a-subjunctive. In my discussion of the devdopment of the Tocharian subjunctive, referred to above, I attempted to show that the a-subjunctive was identical in origin with the (primary) a-present of IE (type Lat. secare,domare,etc.), and that it was related to the ci-preterit (type Lat. -bam, -bas, etc., Lith. buvo) in much the same way that thematic presents are related to thematic imperfects and aorists. I ignored there an article by Emile Benveniste in BSL 47 (1951)1 pp. I 1-20, entitled " Preterit et optatif en indo-europeen. " Benveniste there uses as a point of departure an article of N. Trubetzkoy "Gedanken Uber den lateinischen A-Konjunktiv," published in the FestschrifiP. Kretschmer(1926), pp. 267-74. Trubetzkoy's thesis there was that the a-subjunctive of Italic and Celtic was actually an optative in origin and was a characteristic optative formation for thematic presents alongside the thematic optative in oi (Greek ipepoL,Goth. ba£rai,Skt. bharet,etc.) as opposed to the athematic optative in ye/i (Lat. siem, sies, siet: simus, etc., Grk. dYJV:e:tiuv, etc.). Benveniste accepts this thesis and attempts to extend it to explain the origin of the preterit in a. In view of the fact that the inherited optatives in ye/i, or oi have in later IE languages frequently developed preterit (and, especially, "imperfect") value, the author assumes a like origin for the Latin -bam, bas,etc. and the Irish indic. pret. -bJ. This theory assumes an extension of this original " ioptative " from thematic to athematic verbs, and the use of the new optative of the verb " be " as a preterit in periphrastic formations. Such, in brief, is the theory developed by Benveniste. He did not, however, make use of any evidence that might be drawn from the Tocharian forms in a (a). It is here that we see these 1 Cf. Language,35 (1959) 179 ft.

ON THE SIGNIFICANCE OF TOCHARIAN FOR INDO-EUROP. UNGUISTICS 291

subjunctive and preterit formations in the closest formal relationship e. g. mid. sg. 3 subj. A kliitrii,B. kalatiir:pret. A kliit, B kliite (from kiil- 'bring'); A palkiitiir,B (act. sg. 3) piilkam: A palkiit, B palkiite (from piilk- 'see'). Elsewhere I intend to go carefully into the question as to whether or not the Tocharian evidence supports the Trubetzkoy-Benveniste hypothesis of an optative origin for the ii-subjunctive and preterit, or whether the view which I advocated in the article referred to above is more reasonable, namely that the subjunctive (optative) use is merely a development from the indicative in ii. However this question need not concern us here. I think few will deny the original identity of the ii (a)-formations in Tocharian with those of Italic and Celtic. This being the case, we have another feature of the parent speech shared in particular by these three branches of IE. 1 It is perhaps worthwile to note here, even for our present purposes, that Tocharian may perhaps strengthen one fundamental assumption of the Trubetzkoy and Benveniste hypothesis, namely that the a-formation was the optative formation to thematic indicatives to the exclusionof the thematic optative in oi in those languages where it occurred. The optative "sign " in Tocharian is i in both dialects. This is added to the (already characterized) subjunctive stem in the case of the ii-subjunctivein B but the ii is dropped in A, e. g., to iir- 'cease,' B act. subj. sg. 3 iiram, opt. iiroy, A iir~, but (mid.) iiritiir,etc. When this sign i is added directly to a final palatalizable consonant it effects the usual change, e. g. (subj. 1, "athematic " subjunctive), to A B tiis- 'place,' A subj. act. sg. 3 ta~, pl. 3 tiseiic, opt. mid. sg. 3 ~itar, B subj. act. sg. 1 tiisau, pl. 3 tiise'!', opt. act. sg. tii~i;to A niik- 'disappear,' B niik- 'destroy,' subj. 3. sg. A nkatiir,B nketiir,opt. A nsitiir,B nsitiir,etc. It seems to me that such regular palatalization would point to a generalization of the athematic -i- rather than of a monophthongized thematic -oi-.

1

The question of the identity of the non-medial-intransitive (" rein-prateritales ") a- preterit in Baltic and Slavic (type Lith. p11ko,suko,ChSl. bira,Mita) is not considered by Benveniste. In any discussion of the origins of the a-preterit as a whole, certainlythese must not be ignored. C( Stang, op. cit. 7S ff., 189 ff.

GEORGE S.

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LANE

Besides the usual a (a)-preterit, Tocharian hasalso a less usual formation in a (a) with palatalization of the preceding consonant. This type is represented by the A act. sg. 1 klyofi, pl. 1 klyo~mas. 3 klyofir (klyos-'hear'), mid. sg. 3 pa~t, wlefit (pas-'keep, observe,' wles-'practice'), which serve both as preterits and imperfects, 1 and by the normal imperfect in A when derived directly from the present stem, e. g.: sg. 3 efi (to e- 'give', pres. act. sg. 1 esam);karya (karyenc'they laugh'), katiiiisa (katiink~ 'rises'), etc. In B this formation is of course always preterit, e. g. act. sg. I klyQUfiwa, pl. 3 klyaUfare(: A klofa,etc., above), mid. sg. 2 ptiffatai(: A pifat, above), etc. This formation is probably to be connected with verbal stems in e in other IE languages, especially with the non-present stems etc.), the Lithnauia9 in e in the Greek second aorist (!x«pv.,iµ.«V1J" preterit (Lith. dege,sauke, to degti 'bum,' saukti 'call,' etc.). 2 In Italic and Germanic the e-formation is found as a present stem (c£ Lat. tacere:OHG dagen).3 Thus Tocharian appears in this particular characteristic to part from those branches of IE with which it shows many inherited features from the earliest period. To summarize: It would appear to me that Tocharian furnishes substantial support to the view that our " late 19th century " conception of the IE parent language needs to be radically changed in several aspects, and nowhere more radically than in the instance of the verb. For our conception of the verbal categories hasbeen based entirely upon agreements between Greek and Indic. 4 Further, it also appears that Tocharian emerges more and more dearly as a remnant of a very archaic dialect of IE with its earliest dose affinities with the dialects of the North and West but with later influential contacts with those of the North and East.

1 Cf. Sieg, Siegling und Schulze, Tocharisclre Grammatile 381-2, 386. Cf. Pedersen. Tocharisch 180. On the Baltic and Slavic non-present stem in i, cf. in particular, Stang, op. dt. 74 f., 191 f. 3 In Celtic it is of course impossible to distinguish present stems in l from those in i. 4 Cf. also the remarks by Professor Stang op. dt. Einltitung7. 2

Marw 1964 A.BE. T. E. Azienda Beneventana TiJ>Otrl'8fica Editoriale Roma - Via Prenestina, 683

CLASSICAL MEDIAEVAL AND RENAISSANCE STUDIES IN HONOR OF

BERTHOLD LOUIS ULLMAN II

CLASSICAL MEDIAEVAL AND RENAISSANCE STUDIES IN HONOR OF

BERTHOLD LOUIS ULLMAN EDITED BY

CHARLES HENDERSON, VOLUME

Ja.

II

ROMA 1964

EDIZIONI DI STORIA E LETTERATURA

Tutti i diritti riservati

EDIZIONI DI STORIA E LETTERATURA Roma - Via Lanccllotti, 18

TABLE OF CONTENTS

MARIETHERESE D' ALVERNY, Les museset lesspherescelestes.

0. SKUTSCH, Textual studiesin the Bucolics of Martius Valerius. PAULPASCAL, Notes on Missus sum in vineam of Walterof Chatillon GRAYDON W. REGENOS,The Doctorin Nigellus Wirekerand Chaucer TAMMARO DE MARINis,De Balneis Puteolanis LESTER K. BORN,An Analysis of the Quotationsand Citationsit1 the Compendium Grammatice of John of Garland . URBANT. HOLMESJa.,Three noteson the Flamenca MARVIN L. COLKER, A MediaevalPilgrims' Guide . Gumo MARTELLOTTI, La Collatio inter Scipionem Alexandrum Hanibalem et Pyrrum BERNARDM. PEEBLES,The Ad Maronis Mausoleum: Petrarch's Virgil and two fifteenth-centurymanuscripts . ROBERTOWmss, Petrarchthe Antiquarian ERNESTH. WILKINS,« Dir piu non osa if nostroamort GIUSEPPE BILLANOVICH, EusABETHPELLEGRIN, Una nuova letteradi LombardoJella Seta e la primafortuna Jelle opere del Petrarca AUGUSTOCAMPANA, Lettera Jel CardinalePadovano (Bartolomeo Uliari)a ColuccioSalutati . ALFREDFAIRBANK, Looking at lettersand words . A fifteenth-centuryrhetoricalopusculum ROBERTP. SoNKOWSKY, Antoine Haneron introduisantI'ecriturehumanistique G. I. LIEFTINCK, Jans les Pays-Bas The Questionof PrimarySources. JOHNEsTENKELLER, E. N. TIGBRSTEDT, IoannesAnnius and Graecia mendax . An unknown co"espondenceof Alessandro PAULOsKARKRISTELLBR, Braccesiwith Niccolo Michelozzi, Na/Jo Naldi, Bartolommeo Scala,andotherhumanists(1470-1472)in Ms. Bodi. Auct. F. 2. 17 C. F. KuMANIECKI, Philippi CallimachiEpicedionin DorotheamGonzagam

7 21

37 41 47 5I

85 93 145

169 199 .. 21 I

21

5

2 37

255 259 283 285 293

311 365

TABLB OF CONTENTS

4 GIOVANNI

MARl>BRSTEIG,

Tre Epigrammidi Gian Mario Filelfo a

Felice Feliciano . V1TIORE BRANCA, ErmolaoBarbaro« Poeta• e la sua « Presentazione • alla Corte Aragonese LOREN C. MACKINNEY and THOMAS C. HERNDON, Abnormalcranial sutures in ancient,medievaland renaissanceanatomicaltreatises PAUL VAN DB WOESTIJNE, Le Codex Lovaniensis de la Periegese de Priscien EUGENIO MASSA, Intomo ad Erasmo: una polemica che si credeva perduta ANTONIO Al.TAMURA, La lnarime di ScipioneCapece. JOHN G. KUNSTMANN, Lamentum a Poem containedin Deutsche Gesange

.

The History of a proverbialpattern . RICHMOND P. BoND, Mr. Bickerstaffand Mr. Wortley D. W. ROBERTSON, JR., Pope and Boethius REVIL0 P. OLIVER, A voicein the wilderness . ARCHER TAYLOR,

375

385 413 427 435 455 467 483 491

505 515

ARTICLES

LES MUSES ET LES SPHERES CELESTES MARIE TimR!SE

D'AL VERNY

CENTJlll NATIONAL DB LA RECHBRCHB SCD!NTIPIQUB, PAllIS

Lorsque un homme lettre du Haut Moyen Age voulait etudier l'Astronomie et la Musique, li6es etroitement d'apres l'enseignement de Platon expose dansle Timee, qu'il pouvait lire dansla traduction de Chalcidius, ii lui arrivait, en poursuivant ses recherches dam d' autres textes de I'antiquite paienne, de rencontrer les Muses. Les Filles d' Apollon presidaient en effet au concert celeste qu' emettaient les spheres 1 en tournant autour de la terre immobile, d' apres les descriptions du commentaire de Macrobe sur le Songe de Scipion et les Noces de Philologie et de Mercure de Martianus Capella. Elles avaient remplace, dit Macrobe, dansI' enseignement des " theologiem, " les sirenes que Platon avait decrites danssa Republique, 2 chantant sur chacun des orbes. Sept d' entre elles regnaient sur les planetes; Uranie gouvernait la sphere etoilee; la neuvieme Muse, Calliope, qui est I'ensemble de tout ce qu'il y a de parfait realisait la symphonic de l'Univers en reunissant tous les sons de ses soeurs; son nom m~me signifie: tres belle voix. 3 Cf. sur les origines et le dcvdoppcmcnt de la th&>ric de !'harmonic des sp~ C. von Jan,"Die Harmonic dcr Sphircn," Philologus 52 (1893) 13-37, et ~ de son &lition de Nicomaque de Gcrasa, Musicisaiptoresgraeci,5. 211-234; H. Husmann, Grundlagmdn anti/emuml orientalischtn Musik (1961); P. Boyand, 'Les Muses et !'harmonic des sph~rcs ', Mllanges..• Felix Grat, II (1946), 3 sqq. sur le symbol~ funlraire des Romains (1942), 258 sqq.; F. Cumont, Recherches E. R. Curtius, Europaische Literaturund LateinischeMittelalter(1954) c. 13. 1

2

3

Platon, Republ.617 b. Macrobe, In SomniumScipionis2, 3: " Hine Plato in Rcpublicasua, cum de

spbacrarum caelestium volubilitatc tractarct, singulasait Sircnas singulisorbibus

insidcrc,significans spbacrarum motu cantum numinibus cxhiberi• • • Thcologi quoquc novcm Musas octo spbacrarum musicos cantus et WlaJl'I rnnirnarn r.oncineoriarn quae confit ex omnibus CS1C volucre. Uncle Hcsiodus in Thcogoniasua

8

MARIE

THBllBSB o' ALVBRNY

Martianus Capella designait avec precision le role des Muses dansla ronde celeste. 1 Pour lui, Calliope n' etait plus chef d' orchestre; ii l'associait a Mercure. Uranie etait chargee de regler le son le plus aigu emis par la sphere etoilee, celle dont le mouvement est le plus rapide; Polymnie etait liee a Saturne, Euterpe aJupiter; Erato faisait chanter Mars; Melpomene occupait la place mediane aupres du Soleil qui embellit le monde de ses fewc; Terpsichore etait unie a Venus la Dorce; Clio habitait dansla demiere sphere, celle de la Lune, qui emettait le son le plus grave. Thalie, abandonnee, reposait au sein de la Terre fleurie. 2 Toute ordonnance des sons de la musique terrestre, soit des voix, soit des instruments etait regie par la musique du ciel. Des chants humains, les Muses etaient aussi les patronnes, ainsi que le rappelle un auteur chretien, Fulgence le Mythographe. 3 a

ny

octauam Musam Uraniam vocat, quia post septem vagas, quae subicctae sunt octaua stellifera sphacra supcrposita proprio nomine caclum vocatur, et ut ostendcret nonam cssc et maximam, quam conficit sonorum concors univcrsitas, adiccit: KcxllL67")8'fl 3~ npoq,cpcm-ni 0ri.v ibmcnc.>vex nomine ostcndcns ipsam vocis dulccdinem nonam Musam vocari, nam KcxllL67"Joptimae vocis gracca intcrprctio est" (ed. Eyssenhardt, p. s92). Sur l'harmonie dessph~cs, ibid.2.1-s (ed.dt.,

p. ssz-oos). 1

C£ sur les sph~cs et lcs Muses, lcur assimjlation aux suaics de Platon et l'individuation des Muses, PW, art. Musai N. B. 31, 69 sqq, 723,724 sqq. 2 Martianus Capella. De nuptiisPhilologiae et Mmurii 1 : " Supcri autem globi orbcsque septempliccs suauius cuiusdam mclodiae harmonicis tinnitibus concinebant ac sono ultra sonitum dulciore, quippc Musas aducntarc pracsenscrant, quae quidem singillatim circulisquibusque metatis ubi suae pulsum modulationis agnoucrant, constitcrunt. Nam Urania stcllantis mundi sphacram cxtimam concinit, quae acuto raptabatur sonora tinnitu. Polymnia Saturnium circulum tcnuit, Eutcrpc Iouialcm,Erato ingrcssa Martium modulator, Mclpomcne medium ubi Sol Bammanti mundum lumine conucnustat. Terpsichore Vcnerio sociatur auro, Calliope orbcm complcxa Cyllcnium, Clio citimum circulum, hoe est in Luna collocauit hospitium; quae quidem grauis pulsus modis raucioribus pcrsonabat .•. Thalia dcrclicta in ipso Borcntis campi ubcre n:sidebat" (ed. Dick, p. 19-20). C£ aussi 2. 169-199 sur lcs distances desplan~cs:et lcs tons (ed. Dick, p. 69 sqq.), et 9, De harmonia(ed. cit., p. 469 sqq.). 3 Fabii Planciadis Fulgcntii Mitologiarum libcr 1. 1s: .. -Huie etiam Apollini nouem deputant Musas, ipsumquc dccimum Musis adiciunt ilia videlicetcausa, quod humanae vocis decem sint modulamina; uncle et cum dccacorda Apollo pingitur cithara..• Fit ergo vox quatuor dcntibus, . . • ad quos linguapcrcutit••• duo labia velut cimbala vcrborum commoda modulantia, lingua ut plectrum quae curuamine quodam vocalem format spiritum, palatum cuius concauiw

LBS MUSBS BT LBS SPHBRBS CBI.ESTES

9

dix modulations de la voix, semblables a la cithare decacorde, et clles sont symboliseespar Apollon et les neuf Muses. Car on produit la voix avec quatre incisives contre lesquelles frappe la langue, qui est semblable a l'archet; les levres sont comme deux cymbales qui formulent les mots; la voute du palais emet le son, le tuyau de la gorge laisse passer 1'air que souffie le poumon. Mais pour nous, ajoute Fulgence, les neuf Muses signifient encore les degres de 1'enseignement et de la science. 1 n enumere les noms des neuf soeurs, de Clio a Calliope, avec leurs etymologies, accompagnees d' epithetes que 1'on retrouve chez tous les mythographes 2 et dans des gloses ou commentaires medievaux: Clio, cogitatioquaerendae scientiae; Euterpe, bene delectans;Melpomene, meditationem fadens permanere;Talia, capadtas,ponens germina; Polymnia, multam memoriamfaciens; Erato, inuenienssimile; Terpsichore, delectansinstructionem; Urania, caelestis;Calliope, optimaevods. Et ceci permet d'exposer le programme du parfait etudiant: 3 il faut d' abord vouloir s'instruire, secondement, s'y complaire, troisiemement, s'appliquer a cc que l'on goute; quatriemement, bien le' posseder; cinquiemement, s'en souvenir; sixiemement, elaborer de soi m!me avec cc que 1'on conserve dans le tresor de sa memoire; septiemement, apprecier justement cc que l'on- compose; huitiemement bien choisir cc que l'on apprecie; neuviemement, bien l'exprimer. Un poeme, souvent recopie dans les manuscrits carolinsi;ens, rappelait les noms des Muses et leurs attributions classiques:4 profcrt sonum, gutturis fistula quac tcrcti mcatum spiritalem pracbct cxcursu, et pulmo qui velut aerius follis concepta rcddit ac rcuocat" (ed. Helm, 2s). 1 Ibid.: " Nos vcro novem Musas doctrinae atquc scicntiae dicimus modos hoe est: pruna Clio quasi cogitatio prima disccndi; cleos cnim grcce funa dicitur • • • et quoniam nullus scicntiam quaerit nisi in qua famac suae protclet dignitatem, ob bane rem prima Clio appcllata est, idcst cogitatio quacrcndae scicntiae, etc. " (ttl. cit., 2s-26). 2 Saiptorts rm,m mythicarumlatinitrts Romaenuperrepmi. . • ed. G. H. Bode (1834). Mythog,aphus primus,c. 114, Id. cit., 36; Mythog,aphussecundus,c. 24, Id. dt., 8.2-83; Mythographus tertius,c. 8, Id. dt., 210-211. Sur le Mythographus llI, cf. E. Rathbone, "Magistcr Albcric of London, Mythographus tertius Vaticanus," Mediaevaland Renaissancestudies 1 (1941) 3s-38. Une ~dition aitique est en preparation a Harvard, par les..soins de:P. Elder et K. Elliott. 3 Ibid.:"jErgo, hieerit ordo: primum est vclle doctrinam, etc." (Id.dt., 27). Sur l'inllucncc de Pulgcncc al'~que carolingicnnc, cf.'M. L. W. Laistncr," Pulgcntius in_the Carolingian age," The IntellectualHeritageof theEarly M.A. (19s7) 204-211. 4 AnthoL lat. 1. 2, ed. Riese, n. 664, p. 134; et oppnu/ix.Ausonii,MGH, in 4

10

MARIB

THBRESB o' ALVBRNY

Clio, gcsta cancns transactis tcmpora rcddit Dulciloquis calamos Euterpc Batibus urgct Comica lasciuo gaudet sermone Thalia Melpomene tragico proclamat maesta boatu Terpsichore affectus citharis mouet, imperat, auget, Plectra gerens Erato saltat pede carmine vultu Signat cuncta manu loquiturque Polymnia gcstu Urania poli motus scrutatur et astra Carmina Calliope libris heroica mandat ... 1

Un derc du Haut Moyen Age, s'il avait acces a unc bibliotheque monastique ou episcopale bien constituee, ou se trouvaient les auteurs necessairesa I'etude des Arts ne pouvait oublier le mythc des neuf Soeurs, quoique le maitre le plus venere de I'enseignement philosophique, Boece, les eut expulsees de ses ecrits, et n' cut pas daigne les nommer en redigeant dans le De musicala theorie de la gamme planetaire. 2 Les discours des anciens sur l'harmonie des spheres n"avaient rien de suprenant pour des hommes qui avaient appris dansl'Ecriture sainte que les Cieux celebrent la gloire de Dieu: Caeli enarrant gloriam Dei. n etait un peu plus genant de s'accommoder des enjolivements mythologiques done Macrobe et Martianus Capella avaient ome la description de la symphonic celeste. Mais un bon maitre sait se servir de la Fable pour eduquer de jeunes esprits, et ii semble que meme dansles monasteres 1'on n' ait pas hcsite a rccourir a ce moyen pour graver dans la memoire des etudiants lcs principes de la musique. Auct. antiquiss. 5. 250. Avant le ~e sont enumercs les attributions des Muses: Clio historias, Euterpe tibias, Thalia comoedias, Mdpomene tragedias, Terpsichore psalterium, Erato geometriam, Polymnia rhetoricam, Urania astrologiam, Calliope litteras. 1 Dam un beau manuscrit de la seconde moitie du IXe si~e, lat. 7730, qui provient pent etre de l'abbaye de Fleury (Saint-Benoit sur Loire), le pomie des Muses (£ S4v) est suivi de cette addition: Ecce adsunt stellae cum magno lumine mundi Concon pennigerae constat musica siluae Lucifer almus adest, rarescit corporis umbra

Les deux textes se trouvent aussi dans le ms. 127 de la bibliotheque de Vend&me, £ 58 v-69 (date du Xie si~e dans le Cataloguedes manuscritsdes Bibliotheques p,r bliquesde France3. 434). 2 Boece, Dt musicaI. 27 (ed. G. Friedlein. P· 219).

LBS MUSES BT LBS SPHBRBS CEI.BSTBS

II

Nous avons rencontre clansun manuscrit de la fin du Xie si~ un asscz curieux essai d' adaptation des enseignements scientifiques et poetiques herites de l'antiquite a l'usage des etudiants chreticns. Ce manuscrit, n. 11104 du fonds latin de la Bibliotheque nationale provient de I'abbaye Saint-Willibrord d'Echtemach, dont ii pone des ex-libris du XVe siecle. ll comprend trois manuscrits relies ensemble; la partie qui nous interesse renferme une copie tres soign6: d'apparence des Gesta pontificum Tongrensium,f. 48v-122; elle date de la fin du Xie siecle. Elle est suivie, £ 122-123 par des additions du debut du Xlle siecle: Note sur la legende des Trois Marie, et r6:it d'un miracle, qui est apparente la legende de la Lettre tomb6: du Cid sur !'observation du dimanche, £ 122; et d'un Sermo devinculissanctiPetri= Epistolaps. Hieronymi(ed. P. L., 30. 226-232), extr., f. 122v-123, de la meme epoque que les Gesta. Le verso du demier feuillet, 123v, a ete utilise pour transcrire une sequence, en partie rogn~. Le recto du premier, £ 48, contient le morceau que nous allons transcrire, suivi d'une note philosophique: "Tria dicuntur esse in ho mine: sensus, ratio, intellectus . . . " Ce texte a du etre ecrit au debut du Xlle siecle; ii est accompagne d'une notation neumatique de type germanique tres archaisant, selon l'avis des musicologues que nous avons consultes. 1

a

DE VIl PLANETIS ET VIIlI MUSIS

2

Laus tibi, Deorum Domine, qui de terra czlos facis ordine mirifico. Eximium laudis opus est, Tu, cum summus regnes, conregnantes quoque postules. In hac convalle lacrimarum ardua, per Te, via vite pretenditur vimque natura perpetitur. In celum dum terra multifaria constituitur, quz licet minus sit gencraliter peruia, tuos tamen transff'ers in misericordia. 1

Nous sommcs u~

rccnooaissantc

a M. elle

S. Corbin et

a M. H. H~

mano.qui ont bicn voulu examiner les neumes 2

Cc morccau

et nous donner un avis competent. depend non seulemcnt des textes de Martianus Capellaet

de Fulgcnce,mais des commcntaires de Martianus. Sur ks PLmttes et Its Muses, cf. Jean Scot Eriugeoe, In Martianum,ed. C. Lutz, 30-31; Remi d'Auxerre, Commentum in MartianumCapel/am,ed. C. Lutz,

Pour des motifs d'ordre typographique lcs e ddillcs ont eti rcprcsentcs par des diphtoogues. 101-103.

MARIB THERESE o' ALVBRNY

I2

Huius vi;ie thesis et arsis 1 consonum reddit de omnibus diapason quod conficitur de quatuor, de quinque, scilicet dyapente et dyatcsseron, in quinque tonis et duobus semitoniis; quod supercst conuertitur in silentium. Interuallis distinguuntur propriis hzc vocum discrimina septem, 2 et pretitulantur officio cum nomine planetarum Musarumque totidem quarum discursu seu concursu qua currando circumducitur ordine, personare facis armoniam succentu perpeti, Domine. Spera celcsti coniciente suo volucri molimine, 3 Terra grauis punctus et fex aeris patitur silentium tnstlS. Hine quoddam sit neccssarium vocis prohemium comicorum, lasciuiens Thalia dicta grece ponens germina; cum ipsa ceu soror est quedam grauida qu;ie magnetis similitudine quem trahit timet amittere, nisi confumet Dei preueniens et sequens gratia. Citima planetarum luna, suo conspersa nubilo, natura fertur rorifera, 4 cuius vis incrementat corpora, 5 qu;ie prima rumpens silentium sonat ad circulum superiorem semitonium. Cui Clio quae bona fama dicitur, historiographis proprie coniungitur co quod laude dignus habetur, qui de terrenis in voce virtutis attollitur. Secundus qui sursum a luna propagator Mercurius, siue dicatur anomalus, siue fiat stationarius, 6 seu prudens consiliarius. Calliope, pulchra scilicet voce sibi sociat, metro digna, quz clara luce rutilat, eo quod ascensum laudis pulchrum faciat, qui pro posse terrena fugiat et de bono in melius gradatim proficiat. Cf. Martianus Capella,De nuptiis 9. 974: "arsis est elatio, thesisdepositio vocis ac remissio" (ed.cit., 519); Isidore de Seville,Etym. 3. 20. 9: 7 "arsis est vocis cleuatio, id est initium; thesis,vocis positio, id est finis." 2 Cf. Virgile, Am. 6. 646. 3 moluminis ms. 4 C£. Fulg • .,. 1. 6 17: " Tunc nox ... caerula rongcns . . pigrcscere . . cnce, ,viii. 1usscrat alis-astrigcroque nitens diademate luna bicorni" (ed.cit., 13); Isidore, Den~ turarerum18. 6: "Luna larga est roris et dux humcntium substantiarum" (ed.J. Fontaine, Isidore de Seville Trait/ de la nature (1900)243). 5 Cf. Isidore de Seville, De naturarerum19. 2: "cuius augmcntis detrimcntique ... omne quod gignitur alitur atque crescit" (ed.cit., 243);JeanScot Eriugcnc, In Martianum12. 23: " corpus lunarc .•. omnia scmina quae de aqua atque tellure nascuntur nutrire perhibeturincremcntaque eorum administrare " et 70. 7: " omnia scmina quae nascuntur in tcrra ex rore lunae veniunt" (ed. cit., 21 et 70). 6 Cf. Martianus Capella,De nuptiis1. 13: "tot is noctibus repigratior paululum simularet anomalum "; JeanScot Eriugcne In Mart. 12.21: " ••• de Mercurio ..• aliquando ..• anomalus, hoe est .•• errabundus vagetur" (ed.cit.,21); Isidore, De nat. m. 22: "radiis autcm solispracpcdita,sidera aut anomala fiunt, aut retrograda, aut stationaria" (ed. cit., 254); ibid.,23. 2 (ed. cit.,259) et Etym. 3, 66-70. 1

LBS MUSBS BT LBS

SPHERES CBLBSTBS

13

V cnus elcctrinam 1 gercns faciem, tcrtia promouetur in aciem, cum qua Tcrpsicore delectat in instructionem lyre vel psalterii, locum tenet imperil. Tanto plus enim quis viciis dominatur, quanto virtutibus accumulatur. Sol loco quartus dyatesseron dat, spatium vitalis motus 2 medioximat; 3 cum quo Melpomene facicns meditationem tragedos non ab-

dicat. Possidet enim medium qui sic tcrrenis sc compisceat affectibus, ut currat cum cclestibus. Mars prepollcns medium nil habct cum terra proximum feruet ◄ bclli 5 quod cinctus amore. a sole nimio fragore [vel calore] Eratho que designatur inucniens simile gcometriz cum co versat imaginem, quia numero et pondere bclla duci 6 faciet iustis corde cum viciorum gen.ere. (H) Exalogus 7 Iuppiter prospcra presignans, iugiter tempcratus 8 est utroque latere, hinc estu et illinc frigore. Euterpc, bcne delectans, organis et tibiis ductu meruit dare notam ccli spatiis. Attempcrat enim studium qui nee cedit prospcris nee contrariis dehonestat animum. Satumus tardus et pallidus cum planetis est scptimus. PoHmnia, multa memoria, rethorum propria datur illi socia; pro co quod dignus sit etemo munere qui lingua cum opcre spemit hoe {sic) graue viuere, scmpcr anhelans morari in ethere. Celum cui melos attollitur, pro fine quodam ponitur, Urania sibi contigua notat astrologis dictu mirabilia. 1 Cf. Martianus Capella. et JeanScot Eriugcnc, In Mart. 12. n (ed. cit., 21). 2 JeanScot Eriugcnc, In Mart. n. 20: " vitalismotus a sole" (ed.dt., 20). Sur le r6lc c:mtraldu solcil, mcsc de la lyre cosmique, c£ P. Boyance, Ehuks sur le Songede Sdpion 97 sqq. et c£ Isidore De nat. rer. 23. 2: "quarto circulo solis cunus est conlocatus, qui ••• mcdius est constitutus •.. ratione autem diuinasic constitutus est, quia pracclaraomnia in mcdio csseclcbcnt" (ed.dt., 257). 3 Cc vcrbc nc sc trouve pas dansles glossaircs;il doit atrc fo~ sur mcdio-

mnus.

Ccs clcuxmots sont ccrits on intcrlignc, comme glosc clcfrdgore.Cf. Jean Scot Eriugcnc, In Mart. 12. 3 : " Martis circulus ex propinquitate solaris ignis feruidamcontrahit qualitatem ardcntittimam " (ed.cil., 20). 4

5 6

bd1oms.

dici ms. (h)exdlogus scmblc forge; le mot nc sc trouve pas dansles glossaires. • Cf. Jean Scot Eriugcne, In Mart. 12. 3 : " louialem elicitambitum qui, quoniam inter fi:igiditatemSaturni supcrioris et fcruorem inferioris Martis mcdietatcm qnaudamobtinct tempcratam" (ed.cil., 20). 7

I4

MARIB

THBRBSB o' ALVBRNY

Dcdaratur cnim caritatis actio quod magna sit, maxima ccrtc Dci posscssio per quam fiat sermonis diffinitio.

Le pieux moine qui, voulant sans doute enseigner a de jeunes eleves les elements de la musique, s'est efforce a la fois de condenser en prose rimee les donnees essentielles de I'art, et d' autre part de transformer les Muses en guides de vie spirituelle nous a laisse la un joli exemple de le~on destinee aux novices. Pour aider leur memoire a conserver des mots etranges et des notions difficiles- dans lesquelles ii se perdait peut etre lui meme, car ii ne pousse pas tres loin la demonstration - ii a, en outre, ajoute des neumes: la l~on etait chantee. Ceci n' est pas une initiative surprenante. n semble que dansle cas d'une discipline voisine, le comput, les preceptes aient souvent ete mis en vers et en musique. 1 Cette pratique devait paraitre encore plus indiquee lorsqu'il s'agissait de rappder les principes pythagoriciens de !'harmonic de l'univers, et l'on en connait d'autres exemples. M. Handschin a public ii y a ~e trentaine d'annees un poeme extrait d'un autre manuscrit de la Bibliotheque nationale, latin 7203, £ 2v-3, egalement accompagne de neumes, ceux-ci fran~s. 2 Le texte a ete transcrit a la fin du Xie siecle. L' auteur a passe les Muses sous silence, et sa science musicale est beaucoup plus precise que celle du moine rhenan; comme lui, ii a ajoute a la le~on des considerations religieuses, mais elle ressortent plutot de la typologie que de la morale: Naturalis concordia vocum cum planctis. Est planctarumsirnUis concordia vocum A tcrra czlo diuinus scanditur ordo

Irtenkau£: " Der Computus ecclcsiasticusin dcr Eimtimmigkcit des M.A.," Archivfur Musikwissenschaft 14 (1957) 1-15, pl. Sur l'usage medievalde chanter certains textes d'enseignement et des textes classiques, c£ H. M. Bannister, Monumenti VaticaniJi paleografiamusicalelatina (1913) pl. 8, et n., et les mides 1 C( W.

de S. Corbin sur la cantillatio: " Notations musicales dansles classiques latins, " Revue des F.lud.es latines 33 (1954) 97~8; "Comment on chantait les classiqucs latins au Moycn Age." dans Mllanges... Paul-MarieMasson I (1955) 107-113. 2 J. Handschin, " Ein ma. Beitrag zur Lchre von der Sphirenharmonie, " Zeitschrift fur Musilewissenschaft 9 (1927) 193-208, fac-sim. Le pomie est en ven Monins. ll a ctc ajoutc au dcbut d'un manuscrit du Xie si~e contenant le De musicade Boccc. D'apr~ M. Husmann, qui a bien voulu les examiner, les neumes sont &an~ du Nord de la Loire. Le manuscrit a appartenu a l'crudit J. A. de Thou puis Colbert (n. 4412).

a

LBS MUSES ET LES SPHBRES CBI.ESTES

IS

Tullius hos numeris sic sursum scandit ah imis Luna, Ermes, Venus et Sol, Mars Iouis atque Saturnus Ordine consimili debes voces modulari Primam da Lunz, quae fertur proxima terr~ ... Vocibus his octo diapason clauditur ordo ... Septem dissimiles species diapason habentur Tresque diatesseron, diapente quatuor extant Quo sunt dissimiles cantus nutantque sapores ... Septem plane~, septem discrimina vocum 1 Aecclesi~ septem vd dona Flaminis almi Perque dies septem solaris voluitur annus Sex labor et septem requies, fit vita per octo Viuitur octauo post septem milia credo Heptadis hie numerus cunctis rebus fere nodus.

A ce joli poeme est ajoute une figure symbolique de I' ~elle musicale. Au sommet, est inscrit le nom du seul maitre de l'harmonie des spheres: Deus. A droite de I' echelle, les noms grecs des intervalles, enseign~ dansle De musicade Boece. A gauche, deux ~ries de noms, correspondant a !'harmonic c~este, repr~ntee par les planetes2 et a !'harmonic supraceleste superieure, celle des anges; sept choeurs sont enumer~ au dessous de Dieu, des Seraphim aux Vertus. Entre les deux, le ciel forme la mesedu concert que chantent les astres et les creatures spirituelles. Au bas de I' echelle, la terre est, silence, ainsi que le dit Boece, exposant I'opinion de Ciceron dans le Songe de Scipion au c. 27 du De musica,car elle est immobile. 3

.Atn.6. 646. L'autcur suit l'ordre des planhes du Songe de Scipion, qui, on le sait, est differentde c.clui du Tim&:. 3 Bocee, De musica1. 27: "filud tantum interim de superioribus tetrachordis addendum videtur quod ab hypatemcson usque ad neten quasi quoddam ordinis distinctionis cadestis exemplar est. Namque hypate meson Satumo est attributa, parhipate vcro Iouialicirculo consimilis est, lichanon meson Marti tradidere, Sol mesen obtinuit, tritC:Usynemmenon Venus habet, paraneten synemmenon Mercurius regit, nete autem lunaris circuli tenet exemplum. Sed Marcus Tullius eontrarium ordinem facit. Nam in VI lib. de Republica sic ait: Et natura fert ut extrema ex altera partc grauitcr, c:x altera autem acute soncnt. Quam oh causam summus ille caeli stdlifcr cursus, anus conucrsio est concitatior acuto et excitato mouetur sono, grauissimo autem hie lunaris atque infimus. Nam terra · nona, immobilis manens, ima sede sempcr haeret; hie igitur Tullius terram quasi silentium ponit, scilicet immobilcm. Post bane qui proximus a silentio est, dat Lunae grauissimum t Virgile,

2

16

MA.RIB -...l.-~1.HJUU::)BD 'ALVBRNY

Plus respectueux des auteurs anciens, l' auteur de la chanson " Des sept planetes et des neuf Muses " du manuscrit latin 11104 a combine l' enseignement de Macrobe, de Martianus Capella et de Boecc avec les renseignements puises chez les Mythographes. ll a associe les qualites des Soeurs aux caracteristiques astrologiques et " naturelles " de la terre et des planetes, et en a tire des conclusions morales pour l' edification des 6.deles. Apres avoir invoque le createur et ordonnateur des cieux, qui invite les hommes cheminant dans cette vallee de larmes a monter vers le Royaume, il indique les elements de la gamme: cinq tons et deux demi tons, la quarte et la quinte, et l' octave. Puis, il passc a la description des agents de l'harmonie. La Terre, pesante, triste, et silencieuse a evidemment besoin d'un peu de gaiete; c'est pourquoi on lui a donne la lascive Thalic patronne de la Comedic, et dont le nom signifie la semeuse. On peut lui comparer 1'ame alourdie, qui, semblable ala pierre d' aimant, craint de perdre ce qu' elle porte, si la grice divine ne la confortc des 1'origine et le long de son chemin. La Lune est la derniere des planetes; on la voit entouree de son halo. Elle influence directement les etres terrestres, car elle provoquc la rosee, et fait croitre les corps. Elle rompt, la premiere, le silence en emettant un demi ton, qui correspond a l'intervalle qui la separe de la sphere superieure. C' est Clio, dont le nom veut dire: bonne Renommee, qui lui tient compagnie; c'est la Muse des historiens. Et ceci signifie que pour etre digne de louange, il faut savoir s'clever au dessus des choses terrestres. Mercure, dont les mouvements paraissent irreguliers, et qui parfois semble immobile, conseiller prudent, est lie a Calliope, la Muse a la belle voix, brillante de lumiere. Ceci signifie que celui qui fuit de toutes ses forces les

sonum, ut sit Luna proslambanomenos, Mercurius hypate hypaton, Venus parhypate hypaton, Sol lichanos hypaton, Mars hypatc meson. Jupiter parhypatc meson, Satumus lichanos meson; cadum ultimum mese." (ed. Friedlein, 219). L'auteur de la figure a fuumcrc les cordes de la double octave (bisdiapason) clccritc par clans Bo«e au c. 20 du De musica,attribuant I'octave infcrieure aux plan~ l'ordrc "c:iccronien " quc cite Bo«e, c. 27, et !'octave supcrieure aux anges. Cf. un ~e d'Ekkehart IV de Saint Gall (ed.J. Egli [1909) 144): Alleluia Sion discriminct in diapason Symphonet intente diatcssera ke diapente Bis duo quadruplicet, monocbordi regula abundet.

LES MUSES ET LES SPHERES CBI.ESTES

I7

choses de la terre et progresse de bien en mieux fait une belle mont~, et digne de louange. Le troisieme astre de la celeste cohorte, Venus, brille comme !'electron; aupres d'elle, regne Terpsichore, qui enseigne avec delices la lyre et le psalterion. Ainsi, plus on est maitre de ses defauts, plus on acquiert de vertus. Au milieu de I'espace du monde, le Soleil, quatrieme astre, donne la quarte. 11est accompagne de Melpomene, celle qui medite, la Muse de la tragedie. On peut dire que celui qui sait assez refrener les appetits terrestres pour etre capable de rechercher les biens celestes tient le juste milieu. Mars depasse la moyenne, et n' a plus rien de commun avec la terre. 11brille d'un eclat resplendissant au dessus du Soleil, clans SOil ardeur guerriere. Erato, dont le nom peut etre interprete: " celle qui trouve le semblable " est le symbole de la geometric. C' est clansla mesure et I'equilibre qu'il est donne aux Amesjustes de mener la guerre contre les vices. Puis vient le sixieme, Jupiter, astre favorable, et toujours tempere entre la chaleur et le froid. Avec lui, se trouve Euterpe, celle qui charme, et chante avec les orgues et les flutes dans les espaces celestes. L'homme qui ne s'enivre pas de la prosperite et ne se laisse pas abattre par 1'adversite conduit avec harmonic son existence. Le lent et bleme Saturne est la septieme des planetes. Polymnie, " la riche memoire," patronne des rheteurs, lui est associee. Ceci signifie que pour etre digne de la recompense eternelle, ii convient tant en parole qu' en acte, de mepriser le poids de cette existence terrestre, et de desirer sans treve et ardemment la demeure celeste. Le sommet de la symphonic est le Ciel etoile. La, Uranie conte merveilles aux astrologues. 11est evident que I'action de la charitc est un grand bien, mais sans aucun doute, le plus grand de tous les biens est de posseder Dieu, et c' est la qu' est le sens et le terme de notre discours. Apres avoir chante cette belle le~on, le jeune novice devait avoir enregistre les notions classiques d' astronomic et de musique, et, en meme temps, les Muses, transformees en guides de vie spirituelle, l'animaient d'une nouvelle ardeur pour la vie angclique qui est le but des saints moines. 11est probable que les textes de Macrobe, de Martianus et de Fulgence, consideres comme bases essentielles de I'etude des Arts 2

18

MARiE THERESE

o' ALVERNY

ont donne lieu non seulement a des commentaires dont nous connaissons un certain nombre, mais parfois a des adaptations agrementees de reflexions mystiques et morales. Elles ne sont pas toujours aussi austeres que le morceau que nous venons de transcrire. Nous avons trouve dans un manuscrit bien connu des philologues, car ii contient les oeuvres d'Horace entourees des gloses du pseudo Acron, transcrites au Xie siecle, n. 7975 du fonds latin de la Bibliotheque nationale, 1 une note des environs de l'an 1200. Elle suit le texte d'une partie du livre III des Mythologies de Fulgence, ajoute a la fin d'un cahier, £ 81v-82, d'une main du Xlle siecle. L'auteur de cette digression s'interesse visiblement a la "philosophie naturelle," et les Muses sont invoquees comme protectrices des degres du savoir. ll suit un ordre descendant, en decrivant les Neuf Soeurs selon les " etymologies " de Fulgence, et ceci convient a la tournure d'esprit d'un clerc dont le bon sens un peu cynique offre un contraste divertissant avec les vertueuses elevations de I'anonyme du ms. lat. 11104. ll commence, cependant, par une serie ascendante des facultes de l'ime et de l'activite humaine aboutissant a la beatitude, qu'il rapporte awe "theologiens," ajoutant que cette echelle symbolique des neuf Muses peut aussi bien etre comparee awe neuf choeurs des anges: Ratio querit, scientia inuenit, cognitio amplectitur, voluntas diligit, memoria conseruat, meditatio pingit, actio induit, contemplatio (h)omat, felicitas remunerat. He sunt VIIII Muse theologorum, quas ipsi VIIll gradus eruditionis appellant, et bene possunt angelorum VIIII ordinibus adaptari.

ll continue avec une citation de Fulgence, dont il fait honneur awe " physiciens ": Secundum physicos sunt VIIll instrumenta loquendi, scilicet duo labia, IlII or dentes anteriores, plectrum lingue, arcanum gutturis, anhelitus pulmonum. 2 1 Le manuscrit latin 7975 {Rigault DCCC; Dupuy I 653; Regius 5078 1). est probablemcnt d'originc italienne. Les additions du texte de Fulgence sont d'une main meridionale, probablemcnt italienne, et les additions plus tardives, complctant le texte d'Horace mutile sont dues ~ des scribes italiens du XIVe et du XV c siede. Le manuscrit porte une reliure aux armes d'Henri II. 2 . l 25). C( Fulgence, Mit. 1. 15 (ed. Hem,

LES MUSES ET LES SPHERES CBI.ESTES

Puis il enumere les neuf causes du savoir, conformement I'avis des philosophes:

19

a

Secundum philosophos sunt IX cause scientiales, quc per ordinem conueniunt IX speris mundane machine. Prima igitur dicitur Urania, id est celestis, et significat intellectum quod prouenit ex calore ingenii, unde conuenit cum spera fumamenti quod est ignee nature. Secunda est Polim(n)ia, id est, memoria plurium retentiua; hec conuenit cum Satumo, qui frigidus est, unde quandam tenacitatem habet. Tertia est Euterpe, id est bene delectans, quia delectatio necessaria est in studendo; hec conuenit cum (loue), 1 qui est stella prospera et salubris. Quarta est Erato, id est, similium inuentio, quia non sufficit discere, nisi per nos ipsos similia inueniamus. Hee sedem habet in Marte, qui vigorem bellantibus subministrat. Quinta est Melpomene, id est meditatio, que conuenit cum Sole, a quo sensus habemus. Sexta est Tersicore (sic), id est scitorum dilectio que Veneri similetur, quia gaudium et appetitum ministrat. Septima est Caliope, id est, bona sonoritas, id est, facundia sufficiens ad bonos usus assumpta; hec conuenit cum Mercurio, qui est humidus temperate. Octaua est Clio, id est gloria seu bona fama, que nos ad sciendum mouet; hec conuenit cum Luna, que suum lumen recipit a (sole). 2 Nona est Talia, id est opulentia, seu virtutum germinatio; bee est similis Terre germinanti; quia sine rerum sufficientia, nemo potest bene studere.

L'hedonisme de ce discours fait songer awe aimables plaisanteries des poetes goliardesques. La science est certes desirable, et il faut un effort pour l'acquerir, mais elle ne doit pas etre depourvue d' attraits, et ses adeptes ne sont pas detaches des biens de ce monde. Il n'est pas question d'etudier, si l'on n'en est pas suffisamment pourvu. A I'ascese monastique s'oppose I'attitude realiste de I'etudiant qui ne dedaigne ni la renommee, ni un bon repas. 1

Vmere ms.

2

Le manuscrit porte lumin. par erreur.

TEXTUAL STUDIES IN THE BUCOLICS OF MAR TIUS VALERIUS 0. SKUTSCH UNIVERSITY COLLEGE LONDON

For the classicalscholar not specificallyconcerned with the literature of the Middle Ages the bucolic poems of Martius Valerius, published first by P. Lehmann, 1 more recently by F. Munari, 2 hold a two-fold interest. They show how successfully a mediaeval poet can, in imitation of Virgil and Calpumius, strike the bucolic note, and the study of the imitative process will inevitably enlarge and refine our literary judgment. More impressive, however, and more important is the lesson to be learned in textual criticism. Lessthan a century seems to separate the earlier of our two manuscripts 3 from the autograph, 4 and yet the few hund_red lines 1

MiscellaneaGiovanni Mtrcati {Citta di Vaticano 1946) 4. 58-87. Marci Valtrii Bua,lia, (Firenze [Vallecchi) 1955). 3 The manuscripts are G, a Gothanw, II 12s, s. XII/XIII, and E, an Erlangensis, Bibi. Univ. 633, s. XVI. G, which has now returned to Gotha, was missing when Munari made his edition, and Munari therefore had to rely on Lehmann' s readings ofit, and on the Erlangensis, which is a dircct:copy :of G. Lehmann prepared his edition under difficult circumstances, and his report of G is not absolutely reliable. Having obtained through the good offices of my friend Munari a set of photographs, I can affirm that G, though reported differently by Lehmann, hasthe same reading as E at e. g.: 1. 6, S4, 67, 90, 93; 2. 81; 3. 3, 8, 12, 17 (tib1),30, 31, 32, 33 (nie, corrected from tibi), 71 (sint, corrected from sunt), IIS, 129 (lactatur); 4. 16, 20, 33, 4S, 48, so,SI, S3 (r). Occasionally Lehmannhas misread G in the same way as the scribe of E; at 3. 26, for instance, G has Jm-e as conjectured by Munari against the supposed consent of GE inftrire. My notes were substantially in their present form when the photographs of G became available: where new light is thrown on the problems discussedhere, I have added the information. Lehmann callsour poet Marcius,Munari, following E, Marcus. G clearly writes Martius, and I have therefore adopted this form. 4 Munari 20 f. 2

22

O. SKUTSCH

of Marti.us Valerius are disfigured by countless corruptions, some trivial, a great many of the most serious nature. A scholar ranging as widely as B. L. Ullman will find much else to interest him in these poems, 1 but he will, I hope, kindly accept from a wellwisher of narrower range a contribution to his Festschrifiwhich is concerned exclusively with the reconstruction of the text. 2 Franco Munari's edition is distinguished by learning, circumspection, and critical acumen. If our Nachlesenevertheless alters, and I hope improves, his text in a fair number of passages it must be home in mind that a first editor (' first edition P. Lehmann, first critical edition F. Munari' P. Maas) can never succeed in removing all blemishes of a difficult text, and that the improvements suggested here are insignificant in number compared to those which Munari has bestowed on his author.

In his introductory chapter on the language of the poet (p. 29) Munari lists five !1tix~i.£y6~ix: Prol. 14 indelimatus; 21 imposco; 1. 91 subpenetro,4. 19 blandisonus;93 sublangueo. For subpenetrat 1. 91, with a false quantity of which our poet cannot be guilty (contrast penetratur 4. 77), I have substituted subternatat;3 indelimatus and blandisonusare perfectly natural coinages; sublangueois a little more difficult, but imposco,which Munari believes to be coined on the analogy of impetro (perhaps rather imploro?), is not to be defended. At the end of the prologue 4 the poet addresses his book: 21

1

ergo, parve liber, patres imposce benignos: aJfectumque probent, iudiciumque tegant.

Sec especially the stimulating review of Munari's edition by H. Bloch in

Sptculum32 (1957) 193 ff. 2

I am permitted to refer to some critical observations communicated to me orally or in writing by W. M. Edwards (bdow, 33), P. Maas (below 30 f.) and W. B. Sedgwick (passim). Dr. Seb. Timpanaro has had the kindness to read the antepenultimate version of this paper. Those who know his critical power and his candour will be able to estimate the extent of my obligation. 3 Philologus99 (1955) 322 (supertnatatP. Maas, ibid.321). 4 The preceding lines of the prologue, 15-18, commemoraverunt prctermittenda frequenter, pretermiscrunt commemorabilia;

TEXTUAL STUDIES IN THE BUCOLICS

OF MARTIUS VALERIUS

23

For the address parve liberMunari rightly compares Ovid, Trist. 1. 1. 1. Parve••. liber. That line ends: ibis iti urbem, and since our poet here dismisseshis book it seems certain that he wrote patres i poscebenignos. The monosyllabic imperative, largely avoided in late Latin, is of course freely used in poetry. Our poet has it in 3. 108.

In the first poem a goatherd, Cidnus, is reproached for lying

in the shade and neglecting his herd. He replies that it is not the heat of the sun that makes him do it: 29

f.

sed ferit intemo non simplex 6amma calore, heu nescis! totoque obsedit pectore mentcm.

Flames do not •strike' hotly within. Our poet is awkward, as the phrase totoqueobseditpectorementem shows· only too clearly. But he is not likely to have missed the verb that normally goes with flamma; read furit. The sight of his happy creatures might have given him solace: 39 £

et spectare fuit sola sub matre gemellos urere in altemum, simul ubera fronte ferire.

Munari replaces urereby cu"ere, P. Maas (/. c., 321) by sugere.1 I should prefer ducere;c£ Juv. 12. 8 £ uberamatris/ ducere(Ovid Met. 9.358; Fast. 2.419; Trist. 1.8.43). His unhappy love has changed Cidnus and is driving him demented: 43 ff.

dudum, care Ladon, Cidno fuit una voluptas de gregibus gaudere suis; nunc tempus iniquum, decantavcrunt inconsummabiliora, formidandorum prelia cclicolum,

arc compared (Munari 19) to a couple of lines in Par. B. N. lat. 6765, s. XU: commcmoravcrunt incommcmorabilia pretcrmiscnmt commemorabilia.

The resemblance is even greater and the dependence of our poet even more obvious if: as the metre requires, incommemorabiliora is restored in the Paris MS. 1 Dr. F. Tietze has at my request consulted the material of the Thesaurus and kindly informs me that the only occurrence of sugerein poetry is Prud. Pe-

rist,10. 619.

24

O. SKUTSCH

nunc aliud votum mutataque pectore mens est, atque animo infelix longe captivus aberro.

The ablative of separation, animo, especially placed next to infelix, is no very happy complement to longeaberro. Read aque animo.t For que attached to the preposition con1pare 2. 74 inque famem. The thought of his beloved Sistis will never leave him: 79 ff.

ver fugit ante rosas aestasque refugit aristas, autumnus volucres vitabit, bruma pruitus, Sistis amata sui quam cedat pectore Cidni.

The tense usage of our poet is somewhat erratic, and the present fugit is not wholly incompatible with the future vitabit. But refugit can hardly be a perfect, and as a present it is a metrical howler which the poet would hardly admit. 2 The variation of the verb in fugit, vitabit, cedatmakes it further very improbable that he was content to ring the changes on fugit with refagit. Apparently fi,git is wrongly repeated from the first verb, and we are free to restore a re-compound, meaning 'to leave' (c£ cedat)or 'to shun' (fugit, vitabit). I can think of nothing better than relinquit. The model of many passages in the second poem is the third eclogue of Calpurnius. The unhappy lover contrasts the joy of spring with his own desolation: 20

ff.

ver favet ecce vides et spirant floribus agri et pecus omne nova gaudens spatiatur in herba. et procul unus ego sordere rosaria credo et calet umbra mihi suntque aspera prata iacenti. at si victa fores, et amena rosaria flagrent, eqs.

In 22 Munari adopts set {Svennung) for et (GE). The right reading is te (et from line 231 C( 2.73/4 below p. 26); c( Calp. 3. 59 ff.: 1

This corruption is frequent in Ovid, see Axdson, Unpoet. Worter (Lund

194.s) 84 n. 73, and for detail M. Platnauer, Cl. Quart. 42 (1948) 91. 2 The poet has ciprum in 3. 19, dprum in the following line, in conformity

with the classicaltendency to vary, where possible, the prosody of repeated words (Munari 4.s). But, particularly since the repetition is here so clumsy, I cannot believe that it was a deliberate scheme which made him set prosody at naught.

TEXTUAL STUDIES IN THB BUCOUCS

OF MARTIUS VALERIUS

2S

te sine vae misero mihi lilia nigra videntur nee sapiunt fontes et acescunt vina bibenti. at tu si venias, et candida lilia fient, eqs.

te procul, and at tu si venias in Calpurnius, suggest that victa in 24 should be iuncta, but victa can perhaps be defended with IS£ carmina • . • quae te • • . edomueremihi. The lover belittles his rival and extols his own merits: 47 ff.

at, credo, ignavi species nos fonnaque vincit. o utinam presto nuper iudexque fuisses ipsa, enervato delumbem corpore formam cum totiens risere viri quotiens male fidus presumpsit nostras in se committerc vires ! cetera linquo tibi melius, nam tu quoque nostris testis eris calamis: memini, tu certe solebas ferre meos quondam supra tua lumina vultus et me - nam fassa es - redimisti . . . canentem.

In S3 eras, not eris, is required (the same corruption in 4. 62; see below, p. 31). The lover can hardly announce that the girl will listen to his piping. He recalls (memim)that she used to do so, and to admire his songs and crown him, whereas she was not present at the physical contest. With ' to admire his songs ' I have anticipated the sense of S4, which is heavily corrupted. Mwtari defends the somewhat wtusual order of words with a reference to Marouzeau, L' ordredes mots. But the idea of ' you used to look at my face ' is not only oddly expressed (differently Calp. 1. 24 Omyte, fer propius tua lumina (to see better]), but not at all to the point. Calp. 3. 42 has: et solet ilia meas ad sideraferre camenas. It follows that vultus is to be read as versus (versufor vultu at the end of the line in 104, see below, p. 26), and supra tua as super ardua.1 In SS Mwtari replaces redimisti(GE) by redamastiand fills the gap after it with duke. But our poet uses redimirein 3. 80, and the sense, with Jlore or fronde, is excellent. nam fassa es then means,

1

Our poet seems to like hyperbolic expressions: 3. 93 at mihi quod ctrtis iuravit vocibusAlce mm dederit,summ11mvideo, tra11saetheramissus. Munari puts the comma after summum, explaining summu,11as love's fulfilment. But why not summumatthera? (So, I now see, the scribeof G stops the sentence.)

0.

SKUTSCH

not that she confessed her love, but that she gave open expression to her opinion of his song. He announces his decision to undergo all manner of hardship in an attempt to rid himself of his passion: 73 f.

instat in assiduas vitam consumere penas inque famem sevamque sitim, etc.

In the corresponding situation Virgil Eel. 10. 52 says: certumest in silvis, inter spelaeaferarum malle pati. Our poet has certum est ' l have decided ' in 88. Here he uses the synonym: constat. inq11e in the following line may have had something to do with the corruption; c£ on 22, above, p. 24.

He thinks of killing his love, Eufilis, but prefers the idea of suicide: 99 If.

quin potius proprio restinguam sanguine flammas. nee saris est gladius, praeceps dabo me quoque in alta. sed prius infaustam viridi de crimine rupem signabo, tanti pereat ne flamma doloris : EUFILIS IPSA SUUM FALLENS CONSUMPSIT IARBAM.

hoe saris est, legat haec pallenti carmina versu pastor et ad nostrum suspiret flebile carmen.

viridi de crimine is wrongly explained by Svennung as meaning 'nach der frischen Tat, nach dem frisch ausgefiihrten (Selbst) morde.' How does a man write an epigram after conunitting suicide? de is instrumental: 'l shall mark the rock with (write upon the rock) the fresh crime,' i. e. the crime of Eufilis in driving him to suicide; or, less probably, it is causal-instrumental and qualifies infaustam. In 102 the ' flame of pain ' which is not to perish sounds strangely modem; contrast the flames to be extinguished in 99. A cautious editor will not perhaps remove it; but he will query it and will note that the pain is to be summed up in the epigram: summa doloris? In 104 Timpanaro rightly suggests vu/tu for versu (cf. vultus for versus in 54, above, p. 25). Svennung, followed by Munari, considers pallenti to be transitive, but the parallels adduced from classicalpoetry are not convincing: morbi(Virgil), philtra (Ovid), curae (Martial) are themselves imagined as pale, ab ejfectu

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no doubt; but who can imagine a pale versel Apart from this, legat haecpallenti carminavultu is stylistically so superior to a bare legat and the awkward appositional ablative of quality pallenti carmir,a versu that the correction cannot be for a moment in doubt. There remains carmenat the end of 105, which our poet would not have written after carmina in 104. In reading the epigram the shepherd at the end comes upon the name of Iarbas: et ad nostrum suspiretflcbile (adverb: so rightly Munari) t1omer1. The third poem describes a quarrel over a he-goat, leading up to a singing contest. The sources are mainly the third eclogue of Virgil and the sixth of Calpurnius. In lines 16 to 43 heavy corruptions abound. Reserving a particularly difficult passage, 35-39, for separate treatment at the end of this paper, p. 34 ff., I print Munari's text, and where required, his critical and explanatory notes. 16-19

Meris: dicere plura pudet (licitum namque, improbc, tempnis}, ut funo pociare novo, ubi reddis abactum. ut soleo errantes cantu revocare capellas, nunc audita meum proludit fistula caprum.

16 licitum Munari, licet GE, legcs Timpanaro

17 ubi G, tibi E

Meris is tired of arguing and declares that he will by his song attract the he-goat allegedly stolen by Mopsus. The hiatus in 17 is unparallelled in these poems, and the line in my opinion does not make sense. To satisfy sense and metre I conjectured nisi: 'if you do not return the he-goat you have stolen my pipe now charms him forth.' This is now to some extent confirmed by G, which reads neither ubi nor tibi (f) but t,-i; the two hastae of ti would seem to represent n. For ut I conjectured ne: ' to prevent your taking possessionof your latest theft.' G has before t a letter which bears no resemblance to u; it seems to be a t with a thin slanting downstroke closely attached to it. Possibly here the scribe, by drawing what he saw, confessed himself puzzled by the peculiar n which in the case of nisi he expressed by ti; ne would thus be made more probable. However, ut may be correct after all. The scribe puts a stop before licet in 16 and after novo in 17, and we should try to arrange the sentence accordingly. The obvious substitute for licet is neither licitum nor leges but lites. Either with tempnis (so G),

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or a little more easily with temptas (or tendis?)the statement 'you make light _of quarrels ' or ' you are looking for quarrels ' could be followed by a final clause ' in order to retain your latest theft.' Mopsus: Tu revocas cantando caprum? iam currite, silve: Orpheus en rediit, finis sic omnia felix. sic quoque crede lupos mulcere ululatibus agnos ! ' Carmine turbo greges ' voluisses dicere, certum est: hos [nam) prodis versus et totos queris in agros.

20-24

20 iam c. M1mari,et c. GE, 011 accurritc?, ttt. 21 sc. finis est omnia (a«. rtlationis...) fclix, etc. 14 nam titci mttri causa 011 totos spargis in agros ? etc.

the correct reading is perhaps concurrite,avoiding the hiatus; see above, 27. In 21 'I find the accusative of respect unacceptable. finis seems to be the second person: ' so you accomplish everything happily,' i. e. in this instance attracting the he-goat with your song, just as the wolf wheedles the lambs with his howling. Line 24 can not be mended with any certainty. nam is not likely to have intruded and must therefore be retained. The fault seems to lie in versus,which is both unmetrical and inappropriate, since, especially with hos, it cannot denote the usual piping of Meris. If prodis is acceptable in the sense of ' you are driving away' (cf.proditor n8, below, 30): In

20

has nam prodis oves et totos spargis in agros would be a possible solution, 25-30

Meris: o nisi me tecum cantu certare puderet, quid facerem ut calamos me coram ferre timeres ! quod si forte tamen properas - quid carmine possim, pignora si ponas - aliter certare recuso, ut, quia nulla meis laus est te vincere musis, sit quoque vel precium nee disces carmina gratis.

fcrrc Munari, fcrire GE 1 30 disccs Munari, discct GE

26

27 inttrp. S11tn11u11g quod Munari, quid E, et G, an at?

In 27/8 the sentence structure is unintelligible: quid possim is

supposed to be dependent on certabo,which in tum is to be supplied from certarerecuso. All is plain if, as the indirect question demands, t

G in fact has fmt.

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scireis substituted for forte. si ponasin 28 should therefore probably be replaced by deponas(deponothus Virgil Eel. 3. 31), although a si-clause with anacoluthon would not be impossible: quod si scire tamen properas quid carmine possim, pignora deponas; aliter pugnare recuso. 41-43

perge citusque ducem nostri gregis hue age caprum; ipse ferox utroque cave ne forte resistat; comibus ante liga subitoque hec accipe rete.

43 subitoqucMuflllri, dubitaque GE, d~bitoqucSvmnung • nimm ihn mit tinnn wohlPndimtm .. . Fongnetz•, ... on dupliciquci' hcc (sc. """"4) Muflllri,ea GE, hut1c SPfflllllllf•.. rctc Munari, rcctc GE.

I know no certain cure for utroquein 42, but in 43 the transmitted reading dubitaqueea acciperecteis easily corrected to ductaqueen accipe- reste'and lead him with the rope which I am giving you.' 1 The parenthesis en accipeas in Virgil, Eel. 6. 69. 87 f. Meris: Phillis me quotiens cemit nova gaudia sumit

deque suis optat vitam mihi iungier annis. Mopsus: Me donec videat, iactat convicia divis; dumque videt faciem, sperat se cemere solem.

speratis not entirely impossible, but I am convinced that the poet wrote iurat. So the gi1l swears to her lover's beauty Calp. 3. 61 (= Nemes. 2. 78) formosiorillo dicor,et hoe ipsum mihi tu iuraresolebas (c£ ibid.12). There is, however, more to be mended here. The thirteen sets of rival couplets forming the singing match correspond very closely to the twelve sets of rival couplets in Virgil's third eclogue. One of the rules of the game is this: a person (or group of persons) named in the challenging couplet must be answered by a person (or group of persons) named in the reply. Mostly a different pe-rson is the subject of the reply; in the rare cases where the person remains the same it would seem all the more necessary that the name should be mentioned. Thus in Virgil, 60-91,Phoebus replies to Juppiter, Amyntas to Galatea, puer to mea Venus (= puella), Amyntas to Galatea, Phyllis to Phyllis, Amyntas to Amaryllis, Pollio to Pollio, and Mevius (Bavius) to Pollio. In Valerius 75-109 Pan answers 1

Juct"'IW - tn a«ipt - is my own; rtstt I owe to W. B. Sedgwick.

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to Faunus, Apollo to di, Crocale to Colchis, (87-90) no name to Phillis, Alce to Delia, Hilas to Hilas, Ianthe to Amaryllis, Egle to Corebus, and Auxennus to Fastus. In 89-90 the name, Phillis, would have to be understood from the challenging couplet. This can hardly be correct, and the fault seems to lie in f aciem,which in any case corresponds very badly to me in 89. It must be replaced either by Phillis, so that Phyllis answers Phy1lisas in Virgil, 76-79, or perhaps by Petale= cf. Calp. 3. 74 Astyle, tu Petalen,Lycida, tu Phyllidala11da.The attractions of the two ladies seem to me very nearly equal, but Phillis perhaps wins because her last letter might . explain the corruption of iurat to sperat: Me donec videat, iactat convicia divis, dumque videt Phillis, iurat se cernere solem. 9 5 f. Ha pereat Phillis, quod retia tendcre suasit: dum meus urget Hilas sauciavit sentibus artus. sauciavit Munari, satiavit G (?), saciavit E (the reading of G is now confirmed)

The only instance of synizesisapart from sauciavitis Auxentius in line 109 of this poem, but as a name it is perhaps not a fully valid parallel. P. Maas suggests laceravit,which is the mot juste. 117 f.

Figite signa gregi minimeque novate character, lividus insigncs ne abiuret proditor agnos.

I do not understand minimeque. Read minioque. This, incidentally, is an exquisitely beautiful line, changing, like the following one, from shrill, piping i. sounds by way of dark o to the longdrawn-out calling note of a. '

At the end of the singing contest, modelled closely on that of Virgil's third eclogue, the umpire declares a draw: 127

f. Parcite, iam saris est; me iudice iurgia cessent. vincere uterque potcst, sed cedcre utrique iuvatur cumque suo f ruitur vel ad.hue iactatur amore.

cumquc GE, quiquc Mariottiiactatur Mariotti, lactatur G lactatur E (quo4dtfmdit Timpanaro)

I withdraw an attempt at emending these lines on discovering that in 128 G reads uterque,not utrique. In 129 lactaturis read in both E and G.

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In the fourth poem Apollo sings and nature falls silent: 21

it nemus (?)et tacitis refluus stetit amnis in amtls.

Munari writes in undis; simpler palaeographically, and no less satisfactory in sense is in arvis. 25 f. astupet omnis ager, reprimunt conviaa cantus

atque oblita nefas posuit philomena querelas. rcprimunt G, reprimit E

Munari considers conviciathe subject. Comparing Ovid, Met. nemorumconvicia,picae he assumes, too boldly I think, that convicia may mean ' mocking-birds,' magpies. The natural assumption is that it is the object of reprimunt,as querelasis the object of posuit. P. Maas suggests ranae for cantus. Or perhaps corvi?

s. 676

In 56 ff. Apollo sings of Hero and Leander: nee mora Sextiacam recolit miseranda puellam atque Leandreis narrat freta pervia flammis.

miseranda,side by side with the direct object puellam, can hardly gemens,Coripp. be an internal or adverbial accusative as in miseranda Ioh. 7. 196, compared by Munari. Read miserando,and compare e. g. 2. 108 teque vocante"andogreges.1 In 62 f. Leander is addressed: ha nimium deflendus eris, si forte revertens consummata potens esses post gaudia mersus! ddlendus eris =- ,kflt6ms . . . esses menus - tris nttrsus

The sense suggests a past hypothetical rather than a future, and essesmersuson any natural interpretation is a past hypothetical. Why burden our poet with highly dubious syntax when we can have admirable sense and syntax with eras for eris? We had to make the same slight correction also in 2. 53, above, p. 2s. 1

=

On 57 Munari comments: 'Lcandreis Bammis meton. Leandro.' Perhaps rather 'the lamp lit for.Leander'; cf. Ovid Her. 17. 85 fut proculaspexi lumen ' meus ignis in illo tst; ilia meum ' dixi ' littora lumen habent.' The poet had the Ovidian letters in mind: freta pervi4, as Munari points out, comes from

Her.18. 209.

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The poet continues: 64

f. pervertit sed vota dolor propriusque fremescit equor et in sevam conspirant flamina mortem.

Munari quotes Svennung: ' aber seine Leidenschaftvernichtet seine eigenen Wunsche.' This gives to dolor a peculiar meaning. 1 Surely we need a contrast to post gaudia mersus(63). Read praevertit sed vota dolor ' but grief comes before fulfilment.' I also suspect proprius. It might indeed, as Munari explains, be the common late variant of propius. But why, when Leander is in the midst of it, does the sea roar ' nearer 'l Does the poet clumsily render an idea such as Jremidumingruitequorl l should prefer graviusqueor, better still, truciusque,but I must leave it at a query.

In 83 ff. the god sings of Daphne, but grief overcomes him, and sighing, as though he were cheated of his love again, 89

f. horret adherenti constringere viscera libro, horret et in rigidas mentem durare medullas.

What the god describes is, with the well known poetic figure, expressed as his action by constringere.So he is probably also the subject of a transitive durare,with mentem as its object, although a shift of construction might make mentemthe subject of an intransitive durare. But whether object or subject, what is Daphne's mind doing in this transformation? 2 Bark covers her viscera;now the viscerathemselves harden into the inner wood: in rigidas ventremdurare medullas.

Several of the emendations here suggested show that the poet wrote more normal and classical Latin than would appear from the manuscripts. But his language undoubtedly has a great many late and mediaeval features and we must take care not to emend them away. With the permission of P. Maas and W. M. Edwards, to whom I owe the correct explanation, I append an illuminating passage: 1

Hardly to be defended with the examples collected in the ThesaurusV.

1842, 40-64. Our poet uses calorfor passion. 2 An unhappy echo of Ovid Met. 2. 485; 3. 203?

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cernis ut arboreuin crescens subducat apricum Phebus et extensas ramorum traxerit umbras.

Misled by Lehmann's statement that G read arborem,Munari writes ardoremand adopts Svennung's obducat(subducat GE). It is near midday, and the shadows are waning. P. Maas saw that arboreumand subducatare correct, and W. M. Edwards explained apricumby referring to French abri ' shelter ' (see Meyer-Luebke, s. v. apricus). Now it appears that G does in fact read arboreum. Thus the noun apricum' shelter ' is completely vindicated. How far should we go in removing gross metrical errors? In 3. 112 we read: seva medicati fallat ne vos coma taxi,

and in the following line: quid (quin? c£ 2. 109) revolatis apes? examina redditc favis.

One of the foremost critics of mediaeval Latin poetry, W. B. Sedgwick, roundly declares these errors to be impossible and substitutes venenati for medicatiand Julva for Javis. There is much to be said for this radical solution. Apart from the name Ladon (1. 9; 43) and two shortened endings (certe2. S3, where Mariotti suggests nempe, and possis 3. 13) these are the only two examples of wrong quantity remaining of the list presented by Munari 43 £ (on subpenetratsee above, p. 22; on refugit p. 24). Is it an accident that they are found so close together, or has a reader at this point felt inclined to make ' improvements '? Yet, on the other hand, although Javus seems to have its correct quantity in mediaeval poetry generally {Munari 44), these two examples are not rendered directly suspect, as refugit and penetratare, by the poet's showing elsewhere that he knew how to scan the words; and for Javis there is perhaps a special explanation. Our poet knew his Calpurnius Javos. The infevery well. In 2. 66 Calpurnius writes rorantesque rior MSS, however, read rorantesJagos. If our poet read Calpurnius in a MS which omitted que and had not yet substituted Jagos for Javos, he may well have derived the wrong quantity from here. This is, of course, highly uncertain 1 but a cautious editor will, W c cannot entirely rule out the possibility that in the Calpurnius MSS Ja11os was corrupted to fagos first, and ~ omitted afterwards to mend the metre. 1

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as Munari has done, retain favus, and along with it medicati (c£ emendicatos3. 6) in the text. Finally I print a passage perhaps rightly despaired of by Munan: 3. 3s ff. N um tibi de pluvio fluxerunt carmina celo? atque certe habeant calami vix dicere possis que de parte capre viridis sit cortice virga carmina ridebat ipsis ridenda subulcis. 3S num Munari nunc GE.

In a lengthy note (p. 35 f) Muna~ reports and wisely refuses to accept an interpretation by Svennung, necessitating a number of conjectures, which shall not be repeated here. Another interpretation was put forward by M. Zicari, Stud. Urb.31 (1957) 255 ff., who makes the fascinating suggestion that capramight be the bagpipe, known as cabroin Languedoc and Auvergne, chevrein Berry, and chevretteetc. in Old French. He would write: at quid cere habeant calami? vix dicere possis qua de parte capre viridi sit cortice virga. carmina rudebas ipsis ridenda subulcis.

cerein 36, suggested to him by Sc. Mariotti, is supported by Virgil, Eel. 3. 25 aut umquamtibi fistula cera iunctafuit? But although Zicari has shown that a mediaeval poet could substitute a bagpipe for Virgil's calami, and, from Ronsard (3. 437 Marty-Laneaux), that the cheurettewas biencireeand had a tongue of hazel and a drone of plumtree wood, I cannot quite understand how ' you do not know on what part of the bagpipe is the twig with the green bark ' could come to mean ' you do not know where to blow into the instrun1ent.' Was the mouthpiece, of all pieces, not smoothed but covered with bark? Could anyone fail to see where the green twig was even if he did not know which was the tongue and which the drone and the chanter? Why did the poet not say, e.g., qua de parte inflanda caprae sit buxea virga?

Taking into account further the fact that virga is not a very suitable word to distinguish the shorter (albeit much thinner) mouthpiece from the longer soundpipes, and noting in particular the abruptness

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of the transition to carminanulebas,we must, I fear, abandon this attractive solution. This is much to be regretted since we thus lose not only one of the indications of the author's mediaeval background pointed out in Zicari's brilliant paper but perhaps also the most striking proof of his French origin. French origin, however, seems to be sufficiently assured by the observations of Munari, p. 26. What I have to propose myself is very bold and suffers from a crucial difficulty but may perhaps deserve a hearing. For line 35 Munari refers to the proverb according to which unexpected gifts fall or flow from heaven. But heaven is here called pluvium, and I believe that the same idea appears in the Capraof 1. 37, which I would equate with the siduspluviale Capellaeof Ovid Met. 3. 594; Fast.5. 113 (Capellapluvialis Pliny N. H. 18. 248}; Caprathus Hor. Carm.3. 7. 6; Cic. Nat. deor.2. 110. The suggestion that the goatherd's music might have come, or received a drenching, de parte Capellaeseems to me very apt. Wet then it is: manantcalami (36), and the suggestion of wetness is borne out, sic (37), by the fact that the pipe, here perhaps contemptuously called virga, was no dry reed but had green bark and hissed (stridebat 38) 1 songs that made even the swineherds laugh: num tibi de pluvio fluxerunt carmina cdo? at certe manant calami. vix diccre passis qua de parte: Caprae? viridis sic cortice virga carmina stridebat ipsis ridenda subulcis.

The merit of this interpretation and reconstruction seems to me on the one hand the consistency with which the speaker harps on the idea of wetness, on the other the fact that the third person of the verb in 38 can be retained. I am not making overmuch of 1

strukbtu Timpanaro, cf. Virg. F.cl.3. 27 stridtntimi.mum stipula disprrdere cannm; Calp. 3. 6o ambat stridoravmae. Munari, although he considcn the second person necessary,docs not accept stridtbtubecausehe has no example in our poet of short final vowd before initial s-group. The objection, in view of the fact, stressedby Munari himself,that such prosody is found even in the classicalperiod and is very common in late Latin and mediaevalpoets, is not very strong, and in the light of the passagesfrom Virgil and Calpurniusjust quoted I should in any case be inclined to disregard it. In fact, however, there seems to be another enmple of this prosody in 83 candidapiniferishtrmt mihi vellero romis. Here W. B. Se4gwiclcconjecturesspiniferis,which strikes me as wholly convincing.

O. SKUTSCH

its being transmitted; 1 but write stridebasor, as Munari suggests, ludebas,and how do you connect 38 with 37? The crucial difficulty, however, to which I referred is precisely the central idea of wetness symbolizing the poor quality of the goatherd's song, and to explain it I can offer only a very bold surmise. In the sixth poem of Calpurnius, largely imitated here, one of the quarreling herdsmen says to the other: 22

ff. vincere tu quemquam? vel te certamine quisquam dignetur, qui vix stillantes, aride, voces rumpis et expellis male singultantia verba.

It looks to me as though our poet had, in spite of aride,misunderstood stillantes,which means 'coming in single drops,' as 'dripping wet,' and gone on from here to manant calami and all the rest of the image. We tried above to derive a faulty prosody from a misreading of Calpurnius; are we going too far in deriving a bold new imagery from the misunderstanding of one of his words? I should certainly feel happier if I knew of any parallels for ' wet ' songs. Perhaps Professor Ullman himself, or others whose reading is wider than mine, may help here. 1

In the caesura the ending is treated as long also in 3. 125 and 4. 94, where,

however, there is syntactical pause as well.

NOTES ON MISSUS SUM IN VINEAM OF WALTER OF CHATILLON PAUL PASCAL UNIVERSITY OP WASHINGTON

Walter of Chitillon (c. 1135 - c. 1200), canon of Reims and later of Amiens, has been called the best Latin poet of the twelfth century. 1 His work included lyric poetry, epic, and satire, of which the finest is his satire. Much of this is in the form of versus c11Pn auctoritate. In these notes I suggest a source and explanation for one line in Walter's satire in this form, Missus sum in vineam,2 and propose an emendation in another line of the same poem. Versuscum a11ctoritate, a form which was probably the creation of Walter of Chitillon himself, consist of strophes beginning with three lines in the accentual Goliardic meter and concluding with a quotation from an a11ctor,ancient or modern. The fourth line, the auctoritas,rhymes with the first three and is typically a dactylic hexameter. The effect of the quantitative dactylic hexameter following upon the accentual scheme is very striking, and particularly well adapted for satirical subject matter. The subject of Missus sum in vineamis the preferability of wealth to poetic genius, virtue, learning, or nobility - a typical theme of satire in all ages since its invention by the Romans. Walter's technique may be exemplified by the first strophe: Missus sum in vineam circa horam nonam, suam quisque nititur vendere personam; ergo quia cursitant omnes ad coronam, semper ego auditor tantum, nunquamnc reponam? 1

By Fran~ois Chatillon in a brilliant article on Walter, "Flagello sepc castigatus vitam terminavit, " Revue du Moyen Age lAtin 7 (1951) 151. 2 Poem 6 in Moralisch-satirische Gtdichte Waltersvon Chatillon,ed. Karl Strecker (Heidelberg 1929).

PAUL PASCAL

Walter likes to begin a poem with a striking Biblical quotation, as here. 1 The picture in the first lines is drawn from the famous parable of the workers in the vineyard in Matthew 20 : 1 ff. The " corona" for which all strive is the " bravium" of I Corinthians 9 : 24. The strophe concludes appropriately with Juvenal 1. 1, a useful auctoritaswhich also serves Walter in the first strophe of another satire in this form. 2

The eleventh strophe of Missus sum in vineamreads as follows: Quid ad rem, si populus sitit ante £lumen, si rilontis ascenderit Moyses cacumen et si archam federis obumbravit numen? Malo saginatas carnes quam triste legumen.

The auctoritasin versus cum auctoritateis sometimes a verbat;jm quotation, but not always. Of the twenty strophes of Missus sum in vineam only eight conclude with verbatim quotations, from Horace, Ovid (five times), Juvenal, and Claudian. 3 To these may be added two others containing readings which are wrong but which do occur in some manuscripts of the authors concerned: _.1 " of H orace Eprst. · 1. 1. 32 appears as " quodam, " . 3. 4 the " quauam m and in 9. 4 the "tempora " of Lucan 1. 181 appears as "tempore." There are also two other auctoritates(s.4 = Horace Epist. 1. 1. S3 and 19. 4 = Juvenal 7. 1) altered from their originals only by the omission of " est " at the end of the line to eliminate an elision. The auctoritatesof the remaining eight strophes of Missus sum in vineam display various degrees of modification or adaptation of their originals. In 2. 4, by a slight change in word order and the substitution of " neque " for " nee, " the poet cleverly transforms a choliambic line (Persius ProI. 1) into a perfect Goliardic line: 1

C£ (in Strecker, op. dt.) Poem 2: PropterSion non tacebo,/ set ruinasRomae .flebo(Isaiah62 : 1); and Poem 17: Versaest in luctum/ cytharaWaltheri(Job 30:31). 2 Strecker, op.cit. Poem 4. It is interesting to observe that the rhyme words there also include "personam " and "coronam " (the remaining one being " patronam "). 3 1. 4 = Juvenal 1. I; 6. 4 = Horace Epist. 1. 6. 37; 7. 4 = Ovid A. A. 2. 280; 8. 4= Ovid A. A. 2. 279; 12. 4= Ovid Her. 3. 117; 13. 4= Ovid Met. 2. 846; 17. 4 = Ovid Rem. 749; 18. 4 = Claudian Panegyr. Quart.305.

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" NeeJonte labraprolui Ct1ballino " becomes " Neque labraproluiJonte cabailino." 4. 4 is Ovid Am. 2. 8. 14 with " reges" changed to " magnos" to suit the new context. In 14. 4 part of a line of Lucan (1. 281) is expanded into a whole hexameter. In 15. 4, conversely, the end of one line of Juvenal and the beginning of the next (7. 7980) are combined into one. 16. 4 is from the DistichaCatonis (3. 1): " Nam sine doctrinavita est quasi mortis imago," but with the malicious substitution of " divitiis " for " doctrina." 20. 4 is formed by the conflation of two half-lines of Ovid's Metamorphoses(2. 140 and 1'37)The changes so far described are relatively slight. But in the two strophes of Missus sum in vineam that remain, the audoritasis virtually the invention of the author. 10. 4 reads, "Quid valet hecgenesissi paupertasiecururat?" Strecker remarks on the obscurity of this line. 1 The auctoritashere seems to extend only to the phrase " iecur urere" from Horace Serm. 1. 9. 66. There remains one strophe of Missus sum in vineam, the eleventh, quoted above. Strecker's comment on the audoritas here is: " Auch dieser Vers wohl vom Dichter selbst? legumen am Versschluss Vergil, Georg. 1. 74, wo im folgenden Verse tristisque lupini. Biblisch saginatusvitulus. " 2 The line is undoubtedly of Walter's own con1position, but we may expect to find at least the inspiration for it in some other author. Strecker's unidentified Biblical citation is presumably of the fatted calf in the famous passage about the prodigal son (Luke 15 : 23). But neither that passage nor the one cited from the Georgicsprovides the background for the line in question. Walter's inspiration here is Prov. 15 : 17: " Melius est vocari ad olera cum caritatequam ad vitulum saginatum . " Th e " olera cum caritate · " are W aIter' s " triste · Iegumen." cum od,o. The line, then, is a satirical inversion of an edifying original. 3 1

The strophe as a whole reads: Si Joseph in vinculis Christum prefigurat, si tot plagis Pharao durum cor indurat, si 6liis Israel exitus obturat: quid valet bee genesis, si paupertas iecur urat?

Strcckcr's comment: "10. -4 Der Ven wohl vom Dichtcr sclbsu Genesismir wage ich nicht einzusetzen" (op.) 69-136.

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thers. Favati could have made a good case for the action in 1139 without resorting to earlier, lost versions. Be it noted, however, that all the titles in the minstrels' repertory are generally early. This could mean that the late thirteenth-century poet consciously chose works which he knew to be old, and out-of-elate, in writing about the distant 1139. Fine details of their dating he did not have. But why was u39 selected as the setting for the story? As 1234 and 1139 had the same moon cycle we will consider them together in discussing the two problems in Flamencawhich concern the moon. 1 For a decision between 1139-1234 and 1251 we must tum to the lunar cycle which both Revillout and Favati claim could not be reconciled. In 1139-1234,July 30 was a Sunday. On this day Flamenca says that she will bathe herself on the following Wednesday, three days later, when the moon will be completely fermada.2 This means a new moon. From the lunar tables in Mas Latrie, Le tresorde chronologie,it will be seen that in 1139-1234July 30th itself had the new moon. But this almanach figure was calculated on the year 325 A. D.; the moon had been gaining a day every 310 years. Our mediaeval ancestors were used to correcting this figure by from two to three days in order to achieve actuality. Properly the poet of the Flamencaneeded to subtract three days from July 30, which he might have done automatically if he had had the current year in mind. I am suggesting that he was confused over the process of adding and subtractingwhen working with a distant year-and that he added instead of subtracting. Similarly we today are often hesitant over this choice of process in estimating daylight-saving time. If the poet added the three days he would have arrived at August 1-2 as the period when the moon was completely fermada in 1139 or 1234. If this reasoning is correct 1251 is now eliminated. In that year the new moon was on July 23, which does not fit. There is still another 1

In verifying the lunar calendar we have been greatly assisted by Miss Louise Hall and Mn. Kenneth McIntyre of the Humanities staff in the Library of the University of North Carolina. In Mas Latrie, trlsorde chronologie, the lunar calendar is on p. 170. 2 Seiner, dimercres, sius plazia Q'l luna es a recontom; Mas quan seran passat iii iom Et ii sera del tot fermada .•. (vv. 568.2-85).

u

THRBB NOTES ON THE FLAMENCA

hmar calculation in verses 3259-00 when Guillem promises to bathe himself on the morrow when " the n1oon will be nova." 1 This is said on the first Swiday after Easter, which in 1139-1234 was April 30th. 2 The almanach day for the new moon was then May 3. In this case the days were subtracted. Here we are settling the manuscript problem: whether to read nova or nona in this passage.3 Charles Revillout thought that 1234 was the year when Flamenca was written. Guido Favati assigns 1139 as the period of the action which, for some reason wiknown to us, was selected and developed chronologically. Favati could be right.

In my second note I wish to present a hypothesis which is only a hypothesis and nothing more. There is a place in the Flamenca where some numismatic evidence might be adduced to suggest a terminus a quo for the date of composition, and that a relatively late date. Numismatic evidence is necessarily vague; but it has the virtue of being wiconsciously contemporary. When Guillem has decided that it would be advantageous for him to take over the position of clerk in Flamenca's parish, he tells the priest that he wishes to send the present clerk to school in Paris for two years. " I will give him four marks of gold, and I will clothe him each year, and so that you will not think I am lying, here is the gold, and for the clothing here also are twelve silver marks." 4 So much silver money, not to mention the gold, would have been extremely bulky-before 1266 when the gros was first minted. The

El luna sera dcma noua E bainar mai en hora bona (vv. 3259-00). The scribe is so strict in his distinction between n and u that there is little doubt that noua should not be read nona, despite the rhyme. 2 Our judging this day to be Sunday, April 30, and not Monday, will be

explainedbelow. 3

4

Charles V. Langlois, Vie en Franceau moyen..Jge(Paris 1926) 154. Quatre mara d' aur li donarai, E casam an lo uestirai E nous cttjes queus en menta: Vcus l'aur, c per la uestimenta Vcus aisi .xii. mara d'argcn (vv. 3641-45).

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gros had a very high silver content while deniers were only one third silver. Twelve silver marks in deniers toumois would have meant about 2304 deniers, weighing some five pounds in actual avoirdupois. After the issuance of the gros this sum would have been made up with less than 200 gros, weighing in all about a pound and a half-an amount which could have been presented in a goodsized purse. 1 One must add the gold. Before 1252 (the date of the florin) the four gold marks surely would have been made up with about 269 besanz, or with a similar number of aufonsins (coins copied by Alfonso VIII of Spain from the Almoravids). After 1252 the amount in gold florins would have been 256 in number. In each case, aufonsisor florins, the weight of the gold would have been about two pounds. The emphasis in this scene between Guillem and the priest is definitely on surprise-produced by Guillem when he brings forth actual cash. There is considerable difference in the portability, and concealment on the person, between a total weight of seven pounds and one of three and a half pounds. To be sure, an average individual could manage seven pounds weight without great effort, but he would be visibly " loaded. " Such an observation would have little value if we could assume that Guillem excused himself and went to a chest to fetch the money. This is not the case. Guillem seems to be carrying the money on his person. Such an argument as this brings me to suggest the probability of a date in the third quarter of the thirteenth century for the actual composition of the Flamenca.

This brings us to our final suggestion. It is important first to determine the precise date of Guillem's arrival in the town of Bourbon, for on the following day he was present at a sung Mass where he performed a trope which has given all commentators trouble. It is easy to miss this calculation by a day. On the morning after his arrival Guillem is taken to church by his host who 1 There were 192 dtnierstournoisin a silver mare and each of these denien weighed about a gram. But there were only 16 silver gros to a mare, each with a weight of about four grams. A mark of gold equalled 64 florins, after 1253, and each florin weighed around 3. s:grams. See A. Dieudonne, Manueldt numismatiqueJranfaise(Paris 1936) 2. 47 ff., also the LiberClnsuum 2. 74.

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infornis him that, although this is norn1ally a day for early Mass (not a Holy Day), Flamenca wishes to attend and so the celebration has been put late. 1 This is the morning that Guillem sings the Signum Salutis to which we have just referred. The next morning is a regular day for having the later Mass. 2 It must be a Sunday since no Holy Day is mentioned. We are then told that on the following day there was an early Mass-obviously this was not a Holy Day. 3 The sequence is clear. Guillem reached the town on Friday at none and this was April 28th. 4 This is not the day generally accepted by the commentators who have thought that he arrived on Saturday, April 29th. This is due to ~ mention of Saturday, out of place, in verse 2024, and to the fact that the maidens of the town have their May Day celebrations on Sunday evening (verses 3231-33), which would mean that they were festive on the eve of May Day. Guillem sang the Sig11u,nSalutis, hitherto unidentified, on Saturday at the extraordinary sung Mass. This is how this is portrayed in the text. The priest begins with the Asperges me; the choir continues with Domine, hyssopo ostende nobis. Before the priest approaches the altar to say the Con.fiteor,the choir (represented by Guillem} sings this Signum Salutis: " Et signum salutis comensa (v. 2497). " Presumably between the Asperges and the approach to the altar an Introit was in order-and this Signum Salutis was surely the trope which came before, during, or following the Introit. In the Beauvais Troper I have found such a hymn. 5 It is also in the Missel de Nevers and in the Winchester Troper. In the Beauvais collection it is appointed for the " Feria VI Post Pascha " which today would be considered the fifth day, not the sixth day, after Easter. But this discrepancy arises from the discussion whether Sunday is to be considered the first day of the week. Apparently in the thirteenth century, long before the Council of Trent. 1 Vv. 2228-30. V. 3109. I do not agree

2

with a gloss by Paul Meyer which saysthat terria means " troisi~me coup de la messe." The principal Mass on Sunday came at the termination of tierce. 3 Vv. 3454-57. 4 A Borbo uenc ad ora nona (v. 1879). 5 E. Missetand W. H. I. Weale, AnalectaLit11rgica, ParsII, Thesaim1sHymnologicus (Bruges: Typis Societatis Augustini, 1888) I. 301-02 No. 197.

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this sixth .feriaafi:er Easter was the Saturday, and this was the day on which Guillem sang it. This is the text of the trope: Laudamus Te Rex, Mariae Genite sempiterne Cuius crux est salus nostra; Cuius sors est vita nostra. Tu Victima et hostis factus es, crucis ara; Mortis porta more Tua per crucem est obstrusa; Extincta sunt vcnena Tuo sanguine Leviathan, Siccata Babylon iam per Tc flumina sulphurca. Christe Redcmptor, muni famulos crucissigno; Novh Constantinus quid passet crux Tua, Christe lesu, Novit Heraclius dum cadit Cosroc hostis Tuus. Sensit Danubius Tc Deum esse verum, Infectus veneno serpcntis teterrino, Iesu, Tibi sit gloria et laus.

For me the phrases which I have italicized -make it clear that this hymn to the Cross was sung as the signumsalutisor " symbol of Salvation. " Although the Proven~l Flamencahas certainly not loomed large in the studies of my good friend Bert Ullman, I know that the mediaeval tropershave been in1portant to him. I am pleased that I can end upon this note.

A MEDIAEVAL PILGRIMS' GUIDE MARVIN L. COLKER UNIVERSITY OP VDlGINIA

There is a certain appropriateness in contributing A MediaeviJl Pilgrims' Guide to this Festschrift: my earliest steps through the loca uenerabiliaof Mediaeval Latin and Latin palaeography were guided by Professor B. L. Ullman, and he continues to offer precious insights into those areas, for which we have a common zeal. Codex 426 (D. 4. 7) in the Library of Trinity College, Dublin contains on ff. 2-142 Guido de Columna's Historia destructionis Troiae and on ff. 143-157 a pilgrims' guide to the Holy Land. 1 Probably the romance of far away places provided the interest that united into a single volume the two texts, each executed by a different mid-fifteenth-century scribe. It is not evident whether the scribe of the pilgrims' guide was French or English, but the blunder 'vous' for 'vos' (chapter LXXII) may reflect a French copyist. 2 On f. 142 stand two hexameters, transcribed by neither main scribe, summarising neatly the story of the Trojan War: Vrit amor Paridcm, nuptam rapit, armat Atridcm Vlcio, pugnatur, fit macbina,Troia crcmatur. 3

More usefulthan the hexameters for tracing the history of the volume are two ownership notes at the beginning. On f. 1 recto a sixteenth-century hand wrote ' Thys boke lent to Sir R ycherd Stevynson be (sic)Master John Clarke,'" and an early seventeenth1 The codexis describedby T. K. Abbott,C~ of the Manuscripts.in tht Libraryof Trinity Colkgt, Dublin (Dublin and London 1900) 66 and by Heinrich Schenk), Biblioth«apatrumlAtinonun Bri"1nnit:11 II 3 (Vienna 1901) no. 3365. 2 C£ also • crucife' in chap. XC and 'Vcn(i)siam' in chap. CXLV. 3 Hans Walther, lnitia canninumac umuum mtdii aeui posmioris lAtinorum (Carmina mcdii acui postcrioris Latina vol. 1) (Gottingen 1959) 1036 no. 19746. "John Clarke (Clcrke) is a name too frequently met in documents of the

MARVIN L. COLKER

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century hand inscribed ' The owner of thys boke ys michael wandesforde.' Very likdy this Michael Wandesforde is identical with the bearer of the name who was baptised on 2 October 1597, received his B. A. in 1617/1618 and his M. A. in 1621 from Cambridge University, was dean of Limerick and Derry in 1635, and died in 1637. 1 The pilgrims' guide in the codex discusses pilgrimages to the Holy Sepulchre, to Mowit Sion, to the Mowit of Olives, to Bethlehem and Hebron, to Bethany and the River Jordan, to Tiberias, and to Damascus, and the environs of each of these places are likewise described. The guide-book elicited the enthusiastic praise of J. H. Bernard, who remarked ' As a guide-book it goes into more detail and is more systematic than any other Crusading accowit as far as I know.' 2 It is certainly true that the text presents a wealth of mediaeval lore. In the guide are numerous legendary themes: for example, the revival of a corpse when the Cross was discovered (chapter XXIV) ; the blinding of the Saracen who attacked the eyes of an image of St. Pantaleon (XXXVIII); the W1Successfulattempt to steal the body of the Virgin (LX); the Sibyl's respect for the wood of the Cross when she was meeting King Solomon (LXXXII); the n1etamorphosis of a field of peas into a field of stones (CIV); the transformation of a brand into a fruit-bearing tree (CLV); the miraculous performances of holy images in Sardinaya and Beyrout (CLXXIV and CLXXXIII respectively). In the guide-book there are such subjects for folklore-study as the spot where the wails of the damned in the next world might be heard (XXXI), the sweating columns that lament the Passion (XXXII),the grave of St. Pelagia beyond which an wiconfessedman cannot pass (LXIX); sixteenth and seventeenth centuries to allow an identification: sec, for example, the numerous John Clarkcs in J. Venn and J. A. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigi~s I 1 (Cambridge 1922) 342-343. Stevynson may be the Richard Stcvynson who received his B. A. from Cambridge University in 1507/1508 or the Richard Stevynson who was a fellow of Jesus College, Cambridge in 1558-1561; c£ ibid. I 4 (1927) 158. 1 J. Venn and J. A. Venn, Alumni Cantabrigiensu I 4 (1927) 329. 2

J. H. Bernard, Guide-Bookto Palestine(Circ. A. D. 1350)(PalestinePilgrims' Text Society vol. 6) (London 1894) vii.

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milk provided by the stone of the Mille Grotto (CVIII); the protection afforded by Abraham's Oak to riders of horses (CXII); the cave of infinite treasures glJ¥ded by a magic fire (CLXXIII); · the death of a Saracen within a year if he should enter Sardinaya (CLXXIV). The guide-book reveals indeed the awesomeness which the Near East held for the pilgrim by its mystery and supernatural forces as well as by its Biblical associations.1 A special desideratum is to determine the date of the composition of the work. J. H. Bernard believes that it was originally written about 1350. 2 He may be correct. But there is no firm ground for asserting other than that the book must have been written after 1218, when Castle Pilgrim (Chiteau Pelerin) was founded by Templars (c£ chapter CLII), and the mid fifteenth century, when the copyist transcribed the extant manuscript. Unquestionably, there are very many verbal correspondences between the guidebook and the DescriptioTerraeSanctaeof a certain Philippus, who may be Philippus Brusserius Savonensis and may have penned his work ea. 1290. 3 It is even possible that the Dublin text may represent merely a recension of Philippus. But just as there are some passages in Philippus (as published by Neumann 4 ) which are not in the Dublin text, so there are a considerable number of passages,including some of the most entertaining, which are in the Dublin text but not in the edition of Philippus. And even where the edition of Philippus and the Dublin text have some agreement, 1

On mediaevalpilgrims'guide-books see especiallyMdchior de Vogue, Lore us lgliMsde la Tme sainte(Paris 1860) 407-4n; J. K. Wright, Geographical of tht Time of tht Crusades(AmericanGeographicalSocietyResearch Seriesno. 15) (New York 1925) u5-u6; H. Leclercq, 'P~erinages aux lieux saints,' DiaionnaireJ'archlologiechrltienntet de liturgieXIV I (1939) 65-176. 2 Bernard, Guidt-Booltvii. 3 On this Philippus sec Iacobus Quetifand IacobusEchard,Scriptortsordinis 1 (Paris 1719) 44-56, 103-105; Histoirelittlrairtde la Frana 18 (Paris Pratdicatorum 1835) 191-192; I. A. Fabricius,BibliothtcaLatina mediattt infimataetatis5 (1858) 277-278; Reinhold Rohricht, BibliothtcageographicaPalestinat: Chronologischts Verztichnisstier auf die Gtographiedes heiligenLandu btztuglichtn Literaturvon 333 bis 1878 (Berlin 1870) 60-61 (Rohricht dates Philippus' work as composed between 1285 and 1291), and c£ esp. footnote 4 below. 4 Philippus, Desaiptio Tmae Sanctat, ed. W. A. Neumann, Oestmeichischt fur ltatholischeTheologieII (1872) 1-79, 165-174. Vinteljahrschrift

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MARVIN L. COLKER

the Dublin text frequently makes an important addition. 1 Thus, the Dublin text, unlike the published Philippus, regularly mentions the degree of absolution or indulgence that is granted at a given holy site. It is usually thought that Niccolo da Poggi1>onsi(circa 1345) was the first to include such information. 2 If this is so, then, a valuable terminus can be set for the time of authorship. The explicitof the Dublin text would probably be very helpful for dating the composition, but unfortunately the explicitcannot be fully understood: Expliciunt Peregrinaciones Tocius Terre Sancte S' M. R. De M. In S' M. R. De M. (not S' M. P. De M. as Bernard reads 3) the S' aln1ost certainly stands for ' Secundum ' and first M. for ' Magistrum,' but the crucial letters R. and second M. remain a mystery which cannot be solved even with the aid of Rohricht' s extensive inventory. 4 A translation of the pilgrims' guide was published in 1894 by J. H. Bernard. In this translation Bernard occasionally em, as when he renders Tyrus Origenemtumulatumcelat (chapter CLXXXVIII) 'The origin of Tyre is buried in obscurity.' 5 The codex does have here ' originem: but the termination of the participle indicates that a masculine noun is modified. Sometimes, too, he misreads or tacitly emends his text. Thus, in chapter XXXVI, he translates forum (for which the second hand has chorum)as if the reading were foras.6 Bernard gives a paucity of notes and leaves most of the Biblical allusions unidentified. Anyway, since no translation, however accurate, is a satisfactory substitute for the original, I have undertaken to reproduce, for the first time, the Latin text of the pilgrims' guide in T.C.D. codex 426. I have been able to study the manuscript at first-hand. and am grateful to Professor H. W. Parke, the Librarian of Trinity College, Dublin, for permission to print the text. 1

Writers of pilgrims' guides customarily borrowed in great measure from their predecessors and then made their own contributions (c£ Melchior de Vogue, Les Igloo 408; Bernard, Guitk-&ok vi; Wright, Geographical Lore n6}. 2 T. Bellorini and E. Hoadc (translators), F,a Ni«ol3 of Poggibonsi, A Voyagt. &yonJ the Seas Qerusalcm1945) xxiii. 3 Bernard, Guide-Bookvi. 4 For Rohricht's work see page 9S footnote 3. 5 Bernard, Guitk-&ok 8. 6 Bernard, Guide-&ok 39.

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In editing the pilgrims' guide I have kept the divisions of the text as they appear in the codex (such divisions are always indicated there by large initial letters) even to the point of separating the material on Abana and Pharphar (chapters CLXXV and CLXXVI) which form a unity. I have, however, consecutively numbered each of the chapters. I have retained the vulgar spellings of the codex. These include not only the familiar mediaevalisms like e for ae and oe, ci for ti, d for t, y for i, the free dropping or insertion of h (c£ ' traite • in CXL V), ' nichil • and ' michi,' gemination of consonants (c£ ' occuli ' in XXXVIII) or the reduction of double consonants to a single consonant (c£ 'iriguus' VI, 'resurectionis' IX, 'pecatum' LXXXV, 'miserime' CXXIX), but also less familiar barbarisms: viz. e for i and i fore: exeguus IV, Necodemus XVIIl, lapedia XXX, ymagenem xxxvm, itenere XL V, honorefice LXXII, laudebus LXXII, manefestc LXXVlll, relegiosis LXXXV, exauderentur LXXXV, edeficasti LXXXV, parentebus LXXXV, despositor CX, ylece CXD, antcquitus CLI, Antcchristus (c£ French 'antechrist ') CLXI, marmoria m, penitrauit XIX, lapedia XXX, marmoriam XXXIV, cimitorio LVI, ridieru LXXIX, rupis (nom.) LXXXV and CVW, sulferio CXXIX, Machabiorum CXXXVII, sepiliendum CXLIV, Cesariam CLI, Cesaria CLII, Calcidonia CLII, Hebriorum LXXII i for u: uocabilis XVI, dicipilorum LIii, timulatus LXV, timulus LXXXI, finiculisLXXXV, nummilariorum LXXXV, eunicum XCVII, uocabilo CXII, tabilis CXXXIV, opilentissima CLXXXIII errors involving c and s: crucifixsus XIX, resurcxcionis XXI, asscencionem XLVII, ascencionem LI and LV, disipulis and dicipilorum LID, dicipulis LIV, dicipulorum LVIII, cymbolum LXX, offencionis LXXIV, decendentem LXXXV, Sireneum XCm, abcisum XCVI, circumsicio CV, subuercione CXXX, cilicem CXXXm, rcquiessit CXLII, pissibus CLXV, Sarasenorum CLXXIII t for d: santi XV syncope: disciplis LXXII and CXVIII ar for er: sarratus and sarra LXV g for consonantal i: magestas LXXX V cq for q: longincquis LXXXV aphaeresis: ccmate XXI, Scariot LXVII, Pamason and pasmauit XCII, Tholomayda CLW.

The letter h is dropped in the manuscript for ' Cristi ' (XXXII) and 'Cristus' (CXI) and for 'Iosep' (II, XVIII, CXLIII), and h has 7

MARVIN

L. COLKER

been strengthened by a c in ' Chelieser ' (that is, ' Elieser ') in CLXIX. 'Vespasianus' is misspelled as 'Vaspasianus' each time the name occurs (XVI, LXXV, XCIV}. Other peculiarities in the orthography of proper names will be discussed at their proper places in the commentary, but it should be mentioned here that the spelling 'Nazaretz' (VIII, IX, XII} is probably due to the scribe's misundentanding of final cursive h and is therefore banished to the apparatus. In the critical apparatus I denote the Dublin codex as D and indicate by D 1 that the original scribe was correcting himsel£ In the commentary I do not aim to give exhaustive references to mediaeval pilgrims' guides, only references which seem especially beneficial in illustrating the contents of the Dublin text. I do, however, call attention to each of the passages of Philippus which has even a partial similarity to the Dublin text. . In the commentary I refer to the following works: Adamnan, De locissandis, ed. Denis Meehan {Scriptores Latini Hiberniae vol. 3) {Dublin 1958). J. H. Bernard {translator), Guide-Book to Palestine (Circ. A. D. 1350) {Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society vol. 6) {London 1894). Jacobus Bongarsius (ed.), Gesta Dei per Francossiue orientaliumexptditionum et regni FrancorumHierosolymitanihistoria (Hannover 1611) 2 vols. The fint volume includes Guillermus Tyrensis, Historia rerum in partibustransmarinisgestarum; the second volume consists jideliumcrucissuper Terrat Sandat of Marinus Sanutus, Libersecretorum recuperatione et conseruationt. Petrus Comestor, Historiascholastica,PL 198 cols. 1045-1722. (DACL) Didionnaired'archeologie chretienneet de liturgie. Felix Fabri, Euagatorium,ed. C. D. Hassler {Bibliothek des literarischen Vereins in Stuttgart vols. 2-4) {Stuttgart 1843). F{r)etellus, Liber locorumterraeJerusalem,PL 155 cols. 1037-1054. (There is another edition in Melchior de Vogue, Les eglisesde la terrt sainte [Paris 1860) 412-423, but this work has become quite rare). B. Geyer {ed.), ItineraHierosolymitana saeculi1111-VIII,CSEL 39 {1898): contains ItinerariumBurdigalenst;ItinerariumAntonini Placentini. L. H. Grollenberg, Atlas van de Bijbel, trans. and ed. J. M. H. Reid and H. H. Rowley {London and Edinburgh 1957). Eugene Hoade, Guide to the Holy Land Qerusalem 1946). lacobus Vitriacensis, HistoriaOritntalis (Douai 1597). St.Jerome, Dt situ et nominibuslocorumHtbraicorum,PL 23 cols. 859-928.

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Henri Michelant and Gaston Raynaud (edd.), Itinbaires aJerusalemet descriptions de la tme sainterldigls en franfais aux XIe, XIIe, et XIIIe siecles(Societe de l'Orient latin, Ser. geographique vol. 3) (Geneva 1882): contains Emoul, La dtez de Iherusalem;Emoul, Fragments relatifta la Galilie; Les pelerinagespo, aller en lherusaltm;Le continuatcur de Guillaume de Tyr dit de Rothelin, La saintecite de Iht1US4lem. Philippus, DescriptioTmae Sanctae,ed. W. A. Neumann, Oestmeichischt Vierteljahrschrift for leatholische TheologieII (1872) 1-79, 165-174. Fra Niccolo da Poggibonsi, Libro d'oltremart,ed. A. Bacchi dclla Lcga (Scclta di curiositi lettcraria vols. 182-183), Bologna 1881. This basic edition was revised by B. Bagatti Ocrusalem 1945), but Bagatti's work was not available to me. Saewulf, Relatio de pertgrinationead Hierosolymamet Tmam Sanctam,ed. A. d' Avezac (Recueil de voyages et de memoires publiees par la Soc. de geographic vol. 4) {Paris1839). Titus Tobler (ed.), DescriptionesTerraeSanctaeex saeculoVIII, IX. XII, et XV (Leipzig I 874): contains Vita seu hodotporicon s. Willibaldi; lohanncs Poloncr, DescriptioTmae Sanctae;Iohanncs Wirzburgcnsis, Dtscriptio Tmae Sanctae. Titus Tobler (ed.), Itinera Hierosolymitanaet descriptionesTe"ae Sandoe btllis sacrisanttriora (Soc. illustrandis Oricntis latini monumcntis), Geneva, I 1 (1877), I 2 (1880), Il I (1885): I I contains St. Jcrome's Peregrinatios. Paulat; I 2 contains ItinerariumBernardimonadii and Itinerariums. Willibaldi.

143 r

L Gloriosc ac sancte ciuitatis Jerusalem nee non et tocius Terre" Sancte peregrinaciones scirc cupientes oportct, sicut michi uidetur, prius Nazareth pergere 6, quia dignum est quod ubi uostre redempcionis foit inicium, inde nostre peregrinacionis sumamus exordium. Il. Quartodecimo miliario ah Aeon ciuitas Nazareth posita est a parte orientali, que dicitur ciuitas proprie Saluatoris co quod in ea conceptus et nutritus ·fuit: postquam desponsata fuit losep, Virgo Maria morabatur in ea, ad quam missus fuit angelus Gabriel a Deo, salutis nostre nuncians primordia. m. Hee autem sancta et Deo amabilis ciuitas, in qua Verbum Caro factum est et flos omnia uincens aromata in utero Virginis germinauit, unde et merito ' flos ' interpretatur in hoe quod super omnes alias speciali gaudet priuilegio eo a quod salutis nostre Dominus in ea principium procurauit et in ipsa preterea nutriri et parentibus subici dignatus I. a) tcrre om. in lin. D (ss. D HI.

a) eo om. in lin. D (ss. D

I

1)

b) perire D

ut 11id.)

I: C( Philippus I (28); St. Jerome De sit11col. 914; Iohannes Wirzburgensis uo-u I; Sanutus ill 14 7 (253). For the pertinent Biblical texts see lob. I. 45-46; Luc. 1. 26, 2. 4, 2. 39, 2. SI, 4. 16; Matth. 2. 23, 21. 11; Act. 10. 38. On Nazareth see Grollenberg 158; Hoade 448-464; H. Leclercq DACL XII I (1935) 10211054-

ll: Cf. Philippua I (29); Iohanncs Wirzburgensis no-1 u; lacobus Vitriaccnsis 9 (79). See the Biblical passages noted above on cap. I and esp. lob. 1. -45-46 and Luc. r. 26-33.

ID: C( Philippus I (29); Iacobus Vitriacensis 59 (99). On the column held by Mary see Poggibonsi 127 (vol. 182 pp. 271-272). •Nazareth' was com• monly derived from Hebrew netzer, meaning 'sprout' or 'shoot'; cf. C. W. Wilson in Aubrey Stewart (trans.), Tl,e Letter of Paula and Eustochiumto Marcello (Palestine Pilgrims' Text Society vol. 1) (London 1889) 15 n. 7; c( also St. Jerome, ed. Paulus de Lagarde (Corpus ChrisLiba interpretationisHebraicorumno111i11um, tianorum vol. 72) (1959) 137, 142. The interpretation of ' Nazareth' as • flos' or ' uirgultum ' was popular among writers of pilgrims' guides in the Middle Ages: c£ Fetellus col. 1044; Johannes Wirzburgensis III; Poloner 272. On' Verbum Caro factum' see Ioh. I. 14; on 'Pater ... subicit' see I Cor. 15. 27-28; on the Annunciation see Luc. 1. 26-36.

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cui Pater omnia quc sunt in celo et in terra subicit. Et ibi est quedam parua columpna marmoria quam ipsa amplexabatur propter timorem subite angelice uisionis, et ibi supra est locus prope columpnam ubi stetit Gabrid angdus quando dixit • Aue gracia plena, Dominus tecum' etc. Et ibi est absolucio a pena et a culpa. IV. In Nazareth ·etiam labitur fons exeguus de quo puer lesus haurire solebat et inde ministrabat matri sue et sibi. V. Miliario autem uno a Nazareth contra meridiem est locus qui Saltus dicitur, in quo Iudei Iesum precipitare uoluerunt, parentibus ciw emulantes propter prudenciam, set ab eis in momento disparuit. VI. Quarto miliario a Nazareth est ciuitas que Sophirus uocatur, ex qua Anna mater Virginis Marie matris Christi fuit. Vnde inter ipsam et Nazareth est fons iriguus et perpetuus, aquas ex se emittcns copiow, qui fons Sophirus • uocatur etc. VII. A Sophiro per duo miliaria est Cana Galilee, ubi Dominus lesus mutauit aquam in uinum, de qua fuit Symon Cananeus et Nathanad.

est,

VI. a) Sophirinus conicio,uitk Pldlippumcop. I (p. 30)

IV: Cf. Philippus 1 (29); Fetellus col. 1044; Iohanncs Wirzburgcnsis 1n; Poggibonsi 128 (182. 273-275). The Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew 9 mentions a fountain where the Annunciation occurred. On this site sec Hoade 461-.62; H. Lcdcrcq DACL XII 1 (1935) 1031-1035. V: Cf. Philippus 1 (29-30); Fctellus col. 1044; Iohannes Wirzburgcnsis 1u; Sanutus m 14 7 (253). The legend may have been derived from Luc. 4. 29-30. On the Mount of Precipitation see Hoade 462-463. C.R. Conder in Aubrey Stewart {tram.), Burchardof Mount Sion {PalestinePilgrims' Text Society vol. 12), {London 1896) 42 n. 3, states • The Mount of Precipitation was shown from the twelfth century as at present, at the cliff south of Nazareth.' VI: Cf. Philippw 1 (30); Fetellus col. 1044; Iacobus Vitriacensis 59 (99); Ernoul Fragments72; Poggibonsi 129 {182.275-276); Poloner 272. The name of the city is usually given as • Sephoris' or • Sephorim' or ' Sephor.' However, Philippus gives • Sophirus ' and part of the textual tradition of Poggibonsi, • Sophori.' On Sephoris sec Hoade 465-467 and J. H. Bernard 2 n. 2. Strong attention to St. Anne beginsonly with the 14th century. On St. Anne and her cultus sec H. Lcdercq DACL I 2 (1924) 2162-2174VII: Cf. Philippus 1 (30); Fetellus col. 1044; Iohanncs Wirzburgcnsis 112; Poloncr 271. The miracle of the wine is found in Ioh. 2. 7-n and 4-6; Nathanael and Simon arc mentioned in Ioh. 21. 2. On the site of Cana sec Grollcnberg 146; Hoadc 467-470; C. R. Conder {trans.), Tk City of Jmuakm {PalestinePilgrims' Text Society vol. 6) {London 1888) 44 n. 3.

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vm.

Millare ucro a Nazareth " ucrsus mcridiem est Safron, quoddam castrum, ex quo natl fucrunt Iacobus et Iohanncs filii Zcbedei. IX. Scxto miliario a Nazareth" contra oricntem est mons Tabor. mons cxcclsus ualdc, in quo Dominus coram Petro Iacobo et Iohannc, prcscntibus Moyse et Hclia, transfi.guratus est. Gloriam future sue rcsurcctionis ostcndens, ibi uox de cclo ad cum facta est dicens ' Hie est filius mcus dilectus in quo michi bcnc complacui, ipsum auditc.' Propter loci rcucrcnciam et honorem Christiani olim monasterium ibidem construxcrunt, quod modo per Saracenos 6 totaliter est destructum. Et ibi est absolucio a pcna et culpa. X. In descensu istius montis obuiauit Abrahc rcdeunti a cede Amalech Mdchiscdech prcscntans ci pancm et uinum, quod significat altarc Christi sub gracia. XI. Secundo miliario a Thabor est Naym ciuitas, ad radicem montis Endor sita contra meridiem, ad cuius portam Iesus restituit uite £ilium mulicris uidue. XII. A Nazareth" re1;to itincrc uersus mcridiem per triginta et octo miliaria est Scbastia, que olim Samaria diccbatur, in qua scpultum /

Vill. a) nazarccz D IX. a) nazarctz D XII. a) oazaretz D

b) saraceno D (olt. s ss. D

1)

VIlI: Cf. Philippus 1 (lo); Les pelerinages por alkr en lherusalem100. Zcbcdccand his sons arc mentioned in Matth. 4. 21, 10. 3, and elsewhere in the Bible. J. H. Bernard, 2 n. 3, identifies the village of Safron with Yifa. IX: Cf. Philippus 1 (31); St. Jerome De situ col. 925; Saewulf 270; Fctcllus col. 1044; Johannes Wirzburgcnsis n2; Jacobus Vitriacensis 58 (98). Jacobus Vitriaccnsis states ' In montc Thabor est abbatia nigrorum monachorum.' On the Transfiguration sec Matth. 17. 1-5; Marc. 9. 2-7; Luc. 9. 28-35. On Mount Tabor sec Grollenbcrg 122, 163 and Hoade 437-448. X: Cf. Philippus 1 (31); Fetellus col. 1044; Johannes Wirzburgensis 112; Fabri vol. 2 pp. 319-320. Note the similar symbolism in Fctellus' ' quod significat oblationem altaris Christi sub gratia ' and in Johannes Wirzburgcnsis' ' quod figurat altare Christi sub gratia.' For the Biblical episode see Gen. 14. 1-18; Ps. 109. 4; Hehr. 7. XI: Cf. Philippus 1 (31); St.Jerome De situ col. 914; Johannes Wirzburgcnsis n3; Poggibonsi 124 (182. 263-264). -For the pertinent Biblical passage sec Luc. 7. n-15. On Nain (Naim) sec Grollenbcrg 1$7 and Hoade 436-437. XII: Cf. Philippus 1 (33); Fctcllus col. 1045; Johannes Wirzburgcnsis n4; Iacobus Vitriacensis 56 (95); Poggibonsi 122 (182. 260-261); Poloncr 258, 273-274. The beheading and burial of John the Baptist are related in Matth. 14. 3-12. On Scbastc see Grollenbcrg 161 and Hoadc 422-425; on Macherunta sec Grollenbcrg 156.

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fuit corpus sancti Iohannis Baptiste inter Hcliscum et Abdiam prophetas, translatum de Macheronta oppido, quod est ultra Iordanem, ubi existit dccollatus. xm. De Sebaste ad dccem miliaria est Neapolis ciuitas, olim Sichem dicta a Sichcn filio Emor, ud Sicar ut Euangclio dicitur, in qua scpulti fuerunt ossa Iosep filii Iacob translata de Egipto. Ibi etiam extra ciuitatcm ucrsus meridiem per unum miliare est Puteus Iacob, super quem lcsus ex itinere fatigatus rcsedit, ubi a muliere Samaritana pctiit bibcre. Ibi etiam sunt duo colles siue monticuli, scilicet Dan et Bethel, in quibus Ieroboam rex Israel O posuit uitulos aurcos et cos adorare prcccpit dicens • Hi sunt dii tui, Israd, qui te cduxerunt de Egipto.' XIV. De Neapoli usque Icrusalem sunt triginta quinque miliaria. JerusalemO est ciuitas ciuitatum sanctarum, sancta domina gcncium, princeps / prouinciarum, ciuitas Regis magni dicta, et quasi ccntrum 14-4r mundi in medio terre posita ut ad cum conflucrent omncs gentcs, posscssio patriarcharum, alumpna prophetarum, doctrix apostolorum, salutis nostrc cunabula 6, Domini patria, mater fidci uelut Roma est mater fidclium, a Deo predccta et sanctificata, in qua steterunt pedcs Domini, ah angclis honorata, ah omni nacionc que sub celo est frcquentata. XV. Est autem in montc eminenti constructa, ex utraque partc montuosa, in ilia parte Syrie quc dicitur Iuda et Palestina, lacte et mclle flucns, frumento uino et oleo et omnibus temporalibus bonis habundans. Fluminibus autem prorsus caret. Fontes autem non habet, excepto uno qui Syloc" nominatur, qui sub monte Syon per medium uallis Iosaphat 6 XIII. a) isrl In ras. insnvit D 2 tt mg. odd. D a XIV. a) Jerusalem: (I ex D) D b) cunab(ula in ras. inseruitD 1 ) D XV. a) syo D b) iosophat D

XIII: Cf. Philippus 1 (33-34); ItinerariumBurdigaknse20; St. Jerome De situ cols. 918,923; Adamnan II 21 (90, 92); Fctellus cols. 1045-1046; Iobannes Wirzburgensis 115-116; Poloner 263. In Pereg,inatios. Paulaep. 37, St. Jerome distinguishes between Sichem and Sichar. C. R. Conder (trans.), City of ]erwsalttn 43 n. 2, declares that Samaria was often confused with Sichem in the 12th century. On Hemor sec Gen. 33. 19, 34. 2-26; Ios. 24. 32; Iud. 9. 28; Act. 7. 16. On Joseph's bones in Sichem see Ios. 24. 32; on the well of Jacob see loh. 4. 6 (' Sichar 1;on the incident of the Samarian woman consult Joh. 4. 6-14; on Jcroboam's golden calves see 3 Reg. 12. 28-30. About Sichem / Sichar sec Grollenberg 162, 163 and Hoade 409-420. See Grollenbcrg 145, 147 about Dan and Bethel. XIV: Cf. Philippus 1-2 (34); Jacobus Vitriacensis SS (92-93); Fabri 2. 236. The language of the passage also closelyresembles St. Bernard's Liber ad militu Tnnpli s (PL 182 cols. 928-9.29). XV: Cf. Philippus 2 (JS); Jacobus Vitriaccnsis ss (92-93); Sanutus m 14 9

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Buens quandoque copiosas ministrat aquas, plerumque uero modice ucl penitus aque nulle reperiuntur. Sunt autem in urbe et extra multe cisteme ex aquis pluuialibus tarn hominibus quam animalibus ad potum sufficientes et ad alias necessitates. Est etiam ibidem unum aqueductum magnum et ualde mirabile ueniens de ciuitate uocata Santi Abraham, que in ualle de Ebron situatur, distans a Ierusalem per uiginti quatuor miliaria uersus meridiem. XVI. Habuit autem plura et diuersa nomina ex uariis euentibus et secundum diuersas linguas et naciones. Primo enim uocata fuit Iebus deinde Salem, ex quibus duobus uocabilis tercium nomen habet Ierusalem. Dicitur eciam Ierosolima et Solima et Lusa et Bethel. Dicta est eciam Elia ah Elio, questore Romano qui cam in loco in quo est modo post destructionem a Tito et Vaspasiano factam recdificauit. XVII. Ciuitas autem Ierusalem, in qua rcdempcionis nostre mistcria Dominus corporaliter exibuit, quanto omnibus aliis locis et ciuitatibus priuilegio preeminet sanctitate et excellencia dignitate, tanto[que) odore agri pleni, cui benedixit Dominus, plures religiosas personas ad se traxit. Habet autem Syon a meridie, / in quo (Dauid)" habuit arcem et ciuitatem appellauit. Montem autem Oliueti habet ah oriente. XVII. a) Dauid imtmi

(255); Poggibonsi 97 (182. 215); Fabri 2. 417-420 and 3. 13~137. St. Abraham was a mediaeval name for the city of Hebron. On ' lacte et melle Buens ' cf. Bxod. 3. 8, 3. 17, Levit. 20. 24, and elsewhere in the Bible; on Siloc cf. Isai 8. 6 and Ioh. 9. 7, 9. n. On Siloc see Grollenberg 162; Hoadc 264-266; F. M. Abel DACL VII 2 (1927) 2329; on Hebron see Grollenberg 152. XVI: Cf. Philippus 2 (35); lacobus Vitriacensis 5s (92-93). St. Jerome, Peregrinatios. Paulaep. 32, had already written ' Ingressa est Hierosolymam urbem trinominem Iebus, Salem, Jerusalem, que ab Elio, postea Hadriano, de ruinis et cineribus ciuitatis in Eliam suscitata est.' The spelling ' Vaspasiano' is retained as the (erroneous) spelling exclusively used in the Dublin text, at such widdy separated places as this chapter, chapter LXXV, and chapter XCIV. Iebus is found in Ios. 18. 28 and Iud. 19. 10; Salem in Gen. 14. 18 and Hehr. 7. 1-2; Luz in Gen. 6. 48, 28. 19, Jos. 18. 13, Iud. 1. 23; Bethel is found in 3 Reg. 12. 29. On Jebus sec Grollenberg 153; on Salem, ibid.161; on Luz, ibid. 155; on Bethel, ibid.145. XVII: Cf. Philippus 2 (35); lacobus Vitriacensis 6o (101); Fabri 3. 194. For 'odore agri pleni ... Dominus' cf. Gen. 22. 27, and on David's citadel and city cf. 2 Reg. 5. 7 and 3 Reg. 8. 1. On Mount Sion consult Grollenberg 16.s and Hoade 198-199. On the Mount of Olives see the discussion bdow about LXVIII.

HEC SUNT PEREGRINACIONES QUE SUNT INFRA ECCLESIAM SANCTI SEPULCHRI ET EXTRA

XVIll. In primo cum ingrcssus fueris ccdesiam, inuenies lapidem marmoreum nigrum super quem Iosep ah Arimathia O et Necodemus laucrunt corpus Christi et aromarizauerunt quando deposucrunt illud de cruce. Et ibi est absolucio a pena et a culpa. XIX. Deinde uenies ad montcm Caluarie, qi quo crucifixsus fuit Jesus, ubi sanguis de latere eius exiens rupem illam spissam et durissimam per medium penitrauit et colorem sanguineum usque hodie dcrcliquit. Et ibi est absolucio a pena et a culpa. XX. Sub monte autem Caluarie in partc illa que Golgotha O nuncupatur, ubi inuentum 6 fuit capud Ade primi hominis et usquc ad os dicti capitis per medium rupis sanguis descendebat, ibi est absolucio septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. ' XXI. Deinde ucnies ad sepulcrum Domini gloriosum, quod usquc ad tempora Helii Adriani imperatoris extra muros ciuitatis O crat. Dominus autem passus fuit et sepultus extra portam ciuitatis. Prcdictus imperator in tantum ciuitatem ampliauit quod locum Dominici sepulcri artificio opere decenri cematc forma, rotundo uno tamen foramine superius apertam, Dominice Resurexcionis ecclesiam gloriosam construxit infra ciuitatem, que inter sancta et uenerabilia 6 loca non immcrito optinet XVIII. a) aromatbia D XX. a) golgatha D b) inucnt (u i11 ras. instruit D 2) D c) quarcutrn (arum in instruit D 2) D XXI. a) ciuitas D b) (mcmor in ras. instruit D 2) abilia D, std 14idti,iftri11s"'PP· LXXXV tt CV nmu,n Philippum cap. 2 (pp. 3S-36) tt locobum Vitriactnstm mp. 61 (p. 102)

,as.

Title: Cf. Philippus 2 (34). XVIll: Cf. Philippus 2 (37); Sanutus III 14 8 (254); Poggibonsi 16 (182. 54-55); Fabri 2. 305-306. For the Biblical episode sec Matth. 27. 57-60, Ioh. 19. 38-41, and the Gospel of Nicodemus. XIX: Cf. Philippus 2 (35, 36); Fetellus col. 1050; Jacobus Vitriaccnsis 61 (103); Sanutus III 14 8 (254). Golgotha/Calvary is mentioned in Matth. 27. 33-35; Marc. 15. 22-24; lob. 19. 17-18; Luc. 23. 33. On the site see Grollenberg 146, 151 and Hoade 136-141 and H. Leclercq DACL II 2 (1925) 1755-1756. XX: C£ Philippus 2 (36); Saewulf 261; Iohannes Wirzburgensis 143-144; Les rkrinagts por aller tn Iherusaltm 93; Fabri 2. 300-303. On the Chapel of Adam, where Adam was supposedly buried, sec Hoadc 158. XXI: Cf. Philippus 2 (35-36); Adamnan I 2 (42, 44, 46); Saewulf 26o; St. Bernard Libtr ad mili«s Ttmpli n (PL 182 col. 952); Jacobus Vitriacensis 61 (102); Sanutus m 14 8 (254); Poggibonsi u, (182. 43); Fabri 3. 120. For • Die autcm ... rcsurgam • sec Matth. 26. 32 and 27. 63 and cf. Matth. 16. 21, 17. 22, .ao.19; Marc. 8. 31, 9. 30, 10. 34; Luc. 9. 22, 18. 33, 24. 7; 1 Cor. 15. 4. On

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principatum, in quo loco corpus Domini pre,::iosum cum aromatibus honorifice fuit scpultum et usque in diem tercium requieuit. Die autcm tercia surrexit ut dixerat ' Die autem tercia resurgam.' Et ibi est abs~ lucio a pena et culpa. XXII. Deinde uenies ad locum ubi Dominus noster a mortuis resurgens apparuit primo Marie Magdalene quando estimabat cum ort~ lanum esse et ait ' Domine, si tu sustulisti cum, dicito michi ubi posuisti cum' etc. In quo loco factum est altare ad honorem apparicionis illius quod est ante portam capelle beate Virginis Marie. Et ibi est absolucio a pena et culpa 0 • XXIII. Deinde intrabis capellam a bcate Virginis Marie, et ibi inuenies partem illius / columpne ad mensuram quatuor pedum ad quam ligatus fuit Iesus et flagellatus, et est posita quasi in pariete ex parte dextra cum intraueris capellam. Et ibi b est absolucio a pena et a culpa. XXIV. Item in eadem capella est locus coram altari ubi suscitatus fuit quidam mortuus per uirtutem sancte Crucis statim post inuencionem eius gloriosam in presencia sancte Elene, matris Constantini imperatoris. · Et ibi est absolucio septem annorum et septem quarentcnarum. XXV. Est ctiam locus ibidem prope altare ubi stetit sancta Crux per multum tempus et a fidelibus Christianis deuotissime fuit adorata. Et ibi est absolucio scptem annorum et septem quarentenarum. XXVI. Deinde ucnics ad locum ubi Christus pro nobis fuit incarceratus ligatus et ucrbcratus, ubi modo est una capella parua. Et ibi est absolucio a pena et a culpa. XXII. a) a pcna et culpa: a c. et p. D (ord. corr. 1114n.inc.) XXIII. a) capcll (a in ras. inmuit D 2) D b) ib D

the Holy Sepulchre see Hoade 142-151 and F. M. Abel DACL VII 2 (1927) 23122318.

XXII: Cf. Philippus 2 (37); Saewulf 261; Iohannes Wirzburgensis 146; Poggibonsi 23 (182. 72); Fabri 2. 289. For the Biblical incident see Marc. 16. 9 and Ioh. 20. II-16. On the site see Hoade 151-152 and see below on XXIll. XXIB: Cf. Philippus 2 (37-38); Saewulf 26o; Sanutus m 14 8 (254); Po35 n. 1, remarks 'The pillar loner 228. C. R. Conder {trans.), City ofJerusalem of scourging has been shown at various times in very different parts of the city.' On the flagellating c£ Matth. 27. 26; Luc. 18. 32, 18. 33; Ioh. 19. 1; Marc. 10. 34. XXIV: The legend is also told in Fabri 2. 288 and seems to be alluded to in Adamnan I 11 (56). XXVI: C£ Fetellus col. 1050; Johannes Wirzburgeruis 142; Les ptlmnages por oileretr Iherusalem94; Sanutus 11)14 8 (2ss); Poggibonsi 24 (182. 73-75). On the flagellating of Jesus see the Biblical sources cited above in Xxm. On the chapel known as Career Christi see Hoade 152.

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XXVII. Dcinde cum exieris portam illius capelle, coram quodam altari inuenies quemdam lapidem ad quern concatenatus fuit lesus dum[modo) crux erigeretur, et est absolucio septem annorum et septem quarcntenarum. XX:VIIl. Deinde ibis ad locum ubi milites ,posuerunt sortem super uestimenta Christi, prout scriptum est ' Et super uestimcnta mea miserunt sortem.' Et ibi est absolucio septem annorum et septem quarcntenarum. XXIX. Dcinde ibis ad locum ubi desccndes ad quandam capellam in profundo loco positam per uiginti et octo gradus, et ibi sepulta sunt corpora Marie lacobi et Marie Salome O sub quodam altari. Et ibi est absolucio septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. XXX. Item prope altare ex parte australi est una cathedra lapedia super quam sedit sancta Elena quando fecit inquirere Crucem Domini sanctam. Et ibi est absolucio septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. XXXI. Item ibi est quoddam foramen in pariete ex parte boriali per quod dicitur quod clamor auditur animarum existencium in purgatorio. XXXII. Item in eadem capella sunt quatuor columpne lapidee que omni die nocteque sudorem aque emittunt propter passionem Cristi, sicut dicitur. / XXXill. Dcindc descendcs ad aliam capellam inferiorem per duodecim gradus in qua inuenta fuit sancta Crux in loco profundissimo, XXIX.

a) ulomcc D

XXVW: c£ Fabri 2. 290-291. For the incident see Matth. 27. 3S (whence the quotation); Marc. 15. 24; Luc. 23. 34; Ioh. 19. 24. · XXIX: On Mary, mother of James, and Salome sec Marc. 16. 1. XXX : On the Invention of the Cross see Acta s. Imlae Quiriaciin Acta sanctorum Mai I (1679) 445-448. Sec below on XXXIll. XXXI: C£ Philippus 2 (37); Fabri 2. 294-295. Fabri describes this interesting place thus: 'In eadem capella est una lapidea concba in muro, iuxta altare pro aqua bcnedicta imponenda, quae iam sempcr est uacua et sine aqua benedicta. h1 bane concham dum homo caput ponit et auscultat, audit quasi stridcntes ignium flammas et strepitum, quasi decursum aquarum multarum, praecipue tamcn quando homo solus est in capella et baec audire cupit; tune audit horribilem tumultum sicut cgomet sacpc audiui.' XXXII: Cf. Poggibonsi 29 (182. 86-88); Fabri 2. 293-294. Poggibonsi docs not seem much impressed by the Sweating Columns. XXXIII: Cf. Poggibonsi 30 (182. 89-90) and Fabri 2. 295. On the Chapel of the Finding of the Cross sec Hoade I H.

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et adhuc locus apparet in quo iacuit Crux Domini. Et ibi est absolucio a pena et a culpa. XXXIV. Deinde ascendes ad primam portam per quam intrasti, et ex parte sinistra inuenies unam columpnam marmoriam sub quodam altari iuxta quam dicitur Iesum coronatum fuissc cum corona spinea antequam fuit positus super crucem. Et ibi est indulgentia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. XXXV. Deinde uenies ad Gabbatha O Qocum)" qui dicitur Litostratos ", ubi Pilatus sedit pro tribunali quando adduxit Ihesum extra ciuitatem. Erat autem parasceue quasi hora sexta secundum Iohannem. Golgotha 4 est sub monte Caluarie, locus aliqualiter concauatus, et ibi apparet sanguis, ut superius est rdatum. XXXVI. Deinde uenies ad chorum O et in medio chori est locus qui dicitur medium mundi, ubi Christus Iesus Dominus noster posuit digitum suum " dicens ' Hie est medium mundi.' Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. XXXVII. Et est sciendum quod ad magnum altare est indulgencia XXXV. a) golgotba D (in golgatba D 2) b) locum instrui d) golg (a in ,as. inStrUitD 2) tba D aliter litostratos mg. D 2 XXXVL a) forum D, chorum mg. D 2 b) sum D

c) nicostratos D,

XXXIV: For the Biblical incident see Marc. 14. 17 and Ioh. 19. 5. XXXV: Cf. Fetellus col. 1049; Iohannes Wirzburgensis 139; Fabri 2. 360361. In the text 'Litostratos' is retained against 'Litostrotos' as an error current in the Middle Ages (cf. 'Lithostratos • in Fetellus and 'Lychostratos' in Fabri), which was probably fostered by ctymologizing. On Jesus at Gabbatha sec Ioh. 19. 13-14. 'ut superius relatum ': cf. chapters XIX and XX above. On Lithostrotos see Grollenberg 159 and Hoade 18o. XXXVI: Cf. Philippus 2 (37); Saewulf 261; Poggibonsi 25 (182. 75-78); Fabri 2. 301. Fabri says 'ibi cum ad medium uenissemus chori, circumstetimus lapidcm quendam ..• Lapidem hunc dicunt iacere in centrali medio totius mundi, et dicunt Orientales quod Dominus Iesus ante passionem suam cum discipulis ibi stans digito hunc locum commonstrauit diccns: " Ecce, hie est medium mundi."' Ps. 73. 13 and Ezck. 38. 12 may have given rise to the popular mediaeval notion that Jerusalem was in the centre of the earth {the idea is found, for example, in Iohannes Wirzburgensis 117). On this notion see J. K. Wright, The Gtogrophical Lore of the Time of the Crusades{American Geographical Society Research Series no. 15) {New York 1925) 259-200 and C. W. Wilson (trans.), The Pilgrimageof the RussianAbbotDanielin the Holy Lornl{PalestinePilgrims' Text Society vol. 4) {London 1888) 13 n. 4. C. R. Conder (trans.), City of Jerusalem9 n. l, states ' The compass,which was regarded in the twelfth century as the middle of the world, is now represented by a sort of marble vase in the centre of the choir.'

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scptcm annorum et scptcm quarcntcnarum et ad onuua altaria infra ccclcsiamconstituta. XXXVIII. Deindc ucnics ad quamdam columpnam iuxta ccllam sancti Scpulcri super quam ymago sancti Pantalconis est, dcputa ad quam dicitur talc fuissc miraculum: Accidit quodam tcmporc quod quidam Saracenus intrauit ccclcsiam sancti Sepulcri, et conspiciens circumquaque uidit prcdictam ymagcnem super columpnam, [dcputa) qui oculos ymaginis eruens, protinus occuli sui proprii in tcrram cccidcrunt. XXXIX. Deindc ucnies ad portam per quam beata Maria Egipciaca non poterat ingredi ceteris Christianis ingredientibus donec promisit se" penitcnciam peracturam 6, ubi audiuit uocem ' Si transicris lordanem, salua eris.' Et est ilia porta in sccreto loco posita ex partc boriali sancti Sepulcri, et ibi est capella / sancte Marie Egipciace prcdicte, r,46 r et est indulgencia scptem annorum et scptem quarcntcnarum. XL. Deinde exibis ccdesiam sancti Sepulcri, et a manu sinistra inuenies quandam capellam paruam beate Marie Virginis que est sub montc Caluarie, ubi ilia stctit respiciens £ilium suum pcndentem in cruce, et ibi ministrant N ubiani et est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarentcnarum. XLI. Deindc ucnies ad capcllam sancti Iohannis Ewangcliste, que est connccta super capellam beate Marie, ubi Saluator noster matrem uirginem uirgini commcndauit, et ibi ministrant Iacobini. Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et scptem quarentcnarum.

XXXIX. a) se Olfl. D (n. D 2)

b) (per in ,as. inmuit D 2) acturam D

XXXVBI: C£ Philippus 2 (38). The story is also related in Sanutus m 14 8 (254). On the martyr Pantaleon, who may have died about 305, sec Aa4I sanctorumIul. VI (1868) 397-425. XXXIX: C£ Philippus 2 (38); Sanutus m 14 8 (254); Fabri 2. 343. For the story of St. Mary of Egypt, who is thought to have lived in the 6th century, tee Aaa smrctorum Apr. I (1675) 67-90and H. LcclercqDA.CL X 2 (1932) 2128-2136; sec also LXIX below. XL: Cf. Poloner 228; Fabri 2. 305. For the Biblical incident seclob. 19. 25. J. H. Bernard, 9 n. 2, identifies the Nubians as Abyssinian Christians. XLI: C£ Fabri 2. 315-316; Poloncr 228. The Jacobitcs were monophysitc on the nature Syrians, rejecting the doctrine of the Council of Chalccdon (.1-51) of Christ. The Jacobitcs were followers of Jacob Baradaeus (died 578). Iacobus Vitriaccnsis (cap. 76, pp. 144-148) and Fabri (2. 351 and 3. 325) discussthe Jacobites. On these Christians sec also M. Jugie in Dictionnair~ de thlologiecatholique X 2 (1929) 2216-2251. On the Biblical episodec£ Ioh. 19. 26-27.

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XLII. Deinde uenies a prope ad quanclam capellam factam in honore sancti Iohannis Baptiste; indulgencia septem annomm et septem quarentenarum. XLlli. Deinde habebis ex opposito unam capellam factam in honore sancte Marie Magdalene, ubi ilia cum aliis mulieribus plangebat et lamentabatur Dominum in cruce pendentem, et ibi ministrant Christiani cum cinctura. Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. XLIV. Deinde ucnies ad quandam petram coram portis ecclesie super quam Dominus noster requieuit quando uenit baiulans crucem uersus montem Caluarie. Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. Hee autem omnia loca predicta sanctissima sunt infra et prope (et}• extra sacrosanctam ecclesiam Dominice Passionis ac Sepulchri. DE PEREGRINACIONIBUS MONTIS SYON BENEDICTI

XLV. Deinde uenies uersus montem Syon, et in itenere inuenies ecclesiam beati lacobi Zebedei, in qua est locus ubi quondam positum fuit capud ipsius Iacobi, ablatum de loppe a per manus angelorum, ubi fuit decollatus, ut quidam dicunt. Alli uero dicunt quod in lerusalem, ubi est ecclesia ipsius, decollatus fuit, quod uerius credo, et ibi monstratur quoddam os brachii ipsius 6 lacobi et unum os beati Georgei martiris. XLII. a) uenis D (e ss. man. inc.) XLIV. a) et instrUi XLV. a) ioppen D b) ipius D

XLil: C( Johannes Wirzburgensis 1s9; Poloncr 229. Sec F. M. Abel DACL VIl 2 (1927) 2331-2332 on the early churches of St. John the Baptist in Jerusalem. On the Apostle Thomas in India sec J. K. Wright, Geographical Ltm 275,278. XLill: C( Poggibonsi 31 (93); Poloncr 229. The Biblical incident may be found in Ioh. 19. 25. The Cinctured Christians arc discussedin Fabri 2. 350351, but there is much disagreement as to the exact nature of these Christians. According to Thomas Wright, Early Travelsin Palestine(London 1848) 189 n., they arc the Jacobitcs and Ncstorians; according to J. H. Bernard, 10 n. 1, they arc the Georgians; according to T. Bcllorini and E. Hoade (translators), Fra Niccoloof Poggibonsi, A Voyage&yond tht Stas (Jerusalem 194s) 22 n., they arc simply the native Christiansand not the Georgians. XLIV: C( Poggibonsi 93 (182. 207-208). Hee autcm ... Sepulchri: c( Philippus 2 (38). Title: c( Philippus 3 (38). XLV: C( Philippus 3 (38-39); Iohanncs Wirzburgensis 161; Poggibonsi

A MEDIAEVAL PILGRIMS ' GUIDE

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Et ibi est / indulgcncia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum, et 1411 v ibi sunt Arminici uiri religiosi. XL VI. Deinde ibis ad ecclesiam sancti Saluatoris que est in monte Syon, que olim fuit domus Cayphe, ad quam fuit lesus primo adductus ·post captionem suam et acriter flagellatus, et ibi extra portam ecclesie in pariete est pars illius columpne ad quam ipse fuit ligatus. Ibidem eciam Petrus ter Christum negauit antequam gallus cantauit et ibi sedcns in atrio cum ministris calefaciebat ea se ad prunas quia 6 frigus erat. lbi eciam est career ubi ludei posucrunt lesum et seruauerunt usque mane. Mane autem facto miscrunt cum uinctum ad Pilatum. lbi eciam est lapis grandis super altare qui dicitur fuisse lapis qui primo positus fuit super monumentum Domini secundum Marcum ' Quis reuoluet nobis lapidem ah hostio monumenti ' etc. Et ibi est absolucio a pena et a culpa. XLVII. Deinde uenies ad locum ubi quondam erat cella in qua bcataMaria morabatur ea quatuordecim annis post asscencionem Domini ad cclum, et ibi migrauit ad Dominum de hoe seculo nequam. Et ibi est absolucio a pcna et a culpa. XL VIII. Deinde uenies prope ad locum ea ubi erat ecclesia in qua bcatus Johannes Ewangelista in conspectu beate Virginis Marie missam cclebrauit quamdiu beata Maria uixit in hoe seculo. Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. XLIX. Deinde uenies ad locum ubi apostoli elegerunt beatum .. XLVI. XL VII. XL VIU. XLIX.

a) calefaccbat D b) pr (unas quia in rcas.insmdt D a) morobatur D a) propc ad locum: ad I. p. D (onf. corr. D 2) a) beatamD

2)

D

47 {182. 125-127); Fabri 2. 267. On the Armenian Christians of Palestine see Jacobus Vitriaccnsis 79 {153-155) and Fabri 2. 352-353. Fabri (2. 93) mentions the arm of St. James. On St. George see chapters CXLIX and CLXXXIV below. 1he beheading of the Apostle James is treated in Act. 12. On Joppe (modern Jaffa) sec Grollenberg 154XLVI: C£ Philippus 3 (39); Sanutus m 14 8 (254); Poloner 239; Fabri 2. 264-265. On 'domus Cayphe ... uinctum ad Pilatum ' see Ioh. 18. 12-30; Peter's denialsare mentioned in Matth. 26. 34, Marc. 14. 30, Luc. 22. 34, Ioh. 13. 38, and clscwhere in the Bible; the passage from Mark may be found in Marc. 16. 3. On the site see Hoadc 213-216. XLVII: C£ Philippus 3 (39); Sanutus m 14 8 (2ss); Poggibonsi S4 (182. 135-136). XLVW: C£ Philippus 3 (39-40); Poggibonsi (182. 131); Fabri 2. 270-271. XLIX: C£ Philippus 3 (41); Poggibonsi 52 (133-134); Fabri 2. 273. The Biblical incident is told in Act. 1. 24-26.

so

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Mathiam in apostolum loco Iude proditoris. Et ibi est indulgencia scptcm annorum et scptem quarentenarum. L. Est eciam locus ibi ubi apostoli degerunt scptem diaconos, scilicet Stephanum Philippum Nicanorem et alios socios, ad prcdicandum uerbum Dei. Et est alius locus ibidem ubi apostoli degcrunt beatum Iacobum primum episcopum Ierosolimorum, qui pertica fullonis percussus martirio migrauit ad Christum. LI. Deinde uenies propc portas ecclesie ad oratorium beatc Virginis Marie, ubi ipsa solebat orare post ascencionem Domini ad cdos. Et ibi est indulgcncia septem annorum et septem quarentcnarum. LII. Item ex altera parte portarum O ecclesie est quidam lapis rubeus 6 qui erat pro altari super quod beatus Iohannes Ewangdista missam cdebrauit in conspectu sancte Virgin.is Marie, qui transportatus fuit de 147 r monte Syon per manus angdorum ad preces beati Thome apostoli / dee India reuertcntis. Et ibi est indulgcncia scptcm annorum et scptem quarcntcnarum. LID. Dcinde intrabis ecclesiam, et prope altare magnum ex partc australi est locus ubi Dominus Iesus cenauit cum disipulis suis et communicauit cos dicens ' Accipitc et comedite, hoe est corpus meum quod pro uobis tradetur. Hee facite in meam commemoracionem.' Et ibi est absolucio a pena et a culpa, et in eodem loco sanauit pedes dicipilorum suorum. LIV. Dcinde exibis ecclesiam et uenies ad claustrum, et ibi prope est locus ubi Dominus Iesus apparuit dicipulis suis ianuis clausis et stetit in medio eorum et ait ' Pax uobis ' et dixit Thome ' Infer digitum hue et manum tuam in latus meum et noli essc incredulus set fiddis.' Et ibi est indulgcncia septem annorum et septem quarentcnarum.

LII. a) port (arum in ras. insm,it man. inc.) D ubeus D c) de: om. D, d i,smuit D 2

b) (r in r11s. i1istn1it man. inc.)

L: Cf. Philippus 3 and 6 {41 and so); Poggibonsi SS (182. 136); Poloner 242; Fabri 2. 273-274- On the death of James sec Poggibonsi 70 {182. 160-163) 3tld sec below on LXVIl. On the elections sec Act. 6. s. LII: Cf. Philippus 3 {40). Lill: Cf. Philippus 3 (40). For the Biblical episode c£ Luc. 22. 7-19 and likewise I Cor. u. 24- On the site of the Cenacle sec Hoade 202-2u. LIV: Cf. Philippus 3 (41); Fctellus col. 1050; Iohannes Wirzburgcnsis 147. For the Biblical episode c£ lob. 20. 26-27.

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LV. Dcindc ascendes per gradus supra ecclesiam, et ibi est locus in quo apostoli post asccncionem Domini usque ad diem pcntecostes cum ieiuniis et oracionibus promissum Spiritum sanctum expcctantcs pcrmanscrunt. In die ucro pcntecostcs in specie ignis in loco illo cum sciencia omnium linguarum • Spiritum sanctum 6 ad robur reccpcrunt. ffacto autcm super illo loco de cclo repcntino sono, multitudo ludcorum confluxit, quibus bcatus Petrus propheciam lohelis exponcns, multos ad fidcm conuertit. Et ibi est absolucio a pcna et a culpa. LVI. Dcinde in cimitorio desccndcs, et ibi propc ecclcsiam ex partc boriali est quidam lapis super quem stetit Iesus et predicauit turbis. Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. LVII. Deinde intra bis subter ecclesiam, et ibi est sepulcrum Dauid regis et Salomonis filii eius, in quo mittebantur omnes reges Ierusalem, et ibi prope fecit Dauid septem psalmos. Et ibi est indulgentia septcm annorum et septem quarentenarum. LVIII. Deinde ucnies ad locum ubi calefacta fuit aqua pro lauacione pedum dicipulorum in cena Domini. LIX. Deinde uenies ad sepulcrum beati Stephani prothomartiris. Ibi post inuencionem suam positum fuit corpus eius / set modo Rome 147 Y cum beato Laurencio uno gaudet • sarcophago. Et est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. LX. In descensu autem montis Syon est locus ubi apostoli portantcs corpus beate Virginis ad sepeliendum • in ualle losaphat deposuerunt LV. a) lignarum D LIX. a) gaudent D LX. a) sepulicdum D

b) spiritum sanctum om. D (mg. D 3 utl fort. D 2)

LV: Cf. Philippus 3 (~1); Jacobus Vitriacensis 61 (104); Poggibonsi s8 (182. 14~141). For the Biblical episode c£ Act. 2. 1-42. LVII: Cf. Philippus 3 (41-42); Fctcllus col. 1os1; Poggibonsi S7 (182. 138139); Poloner 241; Fabri 2. 2si-2s4- Sec Hoade 27s-277. LVIII: Cf. Philippus 3 (41); Fetcllus col. 1049; Poloncr 243 - thesethree mention only the site where Jesus washed the feet of the apostles, an action recorded in Ioh. 13. s-6, 13. 12. LIX: Cf. Philippus 3 (42); Fetcllus col. 10s1; Fabri 2. 2s8-26o. St. Laurence is supposed to have suffered martyrdom under Valerian, and Laurcncc's remains were joined with those of St. Stephen in the time of Theodosius. For the Invention of St. Stephen see 'Lucianus,' Reuelatioseu inuentios. Stephani (PL 41 cols. 807-818). s. Williboldi20 (31-32): LX: Cf. Philippus 4 (42-43); Vito seu Hodoeporicon Poggibonsi 62 (182. 14s-146); Fabri 2. 26o. 8

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fcrctrum cius, quod audientes b Iudei qui morabantur ibi propc in uico, cucurrerunt ad locum ut rapcrent corpus cius ad comburcndum. Tune . pontifcx Iudcorum ceteris inprudencior atquc audacior misit manum ad fcretrum. Cuius manus protinus arucrunt. Tune rogauit bcatum Petrum ut pro ipso orarct et manus suas sibi restitueret. Cui beatus Petrus dixit ' Si credis bane esse matrem Christi et < uolueris baptizari, rccipies sanitatem.' Qui credidit et restitutus est pristine sanitati. Et ibi est indulgencia scptem annorum et scptcm quarcntcnarum. LXI. Dcindc uenies ad locum ubi quondam fuit ccclesia que uulgaritcr diccbatur Gallicantus, in qua fuit caua profunda in qua Petrus pcnituit quia Christum negauit et fleuit amare. LXII. Dcinde ad tria stadia ucrsus austrum est ager ille qui emptus fuit illis triginta argentcis pro quibus Dominus noster uenditus fuit, qui Ebrayce dicitur Acheldemach, hoe est ' ager sanguinis,' usque ad her dicrnum diem. LXIII. Deinde uenies ad campum sanctum in quo multociens commorabant apostoli ante passionem Christi et adhuc eorum mansiuncula • prcsentibus apparent. Et ibi est indulgencia scptcm annorum et septem quarcntenarum. LXIV. Deindc uenies ad natatoria Siloe, ubi Dominus illuminauit cecum natum a cecitate sua. LXV. Deinde uenies ad locum ibi prope ubi Ysayas propheta b) audientc D (s ss. D 2) c) et 0111. D (ss. D2) LXIII. a) m (ansiuncub in ras. insmlit D 2) D

LX.

LXI: Cf. Philippus 4 (43); Fctcllus cols. 104~1050; Emoul Cittz p. 44; Sanutus ID 14 9 (255); Poggibonsi 63 (182. 147-148); Fabri 2. 261. Fabri says ' Own stetit pulchra et magna ccclcsiahie, quae diccbatur ad Gallicantum, scd nunc est totaliter cruta, adco quod cius non apparcant ucstigia.' On the church of St. Pctcr's in Gallicantu sec Hoadc 216-217. LXII: Cf. Philippus 4 (43); St. Jerome Dt situ col. 877; Adamnan I 19 (62); Fctcllus col. 1049; Johannes Wirzburgcnsis 158; Poggibonsi 65 (182. 151); Poloncr 228; Fabri 2. 423-426. 'Achcldcmach' for 'Hakeldama' or 'Akcldama' has been retained as a common mediaeval spelling, found in Adamnan, Fctcllus, Poggibonsi, and Poloncr. For the relevant Biblical passages sec Matth. 27. 3-10 and Act. 1. 19. On the site cf. Grollcnberg 141 and Hoadc 268. LXIV: Cf. Philippus 4 (43); Fctcllus col. 1048; lohanncs Wirzburgcnsis 166-167; Poggibonsi 67 (182. 156-157). For the Biblical episodesec Joh. 9. 1-8. On the site sec Grollcnberg 162. LXV: Cf. Philippus 4 (43); Fctcllus col. 1048; Johannes Wirzburgcnsis 167; Sanutus m 14 9 (255); Fabri 2. 4,20-,p.1. The story of Isaiah's death is also told in Comcstor 4 R~. 32 (cols. 1414-1415).

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sarratus fuit sarra " lignca a Manasse rcge Ierusalcm, et ibidem sub qucrcu · Rogd 6 timulatus quiescit. LXVI. Dcindc ucnics ad fontcm bcatc Marie ubi lauit panniculos filii sui bcnedicti. Ibi modo balneant se tam Saraccni quam Christiani et a suis infirmitatibus scpius libcrantur. Et ibi est indulgcncia scptcm annorum et septem quarentenarum. LXVII. Dcindc ucnics ad locum ubi morabatur bcatus Iacobus Minor et scpultus fuit postquam precipitatus fuit de tcmplo / a Iudcis. 141 r Et ibi est indulgcncia septem annorum et septem quarcntcnarum.

DE PEREGRINACIONIBUS

MONTIS OLIVETI

LXVlll. Miliario a Jerusalem uersus orientcm est mons Oliucti, mons pinguis, mons oliuarum, mons et omni acceptione dignus. In hoe sancto et dignissimo montc Dominus sedcbat contra tcmplurn quando discipuli cius signa aduentus cius ad iudicium et consumacionis seruli ah co qucsierunt. In hoe cciarn montc frequenter cum discipulis suis ibat ad oracionem et ma:xime imminentc " passionc, ibique monstratur locus in ccdesia ubi Dominus nostcr prcscntibus discipulis suis ad cclos gloriosc ascendit, et lapis quern habuit sub pcdibus suis, in quo forma pcdum rcmansit, usque hodie apparet. Et ibi est absolucio a pcna et a culpa. LXIX. Deinde uenies ad " quandam capcllam in dicto monte in LXV.

a

:S (arra

in rtJS.inuruit D 2) D D LXIX. a) locum ""'1. D (tltl. D 1)

I.XVm. a) inucniente

b) rogel in '"'· inmuit D a

LXVI: Cf. Poggibonsi 68 (157-158); Poloncr 238; Fabri 4. 9. LXVII: Cf. Philippus s (46-47); Johannes Wirzburgcnsis 124, 167; Iac:obus Vitriaccosis 62 (108); Ernoul Cilez 39; Rothclin 151; Poggibonsi 70 (182. 160163). Another legend, sometimes fused with this legend, relates that James was killed by a fuller (see chapter L above). LXVIII: Cf. Philippus s (43-44); Adamnan I 23 (64, 66, 68); lacobus Vitriaccnsis 62 (108); Poggibonsi 73 (182. 167-170); Poloner 235. Poloner says about the footprint attributed to Jesus: ' ltur per ducentos lxxvii passus ad ecclesiam montis Oliueti, in qua est capella rotunda, habcns in circuitu extcriori 16 passus; in qua ccmitur (pedis)sinistri uestigium Christi, quod lapidi imprcssit cum ad coelos asccodebat.' For the Biblical treatment of the Ascension sec Marc. 13. 3-23; 1 Tim. 1. IS and 4. 9; Act. 1. 12. On the Mount of Olives see Grollenbcrg 158; Hoade 281-282; and cf. XVII above. l· LXIX: Cf. Philippus s (44); ItiMrarium .Antonini Plo«ntini 16 (170); Po-

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qua bcata Pelagia Antiochcna fecit pcnitcnciam et ibi scpulta est. lbi est lapis super monumcntum cius per quern nemo potest transire nee circuire nisi primo pure fuerit confcssus. Vbi dicitur quod bcata Maria Egipciaca sepulta fuit usquc ad tempos illud quo Latini ceperunt Terram Sanctam et tune • asportauerunt corpus eius ultra mare ad quoddam castrum quod uocatur Blcisis quod est in regno Francie. Et ibi est indulgcncia scptem (annorum) e et scptem quarcntcnarum. LXX. Dcindc ucnies ad locum ubi apostoli fecerunt cymbolum fidci. Et ibi est indulgencia scptem (annorum) a et scptem quarcntenarum. LXXI. Dcinde ucnies ad quandam ecdesiam in qua Dominus Iesus docuit apostolos suos orare dicens ' Sic orabitis et dicetis: " Pater noster qui es in cells ., ' etc. Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et scptem quarentenarum. LXXIl. Deindc uenies ad dcdiuulum a montis Oliueti ad duo stadia ex parte orientali ad Beth phage, que interpretatur ' do mus bucce ', ubi Dominus nostcr misit duos ex disciplis suis, scilicet Petrum et Philippum, proptcr asinam et pullum in die ramis palmarum 6 dicens ' Itc in castellum quod contra uos e est et statim inuenietis asinam alligatam et pullum cum ea.' Euntes autem illi adduxerunt asinam et pullum et eum desuper sedere fecerunt, et/ ab illo loco cum ympnis et laudebus usque lerusalem super asinam deductus et a pueris Hebriorum cum ramis palmarum honorefice susceptus est. Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et scptcm quarentenarum. LXIX. b) tune D c) annorum inserui LXX. a) annorum insm,i LXXII. a) deliculum D b) plmarum D (pr. a ss. man. irrc.)

c) uow D

loner 23.5; Fabri 2. 398-399. According to the text in the Dublin codex, the body of Mary of Egypt was removed to Blois (' Blcisis,' or more correctly 'Blesis 1 in 1099. On the Vault of St. Pelagia, who may have lived in the 4th century, sec Hoade 283. On this saint sec St. Ambrose De uirginibusm 7 (PL 16 cols. 229-230) and Acta sanctorumOct. IV (1866) .261-266. LXX: Cf. Poggibonsi 64 (182. 148-149); Fabri 2. 274. LXXI: Cf. Philippw .s (44); Fabri 2. 399-400. For the Biblical episode cf. Matth. 6. 9. LXXII: Cf. Philippw .s (4.s); Fetcllus col. 1049; lacobus Vitriaccnsis 62 (109); Poggibonsi 7.S (182. 173-174); Poloner 236; Fabri 2. 463. On the interpretation of 'Bethphage,' see St. Jerome, Liber interpr.Hebr. nom., ed. cit., 13.5 and St. Bernard, Liber ad milites Ttmpli 12 (PL 182 col. 938). The Biblical incident is recorded in Matth. 21. 1-9; Luc. 19. 29-38; Marc. 11. 1-10. On the site see Grollenberg 14.5 and Hoade 284-285.

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GUIDE

II7

Deindc ucnics ad locum in quo beata Maria recepit pal-

m.am ah angdo in signum migracionis sue de hoe seculo ad desideratam

fili sui mansionem. Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarcntenarum. LXXIV. Collateralis" montis Oliueti ex parte boriali est mons Offensionis. 6 Diuidit cos uia que ducit de ualle Iosaphath Betbaniam, et dictus mons est Offencionis co quod rex Salomon posuit in co ydolum Moloch, adorans illud, qui locus dicitur Galilea. ubi Dominus noster apparuit discipulis cum surrexisset a mortuis iuxta uerbum angeli dicentis ' Ite dicite discipulis eius et Petro quia precedet uos in Galilcam.' Ibi fuit quondam ecclesiaset per Saracenos est destructa. Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. LXXV. Deinde ucnies per decenssum " montis ad lapidem ilium super quem stetit Iesus et predicauit turbis, unde monstrauit ciuitatem Ierusalem et fleuit super illam dicens quia ' Si cognouisscs et tu quoniam uenicnt 6 dies in te quando inimici tui circumdabunt te uallo et coangustabunt te et ad terram prostement te ' etc., quod adimpletum fuit sub Tito et Vaspasianoc imperatoribus Romanorum. Et ibi est indulgencia scptem annorum et septem quarentenarum. LXXVI. Deinde ucnies ad locum ubi . beata Maria zonam suam beato Thome apostolo proiecit. Et ibi est indulgencia septem annol'Qltl et septem quarentenarum. LXXIV. a) Sollateralis D (corr. D 2) b) oft'cn (si in ras.in.struitf«t. D 2) onis D LXXV. a) deccssum D b) ucnient in ,as. inmuit D 2 c) uasposiano D

LXXIII: Cf. Poggibonsi 76 (182. 174-175); Poloncr 234; Fabri 2. 384-385. For the story sec TransitusMariae(A) 4, ed. C. Tischcndorf, Apocalypses Apocryphae (Leipzig 1866) 114-115 and TransitusMariae (B) 2, ibid. p. 125; and St. John D. Seymour, 'Irish Versions of the Transitus Mariac,' Journalof TheologicalStu-

dies23 (1921) 36. LXXIV: Cf. Philippus 7 (61-62); Fctellus col. 1049; Iohanncs Wirzburgcnsis 166; Fabri 3. 138-143. On the incident of Solomon cf. 3 Reg. 11. 7 and 4 Reg. 23. 10, 23. 13; for the quotation see Marc. 16. 7, 16. 14, Matth. 28. S, 7, 10, 16-17. On the site of the Mowit of Offence sec Grollcnbcrg 158 and Hoadc 262; on Bethany sec Grollcnberg 145 and Hoade 348-354; on the Valley ofJosaphat sec Grollcnbcrg 153 and Hoade 239-270. LXXV: Cf. Philippus S (44-45); Poloner 234. For the episode sec Luc. 19. 41-44LXXVI: Cf. Poggibonsi 79 (182. 178-179); Fabri 2. 376. T. Bcllorini and E. Hoade (translators), Fra Niccoloof Poggibonsi42 n. 3, say that the girdle of the Virgin was brought to Prato in Tuscany.

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LXXVII. Dcinde ucnies ad uillam Gethsemany, quc est sub pede montis Oliueti in ualle losaphat, ubi Dominus noster iudicaturus est uiuos et mortuos. Et ibi est locus ubi Dominus lesus captus fuit a Iudcis, ubi Iudas Scariot osculatus eum, dicens 'Aue rabi,' et ibi Iudei coram eo abierunt retrorsum et ceciderunt in terram ad uoccm Christi quando dixit ' Ego sum ' secundum Iohannem. Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. LXXVIll. Dcinde uenies ad locum ubi Dominus Iesus amilsus" a discipulis suis quantum iactus b est lapidis, orauit ad pattern dicens 'Pater, si possibile est, transeat a me calix iste, uerumtamen non mea 149 r uoluntas set tua fiat,' et in eodem loco apparuit ei / angelus de celo confortans eum et factus sudor eius tamquam gutte sanguinis decurrentis in terram. Ibi eciam est lapis quern Dominus noster cum orabat strinxit e pre tristicia passionis, ubi impressio digitorum manefeste remansit. Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. LXXIX. Deinde uenies ad locum ubi assumpto Petro et duobus filiis Zebedei cepit contristari et mestus esse dicens ' Tristis est O anima mea usque ad mortem ' et ridiens inuenit cetcros discipulos dormientes et ait illis 'Non potuistis una hora uigilare mecum. Vigilate et orate ut non intretis in temptacionem.' Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. LXXX. Deindc uenies ad ecclesiam que est in ualle losaphat, ubi LXXVIII. a) auul (sus i11 rJS. i11stmi1 D 2) D c) strnxit D (pr. i ss. man. in,.) LXXIX. a) cs D

b) iact (us

i11

ras. instruit D 2) D

LXXVIl: C( Philippus s (45-46); St. Jerome De situ col. 903; ltinerarium &,na,Ji Monachi316; Fctellus col. 1049; Comestor Evang. 141 additio I (col. 16n); Sanutus m 14 9 (2ss-266); Poggibonsi 66 (182. 152-155); Fabri 3. 158. On Christ as future judge c£ 2 Tim. 4- I and I Petr. 4. s; on the Betrayal and the first quotation cf. Matth. 26. 48-50 and Marc. 14. 44-46; for the second quotation see loh. 18. 5-6. On the site of Gethsemane see Grollenberg 150; Hoade .246-255; F. M. Abel DACL VIl 2 ( 1927) 2326-2327. On the Mount of Olives and the Valley of Josaphat see LXXIV above. LXXVIII: Cf. Philippus 5 (46); Fetellus col. 1049; Sanutus Ill 14 9 (255256). Sanutus says of the imprints attributed to Jesus: 'Et in alio latere apparct impressio digitorum eius, ac si in pasta facta fuissct, quam impressionem dicitur fecisse apprehendendo rupem cum teneretur a turbis.' For the Biblical episode see Luc. 22. 41-44; Matth. 26. 39, 26. 42; Marc. 14. JS, 36. LXXIX: C( Philippus 5 (46}; Johannes Wirzburgensis 136-137. For the Biblical episode see Matth.26. 37-41; Luc. 22. 45-46; Marc. 14. 34-38. LXXX: C£ Philippus s (46); Adamnan I 12 (56, 58}; Johannes Wirzbur-

A MBDIABVAL PILGRIMS' GUIDE

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est scpulcrum Virginis gloriose in profunclissimo (loco) 0 habentc quadraginta et octo gradus in descensu. Et ibi est absolucio a pena et culpa. LXXXI. Notandum est quod dicitur uallis Iosaphat a rege quondam Ierusalem cui nomen erat Iosaphat, eo quod ibi sepultus fuit, cuius adhuc timulus apparet artificioso O opere constructus. LXXXll. Deinde transibis torrentem Cedron ubi per multa tempora iacuit lignum Dominice Crucis, super quod Sibilia ueniens Ierusalem ad audiendum sapienciam Salomonis transire recusauit, et uenies ad locum O ubi ligatus 6 fuit beatus Stephanus quando lapidabatur e a 4 Iudeis et positis in terram genibus pro se lapidantibus orabat dicens ' Domine, ne statuas illis hoe peccatum ' etc. Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. LXXXIII. Deinde uenies ad Portas Aureas per quas intrauit Dominus Iesus dominica ramis palmarum scdens super asinam, sicut dictum est in Ewangelio. Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. LXXXIV. Deinde per iactum unius baliste est templum Domini, in quo sunt quatuor introitus et duodccim porte. LXXX. a) loco insm,i LXXXI. :i) artificio D (so ss. D 2) LXXXII. a) ad locum om. D (mg. D 2 , #d D 2 uoluil signispost recusauic hotc duo utrl,., oddnt) b) ligatiis ad locum · D (ad locum ,kl. D 1) c) lapid (abatur in ros. d) a itn1111il D 2 supro linttllfl i nsm,il D 2) D

gcnsis 168-169; Sanutus m 14 9 (256); Poggibonsi 74 (182. 171-172); Poloner 232-233. On the Tomb of the Virgin see Hoade 243-246. LXXXI: Cf. Philippus s (46); Adamnan I 18 (62}; Fctellus col. 1048; lohannes Wirzburgensis 167; Jacobus Vitriacensis 63 (109-uo); Sanutus m 14 9 (255); Poloner 237. Fetellus says' In ualle losaphat sub acuta pyramide rex idem Iosaphat iacet sepultus.' On King Josaphat see 3 Reg. 22 and 2 Par. 17-21; according to 3 Reg. 22. 51 (and similarly 2 Par. 21. 1) 'Dormiuitque losaphat cum patribus suis et sepultus est cum eis in ciuitate Dauid.' LXXXII: Cf. Philippus 6 (50-51); Fctellus col. IOSI; Iohannes Wirzburgensis 168; Jacobus Vitriacensis 63 and 64 (109-noh Sanutus m 14 9 (255); Poggibonsi 81 and 84 (181-182, 189-190); Fabri 2. 370 and 3. 91, 119, 137. For the story of the Sibyl and the Cross see Comestor 3 Reg. 25 (col. 1370) and Fabri 2. 414. For the Biblical account of St. Stephen see Act. 7, 59-00. On Cedron (Kidron) see Grollenberg 155. LXXXIII: Cf. Philippus 5 (47); Saewulf 264; Iohannes Wirzburgensis 128; Rothelin 151; Poggibonsi 85 (182. 190-192); Poloner 227; Fabri 2. 368. The Golden Gate is mentioned in the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew 3. For the Biblical episode see Matth. 21. 6-12; Luc. 19. 29-38; Ioh. 12. 12-14. On the Golden Gate see Grollenberg 151; Hoade 230-231; F. M. Abd DACL V112 (1927) 2334. LXXXIV: Cf. Philippus 6 (47). On the Temple see the discussion about LXXXV below.

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LXXXV. Templum Domini sanctum quod est in montc Morla in area Oman Iebusei a Salomone constructum inter sancta et uenerabilia a loca nullatenus 6 pretermittendum quod licet a Babiloniis primo fuerit / destructum, tamen a Romanis et aliis 6.delibus uiris rdegiosis opere rotundo decenter et magnifice in eodem loco miro et subtili artificio iterum fuit reparatum. In hoe templo est quedam rupis super quam fertur c stetisse et apparuisse Dauid angelum exterminatorem 4 qui pro~ ter pecatum dinumeracionis Israditici populi, que Dauid precipiente facta est, multa milia de populo interemit. Vnde templum Domini~ Saraceni usque hodie Rupem appellant, quod in tanta ueneracione habetur ut nullus eorum ipsum audeat • aliquibus sordibus sicut in aliis locis sanctis faciunt maculare set a remotis et longincquis regionibus a temporibus Salomonis usque ad tempora presencia ad ipsum ueniunt adorare. Quociens autem ciuitatem sanctam Ierusalem possident Saraceni, nullum Christianum templum permittunt intrare. In predicta autem rope creditur a quibusdam usque hodie archam Domini redusam co quod Iosias rex Israel imminentem I preuidens ciuitatis destructionem ipsam, in sanctuario templi indudi precepit et abscondi in hoe sancto et uenerabili loco. Cum Salomon opere consummato Domino sacrificia offerret, nebula impleuit domum et apparuit gloria Domini et ignis destendit

LXXXV. a) innumenbilia D, ~d uuk Philippum u,p. 6 (pp. 47-so) tt l11CObum V-itri.,_ cap. 62 (p. 10s) b) nullat (enus in ,as. inmuit D 2) D c) quam fenur in ,as. inmuit furt. D 2 d) (e in ,as. inmuit D 2) xterm.inatorem D c) audiat D

CtllSffll

LXXXV: C£ Philippus 6 (47-50) and 8 (69-70); Fctellus col. 1047; Iohannes Wirzburgensis 117-118, 131; lacobus Vitriacensis 62 (105-108); Sanutw m 14 9 (256-257); Fabri 2. 410 and 3. 2.21,223. 'Rupes' refers to the Dome of the Rock. According to Moslem belie£: Mohammed prayed on the rock before he went up to Heaven. As he began to ascend, the rock rose too and was stopped only by the archangel Gabriel. On the building of the Temple by Solomon sec 2 Par. 3. 1; on its destruction by the Babylonians sec 4 Reg. 25. 9; on David's census and the angel of death see 2 Reg. 24- 1-17; on the Josias episode sec 2 Par. 35. 1-3; on Solomon's dedication sec 2 Par. 7. 1-16; on the Zacharias episode sec Luc. 15. 22; on the account of Simeon see Luc. 2. 25-32; for the story of the adulteress c£ Ioh. 8. 2-11; on Jesus' treatment of the moneylenders sec Matth. 21. 12-13, Marc. II. 15-17, Ioh. 2. 14-16; on the gathering of palms sec Matth. 21. 8 and Ioh. 12. 13; for the account of Mary weaving curtains for the Temple c£ the Protoevangelium of St. James 10 and the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew 6; on the piety of the young Mary sec the Gospel of Pseudo-Matthew 6; for the Miracle of the child Mary climbing the steps of the Temple sec ibid.4. On the Temple see Grollenberg 157 and Hoade 219-226.

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de cclo et deuorauit holocausta et uictimam et m.agcstas Domini impleuit domum Domini et omnes £i1iiIsrael uidebant ignem decendentem et gloriam Domini super domum. Cum autem fl.exisgenibus, ad celum cxpansis manibus 6 orasset Salomon ut quicumque templum ingrederetur beneficia petiturus ", preces eius a Domino exauderentur, apparuit ci Dominus dicens ' Exaudiui oracionem tuam quam deprecatus es coram me. Sanctificaui domum bane quam edeficasti michi. Oculi quoque mci erunt aperti et aures mee erunt intente i ad oracionem eius qui; orauerit in loco isto. Elegi et sanctificaui locum istum michi.' In hoe templo beata Virgo Maria, donec a loseph desponsata fuit, cum aliis oirginibus (dicitur)" ministrasse templi cortinas et uestimenta sacerdotalia preparando, literas sacras addiscens, ieiuniis uigiliis et oracionibus et diuinarum scripturarum studio prudenter et humiliter uacans. Annis eciam puerilibus a parentebus ut sisterent I earn coram Domino ad templum adducta, omnes gradus quibus ascendebatur in templum per se sine ulla / difficultate dicitur ascendisse, quod in oculis omnium uisum est m.irabile et a seculo de parua infantula inauditum. In hoe templo dum sanctus ZachariasIII incensum offerret Domino, apparuit ei angelus Gabriel nuncians oracionem suam a Deo esse auditam. Item in hoe templo fuit puer Jesus presentatus, susceptus in ulnis iusti Symeonis, ubi Symeon Spiritu sancto recognouit Saluatorem suum et ait ' Nunc dimittis " seruum tuum' etc. Item in eodem templo liberauit Jesus adulteram de manibus Iudeorum, et ibidem fecit Iesus flagellum de finiculis, cepit eicere ementes et uendentes cathedras, et mensas nummilariorum euertit dicens ' Scriptum est: "Dom.us mea domus oracionis uocabitur. Vos O autem fecistis' earn speluncam latronum." ' Item prope est templum Salomonis, nee intrant Christiani propter metum Saracenorum. Item inter templum Domini et Portam Auream fuerunt arbores unde pueri tulerunt ramos quando Dominus uenit Ierusalem sedens super asinam, et ibi prope iuxta templum Salomonis in angulo ciuitatis dicitur esse cubiculum Christi, balneum Christi, et lectus genitricis eius, et ibi est sepulcrum sancti Simeonis. LXXXVI. Deinde ibis ad ecclesiam beate Anne matris Virginis LXXXV. f) inimentem D g) manibus om. D (mg. D 2) h) petitur(us in raJ. instruit D 2) D i) qui add. D (tkl. man. iru:.) j) qui om. D (ss. D 2) k) dicitur instrUi I) sisterent: / ustcrcnt D (corr. D 2) m) zacarias D (h ss. man. i,u;.) n) dimittes D o) Vo If D p) fecistis om. D (mg. D 2)

LXXXVI: C£ Philippus 6 (51); Iohanncs Wirzburgensis 163; Sanutus ill 14 10 (257); Poggibonsi 87 (182. 198-199); Fabri 2. 366.

1so r

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Marie, que est prope portam per quam itur ad uallem Iosaphat ex partc boriali, ubi est cripta in qua nata fuit Virgo Maria, que olim domus fuit Ioachim et beate Anne uxoris sue, infra quam non intrant Christiani quia Saraceni fecerunt inde musketam eorum - idem est quod • ecclesia. LXXXVII. Deinde uenies ibi prope ubi est Probatica • Piscina, ad quam descendebat angelus Domini ad tempus et mouebat aquam, et qui primus 6 ingrediebatur aquam post mocionem, sanus fiebat a quacumque detinebatur infirmitate. Et dicitur quod in c ista piscina longo tempore iacuit lignum Crucis. In ista 4 eciam piscina Dominus noster curauit paraliticum triginta et octo annis in grabato • iacentem, cui dixit ' Tolle grabatum I tuum et ambula.' Et ibi est indulgencia septem annorum et septem quarentenarum. 1sov / LXXXVIII. Deinde uenies ibi prope ad domum diuitis qui micas Lazaro negauit. LXXXIX. Deinde · uenies ad domum Anne principis sacerdotum, qui fuit socer Cayphe, ad quem primo ductus fuit lesus. XC. Deinde uenies ad domum Pilati, ubi lesus fuit flagellatus et illusus a militibus, consputus, alapis cesus, corona spinea coronatus, et ultimo morti condempnatus, et ibi est quedam uia que ducit ad templum Domini per quam ludei uenientes clamabant dicentes ' Cruc..-ifige • crucifige cum.' XCI. Deinde uenies ad domum ubi bcata Virgo Maria fuit ad scolas, et prope est domus in qua Iudei fecerunt consilium ut lcsum dolo traderent et occiderent. a) quod om. D (n. D 1 ) LXXXVII. a) (prob in ras. inseruitD 2) atica D b) primis D c) in in ras. inserwitD 2 d) ista om. D (n. D 2) e) gaboto D f) grabotum D XC. a) crucife D LXXXVI.

LXXXVII: Cf. Philippus 6 (51-52); Fctellus col. 1048; lohanncs Wirzburgcnsis 163; Sanutw m 14 10 (257); Poloncr 227; Fabri 2. 366-367. For the miracle see Ioh. 5. 2-9 and Marc. 2. 9-11. On the site see Hoadc 236-238 and F. M. Abel DACL VII2 (1927) 2327-2328. LXXXVIII: Cf. Poloncr 229. For the incident sec Luc. 16. 20-21. LXXXIX: Cf. Philippus 6 {52); Sanutw m 14 10 (257); Poloner 240; Fabri 2. 261-264. For the Biblical episode sec Ioh. 18. 12-24; Luc. 3. 2; Act. 4. 6. On the House of Annas see Hoade 200. XC: Cf. Philippus 6 (52); Fabri 2. 361-362. On the Biblical events mentioned sec Marc. 15. 12-20; Ioh. 19. 1-16; Match.27. 22-31; Luc. 23. 20-25. XCI: Cf. Philippus 6 (52); Poloncr 230; Fabri 2. 364-365.

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XCll. Deinde uenies prope ad ccclesiamque uocatur Sancta Maria Pasmason, ubi ipsa pasmauit pro dolore filii sui quando uidit illum crucem baiulantem, et eciam sunt ibi duo lapides magni et albi in arcu illo ibi prope super quos Dominus noster requieuit quando crucem portauit, et conuersus ad populum dixit ' Filie Ierusalem, nolite flere super me set super uos et filios uestros' etc. Item iuxta ecdesiam illam, ut dicitur, fuit palacium Herodis regis, et ibi prope fuit domus lude proditoris, in qua ipse cum uxore et filiis suis morabatur. XCm. Item per istam uiam que ducit ad Portam sancti Stephani, extra quam ipse fuit lapidatus, per quam uiam Iudei ducentes lesum 11 inuenerunt Simonem quendam Sireneum uenientem de uilla. Hunc autem angariauerunt ut tolleret crucem lesu, qui portauit cam usque ad montem Caluarie, ubi crucifixerunt lesum. XCIV. Deinde uenies ad Turrim Dauid, que postmodum destructa fuit set modo est ibi in codem loco per soldanum castrum reedificatum, et ibi fuit Ioseph ah Arimathia incarceratus per quadraginta quatuor annos post passionem Christi usque aduentum Tyti et Vaspasiani imperatorum Rome, et ibi est quedam porta que dicitur Porta Dauid, extra quam suspendit se Iudas ad quendam arborem sycomorum. XClll.

a) iesum om. D (mg. D

2)

XCII: C£ Philippus 6 (52-53); Sanutus ill 14 10 (257); Poloner 230-231; Fabri 2. 359. The church commonly known as Sancta Maria de Spasmo is called in Sanutus 'Sancta Maria Pamason.' For the quotation see Luc. 23. 28. On the site where Jesus said 'Filiac Icrusalem' etc. sec Hoadc 188-189; on Herod's palacesee Grollenberg 152. XCID: C£ Philippus 6 (n); Sanutus II1147 (253); Poggibonsi 84 (182. 189-190); Poloncr 226,229; Fabri 2. 358. The stoning of St. Stephen is told in Act. 7. 58-60; the episode about Simon of Cyrene is rdated in Matth. 27. 32-33, Marc. 15. 21-22, Luc. 23. 26. On St. Stephen's Gate see F. M. Abel DACL VII 2 (1927) 2345; on the place where Simon encountered Jesus sec Hoadc 184-185. XCIV: C£ Philippus 6 (53); ltinnarium Antonini Placentini21 (173); Adamnan I 16 (6o); Poggibonsi 69 (182. 158-100); Poloner 224,237; Fabri 3. 195 and 2. 421. The spelling 'Scarioth' is found, for example, in Adamnan I 17 (6o). In the Gospel of Nicodemus (version of Aeneas) 12, Joseph of Arimathca escaped prison after a very short stay. Iuuencus IV 631 (whom Adamnan I 17 [6o] follows) declares that Judas killed himselfon a fig tree (rather than on a sycamore): 'Informem rapuit ficus de uertice mortem.' The Tower of David is mentioned in Cant.+ 4; on the suicide of Judas c£ Matth. 27. 5 and H. Leclercq DACL vm I (1928) 259-264- On the Tower of David see Hoadc 198-199; on the Gate of David sec F. M. Abel DACL VII 2 (19.27) 2345.

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XCV. Deinde uenics ibi prope, ad iactum unius baliste, Cauam Leonis, ubi sepulta fuerunt xi milia martirum qui occisi fuerunt pro nomine Christi sub Cosdroe rege Persarum. XCVI. Deindc uenies ad locum ubi abcisum fuit sancte Crucis lignum, ubi edifi.cata est ecclesia pulcherrima. Qui locus distat a Ierusalem per unum miliare et uocatur Arabicc Messalibe, id est ' mater cru. , /

C1S.

XCVII. Deinde" per duo miliaria est fons iUe irriguus in quo beatus Philippus baptizauit eunicum Ethiopem reuertentem de Ierusalem. Et ibi est indulgencia scptem annorum et septem quarentcnarum. XCVIII. Deinde uenies per unum miliare ad locum ubi natus fuit Iohannes Baptista et Zacarias pater eius, et ibi est ecclesia que distat a Ierusalem per quatuor miliaria, et illuc in " montana abiit Maria cum festinacione et salutauit Elizabeth et exclamauit uoce magna Elizabeth et dixit ' Benedicta tu inter mulieres et benedictus fructus uentris tui ' et 'Vnde hoe michi ut ueniat mater Domini mei ad me? Ecce enim ut facta est uox salutacionis tue in auribus " meis, exultauit in gaudio infans in utero c meo.' Tune dixit beata Maria ' Magnificat anima mea Dom.inum ' etc. Ibique Zacarias prophetauit diccns ' Benedictus Dom.inus meus ' etc. Et ibi est indulgcncia septem annorum et septem quarcntcnarum. XCVII. a) uenics add. D (tkl. D 1) XCVIII. a) in om. D (ss. D 2) lllld.D (tkl. D l)

b) aur (i in rdS. in.struitman. inc.) bus D

c) cius

XCV: C£ Philippus 6 (53); Fetellus col. 1051; Iohanncs Wirzburgensis 166; Guillermus Tyrensis VIII 2 (747); Ernoul Citez 45; Fabri 3. 192. Fetellus explains the name of the cave: ' Ante portam Jerusalem, iuxta lacum qui rcspicit meridiem, cauea illa in qua leo quidam iussu Dei omnipotcntis martyrum fcrc duodecim millia sub Cosroe perempta una in nocte detulit.' XCVI: C£ Philippus 6 (53-54). J. H. Bernard, 23 n. 3, identifies Messalibc with The Convent of the Cross or Deir el-Musallabe. XCVII: C£ Philippus 6 (54); Poloner 253; Fabri 3. 188-189. For the Biblical episode see Act. 8. 27-38. On the site sec Hoade 338-339. XCVIII: C£ Philippus 6 (54); Fetellus col. 1051; Iohannes Wirzburgensis 181; Poloner 252; Fabri 3. 19-24- For the episode about Elizabeth and Mary sec Luc. I. 39-46; for Zacharias' prophecy see Luc. 1. 67. On Ein Karim, where John the Baptist is supposed to have been born, see Grollenberg 154 and Hoade 381-383; on the site where Mary and Elizabeth conversed sec Hoade 380-381 and 384-385.

,

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XCIX. Deinde ad Fontem Zacharie, qui fons distat ah ecclesia predicta per tractum unius baliste.

DE PEREGRINACIONIBUS

BETHLEM ET EBRON

C. Duo miliaria a Ierusalem uersus Bethlem est ecclesia ubi Hclias fecit penitentiam suam. Cl. Deinde uenies ad locum in uia ubi stella Magis iterum apparuit ut clisparuit O eis dum erant in prcsentia Herodis. CII. Deinde uenics ad cistemam ubi fratres Ioseph posuerunt cum. cm. Deinde uenics ad sepulcrum Rachel uxoris lacob, quod clistat a Via Regia per spacium unius stadii. Que defuncta fuit dum peperit Beniamin. CIV. Deindc ucnies ad agrum chicherum • lapideorum, qui clistat a Bethlem / per unum miliare. Oum enim Dominus lesus transiret, uiclit 1s1., hominem chichera 6 seminantem, quern cum Dominus interrogauit quid seminaret, respondit ' Lapides,' et ad cum ' Lapides fiant ' clixit DomiCl. a) duparucrit D CIV. a) chcherum D (dtl. D 2), ciccrum .mbscr.I> 2

b) chithcra D

XCIX: On Zacharias see Luc. 1. Title: C£ Philippus 7 (54). C: C£ Philippus 7 (54-55); Sanutus Ill 14 11 (257); Poggibonsi ' Delle chiesc quc sono oltramare' (183. 246). Cl: C£ Philippus 7 (62); Poggibonsi 94 (182. 211); Poloner 246. Also, in the Middle Ages, a well or cistern was shown to pilgrims, into which the star seen by the Magi was said to have fallen (cf. Poloncr 248). On the star of the Magi sec Matth. 2. 1-2, 2. 7-12. CII: For the Biblical episode see Gen. 37. 22-24. On this site see Hoadc 426. cm: c£ Philippus 7 (55, 57-58); Adamnan II 7 (78); Iohannes Wirzburgensis 173; Iacobus Vitriacensis 59 (100); Sanutus m 1411 (257-258}; Poloner 247; Fabri 2. 433-435. On the death and burial of Rachel see Gen. 35. 16-20. For the site see Hoade 291-292. CIV: C£ Philippus 7 (55-57). The legend is also told in Sanutus III 14 II (258) and Poggibonsi 97 (182. 214-215), and may have originated, asJ. H. Bernard (25 n. 1) suggests, to explain crystallized rocks. In the Vita Tertia s. Patricii76 (ed. Ioh. Colgan, Triadis Thaumaturgaeseu~ .. Hibmiiae sandomm insulae ada vol. 2 (Louvain 1647] 27), St. Patrick changes stones into milk and milk into stones. And still another mediaeval legend tells of sailors who protest to a beggar that they have nothing but stones, whereupon the food on their ship turns to stories (c£ J. A. Herbert, Catalogueof Romances in the Department of Manuscriptsin the British Museum vol. 3 (London 1910] 663).

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nus, et extunc chichera illa conuersa sunt in lapides et usque hodiemum diem inueniuntur ibidem chichera lapidea. CV. Deinde uenies ad ciuitatem Bethlem, que 'domus panis' interpretatur, in qua natus fuit uerus panis qui de celo dcscendit. In hac ergo ciuitate sancta et uenerabilis est ecclesia pulcherrima in honore beatc Virginis Marie constructa, in qua est capella ubi natus fuit Saluator mundi Jesus Christus. Et ibi est absolucio a pena et culpa. Et ibi est locus ubi erat presepe in quo comedebant asinus et hos, ubi et reclinauit" eum beata Virgo Maria quia non erat locus in diuersorio. Presepe cum feno in quo positus fuit infans Jesus dicitur esse Rome in ccclesia sancte Marie Maioris. In illam capellam tres reges, scilicet Melchior Balthasar et Jasper, ah Oriente uenerunt adorare £ilium Dei et obtulerunt ei aurum thus et mirram. Item in predicta ecclesia sancte Marie ex parte sinistra est locus ubi posite fuerunt umbilicus et circumsicio Domini, que dicuntur esse Rome in ecclesia sancti Iohannis Lateranensis. Item ex parte dextera est locus ·ubi sepulti fuerunt sancti Innocentes, et ibi est quoddam altare. Et ibi est absolucio a pena et culpa. CVI. Deinde uenies ad claustrum, et ibi est cripta in qua beatus Ieronimus " fecit penitenciam, et ibi composuit Bibliam et multos alios libros. CVU. Deinde uenies prope ad ecclesiam beatc Paule nobilis matrone cum £ilia sua Eustochio " uirgine, ubi ipse fecerunt penitenciam. CV. a) reclnauit D (pr. i ss. man. inc.) CVI. a) ierominus D CVII. a) eustochium D

CV: C£ Philippw 7 (54-58); ltinaarium Antonini Placentini29 (178); ltiMrariumBernardiMonachi 17 (317); Adamnan Il 2 (74); Saewulf 268; Fetcllus cols. 1046-1048; Iohannes Wirzburgensis 119, 171-172; Jacobus Vitriaccnsis 59 (100); Comestor Evang. 5 and 8 (cols. 1339, 1342); Sanutus m 14 II (258); Poggibonsi 99, 101, 100 (182. 217-220, 223-225, 231-232); Poloner 247-249; Fabri 2. 445-447, 451-453, 462. On 'vcrus panis dcscendit' c£ Ioh. 6. 32; for the Nativity and the story of the Magi see Luc. 2. 7, 2. II and Matth. 2. 1. Names were supplied to the Magi ever since the 6th century. On the Magi see H. I.edercq DACL X I (1931) 980-1007. On Bethlehem see Grollenberg 145; Hoade 293-333; H. Leclercq DACL IT1 (1925) 828-837. CVI: C£ Philippus 7 (56); lacobus Vitriacensis 59 (100); Poggibonsi ros (182. 228-230); Fabri 2. 438. St. Jerome (ea. 342-420) is chiefly noted for his Vulgate translation of the Bible. CVII: C£ Philippus 7 (57); Saewulf 268; Fetellus cols. 1046-1047; Johannes Wirzburgensis 172-173; Sanutus ID 14 II (259); Poggibonsi 105 (182. 228-230); Poloner 250. St. Jerome in Epist. 108 (PL 22 cols. 878-906) has given a desaip-

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CVIll. Deinde uenies ibi prope ad ecclesiam beati Nicholai, in qua est cripta profunda in qua est capella ubi dicitur quod beata Virgo Maria aliquando morabatur cum filio suo unigenito et dicitur quod ibi multociens promebat ubera / sua lacte repleta super rupem, unde rupis ilia fuit dealbata uelud lac, que usque hodie alba apparct. Fertur enim quod si mulier ex aliqua causa lac suum perdiderit et assumpserit modicum de petra ilia et miscuerit " cum aqua et bibit in honore beate Virginis, statim lac reuertitur. Et ibi est indulgencia septem etc. CDC. Deinde uenies ad quamdam capellam prope Bethlem ubi angelus Domini apparuit pastoribus in mane natiuitatis Domini dicens • Annuncio uobis gaudium magnum quod erit omni populo, quia natus est hodie Saluator mundi in Bethlem in ciuitate Dauid.' CX. Duodecimo miliario a Bethlem est Ebron, urbs" antiquissima, metropolis Philistinorum, habitaculum gigancium, in tribn Iuda. Ebron sita est in campo Damasceno in agro illo in quo summus Despositor " primum patrem nostrum Adam ad ymaginem suam plasmauit. In qua ciuitate est templum mire pulcritudinis, in quo est ilia spelunca duplex in qua sepulti fuerunt quatuor illi uiri reuerendi, scilicet Adam Abraham Isaac et Iacob, cum uxoribus eorum, scilicet Eua Sarra Rebecca et Lya. In illo templo non c intrant Christiani propter metum Saracenorum. Et ibi tamen est absolucio a pena et a culpa. CXI. Deinde uenies prope ciuitatem ad iactum unius baliste nbi CVUJ. a) muscucrit D CX. a) urbis D (i txp.)

o) depositor D (in dcspositor D

1)

c) non cim. D (ss. D

1)

tion of the character of Paula who lived from 347 to 404- Ewtochium lived from ea. 370 to ea. 419. On the burial places of Paula, Ewtochium, and Jerome see Hoade 309 and H. Leclcrcq DACL II 1 (1925) 835. · CVIll: C( Philippus 7 (s7); Poggibonsi 107-108 (182. 232-235); Poloner 250; Fabri 2. 449. On the Milk Grotto see Hoade 327-329. CIX: Cf. Philippw 7 (s8). For the episode see Luc. 2. 8-11. CX: C( Philippus 7 (s9-6); St. Jerome Dt situ col. 862 and Pertgrinatio s. Paulu 3S; Adamnan II 8 (78-80); Saewulf 269; Fctellus col. 1039; Johannes Wirzburgcnsis 176-177; Jacobus Vitriacensis S7 (96); Cornestor Gen. 24, 4S, S9 (cols. 1075, 1093, no6); Poggibonsi 116 (182. 249-250); Poloner 251; Fabri 3. 340-342, 352-358. On Hebron as a city of giants c£ Num. 13. 34, Ios. 15. 13, 21. II; on Hebron as a very ancient city c£ Num. 13. 23; on the creation of Adam cf. Gen. 1. 27; on the burial cave bought by Abraham cf. Gen. 23. 17; on the sepulchre of the patriarchs c£ los. 15. 13, 14. 15. On Hebron see Grollcnbcrg 152 and Hoade 343-347. OCI: Cf. Philippus 7 {6o);Fctcllus col. 1039; Comestor Gen. 25 {col. 1076); Fabri3. 346-348. On the birth of Seth sec Gen. 4. 2.5.

151 r

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est caua siue cripta in qua Adam II et uxor sua penituerunt centum annis post mortem Abel £ilii sui. Deinde monitus ah angelo cognouit uxorem suam, de qua genuit Seth, de cuius tribu natus fuit lesus Cristus filius Dei. CXII. Item iuxta Ebron est mons Mambre, ad radicem cuius est terebintus ilia que uocatur duplo uocabilo ylex et quercus, sub qua sedens Abraham uidit angdos ad se uenientes. Tres uidit et unum adorauit, et sub ilia fuisse hoe perhibetur. 11 Que licet nunc sit arida, medicinalis tamen esse probatur. Dicitur enim quod si aliquis equitans de hac / ylece super se quid tulerit, animal suum non infundetur. cxm. Deinde uenies ad locum ubi beatus Johannes Baptista fecit pcnitenciam suam. CXIV. Item in Ebron applicuerunt primi exploratores Terre Promissionis, Calcph scilicct et losua eorumque socii decem. CXV. Item in Ebron rcgnauit Dauid septem annis cum dimidio" antequam regnauit in lerusalcm. CXVI. Secundo miliari ah Ebron uersus Bethlcm est quoddam casale ubi lonas prophcta manebat postquam uenit de ciuitate Niniue, et ibi mortuus fuit et positus in monumento. CXVII. Item ex opposito montis Syon est mons in quo nunc est ecclesia sancti Cypriani. CXI. a) adam om. D (ss. D CXII. a) prohibctur D CXV. a) diuidio D

3)

CXII: Cf. Philippus 7 (60-61); ltinuarium Burdigalc:nse 25; St. Jerome De situ cols. 890 and 908; AclamnanII II (82); Fetellus col. 1040; Iohanncs Wirzburgensis 177-178; Comestor Gen. 45 additio 2 {col. 1094); Poggibonsi 117 (182. 250-252); Poloner p. 260; Fabri 3. 346. For the Biblical episode sec Gen. 18. 1-8. On Mambre and its oak sec Grollenberg 156; Hoade 340-342; H. Leclcrcq DACL X I (1931) 1347-1356, esp. 1349-1351. CXIII: C£ Philippus 8 (66); Poggibonsi n8 {182. 252-2n); Fabri 3. 49-52. For the pertinent Biblical texts sec Matth. 3. 1-4; Marc. 1. 4-6; Luc. 1. On the site sec Hoade 385-386. CXIV: Cf. Philippus 7 (61); Fetellus col. 1040; Iohanncs Wirzburgcnsis 178. Sec Num. 13. 4-23. CXV: C£ Philippus 7 (61). See 2 Reg. 2. II. CXVI: On Jonah and Nineveh cf. Ion. 3. 2-4. J. H. Bernard, 27 n. 3, identifies the site as that of the Mosque of Ncby Yunus at Halh61. CXVII: Cf. Philippus 7 (62); Poloner 246.

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BETHANYE ET FLUMINIS IORDANIS

CXVIII. Bethania, casteHum Marie et Marthe et Lazari fratris carom, quindecim stadiis distat a lerusalem ultra montem Oliueti, et ibi quondam erat domus Symonis O leprosi, in qua comedit Dominus lesus cum disciplis suis, ubi eciam Magdalena audiens quod Iesus illuc ucniret ucnit et stans retro cepit rigare lacrimis pedes eius et capillis suis tergere, ubi et audire meruit illud gloriosum et dulcc uerbum ' Remittuntur tibi peccata tua. Vade in pace.' Et ibi erat ecclesia magna set modo est destructa per Saracenos. CXIX. Ibi eciam est spclunca ilia in qua beatus Lazarus fuit scpultus quando eum Dominus a mortuis suscitauit, ubi nunc est una capclla. Et ibi est absolucio a pcna et a culpa. CXX. Deinde ad duos iactus baliste uenies ad locum ubi erat domus Marthe, ubi postmodum facta fuit ecclesia, in qua domo comedit Dominus noster cum discipulis suis quando Martha dixit ei • Domine, non est tibi cure quod soror mea reliquid me solam ministrare? Die ergo illi ut me adiuuet ' etc. CXXI. Deinde ucnies ad duos iactus unius lapidis ubi est lapis ille ad quern appodiauit se Iesus ubi Maria et Martha occurrerunt ei plangcntcs et dicentes ' Domine, si fuisscshie, frater noster non ° fuissct mortuus' etc. CXXII. Dcinde ibis recto tramite per octodecim miliaria ad flumen Iordanis. CXVIII.

a) symeonis D (c txp.J CXXI. a) non om. D (ss. D 2)

Tide: Cf. Philippw 8 (62). CXVIII: Cf. Philippus 8 (62) and 5 (4.s); Johannes Wirzburgcnsis 133; Jacobus Vitriacensis62 (109); Fabri 3. 87-88. Bethany is calleda• castcllum' in Vulg. Luc. 10. 38; on Bethany as the home of Mary, Martha, and Lazarus see Joh. n. 1 and 12. 1 ; on Bethany as fifteen stadia from Jerusalem sec lob. II. 18; on the home of Simon the Leper see Matth. 26. 6 and Marc. 14. 3 ; for the episode about Mary Magdalene see Luc. 7. 36-50. On Bethany c£ Grollcnberg 145. CXIX: C( Philippus 8 (62-63) and 5 (4.s); Adamnan I 25 (68); Poggibonsi 140 (182. 298-300); Poloncr 245. For the Biblical episode see lob. 11. 19-44 and 12. 17. On the Tomb of Lazarus see Hoade 351-352. CXX: C( Philippus 8 (63) and 5 (4.s); Poggibonsi 141 (182. 301); Fabri 3. 86. For the Biblical episode see Luc. 10. 40. CXXI: C( Philippw 8 (63) and 5 (45). For the Biblical episode see lob. II. 21, II. 31-44. CXXII: C( Philippw 8 (63). 9

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Fluuius a Iordanis, sub montibus Gelboe 6 constitutus de duobus / fontibus, scilicet Ior et Dan, qui oriuntur c ad radicem mantis Libani iuxta Cesaream Philippi, ex quibus nomen et originem ducens, in stagnum Genezaret d descendit, et inde totus egrediens per centum fcre miliaria regionem adiacentem irrigans, per uallem illustrem que uallis Salinarum dicitur in Mare Mortuum se extendit, et postea numquam apparens absorbetur in abissum. Peregrini autem et indigene corpora sua et uestimenta sua in aquis Iordanis cum magna deuocione soliti sunt abluere eo quod Redemptor noster a bcato Iohanne in flumine Iordanis baptizatus fuit. lhi aperti sunt cell, ibi Spiritus sanctus in columbe specie uisus est; ibi paterna ~ uox audita est 'Hie est filius meus dilectus, in quo michi 'complacui.' CXXIV. Naaman a Syrus in hoe flumine mundatus est a lepra sua et quasi carnem pueri recepit. Helias et Heliseus discipulus eius aquas lordanis pallio Helie percussas in duas partes diuiserunt 6 et sicco pede transierunt. Et ibi est absolucio a pena et culpa. CXXV. Deinde uenies ad unum miliare ad a quandam abathiam ad honorem beati Iohannis Baptiste edificatam, et ibi ostenditur sinistra manus eiusdem sancti Iohannis, ibique fuit abbas beatus Zozimas, et ibi compleuit uitam suam in magna penitencia. Hie autem inuenit beatam CXXIII.

153 r

CXXIII. a) Sliuius D (Ff mg. D 3) b) golle D c) omuntur D d) originem ••• dcscendit: origincm stagni genczaret (genczaret: alt. e in a mut. D 3) desccndit D, tmmdaui secundum Ntumann: uitk Phi/ippum cap. 8 (pp. 63-64) tt Iacobum Vllriacmsmr cap. 53 (p. 89) e) patera D (n ss. man. inc.) CXXIV. a) Naamay D b) diuis (erunt in ras. inmuit DZ) D CXXV. a) ad om. D (ss. D 3)

CXXIII: C£ Philippus 8 (63~4}; ItinerariumAntonini Placentini7 (163}; Adamnan II 16 and 19 (86, 88); Fetellus col. 1042; Fulcherius Camotcnsis Historia HierosolymitanaII 4 (PL 155 col. 866}; Johannes Wirzburgensis 174,185,188; Jacobus Vitriacensis 53 (89-90); Comestor Evang. 40 (col. 156o}; Sanutw ID 146 (252); Poggibonsi 147 ( 182. 309-312); Fabri 3. 44-45. For the false etymology of 'Gennesaret' see lohannes Wirzburgensis 188, lacobw Vi~censis 53 (89), Comestor loc.cit. On the baptism of Christ see Matth. 3. 13-17; Marc. 1. 9-u; Luc. 3. 21-22. On the site where Jesus was baptised sec Hoade 367. On Cacsarea Philippi see Grollenberg 146; on Gennesaret, ibid. 150; on the Valley of Salt, ibid. 161; on the Dead Sea, ibid. 147 and Hoade 358-360. CXXIV: C£ Philippus 8 (65}; Johannes Wirzburgcnsis 166; Iacobw Vitriacensis 53 (91). The healing of Naaman is related in 4 Reg. 5. 9-14 and the crossing of the Jordan by Elijah and Elisha in 4 Reg. 2. 7-8. CXXV: C£ Philippus 8 (65-&i}. The monastery, according to J. H. Bernard (29 n. 2) is that ofKwr el-Yeh0d. On Mary of Egypt see above on XXXIX.

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Mariam Egipciacam ultra Iordanem, que triginta annis et octo ibidem ah omnibus mansit incognita. CXXVI. Deinde uenies lerico, que distat a Iordane per quatuor miliaria,olim grandis ciuitas quam cepit losue dux populi Israel quando intrauit Terram Promissionis, ad cuius preces muri ciuitatis illius corruerunt. Inde fuit Raab meretrix que excepit exploratores Israel a in domum suam. Propterea salua facta est ipsa cum domo sua tota. Inde eciam fuit Zacheus princeps puplicanorum, qui Iesum 6 uenientem Iherico uidere cupiebat et non poterat pre turba. Statura pusillus erat. CXXVII. Secundo miliario a Iherico est Quarentena, mons excelsus ualde et mirabilis, in cuius medio ascensu est capella in rupe pulcherrima quam quidam Grecus inhabitat. Et ibi est absolucio a pena et culpa. CXXVIII. In isto monte Christus quadraginta diebus et quadraginta / noctibus ieiunauit a et postea esuriit; ibique eum diabolus temptauit primo de gula dicens ' Si filius Dei es, die ut lapides isti panes fiant,' secundo temptauit eum in alio monte non longe ah isto monte de auaricia quando ostendit omnia regna mundi dicens ' Hee omnia tibi dabo si cadens 6 adoraueris me,' tercio temptauit eum de uana gloria quando statuit eum supra pinnaculum templi et dixit ei ' Si filius Dei es, mitte te deorsum.' Et sub Quarentena est riuulus ille quern propheta Heliseus . de amaro c dulcem et potabilem reddidit. CXXIX. Secundo miliario a Iherico ex parte boriali orientali est CXXVI. a) isl'r D CXXVIII. a) ieiuniauit D

b) ih'm (h'm in ras.) D b) candens D (pr. n txp.)

c) amara D

CXXVI: C( Philippus 8 {66-67); Fetellus col. 1051; Johannes Wirzburgensis 175; Fabri 3. 58-59. On Joshua taking Jericho see Ios. 6. 12-21; on R.ahab sec los. 2. 1-4, 6. 17 and Hehr. II. 31; on Zachaeus see Luc. 19. 1-9. On Jericho c£ Grollenberg 153-154 and Hoade 372-379. CXXVII: C£ Philippus 8 (69); Fetellus cols. 1os1-1os2; Johannes Wirzburgensis 175; Poggibonsi 1s1 {182. 323-326); Poloner 275; Fabri 3. 68-7o. On the Mount of Quarantine sec Hoade 375-377. CXXVIll: C£ Philippus 8 (~o); Fetellus cols. 1048-1052; Iohannes Wirzburgensis 175; Comestor Evang. JS (col. 1ss6); Poloner 27s; Fabri 3. 67~8; c£ the references on CXXVII above. For the account of Jesus' temptations sec Matth. 4- 1~ and for the Elishaepisode sec 4 Reg. 2. 19-22. On the Rivulet of Elishasee Hoade 379. CXXIX: C( Philippus 8 (67); Fetellus col. 1040; Iohannes Wirzburgensis 178-179; lacobus Vitriacensis H (90); Fabri 3. 156-162. The overthrow of the pentapolis of the Dead Sea is mentioned in Gen. 20. 24-25, 20. 27-29; Deut. 29. 23; 2 Petr. 2. 6; Osee II. 8. On the pentapolis see Grollenberg IS9 and Hoade 36o. On the Dead Sea cf. the references cited on CXXIIl above.

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Lacus Aspaltis siue Aspalti.dis,qui et Mare Mortuum dicitur, et congruc dicitur Mortuum Mare quia nichil uiuum reccpit siue nutrit, ubi quatuor ille m.iserime ciuitates,· scilicet Sodoma Gomorra Saboym et Adama, • perseuerantes in turpitudine sua, 6 [a) c igne sulferio concrcmantc in lacum illum submerse sunt. CXXX. Supra Mare Mortuum est Segor, que Belcorosata didtur, quinta de ciuitatibus il1isque precibus Loth a subuercione reseruata foit, modo uero a compatriotis oppidum Palme uocata est. CXXXI. Item supra istum lacum siue Mare Mortuum in descensu Arabie est Carnaym O spelunca in monte Moabitarum, ad quam Balaam ad maledicendum populo Israel 6 adductus fuit quando asinam insedebat que ' locuta est ei. CXXXII. lstud Mare Mortuum Iudeam diuidit et Arabiam. Arabia tempore filiorum Israel solitudo erat ubi detinuit cos Deus quadraginta annis manna pluens illis ad manducandtm1. CXXXIII. Item in Arabia est uallis Moysi, in qua Moyses bis cilicem percussit" duos aque riuulos populo Dei reddentem, de quibus modo tota irrigatur patria. CXXXIV. Item in Arabia est mons Synay, in qno lex data fuit Moysy in tabilis lapideis digito Dei scriptis. In cuius uertice corpus beate Katerine uirginis angelicis manibus / collatum" fuit, de Alexandria translatum, ubi martirii palmam adepta est.

CXXIX. a) adoma D b) suo D (corr. D 2) c) a D (in ab D CXXXI. a) camoym D b) isl'r D c) quc om. D (ss. D 2) CXXXIII. a) pcrcusiit D (pr. i txp.) CXXXIV. a) collocatum co11ido,uidt Philippum cap.8 (p. 68)

2)

CXXX: C( Philippus 8 (67}; St. Jerome De situ cols. 871½)19; Fctcllus col. 1041. Philippus calls the city Belcozara, and Fetellus calls it Belzara. Segor is mentioned in Gen. 19. 23. On this city see Grollenberg 159. CXXXI: C£ Philippus 8 (67-68); Fetcllus col. 1041; Johannes Wirzburgensis 179; Poloner 277. The story of Balaam is told in Num. 22. 15-40. A city Carnaim is recorded in I Mac. 5. 26, 43, 44. On this Carnaim see Grollenberg 146. CXXXII: C£ Philippus 8 (68). For the pertinent Biblical text sec Exod. 16. 35.

CXXXIII: Cf. Philippus 8 (68}; Fetellus col. 1041; Johannes Wirzburgensis 180; Poloner 278. The Biblical incident is narrated in Num. 20. II. CXXXIV: Cf. Philippus 8 (68); Fetellus col. 1041; Johannes Wirzburgensis 179-180; Poggibonsi 223 (183. 152-153). For the Biblical episode sec Exod. 31. 18. St. Catherine is discussed below on CXLIV. On Mt. Sinai sec Grollenberg 163.

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CXXXV. Secundo miliario a Iherico est Galgala, in° qua oriunfuit Heliseus propheta discipulus Helye prophete. • CXXXVI. Item inter Iherico et lerusalem est locus ubi sedebat secus mendicans qui audiuit quod Jesus Nazarenus transiret. Clamauit dicem ' lesu, fill Dauid, miserere mei.' At Iesus dixit illi ' Respice, fides tua saluum te fecit.' CXXXVII. Item de lerusalem in Emaus sunt sexaginta stadia, ubi Christus apparuit duobus discipulis O euntibus in Emaus, quibus cum aperuisset Scripturas, dbcit ' 0 stulti et tardi corde ad credendum,' et cognouerunt eum in fractione panis. Istud castrum est iuxta Modyn ciuitatem Machabiorum et ciuitatem Gabaonitarum. CXXXVm. Deinde ibis per quadraginta miliaria ad Gazaram prope mare, unam de quinque ciuitatibus Philistinorum, cuius portas Sampson usque ad cacumen mcntis asportauit. lsta uia se extendit uersus occidentem. CXXXIX. Deinde uenies per quinque miliaria ad uillam Caromi, ibique faciunt uinum optimum, et ibi habitant Christiani cum cinctura. Eciam erat ibi unum quondam magnum hospitale sancti Iohannis de .Jerusalem, set per Saracenos modo penitus est destructum. CXL. Deinde ad sex dictas uenies ad quemdam locum ubi est dus 6

CXXXV. a) in i11 r.rs. i11struitD 1 CXXXVII. a) discil'is D

b) orundus D

c) prophetec D

CXXXV: Cf. Philippus 8 (70); Poloner 275; Fabri 3. 54-57. Galgala is associated with Elisha in 4 Reg. 2. 1 and 4. 38. On Galgala sec Grollenberg 150. CXXXVI: Cf. Fetellus col. 1052. For the Biblical episode see Luc. 18. 35-43 and Marc. 10. 46-52. CXXXVII: Cf. Philippus 8 (78); Fetellus cols. 1050-1051; Johannes Wirzburgensis 181; Jacobus Vitriacensis 63 (no); Guillermus Tyrensis VIII 1 (746); Poggibonsi 8 (182. 29--30); Fabri 2. 219. Emmaus is mentioned in Luc. 24- 13 as sixty stadia from Jerusalem. On the incident about Jesus see Luc. 24. 13-31; on Modin, home of the Maccabees, see I Mac. 2. 15, 23, 70; on the city of the Gibeonitcs cf. los. 21. 17. On Emmaus see Grollenberg 148 and Hoade 387392; on Modin see Grollenberg 157; on Gibeon, ibid. 150. CXXXVIII: Cf. Philippus 8 (70-71); Poloner 280; Fabri 3. 365, 378. Gaza and Gazara were regarded as the same city: cf. Fabri 3. 378 'Gaza ciuitas est binomia, quae et Gaza dicitur, ut communiter in Scriptura, et Gazara, 1 Maccab. 7.' For the Biblical .episode see Iud. 16. 1-3. See Grollenberg 150-159. CXXXIX: J. H. Bernard, 32 n. 4, identifies Caromus as probably Bab-ed-

Daron. CXL: Cf. Philippus 8 (71-72); Guillermus Tyrensis XX 9 (979); Sanutus Ill 14 u (260); Poggibonsi 185 (183. 78-80). The story is told in the Gospel

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quidam fons et dicitur Fons beate Marie eo quod monitus sompnis ab angelo loseph ut tolleret puerum et matrem eius et fugeret in Egiptum et dum ucnirent ad locum illum. ulterius procedere non poterat beata Virgo propter intollerabilem sitim quam paciebatur et cum non haheret quid biberet pre dolore maximo O posuit infantulum super terram. qui terram cum leuissimo ictu cum pede percussiens, protinus aqua emanauit dulcissima. Que bihit et statim confortata est. Qui fons ortos balsami irrigat usque ad hodiemum diem, et uocatur locus La Materye, et ibi sc balneant tarn Saraceni quam Christiani. CXLI. Deinde ad quinquc miliaria uenies ad illam preclaram no154 v bilissimam / et ditissimam ciuitatem uocatam La Kaer, in qua quasi principa1i ciuitate residet ille magnus soldanus, 0 rex et dominus totius Surye Egipti et Arabie, prope quam decurrit ille ffuuius qui ueniens de paradiso irrigat totam terram Egipti. CXLII. Deinde ad unum miliarium uenies ad ciuitatem illam que dicitur Babilonia, de qua fuit ille Daniel qui missus erat in lacum O leonwn. et ibi morahatur in uno loco beata Maria, in quo loco facta est modo ecclesia et uocatur Sancta Maria de la Scale. Est eciam ibi alius locus secretus in quo morabatur beata Maria et uocatur Sancta Maria de la Caua, et ibi est ecdesia pulcherrima. Ibi eciam requiessit corpus beate Barbare uirginis. CXLill. Ex opposito de La Kayer, ex alta parte Auuii, uersus occidentem sunt orrea Faraonis quondam regis Egipti, que O facta cnim foerunt consilio losep filii Iacob, qui uenditus fuit in Egipto. CXL.

a) maxima D a) solidanus D CXLII. a) lacu D CXLIII. a) que om. D (ss. D CXLI.

2)

of Pseudo-Matthew 20 and in the Arabic Gospel of the Infancy 24. The Arabic Gospel of the Infancy names the place Matarea, which is sometimes identified with ancient Heliopolis. CXLI: C£ Poggibonsi 175 {183. 6o-62}; Poloner 279. La Kaer is Cairo. 'Surya' is a mediaeval spelling for' Siria' (see e. g. Jacobus Vitriacensis 68 [125)). The Nile River was identified with Gehon, one of the four rivers of Paradise: c£ St. Jerome De situ col. 898 'Geon fluuius qui apud Aegyptios Nilus uocatur, in paradiso oriens.' Cf. likewise Gen. 2. 13 and Comestor Gen. 14 (col. 1068). CXLll: C£ Philippus 8 (73); Poggibonsi 190-192 (183. 89-92); Poloner 280. Babilonia is the name for Old Cairo. The story of Danid is told in Dan. 1. 23-27. The date and very existence of St. Barbara are in doubt. She may have been martyred in 236 or 3o6. CXLill: Cf. Poggibonsi 193 (183. 93-96). La Kayer is Cairo. For the pertinent Biblical texts see Gen. 41. 33-35, 47, 56 and 37. 27-28. ;

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CXLIV. Deinde ad ducenta miliana uenies Alexandriam, ubi martirizata fuit beata Katerina, cuius corpus per manus sanctorum angelorum portatum fuit usque montem Synay ad sepiliendum, et adhuc apparet ibi in Alexandriapalacium eius, in quo nu1lus Saracenus potest aliqualiter commorari. CXLV. Item ad duo miliaria de Alexandria uersus orientem est quedam ecclesia ubi martirizatus fuit sanctus Marcus ewangelista, qui cum quadam die missam celebraret, uenerunt increduli et miscrunt funcm in collo eius dicentes ' Traite bubalum ad loca bubali.' Cuius corpus postmodum quasi furtiuc: delatum fuit usque Venisiam, 11 ubi modo gloriose quiescit translatum. CXL VI. Deinde II ad duas dietas est ibi Damiata ciuitas, ubi bcatus leremias propheta lapidibus obrutus 6 occubuit. ' CXL Vil. Deinde ucnies ad laffam, que est communis portus Christianorum. CXL Vlll. Deinde ad decem miliaria est Rama, de qua dicitur ' Vox in Rama audita est: ploratus et ululatus multus Rachel plorans filios suos et noluit consolari quia non sunt.' CXLIX. Deinde ad unum miliarium est Lidda, ubi martirizatus fuit beatus Georgius. In ista Lidda beatus Petrus sanauit quendam claudum nomine Eneam. 11 . CXLV. a) ucnsiam D (uencciam mg. D 2) CXLVI. a) ucnies add. D (tkl. D 1) b) obrutis D CXLIX. a) claudum nomine Eneam: n. c. e. D (ord. corr. D

1)

CXLIV: C£ Philippus 8 (71); Jacobus Vitriaccnsis 56 (95); Comcstor Exod. Z9 additio (col. 1157); Poggibonsi 206,216,219,228 (183. 123-124, 141-1.µ, 145-146, 161-162); Fabri 2. 190. St. Catherine may have lived in the 3rd or 4th century. She does not seem to have been mentioned before the 10th century. Sec above on CXXXIV. CXLV: C£ Philippus 8 (71); ltintrarium BernardiMonachi6 (311); Poggibonsi 168 (183. 49-50); Fabri 4. 179, 417-419. Mark is associated with Alexandria in St. Jerome, Dt uirisillustribus8, ed. W. Herdingius (Leipzig 1879) 14. The body of St. Mark is supposed to have been removed from Alexandria to Venicc in 823. For the legend of St. Mark see Acta sanctorumApr. III (1675) 344-358 and Sept. VII (1700) 379-390. CXLVI: C( Philippus 8 (71); Comestor Toh. 3 (col. 1440); Sanutus m I 7 (106); Fabri 4. 190. Damiata was the mediaeval name for Taphnis. CXL VIII: Cf. St. Jerome De situ col. 916. For the rdevant Biblical passages sec Ier. 31. IS and Matth. 2. 18. On Rama sec Grollenberg 16o. CXLIX: C£ Philippus 8 (74); Johannes Wirzburgensis 181; Jacobus Vitriaccnsis S7 (96); Guillermus Tyrensis VII 22 (7.µ); Poggibonsi 7 (182. 28-29);

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CL. Deinde uenies ad Cesaream Palestine, de qua oriundus fuit Cornelius ccnturio, quem baptizauit bcatus Petrus. Ex ista Cesarca fuit beatus Philippus, unus de septem diaconibus sub apostolis dcctus. CLI. Deinde ucnics ad Assuram, que antequitus Antipatrida 0 dicebatur, que inter Ccsariam et Ioppem supra mare sita quondam erat. CLll. Item septimo miliari a Ccsaria est Castrum Peregrini, quod antiquitus Petra lncisa dicebatur, quondam nobilissimum castrum, in litore marls situm. Est ubi corpus beate Eufem.ie uirginis et martiris, de Calcidonia ciuitate Grecie miraculose translatum, in magna ueneracionc habctur usque in hodiemum diem. CLill. Deinde uenies ad Acram quondam ciuitatem nobilissimam, que olim Tholomayda dicebatur, per octo miliaria distans a Chaypha. Chayphas sub monte Carmeli est prima domus Carmelitarum. Item in descensu istius montis est locus ubi quondam erat domus Helie prophetc. CLIV. Tercio miliario a montc Carmeli est mons Cayrn, 0 ad /

CLI. a) antipatriaD CLIV. a) aym D

Poloner 261-262; Fabri 2. 218-219. The miracle of Peter is told in Act. 9. 32-34. St. George may have lived in the 4th century. On St. George see Aaa sandorum Apr. ill (1675) 100-163 and H. Leclercq DACL VI 1 (1924) 1021-1029. On Lydda see Grollenberg 155. See on XLV above and on CLXXXIV below. CL: Cf. Philippus 8 (74-75); Fetellus col. 1052; Iohannes Wirzburgensis 181. On Cornelius see Act. 10. 1-48 and on Philip see Act. 21. 8. On Caesarea of Palestine see Grollenberg 146. CLI: Cf. Philippus 8 (75); Poloner 262. Antipatris, named after the father of Herod, is mentioned in Act. 23. 31. On this city see Grollenberg 142. CLil: Cf. Philippus 8 (76); Sanutus m 14 2 (246); Poloner p. 269; Fabri 4- 377-378. J. H. Bernard, 34 n. 5, identifies the site as Athlit. Eupbemia may have lived in the 4th century. On this saint see Ada sanctorumSept. V (1755) 255-286 and H. Ledercq DACL V 1 (1922) 745-746. Castle Pilgrim was founded by the Templars in 1218. CLffi: Cf. Philippus 8 (76-77). Ptolemais was named after Ptolemy Philadelphus. Acco(n) and Acre were constantly confused in the Middle Ages: e. g. in ChroniconMagni Presbileri,ed. W. Wattenbach, MGH SS XVIl (1861) 518 • Aeon quae et Acris seu Ptolomayda dicitur.' Mt. Carmd was the original home of the Carmelites, who were founded ea. n54 by St. Berthold. Cbayphas is Hai.fa. Ptolemais is mentioned in I Mac. 5. 15, Act. 21. 7, and elsewhere in the Bible; Elijahis associatedwith Mt. Carmd in 3 Reg. 18. 42. On Ptolemais see Grollenberg 141,160; Hoade 512-513; S. Vailhe, Diction,iairtJ'histoirt tt de glographit tallsiastiqut l (1912) 369-375. On Mount Carmd sec Grollenberg 146 andHoade 52.1-529. CLIV: Cf. Philippus 8 (77-78); Fetdlus col. 1052; Iohannr-s Wirzburgensis

A MEDIAEVAL

cuius radicem Lamech b percmit putans ipsum ccruum • esse.

PILGRIMS'

c

GUIDF.

137

Caym cum sagitta d inter frutecta

DE PEREGRINACIONIBUS TIBERIADIS ET LOCORUM ADIACENCIUM

CLV. Ciuitas Tibcriadis a Tiberio Cesare cognominata supra mare Galilee sita est. Hane in ° iuuentute sua lesus frequentare solebat. Vnde ibidem accidit quod cum puer Iesus cum quodam Iudeo cognato suo moram traheret, iratus dictus ludeus arripiens facem ardentem post puerum lesum proiecit uolens ipsum percutere set fax muro infixa in arborem creuit immensam, que usque hodie ffores producit et fructus. CL VI. Item prope ciuitatem illam sunt balnea calidissimaperpetuo emanancia. CL VII. Item miliario a Tiberiade est Magdalum castrum, a quo Maria Magdalena nuncupatur. 0 CL VIII. Quarto miliario a Tiberiade est Bethulia O ciuitas, ex l]Ua fuit Iudith, que Olofemem b peremit. / CLIX. Mare autem Galilee est stagnum in finibus Galilee ex aquis 1ssv CLIV. b) lamcth D c) pcrcmit (t in ,as.) . D c) ccruum (cc in ,as.) D CLV. a) in om. in /in. D (ss. D 1) CL VII. a) numcupatur D CLVIII. a) bcllucida D b) olcfcmem D

d) sagitta (alt. a in ,as.) D

181; Comestor Gen. 28 (cols. 1078-1079); Poggibonsi 158 (183. 24-29). On

Lamech sec Gen. 4. 23. Title: C£ Philippus 9 (165). CLV: Cf. Philippus 9 (165-167). The Bowering staff or Bowering spear occun occasionally in folklore. There is the Bowering staff of Aaron in Num. 17, the flowering staff of Joseph of Arimathea at Glastonbury, and the spcarbccoming-tree of Romulus (Plutarch, Rom11lus20). On Tiberias see Grollenbcrg 164 and Hoade 473-477. CLVI: C( Philippus 9 (166); ItinerariumAntonini Placcntini7 (163); Poggibonsi 134 (182. 284-285); Poloner 272. CLVII: Cf. Philippus 9 (166); Fctcllus col. 1044; Iohannes Wirzburgemis 188; Poloner 271. Migdol is mentioned in Exod. 14. 2 and Num. 33. 7. On Migdol sec Grollenberg 156 and Hoade 485-487. CLVIII: C£ Philippus 9 (167); Fetcllus col. 1044; Iohannes Wirzburgcnsis 189; Sanutus ill144 (251); Poggibonsi 135 (18~.286-287). For the pertinent Biblical passages see Iudith 16. 25, 16. 28, 13. 1-10. CLIX: C£ Philippus 1 (32-33) and 9 (166-167); St. Jerome De situ cols. 885 and 888; AdamnanII 25 (95); Fetcllus cols. 1043-1044; Iohannes Wirzburgcnsis 187-188; Iacobus Vitriacensis S3 (88-89); Poloner 271. On Bcthsaidaas

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dulcissimis collcctum tt delectabile ad potandum, in longitudine et latitudine ualde spaciosum. Ju:ictaistud mare est ciuitas Petri et Andree, quam Dominus propria presencia illustrauit, que uocatur Bethsayda. Dicitur stagnum aliquando Genezaret a eo quod ' generat auram ' et uentum ualidum coligit, ex quo facta in stagno perturbacione et inualescente tempestate nauicule sepius submerglmtur. Super istud Dominus sicco pede perambulauit ubi Petro ad eum ire uolenti et mergenti [ait 'Domine, saluum me fac ' et] ait Jesus ' Modice fidei, quare dubitasti,' ubi et alia uice discipulisb periditantibus mare quietum reddidit. In sinistro autem capite maris in concauo Genezareth c est locus generans auram, quod ad.hue ah illis presentibus sentitur. CLX. Mare Galilee sumit inicium inter Bethsaydam et Capharnaum. CLXI. Quarto miliario a Bethsayda est Corasaym, in qua nutrietur Antechristus seductor orbis. De hiis duabus ciuitatibus ait Jesus ' Ve tihi Bethsayda, ue tibi Corosaym.' CLXII. Miliario quinto a Corosaym est Cedar excellentissima ciuitas, de qua scribitur in psalmo ' Habitaui cum habitantibus Cedar.' CLXIII. Chapharnaum in dextro capite maris sita est, ciuitas centurionis. In hac ciuitate multa signa fecit Jesus. CLIX.

a) gcnazaret D

b) discpulis D

the city of Andrew and Peter see Ioh.

1.

c) gcnozarcth D

44; on Jesus' visit to Bethsaida see Luc.

9. 10-u; for the incident about Peter see Matth. 14-26-33; for the story of the storm see Matth. 8. 23-.26, Luc. 8. 22-25, Marc. 4- 35-40. On Lake Gcnnesaret

and the supposed etymology of' Gcnnesaret ' see the discussion of c:xxmabove. On Capemaum see Grollenberg 146 and Hoade 497-507; on the Sea of Galilee see Grollenberg 150 and Hoade 479-482; on Bethsaida see Grollenberg 145. CLX: C£ Philippus 1 (33) and 9 (167). CLXI: C( Philippus 1 (33) and 9 (167); St. Jerome De situ col. 890; lti11erariums. Willibaldi 8 (289); Fetellw col. 1043; Iohannes Wirzburgensis 187; Poggibonsi 137 (182.292-293); Poloner 271; Fabri 3.45. For the spelling 'Corasaym ' instead of ' Corosaym ' c£ Iohannes Wirzburgensis' ' Choruain ' and Fabri's 'Chorazim.' For the pertinent Biblical passages see Matth. II. 21 and Luc. 10. 13. On Chorosin see Grollenberg 146. CLXII: C( Philippw 1 (33) and 9 (167); St. Jerome De situ col. 888; Fctellus col. 1043; Iohannes Wirzburgensis 187; Poloner 271. For the quotation see Ps. u9. _s. CLXIII: C£ Philippus 1 (33) and 9 ( 167); Fetellus col. 1043; Poloner 271. On Capernaum as the city of the centurion sec Matth. 8. .s; on the miracles see Marc. 1. 21-45 and 2. 1-12, Luc. 4- 31-41, Matth. 8. .s-17. On Capemaum see the discussion about CLIX above.

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139

CLXIV. Secundo miliario a Chapharnaum in descensu montis est locus in quo Dominus sermocinauit ad turbas et instruxit apostolos suos docens eos, in quo ,et leprosum curauit. CLXV. Miliario secundo a dcscensu illo est locus ubi lesus pauit quinque milia hominum ex quinque panibus et duobus • pissibus resutis duodccim cophinis fragmentorum. Vndc 1ocus illc Mensa uocatur, id est locus refectionis. Multa eciam miracula faciebat super hiis qui infirmitatcs uarias habuerunt. CLXVI. Prope illum locum manifestauit se lcsus discipulis post resurectioncm suam comedcns partem piscis assi et fauum mellis, secundum Iohanncm. CLXVII. In• superioribus huius Galilee (partibus) 11uiginti fuerunt ciuitatcs quas / rex Salomon dedit Yram regnum amico suo. . CLXVIII. Hee autem regio Galilee gencium in tribu tantum Zabulon • et Neptalym extitit. DE PEREGRINACIONIBUS DAMASCI ET FINIBUS EIUS

CLXIX. Arabya et Ydumea iunguntur cum confinibus Bosron. Ydumea est terra Damascy. Damascum construxit Chelieser serous ACLXV. a) duabus D CLXVII. a) Qn D (I mg. man. i11c.) 9 (p. 166) tt Fttellum col. 1044 CLXVIII. a) sabulon D (z supra s ss. D

b) partibus illmui, mpict Phi/ippum cap. 1)

CLXIV: Cf. Philippus 1 (33) and 9 (167-168); Fetellus col. 1043; Iohannc:s Winburgensis 187-188. For the rdevant Biblical passages sec: Matth. 7. 28-29 and 8. 1-3; Marc. I. 40-42; Luc. 5. 12-15. CLXV: Cf. Philippus 1 (33) and 9 (168); Adamnan 1124 (92-94); Iohannes Winburgensis 188; Sanutus III 3 14 (247). The miracle of the loaves and fishes is told in Matth. 14. 17-21, Marc. 6. 41-44, Luc. 9. 13-17; the curing of infirmities is mentioned in Matth. 14. 14. On the site of the multiplication of the loaves sec Hoade 493-494. CLXVI: Cf. Philippus 1 (33) and 9 (168); Fetellus col. 1043. The Biblical passageindicated in the Dublin text is not from John but from Luke 24. 42. CLXVII: Cf. Philippus 9 (166); Fetellus col. 1044; Johannes Wirzburgensis r88. The pertinent Biblical text is 3 Reg. 9. 11. CLXVIII: Cf. Philippus 9 (166); Fetellus col. 1044. The relevant Biblical passages are Matth. 4.13 and 4.15; Ps. 67.28; Isai 9.1. Title: Cf. Philippus 10 (169). CLXIX: Cf. Philippus 10 (169-170); Fetellus col. 1042; Iohannes Wirzburgensis 184; Comestor Gen. 68 (col. 111); Sanutus III 14 3 (248); Poggibonsi

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brahe, " ut dicunt. Quidam autem dicunt quod edificata fuit a quodam qui uocabatur Damascus in anno 6 illo in quo Caym fratrem suum Abel occidit. Damascum inhabitauit Esau, qui Seir e Edom dictus est. ' Seir ' " idem est quod 'pilosus' et 'Edom' 'rubens,' unde ab eodem terra ilia dicitur Ydumea. Et eciam pars quedam illius terre dicitur Hus, de qua fuit beatus lob, qui in temptacionibus suis constans atque perfectus inuentus fuit. CLXX. In Ydumea est mons Seir, " sub quo est Damascus. CLXXI. Miliario octauo a Damasco uia que ducit uersus Sardinayam est locus in quo Dominus lesus apparuit Saulo dicens ' Saule Saule, quid me persequiris~ Durum est tibi contra stimulum calcitrare ' " etc. CLXXII. Item in Damasco " est quedam ecclesia ubi Ananias precepto Dei in fonte baptismatis de Saulo fecit Paulum, de lupo agnum, et ibi ministrant Christiani cum cinctura. CLXXIII. Item in eadem ciuitate est quedam magna caua in qua dicitur esse thesaurum infinitum. Quod si aliquis manum apposuerit ad capiendum aliquam partem de thesauro illo, statim ebullit ignis et destruit quicquid tctigcrit, et dicitur quod quando Greci habuerunt ciuitatem illam conqucstione Constantini imperatoris, filii sancte Elene, uiderunt quod ulterius ciuitatem illam et " patriiam tenere non potuerunt propter multitudinem Sarasenorum 6 superuenientem, posuerunt thesauros suos infra cauam illam et partem nigromancie fecerunt quod thesauri illi usque ad finem mundi non possunt extrahi quoquomodo.

CLXIX.

a) abync D b) agro conido, uitk Phi/ippum cap. 10 (pp. 169-170) d) scn D a) sait D a) calcitarc D CLXXII. a) damsco D (alt. a ss. D 1) CLXXIII. a) et om. D (u. D 3) b) samenorum (sarasc: in ,as.) D

c) scn D CUCX. CLXXI.

153-158 (183. 9-10, 24-29); Poloner 256. On Eliezer (' Cheliescr' of the text) sec Gen. 15. 2; on Cain's killing of Abel sec Gen. 4- 8; on Esau, Scir, and Edom sec Gen. 25. 25; on Hus (Uz) sec Job 1. 1 and Gen. 36. 28. On Bozrah sec Grollenbcrg 146; on Edom, ibid. 148; on Uz, ibid. 146. CLXX: Cf. Philippus 10 (170); St. Jerome De situ col. 919; Fctcllw col. 1042; Iohanncs Wirzburgensis 185; Sanutus m 14 4 (250). On Mt. Scir sec Grollenbcrg 161. CLXXI: Cf. Philippus 10 (170-171); Fctcllw col. 1042; Poggibonsi 157 (183. 23-24). For the quotation sec Act. 9. 3-5, 26. 12-14. CLXXII: Cf. Philippus 10 (171); Fctcllw col. 1042; Poggibonsi 155 (11:13. 21-22). For the Biblical episode sec Act. 9. 10-18.

A MEl>lAEVAL

PILGRIMS'

GUIDE

/ CLXXIV. Decitno miliario a Damasco O est Sardinaya awtas, in qua est ycona ilia reuerentissima gloriosc Virginis Marie quc de lerusalem fuit asportata. In substanciam carncam tota ilia bcncdicta ymago ita est conuersa ut die noctcquc sacrum oleum non cesset6 cmanarc, de quo peregrini illuc peregrinantcs in paruis fiolulis uitreis undccumque rcportant. In ista eciam ciuitate non potest aliquis Saraccnus uiucrc quum ' infra annum moriatur. CLXXV. Ad O radiccm Libani uersus oricntcm oriuntur 6 duo ilia ffumina, uidelicet Abbana, ' mari magno sc copulans in finibus illis in quibus Eustachius uxorc priuatus d et filiis quasi desolatus solus rccessit, CLXXVI. Pharphar uero per Syriam tcndit Antiochiam flucns sccus muros eius. Decimo miliario ah Antiochia in portu sancti Symeonis mari sc comendat. CLXXVII. In Antiochia preciosa uirgo Margareta sub Olibrio pre-fccto glorioso martirio coronata est. In Anthiochia sedit beatus Petrus septem annis pontificali infula decoratus. CLXXVIII. Tyrus Origenem O tumulatum 6 celat. Ante Tyrum est CLXXIV. a) damsco D (alt. a ss. man. inc.) b) cessat D CLXXV. a) A D b) omuntur D c) albana D CLXXVIII. a) origincm D b) cumulatum D

c) qum D d) priuatis D

CLXXIV: Cf. Philippus 10 (171); Lts pekrinagtSpor aller en Jhmlsalem 103; Rothelin 173. The miracle is also rdatcd in B. M. manuscript Arundel 407 (13th century) f. 41 (cf. H. L. D. Ward, Catalogueof Romancesin tht Dtpartment of Manuscriptsin tht British Museum vol. 2 [London 1893) 655). Sec especially G. R.aynaud, 'Le miracle de Sardcnai,' Romania XI (1882) 519-537 and XIV (1885) 82-93 for the history of the legend. CLXXV and CLXXVI: Cf. Philippus 10 (171-172); Fctcllus col. 1042; Johannes Wirzburgcnsis 185; Guillermus Tyrcnsis IV 8 (685). The Abana is mentioned in 4 Reg. 5. IS and the Pharphar in 4 Reg. 5. 12. On the Abana sec Grollcnbcrg 140 and on the Pharphar sec· ibid. 159. St. Eustace is supposed to mve been a general under Hadrian. On this saint sec Ada S411ltorum Sept. VI (1757) 106-137. CLXXVII: Cf. Philippus 10 (172); Comestor Act. 78 (col. 1696). Margaret is said to mvc been a victim of the persecution under Dioclctian, but nothing very substantial is known about her, and her cultus became popular in the West only from the 12th century. On St. Margaret sec Acta sandorumIul. V (1727) 22-44. Possibly Gal. 2. 2 gave rise to the association of Peter with Antioch. CLXXVIII: Cf. Philippus 10 (172-173); Fctcllus col. 1041; Iohanncs Wirzburgcnsis 182; Comcstor Evang. 79 (col. 1578). Iohannes_Wirzburgcnsis (and in similar language speak Fctcllus and Comestor) relates the fate of the stone: ' Ante Tyrum lapis illc marmorcus haud modicus, super quem sedit Jesus... fractus a Francis et Vcncticis.' Origen died ea. 254 and was buried at Tyre: cf.

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L.

COLKER

lapis ille marmoreus non modicus super quern stans Icsus dixit ' Quin ymmo, bcati qui auditmt uerbum Dei ' etc. CLXXIX. Miliario octauo a Tyro uersus aquilonem super mare est Sarfen, que Sarepta Sydoniorum dicitur, in qua quondam habitauit Hdias propheta ubi £ilium uidue a mortuis suscitauit. CLXXX. Sexto miliario a Sarfen estSydon ciuitas egregia, extra cuius muros sanauit Dominus filiam mulieris a demonio uexatam quando mater puelle O dixit ad Icsum ' Eciam Domine, nam et catelli edunt de micis que de mensa dominorum suorum cadunt ' etc. De hac ciuitatc fuit Dido regina, que Cartaginem condidit in Affrica. 6 CLXXXI. Ad radicem Libani secundo miliario a Tyro est Puteus Aquarum Viuencium. ffons uero Ortorum est [a) sexto miliario a ciuitate Tripolitana ad radicem Libani uersus occidentem. Tripolis Syrie nobilissima ciuitas / multum deliciis affiuens supra mare sita. CLXXXII. Vicesimo quarto miliario a Tripoli est Antiranda ciuitas, que uulgariter Tortosa uocatur. In hac ciuitate est quedam capclla maioris ecclcsie que ah apostolis Dei Petro et Johanne fabricata fore pcrhibctur ad honorem beate Virginis Marie, que usque hodie in magna ueneracione habetur. Ibi multa prestantur beneficia per intercessionem Virginis gloriose. CLXXXIII. Sexto miliario a Sydone est Baruta opilentissima ciuiCLXXX.

a) pullc D

b) affiicam D

St. Jerome, Dt uiris illustribus 54, ed. cit. 39. The Biblical quotation is found in Luc. 11. 28. CLXXIX: C( Philippus 10 ( 173); ItinerariumAntonini Placentit1i2 ( 160); Fctcllw cols. 1041-1042; Iohannes Wirzburgcnsis I 83 ; Poloner 265-.266. Sercphtha Sidoniorum is mentioned in 3 Reg. 17. 9. For the story of Elljah'smiracle sec 3 Reg. 17. 9, 17. 17-24, and Luc. 4. 26. On Zarephath sec Grollcnbcrg 165. CLXXX: C( Philippus 10 (173);Fetellw col. 1042; Iohannes Wirzburgcnsis 188; Fabri 3. 273. For the Biblical episode sec Matth. 15. 21 and 15. 27 and Marc. 7. 24-28. CLXXXI: C£ Philippw 10 (173); Sanutw ill 14 2 (245). For 'fons (h)ortorum' c£ Cant. 4. 15. CLXXXII: C£ Philippw 10 (174); lacobus Vitriacensis 44 (77); Rothdin 174; Poloncr 268. The other name of Tortosa was commonly given as Antiardus or Antaradw. CLXXXIII: C£ Philippus 10 (174); Fctellus col. 1042; Johannes Wirzburgcnsis 183; Rothelin 174; Poggibonsi 161 (183. 33-36); Poloncr ~267. The image at Beyrout was also the subject of Pseudo-Athanasius' Senno in imagine BerytensiChristiaueifixi (PG 28 cols. 819-824).

157 r

A MEDIAEVAL PILGRIMS ' GUIDE

143

tas, in qua quedam ycona Saluatoris nostri fuit non multum post passionem

cius ad similitudinem ipsius a Iudcis crucifixa, que sanguinem produxit et aquam, unde predicti crucifixores uiso miraculo crediderunt. Quicumque autem deuocionem perfectam hahehant in ilia ycona, a quacumque infirmitate grauahantur sani reddehantur. Hee ycona postea Romam translata fuit et posita in ecclesia sancti Iohannis Lateranensis, uhi ah uniuenis Christicolis a deuotissime ueneratur. CLXXXIV. Miliario autem uno a Baruta est locus uhi sanctus Georgius uirtute sancte Crucis occidit draconem et a morte turpissima uirginem saluauit et cam patri suo regi patrie illius sanam et incolumem a restaurauit. EXPLICIUNT PEREGRINACIONES TOCIUS TERRE SANCTE S' M. R. DE M. CLXXXIII. CLXXXIV.

a) christocolis D a) incolumen D

CLXXXIV: C£ Poggibonsi 162 (183. 36--37). The slaying of the dragon seems to have been credited to St. George only from the twelfth century. On St. George sec chapters XLV and CXLIV above.

LA COLLA TIO INTER SCIPIONEM ALEXANDRUM HANIBALEM ET PYRRUM UN INEDITO DEL PETRARCA NELLA BIBLIOTECA DELLA UNIVERSITY OF PENNSYLVANIA GUIDO MARTELLOTII ENCICLOPEDIA

ITALIANA,

ROMA

Fu proprioB. L. Ullmana ~gnalareper primoI' t·sisr1·uzadi q11,·sta Collatio, attriln,ita al Petrarca,nel codiceLat. 7 della Universityof Pe1111sylvania; sicchela pubbli-

cazionedi essacomedonoauguraleall'Ullman,non ealtroi11realtache una restituzione; of Pc11nsyled t Milo sttssotempoun omaggio,allo studiosoamericano,dclla U11iversity 111mu, Libraryche, in possessodel codice,hafavorito la p11bblicazione fomendomi liberalmmtela riproduzione fotograficaJellepagi11e relative.Cl,,· sia toccatoa me ii .l?radito lo scrittocomesicura111ente petrarchesco e di C11rame la p11bblicacompitodi identi.fica,e :done, si deve soprattuttoall'a.ffinitadel testo con I' operadel Petrarcadi cui mi occupo Ja tanto tempo, ii De viris illustribus. Una prima brevenoti:zia11,·l10 data in Th,· Library Chronicle 28 (Philadelphia1962) 1oc.r114.

Per cominciare, trascrivo qui di seguito la descrizione dd codice quale !'Ullman stesso ha fomito compiendo, per 1'America, il nuovo censimento dei codici petrarcheschi: 1 Univ. Pennsylvania, Lat. 7. - L. Aretino, Laudatio Nat1is Stroze, ff. 1-1ov; Luciano, Contentiode presidentiaP. Scipionis,etc., tradotta da Giov. Aurispa,ff. 11v-1,4.r; F. Petrarca, Collatio,etc., ff. 1,4.r-19r; Pseudo Luciano, Libellusde virtuteconquerente, tradotto da Carlo Aretino, ff. 19r20r; Poggio, ComparatioP. Scipionistt C. Iulii Cesaris,ff. 20r-26v; Guarino Veroncse, lettera a Lionello d'Este e replica al Poggio, ff. 26v-45r; Poggio, An seni sit uxor ducen'4,ff. 4sv-s2r; Leonardo Giustiniani, Oratio ll nuovo censimento e stato intrapreso dalla Commissionc petrarchesca per iniziativa di G. Billanovich, e da lui e curato: la sezione riguardante gli Stati Uniti. a cura di B. L. Ullman, e ora pubblicata in Italia mediMvalee umanistica 1

5 ( 1962) 443-4 75.

GUIDO

MARTELLOTTI

infunt-re Caroli Zeno, ff. 52r-57V; Poggio, lettere a Lionello d'Este e franc. Barbaro, con la sua· Defensio contra Guarini oppugnationes, ff. 58r-78v.;

Antonio Beccadelli, Corrispondenza con Filippo Maria Sforza e Luigi Crotto, ff. 78v-83r; Ant. Loschi, Super Ciceronis orat. de lege Manilia, e Cicerone, De lege Manilia, ff. 83v-95v; Distici, £ 96v; Compilazione di leggi della Repubblica Romana, ff. 97r-1oor; Livio, XXXIV 1-8, sulla Jex Oppia, ff. 101r-105r; Ant. Cennisoni, Ricette per pillole, £ 105v. Cartaceo, italiano, circa 1475: 105 fogli 23 x 17 cm. Nota di possesso di Lancino Curzio, Milano 1484.

Vediamo subito come lo scritto del Petrarca s'inserisca qui, a piena voce, in temi di discussione caratteristici del maturo umanesimo. Il testo che lo precede immediatamente (Luciano, Contentio de presidentiaP. Scipionis,etc.} e infatti la traduzione di uno dei Dialoghi dei morti (il XII}, che ebbe in quest' epoca singolare fortuna: 1 immagina Luciano che le ombre di Annibale e di Alessandro contendano, giudice Minosse, circa il primato ncll' arte della guerra; quando i due capitani hanno terminato i relativi discorsi, intervienc Scipione a ricordare eh' egli ha vinto · Annibale e pur si considera da meno di Alessandro, sicche Minosse giudica assegnando il primo posto al Macedone, il secondo a Scipione, il terzo al Cartaginese. Tra gli scritti che seguono, hanno particolare rilievo quelli relativi al contrasto fra Poggio Bracciolini e Guarino Veronese, circa 1'eccellenza di Scipione o di Cesare: anche qui un raffronto tra capitani antichi, in cui risuonano motivi gia impliciti nelle fonti classiche, ripresi e svolti con nuovi intenti polemici. 11paragone tra Scipione e Cesare, sebbene non affrontato direttamente dal Petrarca, e presente tuttavia nella sua opera con una immediatezza che potrebbe dirsi drammatica: poiche I'ammirazione per il dittatore, fattasi piu viva durante la stesura del De gestis Cesaris,minaccio di superare e sommergere quella per Scipione, ch'era stato l'unico eroe della sua giovinezza. 2 Per cio che riguarda Alessandro ed Annibale, 1

R. Foerster, Lucian in der Renaissance(Kiel 1886) 8 segg.; in particolarc, per la trad. di G. Aurispa, cfr. Libanio, Opera recensuit R. Foerster, II (Lipsia 1922) 671-672; CarteggioJi G. Aurispa a cura di R. Sabbadini (Roma 1931) 45, 174; E. P. Goldschmidt, "The first edition of Lucian," in journal of the Warburg and Courtauld Institutes 14 (1951) 7-18, spccialm. 15-16; c cfr. I. Ruysschacrt, ibid. 16 (1953) 161-162. 2 Cfr. R. Sabbadini, Guarino Veronesee ii suo epistolario(Salerno 1885); c. per ii Petrarca, G. Martellotti, "ll Petrarca e Cesare," in A11naliJella scuolanorm. sup. Ji Pisa, ser. II, 16 (1947) 149-158.

COLLA TIO INTER SCIPIONEM ALEXANDRUM

HANIBALEM

ET PYRRUM

147

sappiamo ora che il Petrarca affrontla questione ex professo,sicche l'umanista a cui si deve la costituzionc del nostro cod.ice pote accogliere la Collatio, subito dopo la traduzione del dialogo lucianeo, come esempio di una soluzione diversa del problema: il Petrarca infatti da la preferenza ad Annibale contro Alessandro. Ma converra esaminare piu da vicino lo scritto, allo scopo soprattutto di confermame I'attribuzione al Petrarca. Si tratta di un " confronto " tra Scipione, Alessandro Magno, Annibale e Pirro: questo e infatti il significato della parola collatio, quale appare nel titolo, sia esso dovuto al Petrarca stesso, o al compilatore del cod.ice, come anche e possibile. E opportuno ricordare che il termine collatioe presente con diverso significato nel titolo di un altro scritto del Petrarca, il discorso per l'incoronazione, che nel cod.ice Magliabechiano Classe IX, N. 133 e cosi presentato: "Collatio edita per clarissimum poetam Franciscum Petrarcam florentinum Rome in Capitolio ternpore laureationis sue." 1 La parola e usata qui in un' accezione, che si sviluppa soprattutto in ambienti cristiani da quella di " incontro, colloquio, discussione." 2 In questo senso essa appare abbastanza frequentemente anche in titoli, qua1i per es. la Collatio cum Maximino, il Breviculus collationiscum Donatistis di s. Agostino e, sopra tutte famose, le· Collationesdi Cassiano. Nei monasteri e nellc 1

Cfr. A. Horris, Scritti ineditidi F. Petrarca(Trieste 1874) 311 segg. Al Petrarca c attribuita in alcuni codici anche un'altra collatio,tenuta in realta da Benintendi Ravignani al re d'Ungheria nella legazione del 1357; tra questi c ii ms. IV Fol. 61 della Biblioteca Universitaria di Breslavia, da cui C. E. Ch. Schneider ha tratto la sua edizione del De viris illustribusper le vite che precedono quella di Cesare (Breslavia 1829-1834), e che e desaitto in D. Rossetti, Petrarca,Giulio Celsoe ii Bocau:do(Trieste 1828) 112 seg. Nello stesso codice la parola collatioappare invece col significato di " confronto " nel titolo di due brevi scritti anonimi, che si ritrovano anche nel codice 117. Cpl. (453 b]. 76. della Biblioteca di Schligl:

Collatiobabiloniciet romaniimperiie Collatioromaniimperiiad carthaginense et macedonicum.Si tratta in realta di excerptada Orosio (Adv. Pag. 2. 2. 4-5; 2. 9-10; 3. 1-3; 7. 2. 9-13), relativi a coincideJ12e aonologiche nella storia dei quattro imperi. 2 Cfr. per es. Aug., De civ. Dei 8. 1: "De theologia quippe, quam naturalem vocant, non cum quibuslibet hominibus ... sed cum philosophis est habenda collatio "; ii carattcre di " discussione ainichevole, " nella quale ciascuno porta (confert)ii suo contributo, risulta meglio da una frase dell'Ambrosiaster (In II Tim. 2. 15): "collatio inter Dei servos esse debet, non altercatio."

GUIDO

MARTELLOTTI

universita ebbe poi il significato di "sermone " o "conferenza," come esercizio spirituale o scolastico, 1 non accompagnato neccssariamente da colloquio o contraddittorio. Nel testo che ora noi esaminiamo il termine va inteso invece, come si e detto, nel significato meno specifico di "paragone, confronto," corrispondente a quello del greco auyxptat-7-42 La prosa tlel Duecento,ed. C. Segre & M. Marti (La letteraturaitalianaStoria e testi 3 [Milano c Napoli 19591) XX.

14

" DIR PIU NON OSA IL NOSTRO

AMOR "

ERNEST H. WILKINS NEWTON

CENTRE.MASSACHUSJITI'S

The second capitoloof Petrarch' s Triumph of Death consists of an accowit of an appearance of Laura to Petrarch on the night following her death, and of a conversation devoted mainly to the question as to whether Laura had ever felt love for Petrarch, within honorable limits. She says that she had indeed fdt such love, but had refrained, for Petrarch' s sake, from giving him any manifestation of it. The situation is of course imaginary; but it may well be that the capitoloreveals a wishful wondering in which Petrarch may often have indulged. After her first statement Petrarch, still wiconvinced, renews his questioning; and she reproaches him for not accepting what she has said. This portion of their conversation culminates in these lines (r48-r50), spoken by Laura: Ma non si ruppe almen ogni vcl, quando, soli, i tuo' detti, te presente, accolsi, "dir piu non osa il nostro amor " cantando? 1

While the situation as a whole is imaginary, the specific character of this tercet seems to indicate that it reflects a real episode. Mestica, without any manuscript authority, reads sola instead of soli, and comments thus: Le parole Dir ec. . .. le credo di una canzonetta popolare o piuttosto

di una poesia del Petrarca stesso, da Laura imparata a mente. 2 Quoted from Ezio Cbiorboli's ed. of the Rimt spar~ t i Trionfi(Bari 1930) Cbiorboli's pwictuation is purely editorial. 2 Quoted from Giovanni Mestica's ed. of Lt rimt (Florence 11196) 601. See Carl Appel's critical ed. of the Triumphs (Halle 1901) 307. 1

341.

ER>IEST

212

H.

WILKINS

Moschetti has the correct reading soli, but comments as if the reading were sofa: Essendo sola con te, essendo io e tu soli . . . Ricevetti le tue proteste d'amore ... L., presa un po' alla sprovvista, accolse le proteste d'amore del p. senza rispondere direttamente, ma. . . canticchiando una canzone del tempo ... la quale hen si addiceva al sentimento di lei. 1

Calcaterra also has soli, but comments as if it were sola: Quando, sola, ricevetti dalla tua stessa bocca (te presente} le tue parole d'amore ... cantando una canzone di quel tempo. 2

Neri has soli, and comments thus: quand'io, alla tua presenza, accolsi, feci miei, i tuoi soli detti... , le tue stesse rime, cantando ... ; secondo tale interpretazione, le parole ' dir piu non osa ii nostro amor ' dovevano appartenere ad una perduta poesia del Petrarca. 3

I agree with Neri in thinking that the soli modifies detti. If the soli had meant "you and I being alone together,•~ the soli plus the te presentewould have meant " you and I being alone together and you being present," which would be absurdly redundant: the te presente,indeed, clearly implies that other persons were present on the same occasion. The soli immediately precedes i tuo' detti, and is most naturally to be taken as relating to these words. It cannot fairly be forced into so full a meaning as " you and I being alone together." If it had that meaning, it would have no grammatical structure: the verb accolsiis in the first person singular. That the detti refers to poems of Petrarch there can hardly be any doubt. He uses the same word in this sense in several of the poems of the Canzoniere. The only cases in the Canzoniere in which the word detti does not refer to poems of Petrarch occur in No. 155, line 10, and No. 302, line 13: in each of these cases the detti refers to words spoken, or supposed to have been spoken, by Laura. There are two other cases of the use of detti in the Triumphs: in the third capitoloof the Triumph of Fame, line 82, it re1

Quoted from Andrea Moschetti's edition of II Canzonieree i Trionfi (Milan 1908) 502. 2 Quoted from Carlo Calcaterra's ed. of the Trion.fi(Turin 1927) 107-108. 3 Quoted from Ferdinando Neri's ed. of the Trion.fiin Petrarch's Rime, Trion.fi e poesielatine, ed. by Neri and others (Milan and Naples 1951) 529.

" DIR PIU NON OSA IL NOSTRO AMOR "

213

fers to writings of Heraclitus; and in the Triumph of Eternity, line 100, it refers to words spoken by a mysterious voice. Accoglierein Petrarch almost always means simply " gather "; but there are two cases in the Catzzoniere(No. 117, line 9, and No. 366, line 137) in which it means "receive," with an overtone of acceptance, and there is one case (No. 152, line s) in which it means definitely " accept." 1 The situation indicated in line 149 seems then to reflect or to suggest an occasion on which, several persons being present, Laura accepted poems offered to her by Petrarch. The soli could mean either that she accepted Petrarch's poems but none offered to her by anyone else, or that she accepted his poems but no other gift from him. In any case, as proof of her feeling for Petrarch, she represents herself as singing a song containing (not necessarily beginning with) the words "Dir piu non osa il nostro amor." It is very unlikely that the words of this song had been written by Petrarch. It is almost impossible that he should have written a poem regarding his love that would have implied, as the word nostro does imply, that his love was returned. Furthermore, if the words " Dir piu non osa il nostro amor " represent a complete line of the poem, it is to be noted that that line is of eight syllables, the eighth being a stressed syllable; and there is no evidence that Petrarch ever wrote a line of that type. It is almost impossible, also, that Laura should have sung a song that she could have thought might give to anyone present the idea that she did return Petrarch's love: the theme of love is of course the normal lyric theme. It is however quite possible that Petrarch may have cherished wishful thoughts based on the nostro. Mestica's " una canzonetta popolare " and Moschetti's " w1a ·canzone del tempo," which is repeated by Calcaterra, assume that there existed in Provence in the Fourteenth Century a type of popular song that is modem rather than mediaeval. (The song that Laura sang cannot possibly have been a folk.song.) It is quite possible that Petrarch is here giving an Italian equivalent for a line from a Proven~al song, a line which in that case 1

In No. 238, line 11, in an account of a festal occasion, it means that the guest of honor " drew " Laura to himself.

ERNEST H.

214

WILKINS

would have read something like "Dir plus non auza nostr'amor." Poems consisting entirely or largely of lines of eight syllables were very common in Proven~ poetry: Frank lists about 300 Proven~ poems consisting entirely of lines of eight syllables,and many others in which lines of eight syllables are mingled with lines of others lengths. 1 The question as to whether Laura was of Proven~ or Italian birth is not relevant to the present inquiry: in either case she may have been bilingual. and even if she was not conversationally bilingual she may have been able to sing in either one of the two languages. 2 I ' ...-.' t

IstvanFrank.Rlpertoiremltriquetk la pol.sietks troubadours(Paris 1953).

2

For references to discussions of Laura's identity see Natalino Sapcgno, n Treanto,5th printing (Milan1948) 267, and Calcaterra, .. n Petrarca e ii pctrarchismo," in the cooperative Questionie correntidi storiaktteraria(= Problem;ed

orimtllfflffllicritid di linguae di letteraturaitaliana,ed. by Attilio Momigliano)Vol. 3 (Milan 1949) 221-225.

UNA NUOVA LETIERA DI LOMBARDO DELLA SETA E LA PRIMA FORTUNA DELLE OPERE DEL PETRARCA GIUSEPPE BILLANOVICH UNIVEllSITA. CATTOUCA DBL S, CUORE, MILANO

ELISABE1H PELLEGRIN 1

INSTITUT DE RECHERCHEET D HISTOIRE DES TEXTES, PARIS

" La vita ,1 fin, e 'l dl loda la sera.,, Al termine della sua grande

giomata il Petrarca pote godere wi tramonto sereno: tra Padova e il ritiro campestre di Arqua, vigilato affettuosamente dalla figlia Francesca .e dal genero Francescuolo da Brossano ed aiutato dal giovane amico Lombardo della Seta. Quando poi egli scomparve nel luglio del 1374, questi rimasero custodi amorosi della sua memoria e del blocco enorme delle opere che egli lascio. Lombardo fu Wl letterato di forza mediocrissima.1 Ma gi.ova seguire con cura le sue tracce per ritrovame Wlita qualcwia del suo genialissimopatrono. Per esempio e sfuggi.to a tutti quanti attesero a ricomporre la biografia e gli studi del Petrarca che, quasi wi secolo dopo che il Petrarca era morto ad Arqua, il condottiero ed erudito veneziano e amico caldo del Filelfo e di Guarino, Giacomo Antonio Marcello, stabilito allora subito sotto quel colle, nella sua villa di Monselice, pote ritrovare una carta della Terra Santa disegnata dall,ultimo discepolo di quel grande che compose I'ltinerariumde lanua ad Terram Sanctam e che, specialmente divulgando i geografi latini minori, Pomponio Mela e Vibio Sequestre, ridiede interesse e dignita agli studi geografici. 2 ll Marcello ne invio copia il 1° marzo 1457 al buon re di Provenza Renato d' Angi.o. 1

Egli ha ottcnuto 6nora solo una presentazionc provincialc: G. Ferrante, "Lombardo dellaSeta umanista padovano (? - 1390), "Atti d. 1st. Vmtto 93 (193334) P. Il 445-87. 3 Billanovich, " Dall' antica Ravenna alle bibliotechc umanistichc, " Uni-

216

GIUSEPPE BILLANOVICH - ELISABETH PELLEGRIN

Mitto etiam Sacrati.wmarum Terrarum descriptionem et eiw quac Promissionis 1 dicitur, uno diplomate contentam. Cui etiam complicavi binas descriptiones: quarum superior extenditur wque ad magnificam civitatem Alep, posterior vero wque ad Sanctam Catherinam et ultra, descriptas ah vetwtissimo exemplari, quod equidem optimum plurimorum iudicio fuisscpercepimus. Saepe ac diu cogitavi hasne descriptiones Maiestati Vestrae mitterem. Nolebamw errare: quod ipsarum exemplum penes Maiestatem V estram esse coniciebamw. Cum vero ancipiti sententia diu distractw essem, statui denique infrascriptas mittere. Quod si etiam apud Maiestatem Vestram fuerunt, illis non derogabunt. Sin minw, hae certe gratissimae erunt, cum ad propositas descriptiones non parum attineant, et eo maxime quia diploma Sacratissimarum Terrarum id ipsum est quod quidam clarissimw vir, nomine Lombardus, propria manu descripsit, ut ex ipsius diplomatis litteris maiuscQ!ispercipi potest. Qui Lombardw excellentissimi poetae Francisci Petrarchae socius fuit; et pro certo hie apud nos habetur id opus fuisse commune, cum non longe hinc in amoenissima eorum villa pariter litterarium otium consumerent. Valeat, ut opto, felicissima Regia Vestra Maiestas. Ex Montesilice, 2 prima Martii MCCCCLVII. 3

II censimento che e in corso di tutti i manoscritti con open: del Petrarca ci restituisce inaspettatamente un documento ancora piu utile: una lettera in cui Lombardo della Seta espose ad un altro fedele del Petrarca in quali condizioni furono ritrovate nell' armadio del poeta le sue opere e come se ne appresto l'edizione. II Petrarca scopri presso la cattedrale di Verona meta dell' cpistolario di Cicerone, e su questo modello formo e divulgo tra gli amici e tra i successori le sue lettere mirabili, chiudendone in fin~ le migliori nelle due raccolte delle Familiaric delle Senili ; e cosl insegno fortemente ai suoi discepoli a curare la lettera come un' opera d'arte. Anche Lombardo scrisse questa sua lettcra, rivolta al tema versita de/ Sacro Cuore, Annuario per gli anni accademici1955-57 (Milano 1958) 71-107 - prima redazionc in Aevum 30 (1956) 319-53 -. 1 Promissionis, agg. d'altra mano ncl ms. 2 Montesilicac, ms. 3 Par. lat. 17542, f. 1v. Cfr. H. Martin, " Sur un portrait de Jacqucs-AntoinL" s. VI, 9 (1900) 264-66; Marcello," Memoiresde la Soc. Nat. des antiquairesde Fra11ce, e Claudii PtolomaeiGeographiaecodex UrbinasGraecus82 phototypice depicttlS...•

Tomus Prodromus, J. Fischer, De Cl. Ptolomaeivita . .. , Pars Prior,"''Conunentatio (Lugduni Batavorum-Lipsiae 1932) (Codices e Vaticanis selecti, XVIIII) 180, c anche 181-82, 213, 290-301, 547.

UNA NUOV A LETTERA DI LOMBARDO

DELLA SETA

2 17

piu solenne che a lui la vita concesse, con 1'occhio fisso ai posteri. Naturalmente componendola egli ricordo i tanti compianti o le tante consolatorie che il suo maestro aveva dettato: non la breve Senile XI 10, che il Petrarca gli aveva diretto per consolarlo quando mod suo padre, ma per esempio la pomposa FamiliareXV 14, che il Petrarca formo per la morte del suo caro protettore, il vescovo padovano Ildebrandino Conti, e che intesto al clero di Padova. Cosi in quella Familiare "solamen nostrum, decus nostrum " e "presulum decus exirnium nostri evi " (§ 1 e 5)- con l' eco da Verg. Aen. 6. 546: " I, decus, i, nostrum "; e da Georg.2. 40: " o decus, o famae merito pars maxima nostrae "-; e in questa lettera "nostrum ingens oblectamentum ac honestissime vite decus "; nella Familiare "habuissem spatii plus ad fructum conversationis angelice " (§ 33) e in questa lettera " ilia iocundissima vatis nostri conversatio "; nella Familiare"damnum •.. irreparabile " (§ 37) e in questa lettera " irrecuperabile damnum." Lombardo si limito ad apporrc l'indicazione del giorno e del mese, 20 novembre; non preciso con quella, hen piu utile, dell'anno. E purtroppo nella tradizione e caduto l'indirizzo. Vogliamo cercare d'intendere quando la lettera fu scritta ed a chi fu destinata? Lombardo sviluppo qui con tanta solennid. il rimpianto del grande morto, che il lettore remoto puo giudicare che egli debba avere stesa questa lettera quando il suo maestro era appena scomparso: che percio valga la data 20 novembre 1374 o al massimo 1375. Invece sicuramente Lombardo scrisse la lettera parecchio piu tardi. Appena il Petrarca mod, i familiari e gli amid s'impegnarono ad onorare il corpo che aveva ospitato l'anima che essi giudicavano fosse stata in quella generazione la piu nobile della cristianid.; ed a curare e a diffondere 1'edizione di tanti scritti che a loro erano rimasti. Ora la lettera di Lombardo, nella sua seconda meta, ci racconta puntualmente come essi fecero fronte a questi impegni. ll semplice ed affettuoso genero del poeta, Francescuolo, subito aveva scritto al Boccaccio che avrebbe eretto un sepolcro al grande suocero. " Superaddis . . . te . . . illi erecturum in memoriam sempiternam sepulcrum speciosum atque magnificum. " 1 Infatti, presa come modello la tomba che tutti a Padova ritenevano, da tre generazioni, del mitico fondatore Antenore, Francescuolo sta elevando 1

G. Boccaccio, Opere latinc 111i11ori, ed. A. F. Massera (Bari 1928} 223.

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il sepolcro tra la chiesa e la casa di Arqua quando Lombardo scrive la sua lettera. " Arquade ipsius Petrarche exstruitur sepulcrum, admodum, ut decet, pulcerrimum: Franciscoli labor et honos." Mentre un po' piu tardi l'altro testimonio padovano, Pier Paolo Vergerio, furira di descrivere il monutnento costruito per opera di Francescuolo: " Arquade ... , opera . . . Franciscoli generi sui, ingenti marmore ossa clausa sunt." 1 · Purtroppo Lombardo non nomina i libri della biblioteca meravigliosa che il Petrarca aveva lasciato. Ma ormai noi crediamo di sapere con sicurezza sufficienteche la parte maggiore di essi passo al signore di Padova Francesco ii Vecchio da Carrara; e che solo una parte molto minore, un gruppetto di testi doppi, rimase a Francescuolo ed ai suoi figlioli. Invece Lombardo ci assicura che, come avevamo previsto, restarono presso Francescuolo gli originali delle opere del Petrarca. Ed egli Ii enumera e Ii illustra a questo suo corrispondente ed ai posteri: Rerum familiarium e Rerum senilium. cioe la prima sezione dell'epistolario, con trecento quaranta lettere, e la seconda, che I'autore arrivo a furire subito prima che lo raggiungesse la morte, con cento e cinquanta 2 ; De remediis,De vit.asolitaria, Epistole metrice, BucolicumCarmen, Invective, De ignorantiasua et aliorum, Sine nomine, Liber rerum vulgarium- evidentemente i Rerum vulgariumfragment.a-. Questa prima serie Lombardo riteneva che fosse gia tutta nota al suo corrispondente. Quindi egli prosegue elencando le opere che ii poeta non aveva diffuso o aveva lasciato incompiute: De otio religioso,De secretoconjlictucurarum suarum, De gestis Cesarise De gestis Sdpionis Maioris, cioe le due biografie che per la mole e per l'importanza a questo segretario del Petrarca sembravano staccarsi dalle altre del De viris,3 De viris illustribus - " quern plus parte dimidia expleta imperfectum reliquit " -, Triumphi - " quos cum quatuor esse disposuisset, unum perfecit, quern te vidisse puto " -. Naturalmente in questo elenco lungo e frastagliato Lombardo omette molte opere minori: cosi i Psalmi penitentialese I'Itinerarium;e persino una molto corposa, i Rerum memorandarum. 1

A. Solerti, Le Vite Ji Dante, Petrarme Bo««do (Milano 1904) 297. Ma in realta le Familiarisono 350, e le Senili, compresa la finale Postnilati, sono 128! 3 F. Petrarca, IA Vita Ji Sdpionel' Afrit4no,a cura di G. Martellotti (MilanoNapoli 1954). 2

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Aperto l' armadio del poeta Lombardo vi aveva trovato questa doppia fila di opere: quelle finite e approvate; e quelle lasciate sospese e imperfette. -Mentre egli si affannava a pensare come avrebbe ordinato e diffuso questi testi, gli giunse qualche richiesta fortemente autorevole, che dovette soddisfare presto. Le domande piu urgenti vennero dalla citta che si preparava velocemente a diventare I'Atene della nuova Europa: Firenze. Gia il cadente Boccaccio, '' semivivus et anxius," quando apprese che il grande amico era morto, subito si era informato dell' Africa e dei Triumphi.1 E Francescuolo, rinnovandogli il privilegio che a questo massimo amico aveva elargito talora lo stesso Petrarca, cioe la fomitura di una copia provvisoria da tenere riservatissima, gli aveva promesso d'inviargli una trascrizione del poema che da molti anni provocava i sospiri di desiderio degli ammiratori e quelli di amarezza del poeta, l'Africa. Mail Boccaccio morl pochi mesi dopo, nel 1375; e i diritti alla sua successione sembrarono passare al cancelliere potentissimo di Firenze e guida dei nuovi letterati, Coluccio Salutati. n Salutati indirizzava a Lombardo della Seta, il 25 gennaio 1376, una lettera e un carme con i quali lo esortava a pubblicare rapidamente l'Africa. Questo carme fu trascritto in fine ad un esemplare delle Metriche del Petrarca. Per fortuna da questo esemplare, prima che scomparisse, le Metricheed anche il carme furono ricopiati due volte nella cancelleria milanese: nel Parigino lat. 8123, dal tedesco Ermanno; crediamo, come parecchi altri. libri, per il cancelliere Pasquino Capelli; e, con occhio e mano molto phi distratti, dal cortigiano visconteo Giovanni Boni d' Arerz.o nel suo Trivulziano 1014. 2

1

Optrt latint minori 222-27. Finora si era identificato il carme solo nd Parigino; e dill lo si pubblico: Salutati, Epistolario,ed. Novati, I 231-41. Invece non lo si era riconosciuto nel 2

Trivulziano: E. Carrara, "Giovanni L. De Bonis d'Arezzo e le sue opere inedite, " Arch. st. Lombardo25 (1898) 261-349; Francesco Petrarcat la Lombardia(Milano 190-4-)315-16; E. Bianchi, "Le • Epistole Metriche' del Petrarca," Ann. d. R. Sc. Nomt. Sup. di Pisa,Lett., st., fil., s. ll, 9 (1940) 251-66. Al titolo dd Parigino "Metta Collutii Pyerii ad Petrarcham incitatoria ad Africe editionem " il Trivulziano oppone " De prolactione Affrice." Alcune varianti ddlo scorretto Trivulziano sono csscoziali Cosl: "Et licet hoe toto feralis tempore bdli Tam mare quam tcllus latiali sanguine pinguis Undarit(vadarit, ed. Novati), toriens Peno fungente Latinos" (234 5·'); e: "Quoque tua aluitur Florenria, nobilis Amus (annis, ed. Novari) " (238 3).

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Ma il gruppo padovano rispondeva al Salutati, con un carme di maestro Anastasio da Ravenna, che prima di diffonderla era necessario sanare l'Africa con una lenta revisione.. 1 Finalmente dopo un anno, al principio del 1377, Lombardo della Seta fornl al Salutati una copia, pero con.fidenziale,dell'Afri&il.2 Invece allora nessuno tra i padovani possedeva tanta forza e tanta autorita da apprestare 1'edizione del poema: che infatti ancor giaceva abbandonato quando Lombardo scriveva questa sua lettera. " Affrica sic imperfecta quiescit ut eam auctor ipse deseruit: ingens opus, ut scis, credo. Quam corrigendam ac diligenter intuendam deliberatione quorumdam eruditorum amicorum nuperrime diffinitum est; sed cui nedum decretum. At eam corrigi procurabo, ut unici vatis laurea totum per orbem volitet ac per ora docta virum." Poi Lombardo scomparve, senza avere potuto far correre l'Africa tra le mani dei lettori. Solo nel lontano 1397 il nuovo, vigoroso capo della consorteria petrarchesca padovana, il maestro illustre di diritto canonico Francesco Zabarella, per allora arciprete nella cattedrale padovana, ma poi vescovo di Firenze e quindi cardinale, riuscira a far divulgare dal suo fraterno Pier Paolo Vergerio l' edizione ufficiale dell'Africa.3 Intanto nel 1378 era salito a Padova, da Firenze, il fraucescano fra Tedaldo dal Mugello, o Tedaldo della Casa; e ll si era affaticato eroicamente a copiarsi una serie vasta di opere del Petrarca; direttamente dagli originali, con la risoluzione intelligente di ripcterli in tutto: anche nelle lacune e nelle incertezze, nelle varianti o nelle note a margine. Tomato a Firenze, Tedaldo poteva annunciare che finalmente Lombardo cominciava ad apprestare i primi testi dell'edizione compiuta e solenne che vagheggiava. Lombardo era proceduto tanto piu lentamente perche anzi tutto si era dovuto applicare prima a terminare, e poi a pubblicare, l'opera che il Petrarca aveva dedicato al signore di Padova, e percio anche signore di Lombardo e di Francescuolo, Francesco il Vecchio da Carrara, e che gli era rimasta sospesa: il De viris illustribus;nelle due redazioni -parallele, la piu estesa Epithoma e il piu breve Compendium.U 13 luglio 1379 Coluccio Salutati scriveva a Lombardo: 1 2 3

Salutati, EpistolarioIV 278-84. Billanovich, Petrarcaletterato,I. Lo scrittoiodel Petrarca{Roma 1946) 36o. Lo scrittoiodel Petrarca363.

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Video quod librum De viris illustribus in papyro facies exemplari, sicut scribis; sed per religiosum virum fratrem Tedaldum de ordine minorum michi relatum fuit te in hoe mutasse consilium. De quo, si scriptorem babes qui possit in pergameno conscribere, longe magis contentor, ne ex nova exemplatione dolo, mendaciis et inconstantie fraudibus scriptorum, quorum mores, quid dixi mores?, imo vitia te novisse reor, quasi mancipium dedar. Si igitur in una potes transcriptione me expedire, ne ex altera pendeam, te totis affectibus rogo, et, si non impossibile fuerit, ut adicia~ur eiusdem viri gratum opusculum Rerum memorabilium et hortor et peto. lllo tamen priori me participem omnino facias. 1

lnfatti Lombardo finiva di riscrivere egli stesso per Francesco il Vecchio il 25 gennaio 1379 I' Epithoma del De viris nel Parigino lat. 6o69F: e poco dopo faceva copiare quest'opera per il Salutati nel Vaticano Ott. lat. 1833, che fu finito il 15 novembre 1380; e poi, il 9 dicembre 1380, terminava di trascrivere ii Compendium nel Parigino lat. 6o69G. In fine all' Epithoma Lombardo si congedo dal Carrarese: " Vive diu felix et vale "; proprio come qui dal1'amico: " Vale diu felix." E concluse ii Compendium: " Cum hoe opusculum intentus hactenus scripsisset, ipse vates celeberrimus Petrarca obiit rediturusad astra"; proprio come scrisse in questa sua lettera: " Liber rerum senilium ... , quern paulo ante quam rediret ad astra ipse auctor expleverat." " Rure habito " scrisse Lombardo nella lettera che ora ritroviamo - esattamente come il suo Petrarca nella FamiliareXI 10, 8 -; "Rure, III Kai. Martii MCCCLIV " egli aveva datato una sua lettera al Petrarca; 2 ancora " Rure " egli sottoscrisse a una sua opericciola che e rimasta sconosciuta e che uno di noi due spera di rendere nota presto. Cosi con " MCCCLXXX die VIIII Decembris, Rure " suggello questa sua copia del Compendium: cio che anche in questo caso significhera, non nella casa del Petrarca ad Arqua, come sempre si e inteso, ma nella abitazione che Lombardo possedette nella campagna di Sarmeola; dove per esempio una volta Francesco il Vecchio mando a ritrovarlo il suo cancelliere Giovanni Conversini. 3 Come provvide Lombardo a diffondere le opere del Petrarca: compiute e incompiute, definitivamente approvate o ancora imper1 2

Salutati, Epistolario,ed. Novati, I 330-31. Ferrante, Lombardodella Stta . .. 487.

3

R. Sabbadini, Giovanni Ja Ravenna...

.s6 e 189.

(Torino 1961 -

Como 1924)

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fette? Censendo e giudicando la tradizione dei Rerum memorandarum,per costruime l'edizione nazionale, si era visto che vi si opponevano due famiglie: la copia di Tedaldo, e i codici poi trascritti su di essa, contro un folto gruppo opposto. Ed era sembrato che questo gruppo discendesse da un testo fissato e divulgato da Lombardo; che degli scritti del Petrarca avrebbe inteso di diffonderc non delle semplici copie, ma un'edizione: facendo eseguire anzi tutto una trascrizione su carta, alla quale egli avrebbe procurato di dare I'aspetto di testo liquido e definitivo, attraverso operazioni arrischiate: scartando le varianti, colmando le lacune, normalizzando, cioe involgarendo, le lezioni difiicili.1 Con una fortuna che sorride raramente alle deduzioni filologiche, ora la nuova lettera di Lombardo conferma queste spiegazioni. Ed anzi ci narra esplicitamente come si svolse questo lavoro, quanto duro e chi lo rese possibile sostenendone le spese. La grande fatica di copiare su carta i tanti volumi degli scritti del Petrarca duro per due anni. L'opera fu sollecitata e la spesa enorme, per il materiale e molto piu per la mano d' opera, fu sostenuta, non, come forse avremmo supposto, dal signore di Padova, ma da uno dei suoi piu energici cortigiani: Checco da Lion. Infatti Lombardo prima annuncia al suo corrispondente, in accordo perfetto col suo dialogo col Salutati che finora udivamo mozzo - " Video quod librum De viris illustribus in papyro facies exemplari . . . Si scriptorem habes qui possit in pergameno conscribere, longe magis contentor ... " -, e che ora invece risulta chiarito pienamente: " De copia dictorum librorum habenda tibi ad presens nullo modo consulere scio, cum hie scriptorum ingens inopia sit. Exemplaria in papiro cursim transcripta parata sunt, si scriptores adessent "; e subito aggiunge: " Chechus de Leone hec omnia volumina diligenter scribi fecit et biennio, non sine maxima impensa scriptorumque tedio, ad exitum venire studuit operi instando. " Nessuna di queste prime copie e riemersa. Ma si capisce facilmente come questi testi, poveri e provvisori, siano scomparsi. Checco da Lion? Finora Checco da Lion era noto solo, tra i pochi iniziati alla vecchia storia padovana, come uno dei piu efficaci strumenti nell' amministrazione egoistica e nelle difese affan-

1

F. Petrarca, Rerum memorandanun libri(Firenze 1945): specialmente XI-XVI.

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nose dell'ultima signoria carrarese. 1 Mai lo si era visto accostarsi al Petrarca; ne mettere le mani tra i libri. Checco da Lion si era fatto amico del Petrarca dentro la corte carrarese e negli altri circoli di Padova; ma anche probabilmente ad Arqua. Gia ii 3 marzo 13so, appena un anno dopo che ii Petrarca si era legato con Padova diventando canonico padovano, " Petrus campsor quondam ser Andree a Ferro de contrata Sancte Lucie de Padua " aveva venduto per 225 lire di denari piccoli a Francesco, detto Checco, del fu ser Pietro da Lion, della stessa contrada, " peciam unam terre camporum quatuor vel circha vinearum sclavarum et garganicharum cum olivariis et aliisarboribus fructiferis, cum tribus domibus, una quarum est cupata cum spondis de muro et .alie sunt paleate, positam in Arquada Paduani districtus in contrata que dicitur Caltellus vel Costa nuda; cui coheret a parte superiori via comunis, ah alia parte Prosdocimus quondam ser Antonii a Lignamine, ah alia parte Ubertus a Sale et ah alia parte via consortiva et ah alia parte Alba, £ilia quondam ser Rolandi Xassi de Arquada." 2 Ma dunque ii Checco dal quale ii Petrarca, come annoto nel suo diario di orticultura, ricevette in dono due volte nel 1369, prima nella primavera e poi anche nell'invemo, degli alberi che ii servizievole Lombardo della Seta provvide a piantargli nel giardino di Arqua - "quas donavit nobis Checcus noster," " eiusdem Chechi donum " 3 -, e davvero, come sempre si_e inteso, suo genero, ii milanese Francescuolo da Brossano, che ii Petrarca, ii Boccaccio, Lombardo in questa sua lettera e ogni loro amico o ogni notaio chiamarono normalmente Francescuolo, raramente Francesco, ma mai Checco? 4 0 e invece Checco da Lion? E chi e ii " dompnus Friderighinus de Turre," che contemporaneamente, ii 3 dicembre, dono al Petrarca un alloro?

~~.,.... 1

Galeazzo e Bartolomeo Gatari, CronacaCanarese,ed. A. Medm e G. Tolomei, RIS, XVIl 1 (1931), 723 e B. Bresciani, "I conti di Lion e la quadreria di funiglia nel castello di Sanguinetto, " Atti e man. d. A« .. .. di Verona,s. VI, 10 (19s8-19s9) 313-26; ecc. 2 Padova, Arch. di Stato, PergameneObizzi-Neg,i, mazzo XIX: documento inclicatocida Paolo Sambin. 3 P. de Nolhac, Pltrarqueet l'humanisme,IT (Paris 1907 2) 267; M. Vattasso, I codicipetrarcheschi della BibliotecaVaticana(Roma 1908} 234. 4 P. es. Th. E. Mommsen, Petrarch's testament(Ithaca, N. Y. 1957) 86 e 90; e Boccaccio, Opere latine minori 179-81.

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ll 18 settembre 1362 Francesco Petrarca, Checco da Lion e Manno Donati - che incontreremo ancora dentro queste compagnie - parteciparono insieme all'udienza che il signore di Padova concesse presso al suo palazzo a un inviato del doge di Venezia: " presentibus nobilibus et sapientibus viris dominis Francisco Petrarca, ... Mano Donati milite ... et Checho a Leone. " 1 La famiglia di Francescuolo da Brossano e di Francesca Petrarca fu rallegrata da molte nascite, ma anche percossa da perdite continue. Venne presto la loro primogenita Eletta: che con le sue grazie di fanciullina fece a Venezia lacrimare ii Boccaccio nel 1367, ricordandogli una sua figliolina morta. 2 E gia nel gennaio-febbraio 1366 era nato, a Venezia, il loro secondogenito Franceschino.3 Ma purtroppo questi morl poco dopo, nel 1368, a Pavia, tra ii pianto dei genitori e del nonno. Quando Lombardo scrisse la sua lettera, vedeva in casa dell'amico Francescuolo un altro piccolo: con ii quale, a ricordo del morticino e del nonno, e degli stessi due genitori, era stato fatto rivivere il nome di Francesco; e lui solo. " Franciscus parvus peroptime valet: ydoneus infanset in ore avi similis et unicorn patris solamen. ,, Con " unicum patris solamen ,, Lombardo sembra riecheggiare i compianti del nonno per la morte del primo Francesco: " Solatium vite ingens, •• " unicum michi vite ... ac perdulce solatium,, (Senili, X 4 e XI 3). Dunque - non ne eravamo ancora sicuri - questo nuovo Francesco fu piu anziano del fratello Silvano, che, destinato agli studi e alla vita clericale, probabilmente per incitamento dello Zabarella, ricevette adolescente la tonsura nel 1397: 4 perche ne Silvano, ne il minore Gerardo erano ancora nati quando Lombardo scriveva. Naturalmente Lombardo riguardava, secondo l'uso, solo a questo maschio, e non calcolava Eletta, che pure crebbe e visse fino al matrimonio; ne, anche se allora fossero gia nate, alcuna delle sorelle minori: Caterina, Ca1

A. Gloria, " Documenti inediti intomo a Francesco Petrarca e Albertino Mussato," Atti d. R. 1st. Venetodi sc. e Jett., s. V, 6 (1879) 36; I Libri Commtmoriali della Repubblicadi Venezia, Regesti, m (Venezia 1883) (Monumenti stor. pubblicati clalla R. Dep. Veneta di st. patria, IX, s. I, Documenti, vm) 8 n° 21. 2 Boccaccio, Opere latine minori 179-82. 3 E. H. Wilkins, Petrarch'slater years (Cambridge, Mass. 1959) 93. 4 Sambin, " Nuove notizie su eredi e discendenti del Petrarca, " Atti d. 1st. Ve11eto,Cl. di sc. mor. e lett. no (1951-52) 261 e 266.

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milla, Cecilia. 1 La madre di tutti questi figlioli, Francesca di Francesco Petrarca, morl di parto nell'agosto 1384: come dice la lapide della sua tomba nella chiesa di San Francesco a Treviso. Ma a chi Lombardo rivolse tante confidenze? La lettera fu indirizzata a un "singnlarissimus atque optimus vir," "frater amantissimus." Cioe essa sembra essere stata rivolta dal laico Lombardo ad un altro laico; non ad un chierico, ne, meno ancora, ad un frate o ad un monaco. il destinatario era stato per parecchi anni vicino al Petrarca; era amico carissimo di Lombardo: "ex (amicis) unus es michi carior "; e anche conosceva Francescuolo e il suo piccolo Francesco, e il padovano Checco da Lion. Cioe egli era padovano; o almeno era vissuto a lungo a Padova. Pero quando Lombardo gli scrisse questa lettera, era passato altrove. Chi e dunque? Puo subito balenarci che sia il grande scienziato Giovanni Dondi dall'Orologio: amico e medico del Petrarca; corrispondente del Petrarca: che gli rivolse la Senile XII I, alla quale egli rispose con la sua " Debui, nee ignoro," salve felicemente l'una e l'altra negli autografi, 2 le Senili XII 2 e XIII .5, alla quale il Dondi replico con la lettera "Zilius noster," e il Petrarca rispose con la XIII 6; e imitatore del Petrarca: nell'epistolarietto, nel gruppo dei sonetti, nel diario archeologico dell'andata e ritorno tra Padova e Roma, conservati in un solo blocco nel Marciano lat. XIV 223. 3 Nel suo mirabile testamento il Petrarca ricordo degnamente 1'amico medico: " Predicti autem mei amici de parvitate huiusmodi legatorum non me accusent, sed fortunam, siquid est fortuna. Propter hunc respectum distuliad ultimum quern primum esse decuit, magistrum Iohannem de Horologio physicum. Cui lego quin1

Sambin, " Libri del Petrarca presso suoi discendenti, " Italia medioevalee umanistica1 (1958) 359-69. 2 Padova, Biblioteca del Seminario, ms. CCCL VIl (Nel VI centenario delta 11ascila di Francesco Petrarca• .• [Padova 1904]: con ii facsimile completo della Senile). U lungo autografo di un'altra opera del Dondi e stato appena riprodotto in facsimile: G. Dondi Dall'Orologio, Tractatusastrarii,BibliotecaCapitolaredi Padova, Cod.D. 39, ... a cura di A. Barzon, E. Morpurgo ... (Citta del Vaticano 1900) (Codicesex ecclesiasticisItaliae bibliothecis selectiphototypice expressi, IX). 3

La sczione romana dd diario

e stampata

in R. Valentini e G. Zucchetti,

Codla topografico dellacittadi Roma, IV (Roma 1953) (1st. stor. per ii M. E., Fonti per la storia d'Italia 91) 65-73. Sivlia Albricci c Edda Laura Figini stanno pre-

parandol'edizione dcll'epistolario e del diario. 15

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quaginta ducatos auri pro emendo sibi unum parvulum anulum digito gestandum in memoriam mei." 1 Giovanni Dondi era a Padova quando il Petrarca mod ncl 1374; e ne descrisse la morte al suo collega, anch'egli professorc di medicina nell'Universita di Padova, Giovanni dell'Aquila. Veramente un annotatore informatissimo, e ancora ignoto, delle opere del Petrarca nel manoscritto 9476-94 78 della Biblioteca Reale di Bruxelles si lagnava che ii Petrarca fosse morto, e morto malamente di morte improvvisa, proprio perche non aveva dato ascolto ai consigli di maestro Giovanni Dondi dall'Orologio e del suo collega e corrispondente Guglielmo da Ravenna. Auctor in tantum medicos et medicinam sprevit in libris quos composuit et etiam in effectu, quod, ut ait magister Guillielmus de Ravenna, qui moratur Venetiis, qui erat valde amicus ipsius auctoris, ipse paciebatur aliquando subeciam 2 et tanquam mortuus pluribus horis videbatur dormire; et idem magister cum magistro Iohanne de Orologio remedia tante et tarn periculose egritudini voluerunt exibere, sed ipse illos delludens nunquam curavit ipsos audirc, et ita in suo studio Arquade mortuus est ex dicto morbo, sanabilli tamen, tanquam bestia sine ecclesiasticis sacramentis, quod nullus vidit ipsum morientem. 3

Ma poi Giovanni Dondi passo da Padova a Pavia, come medico di Giangaleazzo Visconti; e presto divento professore nello Studio di Pavia. 4 Di la, come vedremo, egli carteggio con Lombardo della Seta. Invecc il fratello primogenito di Giovanni, Gabriele, visse tra Chioggia e Venezia; anch' egli fu medico, e insicme lettcrato, come ci mostrano alcune lettere sue o a lui dirette - tra cui una che, ancora da Padova, gli scrisse suo fratello Giovanni che per fortuna Donato Albanzani, pare, raccolse nel prezioso Vaticano lat. 5223. 5 Dunque da Pavia, appoggiandosi sulla laguna a suo fratello Gabriele - " memoriali fratris Gabrielis " -, chc quindi ora vediamo lui pure in dialogo con Lombardo, Giovanni Dondi chiese a Lombardo notizie delle opere del Petrarca e della 1

Mommsen, Petrarch'stestament84; e anchc 33-35. Non troviamo per ora altri csempi di 'subecia' (= dcliquiol}. 3 Postilla a Fam. rer., XXI 10, 19, "medicos coactus arccsso " (£ 164r}. 4 R. Maiocchi, Codicediplomaticodell'Universitadi Pavia, I (Pavia 1905) 6o n°. 103; Sabbadini, Giovanni da Ravenna. •• 56. 5 L. Lazzarini, Paolo de Bernardo... (Gcneve 1930) specialmente I11-13. 2

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loro diffusione. E Lombardo gli rispose con questa lettera. Giovanni Dondi si trasferl a Pavia nel 1379-80 e Gabriele Dondi morl nel 1383: percio questa corrispondenza tra Giovanni e Lombardo corse tra il 1380 e il 1383, probabilmente nel 1380 o 1381; proprio come la prima fortuna delle opere del Petrarca e le nascite e le morti in casa di Francescuolo gia sembravano indicarci. 1 Chi e il "fratrem Ber(nardum)," o "Bernardum," ricordato in fine della lettera? Sara un religioso: fra Bernardo? 0 dobbiamo immaginare qui un errore per " fratrem Benedictum ": poiche Giovanni Dondi ebbe pure un fratello di nome Benedetto, non Bernardo; il quale si tenne cosi vicino Pellegrino della Seta, figlio di Lombardo, che lo uso come testimonio per il suo testamento il 22 novembre 1399?2 Questo corrispondente di Lombardo fu uno dei lettori piu precoci e piu amorosi delle opere del Petrarca. Infatti Lombardo riteneva che egli conoscesse una grande parte degli scritti del Petrarca: " Hee omnia volumina tibi nota esse scio "; rimpiangeva di non disporre di copisti che fomissero a quest'amico copia dellc altre opere: " De copia dictorum librorum habenda tibi ad presens nullo modo consulere scio, cum hie scriptorum ingens inopia sit "; sapeva che questo suo corrispondente aveva ottenuto per primo una copia del De remediis,e ora discuteva con lui e con Francescuolo per uno scambio di questo esemplare: " ... Liber de remediis utriusque fortune: huius copiam primus habuisti, de cuius commutatione cum Franciscolo locutus fui, qui ad nomen tui hylaritate perfusus ad hoe obticuit et sic suspensus nil aliud respondit; cui tune ulterius instare honestum michi haud visum est, quod pro tempore l"ediceredisposui." Certamente Giovanni Dondi conobbe presto e bene le opere del Petrarca: accanto ai suoi scritti campeggia nel Marciano lat. XIV 223 un gruppo di sonetti dei Rerum vulgarium fragmenta; nell'inventario dei suoi libri erano compresi un' opera non specificata del Petrarca, in un codice cartaceo, e ii De vita solitaria, che Lombardo citava pure come nota al suo interlocutore: 1

Ma se la lettera e del 1380-1383, o 1380-81, perche Lombardo non cita al Dondi i complementi chc egli aveva appena apprcstato per il De viris, all' Epithoma (2s genn. 1379) e al Compendium(9 die. 1380)? 2 Padova, Archivio di Stato, Archivio Corona, Pergamena CCCC:X:XXVIIl 10152.

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" Item in · wio volum.ine in papiro liber domini Francisci Petrarche," " Item domini Francisci Petrarce de vita solitaria "; 1 e studio e cito il De remediise anche altre opere del Petrarca non elencate in quell'inventario: dove del resto non appaiono altri libri che egli ricordo frequentemente e di sicuro possedette, p. es. Seneca, Ad Lucilium. Egli anche conobbe_ e uso vari libri della biblioteca del Petrarca; certo alcuni tra i piu preziosi o i piu rari: il mirabile Virgilio Ambrosiano, il Vitruvio scoperto e corretto dal Petrarca, un codice con le egloghe di Virgilio e il BucolicumCarmen del Petrarca, probabilmente Plinio, Naturalis· Historia.2 Una catena di affetti e di affari lego le persone e le famiglie che qui si presentano. In wia riunione del 1355 Giovanni Dondi sedette tra i maestri dell'Universita padovana presso Enrichetto da Lion, " doctor parisiensis." 3 . Ad Arqua la proprieta del Petrarca confinava con una dei Dondi. 4 ll 3 luglio 1403, per ii prezzo di 14 ducati d' oro al campo, Pellegrino di Lombardo della Seta vendette a Daniele da Santa Sofia, figlio del grande maestro universitario Marsilio e genero di Francescuolo da Brossano, 153 campi e 20 tavole posti nel contado di Sarmeola. 5 Lombardo della Seta scrisse, da Padova a Pavia, almeno wi'altra lettera a Giovanni Dondi: che non e ancora riemersa, o piuttosto che e andata perduta; e questi gli indirizzo wia risposta, e ce la trasmise nel suo epistolarietto. Proprio allora, giwigendo da Padova a Pavia, reco pure notizie di Lombardo al Dondi il loro amico " dominus Bonifacius ": cioe certamente Bonifacio Lupi di Soragna. Cum dudum, amice, sentire de te condicionibusque tuis per certitudinem aliquid cupcrem, contigit proximis dicbus hue accessissc nobilcm

1

V. Lazzarini, " I libri, gli argenti, le vcsti di Giovanni Dondi dall'Orologio," Boll. d. Museo Civico di Padova,n. s., I (1935) 27 n°. 81; c 30 n°. 132. 2 L. A. Ciapponi, " ll De architectura di Vitruvio nel primo Umancsimo," Itali4 medioevalee umanistica3 (1900) 6o, 88-93, 99; Billanovich ... , "Scuola di retorica e pocsia bucolica nel Trccento italiano," Italia medioevalee umanistiu 4 (1961) 215-16.

D ondi ... , ~ .. ... 7. l ractatusastrani Wilkins, Petrarch'slateryears 186. 5 Padova, Archivio di Stato, Archivio Corona,Pcrgamena CCCCXXXVIll 10156. Vcdi anche: Sambin, Libri del Petrarca.. . 359, 361, 363~4; e V. Bcllcmo, ]acopoe Giovanni Dondi dall'Orologio ... {Chioggia 1894) 23. 3

4

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militem tui meique 1 communiter amatorem, dominum videlicet Bonifaci.um; quocum habito inter cetera sermone de te, auditisque de tuis rebus maiore in parte que maxime cupiebam, aliquantisper ex tune sitis illa lenita est. At quoniam tu nuper verum tui indicem et proprium cirographum transmisisti, ut, quo uno modo poteras, absens te presentem meis sensibusobiectares, longe amplius lenitam iam mediocriter, ut dixeram, cupidinem animi satiasti.

U Dondi continuava promettendo il suo appoggio per un loro conoscente, che gia aveva ottenuto un beneficio ecclesiastico a Verona. 2 . Giovanni Dondi, Lombardo della Seta, Bonifacio Lupi: un triangolo di amici congiunti dalla comune vocazione intellettuale; e insieme dalle aspirazioni politiche e dagli interessi politici: perch~ nella Padova che sussultava sotto gli schianti nello sfuciarsi della signoria Carrarese Giovanni Dondi, Lombardo della Seta e Bonifacio Lupi furono uniti, prima dalla diffidenza,poi dall' odio, per i vecchi signori e dalla fiducia nell'astro nuovo, Giangaleazzo Visconti. Bonifacio Lupi di Rolando, marchese di Soragna, esiliato da Parma trovo fortuna a Firenze ed a Padova, come abile uomo di guerra e diplomatico sottile: per esempio nel 1372 fu inviato da Francesco da Carrara ambasciatore al re d'Ungheria, insieme con Checco da Lion, per ringraziare questo re dei buoni uffici pr~ stati nella pace appena conclusa con Venezia. Ed elargi opere di pieta, di carita e d'arte alle due citta che l'avevano accolto. A Firenze istitul I'ospedale che fu detto di S. Giovanni Battista in via S. Gallo o - a memoria del fondatore - di Bonifacio. A Padova costrul, e orno con le sculture di Andriolo Santi e le pitture di Altichieri da Zevio, le migliori che allora I'arte veneta poteva offrire, la cappella nella basilica ·del Santo che intitolo a S. Giacomo, ma che poi fu chiamata di S. Felice: e che accolse la tomba sua, di sua moglie, di alcuni suoi familiari Lupi e parenti Rossi; e, con pari attenzione, compl I'oratorio di S. Giorgio, fondato di fianco alla basilica dal fratello Raimondo. 3 Egli fu vicino al Petrarca. 4 Ed 1

tuique mei, ms.

Anche questa lettera del Doncli ~ contenuta nd Marciano lat. XIV 223. B. Gonzati, La basilicadi S. Antoniodi Pmlova•. ., I (Padova 1852) 37-40, oma172-82, e Il (1853} 42-44, 78-80, 93-94; M. Savonarola, Libtllustie magnificis mentisrtgie civitatisPatlut,ed. A. Segarim, RIS, XXIV IS (1902) 13, 32-33, 44 n. 2. 4 Wilkins, "Petrarch and Giacomo de' Rossi", Speculum25 (1950) 374-78. 2

3

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GIUSEPPE BILLANOVICH - ELISABETH PELLEGRIN

ancor piu si tenne vicino Lombardo della Seta: che aveva casa e bottega - bottega per il traffico della seta: donde derivo il cognome alla famiglia - nella parrocchia di S. Andrea, contigua alla parrocchia di S. Fermo dove si trovava il palazzo del marchese Bonifacio. n 12 febbraio 1372 Lombardo, delegato del marchese, starui, scrivendoli di suo pugno, i patti con maestro Andriolo Santi per la costruzione della cappella di S. Giacomo: 1 avendo ai suoi fianchi come testimoni suo fratello Domenico, che poi continuo fino alla sua morte, nel 1382, a sovrintendere a questa fabbrica, e un altro intrinseco di casa Lupi, Pazzino di messer Apardo Donati da Firenze, cioe il fratello del condottiere Manno Donati, il quale pure era stato caro a Lombardo, che infatti avcva ottenuto che, alla morte di Manno, il Petrarca ne componesse l'epitafio che ancora resta nei chiostri del Santo. 2 Lombardo - riconosciamo questo onore al piccolo segretario del vecchio Petrarca - fu tale esperto d' arte, in un' eta in cui retorica ed arti non camminavano ancora a fianco, da tenere in casa sua una statua antica, pare una Venus Pudica, dissotterrata a Firenze da sotto le case dei Brunelleschi, la quale poi entusiasmera il Ghiberti, 3 e nella bottega sua e del fratello un banco che egli pote imporre come modello per gli archi nella cappella di S. Giacomo. Ancora per la fatura e lavoratura de V archi de pietra bianca a pietra forte di visentina e de soa pietra, i quali deno esser volti sopra le sopradete colone de la parte de nanzi de la deta capella e deno essere lavorati a soaze e cornixe seguitando quel modo ch'e in certi volti che sono in un bancho il quale e ne la stazione di Domenicho e di Lombardo a mano drita a 1'entrada. 4

il 29 settembre l 384 Lombardo testimonio in una donazione di terre che il marchese Bonifacio fece alle monache dell' Arcelia. 5 E il 31

luglio 1

1389,

nella casa del marchese Bonifacio, Lombardo legit-

Gonzati, La basilica• • • I cvn-cxrv. Wilkins, "Petrarch and Manno Donati," Speculum35 (1900)381-93. 3 R. Krautheimer, LarenzoGhiberti(Princeton, N. J. 1956) .287;J. von Schlosser, Leben und Mei11unge11 desJlorenti11ischen BildnersLorenzo Ghiberti (Basel 1941) 4.2, 112, 149-55, 16o, 175; Lorenzo Ghiberti's Denkwuerdigkeiten(I CommenltlriQ, ed. J. von Schlosser (Berlin 1912) I 6.2 e II 188-89 n. 2. 4 Gonzari, La basilica . . • I cviii. 5 Gonzati, La basilica ••. I 38; Ferrante, LombardoJella Seta .•. 456-57. 2

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23 I

timo il figlio Pellegrino: presenti il marchese Bonifacio, fra Giovanni priore del monastero di S. Benedetto di Padova, U golino del fu Enrico Scrovegni, cioe il figlio di chi aveva elevato la cappella di S. Maria all'Arena e I'aveva fatta dipingere da Giotto, e anche Francescuolo da Brossano, il genero del Petrarca; con un atto di An-239, and pass. For Scala's life and works sec: A. Zeno, Dissertazioni Vossiane2 (Venice 1753) 253-265; D. M. Manni, BartholomaeiScalae Collmsis vita (Florence, 1768); G. B. Benvenuti, Quadri storicifiortntini (Florence 1889) 71-122; A. Cinquini, " Bartolomeo Scala e Federigo Conte d'Urbino," Classicie Neolatini 1 ( 1905) 1(>-20. L. Dini, "Bartolommco Scala," MiscellaneaStoricadella Valdelsa4 (1896) 6o-63; M. Lupo Gentile, " Bartolommeo Scala e i Medici," ibid. 1I ( 1903) 129138; R. Marzini, "Bartolommeo Scala," ibid. 32 (1924) 5(>-62. A letter to Petrus Medices, commenting on Petrus' Latin version of Bruni's Greek treatise on the Florentine constitution, was published from cod. Panciatichi 126 by G. Pesenti, " La scuola di Greco a Firenze nel primo Rinascimento," Alene e Roma, N. S. 12 (1931) 84-101, at 93-94. I am indebted for this last reference to Prof. Hans Baron. Some other studies have been cited in previous notes. 3 ApologiCmtum Bartholomati Sad«, ed. C. Muellner (progr. Vienna 1896). 4 Bartbolomeus Scala, de legibuset iudiciisdialogus,ed. L. Borghi, IA Bibliojilia42 (1941) 25(>-282. The work was composed in 1483, and preserved in ms. Siena G VIlI 46. 2

PAUL

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had driven its opponents into exile or silent opposition, and there is no more evidence in the case of Salutati or of Bruni than in that of Scala that they had actually made, rather than merely verbaHzed, the policy decisions of their respective governments. If it is such a bad thing to be patronized by the Medici, and especially by Lorenzo, I wonder why this charge is made with greater insistence against Scala or Ficino than against Landino, Pulci, Poliziano, or Pico, whose position was not much different in this respect. After the expulsion of the Medici in 1494, Scala was suspended from his office for a shon while, but he was soon reinstated, and continued to serve the new government until his death in 1497. In the controversy with Poliziano, Scala cenainly was the weaker of the two, and nobody would dream of comparing him in literary or scholarly merit with his great opponent. Yet whatever merits he had should be judged on the basis of his extant writings. If we often refuse to get involved in the quarrels of our living friends, I see no reason why we should feel obliged to do so in the case of friends who have died many centuries ago. If we want to judge the great Florentine chancellors in their professional activity, we should study their state letters which have been preserved in the registers of archives and in manuscript copies, but which have for the most pan not been published. 1 E. Garin has shown the way for such a study in a recent article which is especially substantial for Salutati and Bruni, and which should be followed up by many funher studies.2 To Scala, Garin devotes only a few unfriendly remarks, 3 and the task of studying his state letters still remains wide open although at least some of them have been published. 4 Now in the eyes of the humanist chancellors 1

The standard printed collections of the letters of Salutati, Bruni, Poggio, and other humanists do not include their state letters. Some state letters of Salutati arc included in the rare edition of his Epistolaepublished by G. Rigacci (Florence 1741-42). 2 E. Garin, " I cancellieri umanisti dclla Repubblica Fiorentina da Coluccio Salutati a Bartolomeo Scala," in his LA culturafilosofaa tkl Rinascimmloilalumo (Florence 1961) 1-27 (6nt published in Rillista StoricaItaliano71 [1959) 185-208). 3

p. 26-27.

4

Several letters were published by A. M. Bandini (Colkaio vetaum aluru,t monimmtorum[Arczzo 1752) 12-22), and the famous Florentine manifestoafter the Pazzi plot in 1478 by A. Fabroni (Laurtn1iiMtdicis Magnificivita 2 [Pisa1784] 167-181).

AN UNKNOWN

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and of their contemporary critics, questions of style and of form were as important as the political content, and perhaps even more so, since the content was given by events and circumstances, and by political decisions made by the authorities, whereas the style of the letter or document was the chancellor•s own contribution for which he received whatever credit he seemed to deserve. If we keep this in mind, we shall not be surprised if we find Scala and his critics concerned with stylistic details that may seem to be petty, but that do not lack their significance within the framework of the cultural interests and ideals of the period. We learn from Braccesi's first letter to Scala, written in Rome on Oct. 29, 1470, that Scalahad asked him to find out what the learned men in Rome thought of his letters (£ 124v). 1 Bra~ soon had an interview with Cardinal Ammannati, and used this opportunity to mention Scala. The Cardinal immediately recalled Scala as an old friend, 2 whom he considered worthy of his position and of his distinguished predecessors, 3 and expreased high praise for his state letters to the pope (£ 124v-125). He especially liked the letter Scala wrote to the pope about the betrayal of Astorre Manfredi. 4 The Cardinal added that he especially The relevant passages willlbe-given in appendix II. On Jacopo Ammannati Piccolomini, known as the Cardinal of Pavia (14.22-1479),cardinal since 1.4.61,sec L. Pastor, Geschichtede, P«pste 2 {Freiburg 1889)208-.209.G. Calamari, II confakntedi Pio II, Card. IacopoAmmannati-Piccolomini.2 vols. {Rome 1932). His published correspondence (Epistolaeet CommentariiJacobi Picolomini Cardinalis Papiensis, Milan, 1506) includes two letters to Bartolommeo Scala written in 1472 (f. 227 and 243v). The first of them states that the Cardinal and Scala had met in their student days in Florence, that is, before 1450, and has been known to Scala's biographers. 3 Et pr-ofecto vir cloquentissimw locum ilium qui tot clarissimos viros habuit obscurasse nequaquam videtur, immo vero nullis ego hunc inferiorem statuo (f. 124v-125). We may compare this with the better known judgment of Alamanno Rinuccini: A' di 24 d'aprile fu detto Cancel.licre del Comune di Firenze messer Bartolommeo Scala da Colle, bench6 non degno di tanto onorc (Ricordixcvi; Marzi 239). The date is confirmed by Bracccsi's statement in the same letter (Oct., 1470) that he had been Scala's assistant in the chancery for five yean. See also Michelozzi's letter of 1465 to Bracccsi, cited above. 4 During the Colleoni war of 1468, Astorre Manfredi, lord of Faenza, signed a contract with the Florentine Republic to serve as one of its condottieri and acceptedadvance payment, yet scc:redy defected to the Venetians. When the Florentines sent an envoy to investigate the matter, Manfredi insulted the 1

2

22

338

PAUL

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felt indebted to Scala for having abandoned the barbaric practice of using such honorary titles as Magnificence, Sanctity, and Excellency, and of having thus restored the epistolary style to its ancient dignity (£ 125). Braccesi continues that he subsequently spoke to Campanus and got a similar reaction from him. 1 Leonardo Dari also praised Scala and his letters, but made a few reservations. 2 Braccesi concludes his report by saying that many others made friendly remarks about Scala, but that it was sufficient for him to report the judgment of the two most distinguished persons (£ 125125v). In his reply of Nov. 13, 1470 (£ 125v-126v), Scala shows himself slightly annoyed with Dari's reservations, but otherwise expresses his satisfaction with Braccesi's report. After having insisted on his struggle for eloquence in the way we have seen, Scala states that at the beginning of his activity as a chancellor, he introduced certain innovations for which he met with much criticism both at home and abroad. When Scala used the singular in writing to the pope, one critic, and apparently the same Leonardo Dari, complained in a letter from Rome that Scala treated the pope like a country priest (£ 125v-126). Yet fortunately the cause of good style has prevailed, and now not even Dari dares to blame Scala, whereas the Cardinal of Pavia and Campanus approve of his boldness. Scala is now planning another innovation, and since the Cardinal of Pavia and Campanus approved his treatment of titles, he wants Braccesi to explore their opinion on this new plan. He wants to do away with the practice of signing all letters at the end, and of loading the addresses with empty titles, and to return instead to the ancient habit of putting simply the names of sender and addressee at the head of the letter, claiming for this new form envoy and refused to return the money. The only detailed account of this episode is found in Cardinal Ammannati's Commeutarii(Epistolnef. 36o-36ov), and it may very well be based on Scala's letter to the pope. 1 For Catnpanus, see above. 2 Leonardo Dari of Florence (1408-72) was secretary of several cardinals, and became papal secretary under Calixtus III, and bishop of Massa in 1467. He was especially influential under Paul II. He .was a distinguished Latin poet and prose writer, and a personal friend of many other humanists. See: Leonardi Dathi EpistolaeXXXIII, ed. L. Mehus (Florence 1743); F. Flamini, " Leonardo di Piero Dari poeta latino del sec. XV,'.' Giornale storicodella lettr,atura italiana 16 {1890) 1-107. W. v. Hofmann, Forschun,(!et1 2. IJJ, and pass. A letter of Scala to Dati is given by Mebus (lxi).

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not only ancient precedent, but also the advantages of clarity, simplicity, and dignity (12~127v). Scala specifically criticizes the conventional rhetorical treatises and their rules about the wording of the addresses to be used in letters (£ 126v). 1 In his reply of Nov. 27, Braccesi is able to report that he had shown Scala's letter to both the Cardinal of Pavia and to Campanus and that they both approve of his proposal, and urge him to carry out his intention concerning addresses and signatures, and thus to restore the epistolary style to its ancient dignity (f. 126v-127). In his reply which has no date, but evidently was written in December, Scala expresses his satisfaction with Braccesi's efforts, and asks him to perform the same service for him in Naples when he will meet the royal secretary, Antouellus Aversa (£ 127).2 Braccesi's next reply is written from Naples, and he is able to report that he managed to see Antonello Petrucci, and that the latter made most friendly remarks about Scala and his doquence (f. 127-127V). Again Scala expresses his satisfaction, and merdy regrets that his sudden departure had prevented Braccesi from talking to King Ferrante himself (f. 128). In his letter of Dec. 22, written again from Rome, Braccesi informs Scala that the Italian league for which he had negotiated had been concluded on that same day. He adds that at the meeting of the ambassadors with the pope, their credentials were read aloud, and that the Florentine credentials, evidently composed by Scala, were much criticized for being worded in a novel and unconventional style. Braccesi promises to write about this in greater detail in a later letter (£ 127-127V). In his reply, apparently dated Dec. 27, Scala expresses his indignation against the critics of the Florentine credentials. He takes pride in having followed pure Latinity in its wording, but insists that the document contained all elements that made it legally valid, and that he had consulted several jurists before sending it off since he did 1

In the medieval treatises on dictamen, the treatment of the addresses (salutationes}in letters occupies a prominent place. Yet also in humanist manuscripts we find numerous collections of form addresses, and one of them is even attributed to Leonardo Bruni. 2 Antonello Petrucci, called Antonello di Aversa, held many offices under Alf(?nsoand Ferrante, and was secretary of the latter for many years. Involved in the Congiura dei Baroni, he was arrested in 1486 and executed in 1487. Cf. EnciclopediaItaliano27 (1935} 64.

PA UL OSKAR KRISTELLER

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not trust his own judgment on such matters. He asks Braccesi to show this letter to the Florentine ambassador and to those of the allies (Naples and Milan). While he is still awaiting Braccesi's reply concerning addresses and subscriptions (which means that Scalaeither had not received Braccesi'sletter of Nov. 27, or expected a more detailed reaction to his proposal), Scala feels much discouraged by this latest report in his efforts to reform the chancery (f. 128v-129). In hisreply of January 5, 1471, which concludes this correspondence, Braccesi gives the promised details about When the Florentine credentials the incident of the creden~. were read before the pope, all listeners noticed the novel style because the document omitted the customary epithets for the pope and the other princes. The pope and several cardinals were indignant, 1 and some even considered the document as legally invalid. Braccesi laments the sorry fate of the Latin language, assures Scala that he has shown his letter to the ambassadors, reports that the Cardinal of Pavia and Campanus approved the style of the credentials, and promises to tell Scala more of their opinion on addresses and subscriptions when he will see him in Florence. At this distance, it would be equally easy, and unhistorical, to say that Scala's attempt to drop honorary titles and addresses from state letters and documents was just a matter of verbal pedantry, or indicated the rebellion of the modern democratic spirit against medieval conventions and feudal privileges. The real significance lies in something else. The effort to bring about a reform of the Latin literary style after the model of the classical Roman writers was one of the central concerns of Italian humanism. This effort was bound to affect the style of letter-writing as much as any other literary genre, and it had done so to a varying degree ever since the times of Petrarch and Salutati, as far as the private letters of the humanists were concerned. We learn from our correspondence that Bartolommeo Scala intended to apply this principle to the state letters and state documents of the Florentine Republic to a much greater degree than his predecessorshad done, and that 1

The cardinals spccifically mentioned as critics of Scala's document are: Rotomagensis (Guillaume d'Estouteville), Uninus (Latinus de Uninis), Teanensis (Niccolo Forteguerri), Vicecanccllarius (Rodericw Borgia} and Spoletanus (BerardusEroli).

AN UNKNOWN

CORRESPONDENCE

OF ALESSANDRO BRACCESI

341

he was both criticized and praised by his contemporaries for this attempt. His eagerness to obtain the approval of such people as the Cardinal of Pavia, Campanus, Leonardus Dathus or Antonellus Petruccius was not merely due to his vanity (in which he was no more lacking than most humanists, or most human beings), but to his wish to have his attempted reforms seconded by people who had an influence on the actual practice of other leading chanceries such as the papal curia or Naples. It is quite possible, as his last letter to Braccesi suggests, that he was discouraged by the incident provoked by his credentials for the Florentine ambassadors in 1470. Against the background of this hitherto unknown episode, it is somewhat ironical that Poliziano should have chided Scala in later years for still using such unclassicalphrases as Vexillifer Iustitiae or Priores Libertatis. The stylistic ideal of the humanists, as fu as state letters and documents are concerned, evidently met with the resistance rooted in the conventions of diplomatic and legal practice that went back to the later Middle Ages in Italy as elsewhere. A detailed study of the documents is needed in order to ascertain how far the humanists succeeded in their efforts at reform, in what stages, and when. In this way it will also be possible to judge the role played by Scala as compared with his predecessors and successorsin Florence, and with his contemporaries in other Italian and European chanceries. As a stylist, he obviously found his admirers as well as his critics, and some of his admirers were people of distinction and of literary merit such as Campanus and the Cardinal of Pavia, and they expressed their favorable judgment long before Poliziano had a chance to correct the style of Scala's letters, unless we want to assign the credit for Scala•sstyle to his long time assistant, Alessandro Braccesi, something which their correspondence does not suggest. We may rather assume that Braccesi was as much a pupil of Scala in the composition of Latin letters as he followed Landino in his Latin poetry. To}be sure, Braccesi's correspondence, which we have tried to utilize~for its historical and cultural content rather than for its literary f~rm, should not be considered as a literary document of major importance. Yet it shows once more how interesting humanist letters can be on account of the great diversity and concreteness of their subject matter, and how much remains to be known about a supposedly well-studied period whose cultural wealth, as

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expressed in its surviving texts and documents, is far greater than most historians have realized. For Braccesi's correspondence is a typical, if not an outstanding, document of Florentine humanistic culture around 1470, rich in political and literary interests and in general ideas and attitudes, but not yet concerned with specific philosophical or philological problems: a generation dominated by the influence of Scala and Landino, which had not yet felt the impact of two greater figures who were to dominate the intellectual life of Florence during the two following decades, Ficino and Poliziano. It would he ungracious and uncivilized to ignore the literary, cultural and human qualities of this generation of scholars and writers, but it would also seem to be somewhat unphilosophical if we were to attribute to it any importance in the history of philosophical thought. Or if we wish to insist that Salutati and Bruni, Poggio and Manetti, Acciaiuoli and Rinuccini, and even Scala in his De legibusor Landino in his dialogues show a greater concern with philosophical problems than Braccesi in his letters and poems, we must still admit that the humanist culture of the fifteenth century, admirable as it is, includes many facets other than philosophy, and that it was possible for a humanist, even for a respected one, to stay away from philosophy, and to be a good poet and a good letter-writer.

APPENDIX

I

TABLE OF THE CORRESPONDENCE Oxford, Bodleian Library, ms. Auct. F. 2. 17 (8873},fols. 109-147

109-109v. No heading, but apparently a letter to the Archbishop of Florence, written by Alex. Braccius in the name of the Chapter of the Cathedral, inc. Pertnagni quidem nobis. No date. 109v-110. Jannecto Veneto minorum ordinis capiti, apparently written by Braccius for the monastery of S. Croce or another church authority, inc. Nihil est ut ipse. No date. 110-nov. Spurco cuidam, inc. Apud quosdam ut audio. CWendas {sic)

Junias. 11ov-111. Paulo episcopo Sinuensano (sic), inc. Nisi faterer ingenue. No date. 1I 1. Alexander Braccius Gugliemmo (sic) Francho Gallici regis apud sum(mum) Pontificem legato, inc. Ni persuasum mihi esset. No date. 111-112. Alexander Braccius Nicholao Michelozio, inc. Nichil mehercule post meam profectionem. No date. 112-112v. Nicholaus Michelotius Alexandro Braccio, inc. Non potui non maxime. Ex Florentia XI Ids. Novenbris MCCCCLXX. 112v. Alexander Braccius Nicholao (Michelotio), inc. Pridie ad te. Rome VIlI Cal. Novenbris. 112v-II3. Nicholaus Micheloctius Alex(andr)o, inc. Ex officio amicitie. Florentie. 113-113v. Alexander Braccius Nicholao. Reddite mihi sunt. No date. I 13v. Nicholaus Alexandro, inc. Gratum mihi vehementer. Florentic Vll Idus Novenbris. 113v-II4. Alexander Braccius Nicholao, inc. lam non amplius. Rome XV cl. deccnbris MCCCCLXX. 114-114v. Nicholaus Micheloctius Alexandro Braccio, inc. Cupimus et nos. Florentie VI calendas Novcmbris. 114v-u5. Alexander Nicholao, inc. Si quern amodum (sic). Rome l